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A BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL
DICTIONARY:
ΛΙΜ’ΗΝ ἐϛιν ἀκύμαντος, καὶ τειχος ἀρραγὲς, καὶ ϖύργος ἄσειστος, καὶ δόξα ἀναφαίρετος, καὶ ὅ πλα ἄτρωτα, καὶ εὐθυμία ἀμάραντος, καὶ ἡδονὴ διηνεκὴς, καὶ ϖάντα οσα ἄν ἔιποι τὶς καλὰ, τῶν θεῖων γραφῶν ἡ συνȣσία.--Chrysostom.
Λιμάνι χωρίς κύματα, και τείχος στέρεο, και πύργος ακλόνητος, και φήμη αδιάκοπη, και τόπος άτρωτος, και χαρά αιώνια, και ευχαρίστηση συνεχής, και όλα όσα μπορεί να πει κάποιος όμορφα, η συνάθεια των θεϊκών γραφών. --Chrysostom.
[An intimate acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures is a secure haven, and an impregnable bulwark, and an immovable tower, and imperishable glory, and impenetrable armour, and unfading joy, and perpetual delight, and whatever other excellence can be uttered.]
[Being closely familiar with the Holy Scriptures is a safe refuge, a strong defense, an unshakeable fortress, lasting glory, unbreakable armor, enduring joy, constant delight, and all other great qualities that can be described.]

“Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1832, by B. Waugh and T. Mason, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New-York.”
“Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1832, by B. Waugh and T. Mason, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York.”
PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR.
In the following Dictionary, compiled from the best sources ancient and modern, with the addition of many original articles, the selections have been made with reference to what was thought most useful; and thus many things of minor importance, usually found in similar works, have been excluded. Every article too, taken from preceding Dictionaries, has been carefully weighed, and in a great number of instances modified, corrected, or enlarged; and numerous other writings variously illustrative of the Holy Scriptures have been made to contribute a portion of their information under different heads. This general acknowledgment renders a particular reference to the works made use of unnecessary. The fact is, that many of the most valuable of them are compilations from preceding compilations, and so have no title to be referred to as original authorities; while in other instances the articles in this Dictionary have been collected from several sources, and so altered, or combined with original corrections or enlargements, that it would be difficult to assign each portion to its proper original. Where, however, any particulars of fact or history required confirmation, the authority has been given.
In the following Dictionary, compiled from the best ancient and modern sources, with many original articles added, the selections have been made based on what was deemed most useful; therefore, many less important items typically found in similar works have been left out. Each article taken from earlier Dictionaries has been thoroughly reviewed, and in many cases modified, corrected, or expanded; and several other writings that illuminate the Holy Scriptures have contributed their information under different topics. This general acknowledgment makes specific references to the works used unnecessary. The truth is, many of the most valuable sources are compilations from earlier compilations, and thus cannot be cited as original authorities; while in other cases, the articles in this Dictionary have been gathered from multiple sources, altered, or combined with original edits or expansions, making it hard to attribute each part to its original source. However, if any specific facts or historical details needed verification, the sources have been provided.
It will be observed that all the places and persons mentioned in the Bible have not been noticed, for this would only have made the same unprofitable display of proper names which is seen in several other Dictionaries; but those have been selected on which any thing important for the right understanding of the Scriptures seemed, more or less, to depend. The same rule has been observed as to the natural history of the Bible, on which department great light has been thrown by Dr. Harris, whose learned work has been rather freely used. The leading sects and heresies, ancient and modern, have also been introduced; but with no design to embody a complete account of religious opinions: those only, therefore, have been inserted with which it is most necessary that the theological student should have a general acquaintance.
It should be noted that not all the places and people mentioned in the Bible are included, as that would only create an unhelpful list of proper names, similar to what's found in several other dictionaries. Instead, those that are included are the ones deemed important for properly understanding the Scriptures. The same approach has been taken regarding the natural history of the Bible, a topic greatly illuminated by Dr. Harris, whose scholarly work has been utilized extensively. Key religious groups and heresies, both ancient and modern, have also been mentioned, but this is not meant to provide a complete overview of all religious beliefs. Instead, only those that are essential for theological students to have a general understanding of have been included.
All that is important in those useful modern works which have been published upon the manners and customs of the east will be found embodied under different heads so far as it tends to elucidate the sacred volume; and many interesting extracts are given from the most intelligent of our modern travellers in Palestine, and neighbouring countries, pointing out the present condition of places celebrated in sacred geography, and especially when the account illustrates and renders remarkable the fulfilment of prophecy.
All the important information from the helpful modern works published about the customs and traditions of the East is organized under various topics to help explain the sacred text. Many intriguing excerpts are included from the most insightful of our contemporary travelers in Palestine and surrounding areas, highlighting the current state of locations famous in sacred geography, particularly when the description illustrates and emphasizes the fulfillment of prophecy.
At the close of the whole, a complete alphabetical list of proper names occurring in the Bible, with their significations and right pronunciation, is appended.
At the end of the entire work, there’s a complete alphabetical list of proper names found in the Bible, along with their meanings and correct pronunciations.
London, August 20, 1831.
London, August 20, 1831.
ADVERTISEMENT TO THE AMERICAN EDITION.
No other improvements have been attempted in this edition of Mr. Watson’s Biblical and Theological Dictionary, than adding a few notes in relation to some matters existing in this country, which had escaped the attention of the author, and rendering those passages and phrases into English which had been left untranslated. Such translations are included in brackets. It may be proper to remark, that only that part of the work from the eight hundred and forty second page has been printed under the superintendence of the present editor; the former part having passed through the press previous to the last general conference.
No other changes have been made in this edition of Mr. Watson’s Biblical and Theological Dictionary, except for adding a few notes about some issues in this country that the author overlooked, and translating the passages and phrases into English that were left untranslated. These translations are included in brackets. It’s worth mentioning that only the section starting from page eight hundred and forty-two has been printed under the current editor's supervision; the earlier part was published before the last general conference.
It is not necessary to say any thing in commendation of this work. Whatever merit, however, may be attached to others of a similar character which have preceded it, we think it will be conceded by all, that Mr. Watson, by furnishing this Dictionary, has supplied a desideratum, in the department of Biblical and Theological literature, which had long been felt, and for doing which the religious community will not be backward in acknowledging its obligations.
It’s unnecessary to praise this work. While other similar works may have their own merits, we believe everyone will agree that Mr. Watson has filled a long-standing gap in Biblical and Theological literature by providing this Dictionary, and the religious community will readily recognize its debt for this contribution.
New-York, Sept. 25, 1832.
New York, Sept. 25, 1832.

The
WORLD,
as Peopled by
THE DESCENDANTS OF
NOAH
Shewing the Countries possessed by
SHEM, HAM & JAPHET
and their posterity
The
WORLD,
as Inhabited by
THE DESCENDANTS OF
NOAH
Showing the Countries Occupied by
SHEM, HAM & JAPHET
and their descendants
1AARON, the son of Amram and Jochebed, of the tribe of Levi. Aaron was three years older than his brother Moses; and when God appeared in the burning bush, Moses having excused himself from the undertaking committed to him, by urging that he was slow of speech, Aaron, who was an eloquent man, was made his interpreter and spokesman; and in effecting the deliverance of the Hebrews we therefore find them constantly associated. During the march of the children of Israel through the wilderness, Aaron and his sons were appointed by God to exercise for ever the office of priests in the tabernacle.
1Aaron, the son of Amram and Jochebed, from the tribe of Levi. Aaron was three years older than his brother Moses; and when God spoke to Moses from the burning bush, Moses, who claimed he was not a good speaker, suggested that Aaron, who was articulate, serve as his interpreter and spokesperson. As they worked together to free the Hebrews, they were continually linked. During the journey of the Israelites through the wilderness, God appointed Aaron and his sons to serve as priests in the tabernacle forever.
Moses having ascended the mountain to receive the law from God, Aaron, his sons, and seventy elders, followed him, Exod. xxiv, 1, 2, 9–11; not indeed to the summit, but “afar off,” “and they saw the God of Israel,” that is, the glory in which he appeared, “as it were the paved work of a sapphire stone, and as it were the body of heaven for clearness;”--a clear and dazzling azure, a pure, unmingled splendour like that of the heavens. “And upon the nobles of Israel,” Aaron, his sons, and the seventy elders, “he laid not his hand,”--they were not destroyed by a sight which must have overwhelmed the weakness of mortal men had they not been strengthened to bear it; “and they did eat and drink,”--they joyfully and devoutly feasted before the Lord, as a religious act, upon the sacrifices they offered. After this they departed, and Moses remained with God on the very summit of the mount forty days.
Moses went up the mountain to get the law from God, and Aaron, his sons, and seventy elders followed him, Exod. xxiv, 1, 2, 9–11; not all the way to the top, but “afar off,” “and they saw the God of Israel,” which means they witnessed His glory, “as if it were the paved work of a sapphire stone, and as if it were the body of heaven for clarity;”--a bright and dazzling blue, a pure, unmixed brilliance like the sky. “And upon the nobles of Israel,” Aaron, his sons, and the seventy elders, “he laid not his hand,”--they weren’t harmed by a sight that would have overwhelmed ordinary men had they not been strengthened to handle it; “and they did eat and drink,”--they joyfully and respectfully feasted before the Lord, as an act of worship, on the sacrifices they offered. After this, they left, and Moses stayed with God at the very top of the mountain for forty days.
During this period, the people, grown impatient at the long absence of Moses, addressed themselves to Aaron in a tumultuous manner, saying, “Make us gods which shall go before us: for, as for this Moses, the man that brought us up out of the land of Egypt, we wot not what is become of him.” Aaron sinfully yielded to the importunities of the people; and having ordered them to bring the pendants and the ear-rings of their wives and children, he melted them down, and then made a golden calf, probably in imitation of the Egyptian Apis, an ox or calf dedicated to Osiris. In this instance the image was dedicated to Jehovah the true God; but the guilt consisted in an attempt to establish image worship, which, when even ultimately referring to God, he has forbidden. Neither are images to be worshipped, nor the true God by images;--this is the standing unrepealed law of Heaven. The calf was called a golden calf, as being highly ornamented with gold. Having finished the idol, the people placed it on a pedestal, and danced around it, saying, “These be thy gods, O Israel;” or, as it is expressed in Nehemiah, “This is thy God,” the image or symbol of thy God, “which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt.” Moses, having hastened from the mount by the command of God, testified to the people, by breaking the tables of the law in their presence, that the covenant between God and them was now rendered of none effect through their offence. He also indignantly reproved Aaron, whose sin indeed had kindled against him the anger of the Lord, so that he would “have destroyed him but that Moses prayed for him.”
During this time, the people, growing impatient from Moses's long absence, turned to Aaron in a chaotic way, saying, “Make us gods to lead us; as for this Moses, the guy who brought us out of Egypt, we don’t know what happened to him.” Aaron sinfully gave in to the people's demands; he told them to bring the gold jewelry from their wives and children, melted it down, and made a golden calf, likely modeled after the Egyptian Apis, a bull or calf dedicated to Osiris. In this case, the image was meant to honor Jehovah, the true God; however, the sin lay in trying to establish idol worship, which, even if ultimately referring to God, He has forbidden. Neither should images be worshipped, nor should the true God be worshipped through images—this is an unchanging law from Heaven. The calf was called a golden calf because it was heavily adorned with gold. Once the idol was finished, the people placed it on a pedestal and danced around it, saying, “These are your gods, O Israel;” or as expressed in Nehemiah, “This is your God,” the image or symbol of your God, “who brought you out of Egypt.” Moses, having hurried down from the mountain at God's command, demonstrated to the people by breaking the tablets of the law in front of them that the covenant between God and them was now void due to their wrongdoing. He also angrily reproached Aaron, whose sin had indeed sparked the Lord’s anger, to the point that He would have destroyed Aaron if Moses hadn’t prayed for him.
After the tabernacle was built, Moses consecrated Aaron to the high priesthood with the holy oil, and invested him with his priestly robes,--his garments “of glory and beauty;” but Aaron’s weakness was again manifested in concurring with Miriam, his sister, to censure and oppose Moses, through envy. Aaron, as being the elder brother, could not perhaps brook his superiority. What the motive of Miriam might be does not appear; but she being struck with leprosy, this punishment, as being immediately from God, opened Aaron’s eyes; he acknowledged his fault, and asked forgiveness of Moses both for himself and his sister.
After the tabernacle was built, Moses anointed Aaron as the high priest with the holy oil and dressed him in his priestly robes, which were "garments of glory and beauty." However, Aaron's weakness was again shown when he joined Miriam, his sister, in criticizing and opposing Moses out of jealousy. As the older brother, Aaron might not have been able to accept Moses' superiority. The reason behind Miriam's actions isn't clear, but after she was struck with leprosy as a punishment directly from God, Aaron realized his mistake. He admitted his fault and asked Moses for forgiveness for both himself and his sister.
Aaron himself became also the object of jealousy; but two miraculous interpositions confirmed him in his office of high priest, as of Divine appointment. The first was the destruction of Korah, who sought that office for himself, and of the two hundred and fifty Levites who supported his pretensions, Num. xvi. The second was the blossoming of Aaron’s rod, which was designed “to cause the murmurings of the Israelites against him to cease,” by showing that he was chosen of God. Moses having, at the command of God, taken twelve rods of an almond tree from the princes of the twelve tribes, and Aaron’s separately, he placed them in the tabernacle before the sanctuary, after having written upon each the name of the tribe which it represented, and upon the rod of Aaron the name of Aaron. The day following, when the rods were taken out, that of Aaron “was budded, and brought forth buds, and bloomed blossoms, and yielded almonds.” This rod therefore was laid up by the ark, to perpetuate the remembrance of the miracle, and to be a token of Aaron’s right to his office.
Aaron also became a target of jealousy; however, two miraculous events confirmed his position as high priest, appointed by God. The first was the destruction of Korah, who wanted the role for himself, along with the two hundred and fifty Levites who backed his claim, Num. xvi. The second was the blooming of Aaron’s rod, meant to put an end to the complaints of the Israelites against him by demonstrating that he was chosen by God. Following God's command, Moses took twelve rods from an almond tree, one from each of the leaders of the twelve tribes, and Aaron's separately. He placed them in the tabernacle before the sanctuary, after writing the name of each tribe on its respective rod, and Aaron's name on his rod. The next day, when they were taken out, Aaron's rod had "budded, produced buds, bloomed blossoms, and yielded almonds." This rod was then kept by the ark to preserve the memory of the miracle and to serve as a sign of Aaron’s right to his position.
Aaron married Elisheba, the daughter of Amminadab, of the tribe of Judah, by whom he had four sons, Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar, Exodus vi, 23. The two first were 2killed by fire from heaven, as a punishment for presuming to offer incense with strange fire in their censers, Lev. x, 1, 2. From the two others the succession of high priests was continued in Israel.
Aaron married Elisheba, the daughter of Amminadab from the tribe of Judah, and they had four sons: Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar, as noted in Exodus 6:23. The first two were killed by fire from heaven as punishment for trying to offer incense with unauthorized fire in their censers (Leviticus 10:1-2). The other two carried on the line of high priests in Israel.
The account of the death of Aaron is peculiarly solemn and affecting. As he and Moses, in striking the rock at Meribah, Num. xvi, had not honoured God by a perfect obedience and faith, he in his wrath declared unto them that they should not enter into the promised land. Soon after, the Lord commanded Moses, “Take Aaron, and Eleazar his son, and bring them up to mount Hor; and strip Aaron of his garments,”--his splendid pontifical vestments,--“and put them upon Eleazar, his son; and Aaron shall be gathered unto his people, and shall die there.” This command was carried into effect in the presence of all Israel, who were encamped at the foot of the mountain; and his son being invested with the father’s priestly dress, Aaron died, and all the people mourned for him thirty days. His sepulchre was left unmarked and unknown, perhaps to prevent the superstitious reverence of future ages. In Deuteronomy it is said that Aaron died at Mosera; because that was the name of the district in which mount Hor was situated.
The account of Aaron's death is particularly solemn and touching. When he and Moses struck the rock at Meribah, Num. xvi, they didn't honor God with full obedience and faith, which led Him to declare that they wouldn't enter the promised land. Shortly after, the Lord instructed Moses, “Take Aaron and his son Eleazar, and bring them up to Mount Hor; strip Aaron of his garments”—his stunning priestly robes—“and put them on Eleazar, his son; and Aaron will be gathered to his people and will die there.” This instruction was carried out in front of all Israel, who were camped at the foot of the mountain. Once his son was dressed in his father's priestly attire, Aaron died, and the entire community mourned for him for thirty days. His grave was left unmarked and unknown, perhaps to avoid future superstitious reverence. In Deuteronomy, it's mentioned that Aaron died at Mosera because that was the name of the area where Mount Hor was located.
2. The PRIESTHOOD being established in Aaron and his family, the nature of this office among the Israelites, and the distinction between the high priest and the other priests, require here to be pointed out.
2. The PRIESTHOOD was established in Aaron and his family. It's important to clarify the role of this office among the Israelites and the differences between the high priest and the other priests.
Before the promulgation of the law by Moses, the fathers of every family, and the princes of every tribe, were priests. This was the case both before and after the flood; for Cain and Abel, Noah, Abraham, Job, Abimelech, Laban, Isaac, and Jacob, themselves offered their own sacrifices. But after the Lord had chosen the family of Aaron, and annexed the priesthood to that line, then the right of sacrificing to God was reserved to that family only. The high priesthood was confined to the first-born in succession; and the rest of his posterity were priests simply so called, or priests of the second order. Both in the high priest and the second or inferior priests, two things deserve notice,--their consecration and their office. In some things they differed, and in others agreed. In their consecration they differed thus: the high priest had the chrism, or sacred ointment, poured upon his head, so as to run down to his beard, and the skirts of his garment, Exod. xxx, 23; Lev. viii, 12; Psa. cxxxiii, 2. But the second priests were only sprinkled with this oil, mixed with the blood of the sacrifice, Lev. viii, 30. They differed also in their robes, which were a necessary adjunct to consecration. The high priest wore at the ordinary times of his ministration in the temple, eight garments;--linen drawers--a coat of fine linen close to his skin--an embroidered girdle of fine linen, blue and scarlet, to surround the coat--a robe all of blue with seventy-two bells, and as many embroidered pomegranates upon the skirts of it; this was put over the coat and girdle--an ephod of gold, and of blue, purple, scarlet, and fine linen, curiously wrought, on the shoulders of which were two stones engraved with the names of the twelve tribes; this was put over the robe, and girt with a curious girdle of the same--a breastplate, about a span square, wrought with gold, blue, purple, scarlet, and fine linen, and fastened upon the ephod by golden chains and rings; in this breastplate were placed the urim and thummim, also twelve several stones, containing the names of the twelve tribes--a mitre of fine linen, sixteen cubits long, to wrap round his head--and lastly, a plate of gold, or holy crown, two fingers broad, whereon was engraved, “Holiness to the Lord;” this was tied with blue lace upon the front of the mitre. Beside these garments, which he wore in his ordinary ministration, there were four others, which he wore only upon extraordinary occasions, viz. on the day of expiation, when he went into the holy of holies, which was once a year. These were: linen drawers--a linen coat--a linen girdle--a linen mitre, all white, Exod. xxviii; Lev. xvi, 4. But the inferior priests had only four garments: linen drawers--a linen coat--a linen girdle--a linen bonnet. The priest and high priest differed also in their marriage restrictions; for the high priest might not marry a widow, nor a divorced woman, nor a harlot, but a virgin only; whereas the other priests might lawfully marry a widow, Lev. xxi, 7.
Before Moses established the law, the heads of every family and the leaders of every tribe acted as priests. This was true both before and after the flood; figures like Cain and Abel, Noah, Abraham, Job, Abimelech, Laban, Isaac, and Jacob offered their own sacrifices. However, after God chose Aaron's family and designated the priesthood to that lineage, the right to sacrifice to God was restricted to that family only. The role of high priest was passed down through the firstborn in succession, while the rest of his descendants were regarded as priests, but of a lower order. In both the high priest and the lesser priests, two aspects stand out— their consecration and their duties. They differed in some respects and shared similarities in others. In their consecration, they differed as follows: the high priest had holy oil poured over his head, which ran down to his beard and the hem of his garments (Exod. xxx, 23; Lev. viii, 12; Psa. cxxxiii, 2). In contrast, the lesser priests were merely sprinkled with this oil mixed with the sacrifice's blood (Lev. viii, 30). They also differed in their robes, an essential part of their consecration. The high priest wore eight garments during regular temple service: linen undergarments, a fine linen tunic close to his skin, an embroidered linen sash in blue and scarlet to wrap around the tunic, a blue robe with seventy-two bells and embroidered pomegranates on the hem (this was worn over the tunic and sash), a gold and multi-colored ephod intricately made, which had two stones on the shoulders engraved with the names of the twelve tribes (this was worn over the robe, secured with a decorative sash of the same material), a breastplate about a span square, made of gold, blue, purple, scarlet, and fine linen, fastened to the ephod with gold chains and rings, containing the urim and thummim and twelve stones with the names of the tribes, a fine linen headdress sixteen cubits long to wrap around his head, and finally, a gold plate, or holy crown, two fingers wide, engraved with “Holiness to the Lord,” secured with a blue cord on the front of the headdress. In addition to these garments worn during ordinary duties, there were four others worn only on special occasions, such as the Day of Atonement when he entered the holy of holies once a year: linen undergarments, a linen tunic, a linen sash, and a white linen headdress (Exod. xxviii; Lev. xvi, 4). The lesser priests wore only four garments: linen undergarments, a linen tunic, a linen sash, and a linen cap. The priest and the high priest also differed in their marriage restrictions; the high priest could not marry a widow, a divorced woman, or a prostitute, but only a virgin. Meanwhile, the other priests were permitted to marry a widow (Lev. xxi, 7).
In the following particulars the high priest and inferior priests agreed in their consecration: both were to be void of bodily blemish--both were to be presented to the Lord at the door of the tabernacle--both were to be washed with water--both were to be consecrated by offering up certain sacrifices--both were to have the blood of a ram put upon the tip of the right ear, the thumb of the right hand, and the great toe of the right foot, Exod. xxix, 20. In the time of consecration, certain pieces of the sacrifice were put into the priest’s hand, which was called “filling his hand;” hence the Hebrew phrase, “to fill the hand,” signifies consecration.
In these details, the high priest and the lower priests agreed on their consecration: both had to be free from physical defects—both were presented to the Lord at the entrance of the tabernacle—both were washed with water—both were consecrated by offering specific sacrifices—both had the blood of a ram placed on the tip of their right ear, the thumb of their right hand, and the big toe of their right foot, Exod. xxix, 20. During the consecration, certain pieces of the sacrifice were placed in the priest’s hand, which was known as “filling his hand”; therefore, the Hebrew phrase “to fill the hand” means consecration.
In the discharge of their offices, the high priest differed from the other priests in these particulars: the high priest only, and that but once a year, might enter into the holy of holies--the high priest might not mourn for his nearest relations by uncovering his head, or tearing any part of his garments, except the skirt; whereas the priest was allowed to mourn for these six,--father, mother, son, daughter, brother, and sister if she had no husband, Lev. xxi, 2, 10, 11; but they agreed in these respects: they both burnt incense and offered sacrifices--they both sounded the trumpet, either as an alarm in war, or to assemble the people and their rulers--they both slew the sacrifices--both instructed the people--and both judged of leprosy.
In their responsibilities, the high priest stood out from the other priests in a few key ways: only the high priest could enter the holy of holies, and he did so only once a year. The high priest couldn't mourn for his closest relatives by uncovering his head or tearing any of his clothes, except for the hem; while the other priests were allowed to mourn for six relatives: father, mother, son, daughter, brother, and sister if she wasn't married (Lev. xx1, 2, 10, 11). However, they shared some duties: both burned incense and offered sacrifices, both sounded the trumpet to signal either a call to arms or to gather the people and their leaders, both slayed the sacrifices, both taught the people, and both made judgments about leprosy.
For the more orderly performance of these offices, the high priest had his sagan, who, in case of the high priest’s pollution, performed his duty. The high priest and his sagan resembled our bishop and his suffragan.
For a more organized execution of these duties, the high priest had his assistant, who would take over in case the high priest became unclean. The high priest and his assistant were similar to our bishop and his deputy.
3. Aaron was a TYPE of Christ, not personally, but as the high priest of the Jewish church. All the priests, as offering gifts and sacrifices, 3were in their office types of Christ; but Aaron especially, 1. As the high priest. 2. In entering into the holy place on the great day of atonement, and reconciling the people to God; in making intercession for them, and pronouncing upon them the blessing of Jehovah, at the termination of solemn services. 3. In being anointed with the holy oil by effusion, which was prefigurative of the Holy Spirit with which our Lord was endowed. 4. In bearing the names of all the tribes of Israel upon his breast and upon his shoulders, thus presenting them always before God, and representing them to him. 5. In being the medium of their inquiring of God by urim and thummim; and of the communication of his will to them. But though the offices of Aaron were typical, the priesthood of Christ is of a different and higher ORDER than his, namely, that of Melchizedeck. See Calf, Priest, Type, Ephod, Breastplate, Urim.
3. Aaron was a TYPE of Christ, not in a personal way, but as the high priest of the Jewish church. All the priests, by offering gifts and sacrifices, 3 were in their roles types of Christ; but Aaron was especially significant for a few reasons: 1. As the high priest. 2. By entering the holy place on the great day of atonement to reconcile the people to God; making intercession for them, and pronouncing Jehovah's blessing upon them at the end of solemn services. 3. By being anointed with holy oil through effusion, which foreshadowed the Holy Spirit with which our Lord was gifted. 4. By carrying the names of all the tribes of Israel on his breast and shoulders, thus always presenting them before God and representing them to Him. 5. By serving as the means through which they could inquire of God using urim and thummim, and communicate His will to them. However, while Aaron's roles were symbolic, the priesthood of Christ is of a different and higher Order than his, namely, that of Melchizedek. See Calf, Clergy, Type, Ephod, Chest plate, Urim.
AB, in the Hebrew chronology, the eleventh month of the civil year, and the fifth of the ecclesiastical year, which began with Nisan. This month answered to the moon of July, comprehending part of July and of August, and contained thirty days.
AB, in the Hebrew calendar, is the eleventh month of the civil year and the fifth month of the religious year, which starts with Nisan. This month corresponds to the moon of July, covering part of July and August, and has thirty days.
The first day of this month is observed as a fast by the Jews, in memory of Aaron’s death; and the ninth, in commemoration of the destruction of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar, in the year before Christ 587. Josephus observes, that the burning of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar happened on the same day of the year on which it was afterward burned by Titus. The same day was remarkable for Adrian’s edict, which prohibited the Jews to continue in Judea, or to look toward Jerusalem and lament its desolation. The eighteenth day is also kept as a fast, because the sacred lamp was extinguished on that night, in the reign of Ahaz. On the twenty-first, or, according to Scaliger, the twenty-second day, was a feast called Xylophoria, from their laying up the necessary wood in the temple: and on the twenty-fourth, a feast in commemoration of the abolishing of a law by the Asmoneans, or Maccabees, which had been introduced by the Sadducees, and which enacted, that both sons and daughters should alike inherit the estate of their parents.
The first day of this month is observed as a fast by the Jews, in memory of Aaron’s death; and the ninth is for remembering the destruction of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar in 587 BC. Josephus notes that the burning of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar occurred on the same day of the year that it was later burned by Titus. The same day is also significant for Adrian’s edict, which banned the Jews from staying in Judea or looking toward Jerusalem to mourn its devastation. The eighteenth day is also observed as a fast because the sacred lamp was extinguished that night during the reign of Ahaz. On the twenty-first, or according to Scaliger, the twenty-second day, there was a feast called Xylophoria, which originated from gathering the necessary wood for the temple. On the twenty-fourth, a feast is held to commemorate the abolishment of a law by the Asmoneans, or Maccabees, that had been enacted by the Sadducees, allowing both sons and daughters to inherit their parents' estate equally.
ABADDON, Heb. corresponding to Apollyon, Gr. that is, Destroyer, is represented, Rev. ix, 11, as king of the locusts, and the angel of the bottomless pit. Le Clerc and Dr. Hammond understand by the locusts in this passage, the zealots and robbers who infested and desolated Judea before Jerusalem was taken by the Romans; and by Abaddon, John of Gischala, who having treacherously left that town before it was surrendered to Titus, came to Jerusalem and headed those of the zealots who acknowledged him as their king, and involved the Jews in many grievous calamities. The learned Grotius concurs in opinion, that the locusts are designed to represent the sect of the zealots, who appeared among the Jews during the siege, and at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem. But Mr. Mede remarks, that the title Abaddon alludes to Obodas, the common name of the ancient monarchs of that part of Arabia from which Mohammed came; and considers the passage as descriptive of the inundation of the Saracens. Mr. Lowman adopts and confirms this interpretation. He shows that the rise and progress of the Mohammedan religion and empire exhibit a signal accomplishment of this prophecy. All the circumstances here recited correspond to the character of the Arabians, and the history of the period that extended from A. D. 568 to A. D. 675. In conformity to this opinion, Abaddon may be understood to denote either Mohammed, who issued from the abyss, or the cave of Hera, to propagate his pretended revelations, or, more generally, the Saracen power. Mr. Bryant supposes Abaddon to have been the name of the Ophite deity, the worship of whom prevailed very anciently and very generally.
ABADDON, Hebrew for Apollyon, Greek for Destroyer, is depicted in Revelation 9:11 as the king of the locusts and the angel of the bottomless pit. Le Clerc and Dr. Hammond interpret the locusts in this passage as the zealots and robbers who ravaged and destroyed Judea before the Romans captured Jerusalem; and by Abaddon, they refer to John of Gischala, who had treacherously abandoned the city before it surrendered to Titus, came to Jerusalem, led the zealots who recognized him as their king, and caused many serious misfortunes for the Jews. The learned Grotius agrees that the locusts symbolize the zealots who emerged among the Jews during the siege and at the time of Jerusalem's destruction. However, Mr. Mede notes that the name Abaddon refers to Obodas, the title of the ancient monarchs from that part of Arabia where Mohammed came from; he sees the passage as describing the invasion of the Saracens. Mr. Lowman supports and confirms this interpretation. He shows that the rise and spread of the Mohammedan religion and empire serve as a clear fulfillment of this prophecy. All the details described align with the characteristics of the Arabians, and the history spanning from A.D. 568 to A.D. 675. Thus, Abaddon can be understood to refer to either Mohammed, who emerged from the abyss or the cave of Hera, to spread his claimed revelations, or more generally, the Saracen power. Mr. Bryant suggests Abaddon was the name of the Ophite deity, whose worship was widespread very early on.
ABANA. Naaman, the leper, on being directed to wash in the river Jordan, says, 2 Kings v, 12, “Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel?” Probably the Abana is a branch of the Barrady, or Chrysorrhoas, which derives its source from the foot of mount Libanus, eastward; runs round and through Damascus, and continues its course till lost in the wilderness, four or five leagues south of the city. Benjamin of Tudela will have that part of Barrady which runs through Damascus to be the Abana, and the streams which water the gardens without the city, to be Pharpar; but perhaps the Pharpar is the same with Orontes, the most noted river of Syria, which, taking its rise a little to the north or north-east of Damascus, glides through a delightful plain, till, after passing Antioch, and running about two hundred miles to the north-west, it loses itself in the Mediterranean sea, 2 Kings v, 12.
ABANA. Naaman, the leper, when told to wash in the Jordan River, asks in 2 Kings 5:12, “Aren’t Abana and Pharpar, the rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel?” It’s likely that Abana is a branch of the Barrady or Chrysorrhoas, which starts from the foot of Mount Lebanon to the east, flows around and through Damascus, and continues until it disappears in the wilderness, about four or five leagues south of the city. Benjamin of Tudela claims that the section of the Barrady that runs through Damascus is the Abana, and the streams that irrigate the gardens outside the city are the Pharpar; however, it’s possible that the Pharpar is actually the Orontes, the most famous river in Syria, which begins a little to the north or northeast of Damascus, winds through a beautiful plain, and after passing Antioch, flows about two hundred miles northwest until it meets the Mediterranean Sea, 2 Kings 5:12.
ABBA, a Syriac word, which signifies father. The learned Mr. Selden, from the Babylonian Gemara, has proved that slaves were not allowed to use the title abba in addressing the master of the family to which they belonged. This may serve to illustrate Rom. viii, 15, and Gal. iv, 6, as it shows that through faith in Christ all true Christians pass into the relation of sons; are permitted to address God with filial confidence in prayer; and to regard themselves as heirs of the heavenly inheritance. This adoption into the family of God, inseparably follows our justification; and the power to call God our Father, in this special and appropriative sense, results from the inward testimony given to our forgiveness by the Holy Spirit. St. Paul and St. Mark use the Syriac word abba, a term which was understood in the synagogues and primitive assemblies of Christians; but added to it when writing to foreigners the explanation, father. Figuratively, abba means also a superior, in respect of age, dignity, or affection. It is more particularly used in the Syriac, Coptic, and Ethiopic churches as a title given to their bishops. The bishops themselves bestow the title abba more eminently upon the bishop of Alexandria, which occasioned the people to give him the title of baba, or papa, that is, grandfather; a title which he bore before the bishop of Rome.
ABBA, a Syriac word, means father. The learned Mr. Selden, drawing from the Babylonian Gemara, proved that slaves weren't allowed to use the title abba when addressing the head of the household they belonged to. This helps illustrate Rom. viii, 15, and Gal. iv, 6, as it shows that through faith in Christ, all true Christians enter into the relationship of sons; they are allowed to address God with a child's confidence in prayer; and to see themselves as heirs of the heavenly inheritance. This adoption into God's family follows our justification and the ability to call God our Father, in this special and personal way, comes from the inner assurance of our forgiveness given by the Holy Spirit. St. Paul and St. Mark use the Syriac word abba, a term recognized in the synagogues and early Christian gatherings; but when writing to outsiders, they added the explanation, father. Figuratively, abba also refers to a superior in terms of age, dignity, or affection. It is especially used in the Syriac, Coptic, and Ethiopic churches as a title for their bishops. The bishops also use the title abba more prominently for the bishop of Alexandria, which led the people to call him baba, or papa, meaning grandfather; a title he held before the bishop of Rome.
ABEDNEGO, the Chaldee name given by 4the king of Babylon’s officer to Azariah, one of Daniel’s companions, Dan. i, 7. This name imports the servant of Nago, or Nego, which is supposed to signify the sun, or morning star, so called from its brightness. Abednego was thrown into a fiery furnace, at Babylon, with his two companions Shadrach and Meshach, for refusing to adore the statue erected by the command of Nebuchadnezzar. God suffered them not to be injured by the flames; but made the whole to redound to his own glory, and the shame of the idols of Babylon. One like unto the Son of God, or a Divine person, probably the Angel of the Divine presence himself, appeared in the midst of them; and they came out of the furnace, which had been heated seven times hotter than usual, so completely preserved from the power of the flames, that not even “the smell of fire had passed upon them.” This was an illustrious instance of the courageous and hallowed spirit of martyrdom; and the interposition was no doubt designed to encourage the Jews while in captivity, living among idolaters, to hold fast their religion. It is an instance also of those gracious visitations to the old Heathen world, by which it was loudly called from its idolatries, and aroused to the acknowledgment of the true and only Jehovah, who, in various ways, “left not himself without witness” among them. A great temporary effect was produced by this and other miracles related in the book of Daniel; but the people relapsed again into idolatry, and justly brought upon themselves all those wasting judgments which in succession swept over the mightiest and most ancient states.
ABEDNEGO is the Chaldean name given by the king of Babylon’s officer to Azariah, one of Daniel’s friends (Dan. i, 7). This name means the servant of Nago, or Nego, which is thought to represent the sun or morning star, named for its brightness. Abednego was thrown into a fiery furnace in Babylon with his two friends Shadrach and Meshach because they refused to worship the statue set up by Nebuchadnezzar's command. God did not let the flames harm them; instead, it all served to glorify Him and expose the false gods of Babylon. One who looked like the Son of God, likely a divine figure or possibly the Angel of God's presence, appeared in the midst of them, and they emerged from the furnace, heated seven times hotter than normal, completely unharmed, so much so that “not even the smell of fire had passed upon them.” This was a remarkable example of brave and holy martyrdom; the intervention was surely meant to encourage the Jews during their captivity among idolaters to stay true to their faith. It also reflects the moments of grace that called the ancient pagan world away from its idolatries, prompting acknowledgment of the true and only Jehovah, who, in various ways, “left not himself without witness” among them. This and other miracles in the book of Daniel had a significant temporary impact, but the people soon fell back into idolatry and justly brought upon themselves the devastating judgments that swept over the greatest and most ancient nations.
ABEL. He was the second son of Adam and Eve, and born probably in the second or third year of the world; though some will have it that he and Cain were twins. His name signifies vapour, vanity, and might be given either because our first parents now began so to feel the emptiness and vanity of all earthly things, that the birth of another son reminded them painfully of it, although in itself a matter of joy; or it was imposed under prophetic impulse, and obscurely referred to his premature death. His employment was that of a shepherd; Cain followed the occupation of his father, and was a tiller of the ground. Whether they remained in their father’s family at the time when they brought their offerings to the Lord, or had establishments separate from that of Adam, does not clearly appear. Abel was probably unmarried, or had no children; but Cain’s wife is mentioned. “At the end of the days,”--which is a more literal rendering than “in process of time,” as in our translation, that is, on the Sabbath,--both brothers brought an offering to the Lord. Cain “brought of the fruit of the ground;” Abel “the firstlings of his flock, and of the fat thereof.” “And the Lord had respect to Abel and to his offering; but unto Cain and his offering he had not respect.” As Cain afterward complains that “he should be hid from the face or presence of the Lord,” it is probable that the worship of the first family was performed before some visible manifestation of the glory of God, which thus consecrated a particular place for their services. Some have thought that this was at the east gate of Eden, where “Cherubim and a flaming sword were placed;” but this was a vengeful manifestation, and could only have inspired a dread of God inconsistent with the confidence and hope with which men through the promise of redemption were now encouraged to draw nigh to him. The respect which God was pleased to show to Abel’s offering, appears from the account to have been sensibly declared; for Cain must have known by some token that the sacrifice of Abel was accepted, the absence of which sign, as to his own offering, showed that it was rejected. Whether this was by fire going forth from “the presence of the Lord,” to consume the sacrifice, as in later instances recorded in the Old Testament, or in some other way, it is in vain to inquire;--that the token of acceptance was a sensible one is however an almost certain inference. The effect of this upon Cain was not to humble him before God, but to excite anger against his brother; and, being in the field with him, or, as the old versions have it, having said to him, “Let us go out into the field,” “he rose up against Abel his brother, and slew him;” and for that crime, by which the first blood of man was shed by man upon the earth,--a murder aggravated by the relationship and the “righteous” character of the sufferer, and having in it also the nature of religious persecution,--he was pronounced by the Lord “cursed from the earth.”
ABEL. He was the second son of Adam and Eve, likely born in the second or third year of the world; some even believe that he and Cain were twins. His name means vapor or vanity, which could reflect how their first parents began to feel the emptiness of earthly things, so the birth of another son reminded them painfully of this, even though it should have been a joyful event; or it might have been given as a prophetic hint referring to his early death. Abel worked as a shepherd, while Cain took after their father and was a farmer. It’s unclear whether they lived with their father when they brought their offerings to the Lord or if they had their own separate homes. Abel was probably unmarried or had no children, but Cain’s wife is mentioned. “At the end of the days”—which is a more accurate translation than “in process of time,” as in our version—meaning on the Sabbath—both brothers brought an offering to the Lord. Cain offered “the fruit of the ground,” while Abel brought “the firstborn of his flock and their fat.” “And the Lord looked favorably on Abel and his offering; but He did not look favorably on Cain and his offering.” Since Cain later complains that he would be “hidden from the face or presence of the Lord,” it’s likely that the first family's worship was done before a visible manifestation of God’s glory, which established a sacred space for their services. Some have believed this occurred at the east gate of Eden, where “cherubim and a flaming sword were placed;” however, this was an intimidating sight that would only instill fear of God, not the confidence and hope that men were encouraged to have through the promise of redemption. God's favor towards Abel's offering appears to have been clearly shown; Cain must have known through some sign that Abel's sacrifice was accepted, while the absence of such a sign for his own offering indicated it was rejected. Whether this sign was fire coming from “the presence of the Lord” to consume the sacrifice, as seen in later stories in the Old Testament, or some other way, it’s fruitless to speculate; however, it’s almost certain that the sign of acceptance was tangible. The impact of this on Cain didn't humble him before God but instead sparked anger against his brother; while in the field with him, or as the older versions say, after suggesting, “Let us go out into the field,” “he rose up against Abel his brother and killed him;” and for this act, the first instance of one man shedding another's blood on earth—a murder made worse by the family connection and the “righteous” nature of the victim, which also had the aspect of religious persecution—he was declared by the Lord to be “cursed from the earth.”
2. As the sacrifice of Abel is the first on record, and has given rise to some controversy, it demands particular attention. It was offered, says St. Paul, “in faith,” and it was “a more excellent sacrifice” than that of Cain. Both these expressions intimate that it was EXPIATORY and PREFIGURATIVE.
2. Since Abel's sacrifice is the first one recorded and has sparked some debate, it deserves special attention. St. Paul states that it was offered “in faith,” and it was “a more excellent sacrifice” than Cain's. Both of these phrases suggest that it was Atoning and PREFIGURATIVE.
As to the matter of the sacrifice, it was an animal offering. “Cain brought of the fruit of the ground; and Abel also brought of the firstlings of his flock, and of the fat thereof;” or, more literally, “the fat of them,” that is, according to the Hebrew idiom, the fattest or best of his flock; and in this circumstance consisted its specific character as an act of faith. This is supported by the import of the phrase, ϖλείονα θυσίαν, used by the Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrews, when speaking of the sacrifice of Abel. Our translators have rendered it, “a more excellent sacrifice.” Wickliffe translates it, as Archbishop Magee observes, uncouthly, but in the full sense of the original, “a much more sacrifice;” and the controversy which has arisen on this point is, whether this epithet of “much more,” or “fuller,” refers to quantity or quality; whether it is to be understood in the sense of a more abundant, or of a better, a more excellent sacrifice. Dr. Kennicott takes it in the sense of measure and quantity, as well as quality; and supposes that Abel brought a double offering of the firstlings of his flock, and of the fruit of the ground also. His criticism has been very satisfactorily refuted by Archbishop Magee. The sacrifice of Abel was that of animal victims, and it was indicative not of gratitude but of “faith:” a quality not to be made manifest by the quantity 5of an offering, for the one has no relation to the other.
As for the sacrifice, it was an animal offering. “Cain brought some of the fruits of the ground; and Abel also brought the firstborn of his flock, along with their fat,” or, more literally, “the fat of them,” meaning, according to the Hebrew expression, the fattest or best of his flock; and this detail highlighted its specific nature as an act of faith. This is supported by the meaning of the phrase, ϖλείονα θυσίαν, used by the Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrews when referring to Abel's sacrifice. Our translators have rendered it as “a more excellent sacrifice.” Wickliffe translated it, as Archbishop Magee notes, awkwardly but capturing the full sense of the original: “a much more sacrifice;” and the debate that arose on this point is whether this term “much more” or “fuller” refers to quantity or quality; whether it should be understood as a more abundant or a better, a more excellent sacrifice. Dr. Kennicott interprets it as relating to both measure and quantity, as well as quality; and suggests that Abel brought a double offering of the firstlings of his flock and of the fruits of the ground also. His critique has been satisfactorily countered by Archbishop Magee. Abel’s sacrifice involved animal victims, and it was a sign of “faith,” not merely gratitude: a quality that cannot be demonstrated by the quantity of an offering, as the two are unrelated.
3. This will more fully appear if we consider the import of the words of the Apostle,--“By FAITH Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain, by which he obtained WITNESS that he was RIGHTEOUS, God testifying of his gifts; and by it, he, being dead, yet speaketh.” Now what is the meaning of the Apostle, when he says that it was witnessed or testified to Abel that he was righteous? His doctrine is, that men are sinners; that all, consequently, need pardon; and to be declared, witnessed, and accounted righteous, are, according to his style of writing, the same as “to be justified, pardoned, and dealt with as righteous.” Thus he argues that Abraham believed God, “and it was accounted to him for righteousness,”--“that faith was reckoned to Abraham for righteousness,”--“that he received the sign of circumcision, a seal,” a visible confirmatory, declaratory, and witnessing mark “of the righteousness which he had by faith.” In these cases we have a similarity so striking, that they can scarcely fail to explain each other. In both, sinful men are placed in the condition of righteous men; the instrument, in both cases, is faith; and the transaction is, in both cases also, publicly and sensibly witnessed,--as to Abraham, by the sign of circumcision; as to Abel, by a visible acceptance of his sacrifice, and the rejection of that of Cain.
3. This becomes clearer when we think about what the Apostle meant when he said, “By FAITH, Abel offered to God a better sacrifice than Cain, and by it he obtained WITNESS that he was RIGHTEOUS, with God affirming his gifts; and through it, he, though dead, still speaks.” What does the Apostle mean when he says it was acknowledged or testified to Abel that he was righteous? His teaching is that all people are sinners, which means everyone needs forgiveness; and to be declared, witnessed, and seen as righteous is, in his way of writing, the same as “to be justified, forgiven, and treated as righteous.” He points out that Abraham believed God, and “it was counted to him for righteousness,”—“that faith was credited to Abraham as righteousness,”—and that he received the sign of circumcision, a seal, as a visible and confirming, declarative, and witnessing mark “of the righteousness that he had through faith.” In these instances, there’s such a clear similarity that they can hardly fail to explain one another. In both situations, sinful individuals are regarded as righteous; the means in both cases is faith; and the events are both publicly and noticeably witnessed—for Abraham, by the sign of circumcision; for Abel, by God visibly accepting his sacrifice and rejecting Cain's.
Abel had faith, and he expressed that faith by the kind of sacrifice he offered. It was in this way that his faith “pleased God;” it pleased him as a principle, and by the act to which it led, which act was the offering of a sacrifice to God different from that of Cain. Cain had not this faith, whatever might be its object; and Cain, accordingly, did not bring an offering to which God had “respect.” That which vitiated the offering of Cain was the want of this faith; for his offering was not significant of faith: that which “pleased God,” in the case of Abel, was his faith; and he had “respect” to his offering, because it was the expression of that faith; and upon his faith so expressing itself, God witnessed to him “that he was righteous.” So forcibly do the words of St. Paul, when commenting upon this transaction, show, that Abel’s sacrifice was accepted, because of its immediate connection with his faith, for by faith he is said to have offered it; and whatever it might be, which made Abel’s offering differ from that of Cain, whether abundance, or kind, or both, this was the result of his faith. So evident also is it from the Apostle, that Abel was witnessed to be “righteous,” not with reference to any previous “habit of a religious life,” as some say, but with reference to his faith; and to this faith as expressing itself by his offering “a more excellent sacrifice.”
Abel had faith, and he showed that faith through the type of sacrifice he made. This was how his faith "pleased God;" it pleased Him as a principle, and by the act it inspired, which was a different kind of sacrifice offered to God compared to Cain’s. Cain lacked this faith, regardless of its focus; thus, he did not bring an offering that God had “respect” for. The issue with Cain’s offering was the absence of this faith; his offering did not reflect faith. What “pleased God” in Abel's case was his faith; He had “respect” for his offering because it expressed that faith, and God testified to Abel that he was “righteous” based on that faith. St. Paul’s words about this event strongly indicate that Abel’s sacrifice was accepted because of its direct connection to his faith, as it is stated he offered it by faith; and whatever it was that distinguished Abel’s offering from Cain’s, whether it was abundance or kind or both, stemmed from his faith. The Apostle clearly shows that Abel was recognized as “righteous,” not due to any prior “habit of a religious life,” as some argue, but because of his faith; and this faith was demonstrated through his offering of "a more excellent sacrifice."
4. If, then, the faith of Abel had an immediate connection with his sacrifice, and both with his being accepted as “righteous,”--that is, justified, in St. Paul’s use of the term,--to what had his faith respect? The particular object of the faith of the elders, celebrated in Hebrews xi, is to be deduced from the circumstances mentioned as illustrative of the existence and operation of this great principle, and by which it manifested itself in them. Let us explain this, and then ascertain the object of Abel’s faith also from the manner of its manifestation,--from the acts in which it embodied and rendered itself conspicuous.
4. If Abel's faith was directly tied to his sacrifice, and both were connected to his being recognized as “righteous”—meaning justified in St. Paul’s terms—then what was the focus of his faith? The specific focus of the faith of the elders, mentioned in Hebrews xi, can be inferred from the circumstances that showcase the existence and operation of this key principle and how it was evident in them. Let's clarify this and then determine the focus of Abel’s faith based on how it manifested itself—through the actions in which it was expressed and made noticeable.
Faith, in this chapter, is taken in the sense of affiance in God, and, as such, it can only be exercised toward God, as to all its particular acts, in those respects in which we have some warrant to confide in him. This supposes revelation, and, in particular, promises or declarations on his part, as the ground of every act of affiance. When, therefore, it is said that “by faith Enoch was translated that he should not see death,” it must be supposed that he had some promise or intimation to this effect, on which, improbable as the event was, he nobly relied; and in the result God honoured his faith in the sight of all men. The faith of Noah had immediate respect to the threatened flood, and to the promise of God to preserve him in the ark which he was commanded to prepare. The chapter is filled with other instances, expressed or implied; and from the whole, as well as from the nature of things, it will appear, that, when the Apostle speaks of the faith of the elders in its particular acts, he represents it as having respect to some promise, declaration, or revelation of God.
Faith, in this chapter, is understood as trust in God, and it can only be directed toward Him in specific ways where we have reason to believe in Him. This assumes a revelation, especially promises or statements from Him, which serve as the basis for every act of trust. So, when it says that “by faith Enoch was taken away so that he would not see death,” it implies that he had some promise or hint regarding this, which he confidently trusted in, despite how unlikely it was; ultimately, God honored his faith in front of everyone. Noah’s faith was directly related to the impending flood and God’s promise to keep him safe in the ark he was instructed to build. The chapter is filled with other examples, either stated or implied; and from this, as well as from the nature of things, it will be evident that when the Apostle discusses the faith of the elders in its specific acts, he indicates that it pertains to some promise, declaration, or revelation from God.
This revelation was necessarily antecedent to the faith; but it is also to be observed, that the acts by which the faith was represented, whenever it was represented by particular acts, and when the case admitted it, had a natural and striking conformity and correspondence to the previous revelation. So Noah built the ark, which indicated that he had heard the threat of the world’s destruction by water, and had received the promise of his own preservation, and that of his family, as well as that of a part of the beasts of the earth. When Abraham went into Canaan at the command of God, and upon the promise that that country should become the inheritance of his decendants, he showed his faith by taking possession of it for them in anticipation, and his residence there indicated the kind of promise which he had received. Thus these instances show, that when the faith which the Apostle commends exhibited itself in some particular act, that act had a correspondency to the previous promise or revelation which was the ground of faith. We must therefore interpret the acts of Abel’s faith so as to make them also correspond with an antecedent revelation. His faith had respect to some previous revelation, and the nature of the revelation is to be collected from the significant manner in which he declared his faith in it.
This revelation was necessarily prior to the faith; however, it’s also important to note that the actions representing that faith, whenever it was expressed through specific actions and when the situation allowed, had a natural and striking alignment with the previous revelation. For example, Noah built the ark, which showed that he heard the warning of the world’s destruction by flood and received the promise of his own safety, as well as that of his family and some of the earth's animals. When Abraham entered Canaan at God’s command, based on the promise that this land would be his descendants' inheritance, he demonstrated his faith by claiming it for them in advance, and his staying there reflected the type of promise he received. These examples illustrate that when the faith praised by the Apostle was shown in specific actions, those actions corresponded to the prior promise or revelation that formed the basis of that faith. Therefore, we need to understand the acts of Abel’s faith in a way that aligns with an earlier revelation. His faith was connected to some previous revelation, and the nature of that revelation can be inferred from the significant way he expressed his faith in it.
Now that which Abel did “by faith,” was, generally, to perform an act of solemn worship, in the confidence that it would be acceptable to God. This supposes a revelation, immediate or by tradition, that such acts of worship were acceptable to God, or his faith could have had no warrant, and would not have been faith, but fancy. But the case must be considered more particularly. His faith led him to offer “a more excellent sacrifice” than that of Cain; but this 6as necessarily implies, that there was some antecedent revelation to which his faith, as thus expressed, had respect, and on which that peculiarity of his offering, which distinguished it from the offering of Cain, was founded; a revelation which indicated that the way in which God would be approached acceptably, in solemn worship, was by animal sacrifices. Without this, the faith to which his offering, which was an offering of the firstlings of his flock, had a special fitness and adaptation, could have had no warrant in Divine authority. But this revelation must have included, in order to its being the ground of faith, as “the substance of things hoped for,” a promise of a benefit to be conferred, in which promise Abel might confide. But if so, then this promise must have been connected, not with the worship of God in general, or performed in any way whatever indifferently, but with his worship by animal oblations; for it was in this way that the faith of Abel specially and distinctively indicated itself. The antecedent revelation was, therefore, a promise of a benefit to be conferred, by means of animal sacrifice; and we are taught what this benefit was, by that which was actually received by the offerer,--“He obtained witness that he was righteous;” which must be interpreted in the sense of a declaration of his personal justification, and acceptance as righteous, by the forgiveness of his sins. The reason of Abel’s acceptance and of Cain’s rejection is hereby made manifest; the one, in seeking the Divine favour, conformed to his established and appointed method of being approached by guilty men, and the other not only neglected this, but profanely and presumptuously substituted his own inventions.
What Abel did “by faith” was, essentially, act of sincere worship, believing that it would be pleasing to God. This implies a revelation, immediate or through tradition, that such acts of worship were acceptable to God; without it, his faith would lack foundation and would not be faith, but mere imagination. However, the case needs to be looked at more closely. His faith prompted him to offer “a more excellent sacrifice” than Cain's; this necessarily suggests that there was some prior revelation that his faith referred to, which underpinned the uniqueness of his offering compared to Cain's. This revelation indicated that the way to approach God acceptably in solemn worship was through animal sacrifices. Without this, the specific nature and suitability of his offering, which involved the firstborn of his flock, would have no basis in Divine authority. Furthermore, this revelation must have included, to serve as the basis for faith, a promise of a benefit to be provided, which Abel could trust. But if that’s the case, then this promise must have been linked specifically to worshiping God through animal sacrifices, rather than any kind of worship in general; because it was through this method that Abel's faith uniquely expressed itself. Therefore, the prior revelation was a promise of a benefit to be granted through animal sacrifice; we learn what this benefit was from what the offerer actually received—“He obtained witness that he was righteous,” which should be understood as a declaration of his personal justification and acceptance as righteous through the forgiveness of his sins. The reason for Abel’s acceptance and Cain’s rejection becomes clear; Abel, in seeking God’s favor, adhered to His established and designated way of being approached by guilty humans, whereas Cain not only neglected this but also arrogantly replaced it with his own ideas.
5. It is impossible, then, to allow the sacrifice of Abel, in this instance, to have been an act of FAITH, without supposing that it had respect to a previous revelation, which agreed with all the parts of that sacrificial action by which he expressed his faith in it. Had Abel’s sacrifice been eucharistic merely, it would have expressed gratitude, but not faith; or if faith in the general sense of confidence in God that he would receive an act of grateful worship, and reward the worshippers, it did not more express faith than the offering of Cain, who surely believed these two points, or he would not have brought an offering of any kind. The offering of Abel expressed a faith which Cain had not; and the doctrinal principles which Abel’s faith respected were such as his sacrifice visibly embodied. If it was not an eucharistic sacrifice, it was an expiatory one; and, in fact, it is only in a sacrifice of this kind, that it is possible to see that faith exhibited which Abel had, and Cain had not. If then we refer to the subsequent sacrifices of expiation appointed by Divine authority, and their explanation in the New Testament, it will be obvious to what doctrines and principles of an antecedent revelation the faith of Abel had respect, and which his sacrifice, the exhibition of his faith, proclaimed: confession of the fact of being a sinner,--acknowledgment that the demerit and penalty of sin is death,--submission to an appointed mode of expiation,--animal sacrifice offered vicariously, but in itself a mere type of a better sacrifice, “the Seed of the woman,” appointed to be offered at some future period,--and the efficacy of this appointed method of expiation to obtain forgiveness, and to admit the guilty into the Divine favour.
5. It is impossible, then, to consider Abel's sacrifice in this situation as an act of FAITH without suggesting that it was based on a prior revelation, which aligned with every aspect of that sacrificial act through which he expressed his faith in it. If Abel's sacrifice had only been about gratitude, it would have shown thankfulness, but not faith; or if it represented a general sense of trust in God that he would accept an act of worship and reward those who worshiped, it expressed no more faith than Cain's offering, since he surely believed those two points or he wouldn't have brought any offering at all. Abel's offering demonstrated a faith that Cain lacked, and the doctrinal principles that Abel's faith was based on were embodied in his sacrifice. If it wasn't a gratitude-driven sacrifice, it was a sacrifice for atonement; in fact, it's only in this type of sacrifice that we can see the faith displayed by Abel and the absence of it in Cain. If we look at the later sacrifices of atonement established by Divine authority and their explanations in the New Testament, it will be clear which doctrines and principles of an earlier revelation Abel's faith was based on and what his sacrifice, the expression of his faith, declared: a confession of being a sinner, acknowledgment that the penalty for sin is death, submission to a prescribed method of atonement, animal sacrifice offered vicariously, yet inherently just a symbol of a greater sacrifice, “the Seed of the woman,” destined to be offered at some future time, and the effectiveness of this chosen method of atonement to obtain forgiveness and to bring the guilty into Divine favor.
“Abel,” Dr. Magee justly says, “in firm reliance on the promise of God, and in obedience to his command, offered that sacrifice which had been enjoined as the religious expression of his faith; whilst Cain, disregarding the gracious assurances that had been vouchsafed, or at least disdaining to adopt the prescribed mode of manifesting his belief, possibly as not appearing to his reason to possess any efficacy or natural fitness, thought he had sufficiently acquitted himself of his duty in acknowledging the general superintendence of God, and expressing his gratitude to the Supreme Benefactor, by presenting some of those good things which he thereby confessed to have been derived from his bounty. In short, Cain, the first-born of the fall, exhibits the first fruits of his parents’ disobedience, in the arrogance and self-sufficiency of reason rejecting the aids of revelation, because they fell not within its apprehension of right. He takes the first place in the annals of Deism, and displays, in his proud rejection of the ordinance of sacrifice, the same spirit which, in later days, has actuated his enlightened followers, in rejecting the sacrifice of Christ.”
“Abel,” Dr. Magee rightly says, “based on his strong trust in God’s promise and in following His command, made the sacrifice that was required as a sign of his faith; while Cain, ignoring the kind reassurances that had been given, or perhaps choosing not to follow the designated way of showing his belief because it didn’t seem to him to have any real value or inherent quality, thought he had done enough by recognizing God’s overall control and expressing his gratitude to the Supreme Benefactor through presenting some of the good gifts that he acknowledged had come from God's generosity. In short, Cain, the first-born of the fall, shows the first results of his parents’ disobedience, in the arrogance and self-reliance of reason dismissing the supports of revelation because they didn’t align with its understanding of what was right. He takes the lead in the history of Deism and demonstrates, in his proud rejection of the sacrificial ordinance, the same attitude that has motivated his enlightened followers in later years to reject the sacrifice of Christ.”
Abel was killed about the year of the world, 130.
Abel was killed around the year 130.
ABEL-MISRAIM, the floor of Atad, beyond the river Jordan, where Joseph, his brethren, and the Egyptians mourned for the death of Jacob, Gen. l, 11. On this occasion the funeral procession was, at the command of Joseph, attended by “all the elders of Egypt, and all the servants of Pharaoh, and all his house, and the house of his brethren, chariots and horsemen, a very great company;” an affecting proof, as it has been remarked, of Joseph’s simplicity and singleness of heart, which allowed him to give to the great men of Egypt, over whom he bore absolute rule, an opportunity of observing his own comparatively humble origin, by leading them in attendance upon his father’s corpse to the valleys of Canaan, the modest cradle of his race, and to their simple burial places.
ABEL-MISRAIM, the place of Atad, beyond the Jordan River, where Joseph, his brothers, and the Egyptians mourned for Jacob's death, Gen. l, 11. During this time, at Joseph's command, the funeral procession included "all the elders of Egypt, and all the servants of Pharaoh, and all his household, and the household of his brothers, chariots and horsemen, a very great company;" a touching testament, as noted, of Joseph’s humility and sincerity, which allowed him to showcase his relatively humble background by leading the powerful men of Egypt, over whom he had absolute control, to pay their respects to his father's body in the valleys of Canaan, the simple beginnings of his lineage, and to their unadorned burial sites.
ABEL-SHITTIM, a city situate in the plains of Moab, beyond Jordan, opposite to Jericho, Num. xxv, 1, &c; xxiii, 49; Joshua xi, 1. Eusebius says it stood in the neighbourhood of mount Peor. Moses encamped at Abel-Shittim some time before the Hebrew army passed the Jordan. Here the Israelites fell into idolatry, and worshipped Baal-peor, for which God punished them by the destruction of twenty-four thousand persons in one day.
ABEL-SHITTIM is a city located in the plains of Moab, across the Jordan River from Jericho, Num. xxv, 1, &c; xxiii, 49; Joshua xi, 1. Eusebius mentions that it was near Mount Peor. Moses camped at Abel-Shittim for a while before the Hebrew army crossed the Jordan. It was here that the Israelites turned to idol worship and honored Baal-peor, which led to God punishing them with the death of twenty-four thousand people in a single day.
ABIAH, the second son of the prophet Samuel, and brother of Joel. Samuel having entrusted to his sons the administration of public justice, and admitted them to a share in the government, they behaved so ill, that the people demanded a king, 1 Sam. viii, 2. A. M. 2909.
ABIAH, the second son of the prophet Samuel and the brother of Joel. Samuel had assigned his sons to manage public justice and included them in the government, but they performed so poorly that the people asked for a king, 1 Sam. viii, 2. A. M. 2909.
ABIATHAR, the son of Ahimelech, and the tenth high priest among the Jews, and fourth 7in descent from Eli, 2 Sam. viii, 17; 1 Chron. xviii, 16. When Saul sent to Nob to murder all the priests, Abiathar escaped the massacre, and fled to David in the wilderness. There he continued in the quality of high priest; but Saul, out of aversion to Ahimelech, whom he imagined to have betrayed his interests, transferred the dignity of the high priesthood from Ithamar’s family into that of Eleazar, by conferring this office upon Zadok. Thus there were, at the same time, two high priests in Israel, Abiathar with David, and Zadok with Saul. In this state things continued, until the reign of Solomon, when Abiathar, being attached to the party of Adonijah, was, by Solomon, divested of his priesthood, A. M. 2989; and the race of Zadok alone performed the functions of that office during the reign of Solomon, to the exclusion of the family of Ithamar, according to the word of the Lord to Eli, 1 Sam. ii, 30, &c.
ABIATHAR, the son of Ahimelech, was the tenth high priest among the Jews and the fourth in descent from Eli (2 Sam. viii, 17; 1 Chron. xviii, 16). When Saul sent men to Nob to kill all the priests, Abiathar managed to escape the massacre and fled to David in the wilderness. There, he continued to serve as high priest. However, Saul, angry at Ahimelech whom he believed had betrayed him, moved the high priesthood from Ithamar’s family to that of Eleazar by appointing Zadok to the position. As a result, there were two high priests in Israel at the same time: Abiathar with David and Zadok with Saul. This situation lasted until the reign of Solomon, when Abiathar, siding with Adonijah, was removed from the priesthood by Solomon (A.M. 2989). From then on, only Zadok’s lineage served in that role during Solomon's reign, excluding the Ithamar family, as the Lord had declared to Eli (1 Sam. ii, 30, etc.).
ABIB, the name of the first Hebrew sacred month, Exod. xiii, 4. This month was afterward called Nisan; it contained thirty days, and answered to part of our March and April. Abib signifies green ears of corn, or fresh fruits, according to Jerom’s translation, Exod. xiii, 4, and to the LXX. It was so named because corn, particularly barley, was in ear at that time. It was an early custom to give names to months, from the appearances of nature; and the custom is still in force among many nations. The year among the Jews commenced in September, and consequently their jubilees and other civil matters were regulated in this way, Lev. xxv, 8–10; but their sacred year began in Abib. This change took place at the redemption of Israel from Egypt, Exod. xii, 2, “This shall be to you the beginning of months.” Ravanelli observes, that as this deliverance from Egypt was a figure of the redemption of the church of Jesus Christ, who died and rose again in this month, it was made the “beginning of months,” to lead the church to expect the acceptable year of the Lord. On the tenth day of this month the paschal lamb was taken; and on the fourteenth they ate the passover. On the seven succeeding days they celebrated the feast of unleavened bread, on the last of which days they held a solemn convocation, Exod. xii, xiii. On the fifteenth they gathered the sheaf of the barley first fruits, and on the following day presented an offering of it to the Lord, which having done they might begin their harvest, Lev. xxiii.
ABIB is the name of the first Hebrew sacred month, as mentioned in Exod. xiii, 4. This month was later called Nisan; it had thirty days and corresponded to part of our March and April. Abib means green ears of corn or fresh fruits, according to Jerome's translation in Exod. xiii, 4, and the LXX. It was named this way because corn, especially barley, was ripe at that time. It was an early tradition to name months based on nature's appearances, and this practice still continues among many nations. The Jewish year began in September, which is why their jubilees and other civil matters were arranged this way, as seen in Lev. xxv, 8–10; but their sacred year started in Abib. This change occurred at the redemption of Israel from Egypt, as stated in Exod. xii, 2, "This shall be to you the beginning of months." Ravanelli points out that since this liberation was a symbol of the redemption of the church of Jesus Christ, who died and rose again in this month, it became the "beginning of months" to guide the church toward anticipating the acceptable year of the Lord. On the tenth day of this month, the paschal lamb was chosen, and on the fourteenth, they celebrated Passover. For the following seven days, they held the feast of unleavened bread, with a solemn gathering on the last day, as stated in Exod. xii, xiii. On the fifteenth, they collected the sheaf of the barley first fruits, and the next day, they offered it to the Lord, which allowed them to start their harvest, as per Lev. xxiii.
ABIHU, the son of Aaron, the high priest, was consumed, together with his brother Nadab, by fire sent from God, because he had offered incense with strange fire, instead of taking it from the altar, Lev. x, 1, 2. This calamity happened A. M. 2514; within eight days after the consecration of Aaron and his sons. Some commentators believe that this fire proceeded from the altar of burnt offerings; others, that it came from the altar of incense. Several interpreters, as the Rabbins, Lyra, Cajetan, and others, are of opinion, that Nadab and Abihu were overtaken with wine, and so forgot to take the sacred fire in their censers. This conjecture is founded on the command of God delivered immediately afterward to the priests, forbidding them the use of wine during the time they should be employed in the service of the temple. Another class allege, that there was nothing so heinous in their transgression, but it was awfully punished, to teach ministers fidelity and exactness in discharging their office. It had a vastly more important meaning,--this instance of vengeance is a standing example of that divine wrath which shall consume all who pretend to serve God, except with incense kindled from the one altar and offering by which he for ever perfects them that are sanctified.
ABIHU, the son of Aaron, the high priest, was burned up, along with his brother Nadab, by fire from God because he offered incense with unauthorized fire instead of taking it from the altar, Lev. x, 1, 2. This tragedy occurred in the year 2514 A.M., just eight days after Aaron and his sons were consecrated. Some commentators believe that this fire came from the altar of burnt offerings, while others think it came from the altar of incense. Several interpreters, including the Rabbis, Lyra, Cajetan, and others, believe that Nadab and Abihu were under the influence of wine and forgot to take the sacred fire in their censers. This idea comes from God’s command given immediately afterward to the priests, banning them from using wine while performing their temple duties. Another group argues that their transgression wasn't that serious, but it was severely punished to teach ministers to be faithful and precise in their roles. This incident carries a much deeper significance—the punishment serves as a lasting reminder of the divine wrath that will consume anyone who pretends to serve God, except with the incense kindled from the one altar and offering that forever perfects those who are sanctified.
ABIJAH, the son of Jeroboam, the first king of the ten tribes, who died very young, 1 Kings xiv, 1, &c, A. M. 3046.--2. The son of Rehoboam, king of Judah, and of Maachah, the daughter of Uriel, who succeeded his father, A. M. 3046, 2 Chron. xi, 20; xiii, 2, &c. The Rabbins reproach this monarch with neglecting to destroy the profane altar which Jeroboam had erected at Bethel; and with not suppressing the worship of the golden calves there after his victory over that prince.
ABIJAH, the son of Jeroboam, the first king of the ten tribes, who died very young (1 Kings xiv, 1, etc.), A.M. 3046.--2. The son of Rehoboam, king of Judah, and Maachah, the daughter of Uriel, who succeeded his father, A.M. 3046 (2 Chron. xi, 20; xiii, 2, etc.). The Rabbis criticize this king for failing to destroy the false altar that Jeroboam had built at Bethel and for not putting an end to the worship of the golden calves there after his victory over that king.
ABILENE, a small province in Cœlo Syria, between Lebanon and Antilibanus. Of this place Lysanias was governor in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, Luke iii, 1. Abela, or Abila, the capital, was north of Damascus, and south of Heliopolis.
ABILENE, a small region in Cœlo Syria, located between Lebanon and Antilibanus. Lysanias was the governor of this area during the fifteenth year of Tiberius, as mentioned in Luke iii, 1. Abela, or Abila, the capital, was situated north of Damascus and south of Heliopolis.
ABIMELECH. This seems to have been the title of the kings of Philistia, as Cæsar was of the Roman emperors, and Pharaoh of the sovereigns of Egypt. It was the name also of one of the sons of Gideon, who became a judge of Israel, Judges ix; and of the Jewish high priest, who gave Goliath’sGoliath’s sword, which had been deposited in the tabernacle, and part of the shew bread, to David, at the time this prince was flying from Saul, 1 Sam. xxi, 1.
ABIMELECH. This appears to have been the title of the kings of Philistia, similar to how Cæsar was the title for the Roman emperors and Pharaoh for the rulers of Egypt. It was also the name of one of Gideon's sons, who became a judge of Israel, Judges ix; and of the Jewish high priest, who gave Goliath'sGoliath’s sword, which had been kept in the tabernacle, along with some of the show bread, to David when this prince was fleeing from Saul, 1 Sam. xxi, 1.
ABIRAM, the eldest son of Hiel, the Bethelite. Joshua having destroyed the city of Jericho, pronounced this curse: “Cursed be the man, before the Lord, that riseth up and buildeth this city, Jericho: he shall lay the foundation thereof in his first-born, and in his youngest son shall he set up the gates of it,” Joshua vi, 26. Hiel of Bethel, about five hundred and thirty-seven years after this imprecation, having undertaken to rebuild Jericho, whilst he was laying the foundation of it, lost his eldest son, Abiram, 1 Kings xvi, 34; and Segub, the youngest, when they set up the gates of it: a remarkable instance of a prophetic denunciation fulfilled, perhaps on a person who would not credit the tradition, or the truth of the prediction. So true is the word of the Lord; so minutely are the most distant contingencies foreseen by him; and so exact is the accomplishment of Divine prophecy!
ABIRAM, the oldest son of Hiel, the Bethelite. After Joshua destroyed the city of Jericho, he declared this curse: “Cursed be the man, before the Lord, who rises up and rebuilds this city, Jericho: he shall lay its foundation with his first-born, and with his youngest son he shall set up its gates,” Joshua vi, 26. About five hundred and thirty-seven years after this curse, Hiel of Bethel attempted to rebuild Jericho. While he was laying the foundation, he lost his oldest son, Abiram, 1 Kings xvi, 34; and Segub, the youngest, when they set up the gates. This is a striking example of a prophetic warning fulfilled, possibly on a person who did not believe in the tradition or the truth of the prediction. So true is the word of the Lord; so thoroughly are even the most distant outcomes foreseen by Him; and so precisely is Divine prophecy fulfilled!
2. Abiram, the son of Eliab, of the tribe of Reuben, was one of those who conspired with Korah and Dathan against Moses in the wilderness, and was swallowed up alive, with his companions, by the earth, which opened to receive them, Num. xvi.
2. Abiram, the son of Eliab, from the tribe of Reuben, was one of the people who teamed up with Korah and Dathan against Moses in the wilderness, and was swallowed alive, along with his companions, by the earth that opened up to take them, Num. xvi.
ABISHAG, a young woman, a native of 8Shunam, in the tribe of Issachar. David, at the age of seventy, finding no warmth in his bed, was advised by his physicians to procure some young person, who might communicate the heat required. To this end Abishag was presented to him, who was one of the most beautiful women in Israel, 1 Kings i, 3; and the king made her his wife. After his death, Adonijah requested her in marriage, for which he lost his life; Solomon perceiving in this a design upon the crown also. Adonijah was his elder brother, an intriguing man, and had aspired to be king before the death of David, and had had his life spared only upon the condition of his peaceable conduct. By this request he convinced Solomon, that he was still actuated by political views, and this brought upon him the punishment of treason.
ABISHAG was a young woman from Shunem in the tribe of Issachar. At seventy years old, David found no warmth in his bed and was advised by his doctors to find a young person who could provide the heat he needed. So, Abishag was brought to him, and she was one of the most beautiful women in Israel (1 Kings 1:3), and the king made her his wife. After David's death, Adonijah asked to marry her, which led to his death as well, since Solomon saw this as a threat to his throne. Adonijah was his older brother and had tried to become king before David died, only being spared because he promised to behave. With this request, he showed Solomon that he was still driven by political ambitions, which resulted in his punishment for treason.
ABISHAI, the son of Zeruiah, David’s sister, who was one of the most valiant men of his time, and one of the principal generals in David’s armies.
ABISHAI, the son of Zeruiah, David’s sister, who was one of the bravest men of his time, and one of the main generals in David’s armies.
ABLUTION, purification by washing the body, either in whole or part. Ablutions appear to be almost as ancient as external worship itself. Moses enjoined them; the Heathens adopted them; and Mohammed and his followers have continued them: thus they have been introduced among most nations, and make a considerable part of all superstitious religions. The Egyptian priests had their diurnal and nocturnal ablutions; the Grecians, their sprinklings; the Romans, their lustrations and lavations; the Jews, their washings of hands and feet, beside their baptisms; the ancient Christians used ablution before communion, which the Romish church still retains before the mass, sometimes after; the Syrians, Copts, &c, have their solemn washings on Good Friday; the Turks their greater and less ablutions, &c.
ABLUTION, the act of cleansing the body through washing, either completely or partially. Ablutions seem to be nearly as old as external worship itself. Moses commanded them; the pagans practiced them; and Mohammed and his followers have continued them: thus, they have been incorporated among most nations and form a significant part of many superstitious religions. The Egyptian priests performed their daily and nightly ablutions; the Greeks had their sprinklings; the Romans their lustrations and washings; the Jews practiced washing their hands and feet, in addition to their baptisms; the early Christians did ablution before communion, which the Roman Catholic Church still observes before mass, sometimes after; the Syrians, Copts, etc., have their ritual washings on Good Friday; and the Turks have their major and minor ablutions, etc.
Lustration, among the Romans, was a solemn ceremony by which they purified their cities, fields, armies, or people, after any crime or impurity. Lustrations might be performed by fire, by sulphur, by water, and by air; the last was applied by ventilation, or fanning the thing to be purified. All sorts of people, slaves excepted, might perform some kind of lustration. When a person died the house was to be swept in a particular manner; new married persons were sprinkled by the priest with water. People sometimes, by way of purification, ran several times naked through the streets. There was scarcely any action performed, at the beginning and end of which some ceremony was not required to purify themselves and appease the gods.
Lustration, in ancient Rome, was a serious ceremony used to cleanse their cities, fields, armies, or people after any crime or impurity. Lustrations could be done with fire, sulfur, water, or air; the last method involved ventilation, or fanning the object being purified. Anyone could perform some type of lustration, except for slaves. When someone died, the house had to be swept in a specific way; newly married couples were sprinkled with water by a priest. Sometimes, as a form of purification, people would run naked through the streets several times. There was hardly any action taken that didn't require some sort of ceremony to purify themselves and appease the gods at the beginning and end.
ABNER was the uncle of king Saul, and the general of his army. After Saul’s death, he made Ishbosheth king; and for seven years supported the family of Saul, in opposition to David; but in most of his skirmishes came off with loss. While Ishbosheth’s and David’s troops lay near each other, hard by Gibeon, Abner challenged Joab to select twelve of David’s warriors to fight with an equal number of his. Joab consented: the twenty-four engaged; and fell together on the spot. A fierce battle ensued, in which Abner and his troops were routed. Abner himself was hotly pursued by Asahel, whom he killed by a back stroke of his spear. Still he was followed by Joab and Abishai, till he, who in the morning sported with murder, was obliged at even to entreat that Joab would stay his troops from the effusion of blood, 2 Sam. ii.
ABNER was King Saul's uncle and the general of his army. After Saul died, he made Ishbosheth king and supported Saul's family for seven years, opposing David; however, he faced losses in most of his battles. While Ishbosheth’s and David’s troops were camped near each other, close to Gibeon, Abner challenged Joab to pick twelve of David’s soldiers to fight twelve of his own. Joab agreed, and the twenty-four fought and fell at the same spot. A fierce battle broke out, during which Abner and his troops were defeated. Abner was chased by Asahel, whom he killed with a thrust of his spear. Still pursued by Joab and Abishai, he, who had started the day looking for a fight, ended up asking Joab to stop his troops from spilling more blood, 2 Sam. ii.
Not long after, Abner, taking it highly amiss for Ishbosheth to charge him with lewd behaviour toward Rizpah, Saul’s concubine, vowed that he would quickly transfer the whole kingdom into the hands of David. He therefore commenced a correspondence with David, and had an interview with him at Hebron. Abner had just left the feast at which David had entertained him, when Joab, informed of the matter, warmly remonstrated, asserting, that Abner had come as a spy. On his own authority he sent a messenger to invite him back, to have some farther communication with the king; and when Abner was come into Joab’s presence, the latter, partly from jealousy lest Abner might become his superior, and partly to revenge his brother Asahel’s death, mortally stabbed him in the act of salutation. David, to show how heartily he detested the act, honoured Abner with a splendid funeral, and composed an elegy on his death, 2 Sam. iii.
Not long after, Abner was really upset at Ishbosheth for accusing him of inappropriate behavior with Rizpah, Saul’s concubine, and vowed to quickly hand over the entire kingdom to David. He started correspondence with David and arranged to meet him in Hebron. Abner had just left the feast that David had hosted for him when Joab, hearing about the situation, strongly argued that Abner had come as a spy. On his own authority, he sent a messenger to invite him back for further talks with the king; and when Abner came to Joab, the latter, partly out of jealousy that Abner might become more powerful than him and partly to get revenge for his brother Asahel’s death, fatally stabbed him while greeting him. To show how much he condemned this act, David gave Abner a lavish funeral and wrote an elegy for his death, 2 Sam. iii.
ABOMINATION. This term was used with regard to the Hebrews, who, being shepherds, are said to have been an abomination to the Egyptians; because they sacrificed the animals held sacred by that people, as oxen, goats, sheep, &c, which the Egyptians esteemed unlawful. This word is also applied in the sacred writings to idolatry and idols, not only because the worship of idols is in itself an abominable thing, but likewise because the ceremonies of idolaters were almost always of an infamous and licentious nature. For this reason, Chrysostom affirms, that every idol, and every image of a man, was called an abomination among the Jews. The “abomination of desolation” foretold by the Prophet Daniel, x, 27, xi, 31, is supposed by some interpreters to denote the statue of Jupiter Olympius, which Antiochus Epiphanes caused to be erected in the temple of Jerusalem. The second of the passages above cited may probably refer to this circumstance, as the statue of Jupiter did, in fact, “make desolate,” by banishing the true worship of God, and those who performed it, from the temple. But the former passage, considered in its whole connection, bears more immediate reference to that which the evangelists have denominated the “abomination of desolation,” Matt. xxiv, 15, 16; Mark xiii, 14. This, without doubt, signifies the ensigns of the Roman armies under the command of Titus, during the last siege of Jerusalem. The images of their gods and emperors were delineated on these ensigns; and the ensigns themselves, especially the eagles, which were carried at the heads of the legions, were objects of worship; and, according to the usual style of Scripture, they were therefore an abomination. Those ensigns were placed upon the ruins of the temple after it was taken and demolished; and, as Josephus informs us, the Romans sacrificed 9to them there. The horror with which the Jews regarded them, sufficiently appears from the account which Josephus gives of Pilate’s introducing them into the city, when he sent his army from Cæsarea into winter quarters at Jerusalem, and of Vitellius’s proposing to march through Judea, after he had received orders from Tiberius to attack Aretas, king of Petra. The people supplicated and remonstrated, and induced Pilate to remove the army, and Vitellius to march his troops another way. The Jews applied the above passage of Daniel to the Romans, as we are informed by Jerome. The learned Mr. Mede concurs in the same opinion. Sir Isaac Newton, Obs. on Daniel ix, xii, observes, that in the sixteenth year of the emperor Adrian, B. C. 132, the Romans accomplished the prediction of Daniel by building a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus, where the temple of God in Jerusalem had stood. Upon this occasion the Jews, under the conduct of Barchochab, rose up in arms against the Romans, and in the war had fifty cities demolished, nine hundred and eighty-five of their best towns destroyed, and five hundred and eighty thousand men slain by the sword; and in the end of the war, B. C. 136, they were banished from Judea upon pain of death; and thenceforth the land remained desolate of its old inhabitants. Others again have applied the prediction of Daniel to the invasion and desolation of Christendom by the Mohammedans, and to their conversion of the churches into mosques. From this interpretation they infer, that the religion of Mohammed will prevail in the east one thousand two hundred and sixty years, and be succeeded by the restoration of the Jews, the destruction of antichrist, the full conversion of the Gentiles to the church of Christ, and the commencement of the millennium.
ABOMINATION. This term was used to describe the Hebrews, who, being shepherds, were considered an abomination by the Egyptians because they sacrificed animals that the Egyptians held sacred, such as oxen, goats, and sheep, which they deemed unlawful. This word is also used in sacred writings to refer to idolatry and idols, not only because the worship of idols is inherently abominable, but also because the rituals of idolaters were almost always infamous and immoral. For this reason, Chrysostom states that every idol and every image of a person was seen as an abomination among the Jews. The “abomination of desolation” mentioned by the Prophet Daniel (Daniel 10:27; 11:31) is thought by some interpreters to refer to the statue of Jupiter Olympius, which Antiochus Epiphanes had set up in the Jerusalem temple. The second passage likely relates to this event, as the statue of Jupiter did indeed “make desolate” by expelling the true worship of God and those who practiced it from the temple. However, the first passage, when considered in its full context, more directly relates to what the evangelists called the “abomination of desolation” (Matthew 24:15-16; Mark 13:14). This undoubtedly signifies the standards of the Roman armies commanded by Titus during the final siege of Jerusalem. The images of their gods and emperors were depicted on these standards, and the standards themselves, especially the eagles carried at the front of the legions, were objects of worship; according to Scripture, this made them an abomination. These standards were placed on the ruins of the temple after it was taken and destroyed; and, as Josephus reports, the Romans sacrificed to them there. The disgust that the Jews felt towards them is evident from Josephus's account of Pilate introducing them into the city when he sent his army from Cæsarea to spend the winter in Jerusalem, and of Vitellius proposing to march through Judea after receiving orders from Tiberius to attack Aretas, the king of Petra. The people pleaded and protested, successfully convincing Pilate to move the army and Vitellius to redirect his troops. The Jews applied the aforementioned passage from Daniel to the Romans, as noted by Jerome. The learned Mr. Mede agrees with this interpretation. Sir Isaac Newton, in his Observations on Daniel (chapters 9, 12), notes that in the sixteenth year of Emperor Adrian (A.D. 132), the Romans fulfilled Daniel's prophecy by constructing a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus where God's temple had once stood in Jerusalem. During this time, the Jews, led by Bar Kochba, revolted against the Romans, destroying fifty cities, killing 985 of their best towns, and resulting in the deaths of 580,000 men by the sword. At the end of the conflict in A.D. 136, they were banished from Judea under penalty of death, and from then on, the land remained desolate of its former inhabitants. Others have interpreted Daniel's prophecy to refer to the invasion and devastation of Christendom by the Muslims and their conversion of churches into mosques. From this interpretation, they conclude that the religion of Mohammed will dominate the east for one thousand two hundred sixty years, followed by the restoration of the Jews, the downfall of antichrist, the complete conversion of Gentiles to Christ's church, and the beginning of the millennium.
In general, whatever is morally or ceremonially impure, or leads to sin, is designated an abomination to God. Thus lying lips are said to be an abomination to the Lord. Every thing in doctrine or practice which tended to corrupt the simplicity of the Gospel is also in Scripture called abominable; hence Babylon is represented, Rev. xvii, 4, as holding in her hand a cup “full of abominations.” In this view, to “work abomination,” is to introduce idolatry, or any other great corruption, into the church and worship of God, 1 Kings xi, 7.
In general, anything that is morally or ceremonially impure, or that leads to sin, is considered an abomination to God. For example, lying lips are called an abomination to the Lord. Anything in doctrine or practice that corrupts the simplicity of the Gospel is also referred to as abominable in Scripture; therefore, Babylon is depicted in Rev. xvii, 4, as holding a cup “full of abominations.” In this context, to “work abomination” means to introduce idolatry or any other major corruption into the Church and the worship of God, as seen in 1 Kings xi, 7.
ABRAM, אברם, a high father; and ABRAHAM, אבררם, father of a great multitude, the son of Terah, born at Ur, a city of Chaldea, A. M. 2008. The account of this eminent patriarch occupies so large a part of the book of Genesis, and stands so intimately connected with both the Jewish and Christian dispensations,--with the one by a political and religious, and with the other by a mystical, relation,--that his history demands particular notice. Our account may be divided into his personal history, and his typical, and mystic character.
ABRAM, אברם, a high father; and ABRAHAM, אבררם, father of a great multitude, the son of Terah, born in Ur, a city in Chaldea, A. M. 2008. The story of this notable patriarch takes up a significant portion of the book of Genesis and is closely linked to both the Jewish and Christian traditions—connected to the former through political and religious ties, and to the latter through mystical connections—so his history deserves special attention. Our narrative can be divided into his personal history and his typical, and mystic character.
I. Abraham’s PERSONAL history.
I. Abraham’s personal history.
1. Chaldea, the native country of Abraham, was inhabited by a pastoral people, who were almost irresistibly invited to the study of the motions of the heavenly bodies, by the peculiar serenity of the heavens in that climate, and their habit of spending their nights in the open air in tending their flocks. The first rudiments of astronomy, as a science, is traced to this region; and here, too, one of the earliest forms of idolatry, the worship of the host of heaven, usually called Tsabaism, first began to prevail. During the three hundred and fifty years which elapsed between the deluge and the birth of Abraham, this and other idolatrous superstitions had greatly corrupted the human race, perverted the simple forms of the patriarchal religion, and beclouded the import of its typical rites. The family of Abraham was idolatrous, for his “fathers served other gods beyond the flood,” that is, the great river Euphrates; but whether he himself was in the early period of his life an idolater, we are not informed by Moses. The Arabian and Jewish legends speak of his early idolatry, his conversion from it, and of his zeal in breaking the images in his father’s house; but these are little to be depended upon. Before his call he was certainly a worshipper of the true God; and that not in form only, but “in spirit and in truth.” Whilst Abraham was still sojourning in Ur, “the God of glory” appeared to him, and said unto him, “Get thee out of thy country and from thy kindred, and go into the land which I shall show thee;” and so firm was his faith in the providence and care of God, that although the place of his future abode was not indicated, nor any information given of the nature of the country, or the character of its inhabitants, he nevertheless promptly obeyed, and “went out, not knowing whither he went.” Terah his father, Nahor his brother, and Lot his nephew, the son of Haran his deceased brother, accompanied him; a circumstance which indicates that if the family had formerly been idolatrous it had now received the faith of Abraham. They first migrated to Haran, or Charran, in Mesopotamia, a flat, barren region westward of Ur; and after a residence there of a few years, during which Terah had died, Abraham left Haran to go into Palestine, taking with him Sarah his wife, who had no child, and Lot, with his paternal property. Nahor appears to have been left in Haran. To this second migration he was incited also by a Divine command, accompanied by the promises of a numerous issue, that his seed should become a great nation, and, above all, that “in him all the families of the earth should be blessed;” in other words, that the Messiah, known among the patriarchs as the promised “seed of the woman,” should be born in his line. Palestine was then inhabited by the Canaanites, from whom it was called Canaan. Abraham, leading his tribe, first settled at Sechem, a valley between the mountains Ebal and Gerizim, where God appeared to him and promised to give him the land of Canaan, and where, as in other places in which he remained any time, he built an altar to the Lord. He then removed to a hilly region on the north of Jericho; and as the pastures were exhausted, migrated southward, till a famine drove him into Egypt, probably the earliest, certainly the most productive, corn country of the ancient world.
1. Chaldea, the homeland of Abraham, was populated by a pastoral people who were almost irresistibly drawn to studying the movements of celestial bodies due to the clear skies in that climate and their practice of spending nights outdoors tending to their flocks. The basic principles of astronomy as a science can be traced back to this area, where one of the earliest forms of idol worship, known as Tsabaism, emerged. During the three hundred and fifty years between the flood and Abraham's birth, these and other superstitious beliefs significantly corrupted humanity, distorted the simple forms of the patriarchal faith, and obscured the meaning of its symbolic rituals. Abraham's family practiced idolatry, as his "fathers served other gods beyond the flood," referring to the great river Euphrates; however, it's unclear whether he himself was an idolater in his early life, according to Moses. Arabian and Jewish legends mention his early idol worship, his conversion, and his fervor in smashing the idols in his father's house, but these accounts are not very reliable. Before his calling, he certainly worshipped the true God, and not just outwardly, but "in spirit and in truth." While Abraham was still living in Ur, "the God of glory" appeared to him and said, "Get out of your country and from your relatives, and go to the land I will show you;" so strong was his faith in God's providence and care that, even though he was not told the specific location or nature of the country or the characteristics of its people, he immediately obeyed and "went out, not knowing where he was going." His father Terah, his brother Nahor, and his nephew Lot, the son of his deceased brother Haran, joined him; this suggests that, although the family had previously been idolatrous, they had now adopted Abraham's faith. They first moved to Haran, or Charran, in Mesopotamia, a flat and barren area west of Ur; after living there for a few years, during which Terah died, Abraham left Haran to go to Palestine, taking his wife Sarah, who had no children, and Lot, along with his family belongings. Nahor seems to have stayed in Haran. This second migration was also prompted by a divine command, accompanied by promises of numerous descendants, that his offspring would become a great nation, and importantly, that "through him all the families of the earth would be blessed;" in other words, that the Messiah, known among the patriarchs as the promised "seed of the woman," would be born from his lineage. At that time, Palestine was inhabited by the Canaanites, hence the name Canaan. Leading his tribe, Abraham first settled at Shechem, a valley between the mountains Ebal and Gerizim, where God appeared to him and promised him the land of Canaan, and, as in other places where he stayed for a while, he built an altar to the Lord. He then moved to a hilly area north of Jericho; as the pastures ran out, he traveled south until a famine forced him to go to Egypt, likely the earliest and certainly the most fertile grain-producing region of the ancient world.
102. Here it may be observed, that the migrations of Abraham and his sons show the manner in which the earth was gradually covered with people. In those ages some cities had been built, and the country to some extent about them cultivated; but wide spaces of unoccupied land lay between them. A part of society following therefore the pastoral life, led forth their flocks, and, in large family tribes, of which the parent was the head, uniting both the sovereign power and the priesthood in himself, and with a train of servants attached to the tribe by hereditary ties, pitched their camps wherever a fertile and unappropriated district offered them pasture. A few of these nomadic tribes appear to have made the circuit of the same region, seldom going far from their native seats; which would probably have been the case with Abraham, had he not received the call of God to depart to a distant country. Others, more bold, followed the track of rivers, and the sweep of fertile valleys, and at length some built cities and formed settlements in those distant regions; whilst others, either from attachment to their former mode of life, or from necessity, continued in their pastoral occupations, and followed the supplies afforded for their flocks by the still expanding regions of the fertile earth. Wars and violences, droughts, famines, and the constant increase of population, continued to impel these innumerable, but at first, small streams of men into parts still more remote. Those who settled on the sea coast began to use that element, both for supplying themselves with a new species of food, and as a medium of communication by vessels with other countries for the interchange of such commodities as their own lands afforded with those offered by maritime states, more or less distant. Thus were laid the foundations of commerce, and thus the maritime cities were gradually rendered opulent and powerful. Colonies were in time transported from them by means of their ships, and settled on the coasts of still more distant and fertile countries. Thus the migrations of the three primitive families proceeded from the central regions of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria; and in succession they established numerous communities,--the Phenicians, Arabians, Egyptians, Ethiopians, and Lybians southward;--the Persians, Indians, and Chinese eastward;--the Scythians, Celts, and Tartars northward;--and the Goths, Greeks, and Latins westward, even as far as the Peruvians and Mexicans of South America, and the Indians of North America.
102. Here it can be noted that the migrations of Abraham and his sons demonstrate how the earth gradually became populated. During that time, some cities had been established, and the surrounding lands were cultivated to some degree; however, large areas of unoccupied land remained between them. A portion of society led a pastoral lifestyle, moving their herds and forming large family groups, where the parent was the leader, holding both political and religious authority. They camped wherever they found fertile land that was unclaimed. Some of these nomadic tribes seemed to circle the same area, often not straying far from their original homes, which likely would have been the case for Abraham had he not received a divine call to move to a distant land. Others were more adventurous, following rivers and fertile valleys, eventually settling down to build cities in those far-off places. Meanwhile, some, either due to a fondness for their previous way of life or necessity, continued their pastoral activities, tracking the resources their flocks needed across the still-expanding fertile landscapes. Ongoing wars, violence, droughts, famines, and the constant growth of the population pushed these numerous, initially small groups of people into even more remote areas. Those who settled along the coast began to utilize the sea for new food sources and as a means of travel by boat to connect with other regions, trading goods from their own lands for those offered by coastal nations, whether near or far. This laid the groundwork for trade, leading to the gradual wealth and power of maritime cities. Over time, colonies were sent out by these cities using their ships, settling in even more distant and fertile lands. Thus, the migrations of the three original families originated from the central areas of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, and they successively established numerous communities—the Phoenicians, Arabians, Egyptians, Ethiopians, and Libyans to the south; the Persians, Indians, and Chinese to the east; the Scythians, Celts, and Tartars to the north; and the Goths, Greeks, and Latins to the west, reaching as far as the Peruvians and Mexicans in South America and the Native Americans in North America.
3. Abraham, knowing the dissolute character of the Egyptians, directed Sarah to call herself his sister, which she was, although by another mother; fearing that if they knew her to be his wife, they would not only seize her, but kill him. This circumstance indicates the vicious state of morals and government in Egypt at this early period. In this affair Abraham has been blamed for want of faith in God; but it was perhaps no more than an act of common prudence, as the seraglio of the Egyptian monarch was supplied by any means, however violent and lawless. Sarah, upon the report of her beauty, was seized and taken into his harem; and God sent great plagues upon his house, which, from their extraordinary character, he concluded to be divine judgments. This led to inquiry, and on discovering that he was detaining another man’s wife by violence, he sent her back, and dismissed Abraham laden with presents.
3. Abraham, aware of the reckless nature of the Egyptians, told Sarah to say she was his sister, which she was, albeit from a different mother; he feared that if they found out she was his wife, they would not only take her but kill him. This situation highlights the corrupt morals and government in Egypt during this early time. Abraham has been criticized for lacking faith in God; however, it may have been just a sensible decision, considering the Egyptian king's harem was filled through any means, no matter how forceful and unjust. When reports of her beauty spread, Sarah was taken and brought into his harem; God sent severe plagues upon his household, which, due to their unusual nature, he realized were divine punishments. This prompted an investigation, and upon discovering that he was holding another man's wife by force, he returned her and sent Abraham away with gifts.
4. After the famine Abraham returned to Canaan, and pitched his tents between Bethel and Hai, where he had previously raised an altar. Here, as his flocks and herds, and those of Lot, had greatly increased, and strifes had arisen between their herdsmen as to pasturage and water, they peaceably separated. Lot returning to the plain of the Jordan, which before the destruction of Sodom was as “the garden of God,” and Abraham to Mamre, near Hebron, after receiving a renewal of the promise, that God would give him the whole land for a possession. The separation of Abraham and Lot still farther secured the unmingled descent of the Abrahamitic family. The territories of the kings of the cities of the plain were a few years afterward invaded by a confederacy of the petty kings of the Euphrates and the neighbouring countries, and Lot and his family were taken prisoners. This intelligence being brought to Abraham, he collected the men of his tribe, three hundred and eighteen, and falling upon the kings by night, near the fountains of Jericho, he defeated them, retook the spoil, and recovered Lot. On his return, passing near Salem, supposed to be the city afterward called Jerusalem, he was blessed by its king Melchizedec, who was priest of the most high God; so that the knowledge and worship of Jehovah had not quite departed at that time from the Canaanitish nations. To him Abraham gave a tithe of the spoil. The rest he generously restored to the king of Sodom, refusing, in a noble spirit of independence, to retain so much as a “shoe lachet,” except the portion which, by usage of war, fell to the young native sheiks, Aner, Eschal, and Mamre, who had joined him in the expedition.
4. After the famine, Abraham returned to Canaan and set up his tents between Bethel and Ai, where he had previously built an altar. As his flocks and herds, along with Lot's, had greatly increased, conflicts arose between their herdsmen over pasture and water, so they peacefully parted ways. Lot went back to the Jordan plain, which before the destruction of Sodom had been like “the garden of God,” while Abraham returned to Mamre, near Hebron, after receiving a renewal of the promise that God would give him the whole land as his possession. The separation of Abraham and Lot further ensured the pure lineage of Abraham's family. A few years later, the territories of the kings of the plains were invaded by a coalition of petty kings from the Euphrates and nearby regions, and Lot and his family were taken captive. When Abraham learned of it, he gathered the men of his tribe, three hundred and eighteen, and attacked the kings at night near the springs of Jericho, defeating them, reclaiming the goods, and rescuing Lot. On his way back, passing near Salem, which is thought to be the city later known as Jerusalem, he was blessed by its king Melchizedek, who was a priest of the Most High God, indicating that the knowledge and worship of Jehovah hadn't completely vanished from the Canaanite nations at that time. Abraham gave him a tenth of the spoils. He generously returned the rest to the king of Sodom, nobly refusing to keep even a “shoelace,” except for what was customary to be given to the local chiefs, Aner, Eschol, and Mamre, who had joined him in the mission.
5. After this he had another encouraging vision of God, Gen. xv, 1; and to his complaint that he was still childless, and that his name and property would descend to the stranger Eliezer, who held the next rank in his tribe, the promise was given, that he himself should have a son, and that his seed should be countless as the stars of heaven. And it is emphatically added, “He believed in the Lord, and he counted it to him for righteousness.” He was then fully assured, that he stood before God, a pardoned and accepted man, “whose iniquities were forgiven,” and to whom “the Lord did not impute sin.” Still the fulfilment of the promise of a son was delayed; and Sarah, perhaps despairing that it would be accomplished in her person, and the revelation which had been made merely stating that this son should be the fruit of Abraham’s body, without any reference to her, she gave to him, according to the custom of those times, one of her handmaids, an Egyptian, to be his secondary wife, who brought forth Ishmael. Children born in 11this manner had the privileges of legitimacy; but fourteen years afterward, when Abraham was a hundred years old, and Sarah ninety, the Lord appeared to him again, established his covenant with him and with his seed, changed his name to Abraham, “the father of many nations,” promised that Sarah herself should bring forth the son to whom the preceding promises had referred; instituted circumcision as the sign of the covenant; and changed the name of his wife from Sarai, my princess, to Sarah, the princess, that is, of many people to descend from her.
5. After this, he had another encouraging vision of God, Gen. xv, 1; and in response to his concern that he was still childless and that his name and property would be passed on to the outsider Eliezer, who was next in line in his tribe, the promise was given that he would have a son, and his offspring would be as numerous as the stars in the sky. It is importantly stated, “He believed in the Lord, and He credited it to him as righteousness.” He was then completely assured that he stood before God as a forgiven and accepted man, “whose sins were forgiven,” and to whom “the Lord did not count sin.” Yet the fulfillment of the promise of a son was still delayed; and Sarah, perhaps giving up hope that it would happen through her, and since the revelation only indicated that the son would come from Abraham’s body without mentioning her, she gave him one of her handmaids, an Egyptian, to be his secondary wife, who bore him Ishmael. Children born this way had the rights of legitimacy; but fourteen years later, when Abraham was a hundred years old and Sarah ninety, the Lord appeared to him again, reaffirmed His covenant with him and his descendants, changed his name to Abraham, “the father of many nations,” promised that Sarah herself would give birth to the son to whom the earlier promises referred; established circumcision as the sign of the covenant; and changed his wife’s name from Sarai, my princess, to Sarah, the princess, meaning that many people would come from her.
6. At this time Abraham occupied his former encampment near Hebron. Here, as he sat in the door of his tent, three mysterious strangers appeared. Abraham, with true Arabian hospitality, received and entertained them. The chief of the three renewed the promise of a son to be born from Sarah, a promise which she received with a laugh of incredulity, for which she was mildly reproved. As Abraham accompanied them toward the valley of the Jordan, the same divine person, for so he manifestly appears, announced the dreadful ruin impending over the licentious cities among which Lot had taken up his abode. No passage, even in the sacred writings, exhibits a more exalted view of the divine condescension than that in which Abraham is seen expostulating on the apparent injustice of involving the innocent in the ruin of the guilty: “Shall the city perish, if fifty, if forty-five, if forty, if thirty, if twenty, if ten righteous men be found within its walls?” “Ten righteous men shall avert its doom.” Such was the promise of the celestial visitant; but the guilt was universal, the ruin inevitable; and the violation of the sacred laws of hospitality and nature, which Lot in his horror attempted to avert by the most revolting expedient, confirmed the justice of the divine sentence.
6. At this time, Abraham was settled in his old camp near Hebron. As he sat at the entrance of his tent, three mysterious strangers appeared. Abraham, embodying true Arabian hospitality, welcomed and hosted them. The leader of the three renewed the promise of a son to be born from Sarah, a promise that she responded to with a laugh of disbelief, which earned her a gentle reprimand. As Abraham walked with them toward the valley of the Jordan, the same divine being, as he clearly appeared to be, revealed the terrible destruction that was about to befall the immoral cities where Lot had settled. No passage, even in the holy texts, showcases a more elevated perspective on divine mercy than in the moment when Abraham argues against the apparent injustice of punishing the innocent alongside the guilty: “Will the city be destroyed if fifty, if forty-five, if forty, if thirty, if twenty, if ten righteous men are found there?” “Ten righteous men will save it from destruction.” Such was the promise from the heavenly visitor; but the guilt was widespread, and the destruction unavoidable; and the breach of the sacred laws of hospitality and morality, which Lot in his desperation tried to prevent using the most shocking means, confirmed the justice of the divine decree.
7. Sarah having conceived, according to the divine promise, Abraham left the plain of Mamre, and went south to Gerar, where Abimelech reigned; and again fearing lest Sarah should be forced from him, and himself be put to death, her beauty having been, it would appear, preternaturally continued, notwithstanding her age, he here called her, as he had done in Egypt, his sister. Abimelech took her to his house, designing to marry her; but God having, in a dream, informed him that she was Abraham’s wife, he returned her to him with great presents. This year Sarah was delivered of Isaac; and Abraham circumcised him, according to the covenant stipulation; and when he was weaned, made a great entertainment. Sarah, having observed Ishmael, son of Hagar, mocking her son Isaac, said to Abraham, “Cast out this bondwoman and her son, for Ishmael shall not be heir with Isaac.” After great reluctance, Abraham complied; God having informed him that this was according to the appointments of his providence, with respect to future ages. About the same time, Abimelech came with Phicol, his general, to conclude an alliance with Abraham, who made that prince a present of seven ewe lambs out of his flock, in confirmation that a well he had opened should be his own property; and they called the place Beer-sheba, or “the well of swearing,” because of the covenant there ratified with oaths. Here Abraham planted a grove, built an altar, and for some time resided, Gen. xx, xxi.
7. After Sarah became pregnant, as promised by God, Abraham left the plain of Mamre and traveled south to Gerar, where Abimelech was king. Again fearing that Sarah might be taken from him and that he could be killed, he called her his sister, just as he had in Egypt. Abimelech took her into his house, intending to marry her. However, God warned him in a dream that she was Abraham’s wife, and Abimelech returned her to him with valuable gifts. That year, Sarah gave birth to Isaac, and Abraham had him circumcised in line with the covenant. Once Isaac was weaned, they held a big celebration. Noticing Ishmael, the son of Hagar, mocking her son Isaac, Sarah said to Abraham, “Send away this servant woman and her son, for Ishmael will not share the inheritance with Isaac.” After much hesitation, Abraham agreed, as God had made it clear that this was part of His plan for the future. Around the same time, Abimelech, along with his commander Phicol, came to establish a treaty with Abraham. Abraham gave Abimelech seven ewe lambs from his flock as a confirmation that the well he had dug would be his property. They named the place Beer-sheba, meaning “the well of swearing,” because of the covenant made there with oaths. There, Abraham planted a grove, built an altar, and lived there for a time, Gen. xx, xxi.
8. More than twenty years after this, (A. M. 2133,) God, for the final trial and illustration of Abraham’s faith, directed him to offer up his son Isaac. Abraham took his son, and two servants, and went toward mount Moriah. When within sight of the mountain, Abraham left his servants, and ascended it with his son only; and there having bound him, he prepared for the affecting sacrifice; but when he was about to give the blow, an angel from heaven cried out to him, “Lay not thine hand upon the lad, neither do thou any thing to him. Now I know that thou fearest God, since thou hast not withheld thine only son from me.” Abraham, turning, saw a ram entangled in the bush by his horns; and he offered this animal as a burnt offering, instead of his son Isaac. This memorable place he called by the prophetic name, Jehovah-jireh, or the Lord will see--or provide, Gen. xxii, 1–14, having respect, no doubt, to the true sacrifice which, in the fulness of time, was to be offered for the whole world upon the same mountain.
8. More than twenty years later, (A. M. 2133), God, for the ultimate test and demonstration of Abraham’s faith, commanded him to sacrifice his son Isaac. Abraham took his son and two servants and headed towards Mount Moriah. When they were close to the mountain, Abraham left his servants behind and went up the mountain with just his son. Once there, after binding Isaac, he prepared to make the heartbreaking sacrifice; but just as he was about to strike, an angel from heaven called out to him, “Do not lay a hand on the boy, and do not do anything to him. Now I know that you fear God, since you have not withheld your only son from me.” Abraham turned and saw a ram caught in the bushes by its horns; he offered this ram as a burnt offering instead of his son Isaac. He named that significant place Jehovah-jireh, meaning the Lord will see or provide, Gen. xxii, 1–14, likely referring to the true sacrifice that would eventually be made for the entire world at the same location.
9. Twelve years afterward, Sarah, wife of Abraham, died in Hebron. Abraham came to mourn and to perform the funeral offices for her. He addressed the people at the city gate, entreating them to allow him to bury his wife among them; for, being a stranger, and having no land of his own, he could claim no right of interment in any sepulchre of that country. He, therefore, bought of Ephron, one of the inhabitants, the field of Machpelah, with the cave and sepulchre in it, at the price of four hundred shekels of silver, about forty-five pounds sterling. And here Abraham buried Sarah, with due solemnities, according to the custom of the country, Gen. xxiii. This whole transaction impressively illustrates the dignity, courtesy, and honour of these ancient chiefs; and wholly disproves the notion that theirs was a rude and unpolished age.
9. Twelve years later, Sarah, Abraham's wife, died in Hebron. Abraham came to grieve and handle the funeral arrangements for her. He spoke to the people at the city gate, asking them to allow him to bury his wife among them; since he was an outsider and owned no land, he had no right to be buried in any grave in that area. He then bought the field of Machpelah, along with the cave and tomb, from Ephron, one of the locals, for four hundred shekels of silver, which is about forty-five pounds sterling. And there, Abraham buried Sarah, with due respect, according to the customs of the land, Gen. xxiii. This whole event clearly highlights the dignity, courtesy, and honor of these ancient leaders; and completely disproves the idea that they lived in a crude and unrefined time.
10. Abraham, having grown old, sent Eliezer, his steward, into Mesopotamia, with directions to obtain a young woman of his own family, as a wife for his son Isaac. Eliezer executed his commission with fidelity, and brought back Rebecca, daughter of Bethuel, grand-daughter of Nahor, and, consequently, Abraham’s niece, whom Isaac married. Abraham afterward married Keturah; by whom he had six sons, Zimran, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah; who became heads of different people, which dwelt in Arabia, and around it. He died, aged a hundred and seventy-five years, and was buried, with Sarah his wife, in the cave of Machpelah, which he had purchased of Ephron, Gen. xxiv, xxv, A. M. 2183, before Christ 1821.
10. Abraham, now old, sent Eliezer, his servant, to Mesopotamia to find a young woman from his family as a wife for his son Isaac. Eliezer faithfully carried out his task and brought back Rebecca, the daughter of Bethuel and granddaughter of Nahor, making her Abraham's niece. Isaac then married her. Later, Abraham married Keturah, with whom he had six sons: Zimran, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah. These sons became leaders of different nations in Arabia and the surrounding areas. He died at the age of 175 and was buried with his wife Sarah in the cave of Machpelah, which he had bought from Ephron. Gen. xxiv, xxv, A. M. 2183, before Christ 1821.
II. From the personal history of Abraham we may now proceed to the consideration of the TYPICAL circumstances which were connected with it.
II. From Abraham's personal history, we can now move on to consider the TYPICAL circumstances that were associated with it.
121. Abraham himself with his family may be regarded as a type of the church of God in future ages. They indeed constituted God’s ancient church. Not that many scattered patriarchal and family churches did not remain: such was that of Melchizedec; and such probably was that of Nahor, whom Abraham left behind in Mesopotamia. But a visible church relation was established between Abraham’s family and the Most High, signified by the visible and distinguishing sacrament of circumcision, and followed by new and enlarged revelations of truth. Two purposes were to be answered by this,--the preservation of the true doctrine of salvation in the world, which is the great and solemn duty of every branch of the church of God,--and the manifestation of that truth to others. Both were done by Abraham. Wherever he sojourned he built his altars to the true God, and publicly celebrated his worship; and, as we learn from St. Paul, he lived in tents in preference to settling in the land of Canaan, though it had been given to him for a possession, in order that he might thus proclaim his faith in the eternal inheritance of which Canaan was a type; and in bearing this testimony, his example was followed by Isaac and Jacob, the “heirs with him of the same promise,” who also thus “confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims,” and that “they looked” for a continuing and eternal city in heaven. So also now is the same doctrine of immortality committed to the church of Christ; and by deadness to the world ought its members to declare the reality of their own faith in it.
121. Abraham and his family can be seen as a representation of the church of God in future generations. They truly formed the ancient church of God. While there were other scattered patriarchal and family churches, like that of Melchizedek, and probably Nahor, whom Abraham left behind in Mesopotamia, a clear church relationship was established between Abraham’s family and the Most High. This was marked by the visible and distinctive practice of circumcision, followed by new and expanded revelations of truth. Two main purposes were served by this: the preservation of the true doctrine of salvation in the world, which is a fundamental duty of every branch of the church of God, and the manifestation of that truth to others. Abraham fulfilled both. Wherever he stayed, he built altars to the true God and publicly worshipped Him. As St. Paul tells us, he chose to live in tents instead of settling in Canaan, even though it was promised to him, to proclaim his belief in the eternal inheritance that Canaan represented. By doing this, he set an example that was followed by Isaac and Jacob, “heirs with him of the same promise,” who also “confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims” and “looked” for a lasting and eternal city in heaven. Similarly, today, the same doctrine of immortality is entrusted to the church of Christ, and its members should demonstrate the truth of their faith by being detached from the world.
2. The numerous natural posterity promised to Abraham was also a type of the spiritual seed, the true members of the church of Christ, springing from the Messiah, of whom Isaac was the symbol. Thus St. Paul expressly distinguishes between the fleshly and the spiritual seed of Abraham; to the latter of which, in their ultimate and highest sense, the promises of increase as the stars of heaven, and the sands of the sea shore, are to be referred, as also the promise of the heavenly Canaan.
2. The many natural descendants promised to Abraham also represent the spiritual descendants, the true members of the church of Christ, who come from the Messiah, symbolized by Isaac. St. Paul clearly differentiates between Abraham's physical and spiritual descendants; the latter, in their ultimate and highest meaning, are tied to the promises of growth like the stars in the sky and the grains of sand on the shore, as well as the promise of the heavenly Canaan.
3. The intentional offering up Isaac, with its result, was probably that transaction in which Abraham, more clearly than in any other, “saw the day of Christ, and was glad.” He received Isaac from the dead, says St. Paul, “in a figure.” This could be a figure of nothing but the resurrection of our Lord; and, if so, Isaac’s being laid upon the altar was a figure of his sacrificial death, scenically and most impressively represented to Abraham. The place, the same ridge of hills on which our Lord was crucified; the person, an only son, to die for no offence of his own; the sacrificer, a father; the receiving back, as it were, from death to life; the name impressed upon the place, importing, “the Lord will provide,” in allusion to Abraham’s own words to Isaac, “the Lord will provide a lamb for a burnt offering;” all indicate a mystery which lay deep beneath this transaction, and which Abraham, as the reward of his obedience, was permitted to behold. “The day” of Christ’s humiliation and exaltation was thus opened to him; and served to keep the great truth in mind, that the true burnt offering and sacrifice for sin was to be something higher than the immolation of lambs and bulls and goats,--nay, something more than what was merely human.
3. The deliberate sacrifice of Isaac, along with its outcome, was probably the moment when Abraham, more clearly than in any other instance, “saw the day of Christ, and was glad.” He received Isaac back from the dead, says St. Paul, “in a figure.” This could only symbolize the resurrection of our Lord; and, if that’s the case, Isaac being placed on the altar was a representation of his sacrificial death, dramatically and powerfully shown to Abraham. The place, the same ridge of hills where our Lord was crucified; the person, an only son, to die for no fault of his own; the sacrificer, a father; the receiving back, in a sense, from death to life; the name associated with the place, meaning “the Lord will provide,” referring to Abraham’s own words to Isaac, “the Lord will provide a lamb for a burnt offering;” all point to a mystery that lay deep beneath this event, which Abraham, as a reward for his obedience, was allowed to witness. “The day” of Christ’s humiliation and exaltation was thus revealed to him; and it helped him remember the important truth that the true burnt offering and sacrifice for sin had to be something greater than the killing of lambs, bulls, and goats—indeed, something beyond what was merely human.
4. The transaction of the expulsion of Hagar was also a type. It was an allegory in action, by which St. Paul teaches us to understand that the son of the bondwoman represented those who are under the law; and the child of the freewoman those who by faith in Christ are supernaturally begotten into the family of God. The bondwoman and her son being cast out, represented also the expulsion of the unbelieving Jews from the church of God, which was to be composed of true believers of all nations, all of whom, whether Jews or Gentiles, were to become “fellow heirs.”
4. The story of Hagar's expulsion also serves as a symbol. It's an allegorical action where St. Paul shows us that the son of the slave woman represents those who live under the law, while the child of the free woman represents those who, through faith in Christ, are supernaturally brought into God's family. The casting out of the slave woman and her son also signifies the removal of unbelieving Jews from the church of God, which was meant to be made up of true believers from all nations. All of these, whether Jews or Gentiles, are to become "fellow heirs."
III. But Abraham appears before us invested with a MYSTIC character, which it is of great importance rightly to understand.
III. But Abraham comes to us with a MYSTIC character, which is very important to understand correctly.
1. He is to be regarded as standing in a federal or covenant relation, not only to his natural seed, but specially and eminently to all believers. “The Gospel,” we are told by St. Paul, “was preached to Abraham, saying, In thee shall all nations be blessed.” “Abraham believed in God, and it was accounted to him for righteousness;” in other words, he was justified. A covenant of gratuitous justification through faith was made with him and his believing descendants; and the rite of circumcision, which was not confined to his posterity by Sarah, but appointed in every branch of his family, was the sign or sacrament of this covenant of grace, and so remained till it was displaced by the sacraments appointed by Christ. Wherever that sign was it declared the doctrine, and offered the grace, of this covenant--free justification by faith, and its glorious results--to all the tribes that proceeded from Abraham. This same grace is offered to us by the Gospel, who become “Abraham’s seed,” his spiritual children with whom the covenant is established, through the same faith, and are thus made “the heirs with him of the same promise.”
1. He should be seen as having a federal or covenant relationship, not just with his biological descendants, but especially and primarily with all believers. “The Gospel,” as St. Paul tells us, “was preached to Abraham, saying, In you shall all nations be blessed.” “Abraham believed in God, and it was credited to him as righteousness;” in other words, he was justified. A covenant of free justification through faith was established with him and his believing descendants; and the rite of circumcision, which wasn’t limited to his descendants through Sarah, but given to every branch of his family, was the sign or sacrament of this covenant of grace, which continued until it was replaced by the sacraments instituted by Christ. Wherever that sign was present, it declared the doctrine and offered the grace of this covenant—free justification by faith and its glorious outcomes—to all the tribes that descended from Abraham. This same grace is offered to us through the Gospel, making us “Abraham’s seed,” his spiritual children with whom the covenant is established, through the same faith, and thus we become “heirs with him of the same promise.”
2. Abraham is also exhibited to us as the representative of true believers; and in this especially, that the true nature of faith was exhibited in him. This great principle was marked in Abraham with the following characters:--An entire unhesitating belief in the word of God;--an unfaltering trust in all his promises;--a steady regard to his almighty power, leading him to overlook all apparent difficulties and impossibilities in every case where God had explicitly promised;--and habitual and cheerful and entire obedience. The Apostle has described faith in Heb. xi, 1; and that faith is seen living and acting in all its energy in Abraham.
2. Abraham is shown to us as the representative of true believers, particularly in how he demonstrates the true nature of faith. This fundamental principle is illustrated in Abraham through the following traits: a complete and unwavering belief in the word of God; a steadfast trust in all His promises; a consistent recognition of His almighty power, which allowed him to ignore any obvious difficulties and impossibilities whenever God had explicitly promised; and a regular, joyful, and total obedience. The Apostle describes faith in Heb. xi, 1, and that faith is vividly alive and active in all its strength in Abraham.
A few miscellaneous remarks are suggested by some of the circumstances of Abraham’s history:--
A few random observations come to mind based on some aspects of Abraham’s history:--
1. The ancient method of ratifying a covenant by sacrifice is illustrated in the account given in Gen. xv, 9, 10. The beasts were slain 13and divided in the midst, and the persons covenanting passed between the parts. Hence, after Abraham had performed this part of the ceremony, the symbol of the Almighty’s presence, “a smoking furnace, and a burning lamp, passed between the pieces,” verse 18, and so both parties ratified the covenant.
1. The old way of confirming a covenant through sacrifice is shown in the story found in Genesis 15:9-10. The animals were killed and cut in half, and the people making the covenant walked between the pieces. After Abraham completed this part of the ceremony, the sign of God’s presence, “a smoking furnace and a burning lamp, passed between the pieces,” verse 18, thus both parties confirmed the covenant.
2. As the beauty of Sarah, which she retained so long as quite to conceal her real age from observers, attracted so much notice as to lead to her forcible seizure, once by Pharaoh in Egypt, and again by Abimelech in Palestine, it may appear strange, that, as in the east women are generally kept in seclusion, and seldom appear without veils, she exposed herself to observation. But to this day the Arab women do not wear veils at home in their tents; and Sarah’s countenance might have been seen in the tent by some of the officers of Pharaoh and Abimelech, who reported her beauty to their masters.
2. Sarah's beauty was so striking that it effectively hid her real age from those around her, attracting so much attention that she was forcibly taken, first by Pharaoh in Egypt and then by Abimelech in Palestine. It might seem odd that, in the East where women are usually kept secluded and rarely go out without veils, she chose to expose herself to view. However, even today, Arab women don't wear veils at home in their tents, and Sarah's face could have been seen inside the tent by some of Pharaoh's and Abimelech's officials, who then reported her beauty to their leaders.
3. The intentional offering up of Isaac is not to be supposed as viewed by Abraham as an act sanctioned by the Pagan practice of human sacrifice. The immolation of human victims, particularly of that which was most precious, the favourite, the first-born child, appears to have been a common usage among many early nations, more especially the tribes by which Abraham was surrounded. It was the distinguishing rite among the worshippers of Moloch; at a later period of the Jewish history, it was practised by a king of Moab; and it was undoubtedly derived by the Carthaginians from their Phenecian ancestors on the shores of Syria. Where it was an ordinary usage, as in the worship of Moloch, it was in unison with the character of the religion, and of its deity. It was the last act of a dark and sanguinary superstition, which rose by regular gradation to this complete triumph over human nature. The god, who was propitiated by these offerings, had been satiated with more cheap and vulgar victims; he had been glutted to the full with human suffering and with human blood. In general it was the final mark of the subjugation of the national mind to an inhuman and domineering priesthood. But the Mosaic religion held human sacrifices in abhorrence; and the God of the Abrahamitic family, uniformly beneficent, had imposed no duties which entailed human suffering, had demanded no offerings which were repugnant to the better feelings of our nature. The command to offer Isaac as “a burnt offering,” was for these reasons a trial the more severe to Abraham’s faith. He must therefore have been fully assured of the divine command; and he left the mystery to be explained by God himself. His was a simple act of unhesitating obedience to the command of God; the last proof of perfect reliance on the certain accomplishment of the divine promises. Isaac, so miraculously bestowed, could be as miraculously restored; Abraham, such is the comment of the Christian Apostle, “believed that God could even raise him up from the dead.”
3. The intentional offering of Isaac should not be seen by Abraham as an act approved by the pagan practice of human sacrifice. The killing of human victims, especially the most cherished—like a favorite child or the firstborn—was a common practice among many early cultures, particularly the tribes surrounding Abraham. It was a key ritual among the worshippers of Moloch; later in Jewish history, a king of Moab practiced it, and it was certainly adopted by the Carthaginians from their Phoenician ancestors along the shores of Syria. Where it was a regular practice, as in the worship of Moloch, it aligned with the nature of their religion and its deity. It represented the culmination of a dark and bloody superstition that escalated to a complete domination over human nature. The god appeased by these sacrifices had been satisfied by more common victims; he had been filled to the brim with human suffering and blood. Generally, it marked the total subjugation of the national psyche to a cruel and controlling priesthood. However, the Mosaic religion rejected human sacrifices, and the God of Abraham’s family, who was always benevolent, imposed no duties that caused human suffering or demanded offerings that went against our better instincts. The command to offer Isaac as “a burnt offering” was, for these reasons, an even harsher test of Abraham’s faith. He must have been completely assured of the divine command, leaving the mystery to God for explanation. His act was one of simple, unwavering obedience to God’s command—the ultimate proof of his complete trust in the fulfillment of divine promises. Isaac, who had been miraculously given, could also be miraculously restored; Abraham—so the Christian Apostle notes—“believed that God could even raise him up from the dead.”
4. The wide and deep impression made by the character of Abraham upon the ancient world is proved by the reverence which people of almost all nations and countries have paid to him, and the manner in which the events of his life have been interwoven in their mythology, and their religious traditions. Jews, Magians, Sabians, Indians, and Mohammedans have claimed him as the great patriarch and founder of their several sects; and his history has been embellished with a variety of fictions. One of the most pleasing of these is the following, but it proceeds upon the supposition that he was educated in idolatry: “As Abraham was walking by night from the grotto where he was born, to the city of Babylon, he gazed on the stars of heaven, and among them on the beautiful planet Venus. ‘Behold,’ said he within himself, ‘the God and Lord of the universe!’ but the star set and disappeared, and Abraham felt that the Lord of the universe could not thus be liable to change. Shortly after, he beheld the moon at the full: ‘Lo,’ he cried, ‘the Divine Creator, the manifest Deity!’ but the moon sank below the horizon, and Abraham made the same reflection as at the setting of the evening star. All the rest of the night he passed in profound rumination; at sunrise he stood before the gates of Babylon, and saw the whole people prostrate in adoration. ‘Wondrous orb,‘ he exclaimed, ‘thou surely art the Creator and Ruler of all nature! but thou, too, hastest like the rest to thy setting!--neither then art thou my Creator, my Lord, or my God!’”
4. The significant impact that Abraham had on the ancient world is evident in the respect shown to him by people from almost all nations and cultures, and how the events of his life have been woven into their myths and religious traditions. Jews, Magians, Sabians, Indians, and Muslims have all recognized him as the great patriarch and founder of their different sects, and his story has been enhanced with various legends. One of the most interesting of these is the following, which assumes he was raised in idolatry: “As Abraham walked at night from the cave where he was born to the city of Babylon, he looked at the stars and particularly at the beautiful planet Venus. ‘Look,’ he thought to himself, ‘this is the God and Lord of the universe!’ But the star set and vanished, and Abraham realized that the Lord of the universe could not be subject to change. Soon after, he saw the full moon: ‘Look,’ he exclaimed, ‘the Divine Creator, the visible Deity!’ But the moon sank below the horizon, and Abraham made the same observation as he did with the evening star. He spent the rest of the night deep in thought; at sunrise, he stood at the gates of Babylon and saw the entire crowd bowing in worship. ‘Wondrous orb,’ he shouted, ‘you must be the Creator and Ruler of all nature! But you, too, hurry towards your setting! So you cannot be my Creator, my Lord, or my God!’”
ABRAHAMITES, reported heretical sects of the eighth and ninth centuries, charged with the Paulician errors, and some of them with idolatry. For these charges we have, however, only the word of their persecutors. Also the name of a sect in Bohemia, as late as 1782, who professed the religion of Abraham before his circumcision, and admitted no scriptures but the decalogue and the Lord’s prayer. As these were persecuted, they too were probably misrepresented, and especially as their conduct is allowed to have been good, even by their enemies.
ABRAHAMITES were heretical groups from the eighth and ninth centuries, accused of following Paulician beliefs, and some were also charged with idolatry. However, we only have the claims of their persecutors regarding these accusations. The term also refers to a group in Bohemia as late as 1782, who practiced the religion of Abraham before his circumcision and accepted no scriptures except for the Ten Commandments and the Lord’s Prayer. Since they faced persecution, they were likely misrepresented, especially since even their enemies acknowledged that their behavior was good.
ABSALOM, the son of David by Maachah, daughter of the king of Geshur; distinguished for his fine person, his vices, and his unnatural rebellion. Of his open revolt, his conduct in Jerusalem, his pursuit of the king his father, his defeat and death, see 2 Sam. xvi-xviii, at large.
ABSALOM, David's son by Maachah, the daughter of the king of Geshur; known for his good looks, his flaws, and his unnatural rebellion. For details about his open revolt, his actions in Jerusalem, his pursuit of his father the king, his defeat, and his death, see 2 Sam. xvi-xviii for more information.
ABSOLUTION, in the church of Rome, is a sacrament, in which the priests assume the power of forgiving sins. The rite of absolution in the church of England is acknowledged to be declarative only--“Almighty God hath given power and commandment to his ministers to declare and pronounce to his people, being penitent, the absolution and remission of their sins: He pardoneth,” &c. In this view it is innocent; and although any private Christian has a right to declare and pronounce the same doctrine to his neighbour, the official publication of the grace of the Gospel is the public duty of its ministers in the congregation, since they are Christ’s “ambassadors.”
ABSOLUTION, in the Roman Catholic Church, is a sacrament where priests have the authority to forgive sins. In the Church of England, the rite of absolution is recognized as merely declarative—“Almighty God has given power and commandment to his ministers to declare and pronounce to his people, who are penitent, the absolution and remission of their sins: He pardons,” etc. From this perspective, it is harmless; and while any individual Christian has the right to share the same message with their neighbor, the official proclaiming of the grace of the Gospel is the public responsibility of the ministers within the congregation, as they are Christ’s “ambassadors.”
ABSTINENCE, forbearance of any thing 14It is generally used with reference to forbearance from food under a religious motive. The Jewish law ordained that the priests should abstain from the use of wine during the whole time of their being employed in the service of the temple, Lev. x, 9. The same abstinence was enjoined upon the Nazarites, during the time of their Nazariteship, or separation, Num. vi, 3. The Jews were commanded to abstain from several sorts of animals. See Animal.
ABSTINENCE refers to refraining from something 14It is usually about forgoing food for religious reasons. The Jewish law required priests to avoid wine completely while serving in the temple, Lev. x, 9. The same restriction was placed on the Nazarites during their period of separation, Num. vi, 3. The Jews were instructed to refrain from certain types of animals. See Pet.
The fat of all sorts of animals that were sacrificed was forbidden to be eaten, Lev. iii, 17; vii, 23; and the blood of every animal, in general, was prohibited under pain of death. Indeed blood was forbidden by the Creator, from the time of the grant of the flesh of beasts to man for food; this prohibition was continued under the Jewish economy, and transmitted to the Christian church by Apostolic authority, Acts xv, 28, 29. (See Blood.) The Jews also abstained from the sinew which is upon the hollow of the thigh, Gen. xxxii, 25; because of the shrinking of the sinew of Jacob’s thigh when touched by the angel, as though by that the part had been made sacred.
The fat from all kinds of sacrificed animals was not allowed to be eaten, Lev. iii, 17; vii, 23; and the blood of every animal was generally prohibited under penalty of death. In fact, blood was banned by the Creator from the time humans were given the flesh of animals for food; this prohibition continued under Jewish law and was passed down to the Christian church by Apostolic authority, Acts xv, 28, 29. (See Blood.) The Jews also refrained from eating the sinew located on the hollow of the thigh, Gen. xxxii, 25, because of Jacob’s thigh sinew shrinking when the angel touched it, making that part seem sacred.
Among the primitive Christians, some denied themselves the use of such meats as were prohibited by the law; others treated this abstinence with contempt. St. Paul has given his decision on these questions in his epistles, 1 Cor. viii, 7–10; Rom. xiv, 1–3. The council of Jerusalem, which was held by the Apostles, enjoined the Christian converts to abstain from meats strangled, from blood, from fornication, and from idolatry, Acts xv, 20.
Among early Christians, some refrained from eating meat that the law prohibited, while others dismissed this abstinence as unimportant. St. Paul addressed these issues in his letters, specifically in 1 Cor. viii, 7–10; Rom. xiv, 1–3. The council of Jerusalem, convened by the Apostles, instructed Christian converts to avoid eating strangled animals, consuming blood, engaging in fornication, and participating in idolatry, as noted in Acts xv, 20.
The spiritual monarchy of the western world introduced another sort of abstinence which may be termed ritual, and which consists in abstaining from particular meats at certain times and seasons, the rules of which are called rogations. The ancient Lent was observed only a few days before Easter. In the course of the third century, it extended at Rome to three weeks; and before the middle of the succeeding age, it was prolonged to six weeks, and began to be called quadragesima, or the forty days’ fast.
The spiritual monarchy of the Western world introduced a different kind of abstinence known as ritual, which involves avoiding specific meats during certain times and seasons, with the guidelines referred to as rogations. The original Lent was observed just a few days before Easter. By the third century, it had extended to three weeks in Rome; and by the middle of the following century, it was stretched to six weeks and started being called quadragesima, or the forty days' fast.
ABYSS, or DEEP, ἄβυσσος, without bottom. The chaos; the deepest parts of the sea; and, in the New Testament, the place of the dead, Rom. x, 7; a deep place of punishment. The devils besought Jesus that he would not send them into the abyss, a place they evidently dreaded, Luke viii, 31; where it seems to mean that part of Hades in which wicked spirits are in torment. See Hell.
ABYSS, or DEEP, ἄβυσσος, bottomless. The chaos; the deepest parts of the ocean; and, in the New Testament, the realm of the dead, Rom. x, 7; a profound place of punishment. The demons pleaded with Jesus not to send them into the abyss, which they clearly feared, Luke viii, 31; where it appears to refer to that part of Hades where evil spirits are suffering. See Hell.
In the opinion of the ancient Hebrews, and of the generality of eastern people at this day, the abyss, the sea, or waters, encompassed the whole earth. This was supposed to float upon the abyss, of which it covered a small part. According to the same notion, the earth was founded on the waters, or at least its foundations were on the abyss beneath, Psalm xxiv, 2; cxxxvi, 6. Under these waters, and at the bottom of this abyss, they represented the wicked as groaning, and suffering the punishment of their sin. The Rephaim were confined there, those old giants, who, whilst living, caused surrounding nations to tremble, Prov. ix, 18; xxi, 16, &c. Lastly, in these dark dungeons the kings of Tyre, Babylon, and Egypt are described by the Prophets as suffering the punishment of their pride and cruelty, Isaiah xxvi, 14; Ezek. xxviii, 10, &c.
In the view of the ancient Hebrews and most people in the East today, the abyss, the sea, or waters surrounded the entire earth. It was believed that the earth floated on the abyss, covering only a small part of it. Similarly, they thought the earth was founded on the waters, or at least its foundations rested on the abyss below, Psalm xxiv, 2; cxxxvi, 6. Beneath these waters, at the bottom of the abyss, they depicted the wicked as groaning and suffering for their sins. The Rephaim, those old giants who caused fear among surrounding nations while they were alive, were confined there, Prov. ix, 18; xxi, 16, & c. Finally, in these dark dungeons, the kings of Tyre, Babylon, and Egypt are described by the Prophets as enduring punishment for their pride and cruelty, Isaiah xxvi, 14; Ezek. xxviii, 10, & c.
These depths are figuratively represented as the abodes of evil spirits, and powers opposed to God: “I saw,” says St. John, “a star fall from heaven unto the earth, and to him was given the key of the bottomless pit. And he opened the bottomless pit; and there arose a smoke out of it, as the smoke of a great furnace; and the sun and the air were darkened by reason of the smoke of the pit. And there came out of the smoke locusts upon the earth. And they had a king over them, which is the angel of the bottomless pit,” Rev. ix, 1, 2, 11. In another place, the beast is represented as ascending out of the bottomless pit, and waging war against the two witnesses of God, Rev. xi, 7. Lastly, St. John says, “I saw an angel come down from heaven, having the key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his hand. And he laid hold on the dragon, that old serpent, which is the devil, and Satan, and bound him a thousand years, and cast him into the bottomless pit, and shut him up, and set a seal upon him, that he should deceive the nations no more till the thousand years should be fulfilled: and after that he must be loosed a little season,” Rev. xx, 1–3.
These depths are figuratively described as the homes of evil spirits and forces opposed to God: “I saw,” says St. John, “a star fall from heaven to the earth, and it was given the key to the bottomless pit. And he opened the bottomless pit; and smoke rose out of it, like the smoke of a huge furnace; and the sun and the air were darkened because of the smoke from the pit. And locusts came out of the smoke onto the earth. They had a king over them, who is the angel of the bottomless pit,” Rev. ix, 1, 2, 11. In another passage, the beast is seen coming up from the bottomless pit and fighting against the two witnesses of God, Rev. xi, 7. Finally, St. John says, “I saw an angel come down from heaven, having the key to the bottomless pit and a great chain in his hand. And he seized the dragon, that ancient serpent, who is the devil and Satan, and bound him for a thousand years, and threw him into the bottomless pit, and shut him up, and placed a seal on him, so that he would not deceive the nations anymore until the thousand years were completed; after that, he must be released for a short time,” Rev. xx, 1–3.
ABYSSINIAN CHURCH, a branch of the Coptic church, in Upper Ethiopia. The Abyssinians, by the most authentic accounts, were converted to the Christian faith about the year 330; when Frumentius, being providentially raised to a high office, under the patronage of the queen of Ethiopia, and ordained bishop of that country by Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria, established Christianity, built churches, and ordained a regular clergy to officiate in them. The Abyssinian Christians themselves, indeed, claim a much higher antiquity, having a tradition, that the doctrine of Christ was first introduced among them by Queen Candace, Acts viii, 27; or even preached there by the Apostles Matthew and Bartholomew; but the former is supported by no collateral evidence, and the latter is in opposition to high authority. Some of them claim relation to the Israelites, through the queen of Sheba, so far back as the reign of Solomon.
ABYSSINIAN CHURCH, a branch of the Coptic church, in Upper Ethiopia. The Abyssinians, according to the most reliable accounts, were converted to Christianity around the year 330. This happened when Frumentius, unexpectedly promoted to a high position under the queen of Ethiopia's patronage, was ordained bishop of that country by Athanasius, the patriarch of Alexandria. He established Christianity, built churches, and set up a regular clergy to serve in them. The Abyssinian Christians themselves claim an even earlier history, holding a tradition that the message of Christ was first brought to them by Queen Candace, as mentioned in Acts viii, 27; or even preached by the Apostles Matthew and Bartholomew. However, the first claim lacks supporting evidence, while the second contradicts established authority. Some of them also claim descent from the Israelites, tracing their lineage back to the queen of Sheba during the reign of Solomon.
The Abyssinian Christians have always received their abuna, or patriarch, from Alexandria, whence they sprang, and consequently their creed is Monophysite, or Eutychian; maintaining one nature only in the person of Christ, namely, the divine, in which they considered all the properties of the humanity to be absorbed; in opposition to the Nestorians.
The Abyssinian Christians have always gotten their abuna, or patriarch, from Alexandria, their place of origin, and as a result, their belief system is Monophysite, or Eutychian; they uphold that there is only one nature in the person of Christ, specifically the divine, in which they believe all aspects of humanity are absorbed; this is in contrast to the Nestorians.
On the power of the Saracens prevailing in the east, all communication being nearly cut off between the eastern and western churches, the Abyssinian church remained unknown in Europe till nearly the close of the fifteenth century, when John II, of Portugal, accidentally hearing of the existence of such a church, sent to make inquiry. This led to a correspondence 15between the Abyssinians and the church of Rome; and Bermudes, a Portuguese, was consecrated by the pope patriarch of Ethiopia, and the Abyssinians were required to receive the Roman Catholic faith, in return for some military assistance afforded to the emperor. Instead of this, however, the emperor sent for a new patriarch from Alexandria, imprisoned Bermudes, and declared the pope a heretic.
Due to the power of the Saracens gaining ground in the east, communication between the eastern and western churches was nearly severed. The Abyssinian church remained unknown in Europe until almost the end of the fifteenth century. At that time, John II of Portugal heard of this church by chance and sent inquiries. This sparked a correspondence between the Abyssinians and the church of Rome. Bermudes, a Portuguese, was consecrated by the pope as the patriarch of Ethiopia, and the Abyssinians were asked to adopt the Roman Catholic faith in exchange for some military support for the emperor. However, instead of complying, the emperor called for a new patriarch from Alexandria, imprisoned Bermudes, and labeled the pope a heretic.
About the middle of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits attempted a mission to Abyssinia, in the hope of reducing it to the pope’s authority; but without success. In 1588 a second mission was attempted, and so far succeeded as to introduce a system of persecution, which cost many lives, and caused many troubles to the empire. In the following century, however, the Jesuits were all expelled, Abyssinia returned to its ancient faith, and nothing more was heard of the church of Abyssinia, till the latter part of the last century.
About the middle of the 1500s, the Jesuits tried to start a mission in Abyssinia, hoping to bring it under the pope’s authority; but it didn’t work. In 1588, they made a second attempt, which led to a system of persecution that cost many lives and created a lot of problems for the empire. However, in the following century, the Jesuits were all expelled, Abyssinia returned to its original faith, and nothing more was said about the church of Abyssinia until the late part of the last century.
After the expulsion of the Jesuits, all Europeans were interdicted; nor does it appear that any one dared to attempt an entrance until the celebrated Mr. Bruce, by the report of his medical skill, contrived to introduce himself to the court, where he even obtained military promotion; and was in such repute, that it was with great difficulty he obtained leave to return to England.
After the Jesuits were expelled, all Europeans were banned from entering; it seems no one risked trying to get in until the famous Mr. Bruce, known for his medical expertise, managed to gain access to the court, where he even received a military promotion. He became so well-regarded that it was very challenging for him to get permission to return to England.
Encouraged, perhaps, by this circumstance, the Moravian brethren attempted a mission to this country, but in vain. They were compelled to retreat to Grand Cairo, from whence, by leave of the patriarch, they visited the Copts at Behrusser, and formed a small society; but in 1783, they were driven thence, and compelled to return to Europe. More recently, however, the late king of Abyssinia (Itsa Takley Gorges) addressed a letter to Mr. Salt, the British consul in Egypt, and requested copies of some parts of both the Old and New Testaments. Copies of the Psalms, in Ethiopic, as printed by the British and Foreign Bible Society, were also sent to him.
Encouraged, perhaps, by this situation, the Moravian brothers tried to start a mission in this country, but it was unsuccessful. They had to retreat to Grand Cairo, where, with permission from the patriarch, they visited the Copts at Behrusser and formed a small community. However, in 1783, they were driven out and forced to return to Europe. More recently, the late king of Abyssinia (Itsa Takley Gorges) wrote a letter to Mr. Salt, the British consul in Egypt, asking for copies of certain parts of both the Old and New Testaments. Copies of the Psalms, in Ethiopic, as printed by the British and Foreign Bible Society, were also sent to him.
ACADEMICS, a name given to such philosophers as adopted the doctrines of Plato. They were so called from the Academia, a grove near Athens, where they frequently indulged their contemplations. Academia is said to derive its name from one Academus, a god or hero so called. Thus Horace,--
ACADEMICS, a term used for philosophers who embraced Plato's teachings. They got their name from the Academia, a grove near Athens where they often engaged in deep thought. The name Academia is believed to come from Academus, a god or hero of that name. So Horace,--
The academics are divided into those of the first academy, who taught the doctrines of Plato in their original purity; those of the second or middle academy, who differed materially from the first, and inclined to skepticism; and those of the new academy. The middle school laid it down as a principle, that neither our senses, nor our reason, are to be trusted; but that in common affairs we are to conform to received opinions. The new academy maintained that we have no means of distinguishing truth, and that the most evident appearances may lead us into error; they granted the wise man opinion, but denied him certainty. They held, however, that it was best to follow the greatest probability, which was sufficient for all the useful purposes of life, and laid down rules for the attainment of felicity. The difference betwixt the middle academy and the new seems to have been this, that though they agreed in the imbecility of human nature, yet the first denied that probabilities were of any use in the pursuit of happiness; and the latter held them to be of service in such a design: the former recommended a conformity with received opinions, and the latter allowed men an opinion of their own. In the first academy, Speusippus filled the chair; in the second, Arcesilaus; and in the new or third academy, Carneades.
The scholars are split into three groups: those from the first academy, who taught Plato's ideas in their original form; those from the second or middle academy, who significantly disagreed with the first and leaned toward skepticism; and those from the new academy. The middle school established the principle that we can't fully trust our senses or reason, and that in everyday matters, we should go along with accepted beliefs. The new academy argued that we have no way to truly identify truth, and that even the most obvious appearances can lead us astray; they acknowledged the wise person's opinions but rejected the idea of certainty. However, they believed it was best to follow the highest probabilities, which were adequate for all practical needs in life, and they set out guidelines for achieving happiness. The key difference between the middle academy and the new one seems to be that, while both recognized the limitations of human nature, the former denied that probabilities were useful for pursuing happiness, whereas the latter argued they could help with this goal: the former suggested sticking to accepted beliefs, while the latter encouraged individuals to have their own opinions. In the first academy, Speusippus held the position of leader; in the second, it was Arcesilaus; and in the new or third academy, it was Carneades.
ACCAD, one of the four cities built by Nimrod, the founder of the Assyrian empire. (See Nimrod.) “And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar,” Gen. x, 10. Thus it appears that Accad was contemporary with Babylon, and was one of the first four great cities of the world.
ACCAD, one of the four cities established by Nimrod, the founder of the Assyrian empire. (See Nimrod.) “And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar,” Gen. x, 10. This indicates that Accad existed at the same time as Babylon and was one of the first four major cities in the world.
It would scarcely be expected that any thing should now remain to guide us in our search for this ancient city, seeing that Babylon itself, with which it was coeval, is reduced to heaps; and that it is not mentioned under its ancient name by any profane author. But the discoveries of modern travellers may be brought to aid us in our inquiry. At the distance of about six miles from the modern town of Bagdad, is found a mound, surmounted by a tower-shaped ruin, called by the Arabs Tell Nimrood, and by the Turks Nemrood Tepasse; both terms implying the Hill of Nimrod. This gigantic mass rises in an irregularly pyramidal or turreted shape, according to the view in which it is taken, one hundred and twenty-five or one hundred and thirty feet above the gently inclined elevation on which it stands. Its circumference, at the bottom, is three hundred feet. The mound which constitutes its foundation is composed of a collection of rubbish, formed from the decay of the superstructure; and consists of sandy earth, fragments of burnt brick, pottery, and hard clay, partially vitrified. In the remains of the tower, the different layers of sun-dried brick, of which it is composed, may be traced with great precision. These bricks, cemented together by slime, and divided into courses varying from twelve to twenty feet in height, are separated from one another by a stratum of reeds, similar to those now growing in the marshy parts of the plain, and in a wonderful state of preservation. The resemblance of this mode of building to that in some of the structures at Babylon, cannot escape observation; and we may reasonably conclude it to be the workmanship of the same architects. The solidity and the loftiness of this pile, unfashioned to any other purpose, bespeak it to be one of those enormous pyramidal towers which were consecrated to the Sabian worship; which, as essential to their religious rites, were probably erected in all the early cities of the Cuthites; and, like their prototype at Babylon, answered the double purpose of altars and observatories. 16Here then was the site of one of these early cities. It was not Babylon; it was not Erech; it was not Calneh. It might be too much to say that therefore it must be Accad; but the inference is at least warrantable; which is farther strengthened by the name of the place, Akarkouff; which bears a greater affinity to that of Accad than many others which are forced into the support of geographical speculations, especially when it is recollected that the Syrian name of the city was Achar.
It’s hard to believe that anything remains to help us find this ancient city, especially since Babylon, which existed at the same time, has turned to rubble and isn't mentioned by any historical author under its original name. However, the discoveries made by modern travelers can help us in our quest. About six miles from the modern town of Baghdad, there is a mound topped with a tower-like ruin, known by the Arabs as Tell Nimrood and by the Turks as Nemrood Tepasse; both names mean the Hill of Nimrod. This huge structure rises to about 125 or 130 feet above the gently sloping ground it sits on, taking on a pyramidal or turreted shape depending on the perspective. Its base has a circumference of 300 feet. The mound that forms its foundation consists of debris from the collapsing upper structure, made up of sandy soil, bits of burnt brick, pottery, and hard clay that is partially turned to glass. Within the remains of the tower, the different layers of sun-dried brick are clearly visible. These bricks, held together by mud and arranged in courses ranging from 12 to 20 feet in height, are separated by layers of reeds similar to what still grows in the marshy areas of the plain, and they are surprisingly well preserved. The similarity between this style of construction and some buildings in Babylon is striking, leading us to reason that they were built by the same architects. The strength and height of this structure, not designed for any other purpose, suggest it was one of those massive pyramidal towers dedicated to the Sabian worship. These towers were likely erected in all the early cities of the Cuthites, serving dual purposes as altars and observatories, much like its counterpart in Babylon. 16So, here was the location of one of these ancient cities. It wasn’t Babylon; it wasn’t Erech; it wasn’t Calneh. It may be a stretch to say that it must therefore be Accad, but this conclusion at least makes sense, and it’s further supported by the name of the place, Akarkouff, which is closer to Accad than many other names used in geographical theories, especially considering that the Syrian name for the city was Achar.
ACCESS, free admission, open entrance. Our access to God is by Jesus Christ, the way, the truth, and the life, Rom. v, 2; Eph. ii, 18. Under the law, the high priest alone had access into the holiest of all; but when the veil of the temple was rent in twain, at the death of Christ, it was declared that a new and living way of access was laid open through the veil, that is to say, his flesh. By his death, also, the middle wall of partition was broken down, and Jew and Gentile had both free access to God; whereas, before, the Gentiles had no nearer access in the temple worship than to the gate of the court of Israel. Thus the saving grace and lofty privileges of the Gospel are equally bestowed upon true believers of all nations.
ACCESS, free admission, open entrance. Our access to God is through Jesus Christ, the way, the truth, and the life, Rom. v, 2; Eph. ii, 18. Under the law, only the high priest could enter the holiest of all; but when the temple's veil was torn in two at Christ's death, it showed that a new and living way to access God was opened through the veil, which is his flesh. Through his death, the dividing wall was broken down, and both Jews and Gentiles have free access to God; before, Gentiles could only get as close as the gate of the court of Israel during temple worship. Thus, the saving grace and high privileges of the Gospel are equally given to true believers from all nations.
ACCHO, afterward called Ptolemais, and now Akka by the Arabs, and Acre by the Turks. It was given to the tribe of Asher, Judges i, 31. Christianity was planted here at an early period, and here St. Paul visited the saints in his way to Jerusalem, Acts xxi, 7. It is a seaport of Palestine, thirty miles south of Tyre, and, in the first partition of the holy land, belonged to the tribe of Asher; but this was one of the places out of which the Israelites could not drive the primitive inhabitants. In succeeding times it was enlarged by the first Ptolemy, to whose lot it fell, and who named it after himself, Ptolemais.
ACCHO, later called Ptolemais, and now known as Akka by the Arabs and Acre by the Turks. It was assigned to the tribe of Asher, Judges i, 31. Christianity was established here early on, and it was where St. Paul visited the believers on his way to Jerusalem, Acts xxi, 7. This seaport of Palestine is located thirty miles south of Tyre and, during the initial division of the holy land, was part of the territory of the tribe of Asher; however, it was one of the places from which the Israelites couldn't expel the original inhabitants. Over time, it was expanded by the first Ptolemy, who it belonged to and named it after himself, Ptolemais.
This city, now called Acre, which, from the convenience of its port, is one of the most considerable on the Syrian coast, was, during almost two centuries, the principal theatre of the holy wars, and the frequent scene of the perfidies and treacheries of the crusaders.
This city, now known as Acre, is one of the most important cities on the Syrian coast due to the convenience of its port. For nearly two centuries, it was the main stage for the holy wars and was often a backdrop for the betrayals and deceit of the crusaders.
Among its antiquities, Dr. E. D. Clarke describes the remains of a very considerable edifice, exhibiting a conspicuous appearance among the buildings on the north side of the city. “In this structure the style of the architecture is of the kind we call Gothic. Perhaps it has on that account borne among our countrymen the appellation of ‘King Richard’s Palace,’ although, in the period to which the tradition refers, the English were hardly capable of erecting palaces, or any other buildings of equal magnificence. Two lofty arches, and part of the cornice, are all that now remain to attest the former greatness of the superstructure. The cornice, ornamented with enormous stone busts, exhibiting a series of hideous distorted countenances, whose features are in no instances alike, may either have served as allusions to the decapitation of St. John, or were intended for a representation of the heads of Saracens suspended as trophies upon the walls.” Maundrell and Pococke consider this building to have been the church of St. Andrew; but Dr. E. D. Clarke thinks it was that of St. John, erected by the Knights of Jerusalem, whence the city changed its name of Ptolemais for that of St. John d’Acre. He also considers the style of architecture to be in some degree the original of our ornamented Gothic, before its translation from the holy land to Italy, France, and England.
Among its historical sites, Dr. E. D. Clarke describes the remains of a significant building that stands out among the structures on the north side of the city. “This building features a style of architecture we refer to as Gothic. Perhaps that’s why it’s commonly known among our countrymen as 'King Richard’s Palace,' even though during the time the tradition mentions, the English were scarcely capable of constructing palaces or any other buildings of similar grandeur. Only two tall arches and part of the cornice remain to testify to the former grandeur of the structure. The cornice, adorned with large stone busts displaying a series of grotesque, twisted faces, none of which are alike, may have referenced the beheading of St. John, or were meant to represent the heads of Saracens displayed as trophies on the walls.” Maundrell and Pococke believe this building was the church of St. Andrew; however, Dr. E. D. Clarke thinks it was the church of St. John, built by the Knights of Jerusalem, which is why the city changed its name from Ptolemais to St. John d’Acre. He also believes the architectural style is somewhat the precursor to our embellished Gothic style before it was brought from the Holy Land to Italy, France, and England.
Mr. Buckingham, who visited Acre in 1816, says, “Of the Canaanitish Accho it would be thought idle perhaps to seek for remains; yet some presented themselves to my observation so peculiar in form and materials, and of such high antiquity, as to leave no doubt in my own mind of their being the fragments of buildings constructed in the earliest ages.
Mr. Buckingham, who visited Acre in 1816, says, “It might seem pointless to look for remains of the Canaanite Accho; however, I did notice some that were so unique in shape and materials, and so ancient, that I have no doubt they are pieces of structures built in the earliest times."
“Of the splendour of Ptolemais, no perfect monument remains; but throughout the town are seen shafts of red and grey granite, and marble pillars. The Saracenic remains are only to be partially traced in the inner walls of the town; which have themselves been so broken down and repaired, as to leave little visible of the original work; and all the mosques, fountains, bazaars, and other public buildings, are in a style rather Turkish than Arabic, excepting only an old, but regular and well-built khan or caravanserai, which might perhaps be attributed to the Saracen age. The Christian ruins are altogether gone, scarcely leaving a trace of the spot on which they stood.”
“Of the splendor of Ptolemais, no perfect monument remains; but throughout the town, you can see pillars made of red and gray granite, along with marble columns. The remnants of the Saracenic period can only be partially seen in the inner walls of the town, which have been so broken down and repaired that very little of the original work is visible. All the mosques, fountains, bazaars, and other public buildings are styled more Turkish than Arabic, with the exception of an old, but well-constructed khan or caravanserai, which may belong to the Saracen era. The Christian ruins have completely disappeared, leaving hardly a trace of where they once stood.”
Acre has been rendered famous in our own times by the successful resistance made by our countryman Sir Sydney Smith, aided by the celebrated Djezzar Pasha, to the progress of the French under Buonaparte. Since this period, the fortifications have been considerably increased; and although to the eye of an engineer they may still be very defective, Acre may be considered as the strongest place in Palestine.
Acre has become well-known in our time due to the successful defense mounted by our compatriot Sir Sydney Smith, with the help of the famous Djezzar Pasha, against the advances of the French under Napoleon. Since then, the fortifications have been significantly improved; and although they may still appear quite inadequate to an engineer, Acre can be seen as the strongest location in Palestine.
Mr. Conner says, on the authority of the English consul, that there are about ten thousand inhabitants in Acre, of whom three thousand are Turks, and the remainder Christians, chiefly Catholics.
Mr. Conner states, based on information from the English consul, that there are around ten thousand people living in Acre, including three thousand Turks and the rest being Christians, mostly Catholics.
ACCUBATION, the posture used at table by the ancients. The old Romans sat at meat as we do, till the Grecian luxury and softness had corrupted them. The same custom, of lying upon couches at their entertainments, prevailed among the Jews also in our Saviour’s time; for having been lately conquered by Pompey, they conformed in this, and in many other respects, to the example of their masters. The manner of lying at meat among the Romans, Greeks, and more modern Jews, was the same in all respects. The table was placed in the middle of the room, around which stood three couches covered with cloth or tapestry, according to the quality of the master of the house; upon these they lay, inclining the superior part of their bodies upon their left arms, the lower part being stretched out at full length, or a little bent. Their heads were supported and raised with pillows. The first man lay at the head of the couch; the next man lay with his head toward the feet of the other, from 17which he was defended by the bolster that supported his own back, commonly reaching over to the middle of the first man; and the rest after the same manner. The most honourable place was the middle couch--and the middle of that. Favourites commonly lay in the bosom of their friends; that is, they were placed next below them: see John xiii, 23, where St. John is said to have lain in our Saviour’s bosom. The ancient Greeks sat at the table; for Homer observes that when Ulysses arrived at the palace of Alcinous, the king dispatched his son Laodamas to seat Ulysses in a magnificent chair. The Egyptians sat at table anciently, as well as the Romans, till toward the end of the Punic war, when they began to recline at table.
ACCUBATION, the way the ancients used to sit at the table. The old Romans ate as we do today until Grecian luxury and comfort began to change them. The same practice of lying on couches during meals was also common among the Jews in the time of our Savior; after being conquered by Pompey, they started to adopt this and many other customs from their conquerors. The way of lying down to eat among the Romans, Greeks, and later Jews was quite similar. The table was set in the center of the room, surrounded by three couches covered with cloth or tapestry, depending on the status of the host. They would recline, leaning the upper part of their bodies on their left arms, while stretching out their legs fully or slightly bent. They supported their heads with pillows. The host reclined at the head of the couch, with the next person lying with their head toward the other’s feet, separated by the bolster that supported their own back, usually extending to the middle of the first person; the others followed the same arrangement. The most honored position was the middle couch--and the middle of that. Close friends often reclined in the middle of their friends, meaning they were placed just below them: see John xiii, 23, where St. John is said to have reclined in our Savior’s bosom. The ancient Greeks sat at the table; as noted by Homer, when Ulysses reached the palace of Alcinous, the king sent his son Laodamas to seat him in a magnificent chair. The Egyptians also sat at table in ancient times, just like the Romans, until around the end of the Punic War when they started to recline as well.
ACCURSED, in the Scriptures, signifies that which is separated or devoted. With regard to persons, it denotes the cutting off or separating any one from the communion of the church, the number of the living, or the privileges of society; and also the devoting an animal, city, or other thing to destruction. Anathema was a species of excommunication among the Jews, and was often practised after they had lost the power of life and death, against those persons who, according to the Mosaic law, ought to have been executed. A criminal, after the sentence of excommunication was pronounced, became anathema: and they had a full persuasion that the sentence would not be in vain; but that God would interfere to punish the offender in a manner similar to the penalty of the law of Moses: a man, for instance, whom the law condemned to be stoned, would, they believed, be killed by the falling of a stone upon him; a man to be hanged, would be choked; and one whom the law sentenced to the flames, would be burnt in his house, &c. Maranatha, a Syriac word, signifying the Lord cometh, was added to the sentence, to express their persuasion that the Lord God would come to take vengeance upon that guilt which they, circumstanced as they were, had not the power to punish, 1 Cor. xvi, 22.
CURSED, in the Scriptures, means that which is separated or devoted. When it comes to people, it refers to cutting someone off from the church community, the living, or the rights of society; it also means dedicating an animal, city, or other thing to destruction. Anathema was a form of excommunication among the Jews, often applied after they lost the authority to enforce capital punishment against those who, according to Mosaic law, should have been executed. Once a criminal was excommunicated, they became anathema: they strongly believed that the sentence would not go unpunished; that God would intervene to punish the offender in a way similar to the penalties set forth in the law of Moses: for example, a man condemned to be stoned would, they thought, be killed by a falling stone; a man sentenced to be hanged would suffocate; and someone who faced burning would be burned in their home, etc. Maranatha, a Syriac term meaning the Lord comes, was added to the sentence to convey their belief that the Lord God would come to take vengeance on the guilt which they, given their circumstances, could not punish, 1 Cor. xvi, 22.
According to the idiom of the Hebrew language, accursed and crucified were synonymous terms. By the Jews every one who died upon a tree was reckoned accursed, Deut. xxi, 23.
According to the saying in Hebrew, accursed and crucified meant the same thing. For the Jews, anyone who died on a tree was considered accursed, Deut. xxi, 23.
Excommunication is a kind of anathema also among some Christians; and by it the offender is deprived, not only of communicating in prayers and other holy offices, but of admittance to the church, and of conversation with the faithful. The spirit of Judaism, rather than that of the Gospel, has in this been imitated; for among the Hebrews, they who were excommunicated could not perform any public duty of their employments; could be neither judges nor witnesses; neither be present at funerals, nor circumcise their own sons, nor sit down in the company of other men, nearer than within the distance of four cubits. If they died under excommunication, they were denied the rites of burial; and a large stone was left on their graves, or a heap of stones was thrown over them, as over Achan, Joshua vii, 26. The Apostolical excommunication was simply to deny to the offender, after admonition, the right of partaking of the Lord’s Supper, which was excision from the church of Christ.
Excommunication is a form of anathema among some Christians; it means that the offender is cut off not just from participating in prayers and other holy services, but also from entering the church and interacting with other believers. This follows more of the spirit of Judaism than the Gospel; among the Hebrews, those who were excommunicated could not perform any public duties in their jobs, couldn't serve as judges or witnesses, and were excluded from funerals, could not circumcise their own sons, and had to keep a distance of at least four cubits from others. If they died while excommunicated, they were denied proper burial rites, and a large stone was placed on their graves, or a pile of stones was thrown over them, similar to what happened to Achan, as noted in Joshua 7:26. The apostolic excommunication simply meant denying the offender, after they had been warned, the right to partake in the Lord’s Supper, which was effectively cutting them off from the church of Christ.
ACELDAMA, a piece of ground without the south wall of Jerusalem, on the other side of the brook Siloam. It was called the Potter’s Field, because an earth or clay was dug in it, of which pottery was made. It was likewise called the Fuller’s Field, because cloth was dried in it. But it having been afterward bought with the money by which the high priest and rulers of the Jews purchased the blood of Jesus, it was called Aceldama, or the Field of Blood.
ACELDAMA is a piece of land located outside the south wall of Jerusalem, on the other side of the Siloam brook. It was known as the Potter’s Field because clay was taken from it to make pottery. It was also referred to as the Fuller’s Field because cloth was dried there. Later, it was purchased with the money used by the high priest and Jewish leaders to buy the blood of Jesus, so it became known as Aceldama, or the Field of Blood.
ACHAIA. This name is used to denote the whole of Greece, as it existed as a Roman province; or Achaia Proper, a district in the northern part of the Peloponnesus, on the bay of Corinth, and in which the city of that name stood. It appears to have been used in the former sense in 2 Cor. xi, 10; and in the latter, in Acts xix, 21.
ACHAIA. This term refers to all of Greece when it was a Roman province; or Achaia Proper, a region in the northern part of the Peloponnesus, along the bay of Corinth, where the city of the same name was located. It seems to have been used in the first sense in 2 Cor. xi, 10; and in the second sense, in Acts xix, 21.
ACHAN, the son of Carmi, of the tribe of Judah, who having taken a part of the spoils of Jericho, against the injunction of God, who had accursed or devoted the whole city, was, upon being taken by lot, doomed to be stoned to death. The whole history is recorded, Joshua vii. It would appear that Achan’s family were also stoned; for they were led out with him, and all his property, “And all Israel stoned him with stones, and burned them with fire, after they had stoned them with stones.” Some of the critics have made efforts to confine the stoning to Achan, and the burning to his goods; but not without violence to the text. It is probable, therefore, that his family were privy to the theft, seeing he hid the accursed things which he had stolen in the earth, in his tent. By concealment they therefore became partakers of his crime, and so the sentence was justified.
ACHAN, the son of Carmi, from the tribe of Judah, took some of the spoils from Jericho, going against God’s command, who had condemned the entire city. When selected by lot, he was sentenced to be stoned to death. The whole story is documented in Joshua 7. It seems that Achan’s family was also stoned because they were brought out with him, along with all his possessions. “And all Israel stoned him with stones, and burned them with fire, after they had stoned them with stones.” Some critics have tried to argue that the stoning was just for Achan and the burning was for his belongings, but that interpretation doesn't align with the text. It's likely that his family was aware of the theft since he hid the cursed items he stole in the ground inside his tent. By hiding them, they became complicit in his crime, justifying the sentence.
ACHMETHA. See Ecbatana.
ACHMETHA. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
ACHOR, Valley of, between Jericho and Ai. So called from the trouble brought upon the Israelites by the sin of Achan; Achor in the Hebrew denoting trouble.
ACHOR, Valley of, between Jericho and Ai. So named because of the trouble caused to the Israelites by Achan's sin; Achor in Hebrew means trouble.
ACHZIB, a city on the coast of the Mediterranean, in the tribe of Asher, and one of the cities out of which that tribe did not expel the inhabitants, Judges i, 31. It was called Ecdippa by the Greeks, and is at present termed Zib. It is situated about ten miles north of Accho, or Ptolemais. Mr. Buckingham, who passed by this place, says that it is small, and situated on a hill near the sea; having a few palm trees rearing themselves above its dwellings.
ACHZIB is a city on the Mediterranean coast, in the tribe of Asher, and one of the cities that tribe didn't drive out the inhabitants from, Judges i, 31. The Greeks called it Ecdippa, and today it's known as Zib. It's located about ten miles north of Accho, or Ptolemais. Mr. Buckingham, who visited this place, describes it as small and perched on a hill near the sea, with a few palm trees standing taller than the houses.
ACRA, Ἄκρα. This Greek word signifies, in general, a citadel. The Syrians and Chaldeans use הקרא, in the same sense. King Antiochus gave orders for building a citadel at Jerusalem, north of the temple, on an eminence, which commanded the holy place; and for that reason was called Acra. Josephus says, that this eminence was semicircular, and that Simon Maccabæus, having expelled the Syrians, who had seized Acra, demolished it, and spent three years in levelling the mountain on which it stood; that no situation in future should command the temple. On mount Acra were afterward built, the palace of Helena; Agrippa’s palace, the place where the public records were 18lodged; and that where the magistrates of Jerusalem assembled.
ACRA, Ἄκρα. This Greek word generally means a citadel. The Syrians and Chaldeans use Read in the same way. King Antiochus ordered the construction of a citadel at Jerusalem, north of the temple, on a hill that overlooked the holy place; that’s why it was called Acra. Josephus states that this hill was semicircular, and that Simon Maccabæus, after driving out the Syrians who had taken Acra, destroyed it and spent three years leveling the mountain it was on so that no future position could overlook the temple. On mount Acra, later, Helena’s palace was built, along with Agrippa’s palace, where the public records were kept, and where the magistrates of Jerusalem met. 18
ACRABATENE, a district of Judæa, extending between Shechem (now Napolose) and Jericho, inclining east. It was about twelve miles in length. The Acrabatene had its name from a place called Akrabbim, about nine miles from Shechem, eastward. This was also the name of another district of Judea on the frontier of Idumea, toward the northern extremity of the Dead Sea.
ACRABATENE is a district in Judea that stretches between Shechem (now known as Napolose) and Jericho, leaning to the east. It's roughly twelve miles long. The name Acrabatene comes from a location called Akrabbim, which is about nine miles east of Shechem. This was also the name of another area in Judea near the border of Idumea, toward the northern edge of the Dead Sea.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. This book, in the very beginning, professes itself to be a continuation of the Gospel of St. Luke; and its style bespeaks it to be written by the same person. The external evidence is also very satisfactory; for besides allusions in earlier authors, and particularly in Clement of Rome, Polycarp, and Justin Martyr, the Acts of the Apostles are not only quoted by Irenæus, as written by Luke the evangelist, but there are few things recorded in this book which are not mentioned by that ancient father. This strong testimony in favour of the genuineness of the Acts of the Apostles is supported by Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Jerome, Eusebius, Theodoret, and most of the later fathers. It may be added, that the name of St. Luke is prefixed to this book in several ancient Greek manuscripts of the New Testament, and also in the old Syriac version.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. This book, from the very start, claims to be a continuation of the Gospel of St. Luke, and its writing style suggests it's by the same author. The external evidence is also quite strong; besides references in earlier writings, especially by Clement of Rome, Polycarp, and Justin Martyr, the Acts of the Apostles are quoted by Irenæus as authored by Luke the evangelist, and few details in this book are not addressed by that early church father. This solid support for the authenticity of the Acts of the Apostles is backed by Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Jerome, Eusebius, Theodoret, and most of the later church fathers. Additionally, the name of St. Luke is included at the beginning of this book in several ancient Greek manuscripts of the New Testament, as well as in the old Syriac version.
2. This is the only inspired work which gives us any historical account of the progress of Christianity after our Saviour’s ascension. It comprehends a period of about thirty years, but it by no means contains a general history of the church during that time. The principal facts recorded in it are, the choice of Matthias to be an Apostle in the room of the traitor Judas; the descent of the Holy Ghost on the day of pentecost; the preaching, miracles, and sufferings of the Apostles at Jerusalem; the death of Stephen, the first martyr; the persecution and dispersion of the Christians; the preaching of the Gospel in different parts of Palestine, especially in Samaria; the conversion of St. Paul; the call of Cornelius, the first Gentile convert; the persecution of the Christians by Herod Agrippa; the preaching of Paul and Barnabas to the Gentiles, by the express command of the Holy Ghost; the decree made at Jerusalem, declaring that circumcision, and a conformity to other Jewish rites and ceremonies, were not necessary in Gentile converts; and the latter part of the book is confined to the history of St. Paul, of whom St. Luke was the constant companion for several years.
2. This is the only inspired work that provides us with any historical account of the development of Christianity after our Savior’s ascension. It covers a period of about thirty years, but it doesn’t claim to be a complete history of the church during that time. The main events recorded in it are the selection of Matthias to replace the traitor Judas as an Apostle; the descent of the Holy Spirit on Pentecost; the preaching, miracles, and sufferings of the Apostles in Jerusalem; the death of Stephen, the first martyr; the persecution and scattering of Christians; the preaching of the Gospel in various regions of Palestine, especially Samaria; the conversion of St. Paul; the call of Cornelius, the first Gentile convert; the persecution of Christians by Herod Agrippa; the preaching of Paul and Barnabas to the Gentiles, under the direct command of the Holy Spirit; the decree made in Jerusalem stating that circumcision and adherence to other Jewish rites and ceremonies were not required for Gentile converts; and the latter part of the book focuses on the history of St. Paul, who was the constant companion of St. Luke for several years.
3. As this account of St. Paul is not continued beyond his two years’ imprisonment at Rome, it is probable that this book was written soon after his release, which happened in the year 63; we may therefore consider the Acts of the Apostles as written about the year 64.
3. Since this account of St. Paul doesn't go beyond his two years of imprisonment in Rome, it's likely that this book was written shortly after his release, which occurred in the year 63; so we can think of the Acts of the Apostles as having been written around the year 64.
4. The place of its publication is more doubtful. The probability appears to be in favour of Greece, though some contend for Alexandria in Egypt. This latter opinion rests upon the subscriptions at the end of some Greek manuscripts, and of the copies of the Syriac version; but the best critics think, that these subscriptions, which are also affixed to other books of the New Testament, deserve but little weight; and in this case they are not supported by any ancient authority.
4. The location of its publication is uncertain. It's likely that it was published in Greece, although some argue for Alexandria in Egypt. This latter view is based on the notes at the end of some Greek manuscripts and copies of the Syriac version. However, most experts believe these notes, which are also found in other New Testament books, carry little significance, and in this case, they lack support from any ancient sources.
5. It must have been of the utmost importance in the early times of the Gospel, and certainly not of less importance to every subsequent age, to have an authentic account of the promised descent of the Holy Ghost, and of the success which attended the first preachers of the Gospel both among the Jews and Gentiles. These great events completed the evidence of the divine mission of Christ, established the truth of the religion which he taught, and pointed out in the clearest manner the comprehensive nature of the redemption which he purchased by his death.
5. It must have been extremely important in the early days of the Gospel, and definitely remains important for every age that followed, to have a reliable account of the promised arrival of the Holy Spirit and the success that the first preachers of the Gospel experienced among both Jews and Gentiles. These significant events served as strong evidence of Christ's divine mission, confirmed the truth of the religion he taught, and clearly demonstrated the all-encompassing nature of the redemption he secured through his death.
Œcumenius calls the Acts, the “Gospel of the Holy Ghost;” and St. Chrysostom, the “Gospel of our Saviour’s resurrection,” or the Gospel of Jesus Christ risen from the dead. Here, in the lives and preaching of the Apostles, we have the most miraculous instances of the power of the Holy Ghost; and in the account of those who were the first believers, we have received the most excellent pattern of the true Christian life.
Œcumenius refers to the Acts as the “Gospel of the Holy Spirit,” and St. Chrysostom calls it the “Gospel of our Savior’s resurrection,” or the Gospel of Jesus Christ risen from the dead. In the lives and teachings of the Apostles, we witness the most miraculous examples of the power of the Holy Spirit; and in the accounts of the first believers, we find the best example of true Christian living.
ADAM, the name given to man in general, both male and female in the Hebrew Scriptures, Gen. i, 26, 27; v, 1, 2; xi, 5; Josh. xiv, 15; 2 Sam. vii, 19; Eccl. iii, 21; Jer. xxxii, 20; Hosea vi, 7; Zech. xiii, 7: in all which places mankind is understood; but particularly it is the name of the first man and father of the human race, created by God himself out of the dust of the earth. Josephus thinks that he was called Adam by reason of the reddish colour of the earth out of which he was formed, for Adam in Hebrew signifies red. God having made man out of the dust of the earth, breathed into him the breath of life, and gave him dominion over all the creatures of this world, Gen. i, 26, 27; ii, 7. He created him after his own image and resemblance; and having blessed him, he placed him in a delicious garden, in Eden, that he might cultivate it, and feed upon its fruits, Gen. ii, 8; but under the following injunction: “Of every tree of the garden thou mayest freely eat: but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it; for in the day thou eatest thereof, thou shalt surely die.” The first thing that Adam did after his introduction into paradise, was to give names to all the beasts and birds which presented themselves before him, Gen. ii, 19, 20.
ADAM is the term used for humanity in general, encompassing both men and women in the Hebrew Scriptures, as seen in Gen. i, 26, 27; v, 1, 2; xi, 5; Josh. xiv, 15; 2 Sam. vii, 19; Eccl. iii, 21; Jer. xxxii, 20; Hosea vi, 7; Zech. xiii, 7. In these contexts, it refers specifically to the first man and the ancestor of the human race, created by God from the dust of the earth. Josephus suggests that he was named Adam due to the reddish color of the earth from which he was formed, as "Adam" in Hebrew means red. After creating man from the dust, God breathed life into him and gave him authority over all the creatures in the world, as stated in Gen. i, 26, 27; ii, 7. God made man in His own image and likeness; after blessing him, He placed him in a beautiful garden in Eden for him to tend and enjoy its fruit, as found in Gen. ii, 8. However, there was a crucial command: “You may freely eat from every tree in the garden, but you must not eat from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, for when you eat from it, you will certainly die.” The first thing Adam did after entering paradise was to name all the animals and birds that came before him, as recorded in Gen. ii, 19, 20.
But man was without a fellow creature of his own species; wherefore God said, “It is not good for man to be alone; I will make him a help meet for him.” And the Lord caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam, and while he slept, he took one of his ribs, “and closed up the flesh instead thereof;” and of that substance which he took from man made he a woman, whom he presented to him. Then said Adam, “This is now bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh: she shall be called woman, because she was taken out of man,” Gen. ii, 21, &c.
But man was alone without another being of his kind; so God said, “It’s not good for man to be alone; I will make a suitable partner for him.” The Lord made Adam fall into a deep sleep, and while he was asleep, He took one of Adam’s ribs and closed up the flesh after it. From that rib, He created a woman and presented her to Adam. Then Adam said, “This is now bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh; she will be called woman because she was taken out of man,” Gen. ii, 21, &c.
The woman was seduced by the tempter; 19and she seduced her husband to eat of the forbidden fruit. When called to judgment for this transgression before God, Adam attempted to cast the blame upon his wife, and the woman upon the serpent tempter. But God declared them all guilty, and punished the serpent by degradation; the woman by painful childbearing and subjection; and the man by agricultural labour and toil; of which punishments every day witnesses the fulfilment. As their natural passions now became irregular, and their exposure to accidents was great, God made a covering of skins for Adam and for his wife; and expelled them from the garden, to the country without; placing at the east of the garden cherubims and a flaming sword, which turned every way, to keep the way of the tree of life. It is not known how long Adam and his wife continued in paradise: some say, many years; others, not many days; others, not many hours. Adam called his wife’s name Eve, which signifies “the mother of all living.” Shortly after, Eve brought forth Cain, Gen. iv, 1, 2. It is believed that she had a girl at the time, and that, generally, she had twins. The Scriptures notice only three sons of Adam: Cain, Abel, and Seth; and omits daughters; except that Moses tells us, “Adam begat sons and daughters;” no doubt many. He died, aged nine hundred and thirty, B. C. 3074.
The woman was tempted by the tempter; 19 and she convinced her husband to eat the forbidden fruit. When called to account for this wrongdoing before God, Adam tried to blame his wife, and the woman blamed the serpent. But God found them all guilty and punished the serpent with degradation; the woman with painful childbirth and subservience; and the man with hard labor in agriculture. We see these punishments fulfilled every day. As their natural desires became disordered, and their risk of accidents increased, God made clothing from animal skins for Adam and his wife; and He expelled them from the garden to the outside world; placing cherubim and a flaming sword at the east of the garden, which turned in every direction to guard the way to the tree of life. It's unclear how long Adam and his wife stayed in paradise: some say many years; others, not many days; and still others, not many hours. Adam named his wife Eve, meaning “the mother of all living.” Soon after, Eve gave birth to Cain, Gen. iv, 1, 2. It’s believed she had a daughter at that time, and that she often had twins. The Scriptures mention only three sons of Adam: Cain, Abel, and Seth; and do not include daughters; except that Moses tells us, “Adam had sons and daughters;” likely many. He died at the age of nine hundred and thirty, B.C. 3074.
Upon this history, so interesting to all Adam’s descendants, some remarks may be offered.
Upon this history, which is so interesting to all of Adam's descendants, some comments can be made.
1. It is disputed whether the name Adam is derived from red earth. Sir W. Jones thinks it may be from Adim, which in Sanscrit signifies, the first. The Persians, however, denominate him Adamah, which signifies, according to Sale, red earth. The term for woman is Aisha, the feminine of Aish, man, and signifies, therefore, maness or female man.
1. It's debated whether the name Adam comes from red earth. Sir W. Jones thinks it might be from Adim, which in Sanskrit means the first. However, the Persians call him Adamah, which means, according to Sale, red earth. The term for woman is Aisha, the feminine form of Aish, which means man or female man.
2. The manner in which the creation of Adam is narrated indicates something peculiar and eminent in the being to be formed. Among the heavenly bodies the earth, and above all the various productions of its surface, vegetable and animal, however perfect in their kinds, and beautiful and excellent in their respective natures, not one being was found to whom the rest could minister instruction; inspire with moral delight; or lead up to the Creator himself. There was, properly speaking, no intellectual being; none to whom the whole frame and furniture of material nature could minister knowledge; no one who could employ upon them the generalizing faculty, and make them the basis of inductive knowledge. If, then, it was not wholly for himself that the world was created by God; and if angels were not so immediately connected with this system, as to lead us to suppose that it was made for them; a rational inhabitant was obviously still wanting to complete the work, and to constitute a perfect whole. The formation of such a being was marked, therefore, by a manner of proceeding which serves to impress us with a sense of the greatness of the work. Not that it could be a matter of more difficulty to Omnipotence to create man than any thing beside; but principally, it is probable, because he was to be the lord of the whole and therefore himself accountable to the original proprietor; and was to be the subject of another species of government, a moral administration; and to be constituted an image of the intellectual and moral perfections, and of the immortality, of the common Maker. Every thing therefore, as to man’s creation, is given in a solemn and deliberative form, and contains also an intimation of a Trinity of Persons in the Godhead, all equally possessed of creative power, and therefore Divine, to each of whom man was to stand in relations the most sacred and intimate:--“And God said, Let US make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion,” &c.
2. The way the creation of Adam is described suggests something unique and significant about the being that is to be made. Among the heavenly bodies, the earth, and especially its various forms of life, both plant and animal, no creature existed that could provide knowledge, inspire moral joy, or connect back to the Creator. There was, strictly speaking, no intelligent being; none that could draw knowledge from the entire structure of the material world; no one who could generalize from them and use that as a foundation for understanding. Thus, if the world wasn't solely created for itself by God, and if angels weren't so directly connected to this system as to imply it was made for them, then a rational inhabitant was clearly still needed to complete the task and create a perfect whole. The creation of such a being was therefore marked by a process that emphasizes the magnitude of the work. It wasn't that creating man was more complex for Omnipotence than anything else, but mainly because man was intended to be the master of it all and thus accountable to the original owner; he was to be governed in a different way, through a moral administration, and to reflect the intellectual and moral qualities, as well as the immortality, of the Creator. Consequently, everything about man's creation is presented in a serious and thoughtful manner, also hinting at the concept of a Trinity within the Godhead, each equally possessing creative power and therefore Divine, to whom man would have the most sacred and intimate relationships: "And God said, Let US make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion," & c.
3. It may be next inquired in what that image of God in which man was made consists.
3. The next question may be what that image of God, in which humanity was created, actually consists of.
It is manifest from the history of Moses, that human nature has two essential constituent parts, the BODY formed out of preëxisting matter, the earth; and a LIVING SOUL, breathed into the body by an inspiration from God. “And the Lord God formed man out of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils (or face) the breath of life, (lives,) and man became a living soul.” Whatever was thus imparted to the body of man, already “formed,” and perfectly finished in all its parts, was the only cause of life; and the whole tenor of Scripture shows that this was the rational spirit itself, which, by a law of its Creator, was incapable of death, even after the body had fallen under that penalty.
It is clear from the story of Moses that human nature has two essential parts: the BODY, made from existing matter, the earth; and a Living Soul, breathed into the body through an inspiration from God. “And the Lord God formed man from the dust of the ground and breathed into his nostrils (or face) the breath of life, (lives), and man became a living soul.” Whatever was given to the body of man, which was already “formed” and complete in every part, was the sole source of life; and the entire message of Scripture indicates that this was the rational spirit itself, which, by a law of its Creator, could not die, even after the body had fallen under that penalty.
The “image” or likeness of God in which man was made has, by some, been assigned to the body; by others, to the soul. It has, also, been placed in the circumstance of his having “dominion” over the other creatures. As to the body, it is not necessary to prove that in no sense can it bear the image of God; that is, be “like” God. An upright form has no more likeness to God than a prone or reptile one; God is incorporeal, and cannot be the antitype of any thing material.
The “image” or likeness of God in which humans were created has been attributed by some to the body and by others to the soul. It has also been recognized in the fact that humans have “dominion” over other creatures. Regarding the body, it is unnecessary to prove that it cannot, in any way, represent the image of God; that is, be “like” God. An upright shape is no more similar to God than a lying down or reptilian one; God is incorporeal and cannot be the physical counterpart of anything material.
Equally unfounded is the notion that the image of God in man consisted in the “dominion” which was granted to him over this lower world. Limited dominion may, it is true, be an image of large and absolute dominion; but man is not said to have been made in the image of God’s dominion, which is an accident merely, for, before creatures existed, God himself could have no dominion:--he was made in the image and likeness of God himself. Still farther, it is evident that man, according to the history, was made in the image of God in order to his having dominion, as the Hebrew particle imports; and, therefore, his dominion was consequent upon his formation in the “image” and “likeness” of God, and could not be that image itself.
The idea that the image of God in humans is only about the “dominion” given to them over the earth is also unfounded. While limited dominion could reflect a greater and absolute dominion, it’s not said that humans were made in the image of God’s dominion, which is just a side effect because, before creation, God had no dominion. Humans were created in the image and likeness of God himself. Furthermore, it’s clear from the narrative that humans were made in the image of God so that they could have dominion, as the Hebrew word suggests; therefore, their dominion resulted from being formed in the “image” and “likeness” of God and could not be that image itself.
The notion that the original resemblance of man to God must be placed in some one essential quality, is not consistent with holy writ, from which alone we can derive our information on this subject. We shall, it is true, find that the Bible partly places it in what is essential to human nature; but that it should comprehend nothing else, or consist in one quality only, has 20no proof or reason; and we are, in fact, taught that it comprises also what is so far from being essential that it may be both lost and regained. When God is called “the Father of spirits,” a likeness is suggested between man and God in the spirituality of their nature. This is also implied in the striking argument of St. Paul with the Athenians: “Forasmuch, then, as we are the OFFSPRING of God, we ought not to think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by art and man’s device;”--plainly referring to the idolatrous statues by which God was represented among Heathens. If likeness to God in man consisted in bodily shape, this would not have been an argument against human representations of the Deity; but it imports, as Howe well expresses it, that “we are to understand that our resemblance to him, as we are his offspring, lies in some higher, more noble, and more excellent thing, of which there can be no figure; as who can tell how to give the figure or image of a thought, or of the mind or thinking power?” In spirituality, and, consequently, immateriality, this image of God in man, then, in the first instance, consists. Nor is it any valid objection to say, that “immateriality is not peculiar to the soul of man; for we have reason to believe that the inferior animals are actuated by an immaterial principle.” This is as certain as analogy can make it: but though we allow a spiritual principle to animals, its kind is obviously inferior; for that spirit which is incapable of induction and moral knowledge, must be of an inferior order to the spirit which possesses these capabilities; and this is the kind of spirit which is peculiar to man.
The idea that the original likeness of man to God should be identified in a single essential quality doesn’t align with the scriptures, which are our only source of information on this topic. True, the Bible partially places this resemblance in what is essential to human nature, but claiming it includes nothing else or consists of just one quality lacks evidence or justification. In fact, we are taught that it includes aspects that are so non-essential they can be lost and regained. When God is referred to as “the Father of spirits,” it suggests a similarity between man and God in the spirituality of their nature. This is also implied in St. Paul's compelling argument to the Athenians: “If we are indeed the Kids of God, we shouldn’t think that God is like gold, silver, or stone, crafted by human hands;" clearly referring to the idol statues that represented God among pagans. If man’s likeness to God was solely based on physical appearance, this would not have served as a valid argument against human representations of the divine; rather, as Howe articulates, “We need to understand that our resemblance to Him, as His offspring, lies in something higher, more noble, and more excellent, which cannot be depicted; because who can depict a thought or the mind or thinking ability?” Therefore, the image of God in man, fundamentally, consists in spirituality and, consequently, immateriality. Additionally, it’s not a strong counterargument to say that “immateriality isn't exclusive to the soul of man; we have reason to believe that lower animals are driven by an immaterial principle.” This is as certain as analogy allows; however, while we acknowledge a spiritual principle in animals, its kind is clearly inferior. A spirit that lacks the capacity for reasoning and moral understanding must be of a lower order than the spirit that possesses these abilities, and it’s this kind of spirit that is unique to humans.
The sentiment expressed in Wisdom ii, 23, is an evidence that, in the opinion of the ancient Jews, the image of God in man comprised immortality also. “For God created man to be immortal, and made him to be an image of his own eternity:” and though other creatures were made capable of immortality, and at least the material human frame, whatever we may think of the case of animals, would have escaped death, had not sin entered the world; yet, without admitting the absurdity of the “natural immortality” of the human soul, that essence must have been constituted immortal in a high and peculiar sense which has ever retained its prerogative of continued duration amidst the universal death not only of animals, but of the bodies of all human beings. There appears also a manifest allusion to man’s immortality, as being included in the image of God, in the reason which is given in Genesis for the law which inflicts death on murderers: “Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed: for in the image of God made he man.” The essence of the crime of homicide is not confined here to the putting to death the mere animal part of man; and it must, therefore, lie in the peculiar value of life to an immortal being, accountable in another state for the actions done in this, and whose life ought to be specially guarded for this very reason, that death introduces him into changeless and eternal relations, which were not to be left to the mercy of human passions.
The idea expressed in Wisdom ii, 23, shows that, according to the ancient Jews, the image of God in humans also included immortality. “For God created man to be immortal and made him in the image of his own eternity.” While other creatures were capable of immortality and, at least in the case of the material human body, would have avoided death had sin not entered the world, it must be acknowledged that the concept of “natural immortality” of the human soul is somewhat absurd. Nonetheless, that essence must have been established as immortal in a unique and significant way, retaining its right to endure despite the universal death of animals and the bodies of all humans. There is also a clear reference to human immortality as part of the image of God in the reasoning given in Genesis for the law punishing murderers: “Whoever sheds man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed: for in the image of God made he man.” The essence of the crime of homicide involves more than just ending the physical life of a person; it must also reflect the unique worth of life for an immortal being, who will be held accountable in another state for the actions done in this life, and whose life should be especially valued for this reason, as death leads to unchangeable and eternal circumstances that should not be subjected to human emotions.
To these we are to add the intellectual powers, and we have what divines, in perfect accordance with the Scriptures, have called, “the NATURAL image of God in his creatures,” which is essential and ineffaceable. Man was made capable of knowledge, and he was endowed with liberty of will.
To these, we should add the intellectual powers, and we have what theologians, in complete alignment with the Scriptures, have referred to as “the NATURAL image of God in his creatures,” which is essential and permanent. Humanity was created with the ability for knowledge, and was given the freedom of will.
This natural image of God was the foundation of that MORAL image by which also man was distinguished. Unless he had been a spiritual, knowing, and willing being, he would have been wholly incapable of moral qualities. That he had such qualities eminently, and that in them consisted the image of God, as well as in the natural attributes just stated, we have also the express testimony of Scripture: “Lo this only have I found, that God made man UPRIGHT; but they have sought out many inventions.” There is also an express allusion to the moral image of God, in which man was at first created, in Colossians iii, 10: “And have put on the new man, which is renewed in knowledge, after the image of Him that created him;” and in Ephesians iv, 24: “Put on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness.” In these passages the Apostle represents the change produced in true Christians by the Gospel, as a “renewal of the image of God in man; as a new or second creation in that image;” and he explicitly declares, that that image consists in “knowledge,” in “righteousness,” and in “true holiness.”
This natural image of God was the foundation of that Moral image that distinguished man. If he hadn't been a spiritual, knowledgeable, and willing being, he would have been completely incapable of moral qualities. The fact that he possessed these qualities prominently, and that they reflected the image of God, along with the natural attributes mentioned, is also explicitly supported by Scripture: “Look, this is what I found: God made man UPRIGHT; but they have sought out many inventions.” There is also a clear reference to the moral image of God, in which man was originally created, in Colossians 3:10: “And have put on the new man, which is renewed in knowledge, after the image of Him that created him;” and in Ephesians 4:24: “Put on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness.” In these passages, the Apostle describes the transformation brought about in true Christians by the Gospel as a “renewal of the image of God in man; as a new or second creation in that image;” and he clearly states that this image consists of “knowledge,” “righteousness,” and “true holiness.”
This also may be finally argued from the satisfaction with which the historian of the creation represents the Creator as viewing the works of his hands as “very good,” which was pronounced with reference to each of them individually, as well as to the whole: “And God saw every thing that he had made, and behold it was very good.” But, as to man, this goodness must necessarily imply moral as well as physical qualities. Without them he would have been imperfect as man; and had they, in their first exercises, been perverted and sinful, he must have been an exception, and could not have been pronounced “very good.” The goodness of man, as a rational being, must lie in devotedness and consecration to God; consequently, man was at first holy. A rational creature, as such, is capable of knowing, loving, serving, and living in communion with the Most Holy One. Adam, at first, did or did not exert this capacity; if he did not, he was not very good,--not good at all.
This can also be argued based on how the historian of creation depicts the Creator looking at the works of His hands and declaring them as “very good,” which was said about each creation individually, as well as about the whole. “And God saw every thing that He had made, and behold it was very good.” However, when it comes to man, this goodness must necessarily include both moral and physical qualities. Without them, he would have been incomplete as a man; and if those qualities had been twisted and sinful from the beginning, he would have been an exception and could not have been called “very good.” The goodness of man, as a rational being, must be rooted in his dedication and commitment to God; therefore, man was initially holy. A rational being, by nature, can know, love, serve, and live in community with the Most Holy One. Adam, at first, either exercised this ability or he didn't; if he didn't, he was not very good—not good at all.
4. On the intellectual and moral endowments of the progenitor of the human race, erring views appear to have been taken on both sides.
4. On the intellectual and moral qualities of the human race's ancestor, there seem to be mistaken opinions on both sides.
In knowledge, some have thought him little inferior to the angels; others, as furnished with but the simple elements of science and of language. The truth seems to be that, as to capacity, his intellect must have been vigorous beyond that of any of his fallen descendants; which itself gives us very high views of the strength of his understanding, although we should allow him to have been created “lower than the angels.” As to his actual knowledge, 21that would depend upon the time and opportunity he had for observing the nature and laws of the objects around him; and the degree in which he was favoured with revelations from God on moral and religious subjects.
In terms of knowledge, some have considered him to be almost equal to the angels, while others believe he only possessed the basic elements of science and language. The reality seems to be that, regarding capacity, his intellect was likely more vigorous than that of any of his fallen descendants; this alone gives us a very high impression of his understanding, even though we should recognize that he was created “lower than the angels.” As for his actual knowledge, 21 that would have relied on the time and opportunities he had to observe the nature and laws of the things around him, as well as how much he was blessed with revelations from God on moral and religious matters.
On the degree of moral excellence also in the first man, much license has been given to a warm imagination, and to rhetorical embellishment; and Adam’s perfection has sometimes been fixed at an elevation which renders it exceedingly difficult to conceive how he could fall into sin at all. On the other hand, those who either deny or hold very slightly the doctrine of our hereditary depravity, delight to represent Adam as little superior in moral perfection and capability to his descendants. But, if we attend to the passages of holy writ above quoted, we shall be able, on this subject, to ascertain, if not the exact degree of his moral endowments, yet that there is a certain standard below which they cannot be placed.--Generally, he was made in the image of God, which, we have already proved, is to be understood morally as well as naturally. Now, however the image of any thing may be limited in extent, it must still be an accurate representation as far as it goes. Every thing good in the creation must always be a miniature representation of the excellence of the Creator; but, in this case, the “goodness,” that is, the perfection, of every creature, according to the part it was designed to act in the general assemblage of beings collected into our system, wholly forbids us to suppose that the image of God’s moral perfections in man was a blurred and dim representation. To whatever extent it went, it necessarily excluded all that from man which did not resemble God; it was a likeness to God in “righteousness and true holiness,” whatever the degree of each might be, and excluded all admixture of unrighteousness and unholiness. Man, therefore, in his original state, was sinless, both in act and in principle. Hence it is said that “God made man UPRIGHT.” That this signifies moral rectitude cannot be doubted; but the import of the word is very extensive. It expresses, by an easy figure, the exactness of truth, justice, and obedience; and it comprehends the state and habit both of the heart and the life. Such, then, was the condition of primitive man; there was no obliquity in his moral principles, his mind, or affections; none in his conduct. He was perfectly sincere and exactly just, rendering from the heart all that was due to God and to the creature. Tried by the exactest plummet, he was upright; by the most perfect rule, he was straight.
On the level of moral excellence in the first man, a lot of freedom has been given to a vivid imagination and rhetorical embellishment; Adam’s perfection has sometimes been set so high that it's really hard to imagine how he could have ever sinned. On the flip side, those who either deny or downplay the idea of our inherited sinfulness love to present Adam as only slightly better in moral perfection and ability than his descendants. However, if we look at the passages of scripture mentioned above, we can determine, if not the exact degree of his moral qualities, at least that there is a certain standard below which they cannot fall. Generally, he was made in the image of God, which, as we've already shown, should be understood morally as well as naturally. Now, no matter how limited the image of anything may be, it must still accurately represent what it stands for as far as it goes. Everything good in creation is always a small representation of the excellence of the Creator; but in this case, the “goodness,” or the perfection, of every creature—based on the role it was intended to play in the overall system of beings—completely rules out the idea that God’s moral perfection as represented in man was unclear or faded. To whatever extent it was, it necessarily excluded all aspects in man that did not resemble God; it was a likeness to God in “righteousness and true holiness,” regardless of the level of each, and excluded any mixture of unrighteousness and unholiness. Therefore, man in his original state was sinless, both in action and in principle. Thus, it is stated that “God made man Standing tall.” That this means moral integrity is beyond doubt; but the meaning of the word is very broad. It expresses, through a simple figure, the exactness of truth, justice, and obedience; and it includes the state and habits of both the heart and the life. Such was the condition of early man; there was no distortion in his moral principles, his mind, or his feelings; none in his actions. He was completely sincere and absolutely just, giving from the heart all that was due to God and to others. When measured by the most precise plummet, he was upright; by the most perfect rule, he was straight.
The “knowledge” in which the Apostle Paul, in the passage quoted above from Colossians iii, 10, places “the image of God” after which man was created, does not merely imply the faculty of understanding, which is a part of the natural image of God; but that which might be lost, because it is that in which we may be “renewed.” It is, therefore, to be understood of the faculty of knowledge in right exercise; and of that willing reception, and firm retaining, and hearty approval, of religious truth, in which knowledge, when spoken of morally, is always understood in the Scriptures. We may not be disposed to allow, with some, that Adam understood the deep philosophy of nature, and could comprehend and explain the sublime mysteries of religion. The circumstance of his giving names to the animals, is certainly no sufficient proof of his having attained to a philosophical acquaintance with their qualities and distinguishing habits, although we should allow their names to be still retained in the Hebrew, and to be as expressive of their peculiarities as some expositors have stated. Sufficient time appears not to have been afforded him for the study of the properties of animals, as this event took place previous to the formation of Eve; and as for the notion of his acquiring knowledge by intuition, this is contradicted by the revealed fact, that angels themselves acquire their knowledge by observation and study, though no doubt, with great rapidity and certainty. The whole of this transaction was supernatural; the beasts were “brought” to Adam, and it is probable that he named them under a Divine suggestion. He has been also supposed to be the inventor of language, but his history shows that he was never without speech. From the first he was able to converse with God; and we may, therefore, infer that language was in him a supernatural and miraculous endowment. That his understanding was, as to its capacity, deep and large beyond any of his posterity, must follow from the perfection in which he was created; and his acquisitions of knowledge would, therefore, be rapid and easy. It was, however, in moral and religious truth, as being of the first concern to him, that we are to suppose the excellency of his knowledge to have consisted. “His reason would be clear, his judgment uncorrupted, and his conscience upright and sensible.” The best knowledge would, in him, be placed first, and that of every other kind be made subservient to it, according to its relation to that. The Apostle adds to knowledge, “righteousness and true holiness;” terms which express, not merely freedom from sin, but positive and active virtue.
The “knowledge” that the Apostle Paul refers to in the passage from Colossians iii, 10, regarding “the image of God” after which man was created, isn't just about having the capacity to understand, which is part of the natural image of God; it also refers to something that can be lost, as it is what allows us to be “renewed.” This should be understood as the ability to know in a proper way, along with the genuine acceptance, strong retention, and sincere approval of religious truth, as knowledge is generally understood morally in the Scriptures. We might not agree with some that Adam grasped the deep philosophy of nature or could comprehend and explain the profound mysteries of religion. The fact that he named the animals does not necessarily prove that he had a philosophical understanding of their characteristics and behaviors, although we can recognize their names in Hebrew as reflecting their unique traits, as some interpreters have pointed out. It seems he didn’t have enough time to study the properties of animals since this event occurred before Eve was created. The idea that he gained knowledge intuitively contradicts the revealed fact that even angels acquire their knowledge through observation and study, albeit very quickly and surely. This whole event was supernatural; the animals were “brought” to Adam, and it's likely that he named them with Divine inspiration. He is also thought to be the inventor of language, but his story indicates that he always had speech. From the beginning, he could talk with God, leading us to conclude that his ability to use language was a supernatural and miraculous gift. Given the perfection in which he was created, it follows that his understanding was far deeper and broader than any of his descendants, and his knowledge would have been gained quickly and easily. However, it was in moral and religious truth, which was of utmost importance to him, that we should assume the excellence of his knowledge resided. “His reasoning would be clear, his judgment untainted, and his conscience upright and sensitive.” The best knowledge for him would come first, with all other types serving its purpose based on their relationship to it. The Apostle adds “righteousness and true holiness” to knowledge; these terms express not just a lack of sin, but also a positive and active virtue.
Sober as these views of man’s primitive state are, it is not, perhaps, possible for us fully to conceive of so exalted a condition as even this. Below this standard it could not fall; and that it implied a glory, and dignity, and moral greatness of a very exalted kind, is made sufficiently apparent from the degree of guilt charged upon Adam when he fell: for the aggravating circumstances of his offence may well be deduced from the tremendous consequences which followed.
Sober as these views of humanity's early state are, it might not be possible for us to fully grasp such a remarkable condition as even this. It couldn't fall below this standard; and the implied glory, dignity, and moral greatness of a very high nature is made clear by the level of guilt attributed to Adam when he fell: for the serious circumstances of his wrongdoing can be seen in the devastating consequences that followed.
5. The salvation of Adam has been disputed; for what reason does not appear, except that the silence of Scripture, as to his after life, has given bold men occasion to obtrude their speculations upon a subject which called for no such expression of opinion. As nothing to the contrary appears, the charitable inference is, that as he was the first to receive the promise of redemption, so he was the first to prove its virtue. It is another presumption, that as Adam and Eve were clothed with skins of beasts, which 22could not have been slain for food, these were the skins of their sacrifices; and as the offering of animal sacrifice was an expression of faith in the appointed propitiation, to that refuge we may conclude they resorted, and through its merits were accepted.
5. The salvation of Adam has been debated; it's unclear why, except that the lack of information in Scripture about his afterlife has led some bold individuals to share their opinions on a topic that didn't really need commenting on. Since there's nothing contrary to suggest otherwise, a reasonable conclusion is that, just as he was the first to receive the promise of redemption, he was also the first to demonstrate its effectiveness. Another assumption is that since Adam and Eve wore animal skins, which wouldn't have been used for food, these were likely the skins from their sacrifices. Given that the offering of animal sacrifices was an expression of faith in the promised redemption, we can assume they turned to that refuge and were accepted because of it.
6. The Rabbinical and Mohammedan traditions and fables respecting the first man are as absurd as they are numerous. Some of them indeed are monstrous, unless we suppose them to be allegories in the exaggerated style of the orientals. Some say that he was nine hundred cubits high; whilst others, not satisfied with this, affirm that his head touched the heavens. The Jews think that he wrote the ninety-first Psalm, invented the Hebrew letters, and composed several treatises; the Arabians, that he preserved twenty books which fell from heaven; and the Musselmen, that he himself wrote ten volumes.
6. The stories and traditions from Rabbinical and Islamic sources about the first man are as ridiculous as they are numerous. Some of them are truly bizarre, unless we think of them as exaggerated allegories typical of Eastern cultures. Some say he was 900 cubits tall, while others go even further, claiming his head touched the heavens. The Jews believe he wrote the ninety-first Psalm, created the Hebrew alphabet, and composed several texts; the Arabs think he preserved twenty books that came down from heaven; and Muslims believe he wrote ten volumes himself.
7. That Adam was a type of Christ, is plainly affirmed by St. Paul, who calls him “the figure of him who was to come.” Hence our Lord is sometimes called, not inaptly, the Second Adam. This typical relation stands sometimes in SIMILITUDE, sometimes in CONTRAST. Adam was formed immediately by God, as was the humanity of Christ. In each the nature was spotless, and richly endowed with knowledge and true holiness. Both are seen invested with dominion over the earth and all its creatures; and this may explain the eighth Psalm, where David seems to make the sovereignty of the first man over the whole earth in its pristine glory, the prophetic symbol of the dominion of Christ over the world restored. Beyond these particulars fancy must not carry us; and the typical CONTRAST must also be limited to that which is stated in Scripture, or supported by its allusions. Adam and Christ were each a public person, a federal head to the whole race of mankind; but the one was the fountain of sin and death, the other of righteousness and life. By Adam’s transgression “many were made sinners,” Rom. v, 14–19. Through him, “death passed upon all men, because all have sinned” in him. But he thus prefigured that one man, by whose righteousness the “free gift comes upon all men to justification of life.” The first man communicated a living soul to all his posterity; the other is a quickening Spirit, to restore them to newness of life now, and to raise them up at the last day. By the imputation of the first Adam’s sin, and the communication of his fallen, depraved nature, death reigned over those who had not sinned after the similitude of Adam’s transgression; and through the righteousness of the Second Adam, and the communication of a divine nature by the Holy Spirit, favour and grace shall much more abound in Christ’s true followers unto eternal life. See Redemption.
7. St. Paul clearly states that Adam is a type of Christ, referring to him as “the figure of him who was to come.” Therefore, our Lord is often called the Second Adam. This typical relationship sometimes shows SIMILARITY and other times DIFFERENCE. Adam was created directly by God, just like the humanity of Christ. In both cases, their nature was pure and fully endowed with knowledge and true holiness. Both are seen as having authority over the earth and all its creatures; this may help explain the eighth Psalm, where David portrays the sovereignty of the first man over the world in its original splendor as a prophetic symbol of Christ's dominion over a restored world. Beyond these points, we should not let our imaginations run wild; the typical DIFFERENCE must be limited to what is stated in Scripture or supported by its references. Adam and Christ were both public figures, federal heads for all of humanity; but one was the source of sin and death, while the other is the source of righteousness and life. Because of Adam’s transgression, “many were made sinners” (Rom. v, 14–19). Through him, “death spread to all men, because all have sinned” in him. However, he also prefigured that one man, whose righteousness brings the “free gift of justification for life” to all. The first man passed on a living soul to all his descendants; the other is a life-giving Spirit, restoring them to a renewed life now and raising them up on the last day. Because of the first Adam’s sin and the sharing of his fallen, corrupted nature, death ruled over those who had not sinned in the same way as Adam; and through the righteousness of the Second Adam and the imparting of a divine nature by the Holy Spirit, grace and favor will greatly increase in Christ’s true followers leading to eternal life. See Redemption.
ADAMA, one of the five cities which were destroyed by fire from heaven, and buried under the waters of the Dead Sea, Gen. xiv, 2; Deut. xxix, 23. It was the most easterly of all those which were swallowed up; and there is some probability that it was not entirely sunk under the waters; or that the inhabitants of the country built a new city of the same name upon the eastern shore of the Dead Sea: for Isaiah, according to the Septuagint, says, “God will destroy the Moabites, the city of Ar, and the remnant of Adama.”
ADAMA, one of the five cities that were destroyed by fire from heaven and submerged in the waters of the Dead Sea, Gen. xiv, 2; Deut. xxix, 23. It was the easternmost of all those that were engulfed, and there's a good chance that it wasn't completely sunk beneath the waters; or that the local people established a new city with the same name on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea: for Isaiah, according to the Septuagint, says, “God will destroy the Moabites, the city of Ar, and the remnant of Adama.”
ADAMANT, שמיר, Ἀδάμας, Ecclus. xvi, 16. A stone of impenetrable hardness. Sometimes this name is given to the diamond; and so it is rendered, Jer. xvii, 1. But the Hebrew word rather means a very hard kind of stone, probably the smiris, which was also used for cutting, engraving, and polishing other hard stones and crystals. The word occurs also in Ezek. iii, 9, and Zech. vii, 12. In the former place the Lord says to the Prophet, “I have made thy forehead as an adamant, firmer than a rock;” that is, endued thee with undaunted courage. In the latter, the hearts of wicked men are declared to be as adamant; neither broken by the threatenings and judgments of God, nor penetrated by his promises, invitations, and mercies. See Diamond.
ADAMANT, Shamir, Ἀδάμας, Ecclus. xvi, 16. A stone that is incredibly hard. Sometimes this term refers to a diamond, as seen in Jer. xvii, 1. However, the Hebrew word more accurately describes a very tough type of stone, likely the smiris, which was also used for cutting, engraving, and polishing other hard stones and crystals. The term also appears in Ezek. iii, 9, and Zech. vii, 12. In the former, the Lord tells the Prophet, “I have made your forehead like adamant, harder than a rock”; meaning that He has given you unshakeable courage. In the latter, it is stated that the hearts of wicked people are as hard as adamant; they are neither broken by the warnings and judgments of God nor moved by His promises, invitations, and mercies. See Diamond.
ADAMITES, sects reputed to have professed the attainment of a perfect innocence, so that they wore no clothes in their assemblies. But Lardner doubts their existence in ancient, and Beausobre in modern, times.
ADAMITES, groups believed to have claimed perfect innocence, so much so that they didn’t wear clothes during their gatherings. However, Lardner questions their existence in ancient times, and Beausobre does the same for modern times.
ADAR, the twelfth month of the ecclesiastical, and the sixth of the civil, year among the Hebrews. It contains but twenty-nine days, and answers to our February, and sometimes enters into March, according to the course of the moon, by which they regulated their seasons.
ADAR is the twelfth month of the religious calendar and the sixth month of the civil calendar for the Hebrews. It has only twenty-nine days and corresponds to our February, sometimes spilling into March, depending on the phases of the moon, which they used to determine their seasons.
ADARCONIM, אדרכונים, a sort of money, mentioned 1 Chron. xxix, 7, and Ezra viii, 27. The Vulgate translates it, golden pence, the LXX, pieces of gold. They were darics, a gold coin, which some value at twenty drachms of silver.
ADARCONIM, אדרכונים, a type of currency, mentioned in 1 Chronicles 29:7 and Ezra 8:27. The Vulgate translates it as golden pence, and the LXX as pieces of gold. They were darics, a gold coin, which some estimate to be worth twenty drachms of silver.
ADER. Jerom observes, that the place where the angels declared the birth of Jesus Christ to the shepherds, was called by this name, Luke ii, 8, 9. The empress Helena built a church on this spot, the remains of which are still visible.
ADER. Jerom notes that the place where the angels announced the birth of Jesus Christ to the shepherds was called this name, Luke ii, 8, 9. Empress Helena constructed a church on this location, and the remnants of it are still visible today.
ADDER, a venomous serpent, more usually called the viper. In our translation of the Bible we find the word adder five times; but without sufficient authority from the original.
ADDER, a poisonous snake, more commonly known as the viper. In our translation of the Bible, we see the word adder five times; however, this usage lacks sufficient backing from the original text.
שפיפון, in Gen. xlix, 17, is probably the cerastes; a serpent of the viper kind, of a light brown colour, which lurks in the sand and the tracks of wheels in the road, and unexpectedly bites not only the unwary traveller, but the legs of horses and other beasts. By comparing the Danites to this artful reptile, the patriarch intimated that by stratagem, more than by open bravery, they should avenge themselves of their enemies and extend their conquests.--פתן, in Psalm lviii, 4; xci, 13, signifies an asp. We may perhaps trace to this the Python of the Greeks, and its derivatives. (See Asp.)--עכשוב, עכשוב found only in Psalm cxl, 3, is derived from a verb which signifies to bend back on itself. The Chaldee Paraphrasts render it עכביש, which we translate elsewhere, spider: they may therefore have understood it to have been the tarantula. It is rendered asp by the Septuagint and Vulgate, and is so taken, Rom. iii, 13. The name is from the Arabic achasa. But there are several serpents which coil themselves previously 23to darting on their enemy; if this be a character of the asp, it is not peculiar to that reptile.--צפע, or צפעני, Prov. xxiii, 32; Isaiah xi, 8; xiv, 29; lix, 5; and Jer. viii, 17, is that deadly serpent called the basilisk, said to kill with its very breath. See Cockatrice.
דרקון, in Gen. xlix, 17, is likely the cerastes; a type of viper that is light brown and hides in the sand and on paths, unexpectedly biting not just unsuspecting travelers but also the legs of horses and other animals. By comparing the Danites to this clever reptile, the patriarch suggested that they would take revenge on their enemies and expand their conquests more through cunning than through outright bravery. --נחש, in Psalm lviii, 4; xci, 13, means asp. We might be able to connect this to the Python from Greek mythology and its related terms. (See Asp.) --עכשיו, mentioned only in Psalm cxl, 3, comes from a verb meaning to bend back on itself. The Chaldean Paraphrasts translate it as Spider, which we interpret elsewhere as spider; they might have meant it to refer to the tarantula. The Septuagint and Vulgate translate it as asp, and that interpretation is found in Rom. iii, 13. The name comes from the Arabic achasa. However, there are several types of snakes that coil themselves before striking their prey; if this trait applies to the asp, it is not exclusive to that species. --צפע, or צפעני, can be found in Prov. xxiii, 32; Isaiah xi, 8; xiv, 29; lix, 5; and Jer. viii, 17, refers to the deadly serpent known as the basilisk, said to kill with its breath. See Cockatrice.
In Psalm lviii, 5, reference is made to the effect of musical sounds upon serpents. That they might be rendered tame and harmless by certain charms, or soft and sweet sounds, and trained to delight in music, was an opinion which prevailed very early and universally.
In Psalm 58:5, it mentions how music affects snakes. The idea that they could be made tame and harmless by certain tunes or gentle sounds and could be taught to enjoy music was a belief that was popular and widespread from very early on.
Many ancient authors mention this effect; Virgil speaks of it particularly, Æn. vii, v, 750.
Many ancient writers refer to this effect; Virgil discusses it specifically, Æn. vii, v, 750.
Mr. Boyle quotes the following passage from Sir H. Blunt’s Voyage into the Levant:--
Mr. Boyle quotes this passage from Sir H. Blunt’s Voyage into the Levant:--
“Many rarities of living creatures I saw in Grand Cairo; but the most ingenious was a nest of serpents, of two feet long, black and ugly, kept by a Frenchman, who, when he came to handle them, would not endure him, but ran and hid in their hole. Then he would take his cittern and play upon it. They, hearing his music, came all crawling to his feet, and began to climb up him, till he gave over playing, then away they ran.”
“While in Grand Cairo, I saw many rare living creatures, but the most fascinating was a nest of snakes, about two feet long, black and ugly, kept by a Frenchman. Whenever he tried to handle them, they would freak out and hide in their hole. Then he would take his cittern and play it. Hearing his music, the snakes would crawl to his feet and start climbing up him until he stopped playing, and then they would scurry away.”
The wonderful effect which music produces on the serpent tribes, is confirmed by the testimony of several respectable moderns. Adders swell at the sound of a flute, raising themselves up on the one half of their body, turning themselves round, beating proper time, and following the instrument. Their head, naturally round and long like an eel, becomes broad and flat like a fan. The tame serpents, many of which the orientals keep in their houses, are known to leave their holes in hot weather, at the sound of a musical instrument, and run upon the performer. Dr. Shaw had an opportunity of seeing a number of serpents keep exact time with the Dervishes in their circulatory dances, running over their heads and arms, turning when they turned, and stopping when they stopped. The rattlesnake acknowledges the power of music as much as any of his family; of which the following instance is a decisive proof: When Chateaubriand was in Canada, a snake of that species entered their encampment; a young Canadian, one of the party, who could play on the flute, to divert his associates, advanced against the serpent with his new species of weapon: on the approach of his enemy, the haughty reptile curled himself into a spiral line, flattened his head, inflated his cheeks, contracted his lips, displayed his envenomed fangs, and his bloody throat, his double tongue glowed like two flames of fire; his eyes were burning coals; his body, swollen with rage, rose and fell like the bellows of a forge; his dilated skin assumed a dull and scaly appearance; and his tail, which sounded the denunciation of death, vibrated with so great rapidity as to resemble a light vapour. The Canadian now began to play upon his flute, the serpent started with surprise, and drew back his head. In proportion as he was struck with the magic effect, his eyes lost their fierceness, the oscillations of his tail became slower, and the sound which it emitted became weaker, and gradually died away. Less perpendicular upon their spiral line, the rings of the fascinated serpent were by degrees expanded, and sunk one after another upon the ground, in concentric circles. The shades of azure, green, white, and gold, recovered their brilliancy on his quivering skin, and slightly turning his head, he remained motionless, in the attitude of attention and pleasure. At this moment, the Canadian advanced a few steps, producing with his flute sweet and simple notes. The reptile, inclining his variegated neck, opened a passage with his head through the high grass, and began to creep after the musician, stopping when he stopped, and beginning to follow him again, as soon as he moved forward. In this manner he was led out of their camp, attended by a great number of spectators, both savages and Europeans, who could scarcely believe their eyes, when they beheld this wonderful effect of harmony. The assembly unanimously decreed, that the serpent which had so highly entertained them, should be permitted to escape. Many of them are carried in baskets through Hindostan, and procure a maintenance for a set of people who play a few simple notes on the flute, with which the snakes seem much delighted, and keep time by a graceful motion of the head, erecting about half their length from the ground, and following the music with gentle curves, like the undulating lines of a swan’s neck.
The amazing effect that music has on snakes is confirmed by several respected modern observations. Adders respond to the sound of a flute by raising half their bodies, turning around, keeping time, and following the instrument. Their naturally long, rounded heads become broad and flat, like a fan. Tame snakes, many of which people in the East keep in their homes, are known to leave their hiding spots in hot weather when they hear a musical instrument and approach the player. Dr. Shaw witnessed several snakes keeping perfect time with Dervishes during their circular dances, moving over their heads and arms, turning when they turned, and stopping when they stopped. The rattlesnake responds to music just like the rest of its family, as proven by this incident: When Chateaubriand was in Canada, a rattlesnake entered their campsite. A young Canadian in the group, who could play the flute, approached the snake with his new instrument to entertain his friends. As the snake saw its foe, it curled into a spiral, flattened its head, puffed out its cheeks, tightened its lips, showed its venomous fangs, and revealed its bloody throat. Its forked tongue glowed like two flames, its eyes shone like burning coals, and its body, swollen with rage, rose and fell like the bellows of a forge. Its dilated skin took on a dull and scaly look, and its tail, signaling danger, vibrated so rapidly that it resembled a wisp of smoke. The Canadian then began to play his flute, and the snake reacted with surprise, pulling back its head. As it became entranced by the music, its eyes softened, its tail movements slowed, and the sound it made gradually faded away. The coils of the captivated snake, less upright, widened and sank to the ground in concentric circles. The shades of blue, green, white, and gold returned to its shimmering skin, and slightly tilting its head, it remained still, attentive yet pleased. At that moment, the Canadian took a few steps forward, producing sweet and simple notes on his flute. The snake, bending its colorful neck, cleared a path through the tall grass and began to follow the musician, stopping when he stopped and resuming when he moved on. This way, it was led out of their camp, accompanied by a large crowd of both natives and Europeans, who could hardly believe their eyes at the incredible display of harmony. The crowd unanimously agreed to let the snake escape after it entertained them so well. Many of these snakes are carried in baskets across Hindostan and provide a livelihood for those who play simple flute melodies, which the snakes seem to enjoy, moving gracefully with their heads, rising about half their length from the ground and following the music in gentle curves, like the undulating lines of a swan's neck.
But on some serpents, these charms seem to have no power; and it appears from Scripture, that the adder sometimes takes precautions to prevent the fascination which he sees preparing for him: “for the deaf adder shutteth her ear, and will not hear the voice of the most skilful charmer.” The threatening of the Prophet Jeremiah proceeds upon the same fact: “I will send serpents” (cockatrices) “among you, which will not be charmed, and they shall bite you.” In all these quotations, the sacred writers, while they take it for granted that many serpents are disarmed by charming, plainly admit that the powers of the charmer are in vain exerted upon others.
But for some snakes, these charms seem to have no effect; and it appears from Scripture that the adder sometimes takes steps to avoid the enchantment it's aware of: “for the deaf adder shuts her ears and will not hear the voice of the most skilled charmer.” The warning from the Prophet Jeremiah is based on the same idea: “I will send snakes (cockatrices) among you, which will not be charmed, and they shall bite you.” In all these quotes, the holy writers assume that many snakes can be disarmed by charmers, but they clearly acknowledge that the charmer's powers are useless against others.
It is the opinion of some interpreters, that the word שחל, which in some parts of Scripture denotes a lion, in others means an adder, or some other kind of serpent. Thus, in the ninety-first Psalm, they render it the basilisk: “Thou shalt tread upon the adder and the basilisk, the young lion and the dragon thou 24shalt trample under foot.” Indeed, all the ancient expositors agree, that some species of serpent is meant, although they cannot determine what particular serpent the sacred writer had in view. The learned Bochart thinks it extremely probable that the holy Psalmist in this verse treats of serpents only; and, by consequence, that both the terms שחל and כפיר mean some kind of snakes, as well as פתן and תנין; because the coherence of the verse is by this view better preserved, than by mingling lions and serpents together, as our translators and other interpreters have commonly done; nor is it easy to imagine what can be meant by treading upon the lion, and trampling the young lion under foot; for it is not possible in walking to tread upon the lion, as upon the adder, the basilisk, and other serpents.
Some interpreters believe that the word שחל, which refers to a lion in some parts of Scripture, means an adder or another type of serpent in other parts. For example, in the ninety-first Psalm, it is translated as basilisk: “You shall tread upon the adder and the basilisk, the young lion and the dragon you shall trample underfoot.” Indeed, all the ancient commentators agree that it refers to some kind of serpent, although they can’t specify which serpent the sacred writer meant. The scholar Bochart suggests that the holy Psalmist is discussing only serpents in this verse, and therefore both the terms שחל and כפיר refer to some type of snake, just like נחש and Crocodile; this interpretation makes the coherence of the verse clearer than mixing lions and serpents, as our translators and other interpreters often do. It's also hard to imagine what it means to tread on a lion and trample a young lion underfoot, as it isn't possible to step on a lion like one would step on an adder, basilisk, or other snakes.
To ADJURE, to bind by oath, as under the penalty of a fearful curse, Joshua vi, 26; Mark v, 7. 2. To charge solemnly, as by the authority, and under pain, of the displeasure of God, Matt. xxvi, 63; Acts xix, 13.
To ADJURE, to bind by oath, as under the penalty of a serious curse, Joshua vi, 26; Mark v, 7. 2. To charge solemnly, as by the authority, and under the threat of God's displeasure, Matt. xxvi, 63; Acts xix, 13.
ADONAI, one of the names of God. This word in the plural number signifies my Lords. The Jews, who either out of respect or superstition, do not pronounce the name of Jehovah, read Adonai in the room of it, as often as they meet with Jehovah in the Hebrew text. But the ancient Jews were not so scrupulous. Neither is there any law which forbids them to pronounce any name of God.
ADONAI is one of the names of God. This word, in plural form, means my Lords. The Jewish people, either out of respect or superstition, do not say the name Jehovah; they read Adonai instead whenever they encounter Jehovah in the Hebrew text. However, ancient Jews were not as strict about this. There is also no law that prohibits them from saying any name of God.
ADONIS. The text of the Vulgate in Ezek. viii, 14, says, that the Prophet saw women sitting in the temple, and weeping for Adonis; but according to the reading of the Hebrew text, they are said to weep for Thamuz, or Tammuz, the hidden one. Among the Egyptians Adonis was adored under the name of Osiris, the husband of Isis. But he was sometimes called by the name of Ammuz, or Tammuz, the concealed, probably to denote his death or burial. The Hebrews, in derision, sometimes call him the dead, Psalm cvi, 28; Lev. xix, 28; because they wept for him, and represented him as dead in his coffin; and at other times they denominate him the image of jealousy, Ezek. viii, 3, 5, because he was the object of the jealousy of Mars. The Syrians, Phœnicians, and Cyprians, called him Adonis; and Calmet is of opinion that the Ammonites and Moabites designated him by the name of Baal-peor.
ADONIS. The Vulgate text in Ezek. viii, 14, states that the Prophet saw women sitting in the temple, crying for Adonis; but according to the Hebrew text, they are said to weep for Thamuz, or Tammuz, the hidden one. Among the Egyptians, Adonis was worshipped under the name of Osiris, the husband of Isis. However, he was sometimes referred to as Ammuz or Tammuz, the concealed, likely to signify his death or burial. The Hebrews, in mockery, sometimes refer to him as the dead, Psalm cvi, 28; Lev. xix, 28; because they mourned for him and depicted him as dead in his coffin; at other times, they called him the image of jealousy, Ezek. viii, 3, 5, because he was the focus of Mars' jealousy. The Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cypriots referred to him as Adonis; and Calmet believes that the Ammonites and Moabites identified him as Baal-peor.
The manner in which they celebrated the festival of this false deity was as follows: They represented him as lying dead in his coffin, wept for him, bemoaned themselves, and sought for him with great eagerness and inquietude. After this, they pretended that they had found him again, and that he was still living. At this good news they exhibited marks of the most extravagant joy, and were guilty of a thousand lewd practices, to convince Venus how much they congratulated her on the return and revival of her favourite, as they had before condoled with her on his death. The Hebrew women, of whom the Prophet Ezekiel speaks, celebrated the feasts of Tammuz, or Adonis, in Jerusalem; and God showed the Prophet these women weeping for this infamous god, even in his temple.
The way they celebrated the festival for this false god was like this: They depicted him as lying dead in his coffin, cried for him, mourned, and searched for him with great eagerness and restlessness. After that, they pretended that they had found him again and that he was still alive. At this good news, they expressed the most extreme joy and engaged in all sorts of immoral behaviors to show Venus how much they celebrated her favorite's return and revival, just as they had earlier grieved with her over his death. The Hebrew women, whom the Prophet Ezekiel mentions, celebrated the feasts of Tammuz, or Adonis, in Jerusalem; and God revealed to the Prophet these women crying for this disgraceful god, even in his temple.
Fabulous history gives the following account of Adonis: He was a beautiful young shepherd, the son of Cyniras, king of Cyprus, by his own daughter Myrrha. The goddess Venus fell in love with this youth, and frequently met him on mount Libanus. Mars, who envied this rival, transformed himself into a wild boar, and, as Adonis was hunting, struck him in the groin and killed him. Venus lamented the death of Adonis in an inconsolable manner. The eastern people, in imitation of her mourning, generally established some solemn days for the bewailing of Adonis. After his death, Venus went to the shades, and obtained from Proserpine, that Adonis might be with her six months in the year, and continue the other six in the infernal regions. Upon this were founded those public rejoicings, which succeeded the lamentations of his death. Some say that Adonis was a native of Syria; some, of Cyprus; and others, of Egypt.
Fabulous history provides this account of Adonis: He was a handsome young shepherd, the son of Cyniras, king of Cyprus, and his own daughter Myrrha. The goddess Venus fell in love with him and often met him on Mount Libanus. Mars, who was jealous of Adonis, transformed himself into a wild boar and killed him with a strike to the groin while Adonis was hunting. Venus mourned Adonis's death deeply. Inspired by her grief, people in the east established solemn days to mourn Adonis. After his death, Venus went to the underworld and persuaded Proserpine to allow Adonis to spend six months with her each year and the other six months in the underworld. This led to public celebrations that followed the mourning for his death. Some say Adonis was from Syria, others say Cyprus, and still others claim he was from Egypt.
ADOPTION. An act by which one takes another into his family, owns him for his son, and appoints him his heir. The Greeks and Romans had many regulations concerning adoption. It does not appear that adoption, properly so called, was formerly in use among the Jews. Moses makes no mention of it in his laws; and the case of Jacob’s two grandsons, Gen. xlviii, 14, seems rather a substitution.
ADOPTION. An act in which someone brings another person into their family, recognizes them as their child, and designates them as their heir. The Greeks and Romans had numerous rules regarding adoption. It doesn’t seem that formal adoption was commonly practiced among the Jews in the past. Moses doesn’t mention it in his laws, and the situation with Jacob’s two grandsons, Gen. xlviii, 14, seems more like a substitution.
2. Adoption in a theological sense is that act of God’s free grace by which, upon our being justified by faith in Christ, we are received into the family of God, and entitled to the inheritance of heaven. This appears not so much a distinct act of God, as involved in, and necessarily flowing from, our justification; so that, at least the one always implies the other. Nor is there any good ground to suppose that in the New Testament the term adoption is used with any reference to the civil practice of adoption by the Greeks, Romans, or other Heathens, and therefore it is not judicious to illustrate the texts in which the word occurs by their formalities. The Apostles in using the term appear to have had before them the simple view, that our sins had deprived us of our sonship, the favour of God, and the right to the inheritance of eternal life; but that, upon our return to God, and reconciliation with him, our forfeited privileges were not only restored, but greatly heightened through the paternal kindness of God. They could scarcely be forgetful of the affecting parable of the prodigal son; and it is under the same view that St. Paul quotes from the Old Testament, “Wherefore come out from among them, and be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch not the unclean thing, and I will receive you, and I will be a Father unto you, and ye shall be my sons and daughters, saith the Lord Almighty.”
2. Adoption, in a theological sense, is the act of God’s free grace through which, after being justified by faith in Christ, we are welcomed into the family of God and entitled to the inheritance of heaven. This doesn’t seem so much like a separate act of God, but rather something that is involved in and necessarily follows our justification; thus, at least one always implies the other. Moreover, there is no solid reason to assume that in the New Testament the term adoption is used in relation to the civil practice of adoption by the Greeks, Romans, or other non-believers, so it isn’t wise to interpret the texts where the word appears by their formalities. The Apostles, in using the term, seem to have simply understood that our sins had taken away our sonship, the favor of God, and the right to eternal life; however, upon our return to God and reconciliation with Him, our lost privileges were not only restored but greatly enhanced by God’s paternal kindness. They likely recalled the moving parable of the prodigal son; and it is with this understanding that St. Paul quotes from the Old Testament, “Therefore come out from among them, and be separate, says the Lord, and do not touch the unclean thing, and I will receive you, and I will be a Father to you, and you shall be my sons and daughters, says the Lord Almighty.”
Adoption, then, is that act by which we who were alienated, and enemies, and disinherited, are made the sons of God, and heirs of his eternal glory. “If children, then heirs, heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ;” where it is to be remarked, that it is not in our own 25right, nor in the right of any work done in us, or which we ourselves do, though it should be an evangelical work, that we become heirs; but jointly with Christ, and in his right.
Adoption is the act through which we, who were once outsiders, enemies, and without inheritance, become children of God and heirs of His eternal glory. “If we are children, then we are heirs, heirs of God and co-heirs with Christ;” it’s important to note that we don’t become heirs based on our own merits, or because of any work done in us or by us, even if it’s a good deed; rather, we become heirs alongside Christ and through His merit. 25
3. To this state belong, freedom from a servile spirit, for we are not servants but sons; the special love and care of God our heavenly Father; a filial confidence in him; free access to him at all times and in all circumstances; a title to the heavenly inheritance; and the Spirit of adoption, or the witness of the Holy Spirit to our adoption, which is the foundation of all the comfort we can derive from those privileges, as it is the only means by which we can know that they are ours.
3. In this state, we have freedom from a servile attitude, because we are not just servants but children; we enjoy the special love and care of God our heavenly Father; we have a childlike confidence in Him; we can approach Him freely at all times and in any situation; we have a right to our heavenly inheritance; and we receive the Spirit of adoption, or the confirmation from the Holy Spirit about our adoption, which is the basis of all the comfort we can draw from these privileges, as it is the only way we can know they truly belong to us.
4. The last mentioned great privilege of adoption merits special attention. It consists in the inward witness or testimony of the Holy Spirit to the sonship of believers, from which flows a comfortable persuasion or conviction of our present acceptance with God, and the hope of our future and eternal glory. This is taught in several passages of Scripture:--
4. The last mentioned great privilege of adoption deserves special attention. It includes the inner witness or testimony of the Holy Spirit regarding the sonship of believers, which leads to a comforting assurance or conviction of our current acceptance with God, and the hope of our future and eternal glory. This is taught in several passages of Scripture:--
Rom. viii, 15, 16, “For ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear, but the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit that we are the children of God.” In this passage it is to be remarked, 1. That the Holy Spirit takes away “fear,” a servile dread of God as offended. 2. That the “Spirit of God” here mentioned, is not the personified spirit or genius of the Gospel, as some would have it, but “the Spirit itself,” or himself, and hence he is called in the Galatians, “the Spirit of his Son,” which cannot mean the genius of the Gospel. 3. That he inspires a filial confidence in God, as our Father, which is opposed to “the fear” produced by the “spirit of bondage.” 4. That he excites this filial confidence, and enables us to call God our Father, by witnessing, bearing testimony with our spirit, “that we are the children of God.”
Rom. viii, 15, 16, “For you did not receive the spirit of slavery that leads to fear, but you received the Spirit of adoption, by which we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit himself testifies with our spirit that we are the children of God.” In this passage, it should be noted, 1. That the Holy Spirit removes “fear,” a servile dread of God as angered. 2. That the “Spirit of God” mentioned here is not just the personified spirit or essence of the Gospel, as some suggest, but “the Spirit itself,” or himself; thus, he is referred to in Galatians as “the Spirit of his Son,” which cannot mean the essence of the Gospel. 3. That he inspires a childlike trust in God as our Father, which contrasts with the “fear” brought about by the “spirit of slavery.” 4. That he stirs this childlike trust and allows us to call God our Father by testifying and affirming with our spirit, “that we are the children of God.”
Gal. iv, 4–6, “But when the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth his Son, made of a woman, made under the law, to redeem them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons; and because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.” Here also are to be noted, 1. The means of our redemption from under (the curse of) the law,--the incarnation and sufferings of Christ. 2. That the adoption of sons follows upon our actual redemption from that curse, or, in other words, upon our pardon. 3. That upon our being pardoned, the “Spirit of the Son” is “sent forth into our hearts,” producing the same effect as that mentioned in the Epistle to the Romans, viz. filial confidence in God,--“crying, Abba, Father.” To these texts are to be added all those passages, so numerous in the New Testament, which express the confidence and the joy of Christians; their friendship with God; their confident access to him as their God; their entire union and delightful intercourse with him in spirit.
Gal. iv, 4–6, “But when the right time came, God sent his Son, born of a woman, born under the law, to redeem those under the law, so that we might receive the adoption as children; and because you are children, God has sent the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.” Here are also some key points to note: 1. The means of our redemption from the curse of the law—it’s through the incarnation and sufferings of Christ. 2. The adoption as children comes after our actual redemption from that curse, or in other words, after our forgiveness. 3. Once we are forgiven, the “Spirit of the Son” is “sent into our hearts,” creating the same effect mentioned in the Epistle to the Romans, which is a trusting relationship with God—“crying, Abba, Father.” Along with these texts, we should consider all the many passages in the New Testament that express the confidence and joy of Christians; their friendship with God; their assured access to him as their God; their complete union and joyful relationship with him in spirit.
This has been generally termed the doctrine of assurance, and, perhaps, the expressions of St. Paul, “the full assurance of faith,” and “the full assurance of hope,” may warrant the use of the word. But as there is a current and generally understood sense of this term, implying that the assurance of our present acceptance and sonship implies an assurance of our final perseverance, and of an indefeasible title to heaven; the phrase, a comfortable persuasion, or conviction of our justification and adoption, arising out of the Spirit’s inward and direct testimony, is to be preferred.
This is generally called the doctrine of assurance, and perhaps St. Paul's phrases “the full assurance of faith” and “the full assurance of hope” justify using the term. However, since there’s a widely recognized meaning of this term, suggesting that our assurance of being accepted and being God's children also guarantees our perseverance and an unchangeable right to heaven, the phrase “a comforting belief” or “conviction of our justification and adoption,” which comes from the Spirit’s direct and personal testimony, is better.
There is, also, another reason for the sparing and cautious use of the term assurance, which is, that it seems to imply, though not necessarily, the absence of all doubt, and shuts out all those lower degrees of persuasion which may exist in the experience of Christians. For, our faith may not at first, or at all times, be equally strong, and the testimony of the Spirit may have its degrees of clearness. Nevertheless, the fulness of this attainment is to be pressed upon every one: “Let us draw near,” says St. Paul to all Christians, “with full assurance of faith.”
There’s also another reason for using the term assurance sparingly and carefully. It suggests, though not necessarily, a complete absence of doubt, excluding all the varying levels of conviction that Christians might experience. Our faith may not always be strong from the start or at all times, and the clarity of the Spirit’s testimony can vary. Still, everyone should strive for this complete assurance: “Let us draw near,” says St. Paul to all Christians, “with full assurance of faith.”
It may serve, also, to remove an objection sometimes made to the doctrine, and to correct an error which sometimes pervades the statement of it, to observe that this assurance, persuasion, or conviction, whichever term be adopted, is not of the essence of justifying faith; that is, justifying faith does not consist in the assurance that I am now forgiven, through Christ. This would be obviously contradictory. For we must believe before we can be justified; much more before we can be assured, in any degree, that we are justified:--this persuasion, therefore, follows justification, and is one of its results. But though we must not only distinguish, but separate, this persuasion of our acceptance from the faith which justifies, we must not separate it, but only distinguish it, from justification itself. With that come in as concomitants, adoption, the “Spirit of adoption,” and regeneration.
It can also help to address an objection sometimes raised against the doctrine and to correct a mistake that often shows up in its explanation. It's important to note that this assurance, belief, or conviction—whatever term we use—is not the core of justifying faith. In other words, justifying faith isn’t about being sure that I am currently forgiven through Christ. That would clearly be contradictory. We need to believe before we can be justified, and even more so before we can be assured in any way that we are justified. So this belief comes after justification and is one of its outcomes. However, while we should not only distinguish but also separate this belief in our acceptance from the faith that justifies, we shouldn’t separate it from justification itself; we should only distinguish it. Along with that come adoption, the “Spirit of adoption,” and regeneration.
ADORATION, the act of rendering divine honours; or of addressing God or any other being as supposing it to be God. (See Worship.) The word is compounded of ad, “to,” and os, “mouth;” and literally signifies to apply the hand to the mouth; manum ad os admovere, “to kiss the hand;” this being in eastern countries one of the great marks of respect and submission. To this mode of idolatrous worship Job refers, xxxi, 26, 27. See also 1 Kings xix, 18.
ADORATION is the act of giving divine honors or addressing God or any other being as if it were God. (See Worship.) The word comes from ad, meaning “to,” and os, meaning “mouth;” it literally means to bring the hand to the mouth; man to mouth bring closer, “to kiss the hand;” which is a significant sign of respect and submission in eastern cultures. Job refers to this type of idolatrous worship in xxxi, 26, 27. See also 1 Kings xix, 18.
The Jewish manner of adoration was by prostration, bowing, and kneeling. The Christians adopted the Grecian, rather than the Roman, method, and always adored uncovered. The ordinary posture of the ancient Christians was kneeling; but on Sundays, standing.
The Jewish way of worship was by lying down flat, bowing, and kneeling. The Christians chose the Greek method instead of the Roman one and always worshiped without head coverings. The usual position for early Christians was kneeling, but on Sundays, they stood.
Adoration is also used for certain extraordinary acts of civil honour, which resemble those paid to the Deity, yet are given to men.
Love is also used for some exceptional acts of civic honor that are similar to those given to the Deity, but are instead directed towards people.
We read of adorations paid to kings, princes, emperors, popes, bishops, abbots, &c, by kneeling, falling prostrate, kissing the feet, hands, garments, &c.
We read about the worship given to kings, princes, emperors, popes, bishops, abbots, etc., through kneeling, lying flat on the ground, kissing their feet, hands, clothes, etc.
The Persian manner of adoration, introduced by Cyrus, was by bending the knee, and falling 26on the face at the prince’s feet, striking the earth with the forehead, and kissing the ground. This was an indispensable condition on the part of foreign ministers and ambassadors, as well as the king’s own vassals, of being admitted to audience, and of obtaining any favour. This token of reverence was ordered to be paid to their favourites as well as to themselves, as we learn from the history of Haman and Mordecai, in the book of Esther; and even to their statues and images; for Philostratus informs us that, in the time of Apollonius, a golden statue of the king was exposed to all who entered Babylon, and none but those who adored it were admitted within the gates. The ceremony, which the Greeks called ϖροσκυνεῖν, Conon refused to perform to Artaxerxes, and Callisthenes to Alexander the Great, as reputing it impious and unlawful.
The Persian way of showing respect, introduced by Cyrus, involved kneeling and falling on the ground at the prince’s feet, hitting the earth with one’s forehead, and kissing the ground. This act was a mandatory requirement for foreign ministers and ambassadors, as well as the king’s own vassals, to gain an audience and secure any favors. This sign of respect was expected to be shown not only to their favorites but also to themselves, as we see in the story of Haman and Mordecai in the book of Esther; it was even required for their statues and images. Philostratus tells us that during the time of Apollonius, a golden statue of the king was placed where anyone entering Babylon could see it, and only those who worshipped it were allowed to enter the gates. The ceremony, which the Greeks called ϖροσκυνεῖν, was something Conon refused to perform for Artaxerxes, and Callisthenes similarly refused it for Alexander the Great, considering it impious and unlawful.
The adoration performed to the Roman and Grecian emperors consisted in bowing or kneeling at the prince’s feet, laying hold of his purple robe, and then bringing the hand to the lips. Some attribute the origin of this practice to Constantius. They were only persons of rank or dignity that were entitled to the honour. Bare kneeling before the emperor to deliver a petition, was also called adoration.
The worship given to the Roman and Greek emperors involved bowing or kneeling at the prince’s feet, grabbing hold of his purple robe, and then bringing the hand to the lips. Some say this practice started with Constantius. Only people of rank or importance were allowed this honor. Simply kneeling before the emperor to present a request was also referred to as adoration.
It is particularly said of Dioclesian, that he had gems fastened to his shoes, that divine honours might be more willingly paid him, by kissing his feet. And this mode of adoration was continued till the last age of the Greek monarchy. When any one pays his respects to the king of Achen in Sumatra, he first takes off his shoes and stockings, and leaves them at the door.
It is often said of Dioclesian that he had gems attached to his shoes so that people would more willingly show him divine honors by kissing his feet. This form of worship continued until the final days of the Greek monarchy. When someone pays their respects to the king of Achen in Sumatra, they first take off their shoes and socks and leave them at the door.
The practice of adoration may be said to be still subsisting in England, in the custom of kissing the king’s or queen’s hand.
The practice of adoration can still be seen in England through the tradition of kissing the king’s or queen’s hand.
Adoration is also used in the court of Rome, in the ceremony of kissing the pope’s feet. It is not certain at what period this practice was introduced into the church: but it was probably borrowed from the Byzantine court, and accompanied the temporal power. Dr. Maclaine, in the chronological table which he has subjoined to his translation of Mosheim’s Ecclesiastical History, places its introduction in the eighth century, immediately after the grant of Pepin and Charlemagne. Baronius traces it to a much higher antiquity, and pretends that examples of this homage to the vicars of Christ occur so early as the year 204. These prelates finding a vehement disposition in the people to fall down before them, and kiss their feet, procured crucifixes to be fastened on their slippers; by which stratagem, the adoration intended for the pope’s person is supposed to be transferred to Christ. Divers acts of this adoration we find offered even by princes to the pope; and Gregory XIII, claims this act of homage as a duty.
Adoration is also practiced in the court of Rome during the ceremony of kissing the pope’s feet. It's unclear when this practice began in the church, but it likely came from the Byzantine court and accompanied the temporal power. Dr. Maclaine, in the chronological table included with his translation of Mosheim’s Ecclesiastical History, suggests it started in the eighth century, right after the grants from Pepin and Charlemagne. Baronius traces it back even further, claiming examples of this tribute to the vicars of Christ date as early as the year 204. These church leaders, noticing the strong inclination of the people to bow down and kiss their feet, arranged for crucifixes to be attached to their slippers; this way, the adoration intended for the pope is thought to be directed towards Christ instead. We also see various acts of this adoration offered to the pope by princes, and Gregory XIII regards this act of homage as a responsibility.
Adoration properly is paid only to the pope when placed on the altar, in which posture the cardinals, conclavists, alone are admitted to kiss his feet. The people are afterward admitted to do the like at St. Peter’s church; the ceremony is described at large by Guicciardin.
Adoration is properly given only to the pope when he is on the altar, and only the cardinals and conclavists are allowed to kiss his feet in that position. Afterward, the public is allowed to do the same at St. Peter's church; the ceremony is detailed extensively by Guicciardin.
Adoration is more particularly used for kissing one’s hand in presence of another as a token of reverence. The Jews adored by kissing their hands, and bowing down their heads; whence in their language kissing is properly used for adoration. This illustrates a passage in Psalm ii, “Kiss the Son lest he be angry;”--that is, pay him homage and worship.
Adoration specifically refers to kissing one's hand in front of someone else as a sign of respect. The Jews showed adoration by kissing their hands and bowing their heads; in their language, kissing is closely associated with adoration. This explains a line in Psalm ii, “Kiss the Son lest he be angry;”—meaning, show him homage and worship.
It was the practice among the Greek Christians to worship with the head uncovered, 1 Cor. xi; but in the east the ancient custom of worshipping with the head covered was retained.
It was customary among Greek Christians to worship with their heads uncovered, 1 Cor. xi; but in the East, the ancient practice of worshiping with the head covered continued.
ADRAMMELECH, the son of Sennacherib, king of Assyria. The king returning to Nineveh, after his unhappy expedition made into Judea against king Hezekiah, was killed by his two sons, Adrammelech and Sharezer, whilst at his devotions in the temple of his god Nisroch, Isaiah xxxvii, 38; 2 Kings xix. It is not known what prompted these two princes to commit this parricide; but after they had committed the murder, they fled for safety to the mountains of Armenia, and their brother, Esarhaddon, succeeded to the crown.
ADRAMMELECH, the son of Sennacherib, king of Assyria. The king returned to Nineveh after his unsuccessful campaign in Judea against King Hezekiah and was killed by his two sons, Adrammelech and Sharezer, while praying in the temple of his god Nisroch, Isaiah 37:38; 2 Kings 19. It’s unclear what led these two princes to commit this act of murder; however, after the killing, they escaped for safety to the mountains of Armenia, and their brother, Esarhaddon, took over the throne.
Adrammelech was also one of the gods adored by the inhabitants of Sepharvaim, who were settled in the country of Samaria, in the room of the Israelites, who were carried beyond the Euphrates. The Sepharvaites made their children pass through the fire in honour of this idol, and another, called Anammelech, 2 Kings xvii, 31. The Rabbins say, that Adrammelech was represented under the form of a mule; but there is much more reason to believe that Adrammelech meant the sun, and Anammelech the moon; the first signifying the magnificent king, the second the gentle king,--many eastern nations adoring the moon as a god, not as a goddess.
Adrammelech was also one of the gods worshipped by the people of Sepharvaim, who settled in the land of Samaria, taking the place of the Israelites who were taken beyond the Euphrates. The Sepharvaites made their children walk through fire in honor of this idol and another one called Anammelech, 2 Kings xvii, 31. The Rabbis say that Adrammelech was depicted as a mule; however, it's more likely that Adrammelech represented the sun, and Anammelech represented the moon; the first meaning the magnificent king, the second the gentle king, with many Eastern nations worshipping the moon as a god, not as a goddess.
ADRAMYTTIUM, a city on the west coast of Mysia, in Lesser Asia, over against the isle of Lesbos. It was in a ship belonging to this place, that St. Paul sailed from Cesarea to proceed to Rome as a prisoner, Acts xxvii, 2. It is now called Edremit.
ADRAMYTTIUM, a city on the west coast of Mysia in Lesser Asia, directly across from the island of Lesbos. It was on a ship from this city that St. Paul sailed from Caesarea to go to Rome as a prisoner, Acts xxvii, 2. It is now called Edremit.
ADRIA. This name, which occurs in Acts xxvii, 27, is now confined to the gulf lying between Italy on the one side, and the coasts of Dalmatia and Albania on the other. But in St. Paul’s time it was extended to all that portion of the Mediterranean between Crete and Sicily. Thus Ptolemy says that Sicily was bounded on the east by the Adriatic, and Crete in a similar manner on the west; and Strabo says that the Ionian Gulf was a part of what, in his time, was called the Adriatic Sea.
ADRIA. This name, which appears in Acts xxvii, 27, now refers specifically to the gulf between Italy on one side and the coasts of Dalmatia and Albania on the other. However, in St. Paul’s time, it encompassed the entire portion of the Mediterranean between Crete and Sicily. Ptolemy noted that Sicily was bordered on the east by the Adriatic, and Crete was similarly bordered on the west; Strabo mentioned that the Ionian Gulf was part of what was referred to as the Adriatic Sea in his era.
ADULLAM, a city in the tribe of Judah, to the west of Hebron, whose king was slain by Joshua, Josh. xii, 15. It is frequently mentioned in the history of Saul and David; and is chiefly memorable from the cave in its neighbourhood, where David retired from Achish, king of Gath, when he was joined by the distressed and discontented, to the number of four hundred, over whom he became captain, 1 Sam. xxii, 1. Judas Maccabeus encamped in the plain of Adullam, where he passed the Sabbath day, 2 Mac. xii, 38. Eusebius says that, in his time, Adullam was a very great town, ten miles to the east of Eleutheropolis.
ADULLAM, a city in the tribe of Judah, west of Hebron, had a king who was killed by Joshua, Josh. xii, 15. It is often mentioned in the stories of Saul and David and is mainly known for the cave nearby where David escaped from Achish, the king of Gath. Here, he was joined by around four hundred distressed and discontented followers, and he became their leader, 1 Sam. xxii, 1. Judas Maccabeus camped in the plain of Adullam, where he observed the Sabbath, 2 Mac. xii, 38. Eusebius reports that during his time, Adullam was a large town located ten miles east of Eleutheropolis.
27ADULTERY, the violation of the marriage bed. The law of Moses punished with death both the man and the woman who were guilty of this crime, Lev. xx, 10. If a woman was betrothed to a man, and was guilty of this infamous crime before the marriage was completed, she was, in this case, along with her paramour, to be stoned, Deut. xxii, 22–24.
27ADULTERY, the breach of the marriage vow. Under Moses' law, both the man and the woman involved in this act faced the death penalty, Lev. xx, 10. If a woman was engaged to a man and committed this disgraceful act before the marriage was finalized, she, along with her partner, was to be stoned, Deut. xxii, 22–24.
When any man among the Jews, prompted by jealousy, suspected his wife of the crime of adultery, he brought her first before the judges, and informed them that, in consequence of his suspicions, he had privately admonished her, but that she was regardless of his admonitions. If before the judges she asserted her innocency, he required that she should drink the waters of jealousy, that God might by these means discover what she attempted to conceal, Num. v, 12, &c. The man then produced his witnesses, and they were heard. After this, both the man and the woman were conveyed to Jerusalem, and placed before the sanhedrim; the judges of which, by threats and other means, endeavoured to confound the woman, and make her confess. If she persisted in denying the fact, she was led to the eastern gate of the court of Israel, stripped of her own clothes, and dressed in black, before great numbers of her own sex. The priest then told her, that if she was really innocent, she had nothing to fear; but if guilty, she might expect to suffer all that the law had denounced against her, to which she answered, “Amen, amen.” The priest then wrote the terms of the law in this form:--“If a strange man hath not come near you, and you are not polluted by forsaking the bed of your husband, these bitter waters, which I have cursed, will not hurt you: but if you have polluted yourself by coming near to another man, and gone astray from your husband,--may you be accursed of the Lord, and become an example for all his people; may your thigh rot, and your belly swell till it burst; may these cursed waters enter into your belly, and being swelled therewith, may your thighs putrefy.“
When any man among the Jews, feeling jealous, suspected his wife of cheating, he first brought her before the judges and told them that because of his suspicions, he had privately warned her, but she ignored his warnings. If she claimed her innocence before the judges, he required her to drink the waters of jealousy, so that God could reveal what she was trying to hide, Num. v, 12, &c. The man then presented his witnesses, and they were heard. After this, both the man and woman were taken to Jerusalem and placed before the Sanhedrin, where the judges tried to confuse the woman and make her confess through threats and other means. If she continued to deny the accusation, she was led to the eastern gate of the court of Israel, stripped of her clothes, and dressed in black, in front of a crowd of women. The priest then told her that if she was truly innocent, she had nothing to fear, but if guilty, she could expect to face all the penalties the law prescribed against her, to which she replied, “Amen, amen.” The priest then wrote the terms of the law in this way: “If a strange man has not come near you and you are not defiled by abandoning your husband's bed, these bitter waters that I have cursed will not harm you; but if you have defiled yourself by being with another man, and strayed from your husband—may you be cursed by the Lord and become an example for all His people; may your thigh rot, and your belly swell until it bursts; may these cursed waters enter your belly, causing you to swell, and may your thighs decay.”
After this, the priest filled a pitcher out of the brazen vessel, near the altar of burnt offerings, cast some dust of the pavement into it, mingled something with it as bitter as wormwood, and then read the curses, and received her answer of Amen. Another priest, in the meantime, tore off her clothes as low as her bosom--made her head bare--untied the tresses of her hair--fastened her clothes, which were thus torn, with a girdle under her breasts, and then presented her with the tenth part of an ephah, or about three pints, of barley meal. The other priest then gave her the waters of jealousy, or bitterness, to drink; and as soon as the woman had swallowed them, he gave her the meal in a vessel like a frying-pan into her hand. This was stirred before the Lord, and part of it thrown into the fire of the altar. If the wife was innocent, she returned with her husband, and the waters, so far from injuring her, increased her health, and made her more fruitful; but if she was guilty, she grew pale immediately, her eyes swelled; and, lest she should pollute the temple, she was instantly carried out, with these symptoms upon her, and died instantly, with all the ignominious circumstances related in the curses.
After this, the priest filled a pitcher from the bronze vessel near the altar of burnt offerings, added some dust from the ground, mixed in something bitter like wormwood, then read the curses and received her response of Amen. Meanwhile, another priest tore her clothes down to her chest, uncovered her head, undid her hair, secured the torn clothes with a girdle under her breasts, and then gave her the tenth part of an ephah, or about three pints, of barley meal. The other priest then gave her the waters of jealousy, or bitterness, to drink; and as soon as the woman swallowed them, he handed her the meal in a vessel like a frying pan. This was stirred before the Lord, and part of it was thrown into the fire of the altar. If the wife was innocent, she returned to her husband, and the waters, instead of harming her, improved her health and made her more fertile; but if she was guilty, she immediately turned pale, her eyes swelled up; and to avoid defiling the temple, she was quickly taken out, showing these symptoms, and died instantly, along with all the shameful consequences mentioned in the curses.
On this law of Moses, Michaëlis has the following remarks:--
On this law of Moses, Michaëlis has these comments:--
“This oath was, perhaps, a relic of some more severe and barbarous consuetudinary laws, whose rigours Moses mitigated; as he did in many other cases, where an established usage could not be conveniently abolished altogether. Among ourselves, in barbarous times, the ordeal, or trial by fire, was, notwithstanding the parity of our married people, in common use; and this, in point of equity, was much the same in effect, as if the husband had had the right to insist on his wife submitting to the hazardous trial of her purity, by drinking a poisoned potion; which, according to an ancient superstition, could never hurt her if she was innocent. And, in fact, such a right is not altogether unexampled; for, according to Oldendorp’s History of the Mission of the Evangelical Brethren, in the Caribbee Islands, it is actually in use among some of the savage nations in the interior parts of Western Africa.
“This oath was probably a leftover from some harsher and more primitive customary laws, which Moses softened; as he did in many other situations where a long-standing practice couldn't be easily eliminated completely. In our own past, during brutal times, the ordeal, or trial by fire, was commonly used, despite the equality of our married couples; and in terms of fairness, it was pretty much the same as if the husband had the right to force his wife to undergo the dangerous test of her purity by drinking a poisoned drink, which, according to an ancient belief, would not harm her if she was innocent. In fact, such a right isn’t entirely unheard of; for, according to Oldendorp’s History of the Mission of the Evangelical Brethren, in the Caribbee Islands, it is still practiced among some of the indigenous tribes in the remote areas of Western Africa."
“Now, when in place of a poisoned potion like this, which very few husbands can be very willing to have administered to their wives, we see, as among the Hebrews, an imprecation-drink, whose avenger God himself promises to become, we cannot but be struck with the contrast of wisdom and clemency which such a contrivance manifests. In the one case, (and herein consists their great distinction,) innocence can only be preserved by a miracle; while, on the other, guilt only is revealed and punished by the hand of God himself.
“Now, instead of a poisoned potion like this, which very few husbands would be willing to give their wives, we see, as among the Hebrews, an imprecation-drink, whose avenger God himself promises to take on. We can't help but notice the contrast of wisdom and mercy that such a setup shows. In one case, (and this is their main distinction,) innocence can only be saved by a miracle; while, on the other hand, guilt is revealed and punished by the hand of God himself.”
“By one of the clauses of the oath of purgation, (and had not the legislator been perfectly assured of his divine mission, the insertion of any such clause would have been a very bold step indeed,) a visible and corporeal punishment was specified, which the person swearing imprecated on herself, and which God himself was understood as engaging to execute. To have given so accurate a definition of the punishment that God meant to inflict, and still more one that consisted of such a rare disease, would have been a step of incomprehensible boldness in a legislator who pretended to have a divine mission, if he was not, with the most assured conviction, conscious of its reality.
“According to one of the clauses of the purgation oath, (and if the legislator hadn't been completely confident in his divine mission, including such a clause would have been quite a daring move,) a visible and physical punishment was stated, which the person swearing called upon herself, and which God Himself was believed to agree to carry out. To have given such a precise definition of the punishment that God intended to impose, particularly one that involved such a rare disease, would have been an astonishingly bold move for a legislator claiming a divine mission, unless he was absolutely certain of its authenticity.”
“Seldom, however, very seldom, was it likely that Providence would have an opportunity of inflicting the punishment in question. For the oath was so regulated, that a woman of the utmost effrontery could scarcely have taken it without changing colour to such a degree as to betray herself.
“Seldom, though very seldom, was it likely that fate would have a chance to impose the punishment in question. The oath was structured in such a way that even a woman with the most blatant audacity would hardly be able to take it without turning pale enough to give herself away.”
“In the first place, it was not administered to the woman in her own house, but she was under the necessity of going to that place of the land where God in a special manner had his abode, and took it there. Now, the solemnity of the place, unfamiliarized to her by daily business or resort, would have a great effect upon her mind. In the next place, there was offered unto God what was termed an execration offering, not in order to propitiate his 28mercy, but to invoke his vengeance on the guilty. Here the process was extremely slow, which gave her more time for reflection than to a guilty person could be acceptable, and that, too, amidst a multitude of unusual ceremonies. For the priest conducted her to the front of the sanctuary, and took holy water, that is, water out of the priests’ laver, which stood before it, together with some earth off its floor, which was likewise deemed holy; and having put the earth in the water, he then proceeded to uncover the woman’s head, that her face might be seen, and every change on her countenance during the administration of the oath accurately observed: and this was a circumstance which, in the east, where the women are always veiled, must have had a great effect; because a woman, accustomed to wear a veil, could, on so extraordinary an occasion, have had far less command of her eyes and her countenance than a European adulteress, who is generally a perfect mistress in all the arts of dissimulation, would display. To render the scene still more awful, the tresses of her hair were loosened, and then the execration offering was put into her hand, while the priest held in his the imprecation water. This is commonly termed the bitter water; but we must not understand this as if the water had really been bitter; for how could it have been so? The earth of the floor of the tabernacle could not make it bitter. Among the Hebrews, and other oriental nations, the word bitter was rather used for curse: and, strictly speaking, the phrase does not mean bitter water, but the water of bitternesses, that is, of curses. The priest now pronounced the oath, which was in all points so framed that it could excite no terrors in the breast of an innocent woman; for it expressly consisted in this, that the imprecation water should not harm her if she was innocent. It would seem as if the priest here made a stop, and again left the woman some time to consider whether she would proceed with the oath. This I infer from the circumstance of his speech not being directly continued in verse 21st, which is rather the apodosis of what goes before; and from the detail proceeding anew in the words of the historian, Then shall the priest pronounce the rest of the oath and the curses to the woman; and proceed thus.--After this stop he pronounced the curses, and the woman was obliged to declare her acquiescence in them by a repeated Amen. Nor was the solemn scene yet altogether at an end; but rather, as it were commenced anew. For the priest had yet to write the curses in a book, which I suppose he did at great deliberation; having done so, he washed them out again in the very imprecation water, which the woman had now to drink; and this water being now presented to her, she was obliged to drink it, with this warning and assurance, in the name of God, that if she was guilty, it would prove within her an absolute curse. Now, what must have been her feelings, while drinking, if not conscious of purity? In my opinion she must have conceived that she already felt an alteration in the state of her body, and the germ, as it were, of the disease springing within her. Conscience and imagination would conspire together, and render it almost impossible for her to drink it out. Finally, the execration offering was taken out of her hand, and burnt upon the altar. I cannot but think that, under the sanction of such a purgatorium, perjury must have been a very rare occurrence indeed. If it happened but once in an age, God had bound himself to punish it; and if this took place but once, (if but one woman who had taken the oath was attacked with that rare disease which it threatened,) it was quite enough to serve as a determent to all others for at least one generation.”
“In the first place, it wasn’t conducted in the woman’s own home; she had to go to the place where God had his special presence and take it there. The solemnity of that location, which she wasn't used to because of her daily life, would have a significant impact on her mindset. In the next place, she was presenting to God what was called an execration offering, not to win his mercy, but to call down his wrath on the guilty. The process took a long time, giving her more time to reflect than would be comfortable for someone who was guilty, especially amidst many unusual ceremonies. The priest led her to the front of the sanctuary and took holy water, which was drawn from the priests’ laver that stood in front of it, along with some dirt from the floor, which was also considered holy. After mixing the dirt with the water, he uncovered the woman’s head so her face could be seen, allowing every change in her expression during the oath to be closely observed. This was particularly impactful in the East, where women are typically veiled; a woman used to wearing a veil would have much less control over her eyes and her expressions on such an unusual occasion compared to a European woman, who is often adept at disguising her feelings. To make the scene even more unsettling, her hair was let down, and the execration offering was placed in her hand while the priest held the imprecation water in his. This is usually called the bitter water; however, we shouldn't think of it as literally bitter, for how could it be? The dirt from the tabernacle’s floor couldn’t make it bitter. Among the Hebrews and other Eastern nations, the term bitter was often used to mean curse: strictly speaking, the phrase doesn’t mean bitter water but rather the water of bitternesses, meaning curses. The priest then stated the oath, which was formulated in a way that wouldn’t instill fear in an innocent woman; it specifically stated that the imprecation water would not harm her if she was innocent. It seems the priest paused here, giving the woman time to think about whether she wanted to proceed with the oath. I gather this from how his speech doesn’t directly continue in verse 21, which serves rather as the apodosis of what came before, and from the detailed narrative continuing with the words of the historian, Then shall the priest pronounce the rest of the oath and the curses to the woman; and proceed thus. After this pause, he pronounced the curses, and the woman had to agree to them by repeating Amen. But the solemn scene wasn’t over yet; it was more like it was starting again. The priest still had to write the curses in a book, which I believe he did with great care; after writing, he washed them out in the very imprecation water that the woman was now to drink. This water was then presented to her, and she had to drink it with this warning and assurance, in the name of God, that if she was guilty, it would truly become a curse within her. Now, what must have been her feelings while drinking, if she wasn’t confident in her innocence? In my view, she must have felt that something was changing inside her, as if the seed of disease was already inside her. Conscience and imagination would work together, making it almost impossible for her to finish drinking it. Finally, the execration offering was taken from her hand and burned on the altar. I can’t help but think that, under such a purgatorium, perjury must have been extremely rare. If it occurred even once in an age, God had committed himself to punish it; and if it happened just once (even if only one woman who took the oath experienced that rare affliction it threatened), that would be enough to deter all others for at least one generation.”
This procedure had also the effect of keeping in mind, among the Jews, God’s high displeasure against this violation of his law; and though some lax moralists have been found, in modern times, to palliate it, yet the Christian will always remember the solemn denunciations of the New Testament against a crime so aggravated, whether considered in its effects upon the domestic relations, upon the moral character of the guilty parties, or upon society at large,--“Whoremongers and adulterers God will judge.”
This process also served to remind the Jews of God's serious anger at this breach of His law; and even though some lenient moralists today may try to justify it, Christians will always recall the serious warnings in the New Testament against such a severe crime, whether viewed in terms of its impact on personal relationships, the moral integrity of those involved, or society as a whole—“God will judge whoremongers and adulterers.”
Adultery, in the prophetic scriptures, is often metaphorically taken, and signifies idolatry, and apostasy from God, by which men basely defile themselves, and wickedly violate their ecclesiastical and covenant relation to God, Hos. ii, 2; Ezek. xvi.
Cheating in the prophetic texts is often used as a metaphor and represents idolatry and turning away from God, through which people disgrace themselves and cruelly break their religious and covenant relationship with God, Hos. ii, 2; Ezek. xvi.
ADVOCATE, Παράκλητος, a patron, one who pleads the cause of any one before another. In this sense the term is applied to Christ our intercessor, 1 John ii, 1. It signifies also a comforter, and an instructer; and is used of the Holy Spirit, John xiv, 16, and xv, 26.
ADVOCATE, Παράκλητος, a supporter, someone who argues on behalf of another person. In this context, the term refers to Christ as our intercessor, 1 John ii, 1. It also means a comforter and teacher; it is used to refer to the Holy Spirit, John xiv, 16, and xv, 26.
ADYTUM is a Greek word, signifying inaccessible, by which is understood the most retired and secret place of the Heathen temples, into which none but the priests were allowed to enter. The adytum of the Greeks and Romans answered to the sanctum sanctorum of the Jews, and was the place from whence oracles were delivered.
ADYTUM is a Greek word that means inaccessible, referring to the most hidden and secret area of the pagan temples, where only the priests were allowed to go. The adytum of the Greeks and Romans corresponds to the holy of holies of the Jews and was the place from which oracles were given.
ÆRA, a series of years, commencing from a certain point of time called an epocha: thus we say, the Christian æra; that is, the number of years elapsed since the birth of Christ. The generality of authors use the terms æra and epocha in a synonymous sense; that is, for the point of time from which any computation begins.
ÆRA, a series of years starting from a specific time referred to as an epoch: for example, the Christian æra, meaning the number of years that have passed since the birth of Christ. Most authors use the terms æra and epocha interchangeably, referring to the point in time from which any calculation begins.
The ancient Jews made use of several æras in their computation; sometimes they reckoned from the deluge, sometimes from the division of tongues; sometimes from their departure out of Egypt; and at other times from the building of the temple; and sometimes from the restoration after the Babylonish captivity: but their vulgar æra was from the creation of the world, which falls in with the year of the Julian period 953; and consequently they supposed the world created 294 years sooner than according to our computation. But when the Jews became subject to the Syro-Macedonian kings, they were obliged to make use of the æra of the Seleucidæ in all their contracts, which from 29thence was called the æra of contracts. This æra begins with the year of the world 3692, of the Julian period 4402, and before Christ 312. The æra in general use among the Christians is that from the birth of Jesus Christ, concerning the true time of which chronologers differ; some place it two years, others four, and again others five, before the vulgar æra, which is fixed for the year of the world 4004: but Archbishop Usher, and after him the generality of modern chronologers, place it in the year of the world 4000.
The ancient Jews used several eras for their calculations; sometimes they counted from the flood, sometimes from the division of languages, sometimes from their exodus from Egypt, and at other times from the building of the temple. They also reckoned from the restoration after the Babylonian captivity. However, their common era started from the creation of the world, which aligns with the Julian year 953; this meant they believed the world was created 294 years earlier than our current calculations. When the Jews came under the rule of the Syro-Macedonian kings, they had to adopt the Seleucid era for all their contracts, which then became known as the era of contracts. This era begins in the year of the world 3692, in the Julian period 4402, and before Christ 312. The era commonly used by Christians is based on the birth of Jesus Christ, though scholars disagree on the exact date; some say it’s two years, others four, and still others five years earlier than the common era, which is set at the year of the world 4004. However, Archbishop Usher and most modern chronologists date it in the year of the world 4000.
The ancient Heathens used several æras:
The ancient Heathens used several eras:
1. The æra of the first olympiad is placed in the year of the world 3228, and before the vulgar æra of Jesus Christ 776. 2. The taking of Troy by the Greeks, in the year of the world 2820, and before Jesus Christ 1884. 3. The voyage undertaken for the purpose of bringing away the golden fleece, in the year of the world 2760. 4. The foundation of Rome, in 2856. 5. The æra of Nabonassar, in 3257. 6. The æra of Alexander the Great, or his last victory over Darius, in 3674, and before Jesus Christ 330.
1. The era of the first Olympic Games is set in the year 3228 of the world, and before the common era of Jesus Christ 776. 2. The fall of Troy to the Greeks happened in the year 2820 of the world, and before Jesus Christ 1884. 3. The voyage undertaken to retrieve the golden fleece occurred in the year 2760 of the world. 4. The founding of Rome took place in 2856. 5. The era of Nabonassar is marked in 3257. 6. The era of Alexander the Great, or his last victory over Darius, is recorded in 3674, and before Jesus Christ 330.
AERIANS, a sect which arose about the middle of the fourth century, being the followers of Aërius, (who must be distinguished from Arius and Aëtius,) a monk and a presbyter of Sebastia, in Pontus. He is charged with being an Arian, or Semi-Arian; but the heaviest accusation against him is an attempt to reform the church; and, by rejecting prayers for the dead, with certain fasts and festivals then superstitiously observed, to reduce Christianity as nearly as possible “to its primitive simplicity; a purpose, indeed, laudable and noble,” says Dr. Mosheim, “when considered in itself: though the principles from whence it springs, and the means by which it is executed, are sometimes, in many respects, worthy of censure, and may have been so in the case of this reformer.” This gentle rebuke probably refers to a report that the zeal of Aërius originated in his being disappointed of the bishopric of Sebastia, (conferred on Eustathius,) which led him to affirm that the Scriptures make no distinction between a presbyter and a bishop, which he founded chiefly on 1 Tim. iv, 14. Hence he is considered by many, as the father of the modern Presbyterians.--“For this opinion, chiefly,” says Dr. Turner, “he is ranked among the heretics, by Epiphanius, his contemporary, who calls it a notion full of folly and madness. His followers were driven from the churches, and out of all the towns and villages, and were obliged to assemble in the woods, caverns, and open defiles.”
AERIANS, a sect that emerged around the middle of the fourth century, were followers of Aërius, (who should be distinguished from Arius and Aëtius), a monk and presbyter from Sebastia in Pontus. He is accused of being an Arian, or Semi-Arian; however, the main charge against him is that he tried to reform the church. By rejecting prayers for the dead and certain fasts and festivals that were then superstitiously observed, he aimed to bring Christianity back to its “primitive simplicity.” This goal, as Dr. Mosheim notes, is “indeed laudable and noble when considered on its own; though the principles from which it comes and the means by which it is carried out are sometimes, in many respects, deserving of criticism, and may have been the case with this reformer.” This mild criticism likely refers to the claim that Aërius's fervor stemmed from his disappointment at not being appointed bishop of Sebastia (a position that went to Eustathius), which led him to argue that the Scriptures do not differentiate between a presbyter and a bishop, primarily based on 1 Tim. iv, 14. Consequently, many consider him to be the father of modern Presbyterians. “For this belief, chiefly,” says Dr. Turner, “he is categorized as a heretic by Epiphanius, his contemporary, who describes it as a notion full of folly and madness. His followers were expelled from churches and from all towns and villages, and they had to gather in woods, caves, and open fields.”
AETIANS, another branch (as it is said) of Arians, so called from Aëtius, bishop of Antioch, who is also charged with maintaining “faith without works,” as “sufficient to salvation,” or rather justification; and with maintaining “that sin is not imputed to believers.” It is added, that he taught God had revealed to him things which he had “concealed from the Apostles;” which, perhaps, is only a misrepresentation of what he taught on the doctrine of divine influences.
AETIANS, another branch (as it is said) of Arians, named after Aëtius, the bishop of Antioch, who is also accused of promoting “faith without works” as “sufficient for salvation,” or really justification; and of claiming “that sin is not held against believers.” It’s also said that he taught God had revealed to him things that He had “hidden from the Apostles;” which may just be a misinterpretation of what he taught regarding the doctrine of divine influences.
AFFINITY. There are several degrees of affinity, wherein marriage was prohibited by the law of Moses: thus the son could not marry his mother, nor his father’s wife, Lev. xviii, 7, &c. The brother could not marry his sister, whether she were so by the father only, or only by the mother, and much less if she were his sister both by the same father and mother. The grandfather could not marry his granddaughter, either by his son or daughter. No one could marry the daughter of his father’s wife; nor the sister of his father or mother; nor the uncle, his niece; nor the aunt, her nephew; nor the nephew, the wife of his uncle by the father’s side. The father-in-law could not marry his daughter-in-law; nor the brother the wife of his brother, while living; nor even after the death of his brother, if he left children. If he left no children, the surviving brother was to raise up children to his deceased brother by marrying his widow. It was forbidden to marry the mother and the daughter at one time, or the daughter of the mother’s son, or the daughter of her daughter, or two sisters, together.
AFFINITY. There are several levels of affinity where marriage was prohibited by the law of Moses: for example, a son couldn't marry his mother or his father's wife (Lev. xviii, 7, &c.). A brother couldn't marry his sister, whether she was a half-sister or a full sister. A grandfather couldn't marry his granddaughter, whether she came from his son or daughter. No one could marry the daughter of his father's wife; nor could they marry their father's or mother's siblings; nor could an uncle marry his niece; nor an aunt marry her nephew; nor could a nephew marry his uncle's wife from his father's side. A father-in-law couldn't marry his daughter-in-law; nor could a brother marry his brother's wife while he was alive, or even after his brother died if he had children. If the brother left no children, the surviving brother was expected to have children with the widow of his deceased brother. It was forbidden to marry a mother and daughter at the same time, or the daughter of a mother's son, or the daughter of her daughter, or to marry two sisters at once.
It is true the patriarchs, before the law, married their sisters, as Abraham married Sarah, who was his father’s daughter by another mother; and two sisters together, as Jacob married Rachel and Leah; and their own sisters, both by father and mother, as Seth and Cain. But these cases are not to be proposed as examples; because in some they were authorized by necessity; in others, by custom; and the law as yet was not in being. If some other examples may be found, either before or since the law, the Scripture expressly disapproves of them; as Reuben’s incest with Balah, his father’s concubine; and the action of Amnon with his sister Tamar; and that of Herod Antipas, who married Herodias, his sister-in-law, his brother Philip’s wife, while her husband was yet living; and that which St. Paul reproves and punishes among the Corinthians, 1 Cor. v, 1.
It's true that the patriarchs, before the law, married their sisters, like Abraham married Sarah, who was his father’s daughter from another mother; and two sisters together, as Jacob married Rachel and Leah; and their own sisters, both from their father and mother, like Seth and Cain. But these situations shouldn’t be held up as examples; in some cases, they were allowed out of necessity, and in others, by custom, and the law didn’t exist yet. If there are other examples found, either before or after the law, Scripture clearly disapproves of them; like Reuben’s incest with Balah, his father’s concubine; and the actions of Amnon with his sister Tamar; and that of Herod Antipas, who married Herodias, his sister-in-law, Philip’s wife, while her husband was still alive; and that which St. Paul condemns and punishes among the Corinthians, 1 Cor. v, 1.
AGABUS, a prophet, and as the Greeks say, one of the seventy disciples of our Saviour. He foretold that there would be a great famine over all the earth; which came to pass accordingly, under the emperor Claudius, in the fourth year of his reign, A. D. 44, Acts xi, 28.
AGABUS, a prophet and, as the Greeks put it, one of the seventy disciples of our Savior, predicted that there would be a major famine across the entire world. This actually happened during the reign of Emperor Claudius, in the fourth year of his rule, A.D. 44, Acts xi, 28.
Ten years after this, as St. Paul was going to Jerusalem, and had already landed at Cæsarea, in Palestine, the same prophet, Agabus, arrived there, and coming to visit St. Paul and his company, he took this Apostle’s girdle, and binding himself hand and feet, he said, “Thus saith the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that owneth this girdle, and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles,” Acts xxi, 10. We know no other particulars of the life of Agabus. The Greeks say that he suffered martyrdom at Antioch.
Ten years later, as St. Paul was heading to Jerusalem and had already landed in Cæsarea, Palestine, the same prophet, Agabus, arrived there. He came to visit St. Paul and his group, took St. Paul’s belt, tied himself up hand and foot, and said, “This is what the Holy Spirit says: The Jews in Jerusalem will bind the man who owns this belt and hand him over to the Gentiles,” Acts xxi, 10. We don’t know any other details about Agabus’s life. The Greeks say he was martyred in Antioch.
AGAG. This seems to have been a common name of the princes of Amalek, one of whom was very powerful as early as the time of Moses, Num. xxiv, 7. On account of the cruelties exercised by this king and his army against the Israelites, as they returned from Egypt, a bloody and long contested battle took place between Joshua and the Amalekites, in which the former was victorious, Exod. xvii, 8–13. At the same time, God protested with an oath to destroy Amalek, verses 14–16; Deut. xxv, 17–19, A. M. 302513. About four hundred years after this, the Lord remembered the cruel treatment of his people, and his own oath; and he commanded Saul, by the mouth of Samuel, to destroy the Amalekites. Saul mustered his army, and found it two hundred thousand strong, 1 Sam. xv, 1, &c. Having entered into their country, he cut in pieces all he could meet with from Havilah to Shur. Agag their king, and the best of their cattle, were however spared, an act of disobedience on the part of Saul, probably dictated by covetousness. But Agag did not long enjoy this reprieve; for Samuel no sooner heard that he was alive, than he sent for him; and notwithstanding his insinuating address, and the vain hopes with which he flattered himself that the bitterness of death was past, he caused him to be hewed to pieces in Gilgal before the Lord, saying, “As, כאשר, in the same identical mode as, thy sword hath made women childless, so shall thy mother be childless among women.” This savage chieftain had hewed many prisoners to death; and, therefore, by command of the Judge of the whole earth, he was visited with the same punishment which he had inflicted upon others.
AGAG. This appears to have been a common name for the kings of Amalek, one of whom was quite powerful as early as the time of Moses, Num. xxiv, 7. Due to the atrocities committed by this king and his army against the Israelites during their return from Egypt, a bloody and fiercely contested battle occurred between Joshua and the Amalekites, in which Joshua emerged victorious, Exod. xvii, 8–13. At the same time, God swore an oath to destroy Amalek, verses 14–16; Deut. xxv, 17–19, A. M. 302513. Around four hundred years later, the Lord remembered the cruel treatment of His people and His own oath, so He commanded Saul, through Samuel, to eliminate the Amalekites. Saul gathered an army of two hundred thousand men, 1 Sam. xv, 1, & c. Once he entered their territory, he slaughtered everyone he encountered from Havilah to Shur. However, he spared Agag, their king, and the best of their cattle, an act of disobedience on Saul's part, likely driven by greed. But Agag did not enjoy this stay of execution for long; as soon as Samuel learned he was still alive, he called for him. Despite Agag's smooth words and the false hopes he had that he had escaped death, Samuel had him executed in Gilgal before the Lord, saying, “As, כאשר, in the same exact way as, your sword has made women childless, so shall your mother be childless among women.” This brutal leader had put many prisoners to death, and therefore, by command of the Judge of the whole earth, he faced the same punishment he had inflicted on others.
AGAPÆ. See Love Feast.
AGAPÆ. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
AGAR, mount Sinai, so called, Gal. iv, 24, 25. But this reading is doubtful, many MSS. having the verse, “for this Sinai is a mountain of Arabia.” Some critics however contend for the reading of the received text, and urge that Agar, which signifies “a rocky mountain,” is the Arabic name for Sinai.
AGAR, Mount Sinai, as it’s called, Gal. iv, 24, 25. However, this interpretation is questionable, as many manuscripts have the verse stating, “for this Sinai is a mountain of Arabia.” Some critics, however, support the reading of the accepted text and argue that Agar, which means “a rocky mountain,” is the Arabic name for Sinai.
AGATE, שבו, Exod. xxviii, 19; xxxix, 12. In the Septuagint ἀχάτης, and Vulgate, achates. A precious stone, semi-pellucid. Its variegations are sometimes most beautifully disposed, representing plants, trees, rivers, clouds, &c. Its Hebrew name is, perhaps, derived from the country whence the Jews imported it; for the merchants of Sheba brought to the market of Tyre all kinds of precious stones, Ezek. xxvii, 22. The agate was the second stone in the third row of the pectoral of the high priest, Exod. xxviii, 19, and xxxix, 12.
AGATE, שבו, Exod. 28:19; 39:12. In the Septuagint it's called ἀχάτης, and in the Vulgate, achates. It's a precious stone that is somewhat translucent. Its patterns are often stunningly arranged, resembling plants, trees, rivers, clouds, etc. Its Hebrew name might come from the region where the Jews got it, as merchants from Sheba brought all sorts of precious stones to the market in Tyre, Ezek. 27:22. The agate was the second stone in the third row of the high priest's breastplate, Exod. 28:19, and 39:12.
AGE, in the most general sense of the term, denotes the duration of any substance, animate or inanimate; and is applied either to the whole period of its existence, or to that portion of it which precedes the time to which the description of it refers. In this sense it is used to signify either the whole natural duration of the LIFE of man, or any interval of it that has elapsed before the period of which we speak. When age is understood of a certain portion of the life of man, its whole duration is divided into four different ages, viz. infancy, youth, manhood, and old age: the first extending to the fourteenth year; the second, denominated youth, adolescence, or the age of puberty, commencing at fourteen, and terminating at about twenty-five; manhood, or the virile age, concluding at fifty; and the last ending at the close of life. Some divide the first period into infancy and childhood; and the last likewise into two stages, calling that which succeeds the age of seventy-five, decrepit old age. Age is applicable to the duration of things inanimate or factitious; and in this use of the term we speak of the age of a house, of a country, of a state or kingdom, &c.
AGE, in the broadest sense, refers to how long something, whether alive or not, has been around. It can mean the entire span of its existence or just the part that comes before the time we’re describing. In this context, it signifies either the full natural lifespan of a person or any time that has passed before the period we’re discussing. When we talk about age in relation to a specific part of a person’s life, we break it down into four stages: infancy, youth, adulthood, and old age. Infancy lasts until around age fourteen; youth, which includes adolescence or the age of puberty, starts at fourteen and goes up to about twenty-five; adulthood, or the mature age, lasts until fifty; and old age continues until the end of life. Some also split the first stage into infancy and childhood, and the last stage into two parts, labeling the time after seventy-five as frail old age. We also use age to talk about the length of time for inanimate or man-made things, such as the age of a house, a country, or a state.
Age, in chronology, is used for a century, or a period of one hundred years: in which sense it is the same with seculum, and differs from generation. It is also used in speaking of the times past since the creation of the world. The several ages of the world may be reduced to three grand epochas, viz. the age of the law of nature, called by the Jews the void age, from Adam to Moses. The age of the Jewish law, from Moses to Christ, called by the Jews the present age. And the age of grace, from Christ to the present year. The Jews call the third age, the age to come, or the future age; denoting by it the time from the advent of the Messiah to the end of the world. The Romans distinguished the time that preceded them into three ages: the obscure or uncertain age, which reached down as low as Ogyges king of Attica, in whose reign the deluge happened in Greece; the fabulous or heroic age, which ended at the first olympiad; and the historical age, which commenced at the building of Rome. Among the poets, the four ages of the world are, the golden, the silver, the brazen, and the iron age.
Age, in chronology, refers to a century, or a period of one hundred years: in this sense, it is the same as era and differs from generation. It's also used when talking about the times that have passed since the creation of the world. The different ages of the world can be reduced to three major epochs: the age of the law of nature, called by the Jews the void age, which spans from Adam to Moses; the age of the Jewish law, from Moses to Christ, known by the Jews as the present age; and the age of grace, from Christ to the current year. The Jews refer to the third age as the age to come, or the future age, indicating the time from the arrival of the Messiah to the end of the world. The Romans categorized the time before them into three ages: the obscure or uncertain age, which goes back to Ogyges, king of Attica, during whose reign the deluge occurred in Greece; the fabulous or heroic age, which ended at the first Olympiad; and the historical age, which began with the founding of Rome. Among poets, the four ages of the world are the golden, the silver, the bronze, and the iron age.
Age is sometimes used among the ancient poets in the same sense as generation, or a period of thirty years. Thus Nestor is said to have lived three ages, when he was ninety years old.
Age is sometimes used by ancient poets in the same way as generation, or a span of thirty years. So, Nestor is said to have lived through three ages when he was ninety years old.
The period preceding the birth of Jesus Christ has been generally divided into six ages. The first extends from the creation to the deluge, and comprehends 1656 years. The second age, from the deluge to Abraham’s entering the land of promise, A. M. 2082, comprehends 426 years. The third age from Abraham’s entrance into the promised land to the Exodus, A. M. 2512, includes 430 years. The fourth age, from the Exodus to the building of the temple by Solomon, A. M. 2992, contains 480 years. The fifth age from the foundation of Solomon’s temple to the Babylonish captivity, A. M. 3416, comprehends 424 years. The sixth age, from the Babylonish captivity to the birth of Jesus Christ, A. M. 4000, the fourth year before the vulgar æra, includes 584 years. Those who follow the Septuagint, or Greek version, divide this period into seven ages, viz. 1. From the creation to the deluge, 2262 years. 2. From the deluge to the confusion of tongues, 738 years. 3. From this confusion to the calling of Abraham, 460 years. 4. From this period to Jacob’s descent into Egypt, 215 years; and from this event to the Exodus, 430 years, making the whole 645 years. 5. From the Exodus to Saul, 774 years. 6. From Saul to Cyrus, 583 years. 7. From Cyrus to the vulgar æra of Christians, 538 years; the whole period from the creation to this period containing 6000 years.
The time before the birth of Jesus Christ is generally divided into six ages. The first age runs from creation to the flood, lasting 1656 years. The second age, from the flood to Abraham entering the promised land in A. M. 2082, lasts 426 years. The third age, from Abraham's entry into the promised land to the Exodus in A. M. 2512, spans 430 years. The fourth age, from the Exodus to the building of the temple by Solomon in A. M. 2992, lasts 480 years. The fifth age, from the foundation of Solomon's temple to the Babylonian captivity in A. M. 3416, is 424 years long. The sixth age, from the Babylonian captivity to the birth of Jesus Christ in A. M. 4000, which is the fourth year before the common era, lasts 584 years. Those who follow the Septuagint, or Greek version, divide this time into seven ages: 1. From creation to the flood, 2262 years. 2. From the flood to the confusion of languages, 738 years. 3. From this confusion to the calling of Abraham, 460 years. 4. From this period to Jacob's descent into Egypt, 215 years; and from this event to the Exodus, 430 years, totaling 645 years. 5. From the Exodus to Saul, 774 years. 6. From Saul to Cyrus, 583 years. 7. From Cyrus to the common era of Christians, 538 years; making the total period from creation to this time 6000 years.
AGRIPPA, surnamed Herod, the son of Aristobulus and Mariamne, and grandson of Herod the Great, was born A. M. 3997, three years before the birth of our Saviour, and seven years before the vulgar æra. After the death of his father Aristobulus, Josephus informs us that Herod, his grandfather, took care of his education, and sent him to Rome to make his 31court to Tiberius. Agrippa, having a great inclination for Caius, the son of Germanicus, and grandson of Antonia, chose to attach himself to this prince, as if he had some prophetic views of the future elevation of Caius, who at that time was beloved by all the world. The great assiduity and agreeable behaviour of Agrippa so far won upon this prince, that he was unable to live without him. Agrippa, being one day in conversation with Caius, was overheard by one Eutychus, a slave whom Agrippa had emancipated, to say that he should be glad to see the old emperor take his departure for the other world and leave Caius master of this, without meeting with any obstacle from the emperor’s grandson, Tiberius Nero. Eutychus, some time after this, thinking he had reason to be dissatisfied with Agrippa, communicated the conversation to the emperor; whereupon Agrippa was loaded with fetters, and committed to the custody of an officer. Soon after this, Tiberius dying, and Caius Caligula succeeding him, the new emperor heaped many favours and much wealth upon Agrippa, changed his iron fetters into a chain of gold, set a royal diadem on his head, and gave him the tetrarchy which Philip, the son of Herod the Great, had been possessed of, that is, Batanæa and Trachonitis. To this he added that of Lysanias; and Agrippa returned very soon into Judea, to take possession of his new kingdom. The emperor Caius, desiring to be adored as a god, commanded to have his statue set up in the temple of Jerusalem. But the Jews opposed this design with so much resolution, that Petronius was forced to suspend his proceedings in this affair, and to represent, in a letter to the emperor, the resistance he met with from the Jews. Agrippa, who was then at Rome, coming to the emperor at the very time he was reading the letter, Caius told him that the Jews were the only people of all mankind who refused to own him for a deity; and that they had taken arms to oppose his resolution. At these words Agrippa fainted away, and, being carried home to his house, continued in that state for a long time. As soon as he was somewhat recovered, he wrote a long letter to Caius, wherein he endeavoured to soften him; and his arguments made such an impression upon the emperor’s mind, that he desisted, in appearance, from the design which he had formed of setting up his statue in the temple. Caius being killed in the beginning of the following year, A. D. 41, Agrippa, who was then at Rome, contributed much by his advice to maintain Claudius in possession of the imperial dignity, to which he had been advanced by the army. The emperor, as an acknowledgment for his kind offices, gave him all Judea, and the kingdom of Chalcis, which had been possessed by Herod his brother. Thus Agrippa became of a sudden one of the greatest princes of the east, and was possessed of as much, if not more territory, than had been held by Herod the Great, his grandfather. He returned to Judea, and governed it to the great satisfaction of the Jews. But the desire of pleasing them, and a mistaken zeal for their religion, induced him to put to death the Apostle James, and to cast Peter into prison with the same design; and, but for a miraculous interposition, which, however, produced no effect upon the mind of the tyrant, his hands would have been imbrued in the blood of two Apostles, the memory whereof is preserved in Scripture. At Cæsarea, he had games performed in honour of Claudius. Here the inhabitants of Tyre and Sidon waited on him to sue for peace. Agrippa being come early in the morning into the theatre, with a design to give them audience, seated himself on his throne, dressed in a robe of silver tissue, worked in the most admirable manner. The rising sun darted his golden beams thereon, and gave it such a lustre as dazzled the eyes of the spectators; and when the king began his speech to the Tyrians and Sidonians, the parasites around him began to say, it was “the voice of a god and not of man.” Instead of rejecting these impious flatteries, Agrippa received them with an air of complacency; and the angel of the Lord smote him because he did not give God the glory. Being therefore carried home to his palace, he died, at the end of five days, racked with tormenting pains in his bowels, and devoured with worms. Such was the death of Herod Agrippa, A. D. 44, after a reign of seven years. He left a son of the same name, and three daughters--Bernice, who was married to her uncle Herod, her father’s brother; Mariamne, betrothed to Julius Archelaus; and Drusilla, promised to Epiphanius, the son of Archelaus, the son of Comagena.
AGRIPPA, known as Herod, the son of Aristobulus and Mariamne, and grandson of Herod the Great, was born in A.M. 3997, three years before the birth of our Savior, and seven years before the common era. After his father Aristobulus died, Josephus tells us that his grandfather Herod took care of his education and sent him to Rome to seek Tiberius’s favor. Agrippa, eager to befriend Caius, the son of Germanicus and grandson of Antonia, chose to align himself with this prince, as if he had some foresight of Caius's future rise, who was beloved by all at that time. Agrippa's dedication and charm won Caius over so much that he couldn't bear to be without him. One day, while chatting with Caius, Agrippa was overheard by Eutychus, a freed slave, expressing his wish to see the old emperor pass away so that Caius could take over without any interference from Tiberius Nero, the emperor's grandson. Later, feeling disgruntled with Agrippa, Eutychus revealed the conversation to the emperor, leading to Agrippa being chained and placed under guard. Shortly after, with Tiberius’s death and Caius (Caligula) becoming emperor, the new ruler showered Agrippa with favors and wealth, swapping his iron chains for a gold one, placing a royal crown on his head, and granting him the tetrarchy previously ruled by Philip, the son of Herod the Great, which included Batanæa and Trachonitis. He also added Lysanias's territory, and Agrippa quickly returned to Judea to claim his new kingdom. Emperor Caius, wanting to be worshipped as a god, ordered his statue to be erected in the Jerusalem temple. However, the Jews resisted this request so vehemently that Petronius had to halt the proceedings and report the Jewish opposition to the emperor. Agrippa, who was in Rome at that moment, came to the emperor while he was reading the letter, and Caius told him that the Jews were the only people refusing to acknowledge him as a deity, even taking up arms against him. At this, Agrippa fainted and was carried home, remaining unwell for a long time. Once he recovered somewhat, he wrote a lengthy letter to Caius trying to appease him, and his reasoning made such an impact that the emperor seemingly dropped the plan to set up the statue in the temple. After Caius was murdered in early A.D. 41, Agrippa, at Rome, played a significant role in keeping Claudius in power, who had been elevated by the army. As a token of gratitude for Agrippa's support, the emperor gave him all of Judea and the kingdom of Chalcis, which had been held by Herod, his brother. In this way, Agrippa suddenly became one of the most powerful monarchs in the East, possessing as much or more territory than his grandfather Herod the Great. He returned to Judea and governed it to the Jews' great satisfaction. However, in his desire to please them and a misguided zeal for their religion, he executed the Apostle James and imprisoned Peter with the same intent; but a miraculous intervention, which did not sway the tyrant, meant that he nearly stained his hands with the blood of two Apostles, whose legacy is preserved in Scripture. In Cæsarea, he hosted games in honor of Claudius. The residents of Tyre and Sidon appealed to him for peace. Agrippa arose early one morning, entered the theater to hear their pleas, and took his seat on his throne, clad in a beautifully crafted silver robe. The rising sun’s golden rays reflected off him, dazzling the spectators; and as he began to speak to the Tyrians and Sidonians, his sycophants proclaimed it was “the voice of a god, not of a man.” Rather than reject these blasphemous flattery, Agrippa accepted it with pleasure, and the angel of the Lord struck him down for not giving glory to God. Consequently, he was taken back to his palace, where he died five days later, suffering from agonizing pains and infested with worms. That was the end of Herod Agrippa in A.D. 44, after a seven-year reign. He left behind a son sharing his name and three daughters—Bernice, who married her uncle Herod, her father's brother; Mariamne, promised to Julius Archelaus; and Drusilla, engaged to Epiphanius, son of Archelaus, son of Comagena.
AGRIPPA, son of the former Agrippa, was at Rome with the emperor Claudius when his father died. The emperor, we are told by Josephus, was inclined to give him all the dominions that had been possessed by his father, but was dissuaded from it, Agrippa being only seventeen years of age; and he kept him therefore at his court four years.
AGRIPPA, the son of the previous Agrippa, was in Rome with Emperor Claudius when his father passed away. According to Josephus, the emperor wanted to grant him all the territories that his father had held, but he was talked out of it since Agrippa was only seventeen years old. So, he kept Agrippa at his court for four years.
Three years after this, Herod, king of Chalcis, and uncle to young Agrippa, dying, the emperor gave his dominions to this prince, who, notwithstanding, did not go into Judea till four years after, A. D. 53; when, Claudius taking from him the kingdom of Chalcis, gave him the provinces of Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, Batanæa, Paneas, and Abylene, which formerly had been in the possession of Lysanias. After the death of Claudius, his successor, Nero, who had a great affection for Agrippa, to his other dominions added Julias in Peræa, and that part of Galilee to which Tarichæa and Tiberias belonged. Festus governor of Judea, coming to his government, A. D. 60, king Agrippa and Bernice, his sister, went as far as Cæsarea to salute him; and as they continued there for some time, Festus talked with the king concerning the affair of St. Paul, who had been seized in the temple about two years before, and within a few days previous to his visit had appealed to the emperor. Agrippa wishing to hear Paul, that Apostle delivered that noble address in his presence which is recorded, Acts xxvi.
Three years later, Herod, the king of Chalcis and uncle to young Agrippa, died, and the emperor gave his territory to this prince. However, Agrippa didn’t travel to Judea until four years later, A.D. 53. At that time, Claudius took the kingdom of Chalcis away from him and gave him the provinces of Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, Batanæa, Paneas, and Abylene, which had previously belonged to Lysanias. After Claudius's death, his successor, Nero, who was very fond of Agrippa, added the city of Julias in Peræa and the part of Galilee that included Tarichæa and Tiberias to his other territories. When Festus became governor of Judea in A.D. 60, King Agrippa and his sister Bernice went to Cæsarea to greet him. While they stayed there for a while, Festus discussed the case of St. Paul with the king. Paul had been arrested in the temple about two years earlier and had appealed to the emperor just a few days before their meeting. Agrippa wanted to hear Paul, and the Apostle delivered the remarkable address recorded in Acts xxvi.
AGUR. The thirtieth chapter of Proverbs begins with this title: “The words of Agur, 32the son of Jakeh;” and the thirty-first, with “the words of king Lemuel;” with respect to which some conjecture that Solomon describes himself under these appellations; others, that these chapters are the productions of persons whose real names are prefixed. Scripture history, indeed, affords us no information respecting their situation and character; but there must have been sufficient reason for regarding their works in the light of inspired productions, or they would not have been admitted into the sacred canon.
AGUR. The thirtieth chapter of Proverbs starts with this title: “The words of Agur, 32 the son of Jakeh;” and the thirty-first begins with “the words of King Lemuel;” regarding which some suggest that Solomon is referring to himself by these names; others think these chapters were written by people whose real names are mentioned. The historical scriptures truly provide no details about their backgrounds or identities, but there must have been good reason to view their writings as inspired, or else they wouldn't have been included in the sacred canon.
They are called Massa, a term frequently applied to the undoubted productions of the prophetic Spirit; and it is not improbable that the authors meant, by the adoption of this term, to lay claim to the character of inspiration. A succession of virtuous and eminent men, favoured with divine illuminations, flourished in Judea till the final completion of the sacred code; and, most likely, many more than those whose writings have been preserved. Agur may then have been one of those prophets whom Divine providence raised up to comfort or admonish his chosen people; and Lemuel may have been some neighbouring prince, the son of a Jewish woman, by whom he was taught the Massa contained in the thirty-first chapter. These, of course, can only be considered as mere conjectures; for, in the absence of historic evidence, who can venture to pronounce with certainty? The opinion, however, that Agur and Lemuel are appellations of Solomon, is sanctioned by so many and such respectable writers, that it demands a more particular examination.
They are referred to as Massa, a term often used for the undeniable works of the prophetic Spirit; and it’s quite possible that the authors intended this term to imply that they were inspired. A series of virtuous and distinguished individuals, blessed with divine insight, thrived in Judea until the sacred texts were fully completed; and, most likely, there were many more than just those whose writings we still have. Agur may have been one of those prophets whom Divine Providence raised up to comfort or warn His chosen people; and Lemuel might have been a nearby king, the son of a Jewish woman, who was taught the Massa found in the thirty-first chapter. These theories, of course, are merely guesses; because, in the absence of historical proof, who can say for sure? However, the belief that Agur and Lemuel are names for Solomon is supported by so many credible writers that it warrants a closer look.
The knowledge of names was anciently regarded as a matter of the highest importance, in order to understand the nature of the persons or things which they designate; and, in the opinion of the rabbins, was preferable even to the study of the written law. The Heathens paid considerable attention to it, as appears from the Cratylus of Plato; and some of the Christian fathers entertained very favourable notions of such knowledge. The Jewish doctors, it is true, refined upon the subject with an amazing degree of subtilty, grounding upon it many ridiculous ideas and absurd fancies; yet it is unquestionable that many of the proper names in Scripture are significant and characteristic. Thus the names Eve, Cain, Seth, Noah, Abraham, Israel, &c, were imposed by reason of their being expressive of the several characters of the persons whom they represent. Reasoning from analogy, we may infer that all the proper names in the Old Testament, at their original imposition, were intended to denote some quality or circumstance in the person or thing to which they belong; and though many, from transference, have ceased to be personally characteristic, yet are they all significative.
The understanding of names was considered extremely important in ancient times, as it helped to grasp the nature of the people or things they refer to. Rabbis believed this was even more valuable than studying the written law. The non-Jews also valued this idea, as shown in Plato's Cratylus, and some early Christian leaders had positive views on such knowledge. Jewish scholars, however, took it to an extraordinary level of complexity, leading to many ridiculous ideas and absurd beliefs. Still, it’s undeniable that many proper names in Scripture are meaningful and representative. For example, names like Eve, Cain, Seth, Noah, Abraham, Israel, etc., were given because they reflected the characteristics of the individuals they denote. By analogy, we can suggest that all proper names in the Old Testament, when originally assigned, were meant to represent some quality or circumstance related to the person or thing they referred to. Although many of these names have lost their personal significance over time, they all still carry meaning.
As the custom of imposing descriptive names prevailed in the primitive ages, it is not impossible that Agur and Lemuel may be appropriated to Solomon, and Jakeh to David as mystic appellations significative of their respective characters. It is even some confirmation of this opinion, that Solomon is denominated Jedidiah (beloved of the Lord) by the Prophet Nathan; and that in the book of Ecclesiastes, he styles himself Koheleth, or the Preacher. Nevertheless, this hypothesis does not appear to rest upon a firm foundation. It is foreign to the simplicity of the sacred penmen, and contrary to their custom in similar cases, to adopt a mystic name, without either explaining it, or alleging the reasons for its adoption. In the names Eve, Cain, Seth, Noah, &c, before alluded to; in the appellation Nabal; in the enigmatical names in the first chapter of Hosea; in the descriptive names given to places, as Beersheba, Jehovah-jireh, Peniel, Bethel, Gilgal; and in many other instances, the meaning of the terms is either explained, or the circumstances are mentioned which led to their selection. When Solomon is called Jedidiah, it is added that it was “because of the Lord;” and when he styles himself Koheleth, an explanatory clause is annexed, describing himself “the son of David, the king of Jerusalem.” But if Solomon be meant by the titles Agur and Lemuel, he is so called without any statement of the reasons for their application, and without any explanation of their import; a circumstance unusual with the sacred writers, and the reverse to what is practised in the book of Proverbs, where his proper name, Solomon, is attributed to him in three different places. Nor is anything characteristic of the Jewish monarchs discoverable in the terms themselves. Jakeh, which denotes obedient, is no more applicable to David than to Nathan, or any other personage of eminent worth and piety among the Israelites. The name of Agur is not of easy explanation; some giving it the sense of recollectus, that is, recovered from his errors, and become penitent; an explanation more applicable to David than to Solomon. Simon, in his lexicon, says it may perhaps denote “him who applies to the study of wisdom;” an interpretation very suitable to the royal philosopher, but not supported by adequate authority; and in his Onomasticon he explains it in a different manner. Others suppose that it means collector; though it has been argued, that, as it has a passive form, it cannot have an active sense. But this is not a valid objection, as several examples may be produced from the Bible of a similar form with an active signification. If such be its meaning, it is suitable to Solomon, who was not the collector or compiler, but the author, of the Proverbs. With respect to the name Lemuel, it signifies one that is for God, or devoted to God; and is not, therefore, peculiarly descriptive of Solomon. It appears, then, that nothing can be inferred from the signification of the names Agur and Lemuel in support of the conjecture, that they are appellations of Solomon. The contents, likewise, of the two chapters in question strongly militate against this hypothesis.
As the tradition of using descriptive names was common in ancient times, it's possible that Agur and Lemuel could refer to Solomon, while Jakeh might refer to David as symbolic names reflecting their respective characters. There's some evidence for this idea, since Solomon is called Jedidiah (beloved of the Lord) by the Prophet Nathan, and in the book of Ecclesiastes, he refers to himself as Koheleth, or the Preacher. However, this theory doesn’t seem to have a solid foundation. It goes against the straightforward style of the biblical writers, who typically don’t adopt a symbolic name without explaining it or providing reasons for using it. In names like Eve, Cain, Seth, Noah, and others mentioned earlier; in the name Nabal; in the enigmatic names in the first chapter of Hosea; in the descriptive names of places, such as Beersheba, Jehovah-jireh, Peniel, Bethel, and Gilgal; and in many other examples, the meanings are either explained or the circumstances that led to their naming are given. When Solomon is called Jedidiah, it’s noted that it was “because of the Lord;” and when he calls himself Koheleth, an explanatory clause follows, describing him as “the son of David, the king of Jerusalem.” But if Solomon is meant by the names Agur and Lemuel, they are used without any reasons provided for their use and without any explanation of their meaning—a situation that’s unusual for biblical writers, and contrary to what is seen in the book of Proverbs, where his actual name, Solomon, is mentioned in three different places. Moreover, the terms themselves do not reveal anything distinctive about the Jewish kings. Jakeh, which means obedient, applies just as much to Nathan or any other noteworthy and pious figure among the Israelites as it does to David. The name Agur is not easily explained; some interpret it as recollect, meaning one who has recovered from their mistakes and become penitent; this explanation fits David better than Solomon. Simon in his lexicon suggests it might mean “one who engages in the study of wisdom,” an interpretation that suits the royal philosopher, but it lacks solid support. In his Onomasticon, he offers a different explanation. Others think it means collector, though it's been argued that, due to its passive form, it can't have an active meaning. However, this isn't a strong argument since there are examples in the Bible of similar forms with active meanings. If such is its meaning, it would fit Solomon since he was not just the collector or compiler, but the author of the Proverbs. Regarding the name Lemuel, it means someone who is for God or devoted to God; thus, it isn't particularly representative of Solomon. Therefore, it seems that no conclusions can be drawn from the meanings of the names Agur and Lemuel to support the theory that they refer to Solomon. The content of the two chapters in question also strongly argues against this hypothesis.
When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, together with the extreme improbability that Solomon should be denominated three times by his proper name, and afterward, in the same work, by two different enigmatical 33names, we are fully warranted in rejecting the notion, that the wise monarch is designed by the appellations Agur and Lemuel. And it seems most reasonable to consider them as denoting real persons.
When you take all these factors into account, along with the very unlikely chance that Solomon would be referred to by his real name three times and then, later in the same work, by two different mysterious names, we have solid grounds to dismiss the idea that the wise king is meant by the names Agur and Lemuel. It makes much more sense to see them as referring to actual people.
AHAB, the son and successor of Omri. He began his reign over Israel, A. M. 3086, and reigned 22 years. In impiety he far exceeded all the kings of Israel. He married Jezebel, the daughter of Ethbaal, king of Zidon, who introduced the whole abominations and idols of her country, Baal and Ashtaroth.
AHAB, the son and successor of Omri. He began his reign over Israel in 3086 A.M. and ruled for 22 years. In terms of wickedness, he surpassed all the kings of Israel. He married Jezebel, the daughter of Ethbaal, king of Sidon, who brought in all the detestable practices and idols from her homeland, Baal and Ashtaroth.
2. Ahab the son of Kolaiah, and Zedekiah the son of Maaseiah, were two false prophets, who, about A. M. 3406, seduced the Jewish captives at Babylon with hopes of a speedy deliverance, and stirred them up against Jeremiah. The Lord threatened them with a public and ignominious death, before such as they had deceived; and that their names should become a curse; men wishing that their foes might be made like Ahab and Zedekiah, whom Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon roasted in the fire, Jer. xxix, 21, 22.
2. Ahab, the son of Kolaiah, and Zedekiah, the son of Maaseiah, were two false prophets who, around 3406 A.M., misled the Jewish captives in Babylon with false hopes of a quick rescue and incited them against Jeremiah. The Lord warned them that they would face a public and shameful death in front of those they had deceived, and that their names would become a curse; people wishing for their enemies to be like Ahab and Zedekiah, whom Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, burned alive, Jer. xxix, 21, 22.
AHASUERUS was the king of Persia, who advanced Esther to be queen, and at her request delivered the Jews from the destruction plotted for them by Haman. Archbishop Usher is of opinion that this Ahasuerus was Darius Hystaspes; and that Atossa was the Vashti, and Artystona the Esther, of the Scriptures. But, according to Herodotus, the latter was the daughter of Cyrus, and therefore could not be Esther; and the former had four sons by Darius, besides daughters, born to him after he was king; and therefore she could not be the queen Vashti, divorced from her husband in the third year of his reign, nor he the Ahasuerus who divorced her. Besides, Atossa retained her influence over Darius to his death, and obtained the succession of the crown for his son, Xerxes; whereas Vashti was removed from the presence of Ahasuerus by an irrevocable decree, Esther i, 19. Joseph Scaliger maintains that Xerxes was the Ahasuerus, and Hamestris his queen, the Esther, of Scripture. The opinion is founded on the similitude of names, but contradicted by the dissimilitude of the characters of Hamestris and Esther. Besides, Herodotus says that Xerxes had a son by Hamestris that was marriageable in the seventh year of his reign; and therefore she could not be Esther. The Ahasuerus of Scripture, according to Dr. Prideaux, was Artaxerxes Longimanus. Josephus positively says that this was the person. The Septuagint, through the whole book of Esther, uses Artaxerxes for the Hebrew Ahasuerus wherever the appellation occurs; and the apocryphal additions to that book every where call the husband of Esther Artaxerxes; and he could be no other than Artaxerxes Longimanus. The extraordinary favour shown to the Jews by this king, first in sending Ezra, and afterward Nehemiah, to relieve this people, and restore them to their ancient prosperity, affords strong presumptive evidence that they had near his person and high in his regard such an advocate as Esther. Ahasuerus is also a name given in Scripture, Ezra iv, 6, to Cambyses, the son of Cyrus; and to Astyages, king of the Medes, Dan. ix, 1.
Ahasuerus was the king of Persia who made Esther queen, and at her request, saved the Jews from the destruction planned by Haman. Archbishop Usher believes this Ahasuerus was Darius Hystaspes; he claims that Atossa was Vashti and Artystona was Esther in the Scriptures. However, according to Herodotus, the latter was Cyrus's daughter and therefore couldn’t be Esther; the former had four sons with Darius, along with daughters born after he became king, so she couldn’t be Queen Vashti, who was divorced from her husband in the third year of his reign, nor could he be the Ahasuerus who divorced her. Additionally, Atossa maintained her influence over Darius until his death and secured the crown for their son, Xerxes; while Vashti was removed from Ahasuerus's presence by an irreversible decree, Esther i, 19. Joseph Scaliger argues that Xerxes was the Ahasuerus, and Hamestris was his queen, making her the Esther of Scripture. This opinion relies on the similarity of names but is contradicted by the differences in the characters of Hamestris and Esther. Moreover, Herodotus states that Xerxes had a son with Hamestris who was of marriageable age in the seventh year of his reign; thus, she could not be Esther. According to Dr. Prideaux, the Ahasuerus in Scripture was Artaxerxes Longimanus. Josephus clearly states that this was the case. The Septuagint consistently refers to Artaxerxes whenever the name Ahasuerus appears in the entire Book of Esther, and the apocryphal additions to that book always call Esther's husband Artaxerxes; he could only be Artaxerxes Longimanus. The exceptional favor shown to the Jews by this king, first by sending Ezra and then Nehemiah to assist them and restore their former prosperity, strongly suggests they had someone close to him and held in high regard, like Esther, advocating for them. Ahasuerus is also a name mentioned in Scripture, Ezra iv, 6, for Cambyses, son of Cyrus, and for Astyages, king of the Medes, Dan. ix, 1.
AHAVA. The name of a river of Babylonia, or rather of Assyria, where Ezra assembled those captives whom he afterward brought into Judea, Ezra viii, 15. The river Ahava is thought to be that which ran along the Adabene, where a river Diava, or Adiava, is mentioned, and on which Ptolemy places the city Abane or Aavane. This is probably the country called Ava, whence the kings of Assyria translated the people called Avites into Palestine, and where they settled some of the captive Israelites, 2 Kings xvii, 24; xviii, 34; xix, 13; xvii, 31. Ezra, intending to collect as many Israelites as he could, who might return to Judea, halted in the country of Ava, or Aahava, whence he sent agents into the Caspian mountains, to invite such Jews as were willing to join him, Ezra viii, 16. The history of Izates, king of the Adiabenians, and of his mother Helena, who became converts to Judaism some years after the death of Jesus Christ, sufficiently proves that there were many Jews still settled in that country.
AHAVA. This is the name of a river in Babylonia, or more accurately in Assyria, where Ezra gathered the captives he later brought to Judea, as mentioned in Ezra 8:15. The river Ahava is believed to be the one that flowed through Adabene, where a river called Diava, or Adiava, is referenced, and where Ptolemy located the city of Abane or Aavane. This is likely the region known as Ava, from which the Assyrian kings relocated the people called Avites to Palestine, and where they settled some of the captive Israelites, as recorded in 2 Kings 17:24; 18:34; 19:13; 17:31. Ezra, aiming to gather as many Israelites as possible to return to Judea, stopped in the region of Ava, or Aahava, from where he sent representatives into the Caspian mountains to invite Jews willing to join him, as noted in Ezra 8:16. The story of Izates, king of the Adiabenians, and his mother Helena, who converted to Judaism a few years after the death of Jesus Christ, clearly indicates that many Jews still lived in that area.
AHAZ succeeded his father Jotham, as king of Israel, at the age of twenty years, reigned till the year before Christ, 726, and addicted himself to the practice of idolatry. After the customs of the Heathen, he made his children to pass through fire; he shut up the temple, and destroyed its vessels. He became tributary to Tiglath-pileser, whose assistance he supplicated against the kings of Syria and Israel. Such was his impiety, that he was not allowed burial in the sepulchres of the kings of Israel, 2 Kings xvi; 2 Chron. xxviii.
AHaz became king of Israel at the age of twenty, succeeding his father Jotham. He reigned until 726 BC and was heavily involved in idol worship. Following the practices of the pagans, he made his children pass through fire, closed the temple, and destroyed its sacred items. He became a vassal of Tiglath-pileser, seeking his help against the kings of Syria and Israel. His wickedness was so great that he was not permitted to be buried in the tombs of the kings of Israel. 2 Kings xvi; 2 Chron. xxviii.
AHAZIAH, the son of Ahab, king of Israel. Ahaziah reigned two years, partly alone, and partly with his father Ahab, who appointed him his associate in the kingdom a year before his death. Ahaziah imitated his father’s impieties, 1 Kings xxii, 52, &c, and paid his adorations to Baal and Ashtaroth, the worship of whom had been introduced into Israel by Jezebel his mother. The Moabites, who had been always obedient to the kings of the ten tribes, ever since their separation from the kingdom of Judah, revolted after the death of Ahab, and refused to pay the ordinary tribute. Ahaziah had not leisure or power to reduce them, 2 Kings i, 1, 2, &c, for, about the same time, having fallen through a lattice from the top of his house, he was considerably injured, and sent messengers to Ekron to consult Baalzebub, the god of that place, whether he should recover, 2 Kings i, 1–17. Elijah met the messengers, and informed them he should certainly die; and he died accordingly.
AHaziah, the son of Ahab, king of Israel. Ahaziah reigned for two years, partly on his own and partly alongside his father Ahab, who made him co-regent a year before his death. Ahaziah followed in his father's sinful ways, 1 Kings xxii, 52, &c, and worshipped Baal and Ashtaroth, whose worship had been brought to Israel by his mother Jezebel. The Moabites, who had always been loyal to the kings of the ten tribes since their split from the kingdom of Judah, rebelled after Ahab's death and refused to pay their usual tribute. Ahaziah didn’t have the time or strength to subdue them, 2 Kings i, 1, 2, &c, because around the same time, he fell through a lattice from the roof of his house, sustaining serious injuries, and he sent messengers to Ekron to consult Baalzebub, the god of that city, to see if he would recover, 2 Kings i, 1–17. Elijah intercepted the messengers and told them he would surely die; and he died just as Elijah had said.
2. Ahaziah, king of Judah, the son of Jehoram and Athaliah. He succeeded his father in the kingdom of Judah, A. M. 3119; being in the twenty-second year of his age, 2 Kings viii, 26, &c; and he reigned one year only in Jerusalem. He walked in the ways of Ahab’s house, to which he was related, his mother being of that family. Joram, king of Israel, 2 Kings viii, going to attack Ramoth Gilead, which the kings of Syria had taken from his 34predecessors, was there dangerously wounded, and carried by his own appointment to Jezreel, for the purpose of surgical assistance. Ahaziah, Joram’s friend and relation, accompanied him in this war, and came afterward to visit him at Jezreel. In the meantime, Jehu, the son of Nimshi, whom Joram had left besieging the fortress of Ramoth, rebelled against his master, and set out with a design of extirpating the house of Ahab, according to the commandment of the Lord, 2 Kings ix. Joram and Ahaziah, who knew nothing of his intentions, went to meet him. Jehu killed Joram dead upon the spot: Ahaziah fled, but Jehu’s people overtook him at the going up of Gur, and mortally wounded him; notwithstanding which, he had strength enough to reach Megiddo, where he died. His servants, having laid him in his chariot, carried him to Jerusalem, where he was buried with his fathers, in the city of David.
2. Ahaziah, king of Judah, the son of Jehoram and Athaliah. He took over the kingdom of Judah from his father in A.M. 3119, when he was just twenty-two years old, 2 Kings viii, 26, &c; and he reigned only one year in Jerusalem. He followed the ways of Ahab’s family, since his mother was part of that line. Joram, the king of Israel, 2 Kings viii, went to fight against Ramoth Gilead, which the kings of Syria had taken from his predecessors, and he was seriously wounded there. He ordered to be taken to Jezreel for medical help. Ahaziah, a friend and relative of Joram, joined him in this battle and later came to visit him at Jezreel. Meanwhile, Jehu, the son of Nimshi, whom Joram had left to lay siege to Ramoth, rebelled against his king and set out to wipe out the house of Ahab, as commanded by the Lord, 2 Kings ix. Joram and Ahaziah, unaware of Jehu’s plans, went to confront him. Jehu killed Joram on the spot; Ahaziah ran away, but Jehu’s men caught up with him at the ascent of Gur and severely wounded him. Despite this, he managed to reach Megiddo, where he died. His servants placed him in his chariot and took him to Jerusalem, where he was buried with his ancestors in the city of David.
AHIJAH, the prophet of the Lord, who dwelt in Shiloh. He is thought to be the person who spoke twice to Solomon from God, once while he was building the temple, 1 Kings vi, 11, at which time he promised him the divine protection; and again, 1 Kings xi, 11, after his falling into his irregularities, with great threatenings and reproaches. Ahijah was one of those who wrote the history or annals of this prince, 2 Chron. ix, 29. The same prophet declared to Jeroboam, that he would usurp the kingdom, 1 Kings xi, 29, &c; and, about the end of Jeroboam’s reign, he also predicted the death of Abijah, the only pious son of that prince, as is recorded 1 Kings xiv, 2, &c. Ahijah, in all probability, did not long survive the delivery of this last prophecy; but we are not informed of the time and manner of his death.
AHIJAH, the prophet of the Lord, who lived in Shiloh, is believed to be the one who spoke to Solomon from God twice. The first time was while Solomon was building the temple, as mentioned in 1 Kings vi, 11, when he promised him divine protection. The second time was after Solomon had strayed from righteousness, as noted in 1 Kings xi, 11, where Ahijah brought serious warnings and rebukes. Ahijah was also among those who documented the history or records of this king, as referenced in 2 Chron. ix, 29. He foretold to Jeroboam that he would take over the kingdom, 1 Kings xi, 29, etc.; and towards the end of Jeroboam's reign, he predicted the death of Abijah, his only righteous son, as recorded in 1 Kings xiv, 2, etc. Ahijah likely did not live long after delivering this last prophecy, but we don't know the details of his death or when it happened.
AHIKAM, the son of Shaphan, and father of Gedaliah. He was sent by Josiah, king of Judah, to Huldah the prophetess, 2 Kings xxii, 12, to consult her concerning the book of the law, which had been found in the temple.
AHIKAM, the son of Shaphan, and father of Gedaliah. He was sent by Josiah, king of Judah, to Huldah the prophetess, 2 Kings xxii, 12, to ask her about the book of the law that had been discovered in the temple.
AHIMAAZ, the son of Zadok, the high priest. Ahimaaz succeeded his father under the reign of Solomon. He performed a very important piece of service for David during the war with Absalom. While his father Zadok was in Jerusalem, 2 Sam. xv, 29, Ahimaaz and Jonathan continued without the city, xvii, 17, near En-Rogel, or the fountain of Rogel; thither a maid servant came to tell them the resolution which had been taken in Absalom’s council: whereupon they immediately departed to give the king intelligence. But being discovered by a young lad who gave information concerning them to Absalom, that prince sent orders to pursue them: Ahimaaz and Jonathan, fearing to be taken, retired to a man’s house at Baharim, in whose court-yard there was a well, wherein they concealed themselves. After the battle, in which Absalom was overcome and slain, xviii, Ahimaaz desired leave of Joab to carry the news thereof to David. But instead of him Joab sent Cushi to carry the news, and told Ahimaaz that he would send him to the king upon some other occasion; but soon after Cushi was departed, Ahimaaz applied again to Joab, praying to be permitted to run after Cushi; and, having obtained leave, he ran by the way of the plain, and outran Cushi. He was succeeded in the priesthood by his son Azariah.
AHIMAAZ, the son of Zadok, the high priest. Ahimaaz took over from his father during Solomon's reign. He played a crucial role for David during the war with Absalom. While his father Zadok stayed in Jerusalem, 2 Sam. xv, 29, Ahimaaz and Jonathan waited outside the city, xvii, 17, near En-Rogel, or the fountain of Rogel; a maidservant came to inform them of the decision made in Absalom’s council: they quickly left to inform the king. However, they were spotted by a young boy who reported them to Absalom, who then sent orders to pursue them. Ahimaaz and Jonathan, fearing capture, hid in a man’s house in Baharim, where there was a well in the courtyard. After the battle in which Absalom was defeated and killed, xviii, Ahimaaz asked Joab for permission to deliver the news to David. Instead of him, Joab sent Cushi with the news and told Ahimaaz he would send him to the king on another occasion; however, shortly after Cushi left, Ahimaaz approached Joab again, requesting to chase after Cushi. After getting permission, he ran through the plain and outran Cushi. His son Azariah later took over the priesthood.
AHIMELECH. He was the son of Ahitub, and brother of Ahia, whom he succeeded in the high priesthood. He is called Abiathar, Mark ii, 26. During his priesthood the tabernacle was at Nob, where Ahimelech, with other priests, had their habitation. David, being informed by his friend Jonathan that Saul was determined to destroy him, thought it prudent to retire. He therefore went to Nob, to the high priest Ahimelech, who gave him the shew bread, and the sword of Goliath. One day, when Saul was complaining of his officers, that no one was affected with his misfortunes, or gave him any intelligence of what was carrying on against him, 1 Sam. xxii, 9, &c, Doeg related to him what had occurred when David came to Ahimelech the high priest. On this information, Saul convened the priests, and having charged them with the crime of treason, ordered his guards to slay them, which they refusing to do, Doeg, who had been their accuser, at the king’s command became their executioner, and with his sacrilegious hand massacred no less than eighty-five of them; the Septuagint and Syriac versions make the number of priests slain by Doeg three hundred and five. Nor did Saul stop here; but, sending a party to Nob, he commanded them to slay men, women, and children, and even cattle, with the edge of the sword. Only one son of Ahimelech, named Abiathar, escaped the carnage and fled to David.
AHIMELECH. He was the son of Ahitub and brother of Ahia, whom he succeeded as high priest. He is referred to as Abiathar in Mark ii, 26. During his priesthood, the tabernacle was at Nob, where Ahimelech lived with other priests. When David learned from his friend Jonathan that Saul was determined to kill him, he decided it was wise to leave. He went to Nob to see the high priest Ahimelech, who provided him with the showbread and Goliath's sword. One day, when Saul was complaining to his officers that no one cared about his troubles or informed him of any plots against him (1 Sam. xxii, 9, &c), Doeg told him what had happened when David visited Ahimelech the high priest. Based on this information, Saul summoned the priests and accused them of treason, ordering his guards to kill them. When they refused, Doeg, who had accused them, carried out the king’s orders, brutally murdering at least eighty-five priests; however, the Septuagint and Syriac versions suggest Doeg killed three hundred and five. Saul didn’t stop there; he sent a group to Nob and commanded them to kill men, women, children, and even livestock with the sword. Only one son of Ahimelech, named Abiathar, survived the massacre and fled to David.
AHITHOPHEL, a native of Giloh, who, after having been David’s counsellor, joined in the rebellion of Absalom, and assisted him with his advice. Hushai, the friend of David, was employed to counteract the counsels of Ahithophel, and to deprive Absalom, under a pretence of serving him, of the advantage that was likely to result from the measures which he proposed. One of these measures was calculated to render David irreconcilable, and was immediately adopted; and the other to secure, or to slay him. Before the last counsel was followed, Hushai’s advice was desired; and he recommended their assembling together the whole force of Israel, putting Absalom at their head, and overwhelming David by their number. The treacherous counsel of Hushai was preferred to that of Ahithophel; with which the latter being disgusted he hastened to his house at Giloh, where he put an end to his life. He probably foresaw Absalom’s defeat, and dreaded the punishment which would be inflicted on himself as a traitor, when David was resettled on the throne. A. M. 2981. B. C. 1023. 2 Sam. xv, xvii.
AHITHOPHEL, from Giloh, who was once David's advisor, joined Absalom's rebellion and provided him with advice. Hushai, David's friend, was tasked with countering Ahithophel’s counsel to effectively take away Absalom’s advantage while pretending to help him. One of Ahithophel's plans was meant to drive a wedge between David and his supporters and was quickly accepted; the other aimed to secure David’s defeat or kill him. Before they acted on the last suggestion, they sought Hushai’s advice, and he suggested that they gather all the forces of Israel, make Absalom their leader, and overwhelm David with their numbers. Hushai’s deceptive advice was favored over Ahithophel’s, which left Ahithophel frustrated. He quickly returned to his home in Giloh and took his own life. He likely anticipated Absalom’s downfall and feared the consequences he would face as a traitor once David regained the throne. A. M. 2981. B. C. 1023. 2 Sam. xv, xvii.
AHOLIBAH. This and Aholah are two feigned names made use of by Ezekiel, xxiii, 4, to denote the two kingdoms of Judah and Samaria. Aholah and Aholibah are represented as two sisters of Egyptian extraction. Aholah stands for Samaria, and Aholibah for Jerusalem. The first signifies a tent, and the second, 35my tent is in her. They both prostituted themselves to the Egyptians and Assyrians, in imitating their abominations and idolatries; for which reason the Lord abandoned them to those very people for whose evil practices they had shown so passionate an affection. They were carried into captivity, and reduced to the severest servitude.
AHOLIBAH. This and Aholah are two fictitious names used by Ezekiel, xxiii, 4, to refer to the two kingdoms of Judah and Samaria. Aholah represents Samaria, and Aholibah represents Jerusalem. The first means a tent, and the second, 35my tent is in her. Both of them engaged in immoral activities with the Egyptians and Assyrians, mimicking their abominations and idolatries; for this reason, the Lord handed them over to those very people whose corrupt practices they had embraced so eagerly. They were taken into captivity and subjected to harsh servitude.
AI, called by the LXX, Gai, by Josephus Aina, and by others Ajah, a town of Palestine, situate west of Bethel, and at a small distance north-west of Jericho. The three thousand men, first sent by Joshua to reduce this city, were repulsed, on account of the sin of Achan, who had violated the anathema pronounced against Jericho, by appropriating a part of the spoil. After the expiation of this offence, the whole army of Israel marched against Ai, with orders to treat that city as Jericho had been treated, with this difference, that the plunder was to be given to the army. Joshua, having appointed an ambush of thirty thousand men, marched against the city, and by a feigned retreat, drew out the king of Ai with his troops; and upon a signal given by elevating his shield on the top of a pike, the men in ambush entered the city and set fire to it. Thus the soldiers of Ai, placed between two divisions of Joshua’s army, were all destroyed; the king alone being preserved for a more ignominious death on a gibbet, where he hung till sunset. The spoil of the place was afterward divided among the Israelites. The men appointed for ambush are, in one place, said to be thirty thousand, and in another five thousand. For reconciling this apparent contradiction, most commentators have generally supposed, that there were two bodies placed in ambuscade between Bethel and Ai, one of twenty-five thousand and the other of five thousand men; the latter being probably a detachment from the thirty thousand first sent, and ordered to lie as near to the city as possible. Masius allows only five thousand men for the ambuscade, and twenty-five thousand for the attack.
AI, known as Gai in the LXX, Aina by Josephus, and Ajah by others, is a town in Palestine located west of Bethel and a short distance northwest of Jericho. The three thousand men that Joshua initially sent to capture this city were beaten back due to Achan's sin, as he broke the ban placed on Jericho by taking some of the spoils. After making amends for this wrongdoing, the entire Israelite army marched against Ai, intending to treat it like Jericho, with the key difference that the loot would go to the army. Joshua set an ambush of thirty thousand men, marched towards the city, and feigned a retreat to lure out the king of Ai and his troops. At a signal, indicated by raising his shield on a pole, the ambush party entered the city and set it on fire. Thus, the soldiers of Ai, caught between two parts of Joshua’s army, were completely defeated; only the king was saved for a more disgraceful ending on a gallows, where he hung until sunset. The loot from the city was subsequently divided among the Israelites. There are mentions of the ambush being made up of either thirty thousand or five thousand men. To reconcile this apparent discrepancy, most commentators suggest that there were two groups positioned for the ambush between Bethel and Ai: one of twenty-five thousand and the other of five thousand men; the latter likely being a detachment from the initial thirty thousand sent, ordered to stay as close to the city as possible. Masius allows for only five thousand men for the ambush, while twenty-five thousand were designated for the attack.
AICHMALOTARCH, Ἀιχμαλοτάρχης signifies the prince of the captivity, or chief of the captives. The Jews pretend that this was the title of him who had the government of their people during the captivity of Babylon; and they believe these princes or governors to have been constantly of the tribe of Judah, and family of David. But they give no satisfactory proof of the real existence of these Aichmalotarchs. There was no prince of the captivity before the end of the second century, from which period the office continued till the eleventh century. The princes of the captivity resided at Babylon, where they were installed with great ceremony, held courts of justice, &c, and were set over the eastern Jews, or those settled in Babylon, Chaldæa, Assyria, and Persia. Thus they affected to restore the splendour of their ancient monarchy, and in this view the following account may be amusing. The ceremonial of the installation is thus described: The spiritual heads of the people, the masters of the learned schools, the elders, and the people, assembled in great multitudes within a stately chamber, adorned with rich curtains, in Babylon, where, during his days of splendour, the Resch-Glutha fixed his residence. The prince was seated on a lofty throne. The heads of the schools of Sura and Pumbeditha on his right hand and left. These chiefs of the learned men then delivered an address, exhorting the new monarch not to abuse his power; and reminded him that he was called to slavery rather than to sovereignty, for he was prince of a captive people. On the next Thursday he was inaugurated by the laying on of hands, and the sound of trumpets, and acclamations. He was escorted to his palace with great pomp, and received magnificent presents from all his subjects. On the Sabbath all the principal people being assembled before his house, he placed himself at their head, and, with his face covered with a silken veil, proceeded to the synagogue. Benedictions and hymns of thanksgiving announced his entrance. They then brought him the book of the law, out of which he read the first line, afterward he addressed the assembly, with his eyes closed out of respect. He exhorted them to charity, and set the example by offering liberal alms to the poor. The ceremony closed with new acclamations, and prayers to God that, under the new prince, he would be pleased to put an end to their calamities. The prince gave his blessing to the people, and prayed for each province, that it might be preserved from war and famine. He concluded his orisons in a low voice, lest his prayer should be repeated to the jealous ears of the native monarchs, for he prayed for the restoration of the kingdom of Israel, which could not rise but on the ruins of their empire. The prince returned to his palace, where he gave a splendid banquet to the chief persons of the community. After that day he lived in a sort of stately oriental seclusion, never quitting his palace, except to go to the schools of the learned, where, as he entered, the whole assembly rose and continued standing, till he took his seat. He sometimes paid a visit to the native sovereign in Babylon (Bagdad.) This probably refers to a somewhat later period. On these great occasions his imperial host sent his own chariot for his guest; but the prince of the captivity dared not accept the invidious distinction, he walked in humble and submissive modesty behind the chariot. Yet his own state was by no means wanting in splendour: he was arrayed in cloth of gold; fifty guards marched before him; all the Jews who met him on the way paid their homage, and fell behind into his train. He was received by the eunuchs, who conducted him to the throne, while one of his officers, as he marched slowly along, distributed gold and silver on all sides. As the prince approached the imperial throne, he prostrated himself on the ground, in token of vassalage. The eunuchs raised him and placed him on the left hand of the sovereign. After the first salutation, the prince represented the grievances, or discussed the affairs, of his people.
AICHMALOTARCH, Ἀιχμαλοτάρχης means the prince of the captivity, or chief of the captives. The Jews claim that this was the title for the leader of their people during the Babylonian captivity, believing these leaders or governors were always from the tribe of Judah and the family of David. However, they provide no convincing evidence of these Aichmalotarchs actually existing. There was no prince of the captivity before the end of the second century, and the office lasted until the eleventh century. The princes of the captivity lived in Babylon, where they were installed with great ceremony, held courts, and oversaw the eastern Jews or those settled in Babylon, Chaldæa, Assyria, and Persia. They sought to revive the glory of their ancient monarchy, which makes the following account interesting. The installation ceremony is described as follows: The spiritual leaders, masters of the learned schools, elders, and many people gathered in a grand room decorated with rich curtains in Babylon, where the Resch-Glutha had resided during his glorious days. The prince sat on a lofty throne with the heads of the schools of Sura and Pumbeditha on either side. These scholarly leaders then addressed the new monarch, advising him not to misuse his power and reminding him that he was called to serve rather than to rule, as he was the prince of a captive people. The following Thursday, he was officially inaugurated with the laying on of hands, sounds of trumpets, and cheers. He was escorted to his palace with great fanfare and received lavish gifts from all his subjects. On the Sabbath, as the prominent people gathered outside his home, he positioned himself at their forefront, covering his face with a silk veil as he proceeded to the synagogue. Blessings and hymns of thanks signaled his arrival. They then presented him with the book of the law, from which he read the first line, afterward addressing the assembly with his eyes shut in respect. He encouraged them to be charitable and led by example by generously giving to the poor. The ceremony ended with renewed cheers and prayers to God, asking that He would end their suffering under their new prince. The prince blessed the people and prayed for each province’s safety from war and famine. He concluded his prayers softly so that they wouldn’t reach the watchful ears of the local kings since he prayed for the restoration of the kingdom of Israel, which could only rise from the downfall of their empire. The prince returned to his palace, where he hosted a lavish banquet for the community leaders. From that day on, he lived in a sort of grand oriental seclusion, rarely leaving his palace except to visit the learned schools, whereupon entering, the entire assembly would stand until he took his seat. He sometimes visited the native ruler in Babylon (Baghdad). This likely refers to a later period. During these important visits, his royal host would send his own chariot for him; however, the prince of the captivity refrained from accepting such a noticeable distinction, walking humbly behind the chariot. Still, his own display was impressive: he was dressed in golden cloth; fifty guards marched in front of him; all the Jews he encountered paid their respects and followed in his wake. He was greeted by the eunuchs, who guided him to the throne, while one of his officers distributed gold and silver as he walked by. As the prince neared the imperial throne, he prostrated himself to signify his subservience. The eunuchs lifted him up and placed him to the left of the sovereign. After their initial greeting, the prince brought up the grievances or discussed the concerns of his people.
The court of the Resch-Glutha is described as splendid. In imitation of his Persian master, 36he had his officers, counsellors, and cup-bearers; and rabbins were appointed as satraps over the different communities. This state, it is probable, was maintained by a tribute raised from the body of the people, and substituted for that which, in ancient times was paid for the temple in Jerusalem. His subjects in Babylonia were many of them wealthy.
The court of the Resch-Glutha is described as magnificent. Following the example of his Persian master, 36 he had his officers, advisors, and cup-bearers; and rabbis were appointed as leaders over the different communities. It’s likely that this state was supported by a tax collected from the people, replacing what was once paid for the temple in Jerusalem. Many of his subjects in Babylonia were quite wealthy.
AIJALON, a city of the Canaanites; the valley adjoining to which is memorable in sacred history from the miracle of Joshua, in arresting the course of the sun and moon, that the Israelites might have sufficient light to pursue their enemies, Joshua x, 12, 13. Aijalon was afterward a Levitical city, and belonged to the tribe of Dan; who did not, however, drive out the Amorite inhabitants, Judges i, 35.
AIJALON, a city of the Canaanites; the valley next to it is notable in sacred history due to the miracle of Joshua, where he stopped the sun and moon so the Israelites would have enough light to chase their enemies, Joshua 10:12-13. Aijalon later became a Levitical city and was part of the tribe of Dan, but they did not manage to drive out the Amorite inhabitants, Judges 1:35.
AIR, that thin, fluid, elastic, transparent, ponderous, compressible body which surrounds the terraqueous globe to a considerable height. In Scripture it is sometimes used for heaven; as, “the birds of the air;” “the birds of heaven.” To “beat the air,” and “to speak to the air,” 1 Cor. ix, 26, signify to fatigue ourselves in vain, and to speak to no purpose. “The prince of the power of the air” is the head and chief of the evil spirits, with which both Jews and Heathens thought the air was filled.
AIR, that light, flowing, flexible, clear, heavy, and compressible substance that surrounds the Earth to a significant height. In the Bible, it is sometimes referred to as heaven; for example, “the birds of the air” and “the birds of heaven.” To “beat the air” and “to speak to the air” (1 Cor. 9:26) mean to wear ourselves out for no reason and to talk without purpose. “The prince of the power of the air” refers to the leader of evil spirits, whom both Jews and Gentiles believed filled the air.
ALABASTER, Ἀλάβαϛρον, the name of a genus of fossils nearly allied to marble. It is a bright elegant stone, sometimes of a snowy whiteness. It may be cut freely, and is capable of a fine polish; and, being of a soft nature, it is wrought into any form or figure with ease. Vases or cruises were anciently made of it, wherein to preserve odoriferous liquors and ointments. Pliny and others represent it as peculiarly proper for this purpose; and the druggists in Egypt have, at this day, vessels made of it, in which they keep their medicines and perfumes.
ALABASTER, Ἀλάβαϛρον, is the name of a type of fossil that is closely related to marble. It’s a bright, elegant stone, sometimes a snowy white. It can be easily shaped and polished to a fine finish, and due to its softness, it can be crafted into various forms or figures with ease. In ancient times, vases or containers were made from it to hold fragrant liquids and ointments. Pliny and others noted that it was especially suitable for this purpose, and today, druggists in Egypt still use vessels made from it to store their medicines and perfumes.
In Matt. xxvi, 6, 7, we read that Jesus being at table in Bethany, in the house of Simon the leper, a woman came thither and poured an alabaster box of ointment on his head. St. Mark adds, “She brake the box,” which merely refers to the seal upon the vase which closed it, and kept the perfume from evaporating. This had never been removed, but was on this occasion broken, that is, first opened.
In Matthew 26:6-7, it says that while Jesus was dining in Bethany at Simon the leper's house, a woman came in and poured an alabaster jar of perfume on his head. Mark adds, “She broke the jar,” which just refers to the seal on the vase that kept the fragrance from escaping. This seal had never been removed before, but in this instance, it was broken, meaning it was opened for the first time.
ALBIGENSES. See Waldenses.
ALBIGENSES. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
ALEPH, א, the name of the first letter in the Hebrew alphabet, from which the alpha of the Syrians and Greeks was formed. This word signifies, prince, chief, or thousand, expressing, as it were, a leading number.
ALEPH, א, is the name of the first letter in the Hebrew alphabet, which inspired the alpha in Syriac and Greek. This word means prince, chief, or thousand, indicating a leading figure or number.
ALEXANDER, commonly called the Great, son and successor of Philip, king of Macedon, is denoted in the prophecies of Daniel by a leopard with four wings, signifying his great strength, and the unusual rapidity of his conquests, Dan. vii, 6; and by a one-horned he-goat running over the earth so swiftly as not to touch it, attacking a ram with two horns, overthrowing him, and trampling him under foot, without any being able to rescue him, Dan. viii, 4–7. The he-goat prefigured Alexander; the ram, Darius Codomannus, the last of the Persian kings. In the statue beheld by Nebuchadnezzar in his dream, Dan. ii, 39, the belly of brass was the emblem of Alexander. He was appointed by God to destroy the Persian empire, and to substitute in its room the Grecian monarchy.
ALEXANDER, often referred to as the Great, the son and successor of Philip, the king of Macedon, is represented in the prophecies of Daniel as a leopard with four wings, symbolizing his immense strength and the unusual speed of his conquests, Dan. vii, 6; and as a one-horned goat that ran over the earth so swiftly that it didn’t touch it, attacking a ram with two horns, defeating him, and trampling him underfoot, with no one able to rescue him, Dan. viii, 4–7. The goat represented Alexander; the ram represented Darius Codomannus, the last of the Persian kings. In the statue that Nebuchadnezzar saw in his dream, Dan. ii, 39, the belly of bronze was a symbol of Alexander. He was chosen by God to bring down the Persian empire and replace it with the Greek monarchy.
Alexander succeeded his father Philip, A. M. 3668, and B. C. 336. He was chosen, by the Greeks, general of their troops against the Persians, and entered Asia at the head of thirty-four thousand men, A. M. 3670. In one campaign, he subdued almost all Asia Minor; and afterward defeated, in the narrow passes which led from Syria to Cilicia, the army of Darius, which consisted of four hundred thousand foot, and one hundred thousand horse. Darius fled, and left in the hands of the conqueror, his camp, baggage, children, wife, and mother.
Alexander took over from his father Philip in 3668 A.M. and 336 B.C. The Greeks elected him as their general to lead the fight against the Persians, and he entered Asia with thirty-four thousand soldiers in 3670 A.M. During one campaign, he conquered nearly all of Asia Minor; later, he defeated Darius's army, which had four hundred thousand infantry and a hundred thousand cavalry, in the narrow passes from Syria to Cilicia. Darius fled, abandoning his camp, supplies, children, wife, and mother to the conqueror.
After subduing Syria, Alexander came to Tyre; and the Tyrians refusing him entrance into their city, he besieged it. At the same time he wrote to Jaddus, high priest of the Jews, that he expected to be acknowledged by him, and to receive from him the same submission which had hitherto been paid to the king of Persia. Jaddus refusing to comply under the plea of having sworn fidelity to Darius, Alexander resolved to march against Jerusalem, when he had reduced Tyre. After a long siege, this city was taken and sacked; and Alexander entered Palestine, A. M. 3672, and subjected it to his obedience. As he was marching against Jerusalem, the Jews became greatly alarmed, and had recourse to prayers and sacrifices. The Lord, in a dream, commanded Jaddus to open the gates to the conqueror, and, at the head of his people, dressed in his pontifical ornaments, and attended by the priests in their robes, to advance and meet the Macedonian king. Jaddus obeyed; and Alexander perceiving this company approaching, hastened toward the high priest, whom he saluted. He then adored God, whose name was engraven on a thin plate of gold, worn by the high priest upon his forehead. The kings of Syria who accompanied him, and the great officers about Alexander, could not comprehend the meaning of his conduct. Parmenio alone ventured to ask him why he adored the Jewish high priest; Alexander replied, that he paid this respect to God, and not to the high priest. “For,” added he, “whilst I was yet in Macedonia, I saw the God of the Jews, who appeared to me in the same form and dress as the high priest at present, and who encouraged me and commanded me to march boldly into Asia, promising that he would be my guide, and give me the empire of the Persians. As soon, therefore, as I perceived this habit, I recollected the vision, and understood that my undertaking was favoured by God, and that under his protection I might expect prosperity.”
After conquering Syria, Alexander arrived at Tyre, but the Tyrians refused to let him into their city, so he laid siege to it. At the same time, he sent a message to Jaddus, the high priest of the Jews, saying he expected recognition from him and the same loyalty that had previously been given to the king of Persia. Jaddus refused to comply, claiming he had sworn allegiance to Darius, so Alexander decided to march on Jerusalem once he had taken Tyre. After a prolonged siege, the city fell and was plundered, and Alexander entered Palestine, A. M. 3672, bringing it under his control. As he marched toward Jerusalem, the Jews became very afraid and turned to prayers and sacrifices. God commanded Jaddus in a dream to open the gates for the conqueror and to go out to meet the Macedonian king with his people, dressed in his priestly garments and accompanied by the priests in their robes. Jaddus obeyed, and when Alexander saw this group approaching, he rushed to greet the high priest. He then worshipped God, whose name was inscribed on a thin gold plate worn on the high priest's forehead. The kings of Syria who were with him and Alexander's high-ranking officers were puzzled by his behavior. Only Parmenio dared to ask why Alexander worshipped the Jewish high priest. Alexander replied that he was showing respect to God, not to the high priest. “Because,” he added, “while I was still in Macedonia, I saw the God of the Jews who appeared to me just like the high priest does now, encouraging me and commanding me to boldly march into Asia, promising that he would guide me and grant me the Persian Empire. So, as soon as I recognized this attire, I recalled the vision and realized that my mission was favored by God, and that under His protection, I could expect success.”
Having said this, Alexander accompanied Jaddus to Jerusalem, where he offered sacrifices in the temple according to the directions of the high priest. Jaddus is said to have showed him the prophecies of Daniel, in which the destruction of the Persian empire by Alexander is declared. The king was therefore confirmed in his opinion, that God had chosen him to execute this great work. At his departure, Alexander bade the Jews ask of him what they 37would. The high priest desired only the liberty of living under his government according to their own laws, and an exemption from tribute every seventh year, because in that year the Jews neither tilled their grounds, nor reaped their fruits. With this request Alexander readily complied.
Having said this, Alexander went with Jaddus to Jerusalem, where he offered sacrifices in the temple following the high priest's guidance. Jaddus reportedly showed him the prophecies of Daniel, which foretold the destruction of the Persian empire by Alexander. The king was convinced that God had chosen him for this significant task. Before leaving, Alexander told the Jews to ask him for anything they wanted. The high priest only requested the freedom to live under his rule according to their own laws, and an exemption from taxes every seventh year, since during that year the Jews neither farmed their land nor harvested their crops. Alexander readily agreed to this request.
Having left Jerusalem, Alexander visited other cities of Palestine, and was every where received with great testimonies of friendship and submission. The Samaritans who dwelt at Sichem, and were apostates from the Jewish religion, observing how kindly Alexander had treated the Jews, resolved to say that they also were by religion Jews. For it was their practice, when they saw the affairs of the Jews in a prosperous state, to boast that they were descended from Manasseh and Ephraim; but when they thought it their interest to say the contrary, they failed not to affirm, and even to swear, that they were not related to the Jews. They came, therefore, with many demonstrations of joy, to meet Alexander, as far almost as the territories of Jerusalem. Alexander commended their zeal; and the Sichemites entreated him to visit their temple and city. Alexander promised this at his return; but as they petitioned him for the same privileges as the Jews, he asked them if they were Jews. They replied, they were Hebrews, and were called by the Phœnicians, Sichemites. Alexander said that he had granted this exemption only to the Jews, but that at his return he would inquire into the affair, and do them justice.
Having left Jerusalem, Alexander visited other cities in Palestine, where he was warmly welcomed with signs of friendship and respect. The Samaritans living in Sichem, who had turned away from the Jewish faith, noticed how favorably Alexander treated the Jews and decided to claim that they were also Jews by religion. Whenever they saw the Jews thriving, they liked to boast that they descended from Manasseh and Ephraim. However, when it suited them, they didn't hesitate to deny any connection to the Jews. They enthusiastically came to meet Alexander, almost reaching the outskirts of Jerusalem. Alexander praised their enthusiasm, and the people of Sichem asked him to visit their temple and city. He promised to do so on his way back, but when they asked for the same privileges as the Jews, he questioned whether they were Jews. They responded that they were Hebrews and were called Sichemites by the Phoenicians. Alexander replied that he had granted this exemption only to the Jews, but that he would look into the matter and do them justice when he returned.
This prince having conquered Egypt, and regulated it, gave orders for the building of the city of Alexandria, and departed thence, about spring, in pursuit of Darius. Passing through Palestine, he was informed that the Samaritans, in a general insurrection, had killed Andromachus, governor of Syria and Palestine, who had come to Samaria to regulate some affairs. This action greatly incensed Alexander, who loved Andromachus. He therefore commanded all those who were concerned in his murder to be put to death, and the rest to be banished from Samaria; and settled a colony of Macedonians in their room. What remained of their lands he gave to the Jews, and exempted them from the payment of tribute. The Samaritans who escaped this calamity, retired to Sichem, at the foot of mount Gerizim, which afterward became their capital. Lest the eight thousand men of this nation, who were in the service of Alexander, and had accompanied him since the siege of Tyre, if permitted to return to their own country, should renew the spirit of rebellion, he sent them into Thebais, the most remote southern province of Egypt, where he assigned them lands.
This prince, after conquering Egypt and getting it under control, ordered the construction of the city of Alexandria and then set off in the spring to chase after Darius. While passing through Palestine, he learned that the Samaritans had risen up and killed Andromachus, the governor of Syria and Palestine, who had gone to Samaria to sort out some matters. This angered Alexander greatly, as he was fond of Andromachus. Therefore, he ordered that everyone involved in his murder be executed, and the others be banished from Samaria; he then established a colony of Macedonians in their place. He gave the remaining land to the Jews and freed them from paying tribute. The Samaritans who escaped this disaster fled to Sichem, at the base of mount Gerizim, which later became their capital. To prevent the eight thousand men from this nation, who had been serving Alexander since the siege of Tyre, from going back to their homeland and stirring up rebellion, he sent them to Thebais, the furthest southern province of Egypt, where he assigned them land.
Alexander, after defeating Darius in a pitched battle, and subduing all Asia and the Indies with incredible rapidity, gave himself up to intemperance. Having drunk to excess, he fell sick and died, after he had obliged “all the world to be quiet before him,” 1 Macc. i, 3. Being sensible that his end was near, he sent for the grandees of his court, and declared that “he gave the empire to the most deserving.” Some affirm that he regulated the succession by a will. The author of the first book of Maccabees says, that he divided his kingdom among his generals while he was living, 1 Macc. i, 7. This he might do; or he might express his foresight of what actually took place after his death. It is certain, that a partition was made of Alexander’s dominions among the four principal officers of his army, and that the empire which he founded in Asia subsisted for many ages. Alexander died, A. M. 3684, and B. C. 323, in the thirty-third year of his age, and the twelfth of his reign. The above particulars of Alexander are here introduced because, from his invasion of Palestine, the intercourse of the Jews with the Greeks became intimate, and influenced many events of their subsequent history.
Alexander, after defeating Darius in a major battle and quickly conquering all of Asia and the Indies, fell into excess. After drinking too much, he got sick and died, having made “all the world to be quiet before him,” 1 Macc. i, 3. Realizing his end was near, he summoned the nobles of his court and declared that he was giving the empire to the most deserving. Some say he arranged the succession through a will. The author of the first book of Maccabees states that he divided his kingdom among his generals while he was still alive, 1 Macc. i, 7. He may have done this or simply hinted at what would happen after his death. It's clear that Alexander's territories were divided among the four main officers of his army, and the empire he built in Asia lasted for many ages. Alexander died in A.M. 3684, B.C. 323, at the age of thirty-three and in the twelfth year of his reign. The details about Alexander are included here because his invasion of Palestine led to close ties between the Jews and the Greeks, influencing many events in their later history.
On the account above given of the interview between Alexander and the Jewish high priest, by Josephus, many doubts have been cast by critics. But the sudden change of his feelings toward them, and the favour with which the nation was treated by him, render the story not improbable.
On the account above of the meeting between Alexander and the Jewish high priest, as described by Josephus, many critics have raised doubts. However, the abrupt shift in his feelings toward them and the favorable treatment of the nation by him make the story seem plausible.
ALEXANDRIA, a famous city of Egypt, and, during the reign of the Ptolemies, the regal capital of that kingdom. It was founded by Alexander the Great: who being struck with the advantageous situation of the spot where the city afterward stood, ordered its immediate erection; drew the plan of the city himself, and peopled it with colonies of Greeks and Jews: to which latter people, in particular, he gave great encouragement. They were, in fact, made free citizens, and had all the privileges of Macedonians granted to them; which liberal policy contributed much to the rise and prosperity of the new city; for this enterprising and commercial people knew much better than either the Greeks or the Egyptians how to turn the happy situation of Alexandria to the best account. The fall of Tyre happening about the same time, the trade of that city was soon drawn to Alexandria, which became the centre of commercial intercourse between the east and the west; and in process of time grew to such an extent, in magnitude and wealth, as to be second in point of population and magnificence to none but Rome itself.
ALEXANDRIA, a well-known city in Egypt, was the royal capital of the kingdom during the Ptolemaic dynasty. It was founded by Alexander the Great, who was impressed by the strategic location of the area where the city would later be built. He ordered the city to be constructed right away, designed its layout himself, and populated it with Greek and Jewish colonies, giving special encouragement to the latter. They were granted full citizenship and all the privileges of Macedonians, which significantly contributed to the growth and success of the new city. This enterprising and commercial group was much better at leveraging Alexandria's favorable position than either the Greeks or the Egyptians. Around the same time, the fall of Tyre redirected that city's trade to Alexandria, turning it into the hub of commerce between the east and the west. Over time, it grew in size and wealth to become only second to Rome in terms of population and grandeur.
Alexandria owed much of its celebrity as well as its population to the Ptolemies. Ptolemy Soter, one of Alexander’s captains, who, after the death of this monarch, was first governor of Egypt, and afterward assumed the title of king, made this city the place of his residence, about B. C. 304. This prince founded an academy, called the Museum, in which a society of learned men devoted themselves to philosophical studies, and the improvement of all the other sciences; and he also gave them a library, which was prodigiously increased by his successors. He likewise induced the merchants of Syria and Greece to reside in this city, and to make it a principal mart of their commerce. His son and successor, Ptolemy Philadelphus, pursued the designs of his father.
Alexandria owed much of its fame and population to the Ptolemies. Ptolemy Soter, one of Alexander’s generals, became the first governor of Egypt after Alexander's death and later took the title of king. He made Alexandria his residence around 304 B.C. This king established an academy called the Museum, where a group of scholars focused on philosophical studies and the advancement of various sciences; he also provided them with a library that was significantly expanded by his successors. Additionally, he encouraged merchants from Syria and Greece to settle in the city, turning it into a major trading hub. His son and successor, Ptolemy Philadelphus, continued his father's initiatives.
In the hands of the Romans, the successors of the Macedonians in the government of Egypt, the trade of Alexandria continued to 38flourish, until luxury and licentiousness paved the way, as in every similar instance, for its overthrow.
In the hands of the Romans, the successors of the Macedonians in governing Egypt, the trade of Alexandria continued to 38thrive, until luxury and excess, as seen in similar situations, set the stage for its downfall.
Alexandria, together with the rest of Egypt, passed from the dominion of the Romans to that of the Saracens. With this event, the sun of Alexandria may be said to have set: the blighting hand of Islamism was laid on it; and although the genius and the resources of such a city could not be immediately destroyed, it continued to languish until the passage by the Cape of Good Hope, in the fifteenth century, gave a new channel to the trade which for so many centuries had been its support; and at this day, Alexandria, like most eastern cities, presents a mixed spectacle of ruins and wretchedness,--of fallen greatness and enslaved human beings.
Alexandria, along with the rest of Egypt, shifted from Roman control to that of the Saracens. This change marked the decline of Alexandria. The oppressive influence of Islam was imposed on it; and while the city’s brilliance and resources couldn’t be wiped out immediately, it continued to suffer until the discovery of the route around the Cape of Good Hope in the fifteenth century opened up a new trade route that had supported it for centuries. Today, Alexandria, like many eastern cities, showcases a mix of ruins and despair—of fallen glory and oppressed people.
Some idea may be formed of the extent and grandeur of Alexandria, by the boast made by Amrou: “I have taken,” said he, “the great city of the west. It is impossible for me to enumerate the variety of its riches and beauty. I shall content myself with observing, that it contains four thousand palaces, four thousand baths, four hundred theatres or places of amusement, twelve thousand shops for the sale of vegetable foods, and forty thousand tributary Jews.”
Some idea may be formed of the extent and grandeur of Alexandria by the boast made by Amrou: “I have taken,” he said, “the great city of the west. It's impossible for me to list all its riches and beauty. I’ll just mention that it has four thousand palaces, four thousand baths, four hundred theaters or places of entertainment, twelve thousand shops for selling food, and forty thousand Jewish tributaries.”
It was in Alexandria chiefly that the Grecian philosophy was engrafted upon the stock of ancient oriental wisdom. The Egyptian method of teaching by allegory was peculiarly favourable to such a union: and we may well suppose that when Alexander, in order to preserve by the arts of peace that extensive empire which he had obtained by the force of arms, endeavoured to incorporate the customs of the Greeks with those of the Persian, Indian, and other eastern nations, the opinions as well as the manners of this feeble and obsequious race would, in a great measure, be accommodated to those of their conquerors. This influence of the Grecian upon the oriental philosophy continued long after the time of Alexander, and was one principal occasion of the confusion of opinions which occurs in the history of the Alexandrian and Christian schools. Alexander, when he built the city of Alexandria, with a determination to make it the seat of his empire, and peopled it with emigrants from various countries, opened a new mart of philosophy, which emulated the fame of Athens itself. A general indulgence was granted to the promiscuous crowd assembled in this rising city, whether Egyptians, Grecians, Jews, or others, to profess their respective systems of philosophy without molestation. The consequence was, that Egypt was soon filled with religious and philosophical sectaries of every kind; and particularly, that almost every Grecian sect found an advocate and professor in Alexandria. The family of the Ptolemies, as we have seen, who after Alexander obtained the government of Egypt, from motives of policy encouraged this new establishment. Ptolemy Lagus, who had obtained the crown of Egypt by usurpation, was particularly careful to secure the interest of the Greeks in his favour, and with this view invited people from every part of Greece to settle in Egypt, and removed the schools of Athens to Alexandria. This enlightened prince spared no pains to raise the literary, as well as the civil, military, and commercial credit of his country. Under the patronage first of the Egyptian princes, and afterward of the Roman emperors, Alexandria long continued to enjoy great celebrity as the seat of learning, and to send forth eminent philosophers of every sect to distant countries. It remained a school of learning, as well as a commercial emporium, till it was taken, and plundered of its literary treasures by the Saracens. Philosophy, during this period, suffered a grievous corruption from the attempt which was made by philosophers of different sects and countries, Grecian, Egyptian, and oriental, who were assembled in Alexandria, to frame, from their different tenets, one general system of opinions. The respect which had long been universally paid to the schools of Greece, and the honours with which they were now adorned by the Egyptian princes, induced other wise men, and even the Egyptian priests and philosophers themselves, to submit to this innovation. Hence arose a heterogeneous mass of opinions, under the name of the Eclectic philosophy, and which was the foundation of endless confusion, error, and absurdity, not only in the Alexandrian school, but among Jews and Christians; producing among the former that specious kind of philosophy, which they called their Cabala, and among the latter innumerable corruptions of the Christian faith.
It was mainly in Alexandria that Greek philosophy merged with the ancient wisdom of the East. The Egyptian teaching method, which relied heavily on allegory, was particularly suited to this blend. We can imagine that when Alexander aimed to preserve his vast empire acquired through military conquest by promoting the customs of the Greeks alongside those of the Persians, Indians, and other Eastern societies, the views and behaviors of this weak and submissive group would largely adapt to those of their conquerors. The impact of Greek thought on Eastern philosophy continued long after Alexander, significantly contributing to the mix of ideas seen in the history of the Alexandrian and Christian schools. When Alexander established the city of Alexandria as the center of his empire and populated it with immigrants from various regions, he created a new hub of philosophy that rivaled even Athens. A general tolerance was granted to the diverse crowd that gathered in this emerging city—whether Egyptians, Greeks, Jews, or others—to freely express their philosophical beliefs without interference. As a result, Egypt quickly became a melting pot of religious and philosophical groups, with nearly every Greek school finding its advocates and teachers in Alexandria. The Ptolemaic dynasty, which took over Egypt after Alexander, supported this new development for political reasons. Ptolemy Lagus, who seized the Egyptian crown, was particularly keen to maintain the Greeks' support and welcomed people from all over Greece to settle in Egypt, moving the schools of Athens to Alexandria. This enlightened ruler made significant efforts to elevate the literary, civil, military, and commercial status of his country. With the backing of the Egyptian kings and later the Roman emperors, Alexandria thrived for a long time as a center of learning and produced prominent philosophers from various schools who traveled abroad. It remained a place of education and trade until it was captured and stripped of its literary riches by the Saracens. During this era, philosophy encountered serious corruption as philosophers from different schools and regions—Greek, Egyptian, and Oriental—gathered in Alexandria to try to create a unified philosophical system from their various beliefs. The longstanding respect for Greek schools and the recognition they received from Egyptian rulers encouraged other wise individuals, including Egyptian priests and philosophers, to embrace this change. This led to the emergence of a diverse collection of ideas known as Eclectic philosophy, which became the source of countless confusions, errors, and absurdities, not only within the Alexandrian school but also among Jews and Christians. For the Jews, it produced a deceptive type of philosophy they referred to as their Cabala, while for Christians, it led to numerous distortions of their faith.
At Alexandria there was, in a very early period of the Christian æra, a Christian school of considerable eminence. St. Jerome says, the school at Alexandria had been in being from the time of St. Mark. Pantænus, placed by Lardner at the year 192, presided in it. St. Clement of Alexandria succeeded Pantænus in this school about the year 190; and he was succeeded by Origen. The extensive commerce of Alexandria, and its proximity to Palestine, gave an easy entrance to the new religion, and when Adrian visited Egypt, he found a church composed of Jews and Greeks, sufficiently important to attract the notice of that inquisitive prince. The theological system of Plato was introduced into both the philosophical and Christian schools of Alexandria; and of course many of his sentiments and expressions were blended with the opinions and language of the professors and teachers of Christianity.
At Alexandria, during the early days of Christianity, there was a prominent Christian school. St. Jerome mentioned that this school had existed since the time of St. Mark. Pantænus, who Lardner places around the year 192, was its leader. St. Clement of Alexandria took over from Pantænus around the year 190, and then Origen succeeded him. The bustling trade of Alexandria and its closeness to Palestine allowed the new religion to spread easily. When Adrian visited Egypt, he discovered a church made up of both Jews and Greeks, which was significant enough to catch the interest of that curious emperor. The philosophical ideas of Plato were integrated into both the philosophical and Christian schools in Alexandria, naturally blending many of his thoughts and expressions with the views and language of the Christian instructors.
Alexandria was the source, and for some time the principal stronghold, of Arianism; which had its name from its founder, Arius, a presbyter of the church of this city, about the year 315. His doctrines were condemned by a council held here in the year 320; and afterward by a general council of three hundred and eighty fathers, held at Nice, by order of Constantine, in 325. These doctrines, however, which suited the reigning taste for disputative theology, and the pride and self-sufficiency of nominal Christians, better than the unsophisticated simplicity of the Gospel, spread 39widely and rapidly notwithstanding. Arius was steadfastly opposed by the celebrated Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, the intrepid champion of the catholic faith, who was raised to the archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria in 326.
Alexandria was the origin and, for a while, the main stronghold of Arianism, named after its founder, Arius, a presbyter of the church in this city around the year 315. His teachings were condemned by a council held here in 320, and later by a general council of three hundred and eighty leaders at Nice, ordered by Constantine, in 325. Nevertheless, these ideas, which resonated with the popular interest in argumentative theology and the pride and self-importance of nominal Christians more than the straightforward simplicity of the Gospel, spread widely and quickly. Arius faced strong opposition from the renowned Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, the fearless defender of the catholic faith, who was appointed to the archbishopric of Alexandria in 326.
This city was, in 415, distinguished by a fierce persecution of the Jews by the patriarch Cyril. They who had enjoyed the rights of citizens, and the freedom of religious worship, for seven hundred years, ever since the foundation of the city, incurred the hatred of this ecclesiastic; who, in his zeal for the extermination of heretics of every kind, pulled down their synagogues, plundered their property, and expelled them, to the number of forty thousand, from the city.
This city, in 415, was marked by a fierce persecution of the Jews led by Patriarch Cyril. They had enjoyed the rights of citizenship and the freedom of worship for seven hundred years, since the city was founded, but incurred the wrath of this religious leader. In his zeal to eliminate all kinds of heretics, he destroyed their synagogues, seized their possessions, and expelled around forty thousand of them from the city.
It was in a ship belonging to the port of Alexandria, that St. Paul sailed from Myra, a city of Lycia, on his way to Rome, Acts xxvii, 5, 6. Alexandria was also the native place of Apollos.
It was on a ship from the port of Alexandria that St. Paul sailed from Myra, a city in Lycia, on his way to Rome, Acts xxvii, 5, 6. Alexandria was also the hometown of Apollos.
ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY. This celebrated collection of books was first founded by Ptolemy Soter, for the use of the academy, or society of learned men, which he had founded at Alexandria. Beside the books which he procured, his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, added many more, and left in this library at his death a hundred thousand volumes; and the succeeding princes of this race enlarged it still more, till at length the books lodged in it amounted to the number of seven hundred thousand volumes. The method by which they are said to have collected these books was this: they seized all the books that were brought by the Greeks or other foreigners into Egypt, and sent them to the academy, or museum, where they were transcribed by persons employed for that purpose. The transcripts were then delivered to the proprietors, and the originals laid up in the library. Ptolemy Euergetes, for instance, borrowed of the Athenians the works of Sophocles, Euripides, and Æschylus, and only returned them the copies, which he caused to be transcribed in as beautiful a manner as possible; the originals he retained for his own library, presenting the Athenians with fifteen talents for the exchange, that is, with three thousand pounds sterling and upwards. As the museum was at first in the quarter of the city called Bruchion, the library was placed there; but when the number of books amounted to four hundred thousand volumes, another library, within the Serapeum, was erected by way of supplement to it, and, on that account, called the daughter of the former. The books lodged in this increased to the number of three hundred thousand volumes; and these two made up the number of seven hundred thousand volumes, of which the royal libraries of the Ptolemies were said to consist. In the war which Julius Cæsar waged with the inhabitants of Alexandria, the library of Bruchion was accidentally, but unfortunately, burnt. But the library in Serapeum still remained, and there Cleopatra deposited the two hundred thousand volumes of the Pergamean library with which she was presented by Marc Antony. These, and others added to them from time to time, rendered the new library more numerous and considerable than the former; and though it was plundered more than once during the revolutions which happened in the Roman empire, yet it was as frequently supplied with the same number of books, and continued, for many ages, to be of great fame and use, till it was burnt by the Saracens, A. D. 642. Abulpharagius, in his history of the tenth dynasty, gives the following account of this catastrophe: John Philoponus, surnamed the Grammarian, a famous Peripatetic philosopher, being at Alexandria when the city was taken by the Saracens, was admitted to familiar intercourse with Amrou, the Arabian general, and presumed to solicit a gift, inestimable in his opinion, but contemptible in that of the barbarians; and this was the royal library. Amrou was inclined to gratify his wish, but his rigid integrity scrupled to alienate the least object without the consent of the caliph. He accordingly wrote to Omar, whose well known answer was dictated by the ignorance of a fanatic: “If these writings of the Greeks agree with the Koran, or book of God, they are useless, and need not be preserved; if they disagree, they are pernicious, and ought to be destroyed.” The sentence of destruction was executed with blind obedience: the volumes of paper or parchment were distributed to the four thousand baths of the city; and such was their number, that six months were barely sufficient for the consumption of this precious fuel.
ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY. This famous collection of books was originally established by Ptolemy Soter for the academy, or group of scholars, he founded in Alexandria. In addition to the books he acquired, his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, contributed many more, leaving behind a hundred thousand volumes at his death. The succeeding rulers of this dynasty expanded it even further, until the total number of books reached seven hundred thousand volumes. The method they used to collect these books was as follows: they seized all the books brought into Egypt by Greeks or other foreigners and sent them to the academy or museum, where they were copied by hired scribes. The copies were then returned to their owners, while the originals were stored in the library. For example, Ptolemy Euergetes borrowed the works of Sophocles, Euripides, and Aeschylus from the Athenians and only returned the copies, which he had beautifully transcribed; he kept the originals for his own library and even gave the Athenians fifteen talents in exchange—over three thousand pounds sterling. Initially located in the Bruchion area of the city, the library was later supplemented by another library built within the Serapeum when the total number of books reached four hundred thousand. This new library, referred to as the daughter of the former, eventually held three hundred thousand volumes, bringing the total number of the royal libraries of the Ptolemies to seven hundred thousand. During Julius Caesar's war with the people of Alexandria, the Bruchion library was accidentally but tragically burned. However, the library in the Serapeum survived, where Cleopatra stored the two hundred thousand volumes from the Pergamean library that Marc Antony had given her. Over time, these and additional books made this new library more extensive and significant than the original. Although it experienced several looting events during the upheavals of the Roman Empire, it was replenished just as often and remained renowned and useful for many ages until it was burned by the Saracens in A.D. 642. Abulpharagius, in his history of the tenth dynasty, provides the following account of this disaster: John Philoponus, known as the Grammarian, a well-known Peripatetic philosopher, was in Alexandria when the city fell to the Saracens. He was granted close access to Amrou, the Arabian general, and dared to request a gift that he valued immensely but the barbarians deemed worthless: the royal library. Amrou was inclined to grant his request, but his strict integrity prevented him from giving away anything without the caliph’s approval. He therefore wrote to Omar, whose infamous response reflected the ignorance of a fanatic: “If these writings of the Greeks align with the Koran, or book of God, they are irrelevant and need not be kept; if they contradict, they are harmful and should be destroyed.” The order for destruction was carried out with blind adherence: the volumes of paper or parchment were distributed to the city’s four thousand baths; there were so many that it took almost six months to consume this valuable fuel.
ALGUM, אלגם or אלגומים, 1 Kings x, 11, 12. This is the name of a kind of wood, or tree, large quantities of which were brought by the fleet of Solomon from Ophir, of which he made pillars for the house of the Lord, and for his own palace; also musical instruments. See Almug.
ALGUM, אלגם or אלגומים, 1 Kings x, 11, 12. This is the name of a type of wood or tree that was brought in large amounts by Solomon's fleet from Ophir. He used it to make pillars for the house of the Lord and for his own palace, as well as musical instruments. See Almug.
ALLEGORY, a figure in rhetoric, whereby we make use of terms which, in their proper signification, mean something else than what they are brought to denote; or it is a figure whereby we say one thing, expecting it shall be understood of another, to which it alludes; or which, under the literal sense of the words, conceals a foreign or distant meaning. An allegory is, properly, a continued metaphor, or a series of several metaphors in one or more sentences. Such is that beautiful allegory in Horace, lib. i, Od. 14.
ALLEGORY is a figure of speech where we use words that, in their literal sense, mean something different from what they are intended to represent; or it's a way of expressing one idea while actually referring to another idea that it hints at; or it hides a deeper or more distant meaning beneath the surface of the words. An allegory is essentially a prolonged metaphor or a collection of several metaphors spread across one or more sentences. A great example of this is the beautiful allegory found in Horace, lib. i, Od. 14.
[O ship, shall new billows drive thee again to sea, &c.]
[O ship, will new waves push you out to sea again, &c.]
Where the ship is usually held to stand for the republic; waves, for civil war; port, for peace and concord; oars, for soldiers; and mariners for magistrates. Thus, also, in Prior’s Henry and Emma, Emma describes her constancy to Henry in the following allegorical manner:--
Where the ship typically represents the republic; waves symbolize civil war; the port signifies peace and harmony; oars stand for soldiers; and mariners represent magistrates. Similarly, in Prior's Henry and Emma, Emma expresses her loyalty to Henry in the following symbolic way:--
Cicero, likewise, speaking of himself, in Pison. c. 9, tom. vi, p. 187, uses this allegorical language: 40“Nor was I so timorous, that, after I had steered the ship of the state through the greatest storms and waves, and brought her safe into port, I should fear the cloud of your forehead, or your colleague’s pestilential breath. I saw other winds, I perceived other storms, I did not withdraw from other impending tempests; but I exposed myself singly to them for the common safety.” Here the state is compared to a ship, and all the things said of it under that image, are expressed in metaphors made use of to denote the dangers with which it had been threatened. We have also a very fine example of an allegory in Psalm lxxx; in which the people of Israel are represented under the image of a vine, and the figure is supported throughout with great correctness and beauty. Whereas, if, instead of describing the vine as wasted by the boar from the wood, and devoured by the wild beasts of the field, the Psalmist had said, it was afflicted by Heathens, or overcome by enemies, which is the real meaning, the figurative and the literal meaning would have been blended, and the allegory ruined. The learned Bishop Lowth, De Sacrâ Poesi Hebræorum, Præl. 10, 11, has specified three forms of allegory that occur in sacred poetry. The first is that which rhetoricians call a continued metaphor. When several metaphors succeed each other, they alter the form of the composition; and this succession has very properly, in reference to the etymology of the word, been denominated by the Greeks αλληγορια, an allegory; although Aristotle, instead of considering it as a new species of figure, has referred it to the class of metaphors. The principle of allegory in this sense of the term, and of the simple metaphor, is the same; nor is it an easy matter to restrict each to its proper limit, and to mark the precise termination of the one, and the commencement of the other. This eminently judicious critic observes, that when the Hebrew poets use the congenial figures of metaphor, allegory, and comparison, particularly in the prophetic poetry, they adopt a peculiar mode of doing it, and seldom regulate the imagery which they introduce by any fixed principle or standard. Not satisfied with a simple metaphor, they often run it into an allegory, or blend with it a direct comparison. The allegory sometimes follows, and sometimes precedes the simile: to this is added a frequent change of imagery, as well as of persons and tenses; and thus are displayed an energy and boldness, both of expression and meaning, which are unconfined by any stated rules, and which mark the discriminating genius of the Hebrew poetry. Thus, in Gen. xlix, 9, “Judah is a lion’s whelp;” this metaphor is immediately drawn out into an allegory, with a change of person: “From the prey, my son, thou art gone up,” that is, to the mountains, which is understood; and in the succeeding sentences the person is again changed, the image is gradually advanced, and the metaphor is joined with a comparison that is repeated.
Cicero, likewise, talking about himself in Pison, c. 9, tom. vi, p. 187, uses this allegorical language: 40“I was not so fearful that, after I had navigated the state through the strongest storms and waves and brought her safely into harbor, I would now fear the frown on your face or your colleague’s toxic words. I faced other winds, I encountered other storms, and I didn’t shy away from other looming dangers; instead, I stood alone against them for the common good.” Here, the state is likened to a ship, and everything expressed in that imagery is a metaphor for the threats it faced. We also have a striking example of an allegory in Psalm lxxx, where the people of Israel are represented as a vine, and the image is maintained throughout with great accuracy and beauty. If instead of describing the vine as being damaged by the wild boar and devoured by beasts of the field, the Psalmist had said it was troubled by pagans or defeated by enemies, which is the actual meaning, the figurative and literal meanings would have mixed, ruining the allegory. The learned Bishop Lowth, On the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, Preface. 10, 11, specifies three types of allegory that appear in sacred poetry. The first type, called a continued metaphor by rhetoricians, involves several metaphors that follow each other and change the form of the composition; this sequence has aptly been called by the Greeks αλληγορια, an allegory; although Aristotle has categorized it as a type of metaphor instead of a new kind of figure. The core concept of allegory in this sense and that of a simple metaphor is the same; it's not easy to define where one ends and the other begins. This insightful critic notes that when Hebrew poets use related figures like metaphor, allegory, and comparison—especially in prophetic poetry—they adopt a unique approach and rarely follow a fixed guideline or standard for their imagery. Not content with a simple metaphor, they often extend it into an allegory or mix it with a direct comparison. The allegory can come before or after the simile, often featuring frequent shifts in imagery, as well as changes in persons and tenses; this results in a dynamic and bold expression and meaning, unrestricted by any set rules, showcasing the distinctive creativity of Hebrew poetry. For example, in Gen. xlix, 9, “Judah is a lion’s whelp;” this metaphor quickly develops into an allegory with a shift in person: “From the prey, my son, you have risen,” meaning to the mountains, which is implied; and in the following lines, the person changes again, the imagery progresses, and the metaphor is combined with a repeated comparison.
A similar instance occurs in the prophecy, recorded in Psalm cx, 3, which explicitly foretels the abundant increase of the Gospel on its first promulgation. This kind of allegory, however, sometimes assumes a more regular and perfect form, and then occupies the whole subject and compass of the discourse. An example of this kind occurs in Solomon’s well known allegory, Eccles. xii, 2–6, in which old age is so admirably depicted. There is also, in Isaiah xxviii, 24–29, an allegory, which, with no less elegance of imagery, is more simple and regular, as well as more just and complete, both in the form and the method of treating it. Another kind of allegory is that which, in the proper and more restricted sense, may be called a parable; and consists of a continued narration of some fictitious event, accommodated, by way of similitude, to the illustration of some important truth. The Greeks call these allegories αινοι or apologues, and the Latins fabulæ, or fables. (See Parable.) The third species of allegory, which often occurs in the prophetic poetry, is that in which a double meaning is couched under the same words, or when the same discourse, differently interpreted, designates different events, dissimilar in their nature, and remote as to time. These different relations are denominated the literal and mystical senses. This kind of allegory, which the learned prelate calls mystical, seems to derive its origin from the principles of the Jewish religion; and it differs from the two former species in a variety of respects. In these allegories the writer may adopt any imagery that is most suitable to his fancy or inclination; but the only proper materials for this allegory must be supplied from the sacred rites of the Hebrews themselves; and it can only be introduced in relation to such things as are immediately connected with the Jewish religion, or their immediate opposites. The former kinds partake of the common privileges of poetry; but the mystical allegory has its foundation in the nature of the Jewish economy, and is adapted solely to the poetry of the Hebrews. Besides, in the other forms of allegory, the exterior or ostensible imagery is mere fiction, and the truth lies altogether in the interior or remote sense; but in this allegory each idea is equally agreeable to truth. The exterior or ostensible image is itself a reality; and although it sustains another character, it does not wholly lay aside its own. There is also a great variety in the use and conduct of the mystical allegory; in the modes in which the corresponding images are arranged, and in which they are obscured or eclipsed by one another. Sometimes the obvious or literal sense is so prominent and conspicuous, both in the words and sentiments, that the remote or figurative sense is scarcely permitted to glimmer through it. On the other hand, the figurative sense is more frequently found to beam forth with so much perspicuity and lustre, that the literal sense is quite cast into the shade, or becomes indiscernible. Sometimes the principal or figurative idea is exhibited to the attentive eye with a constant and equal light; and sometimes it unexpectedly glares upon us, and breaks forth with sudden 41and astonishing coruscations, like a flash of lightning bursting from the clouds. But the mode or form of this figure which possesses the chief beauty and elegance, is, when the two images, equally conspicuous, run, as it were, parallel throughout the whole poem, mutually illustrating and correspondent to each other. The learned author has illustrated these observations by instances selected from Psalms ii, and lxxii. He adds, that the mystical allegory is, on account of the obscurity resulting from the nature of the figure, and the style of the composition, so agreeable to the nature of the prophecy, that it is the form which it generally, and indeed lawfully, assumes, as best adapted to the prediction of future events. It describes events in a manner exactly conformable to the intention of prophecy; that is, in a dark, disguised, and intricate manner, sketching out, in a general way, their form and outline; and seldom descending to a minuteness of description and exactness of detail.
A similar situation arises in the prophecy found in Psalm 110:3, which clearly predicts the significant spread of the Gospel upon its initial announcement. This type of allegory, however, sometimes takes on a more structured and complete form, occupying the entire subject and scope of the discourse. An example of this can be seen in Solomon’s well-known allegory, Ecclesiastes 12:2–6, where old age is described remarkably. In Isaiah 28:24–29, there is also an allegory that, while equally elegant in imagery, is simpler and more orderly, as well as more fitting and complete in both form and approach. Another type of allegory, in a more specific sense, can be called a parable, consisting of a continuous narrative about a fictitious event that serves, through comparison, to illustrate an important truth. The Greeks refer to these allegories as αινοι or apologues, and the Latins as stories, or fables. (See Parable.) The third type of allegory, often found in prophetic poetry, features a double meaning hidden within the same words, where the same discourse, interpreted differently, refers to different events that are distinct in nature and separated by time. These different interpretations are called the literal and mystical senses. This type of allegory, which is described as mystical by the learned prelate, seems to originate from the principles of the Jewish religion and differs from the previous two in several ways. In these allegories, the writer can use any imagery that suits his creativity or preferences; however, proper materials for this type of allegory must be sourced from the sacred practices of the Hebrews themselves, and it can only relate to things directly connected to the Jewish religion or their immediate opposites. The former types share the general privileges of poetry, but the mystical allegory is fundamentally tied to the nature of the Jewish system and is tailored specifically to Hebrew poetry. Furthermore, in the other forms of allegory, the external or superficial imagery is purely fictional, with the truth residing entirely in the deeper or hidden meaning; in this allegory, each idea is equally aligned with truth. The external or superficial image is a reality in itself; although it has another interpretation, it does not completely lose its own significance. There is also a wide range in how mystical allegory is used and structured, in the ways corresponding images are arranged, and how they may obscure or overshadow each other. Sometimes the obvious or literal sense stands out so clearly, both in the words and ideas, that the deeper or metaphorical sense barely shines through. Conversely, the metaphorical sense can often emerge with so much clarity and brightness that the literal sense falls into the background or becomes indistinguishable. Occasionally, the main or metaphorical idea is presented to the attentive observer with a consistent and equal intensity; other times, it suddenly illuminates and bursts forth with startling brilliance, like a flash of lightning breaking through the clouds. However, the most aesthetically pleasing and elegant form of this figure occurs when both images, equally prominent, run parallel throughout the entire poem, mutually illustrating and aligning with each other. The learned author has supported these points with examples from Psalms 2 and 72. He adds that the mystical allegory's obscurity, resulting from the nature of the figure and the writing style, aligns perfectly with the essence of prophecy, making it the form it generally, and indeed rightly, adopts as best suited for predicting future events. It describes events in a way that aligns precisely with prophetic intent; that is, in a vague, concealed, and complex manner, offering a general outline of their shape while rarely diving into detailed description and precision.
ALLELUIA, or Hallelu-jah, הללו־יה, praise the Lord; or, praise to the Lord: compounded of הללו, praise ye, and יה, the Lord. This word occurs at the beginning, or at the end, of many Psalms. Alleluia was sung on solemn days of rejoicing: “And all her streets shall sing Alleluia,” says Tobit, speaking of the rebuilding of Jerusalem, Tob. xiii, 18. St. John, in the Revelation, xix, 1, 3, 4, 6, says, “I heard a great voice of much people in heaven, who cried, Alleluia; and the four living creatures fell down, and worshipped God, saying, Alleluia.” This expression of joy and praise was transferred from the synagogue to the church. At the funeral of Fabiola, “several psalms were sung with loud alleluias,” says Jerom, in Epitaphio Paulæ, “The monks of Palestine were awaked at their midnight watchings, with the singing of alleluias.” It is still occasionally used in devotional psalmody.
ALLELUIA, or Hallelujah, Hallelujah, praise the Lord; or, praise to the Lord: made up of Hallelujah, praise ye, and יָה, the Lord. This word appears at the beginning or end of many Psalms. Alleluia was sung on special days of celebration: “And all her streets shall sing Alleluia,” says Tobit, referring to the rebuilding of Jerusalem, Tob. xiii, 18. St. John, in the Revelation, xix, 1, 3, 4, 6, states, “I heard a great voice from many people in heaven, who cried, Alleluia; and the four living creatures fell down and worshipped God, saying, Alleluia.” This expression of joy and praise moved from the synagogue to the church. At Fabiola's funeral, “several psalms were sung with loud alleluias,” says Jerom in Epitaph of Paula, “The monks of Palestine were woken during their midnight watches by the singing of alleluias.” It is still occasionally used in devotional psalmody.
ALMAH, עלמה, a Hebrew word signifying properly a virgin, a young woman unacquainted with man. In this sense it occurs in the famous passage of Isaiah, vii, 14: “Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son.” The Hebrew has no term that more properly signifies a virgin than almah. St. Jerom, in his commentary on this passage, observes, that the Prophet declined using the word bethaul which signifies any young woman, or young person, but employed the term almah, which denotes a virgin never seen by man. This is the import of the word almah, which is derived from a root which signifies to conceal. It is very well known, that young women in the east do not appear in public, but are shut up in their houses, and their mothers’ apartments, like nuns. The Chaldee paraphrast and the Septuagint translate almah “a virgin;” and Akiba, the famous rabbin, who was a great enemy to Christ and Christians, and lived in the second century, understands it in the same manner. The Apostles and Evangelists, and the Jews of our Saviour’s time, explained it in the same sense, and expected a Messiah born of a virgin.
ALMAH, Young woman, is a Hebrew word that means a virgin, referring to a young woman who has not had any sexual experience. This usage appears in the well-known verse from Isaiah, vii, 14: “Look, a virgin will conceive and give birth to a son.” In Hebrew, there is no better word to signify a virgin than almah. St. Jerome, in his commentary on this passage, notes that the Prophet chose not to use the word bethaul, which can refer to any young woman or young person, but opted for almah, which specifically indicates a virgin who has never been with a man. This is the meaning of the word almah, which comes from a root that means to conceal. It’s well known that young women in the East do not go out in public; instead, they remain sheltered in their homes, similar to nuns. The Chaldee paraphrast and the Septuagint translate almah as “a virgin,” and Akiba, the renowned rabbi who was a significant opponent of Christ and Christians in the second century, interprets it in the same way. The Apostles, Evangelists, and the Jewish people during our Savior’s time understood it in the same manner and anticipated a Messiah born of a virgin.
The Jews, that they may obscure this plain text, and weaken this proof of the truth of the Christian religion, pretend that the Hebrew word signifies a young woman, and not a virgin. But this corrupt translation is easily confuted. 1. Because this word constantly denotes a virgin in all other passages of Scripture in which it is used. 2. From the intent of the passage, which was to confirm their faith by a strange and wonderful sign. It surely could be no wonder, that a young woman should conceive a child; but it was a very extraordinary circumstance that a virgin should conceive and bear a son.
The Jews, in an attempt to obscure this clear text and undermine the proof of the truth of Christianity, claim that the Hebrew word means a young woman rather than a virgin. However, this flawed translation is easily disproven. 1. Because this word consistently refers to a virgin in all other instances in Scripture where it appears. 2. From the purpose of the passage, which was to strengthen their faith with a miraculous sign. It wouldn't be surprising if a young woman were to conceive a child; but it is indeed remarkable that a virgin would conceive and give birth to a son.
ALMIGHTY, an attribute of the Deity, Gen. xvii, 1. The Hebrew name, שדי, Shaddai, signifies also all-sufficient, or all-bountiful. See Gen. xxviii, 3; xxxv, 11; xliii, 14; xlix, 25. Of the omnipotence of God, we have a most ample revelation in the Scriptures, expressed in the most sublime language. From the annunciation by Moses of a divine existence who was “in the beginning,” before all things, the very first step is to the display of his almighty power in the creation out of nothing, and the immediate arrangement in order and perfection, of the “heaven and the earth;” by which is meant, not this globe only with its atmosphere, or even with its own celestial system, but the universe itself; for “he made the stars also.” We are thus at once placed in the presence of an agent of unbounded power; for we must all feel that a being which could create such a world as this, must, beyond all comparison, possess a power greater than any which we experience in ourselves, than any which we observe in other visible agents, and to which we are not authorized by our observation or knowledge to assign any limits of space or duration.
ALL-POWERFUL, a characteristic of God, Gen. xvii, 1. The Hebrew name, שדי, Shaddai, means also all-sufficient or all-bountiful. See Gen. xxviii, 3; xxxv, 11; xliii, 14; xlix, 25. The Scriptures provide a clear revelation of God's omnipotence, expressed in incredibly elevated language. From Moses's announcement of a divine existence who was "in the beginning," before anything else, the first act reveals his almighty power in creating everything from nothing, along with the immediate organization of the “heaven and the earth;” which refers not just to this planet and its atmosphere, or even its own celestial system, but to the entire universe; for “he made the stars too.” We are immediately aware of an agent with limitless power; because we must all recognize that a being capable of creating such a world as ours must, by far, have power greater than any we experience within ourselves, or observe in other visible agents, and we are not permitted by our observations or knowledge to place any limits on its space or duration.
2. That the sacred writers should so frequently dwell upon the omnipotence of God, has important reasons which arise out of the very design of the revelation which they were the means of communicating to mankind. Men were to be reminded of their obligations to obedience; and God is therefore constantly exhibited as the Creator, the Preserver, and Lord of all things. His solemn worship and fear were to be enjoined upon them; and, by the manifestation of his works, the veil was withdrawn from his glory and majesty. Idolatry was to be checked and reproved, and the true God was therefore placed in contrast with the limited and powerless gods of the Heathen: “Among the gods of the nations, is there no god like unto thee; neither are there any works like thy works.” Finally, he is exhibited as the object of trust to creatures constantly reminded by experience of their own infirmity and dependence; and to them it is essential to know, that his power is absolute, unlimited, and irresistible, and that, in a word, he is “mighty to save.”
2. The reason the sacred writers often emphasize God's all-powerfulness is important and stems from the very purpose of the revelation they were sharing with humanity. People needed to be reminded of their duty to obey; therefore, God is repeatedly shown as the Creator, the Preserver, and the Lord of everything. His solemn worship and reverence were to be commanded; and through the display of his works, the veil was lifted from his glory and majesty. Idolatry needed to be challenged and condemned, so the true God was presented in contrast to the limited and powerless gods of the pagans: “Among the gods of the nations, there is no god like you; nor are there any works like yours.” Ultimately, he is portrayed as the object of trust for beings who are constantly reminded, through their experiences, of their own weaknesses and dependence. It is essential for them to understand that his power is absolute, unlimited, and irresistible, and that, simply put, he is “mighty to save.”
3. In a revelation which was thus designed to awe and control the wicked, and to afford strength of mind and consolation to good men under all circumstances, the omnipotence of God is therefore placed in a great variety of impressive views, and connected with the most striking illustrations.
3. In a revelation meant to impress and control the wicked, while providing strength and comfort to good people in all situations, the power of God is presented in various impactful ways and linked with the most striking examples.
It is declared by the fact of creation, the 42creation of beings out of nothing; which itself, though it had been confined to a single object, however minute, exceeds finite comprehension, and overwhelms the faculties. This with God required no effort: “He spake and it was done, he commanded and it stood fast.” The vastness and variety of his works enlarge the conception: “The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament showeth his handy work.” “He spreadeth out the heavens, and treadeth upon the waves of the sea; he maketh Arcturus, Orion, and Pleiades, and the chambers of the south; he doeth great things, past finding out, yea, and wonders without number. He stretcheth out the north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing. He bindeth up the waters in the thick clouds, and the cloud is not rent under them; he hath compassed the waters with bounds until the day and night come to an end.” The ease with which he sustains, orders, and controls the most powerful and unruly of the elements, arrays his omnipotence with an aspect of ineffable dignity and majesty: “By him all things consist.” “He brake up for the sea a decreed place, and set bars and doors, and said, Hitherto shalt thou come and no farther, and here shall thy proud waves be stayed.” “He looketh to the end of the earth, and seeth under the whole heaven, to make the weight for the winds, to weigh the waters by measure, to make a decree for the rain, and a way for the lightning of the thunder.” “Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, meted out heaven with a span, comprehended the dust of the earth in a measure, and weighed the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance.” The descriptions of the divine power are often terrible: “The pillars of heaven tremble, and are astonished at his reproof; he divideth the sea by his power.” “He removeth the mountains, and they know it not; he overturneth them in his anger; he shaketh the earth out of her place, and the pillars thereof tremble; he commandeth the sun and it riseth not, and sealeth up the stars.” The same absolute subjection of creatures to his dominion is seen among the intelligent inhabitants of the material universe; and angels, mortals the most exalted, and evil spirits, are swayed with as much ease as the most passive elements: “He maketh his angels spirits, and his ministers a flame of fire.” They veil their faces before his throne, and acknowledge themselves his servants: “It is he that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers,” “as the dust of the balance, less than nothing and vanity.” “He bringeth princes to nothing.” “He setteth up one and putteth down another;” “for the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is governor among the nations.” “The angels that sinned he cast down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to be reserved unto judgment.” The closing scenes of this world complete these transcendent conceptions of the majesty and power of God. The dead of all ages rise from their graves at his voice: and the sea gives up the dead which are in it. Before his face heaven and earth fly away; the stars fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven are shaken. The dead, small and great, stand before God, and are divided as a shepherd divideth the sheep from the goats. The wicked go away into everlasting punishment, but the righteous into life eternal.
It is shown by the act of creation, the 42creation of beings from nothing; which, even though it may seem limited to a single tiny object, far exceeds human understanding and overwhelms our minds. This required no effort from God: “He spoke, and it was done; he commanded, and it stood fast.” The vastness and variety of his creations expand our perception: “The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament shows his handiwork.” “He spreads out the heavens and walks on the waves of the sea; he creates Arcturus, Orion, and Pleiades, and the southern chambers; he does great things beyond comprehension, and wonders without number. He stretches out the north over empty space and hangs the earth on nothing. He binds up the waters in thick clouds, and the clouds don’t break under them; he has set boundaries for the waters until day and night come to an end.” The ease with which he supports, orders, and controls the most powerful and chaotic elements gives his omnipotence an incredible dignity and majesty: “By him all things hold together.” “He designated a place for the sea and set bars and doors, saying, 'This far you may come and no farther, and here your proud waves will stop.'” “He looks to the ends of the earth and sees everything under the heavens, to measure the weight of the winds, to measure the waters, to decree the rain, and to direct the lightning of the thunder.” “Who has measured the waters in the palm of his hand, marked off the heavens with a span, gathered the dust of the earth in a measure, and weighed the mountains on scales and the hills in a balance?” The descriptions of divine power are often terrible: “The pillars of heaven tremble and are amazed at his rebuke; he divides the sea by his power.” “He removes the mountains and they don’t even notice; he overturns them in his anger; he shakes the earth from its place, and its pillars tremble; he commands the sun, and it does not rise, and seals up the stars.” The same complete subjection of beings to his authority is seen among the intelligent inhabitants of the universe; angels, the most exalted mortals, and evil spirits are controlled with as much ease as the most passive elements: “He makes his angels spirits and his ministers a flame of fire.” They cover their faces before his throne and recognize themselves as his servants: “It is he who sits on the circle of the earth, and its inhabitants are like grasshoppers,” “like the dust on the scales, less than nothing and vanity.” “He brings princes to nothing.” “He raises one up and brings another down;” “for the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he governs among the nations.” “The angels that sinned he cast down to hell and chained them in darkness, to be held for judgment.” The final scenes of this world complete these extraordinary images of the majesty and power of God. The dead from all ages rise from their graves at his voice: and the sea gives up the dead in it. Before his face, heaven and earth flee away; the stars fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven are shaken. The dead, both small and great, stand before God and are separated as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats. The wicked go away to everlasting punishment, but the righteous to eternal life.
4. Of these amazing views of the omnipotence of God, spread almost through every page of the Scriptures, the power lies in their truth. They are not eastern exaggerations, mistaken for sublimity. Every thing in nature answers to them, and renews from age to age the energy of the impression which they cannot but make on the reflecting mind. The order of the astral revolutions indicates the constant presence of an invisible but incomprehensible power. The seas hurl the weight of their billows upon the rising shores, but every where find a “bound fixed by a perpetual decree.” The tides reach their height; if they flowed on for a few hours, the earth would change places with the bed of the sea; but, under an invisible control, they become refluent. The expression, “He toucheth the mountains and they smoke,” is not mere imagery:--every volcano is a testimony of its truth; and earthquakes proclaim, that, before him, “the pillars of the world tremble.” Men collected into armies, or populous nations, give us vast ideas of human power; but let an army be placed amidst the sand storms and burning winds of the desert, as, in the east; or, before “his frost,” as in our own day in Russia, where one of the mightiest armaments was seen retreating before, or perishing under, an unexpected visitation of snow and storm; or let the utterly helpless state of a populous country which has been visited by famine, or by a resistless pestilential disease, be reflected upon; and we feel that it is scarcely a figure of speech to say, that “all nations before him are less than nothing and vanity.”
4. Of these incredible views of God's power, present on almost every page of the Scriptures, the strength lies in their truth. They aren't just exaggerated Eastern tales mistaken for greatness. Everything in nature responds to them and continually revitalizes the impact they have on those who reflect. The order of the stars reflects the constant presence of an unseen but incomprehensible force. The seas crash their waves onto the rising shores, but everywhere find a “bound set by an eternal decree.” The tides reach their peak; if they continued to flow for just a few hours, the land would swap places with the sea’s bed; yet, under invisible control, they recede. The phrase, “He touches the mountains and they smoke,” isn’t just poetic: every volcano stands as proof of its truth; and earthquakes declare that, before him, “the pillars of the world tremble.” Armies gathered together or populous nations give us grand ideas of human strength; but place an army in the midst of the sandstorms and scorching winds of the desert, as in the East; or before “his frost,” as seen in modern-day Russia, where one of the mightiest forces was seen retreating or succumbing to an unexpected blizzard; or consider the utterly helpless state of a populous nation struck by famine or unstoppable disease; and we realize it’s hardly an exaggeration to say that “all nations before him are less than nothing and vanity.”
5. Nor, in reviewing this doctrine of Scripture, ought the great practical uses made of the omnipotence of God, by the sacred writers, to be overlooked. By them nothing is said for the mere display of knowledge, as in Heathen writers; and we have no speculations without a subservient moral. To excite and keep alive in man the fear and worship of God, and to bring him to a felicitous confidence in that almighty power which pervades and controls all things, are the noble ends of those ample displays of the omnipotence of God, which roll through the sacred volume with a sublimity that inspiration only could supply. “Declare his glory among the Heathen, his marvellous works among all nations; for great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised.--Glory and honour are in his presence, and strength and gladness in his place.--Give unto the Lord, ye kindreds of the people, give unto the Lord glory and strength; give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name.--The Lord is my light and my salvation; whom shall I fear?--The Lord is the strength of my life; of whom shall I be afraid? If God be for us, who then can be against us? Our help standeth in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.--What time I am afraid, I will trust in thee.”--Thus, as one observes, 43“our natural fears, of which we must have many, remit us to God, and remind us, since we know what God is, to lay hold on his almighty power.”
5. When reviewing the teachings of Scripture, we shouldn't overlook the significant practical implications of God's omnipotence emphasized by the sacred writers. They don't mention it just to show off knowledge, like some ancient writers do; instead, there are no theories presented without an accompanying moral. The goal is to inspire and maintain in people a sense of fear and reverence for God, as well as to lead them to a joyful trust in the all-powerful force that governs everything. These impressive depictions of God's omnipotence flow through the sacred texts with a grandeur only inspiration could provide. “Declare his glory among the nations, his amazing works among all peoples; for the Lord is great and deserves great praise.--Glory and honor are in his presence, and strength and joy are in his sanctuary.--Give to the Lord, you families of nations, give to the Lord glory and strength; give to the Lord the glory due to his name.--The Lord is my light and my salvation; whom should I fear?--The Lord is the stronghold of my life; of whom shall I be afraid? If God is for us, who can be against us? Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.--When I am afraid, I will trust in you.”--Thus, as one observes, 43 “our natural fears, which we all experience, direct us to God and remind us, since we understand who God is, to grasp his almighty power.”
6. Ample, however, as are these views of the power of God, the subject is not exhausted. As, when the Scriptures speak of the eternity of God, they declare it so as to give us a mere glimpse of that fearful peculiarity of the divine nature, that God is the fountain of being to himself, and that he is eternal, because he is the “I am;” so we are taught not to measure God’s omnipotence by the actual displays of it which we see around us. These are the manifestations of the fact, but not the measure of the attribute; and should we resort to the discoveries of modern philosophy, which, by the help of instruments, has so greatly enlarged the known boundaries of the visible universe, and add to the stars which are visible to the naked eye, those new exhibitions of the divine power in the nebulous appearances of the heavens which are resolvable into myriads of distinct celestial luminaries, whose immense distances commingle their light before it reaches our eyes; we thus almost infinitely expand the circle of created existence, and enter upon a formerly unknown and overwhelming range of divine operation. But still we are only reminded, that his power is truly almighty and measureless--“Lo, all these are parts of his ways; but how little a portion is known of him, and the thunder of his power who can understand?” It is a mighty conception that we form of a power from which all other power is derived, and to which it is subordinate; which nothing can oppose; which can beat down and annihilate all other power whatever; which operates in the most perfect manner, at once, in an instant, with the utmost ease; but the Scriptures lead us to the contemplation of greater and even unfathomable depths. The omnipotence of God is inconceivable and boundless. It arises from the infinite perfection of God, that his power can never be actually exhausted; and, in every imaginable instant in eternity, that inexhaustible power of God can, if it please him, be adding either more creatures to those in existence, or greater perfection to them; since “it belongs to self-existent being, to be always full and communicative, and, to the communicated contingent being, to be ever empty and craving.”
6. While these insights into God's power are significant, the topic isn’t fully explored. When the Scriptures discuss God's eternity, they give us only a glimpse of that daunting aspect of the divine nature: God is the source of being for Himself, and He is eternal because He is the “I'm.” We are encouraged not to gauge God's omnipotence solely by the demonstrations we observe around us. Those are the manifestations of the fact, but not the measure of the attribute. If we look to modern philosophy, which, through instruments, has greatly expanded the known limits of the visible universe, we find that in addition to the stars we can see with the naked eye, there are new displays of divine power in the nebulous sights of the sky, revealing countless distinct celestial bodies, whose vast distances mix their light before it reaches us. This almost infinitely broadens the realm of created existence and introduces us to previously unknown and overwhelming domains of divine action. Yet, we are still reminded that His power is truly almighty and measureless—"Lo, all these are parts of His ways; but how little a portion is known of Him, and who can understand the thunder of His power?" It’s a powerful idea to think about a power from which all other power comes, and to which it is subordinate; a power that nothing can challenge; that can crush and eliminate all other power; that operates perfectly, instantly, and with utmost ease. However, the Scriptures prompt us to reflect on even greater and deeper mysteries. God's omnipotence is unfathomable and limitless. It stems from God's infinite perfection, meaning His power is never truly exhausted; in every conceivable moment in eternity, that boundless power can, if He wishes, either create more beings or enhance those already in existence, for “it is characteristic of self-existent being to be always full and generous, while communicated contingent being is always empty and longing.”
7. One limitation of the divine power it is true we can conceive, but it detracts nothing from its perfection. Where things in themselves imply a contradiction, as that a body may be extended and not extended, in a certain place and not in it, at the same time; such things cannot be done by God, because contradictions are impossible in their own nature. Nor is it any derogation from the divine power to say, they cannot be done; for as the object of the understanding, of the eye, and the ear, is that which is intelligible, visible, and audible; so the object of power must be that which is possible; and as it is no prejudice to the most perfect understanding, or sight, or hearing, that it does not understand what is not intelligible, or see what is not visible, or hear what is not audible; so neither is it any diminution to the most perfect power, that it does not do what is not possible. In like manner, God cannot do any thing that is repugnant to his other perfections: he cannot lie, nor deceive, nor deny himself; for this would be injurious to his truth. He cannot love sin, nor punish innocence; for this would destroy his holiness and goodness: and therefore to ascribe a power to him that is inconsistent with the rectitude of his nature, is not to magnify but debase him; for all unrighteousness is weakness, a defection from right reason, a deviation from the perfect rule of action, and arises from a want of goodness and power. In a word, since all the attributes of God are essentially the same, a power in him which tends to destroy any other attribute of the divine nature, must be a power destructive of itself. Well, therefore, may we conclude him absolutely omnipotent, who, by being able to effect all things consistent with his perfections, showeth infinite ability, and, by not being able to do any thing repugnant to the same perfections, demonstrates himself subject to no infirmity.
7. It's true that we can imagine a limitation to divine power, but it doesn't take away from its perfection. When things inherently contradict themselves, like a body being both extended and not extended in the same place at the same time, those things cannot be done by God because contradictions are impossible by their very nature. It’s not a diminishment of divine power to say these things can’t be done. Just as the understanding, the eye, and the ear focus on what is intelligible, visible, and audible, the focus of power must be on what is possible. It doesn't diminish the most perfect understanding, sight, or hearing that they can't grasp what isn't intelligible, see what isn't visible, or hear what isn't audible; in the same way, it's not a reduction of the most perfect power that it can’t do what isn’t possible. Similarly, God can't do anything that contradicts his other attributes: he can't lie, deceive, or deny himself because that would harm his truth. He can't love sin or punish innocence because that would go against his holiness and goodness. Therefore, to attribute a power to him that conflicts with the integrity of his nature doesn't elevate him but rather diminishes him, because all unrighteousness signifies weakness, straying from right reason, deviating from the perfect rule of action, and stems from a lack of goodness and power. In short, since all the attributes of God are essentially unified, a power in him that undermines any other attribute of his divine nature would ultimately be self-destructive. Thus, we can confidently conclude that he is absolutely omnipotent, as the ability to accomplish all things that align with his perfections demonstrates infinite capability, and the inability to do anything against those same perfections shows that he is free from any weakness.
8. Nothing certainly in the finest writings of antiquity, were all their best thoughts collected as to the majesty and power of God, can bear any comparison with the views thus presented to us by divine revelation. Were we to forget, for a moment, what is the fact, that their noblest notions stand connected with fancies and vain speculations which deprive them of their force, still their thoughts never rise so high; the current is broken, the round of lofty conception is not completed, and, unconnected as their views of divine power were with the eternal destiny of man, and the very reason of creation, we never hear in them, as in the Scriptures, “the THUNDER of his power.”
8. Nothing in the greatest writings of ancient times, even with all their best thoughts about the majesty and power of God, can compare to the insights provided to us through divine revelation. If we were to forget, even for a moment, that their noblest ideas are tied to fantasies and pointless speculations that weaken their impact, we still find that their thoughts never reach such heights. The flow is interrupted, the cycle of grand ideas isn’t completed, and since their perspectives on divine power are disconnected from humanity's eternal destiny and the very purpose of creation, we never hear from them, as we do in the Scriptures, “the THUNDER of his power.”
ALMOND TREE, לוז. Arabic, lauz. Translated hazel, Gen. xxx, 37; שקד, rendered almond, Gen. xliii, 11; Exod. xxv, 33, 34; xxxvii, 19, 20; Num. xvii, 8; Eccles. xii, 5; and Jer. i, 11. The first name may be that of the tree; the other, that of the fruit, or nut.
ALMOND TREE, לאוז. Arabic, lauz. Translated hazel, Gen. xxx, 37; שקד, translated as almond, Gen. xliii, 11; Exod. xxv, 33, 34; xxxvii, 19, 20; Num. xvii, 8; Eccles. xii, 5; and Jer. i, 11. The first name might refer to the tree; the other, to the fruit, or nut.
A tree resembling the peach tree in its leaves and blossoms, but the fruit is longer and more compressed, the outer green coat is thinner and drier when ripe, and the shell of the stone is not so rugged. This stone, or nut, contains a kernel, which is the only esculent part. The whole arrives at maturity in September, when the outer tough cover splits open and discharges the nut. From the circumstance of its blossoming the earliest of any of the trees, beginning as soon as the rigour of winter is past, and before it is in leaf, it has its Hebrew name shakad, which comes from a verb signifying to make haste, to be in a hurry, or to awake early. To the forwardness of the almond tree there seems to be a reference in Jeremiah: “The word of the Lord came unto me, saying, Jeremiah, what seest thou? And I said, I see a rod of an almond tree. Then said the Lord unto me, Thou hast well seen: for I will hasten my word to perform it;” or rather, “I am hastening, or watching over my word to fulfil it,” Jer. i, 11, 12. In this manner it is rendered by the Seventy; 44and by the Vulgate, Vigilabo ego super verbum meum. [I will watch over my word.] This is the first vision with which the Prophet was honoured; and his attention is roused by a very significant emblem of that severe correction with which the Most High was hastening to visit his people for their iniquity; and from the species of tree to which the rod belonged, he is warned of its near approach. The idea which the appearance of the almond rod suggested to his mind, is confirmed by the exposition of God himself: “I am watching over, or on account of, my word to fulfil it;” and this double mode of instruction, first by emblem, and then by exposition, was certainly intended to make a deeper impression on the mind both of Jeremiah and of the people to whom he was sent.
A tree that looks like a peach tree with its leaves and flowers, but its fruit is longer and more compressed. The outer green skin is thinner and drier when ripe, and the shell of the pit isn't as rugged. This pit, or nut, holds a kernel, which is the only edible part. It ripens in September when the tough outer cover splits open and releases the nut. Because it blooms first among trees, starting right after winter ends and before it has any leaves, it has its Hebrew name shakad, which means to make haste, to hurry, or to wake up early. The almond tree's eagerness is referenced in Jeremiah: “The word of the Lord came to me, saying, Jeremiah, what do you see? And I said, I see a branch of an almond tree. Then the Lord said to me, You have seen correctly, for I am watching to fulfill my word;” or rather, “I am hastening, or watching over my word to fulfill it,” Jer. i, 11, 12. This is how it is rendered by the Seventy; and by the Vulgate, I will watch over my word. [I will watch over my word.] This was the first vision the Prophet received; it caught his attention with a very meaningful symbol of the serious punishment that the Most High was ready to bring upon his people for their wrongdoings; and from the type of tree the rod belonged to, he was warned of its imminent arrival. The idea that the almond rod presented to him is confirmed by God’s explanation: “I am watching over my word to fulfill it;” and this dual method of teaching, first through a symbol and then through explanation, was definitely meant to leave a stronger impact on both Jeremiah’s mind and the people he was sent to.
It is probable that the rods which the princes of Israel bore, were scions of the almond tree, at once the ensign of their office, and the emblem of their vigilance. Such, we know from the testimony of Scripture, was the rod of Aaron; which renders it exceedingly probable, that the rods of the other chiefs were from the same tree.
It’s likely that the staffs carried by the princes of Israel were made from almond tree branches, serving both as a symbol of their authority and a sign of their watchfulness. As we know from Scripture, Aaron’s staff was such a rod, which makes it quite probable that the staffs of the other leaders were also from the same tree.
The hoary head is beautifully compared by Solomon to the almond tree, covered in the earliest days of spring with its snow white flowers, before a single leaf has budded: “The almond tree shall flourish, and the grasshopper shall be a burden, and desire shall fail,” Eccl. xii, 5. Man has existed in this world but a few days, when old age begins to appear, sheds its snows upon his head, prematurely nips his hopes, darkens his earthly prospects, and hurries him into the grave.
The gray hair is nicely compared by Solomon to the almond tree, which is covered in its snow-white flowers in the early days of spring, before any leaves have bloomed: “The almond tree shall flourish, and the grasshopper shall be a burden, and desire shall fail,” Eccl. xii, 5. A person has been in this world for only a short time when old age starts to show up, putting gray on their head, crushing their hopes, darkening their earthly outlook, and rushing them towards the grave.
ALMUG TREE, a certain kind of wood, mentioned 1 Kings, x, 11; 2 Chron. ii, 8; ix, 10, 11. Jerom and the Vulgate render it, ligna thyina, and the Septuagint ξύλα ϖελεκητὰ, wrought wood. Several critics understand it to mean gummy wood; but a wood abounding in resin must be very unfit for the uses to which this is said to be applied. Celsus queries if it be not the sandal; but Michaelis thinks the particular species of wood to be wholly unknown to us. Dr. Shaw supposes that the almug tree was the cypress; and he observes that the wood of this tree is still used in Italy and other places for violins, harpsichords, and other stringed instruments.
The ALMUG TREE, a specific type of wood, is referenced in 1 Kings 10:11; 2 Chronicles 2:8; 9:10, 11. Jerome and the Vulgate translate it as thyina wood, and the Septuagint refers to it as ξύλα ϖελεκητὰ, meaning wrought wood. Some critics suggest it could mean gummy wood, but a wood rich in resin would likely be unsuitable for the purposes it's said to serve. Celsus wonders if it might be sandalwood, but Michaelis believes this particular type of wood is entirely unknown to us. Dr. Shaw proposes that the almug tree was the cypress, noting that the wood from this tree is still used in Italy and other places for violins, harpsichords, and other stringed instruments.
ALOE, עלר, a plant with broad leaves, nearly two inches thick, prickly and serrated. It grows about two feet high. A very bitter gum is extracted from it, used for medicinal purposes, and anciently for embalming dead bodies. Nicodemus is said, John xix, 39, to have brought one hundred pounds’ weight of myrrh and aloes to embalm the body of Jesus. The quantity has been exclaimed against by certain Jews, as being enough for fifty bodies. But instead of ἑκατὸν it might originally have been written δέκατον, ten pounds’ weight. However, at the funeral of Herod there were five hundred ἀρωματόφορους, spice bearers; and at that of R. Gamaliel, eighty pounds of opobalsamum were used.
ALOE, עלר, is a plant with wide leaves, about two inches thick, that are prickly and serrated. It grows to around two feet tall. A very bitter gum is taken from it, used for medicinal purposes and historically for embalming corpses. Nicodemus is said in John 19:39 to have brought one hundred pounds of myrrh and aloes to prepare the body of Jesus for burial. Some Jews have criticized this amount, claiming it's enough for fifty bodies. However, it might have originally been written as ten pounds instead of one hundred. At Herod's funeral, there were five hundred spice bearers; and at the funeral of R. Gamaliel, eighty pounds of opobalsamum were used.
The wood which God showed Moses, that with it he might sweeten the waters of Marah, is called alvah, Exod. xv, 25. The word has some relation to aloe; and some interpreters are of opinion that Moses used a bitter sort of wood, that so the power of God might be the more remarkable. Mr. Bruce mentions a town, or large village, by the name of Elvah. It is thickly planted with trees; is the oasis parva of the ancients; and the last inhabited place to the west that is under the jurisdiction of Egypt. He also observes that the Arabs call a shrub or tree, not unlike our hawthorn, either in wood or flower, by the name of elvah. “It was this,” say they, “with which Moses sweetened the waters of Marah; and with this, too, did Kalib Ibn el Walid sweeten those of Elvah, once bitter, and give the place the name of this circumstance.” It may be that God directed Moses to the very wood proper for the purpose. M. Neibuhr, when in these parts, inquired after wood capable of this effect, but could gain no information of any such. It will not, however, from hence follow that Moses really used a bitter wood; but, as Providence usually works by the proper and fit means to accomplish its ends, it seems likely that the wood he made use of was, in some degree at least, corrective of that quality which abounded in the water, and so rendered it potable. This seems to have been the opinion of the author of Ecclesiasticus, xxxviii, 5. That other water, also, requires some correction, and that such a correction is applied to it, appears from the custom in Egypt in respect to that of the Nile, which, though somewhat muddy, is rendered pure and salutary by being put into jars, the inside of which is rubbed with a paste made of bitter almonds. The first discoverers of the Floridas are said to have corrected the stagnant and fetid water they found there, by infusing in it branches of sassafras; and it is understood that the first inducement of the Chinese to the general use of tea, was to correct the water of their ponds and rivers.
The wood that God showed Moses to sweeten the waters of Marah is called alvah, as mentioned in Exodus 15:25. The term has some connection to aloe, and some interpreters believe Moses used a bitter type of wood so that God's power would be more apparent. Mr. Bruce refers to a town or large village named Elvah. It is densely forested and is the oasis parva of ancient times; it’s the last inhabited location to the west under Egypt’s control. He also notes that the Arabs name a shrub or tree, similar to our hawthorn in either wood or flower, elvah. “It was this,” they say, “with which Moses sweetened the waters of Marah; and with this, too, did Kalib Ibn el Walid sweeten those of Elvah, which were once bitter, giving the place its name based on this event.” It’s possible that God guided Moses to the specific type of wood needed for this purpose. M. Neibuhr, during his visit to the area, asked about wood that could create such an effect but found no such information. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean Moses used a bitter wood; since Providence usually works through suitable means to achieve its goals, it seems likely that the wood he utilized had, at least to some extent, neutralizing properties for the quality in the water, making it drinkable. This appears to be the view of the author of Ecclesiasticus 38:5. The fact that other water also needs some adjusting and that such adjustments are made is evident from the practice in Egypt regarding the Nile water, which, though somewhat muddy, becomes pure and healthy when placed in jars that have been rubbed inside with a paste made of bitter almonds. The early explorers of Florida are said to have treated the stagnant and foul water they discovered by infusing it with branches of sassafras; and it is understood that the initial reason the Chinese started using tea widely was to improve the quality of the water from their ponds and rivers.
The Lign-Aloe, or agallochum, Num. xxiv, 6; Psalm xlv, 9; and Cantic. iv, 14. אהלת, masculine, אהל, whose plural is אהלים, is a small tree about eight or ten feet high. That the flower of this plant yielded a fragrance, is assured to us in the following extract from Swinburne’s Travels, letter xii: “This morning, like many of the foregoing ones, was delicious. The sun rose gloriously out of the sea, and all the air around was perfumed with the effluvia of the aloe, as its rays sucked up the dew from the leaves.” This extremely bitter plant contains under the bark three sorts of wood. The first is black, solid, and weighty; the second is of a tawny colour, of a light spongy texture, very porous, and filled with a resin extremely fragrant and agreeable; the third kind of wood, which is the heart, has a strong aromatic odour, and is esteemed in the east more precious than gold itself. It is used for perfuming habits and apartments, and is administered as a cordial in fainting and epileptic fits. These pieces, called calunbac, are carefully preserved in pewter boxes, to prevent their drying. When they are used they are ground upon a marble with such liquids as are best suited to the purpose for which they are intended. This wood, mentioned Cantic. iv, 14, in conjunction with several other odoriferous plants there referred to, was 45in high esteem among the Hebrews for its exquisite exhalations.
The Lign-Aloe, or agallochum, Num. xxiv, 6; Psalm xlv, 9; and Cantic. iv, 14. אהלת, masculine, Tent, which has the plural Tents, is a small tree that grows about eight to ten feet tall. It is known that the flower of this plant gives off a lovely fragrance, as confirmed by the following excerpt from Swinburne’s Travels, letter xii: “This morning, like many of the previous ones, was delightful. The sun rose beautifully from the sea, and the air was filled with the scent of the aloe as its rays drew up the dew from the leaves.” This very bitter plant has three types of wood under its bark. The first is black, dense, and heavy; the second is a light, spongy tawny color, very porous, and filled with a highly fragrant resin; the third type, the heartwood, has a strong aromatic scent and is valued in the East more than gold. It is used for perfuming clothing and rooms and is given as a remedy for fainting and epilepsy. These pieces, called calunbac, are carefully stored in pewter boxes to keep them from drying out. When used, they are ground on a marble slab with liquids that suit their intended purpose. This wood, mentioned in Cantic. iv, 14, along with other fragrant plants referenced there, was 45highly regarded by the Hebrews for its exquisite scents.
Thus the son of Sirach, Ecclesiasticus xxiv, 15: “I gave a sweet smell like the cinnamon and aspalathus. I yielded a pleasant odour like the best myrrh; like galbanum and onyx, and fragrant storax, and like the fume of frankincense in the tabernacle.” It may not be amiss to observe that the Persian translator renders ahalim, sandal wood; and the same was the opinion of a certain Jew in Arabia who was consulted by Neibuhr.
Thus the son of Sirach, Ecclesiasticus xxiv, 15: “I gave off a sweet scent like cinnamon and aspalathus. I produced a pleasant fragrance like the finest myrrh; like galbanum and onyx, as well as fragrant storax, and like the smoke of frankincense in the tabernacle.” It might be worth noting that the Persian translator interprets ahalim as sandalwood; and this was also the belief of a certain Jew in Arabia who was consulted by Neibuhr.
ALPHA, the first letter of the Greek alphabet; Omega being the last letter. Hence Alpha and Omega is a title which Christ appropriates to himself, Rev. i, 8; xxi, 6; xxii, 13; as signifying the beginning and the end, the first and the last, and thus properly denoting his perfection and eternity.
ALPHA, the first letter of the Greek alphabet; Omega, the last letter. So, Alpha and Omega is a title that Christ takes for himself, Rev. i, 8; xxi, 6; xxii, 13; signifying the beginning and the end, the first and the last, and therefore accurately representing his perfection and eternity.
ALPHEUS, father of James the less, Matt. x, 3; Luke vi, 15. Alpheus was the husband of Mary, believed to have been sister to the mother of Christ; for which reason, James is called the Lord’s brother; but the term brother is too general in its application to fix their relation, though the fact is probable. Many are of opinion that Cleopas, mentioned Luke xxiv, 18, is the same as Alpheus; Alpheus being his Greek name, and Cleopas his Hebrew, or Syriac name, according to the custom of this province, (or of the time,) where men often had two names; by one of which they were known to their friends and countrymen, by the other to the Romans or strangers.
ALPHEUS, the father of James the Less (Matt. x, 3; Luke vi, 15), was married to Mary, who is believed to be the sister of Christ's mother. This is why James is referred to as the Lord’s brother; however, the term brother is too broad to clearly define their relationship, although it is likely. Many believe that Cleopas, mentioned in Luke xxiv, 18, is the same person as Alpheus, with Alpheus being his Greek name and Cleopas his Hebrew or Syriac name. This naming convention was common in that region (or at that time), where people often had two names—one known to friends and fellow countrymen and the other to Romans or outsiders.
2. Alpheus, father of Levi, or Matthew, whom Jesus took to be an Apostle and Evangelist, Mark ii, 14.
2. Alpheus, the father of Levi, also known as Matthew, whom Jesus chose to be an Apostle and Evangelist, Mark ii, 14.
ALTAR. Sacrifices are nearly as ancient as worship, and altars are of almost equal antiquity. Scripture speaks of altars, erected by the patriarchs, without describing their form, or the materials of which they were composed. The altar which Jacob set up at Bethel, was the stone which had served him for a pillow; Gideon sacrificed on the rock before his house. The first altars which God commanded Moses to raise, were of earth or rough stones; and it was declared that if iron were used in constructing them they would become impure, Exod. xx, 24, 25. The altar which Moses enjoined Joshua to build on Mount Ebal, was to be of unpolished stones, Deut. xxvii, 5; Josh. viii, 31; and it is very probable that such were those built by Samuel, Saul, and David. The altar which Solomon erected in the temple was of brass, but filled, it is believed, with rough stones, 2 Chron. iv, 1–3. It was twenty cubits long, twenty wide, and ten high. That built at Jerusalem, by Zerubbabel, after the return from Babylon, was of rough stones; as was that of Maccabees. Josephus says that the altar which in his time was in the temple was of rough stones, fifteen cubits high, forty long, and forty wide.
ALTAR. Sacrifices are nearly as old as worship, and altars have just about the same ancient history. Scripture mentions altars set up by the patriarchs but doesn’t describe their shape or the materials used. The altar that Jacob built at Bethel was the stone he had used as a pillow; Gideon sacrificed on the rock in front of his house. The first altars that God instructed Moses to make were made of earth or unshaped stones; it was noted that if iron was used in their construction, they would become unclean, Exod. xx, 24, 25. The altar that Moses directed Joshua to build on Mount Ebal was to be made of unrefined stones, Deut. xxvii, 5; Josh. viii, 31; and it’s very likely that the altars built by Samuel, Saul, and David were similar. The altar that Solomon built in the temple was made of brass but was believed to be filled with rough stones, 2 Chron. iv, 1–3. It was twenty cubits long, twenty wide, and ten high. The altar built in Jerusalem by Zerubbabel after the return from Babylon was made of rough stones, as was that of the Maccabees. Josephus states that the altar in the temple during his time was made of rough stones, standing fifteen cubits high, forty cubits long, and forty cubits wide.
Among the Romans altars were of two kinds, the higher and the lower; the higher were intended for the celestial gods, and were called altaria, from altus; the lower were for the terrestrial and infernal gods, and were called aræ. Those dedicated to the heavenly gods were raised a great height above the surface of the earth; those of the terrestrial gods were almost even with the surface; and those for the infernal deities were only holes dug in the ground called scrobiculi.
Among the Romans, there were two types of altars: the higher ones and the lower ones. The higher altars were meant for the celestial gods and were called altaria, from altus; the lower ones were for the earthly and underworld gods and were called aræ. Altars dedicated to the heavenly gods were placed high above the ground, while those for the earthly gods were almost level with the surface. Altars for the underworld deities were simply holes dug in the ground, known as scrobi.
Before temples were in use the altars were placed in the groves, highways, or on tops of mountains, inscribed with the names, ensigns, or characters of the respective gods to whom they belonged. The great temples at Rome generally contained three altars; the first in the sanctuary, at the foot of the statue, for incense and libations; the second before the gate of the temple, for the sacrifices of victims; and the third was a portable one for the offerings and sacred vestments or vessels to lie upon. The ancients used to swear upon the altars upon solemn occasions, such as confirming alliances, treaties of peace, &c. They were also places of refuge, and served as an asylum and sanctuary to all who fled to them, whatever their crimes were.
Before temples were built, altars were set up in groves, along roads, or on mountain tops, marked with the names, symbols, or images of the gods they were dedicated to. The large temples in Rome typically had three altars; the first one was in the sanctuary, at the base of the statue, used for incense and libations; the second was at the temple entrance, for animal sacrifices; and the third was a portable altar for offerings and sacred items or vessels. In ancient times, people would swear oaths on the altars during important events, like confirming alliances or peace treaties. They also served as safe havens, providing refuge to anyone seeking asylum, regardless of their crimes.
The principal altars among the Jews were those of incense, of burnt-offering, and the altar or table for the shew bread. The altar of incense was a small table of shittim wood covered with plates of gold. It was a cubit long, a cubit broad, and two cubits high. At the four corners were four horns. The priest, whose turn it was to officiate, burnt incense on this altar, at the time of the morning sacrifice between the sprinkling of the blood and the laying of the pieces of the victim on the altar of burnt-offering. He did the same also in the evening, between the laying of the pieces on the altar and the drink-offering. At the same time the people prayed in silence, and their prayers were offered up by the priests. The altar of burnt-offering was of shittim wood also, and carried upon the shoulders of the priests, by staves of the same wood overlaid with brass. In Moses’s days it was five cubits square, and three high: but it was greatly enlarged in the days of Solomon, being twenty cubits square, and ten in height. It was covered with brass, and had a horn at each corner to which the sacrifice was tied. This altar was placed in the open air, that the smoke might not sully the inside of the tabernacle or temple. On this altar the holy fire was renewed from time to time, and kept constantly burning. Hereon, likewise, the sacrifices of lambs and bullocks were burnt, especially a lamb every morning at the third hour, or nine of the clock, and a lamb every afternoon at three, Exod. xx, 24, 25; xxvii, 1, 2, 4; xxxviii, 1. The altar of burnt-offering had the privilege of being a sanctuary or place of refuge. The wilful murderer, indeed, sought protection there in vain; for by the express command of God he might be dragged to justice, even from the altar. The altar or table of shew bread was of shittim wood also, covered with plates of gold, and had a border round it adorned with sculpture. It was two cubits long, one wide, and one and a half in height. This table stood in 46the sanctum sanctorum, [holy of holies,] and upon it were placed the loaves of shew bread. After the return of the Jews from their captivity, and the building of the second temple, the form and size of the altars were somewhat changed.
The main altars among the Jews were the altar of incense, the altar of burnt offerings, and the table for the showbread. The altar of incense was a small table made of acacia wood covered with gold plates. It was a cubit long, a cubit wide, and two cubits high. There were four corners with horns on each. The priest on duty would burn incense on this altar during the morning sacrifice, between sprinkling the blood and placing the pieces of the victim on the altar of burnt offerings. He would do the same in the evening, between laying the pieces on the altar and the drink offering. During this time, the people prayed silently, with their prayers being presented by the priests. The altar of burnt offerings was also made of acacia wood and was carried by the priests using poles of the same wood overlaid with brass. In Moses's time, it was five cubits square and three cubits high, but it was significantly enlarged during Solomon's reign to twenty cubits square and ten cubits high. It was covered with brass and had a horn at each corner where the sacrifice was tied. This altar was positioned outside so that the smoke wouldn’t taint the inside of the tabernacle or temple. The holy fire on this altar was regularly maintained to keep it burning continuously. Here, the sacrifices of lambs and bulls were offered, especially a lamb every morning at the third hour, or nine o'clock, and another lamb every afternoon at three. The altar of burnt offerings had the special right of being a sanctuary or place of refuge. However, a willful murderer could not find protection there; by God's command, he could be brought to justice even from the altar. The altar or table of showbread was also made of acacia wood, covered with gold plates, and had a decorative border. It was two cubits long, one cubit wide, and one and a half cubits high. This table stood in the holy of holies, and on it were placed the loaves of showbread. After the Jews returned from captivity and built the second temple, the design and size of the altars changed somewhat.
Sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, could not be offered except by the priests; and at any other place than on the altar of the tabernacle or the temple. Furthermore, they were not to be offered to idols, nor with any superstitious rites. See Lev. xvii, 1–7; Deut. xii, 15, 16. Without these precautionary measures, the true religion would hardly have been secure. If a different arrangement had been adopted, if the priests had been scattered about to various altars, without being subjected to the salutary restraint which would result from a mutual observation of each other, they would no doubt some of them have willingly consented to the worship of idols; and others, in their separate situation, would not have been in a condition to resist the wishes of the multitude, had those wishes been wrong. The necessity of sacrificing at one altar, (that of the tabernacle or temple,) is frequently and emphatically insisted on, Deut. xii, 13, 14; and all other altars are disapproved, Lev. xxvi, 30, compare Joshua xxii, 9–34. Notwithstanding this, it appears that, subsequently to the time of Moses, especially in the days of the kings, altars were multiplied; but they fell under suspicions, although some of them were perhaps sacred to the worship of the true God. It is, nevertheless, true, that prophets, whose characters were above all suspicion, sacrificed, in some instances, in other places than the one designated by the laws, 1 Sam. xiii, 3–14; xvi, 1–5; 1 Kings xviii, 21–40.
Sacrifices according to the laws of Moses could only be offered by the priests, and only on the altar of the tabernacle or the temple. Additionally, they were not to be offered to idols or with any superstitious practices. See Lev. xvii, 1–7; Deut. xii, 15, 16. Without these precautions, the true religion would have been hard to maintain. If a different system had been set up, with priests scattered across various altars and lacking the beneficial oversight that comes from mutual observation, some might have agreed to worship idols, and others, in their isolation, might not have been able to resist the crowd's inappropriate desires. The need to sacrifice at one altar (that of the tabernacle or temple) is emphasized repeatedly, Deut. xii, 13, 14, and all other altars are condemned, Lev. xxvi, 30, compare Joshua xxii, 9–34. Still, it seems that after Moses' time, especially during the kings' reigns, altars multiplied; however, they raised suspicions, even though some may have been dedicated to the worship of the true God. It is also true that prophets, known for their integrity, sometimes sacrificed in locations other than those specified by the laws, 1 Sam. xiii, 3–14; xvi, 1–5; 1 Kings xviii, 21–40.
AMALEKITES, a people whose country adjoined the southern border of the land of Canaan, in the north-western part of Arabia Petræa. They are generally supposed to have been the descendants of Amalek, the son of Eliphaz, and grandson of Esau. But Moses speaks of the Amalekites long before this Amalek was born; namely in the days of Abraham, when Chedorlaomer, king of Elam, devastated their country, Gen. xiv, 7; from which it may be inferred that there was some other and more ancient Amalek, from whom this people sprang. The Arabians have a tradition that this Amalek was a son of Ham; and when we consider that so early as the march from Egypt the Amalekites were a people powerful enough to attack the Israelites, it is far more probable that they should derive their ancestry from Ham, than from the then recent stock of the grandson of Esau. It may also be said, that the character and fate of this people were more consonant with the dealings of Providence toward the families of the former. This more early origin of the Amalekites will likewise explain why Balaam called them the “first of the nations.”
AMALEKITES, a group of people whose land was next to the southern border of Canaan, in the northwestern part of Arabia Petraea. They are generally thought to be descendants of Amalek, the son of Eliphaz and grandson of Esau. However, Moses mentions the Amalekites long before this Amalek was born; specifically, in the days of Abraham, when Chedorlaomer, the king of Elam, devastated their land (Gen. xiv, 7). This suggests that there was an earlier and more ancient Amalek from whom this people came. There is a tradition among the Arabians that this Amalek was a son of Ham; and considering that as early as the march from Egypt, the Amalekites were powerful enough to attack the Israelites, it seems more likely that they descended from Ham rather than from the relatively recent line of Esau’s grandson. It can also be noted that the character and fate of this people align more closely with the dealings of Providence toward the families of the earlier generations. This earlier origin of the Amalekites may also clarify why Balaam referred to them as the “first of the nations.”
They are supposed by some to have been a party or tribe of the shepherds who invaded Egypt, and kept it in subjection for two hundred years. This will agree with the Arabian tradition as to their descent. It also agrees with their pastoral and martial habits, as well as with their geographical position; which was perhaps made choice of on their retiring from Egypt, adjoining that of their countrymen the Philistines, whose history is very similar. It also furnishes a motive for their hostility to the Jews, and their treacherous attempt to destroy them in the desert. The ground of this hostility has been very generally supposed to have been founded in the remembrance of Jacob’s depriving their progenitor of his birthright. But we do not find that the Edomites, who had this ground for a hatred to the Jews, made any attempt to molest them, nor that Moses ever reproaches the Amalekites for attacking the Israelites as their brethren; nor do we ever find in Scripture that the Amalekites joined with the Edomites, but always with the Canaanites and the Philistines. These considerations would be sufficient, had we no other reasons for believing them not to be of the stock of Esau. They may, however, be deduced from a higher origin; and viewing them as Cuthite shepherds and warriors, we have an adequate explanation both of their imperious and warlike character, and of the motive of their hostility to the Jews in particular. If expelled with the rest of their race from Egypt, they could not but recollect the fatal overthrow at the Red Sea; and if not participators in that catastrophe, still, as members of the same family, they must bear this event in remembrance with bitter feelings of revenge. But an additional motive is not wanting for this hostility, especially for its first act. The Amalekites probably knew that the Israelites were advancing to take possession of the land of Canaan, and resolved to frustrate the purposes of God in this respect. Hence they did not wait for their near approach to that country, but came down from their settlements, on its southern borders, to attack them unawares at Rephidim. Be this as it may, the Amalekites came on the Israelites, when encamped at that place, little expecting such an assault. Moses commanded Joshua, with a chosen band, to attack the Amalekites; while he, with Aaron and Hur, went up the mountain Horeb. During the engagement, Moses held up his hands to heaven; and so long as they were maintained in this attitude, the Israelites prevailed, but when through weariness they fell, the Amalekites prevailed. Aaron and Hur, seeing this, held up his hands till the latter were entirely defeated with great slaughter, Exod. xvii.
Some believe they were a group or tribe of shepherds who invaded Egypt and kept it under control for two hundred years. This aligns with the Arabian tradition about their ancestry. It also matches their pastoral and warrior lifestyle and their geographical location, which may have been chosen when they left Egypt, neighboring that of their fellow countrymen, the Philistines, whose history is quite similar. It also provides a reason for their hostility toward the Jews and their deceitful attempt to wipe them out in the desert. The basis for this hostility has often been thought to stem from the memory of Jacob taking the birthright from their ancestor. However, we don't see the Edomites, who had this reason to hate the Jews, making any attempts to harm them, nor does Moses ever accuse the Amalekites of attacking the Israelites as their relatives; nor do we find in the Scriptures that the Amalekites allied with the Edomites, only with the Canaanites and the Philistines. These points would be enough, even if we had no other reasons for believing they were not descended from Esau. They might, however, come from a higher origin; viewing them as Cuthite shepherds and warriors gives a clear understanding of their dominant and aggressive nature and the reason for their hostility toward the Jews specifically. If they were expelled with the rest of their people from Egypt, they couldn't help but remember the devastating defeat at the Red Sea; and even if they weren't part of that disaster, as members of the same lineage, they would still recall that event with deep feelings of vengeance. An additional reason for this hostility, especially for its initial act, may exist. The Amalekites likely knew that the Israelites were moving to take possession of the land of Canaan and decided to thwart God's plans in this regard. So, they didn't wait until the Israelites were close to that territory but descended from their settlements on the southern borders to catch them off guard at Rephidim. Regardless, the Amalekites attacked the Israelites while they were camped there, unexpectedly facing such an assault. Moses instructed Joshua, with a select group, to engage the Amalekites while he, along with Aaron and Hur, went up the mountain of Horeb. During the battle, Moses raised his hands to heaven; as long as his hands were held up, the Israelites won, but when he grew tired and lowered them, the Amalekites gained the upper hand. Aaron and Hur, noticing this, supported his hands until the Amalekites were completely defeated with significant losses, Exod. xvii.
The Amalekites were indeed the earliest and the most bitter enemies the Jews had to encounter. They attacked them in the desert; and sought every opportunity afterward of molesting them. Under the judges, the Amalekites, in conjunction with the Midianites, invaded the land of Israel; when they were defeated by Gideon, Judges vi, vii. But God, for their first act of treachery, had declared that he would “utterly put out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven;” a denunciation which was not long after accomplished. Saul destroyed their entire army, 47with the exception of Agag their king; for sparing whom, and permitting the Israelites to take the spoil of their foes, he incurred the displeasure of the Lord, who took the sceptre from him. Agag was immediately afterward hewn in pieces by Samuel, 1 Sam. xv. It is remarkable, that most authors make Saul’s pursuit of the Amalekites to commence from the lower Euphrates, instead of from the southern border of the land of Canaan. (See Havilah.) David a few years after, defeated another of their armies; of whom only four hundred men escaped on camels, 1 Sam. xxx; after which event, the Amalekites appear to have been obliterated as a nation.
The Amalekites were indeed the earliest and most bitter enemies the Jews had to confront. They attacked them in the desert and looked for every opportunity afterward to harass them. During the time of the judges, the Amalekites, along with the Midianites, invaded the land of Israel; they were defeated by Gideon, as mentioned in Judges vi and vii. But God had declared that for their initial act of betrayal, he would “utterly erase the memory of Amalek from under heaven,” a pronouncement that was carried out not long after. Saul destroyed their entire army, except for Agag, their king; by sparing him and allowing the Israelites to take the spoils of their enemies, Saul incurred the anger of the Lord, who took away his kingship. Agag was then cut to pieces by Samuel, as recorded in 1 Sam. xv. It’s noteworthy that most authors say Saul's pursuit of the Amalekites started from the lower Euphrates, rather than from the southern border of the land of Canaan. (See Havilah.) A few years later, David defeated another Amalekite army, from which only four hundred men escaped on camels, as noted in 1 Sam. xxx; after this, the Amalekites seem to have been wiped out as a nation.
AMASA, the son of Ithra and Abigail, David’s sister, whom Absalom, when he rebelled against his father, appointed general of his army, 2 Sam. xvii, 25. Amasa having thus received the command of Absalom’s troops, engaged his cousin Joab, general of David’s army, and was worsted. But, after the defeat of Absalom’s party, David, being angry at Joab for killing Absalom, pardoned Amasa, and gave him the command of his own army. Upon the revolt of Sheba, the son of Bichri, David gave orders to Amasa to assemble all Judah and march against Sheba. Amasa not being able to form his army in the time prescribed, David directed Abishai to pursue Sheba with the guards. Joab, with his people, accompanied him; and these troops were scarcely got as far as the great stone in Gibeon, before Amasa came and joined them with his forces. Then said Joab to Amasa, “Art thou in health, my brother?” and took him by the beard with his right hand to kiss him; and treacherously smote him under the fifth rib, so that he expired.
AMASA, the son of Ithra and Abigail, David’s sister, was appointed by Absalom as the general of his army when he rebelled against his father, 2 Sam. xvii, 25. After taking command of Absalom’s troops, Amasa faced off against his cousin Joab, who was the general of David’s army, and lost. However, after Absalom’s defeat, David, upset with Joab for killing Absalom, forgave Amasa and put him in charge of his own army. When Sheba, the son of Bichri, revolted, David instructed Amasa to gather all of Judah and march against Sheba. Amasa couldn’t assemble his troops in the given time, so David sent Abishai to pursue Sheba with the guards. Joab, along with his men, went with him, and soon, they reached the great stone in Gibeon, just as Amasa arrived with his forces. Joab then said to Amasa, “Are you well, my brother?” and took him by the beard with his right hand to kiss him; then he deceitfully struck him under the fifth rib, killing him.
AMAZIAH, one of the kings of Judah, 2 Chron. xxiv, 27, son of Joash, succeeded his father A. M. 3165, B. C. 839. He was twenty-five years of age when he began to reign, and reigned twenty-nine years at Jerusalem. “He did good in the sight of the Lord, but not with a perfect heart.” When settled in his kingdom, he put to death the murderers of his father, but avoided a barbarous practice then too common, to destroy also their children; in which he had respect to the precept, “The fathers shall not be put to death for the children, neither shall the children be put to death for the fathers; every man shall be put to death for his own sin,” Deut. xxiv, 16; 2 Chron. xxv, 1–3.
AMAZIAH, one of the kings of Judah, 2 Chron. xxiv, 27, son of Joash, succeeded his father in 3165 A.M., 839 B.C. He was twenty-five years old when he began to reign and ruled for twenty-nine years in Jerusalem. “He did what was right in the eyes of the Lord, but not wholeheartedly.” Once he was established in his kingdom, he executed the murderers of his father but refrained from the cruel practice, which was common at the time, of killing their children as well. He followed the principle, “Fathers shall not be put to death for their children, nor shall children be put to death for their fathers; each person shall be put to death for their own sin,” Deut. xxiv, 16; 2 Chron. xxv, 1–3.
In the muster which Amaziah made of his people, he found three hundred thousand men able to bear arms. He hired, besides, one hundred thousand men of Israel; for which he paid the king of Israel a hundred talents, about thirty-four thousand pounds English. His design was to employ these troops against Edom, which had revolted from Judah, in the reign of Joram, about fifty-four years before, 2 Kings, viii, 20. But a prophet of the Lord came to him, and said, “O king, let not the army of Israel go with thee; for the Lord is not with Israel.” Amaziah, hereupon, sent back those troops; and they returning, strongly irritated against Amaziah, dispersed themselves over the cities of Judah, from Bethoron to Samaria, killed three thousand men, and carried off a great booty, to make themselves amends for the loss of the plunder of Edom. Amaziah, with his own forces gave battle to the Edomites in the Valley of Salt, and defeated them; but having thus punished Edom, and taken their idols, he adored them as his own deities. This provoked the Lord, who permitted Amaziah to be so blinded as to believe himself invincible. He therefore sent to defy the king of Israel, saying, “Come, let us look one another in the face.” The motive of this challenge was probably to oblige Joash, king of Israel, to repair the ravages which his troops had committed on their return homewards. Joash answered him by the fable of the cedar of Lebanon, and the thistle trodden down by a beast, 2 Kings xiv, 8, 9. But Amaziah, deaf to these reasonings, advanced to Bethshemesh, and was defeated and taken prisoner there, by Joash, who carried him to Jerusalem. Joash ordered the demolition of four hundred cubits of the city wall, carried to Samaria all the gold and silver, the rich vessels of the house of God, the treasuries of the royal palace, and the sons of those among his own people who had been hostages there. Amaziah reigned after this, fifteen or sixteen years at Jerusalem, but returned not to the Lord. He endeavoured to escape from a conspiracy to Lachish; but was assassinated. He was buried with his ancestors in the city of David, and Uzziah, or Azariah, his son, about sixteen years of age, succeeded him.
In the census that Amaziah conducted among his people, he discovered three hundred thousand men equipped for battle. Additionally, he hired one hundred thousand men from Israel, for which he paid the king of Israel one hundred talents, about thirty-four thousand pounds in English currency. His plan was to use these troops against Edom, which had rebelled against Judah during Joram's reign, roughly fifty-four years prior, as mentioned in 2 Kings, viii, 20. However, a prophet from the Lord approached him and said, “O king, do not let the army of Israel go with you; for the Lord is not with Israel.” As a result, Amaziah sent those troops back, and upon their return, they were furious with Amaziah, spreading through the cities of Judah from Bethoron to Samaria, killing three thousand men, and taking a large amount of loot to compensate for the loss of the plunder from Edom. Amaziah, with his own troops, fought against the Edomites in the Valley of Salt and defeated them; but after punishing Edom and taking their idols, he worshipped them as his own gods. This angered the Lord, who allowed Amaziah to be so deluded that he considered himself unbeatable. He then sent a challenge to the king of Israel, saying, “Come, let us face each other.” The reason for this challenge was likely to pressure Joash, the king of Israel, to address the damage his troops had caused on their way home. Joash responded with the parable of the cedar of Lebanon and the thistle crushed by a beast, as seen in 2 Kings xiv, 8, 9. However, Amaziah, ignoring this advice, marched to Bethshemesh, where he was defeated and captured by Joash, who brought him to Jerusalem. Joash ordered the destruction of four hundred cubits of the city wall and took back to Samaria all the gold and silver, the valuable items from the house of God, the royal palace's treasures, and the sons of those from his own people who had been held as hostages. Amaziah ruled for another fifteen or sixteen years in Jerusalem, but did not turn back to the Lord. He tried to escape from a conspiracy to Lachish; however, he was assassinated. He was buried with his ancestors in the city of David, and his son Uzziah, or Azariah, who was about sixteen years old, succeeded him.
AMBASSADOR, a messenger sent by a sovereign, to transact affairs of great moment. Ministers of the Gospel are called ambassadors, because, in the name of Jesus Christ the King of kings, they declare his will to men, and propose the terms of their reconciliation to God, 2 Cor. v, 20; Eph. vi, 20. Eliakim, Shebna, and Joah, the servants of king Hezekiah, were called “ambassadors of peace.” In their master’s name they earnestly solicited a peace from the Assyrian monarch, but were made “to weep bitterly” with the disappointment and refusal, Isaiah xxxiii, 7.
AMBASSADOR, a messenger sent by a ruler to handle matters of great importance. Ministers of the Gospel are referred to as ambassadors because, in the name of Jesus Christ, the King of kings, they share his will with people and present the terms for their reconciliation with God, 2 Cor. v, 20; Eph. vi, 20. Eliakim, Shebna, and Joah, the servants of King Hezekiah, were called “ambassadors of peace.” In their master's name, they earnestly sought peace from the Assyrian king, but they were left “to weep bitterly” from the disappointment and refusal, Isaiah xxxiii, 7.
AMBER, השמל, Ezek. i, 4, 27; viii, 2. The amber is a hard inflammable bitumen. When rubbed it is highly endowed with that remarkable property called electricity, a word which the moderns have formed from its Greek name ἠλέκτρον. But the ancients had also a mixed metal of fine copper and silver, resembling the amber in colour, and called by the same name. From the version of Ezekiel i, 4, by the LXX, Καὶ ἐν τῷ μέσω ἀυτου ὡς ὅρασις ἠλεκτρȣ ἐν μέσῳ τοῦτοῦ ϖυρὸς, “And in the midst of it as the appearance of electrum in the midst of the fire,” it appears that those translators by ἠλέκτρον, could not mean amber, which grows dim as soon as it feels the fire, and quickly dissolves into a resinous or pitchy substance; but the mixed metal above mentioned, which is much celebrated by the ancients for its beautiful lustre, and which, when exposed to the fire like other metals, grows more bright and shining. St. Jerom, Theodoret, St. Gregory and Origen think, that, in the above cited passages from Ezekiel, a precious and highly polished metal is meant.
AMBER, השמל, Ezek. i, 4, 27; viii, 2. Amber is a hard, flammable resin. When rubbed, it has the remarkable property of generating electricity, a term modern people derived from its Greek name ἠλέκτρον. However, the ancients also had a mixed metal of fine copper and silver, similar in color to amber, and called it by the same name. From the Septuagint version of Ezekiel i, 4, Καὶ ἐν τῷ μέσω ἀυτου ὡς ὅρασις ἠλεκτρȣ ἐν μέσῳ τοῦτοῦ ϖυρὸς, “And in the midst of it as the appearance of electrum in the midst of the fire,” suggests that the translators by ἠλέκτρον could not have meant amber, which dims as soon as it encounters fire and quickly turns into a resinous or tar-like substance; rather they likely referred to the mixed metal mentioned above, which was well-known to the ancients for its beautiful shine, and which, when heated like other metals, becomes even brighter and shinier. St. Jerome, Theodoret, St. Gregory, and Origen believe that in the passages cited from Ezekiel, a precious and highly polished metal is intended.
48AMEN. אמן, in Hebrew, signifies true, faithful, certain. It is used likewise in affirmation; and was often thus employed by our Saviour: “Amen, amen,” that is, “Verily, verily.” It is also understood as expressing a wish, “Amen! so be it!” or an affirmation, “Amen, yes, I believe it:” Num. v, 22. She shall answer, “Amen! Amen!” Deut. xxvii, 15, 16, 17, &c. “All the people shall answer, Amen! Amen!” 1 Cor. xiv, 16. “How shall he who occupieth the place of the unlearned, say, Amen! at thy giving of thanks? seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest.” “The promises of God are Amen in Christ;” that is, certain, confirmed, granted, 2 Cor. i, 20. The Hebrews end the five books of Psalms, according to their distribution of them, with “Amen, amen;” which the Septuagint translate, Γένοιτο, γένοιτο, and the Latins, Fiat, fiat. The Gospels, &c, are ended with AMEN. The Greek, Latin, and other churches, preserve this word in their prayers, as well as alleluia and hosanna. At the conclusion of the public prayers, the people anciently answered with a loud voice, “Amen!” and Jerom says, that, at Rome, when the people answered, “Amen!” the sound was like a clap of thunder, in similitudinem cœlestis tonitrui Amen reboat. [Amen rings again like a peal of thunder.] The Jews assert that the gates of heaven are opened to him who answers, “Amen!” with all his might.
48AMEN. אמן, in Hebrew, means true, faithful, certain. It’s also used to affirm statements; our Savior often used it this way: “Amen, amen,” meaning “Truly, truly.” It can express a wish, like “Amen! So be it!” or an affirmation, like “Amen, yes, I believe it:” Num. v, 22. She shall respond, “Amen! Amen!” Deut. xxvii, 15, 16, 17, etc. “All the people shall respond, Amen! Amen!” 1 Cor. xiv, 16. “How can someone who's uneducated say, Amen! at your giving of thanks if they don’t understand what you’re saying?” “The promises of God are certain in Christ;” that means they are confirmed and granted, 2 Cor. i, 20. The Hebrews conclude the five books of Psalms, according to their arrangement, with “Amen, amen;” which the Septuagint translates as Γένοιτο, γένοιτο, and the Latins as Fiat, fiat. The Gospels, etc., are ended with AMEN. The Greek, Latin, and other churches retain this word in their prayers, as well as alleluia and hosanna. Traditionally, at the end of public prayers, the congregation would respond loudly, “Amen!” and Jerom notes that in Rome, when the people said “Amen!” it sounded like a clap of thunder, Like the heavenly thunder, Amen shall resound. [Amen rings again like a peal of thunder.] The Jews believe that the gates of heaven are opened for anyone who responds, “Amen!” with all their strength.
The Jewish doctors give three rules for pronouncing the word: 1. That it be not pronounced too hastily and rapidly, but with a grave and distinct voice. 2. That it be not louder than the tone of him that blesses. 3. That it be expressed in faith, with a certain persuasion that God would bless them, and hear their prayers.
The Jewish doctors provide three rules for saying the word: 1. It should not be said too quickly and carelessly, but in a serious and clear voice. 2. It should not be louder than the voice of the person giving the blessing. 3. It should be expressed with faith, having a strong belief that God will bless them and listen to their prayers.
Amen is a title of our Lord, “The Amen, the true and faithful witness,” Rev. i, 14.
Amen is a title for our Lord, “The Amen, the true and faithful witness,” Rev. i, 14.
AMETHYST. אחלמה, Exod. xxviii, 19; and xxix, 12; and once in the New Testament, Rev. XXI, 20, ἀμέθυϛος.
AMETHYST. Recovery, Exod. 28:19; and 29:12; and once in the New Testament, Rev. 21:20, amethystos.
A transparent gem, of a colour which seems composed of a strong blue and deep red; and, according as either prevails, affords different tinges of purple, sometimes approaching to violet, and sometimes even fading to a rose colour. The stone called amethyst by the ancients was evidently the same with that now generally known by this name; which is far from being the case with regard to some other gems. The oriental is the hardest, scarcest, and most valuable. It was the ninth stone in the pectoral of the high priest, and is mentioned as the twelfth in the foundations of the New Jerusalem.
A clear gem that shows a mix of strong blue and deep red; depending on which color is stronger, it gives off different shades of purple, sometimes leaning towards violet, and at times even fading to a pinkish color. The stone that the ancients called amethyst is clearly the same one we refer to by that name today; this is not true for some other gems. The oriental amethyst is the hardest, rarest, and most valuable version. It was the ninth stone in the high priest's breastplate, and it's listed as the twelfth stone in the foundations of the New Jerusalem.
AMMINADAB, or ABINADAB, a Levite, and an inhabitant of Kirjath-jearim, with whom the ark was deposited after it was brought back from the land of the Philistines, 1 Sam. vii. This Amminadab dwelt in Gibeath, that is to say, in the highest part of the city of Kirjath-jearim.
AMMINADAB, or ABINADAB, was a Levite and lived in Kirjath-jearim. He took care of the ark once it was returned from the land of the Philistines, as mentioned in 1 Sam. vii. This Amminadab lived in Gibeath, which means the highest part of the city of Kirjath-jearim.
2. The chariots of Amminadab are mentioned, Canticles vi, 12, as being extremely light. He is thought to have been some celebrated charioteer, whose horses were singularly swift.
2. The chariots of Amminadab are mentioned, Canticles vi, 12, as being very light. He is believed to have been a famous charioteer, whose horses were particularly fast.
The word Amoun, which imports “shining,” according to Jablonski, denoted the effects produced by the sun on attaining the equator, such as the increase of the days; a more splendid light; and, above all, the fortunate presage of the inundation of the Nile, and its consequent abundance.
The word Amoun, which means “shining,” according to Jablonski, referred to the effects caused by the sun when reaching the equator, such as longer days, brighter light, and, most importantly, the hopeful sign of the Nile's flooding and the resulting prosperity.
Ammon is by others derived from Ham, the son of Noah, who first peopled Egypt and Lybia, after the flood; and, when idolatry began to gain ground soon after this period, became the chief deity of those two countries, in which his descendants continued. A temple, it is said, was built to his honour, in the midst of the sandy deserts of Lybia, upon a spot of good ground, about two leagues broad, which formed a kind of island or oasis in a sea of sand. He was esteemed the Zeus of Greece, and the Jupiter of Latium, as well as the Ammon of the Egyptians. In process of time, these two names were joined; and he was called Jupiter Ammon. For this reason the city of Ammon, No-ammon, or the city of Ham, was called by the Greeks Diospolis, or the city of Jupiter. Plutarch says, that of all the Egyptian deities which seemed to have any correspondence with the Zeus of Greece, Amon or Ammon was the most peculiar and appropriate. From Egypt his name and worship were brought into Greece; as indeed were almost all the names of all the deities that were there worshipped. Jupiter Ammon, or the Egyptian Jupiter, was usually represented under the figure of a ram; though in some medals he appears of a human shape, having only two ram’s horns growing out beneath his ears. The Egyptians, says Proclus, in the Timæus of Plato, had a singular veneration for the ram, because the image of Ammon bore its head, and because this first sign of the zodiac was the presage of the fruits of the earth. Eusebius adds, that this symbol marked the conjunction of the sun and moon in the sign of the ram.
Ammon is believed by some to be descended from Ham, the son of Noah, who was the first to populate Egypt and Libya after the flood. When idolatry started to spread shortly after this time, Ammon became the main deity of these two countries, where his descendants lived on. It’s said that a temple was built in his honor in the sandy deserts of Libya, located on a good piece of land about two leagues wide, forming a sort of island or oasis in a sea of sand. He was regarded as the Greek Zeus and the Latin Jupiter, as well as the Egyptian Ammon. Over time, these two names merged, and he was referred to as Jupiter Ammon. This is why the city of Ammon, also known as No-ammon or the city of Ham, was called Diospolis by the Greeks, meaning the city of Jupiter. Plutarch states that of all the Egyptian gods that seemed to correspond with the Greek Zeus, Amon or Ammon was the most unique and fitting. His name and worship made their way into Greece, as did almost all the names of deities worshiped there. Jupiter Ammon, or the Egyptian Jupiter, was typically depicted as a ram; although in some coins, he appears in human form, with two ram's horns jutting out from beneath his ears. The Egyptians, according to Proclus in Plato's Timæus, held a special reverence for the ram because Ammon was often shown with its head, and this first sign of the zodiac was seen as a sign of agricultural abundance. Eusebius adds that this symbol represented the alignment of the sun and moon in the sign of the ram.
2. Ammon, or Ben-Ammi, the son of Lot, by his youngest daughter, Gen. xix, 38. He was the father of the Ammonites, and dwelt on the east side of the Dead Sea, in the mountains of Gilead.
2. Ammon, or Ben-Ammi, was the son of Lot, through his youngest daughter, Gen. xix, 38. He was the father of the Ammonites and lived on the east side of the Dead Sea, in the mountains of Gilead.
AMMONIANS, the disciples of Ammonius Saccas, of the Alexandrian school. His character was so equivocal, that it is disputed whether he was a Heathen or a Christian. Mr. Milner calls him “a Pagan Christian,” who imagined “that all religions, vulgar and philosophical, Grecian and barbarous, Jewish and Gentile, meant the same thing in substance. He undertook, by allegorizing and subtilizing various fables and systems, to make up a coalition of all sects and religions; and from his labours, continued by his disciples,--some of whose works still remain,--his followers were taught to look on Jew, philosopher, vulgar, Pagan, and Christian, as all of the same creed,” and worshippers of the same God, whether denominated “Jehovah, Jove, or Lord.”
AMMONIANS, the followers of Ammonius Saccas from the Alexandrian school, had a character that was so ambiguous that there's debate over whether he was a Pagan or a Christian. Mr. Milner refers to him as “a Pagan Christian,” who believed that “all religions, popular and philosophical, Greek and barbaric, Jewish and Gentile, essentially meant the same thing.” He tried to unify all sects and religions by interpreting and reinterpreting various myths and philosophies. From his efforts, which were carried on by his disciples—some of whose works still exist—his followers learned to see Jews, philosophers, common people, Pagans, and Christians as all sharing the same beliefs, worshipping the same God, whether called “Jehovah, Jove, or Lord.”
AMMONITES, the descendants of Ammon, the son of Lot. They took possession of the country called by their name, after having 49driven out the Zamzummims, who were its ancient inhabitants. The precise period at which this expulsion took place is not ascertained. The Ammonites had kings, and were uncircumcised, Jer. ix, 25, 26, and seem to have been principally addicted to husbandry. They, as well as the Moabites, were among the nations whose peace or prosperity the Israelites were forbidden to disturb, Deut. ii, 19, &c. However, neither the one nor the other were to be admitted into the congregation to the tenth generation, because they did not come out to relieve them in the wilderness, and were implicated in hiring Balaam to curse them. Their chief and peculiar deity is, in Scripture, called Moloch. Chemosh was also a god of the Ammonites. Before the Israelites entered Canaan, the Amorites conquered a great part of the country belonging to the Ammonites and Moabites; but it was retaken by Moses, and divided between the tribes of Gad and Reuben. Previous to the time of Jephthah, B. C. 1188, the Ammonites engaged as principals in a war, under a king whose name is not given, against the Israelites. This prince, determining to recover the ancient country of the Ammonites, made a sudden irruption into it, reduced the land, and kept the inhabitants in subjection for eighteen years. He afterward crossed Jordan with a design of falling upon the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim. The Israelites resisted the invader; and, assembling at Mizpeh, chose Jephthah for their general, and sent an expostulatory message to the king of the Ammonites, Judges x, xi. The king replied, that those lands belonged to the Ammonites, who had been unjustly dispossessed of them by the Israelites, when they came out of Egypt, and exhorted Jephthah to restore them peaceably to the lawful owners. Jephthah remonstrated on the injustice of his claim; but finding a war inevitable, he fell upon the Ammonites near Aroer, and defeated them with great slaughter. On this occasion the Ammonites lost twenty cities; and thus an end was put, after eighteen years’ bondage, to the tyranny of Ammon over the Israelites beyond Jordan. In the days of Saul, 1 Sam. xi, B. C. 1095, the old claim of the Ammonites was revived by Nahash their king, and they laid siege to the city of Jabesh. The inhabitants were inclined to acknowledge Nahash as their sovereign; but he would accept their submission only on condition that every one of them should consent to lose his right eye, and that thus he might fix a lasting reproach upon Israel: but from this humiliating and severe requisition they were delivered by Saul, who vanquished and dispersed the army of Nahash. Upon the death of Nahash, David sent ambassadors to his son and successor Hanun, to congratulate him on his accession; but these ambassadors were treated as spies, and dismissed in a very reproachful manner, 2 Sam. x. This indignity was punished by David with rigour. Rabbah, the capital of Hanun, and the other cities of Ammon, which resisted the progress of the conqueror, were destroyed and razed to the ground; and the inhabitants were put to death or reduced to servitude. In the reign of Jehoshaphat the Ammonites united with their brethren, the Moabites, and the inhabitants of Mount Seir, against the king of Judah; but they were completely routed. They were afterward overthrown by Uzziah, king of Judah, and made tributary, 2 Chron. xxvi, 8; and rebelling in the reign of his son Jotham, they were reduced to the necessity of purchasing peace at a very dear rate. After the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, were carried into captivity by Tiglath Pileser, B. C. 740, the Ammonites and Moabites took possession of the cities belonging to these tribes, and were reproached for it by Jeremiah, xlix, 1. Their ambassadors were exhorted to submit to Nebuchadnezzar, and threatened, on their refusal, with captivity and slavery, Jer. xxvii, 2, 3, 4. The Prophet Ezekiel, xxv, 4–10, denounces their entire destruction, and informs them, that God would deliver them up to the people of the east; and that the Ammonites should no more be mentioned among the nations: and this punishment they were to suffer for insulting the Israelites on account of their calamities, and the destruction of their temple by the Chaldeans. This malediction began to be inflicted upon them in the fifth year after the taking of Jerusalem, when Nebuchadnezzar made war against all the people around Judea, A. M. 3420 or 3421, B. C. 583. It is probable that Cyrus granted to the Ammonites and Moabites liberty to return into their own country, whence they had been removed by Nebuchadnezzar; for they were exposed to the revolutions that were common to the people of Syria and Palestine, and were subject sometimes to the kings of Egypt, and sometimes to the kings of Syria. Polybius informs us, that Antiochus the Great took Rabboth, or Philadelphia, the capital of the Ammonites, demolished the walls, and put a garrison into it, A. M. 3806, B. C. 198. During the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Ammonites manifested their hatred to the Jews, and exercised great cruelties against such of them as lived in their parts. At length their city Jaser, and the neighbouring town, fell a prey to the Jews, who smote the men, carried their wives and children into captivity, and plundered and burned the city. Thus ended their last conflict with the descendants of Israel. Ammon was, however, a highly productive and populous country when the Romans became masters of all the provinces of Syria; and several of the ten allied cities, which gave name to the celebrated Decapolis, were included within its boundaries. Even when first invaded by the Saracens, this country, including Moab, was enriched by the various benefits of trade, covered with a line of forts, and possessed some strong and populous cities. Volney bears witness, “that in the immense plains of the Hauran, ruins are continually to be met with, and that what is said of its actual fertility perfectly corresponds with the idea given of it in the Hebrew writings.” The fact of its natural fertility is corroborated by every traveller who has visited it. And “it is evident,” says Burckhardt, 50“that the whole country must have been extremely well cultivated in order to have afforded subsistence to the inhabitants of so many towns,” as are now visible only in their ruins. While the fruitfulness of the land of Ammon, and the high degree of prosperity and power in which it subsisted long prior and long subsequent to the date of the predictions, are thus indisputably established by historical evidence and by existing proofs, the researches of recent travellers (who were actuated by the mere desire of exploring these regions and obtaining geographical information) have made known its present aspect; and testimony the most clear, unexceptionable, and conclusive, has been borne to the state of dire desolation to which it is and has long been reduced.
AMMONITES, the descendants of Ammon, the son of Lot. They took control of the territory named after them, after driving out the Zamzummims, the original inhabitants. The exact time this expulsion happened is unclear. The Ammonites had kings and were uncircumcised (Jer. 9:25-26), and they seemed to be primarily dedicated to farming. They, along with the Moabites, were among the nations whose peace or prosperity the Israelites were not allowed to disrupt (Deut. 2:19, etc.). However, neither group was permitted to join the congregation for ten generations, because they did not come to assist the Israelites in the wilderness and were involved in hiring Balaam to curse them. Their main deity, mentioned in Scripture, is called Moloch. Chemosh was also a god of the Ammonites. Before the Israelites entered Canaan, the Amorites conquered a significant portion of the land belonging to the Ammonites and Moabites, but it was reclaimed by Moses and divided between the tribes of Gad and Reuben. Before Jephthah’s time, around 1188 B.C., the Ammonites waged war under an unnamed king against the Israelites. This king aimed to reclaim the ancient territory of the Ammonites, made a sudden attack, took the land, and oppressed the inhabitants for eighteen years. He later crossed the Jordan to attack the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim. The Israelites resisted the attack, gathered at Mizpah, chose Jephthah as their general, and sent a message to the king of the Ammonites. The king responded that those lands belonged to the Ammonites, who were unjustly dispossessed by the Israelites when they left Egypt, urging Jephthah to return them peacefully to their rightful owners. Jephthah objected to this claim, but recognizing that war was unavoidable, he attacked the Ammonites near Aroer and defeated them with significant casualties. On this occasion, the Ammonites lost twenty cities, ending eighteen years of Ammonite oppression over the Israelites beyond the Jordan. In Saul's time, around 1095 B.C. (1 Sam. 11), Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, renewed the old claim and laid siege to the city of Jabesh. The people considered acknowledging Nahash as their ruler, but he would only accept their submission if they allowed him to gouge out their right eyes, intending to humiliate Israel. They were saved from this harsh demand by Saul, who defeated Nahash's army. After Nahash died, David sent ambassadors to his son and successor Hanun to congratulate him, but these ambassadors were treated like spies and dismissed insultingly (2 Sam. 10). David punished this insult harshly. Rabbah, the capital of Hanun, and other cities of Ammon that resisted were destroyed, and the inhabitants were killed or enslaved. During Jehoshaphat's reign, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and the people of Mount Seir against the king of Judah but were completely defeated. They were later conquered by Uzziah, king of Judah, and forced to pay tribute (2 Chron. 26:8); after rebelling during his son Jotham's reign, they had to buy peace at a high cost. After the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh were taken captive by Tiglath-Pileser around 740 B.C., the Ammonites and Moabites took over their cities, which Jeremiah rebuked them for (Jer. 49:1). Their ambassadors were urged to submit to Nebuchadnezzar and warned of captivity and slavery if they refused (Jer. 27:2-4). The prophet Ezekiel (Ezek. 25:4-10) foretold their complete destruction, stating that God would hand them over to the people of the east, and that the Ammonites would no longer be mentioned among the nations. This punishment began in the fifth year after Jerusalem's fall when Nebuchadnezzar waged war against all the surrounding peoples (A.M. 3420 or 3421, B.C. 583). It’s likely that Cyrus allowed the Ammonites and Moabites to return to their homeland, from which Nebuchadnezzar had removed them; they experienced various changes under the rule of kings of Egypt and Syria. Polybius reports that Antiochus the Great captured Rabbath, or Philadelphia, their capital, destroyed its walls, and stationed a garrison there (A.M. 3806, B.C. 198). During the persecutions led by Antiochus Epiphanes, the Ammonites showed their animosity towards the Jews and committed brutal acts against those living in their region. Eventually, the Jews conquered their city of Jaser and the nearby town, killing the men, taking the wives and children captive, and plundering and burning the city. This marked the end of their last conflict with the descendants of Israel. However, Ammon was a fertile and densely populated area when the Romans gained control of all provinces in Syria; several of the ten cities that made up the famed Decapolis were located within its borders. Even during the Saracens' initial invasion, this region, including Moab, flourished with trade, had a line of forts, and boasted strong, populous cities. Volney noted, "that in the vast plains of the Hauran, ruins are continually found, and that what is said about its actual fertility aligns perfectly with the description given in the Hebrew writings." The land's natural fertility is confirmed by every traveler who has visited it. Burckhardt states, “it is clear that the entire region must have been extremely well cultivated to sustain the inhabitants of so many towns,” which now exist only in ruins. While the fertility of Ammon’s land and the significant prosperity and power it experienced before and long after the prophecies are undeniably supported by historical evidence and current observations, recent travelers—motivated solely by an interest in exploring these areas and obtaining geographical knowledge—have revealed its current state; substantial and irrefutable testimony has been provided to the dire desolation to which it has been and long remained reduced.
It was prophesied concerning Ammon, “Son of man, set thy face against the Ammonites, and prophesy against them. I will make Rabbah of the Ammonites a stable for camels and a couching place for flocks. Behold, I will stretch out my hand upon thee, and deliver thee for a spoil to the Heathen; I will cut thee off from the people, and cause thee to perish out of the countries; I will destroy thee. The Ammonites shall not be remembered among the nations. Rabbah” (the chief city) “of the Ammonites shall be a desolate heap. Ammon shall be a perpetual desolation,” Ezek. xxv, 2, 5, 7, 10; xxi, 32; Jer. xlix, 2; Zeph. ii, 9.
It was predicted about Ammon, “Son of man, turn your face toward the Ammonites and prophesy against them. I will turn Rabbah of the Ammonites into a stable for camels and a place for flocks to rest. Look, I will stretch out my hand against you and hand you over as a spoil to the nations; I will cut you off from the people and make you vanish from the lands; I will destroy you. The Ammonites will not be remembered among the nations. Rabbah” (the main city) “of the Ammonites will become a pile of ruins. Ammon will be a lasting wasteland,” Ezek. xxv, 2, 5, 7, 10; xxi, 32; Jer. xlix, 2; Zeph. ii, 9.
Ammon was to be delivered to be a spoil to the Heathen--to be destroyed, and to be a perpetual desolation. “All this country, formerly so populous and flourishing, is now changed into a vast desert.” (Seetzen’s Travels.) Ruins are seen in every direction. The country is divided between the Turks and the Arabs, but chiefly possessed by the latter. The extortions of the one, and the depredations of the other, keep it in “perpetual desolation,” and make it “a spoil to the Heathen.” “The far greater part of the country is uninhabited, being abandoned to the wandering Arabs, and the towns and villages are in a state of total ruin.” (Ibid.) “At every step are to be found the vestiges of ancient cities, the remains of many temples, public edifices, and Greek churches.” (Burckhardt’s Travels.) The cities are left desolate. “Many of the ruins present no objects of any interest. They consist of a few walls of dwelling houses, heaps of stones, the foundations of some public edifices, and a few cisterns filled up; there is nothing entire, though it appears that the mode of building was very solid, all the remains being formed of large stones. In the vicinity of Ammon there is a fertile plain interspersed with low hills, which for the greater part are covered with ruins.” (Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria.) While the country is thus despoiled and desolate, there are valleys and tracts throughout it which “are covered with a fine coat of verdant pasture, and are places of resort to the Bedouins, where they pasture their camels and their sheep.” (Buckingham’s Travels in Palestine.) “The whole way we traversed,” says Seetzen, “we saw villages in ruins, and met numbers of Arabs with their camels,” &c. Mr. Buckingham describes a building among the ruins of Ammon, “the masonry of which was evidently constructed of materials gathered from the ruins of other and older buildings on the spot. On entering it at the south end,” he adds, “we came to an open square court, with arched recesses on each side, the sides nearly facing the cardinal points. The recesses in the northern and southern wall were originally open passages, and had arched door ways facing each other; but the first of these was found wholly closed up, and the last was partially filled up, leaving only a narrow passage, just sufficient for the entrance of one man and of the goats, which the Arab keepers drive in here occasionally for shelter during the night.” He relates that he lay down among “flocks of sheep and goats,” close beside the ruins of Ammon; and particularly remarks that, during the night, he “was almost entirely prevented from sleeping by the bleating of flocks.” So literally true is it, although Seetzen, and Burckhardt, and Buckingham, who relate the facts, make no reference or allusion whatever to any of the prophecies, and travelled for a different object than the elucidation of the Scriptures,--that “the chief city of the Ammonites is a stable for camels, and a couching place for flocks.”
Ammon was destined to be a spoil for the heathens—to be destroyed and left in constant ruin. “This whole area, once so populated and thriving, has now turned into a vast desert.” (Seetzen’s Travels.) Ruins can be seen in every direction. The land is divided between the Turks and the Arabs, but largely controlled by the latter. The exploitation by one and the plundering by the other keep it in “constant ruin,” making it “a spoil for the heathens.” “Most of the area is uninhabited, having been abandoned to the wandering Arabs, and the towns and villages are completely ruined.” (Ibid.) “At every turn, remnants of ancient cities, the ruins of many temples, public buildings, and Greek churches can be found.” (Burckhardt’s Travels.) The cities lie in desolation. “Many of the ruins offer little of interest. They consist of some walls of houses, piles of stones, the foundations of public buildings, and a few filled-up cisterns; nothing is intact, although it seems that the original construction was very solid, with all remains made of large stones. Near Ammon, there is a fertile plain dotted with low hills, most of which are covered in ruins.” (Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria.) While the country is thus ravaged and desolate, there are valleys and areas throughout it that “are covered with a lush layer of green pasture, serving as grazing grounds for the Bedouins, where they tend their camels and sheep.” (Buckingham’s Travels in Palestine.) “Throughout our journey,” says Seetzen, “we saw villages in ruins and encountered many Arabs with their camels,” etc. Mr. Buckingham describes a structure among the ruins of Ammon, “the masonry of which was clearly made from materials sourced from the ruins of other, older buildings in the area. Upon entering from the south end,” he adds, “we came to an open square courtyard with arched recesses on each side, oriented toward the cardinal points. The recesses in both the northern and southern walls were originally open passages with arched doorways facing each other; however, the first of these was found completely sealed up, while the last was partially blocked, leaving only a narrow entryway, just wide enough for a single person and the goats that the Arab keepers drive in here occasionally for shelter at night.” He recounts lying down among “flocks of sheep and goats,” right beside the ruins of Ammon, and notes that, during the night, he “was almost completely kept awake by the bleating of the flocks.” So literally true is it, even though Seetzen, Burckhardt, and Buckingham, who reported these facts, make no reference or implication regarding any prophecies, and traveled for reasons other than elucidating the Scriptures,—that “the chief city of the Ammonites is a stable for camels and a pen for flocks.”
“The Ammonites shall not be remembered among the nations.” While the Jews, who were long their hereditary enemies, continue as distinct a people as ever, though dispersed among all nations, no trace of the Ammonites remains; none are now designated by their name, nor do any claim descent from them. They did exist, however, long after the time when the eventual annihilation of their race was foretold; for they retained their name, and continued a great multitude until the second century of the Christian æra. (Justin Martyr.) “Yet they are cut off from the people. Ammon has perished out of the countries; it is destroyed.” No people is attached to its soil; none regard it as their country and adopt its name: “And the Ammonites are not remembered among the nations.”
“The Ammonites will not be remembered among the nations.” While the Jews, who were their long-standing enemies, remain a distinct people even though they are scattered among all nations, there is no trace of the Ammonites left; no one is identified by their name, nor does anyone claim descent from them. They did exist, though, long after it was predicted that their race would eventually be wiped out; they kept their name and remained a large population until the second century of the Christian era. (Justin Martyr.) “Yet they are cut off from the people. Ammon has disappeared from the lands; it is destroyed.” No people are tied to its land; no one considers it their country or adopts its name: “And the Ammonites are not remembered among the nations.”
“Rabbah” (Rabbah Ammon, the chief city of Ammon) “shall be a desolate heap.” Situated, as it was, on each side of the borders of a plentiful stream, encircled by a fruitful region, strong by nature and fortified by art, nothing could have justified the suspicion, or warranted the conjecture in the mind of an uninspired mortal, that the royal city of Ammon, whatever disasters might possibly befal it in the fate of war or change of masters, would ever undergo so total a transmutation as to become a desolate heap. But although, in addition to such tokens of its continuance as a city, more than a thousand years had given uninterrupted experience of its stability, ere the prophets of Israel denounced its fate; yet a period of equal length has now marked it out, as it exists to this day, a desolate heap, a perpetual or permanent desolation. Its ancient name is still preserved by the Arabs, and its site is now “covered with the ruins of private buildings--nothing of them remaining except the foundations and some of the door posts. The buildings, 51exposed to the atmosphere, are all in decay,” (Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria,) so that they may be said literally to form a desolate heap. The public edifices, which once strengthened or adorned the city, after a long resistance to decay, are now also desolate; and the remains of the most entire among them, subjected as they are to the abuse and spoliation of the wild Arabs, can be adapted to no better object than “a stable for camels.” Yet these broken walls and ruined palaces, says Mr. Keith, which attest the ancient splendour of Ammon, can now be made subservient, by means of a single act of reflection, to a far nobler purpose than the most magnificent edifices on earth can be, when they are contemplated as monuments on which the historic and prophetic truth of Scripture is blended in one bright inscription.
“Rabbah” (Rabbah Ammon, the main city of Ammon) “will become a pile of ruins.” It was located on both sides of a plentiful stream, surrounded by a fertile area, naturally strong and fortified by human effort. Nothing could have led an ordinary person to suspect that the royal city of Ammon, no matter what disasters might strike it due to war or changes in power, would ever completely transform into a desolate pile. Even though it had over a thousand years of stable existence before the prophets of Israel foretold its doom, it has now spent an equal amount of time as what it is today: a desolate heap, a continuous wasteland. The Arabs still remember its ancient name, and now its location is “covered with the ruins of private buildings—only the foundations and a few doorposts remain. The structures, 51exposed to the elements, are all in decay,” (Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria), making it literally a desolate heap. The public buildings that once strengthened or beautified the city, after long enduring decay, are now also in ruins; the remains of the most intact among them, subject to damage and looting by wild Arabs, can serve no purpose better than “a stable for camels.” However, these crumbling walls and ruined palaces, as Mr. Keith notes, which reflect the ancient glory of Ammon, can now be used for a much greater purpose through simple reflection than the most magnificent buildings on earth, when they are seen as monuments that intertwine the historic and prophetic truths of Scripture into one shining message.
AMORITES, the descendants of Amori, or Hæmorri, or Amorrhæus, Gen. x, 16, the fourth son of Canaan, whose first possessions were in the mountains of Judea, among the other families of Canaan: but, growing strong above their fellows, and impatient of confinement within the narrow boundaries of their native district, they passed the Jordan, and extended their conquests over the finest provinces of Moab and Ammon; seizing and maintaining possession of that extensive and almost insulated portion of country included between the rivers Jordan, Jabbok, and Arnon. This was the kingdom, and Heshbon the capital, of the Amorites, under Sihon their king, when the Israelites, in their way from Egypt, requested a passage through their country. This request, however, Sihon refused; and came out against them with all his force, when he was slain, his people extirpated, and his kingdom taken possession of by the Israelites. It was subsequently divided between the tribes of Reuben and Gad, Num. xiii, 29; xxi, 13, 25; Joshua v, 1; xi, 3; Judges xi, 19, 22.
AMORITES, the descendants of Amori, or Hæmorri, or Amorrhæus, Gen. x, 16, the fourth son of Canaan, whose first lands were in the mountains of Judea, among the other families of Canaan. However, as they grew stronger than their neighbors and were restless being confined within the narrow limits of their homeland, they crossed the Jordan and expanded their conquests into the best regions of Moab and Ammon, taking and holding territory in the large and almost isolated area between the Jordan, Jabbok, and Arnon rivers. This was the kingdom of the Amorites, with Heshbon as the capital, under Sihon their king, when the Israelites requested to pass through their land on their way from Egypt. Sihon refused this request and confronted them with his full force, but he was killed, his people were wiped out, and the Israelites took control of his kingdom. It was later divided between the tribes of Reuben and Gad, Num. xiii, 29; xxi, 13, 25; Joshua v, 1; xi, 3; Judges xi, 19, 22.
AMOS, the fourth of the minor prophets, who in his youth had been a herdsman in Tekoa, a small town about four leagues southward of Jerusalem. He was sent to the people of Samaria, to bring them back to God by repentance, and reformation of manners. Hence it is natural to suppose that he must have been born within the territories of Israel, and that he only retired to Tekoa, on being expelled from Bethel by Amaziah, the priest of the calves at Bethel. He frequently complains of the violence offered him by those who endeavoured to impose silence on him. He boldly inveighs against the crying sins of the Israelites, such as idolatry, oppression, wantonness, and obstinacy. Nor does he spare the sins of Judah, such as their carnal security, sensuality, and injustice. He utters frequent threatenings against them both, and predicts their ruin. It is observable in this prophecy, that, as it begins with denunciations of judgment and destruction against the Syrians, Philistines, Tyrians, and other enemies of the Jews, so it concludes with comfortable promises of the restoration of the tabernacle of David, and the establishment of the kingdom of Christ. Amos was called to the prophetic office in the time of Uzziah, king of Judah, and Jeroboam, the son of Joash, king of Israel.
AMOS, the fourth of the minor prophets, was a herdsman in Tekoa, a small town about four leagues south of Jerusalem. He was sent to the people of Samaria to lead them back to God through repentance and a change in behavior. It’s reasonable to think that he was born in Israel and only moved to Tekoa after being expelled from Bethel by Amaziah, the priest of the golden calves there. He often complains about the violence directed at him by those trying to silence him. He boldly speaks out against the serious sins of the Israelites, like idolatry, oppression, immorality, and stubbornness. He also points out the sins of Judah, such as their false sense of security, sensuality, and injustice. He frequently issues warnings to both groups and predicts their downfall. Notably, this prophecy starts with declarations of judgment and destruction against the Syrians, Philistines, Tyrians, and other enemies of the Jews, but it ends with hopeful promises of restoring the tabernacle of David and establishing the kingdom of Christ. Amos was called to be a prophet during the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, and Jeroboam, the son of Joash, king of Israel.
Some writers, in adverting to the condition of Amos, have, with a minute affectation of criticism, pretended to discover a certain rudeness and vulgarity in his style; and even Jerom is of opinion that he is deficient in magnificence and sublimity. He applies to him the words which St. Paul speaks of himself, that he was rude in speech, though not in knowledge; and his authority, says Bishop Lowth, “has influenced many commentators to represent him as entirely rude, and void of elegance; whereas it requires but little attention to be convinced that he is not a whit behind the very chiefest of the prophets;” equal to the greatest in loftiness of sentiment, and scarcely inferior to any in the splendour of his diction, and in the elegance of his composition. Mr. Locke has observed, that his comparisons are chiefly drawn from lions, and other animals, because he lived among, and was conversant with, such objects. But, indeed, the finest images and allusions, which adorn the poetical parts of Scripture, in general are drawn from scenes of nature, and from the grand objects that range in her walks; and true genius ever delights in considering these as the real sources of beauty and magnificence. The whole book of Amos is animated with a fine and masculine eloquence.
Some writers, while discussing Amos's work, have pretended to find a certain roughness and crudeness in his style, acting all critical and picky about it. Even Jerome thinks he lacks grandeur and depth. He refers to himself, saying he was unpolished in speech but knowledgeable, and Bishop Lowth notes that “his authority has led many commentators to portray him as completely uncouth and lacking elegance; however, it takes little effort to see that he is not at all inferior to the greatest prophets,” equal to the loftiest in thought, and hardly less impressive in the richness of his language and the sophistication of his writing. Mr. Locke mentioned that Amos’s comparisons mainly come from lions and other animals, reflecting the environment he lived in and was familiar with. Yet, the most beautiful images and references throughout the poetic sections of Scripture are generally rooted in the beauty of nature and its majestic features; genuine talent always finds joy in recognizing these as the true sources of beauty and grandeur. The entire book of Amos is filled with a powerful and robust eloquence.
AMULET, a charm or supposed preservative against diseases, witchcraft, or any other mischief. They were very frequent among the Jews, the Greeks, and the Romans, and were made of stone, metal, animal substances, or, in short, any thing which a weak imagination suggested. The Jews were very superstitious in the use of amulets, but the Mishna forbids them, unless received from some person of whose cures, at least, three instances could be produced. The phylacteries worn by the Pharisees and others of the Jewish nation were a sort of amulets.
AMULET, a charm or believed protective item against diseases, witchcraft, or any other harm. They were quite common among the Jews, Greeks, and Romans, and could be made from stone, metal, animal materials, or basically anything that a weak imagination could come up with. The Jews were very superstitious about using amulets, but the Mishna prohibits them unless received from someone who could provide at least three examples of their successful cures. The phylacteries worn by the Pharisees and others in the Jewish community were a type of amulet.
Amulets among the Greeks were called, φυλακτήρια, περιάπτα, ἀποτέλεσματα, περιάμματα, βρήβια, and εξκόλπια. The Latins called them amuleta, appensa, pentacula, &c. Remains of this superstition continue among ignorant people even in this country, which ought to be strongly discountenanced as weak or wicked. The word amulet is probably derived from amula, a small vessel with lustral water in it, anciently carried in the pocket for the sake of purification and expiation.
Amulets in ancient Greece were known as φυλακτήρια, περιάπτα, ἀποτέλεσματα, περιάμματα, βρήβια, and εξκόλπια. The Romans referred to them as amulet, hanging, pentacle, etc. Remnants of this belief still exist among uneducated people here, which should be strongly discouraged as foolish or immoral. The term amulet likely comes from amulet, a small container that held purifying water, once carried in pockets for the purpose of cleansing and atonement.
AMYRALDISM, a name given by some writers to the doctrine of universal grace, as explained and asserted by Amyraldus, or Moses Amyraut, and his followers, among the reformed in France, toward the middle of the seventeenth century. This doctrine principally consisted of the following particulars, viz. that God desires the happiness of all men, from which none are excluded by a divine decree; that none can obtain salvation without faith in Christ; that God refuses to none the power of believing, though he does not grant to all his assistance, that they may improve 52this power to saving purposes; and that many perish through their own fault. Those who embraced this doctrine were called Universalists, although, it is evident that they rendered grace universal in words, but partial in reality, and are chargeable with greater inconsistencies than the Supralapsarians. Amyraldus is said to have formed his system with a view of producing a reconciliation between the Lutherans and Calvinists. This theory was supported in England by Baxter. See Baxterianism.
AMYRALDISM is a term used by some writers to describe the belief in universal grace as explained and supported by Amyraldus, or Moses Amyraut, and his followers among the Reformed in France around the mid-seventeenth century. This belief mainly consisted of the following points: that God wants everyone to be happy, and no one is excluded by a divine decree; that no one can achieve salvation without faith in Christ; that God does not deny anyone the ability to believe, although he doesn’t provide assistance to everyone to help them use that ability for salvation; and that many people fail due to their own choices. Those who adopted this belief were called Universalists, even though it's clear that they proclaimed grace as universal in theory but limited it in practice, and they are seen as having more inconsistencies than the Supralapsarians. Amyraldus is said to have developed his system to try to reconcile the Lutherans and Calvinists. This theory was supported in England by Baxter. See Baxterianism.
ANABAPTISTS, a name given to those Christians who maintain that baptism ought always to be performed by immersion; that it ought not to be administered to children before the age of discretion; and that at this age it ought to be readministered to those who have been baptized in their infancy. They affirm that the administration of this sacrament is neither valid nor useful, if it be done by sprinkling only, and not by immersion; or if the persons who receive it be not in a condition to give the reasons of their belief. The Anabaptists of Germany brought the name into great odium by their turbulent conduct; but by the people of this persuasion generally, the conduct of these fanatics was at all times condemned. In England they form a most respectable, though not a very numerous body.
ANABAPTISTS are a group of Christians who believe that baptism should always be done by full immersion; that it shouldn’t be given to children until they reach an age of understanding; and that at this age, it should be re-administered to those who were baptized as infants. They argue that this sacrament is neither valid nor meaningful if it is only done by sprinkling and not by immersion, or if the individuals receiving it aren’t able to explain their beliefs. The Anabaptists in Germany earned a bad reputation because of their unruly behavior, but most of this faith community condemned the actions of these extremists. In England, they are a respected group, although not very large.
The word Anabaptist is compounded of ἀνὰ, new, and βαπτιϛὴς, a baptist; and has been indiscriminately applied to people of very different principles. Many of them object to the name, because the baptism of infants by sprinkling is, in their opinion, no baptism; and others hold nothing in common excepting some one or other of the above mentioned opinions concerning baptism. See Baptism.
The term Anabaptist is a combination of ἀνὰ, meaning new, and βαπτιϛὴς, meaning baptist; it has been used broadly to refer to people with very different beliefs. Many of them reject the label because they believe that infant baptism by sprinkling isn't baptism at all; others only share one or more of the previously mentioned views about baptism. See Baptism.
ANAGOGICAL. This is one of the four senses in which Scripture may be interpreted, viz. the literal, allegorical, anagogical, and tropological. The anagogical sense is given when the text is explained with regard to the end which Christians should have in view, that is, eternal life: for example, the rest of the Sabbath, in the anagogical sense, corresponds to the repose of everlasting blessedness.
ANAGOGICAL. This is one of the four senses in which Scripture may be interpreted, namely the literal, allegorical, anagogical, and tropological. The anagogical sense is understood when the text is explained in relation to the ultimate goal that Christians should aim for, which is eternal life. For example, the rest of the Sabbath, in the anagogical sense, represents the peace of everlasting happiness.
ANAK, ANAKIM, famous giants in Palestine. Anak, father of the Anakim, was son of Arba, who gave his name to Kirjath-Arba, or Hebron. Anak had three sons, Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai, whose descendants were terrible for their fierceness and stature. The Hebrew spies reported that in comparison of those monstrous men, they themselves were but grasshoppers. Some have thought that the name Phœnician, given to the Canaanites, and particularly to the Sidonians, was originally from Bene-Anak, sons of Anak. Caleb, assisted by the tribe of Judah, took Kirjath-Arba, and destroyed the Anakim, A. M. 2559. Josh. xv, 14; Judg. i, 20.
ANAK, ANAKIM, famous giants in Palestine. Anak, the father of the Anakim, was the son of Arba, who gave his name to Kirjath-Arba, or Hebron. Anak had three sons: Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai, whose descendants were known for their fierce nature and impressive height. The Hebrew spies reported that compared to these monstrous men, they felt like grasshoppers. Some believe that the term Phœnician, used for the Canaanites, especially the Sidonians, originally came from Bene-Anak, the sons of Anak. Caleb, with the help of the tribe of Judah, captured Kirjath-Arba and defeated the Anakim, A. M. 2559. Josh. xv, 14; Judg. i, 20.
ANALOGY OF FAITH. This has been often and largely descanted upon as an important rule for interpreting Scripture, founded, as it is said, upon Rom. xii, 6, “Let us prophesy according to the proportion” (analogy) “of faith.”
ANALOGY OF FAITH. This has been frequently and extensively discussed as a key rule for interpreting Scripture, based, as it's noted, on Rom. xii, 6, “Let us prophesy according to the proportion” (analogy) “of faith.”
The principle of this rule has been thus stated: It is evident the Almighty doth not act without a design in the system of Christianity, any more than in the works of nature. Now this design must be uniform; for as in the system of the universe every part is proportioned to the whole, and made subservient to it,--so, in the system of the Gospel, all the various truths, doctrines, declarations, precepts, and promises must correspond with, and tend to, the end designed. For instance, supposing the glory of God in the salvation of sinners by free grace be the grand design,--then, whatever doctrine, assertion, or hypothesis agrees not with this, it is to be considered as false. The effect however of this view of the case appears to be often delusive. If nothing more be meant than that, what is obscure in a revelation should be interpreted by that which is plain, the same rule applies to all sober interpretations of any book whatever; but if we call our opinions, perhaps hastily taken up, or admitted on some authority without examination by the light of Scripture, “the analogy of faith,” we shall greatly err. On this subject Dr. Campbell remarks:--
The principle of this rule can be stated like this: It's clear that the Almighty does not act without purpose in the system of Christianity, just as in the workings of nature. This purpose must be consistent; because in the universe, every part is proportioned to the whole and serves it—similarly, in the Gospel, all the different truths, doctrines, declarations, precepts, and promises must align with and work toward the intended goal. For example, if the glory of God in the salvation of sinners through free grace is the ultimate purpose, then any doctrine, assertion, or theory that doesn't align with this should be considered false. However, the impact of this perspective can be misleading. If what's meant is simply that what is unclear in a revelation should be interpreted by what is clear, then the same rule applies to any serious interpretation of any book. But if we label our opinions, possibly formed hastily or accepted on some authority without scrutiny, as “the analogy of faith” through the lens of Scripture, we will make a significant error. On this topic, Dr. Campbell notes:--
“In vain do we search the Scriptures for their testimony concerning Christ, if, independently of these Scriptures, we have received a testimony from another quarter, and are determined to admit nothing as the testimony of Scripture which will not perfectly quadrate with that formerly received. This was the very source of the blindness of the Jews in our Saviour’s time. They searched the Scriptures as much as we do; but, in the disposition they were in, they would never have discovered what that sacred volume testifies of Christ. Why? because their great rule of interpretation was the analogy of the faith; or, in other words, the system of the Pharisean scribes, the doctrine then in vogue, and in the profound veneration of which they had been educated. This is that veil by which the understandings of that people were darkened, even in reading the law, and of which the Apostle observed, that it remained unremoved in his day, and of which we ourselves have occasion to observe, that it remains unremoved in ours. And is it not precisely in the same way that the phrase is used by every sect of Christians, for the particular system or digest of tenets for which they themselves have the greatest reverence? The Latin church, and even the Greek, are explicit in their declarations on this article. With each, the analogy of the faith is their own system alone. And that different parties of Protestants, though more reserved in their manner of speaking, aim at the same thing, is undeniable; the same, I mean, considered relatively to the speakers; for, absolutely considered, every party means a different thing. ‘But,’ say some, ‘is not this mode of interpretation warranted by Apostolical authority? Does not Paul, Rom. xii, 6, in speaking of the exercise of the spiritual gifts, enjoin the prophets to prophesy κατὰ τὴν ἀναλογίαν τῆς ϖίϛεως, according to the proportion of faith, as our translators render it, but as some critics explain it, according to the analogy of the faith?’ Though this exposition has been admitted into 53some versions, and adopted by Hammond and other commentators, and may be called literal, it is suited neither to the ordinary meaning of the words, nor to the tenor of the context. The word ἀναλογία strictly denotes proportion, measure, rate, but by no means that complex notion conveyed in the aforesaid phrase by the term analogy, which has been well observed by Whitby to be particularly unsuitable in this place, where the Apostle treats of those who speak by inspiration, not of those who explain what has been thus spoken by others. The context manifestly leads us to understand ἀναλογία ϖίϛεως, verse 6, as equivalent to μέτρον ϖίστεως, verse 3. And for the better understanding of this phrase, the measure of faith, it may be proper to observe, 1. That a strong conviction of any tenet, from whatever cause it arises, is in Scripture sometimes termed faith. Thus in the same epistle, Rom. xiv, 22, the Apostle says, ‘Hast thou faith? have it to thyself before God.’ The scope of his reasoning shows that nothing is there meant by faith, but a conviction of the truth in regard to the article of which he had been treating, namely, the equality of days and meats, in point of sanctity, under the Gospel dispensation. The same is evidently the meaning of the word, verse 23, ‘Whatsoever is not of faith, is sin;’ where, without regard to the morality of an action abstractly considered, that is concluded to be sin which is done by one who doubts of its lawfulness. 2. As to spiritual gifts, prophecy and inspiration in particular, they appear to have been accompanied with such a faith or conviction that they came from the Spirit, as left no room for hesitation. And indeed it is easy to perceive that something of this kind was absolutely necessary to enable the inspired person to distinguish what proceeded from the Spirit of God, from what was the creature of his own imagination. The prophets of God were not acted upon like machines in delivering their predictions, as the diviners were supposed to be among the Heathen, but had then, as at other times, the free use of their faculties, both of body and mind.” This caution is therefore with great propriety given them by the Apostle, to induce them to be attentive in prophesying, not to exceed the precise measure allowed them, (for different measures of the same gift were committed to different persons,) and not to mingle aught of their own with the things of God’s Spirit. Let him prophesy according to the proportion in which he has received this gift, which is in proportion to his faith. Though a sense somewhat different has been given to the words by some ancient Greek expositors, none of them seems to have formed a conception of that sense, which, as was observed above, has been given by some moderns. This has, nevertheless, a sound and sober principle included in it, although capable of great abuse. Undoubtedly there is a class of great and leading truths in the Scriptures so clearly revealed as to afford principles of interpretation in doubtful passages, and these are so obvious that persons of sound minds and hearts will not need those formal rules for the application of the analogy of faith to interpretation, which have been drawn up by several writers, and which when not misleading, are generally superfluous.
“In vain do we search the Scriptures for their testimony about Christ if, aside from these Scriptures, we have accepted a testimony from elsewhere and are set on admitting nothing as Scripture's testimony that doesn't completely align with what we've previously accepted. This was the root of the Jews' blindness during our Savior’s time. They searched the Scriptures just like we do, but with their mindset, they would never have recognized what that sacred text says about Christ. Why? Because their main rule of interpretation was the analogy of faith; in other words, the system of the Pharisaic scribes, which was the popular doctrine, and they were raised to hold it in deep respect. This is the veil that darkened their understanding, even when reading the law, and the Apostle noted that it remained unlifted in his time, and we see that it remains unlifted in ours. Isn’t it the same way that every Christian group uses the phrase for the particular beliefs they hold in high esteem? The Latin church and even the Greek are clear in their statements on this issue. For each, the analogy of faith refers to their own system alone. It’s undeniable that different Protestant groups, while more cautious in their wording, aim for the same thing—though, from their perspective, each group means something different when considered absolutely. ‘But,’ some say, ‘isn’t this way of interpreting backed by Apostolic authority? Doesn’t Paul, in Rom. xii, 6, when discussing spiritual gifts, tell the prophets to prophesy κατὰ τὴν ἀναλογίαν τῆς ϖίϛεως, according to the proportion of faith, as our translators put it, but as some scholars explain it, according to the analogy of faith?' Although this interpretation has found its way into some versions and has been adopted by Hammond and other commentators, and can be considered literal, it does not fit the common meaning of the words nor the context. The word ἀναλογία strictly means proportion, measure, or rate, but doesn’t convey the complex idea that the term analogy implies, as Whitby noted, which is especially inappropriate here, where the Apostle discusses those who speak by inspiration, not those who explain what has been said by others. The context clearly guides us to understand ἀναλογία ϖίϛεως in verse 6 as equivalent to μέτρον ϖίστεως in verse 3. To better understand the phrase the measure of faith, we should note, 1. That a strong conviction in any belief, no matter its origin, is sometimes referred to as faith in Scripture. Thus, in the same letter, Rom. xiv, 22, the Apostle says, ‘Hast thou faith? keep it to yourself before God.’ The purpose of his argument shows that nothing here refers to faith, but to a conviction of the truth regarding what he was discussing, specifically the equal sanctity of days and foods under the Gospel. The same understanding is clear in verse 23, ‘Whatsoever is not of faith is sin,’ meaning that without regard to the morality of an action in itself, it is considered sin if done by someone who doubts its lawfulness. 2. Regarding spiritual gifts, particularly prophecy and inspiration, they seem to have been accompanied by such faith or conviction that they came from the Spirit, leaving no room for doubt. Indeed, it is clear that something like this was necessary for the inspired individual to distinguish what came from the Spirit of God from what was merely their own imagination. The prophets of God were not like machines delivering their predictions, unlike how diviners were thought to operate among the heathens; they had, as always, the free use of their bodies and minds. This caution is rightly given by the Apostle to encourage them to be attentive in prophesying, not to exceed the exact measure allotted to them (for different measures of the same gift were given to different individuals) and not to mix anything of their own with what comes from God’s Spirit. Let him prophesy according to the measure he has received, which aligns with his faith. Though some ancient Greek interpreters have given a somewhat different sense to the words, none seem to have grasped the understanding that has been proposed by some moderns. Nevertheless, this has a sound principle embedded in it, although it is prone to significant misuse. Certainly, there are major and fundamental truths in the Scriptures that are so clearly revealed that they provide principles of interpretation for uncertain passages; these are so evident that rational minds will not need the formal rules for applying the analogy of faith to interpretation that some writers have laid out, which, when not misleading, are often unnecessary.”
ANANIAS was the son of Nebedæus, high priest of the Jews. According to Josephus, he succeeded Joseph, the son of Camith, in the forty-seventh year of the Christian æra; and was himself succeeded by Ishmael, the son of Tabæus, in the year 63. Quadratus, governor of Syria, coming into Judæa, on the rumours which prevailed among the Samaritans and Jews, sent the high priest Ananias to Rome, to vindicate his conduct to the emperor. The high priest justified himself, was acquitted, and returned. St. Paul being apprehended at Jerusalem by the tribune of the Roman troops that guarded the temple, declared to him that he was a citizen of Rome. This obliged the officer to treat him with some regard. As he was ignorant of what the Jews accused him, the next day he convened the priests, and placed St. Paul in the midst of them, that he might justify himself. St. Paul began as follows: “Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day.” He had scarcely spoken this, when the high priest, Ananias, commanded those who were near him to smite him on the face. The Apostle immediately replied, “God shall judge thee, thou whited wall; for, sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law?” They that stood by said, “Revilest thou God’s high priest?” And Paul answered, “I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest; for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people,” Acts xxii, 23, 24; xxiii, 1–5; by which words many suppose that the Apostle spake in bitter irony; or at least that he considered Ananias as a usurper of the office of the priesthood.
ANANIAS was the son of Nebedæus, the high priest of the Jews. According to Josephus, he took over from Joseph, the son of Camith, in the forty-seventh year of the Christian era, and was later succeeded by Ishmael, the son of Tabæus, in the year 63. Quadratus, the governor of Syria, came to Judea because of the rumors circulating among the Samaritans and Jews, and he sent the high priest Ananias to Rome to explain his actions to the emperor. The high priest defended himself, was cleared of any wrongdoing, and returned. When St. Paul was arrested in Jerusalem by the tribune of the Roman troops guarding the temple, he informed him that he was a Roman citizen. This caused the officer to treat him with more respect. Since he didn't know the charges the Jews had against Paul, the next day he gathered the priests and placed St. Paul in their midst so that he could defend himself. St. Paul started by saying, “Men and brothers, I have lived with a clear conscience before God up to this day.” He had barely finished speaking when the high priest Ananias ordered those nearby to strike him on the face. The Apostle immediately responded, “God will judge you, you whitewashed wall; do you sit here to judge me according to the law, and yet command me to be struck contrary to the law?” Those standing nearby asked, “Are you insulting God's high priest?” Paul replied, “I didn't realize, brothers, that he was the high priest; for it is written, 'You shall not speak evil of the ruler of your people,'” Acts xxii, 23, 24; xxiii, 1–5; which has led many to believe that the Apostle was speaking with bitter irony or at the very least viewed Ananias as an illegitimate priest.
After this, the assembly being divided in opinion, St. Paul was sent by the tribune to Cæsarea, that Felix, governor of the province, might take cognizance of the affair. When it was known that the Apostle had arrived at Cæsarea, Ananias the high priest, and other Jews, went thither to accuse him; but the affair was adjourned, and St. Paul continued two years in prison in that city, Acts xxiv.
After this, the assembly was divided in opinion, so the tribune sent St. Paul to Cæsarea so that Felix, the governor of the province, could handle the matter. When it was known that the Apostle had arrived in Cæsarea, Ananias the high priest and other Jews went there to accuse him; however, the case was postponed, and St. Paul stayed in prison in that city for two years, Acts xxiv.
The Apostle’s prediction that God would smite Ananias, was thus accomplished: Albinus, governor of Judæa, being come into that country, Ananias found means to gain him by presents; and Ananias, by reason of this patronage, was considered as the first man of his nation. However, there were in his party some violent persons, who plundered the country, and seized the tithes of the priests; and this they did with impunity, on account of the great credit of Ananias. At the same time, several companies of assassins infested Judæa, and committed great ravages. When any of their companions fell into the hands of the governors of the province, and were about to be executed, they failed not to seize some domestic or relation of the high priest Ananias, that he might procure the liberty of their associates, in exchange for those whom they detained. 54Having taken Eleazer, one of Ananias’s sons, they did not release him till ten of their companions were liberated. By this means their number considerably increased, and the country was exposed to their ravages. At length, Eleazer, the son of Ananias, heading a party of mutineers, seized the temple, and forbade any sacrifices for the emperor. Being joined by the assassins, he pulled down the house of his father Ananias, with his brother, hid himself in the aqueducts belonging to the royal palace, but was soon discovered, and both of them were killed. Thus God smote this whited wall, in the very beginning of the Jewish wars.
The Apostle’s prediction that God would strike Ananias came true: Albinus, the governor of Judea, arrived in the area, and Ananias managed to win him over with gifts. Because of this support, Ananias was seen as the most important man in his nation. However, there were some violent individuals in his circle who plundered the land and took the priests' tithes without worry, thanks to Ananias's influence. At the same time, several groups of assassins were active in Judea, causing a lot of damage. When any of their members were captured by the provincial governors and were about to be executed, they would seize a family member or relative of the high priest Ananias to secure the release of their comrades in exchange for those they held. 54 After capturing Eleazer, one of Ananias’s sons, they wouldn’t let him go until ten of their own were freed. This tactic greatly increased their numbers and let them wreak more havoc on the land. Eventually, Eleazer, the son of Ananias, led a group of rebels, took control of the temple, and banned sacrifices for the emperor. Joined by the assassins, he demolished his father Ananias's house and, along with his brother, hid in the aqueducts of the royal palace, but was soon found, and both were killed. In this way, God struck down this deceptive figure at the very start of the Jewish wars.
2. Ananias, one of the first Christians of Jerusalem, who being converted, with his wife Sapphira, sold his estate; (as did the other Christians at Jerusalem, under a temporary regulation that they were to have all things in common;) but privately reserved a part of the purchase money to himself. Having brought the remainder to St. Peter, as the whole price of the inheritance sold, the Apostle, to whom the Holy Ghost had revealed this falsehood, rebuked him severely, as having lied not unto men but unto God, Acts v. At that instant, Ananias, being struck dead, fell down at the Apostle’s feet; and in the course of three hours after, his wife suffered a similar punishment. This happened, A. D. 33, or 34. It is evident, that in this and similar events, the spectators and civil magistrates must have been convinced that some extraordinary power was exerted; for if Peter had himself slain Ananias, he would have been amenable to the laws as a murderer. But, if by forewarning him that he should immediately die, and the prediction came to pass, it is evident that the power which attended this word of Peter was not from Peter, but from God. This was made the more certain by the death of two persons, in the same manner, and under the same circumstances, which could not be attributed to accident.
2. Ananias, one of the first Christians in Jerusalem, who, after his conversion, along with his wife Sapphira, sold his property (as did the other Christians in Jerusalem, following a temporary agreement to share everything); but he secretly kept part of the sale money for himself. He brought the rest to St. Peter, pretending it was the full amount from the sale of his inheritance. The Apostle, having been informed by the Holy Spirit about this deception, strongly reprimanded him, stating that he had lied not just to people but to God, Acts v. At that moment, Ananias dropped dead at the Apostle’s feet; and about three hours later, his wife faced the same fate. This occurred around A.D. 33 or 34. It's clear that both the onlookers and local authorities must have felt that some extraordinary force was at work; because if Peter had killed Ananias himself, he would have been subject to murder charges. However, by warning him that he would die immediately, and then the prediction coming true, it was clear that the power behind Peter's words was from God, not from Peter himself. This was further confirmed by the deaths of two individuals in the same way and under the same circumstances, which could not simply be attributed to chance.
3. Ananias, a disciple of Christ, at Damascus, whom the Lord directed to visit Paul, then lately converted. Ananias answered, “Lord, I have heard by many of this man, how much evil he hath done to thy saints at Jerusalem; and how he hath authority from the chief priests to bind all that call upon thy name.” But the Lord said unto him, “Go thy way, for he is a chosen vessel unto me.” Ananias, therefore, went to the house in which God had revealed unto him that Paul was, and putting his hands on him, said, “Brother Saul, the Lord Jesus who appeared unto thee in the way, hath sent me that thou mightest receive thy sight, and be filled with the Holy Ghost,” Acts ix, 10–12, &c. We are not informed of any other circumstance of the life of Ananias.
3. Ananias, a follower of Christ in Damascus, was directed by the Lord to visit Paul, who had just converted. Ananias replied, “Lord, I’ve heard a lot about this man and how much harm he has done to your saints in Jerusalem; and how he has the authority from the chief priests to arrest everyone who calls on your name.” But the Lord told him, “Go, for he is my chosen instrument.” So Ananias went to the house where God had shown him Paul was, and laying his hands on him, said, “Brother Saul, the Lord Jesus who appeared to you on the road has sent me so you may regain your sight and be filled with the Holy Spirit,” Acts ix, 10–12, &c. We don’t have any other details about Ananias’s life.
ANATHEMA, from ἀνατίθημι, signifies something set apart, separated, or devoted, Mic. iv, 13, or the formula by which this is effected. To anathematize is generally understood to denote the cutting off or separating any one from the communion of the faithful, the number of the living, or the privileges of society; or the devoting of an animal, city, or other thing, to destruction. See Accursed.
ANATHEMA, from ἀνατίθημι, means something set apart, separated, or dedicated, Mic. iv, 13, or the formula used to make this happen. To anathematize is generally understood to mean cutting off or separating someone from the community of the faithful, the living, or the benefits of society; or dedicating an animal, city, or other entity to destruction. See Cursed.
ANATHEMA MARANATHA. “If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha,” 1 Cor. xvi, 22. Why these two words, one Greek and the other Syriac, were not translated, is not obvious. They are the words with which the Jews began their greater excommunication, whereby they not only excluded sinners from their society, but delivered them up to the divine cherem, or anathema, that is, to misery in this life, and perdition in the life to come. “Let him be Anathema” is, “Let him be accursed.” Maranatha signifies, “The Lord cometh,” or, “will come;” that is, to take vengeance. See See Accursed.
ANATHEMA MARANATHA. “If anyone does not love the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha,” 1 Cor. xvi, 22. It's not clear why these two words, one in Greek and the other in Syriac, were not translated. They are the terms used by the Jews to initiate their stricter form of excommunication, where they not only banished sinners from their community but also condemned them to divine cherem, or anathema, meaning suffering in this life and destruction in the next. “Let him be Anathema” means, “Let him be accursed.” Maranatha means, “The Lord is coming,” or “will come;” that is, to enact vengeance. See See Cursed.
ANDREW, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, a native of Bethsaida, and the brother of Peter. He was at first a disciple of John the Baptist, whom he left to follow our Saviour, after the testimony of John, “Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world,” John i, 29, and was the first disciple received by our Saviour. Andrew then introduced his brother Simon, and they went with him to the marriage in Cana, but afterward returned to their ordinary occupation, not expecting, perhaps, to be farther employed in his service. However, some months after, Jesus meeting them, while fishing together, called them to a regular attendance upon him, and promised to make them fishers of men, Matt. iv, 19.
ANDREW, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, was from Bethsaida and was Peter's brother. Initially, he was a disciple of John the Baptist, but he left to follow our Savior after John testified, “Look, the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world,” John 1:29, and was the first disciple chosen by our Savior. Andrew then brought his brother Simon along, and they attended the wedding at Cana, but later returned to their regular jobs, possibly not expecting to be involved further in His work. However, a few months later, Jesus found them while they were fishing together and called them to follow Him regularly, promising to make them fishers of men, Matt. 4:19.
After our Saviour’s ascension, tradition states that Andrew was appointed to preach in Scythia and the neighbouring countries. According to Eusebius, after this Apostle had planted the Gospel in several places, he came to Patræ, in Achaia, where, endeavouring to convert the pro-consul Ægeas, he was, by that governor’s orders, first scourged, and then crucified. The time of his suffering martyrdom is not known; but all the ancient and modern martyrologies of the Greeks and Latins agree in celebrating his festival on the 30th of November. His body was embalmed, and decently interred at Patræ, by Maximilla, a lady of great quality and estate. It was afterward removed to Constantinople, by Constantine the Great, who buried it in the great church which he had built to the honour of the Apostles. It is not known for what reason painters represent St. Andrew’s cross like an X. Peter Chrysologus says that he was crucified upon a tree; and the spurious Hippolytus assures us that it was an olive tree. Nevertheless, the tradition which describes him to have been nailed to a cross is very ancient.
After our Savior's ascension, tradition holds that Andrew was chosen to preach in Scythia and the surrounding areas. According to Eusebius, after this Apostle spread the Gospel in several locations, he arrived in Patræ, Achaia, where he attempted to convert the pro-consul Ægeas. By the governor's orders, he was first scourged and then crucified. The exact time of his martyrdom is unknown; however, all the ancient and modern martyrologies of the Greeks and Latins agree in celebrating his feast on November 30th. His body was embalmed and properly buried in Patræ by Maximilla, a woman of high rank and wealth. It was later moved to Constantinople by Constantine the Great, who buried it in the grand church he built in honor of the Apostles. The reason painters depict St. Andrew's cross as an X is uncertain. Peter Chrysologus states that he was crucified on a tree, while the unauthentic Hippolytus claims it was an olive tree. Still, the tradition that describes him being nailed to a cross is very old.
ANGEL, a spiritual, intelligent substance, the first in rank and dignity among created beings. The word angel, ἀγγέλος, is not properly a denomination of nature but of office; denoting as much as nuncius, messenger, a person employed to carry one’s orders, or declare his will. Thus it is St. Paul represents angels, Heb. i, 14, where he calls them “ministering spirits;” and yet custom has prevailed so much, that angel is now commonly taken for the denomination of a particular order of spiritual beings, of great understanding and power, superior to the souls or spirits of men. Some of these are spoken of in Scripture in 55such a manner as plainly to signify that they are real beings, of a spiritual nature, of high power, perfection, dignity, and happiness. Others of them are distinguished as not having kept their first station, Jude 6. These are represented as evil spirits, enemies of God, and intent on mischief. The devil as the head of them, and they as his angels, are represented as the rulers of the darkness of this world, or spiritual wickednesses, or wicked spirits, τὰ ϖνευματικὰ τῆς ϖονηρίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπȣρανίοις, Eph. vi, 12; which may not be unfitly rendered, “the spiritual managers of opposition to the kingdom of God.”
ANGEL, a spiritual, intelligent entity, is the highest in rank and dignity among created beings. The word angel, ἀγγέλος, isn't really a label for nature but for a role; it means nuncius, or messenger, someone assigned to deliver orders or express someone's will. This is how St. Paul describes angels in Hebrews 1:14, calling them “ministering spirits.” However, over time, the term angel has come to refer to a specific order of spiritual beings, known for their great understanding and power, which is greater than that of human souls or spirits. Some of them are mentioned in Scripture in a way that clearly indicates they are real beings of a spiritual nature, possessing high power, perfection, dignity, and happiness. Others are noted for not having retained their original position, as stated in Jude 6. These are depicted as evil spirits, adversaries of God, who seek to cause harm. The devil is shown as their leader, and they are regarded as his angels, acting as rulers of the darkness of this world, or spiritual wickedness, τὰ πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις, as referred to in Ephesians 6:12; which could be fittingly interpreted as “the spiritual agents of opposition to the kingdom of God.”
The existence of angels is supposed in all religions, though it is incapable of being proved a priori. Indeed, the ancient Sadducees are represented as denying all spirits; and yet the Samaritans, and Caraites, who are reputed Sadducees, openly allowed them: witness Abusaid, the author of an Arabic version of the Pentateuch; and Aaron, a Caraite Jew, in his comment on the Pentateuch; both extant in manuscript in the king of France’s library. In the Alcoran we find frequent mention of angels. The Mussulmen believe them of different orders or degrees, and to be destined for different employments both in heaven and on earth. They attribute exceedingly great power to the angel Gabriel, as that he is able to descend in the space of an hour from heaven to earth; to overturn a mountain with a single feather of his wing, &c. The angel Asrael, they suppose, is appointed to take the souls of such as die; and another angel, named Esraphil, they tell us, stands with a trumpet ready in his mouth to proclaim the day of judgment.
The existence of angels is assumed in all religions, even though it can't be proven a priori. In fact, the ancient Sadducees are depicted as denying all spirits; however, the Samaritans and Karaites, who are considered Sadducees, openly acknowledged them. For example, Abusaid, who wrote an Arabic version of the Pentateuch, and Aaron, a Karaite Jew, in his commentary on the Pentateuch, both of which are preserved in the King of France's library. The Quran frequently mentions angels. Muslims believe they exist in different orders or ranks and have various roles both in heaven and on earth. They attribute tremendous power to the angel Gabriel, claiming he can descend from heaven to earth in the span of an hour and even overturn a mountain with a single feather of his wing, among other feats. They believe the angel Azrael is tasked with taking the souls of those who die, and another angel named Israfil is said to stand ready with a trumpet to announce the day of judgment.
The Heathen philosophers and poets were also agreed as to the existence of intelligent beings, superior to man; as is shown by St. Cyprian in his treatise of the vanity of idols; from the testimonies of Plato, Socrates, Trismegistus, &c. They were acknowledged under different appellations; the Greeks calling them dæmons, and the Romans genii, or lares. Epicurus seems to have been the only one among the old philosophers who absolutely rejected them.
The pagan philosophers and poets also agreed on the existence of intelligent beings that are superior to humans, as demonstrated by St. Cyprian in his work on the vanity of idols; this is supported by the writings of Plato, Socrates, Trismegistus, etc. They were recognized by different names; the Greeks referred to them as dæmons, while the Romans called them genii or lares. Epicurus appears to be the only one among the ancient philosophers who completely dismissed their existence.
Authors are not so unanimous about the nature as about the existence of angels. Clemens Alexandrinus believed they had bodies; which was also the opinion of Origen, Cæsarius, Tertullian, and several others. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory Nicene, St. Cyril, St. Chrysostom, &c, held them to be mere spirits. It has been the more current opinion, especially in later times, that they are substances entirely spiritual, who can, at any time, assume bodies, and appear in human or other shapes. Ecclesiastical writers make a hierarchy of nine orders of angels. Others have distributed angels into nine orders, according to the names by which they are called in Scripture, and reduced these orders into three hierarchies; to the first of which belong seraphim, cherubim, and thrones; to the second, dominions, virtues, and powers; and to the third, principalities, archangels, and angels. The Jews reckon four orders or companies of angels, each headed by an archangel; the first order being that of Michael; the second, of Gabriel; the third, of Uriel; and the fourth, of Raphael. Following the Scripture account, we shall find mention made of different orders of these superior beings; for such a distinction of orders seems intimated in the names given to different classes. Thus we have thrones, dominions, principalities, or princedoms, powers, authorities, living ones, cherubim, and seraphim. That some of these titles may indicate the same class of angels is probable; but that they all should be but different appellations of one common and equal order is improbable. We learn also from Scripture, that they dwell in the immediate presence of God; that they “excel in strength;” that they are immortal; and that they are the agents through which God very often accomplishes his special purposes of judgment and mercy. Nothing is more frequent in Scripture than the missions and appearances of good and bad angels, whom God employed to declare his will; to correct, teach, reprove, and comfort. God gave the law to Moses, and appeared to the old patriarchs, by the mediation of angels, who represented him, and spoke in his name, Acts vii, 30, 35; Gal. iii, 19; Heb. xiii, 2.
Authors are not in complete agreement about the nature of angels, but they do seem to agree on their existence. Clemens Alexandrinus believed angels had bodies, a view also shared by Origen, Cæsarius, Tertullian, and several others. In contrast, Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Cyril, St. Chrysostom, and others saw them as purely spiritual beings. The more common belief, especially in recent times, is that they are entirely spiritual entities that can take on physical forms and appear as humans or in other shapes. Ecclesiastical writers categorize angels into a hierarchy of nine orders. Some have divided them into nine orders based on the names found in Scripture and grouped these into three hierarchies: the first includes seraphim, cherubim, and thrones; the second includes dominions, virtues, and powers; and the third includes principalities, archangels, and angels. The Jews recognize four orders or groups of angels, each led by an archangel: the first led by Michael, the second by Gabriel, the third by Uriel, and the fourth by Raphael. Following the biblical account, we see mentions of different types of these higher beings, as the distinction in orders seems suggested by the names assigned to different classes. These names include thrones, dominions, principalities or princedoms, powers, authorities, living ones, cherubim, and seraphim. It's likely that some of these titles refer to the same group of angels; however, it seems unlikely that they all represent the same and equal order. Scripture also tells us that they dwell in the immediate presence of God, that they “excel in strength,” that they are immortal, and that they often act as agents through which God executes his special purposes of judgment and mercy. The missions and appearances of both good and bad angels, whom God used to convey his will, to correct, teach, reprove, and comfort, are frequently mentioned in Scripture. God gave the law to Moses and appeared to the ancient patriarchs through angels, who represented him and spoke on his behalf, as seen in Acts 7:30, 35; Galatians 3:19; Hebrews 13:2.
Though the Jews, in general, believed the existence of angels, there was a sect among them, namely, the Sadducees, who denied the existence of all spirits whatever, God only excepted, Acts xxiii, 8. Before the Babylonish captivity, the Hebrews seem not to have known the names of any angel. The Talmudists say they brought the names of angels from Babylon. Tobit, who is thought to have resided in Nineveh some time before the captivity, mentions the angel Raphael, Tob. iii, 17; xi, 2, 7; and Daniel, who lived at Babylon some time after Tobit, has taught us the names of Michael and Gabriel, Dan. viii, 16; ix, 21; x, 21. In the New Testament, we find only the two latter mentioned by name.
Though the Jews generally believed in the existence of angels, there was a group among them, known as the Sadducees, who denied the existence of any spirits, with God being the only exception, Acts xxiii, 8. Before the Babylonian captivity, the Hebrews didn't seem to know the names of any angels. The Talmudists say they brought the names of angels from Babylon. Tobit, who is thought to have lived in Nineveh some time before the captivity, mentions the angel Raphael, Tob. iii, 17; xi, 2, 7; and Daniel, who lived in Babylon some time after Tobit, taught us the names of Michael and Gabriel, Dan. viii, 16; ix, 21; x, 21. In the New Testament, we find only these two mentioned by name.
There are various opinions as to the time when the angels were created. Some think this took place when our heavens and the earth were made. For this opinion, however, there is no just foundation in the Mosaic account. Others think that angels existed long before the formation of our solar system; and Scripture seems to favour this opinion, Job xxxviii, 4, 7, where God says, “Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth?--and all the sons of God shouted for joy.” Though it be a universal opinion that angels are of a spiritual and incorporeal nature, yet some of the fathers, misled by a passage in Gen. vi, 2, where it is said, “The sons of God saw the daughters of men, that they were fair, and they took them wives of all which they chose,” imagined them to be corporeal, and capable of sensual pleasures. But, without noticing all the wild reveries which have been propagated by bold or ignorant persons, let it suffice to observe, that by “the sons of God” we are evidently to understand the descendants of Seth, who, for the great piety wherein they continued for some time, were so called; and that “the daughters of men” were the progeny of wicked Cain.
There are different views about when the angels were created. Some believe this happened when our heavens and the earth were formed. However, there isn't a solid basis for this in the Mosaic account. Others think that angels existed long before the formation of our solar system, and Scripture seems to support this idea, as seen in Job 38:4, 7, where God asks, "Where were you when I laid the foundations of the earth?—and all the sons of God shouted for joy." While it's commonly accepted that angels are spiritual and incorporeal beings, some of the early Church fathers, misled by a passage in Genesis 6:2, which states, "The sons of God saw that the daughters of men were beautiful, and they married any of them they chose," believed angels to be physical beings who could experience sensual pleasures. However, without delving into all the wild theories put forth by bold or ignorant individuals, it’s enough to note that "the sons of God" clearly refers to the descendants of Seth, who were called this for their notable piety over time, and that "the daughters of men" were the offspring of the wicked Cain.
56As to the doctrine of tutelary or guarding angels, presiding over the affairs of empires, nations, provinces, and particular persons, though received by the later Jews, it appears to be wholly Pagan in its origin, and to have no countenance in the Scriptures. The passages in Daniel brought to favour this notion are capable of a much better explanation; and when our Lord declares that the “angels” of little children “do always behold the face of God,” he either speaks of children as being the objects of the general ministry of angels, or, still more probably, by angels he there means the disembodied spirits of children; for that the Jews called disembodied spirits by the name of angels, appears from Acts xii, 15.
56The idea of guardian angels watching over the affairs of empires, nations, regions, and individuals, although accepted by later Jews, seems to come entirely from Pagan beliefs and lacks support in the Scriptures. The verses in Daniel often used to support this idea can be explained much more effectively, and when our Lord says that the “angels” of little children “always see the face of God,” he’s either referring to children as recipients of the general care of angels or, more likely, using angels to mean the spirits of deceased children; the fact that the Jews referred to disembodied spirits as angels is evident from Acts 12:15.
On this question of guardian angels, Bishop Horsley observes: “That the holy angels are often employed by God in his government of this sublunary world, is indeed to be clearly proved by holy writ. That they have power over the matter of the universe, analogous to the powers over it which men possess, greater in extent, but still limited, is a thing which might reasonably be supposed, if it were not declared. But it seems to be confirmed by many passages of holy writ; from which it seems also evident that they are occasionally, for certain specific purposes, commissioned to exercise those powers to a prescribed extent. That the evil angels possessed before their fall the like powers, which they are still occasionally permitted to exercise for the punishment of wicked nations, seems also evident. That they have a power over the human sensory, which they are occasionally permitted to exercise, and by means of which they may inflict diseases, suggest evil thoughts, and be the instruments of temptation, must also be admitted. But all this amounts not to any thing of a discretional authority placed in the hands of tutelar angels, or to an authority to advise the Lord God with respect to the measures of his government. Confidently I deny that a single text is to be found in holy writ, which, rightly understood, gives the least countenance to the abominable doctrine of such a participation of the holy angels in God’s government of the world. In what manner then, it may be asked, are the holy angels made at all subservient to the purposes of God’s government? This question is answered by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Hebrews, in the last verse of the first chapter; and this is the only passage in the whole Bible in which we have any thing explicit upon the office and employment of angels: ‘Are they not all,’ saith he, ‘ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them that shall be heirs of salvation?’ They are all, however high in rank and order, nothing more than ‘ministering spirits,’ or, literally, ‘serving spirits;’ not invested with authority of their own, but ‘sent forth,’ occasionally sent forth, to do such service as may be required of them, ‘for them that shall be heirs of salvation.’”
On the topic of guardian angels, Bishop Horsley notes: “It’s clear from scripture that holy angels are often used by God in His governance of this world. They likely have a limited power over the universe, similar to but greater than the powers humans possess. This could be assumed without declaration, but it’s confirmed by numerous scriptures. It seems evident that they are occasionally assigned specific tasks to exercise these powers in certain ways. Likewise, it’s clear that fallen angels used to have similar powers, which they are still sometimes allowed to use to punish wicked nations. They also have some influence over human senses, which they can use occasionally to inflict sickness, suggest evil thoughts, and tempt people. However, this doesn’t mean that guardian angels have any discretionary authority or the right to advise God on His governance. I firmly assert that there is no scripture that, when correctly interpreted, supports the disgusting idea that holy angels have any role in God’s governance of the world. So how are holy angels involved in God’s governance at all? St. Paul answers this in his Epistle to the Hebrews, in the last verse of the first chapter; this is the only place in the entire Bible that explicitly addresses the role and function of angels: ‘Are they not all,’ he says, ‘ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them that shall be heirs of salvation?’ No matter how high their rank, they are merely ‘ministering spirits,’ or literally, ‘serving spirits;’ they have no authority of their own but are ‘sent forth’ to perform whatever service is required of them ‘for those who will inherit salvation.’”
The exact number of angels is no where mentioned in Scripture; but it is always represented as very great. Daniel, vii, 10, says of the Ancient of Days, “A fiery stream came from before him; thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him.” Jesus Christ says, that his heavenly Father could have given him more than twelve legions of angels, that is, more than seventy-two thousand, Matt. xxvi, 53; and the Psalmist declares, that the chariots of God are twenty thousand, even thousands of angels, lxviii, 17, These are all intended not to express any exact number, but indefinitely a very large one.
The exact number of angels is not mentioned anywhere in the Bible, but it is always portrayed as being very large. Daniel 7:10 refers to the Ancient of Days, stating, “A fiery stream came from before him; thousands upon thousands ministered to him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him.” Jesus Christ mentions that his heavenly Father could have provided him with more than twelve legions of angels, which is over seventy-two thousand (Matthew 26:53). Additionally, the Psalmist states that the chariots of God are twenty thousand, even thousands of angels (Psalm 68:17). These references are not meant to specify an exact number but rather to indicate a very large one.
Though all the angels were created alike good, yet Jude informs us, verse 6, that some of them “kept not their first estate, but left their own habitation,” and these God hath “reserved in everlasting chains under darkness, unto the judgment of the great day.” Speculations on the cause and occasion of their fall are all vain and trifling. Milton is to be read on this subject, as on others, not as a divine, but as a poet. All we know, is, that they are not in their first “estate,” or in their original place; that this was their own fault, for “they left their own habitation;” that they are in chains, yet with liberty to tempt; and that they are reserved to the general judgment.
Though all the angels were created equally good, Jude tells us in verse 6 that some of them "didn't keep their original position but abandoned their own place," and God has "held them in everlasting chains of darkness until the judgment of the great day." The theories about why they fell are pointless and trivial. Milton should be read on this topic, like on others, not as a divine authority but as a poet. What we do know is that they are not in their original "position" or place; that their fall was their own fault, as "they left their own place;" that they are in chains but still have the freedom to tempt; and that they are reserved for the final judgment.
Dr. Prideaux observes, that the minister of the synagogue, who officiated in offering the public prayers, being the mouth of the congregation, delegated by them, as their representative, messenger, or angel, to address God in prayer for them, was in Hebrew called sheliack-zibbor, that is, the angel of the church; and that from hence the chief ministers of the seven churches of Asia are in the Revelation, by a name borrowed from the synagogue, called angels of those churches.
Dr. Prideaux notes that the synagogue minister, who leads the public prayers and acts as the voice of the congregation—chosen by them as their representative, messenger, or angel to speak to God in prayer—was referred to in Hebrew as sheliack-zibbor, meaning the angel of the church. He also points out that the main ministers of the seven churches in Asia are referred to as angels of those churches in the Revelation, using a name taken from the synagogue.
THE ANGEL OF THE LORD, or the Angel Jehovah, a title given to Christ in his different appearances to the patriarchs and others in the Old Testament.
THE ANGEL OF THE LORD, or the Angel Jehovah, is a title given to Christ in his various appearances to the patriarchs and others in the Old Testament.
When the Angel of the Lord found Hagar in the wilderness, “she called the name of Jehovah that spake to her, Thou God seest me.”--Jehovah appeared unto Abraham in the plains of Mamre. Abraham lifted up his eyes, and three men, three persons in human form, “stood by him.” One of the three is called Jehovah. And Jehovah said, “Shall I hide from Abraham the thing that I do?” Appearances of the same personage occur to Isaac and to Jacob under the name of “the God of Abraham, and of Isaac.” After one of these manifestations, Jacob says, “I have seen God face to face;” and at another, “Surely the Lord (Jehovah) is in this place.” The same Jehovah was made visible to Moses, and gave him his commission; and God said, “I am that I am; thou shalt say to the children of Israel, I am hath sent me unto you.” The same Jehovah went before the Israelites by day in a pillar of cloud, and by night in a pillar of fire; and by Him the law was given amidst terrible displays of power and majesty from Mount Sinai. “I am the Lord (Jehovah) thy God, which have brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage: Thou shalt have no other gods before me,” &c. The collation of a few passages, or of the different parts of the 57same passages, of Scripture, will show that Jehovah, and “the Angel of the Lord,” when used in this eminent sense, are the same person. Jacob says of Bethel, where he had exclaimed, “Surely Jehovah is in this place;” “The Angel of God appeared to me in a dream, saying, I am the God of Bethel.” Upon his death bed he gives the names of God and Angel to this same person: “The God which fed me all my life long unto this day, the Angel which redeemed me from all evil, bless the lads.” So in Hosea xii, 2, 5, it is said, “By his strength he had power with God; yea, he had power over the Angel, and prevailed.” “We found him in Bethel, and there he spake with us, even the Lord God of Hosts; the Lord is his memorial.” Here the same person has the names, God, Angel, and Lord God of Hosts. “The Angel of the Lord called to Abraham a second time from heaven, and said, By myself have I sworn, saith the Lord, (Jehovah,) that, since thou hast done this thing, in blessing will I bless thee.” The Angel of the Lord appeared to Moses in a flame of fire; but this same Angel “called to him out of the bush, and said, I am the God of thy fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob; and Moses hid his face, for he was afraid to look upon God.” To omit many other passages, St. Stephen, in alluding to this part of the history of Moses, in his speech before the council, says, “There appeared to Moses in the wilderness of Mount Sinai, an Angel of the Lord in a flame of fire,” showing that that phraseology was in use among the Jews in his day, and that this Angel and Jehovah were regarded as the same being; for he adds, “Moses was in the church in the wilderness with the Angel which spoke unto him in Mount Sinai.” There is one part of the history of the Jews in the wilderness, which so fully shows that they distinguished this Angel of Jehovah from all created angels, as to deserve particular attention. In Exodus xxiii, 20, God makes this promise to Moses and the Israelites: “Behold, I send an Angel before thee to keep thee in the way, and to bring thee into the place which I have prepared. Beware of him, and obey his voice; provoke him not; for he will not pardon your transgressions, for my name is in him.” Of this Angel let it be observed, that he is here represented as the guide and protector of the Israelites; to him they were to owe their conquests and their settlement in the promised land, which are in other places often attributed to the immediate agency of God; that they are cautioned to “beware of him,” to reverence and stand in dread of him; that the pardoning of transgressions belongs to him; finally, “that the name of God was in him.” This name must be understood of God’s own peculiar name, Jehovah, I am, which he assumed as his distinctive appellation at his first appearing to Moses; and as the names of God are indicative of his nature, he who had a right to bear the peculiar name of God, must also have his essence. This view is put beyond all doubt by the fact, that Moses and the Jews so understood the matter; for afterward when their sins had provoked God to threaten not to go up with them himself, but to commit them to “an angel who should drive out the Canaanite,” &c, the people mourned over this as a great calamity, and Moses betook himself to special intercession, and rested not until he obtained the repeal of the threat, and the renewed promise, “My presence shall go with thee, and I will give thee rest.” Nothing, therefore, can be more clear than that Moses and the Israelites considered the promise of the Angel, in whom was “the name of God,” as a promise that God himself would go with them. With this uncreated Angel, this presence of the Lord, they were satisfied, but not with “an angel” indefinitely, who was by nature of that order of beings usually so called, and therefore a created being; for at the news of God’s determination not to go up with them, Moses hastens to the tabernacle to make his intercessions, and refuses an inferior conductor:--“If thy presence go not with me, carry us not up hence.”
When the Angel of the Lord found Hagar in the wilderness, “she called the name of Jehovah that spoke to her, ‘You God see me.’”--Jehovah appeared to Abraham in the plains of Mamre. Abraham lifted up his eyes, and three men, three people in human form, “stood by him.” One of the three is called Jehovah. And Jehovah said, “Should I hide from Abraham what I'm about to do?” Similar appearances happen to Isaac and Jacob under the name of “the God of Abraham and Isaac.” After one of these encounters, Jacob says, “I have seen God face to face;” and at another time, “Surely the Lord (Jehovah) is in this place.” The same Jehovah was made visible to Moses, giving him his commission; and God said, “I am who I am; you shall say to the children of Israel, ‘I am has sent me to you.’” The same Jehovah went before the Israelites by day in a pillar of cloud and by night in a pillar of fire; and through Him, the law was given amidst terrifying displays of power and majesty from Mount Sinai. “I am the Lord (Jehovah) your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage: You shall have no other gods before me,” etc. The comparison of a few passages, or different parts of the same passages from Scripture, shows that Jehovah and “the Angel of the Lord,” when used in this prominent sense, refer to the same person. Jacob speaks of Bethel, where he exclaimed, “Surely Jehovah is in this place;” “The Angel of God appeared to me in a dream, saying, I am the God of Bethel.” On his death bed, he refers to this same figure as both God and Angel: “The God who fed me all my life long up to this day, the Angel who redeemed me from all evil, bless the boys.” In Hosea 12:2, 5, it is said, “By his strength he had power with God; yes, he had power over the Angel and prevailed.” “We found him in Bethel, and there he spoke with us, even the Lord God of Hosts; the Lord is his memorial.” Here the same figure holds the titles God, Angel, and Lord God of Hosts. “The Angel of the Lord called to Abraham a second time from heaven and said, ‘By myself have I sworn, says the Lord (Jehovah), that since you have done this thing, in blessing I will bless you.’” The Angel of the Lord appeared to Moses in a flame of fire; but this same Angel “called to him out of the bush and said, I am the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob; and Moses hid his face, for he was afraid to look upon God.” To skip many other passages, St. Stephen, referencing this part of Moses's history in his speech before the council, says, “An Angel of the Lord appeared to Moses in the wilderness of Mount Sinai in a flame of fire,” indicating that this terminology was recognized among the Jews in his day, and that this Angel and Jehovah were viewed as the same being; for he adds, “Moses was in the church in the wilderness with the Angel who spoke to him in Mount Sinai.” There's one part of the history of the Jews in the wilderness that clearly shows they distinguished this Angel of Jehovah from all other created angels and deserves special attention. In Exodus 23:20, God makes this promise to Moses and the Israelites: “Behold, I send an Angel before you to keep you in the way and to bring you to the place I have prepared. Be careful of him and obey his voice; do not provoke him, for he will not forgive your transgressions, for my name is in him.” It should be noted that this Angel is portrayed as the guide and protector of the Israelites; they were to credit their victories and settlement in the promised land to him, which are often attributed elsewhere to the immediate actions of God; they are warned to “beware of him,” to respect and stand in awe of him; that power to forgive transgressions belongs to him; and finally, “that the name of God was in him.” This name is understood to refer to God’s own unique name, Jehovah, I am, which He adopted as His distinctive title when He first appeared to Moses; and since the names of God indicate His nature, he who had the right to bear God’s special name must also share His essence. This understanding is confirmed by the fact that Moses and the Jews understood it this way; for later, when their sins angered God to the point He threatened not to go up with them Himself, but to assign them to “an angel who should drive out the Canaanites,” the people mourned this as a great disaster, and Moses earnestly pleaded until he secured the cancellation of the threat and the renewed promise, “My presence shall go with you, and I will give you rest.” Therefore, it is absolutely clear that Moses and the Israelites viewed the promise of the Angel, in whom was “the name of God,” as a promise that God Himself would accompany them. They were satisfied with this uncreated Angel, this presence of the Lord, but not with “an angel” generically, who was by nature a part of that order of beings typically called angels, and therefore a created being; for upon hearing of God’s decision not to accompany them, Moses hurried to the tabernacle to intercede and rejected an inferior guide: “If your presence does not go with me, do not carry us up from here.”
The Jews held this Word, or Angel of the Lord, to be the future Messiah, as appears from the writings of their older rabbins. So that he appears as the Jehovah of all the three dispensations, and yet is invariably described as a separate person from the unseen Jehovah who sends him. He was then the Word to be made flesh, and to dwell for a time among us, to open the way to God by his sacrifice, and to rescue the race, whose nature he should assume, from sin and death. This he has now actually effected; and the Patriarchal, Mosaic, and Christian religions are thus founded upon the same great principles,--the fall and misery of mankind, and their deliverance by a Divine Redeemer.
The Jews believed that this Word, or Angel of the Lord, would be the future Messiah, as shown in the writings of their earlier rabbis. So, he is seen as the Jehovah of all three dispensations, yet is always described as a distinct person from the unseen Jehovah who sends him. He was then the Word to become flesh and live among us for a time, to open the way to God through his sacrifice, and to save the humanity whose nature he would take on from sin and death. This he has now actually accomplished; and the Patriarchal, Mosaic, and Christian religions are thus based on the same fundamental principles— the fall and suffering of mankind, and their salvation by a Divine Redeemer.
ANGELICS, worshippers of angels. Those who consider this as a sect of the Apostolic age, think St. Paul, Coloss. ii, 18, cautions Christians against a superstitious reverence of these celestial agents of the Deity, which they conceive to have been borrowed from the idolatrous reverence paid by the Heathen to genii and demons. The Jews of that time are also accused of worshipping angels, and probably this superstition might through them influence the Judaizing members of some of the Apostolic churches. This idolatry may now be too justly charged upon the Romish and some other corrupt churches.
ANGELICS, worshippers of angels. Those who view this as a sect from the Apostolic age believe that St. Paul, in Colossians 2:18, warns Christians against a superstitious reverence for these heavenly messengers of God, which they think was taken from the idolatrous veneration that pagans showed to spirits and demons. The Jews of that time are also criticized for worshipping angels, and this superstition likely influenced the Judaizing members of some Apostolic churches. This idolatry can now rightly be attributed to the Catholic Church and some other corrupt churches.
ANGER, a resentful emotion of the mind, arising upon the receipt, or supposed receipt, of an affront or injury; and also simple feeling of strong displacency at that which is in itself evil, or base, or injurious to others. In the latter sense it is not only innocent but commendable. Strong displeasure against evil doers, provided it be free from hatred and malice, and interferes not with a just placableness, is also blameless, Eph. iv, 26. When it is vindictive against the person of our neighbour, or against the innocent creatures of God, it is wicked, Matt. v, 22. When anger, hatred, wrath, and fury, are ascribed to God, they denote no tumultuous passion, but merely his holy and just displeasure with sin and sinners; 58and the evidence of it in his terrible threatenings, or righteous judgments, Psalm vi, 1, and vii, 11. We must, however, take care that we refine not too much. These are Scriptural terms, and are often used of God; and though they express not a tumultuous, much less an unjust, passion, there is something in God which answers to them. In him they are principles arising out of his holy and just nature; and for this reason they are more steady and uniform, and more terrible, than if they were emotions, or as we say passions. Nor can we rightly regard the severity of the judgments which God has so often executed upon sin without standing in awe of him, “as a consuming fire” to the ungodly.
ANGER is a negative emotion that arises when we feel offended or hurt, or even just when we perceive an offense or harm. It can also refer to a strong feeling of dislike for something that is inherently evil, mean, or harmful to others. In this sense, it's not only innocent but actually commendable. Being strongly displeased with wrongdoers is acceptable, as long as it’s not filled with hatred or malice, and doesn’t interfere with our ability to be fair and forgiving, as stated in Eph. iv, 26. However, when anger is aimed vindictively at others or at innocent beings created by God, it becomes wrong, as noted in Matt. v, 22. When we attribute anger, hatred, wrath, and fury to God, we should understand that these terms don't imply chaotic emotions but rather reflect his holy and just disapproval of sin and sinners. We see evidence of this in his serious warnings and righteous judgments, as seen in Psalm vi, 1, and vii, 11. Nonetheless, we need to be cautious not to over-refine this concept. These terms appear in Scripture and are often used regarding God; although they don't signify chaotic, much less unjust, emotions, there is an aspect of God that corresponds to them. In Him, they are principles that stem from his holy and just nature; for this reason, they are more consistent and formidable than if they were mere emotions or passions. We cannot rightly comprehend the severity of the judgments God has frequently enacted upon sin without feeling a sense of awe before him, “as a consuming fire” to the wicked.
ANIMAL, is an organized and living body, endowed with sensation. Minerals are said to grow or increase, plants to grow and live, and animals alone to have sensation. The Hebrews distinguished animals into pure and impure, clean and unclean; or those which might be eaten and offered, and those whose use was prohibited. The sacrifices which they offered, were, 1. Of the beeve kind; a cow, bull, or calf. The ox could not be offered, because it was mutilated; and when it is said oxen were sacrificed, we are to understand bulls, Lev. xxii, 18, 19. Calmet thinks, that the mutilation of animals was neither permitted, nor used, among the Israelites. 2. Of the goat kind; a he-goat, a she-goat, or kid, Lev. xxii, 24. 3. Of the sheep kind; a ewe, ram, or lamb. When it is said sheep are offered, rams are chiefly meant, especially in burnt-offerings and sacrifices for sin; for as to peace-offerings, or sacrifices of pure devotion, a female might be sometimes offered, provided it was pure, and without blemish, Lev. iii, 1.
ANIMAL is a structured and living being, capable of sensation. Minerals are said to grow or increase, plants grow and live, but only animals have sensation. The Hebrews categorized animals as pure and impure, clean and unclean; specifically, those that could be eaten and offered, and those that were prohibited. The sacrifices they made included: 1. Animals from the cattle family; a cow, bull, or calf. The ox couldn't be offered because it was mutilated; when it's mentioned that oxen were sacrificed, it actually refers to bulls, Lev. xxii, 18, 19. Calmet believes that mutilation of animals was not allowed or practiced among the Israelites. 2. Animals from the goat family; a male goat, a female goat, or a kid, Lev. xxii, 24. 3. Animals from the sheep family; a ewe, a ram, or a lamb. When it's said that sheep are offered, it primarily refers to rams, especially in burnt offerings and sin sacrifices; for peace offerings or sacrifices of pure devotion, a female might sometimes be offered, as long as it was pure and without blemish, Lev. iii, 1.
Besides these three sorts of animals, used in sacrifices, many others might be eaten, wild or tame; as the stag, the roe-buck, and in general all that have cloven feet, or that chew the cud, Lev. ix, 2, 3, &c. All that have not cloven hoofs, and do not chew the cud, were esteemed impure, and could neither be offered nor eaten. The fat of all sorts of animals sacrificed was forbidden to be eaten. The blood of all kinds of animals generally, and in all cases, was prohibited on pain of death, Lev. iii, 17; vii, 23–27. Neither did the Israelites eat animals which had been taken and touched by a devouring or impure beast, as a dog, a wolf, a boar, &c, Exodus xxii, 3; nor of any animal that died of itself. Whoever touched its carcass was impure until the evening; and till that time, and before he had washed his clothes, he did not return to the company of other Jews, Lev. xi, 39, 40; xvii, 15; xxii, 8. Fish that had neither fins nor scales were unclean, Lev. xi, 20. Birds which walk on the ground with four feet, as bats, and flies that have many feet, were impure. The law, however, excepts locusts, which have their hind feet higher than those before, and rather leap than walk. These were clean, and might be eaten, Lev. xi, 21, 22, as they still are in Palestine. The distinction between clean and unclean animals has been variously accounted for. Some have thought it symbolical, intended to teach the avoidance of those evil qualities for which the unclean animals were remarkable; others, that, in order that the Hebrews might be preserved from idolatry, they were commanded to kill and eat many animals which were sacred among the Egyptians, and were taught to look with abhorrence upon others which they reverenced. Others have found a reason in the unwholesomeness of the flesh of the creatures pronounced by the law to be unclean, so that they resolve the whole into a sanative regulation. But it is not to be forgotten that this division of animals into clean and unclean existed both before the law of Moses, and even prior to the flood. The foundation of it was therefore clearly sacrificial; for before the deluge it could not have reference to health, since animal food was not allowed to man prior to the deluge; and as no other ground for the distinction appears, except that of sacrifice, it must therefore have had reference to the selection of victims to be solemnly offered to God, as a part of worship, and as the means of drawing near to him by expiatory rites for the forgiveness of sins. Some it is true, have regarded this distinction of clean and unclean beasts as used by Moses by way of prolepsis, or anticipation,--a notion which, if it could not be refuted by the context, would be perfectly arbitrary. Not only are the beasts, which Noah was to receive, spoken of as clean and unclean; but it will be noticed, that, in the command to take them into the ark, a difference is made in the number to be preserved--the clean being to be received by sevens, and the unclean by two of a kind. This shows that this distinction among beasts had been established in the time of Noah; and thus the assumption of a prolepsis is refuted. The critical attempts which have been made to show that animals were allowed to man for food, previous to the flood, have wholly failed.
Besides these three kinds of animals used in sacrifices, many others could be eaten, whether wild or tame; like deer, roe deer, and generally all animals with cloven hooves or that chew cud, Lev. ix, 2, 3, &c. All animals that do not have cloven hooves or do not chew cud were considered unclean and could neither be offered nor eaten. The fat from all kinds of sacrificed animals was forbidden to be eaten. The blood of all kinds of animals was generally prohibited under penalty of death, Lev. iii, 17; vii, 23–27. The Israelites also did not eat animals that had been killed or touched by a devouring or unclean beast, like a dog, wolf, or boar, Exodus xxii, 3; nor any animal that died on its own. Anyone who touched its carcass was unclean until evening; during that time, and until they had washed their clothes, they could not return to the company of other Jews, Lev. xi, 39, 40; xvii, 15; xxii, 8. Fish without fins or scales were considered unclean, Lev. xi, 20. Birds that walk on the ground with four feet, like bats, and insects with many legs, were also unclean. However, the law allows locusts, which have their back legs longer than their front and jump rather than walk. These were considered clean and could be eaten, Lev. xi, 21, 22, as they still are in Palestine. The reasons for the distinction between clean and unclean animals have been interpreted in various ways. Some believe it is symbolic, meant to teach the avoidance of the evil qualities associated with unclean animals; others think that, to keep the Hebrews from idolatry, they were commanded to kill and eat many animals that were sacred to the Egyptians and taught to despise others that were revered. Others find the reasoning in the unwholesomeness of the flesh of the creatures labeled unclean, considering it a health regulation. However, it’s important to remember that this division existed both before the law of Moses and even before the flood. The foundation of it was clearly sacrificial; as animal food was not permitted to man before the flood, it could not relate to health. Since no other reason for the distinction seems to exist other than sacrifice, it must have been linked to the selection of animals to be offered to God as part of worship and as a means of seeking forgiveness for sins. Some have viewed this distinction of clean and unclean animals as used by Moses in a way of anticipation—an idea that, if not refuted by context, would be quite arbitrary. Not only are the animals Noah was to receive mentioned as clean and unclean, but it’s worth noting that in the command to take them into the ark, a difference is made in the number to be preserved—the clean ones being taken in by sevens, and the unclean by pairs. This indicates that the distinction among animals was established in Noah’s time, thus refuting the assumption of anticipation. Critical attempts to demonstrate that animals were permitted for food before the flood have completely failed.
A second argument is furnished by the prohibition of blood for food, after animals had been granted to man for his sustenance along with the “herb of the field.” This prohibition is repeated by Moses to the Israelites, with this explanation:--“I have given it upon the altar to make an atonement for your souls.” From this it has indeed been argued, that the doctrine of the atoning power of blood was new, and was then, for the first time, announced by Moses, or the same reason for the prohibition would have been given to Noah. To this we may reply, 1. That unless the same be supposed as the ground of the prohibition of blood to Noah, as that given by Moses to the Jews, no reason at all can be conceived for this restraint being put upon the appetite of mankind from Noah to Moses. 2. That it is a mistake to suppose, that the declaration of Moses to the Jews, that God had “given them the blood for an atonement,” is an additional reason for the interdict, not to be found in the original prohibition to Noah. The whole passage in Lev. xvii, is, “And thou shalt say to them, Whatsoever man there be of the house 59of Israel, or of the strangers that sojourn among you, that eateth any manner of blood, I will even set my face against that soul that eateth blood, and I will cut him off from among his people: FOR THE LIFE of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it upon the altar, to make atonement for your souls: for it is the BLOOD (or LIFE) that maketh atonement for the soul.” The great reason, then, of the prohibition of blood is, that it is the LIFE; and what follows respecting atonement is exegetical of this reason; the life is in the blood, and the blood or life is given as an atonement. Now, by turning to the original prohibition in Genesis, we find that precisely the same reason is given: “But the flesh with the blood, which is the life thereof, shall ye not eat.” The reason, then, being the same, the question is, whether the exegesis added by Moses must not necessarily be understood in the general reason given for the restraint to Noah. Blood is prohibited for this cause, that it is the life; and Moses adds, that it is “the blood,” or life, “which makes atonement.” Let any one attempt to discover any cause for the prohibition of blood to Noah, in the mere circumstance that it is “the life,” and he will find it impossible. It is no reason at all, moral or instituted, except that as it was life substituted for life, the life of the animal in sacrifice for the life of man, and that it had a sacred appropriation. The manner, too, in which Moses introduces the subject is indicative that, although he was renewing a prohibition, he was not publishing a “new doctrine;” he does not teach his people that God had then given, or appointed, blood to make atonement; but he prohibits them from eating it, because he had made this appointment, without reference to time, and as a subject with which they were familiar. Because the blood was the life, it was sprinkled upon, and poured out at, the altar: and we have in the sacrifice of the paschal lamb, and the sprinkling of its blood, a sufficient proof, that, before the giving of the law, not only was blood not eaten, but was appropriated to a sacred sacrificial purpose. Nor was this confined to the Jews; it was customary with the Romans and Greeks, who, in like manner, poured out and sprinkled the blood of victims at their altars, a rite derived, probably, from the Egyptians, as they derived it, not from Moses, but from the sons of Noah. The notion, indeed, that the blood of the victims was peculiarly sacred to the gods, is impressed upon all ancient Pagan mythology.
A second argument comes from the rule against consuming blood after animals were given to humans for food, along with the “herb of the field.” Moses repeats this prohibition to the Israelites, explaining: “I have given it on the altar to make an atonement for your souls.” Some argue that the idea of blood having atoning power was new and was announced by Moses for the first time, otherwise the same reasoning would have been given to Noah. To this, we can respond: 1. Unless we assume the same reasoning for the prohibition of blood to Noah as was given by Moses to the Israelites, we can't imagine any reason for this restriction being in place from Noah to Moses. 2. It’s a misunderstanding to think that Moses’ statement to the Israelites—that God had “given them the blood for atonement”—is an additional reason that isn’t found in the original prohibition to Noah. The full passage in Lev. xvii states, “And you shall say to them, Any man from the house 59 of Israel or of the strangers who sojourn among you, who eats any kind of blood, I will set my face against that person who eats blood, and I will cut him off from among his people: FOR THE LIFE OF ME of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it on the altar to make atonement for your souls: for it is the BLOOD (or LIFE) that makes atonement for the soul.” Therefore, the main reason for the prohibition of blood is that it is LIFE; and what comes next about atonement explains this reason: the life is in the blood, and the blood or life is provided for atonement. Now, if we look at the original prohibition in Genesis, we see the same reason given: “But the flesh with the blood, which is the life thereof, shall you not eat.” Since the reason is the same, the question is whether the explanation provided by Moses must also be understood in the general reason given for the restriction to Noah. Blood is prohibited because it is life; and Moses adds that it is “the blood,” or life, “that makes atonement.” If anyone tries to find a reason for the prohibition of blood to Noah solely based on it being “the life,” they will find it impossible. There isn't any moral or institutional reason unless we consider that it was life exchanged for life: the life of the animal in sacrifice for the life of man, which had a sacred purpose. The way Moses introduces the topic shows that, although he was reaffirming a prohibition, he wasn’t establishing a “new doctrine;” he doesn’t tell his people that God had just given or appointed blood to make atonement; instead, he prohibits them from eating it because he had already made this appointment, with no regard to time, and as a topic they were already familiar with. Because blood represents life, it was sprinkled on and poured out at the altar: and we see in the sacrifice of the paschal lamb, and the sprinkling of its blood, sufficient evidence that, before the giving of the law, blood was not only not consumed but also dedicated to a sacred sacrificial purpose. This practice wasn’t limited to the Jews; it was also common among the Romans and Greeks, who, likewise, poured out and sprinkled the blood of their sacrificial animals at their altars, a rite likely derived from the Egyptians, not from Moses, but from the sons of Noah. Indeed, the belief that the blood of sacrifices was particularly sacred to the gods is found throughout ancient pagan mythology.
If, therefore, the distinction of animals into clean and unclean existed before the flood, and was founded upon the practice of animal sacrifice, we have not only a proof of the antiquity of that practice, but that it was of divine institution and appointment, since almighty God gave laws for its right and acceptable performance. Still farther, if animal sacrifice was of divine appointment, it must be concluded to be typical only, and designed to teach the great doctrine of moral atonement, and to direct faith to the only true sacrifice which could take away the sins of men;--“the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world,”--the victim “without spot,” who suffered the just for the unjust, that he might bring us to God. See Sacrifices.
If the division of animals into clean and unclean existed before the flood and was based on the practice of animal sacrifice, it not only proves the ancient origins of that practice but also its divine foundation since God established laws for its proper and acceptable execution. Furthermore, if animal sacrifice was instituted by God, it should be seen as a symbol, meant to convey the important lesson of moral atonement and to focus faith on the only true sacrifice that can remove humanity's sins—the "Lamb slain from the foundation of the world"—the victim "without spot," who suffered for the unjust to bring us to God. See Sacrifices.
ANISE, an annual umbeliferous plant, the seeds of which have an aromatic smell, a pleasant warm taste, and a carminative quality. But by ἄνηθον, Matt. xxiii, 23, the dill is meant. Our translators seem to have been first misled by a resemblance of the sound. No other versions have fallen into the mistake. The Greek of anise is ἄνισον; but of dill, ἄνηθον.
ANISE is a yearly plant from the umbellifer family, known for its aromatic seeds, which have a pleasant warm taste and help with digestion. However, in Matthew 23:23, the term refers to dill. Our translators were likely confused due to the similarity in sound. No other translations have made this error. The Greek word for anise is ἄνισον, while the word for dill is ἄνηθον.
ANNA, the daughter of Phanuel, a prophetess and widow, of the tribe of Asher, Luke ii, 36, 37. She was married early, and had lived only seven years with her husband. Being then disengaged from the ties of marriage, she thought only of pleasing the Lord; and continued without ceasing in the temple, serving God night and day, with fasting and prayer, as the Evangelist expresses it. However, her serving God at the temple night and day, says Dr. Prideaux, is to be understood no otherwise than that she constantly attended the morning and evening sacrifice at the temple; and then with great devotion offered up her prayers to God; the time of morning and evening sacrifice being the most solemn time of prayer among the Jews, and the temple the most solemn place for this devotion. Anna was fourscore years of age when the holy virgin came to present Jesus in the temple; and entering accidentally, while Simeon was pronouncing his thanksgiving, she likewise began to praise God, and to speak of the Messiah to all those who waited for redemption in Jerusalem. We know nothing more either of the life or death of this holy woman.
ANNA, the daughter of Phanuel, a prophetess and widow from the tribe of Asher, Luke ii, 36, 37. She married young and had lived with her husband for only seven years. After being free from marriage, she focused solely on serving the Lord and constantly stayed in the temple, worshiping God day and night with fasting and prayer, as the Evangelist describes. However, Dr. Prideaux notes that her continuous service in the temple day and night should be understood as her attending the morning and evening sacrifices at the temple, where she would devoutly offer her prayers to God. The morning and evening sacrifices were the most solemn times for prayer among the Jews, and the temple was the most important place for such devotion. Anna was eighty years old when the holy virgin came to present Jesus in the temple; and as she entered unexpectedly, while Simeon was giving thanks, she also began to praise God and share the news of the Messiah with everyone who was waiting for redemption in Jerusalem. We don't know anything else about the life or death of this holy woman.
ANNAS, or ANANUS, as Josephus calls him, was the son of Seth, and high priest of the Jews. He succeeded Joazar, the son of Simon, enjoyed the high priesthood eleven years, and was succeeded by Ishmael, the son of Phabi. After he was deposed, he still preserved the title of high priest, and had a great share in the management of public affairs. He is called high priest in conjunction with Caiaphas, when John the Baptist entered upon the exercise of his mission; though Calmet thinks that at that time he did not, strictly speaking, possess or officiate in that character, Luke iii, 2. On the contrary, Macknight and some others are of opinion, that at this time Caiaphas was only the deputy of Annas. He was father-in-law to Caiaphas; and Jesus Christ was carried before him, directly after his seizure in the garden of Olives, John xviii, 13. Josephus remarks, that Annas was considered as one of the happiest men of his nation, for five of his sons were high priests, and he himself possessed that great dignity many years. This was an instance of good fortune which, till that time, had happened to no person.
ANNAS, or ANANUS, as Josephus calls him, was the son of Seth and the high priest of the Jews. He took over from Joazar, the son of Simon, served as high priest for eleven years, and was followed by Ishmael, the son of Phabi. Even after being deposed, he kept the title of high priest and remained influential in public affairs. He is referred to as high priest alongside Caiaphas when John the Baptist began his mission, although Calmet believes that at that time he did not formally hold that position (Luke iii, 2). In contrast, Macknight and others think that at this moment, Caiaphas was merely functioning as Annas's deputy. Annas was Caiaphas's father-in-law, and Jesus Christ was brought before him right after his arrest in the garden of Olives (John xviii, 13). Josephus notes that Annas was regarded as one of the most fortunate men among his people because five of his sons became high priests, and he himself held that esteemed position for many years. This was a stroke of luck that had never happened to anyone before.
ANOINT, to pour oil upon, Gen. xxviii, 18; xxxi, 13. The setting up of a stone and anointing it by Jacob, as here recorded, in grateful memory of his celestial vision, probably became the occasion of idolatry in succeeding ages, and gave rise to the erection of temples 60composed of shapeless masses of unhewn stone, of which so many astonishing remains are scattered up and down the Asiatic and the European world.
ANOINT, to pour oil on, Gen. xxviii, 18; xxxi, 13. The act of setting up a stone and anointing it by Jacob, as mentioned here, in grateful memory of his heavenly vision, likely led to idolatry in later ages and resulted in the construction of temples made of rough, uncut stone, of which many remarkable remnants are found throughout Asia and Europe. 60
Under the law persons and things set apart for sacred purposes were anointed with the holy oil; which appears to have been a typical representation of the communication of the Holy Ghost to Christ and to his church. See Exod. xxviii, xxix. Hence the Holy Spirit is called an unction or anointing, 1 John ii, 20, 27; and our Lord is called the “Messiah,” or “Anointed One,” to denote his being called to the offices of mediator, prophet, priest, and king, to all of which he was consecrated by the anointing of the Holy Ghost, Matt. iii, 16, 17.
Under the law, people and items designated for sacred purposes were anointed with holy oil, which seems to represent the transmission of the Holy Spirit to Christ and His church. See Exod. xxviii, xxix. Therefore, the Holy Spirit is referred to as an unction or anointing, 1 John ii, 20, 27; and our Lord is called the “Messiah” or “Anointed One” to signify His appointment to the roles of mediator, prophet, priest, and king, all of which He was consecrated to by the anointing of the Holy Spirit, Matt. iii, 16, 17.
When we hear of the anointing of the Jewish kings, we are to understand by it the same as their inauguration; inasmuch as anointing was the principal ceremony on such an occasion, 2 Sam. ii, 4; v, 3. As far as we are informed, however, unction, as a sign of investiture with the royal authority, was bestowed only upon Saul and David, and subsequently upon Solomon and Joash, who ascended the throne under such circumstances, that there was danger of their right to the succession being forcibly disputed, 1 Sam. x, 24; 2 Sam. ii, 4; v, 1–3; 1 Chron. xi, 1, 2; 2 Kings xi, 12–20; 2 Chron. xxiii, 1–21. The ceremony of regal anointing needed not to be repeated in every instance of succession to the throne, because the unction which the first one who held the sceptre in any particular line of princes had received was supposed to suffice for the succeeding incumbents in the same descent.
When we talk about the anointing of Jewish kings, we should understand it as their inauguration; since anointing was the main ceremony on such occasions, 2 Sam. ii, 4; v, 3. However, as far as we know, the anointing, as a symbol of receiving royal authority, was only performed on Saul and David, and later on Solomon and Joash, who became kings in situations where their right to the throne might have been forcefully challenged, 1 Sam. x, 24; 2 Sam. ii, 4; v, 1–3; 1 Chron. xi, 1, 2; 2 Kings xi, 12–20; 2 Chron. xxiii, 1–21. The ceremony of anointing a king didn’t need to be repeated every time a new person took the throne because the anointing that the first king from a particular line received was considered sufficient for all his successors in that lineage.
In the kingdom of Israel, those who were inducted into the royal office appear to have been inaugurated with some additional ceremonies, 2 Kings ix, 13. The private anointings which we learn to have been performed by the prophets, 2 Kings ix, 3, comp. 1 Sam. x, 1; xvi, 1–13, were only prophetic symbols or intimations that the persons who were thus anointed should eventually receive the kingdom.
In the kingdom of Israel, those who were brought into royal positions seemed to have been inaugurated with some extra ceremonies, 2 Kings 9:13. The private anointings that we learn were done by the prophets, 2 Kings 9:3, compare with 1 Samuel 10:1; 16:1–13, were merely prophetic symbols or hints that the individuals who were anointed in this way would eventually receive the kingdom.
The holy anointing oil which was made by Moses, Exod. xxx, 22–33, for the maintaining and consecrating of the king, the high priest, and all the sacred vessels made use of in the house of God, was one of those things, as Dr. Prideaux observes, which was wanting in the second temple. The oil made and consecrated for this use was commanded to be kept by the children of Israel, throughout their generations, and therefore it was laid up in the most holy place of the tabernacle and the first temple.
The holy anointing oil that Moses created, as mentioned in Exodus 30:22–33, was used to anoint and dedicate the king, the high priest, and all the sacred items used in God's house. According to Dr. Prideaux, this was one of the things missing from the second temple. The oil was commanded to be preserved by the Israelites for all generations, so it was stored in the most holy place of both the tabernacle and the first temple.
ANOMŒANS, the name by which the pure Arians were called in the fourth century, in contradistinction to the Semi-Arians. The word is formed from the Greek ἀνόμοιος, different. For the pure Arians asserted, that the Son was of a nature different from, and in nothing like, that of the Father; whereas the Semi-Arians acknowledged a likeness of nature in the Son, at the same time that they denied, with the pure Arians, the consubstantiality of the Word. The Semi-Arians condemned the Anomœans in the council of Seleucia; and the Anomœans, in their turn, condemned the Semi-Arians in the councils of Constantinople and Antioch, erasing the word like out of the formula of Rimini and Constantinople.
ANOMŒANS, the term used for the pure Arians in the fourth century, in contrast to the Semi-Arians. The word is derived from the Greek ἀνόμοιος, different. The pure Arians argued that the Son was of a nature distinct from, and in no way similar to, that of the Father; while the Semi-Arians acknowledged a similarity in nature in the Son, but, like the pure Arians, denied the consubstantiality of the Word. The Semi-Arians condemned the Anomœans at the council of Seleucia; and the Anomœans, in turn, condemned the Semi-Arians at the councils of Constantinople and Antioch, removing the word like from the formula of Rimini and Constantinople.
ANSWER. Beside the common usage of this word, in the sense of a reply, it has other significations. Moses, having composed a thanksgiving, after the passage of the Red Sea, Miriam, it is said, answered, “Sing ye to the Lord” &c,--meaning, that Moses, with the men on one side, and Miriam, with the women on the other side, sung the same song, as it were, in two choruses, or divisions; of which one answered the other. Num. xxi, 17, “Then Israel sung this song, Spring up, O well, answer unto it;” that is, sing responsively, one side (or choir) singing first, and then the other. 1 Sam. xxix, 5, “Is not this David of whom they sung one to another in dances, saying, Saul hath slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands?” They sung this song to his honour in distinct choruses.
ANSWER. Besides the usual meaning of this word as a reply, it has other meanings as well. After the Israelites crossed the Red Sea, Moses wrote a thanksgiving song and Miriam is said to have answered, “Sing to the Lord,” which means that Moses and the men sang on one side, while Miriam and the women sang on the other, performing the same song in two parts, each responding to the other. In Numbers 21:17, it says, “Then Israel sang this song, Spring up, O well, answer unto it;” which means to sing back and forth, with one side (or choir) singing first and then the other. In 1 Samuel 29:5, it says, “Is this not David, of whom they sang to each other in dances, saying, Saul has slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands?” They honored him with this song, performed in distinct choruses.
This word is taken likewise for, to accuse or to defend any one, judicially. Gen. xxx, 33, “My righteousness shall answer for me;” it shall be my advocate before thee. Deut. xxxi, 21, “The song which thou shalt compose and teach them shall testify (answer) against them as a witness.” Isaiah says, “The show of their countenance will testify (answer) against them;” their impudence will be like a witness and an accuser. Hosea, v, 5, “The pride of Israel doth testify (answer) to his face.”
This word is also used to mean, to accuse or to defend someone in a legal context. Genesis 30:33, “My righteousness will speak for me;” it will be my advocate before you. Deuteronomy 31:21, “The song you compose and teach them will testify (speak) against them as a witness.” Isaiah says, “The look on their faces will testify (speak) against them;” their arrogance will act like a witness and an accuser. Hosea 5:5, “The pride of Israel testifies (speaks) against him.”
To answer, is likewise taken in a bad sense; as when it is said that a son answers his father insolently, or a servant his master. Rom. ix, 20, “Who art thou that repliest against God?” that is, to contest or debate with him. John xviii, 22, “Answerest thou the high priest so?” St. Paul declares that he “had in himself the answer (or sentence) of death;” 2 Cor. i, 9; like a man who has had notice of condemnation, he had a certain assurance of dying.
Answering is also seen in a negative light; for example, when a son talks back to his father disrespectfully, or a servant does the same to his master. Romans 9:20 says, “Who are you to argue with God?” meaning to oppose or debate with Him. John 18:22 states, “Are you responding to the high priest like that?” St. Paul says he "had within himself the answer (or judgment) of death;" 2 Corinthians 1:9; like a man who has been informed of his condemnation, he felt a certain certainty of dying.
To answer is also used in Scripture for the commencement of a discourse, when no reply to any question or objection is intended. This mode of speaking is often used by the evangelists, “And Jesus answered and said.” It is a Hebrew idiom.
To answer is also used in the Bible to start a discussion, even when there's no response to a question or objection expected. This way of speaking is frequently used by the evangelists, “And Jesus answered and said.” It’s a Hebrew expression.
ANT, נמלה, in the Turkish and Arabic, neml, Prov. vi, 6; xxx, 25. It is a little insect, famous from all antiquity for its social habits, its economy, unwearied industry, and prudent foresight. It has afforded a pattern of commendable frugality to the profuse, and of unceasing diligence to the slothful. Solomon calls the ants “exceeding wise; for though a race not strong, yet they prepare their meat in the summer.” He therefore sends the sluggard to these little creatures, to learn wisdom, foresight, care, and diligence.
ANT, Ant, in Turkish and Arabic, neml, Prov. vi, 6; xxx, 25. It’s a small insect, known since ancient times for its social behavior, resourcefulness, tireless work ethic, and careful planning. It serves as a model of admirable frugality for those who are extravagant, and of constant hard work for the lazy. Solomon refers to ants as “exceedingly wise; for though they are not strong, they prepare their food in the summer.” He encourages the lazy person to observe these tiny creatures, to gain wisdom, foresight, care, and diligence.
That the ant hoarded up grains of corn against winter for its sustenance, was very generally believed by the ancients, though 61modern naturalists seem to question the fact. Thus Horace says,
That the ant stored up grains of corn for the winter to survive was widely accepted by the ancients, although modern naturalists seem to doubt this fact. Thus Horace says,
The learned Bochart, in his Hierozoicon, has displayed his vast reading on this subject, and has cited passages from Pliny, Lucian, Ælian, Zoroaster, Origen, Basil, and Epiphanius, the Jewish rabbins and Arabian naturalists, all concurring in opinion that ants cut off the heads of grain, to prevent their germinating; and it is observable that the Hebrew name of the insect is derived from the verb נמל, which signifies to cut off, and is used for cutting off ears of corn, Job xxiv, 24.
The knowledgeable Bochart, in his Hierozoicon, has showcased his extensive reading on this topic and has quoted passages from Pliny, Lucian, Ælian, Zoroaster, Origen, Basil, and Epiphanius, along with Jewish rabbis and Arab naturalists, all agreeing that ants sever the heads of grain to stop them from sprouting. It's notable that the Hebrew name for the insect comes from the verb Port, meaning to cut off, which is also used for cutting off ears of corn, as seen in Job xxiv, 24.
The following remarks are from “the Introduction to Entomology,” by Kirby and Spence:
The following comments are from “the Introduction to Entomology,” by Kirby and Spence:
“Till the manners of exotic ants are more accurately explored, it would be rash to affirm that no ants have magazines of provisions; for, although, during the cold of our winters in this country, they remain in a state of torpidity, and have no need of food, yet in warmer regions, during the rainy seasons, when they are probably confined to their nests, a store of provisions may be necessary for them. Even in northern climates, against wet seasons, they may provide in this way for their sustenance and that of the young brood, which, as Mr. Smeatham observes, are very voracious, and cannot bear to be long deprived of their food; else why do ants carry worms, living insects, and many other such things, into their nests? Solomon’s lesson to the sluggard has been generally adduced as a strong confirmation of the ancient opinion: it can, however, only relate to the species of a warm climate, the habits of which are probably different from those of a cold one; so that his words, as commonly interpreted, may be perfectly correct and consistent with nature, and yet be not at all applicable to the species that are indigenous to Europe.”
“Until the behaviors of exotic ants are more accurately studied, it would be unwise to claim that no ants store food; because, although they stay inactive and don’t need food during our cold winters, in warmer regions, during the rainy seasons, they might need to stockpile supplies while they're likely stuck in their nests. Even in northern climates, they might gather food to prepare for wet seasons, ensuring they and their young, which, as Mr. Smeatham points out, are very hungry and can’t go without food for long, have enough to eat. Otherwise, why would ants collect worms, live insects, and many other items to bring into their nests? Solomon’s advice to the sluggard has often been cited as strong support for this old belief; however, it likely only applies to species in warmer climates, which probably behave differently than those in colder ones. So, while his words, as usually interpreted, may be completely valid and aligned with nature, they might not be relevant to the species that are native to Europe.”
The ant, according to the royal preacher, is one of those things which are little upon the earth, but exceeding wise. The superior wisdom of the ant has been recognised by many writers. Horace in the passage from which the preceding quotation is taken, praises its sagacity; Virgil celebrates its foresight, in providing for the wants and infirmities of old age, while it is young and vigorous:--
The ant, as the royal preacher says, is one of those small creatures on earth, but incredibly wise. Many writers have acknowledged the ant's exceptional intelligence. Horace, in the passage from which the earlier quote is taken, praises its cleverness; Virgil highlights its foresight in preparing for the needs and challenges of old age while it is still young and strong:--
And we learn from Hesiod, that among the earliest Greeks it was called Idris, that is, wise, because it foresaw the coming storm, and the inauspicious day, and collected her store. Cicero believed that the ant is not only furnished with senses, but also with mind, reason and memory:--In formica non modo sensus sed etiam mens, ratio, memoria. [The ant possesses not only senses, but also mind, reason, memory.] The union of so many noble qualities in so small a corpuscle, is indeed one of the most remarkable phenomena in the works of nature.
And we learn from Hesiod that among the earliest Greeks, it was called Idris, meaning wise, because it could foresee the coming storm and the bad day, and gathered its supplies. Cicero believed that the ant not only has senses but also possesses mind, reason, and memory: --In addition to sensation, the mind, reasoning, and memory are also involved.. [The ant possesses not only senses, but also mind, reason, memory.] The combination of so many excellent qualities in such a tiny creature is truly one of the most remarkable phenomena in nature.
ANTHROPOMORPHITES, a sect of ancient heretics, who were so denominated from two Greek words ἄνθρωπος, man, and μόρφη, shape. They understood every thing spoken in Scripture in a literal sense, and particularly that passage of Genesis in which it is said, “God made man after his own image.” Hence they maintained, that God had a human shape.
ANTHROPOMORPHITES, a group of ancient heretics, got their name from two Greek words ἄνθρωπος, man, and μόρφη, shape. They interpreted everything in Scripture literally, especially the part in Genesis that says, “God made man in his own image.” Because of this, they believed that God had a human form.
ANTHROPOPATHY, a metaphor by which things belonging to creatures and especially to man are ascribed to God. Instances of this abound in the Scriptures, by which they adapt themselves to human modes of speaking, and to the limited capacities of men. These anthropopathies we must however interpret in a manner suitable to the majesty of the divine nature. Thus, when the members of a human body are ascribed to God, we must understand by them those perfections of which such members in us are the instruments. The eye, for instance, represents God’s knowledge and watchful care; the arm, his power and strength; the ears, the regard he pays to prayer and to the cry of oppression and misery, &c. Farther, when human affections are attributed to God, we must so interpret them as to imply no imperfection, such as perturbed feeling in him. When God is said to repent, the antecedent, by a frequent figure of speech, is put for the consequent; and in this case we are to understand an altered mode of proceeding on the part of God, which in man is the effect of repenting.
ANTHROPOPATHY is a metaphor where qualities and feelings of beings, especially humans, are attributed to God. There are many examples of this in the Scriptures, which use human language and concepts to suit our limited understanding. However, we need to interpret these anthropopathies in a way that respects the greatness of God's nature. For instance, when we refer to human body parts in relation to God, we should understand them as representing the qualities that those parts perform in us. The eye signifies God's knowledge and watchful care; the arm symbolizes his power and strength; the ears reflect his attention to prayers and the cries of those suffering, etc. Furthermore, when human emotions are ascribed to God, we must interpret them in a way that implies no flaws, such as disturbed feelings. When it says that God repents, we should understand it as a change in God's approach, which in humans results from the act of repenting.
ANTICHRIST, compounded of ἀντὶ, contra, against, and Χριϛὸς, Christ, in a general sense, denotes an adversary of Christ, or one who denies that the Messiah is come. In this sense, Jews, infidels, &c, may be said to be antichrists. The epithet, in the general sense of it, is also applicable to any power or person acting in direct opposition to Christ or his doctrine. Its particular meaning is to be collected from those passages of Scripture in which it occurs. Accordingly, it may either signify one who assumes the place and office of Christ, or one who maintains a direct enmity and opposition to him. The Fathers all speak of antichrist as a single man; though they also assure us, that he is to have divers precursors, or forerunners. Yet many Protestant writers apply to the Romish church, and the pope who is at the head of it, the several marks and signatures of antichrist enumerated in the Apocalypse, which would imply antichrist to be, not a single person, but a corrupt society, or a long series of persecuting pontiffs, or rather, a certain power and government, that may be held for many generations, by a number of individuals succeeding one another. The antichrist mentioned by the Apostle John, first Epistle ii, 18, and more particularly described in the book 62of Revelation, seems evidently to be the same with the man of sin, &c, characterized by St. Paul in his Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, chap. ii; and the whole description literally applies to the Papal power. A late writer, after collecting the principal prophecies relating to antichrist, infers from them that a power, sometimes represented as the little horn, the man of sin, the antichrist, the beast, the harlot, the star falling from heaven, the false prophet, the dragon, or as the operation of false teachers, was to be expected to arise in the Christian world to persecute and oppress, and delude the disciples of Christ, corrupt the doctrine of the primitive church, enact new laws, and establish its dominion over the minds of mankind. He then proceeds to show, from the application of prophecy to history, and to the remarkable train of events that are now passing in the world, how exactly Popery, Mohammedanism, and Infidelity, correspond with the character given in Scripture of the power of antichrist, which was to prevail a certain time for the especial trial and punishment of the corrupted church of Christ. Upon this system, the different opinions of the Protestants and Papists, concerning the power of antichrist, derived from partial views of the subject, are not wholly incompatible with each other. With respect to the commonly received opinion, that the church of Rome is antichrist, Mede and Newton, Daubuz and Clarke, Lowman and Hurd, Jurieu, Vitringa, and many other members of the Protestant churches who have written upon the subject, concur in maintaining, that the prophecies of Daniel, St. Paul, and St. John, point directly to this church. This was likewise the opinion of the first reformers; and it was the prevalent opinion of Christians, in the earliest ages, that antichrist would appear soon after the fall of the Roman empire. Gregory the Great, in the sixth century, applied the prophecies concerning the beast in the Revelation, the man of sin, and the apostasy from the faith mentioned by St. Paul, to him who should presume to claim the title of universal priest, or universal bishop, in the Christian church; and yet his immediate successor, Boniface III, received from the tyrant Phocas the precise title which Gregory had thus censured. At the synod of Rheims, held in the tenth century, Arnulphus, bishop of Orleans, appealed to the whole council, whether the bishop of Rome was not the antichrist of St. Paul, “sitting in the temple of God,” and perfectly corresponding with the description of him given by St. Paul. In the eleventh century, all the characters of antichrist seemed to be so united in the person of Pope Hildebrand, who took the name of Gregory VII, that Johannes Aventinus, a Romish historian, speaks of it as a subject in which the generality of fair, candid, and ingenuous writers agreed, that at that time began the reign of antichrist. And the Albigenses and Waldenses, who may be called the Protestants of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, expressly asserted in their declarations of faith, that the church of Rome was the whore of Babylon. The Papists imagine they view in the prophetical picture of antichrist, imperial Rome, elated by her victories, exulting in her sensuality and her spoils, polluted by idolatry, persecuting the people of God, and finally falling like the first Babylon; whilst a new and holy city, represented by their own communion, filled with the spotless votaries of the Christian faith, rises out of its ruins, and the victory of the cross is completed over the temples of Paganism. This scheme has had its able advocates, at the head of whom may be placed Bossuet, bishop of Meaux, Grotius, and Hammond. Some writers have maintained, that Caligula was antichrist; and others have asserted the same of Nero. But in order to establish the resemblance, they violate the order of time, disregard the opinions of the primitive Christians, and overlook the appropriate descriptions of the Apostles. After the point had been maturely debated at the council of Gap, held in 1603, a resolution was taken thereupon to insert an article in the confession of faith, whereby the Pope is formally declared to be antichrist. Pope Clement VIII was stung with this decision; and even king Henry IV, of France was not a little mortified, to be thus declared, as he said, an imp of antichrist.
ANTICHRIST, made up of ἀντὶ, against, and Χριϛὸς, Christ, broadly refers to someone opposing Christ or denying that the Messiah has come. In this sense, Jews, non-believers, etc., may be considered antichrists. The term, in its general context, can also apply to any force or person directly opposing Christ or his teachings. Its specific meaning can be derived from the Scripture passages where it appears. Thus, it may signify either someone who takes on the role and authority of Christ or someone who actively opposes him. The Church Fathers spoke of antichrist as a singular figure; however, they also mentioned that he would have various precursors or forerunners. Many Protestant writers attribute the characteristics of antichrist mentioned in the Apocalypse to the Roman Catholic Church and the pope, suggesting that antichrist represents not just an individual but a corrupt institution or a series of persecuting leaders—a certain power and government that could last for many generations through various individuals. The antichrist referred to by the Apostle John in the first Epistle, chapter ii, verse 18, and more specifically described in the book of Revelation, seems to correspond directly with the man of sin described by St. Paul in his second Epistle to the Thessalonians, chapter ii; and the entire description fits the papal authority. A recent writer, after compiling the key prophecies regarding antichrist, concludes that a power, often depicted as the little horn, the man of sin, the antichrist, the beast, the harlot, the star falling from heaven, the false prophet, the dragon, or the actions of false teachers, was expected to emerge in the Christian world to persecute, oppress, and mislead Christ's followers, corrupt the teachings of the early church, create new laws, and establish control over people's minds. He further illustrates how the application of prophecy to historical events and the notable developments occurring today show that Papacy, Islam, and Infidelity align closely with the character defined in Scripture for the power of antichrist, which was meant to prevail for a specific time as a trial and punishment for the fallen church of Christ. Based on this framework, the differing views of Protestants and Catholics regarding the power of antichrist, stemming from selective interpretations of the topic, are not entirely incompatible. Regarding the widely accepted belief that the Roman Catholic Church is antichrist, scholars like Mede, Newton, Daubuz, Clarke, Lowman, Hurd, Jurieu, Vitringa, and many other Protestant writers agree that the prophecies of Daniel, St. Paul, and St. John point straight to this church. This was also the perspective of the early reformers, and it was a common belief among Christians in the earliest centuries that antichrist would appear soon after the fall of the Roman Empire. Gregory the Great, in the sixth century, applied the prophecies concerning the beast from Revelation, the man of sin, and the apostasy from faith noted by St. Paul to anyone who would dare to claim the title of universal priest or bishop within the Christian church; yet his immediate successor, Boniface III, received exactly the title that Gregory had criticized. During the synod of Rheims in the tenth century, Arnulphus, bishop of Orleans, asked the entire council whether the bishop of Rome was not the antichrist of St. Paul, “sitting in the temple of God,” aligning perfectly with St. Paul's description. In the eleventh century, all the traits of antichrist seemed to converge in Pope Hildebrand, who took the name Gregory VII, leading Johannes Aventinus, a Roman historian, to state that the reign of antichrist began at that time. The Albigenses and Waldenses, considered the Protestants of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, clearly stated in their declarations of faith that the Roman Catholic Church was the whore of Babylon. The Catholics believe they see in the prophetic depiction of antichrist the imperial Rome, proud of its victories, indulging in its excesses and spoils, tainted by idolatry, persecuting God's people, and ultimately falling like the first Babylon; while a new, holy city—represented by their own communion, filled with pure followers of the Christian faith—rises from its ashes, completing the victory of the cross over pagan temples. This viewpoint has had strong proponents, including Bossuet, bishop of Meaux, Grotius, and Hammond. Some writers have insisted that Caligula was antichrist; others have said the same about Nero. However, to create this similarity, they distort the timeline, ignore the views of early Christians, and overlook the precise descriptions provided by the Apostles. After a thorough discussion at the council of Gap in 1603, it was decided to include an article in the confession of faith stating that the Pope is formally declared to be antichrist. Pope Clement VIII was deeply troubled by this decision; even King Henry IV of France felt humiliated to be labeled, as he put it, an offspring of antichrist.
In the book of Daniel it is foretold, that this power should exercise dominion until a time and times, and the dividing of time, Dan. vii, 25. This expression is generally admitted to denote 1260 years. The Papal power was completely established in the year 755, when it obtained the exarchate of Ravenna. Some, however, date the rise of antichrist in the year of Christ 606; and Mede places it in 456. If the rise of antichrist be not reckoned till he was possessed of secular authority, his fall will happen when this power shall be taken away. If his rise began, according to Mede in 456, he must have fallen in 1716; if in 606, it must be in 1866; if in 755, in 2015. If, however, we use prophetical years, consisting of three hundred and sixty days, and date the rise of antichrist in the year 755, his fall will happen in the year of Christ 2000. Every thing however in the state of the world betokens a speedy overthrow of the Papal and Mohammedan powers, both of which have indeed been already greatly weakened.
In the book of Daniel, it predicts that this power will have control for a time, times, and a half a time, Dan. vii, 25. This phrase is generally understood to mean 1260 years. The Papal power became fully established in 755 when it gained the exarchate of Ravenna. However, some people believe the rise of the antichrist began in 606; Mede places it in 456. If we don’t count the rise of the antichrist until he had secular authority, his downfall will occur when that power is taken away. If his rise began, according to Mede, in 456, then his fall would come in 1716; if in 606, then it would be in 1866; if in 755, it would be in 2015. However, if we consider prophetic years, consisting of 360 days, and date the rise of the antichrist to 755, his fall would happen in the year 2000. Everything going on in the world suggests an imminent collapse of both the Papal and Mohammedan powers, which have already been significantly weakened.
ANTI-LIBANUS. The Greeks give this name to that chain of mountains east of Libanus, which, properly speaking, forms, together with Libanus, but one ridge of mountains, extending from north to south, and afterward from south to north, in the shape almost of a horse shoe, for the space of about fourscore leagues. The western part of these mountains was called Libanus; the eastern was called Antilibanus; the former reached along the Mediterranean, from Sidon, almost to Arada, or Symira. The Hebrew text never mentions Antilibanus; but uses the general name Libanus: and the coins struck at Laodicea and Hierapolis, have the inscription, “cities of Libanus,” though they belong rather to Antilibanus. The Septuagint, on the contrary, puts Antilibanus often instead of Libanus. The valley which 63separates Libanus from Antilibanus is very fruitful: it was formerly, on the side of Syria, inclosed with a wall, whereof there are now no traces. Strabo says, that the name of Cœlo-Syria, or “the hollow Syria,” belongs principally to the valley between Libanus and Antilibanus.
ANTI-LIBANUS. The Greeks refer to this mountain range east of Libanus, which essentially forms one continuous ridge of mountains along with Libanus, stretching from north to south and then south to north, in a shape similar to a horseshoe, over a distance of about eighty leagues. The western section of these mountains was called Libanus; the eastern section was known as Antilibanus; the former ran alongside the Mediterranean, from Sidon almost to Arada, or Symira. The Hebrew text never mentions Antilibanus and instead uses the broader term Libanus. The coins minted in Laodicea and Hierapolis bear the inscription “cities of Libanus,” even though they are more closely associated with Antilibanus. In contrast, the Septuagint often uses Antilibanus in place of Libanus. The valley that separates Libanus from Antilibanus is very fertile: it used to be enclosed by a wall on the Syrian side, but no traces of that remain today. Strabo notes that the name Cœlo-Syria, or “the hollow Syria,” mainly refers to the valley between Libanus and Antilibanus.
ANTINOMIANS are those who maintain that the law is of no use or obligation under the Gospel dispensation, or who hold doctrines that clearly supersede the necessity of good works and a virtuous life. The Antinomians took their origin from John Agricola, about the year 1538, who taught that the law was in no wise necessary under the Gospel; that good works do not promote our salvation, nor ill ones hinder it; that repentance is not to be preached from the decalogue, but only from the Gospel. This sect sprung up in England during the protectorate of Oliver Cromwell; and extended their system of libertinism much farther than Agricola, the disciple of Luther. Some of their teachers expressly maintained, that as the elect cannot fall from grace nor forfeit the divine favour, the wicked actions they commit are not really sinful, nor are to be considered as instances of their violation of the divine law; and that consequently they have no occasion either to confess their sins, or to break them off by repentance. According to them, it is one of the essential and distinctive characters of the elect, that they cannot do any thing which is displeasing to God. Luther, Rutherford, Schlusselburgh, Sedgwick, Gataker, Witsius, Bull, Williams, &c, have written refutations; Crisp, Richardson, Saltmarsh, &c, defences, of the Antinomians; Wigandus, a comparison between ancient and modern Antinomians.
ANTINOMIANS are those who believe that the law has no relevance or requirement under the Gospel framework, or who advocate beliefs that clearly render the necessity of good works and a virtuous life unnecessary. The Antinomians originated with John Agricola around 1538, who taught that the law is not needed under the Gospel; that good works don’t contribute to our salvation, nor do bad ones detract from it; that repentance should be preached from the Gospel instead of the Ten Commandments. This sect emerged in England during Oliver Cromwell's rule and expanded their libertine beliefs much further than Agricola, a disciple of Luther. Some of their teachers explicitly claimed that since the elect cannot fall from grace or lose divine favor, the sinful actions they commit are not truly sinful or violations of divine law; therefore, they have no need to confess their sins or repent. According to them, one of the essential and distinctive traits of the elect is that they cannot do anything that displeases God. Luther, Rutherford, Schlusselburgh, Sedgwick, Gataker, Witsius, Bull, Williams, etc., have written rebuttals; Crisp, Richardson, Saltmarsh, etc., have defended the Antinomians; and Wigandus has drawn comparisons between ancient and modern Antinomians.
The doctrine of Agricola was in itself obscure, and is thought to have been represented worse than it really was by Luther, who wrote against him with acrimony, and first styled him and his followers Antinomians. Agricola, in defending himself, complained that opinions were imputed to him which he did not hold. The writings of Dr. Crisp in the seventeenth century are considered as highly favourable to Antinomianism, though he acknowledges that, “in respect of the rules of righteousness, or the matter of obedience, we are under the law still, or else,” as he adds, “we are lawless, to live every man as seems good in his own eyes, which no true Christian dares so much as think of.” The following sentiments, however, among others, are taught in his sermons: “The law is cruel and tyrannical, requiring what is naturally impossible.” “The sins of the elect were so imputed to Christ, as that though he did not commit them, yet they became actually his transgressions, and ceased to be theirs.” “The feelings of conscience, which tell them that sin is theirs, arise from a want of knowing the truth.” “It is but the voice of a lying spirit in the hearts of believers, that saith they have yet sin wasting their consciences, and lying as a burden too heavy for them to bear.” “Christ’s righteousness is so imputed to the elect, that they, ceasing to be sinners, are as righteous as he was, and all that he was.” “An elect person is not in a condemned state while an unbeliever; and should he happen to die before God call him to believe, he would not be lost.” “Repentance and confession of sin are not necessary to forgiveness. A believer may certainly conclude before confession, yea, as soon as he hath committed sin, the interest he hath in Christ, and the love of Christ embracing him.” These dangerous sentiments, and others of a similar bearing, have been fully answered by many writers; but by none more ably than by the Rev. John Fletcher, in his “Checks to Antinomianism.”
The teachings of Agricola were somewhat unclear and are thought to have been misrepresented by Luther, who criticized him harshly and first labeled him and his followers as Antinomians. Agricola, in his defense, argued that he was being attributed beliefs he did not actually hold. The writings of Dr. Crisp from the seventeenth century are regarded as very supportive of Antinomianism, even though he admits that, “in terms of the rules of righteousness, or the matter of obedience, we are still under the law, or else,” as he adds, “we would be lawless, living however each person sees fit, which no true Christian would dare to even think.” However, his sermons teach the following ideas, among others: “The law is harsh and oppressive, demanding what is naturally impossible.” “The sins of the elect were so laid upon Christ that even though he did not commit them, they became his transgressions and were no longer theirs.” “The feelings of conscience that accuse them of sin stem from a lack of understanding the truth.” “It’s just the voice of a deceptive spirit in the hearts of believers that claims they still have sin troubling their consciences, feeling like a burden too heavy to carry.” “Christ’s righteousness is so credited to the elect that they, no longer being sinners, are as righteous as he was, and as everything he was.” “An elect person is not in a state of condemnation while being an unbeliever; and if they were to die before God calls them to believe, they would not be lost.” “Repentance and confession of sin are not needed for forgiveness. A believer can be sure of their standing in Christ before confessing, indeed, as soon as they have sinned, knowing the love of Christ is embracing them.” These troubling ideas, along with others of a similar nature, have been thoroughly addressed by many authors, but none more effectively than Rev. John Fletcher in his “Checks to Antinomianism.”
ANTIOCH, a city of Upper Syria, on the river Orontes, about twenty miles from the place where it discharges itself into the Mediterranean. It was built by Seleucus Nicanor, about three hundred years before Christ; and became the seat of empire of the Syrian kings of the Macedonian race, and afterward of the Roman governors of the eastern provinces; being very centrally and commodiously situated midway between Constantinople and Alexandria, about seven hundred miles from each, in 37° 17´ north latitude, and 36° 45´ east longitude. No city perhaps, Jerusalem excepted, has experienced more frequent revolutions, or suffered more numerous and dire calamities, than Antioch; as, besides the common plagues of eastern cities, pestilence, famine, fire, and sword, it has several times been entirely overthrown by earthquakes.
ANTIOCH, a city in Upper Syria, is located on the Orontes River, about twenty miles from where it flows into the Mediterranean Sea. It was founded by Seleucus Nicanor around three hundred years before Christ and became the center of power for the Syrian kings of Macedonian descent, and later for the Roman governors of the eastern provinces. Its location is very strategic, sitting midway between Constantinople and Alexandria, roughly seven hundred miles from each, at 37° 17' north latitude and 36° 45' east longitude. No city, perhaps except for Jerusalem, has gone through more upheaval or suffered more significant disasters than Antioch; in addition to the common troubles faced by eastern cities—such as plague, famine, fire, and warfare—it has been completely devastated several times by earthquakes.
In 362, the emperor Julian spent some months at Antioch; which were chiefly occupied in his favourite object of reviving the mythology of Paganism. The grove at Daphne, planted by Seleucus, which, with its temple and oracle, presented, during the reigns of the Macedonian kings of Syria, the most splendid and fashionable place of resort for Pagan worship in the east, had sunk into neglect since the establishment of Christianity. The altar of the god was deserted, the oracle was silenced, and the sacred grove itself defiled by the interment of Christians. Julian undertook to restore the ancient honours and usages of the place; but it was first necessary to take away the pollution occasioned by the dead bodies of the Christians, which were disinterred and removed! Among these was that of Babylas, a bishop of Antioch, who died in prison in the persecution of Decius, and after resting near a century in his grave within the walls of Antioch, had been removed by order of Gallus into the midst of the grove of Daphne, where a church was built over him; the remains of the Christian saint effectually supplanting the former divinity of the place, whose temple and statue, however, though neglected, remained uninjured. The Christians of Antioch, undaunted by the conspiracy against their religion, or the presence of the emperor himself, conveyed the relics of their former bishop in triumph back to their ancient repository within the city. The immense multitude who joined in the procession, chanted forth their execrations against idols and idolaters; and on the same night the image and the temple of the Heathen god were consumed by the flames. A dreadful vengeance might be expected to have followed these scenes; but the real or affected 64clemency of Julian contented itself with shutting up the cathedral, and confiscating its wealth. Many Christians, indeed, suffered from the zeal of the Pagans; but, as it would appear, without the sanction of the emperor.
In 362, Emperor Julian spent several months in Antioch, mainly focusing on his favorite goal of reviving Pagan mythology. The grove at Daphne, planted by Seleucus, which, along with its temple and oracle, had been the most prominent and fashionable place for Pagan worship in the east during the reigns of the Macedonian kings of Syria, had fallen into neglect since Christianity was established. The altar dedicated to the god was abandoned, the oracle was silenced, and the sacred grove itself had been desecrated by the burial of Christians. Julian aimed to restore the ancient honors and traditions of the site; however, it was first necessary to remove the pollution caused by the Christian graves, which were exhumed and taken away! Among these was the body of Babylas, a bishop of Antioch who died in prison during Decius's persecution. After resting for nearly a century in his grave within the city walls of Antioch, he had been moved by order of Gallus to the grove of Daphne, where a church was built over him; the remains of the Christian saint effectively replaced the former deity of the location, although the temple and statue of the god, while neglected, remained unharmed. The Christians of Antioch, undeterred by the conspiracy against their faith or the presence of the emperor himself, triumphantly transported the relics of their former bishop back to their original resting place within the city. The huge crowd that joined the procession chanted their curses against idols and idolaters; and that same night, the image and temple of the Pagan god were engulfed in flames. One might expect terrible retribution to follow these events; however, Julian's actual or pretended clemency resulted in merely closing the cathedral and seizing its wealth. Many Christians did suffer due to the fervor of the Pagans, but it seems this was without the emperor's approval.
In 1268, Antioch was taken by Bibars, or Bondocdar, sultan of Egypt. The slaughter of seventeen thousand, and the captivity of one hundred thousand of its inhabitants, mark the final siege and fall of Antioch; which, while they close the long catalogue of its public woes, attest its extent and population. From this time it remained in a ruinous and nearly deserted condition, till, with the rest of Syria, it passed into the hands of the Ottoman Turks, with whose empire it has ever since been incorporated.
In 1268, Antioch was captured by Bibars, or Bondocdar, the sultan of Egypt. The massacre of seventeen thousand people and the capture of one hundred thousand inhabitants marked the final siege and fall of Antioch, which, while ending its long history of suffering, also highlighted its size and population. After this, the city remained in a state of ruin and was almost deserted until, along with the rest of Syria, it came under the control of the Ottoman Turks, with whom it has been part of the empire ever since.
To distinguish it from other cities of the same name, the capital of Syria was called Antiochia apud Daphnem, or Antioch near Daphne, a village in the neighbourhood, where was a temple dedicated to the goddess of that name; though, in truth, the chief deity of the place was Apollo, under the fable of his amorous pursuit of the nymph Daphne; and the worship was worthy of its object. The temple stood in the midst of a grove of laurels and cypresses, where every thing was assembled which could minister to the senses; and in whose recesses the juvenile devotee wanted not the countenance of a libertine god to abandon himself to voluptuousness. Even those of riper years and graver morals could not with safety breathe the atmosphere of a place where pleasure, assuming the character of religion, roused the dormant passions, and subdued the firmness of virtuous resolution. Such being the source, the stream could scarcely be expected to be more pure; in fact, the citizens of Antioch were distinguished only for their luxury in life and licentiousness in manners. This was an unpromising soil for Christianity to take root in. But here, nevertheless, it was planted at an early period, and flourished vigorously. It should be observed, that the inhabitants of Antioch were partly Syrians, and partly Greeks; chiefly, perhaps, the latter, who were invited to the new city by Seleucus. To these Greeks, in particular, certain Cypriot and Cyrenian converts, who had fled from the persecution which followed the death of Stephen, addressed themselves; “and a great number believed, and turned unto the Lord.” When the heads of the church at Jerusalem were informed of this success, they sent Barnabas to Antioch, who encouraged the new disciples, and added many to their number; and finding how great were both the field and the harvest, went to Tarsus to solicit the assistance of Paul. Both this Apostle and Barnabas then taught conjointly at Antioch; and great numbers were, by their labours during a whole year, added to the rising church, Acts xi, 19–26; xv, 22–35. Here they were also joined by Peter, who was reproved by Paul for his dissimulation, and his concession to the Jews respecting the observance of the law, Gal. ii, 11–14.
To differentiate it from other cities with the same name, the capital of Syria was called Antioch near Daphne, or Antioch near Daphne, a nearby village that had a temple dedicated to the goddess of that name; however, the main deity of the place was actually Apollo, based on the myth of his romantic pursuit of the nymph Daphne. The worship here was fitting for its subject. The temple was located in a grove of laurels and cypress trees, filled with everything that could please the senses; and in its secluded areas, young worshippers didn’t lack the influence of a seductive god to indulge in pleasure. Even those older and more serious couldn’t safely breathe the atmosphere of a place where pleasure, disguised as religion, awakened hidden desires and weakened the resolve for virtue. Given this environment, the moral standard could hardly be high; indeed, the people of Antioch were known only for their luxurious lifestyles and immoral behaviors. This was not a promising ground for Christianity to thrive. Yet here, it was established early on and flourished robustly. It’s worth noting that the inhabitants of Antioch were partly Syrians and partly Greeks, mostly the latter, who were invited to the new city by Seleucus. To these Greeks, especially, certain converts from Cyprus and Cyrene, who had fled from the persecution following Stephen's death, reached out; “and a great number believed and turned to the Lord.” When the church leaders in Jerusalem learned about this success, they sent Barnabas to Antioch, who encouraged the new followers and increased their numbers; realizing the vast potential for growth, he traveled to Tarsus to seek Paul’s help. Both Paul and Barnabas then taught together in Antioch, and many were added to the growing church through their efforts over the course of a year, Acts xi, 19–26; xv, 22–35. They were also joined by Peter, who was later confronted by Paul for his hypocrisy and his agreement with the Jews regarding the law, Gal. ii, 11–14.
Antioch was the birthplace of St. Luke and Theophilus, and the see of the martyr Ignatius. In this city the followers of Christ had first the name of Christians given them. We have the testimony of Chrysostom, both of the vast increase of this illustrious church in the fourth century, and of the spirit of charity which continued to actuate it. It consisted at this time of not less than a hundred thousand persons, three thousand of whom were supported out of the public donations. It is painful to trace the progress of declension in such a church as this. But the period now referred to, namely, the age of Chrysostom, toward the close of the fourth century, may be considered as the brightest of its history subsequent to the Apostolic age, and that from which the church at Antioch may date its fall. It continued, indeed, outwardly prosperous; but superstition, secular ambition, the pride of life; pomp and formality in the service of God, in place of humility and sincere devotion; the growth of faction, and the decay of charity; showed that real religion was fast disappearing, and that the foundations were laid of that great apostasy which, in two centuries from this time, overspread the whole Christian world, led to the entire extinction of the church in the east, and still holds dominion over the fairest portions of the west.
Antioch was the birthplace of St. Luke and Theophilus, and the place where the martyr Ignatius served. It was here that the followers of Christ were first called Christians. Chrysostom testified to the immense growth of this remarkable church in the fourth century and the spirit of charity that characterized it. At that time, it included no less than a hundred thousand people, three thousand of whom were supported by public donations. It’s painful to see the decline in such a church as this. However, the period referred to—Chrysostom’s era, towards the end of the fourth century—can be seen as the brightest chapter in its history after the Apostolic age, and it’s from this time that Antioch can trace its decline. Although it remained outwardly prosperous, superstition, worldly ambition, pride, showiness, and formality in worship replaced humility and genuine devotion. The rise of factions and the decline of charity indicated that true religion was quickly fading away, laying the groundwork for a significant apostasy that, within two centuries, would spread across the entire Christian world, leading to the complete disappearance of the church in the east and still dominating the most beautiful parts of the west.
Antioch, under its modern name of Antakia, is now but little known to the western nations. It occupies, or rather did till lately occupy, a remote corner of the ancient enclosure of its walls. Its splendid buildings were reduced to hovels; and its population of half a million, to ten thousand wretched beings, living in the usual debasement and insecurity of Turkish subjects. Such was nearly its condition when visited by Pocock about the year 1738, and again by Kinneir in 1813. But its ancient subterranean enemy, which, since its destruction in 587, never long together withheld its assaults, has again triumphed over it: the earthquake of the 13th of August, 1822, laid it once more in ruins; and every thing relating to Antioch is past.
Antioch, now called Antakia, is not very well known to western countries. It used to occupy, or rather until recently occupied, a remote area within its ancient walls. Its impressive buildings have turned into shacks, and its population has shrunk from half a million to ten thousand miserable people, living in the usual degradation and insecurity of Turkish citizens. This was almost its state when Pocock visited in around 1738, and again when Kinneir came in 1813. But its ancient underground foe, which has attacked since its destruction in 587, has triumphed once more: the earthquake on August 13, 1822, reduced it to ruins again; and everything related to Antioch is now gone.
ANTIOCH, of Pisidia. Beside the Syrian capital, there was another Antioch visited by St. Paul when in Asia, and called, for the sake of distinction, Antiochia ad Pisidiam, as belonging to that province, of which it was the capital. Here Paul and Barnabas preached; but the Jews, jealous, as usual, of the reception of the Gospel by the Gentiles, raised a sedition against them, and obliged them to leave the city, Acts xiii, 14, to the end. There were several other cities of the same name, sixteen in number, in Syria and Asia Minor, built by the Seleucidæ, the successors of Alexander in these countries; but the above two are the only ones which it is necessary to describe as occurring in Scripture.
ANTIOCH, of Pisidia. Besides the Syrian capital, there was another Antioch that St. Paul visited while he was in Asia, and to distinguish it, it was referred to as Antioch of Pisidia, since it was the capital of that province. Here, Paul and Barnabas preached; however, the Jews, as usual, jealous of the acceptance of the Gospel by the Gentiles, stirred up trouble against them and forced them to leave the city, Acts xiii, 14, to the end. There were several other cities with the same name, sixteen in total, in Syria and Asia Minor, built by the Seleucids, who were Alexander's successors in these regions; but the two mentioned above are the only ones that need to be described as appearing in Scripture.
ANTIOCHUS. There were many kings of this name in Syria, much celebrated in the Greek, Roman, and Jewish histories, after the time of Seleucus Nicanor, the father of Antiochus Soter, and reckoned the first king of Syria, after Alexander the Great.
ANTIOCHUS. There were many kings with this name in Syria, well-known in Greek, Roman, and Jewish histories, following Seleucus Nicanor, the father of Antiochus Soter, who is considered the first king of Syria after Alexander the Great.
1. Antiochus Soter was the son of Seleucus Nicanor, and obtained the surname of Soter, or Saviour, from having hindered the invasion 65of Asia by the Gauls. Some think that it was on the following occasion: The Galatians having marched to attack the Jews in Babylon, whose army consisted only of eight thousand men, reinforced with four thousand Macedonians, the Jews defended themselves with so much bravery, that they killed one hundred and twenty thousand men, 2 Mac. viii, 20. It was perhaps, too, on this occasion, that Antiochus Soter made the Jews of Asia free of the cities belonging to the Gentiles, and permitted them to live according to their own laws.
1. Antiochus the Savior was the son of Seleucus Nicanor and earned the title Soter, or Savior, for stopping the Gauls from invading Asia. Some believe this happened when the Galatians marched to attack the Jews in Babylon, who had an army of only eight thousand men, supported by four thousand Macedonians. The Jews fought so bravely that they killed one hundred and twenty thousand men, 2 Mac. viii, 20. It was likely around this time that Antiochus Soter granted the Jews in Asia freedom from Gentile cities and allowed them to follow their own laws.
2. Antiochus Theos, or, the God, was the son and successor of Antiochus Soter. He married Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt. Laodice, his first wife, seeing herself despised, poisoned Antiochus, Berenice, and their son, who was intended to succeed in the kingdom. After this, Laodice procured Seleucus Callinicus, her son by Antiochus, to be acknowledged king of Syria. These events were foretold by Daniel: “And in the end of years,” the king of Egypt, or of the south, and the king of Syria, or of the north, “shall join themselves together; for the king’s daughter of the south shall come to the king of the north to make an agreement: but she shall not retain the power of the arm; neither shall he stand, nor his arm: but she shall be given up, and they that brought her, and he that begat her, and he that strengthened her in these times,” Dan. xi, 6.
2. Antiochus II, or The God, was the son and successor of Antiochus Soter. He married Berenice, the daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt. Laodice, his first wife, feeling neglected, poisoned Antiochus, Berenice, and their son, who was meant to inherit the kingdom. After this, Laodice arranged for Seleucus Callinicus, her son with Antiochus, to be recognized as king of Syria. These events were predicted by Daniel: “And in the end of years,” the king of Egypt, or the south, and the king of Syria, or the north, “shall join themselves together; for the king’s daughter of the south shall come to the king of the north to make an agreement: but she shall not retain the power of the arm; neither shall he stand, nor his arm: but she shall be given up, and they that brought her, and he that begat her, and he that strengthened her in these times,” Dan. xi, 6.
3. Antiochus the Great was the son of Seleucus Callinicus, and brother to Seleucus Ceraunus, whom he succeeded in the year of the world 3781, and before Jesus Christ 223. He made war against Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt, but was defeated near Raphia, 3 Mac. i. Thirteen years after, Ptolemy Philopator being dead, Antiochus resolved to become master of Egypt. He immediately seized Cœlo-Syria, Phenicia, and Judea; but Scopas, general of the Egyptian army, entered Judea while Antiochus was occupied by the war against Attalus, and retook those places. However, he soon lost them again to Antiochus. On this occasion happened what Josephus relates of this prince’s journey to Jerusalem. After a victory which he had obtained over Scopas, near the springs of Jordan, he became master of the strong places in Cœlo-Syria and Samaria; and the Jews submitted freely to him, received him into their city and furnished his army plentifully with provisions. In reward for their affection, Antiochus granted them, according to Josephus, twenty thousand pieces of silver, to purchase beasts for sacrifice, one thousand four hundred and sixty measures of meal, and three hundred and seventy-five measures of salt to be offered with the sacrifices, and timber to rebuild the porches of the Lord’s house. He exempted the senators, scribes, and singing men of the temple, from the capitation tax; and he permitted the Jews to live according to their own laws in every part of his dominions. He also remitted the third part of their tribute, to indemnify them for their losses in the war; he forbade the Heathens to enter the temple without being purified, and to bring into the city the flesh of mules, asses, and horses to sell, under a severe penalty.
3. Antiochus III was the son of Seleucus Callinicus and the brother of Seleucus Ceraunus, whom he succeeded in the year 3781 of the world, which is 223 before Jesus Christ. He went to war against Ptolemy Philopator, the king of Egypt, but was defeated near Raphia, as noted in 3 Mac. i. Thirteen years later, after Ptolemy Philopator's death, Antiochus decided to take control of Egypt. He quickly seized Cœlo-Syria, Phoenicia, and Judea; however, Scopas, the general of the Egyptian army, entered Judea while Antiochus was engaged in a war against Attalus and recaptured those areas. Nevertheless, he soon lost them again to Antiochus. At this time, Josephus recounts a story about Antiochus's journey to Jerusalem. After achieving victory over Scopas near the springs of Jordan, he took control of the strongholds in Cœlo-Syria and Samaria; the Jews welcomed him, opened their city to him, and supplied his army with plenty of food. In gratitude for their support, Antiochus granted them, according to Josephus, twenty thousand pieces of silver to buy animals for sacrifice, one thousand four hundred sixty measures of grain, three hundred seventy-five measures of salt to accompany the sacrifices, and timber to rebuild the porches of the Lord’s house. He exempted the senators, scribes, and temple singers from the head tax and allowed the Jews to follow their own laws throughout his territories. He also reduced their taxes by a third to compensate for their losses during the war, forbade non-Jews from entering the temple without purification, and prohibited bringing the flesh of mules, donkeys, and horses into the city for sale, enforcing strict penalties for violations.
In the year of the world 3815, Antiochus was overcome by the Romans, and obliged to cede all his possessions beyond Mount Taurus, to give twenty hostages, among whom was his own son Antiochus, afterward surnamed Epiphanes, and to pay a tribute of twelve thousand Euboic talents, each fourteen Roman pounds in weight. To defray these charges, he resolved to seize the treasures of the temple of Belus, at Elymais; but the people of that country, informed of his design, surprised and destroyed him, with all his army, in the year of the world 3817, and before Jesus Christ 187. He left two sons, Seleucus Philopator, and Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded him.
In the year 3815, Antiochus was defeated by the Romans and was forced to give up all his territories beyond Mount Taurus, provide twenty hostages, including his own son Antiochus, who later became known as Epiphanes, and pay a tribute of twelve thousand Euboic talents, each weighing fourteen Roman pounds. To cover these expenses, he planned to take the treasures from the temple of Belus in Elymais; however, the locals caught wind of his plan and ambushed and destroyed him along with his entire army in the year 3817, which was 187 years before Christ. He left behind two sons, Seleucus Philopator and Antiochus Epiphanes, who took over after him.
4. Antiochus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus the Great, having continued a hostage at Rome fourteen years, his brother Seleucus resolved to procure his return to Syria, and sent his own son Demetrius to Rome in the place of Antiochus. Whilst Antiochus was on his journey to Syria, Seleucus died, in the year of the world 3829. When, therefore, Antiochus landed, the people received him as some propitious deity come to assume the government, and to oppose the enterprises of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, who threatened to invade Syria. For this reason Antiochus obtained the surname of Epiphanes, the illustrious, or of one appearing like a god.
4. Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus the Great, had been held as a hostage in Rome for fourteen years. His brother Seleucus decided to bring him back to Syria and sent his own son Demetrius to Rome in Antiochus's place. While Antiochus was on his way to Syria, Seleucus died in the year 3829. When Antiochus arrived, the people welcomed him like a favorable deity come to take control and defend against the plans of Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, who was threatening to invade Syria. Because of this, Antiochus was given the title Epiphanes, meaning the illustrious or one who appears like a god.
Antiochus quickly turned his attention to the possession of Egypt, which was then enjoyed by Ptolemy Philometor, his nephew, son to his sister Cleopatra, whom Antiochus the Great had married to Ptolemy Epiphanes, king of Egypt. He sent Apollonius, one of his officers, into Egypt, apparently to honour Ptolemy’s coronation, but in reality to obtain intelligence whether the great men of the kingdom were inclined to place the government of Egypt in his hands during the minority of the king his nephew, 2 Mac. iv, 21, &c. Apollonius, however, found them not disposed to favour his master; and this obliged Antiochus to make war against Philometor. He came to Jerusalem in 3831, and was received there by Jason, to whom he had sold the high priesthood. He designed to attack Egypt, but returned without effecting any thing. The ambition of those Jews who sought the high priesthood, and bought it of Antiochus, was the beginning of those calamities which overwhelmed their nation under this prince. Jason procured himself to be constituted in this dignity in the stead of Onias III; but Menelaus offering a greater price, Jason was deprived, and Menelaus appointed in his place. These usurpers of the high priesthood, to gratify the Syrians, assumed the manners of the Greeks, their games and exercises, and neglected the worship of the Lord, and the temple service.
Antiochus quickly shifted his focus to seizing Egypt, which was then ruled by his nephew, Ptolemy Philometor, the son of his sister Cleopatra, who had been married to Ptolemy Epiphanes, the king of Egypt. He sent Apollonius, one of his officers, to Egypt under the pretense of honoring Ptolemy’s coronation, but in reality to gather information on whether the influential figures in the kingdom were considering handing over control of Egypt to him during his nephew's minority, 2 Mac. iv, 21, &c. However, Apollonius found that they were not inclined to support his master, which forced Antiochus to go to war against Philometor. He arrived in Jerusalem in 3831 and was welcomed by Jason, who had purchased the high priesthood from him. Antiochus intended to invade Egypt but left without accomplishing anything. The ambition of certain Jews who sought the high priesthood and bought it from Antiochus marked the beginning of the suffering that would later engulf their nation under this king. Jason secured this position instead of Onias III, but Menelaus offered a higher bid, leading to Jason's removal and Menelaus's appointment in his place. These high priesthood usurpers, eager to please the Syrians, adopted Greek customs, games, and practices, and neglected the worship of the Lord and the temple services.
War broke out between Antiochus Epiphanes and Ptolemy Philometor. Antiochus entered Egypt in the year of the world 3833, and reduced almost the whole of it to his obedience, 2 Mac. v, 3–5. The next year he returned; and whilst he was engaged in the siege of 66Alexandria, a false report was spread of his death. The inhabitants of Jerusalem testifying their joy at this news, Antiochus, when returning from Egypt, entered this city by force, treated the Jews as rebels, and commanded his troops to slay all they met. Eighty thousand were killed, made captives, or sold on this occasion. Antiochus, conducted by the corrupt high priest Menelaus, entered into the holy of holies, whence he took and carried off the most precious vessels of that holy place, to the value of one thousand eight hundred talents. In the year 3835, Antiochus made a third expedition against Egypt, which he entirely subdued. The year following, he sent Apollonius into Judea, with an army of twenty-two thousand men, and commanded him to kill all the Jews who were of full age, and to sell the women and young men, 2 Mac. v, 24, 25. These orders were too punctually executed. It was on this occasion that Judas Maccabæus retired into the wilderness with his father and his brethren, 2 Mac. v, 29. These misfortunes were only preludes of what they were to suffer; for Antiochus, apprehending that the Jews would never be constant in their obedience to him, unless he obliged them to change their religion, and to embrace that of the Greeks, issued an edict, enjoining them to conform to the laws of other nations, and forbidding their usual sacrifices in the temple, their festivals, and their Sabbath. The statue of Jupiter Olympus was placed upon the altar of the temple, and thus the abomination of desolation was seen in the temple of God. Many corrupt Jews complied with these orders; but others resisted them. Mattathias and his sons retired to the mountains. Old Eleazar, and the seven brethren, suffered death with great courage at Antioch, 2 Mac. vii. Mattathias being dead, Judas Maccabæus headed those Jews who continued faithful, and opposed with success the generals whom king Antiochus sent into Judea. The king, informed of the valour and resistance of Judas, sent new forces; and, finding his treasures exhausted, he resolved to go into Persia to levy tributes, and to collect large sums which he had agreed to pay to the Romans, 1 Mac. iii, 5–31; 2 Mac. ix, 1, &c; 1 Mac. vi, 1, &c. Knowing that very great riches were lodged in the temple of Elymaïs, he determined to carry it off; but the inhabitants of the country made so vigorous a resistance, that he was forced to retreat toward Babylonia. When he was come to Ecbatana, he was informed of the defeat of Nicanor and Timotheus, and that Judas Maccabæus had retaken the temple of Jerusalem, and restored the worship of the Lord, and the usual sacrifices. On receiving this intelligence, the king was transported with indignation; and, threatening to make Jerusalem a grave for the Jews, commanded the driver of his chariot to urge the horses forward, and to hasten his journey. However, divine vengeance soon overtook him: he fell from his chariot, and bruised all his limbs. He was also tormented with such pains in his bowels, as allowed him no rest; and his disease was aggravated by grief and vexation. In this condition he wrote to the Jews very humbly, promised them many things, and engaged even to turn Jew, if God would restore him to health. He earnestly recommended to them his son Antiochus, who was to succeed him, and entreated them to favour the young prince, and to continue faithful to him. He died, overwhelmed with pain and grief, in the mountains of Paratacene, in the little town of Tabes, in the year of the world 3840, and before Jesus Christ 164.
War broke out between Antiochus Epiphanes and Ptolemy Philometor. Antiochus invaded Egypt in the year 3833 and nearly conquered the entire region. The following year, he returned; while he was besieging Alexandria, a false rumor spread about his death. The people of Jerusalem celebrated this news, and when Antiochus returned from Egypt, he stormed the city, treated the Jews as rebels, and ordered his troops to kill everyone they encountered. Eighty thousand were killed, captured, or sold during this event. Guided by the corrupt high priest Menelaus, Antiochus entered the holy of holies and took the most valuable items from there, worth one thousand eight hundred talents. In 3835, Antiochus launched a third campaign against Egypt, which he completely conquered. The next year, he sent Apollonius to Judea with an army of twenty-two thousand men, commanding him to kill all adult Jews and sell the women and young men. These orders were carried out meticulously. It was during this time that Judas Maccabæus withdrew to the wilderness with his father and brothers. These disasters were just a preview of what was to come; since Antiochus believed that the Jews would never remain obedient unless forced to convert to Greek religion, he issued an edict requiring them to follow the laws of other nations and forbidding their regular sacrifices, festivals, and Sabbath observances. A statue of Jupiter Olympus was placed on the altar of the temple, marking the abomination of desolation in God's temple. Many corrupt Jews complied, but some resisted. Mattathias and his sons retreated to the mountains. Old Eleazar and seven brothers bravely faced execution in Antioch. After Mattathias passed away, Judas Maccabæus led those Jews who remained faithful and successfully opposed Antiochus's generals sent to Judea. Hearing of Judas's bravery, the king dispatched more troops; realizing his funds were depleted, he planned to go to Persia to collect taxes and gather the substantial sums he owed to the Romans. Knowing that a great deal of wealth was stored in the temple of Elymaïs, he intended to seize it, but the locals mounted such fierce resistance that he had to retreat to Babylonia. Upon reaching Ecbatana, he learned of the defeats of Nicanor and Timotheus, and that Judas Maccabæus had recaptured the Jerusalem temple and restored worship and sacrifices. Furious upon receiving this news, the king threatened to make Jerusalem a graveyard for the Jews, urged his chariot driver to speed up, and rushed his journey. However, divine retribution soon struck him: he fell from his chariot and injured all his limbs. He also suffered severe abdominal pain that kept him restless, and his suffering worsened from grief and despair. In this state, he wrote a humble letter to the Jews, promised them many things, and even vowed to convert to Judaism if God restored his health. He earnestly urged them to support his son Antiochus, his successor, and to remain loyal to the young prince. He died, consumed by pain and sorrow, in the mountains of Paratacene, in the small town of Tabes, in the year 3840, and before Christ in 164 BC.
5. Antiochus Eupator, son of Antiochus Epiphanes, was only nine years old when his father died and left him the kingdom of Syria. Lysias, who governed the kingdom in the name of the young prince, led against Judea an army of one hundred thousand foot, twenty thousand horse, and thirty elephants, 1 Mac. vi; 2 Mac. xiii. He besieged and took the fortress of Bethsura, and thence marched against Jerusalem. The city was ready to fall into his hands when Lysias received the news that Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had entrusted with the regency of the kingdom, had come to Antioch to take the government, according to the disposition of the late king. He therefore proposed an accommodation with the Jews, that he might return speedily to Antioch and oppose Philip. After concluding a peace, he immediately returned into Syria, with the young king and his army.
5. Antiochus Eupator, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, was just nine years old when his father died and left him the kingdom of Syria. Lysias, who governed on behalf of the young prince, marched against Judea with an army of a hundred thousand infantry, twenty thousand cavalry, and thirty elephants, 1 Mac. vi; 2 Mac. xiii. He besieged and captured the fortress of Bethsura, and then headed towards Jerusalem. The city was on the brink of falling into his hands when Lysias received word that Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had appointed to oversee the kingdom, had arrived in Antioch to take control, as directed by the late king. He then proposed a peace settlement with the Jews so that he could quickly return to Antioch and confront Philip. After making peace, he promptly returned to Syria, bringing the young king and his army with him.
In the meantime, Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus Philopator, and nephew to Antiochus Epiphanes, to whom by right the kingdom belonged, having escaped from Rome, came into Syria. Finding the people disposed for revolt, Demetrius headed an army, and marched directly to Antioch, against Antiochus and Lysias. However, the inhabitants did not wait till he besieged the city; but opened the gates, and delivered to him Lysias and the young king Antiochus Eupator, whom Demetrius caused to be put to death, without suffering them to appear in his presence. Antiochus Eupator reigned only two years, and died in the year of the world 3842, and before Jesus Christ 162.
In the meantime, Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus Philopator and nephew of Antiochus Epiphanes, to whom the kingdom rightly belonged, escaped from Rome and made his way to Syria. Seeing that the people were ready to revolt, Demetrius gathered an army and marched straight to Antioch to confront Antiochus and Lysias. However, the residents didn't wait for him to besiege the city; they opened the gates and handed over Lysias and the young king Antiochus Eupator, whom Demetrius ordered to be executed without allowing them to see him. Antiochus Eupator ruled for only two years, dying in the year 3842 of the world and 162 BC.
6. Antiochus Theos, or the Divine, the son of Alexander Balas, king of Syria, was brought up by the Arabian prince Elmachuel, or, as he is called in the Greek, Simalcue, 1 Mac. xi, 39, 40, &c. Demetrius Nicanor, king of Syria, having rendered himself odious to his troops, one Diodotus, otherwise called Tryphon, came to Zabdiel, a king in Arabia, and desired him to entrust him with young Antiochus, whom he promised to place on the throne of Syria, which was then possessed by Demetrius Nicanor. After some hesitation, Zabdiel complied with the request; and Tryphon carried Antiochus into Syria, and put the crown on his head. The troops dismissed by Demetrius, came and joined Tryphon, who, having formed a powerful army, defeated Demetrius, and forced him to retreat to Seleucia. Tryphon seized his elephants, and rendered himself master of Antioch, in the year of the world 3859, and before Jesus Christ 145. Antiochus Theos, to strengthen himself in his new acquisition, sent letters to Jonathan Maccabæus, 67high priest and prince of the Jews, confirming him in the high priesthood, and granting him four toparchies, or four considerable places, in Judea. He also received Jonathan into the number of his friends, sent him vessels of gold, permitted him to use a gold cup, to wear purple, and a golden buckle; and he gave his brother, Simon Maccabæus, the command of all his troops on the coast of the Mediterranean, from Tyre to Egypt. Jonathan, engaged by so many favours, declared resolutely for Antiochus, or rather for Tryphon, who reigned under the name of this young prince; and on several occasions, he attacked the generals of Demetrius, who still possessed many places beyond Jordan and in Galilee, 1 Macc. xi, 63, &c; xii, 24, 34. Tryphon, seeing young Antiochus in peaceable possession of the kingdom of Syria, resolved to usurp his crown. He thought it necessary, in the first place, to secure Jonathan Maccabæus who was one of the most powerful supporters of Antiochus’s throne. He came, therefore, with troops into Judea, invited Jonathan to Ptolemais, and there, on frivolous pretences, made him prisoner. However, Simon, Jonathan’s brother, headed the troops of Judea, and opposed Tryphon, who intended to take Jerusalem. Tryphon, being disappointed, put Jonathan to death at Bassa or Bascama, and returned into Syria, where, without delay, he executed his design of killing Antiochus. He corrupted the royal physicians, who, having published that Antiochus was tormented with the stone, murdered him, by cutting him without any necessity. Thus Tryphon was left master of Syria, in the year of the world 3861, and before Jesus Christ 143.
6. Antiochus the God, or the Divine, the son of Alexander Balas, king of Syria, was raised by the Arabian prince Elmachuel, or Simalcue in Greek, 1 Mac. xi, 39, 40, &c. Demetrius Nicanor, king of Syria, had made himself despised by his troops, and then a man named Diodotus, also known as Tryphon, approached Zabdiel, an Arabian king, and asked him to hand over young Antiochus, promising to put him on the throne of Syria, which Demetrius Nicanor was occupying. After some hesitation, Zabdiel agreed to the request; Tryphon took Antiochus to Syria and placed the crown on his head. The soldiers who had been dismissed by Demetrius rallied around Tryphon, who built a strong army, defeated Demetrius, and forced him to retreat to Seleucia. Tryphon seized his elephants and took control of Antioch in the year 3859 of the world, which corresponds to 145 BC. To solidify his power in his new territory, Antiochus Theos sent letters to Jonathan Maccabæus, 67 high priest and leader of the Jews, confirming him in the high priesthood and granting him four toparchies, or significant areas, in Judea. He also welcomed Jonathan as a friend, sent him gold vessels, allowed him to use a gold cup, wear purple, and have a gold buckle; and he appointed his brother, Simon Maccabæus, to lead all his troops along the Mediterranean coast from Tyre to Egypt. Jonathan, grateful for these many favors, firmly supported Antiochus, or actually Tryphon, who reigned under the name of this young prince; and on various occasions, he attacked Demetrius's generals, who still held many places beyond the Jordan and in Galilee, 1 Macc. xi, 63, &c; xii, 24, 34. As Tryphon saw young Antiochus peacefully ruling the kingdom of Syria, he planned to take his crown. He realized he needed to neutralize Jonathan Maccabæus, one of Antiochus's strongest backers. So he came with troops into Judea, invited Jonathan to Ptolemais, and there, under false pretenses, captured him. Nonetheless, Simon, Jonathan’s brother, led the Judean troops to oppose Tryphon, who aimed to capture Jerusalem. Disappointed, Tryphon executed Jonathan at Bassa or Bascama and returned to Syria, where he quickly followed through on his plan to kill Antiochus. He bribed the royal doctors, who claimed that Antiochus was suffering from kidney stones, and murdered him without reason. Thus, Tryphon took control of Syria in the year 3861 of the world, which corresponds to 143 BC.
7. Antiochus Sidetes, or Soter the Saviour, or Eusebes the pious, was the son of Demetrius Soter, and brother to Demetrius Nicanor. Tryphon, the usurper of the kingdom of Syria, having rendered himself odious to his troops, they deserted him, and offered their services to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius Nicanor. She lived in the city of Seleucia, shut up with her children, while her husband Demetrius was a prisoner in Persia, where he had married Rodeguna, the daughter of Arsaces king of Persia. Cleopatra, therefore sent to Antiochus Sidetes, her brother-in-law, and offered him the crown of Syria, if he would marry her; to which Antiochus consented. This prince was then at Cnidus, where his father, Demetrius Soter had placed him with one of his friends. He came into Syria, and wrote to Simon Maccabæus, to engage him against Tryphon, 1 Macc. xv, 1, 2, 3, &c. He confirmed the privileges which the kings of Syria had granted to Simon, permitted him to coin money with his own stamp, declared Jerusalem and the temple exempt from royal jurisdiction, and promised other favours as soon as he should obtain peaceable possession of the kingdom which had belonged to his ancestors. Antiochus Sidetes having married his sister-in-law, Cleopatra, in the year of the world 3865, the troops of Tryphon resorted to him in crowds. Tryphon, thus abandoned, retired to Dora, in Phœnicia, whither Antiochus pursued him with an army of 120,000 foot, 800 horse, and a powerful fleet. Simon Maccabæus sent Antiochus two thousand chosen men, but the latter refused them and revoked all his promises. He also sent Athenobius to Jerusalem to oblige Simon to restore to him Gazara and Joppa, with the citadel of Jerusalem; and to demand of him five hundred talents more, as reparation for injuries the king had suffered, and as tribute for his own cities. At the same time he threatened to make war upon him, if he did not comply. Simon showed Athenobius all the lustre of his wealth and power, told him he had in his possession no place which belonged to Antiochus, and said that the cities of Gazara and Joppa had greatly injured his people, and he would give the king for the property of them one hundred talents. Athenobius returned with great indignation to Antiochus, who was extremely offended at Simon’s answer. In the meantime, Tryphon having escaped privately from Dora, embarked in a vessel and fled. Antiochus pursued him, and sent Cendebeus with troops into the maritime parts of Palestine, and commanded him to rebuild Cedron, and fight the Jews. John Hircanus, son of Simon Maccabæus, was then at Gaza, and gave notice to his father of the coming of Cendebeus. Simon furnished his sons, John Hircanus and Judas with troops, and sent them against Cendebeus, whom they routed in the plain and pursued to Azotus.
7. Antiochus Sidetes, also known as Soter the Savior or Eusebes the pious, was the son of Demetrius Soter and the brother of Demetrius Nicanor. Tryphon, who had seized the kingdom of Syria, became unpopular with his troops, causing them to abandon him and offer their support to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius Nicanor. She was living in Seleucia, confined with her children while her husband Demetrius was a prisoner in Persia, where he had married Rodeguna, the daughter of Arsaces, the king of Persia. Cleopatra then reached out to her brother-in-law Antiochus Sidetes and offered him the crown of Syria in exchange for marrying her, which Antiochus agreed to. At the time, he was in Cnidus, where his father Demetrius Soter had placed him with a friend. He traveled to Syria and wrote to Simon Maccabeus to enlist his help against Tryphon, 1 Macc. xv, 1, 2, 3, &c. He confirmed the privileges that the kings of Syria had granted to Simon, allowed him to mint money with his own stamp, declared Jerusalem and the temple exempt from royal jurisdiction, and promised additional favors once he peacefully took possession of the kingdom that belonged to his ancestors. After marrying his sister-in-law Cleopatra in the year 3865 of the world, the troops loyal to Tryphon flocked to him. Left with no support, Tryphon withdrew to Dora in Phoenicia, where Antiochus pursued him with an army of 120,000 infantry, 800 cavalry, and a strong fleet. Simon Maccabeus sent Antiochus 2,000 of his best men, but Antiochus turned them down and canceled all his promises. He also sent Athenobius to Jerusalem to insist that Simon return Gazara and Joppa, along with the citadel of Jerusalem, and to demand an additional 500 talents as compensation for the injuries the king had suffered and as tribute for his cities. At the same time, he threatened to declare war if Simon didn't comply. Simon showed Athenobius the full extent of his wealth and power, informed him that he had no properties belonging to Antiochus, and stated that the cities of Gazara and Joppa had harmed his people, offering the king 100 talents for their property. Athenobius returned to Antiochus in a rage, who was extremely upset by Simon’s response. Meanwhile, Tryphon managed to escape from Dora secretly, boarded a ship, and fled. Antiochus pursued him, sending Cendebeus with troops to the coastal areas of Palestine, instructing him to rebuild Cedron and attack the Jews. John Hircanus, the son of Simon Maccabeus, was in Gaza at the time and notified his father of Cendebeus' approach. Simon equipped his sons, John Hircanus and Judas, with troops and sent them to confront Cendebeus, whom they defeated in the plain and chased to Azotus.
Antiochus followed Tryphon, till he forced him to kill himself in the year of the world 3869. After this, Antiochus thought only of reducing to his obedience those cities which, in the beginning of his father’s reign, had shaken off their subjection. Simon Maccabæus, prince and high priest of the Jews, being treacherously murdered by Ptolemy, his son-in-law, in the castle of Docus, near Jericho, the murderer immediately sent to Antiochus Sidetes to demand troops, that he might recover for him the country and cities of the Jews. Antiochus came in person with an army, and besieged Jerusalem, which was bravely defended by John Hircanus. The siege was long protracted; and the king divided his army into seven parts, and guarded all the avenues of the city. It being the time for celebrating the feast of tabernacles, the Jews desired of Antiochus a truce for seven days. The king not only granted this request, but sent them bulls with gilded horns, and vessels of gold and silver filled with incense, to be offered in the temple. He also ordered such provisions as they wanted, to be given to the Jewish soldiers. This courtesy of the king so won the hearts of the Jews, that they sent ambassadors to treat of peace, and to desire that they might live according to their own laws. Antiochus required that they should surrender their arms, demolish the city walls, pay tribute for Joppa and the other cities they possessed out of Judea, and receive a garrison into Jerusalem. To these conditions, except the last, the Jews consented; for they could not be induced to see an army of strangers in their capital, and chose rather to give hostages and five hundred talents of silver. The king 68entered the city, beat down the breast work above the walls, and returned to Syria, in the year of the world 3870, and before Jesus Christ 134. Three years after, Antiochus marched against the Persians, or Parthians, and demanded the liberty of his brother Demetrius Nicanor, who had been made prisoner long before by Arsaces, and was detained for the purpose of being employed in exciting a war against Antiochus. This war, therefore, Antiochus thought proper to prevent. With an army of eighty thousand, or, as Orosius says, of one hundred thousand men, he marched toward Persia, and no sooner appeared on the frontiers of that country, than several eastern princes, detesting the pride and avarice of the Persians, came and surrendered. Antiochus defeated his enemies in three engagements, and took Babylon. He was accompanied in these expeditions by John Hircanus, high priest of the Jews, who, it is supposed, obtained the surname of Hircanus from some gallant action which he performed.
Antiochus chased after Tryphon until he forced him to take his own life in the year 3869 of the world. After that, Antiochus focused solely on bringing back under his control the cities that had rebelled in the early years of his father's reign. Simon Maccabeus, the leader and high priest of the Jews, was treacherously killed by Ptolemy, his son-in-law, in the castle of Docus near Jericho. The murderer immediately contacted Antiochus Sidetes to request troops so he could reclaim the land and cities of the Jews. Antiochus personally brought an army and laid siege to Jerusalem, which was valiantly defended by John Hircanus. The siege dragged on for a long time; the king divided his army into seven parts and secured all the entrances to the city. Since it was time for the feast of tabernacles, the Jews asked Antiochus for a seven-day truce. The king not only agreed but also sent them bulls with gilded horns and gold and silver vessels filled with incense to be offered in the temple. He also ordered supplies for the Jewish soldiers. This gesture from the king won the hearts of the Jews, prompting them to send ambassadors to negotiate peace and request to live according to their own laws. Antiochus demanded that they surrender their weapons, tear down the city walls, pay tribute for Joppa and the other cities they held outside Judea, and accept a garrison in Jerusalem. The Jews agreed to all these terms except the last; they could not accept having a foreign army in their capital and chose instead to provide hostages and pay five hundred talents of silver. The king entered the city, destroyed the fortifications above the walls, and returned to Syria in the year 3870 of the world, and before Jesus Christ, 134. Three years later, Antiochus marched against the Persians, or Parthians, and demanded the release of his brother Demetrius Nicanor, who had been captured by Arsaces long previously and was being held to incite war against Antiochus. Concerned about this impending conflict, Antiochus decided to act first. With an army of eighty thousand, or as Orosius states, one hundred thousand men, he advanced toward Persia, and as soon as he arrived at the borders of the country, several eastern princes, discontent with the pride and greed of the Persians, came and surrendered. Antiochus defeated his enemies in three battles and captured Babylon. He was joined in these campaigns by John Hircanus, the high priest of the Jews, who is believed to have earned the title Hircanus from a heroic deed he performed.
As the army of Antiochus was too numerous to continue assembled in any one place, he was obliged to divide it, to put it into winter quarters. These troops behaved with so much insolence, that they alienated the minds of all men. The cities in which they were, privately surrendered to the Persians; and all resolved to attack, in one day, the garrisons they contained, that the troops being separated might not assist each other. Antiochus at Babylon obtained intelligence of this design, and, with the few soldiers about him, endeavoured to succour his people. He was attacked in the way by Phraates, king of Persia, whom he fought with great bravery; but being at length deserted by his own forces, according to the generality of historians, he was overpowered and killed by the Persians or Parthians. Appian, however, says that he killed himself, and Ælian, that he threw himself headlong from a precipice. This event took place in the year of the world 3874, and before Jesus Christ 130. After the death of Sidetes, Demetrius Nicanor, or Nicetor, reascended the throne of Syria.
As Antiochus' army was too large to stay in one place, he had to split it up for the winter. The troops were so arrogant that they turned everyone against them. The cities they occupied secretly surrendered to the Persians, and all agreed to attack the garrisons at the same time, knowing that the separated troops couldn’t help one another. Antiochus learned of this plan in Babylon and, with the few soldiers he had, tried to support his allies. He was ambushed by Phraates, the king of Persia, and fought bravely; however, according to most historians, he was ultimately abandoned by his own forces and was overpowered and killed by the Persians or Parthians. Appian claims he committed suicide, while Ælian says he threw himself off a cliff. This happened in the year 3874 from creation and 130 before Christ. After Sidetes' death, Demetrius Nicanor, or Nicetor, took back the throne of Syria.
ANTIPÆDOBAPTISTS, a denomination given to those who object to the baptism of infants. The word is derived from ἀντὶ, against, ϖᾶις, ϖαιδὸς, a child, βαπτίζω, I baptize. See Baptism.
ANTIPÆDOBAPTISTS, a group who oppose the baptism of infants. The term comes from ἀντὶ, against, ϖᾶις, ϖαιδὸς, a child, and βαπτίζω, I baptize. See Baptism.
ANTIPAS, Antipas-Herod, or Herod-Antipas, was the son of Herod the Great, and Cleopatra of Jerusalem. Herod the Great, in his first will, declared him his successor in the kingdom; but he afterward named his son Archelaus king of Judea, and gave to Antipas only the title of tetrarch of Galilee and Peræa. Archelaus going to Rome, to persuade the emperor to confirm his father’s will, Antipas also went thither. The emperor bestowed on Archelaus one moity of what had been assigned him by Herod, with the quality of ethnarch, and promised to grant him the title of king when he had shown himself deserving of it by his virtues. To Antipas, Augustus gave Galilee and Peræa; and to Philip, Herod’s other son, the Batanæa, Trachonitis, and Auranitis, with some other places.
ANTIPAS, Antipas-Herod, or Herod-Antipas, was the son of Herod the Great and Cleopatra of Jerusalem. In his first will, Herod the Great named him as his successor for the kingdom, but later designated his son Archelaus as king of Judea, giving Antipas only the title of tetrarch of Galilee and Peræa. When Archelaus went to Rome to convince the emperor to confirm his father's will, Antipas accompanied him. The emperor granted Archelaus half of what Herod had assigned him, with the title of ethnarch, and promised to make him king once he proved himself worthy through his virtues. Augustus gave Galilee and Peræa to Antipas, while Philip, Herod’s other son, received Batanæa, Trachonitis, and Auranitis, along with some other territories.
Antipas, returning to Judea, took great pains in adorning and fortifying the principal places of his dominions. He married the daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia, whom he divorced about A. D. 33, that he might marry his sister-in-law, Herodias, the wife of his brother Philip, who was still living. John the Baptist, exclaiming against this incest, was seized by order of Antipas, and imprisoned in the castle of Machærus. Josephus says, that Antipas caused John to be taken, because he drew too great a concourse after him; and Antipas was afraid he should use his influence over the people to induce them to revolt. But Josephus has reported the pretence for the true cause. The evangelists, who were better informed than Josephus, as being eye witnesses of what passed, and particularly acquainted with John and his disciples, assure us, that the true reason of imprisoning John was the aversion of Herod and Herodias against him, on account of his liberty in censuring their scandalous marriage, Matt. xiv, 3, 4; Mark vi, 14, 17, 18; Luke iii, 19, 20. When the king was celebrating his birth day, with the principal persons of his court, the daughter of Herodias danced before them, and pleased him so well that he swore to give her whatever she should ask. She consulted her mother, who advised her to ask the head of John the Baptist. Returning, therefore, to the hall, she addressed herself to the king, and said, “Give me here John Baptist’s head in a charger.” The king was afflicted at this request; but in consideration of his oath, and of the persons at table with him, he sent one of his guards, who beheaded John in prison. The head was brought in, and given to the young woman, who delivered it to her mother, Matt. xiv, 5, 6, &c. Aretas, king of Arabia, to revenge the affront which Herod had offered to his daughter, declared war against him, and vanquished him in a very obstinate contest. Josephus tells us, that the Jews attributed the defeat of Herod to the death of John the Baptist. In the year of the Christian æra 39, Herodias being jealous of the prosperity of her brother Agrippa, who from a private person had become king of Judea, persuaded her husband, Herod-Antipas, to visit Rome, and desire the same dignity of the emperor Caius. She resolved to accompany him; and hoped that her presents and appearance would contribute to procure the emperor’s favour. However, Agrippa obtaining intelligence of this design, wrote to the emperor and accused Antipas. The messenger of Agrippa arrived at Baiæ, where the emperor was, at the very time when Herod received his first audience. Caius, on the delivery of Agrippa’s letters, read them with great earnestness. In these letters, Agrippa accused Antipas of having been a party in Sejanus’s conspiracy against Tiberius, and said that he still carried on a correspondence with Artabanus, king of Partha, against the Romans. As a proof of this, he affirmed that Antipas had in his arsenals arms for seventy thousand men. Caius being angry, demanded hastily of Antipas, if it were true that he had such a quantity of arms? The king not daring to deny it, was instantly banished to Lyons in 69Gaul. The emperor offered to forgive Herodias, in consideration of her brother Agrippa; but she chose rather to follow her husband, and to share his fortune in banishment. This is that Antipas, who, being at Jerusalem at the time of our Saviour’s passion, ridiculed Jesus whom Pilate had sent to him, dressed him in worn-out royalty, and sent him back to Pilate as a mock king, whose ambition gave him no umbrage, Luke xxiii, 7, 11. The year of the death of Antipas is unknown; but it is certain that he, as well as Herodias, died in exile. Josephus says, that he died in Spain, whither Caius, on his coming into Gaul the first year of his banishment, might order him to be sent.
Antipas, returning to Judea, put a lot of effort into decorating and strengthening the main areas of his rule. He married Aretas' daughter, the king of Arabia, but divorced her around A.D. 33 to marry his sister-in-law, Herodias, who was still the wife of his brother Philip. John the Baptist condemned this incest, and Antipas ordered his arrest, locking him up in the castle of Machærus. Josephus claims Antipas had John taken because he was gathering too many followers, and Antipas feared he might incite a rebellion. However, Josephus mentioned the reason as a pretext for the real motive. The evangelists, who were more accurately informed as eyewitnesses, especially being familiar with John and his followers, tell us that the actual reason for John's imprisonment was Herod and Herodias's hatred of him for criticizing their scandalous marriage, Matt. xiv, 3, 4; Mark vi, 14, 17, 18; Luke iii, 19, 20. When the king celebrated his birthday with the key people at his court, Herodias's daughter danced for them and pleased him so much that he promised to give her anything she wanted. She consulted her mother, who told her to ask for the head of John the Baptist. So she returned to the hall and said to the king, “Give me John the Baptist’s head on a platter.” The king was distressed by this request, but because of his oath and the guests at the table, he sent one of his guards to behead John in prison. The head was brought in and given to the young woman, who gave it to her mother, Matt. xiv, 5, 6, etc. Aretas, king of Arabia, seeking revenge for the insult to his daughter, declared war on Antipas and defeated him in a fierce battle. Josephus reports that the Jews linked Herod’s defeat to the death of John the Baptist. In A.D. 39, Herodias, feeling envious of her brother Agrippa, who had risen from private citizen to king of Judea, convinced her husband Antipas to visit Rome and ask the emperor Caius for the same title. She planned to accompany him, believing that her gifts and presence would help win the emperor’s favor. However, Agrippa learned of this plan and wrote to the emperor, accusing Antipas. Agrippa’s messenger arrived at Baiæ, where Caius was, just as Herod was getting his first audience. Caius read Agrippa’s letters very intently. In those letters, Agrippa accused Antipas of involvement in Sejanus’s conspiracy against Tiberius and claimed he was still in touch with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, against the Romans. As proof, he stated that Antipas had weapons stockpiled for seventy thousand men. Enraged, Caius quickly asked Antipas if it was true that he had such a large arsenal. The king, not daring to deny it, was immediately exiled to Lyons in Gaul. The emperor offered to forgive Herodias for Agrippa’s sake, but she chose to follow her husband into exile. This is the same Antipas who, while in Jerusalem during our Savior’s passion, mocked Jesus, whom Pilate had sent to him, dressed him in tattered royal clothes, and sent him back to Pilate as a joking king, which didn’t bother him at all, Luke xxiii, 7, 11. The year of Antipas's death is unknown, but it's certain that he, along with Herodias, died in exile. Josephus states that he died in Spain, where Caius might have ordered him to be sent when he arrived in Gaul during the first year of his banishment.
2. Antipas, the faithful martyr or witness mentioned in the book of Revelation, ii, 13. He is said to have been one of our Saviour’s first disciples, and to have suffered martyrdom at Pergamus, of which he was bishop. His Acts relate that he was burnt in a brazen bull. Though ancient ecclesiastical history furnishes no account of this Antipas, yet it is certain that, according to all the rules of language, what is said concerning him by St. John must be understood literally, and not mystically, as some interpreters have done.
2. Antipas, the loyal martyr or witness mentioned in the book of Revelation, chapter 2, verse 13. He is believed to have been one of Jesus’ first disciples and to have been martyred in Pergamus, where he served as bishop. His Acts state that he was burned inside a bronze bull. While ancient church history doesn't provide any details about this Antipas, it’s clear that, based on the rules of language, what St. John says about him must be taken literally rather than symbolically, as some interpreters have suggested.
ANTIPATRIS, Acts xxiii, 31, a town in Palestine, anciently called Caphar-Saba, according to Josephus; but named Antipatris by Herod the Great, in honour of his father Antipater. It was situated in a pleasant valley, near the mountains, in the way from Jerusalem to Cæsarea. Josephus places it at about the distance of seventeen miles from Joppa. To this place St. Paul was brought in his way to the governor of Judea at Cæsarea, Acts xxiii, 31.
ANTIPATRIS, Acts xxiii, 31, a town in Palestine, formerly known as Caphar-Saba, according to Josephus; but renamed Antipatris by Herod the Great in honor of his father Antipater. It was located in a nice valley, close to the mountains, along the route from Jerusalem to Caesarea. Josephus notes that it's about seventeen miles from Joppa. St. Paul was brought to this place on his way to the governor of Judea at Caesarea, Acts xxiii, 31.
ANTITYPE, that which answers to a type or figure. A type is a model, mould, or pattern; that which is formed according to it is an antitype. See Type.
ANTITYPE, that which corresponds to a type or figure. A type is a model, mold, or pattern; that which is formed according to it is an antitype. See Type.
ANTONIA, one of the towers of Jerusalem, called by Herod after M. Antony. The Romans generally kept a garrison in this tower; and from thence it was that the tribune ran with his soldiers to rescue St. Paul out of the hands of the Jews, who had seized him in the temple, and designed to have murdered him, Acts xxi, 31, 32.
ANTONIA, one of the towers of Jerusalem, named by Herod after M. Antony. The Romans typically stationed a garrison in this tower; and it was from there that the tribune hurried with his soldiers to rescue St. Paul from the Jews, who had taken him in the temple and planned to kill him, Acts xxi, 31, 32.
APE, קוֹף, κῆφος and κῆπος, cephus, 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 21. This animal seems to be the same with the ceph of the Ethiopians, of which Pliny speaks, l. viii, c. 19: “At the games given by Pompey the Great,” says he, “were shown cephs brought from Ethiopia, which had their fore feet like a human hand, their hind legs and feet also resembled those of a man.” The Scripture says that the fleet of Solomon brought apes, or rather monkeys, &c, from Ophir. The learned are not agreed respecting the situation of that country; but Major Wilford says that the ancient name of the River Landi sindh in India was Cophes. May it not have been so called from the קפים inhabiting its banks?
APE, Monkey, κῆφος and κῆπος, cephus, 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 21. This animal appears to be the same as the ceph referred to by the Ethiopians, mentioned by Pliny in book viii, chapter 19: “At the games held by Pompey the Great,” he states, “there were cephs displayed that were brought from Ethiopia, which had forelimbs resembling a human hand, and their hind legs and feet also looked like those of a man.” The Scripture notes that Solomon's fleet brought apes, or more likely monkeys, from Ophir. Scholars are divided on the exact location of that region; however, Major Wilford suggests that the ancient name of the River Landi Sindh in India was Cophes. Could it have been named after the קפים living along its shores?
We now distinguish this tribe of creatures into 1. Monkeys, those with long tails; 2. Apes, those with short tails; 3. Baboons, those without tails. The ancient Egyptians are said to have worshipped apes; it is certain that they are still adored in many places in India. Maffeus describes a magnificent temple dedicated to the ape, with a portico for receiving the victims sacrificed, supported by seven hundred columns.
We now categorize this group of creatures into 1. Monkeys, which have long tails; 2. Apes, which have short tails; 3. Baboons, which have no tails. It's said that the ancient Egyptians worshipped apes; it's clear that they are still revered in many parts of India. Maffeus describes a grand temple dedicated to the ape, featuring a portico for receiving the sacrificed victims, supported by seven hundred columns.
Figures of apes are also made and reverenced as idols, of which we have several in Moore’s “Hindoo Pantheon;” also in the avatars, given in Maurice’s “History of India,” &c. In some parts of the country the apes are held sacred, though not resident in temples; and incautious English gentlemen, by attempting to shoot these apes, (rather, perhaps, monkeys,) have been exposed, not only to all manner of insults and vexations from the inhabitants of the villages, &c, adjacent, but have even been in danger of their lives.
Figures of apes are also created and worshipped as idols, as shown in Moore’s “Hindoo Pantheon,” and in the avatars explained in Maurice’s “History of India,” etc. In some areas of the country, apes are considered sacred, although they don’t live in temples; and careless English gentlemen, by trying to shoot these apes (or rather, monkeys), have faced all sorts of insults and troubles from the local villagers and others nearby, and have even put their lives at risk.
APHARSACHITES, a people sent by the kings of Assyria to inhabit the country of Samaria, in the room of those Israelites who had been removed beyond the Euphrates, Ezra v, 6. They, with the other Samaritans, opposed the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, Ezra iv, 9.
APHARSACHITES, a group sent by the kings of Assyria to settle in Samaria, in place of the Israelites who had been taken beyond the Euphrates, Ezra v, 6. They, along with the other Samaritans, opposed the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, Ezra iv, 9.
APIS, a symbolical deity worshipped by the Egyptians. It was an ox, having certain exterior marks, in which animal the soul of the great Osiris was supposed to subsist. The ox was probably made the symbol of Osiris because he presided over agriculture.
APIS, a symbolic deity worshipped by the Egyptians, was represented as an ox with specific physical features, believed to be the embodiment of the soul of the great Osiris. The ox was likely chosen as a symbol of Osiris because he was associated with agriculture.
APOCALYPSE, Ἀποκάλυψις, signifies revelation. It is, however, particularly applied to the Revelations which St. John had in the isle of Patmos, whither he had been banished. The testimonies in favour of the book of the Revelation being a genuine work of St. John the Evangelist are very full and satisfactory. Andrew, bishop of Cæsarea in Capadocia, in the fifth century, assures us that Papias acknowledged the Revelation to be inspired. But the earliest author now extant who mentions this book is Justin Martyr, who lived about sixty years after it was written, and he ascribes it to St. John. So does Iræneus, whose evidence is alone sufficient upon this point; for he was the disciple of Polycarp, who was the disciple of John himself; and he expressly tells us that he had the explanation of a certain passage in this book from those who had conversed with St. John the author. These two fathers are followed by Clement of Alexandria, Theophilus of Antioch, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Lactantius, Jerome, Athanasius, and many other ecclesiastical writers, all of whom concur in considering the Apostle John as the author of the Revelation. Some few persons, however, doubted the genuineness of this book in the third and fourth centuries; but since that time it has been very generally acknowledged to be canonical; and, indeed, as Mr. Lowman observes, “hardly any one book has received more early, more authentic, and more satisfactory attestations.” The omission of this book in some of the early catalogues of the Scriptures, was probably not owing to any suspicion concerning its authenticity or genuineness, but because its obscurity and mysteriousness were thought to render it less fit to be read publicly and generally. It is called the Revelation of 70John the Divine; and this appellation was first given to St. John by Eusebius, not to distinguish him from any other person of the same name, but as an honourable title, intimating that to him was more fully revealed the system of divine counsels than to any other prophet of the Christian dispensation.
APOCALYPSE, Ἀποκάλυψις, means revelation. It specifically refers to the revelations that St. John experienced on the isle of Patmos, where he had been exiled. There is strong and convincing evidence supporting the idea that the Book of Revelation is a genuine work of St. John the Evangelist. Andrew, the bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia during the fifth century, confirms that Papias recognized the Revelation as inspired. The earliest known mention of this book comes from Justin Martyr, who lived about sixty years after it was written, and he attributes it to St. John. Iræneus also supports this claim, and his evidence is particularly strong because he was a disciple of Polycarp, who in turn was a disciple of John himself; he explicitly states that he received the interpretation of a specific passage in this book from those who had spoken with St. John, the author. These two figures are followed by Clement of Alexandria, Theophilus of Antioch, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Lactantius, Jerome, Athanasius, and many other church writers, all of whom agree that the Apostle John authored the Revelation. However, a few individuals questioned the legitimacy of this book during the third and fourth centuries; but since then, it has generally been accepted as canonical. Indeed, as Mr. Lowman points out, “hardly any one book has received more early, more authentic, and more satisfactory attestations.” Its exclusion from some early catalogs of the Scriptures likely did not stem from doubts about its authenticity but rather from its obscurity and mysterious nature, which led some to believe it was less suitable for public reading. It is referred to as the Revelation of 70John the Divine; this title was first assigned to St. John by Eusebius, not to distinguish him from others with the same name, but as an honorific, suggesting that he received a fuller understanding of divine plans than any other prophet of the Christian faith.
St. John was banished to Patmos in the latter part of the reign of Domitian, and he returned to Ephesus immediately after the death of that emperor, which happened in the year 96; and as the Apostle states, that these visions appeared to him while he was in that island, we may consider this book as written in the year 95 or 96.
St. John was exiled to Patmos in the later years of Domitian's reign, and he returned to Ephesus right after the emperor died in 96. Since the Apostle mentions that these visions came to him while he was on that island, we can think of this book as being written in 95 or 96.
In the first chapter, St. John asserts the divine authority of the predictions which he is about to deliver; addresses himself to the churches of the Proconsular Asia; and describes the first vision, in which he is commanded to write the things then revealed to him. The second and third chapters contain seven epistles to the seven churches in Asia; namely, of Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea, which relate chiefly to their then respective circumstances and situation. At the fourth chapter the prophetic visions begin, and reach to the end of the book. They contain a prediction of all the most remarkable revolutions and events in the Christian church from the time of the Apostle to the final consummation of all things. An attempt to explain these prophecies does not fall within the design of this work; and therefore those who are disposed to study this sublime and mysterious book are referred to Mede, Daubuz, Sir Isaac Newton, Lowman, Bishop Newton, Bishop Hurd, and many other excellent commentators. These learned men agree in their general principles concerning the interpretation of this book, although they differ in some particular points; and it is not to be expected that there should be a perfect coincidence of opinion in the explanation of those predictions which relate to still future times; for, as the incomparable Sir Isaac Newton observes, “God gave these and the prophecies of the Old Testament, not to gratify men’s curiosity, by enabling them to foreknow things, but that after they were fulfilled they might be interpreted by the event, and his own prescience, not that of the interpreters, be then manifested thereby to the world.” “To explain this book perfectly,” says Bishop Newton, “is not the work of one man, or of one age; but probably it never will be clearly understood, till it is all fulfilled.” It is graciously designed, that the gradual accomplishment of these predictions should afford, in every succeeding period of time, additional testimony to the divine origin of our holy religion.
In the first chapter, St. John emphasizes the divine authority of the messages he is about to share; he addresses the churches of Proconsular Asia and describes his first vision, where he's instructed to write down what has been revealed to him. The second and third chapters contain seven letters to the seven churches in Asia—specifically Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea—focusing mainly on their current situations and circumstances. Starting with the fourth chapter, the prophetic visions begin and continue until the end of the book. These visions predict all the significant changes and events in the Christian church from the time of the Apostle to the ultimate conclusion of everything. Explaining these prophecies is not the goal of this work; therefore, those interested in thoroughly studying this profound and mysterious book are directed to Mede, Daubuz, Sir Isaac Newton, Lowman, Bishop Newton, Bishop Hurd, and many other esteemed commentators. These scholars generally agree on key principles regarding the interpretation of this book, although they differ on some specific points. It's unrealistic to expect complete agreement on the interpretations of predictions concerning future events; as the remarkable Sir Isaac Newton points out, “God gave these and the prophecies of the Old Testament, not to satisfy people’s curiosity by letting them know future events, but so that after they come true, they can be interpreted by what happens, showing His foresight, not that of the interpreters, to the world.” “Perfectly explaining this book,” says Bishop Newton, “is not the work of one person or one generation; it likely will never be fully understood until it is all fulfilled.” It is graciously intended that the gradual fulfillment of these predictions will provide, in every time period, additional evidence of the divine origin of our holy religion.
APOCRYPHA, books not admitted into the sacred canon, being either spurious, or at least not acknowledged to be divine. The word Apocrypha is of Greek origin, and is either derived from the words ἀπὸ τῆς κρύπτῆς, because the books in question were removed from the crypt, chest, ark, or other receptacle in which the sacred books were deposited whose authority was never doubted, or more probably from the verb ἀποκρύπτω, to hide or conceal, because they were concealed from the generality of readers, their authority not being recognised by the church, and because they are books which are destitute of proper testimonials, their original being obscure, their authors unknown, and their character either heretical or suspected. The advocates of the church of Rome, indeed, affirm that some of these books are divinely inspired; but it is easy to account for this: the apocryphal writings serve to countenance some of the corrupt practices of that church. The Protestant churches not only account those books to be apocryphal and merely human compositions which are esteemed such by the church of Rome, as the Prayer of Manasseh, the third and fourth books of Esdras, the addition at the end of Job, and the hundred and fifty-first Psalm; but also the books of Tobit, Judith, the additions to the book of Esther, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch the Prophet, with the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Song of the Three Children, the Story of Susanna, the Story of Bel and the Dragon, and the first and second books of Maccabees. The books here enumerated are unanimously rejected by Protestants for the following reasons:--
APOCRYPHA, books that aren't included in the sacred canon, either because they are fake or not recognized as divine. The term Apocrypha comes from Greek and is derived from the phrase ἀπὸ τῆς κρύπτῆς, meaning the books were taken from the crypt, chest, ark, or other containers where the sacred books were stored, which were always regarded as authoritative. More likely, it comes from the verb ἀποκρύπτω, to hide or conceal, because they were hidden from most readers, lacking recognition from the church, having no proper testimonials, their origins unclear, authors unknown, and their nature either heretical or questionable. Proponents of the Roman Catholic Church claim that some of these books are divinely inspired; however, this is understandable since the apocryphal writings support some of the corrupt practices of that church. Protestant churches not only regard these books as apocryphal and simply human writings, such as the Prayer of Manasseh, the third and fourth books of Esdras, the addition at the end of Job, and the hundred and fifty-first Psalm, but also include the books of Tobit, Judith, the additions to the book of Esther, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch the Prophet, the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Song of the Three Children, the Story of Susanna, the Story of Bel and the Dragon, and the first and second books of Maccabees. The books listed here are unanimously rejected by Protestants for the following reasons:--
1. They possess no authority whatever, either external or internal, to procure their admission into the sacred canon. None of them are extant in Hebrew; all of them are in the Greek language, except the fourth book of Esdras, which is only extant in Latin. They were written for the most part by Alexandrian Jews, subsequently to the cessation of the prophetic spirit, though before the promulgation of the Gospel. Not one of the writers in direct terms advances a claim to inspiration; nor were they ever received into the sacred canon by the Jewish church, and therefore they were not sanctioned by our Saviour. No part of the apocrypha is quoted, or even alluded to, by him or by any of his Apostles; and both Philo and Josephus, who flourished in the first century of the Christian æra, are totally silent concerning them.
1. They have no authority at all, either externally or internally, to gain their place in the sacred canon. None of them exist in Hebrew; all of them are in Greek, except for the fourth book of Esdras, which is only available in Latin. Most were written by Alexandrian Jews after the prophetic spirit had ceased, but before the Gospel was announced. Not one of the writers directly claims to be inspired; nor were these works ever accepted into the sacred canon by the Jewish church, and therefore, they were not endorsed by our Savior. No part of the apocrypha is quoted or even referenced by him or any of his Apostles; and both Philo and Josephus, who lived in the first century of the Christian era, say nothing about them.
2. The apocryphal books were not admitted into the canon of Scripture during the first four centuries of the Christian church. They are not mentioned in the catalogue of inspired writings made by Melito bishop of Sardis, who flourished in the second century, nor in those of Origen in the third century, of Athanasius, Hilary, Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, Jerom, Rufinus, and others of the fourth century; nor in the catalogue of canonical books recognised by the council of Laodicea, held in the same century, whose canons were received by the catholic church; so that as Bishop Burnet well observes, we have the concurring sense of the whole church of God in this matter. To this decisive evidence against the canonical authority of the apocryphal books, we may add that they were never read in the Christian church until the fourth century; when, as Jerom informs us, they were read “for example of life, and instruction of planners; but were not 71applied to establish any doctrine.” And contemporary writers state, that although they were not approved as canonical or inspired writings, yet some of them, particularly Judith, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, were allowed to be perused by catechumens. As a proof that they were not regarded as canonical in the fifth century, Augustine relates, that when the book of Wisdom and other writings of the same class were publicly read in the church, they were given to the readers or inferior ecclesiastical officers, who read them in a lower place than those which were universally acknowledged to be canonical, which were read by the bishops and presbyters in a more eminent and conspicuous manner. To conclude: notwithstanding the veneration in which these books were held by the western church, it is evident that the same authority was never ascribed to them as to the Old and New Testament until the last council of Trent, at its fourth session, presumed to place them all (except the Prayer of Manasseh and the third and fourth books of Esdras) in the same rank with the inspired writings of Moses and the Prophets.
2. The apocryphal books were not included in the canon of Scripture during the first four centuries of the Christian church. They aren't listed in the catalog of inspired writings made by Melito, the bishop of Sardis, who lived in the second century, nor in those by Origen in the third century, or by Athanasius, Hilary, Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, Jerom, Rufinus, and others in the fourth century; nor in the catalog of canonical books recognized by the council of Laodicea, which took place in the same century, and whose canons were accepted by the Catholic Church. As Bishop Burnet points out, we have the collective agreement of the entire church of God on this issue. To this strong evidence against the claimed authority of the apocryphal books, we can add that they were never read in the Christian church until the fourth century; when, as Jerom tells us, they were read “for example of life, and instruction of planners; but they were not used to establish any doctrine.” Additionally, contemporary writers note that while they were not approved as canonical or inspired writings, some of them, particularly Judith, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, were allowed to be read by catechumens. To show that they were not considered canonical in the fifth century, Augustine mentions that when the book of Wisdom and other similar writings were read publicly in church, they were given to readers or lower-ranking church officials, who read them in a less prominent way than the books that were universally recognized as canonical, which were read by bishops and presbyters in a much more noticeable manner. In conclusion, despite the respect these books received from the Western church, it is clear that they were never given the same authority as the Old and New Testament until the last council of Trent, at its fourth session, decided to place all of them (except the Prayer of Manasseh and the third and fourth books of Esdras) on the same level as the inspired writings of Moses and the Prophets.
APOLLINARIANS, or Apollinarists, or, as they are called by Epiphanius, Dimaritæ, a sect who derive their principal name from Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, in the fourth century. Apollinaris strenuously defended the divinity of Christ against the Arians; but by indulging too freely in philosophical distinctions and subtleties, he denied in some measure his humanity. He maintained that the body which Christ assumed was endowed with a sensitive, and not a rational, soul; and that the divine nature performed the functions of reason, and supplied the place of the intellectual principle in man. Hence it seemed to follow, that the divine nature in Christ was blended with the human and suffered with it the pains of crucifixion and death. Apollinaris and his followers have been charged with other errors by certain ancient waiters; but it is not easy to determine how far their charge is worthy of credit. The doctrine of Apollinaris was first condemned by a council at Alexandria in 362, and afterward in a more formal manner by a council at Rome in 375, and by another council in 378, which deposed Apollinaris from his bishopric. In short, it was attacked at the same time by the laws of the emperors, the decrees of councils, and the writings of the learned; and sunk by degrees under their united force.
APOLLINARIANS, or Apollinarists, or, as Epiphanius calls them, Dimaritæ, is a sect named after Apollinaris, the bishop of Laodicea in the fourth century. Apollinaris strongly defended the divinity of Christ against the Arians, but by relying too heavily on philosophical distinctions and complexities, he partially denied Christ's humanity. He argued that the body Christ took on had a sensitive, but not a rational, soul; and that the divine nature took over the functions of reason, acting as the intellectual principle in humans. Therefore, it appeared that the divine nature in Christ was mixed with the human and experienced the suffering of crucifixion and death. Apollinaris and his followers have been accused of other errors by certain ancient writers, but it's difficult to determine how credible those accusations are. Apollinaris' doctrine was first condemned by a council in Alexandria in 362, and later more formally by a council in Rome in 375, and by another council in 378, which removed Apollinaris from his bishopric. In short, it was simultaneously challenged by the laws of the emperors, the decisions of councils, and the works of scholars, and gradually succumbed to their combined pressure.
APOLLOS was a Jew of Alexandria, who came to Ephesus in the year of our Lord 54, during the absence of St. Paul, who had gone to Jerusalem, Acts xviii, 24. He was an eloquent man, and mighty in the Scriptures; but he knew only the baptism of John, and was not fully informed of the higher branches of Gospel doctrine. However, he acknowledged that Jesus Christ was the Messiah, and declared himself openly as his disciple. At Ephesus, therefore, he began to speak boldly in the synagogue, and demonstrated by the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ. Aquila and Priscilla, having heard him there, took him with them, and instructed him more fully in the ways of God. Some time after, he was inclined to go into Achaia, and the brethren wrote to the disciples there, desiring them to receive him. He was very useful at Corinth, where he watered what St. Paul had planted, 1 Cor. iii, 6. It has been supposed, that the great admiration of his disciples for him tended to produce a schism. Some said, “I am of Paul;” some, “I am of Apollos;” and others, “I am of Cephas.” But this division, which St. Paul mentions and reproves in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, did not prevent Paul and Apollos, personally, from being closely united in the bonds of Christian charity and affection. Apollos, hearing that the Apostle was at Ephesus, went to meet him, and was there when St. Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians; in which he observes, that he had earnestly entreated Apollos to return to Corinth: but though he had not prevailed with him, Apollos gave him room to hope that he would visit that city at a favourable opportunity. Some have supposed, that the Apostle names Apollos and Cephas, not as the real persons in whose name parties had been formed in Corinth, but that, in order to avoid provoking a temper which he wished to subside, he transfers “by a figure” to Apollos and himself what was really meant of other parties, whom from prudence he declines to mention. However this might be, the reluctance of Apollos to return to Corinth seems to countenance the general opinion. St. Jerom says that Apollos was so dissatisfied with the division which had happened on his account at Corinth, that he retired into Crete with Zeno, a doctor of the law; but that the evil having been corrected by the letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians, Apollos returned to that city, of which he afterward became bishop. The Greeks say that he was bishop of Duras; some, that he was bishop of Iconium, in Phrygia; and others of Cæsarea.
APOLLOS was a Jew from Alexandria who arrived in Ephesus in the year 54 AD, during St. Paul's absence as he had gone to Jerusalem, Acts xviii, 24. He was an eloquent man and well-versed in the Scriptures, but he only knew the baptism of John and was not fully aware of the deeper aspects of Gospel teachings. However, he recognized that Jesus Christ was the Messiah and openly declared himself as His disciple. In Ephesus, he began to speak boldly in the synagogue and used the Scriptures to prove that Jesus was the Christ. Aquila and Priscilla, having heard him, took him in and taught him more about God's ways. Later, he decided to go to Achaia, and the fellow believers wrote to the disciples there, asking them to welcome him. He was very helpful in Corinth, where he built on what St. Paul had started, 1 Cor. iii, 6. It’s believed that his followers' admiration for him led to divisions. Some said, “I follow Paul;” others said, “I follow Apollos;” and still others said, “I follow Cephas.” However, this division, which St. Paul mentions and criticizes in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, did not stop Paul and Apollos from being closely connected in Christian love and friendship. When Apollos heard that the Apostle was in Ephesus, he went to meet him, and he was there when St. Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians. In it, Paul mentioned that he had urged Apollos to return to Corinth, but although he couldn't convince him, Apollos left Paul hopeful that he would visit the city when the time was right. Some believe that Paul names Apollos and Cephas, not as the actual leaders of the parties formed in Corinth, but to avoid stirring up tensions which he wanted to calm, and he metaphorically attributed the divisions to Apollos and himself while refraining from mentioning others directly. Regardless, Apollos' reluctance to return to Corinth seems to support this general view. St. Jerome states that Apollos was so unhappy with the division caused by his presence in Corinth that he withdrew to Crete with Zeno, a scholar of the law; but after St. Paul's letter corrected the issue, Apollos returned to that city, where he later became bishop. The Greeks claim he was the bishop of Duras; some say he was the bishop of Iconium in Phrygia, and others say of Cæsarea.
APOLLYON. See Abaddon.
APOLLYON. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
APOLOGIES, in ecclesiastical history, were defences (so the Greek word means) of Christianity, presented to Heathen emperors, by the Christian fathers, who were therefore called Apologists. The first was presented to the emperor Adrian, by Quadratus, A. D. 126, a fragment of which is preserved by Eusebius; but another, presented soon after to the same, by Aristides, a converted Athenian philosopher, is totally lost. Justin Martyr wrote two apologies; the latter (to the Roman senate) is imperfect at the beginning; but the former, addressed to Antoninus Pius, is preserved entire, and was published in English, in 1709, by the Rev. W. Reeves, together with one by Tertullian, the Octavius (a dialogue) of Minucius Felix, and the Commentary of Vincentius Lirinensis, with notes and preliminary dissertations to each, in 2 vols. 8vo. The Apologies are curious and valuable remains of antiquity, as showing what were the objections of the Heathens, and the manner in which they were rebutted by the early Christians.
APOLOGIES, in church history, were defenses (as the Greek word means) of Christianity, presented to pagan emperors by the Christian leaders, who were thus called Apologists. The first was presented to Emperor Adrian by Quadratus in A.D. 126, a fragment of which Eusebius has preserved; however, another apology presented soon after to the same emperor by Aristides, a converted Athenian philosopher, is completely lost. Justin Martyr wrote two apologies; the latter one (to the Roman Senate) is missing its beginning, but the former, addressed to Antoninus Pius, is fully intact and was published in English in 1709 by Rev. W. Reeves, alongside one by Tertullian, the Octavius (a dialogue) by Minucius Felix, and the Commentary by Vincentius Lirinensis, all with notes and introductory essays in 2 vols. 8vo. The Apologies are interesting and valuable remnants of the past, as they reveal the objections of the pagans and how the early Christians responded to them.
APOSTASY, a deserting or abandoning of the true religion. The word is borrowed from 72the Latin apostatare, or apostare, to despise or violate any thing. Hence apostatare leges anciently signified to transgress the laws. The Latin apostatare, again, comes from ἀπὸ, from, and ἳϛημι, I stand. Among the Romanists, apostasy also signifies the forsaking of a religious order, whereof a man had made profession, without a lawful dispensation. The ancients distinguished three kinds of apostasy: the first, a supererogatione, is committed by a priest, or religious, who abandons his profession, and returns to his lay state; the second, a mandatis Dei, by a person of any condition, who abandons the commands of God, though he retains his faith; the third, a fide, by him who not only abandons his works, but also the faith. There is this difference between an apostate and a heretic; that the latter only abandons a part of the faith, whereas the former renounces the whole. The primitive Christian church distinguished several kinds of apostasy. The first was that of those who relapsed from Christianity into Judaism; the second, that of those who blended Judaism and Christianity together; and the third was that of those who, after having been Christians, voluntarily relapsed into Paganism.
APOSTASY is the act of leaving or rejecting the true religion. The term comes from the Latin to apostatize, meaning to despise or violate something. Therefore, revoke laws originally meant to transgress the laws. The Latin to apostatize traces back to ἀπὸ, meaning from, and ἳϛημι, meaning I stand. Among Roman Catholics, apostasy refers to leaving a religious order that one has vowed to uphold without a proper dispensation. The ancients identified three types of apostasy: the first, a supererogation, occurs when a priest or religious individual abandons their vows and returns to a secular life; the second, by God's command, involves any individual who forsakes God's commands while still professing faith; the third, in good faith, is when someone not only abandons their deeds but also their faith. The difference between an apostate and a heretic is that a heretic only rejects part of the faith, while an apostate renounces the entire faith. The early Christian church recognized several forms of apostasy. The first was those who reverted from Christianity to Judaism; the second involved those who mixed Judaism and Christianity; and the third was those who, after being Christians, willingly returned to pagan practices.
APOSTLE, ἀπόϛολος, one of the twelve disciples of Jesus Christ, commissioned by him to preach his Gospel, and propagate it to all parts of the earth. The word originally signifies a person delegated or sent; from ἀποϛέλλω, mitto; in which sense it occurs in Herodotus, and other profane authors. Hence, in the New Testament, the term is applied to divers sorts of delegates; and to the twelve disciples by way of eminence. They were limited to the number twelve, in allusion to the twelve tribes of Israel. See Matt. xix, 28; Luke xxii, 30; Rev. xxi, 12–14; and compare Exod. xxiv, 4; Deut. i, 23; and Josh. iv, 2, 3. Accordingly care was taken, on the death of Judas, to choose another, to make up the number, Acts i, 21, 22, 26. Of the first selection and commission of the twelve Apostles, we have an account, Luke vi, 13, &c; Matt. x, 1, &c. Having chosen and constituted twelve persons, under the name of Apostles, our blessed Lord determined that for some time they should be continually with him, not only to attend upon his public ministry, but to enjoy the benefit of his private conversation, that he might furnish them the better for the great work in which they were to be employed; and that, at length, after suitable preparation, he might, with greater advantage, send them abroad to preach his Gospel, and thus make way for his own visits to some more distant parts, where he had not yet been; and to enable them more effectually to do this, he endowed them with the power of working miracles, of curing diseases, and casting out demons. About the commencement of the third year of his ministry, according to the common account of its duration, he sent them out two by two, that they might be assistants to each other in their work; and commanded them to restrict their teaching and services to the people of Israel, and to avoid going to the Gentiles or to the Samaritans; to declare the approach of the kingdom of heaven, and the establishment of the Gospel dispensation; to exercise the miraculous powers with which they had been endowed gratuitously; and to depend for their subsistence on the providence of God, and on the donations of those to whom they ministered. Their names were, Simon Peter; Andrew, his brother; James the greater, the son of Zebedee; and John his brother, who was the beloved disciple; Philip of Bethsaida; Bartholomew; Thomas, called Didymus, as having a twin brother; Matthew or Levi, who had been a publican; James, the son of Alpheus, called James the less; Lebbeus, surnamed Thaddeus, and who was also called Judas or Jude, the brother of James; Simon, the Canaanite, so called, as some have thought, because he was a native of Cana, or, as Dr. Hammond thinks, from the Hebrew קנא, signifying the same with Zelotes, or the Zelot, a name given to him on account of his having before professed a distinguishing zeal for the law; and Judas Iscariot, or a man of Carioth, Josh. xv, 25, who afterward betrayed him, and then laid violent hands on himself. Of these, Simon, Andrew, James the greater, and John, were fishermen; Matthew, and James the son of Alpheus, were publicans; and the other six were probably fishermen, though their occupation is not distinctly specified.
APOSTLE, ἀπόϛολος, one of the twelve disciples of Jesus Christ, chosen by him to spread his Gospel and share it around the world. The word originally means a person delegated or sent; from ἀποϛέλλω, mitto; which is also used in Herodotus and other non-religious authors. Therefore, in the New Testament, the term is used for various types of delegates and specifically for the twelve disciples. They were limited to twelve, referring to the twelve tribes of Israel. See Matt. xix, 28; Luke xxii, 30; Rev. xxi, 12–14; and compare Exod. xxiv, 4; Deut. i, 23; and Josh. iv, 2, 3. After Judas' death, care was taken to choose another to fill the number, Acts i, 21, 22, 26. We have an account of the initial selection and commissioning of the twelve Apostles in Luke vi, 13, & c; Matt. x, 1, & c. After choosing and appointing twelve individuals as Apostles, our blessed Lord decided that for a while they should remain with him, not just to assist in his public ministry, but also to benefit from his private discussions, so he could better prepare them for the significant work they would undertake. Ultimately, after suitable preparation, he could send them out to preach his Gospel and pave the way for his visits to more remote areas where he had not yet been. To better equip them for this task, he gave them the power to perform miracles, heal the sick, and cast out demons. Around the start of the third year of his ministry, according to common accounts of its length, he sent them out two by two to support each other in their work and instructed them to focus their teaching and services on the people of Israel, avoiding Gentiles or Samaritans. They were to announce the coming of the kingdom of heaven and the establishment of the Gospel; use the miraculous powers given to them freely; and rely on God's providence and the donations from those they served for their sustenance. Their names were Simon Peter; Andrew, his brother; James the greater, the son of Zebedee; and John his brother, who was the beloved disciple; Philip of Bethsaida; Bartholomew; Thomas, called Didymus, because he had a twin brother; Matthew or Levi, a former tax collector; James, the son of Alpheus, called James the less; Lebbeus, nicknamed Thaddeus, also known as Judas or Jude, the brother of James; Simon, the Canaanite, possibly named so because he was from Cana, or as Dr. Hammond suggests, from the Hebrew Jealous, meaning zealot, which was given because of his earlier strong loyalty to the law; and Judas Iscariot, or a man from Carioth, Josh. xv, 25, who later betrayed him and then took his own life. Of these, Simon, Andrew, James the greater, and John were fishermen; Matthew and James the son of Alpheus were tax collectors; and the other six were likely fishermen as well, though their specific occupations are not clearly stated.
After the resurrection of our Saviour, and not long before his ascension, the place of Judas the traitor was supplied by Matthias, supposed by some to have been Nathanael of Galilee, to whom our Lord had given the distinguishing character of an “Israelite indeed, in whom there was no guile;” and the twelve Apostles, whose number was now completed, received a new commission, of a more extensive nature than the first, to preach the Gospel to all nations, and to be witnesses of Christ, not only in Jerusalem, in all Judea, and in Samaria, but unto the uttermost parts of the earth; and they were qualified for the execution of their office by a plenteous effusion of miraculous powers and spiritual gifts, and particularly the gift of tongues. In consequence of this commission, they preached first to the Jews, then to the Samaritans, and afterward to the idolatrous Gentiles. Their signal success at Jerusalem, where they opened their commission, alarmed the Jewish sanhedrim, before which Peter and John were summoned, and from which they received a strict charge never more to teach, publicly or privately, in the name of Jesus of Nazareth. The noble reply and subsequent conduct of the Apostles are well known. This court of the Jews was so awed and incensed, as to plot the death of the twelve Apostles, as the only effectual measure for preventing the farther spread of Christianity. Gamaliel interposed, by his prudent and moderate counsel; and his speech had so good an effect upon the sanhedrim, that, instead of putting Peter and John to death, they scourged them, renewed their charge and threats, and then dismissed them. The Apostles, however, were not discouraged nor restrained; 73they counted it an honour to suffer such indignities, in token of their affection to their Master, and zeal in his cause; and they persisted in preaching daily in the courts of the temple, and in other places, that Jesus of Nazareth was the promised and long expected Messiah. Their doctrine spread, and the number of converts in Jerusalem still increased. During the violent persecution that raged at Jerusalem, soon after the martyrdom of St. Stephen, several of the leading men among the Christians were dispersed; some of them travelled through the regions of Judea and Samaria, and others to Damascus, Phœnicia, the Island of Cyprus, and various parts of Syria; but the twelve Apostles remained, with undaunted firmness, at Jerusalem, avowing their attachment to the persecuted interest of Christ, and consulting how they might best provide for the emergencies of the church, in its infant and oppressed state.
After the resurrection of our Savior, and not long before his ascension, Judas the traitor was replaced by Matthias, who some believe was Nathanael from Galilee, to whom our Lord described as an “Israelite indeed, in whom there was no deceit.” The twelve Apostles, now complete, received a new and broader mission than the first one, to preach the Gospel to all nations and to be witnesses of Christ, not just in Jerusalem, all Judea, and Samaria, but to the very ends of the earth. They were empowered to carry out their mission through a plentiful outpouring of miraculous abilities and spiritual gifts, especially the gift of tongues. Following this commission, they preached first to the Jews, then to the Samaritans, and later to the idolatrous Gentiles. Their notable success in Jerusalem, where they began their mission, alarmed the Jewish Sanhedrin, which summoned Peter and John, giving them a strict order never to teach, publicly or privately, in the name of Jesus of Nazareth. The notable response and subsequent actions of the Apostles are well known. This Jewish court was so intimidated and enraged that they plotted to kill the twelve Apostles as the only effective way to stop the spread of Christianity. Gamaliel intervened with his wise and moderate advice, and his speech had such a positive effect on the Sanhedrin that instead of executing Peter and John, they beat them, renewed their orders and threats, and then let them go. However, the Apostles were not discouraged or held back; they considered it an honor to suffer these indignities in loyalty to their Master and passion for his cause, and they continued to preach daily in the temple courts and elsewhere that Jesus of Nazareth was the promised and long-awaited Messiah. Their message spread, and the number of converts in Jerusalem grew. During the intense persecution in Jerusalem, shortly after the martyrdom of St. Stephen, several leading Christians were scattered; some traveled through Judea and Samaria, while others went to Damascus, Phoenicia, the Island of Cyprus, and various parts of Syria. However, the twelve Apostles stayed in Jerusalem, demonstrating unwavering commitment to the persecuted cause of Christ and figuring out how they could best address the challenges facing the church in its early and troubled state.
When the Apostles, during their abode at Jerusalem, heard that many of the Samaritans had embraced the Gospel, Peter and John were deputed to confer upon them the gift of the Holy Spirit; for to the Apostles belonged the prerogative of conferring upon others spiritual gifts and miraculous powers. In their return to Jerusalem, from the city of Samaria, they preached the Gospel in many Samaritan villages. The manner of its being sent to Ethiopia, by the conversion of the eunuch who was chief treasurer to Candace, queen of the country, is related in Acts viii, 26, &c. After the Christian religion had been planted in Jerusalem, Judea, and Samaria, and sent into Ethiopia, one of the uttermost parts of the earth, Acts i, 8; and after it had been preached about eight years to the Jews only, God, in his wise and merciful providence, disposed things for the preaching of it among the Gentiles. Cæsarea was the scene in which the Apostle Peter was to open his commission for this purpose; and Cornelius, one of the devout Gentiles, and a man distinguished by his piety and charity, was the first proselyte to Christianity. After Peter had laid the foundation of a Christian church among the devout Gentiles, others imitated his example, and a great number of persons of this description embraced the Christian faith, more especially at Antioch, where the disciples, whom their enemies had hitherto called Galileans, Nazarenes, and other names of reproach, and who, among themselves, had been called “disciples,” “believers,” “the church,” “the saints,” and “brethren,” were denominated, probably not without a divine direction, Christians.
When the Apostles were in Jerusalem and heard that many Samaritans had accepted the Gospel, Peter and John were sent to share with them the gift of the Holy Spirit, since the Apostles had the unique authority to give spiritual gifts and miraculous powers to others. On their way back to Jerusalem from Samaria, they preached the Gospel in many Samaritan villages. The story of how it reached Ethiopia begins with the conversion of the eunuch, who was the chief treasurer to Candace, queen of that region, as described in Acts viii, 26, etc. After the Christian faith had spread in Jerusalem, Judea, and Samaria, and had even reached Ethiopia, one of the farthest places on Earth (Acts i, 8), and after it was preached only to the Jews for about eight years, God, in His wise and compassionate plan, arranged for it to be shared with the Gentiles. Cæsarea was where the Apostle Peter would begin his mission for this purpose, and Cornelius, a devout Gentile known for his piety and charity, became the first convert to Christianity. After Peter laid the groundwork for a Christian church among devout Gentiles, others followed his lead, and many people, especially in Antioch, embraced the Christian faith. The disciples, previously called Galileans, Nazarenes, and other derogatory names by their enemies, referred to themselves as “disciples,” “believers,” “the church,” “the saints,” and “brethren,” and were likely, under divine guidance, called Christians.
When Christianity had been preached for about eight years among the Jews only, and for about three years more among the Jews and devout Gentiles, the next stage of its progress was to the idolatrous Gentiles, in the year of Christ 44, and the fourth year of the emperor Claudius. Barnabas and Saul were selected for this purpose, and constituted in an extraordinary manner Apostles of the Gentiles, or uncircumcision. Barnabas was probably an elder of the first rank; he had seen Christ in the flesh, had been an eye witness of his being alive again after his crucifixion, and had received the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost, as being one of the hundred and twenty. Saul also, since his conversion had preached as a superior prophet, about seven years to the Jews only, and about two years more to the Jews and devout Gentiles. They had both been born in Gentile countries; and therefore may be supposed to have had more respect and affection for the Gentiles than most of the Jews, who were natives of Judea. Saul had been converted, and had hitherto preached chiefly on Gentile ground; and he had joined with Barnabas in teaching devout Gentiles for a whole year, at Antioch in Syria; by all which previous steps they were regularly conducted to the last gradation, or the conversion of the idolatrous Gentiles. But it was necessary, in order to the being an Apostle, to have seen our Lord Jesus Christ alive after his crucifixion, for the Apostles were in a peculiar manner the witnesses of his resurrection. Some have supposed that Saul saw the person of Jesus, when he was converted, near the city of Damascus; but others, who conceive from the history of this event, that this could not have been the case, as he was instantly struck blind, are of opinion that the season, when his Apostolic qualification and commission were completed, was that mentioned by himself, Acts xxii, 17, when he returned to Jerusalem the second time after his conversion, saw the Lord Jesus Christ in person, and received the command to go quickly out of Jerusalem, that he might be sent unto the Gentiles. See also Acts xxvi, 16–20, where he gives an account of the object of his commission. He also received a variety of gifts and powers, which, superadded to his own genius and learning, as well as fortitude and patience, eminently qualified him for the office of an Apostle, and for that particular exercise of it which was assigned to him. St. Paul is frequently called the Apostle, by way of eminence; and the Apostle of the Gentiles, because his ministry was chiefly employed for the conversion of the Gentiles, as that of St. Peter was for Jews, who is therefore styled the Apostle of the circumcision.
When Christianity had been preached for about eight years among the Jews only, and for about three more years among both Jews and devout Gentiles, the next phase was to reach the idolatrous Gentiles in the year 44 AD, during the fourth year of Emperor Claudius. Barnabas and Saul were chosen for this purpose and were uniquely appointed as Apostles to the Gentiles, or the uncircumcision. Barnabas was likely a top-ranking elder; he had seen Christ in the flesh, witnessed His resurrection after the crucifixion, and received the Holy Spirit on Pentecost as one of the hundred and twenty. Saul, since his conversion, had preached as a leading prophet for about seven years exclusively to the Jews and for another two years to Jews and devout Gentiles. Both were born in Gentile regions, which may have given them more respect and affection for the Gentiles compared to most Jews from Judea. Saul, having been converted, had primarily preached on Gentile soil, joining Barnabas in teaching devout Gentiles for an entire year in Antioch, Syria. These experiences led them to the final step, the conversion of the idolatrous Gentiles. To be an Apostle, it was essential to have seen Jesus Christ alive after His crucifixion, as the Apostles were specially chosen to be witnesses of His resurrection. Some believe Saul saw Jesus during his conversion near Damascus; however, others argue this couldn't be true since he was immediately blinded. They think his Apostolic qualification and commission were completed when he returned to Jerusalem for the second time after his conversion, as mentioned in Acts 22:17, when he personally saw the Lord Jesus and received the command to leave Jerusalem quickly to be sent to the Gentiles. See also Acts 26:16-20, where he details the purpose of his commission. He also received various gifts and powers, which, combined with his intelligence, learning, courage, and patience, qualified him exceptionally for the Apostolic role assigned to him. St. Paul is often referred to simply as the Apostle and the Apostle of the Gentiles, because his ministry focused mainly on converting Gentiles, whereas St. Peter’s ministry was directed towards Jews, leading to him being called the Apostle of the circumcision.
The Apostles having continued at Jerusalem twelve years after the ascension of Christ, as tradition reports, according to his command, determined to disperse themselves in different parts of the world. But what were the particular provinces assigned to each, does not certainly appear from any authentic history. Socrates says, that Thomas took Parthia for his lot; Matthew, Ethiopia, and Bartholomew, India. Eusebius gives the following account: “Thomas, as we learn by tradition, had Parthia for his lot; Andrew, Scythia; John, Asia, who having lived there a long time, died at Ephesus. Peter, as it seems, preached to the dispersed Jews in Pontus and Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia; at length, coming to Rome, he was crucified with his head downward, as he had desired. What need I to speak of St. Paul, who fully preached the Gospel of Christ, from Jerusalem to Illyricum, and at last 74died a martyr at Rome, in the time of Nero?” From this passage we may conclude, that at the beginning of the fourth century, there were not any certain and well attested accounts of the places out of Judea, in which several of the Apostles of Christ preached; for if there had, Eusebius must have been acquainted with them.
The Apostles stayed in Jerusalem for twelve years after Christ’s ascension, as tradition tells us, following his command, and decided to spread out to different parts of the world. However, the specific regions assigned to each Apostle are not clearly documented in any reliable historical accounts. Socrates states that Thomas was assigned to Parthia, Matthew to Ethiopia, and Bartholomew to India. Eusebius provides the following details: “According to tradition, Thomas was assigned Parthia; Andrew went to Scythia; John to Asia, where, after living a long time, he died in Ephesus. Peter seems to have preached to the scattered Jews in Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia; eventually, he came to Rome, where he was crucified upside down at his own request. What more can I say about St. Paul, who fully preached the Gospel of Christ from Jerusalem to Illyricum and ultimately died a martyr in Rome during Nero's reign?” From this passage, we can infer that by the early fourth century, there weren’t any definite and well-documented accounts of the places outside of Judea where various Apostles preached; if there had been, Eusebius would have known about them.
The stories that are told concerning their arrival and exploits among the Gauls, the English, the Spaniards, the Germans, the Americans, the Chinese, the Indians, and the Russians, are too romantic in their nature, and of too recent a date, to be received by an impartial inquirer after truth. These fables were for the most part forged after the time of Charlemagne, when most of the Christian churches contended about the antiquity of their origin, with as much vehemence as the Arcadians, Egyptians, and Greeks disputed formerly about their seniority and precedence.
The stories about their arrival and adventures among the Gauls, the English, the Spaniards, the Germans, the Americans, the Chinese, the Indians, and the Russians are too fanciful and too recent to be accepted by someone who is truly seeking the truth. Most of these tales were created after the time of Charlemagne, when many Christian churches argued about their ancient origins with as much intensity as the Arcadians, Egyptians, and Greeks once debated their seniority and importance.
It appears, however, that all of the Apostles did not die by martyrdom. Heraclion, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, reckons among the Apostles who did not suffer martyrdom, Matthew, Thomas, Philip, and Levi, probably meaning Lebbeus.
It seems, however, that not all of the Apostles died as martyrs. Heraclion, mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus, lists among the Apostles who did not face martyrdom, Matthew, Thomas, Philip, and Levi, likely referring to Lebbeus.
To the Apostles belonged the peculiar and exclusive prerogative of writing doctrinal and preceptive books of authority in the Christian church; and it sufficiently appears that no epistles or other doctrinal writings of any person who was of a rank below that of an Apostle, were received by Christians as a part of their rule of faith. With respect to the writings of Mark and Luke, they are reckoned historical, not doctrinal or dogmatical; and Augustine says, that Mark and Luke wrote at a time when their writings might be approved not only by the church, but by Apostles still living.
To the Apostles belonged the unique and exclusive right to write authoritative doctrinal and instructional books for the Christian church. It's clear that no letters or other doctrinal writings from anyone below the rank of an Apostle were accepted by Christians as part of their faith. As for the writings of Mark and Luke, they are considered historical rather than doctrinal or dogmatic. Augustine states that Mark and Luke wrote at a time when their works could be validated not only by the church but also by living Apostles.
The appellation of Apostles was also given to the ordinary travelling ministers of the church. Thus St. Paul, in the Epistle to the Romans, xvi, 7, says, “Salute Andronicus and Junia, my kinsmen and fellow prisoners, who are of note among the Apostles.” In this inferior sense the appellation is applied, by Clement of Alexandria, to Barnabas; who was not an Apostle in the highest sense of the word, so as the twelve and Paul were Apostles. Tertullian calls all the seventy disciples Apostles; and Clement calls Barnabas Apostolical merely in another place, and says that he was one of the seventy, and fellow labourer of Paul. These, says Dr. Lardner, are the highest characters which he really intends to give to Barnabas, and what he means when he styles him Apostle; therefore he need not be supposed to ascribe to Barnabas that large measure of inspiration and high authority, which was peculiar to the Apostles, strictly and properly so called. In a similar subordinate form, St. Clement of Rome is called Apostle. Timothy also is called by Salvian, Apostle, meaning merely Apostolical, or a companion and disciple of Apostles.
The title of Apostles was also given to the regular traveling ministers of the church. For example, St. Paul, in the Epistle to the Romans, xvi, 7, says, “Greet Andronicus and Junia, my relatives and fellow prisoners, who are well-known among the Apostles.” In this lesser sense, the title is applied by Clement of Alexandria to Barnabas, who wasn’t an Apostle in the highest sense of the term like the twelve and Paul were. Tertullian refers to all seventy disciples as Apostles, and Clement also refers to Barnabas as apostolic in another context, stating that he was one of the seventy and a co-worker of Paul. These, as Dr. Lardner mentions, are the highest titles he truly intends to give to Barnabas, which is what he means when he calls him an Apostle; therefore, it shouldn’t be assumed that he attributes to Barnabas the same level of inspiration and authority unique to the Apostles, in the strictest sense. Similarly, St. Clement of Rome is called an Apostle. Timothy is also referred to as an Apostle by Salvian, meaning merely apostolic, or a companion and disciple of the Apostles.
Apostle was likewise a title given to those sent by the churches, to carry their alms to the poor of other churches. This usage they borrowed from the synagogues, who called those whom they sent on this message, by the same name; and the function or office itself ἀποϛολὴ, that is, mission. Thus St. Paul, writing to the Philippians, tells them, that Epaphroditus, their Apostle, had ministered to his wants, chap. ii, 25. It is applied in like manner to those persons who first planted the Christian faith in any place.
Apostle was also a title given to those sent by the churches to deliver their donations to the poor in other churches. They borrowed this usage from the synagogues, where they referred to those sent for this purpose by the same name; and the role itself is called ἀποϛολὴ, which means mission. In this way, St. Paul, in his letter to the Philippians, mentions that Epaphroditus, their Apostle, took care of his needs, chap. ii, 25. The term is similarly used for those individuals who were the first to establish the Christian faith in any location.
Apostle is also used among the Jews, for a kind of officer anciently sent into the several parts and provinces in their jurisdiction, by way of visiter, or commissary; to see that the laws were duly observed, and to receive the moneys collected for the reparation of the temple, and the tribute payable to the Romans. These apostles were a degree below the officers of the synagogues, called patriarchs, and received their commissions from them. Some authors observe, that St. Paul had borne this office; and that it is this he alludes to in the beginning of the Epistle to the Galatians: as if he had said, Paul, no longer an apostle of the synagogue, nor sent by men to maintain the law of Moses, but now an Apostle and envoy of Jesus Christ, &c. St. Jerom, though he does not believe that St. Paul had been an apostle of this kind, yet imagines that he alludes to it in the passage just cited.
Apostle is also a term used among the Jews for a type of official who was historically sent to different areas within their jurisdiction as a visitor or representative. Their role was to ensure that the laws were followed and to collect money for the temple's maintenance, as well as the tribute owed to the Romans. These apostles ranked just below the synagogue officials known as patriarchs, receiving their authority from them. Some scholars suggest that St. Paul held this position and that he references it at the beginning of the Epistle to the Galatians, as if to say, Paul is no longer an apostle of the synagogue, nor sent by men to uphold the law of Moses, but now an Apostle and messenger of Jesus Christ, etc. St. Jerom, although he does not think St. Paul was an apostle in this sense, believes he is alluding to it in the aforementioned passage.
APOSTLES’ CREED. See Creed.
APOSTLES’ CREED. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
APPELLATIO, an appeal. The Sempronian law secured this privilege to the Roman citizens, that they could not be capitally convicted, but by the suffrage of the people; and in whatever provinces they happened to reside, if the governor showed a disposition to condemn them to death, to scourge, or deprive them of their property, they had liberty to appeal from his jurisdiction to the judgment of the people. This law, which was enacted under the republican form of government, continued in force under the emperors; so that if any freeman of Rome thought himself ill used and aggrieved by the presidents in any of the provinces, he could, by appeal, remove his cause to Rome, to the determination of the emperor. A number of persons, we are told, were delegated by Augustus, all of consular rank, to receive the appeals of the people in the provinces. These observations will explain the nature of St. Paul’s appeal in the Acts of the Apostles.
APPELLATIO, an appeal. The Sempronian law granted Roman citizens the right that they could not be sentenced to death without the approval of the people. No matter where they lived, if a governor seemed inclined to condemn them to death, whip them, or take their property, they had the right to appeal from his authority to the judgment of the people. This law, which was established during the republican government, remained in effect under the emperors; so that if any free Roman felt mistreated or wronged by the provincial governors, he could appeal his case to Rome for the emperor’s decision. We are told that Augustus appointed several individuals, all of consular rank, to handle the people's appeals in the provinces. These points help clarify the nature of St. Paul’s appeal in the Acts of the Apostles.
APPII FORUM, a place about fifty miles from Rome, near the modern town of Piperno on the road to Naples. It probably had its name from the statue of Appius Claudius, a Roman consul, who paved the famous way from Rome to Capua, and whose statue was set up here. To this place some Christians from Rome came to meet St. Paul, Acts xxviii, 15.
APPII FORUM, located about fifty miles from Rome, close to the current town of Piperno on the road to Naples. It likely got its name from the statue of Appius Claudius, a Roman consul who constructed the famous road from Rome to Capua, and whose statue was erected here. Some Christians from Rome came to this place to meet St. Paul, as noted in Acts xxviii, 15.
APPLE TREE, תפוח, Prov. xxv, 11; Cant. ii, 3, 5; vii, 8; viii, 5; Joel i, 12. As the best apples of Egypt, though ordinary, are brought thither by sea from Rhodes, and by land from Damascus, we may believe that Judea, an intermediate country between Egypt and Damascus, has none that are of any value. Can it be imagined, then, that the apple trees of which the Prophet Joel speaks, i, 12, and 75which he mentions among the things that gave joy to the inhabitants of Judea, were those that we call by that name? Our translators must surely have been mistaken here, since the apples which the inhabitants of Judea eat at this day are of foreign growth, and at the same time but very indifferent.
APPLE TREE, Apple, Prov. xxv, 11; Cant. ii, 3, 5; vii, 8; viii, 5; Joel i, 12. Although the best apples from Egypt are brought by sea from Rhodes and by land from Damascus, it seems that Judea, being in between Egypt and Damascus, has no apples of any significant worth. Is it possible, then, that the apple trees mentioned by the Prophet Joel, i, 12, which he lists as sources of joy for the people of Judea, are the same ones we refer to today? Our translators must have been mistaken, as the apples eaten by the people of Judea today are imported and rather mediocre.
There are five places, beside this in Joel, in which the word occurs; and from them we learn that it was thought the noblest of the trees of the wood, and that its fruit was very sweet or pleasant, Cant. ii, 3; of the colour of gold, Prov. xxv, 11; extremely fragrant, Cant. vii, 8; and proper for those to smell that were ready to faint, Cant. ii, 5. We may be sure that the taphuach was very early known in the holy land, as it is mentioned in the book of Joshua as having given name to a city of Manasseh and one of Judah. Several interpreters and critics render פר עץ הדר, Lev. xxiii, 40, branches, or fruit, of the beautiful tree; and understand it of the citron; and it is known that the Jews still make use of the fruit of this tree at their yearly feast of tabernacles.
There are five places, besides this one in Joel, where the word appears; and from them we learn that it was considered the noblest of the trees in the forest, and that its fruit was very sweet or pleasant, Cant. ii, 3; golden in color, Prov. xxv, 11; extremely fragrant, Cant. vii, 8; and suitable for those who were fainting to smell, Cant. ii, 5. We can be sure that the taphuach was known very early in the holy land, as it is mentioned in the book of Joshua as having given its name to a city of Manasseh and one of Judah. Several interpreters and critics translate Citrus tree, Lev. xxiii, 40, as branches or fruit of the beautiful tree; and they understand it to refer to the citron; it is known that the Jews still use the fruit of this tree at their yearly feast of tabernacles.
Citron trees are very noble, being large, their leaves beautiful, ever continuing on the trees, of an exquisite smell, and affording a most delightful shade. It might well, therefore, be said, “As the citron tree is among the trees of the wood, so is my beloved among the sons.” This is a delicate compliment, comparing the fine appearance of the prince, amid his escort, to the superior beauty with which the citron tree appears among the ordinary trees of the forest; and the compliment is heightened by an allusion to the refreshing shade and the exhilarating fruit.
Citron trees are truly impressive, being large, with beautiful leaves that stay on the trees, have a lovely fragrance, and provide a wonderful shade. It's fitting to say, “As the citron tree stands out among the trees in the woods, so does my beloved among the men.” This is a subtle compliment, comparing the prince's striking looks in the company of others to the exceptional beauty of the citron tree among regular trees in the forest; the compliment is made even better by the mention of its refreshing shade and delightful fruit.
The exhilarating effects of the fruit are mentioned Cant. ii, 5, “Comfort me with citrons.” Egmont and Heyman tell us of an Arabian who was in a great measure brought to himself, when overcome with wine, by the help of citrons and coffee.
The exciting effects of the fruit are mentioned in Cant. ii, 5, “Comfort me with citrons.” Egmont and Heyman tell us about an Arabian who, when overwhelmed by wine, was mostly brought back to himself with the help of citrons and coffee.
To the manner of serving up these citrons in his court, Solomon seems to refer, when he says, “A word fitly spoken is like golden citrons in silver baskets;” whether, as Maimonides supposes, in baskets wrought with open work, or in salvers curiously chased, it nothing concerns us to determine; the meaning is, that an excellent saying, suitably expressed, is as the most acceptable gift in the fairest conveyance. So the rabbins say, that the tribute of the first ripe fruits was carried to the temple in silver baskets.
To how these citrons were served in his court, Solomon seems to be referring when he says, “A well-spoken word is like golden citrons in silver baskets;” whether, as Maimonides suggests, in intricately woven baskets or in beautifully crafted platters, we don't need to decide; the point is that a great remark, properly expressed, is like the most welcomed gift presented in the finest way. Similarly, the rabbis say that the tribute of the first ripe fruits was brought to the temple in silver baskets.
APRIES, a king of Egypt, called in the sacred writings Pharaoh Hophrah, Jer. xliv, 30. Apries was the son of Psammis, and grandson of Necho, or Nechao, who waged war against Josiah, king of the Jews. He reigned twenty-five years, and was long considered as one of the happiest princes in the world; but having equipped a fleet for the reduction of the Cyrenians, he lost in this expedition almost the whole of his army. The Egyptians resolved to make him responsible for this ill success, rebelled, and pretended that he undertook the war only to get rid of his subjects, and that he might govern the remainder more absolutely. Apries deputed Amasis, one of his officers, to suppress the rebellion, and induce the people to return to their allegiance. But, while Amasis was haranguing them, one of the multitude placed a diadem about his helmet, and proclaimed him king. The rest applauded him; and Amasis having accepted their offer, continued with them, and confirmed them in their rebellion. Amasis put himself at the head of the rebels, and marched against Apries, whom he defeated and took prisoner. Amasis treated him with kindness; but the people were not satisfied till they had taken him from Amasis and strangled him. Such was the end of Apries, according to Herodotus. Jeremiah threatened this prince with being delivered into the hands of his enemies, as he had delivered Zedekiah, king of Judah, into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon.
APRIES, a king of Egypt, referred to in the sacred writings as Pharaoh Hophrah (Jer. xliv, 30), was the son of Psammis and the grandson of Necho (or Nechao), who fought against Josiah, king of the Jews. He ruled for twenty-five years and was long seen as one of the most fortunate rulers in the world. However, after he sent a fleet to conquer the Cyrenians, he lost almost his entire army in that campaign. The Egyptians blamed him for this failure, revolted, and claimed he started the war just to rid himself of his subjects so he could rule the rest more absolutely. Apries sent Amasis, one of his officers, to quell the rebellion and convince the people to return to loyalty. But while Amasis was addressing them, someone in the crowd placed a crown on his helmet and declared him king. The others cheered him on, and Amasis accepted their support, joining them in their revolt. Amasis took command of the rebels and marched against Apries, whom he defeated and captured. Amasis treated him kindly, but the people were not satisfied until they took him from Amasis and strangled him. This was the fate of Apries, according to Herodotus. Jeremiah warned this king that he would be handed over to his enemies, just as he had delivered Zedekiah, king of Judah, into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon.
Apries had made a league with Zedekiah, and promised him assistance, Ezek. xvii, 15. Zedekiah, therefore, relying on his forces, revolted from Nebuchadnezzar, in the year of the world 3414, and before Jesus Christ 590. Early in the year following, Nebuchadnezzar marched against Hezekiah; but as other nations of Syria had shaken off their obedience, he first reduced them to their duty, and toward the end of the year besieged Jerusalem, 2 Kings xxv, 5; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 17; Jer. xxxix, 1; lii, 4. Zedekiah defended himself in Jerusalem, long and obstinately, that he might give time to Pharaoh Hophrah, or Apries, to come to his assistance. Apries advanced with a powerful army; and the king of Babylon raised the siege, and marched to meet him. But Apries not daring to hazard a battle against the Chaldeans, retreated into Egypt, and abandoned Zedekiah. Ezekiel reproaches Egypt severely with this baseness, and says that it had been a staff of reed to the house of Israel, and an occasion of falling; for when they took hold of it by the hand, it broke and rent all their shoulder. He therefore prophesies that Egypt should be reduced to a solitude, and that God would send against it the sword, which would destroy in it man and beast, Ezek. xxix. This was afterward accomplished, first, in the time of Apries; and secondly, in the conquest of Egypt by the Persians.
Apries had formed an alliance with Zedekiah and promised him support, Ezek. xvii, 15. So, Zedekiah, believing in his forces, rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar in the year 3414 of the world, and 590 before Christ. Early the next year, Nebuchadnezzar marched against Zedekiah; but since other nations in Syria had stopped obeying, he first brought them back under control. By the end of that year, he besieged Jerusalem, 2 Kings xxv, 5; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 17; Jer. xxxix, 1; lii, 4. Zedekiah held out in Jerusalem for a long time, stubbornly trying to buy time for Pharaoh Hophrah, or Apries, to come to his aid. Apries advanced with a strong army, prompting the king of Babylon to lift the siege and march to confront him. However, Apries, fearing a battle against the Chaldeans, retreated to Egypt and left Zedekiah behind. Ezekiel harshly criticizes Egypt for this betrayal, stating it had been like a reed staff to the house of Israel, leading to their downfall; for when they relied on it, it broke and injured them. He thus prophesies that Egypt will become desolate and that God would send a sword against it, which would destroy both man and beast, Ezek. xxix. This prophecy was later fulfilled, first during Apries' time and then with the Persian conquest of Egypt.
AQUILA. This person was a native of Pontus in Asia Minor, and was converted by St. Paul, together with his wife Priscilla, to the Christian religion. As Aquila was by trade a tentmaker, Acts xviii, 2, 3, as St. Paul was, the Apostle lodged and wrought with him at Corinth. Aquila came thither, not long before, from Italy, being obliged to leave Rome upon the edict which the emperor Claudius had published, banishing the Jews from that city. St. Paul afterward quitted Aquila’s house, and abode with Justus, near the Jewish synagogue at Corinth; probably, as Calmet thinks, because Aquila was a converted Jew, and Justus was a convert from Paganism, that in this case the Gentiles might come and hear him with more liberty. When the Apostle left Corinth, Aquila and Priscilla accompanied him as far as Ephesus, where he left them with that church while he pursued his journey to Jerusalem. They rendered him great service in that city, so far 76as to expose their own lives to preserve his. They had returned to Rome when St. Paul wrote his Epistle to the Romans, xvi, 4, wherein he salutes them with great kindness. Lastly, they were come back to Ephesus again, when St. Paul wrote his Second Epistle to Timothy, iv, 19, wherein he desires him to salute them in his name. What became of them after this time is not known.
AQUILA. This person was originally from Pontus in Asia Minor and was converted to Christianity by St. Paul, along with his wife Priscilla. Aquila worked as a tentmaker, just like St. Paul (Acts xviii, 2, 3), so the Apostle stayed and worked with him in Corinth. Aquila had come from Italy not long before, having to leave Rome due to an edict from Emperor Claudius that expelled the Jews from the city. St. Paul later moved out of Aquila's house and stayed with Justus, who lived near the Jewish synagogue in Corinth; probably, as Calmet suggests, because Aquila was a converted Jew while Justus was a convert from paganism, making it easier for Gentiles to come and hear him. When the Apostle left Corinth, Aquila and Priscilla went with him as far as Ephesus, where he left them with that church while he continued his journey to Jerusalem. They provided him with significant help in that city, even putting their own lives at risk to protect his. They had returned to Rome when St. Paul wrote his letter to the Romans (xvi, 4), where he warmly greets them. Lastly, they were back in Ephesus again when St. Paul wrote his Second Epistle to Timothy (iv, 19), where he asks Timothy to send his greetings to them. What happened to them after that is unknown.
AR, the capital city of the Moabites, situated in the hills on the south of the river Arnon. This city was likewise called Rabbah or Rabbath Moab, to distinguish it from the Ammonite Rabbah. It was afterward called by the Greeks Areopolis; and is at present termed El-Rabba. See Moab.
AR, the capital city of the Moabites, located in the hills south of the Arnon River. This city was also known as Rabbah or Rabbath Moab to differentiate it from the Ammonite Rabbah. Later, the Greeks named it Areopolis, and today it's called El-Rabba. See Moab.
ARABIA. A vast country of Asia, extending one thousand five hundred miles from north to south, and one thousand two hundred from east to west; containing a surface equal to four times that of France. The near approach of the Euphrates to the Mediterranean constitutes it a peninsula, the largest in the world. It is called Jezirat-el-Arab by the Arabs; and by the Persians and Turks, Arebistan. This is one of the most interesting countries on the face of the earth. It has, in agreement with prophecy, never been subdued; and its inhabitants, at once pastoral, commercial, and warlike, are the same wild, wandering people as the immediate descendants of their great ancestor Ishmael are represented to have been.
ARABIA. A huge country in Asia, stretching one thousand five hundred miles from north to south, and one thousand two hundred miles from east to west; with an area about four times that of France. The close proximity of the Euphrates River to the Mediterranean makes it a peninsula, the largest in the world. The Arabs call it Jezirat-el-Arab; the Persians and Turks refer to it as Arebistan. This is one of the most fascinating countries on earth. According to prophecy, it has never been conquered; and its people, who are pastoral, commercial, and warlike, are the same wild, nomadic individuals that the direct descendants of their great ancestor Ishmael are said to have been.
Arabia, or at least the eastern and northern parts of it, were first peopled by some of the numerous families of Cush, who appear to have extended themselves, or to have given their name as the land of Cush, or Asiatic Ethiopia, to all the country from the Indus on the east, to the borders of Egypt on the west, and from Armenia on the north to Arabia Deserta on the south. By these Cushites, whose first plantations were on both sides of the Euphrates and Gulf of Persia, and who were the first that traversed the desert of Arabia, the earliest commercial communications were established between the east and the west. But of their Arabian territory, and of the occupation dependent on it, they were deprived by the sons of Abraham, Ishmael, and Midian; by whom they were obliterated in this country as a distinct race, either by superiority of numbers after mingling with them, or by obliging them to recede altogether to their more eastern possessions, or over the Gulf of Arabia into Africa. From this time, that is, about five hundred and fifty years after the flood, we read only of Ishmaelites and Midianites as the shepherds and carriers of the deserts; who also appear to have been intermingled, and to have shared both the territory and the traffic, as the traders who bought Joseph are called by both names, and the same are probably referred to by Jeremiah, xxv, as “the mingled people that dwell in the desert.” But Ishmael maintained the superiority, and succeeded in giving his name to the whole people.
Arabia, or at least the eastern and northern parts of it, was first inhabited by various families from Cush, who seem to have spread across the region, naming it the land of Cush, or Asiatic Ethiopia. This encompassed all the territory from the Indus River in the east to the borders of Egypt in the west, and from Armenia in the north to Arabia Deserta in the south. The Cushites, whose earliest settlements were on both sides of the Euphrates River and the Persian Gulf, were the first to cross the Arabian desert and establish trade connections between the east and the west. However, they lost their Arabian lands and influence to the descendants of Abraham, specifically Ishmael and Midian. These groups overshadowed the Cushites, either by outnumbering them after mixing or by forcing them to retreat to their more eastern territories or across the Gulf of Arabia into Africa. From this time, about five hundred and fifty years after the flood, we only hear about the Ishmaelites and Midianites as the shepherds and traders of the deserts. These groups likely intermixed and shared both the land and commerce; for example, the traders who bought Joseph were referred to by both names, and Jeremiah probably alludes to them in verse 25 as “the mingled people that dwell in the desert.” However, Ishmael held the upper hand and succeeded in naming the entire group after himself.
Arabia, it is well known, is divided by geographers into three separate regions, called Arabia Petræa, Arabia Deserta, and Arabia Felix.
Arabia is commonly divided by geographers into three distinct regions: Arabia Petræa, Arabia Deserta, and Arabia Felix.
The first, or Arabia Petræa, is the north-western division, and is bounded on the north by Palestine and the Dead Sea, on the east by Arabia Deserta, on the south by Arabia Felix, and on the west by the Heroopolitan branch of the Red Sea and the Isthmus of Suez. The greater part of this division was more exclusively the possession of the Midianites, or land of Midian; where Moses, having fled from Egypt, married the daughter of Jethro, and spent forty years keeping the flocks of his father-in-law: no humiliating occupation in those days, and particularly in Midian, which was a land of shepherds; the whole people having no other way of life than that of rearing and tending their flocks, or in carrying the goods they received from the east and south into Phenicia and Egypt. The word flock, used here, must not convey the idea naturally entertained in our own country of sheep only, but, together with these or goats, horned cattle and camels, the most indispensable of animals to the Midianite. It was a mixed flock of this kind which was the sole care of Moses, during a third part of his long life; in which he must have had abundance of leisure, by night and by day, to reflect on the unhappy condition of his own people, still enduring all the rigours of slavery in Egypt. It was a similar flock also which the daughters of Jethro were watering when first encountered by Moses; a trifling event in itself, but important in the history of the future leader of the Jews; and showing, at the same time, the simple life of the people among whom he was newly come, as well as the scanty supply of water in their country, and the strifes frequently occasioned in obtaining a share of it. Through a considerable part of this region, the Israelites wandered after they had escaped from Egypt; and in it were situated the mountains Horeb and Sinai. Beside the tribes of Midian, which gradually became blended with those of Ishmael, this was the country of the Edomites, the Amalekites, and the Nabathæi, the only tribe of pure Ishmaelites within its precincts. But all those families have long since been confounded under the general name of Arabs. The greater part of this district consists of naked rocks and sandy and flinty plains; but it contained also some fertile spots, particularly in the peninsula of Mount Sinai, and through the long range of Mount Seir.
The first section, known as Arabia Petræa, is the north-western part and is bordered to the north by Palestine and the Dead Sea, to the east by Arabia Deserta, to the south by Arabia Felix, and to the west by the Heroopolitan branch of the Red Sea and the Isthmus of Suez. Most of this area was mainly controlled by the Midianites, or the land of Midian; this is where Moses fled from Egypt, married Jethro’s daughter, and spent forty years looking after his father-in-law’s flocks. This was not a degrading job back then, especially in Midian, which was a land of shepherds. The people primarily lived by raising and caring for their flocks or transporting goods they received from the east and south to Phoenicia and Egypt. The term "flock" here doesn’t just refer to sheep, as we might think today, but includes goats, cattle, and camels, which were essential to the Midianite way of life. A mixed flock of these animals was the only responsibility of Moses during a significant portion of his life; during this time, he must have had plenty of time to think about the unfortunate situation of his own people, who were still suffering under slavery in Egypt. It was a similar flock that Jethro’s daughters were watering when Moses first met them; a minor incident on its own, but significant in the future leader of the Jews’ story. It also highlights the simple lifestyle of the people he had just joined, as well as the limited water supply in their region and the conflicts that often arose over access to it. The Israelites wandered through much of this area after escaping from Egypt, and it included the mountains Horeb and Sinai. Alongside the Midianite tribes, which gradually merged with those of Ishmael, this land was home to the Edomites, Amalekites, and Nabathæi, the only tribe of pure Ishmaelites in the region. However, all these groups have long been grouped together under the general name of Arabs. The majority of this area consists of barren rocks and sandy, stony plains, but it also had some fertile areas, especially in the peninsula of Mount Sinai and along the long range of Mount Seir.

Map of the
JOURNEYINGS & ENCAMPMENTS
of the ISRAELITES from
EGYPT to CANAAN
Through the Desert of
Arabia Petræa
Map of the
TRAVELS & CAMPS
of the ISRAELITES from
EGYPT to CANAAN
Through the Desert of
Arabia Petræa
The second region, or Arabia Deserta, is bounded on the north and north-east by the Euphrates, on the east by a ridge of mountains which separates it from Chaldea, on the south by Arabia Felix, and on the west by Syria, Judea, and Arabia Petræa. This was more particularly the country first of the Cushites, and afterward of the Ishmaelites; as it is still of their descendants, the modern Bedouins, who maintain the same predatory and wandering habits. It consists almost entirely of one vast and lonesome wilderness, a boundless level of sand, whose dry and burning surface denies existence to all but the Arab and his camel. Yet, widely scattered over this dreary waste, some spots of comparative fertility are to be found, where, spread around a feeble spring of 77brackish water, a stunted verdure, or a few palm trees, fix the principal settlement of a tribe, and afford stages of refreshment in these otherwise impassable deserts. Here, with a few dates, the milk of his faithful camel, and perhaps a little corn, brought by painful journeys from distant regions, or plundered from a passing caravan, the Arab supports a hard existence, until the failure of his resources impels him to seek another oasis, or the scanty herbage furnished on a patch of soil by transient rains; or else, which is frequently the case, to resort, by more distant migration, to the banks of the Euphrates; or, by hostile inroads on the neighbouring countries, to supply those wants which the recesses of the desert have denied. The numbers leading this wandering and precarious mode of life are incredible. From these deserts Zerah drew his army of a million of men; and the same deserts, fifteen hundred years after, poured forth the countless swarms, which, under Mohammed and his successors, devastated half of the then known world.
The second region, or Arabia Deserta, is bordered to the north and northeast by the Euphrates, to the east by a mountain range that separates it from Chaldea, to the south by Arabia Felix, and to the west by Syria, Judea, and Arabia Petræa. This area was originally inhabited by the Cushites and later by the Ishmaelites; it is still home to their descendants, the modern Bedouins, who continue their nomadic and predatory ways. It consists mostly of a vast and desolate wilderness, a seemingly endless stretch of sand, where only the Arab and his camel can survive. Yet, scattered throughout this bleak landscape are a few areas of relative fertility, where a weak spring of brackish water supports stunted vegetation or a couple of palm trees, forming the main settlement of a tribe and providing places to rest in an otherwise impassable desert. Here, with a few dates, the milk of his loyal camel, and perhaps a bit of corn brought from faraway places or taken from a passing caravan, the Arab manages to get by, until his supplies run low and force him to find another oasis or some sparse grass that may sprout from a patch of earth following brief rains; or, more often, he migrates farther to the banks of the Euphrates; or sometimes he makes raids into neighboring lands to meet the needs that the desert denies him. The sheer number of people living this wandering and unstable lifestyle is staggering. From these deserts, Zerah drew an army of a million men; and these same deserts, fifteen hundred years later, released countless hordes, which, under Mohammed and his successors, ravaged half of the known world.
The third region, or Arabia Felix, so denominated from the happier condition of its soil and climate, occupies the southern part of the Arabian peninsula. It is bounded on the north by the two other divisions of the country; on the south and south-east by the Indian Ocean; on the east by part of the same ocean and the Persian Gulf; and on the west by the Red Sea. This division is subdivided into the kingdoms or provinces of Yemen, at the southern extremity of the peninsula; Hejaz, on the north of the former, and toward the Red Sea; Nejed, in the central region; and Hadramant and Oman, on the shores of the Indian Ocean. The four latter subdivisions partake of much of the character of the other greater divisions of the country, though of a more varied surface, and with a larger portion capable of cultivation. But Yemen seems to belong to another country and climate. It is very mountainous, is well watered with rains and springs, and is blessed with an abundant produce in corn and fruits, and especially in coffee, of which vast quantities are exported. In this division were the ancient cities of Nysa, Musa or Moosa, and Aden. This is also supposed to have been the country of the queen of Sheba. In Hejaz are the celebrated cities of Mecca and Medina.
The third region, known as Arabia Felix, is named for its more favorable soil and climate. It is located in the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula. To the north, it is bordered by the other two regions of the country; to the south and southeast, by the Indian Ocean; to the east, by part of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf; and to the west, by the Red Sea. This region is further divided into the kingdoms or provinces of Yemen, at the southern tip of the peninsula; Hejaz, to the north of Yemen, towards the Red Sea; Nejed, in the central area; and Hadramant and Oman, along the shores of the Indian Ocean. The latter four areas share many characteristics with the larger divisions of the country but have a more varied landscape and more land suitable for farming. However, Yemen feels more like a separate country and climate. It has many mountains, is well-supplied with rain and springs, and produces a lot of crops, especially grains and fruits, and notably coffee, which is exported in large quantities. This region was home to the ancient cities of Nysa, Musa or Moosa, and Aden. It is also thought to be the land of the queen of Sheba. Hejaz hosts the famous cities of Mecca and Medina.
Arabia Felix is inhabited by a people who claim Jotkan for their father, and so trace their descent direct from Shem, instead of Abraham and Ham. They are indeed a totally different people from those inhabiting the other quarters, and pride themselves on being the only pure and unmixed Arabs. Instead of being shepherds and robbers, they are fixed in towns and cities; and live by agriculture and commerce, chiefly maritime. Here were the people who were found by the Greeks of Egypt enjoying an entire monopoly of the trade with the east, and possessing a high degree of wealth and consequent refinement. It was here, in the ports of Sabæa, that the spices, muslins, and precious stones of India, were for many ages obtained by the Greek traders of Egypt, before they had acquired skill or courage sufficient to pass the straits of the Red Sea; which were long considered by the nations of Europe to be the produce of Arabia itself. These articles, before the invention of shipping, or the establishment of a maritime intercourse, were conveyed across the deserts by the Cushite, Ishmaelite, and Midianite carriers. It was the produce partly of India, and partly of Arabia, which the travelling merchants, to whom Joseph was sold, were carrying into Egypt. The balm and myrrh were probably Arabian, as they are still the produce of the same country; but the spicery was undoubtedly brought farther from the east. These circumstances are adverted to, to show how extensive was the communication, in which the Arabians formed the principal link: and that in the earliest ages of which we have any account, in those of Joseph, of Moses, of Isaiah, and of Ezekiel, “the mingled people” inhabiting the vast Arabian deserts, the Cushites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites, were the chief agents in that commercial intercourse which has, from the most remote period of antiquity, subsisted between the extreme east and west. And although the current of trade is now turned, caravans of merchants, the descendants of these people, may still be found traversing the same deserts, conveying the same articles, and in the same manner as described by Moses!
Arabia Felix is inhabited by people who claim Jotkan as their ancestor and trace their lineage directly to Shem, rather than Abraham and Ham. They are quite different from the other groups in the region and take pride in being the only pure and unmixed Arabs. Instead of being shepherds and bandits, they have settled in towns and cities, earning their living through agriculture and mainly maritime trade. These are the people that the ancient Greeks from Egypt found, who enjoyed a complete monopoly on trade with the east, along with a high level of wealth and sophistication. In the ports of Sabæa, Greek traders from Egypt sourced spices, muslins, and precious stones from India for many years, before they gained the skills or courage to navigate the straits of the Red Sea; these were long thought by Europeans to be products of Arabia itself. Before shipping was invented or sea trade was established, these goods were transported across the deserts by Cushite, Ishmaelite, and Midianite carriers. The products, partly from India and partly from Arabia, were what the traveling merchants bought, to whom Joseph was sold, as they transported them into Egypt. The balm and myrrh were likely from Arabia, since they still come from that region, but the spices definitely came from farther east. These details highlight the extensive trade networks in which the Arabians were the main link: and even in the earliest accounts we have, during the times of Joseph, Moses, Isaiah, and Ezekiel, the "mingled people" living in the vast Arabian deserts—the Cushites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites—were key players in the commercial exchange that has connected the far east and west since ancient times. Although trade routes have shifted over the years, caravans of merchants, descendants of these people, can still be found crossing the same deserts, transporting the same goods, and doing so in the same way as described by Moses!
The singular and important fact that Arabia has never been conquered, has already been cursorily adverted to. But Mr. Gibbon, unwilling to pass by an opportunity of cavilling at revelation, says, “The perpetual independence of the Arabs has been the theme of praise among strangers and natives; and the arts of controversy transform this singular event into a prophecy and a miracle in favour of the posterity of Ishmael. Some exceptions, that can neither be dissembled nor eluded, render this mode of reasoning as indiscreet as it is superfluous. The kingdom of Yemen has been successively subdued by the Abyssinians, the Persians, the Sultans of Egypt, and the Turks; the holy cities of Mecca and Medina have repeatedly bowed under a Scythian tyrant; and the Roman province of Arabia embraced the peculiar wilderness in which Ishmael and his sons must have pitched their tents in the face of their brethren.” But this learned writer has, with a peculiar infelicity, annulled his own argument; and we have only to follow on the above passage, to obtain a complete refutation of the unworthy position with which it begins: “Yet these exceptions,” says Mr. Gibbon, “are temporary or local; the body of the nation has escaped the yoke of the most powerful monarchies: the arms of Sesostris and Cyrus, of Pompey, and Trajan, could never achieve the conquest of Arabia; the present sovereign of the Turks may exercise a shadow of jurisdiction, but his pride is reduced to solicit the friendship of a people whom it is dangerous to provoke, and fruitless to attack. The obvious causes of their freedom are inscribed on the character and country of the Arabs. Many ages before Mohammed, their intrepid valour had been severely felt by their neighbours, in offensive 78and defensive war. The patient and active virtues of a soldier are insensibly nursed in the habits and discipline of a pastoral life. The care of the sheep and camels is abandoned to the women of the tribe; but the martial youth, under the banner of the emir, is ever on horseback and in the field, to practise the exercise of the bow, the javelin, and the scimitar. The long memory of their independence is the firmest pledge of its perpetuity; and succeeding generations are animated to prove their descent, and to maintain their inheritance. Their domestic feuds are suspended on the approach of a common enemy; and in their last hostilities against the Turks, the caravan of Mecca was attacked and pillaged by four score thousand of the confederates. When they advance to battle, the hope of victory is in the front, in the rear the assurance of a retreat. Their horses and camels, who in eight or ten days can perform a march of four or five hundred miles, disappear before the conqueror; the secret waters of the desert elude his search; and his victorious troops are consumed with thirst, hunger, and fatigue, in the pursuit of an invisible foe, who scorns his efforts, and safely reposes in the heart of the burning solitude. The arms and deserts of the Bedouins are not only the safeguards of their own freedom, but the barriers also of the happy Arabia, whose inhabitants, remote from war, are enervated by the luxury of the soil and climate. The legions of Augustus melted away in disease and lassitude; and it is only by a naval power that the reduction of Yemen has been successfully attempted. When Mohammed erected his holy standard, that kingdom was a province of the Persian empire; yet seven princes of the Homerites still reigned in the mountains; and the vicegerent of Chosroes was tempted to forget his distant country and his unfortunate master.”
The significant and notable fact that Arabia has never been conquered has already been briefly mentioned. However, Mr. Gibbon, eager to critique revelation, states, “The continuous independence of the Arabs has been celebrated by both outsiders and locals; and the tactics of argument twist this unique occurrence into a prophecy and a miracle in favor of Ishmael's descendants. Some exceptions, which can't be hidden or ignored, make this reasoning as foolish as it is unnecessary. The kingdom of Yemen has been conquered in succession by the Abyssinians, the Persians, the Sultans of Egypt, and the Turks; the holy cities of Mecca and Medina have repeatedly fallen under a Scythian tyrant; and the Roman province of Arabia included the very wilderness where Ishmael and his sons must have set up their tents in front of their relatives.” Yet this learned writer has, rather unfortunately, undermined his own argument; we need only to continue from the passage above to find a complete rebuttal to the unworthy claim with which it begins: “Yet these exceptions,” says Mr. Gibbon, “are temporary or local; the majority of the nation has avoided the control of the most powerful monarchies: the armies of Sesostris and Cyrus, Pompey, and Trajan, could never conquer Arabia; the current ruler of the Turks may exert a mere semblance of control, but his arrogance is diminished to seeking the goodwill of a people who are dangerous to provoke and pointless to attack. The clear reasons for their freedom are evident in the character and land of the Arabs. Long before Mohammed, their fearless bravery had already made a strong impact on their neighbors in both offensive and defensive warfare. The enduring and active qualities of a soldier are naturally developed in the lifestyle and discipline of a pastoral existence. The care of the sheep and camels is left to the women of the tribe; however, the young warriors, under the emir’s banner, are always mounted and ready in the field, honing their skills with the bow, the javelin, and the scimitar. The long memory of their independence is the strongest guarantee of its lasting nature; and future generations are inspired to uphold their lineage and maintain their legacy. Their internal conflicts pause when faced with a common foe; and in their recent clashes with the Turks, the caravan from Mecca was attacked and looted by eighty thousand of the allied forces. When they go into battle, the hope of victory is in the front, while the assurance of retreat lies in the back. Their horses and camels, which can cover four or five hundred miles in eight or ten days, vanish from the sight of the conqueror; the hidden waters of the desert evade his search; and his victorious troops are drained by thirst, hunger, and exhaustion while pursuing an unseen enemy, who disregards his efforts and safely rests in the heart of the scorching wilderness. The arms and deserts of the Bedouins are not just protective of their own freedom but also serve as barriers for the fortunate Arabia, where its residents, distanced from war, are weakened by the luxuries of the land and climate. The legions of Augustus faded away due to illness and fatigue; and it has only been through naval power that the conquest of Yemen has been attempted successfully. When Mohammed raised his holy banner, that kingdom was a province of the Persian empire; yet seven kings of the Homerites still ruled in the mountains; and the viceroy of Chosroes was tempted to forget his far-off homeland and his unfortunate master.”
Yemen was the only Arabian province which had the appearance of submitting to a foreign yoke; but even here, as Mr. Gibbon himself acknowledges, seven of the native princes remained unsubdued: and even admitting its subjugation to have been complete, the perpetual independence of the Ishmaelites remains unimpeached. For this is not their country. Petra, the capital of the Stony Arabia, and the principal settlement of the Nabathæi, it is true, was long in the hands of the Persians and Romans; but this never made them masters of the country. Hovering troops of Arabs confined the intruders within their walls, and cut off their supplies; and the possession of this fortress gave as little reason to the Romans to exult as the conquerors of Arabia Petræa, as that of Gibraltar does to us to boast of the conquest of Spain.
Yemen was the only province in Arabia that seemed to accept foreign control; however, as Mr. Gibbon himself admits, seven local princes remained unconquered. Even if we assume it was completely subdued, the ongoing independence of the Ishmaelites stands firm. After all, this isn't their homeland. Petra, the capital of Stony Arabia and the main settlement of the Nabataeans, was indeed under Persian and Roman control for a long time; but that never made them true rulers of the region. Groups of Arabs kept the invaders confined within the city and cut off their supplies. Holding this fortress gave the Romans no more reason to celebrate their conquest of Arabia Petraea than our possession of Gibraltar gives us to boast about conquering Spain.
The Arabian tribes were confounded by the Greeks and Romans under the indiscriminate appellation of Saracens; a name whose etymology has been variously, but never satisfactorily, explained. This was their general name when Mohammed appeared in the beginning of the seventh century. Their religion at this time was Sabianism, or the worship of the sun, moon, &c; variously transformed by the different tribes, and intermingled with some Jewish and Christian maxims and traditions. The tribes themselves were generally at variance, from some hereditary and implacable animosities; and their only warfare consisted in desultory skirmishes arising out of these feuds, and in their predatory excursions, where superiority of numbers rendered courage of less value than activity and vigilance. Yet of such materials Mohammed constructed a mighty empire; converted the relapsed Ishmaelites into good Musselmen; united the jarring tribes under one banner; supplied what was wanting in personal courage by the ardour of religious zeal; and out of a banditti, little known and little feared beyond their own deserts, raised an armed multitude, which proved the scourge of the world.
The Arabian tribes were confused by the Greeks and Romans, who labeled them all as Saracens, a name whose origin has been explained in various ways, but never convincingly. This was the term used for them when Mohammed emerged at the beginning of the seventh century. At that time, their religion was Sabianism, or the worship of the sun, moon, etc.; it varied among the different tribes and mingled with some Jewish and Christian teachings and traditions. The tribes themselves were often in conflict because of long-standing and deep-rooted rivalries; their only form of warfare consisted of sporadic skirmishes stemming from these feuds and their raids, where having more people mattered more than bravery, requiring agility and watchfulness instead. Yet, from such a mix, Mohammed built a powerful empire; he converted the wayward Ishmaelites into devoted Muslims; united the conflicting tribes under a single banner; replaced the lack of personal bravery with the passion of religious zeal; and transformed a band of outlaws, hardly known and not much feared outside their own deserts, into a formidable force that became a scourge to the world.
Mohammed was born in the year 569, of the noble tribe of the Koreish, and descended, according to eastern historians, in a direct line from Ishmael. His person is represented as beautiful, his manners engaging, and his eloquence powerful; but he was illiterate, like the rest of his countrymen, and indebted to a Jewish or Christian scribe for penning his Koran. Whatever the views of Mohammed might have been in the earlier part of his life, it was not till the fortieth year of his age that he avowed his mission as the Apostle of God: when so little credit did he gain for his pretensions, that in the first three years he could only number fourteen converts; and even at the end of ten years his labours and his friends were alike confined within the walls of Mecca, when the designs of his enemies compelled him to fly to Medina, where he was favourably received by a party of the most considerable inhabitants, who had recently imbibed his doctrines at Mecca. This flight, or Hegira, was made the Mohammedan æra, from which time is computed, and corresponds with the 16th of July, 622, of the Christian æra. Mohammed now found himself sufficiently powerful to throw aside all reserve; declared that he was commanded to compel unbelievers by the sword to receive the faith of one God, and his prophet Mohammed; and confirming his credulous followers by the threats of eternal pain on the one hand, and the allurements of a sensual paradise on the other, he had, before his death, which happened in the year 632, gained over the whole of Arabia to his imposture. His death threw a temporary gloom over his cause, and the disunion of his followers threatened its extinction. Any other empire placed in the same circumstances would have crumbled to pieces; but the Arabs felt their power; they revered their founder as the chosen prophet of God; and their ardent temperament, animated by a religious enthusiasm, gave an earnest of future success, and encouraged the zeal or the ambition of their leaders. The succession, after some bloodshed, was settled, and unnumbered hordes of barbarians were ready to carry into execution the sanguinary dictates of their prophet; and, with “the Koran, tribute, or death,” as their motto, to invade the countries of the 79infidels. During the whole of the succeeding century, their rapid career was unchecked; the disciplined armies of the Greeks and Romans were unable to stand against them; the Christian churches of Asia and Africa were annihilated; and from India to the Atlantic, through Persia, Arabia, Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor, Egypt, with the whole of northern Africa, Spain, and part of France, the impostor was acknowledged. Constantinople was besieged; Rome itself was plundered; and nothing less than the subjection of the whole Christian world was meditated on the one hand and tremblingly expected on the other.
Mohammed was born in 569 to the noble tribe of the Koreish and, according to eastern historians, descended directly from Ishmael. He is described as beautiful, with charming manners and powerful eloquence; however, he was illiterate, like most of his fellow countrymen, and relied on a Jewish or Christian scribe to write the Koran. Although Mohammed may have had different views in the earlier part of his life, he didn’t publicly declare his mission as God's Apostle until he was forty years old. Initially, he received little credibility, gaining only fourteen converts in the first three years, and even after ten years, his efforts remained confined to the walls of Mecca. Eventually, the hostility of his enemies forced him to flee to Medina, where he was welcomed by some of the prominent citizens who had recently embraced his teachings in Mecca. This flight, or Hegira, became the starting point of the Islamic calendar, corresponding to July 16, 622, in the Christian calendar. Mohammed then felt empowered to discard any restraint, declaring that he was commanded to compel non-believers to accept the faith of one God and his prophet Mohammed. By promising eternal torment on one hand and the temptations of a sensual paradise on the other, he managed to convince the entire Arabian Peninsula of his teachings before his death in 632. His passing momentarily cast a shadow over his cause, and the division among his followers threatened its survival. In any other empire faced with similar circumstances, it might have disintegrated, but the Arabs recognized their power and revered their founder as God's chosen prophet. Their passionate nature, fueled by religious fervor, provided a promise of future success and motivated their leaders' zeal. After some bloodshed, the succession was established, and countless hordes of warriors were ready to carry out the bloody commands of their prophet, operating under the motto “the Koran, tribute, or death” as they invaded the lands of the infidels. Throughout the following century, their swift advance went unopposed; disciplined armies of the Greeks and Romans could not withstand them, Christian churches in Asia and Africa were destroyed, and from India to the Atlantic—through Persia, Arabia, Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor, Egypt, and all of northern Africa to Spain and parts of France—his teachings were accepted. Constantinople was besieged, Rome was looted, and the total domination of the entire Christian world was both planned and anxiously anticipated.
All this was wonderful; but the avenging justice of an incensed Deity, and the sure word of prophecy, relieve our astonishment. It was to punish an apostate race, that the Saracen locusts were let loose upon the earth; and the countries which they were permitted to ravage were those in which the pure light of revelation had been most abused. The eastern church was sunk in gross idolatry; vice and wickedness prevailed in their worst forms; and those who still called themselves Christians trusted more to images, relics, altars, austerities, and pilgrimages, than to a crucified Saviour.
All of this was amazing; however, the vengeful justice of an angry God, along with the certain word of prophecy, helps us understand it. It was to punish a wayward people that the Saracen locusts were unleashed on the earth; and the regions they were allowed to destroy were the ones where the pure light of revelation had been most corrupted. The eastern church was deeply immersed in blatant idolatry; immorality and wickedness were rampant; and those who still called themselves Christians relied more on images, relics, altars, strict practices, and pilgrimages than on a crucified Savior.
About a hundred and eighty years from the foundation of Bagdad, during which period the power of the Saracens had gradually declined, a dreadful reaction took place in the conquered countries. The Persians on the east, and the Greeks on the west, were simultaneously roused from their long thraldom, and, assisted by the Turks, who, issuing from the plains of Tartary, now for the first time made their appearance in the east, extinguished the power of the caliphate, and virtually put an end to the Arabian monarchy in the year 936. A succession of nominal caliphs continued to the year 1258: but the provinces were lost; their power was confined to the walls of their capital; and they were in real subjection to the Turks and the Persians until the above year, when Mostacem, the last of the Abbassides, was dethroned and murdered by Holagou, or Hulaku, the Tartar, the grandson of Zingis. This event, although it terminated the foreign dominion of the Arabians, left their native independence untouched. They were no longer, indeed, the masters of the finest parts of the three great divisions of the ancient world: their work was finished; and returning to the state in which Mohammed found them three centuries before, with the exception of the change in their religion, they remained, and still remain, the unconquered rovers of the desert.
About a hundred and eighty years after Baghdad was founded, during which the power of the Saracens had gradually weakened, a terrible backlash occurred in the conquered regions. The Persians in the east and the Greeks in the west were both awakened from their long subjugation and, with help from the Turks—who had emerged from the plains of Tartary and first appeared in the east—overthrew the power of the caliphate, effectively ending the Arabian monarchy in 936. A series of nominal caliphs continued until 1258, but the provinces were lost; their power was limited to the walls of their capital, and they were essentially under the dominance of the Turks and the Persians until that year, when Mostacem, the last of the Abbassides, was deposed and killed by Holagou, or Hulaku, the Tartar, who was a grandson of Genghis Khan. Although this event ended the foreign rule of the Arabians, it left their native independence intact. They were no longer the rulers of the most beautiful parts of the ancient world’s three major divisions; their era was over. They returned to the state in which Muhammad found them three centuries earlier, except for their religious change, and they remained, and still remain, the unconquered wanderers of the desert.
It is not the least singular circumstance in the history of this extraordinary people, that those who, in the enthusiasm of their first successes, were the sworn foes of literature, should become for several ages its exclusive patrons. Almansor, the founder of Bagdad, has the merit of first exciting this spirit, which was encouraged in a still greater degree by his grandson Almamon. This caliph employed his agents in Armenia, Syria, Egypt, and at Constantinople, in collecting the most celebrated works on Grecian science, and had them translated into the Arabic language. Philosophy, astronomy, geometry, and medicine, were thus introduced and taught; public schools were established; and learning, which had altogether fled from Europe, found an asylum on the banks of the Tigris. Nor was this spirit confined to the capital: native works began to appear; and by the hands of copyists were multiplied out of number, for the information of the studious, or the pride of the wealthy. The rage for literature extended to Egypt and to Spain. In the former country, the Fatimites collected a library of a hundred thousand manuscripts, beautifully transcribed, and very elegantly bound; and in the latter, the Ommiades formed another of six hundred thousand volumes; forty-four of which were employed in the catalogue. Their capital, Cordova, with the towns of Malaga, Almeria, and Murcia, produced three hundred writers; and seventy public libraries were established in the cities of Andalusia. What a change since the days of Omar, when the splendid library of the Ptolemies was wantonly destroyed by the same people! A retribution, though a slight one, was thus made for their former devastations; and many Grecian works, lost in the original, have been recovered in their Arabic dress. Neither was this learning confined to mere parade, though much of it must undoubtedly have been so. Their proficiency in astronomy and geometry is attested by their astronomical tables, and by the accuracy with which, in the plain of Chaldea, a degree of the great circle of the earth was measured. But it was in medicine that, in this dark age, the Arabians shone most: the works of Hippocrates and Galen had been translated and commented on; their physicians were sought after by the princes of Asia and Europe; and the names of Rhazis, Albucasis, and Avicenna are still revered by the members of the healing art. So little, indeed, did the physicians of Europe in that age know of the history of their own science, that they were astonished, on the revival of learning, to find in the ancient Greek authors those systems for which they thought themselves indebted to the Arabians!
It’s quite remarkable in the history of this extraordinary people that those who were once passionate opponents of literature, in the excitement of their initial successes, ended up becoming its exclusive supporters for many centuries. Almansor, the founder of Baghdad, played a key role in sparking this interest, which was further encouraged by his grandson Almamon. This caliph sent his agents to Armenia, Syria, Egypt, and Constantinople to gather the most famous works on Greek science and have them translated into Arabic. Philosophy, astronomy, geometry, and medicine were introduced and taught; public schools were established, and learning — which had completely disappeared from Europe — found a refuge by the Tigris River. This enthusiasm wasn’t limited to the capital; original works started to emerge and were copied extensively for the benefit of scholars and the pride of the wealthy. The love for literature spread to Egypt and Spain. In Egypt, the Fatimites collected a library of a hundred thousand beautifully transcribed manuscripts that were elegantly bound; in Spain, the Ommiades formed another library containing six hundred thousand volumes, forty-four of which were needed just for the catalog. Their capital, Cordova, along with the towns of Malaga, Almeria, and Murcia, produced three hundred writers, and seventy public libraries were established in the cities of Andalusia. What a shift from the days of Omar, when the magnificent library of the Ptolemies was carelessly destroyed by the same people! This was a small form of retribution for their past actions, and many Greek works, lost in their original form, were recovered in Arabic. However, this learning wasn’t just for show, although much of it likely was. Their expertise in astronomy and geometry is shown in their astronomical tables and the precision with which, in the plains of Chaldea, a degree of the earth's great circle was measured. But it was in medicine that the Arabs truly excelled during this dark age: the works of Hippocrates and Galen were translated and commented on; their physicians were sought after by princes in Asia and Europe; and the names of Rhazis, Albucasis, and Avicenna continue to be respected in the medical field. In fact, physicians in Europe at that time knew so little about the history of their own science that they were astonished, during the revival of learning, to discover those systems in the ancient Greek texts which they believed they owed to the Arabs!
The last remnant of Arabian science was found in Spain; from whence it was expelled in the beginning of the seventeenth century, by the intemperate bigots of that country, who have never had any thing of their own with which to supply its place. The Arabians are the only people who have preserved their descent, their independence, their language, and their manners and customs, from the earliest ages to the present times; and it is among them that we are to look for examples of patriarchal life and manners. A very lively sketch of this mode of life is given by Sir R. K. Porter, in the person and tribe of an Arab sheik, whom he encountered in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates. “I had met this warrior,” says Sir R. K. P., “at the house of the British resident at Bagdad; and came, according to his repeated wish, to see him in a place more consonant with his habits, the tented field; and, as he expressed it, ‘at the head of his children.’ 80As soon as we arrived in sight of his camp, we were met by crowds of its inhabitants, who, with a wild and hurrying delight, led us toward the tent of their chief. The venerable old man came forth to the door, attended by his subjects of all sizes and descriptions, and greeted us with a countenance beaming kindness; while his words, which our interpreter explained, were demonstrative of patriarchal welcome. One of my Hindoo troopers spoke Arabic; hence the substance of our succeeding discourse was not lost on each other. Having entered, I sat down by my host; and the whole of the persons present, to far beyond the boundaries of the tent, (the sides of which were open,) seated themselves also, without any regard to those more civilized ceremonies of subjection, the crouching of slaves, or the standing of vassalage. These persons, in rows beyond rows, appeared just as he had described, the offspring of his house, the descendants of his fathers, from age to age; and like brethren, whether holding the highest or the lowest rank, they seemed to gather round their common parent. But perhaps their sense of perfect equality in the mind of their chief could not be more forcibly shown, than in the share they took in the objects which appeared to interest his feelings; and as I looked from the elders or leaders of the people, seated immediately around him, to the circles beyond circles of brilliant faces, bending eagerly toward him and his guest, (all, from the most respectably clad to those with hardly a garment covering their active limbs, earnest to evince some attention to the stranger he bade welcome,) I thought I had never before seen so complete an assemblage of fine and animated countenances, both old and young: nor could I suppose a better specimen of the still existing state of the true Arab; nor a more lively picture of the scene which must have presented itself, ages ago, in the fields of Haran, when Terah sat in his tent door, surrounded by his sons, and his sons’ sons, and the people born in his house. The venerable Arabian sheik was also seated on the ground with a piece of carpet spread under him; and, like his ancient Chaldean ancestor, turned to the one side and the other, graciously answering or questioning the groups around him, with an interest in them all which clearly showed the abiding simplicity of his government, and their obedience. On the smallest computation, such must have been the manners of these people for more than three thousand years; thus, in all things, verifying the prediction given of Ishmael at his birth, that he, in his posterity, should ‘be a wild man,’ and always continue to be so, though ‘he shall dwell for ever in the presence of his brethren.’ And that an acute and active people, surrounded for ages by polished and luxurious nations, should from their earliest to their latest times, be still found a wild people, dwelling in the presence of all their brethren, (as we may call these nations,) unsubdued and unchangeable, is, indeed, a standing miracle: one of those mysterious facts which establish the truth of prophecy.” But although the manners of the Arabians have remained unaltered through so many ages, and will probably so continue, their religion, as we have seen, has sustained an important change; and must again, in the fulness of time, give place to a faith more worthy of the people.
The last remnants of Arabian science were found in Spain, where it was expelled in the early seventeenth century by the intolerant bigots of that country, who have never had anything of their own to take its place. The Arabians are the only people who have maintained their lineage, independence, language, and customs from ancient times to today; it is among them that we should look for examples of patriarchal life and customs. A vivid sketch of this lifestyle is provided by Sir R. K. Porter through his encounter with an Arab sheik near the Euphrates. “I had met this warrior,” says Sir R. K. P., “at the British resident's house in Baghdad; and I came, as he repeatedly requested, to see him in a setting more suited to his way of life, the tented field; and, as he put it, ‘at the head of his children.’ 80 As soon as we arrived in view of his camp, we were greeted by crowds of its inhabitants, who, with wild and hurried joy, led us toward their chief’s tent. The venerable old man came to the door, attended by subjects of all shapes and sizes, and greeted us with a face radiating warmth; while his words, as explained by our interpreter, clearly showed his welcoming nature. One of my Hindoo troopers spoke Arabic, so the essence of our subsequent conversation wasn’t lost on either of us. Once inside, I sat down beside my host, and everyone present, far beyond the tent’s boundaries (the sides of which were open), took their seats too, disregarding the more civilized customs of submission, like slave crouching or vassal standing. These people, in rows upon rows, appeared exactly as he had described—his household, the descendants of his ancestors for generations; and like brothers, whether at the top or bottom of the hierarchy, they gathered around their common parent. However, their shared sense of equality in their chief's eyes was perhaps best illustrated by the way they engaged with what seemed to stir his feelings. As I looked from the elders or leaders immediately around him to the circles of eager faces leaning toward him and his guest, (with everyone from the most respectably dressed to those scarcely clad, all keen to show some attention to the stranger he welcomed,) I thought I had never before seen such a complete gathering of vibrant and animated faces, both young and old. Nor could I imagine a better representation of the current state of true Arabs; nor a more lively picture of what must have been seen ages ago on the fields of Haran, when Terah sat at his tent door, surrounded by his sons and their sons, and the people born in his household. The venerable Arabian sheik was also seated on the ground with a carpet beneath him; and, like his ancient Chaldean ancestor, he turned this way and that, graciously answering or questioning the groups around him with genuine interest that clearly showed the enduring simplicity of his governance and their obedience. By any estimation, the manners of these people must have been the same for over three thousand years; thus, in all things, confirming the prediction made about Ishmael at his birth, that he, in his descendants, would ‘be a wild man’ and continue to be so, even though ‘he shall dwell forever in the presence of his brethren.’ And that a sharp and energetic people, surrounded for centuries by refined and luxurious nations, would from their earliest times to now still be found a wild people, dwelling in the presence of all their brethren (as we can call these nations), unconquered and unchanging, is indeed a standing miracle: one of those mysterious facts that prove the truth of prophecy.” But while the ways of the Arabians have remained unchanged through so many ages and will likely continue to do so, their religion, as we have observed, has undergone significant change; and it must at some future time yield to a belief more deserving of the people.
St. Paul first preached the Gospel in Arabia, Gal. i, 17. Christian churches were subsequently founded, and many of their tribes embraced Christianity prior to the fifth century; most of which appear to have been tinctured with the Nestorian heresy. At this time, however, it does not appear that the Arabians had any version of the Scriptures in their own language, to which some writers attribute the ease with which they were drawn into the Mohammedan delusion; while the “Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, Abyssinians, Copts, and others,” who enjoyed that privilege, were able to resist it.
St. Paul was the first to preach the Gospel in Arabia, Gal. i, 17. Christian churches were later established, and many of their tribes adopted Christianity before the fifth century; most of which seemed to be influenced by the Nestorian heresy. However, at that time, it doesn't seem that the Arabians had any version of the Scriptures in their own language, which some writers say contributed to how easily they fell into the Mohammedan delusion; while the “Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, Abyssinians, Copts, and others,” who had that access, were able to resist it.
ARAM, the fifth son of Shem, Gen. x, 22. He was the father of the Syrians, who from him were called Aramæans, or Aramites.
ARAM, the fifth son of Shem, Gen. x, 22. He was the father of the Syrians, who were named Aramæans, or Aramites, after him.
ARARAT, a mountain of Asia, in Armenia, on which the ark of Noah rested after the cessation of the deluge. Concerning the etymology of the name, Dr. Bryant observes, that it is a compound of Ar-Arat, and signifies “the mountain of descent,” being equivalent to הר־ירר, of the Hebrews. Of the precise situation of this mountain, different accounts have been given. Some have supposed that it was one of the mountains which divide Armenia on the south from Mesopotamia, and that part of Assyria inhabited by the Curds, from whom those mountains took the name of Curdue, or Cardu; by the Greeks denominated Gordyæi. It is called by the Arabs Al-Judi, and also Thamanin. In confirmation of this opinion, it is alleged that the remains of the ark were to be seen on these mountains; and it is said, that Berosus and Abydenus both declare, that such a report existed in their time. Epiphanius pretends, if we may credit his assertion, that the relics of the ark were to be seen in his day; and we are farther told, that the emperor Heraclius went from the town of Thamanin, up the mountain Al-Judi, and saw the place of the ark. Others maintain, that mount Ararat was situated toward the middle of Armenia, near the river Araxes, or Aras, about twelve miles from it, according to Tournefort, above two hundred and eighty miles distant from Al-Judi, to the north-east. Ararat seems to be a part of that vast chain of mountains called Caucasus and Taurus; and upon these mountains, and in the adjacent country, were preserved more authentic accounts of the ark than in almost any other part of the world. The region about Ararat, called Araratia, was esteemed among the ancients as nearly a central part of the earth; and it is certainly as well calculated as any other for the accommodation of its first inhabitants, and for the migration of colonies, upon the increase of mankind. The soil of the country was very fruitful, and especially of that part where the patriarch made his first descent. The country also was very high, though it had fine plains and valleys 81between the mountains. Such a country, therefore, must, after the flood, have been the soonest exsiccated, and, consequently, the soonest habitable.
ARARAT, a mountain in Armenia, Asia, is where Noah's ark came to rest after the flood ended. Dr. Bryant notes that the name is a combination of Ar-Arat, meaning "the mountain of descent," which is similar to the Hebrew term הר-הירר. Different accounts exist regarding the exact location of this mountain. Some believe it is one of the mountains separating southern Armenia from Mesopotamia and the part of Assyria inhabited by the Kurds, from whom these mountains got the name Curdue or Cardu; the Greeks called them Gordyæi. The Arabs refer to it as Al-Judi and also Thamanin. To support this theory, it is claimed that remnants of the ark could be seen on these mountains, and both Berosus and Abydenus mentioned that such reports existed in their time. Epiphanius claims, if we can believe him, that he saw the ark's remains in his time; it is also said that Emperor Heraclius went from the town of Thamanin, climbed Mount Al-Judi, and saw the ark's location. Others argue that Mount Ararat is located in central Armenia, near the Araxes or Aras river, approximately twelve miles from it, as Tournefort suggests, over two hundred eighty miles northeast of Al-Judi. Ararat appears to be part of the extensive mountain ranges known as the Caucasus and Taurus, and more reliable accounts of the ark have been preserved in these mountains and the surrounding area than in most other places. The region around Ararat, known as Araratia, was considered by ancient people to be close to the center of the earth; it is undoubtedly well-suited for its first inhabitants and the movement of colonies as the population grew. The soil in this area was very fertile, particularly the part where the patriarch first descended. The country was also very elevated but had beautiful plains and valleys 81 between the mountains. Therefore, such a region would have dried out more quickly after the flood and, as a result, became habitable sooner.
The mountain which has still the name of Ararat, has retained it through all ages. Tournefort has particularly described it, and from his account it seems to consist chiefly of freestone, or calcareous sandstone. It is a detached mountain in form of a sugar loaf, in the midst of a very extensive plain, consisting of two summits; the lesser, more sharp and pointed; the higher, which is that of the ark, lies north-west of it, and raises its head far above the neighbouring mountains, and is covered with perpetual snow. When the air is clear, it does not appear to be above two leagues from Erivan, and may be seen at the distance of four or five days’ journey. Its being visible at such a distance, however, is ascribed not so much to its height, as to its lonely situation, in a large plain, and upon the most elevated part of the country. The ascent is difficult and fatiguing. Tournefort attempted it; and, after a whole day’s toil, he was obliged, by the snow and intense cold, to return without accomplishing his design, though in the middle of summer. On the side of the mountain that looks toward Erivan, is a prodigious precipice, very deep, with perpendicular sides, and of a rough, black appearance, as if tinged with smoke.
The mountain still called Ararat has kept that name throughout history. Tournefort described it in detail, and from his account, it seems to be mainly made of freestone or calcareous sandstone. It stands alone, shaped like a sugar loaf, in a vast plain, and has two peaks: the smaller one is sharp and pointed, while the higher one, which is where the ark rested, is located to the northwest and towers above the surrounding mountains, covered in permanent snow. On clear days, it appears to be about two leagues from Erivan and can be seen from four or five days' journey away. Its visibility from such a distance is attributed more to its isolated position in a large plain and on the highest part of the land rather than its height. The hike up is challenging and exhausting. Tournefort attempted to climb it, but after a full day's effort, he had to turn back due to the snow and bitter cold, even in mid-summer. On the side of the mountain facing Erivan, there is a massive cliff, very deep with vertical sides, giving it a rough, black appearance, as though stained with smoke.
The summit of Ararat has never been reached, though several attempts have been made; and if the ark rested on the summit, it is certain that those who have spoken of its fragments being seen there in different ages, must have been imposed upon. It is, however, not necessary to suppose that the ark rested upon either of its tops; and that spot would certainly be chosen which would afford the greatest facility of descent. Sir Robert Ker Porter is among the modern travellers who have given us an account of this celebrated mountain:--“As the vale opened beneath us in our descent, my whole attention became absorbed in the view before me. A vast plain, peopled with countless villages; the towers and spires of the churches of Eitch-mai-adzen, arising from amidst them; the glittering waters of the Araxes, flowing through the fresh green of the vale; and the subordinate range of mountains, skirting the base of the awful monument of the antediluvian world. It seemed to stand a stupendous link in the history of man, uniting the two races of men before and after the flood. But it was not until we had arrived upon the flat plain, that I beheld Ararat in all its amplitude of grandeur. From the spot on which I stood, it appeared as if the hugest mountains of the world had been piled upon each other, to form this one sublime immensity of earth, and rock, and snow. The icy peaks of its double heads rose majestically into the clear and cloudless heavens; the sun blazed bright upon them; and the reflection sent forth a dazzling radiance, equal to other suns. This point of the view united the utmost grandeur of plain and height. But the feelings I experienced while looking on the mountain, are hardly to be described. My eye, not able to rest for any length of time upon the blinding glory of its summits, wandered down the apparently interminable sides, till I could no longer trace their vast lines in the mists of the horizon; when an inexpressible impulse, immediately carrying my eye upward again, refixed my gaze upon the awful glare of Ararat; and this bewildered sensibility of sight being answered by a similar feeling in the mind, for some moments I was lost in a strange suspension of the powers of thought.”
The summit of Ararat has never been reached, even though there have been several attempts. If the ark did rest on the peak, it's clear that those who claimed to have seen fragments there at different times must have been mistaken. However, it's not necessary to believe that the ark rested on either of its peaks; the location chosen would likely be one that allowed for the easiest descent. Sir Robert Ker Porter is one of the modern travelers who shared his experience of this famous mountain: “As we descended and the valley spread out beneath us, I was completely captivated by the view. A vast plain filled with countless villages; the towers and spires of the churches of Eitch-mai-adzen rising among them; the sparkling waters of the Araxes flowing through the lush green valley; and the lower mountain range hugging the base of the incredible monument of the ancient world. It seemed to serve as an extraordinary link in human history, connecting the two groups of people before and after the flood. But it wasn't until we reached the flat plain that I saw Ararat in all its magnificent glory. From where I stood, it looked as if the largest mountains in the world had been stacked on top of each other to create this one immense mass of earth, rock, and snow. The icy peaks of its twin summits rose majestically into the clear, cloudless sky; the sun shone brilliantly on them, and the reflection created a dazzling light similar to that of other suns. This viewpoint combined the ultimate beauty of both the plain and the height. However, the feelings I had while gazing at the mountain are hard to describe. My eyes, unable to focus for long on the blinding brilliance of its summits, drifted down its seemingly endless sides until I could no longer make out their vast outlines in the misty horizon; then an indescribable urge pulled my gaze upward again, locking my eyes on the overwhelming brightness of Ararat; and this bewildered sensitivity in sight echoed a similar feeling in my mind, leaving me momentarily lost in a strange suspension of thought."
The separate peaks are called Great and Little Ararat, and the space between them is about seven miles. “These inaccessible summits,” continues Sir R. K. Porter, “have never been trodden by the foot of man since the days of Noah, if even then; for my idea is, that the ark rested in the space between these heads, and not on the top of either. Various attempts have been made in different ages to ascend these tremendous mountain-pyramids, but in vain: their form, snows, and glaciers, are insurmountable obstacles: the distance being so great from the commencement of the icy region to the highest points, cold alone would be the destruction of any person who should have the hardihood to persevere. On viewing mount Ararat from the northern side of the plain, its two heads are separated by a wide cleft, or rather glen, in the body of the mountain. The rocky side of the greater head runs almost perpendicularly down to the north-east, while the lesser head rises from the sloping bottom of the cleft, in a perfectly conical shape. Both heads are covered with snow. The form of the greater is similar to the less, only broader and rounder at the top; and shows to the north-west a broken and abrupt front, opening, about half way down, into a stupendous chasm, deep, rocky, and peculiarly black. At that part of the mountain, the hollow of the chasm receives an interruption from the projection of minor mountains, which start from the sides of Ararat like branches from the root of a tree, and run along, in undulating progression, till lost in the distant vapours of the plain.” Dr. Shuckford argues that the true Ararat lies among the mountains of the north of India; but Mr. Faber has answered his reasoning, and proved by a comparison of geographical notices incidentally mentioned in the Old Testament, that the Ararat of Armenia is the true Ararat.
The two peaks are known as Great and Little Ararat, with a distance of about seven miles between them. “These unreachable summits,” Sir R. K. Porter continues, “have not been touched by human feet since the days of Noah, if they ever were; my belief is that the ark rested in the space between these peaks, rather than on top of either. Numerous attempts have been made throughout history to climb these massive mountains, but all have failed: their shape, along with the snow and glaciers, presents insurmountable barriers. The distance from the start of the icy region to the highest points is so great that just the cold would be enough to endanger anyone brave enough to try. When viewing Mount Ararat from the northern side of the plain, the two peaks are separated by a wide gap, or glen, in the mountain's body. The rocky face of the larger peak drops almost straight down to the northeast, while the smaller peak rises from the sloped base of the gap in a perfectly conical shape. Both peaks are covered in snow. The larger one resembles the smaller but is broader and rounder at the top, displaying a jagged and steep face to the northwest, which opens halfway down into a massive chasm that is deep, rocky, and unusually dark. In that area of the mountain, the chasm is interrupted by smaller mountains that extend from the sides of Ararat like branches from a tree root, undulating along until fading into the distant haze of the plain.” Dr. Shuckford suggests that the real Ararat is among the mountains in northern India; however, Mr. Faber has countered his argument and demonstrated, through a comparison of geographical details mentioned in the Old Testament, that the Ararat in Armenia is indeed the true Ararat.
ARCHANGEL, according to some, means an angel occupying the eighth rank in the celestial order or hierarchy; but others reckon it a title only applicable to our Saviour; Jude 9; Dan. xii, 1; 1 Thess. iv, 16. On this point Bishop Horsley has the following observations:--“It has been for a long time a fashion in the church to speak very frequently and familiarly of archangels as beings of an order with which we are perfectly well acquainted. Some say there are seven of them. Upon what solid ground that assertion stands, I know not; but this I know, the word ‘archangel’ is not to be found in any one passage of the Old Testament: in the New Testament it occurs twice, 82and only twice. One of the two passages is in the First Epistle to the Thessalonians; where the Apostle, among the circumstances of the pomp of our Lord’s descent from heaven to the final judgment, mentions ‘the voice of the archangel;’ the other passage is in the Epistle of St. Jude, where the title of archangel is coupled with the name of ‘Michael the archangel.’ This passage is so remarkably obscure that I shall not attempt to draw any conclusion from it but this, which manifestly follows, be the particular sense of the passage what it may: since this is one of the two texts in which alone the word ‘archangel’ is found in the whole Bible; since in this one text only the title of archangel is coupled with any name; and since the name with which it is here coupled is Michael; it follows undeniably that the archangel Michael is the only archangel of whom we know any thing from holy writ. It cannot be proved from holy writ, and, if not from holy writ, it cannot be proved at all, that any archangel exists but the one archangel Michael, and this one archangel Michael is unquestionably the Michael of the book of Daniel.
ARCHANGEL, according to some, refers to an angel that holds the eighth rank in the celestial order or hierarchy; however, others believe it's a title that only applies to our Savior; Jude 9; Dan. xii, 1; 1 Thess. iv, 16. On this matter, Bishop Horsley has some interesting comments: “For a long time now, it's been common in the church to talk frequently and casually about archangels as if we fully understand them. Some people say there are seven of them. I don’t know what solid basis that claim stands on; but what I do know is that the term ‘archangel’ is not found in any passage of the Old Testament: it appears only twice in the New Testament, 82 specifically in the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. There, the Apostle mentions ‘the voice of the archangel’ as part of the grandeur of our Lord’s return from heaven for the final judgment; the other mention is in the Epistle of St. Jude, where the title of archangel is associated with ‘Michael the archangel.’ This reference is so notably unclear that I won’t try to draw any strong conclusions from it other than the following, which clearly follows regardless of the specific meaning of the passage: since this is one of the only two places in the entire Bible where the word ‘archangel’ is mentioned; since in this single instance the title of archangel is paired with a name; and since that name is Michael; it can be definitively concluded that the archangel Michael is the only archangel we know anything about from scripture. It cannot be proven from holy writ, and if it cannot be proven from holy writ, it cannot be proven at all, that any archangel exists other than the archangel Michael, who is undoubtedly the Michael referenced in the book of Daniel.
“I must observe by the way, with respect to the import of the title of archangel, that the word, by etymology, clearly implies a superiority of rank and authority in the person to whom it is applied. It implies a command over angels; and this is all that the word of necessity implies. But it follows not, by any sound rule of argument, that, because no other superiority than that of rank and authority is implied in the title, no other belongs to the person distinguished by the title, and that he is in all other respects a mere angel. Since we admit various orders of intelligent beings, it is evident that a being highly above the angelic order may command angels.
“I need to point out that regarding the meaning of the title of archangel, the word itself clearly suggests a higher rank and authority for the person it refers to. It indicates a command over angels; and that’s the main implication of the term. However, it doesn’t logically follow that just because the title only implies rank and authority, no other superiority exists for the person who holds that title, or that they are simply another angel in every other way. Since we recognize different levels of intelligent beings, it’s clear that a being significantly above the angelic level can command angels.”
“To ascertain, if we can, to what order of beings the archangel Michael may belong, let us see how he is described by the Prophet Daniel, who never mentions him by that title; and what action is attributed to him in the book of Daniel and in another book, in which he bears a principal part.
“To determine, if possible, which order of beings the archangel Michael belongs to, let’s look at how he is described by the Prophet Daniel, who never calls him by that title; and what actions are attributed to him in the book of Daniel and in another book where he plays a key role."
“Now Daniel calls him ‘one of the chief princes,‘ or ‘one of the capital princes,’ or ‘one of the princes that are at the head of all:’ for this I maintain to be the full and not more than the full import of the Hebrew words. Now we are clearly got above the earth, into the order of celestials, who are the princes that are first, or at the head of all? Are they any other than the three persons in the Godhead? Michael, therefore, is one of them; but which of them? This is not left in doubt. Gabriel, speaking of him to Daniel, calls him ‘Michael your prince,’ and ‘the great prince which standeth for the children of thy people;‘ that is, not for the nation of the Jews in particular, but for the children, the spiritual children, of that holy seed the elect people of God; a description which applies particularly to the Son of God, and to no one else; and in perfect consistence with this description of Michael in the book of Daniel, is the action assigned to him in the Apocalypse, in which we find him fighting with the old serpent, the deceiver of the world, and victorious in the combat. That combat who was to maintain? in that combat who was to be victorious, but the seed of the woman? From all this it is evident, that Michael is a name for our Lord himself, in his particular character of the champion of his faithful people, against the violence of the apostate faction and the wiles of the devil.” To this opinion there is nothing irreconcilable in the “voice of the archangel” mentioned in 1 Thess. iv, 16: since the “shout,” the “voice,” the “trump of God,” may all be the majestic summons of the Judge himself. At the same time we must feel that the reasoning of Bishop Horsley, though ingenious, is for from being conclusive against the existence of one or more archangels.
“Now Daniel refers to him as ‘one of the chief princes,’ or ‘one of the main princes,’ or ‘one of the princes who are in charge of all:’ I believe this captures the full meaning of the Hebrew words. Clearly, we have moved beyond earthly matters and into the realm of celestial beings, who are the princes that are first, or at the head of all? Are they anyone other than the three persons of the Godhead? Therefore, Michael is one of them; but which one? This question is clearly answered. Gabriel, speaking to Daniel about him, calls him ‘Michael your prince,’ and ‘the great prince who stands for the children of your people;’ this refers not just to the nation of the Jews in general, but to the spiritual children of that holy lineage, the chosen people of God; a description that particularly fits the Son of God and no one else. This understanding aligns perfectly with Michael's role in the book of Daniel and is consistent with the actions attributed to him in the Apocalypse, where we see him fighting against the old serpent, the deceiver of the world, and triumphing in battle. Who was it that needed to sustain that fight? Who was meant to win in that battle, but the seed of the woman? From all this, it is clear that Michael is a name for our Lord himself, particularly as the defender of his faithful people against the aggression of the apostate faction and the schemes of the devil.” There is nothing in the “voice of the archangel” mentioned in 1 Thess. iv, 16 that contradicts this view; the “shout,” the “voice,” the “trumpet of God,” may all represent the majestic call of the Judge himself. At the same time, we must acknowledge that Bishop Horsley’s reasoning, though clever, is far from conclusive against the existence of one or more archangels.
ARCHBISHOP, a bishop of the first class, who superintends the conduct of other bishops. Archbishops were not known in the east till about the year 320; and though there were some soon after this, who had the title, yet it was only a personal honour, by which the bishops of considerable cities were distinguished. It was not till of late that archbishops became metropolitans, and had suffragans under them. Athanasius appears to have been the first who used the title archbishop, which he gave occasionally to his predecessor. Gregory Nazianzen, in like manner, gave it to Athanasius; not that either of them was entitled to any jurisdiction, or even any precedency, in virtue of this title. Among the Latins, Isidore Hispalensis is the first who speaks of archbishops.
ARCHBISHOP, a high-ranking bishop, oversees the actions of other bishops. Archbishops didn't appear in the east until around the year 320; although there were a few after this who held the title, it was merely an honorary distinction for bishops of important cities. It was only recently that archbishops became metropolitans and had suffragans serving under them. Athanasius seems to be the first to use the title archbishop, which he occasionally applied to his predecessor. Similarly, Gregory Nazianzen referred to Athanasius by this title; however, neither had any actual authority or precedence because of it. Among the Latins, Isidore Hispalensis is the first to mention archbishops.
ARCHELAUS, son of Herod the Great, and Maltace, his fifth wife. Herod having put to death his sons Alexander, Aristobulus, and Antipater, and expunged out of his will Herod Antipas, whom he had declared king, he substituted Archelaus, and gave Antipas the title of tetrarch only. After the death of Herod, Archelaus ordered that king’s will to be read, wherein he, Archelaus, was declared king, on condition that Augustus consented. Hereupon the assembly cried, “Long live king Archelaus!” and the soldiers promised the same fidelity to him as they had shown to his father. Archelaus buried his father magnificently, came to Jerusalem, and there mourned seven days, according to custom. He then gave a splendid entertainment to the people, went to the temple, harangued the multitude, promised them good treatment, and declared he would not assume the title of king till the emperor had confirmed it, A. M. 4001; B. C. 3. The people, notwithstanding, tumultuously demanded the execution of those who advised Herod to slay certain zealots, who had pulled down a golden eagle from one of the temple gates. They also required Archelaus to divest Joazar of the high priesthood; and they vehemently reproached the memory of the late king. Archelaus sent troops to suppress the mutineers, and killed near three thousand of them about the temple. After this he embarked at Cæsarea for Rome, to procure from Augustus the confirmation of Herod’s will. Antipas, his 83brother, went to Rome likewise, to dispute his title, pretending that Herod’s first will should be preferred to his last, which he alleged to have been made by him when his understanding was not sound.
ARCHELAUS, son of Herod the Great, and Maltace, his fifth wife. After Herod executed his sons Alexander, Aristobulus, and Antipater, and removed Herod Antipas from his will—who had been declared king—he appointed Archelaus and gave Antipas the title of tetrarch instead. Following Herod's death, Archelaus had the king’s will read, which declared him king on the condition that Augustus approved. The crowd then shouted, “Long live King Archelaus!” and the soldiers pledged the same loyalty to him as they had to his father. Archelaus held a grand burial for his father, came to Jerusalem, and mourned for seven days, as was customary. He then threw a lavish feast for the people, went to the temple, addressed the crowd, promised them fair treatment, and stated he wouldn’t take the title of king until the emperor had confirmed it, A. M. 4001; B. C. 3. Despite this, the people loudly demanded the punishment of those who had advised Herod to kill certain zealots who had taken down a golden eagle from one of the temple gates. They also insisted that Archelaus remove Joazar from the position of high priest and harshly criticized the memory of the late king. Archelaus sent troops to quell the uprising, killing nearly three thousand of them around the temple. After this, he set sail from Cæsarea to Rome to obtain confirmation of Herod’s will from Augustus. His brother Antipas also went to Rome to contest his claim, arguing that Herod’s first will should take precedence over the last, which he claimed was made when Herod was not of sound mind.
The two brothers, Archelaus and Antipas, procured able orators to display their pretensions before the emperor; and when they had done speaking, Archelaus threw himself at Augustus’s feet. Augustus gently raised him, said he would do nothing contrary to Herod’s intention or his interest, but refused to decide the affair at that time. Some time afterward, the Jews sent a solemn embassy to Rome, to desire Augustus would permit them to live according to their own laws, and on the footing of a Roman province, without being subject to kings of Herod’s family, but only to the governors of Syria. Augustus heard them, and likewise heard Archelaus in reply; then broke up the assembly without declaring himself. After some days, he sent for Archelaus, gave him the title, not of king, but of ethnarch, with one moiety of the territories which his father Herod had enjoyed; promising him the crown likewise, if his good conduct deserved it. Archelaus returned to Judea, and, under pretence that he had countenanced the seditious against him, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, and gave that dignity to his brother Eleazar. He governed Judea with so much violence, that, after seven years, the chiefs of the Samaritans and Jews accused him before Augustus. The emperor immediately sent for his agent at Rome, and without condescending to write to Archelaus he commanded the agent to depart instantly for Judea, and order Archelaus to Rome, to give an account of his conduct. On his arrival at Rome, the emperor called for his accusers, and permitted him to defend himself; which he did so insufficiently, that Augustus banished him to Vienne, in Gaul, where he continued in exile to the end of his life. See Antipas.
The two brothers, Archelaus and Antipas, hired skilled speakers to present their claims to the emperor. Once they finished speaking, Archelaus threw himself at Augustus’s feet. Augustus gently lifted him up and said he wouldn’t act against Herod’s wishes or interests but refused to make a decision at that time. Later, the Jews sent a formal delegation to Rome, asking Augustus to let them live under their own laws and as a Roman province, without being ruled by Herod’s family, but only by the governors of Syria. Augustus listened to them and also heard Archelaus's response, then dismissed the assembly without making a declaration. A few days later, he summoned Archelaus, gave him the title of ethnarch—not king—and half of the territories his father Herod had ruled, promising him the crown if he proved himself worthy. Archelaus returned to Judea and, pretending he was being supported by rebels against him, removed Joazar from the high priesthood and appointed his brother Eleazar instead. He ruled Judea so harshly that, after seven years, the leaders of the Samaritans and Jews complained to Augustus about him. The emperor immediately called for his agent in Rome and, without bothering to write to Archelaus, ordered the agent to go to Judea right away and summon Archelaus to Rome to explain his actions. When he arrived in Rome, the emperor called for his accusers and allowed Archelaus to defend himself. However, his defense was so inadequate that Augustus banished him to Vienne in Gaul, where he lived in exile for the rest of his life. See Antipas.
ARCHI-SYNAGOGUS, the ruler of a synagogue. See Synagogue.
ARCHI-SYNAGOGUS, the leader of a synagogue. See Synagogue.
ARCHITRICLINUS, ἀρχιτρίκλινος, generally translated steward, signifies rather the master or superintendent of the feast; “one,” says Gaudentius, “who is the husband’s friend, and commissioned to conduct the order and economy of the feast.” He gave directions to the servants, superintended every thing, commanded the tables to be covered, or to be cleared of the dishes, as he thought proper: whence his name, as regulator of the triclinium, or festive board. He also tasted the wine, and distributed it to the guests. The author of Ecclesiasticus thus describes this office, xxxii, 1, 2: “If thou be made the master of a feast, lift not thyself up, but be among them as one of the rest: take diligent care of them, and so sit down. And when thou hast done all thy office, take thy place, that thou mayest be merry with them, and receive a crown for the well ordering of the feast.” This office is mentioned, John ii, 8, 9, upon which Theophylact remarks: “That no one might suspect that their taste was vitiated by having drunk to excess, so as not to know water from wine, our Saviour orders it to be first carried to the governor of the feast, who certainly was sober; for those who on such occasions are intrusted with this office, observe the strictest sobriety, that they may be able properly to regulate the whole.”
ARCHITRICLINUS, or chief steward, is usually translated to mean steward, but it actually refers to the master or supervisor of the feast. “Someone,” as Gaudentius says, “who is a friend of the host and tasked with managing the order and arrangement of the feast.” He instructed the servants, oversaw everything, and directed when to set or clear the tables, as he deemed fit; hence his title as the organizer of the triclinium or banquet table. He also sampled the wine and served it to the guests. The author of Ecclesiasticus describes this role in xxxii, 1, 2: “If you are appointed the master of a feast, don't elevate yourself, but act like one of the others: take good care of them, then sit down. And once you've completed your duties, take your place so you can enjoy the feast with them and receive a reward for organizing it well.” This role is referenced in John ii, 8, 9, where Theophylact notes: “To ensure that no one suspected their taste was impaired from drinking too much and couldn’t tell water from wine, our Savior instructed that it should first be brought to the governor of the feast, who certainly was sober; for those entrusted with this role are extremely sober to manage everything properly.”
AREOPAGUS, the high court at Athens, famed for the justice of its decisions; and so called, because it sat on a hill of the same name, or in the suburbs of the city, dedicated to Mars, the god of war, as the city was to Minerva, his sister. St. Paul, Acts xvii, 19, &c, having preached at Athens, was carried before the Areopagites, as “a setter forth of strange gods.” On this occasion he delivered that fine sermon which is in substance recorded in Acts xvii. Dionysius, one of the judges, was converted; and the Apostle was dismissed without any farther trouble.
AREOPAGUS, the high court in Athens, known for its fair decisions; it got its name because it met on a hill of the same name, or in the outskirts of the city, which was dedicated to Mars, the god of war, just as the city was dedicated to Minerva, his sister. St. Paul, in Acts xvii, 19, etc., after preaching in Athens, was brought before the Areopagites as “a promoter of strange gods.” On this occasion, he delivered that great sermon which is essentially recorded in Acts xvii. Dionysius, one of the judges, was converted; and the Apostle was let go without any further issues.
ARGOB, a canton lying beyond Jordan, in the half tribe of Manasseh, and in the country of Bashan, one of the most fruitful on the other side of Jordan. In the region of Argob there were sixty cities, called Bashan-havoth-Jair, which had very high walls and strong gates, without reckoning many villages and hamlets, which were not inclosed, Deut. iii, 4–14; 1 Kings iv, 13. But Argob was more peculiarly the name of the capital city of the region of Argob, which Eusebius says was fifteen miles west of Gerara.
ARGOB is a region located beyond the Jordan River, in the half tribe of Manasseh, and in the land of Bashan, which is one of the most fertile areas on the other side of the Jordan. In the Argob region, there were sixty cities known as Bashan-havoth-Jair, which featured very high walls and strong gates, not to mention many villages and small settlements that were not enclosed, Deut. iii, 4–14; 1 Kings iv, 13. However, Argob specifically referred to the capital city of the Argob region, which Eusebius noted was fifteen miles west of Gerara.
ARIANS, this ancient sect, was unquestionably so called from Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria, in the early part of the fourth century. It is said that he aspired to episcopal honours; and after the death of Achilles, in A. D. 313, felt not a little chagrined that Alexander should be preferred before him. Whether this circumstance had any influence on his opinions, it is impossible to say; but one day, when his rival (Alexander) had been addressing the clergy in favour of the orthodox doctrine, and maintaining, in strong and pointed language, “that the Son of God was co-eternal, co-essential, and co-equal with the Father,” Arius considered this as a species of Sabellianism, and ventured to say, that it was inconsistent and impossible, since the Father, who begat, must be before the Son, who was begotten: the latter, therefore, could not be absolutely eternal. Alexander at first admonished Arius, and endeavoured to convince him of his error; but without effect, except that he became the more bold in contradiction. Some of the clergy thought their bishop too forbearing, and it is possible he felt his inferiority of talent; for Arius was a man of accomplished learning, and commanding eloquence; venerable in person, and fascinating in address. At length Alexander was roused, and attempted to silence Arius by his authority; but this not succeeding, as the latter was bold and pertinacious, Alexander, about the year 320, called a council of his clergy, by whom the reputed heretic was deposed and excommunicated. Arius now retired into Palestine, where his talents and address soon made a number of converts; and among the rest, the celebrated Eusebius, bishop 84of Nicomedia, and other bishops and clergy of those parts, who assembled in council, and received the excommunicated presbyter into their communion. Eusebius also, having great interest with Constantia, the sister of Constantine, and wife of Licinius, recommended Arius to her protection and patronage; through which, and by his own eloquent letters to the clergy in various parts, his system spread with great rapidity, and to a vast extent. The emperor Constantine, who had no great skill in these matters, was grieved to see the Christian church (but just escaped from the red dragon of persecution) thus torn by intestine animosity and dissensions; he therefore determined to summon a general council of the clergy, which met at Nice, A. D. 325, and contained more than 300 bishops. Constantine attended in person, and strongly recommended peace and unanimity. Athanasius was the chief opponent of the Arians. Both parties were willing to subscribe to the language of the Scriptures, but each insisted on interpreting for themselves. “Did the Trinitarians,” says Mr. Milner, “assert that Christ was God? The Arians allowed it, but in the same sense as holy men and angels are styled gods in Scripture. Did they affirm that he was truly God? The others allowed that he was made so by God. Did they affirm that the Son was naturally of God? It was granted: Even we, said they, are of God, ‘of whom are all things.’” At length the Athanasians collected a number of texts, which they conceived amounted to full proof of the Son being of one and the same substance with the Father; the Arians admitted he was of like substance, the difference in the Greek phrases being only in a single letter,--ὁμοούσιος, homoousios and ὁμοιούσιος, homoiousios. At length the former was decreed to be the orthodox faith, and the Nicene creed was framed as it remains at this day so far as concerns the person of the Son of God, who is said to be “begotten of his Father before all worlds; God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten, not made, of one substance with the Father, by whom all things were made,” &c.
ARIANS, this ancient group, was undoubtedly named after Arius, a presbyter from Alexandria, in the early fourth century. It's said that he aimed for a bishopric, and after the death of Achilles in A.D. 313, he felt quite frustrated that Alexander was chosen instead of him. Whether this affected his beliefs is unclear; however, one day, after Alexander had been addressing the clergy in support of orthodox doctrine, strongly asserting that “the Son of God was co-eternal, co-essential, and co-equal with the Father,” Arius perceived this as a form of Sabellianism and stated that it was inconsistent and impossible, since the Father, who begets, must exist before the Son, who is begotten: therefore, the Son couldn't be absolutely eternal. Alexander initially warned Arius and tried to convince him of his error, but this only made Arius bolder in his opposition. Some clergy believed their bishop was too lenient, and it’s possible he recognized Arius's superior talents; Arius was well-educated, eloquent, and impressive in person. Eventually, Alexander became more active and tried to silence Arius through his authority; when this failed, as Arius remained audacious and persistent, Alexander convened a council of his clergy around 320, who ultimately deposed and excommunicated the accused heretic. Arius then retreated to Palestine, where his skills and charm quickly gained him several followers, including the famous Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, along with other bishops and clergy from the region, who gathered in council and welcomed the excommunicated presbyter into their community. Eusebius also, having significant influence with Constantia, Constantine's sister and Licinius's wife, recommended that she support Arius; through her assistance and his persuasive letters to clergy throughout various regions, his views spread rapidly and widely. Emperor Constantine, who wasn't particularly knowledgeable on these issues, was disheartened to see the Christian church, which had just escaped severe persecution, so divided by internal conflicts and disagreements; he decided to call a general council of clergy, which met in Nice in A.D. 325 and included over 300 bishops. Constantine attended in person and strongly advocated for peace and unity. Athanasius was the main opponent of the Arians. Both sides were willing to agree on the wording of the Scriptures, but each insisted on interpreting them in their own way. “Did the Trinitarians,” Mr. Milner states, “claim that Christ was God? The Arians accepted this, but in the same way that holy individuals and angels are referred to as gods in Scripture. Did they insist that he was truly God? The others acknowledged that he was made so by God. Did they claim that the Son was naturally of God? They agreed: even we, they said, are of God, ‘of whom are all things.’” Eventually, the Athanasians gathered a number of texts they believed proved that the Son was of one and the same substance as the Father; the Arians conceded that he was of like substance, the difference in the Greek terms being merely one letter--ὁμοούσιος, homoousios and ὁμοιούσιος, homoiousios. Ultimately, the former was declared to be the orthodox belief, and the Nicene creed was established as it remains today concerning the person of the Son of God, who is described as “begotten of his Father before all worlds; God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten, not made, of one substance with the Father, by whom all things were made,” & etc.
Arius was now excommunicated. The sentence of the council pronounced against him and his associates was followed by another of the emperor, whereby the excommunicated persons were condemned to banishment, that they might be debarred the society of their countrymen whom the church had judged unworthy to remain in her communion. Soon after which, Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theognis of Nice, being found to continue their countenance and protection to the Arian cause, to communicate with those whom they had anathematized, and to concur in those sentiments which they had condemned by their subscriptions; they were both subjected to the same penalty of exile by the emperor, and were actually deposed, (as we learn from Athanasius,) and had successors ordained to their sees, though history is silent as to the council by which this was done. But such was the good nature and credulity of Constantine, that these men, by their usual artifices, easily imposed upon him, and brought him to such a full persuasion of their agreement with the Nicene faith, that in about three years’ time they were not only recalled from banishment, but restored to their sees, and to a considerable degree of interest at court. Their thorough attachment to the cause of Arius, and their hatred of Athanasius, who had so vigorously withstood them in the council, and was now advanced to the see of Alexandria, made them watchful of every opportunity to defeat the decisions of the council.
Arius was now excommunicated. The council's ruling against him and his supporters was followed by another from the emperor, which sentenced the excommunicated individuals to exile, preventing them from associating with their fellow countrymen who the church deemed unworthy to remain in its communion. Soon after, Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nice were found to still support and protect the Arian cause, communicate with those they had condemned, and agree with the beliefs they had rejected with their signatures. As a result, the emperor imposed the same exile on them, and they were actually deposed (as noted by Athanasius), with successors appointed to their positions, although history does not record the council through which this occurred. However, Constantine's good nature and gullibility allowed these men to manipulate him with their usual tricks, convincing him they aligned with the Nicene faith to such an extent that within about three years, they were not only called back from exile but also restored to their positions and regained significant influence at court. Their strong loyalty to the Arian cause and their animosity towards Athanasius, who had strongly opposed them at the council and was now the bishop of Alexandria, made them vigilant for every chance to undermine the council's decisions.
In the meantime one who wished well to their designs, and whom Constantia had upon her death bed recommended to the emperor, did so far prevail upon the easy credulity of Constantine, by complaining that Arius had been misrepresented, and differed nothing in his sentiments from the Nicene fathers, that the indulgent emperor recalled him from his banishment, and required him to exhibit in writing, a confession of his faith. He did this in such terms as, though they admitted of a latent reservation, yet bore the appearance of being entirely catholic; and therefore not only gave satisfaction to the emperor, but even offended some of his own followers, who from that time forth separated from him. The discerning Athanasius was not so easily imposed upon as Constantine; but, well assured of the heretic’s prevarication, was resolute in refusing to admit him to communion, whom the Nicene council had so openly condemned. Upon this the emperor sent for Arius to Constantinople, and insisted upon his being received into communion, by Alexander, bishop of that city. However, on the day before this was to have taken place, Arius died suddenly from a complaint in his bowels. Some attributed this to poison; others to the judgment of God. The emperor did not long survive; and Constantius, his successor, became warmly attached to the Arian cause, as were all the court party. Successive emperors took different sides, and thus was the peace of the church agitated for many years, and practical religion sacrificed alternately to the dogmas or the interests of one party or the other; and each was in turn excommunicated, fined, imprisoned, or banished. Constantius supported Arianism triumphantly, Julian laughed at both parties, but persecuted neither, Jovian supported the Nicene doctrine. Valentinian, and his brother Valens, took contrary sides; the former supporting Athanasianism in the west, and the latter Arianism in the east; so that what was orthodoxy at Rome was heresy at Constantinople, and vice versa. The Arians themselves were not unanimous, but divided into various shades of sentiment, under their respective leaders; as Eusebians, Eudoxians, Acasians, Aëtians, &c; but the more general distinction was into Arians and Semi-Arians; the former sinking the character of the Son of God into that of a mere creature, while the latter admitted every thing but the homoousian doctrine, or his absolute equality with the Father. After this period we hear little of Arianism, till it was revived in England in the beginning of the last century by the eccentric Mr. Whiston, by Mr. Emlyn, and 85Dr. Samuel Clarke. The latter was what may be called a high or Semi-Arian, who came within a shade of orthodoxy; the two former were low Arians, reducing the rank of our Saviour to the scale of angelic beings--a creature “made out of nothing.” Since this time, however, both Arians and Socinians are sunk into the common appellation of Unitarians, or rather Humanitarians, who believe our Saviour (as Dr. Priestley expresses it) to be “a man like themselves.” The last advocates of the pure Arian doctrine, of any celebrity, were Mr. Henry Taylor, (under the signature of Ben Mordecai,) and Dr. Richard Price, in his “Sermons on the Christian Doctrine.” It may be proper to observe, that the Arians, though they denied the absolute eternity of the Son, strongly contended for his preëxistence, as the Logos, or the Word of God, “by whom the worlds were made;” and admitted, more or less explicitly, the sacrifice which he offered for sin upon the cross.
In the meantime, someone who supported their plans and whom Constantia had recommended to the emperor on her deathbed managed to convince the easily persuaded Constantine by claiming that Arius had been misrepresented and that his views were no different from those of the Nicene fathers. As a result, the lenient emperor called Arius back from his exile and asked him to present a written confession of his faith. He did this in such a way that, while it contained a hidden reservation, it appeared to be entirely orthodox; this not only satisfied the emperor but also upset some of his followers, who then decided to part ways with him. The discerning Athanasius was not easily fooled like Constantine; confident in the heretic’s deceit, he firmly refused to allow him to partake in communion, especially since the Nicene council had condemned him so publicly. Consequently, the emperor summoned Arius to Constantinople, insisting he be received into communion by Alexander, the bishop of that city. However, the day before this was supposed to happen, Arius suddenly died from a stomach ailment. Some speculated it was poison; others believed it was divine judgment. The emperor did not live long afterward; Constantius, his successor, became a strong supporter of the Arian cause, aligning with the court's favor. Successive emperors took different stances, causing the church's peace to be disrupted for many years, with practical religion continuously sacrificed to the doctrines or interests of one faction or another; each faction faced excommunication, fines, imprisonment, or exile in turn. Constantius supported Arianism triumphantly, Julian ridiculed both sides but did not persecute anyone, and Jovian backed the Nicene doctrine. Valentinian and his brother Valens took opposing views; the former promoting Athanasianism in the west and the latter Arianism in the east, creating a situation where what was considered orthodox in Rome was seen as heretical in Constantinople, and vice versa. The Arians themselves were not united but divided into various groups under different leaders, such as Eusebians, Eudoxians, Acasians, and Aëtians; however, the broader distinction was between Arians and Semi-Arians, with the former diminishing the character of the Son of God to that of a mere creature, while the latter accepted everything except the homoousian doctrine or His absolute equality with the Father. After this period, mention of Arianism fades until it was revived in England at the beginning of the last century by the eccentric Mr. Whiston, Mr. Emlyn, and Dr. Samuel Clarke. The latter could be considered a high or Semi-Arian who almost aligned with orthodoxy; the two former were low Arians, reducing our Savior's status to that of angelic beings— a creature "made out of nothing." Since then, both Arians and Socinians have fallen under the broader label of Unitarians, or rather Humanitarians, who believe, as Dr. Priestley puts it, that our Savior is “a man like themselves.” The last prominent advocates of pure Arian doctrine were Mr. Henry Taylor (under the name Ben Mordecai) and Dr. Richard Price in his “Sermons on the Christian Doctrine.” It’s worth noting that the Arians, while denying the absolute eternity of the Son, strongly argued for his preexistence as the Logos or the Word of God, "by whom the worlds were made," and acknowledged, more or less explicitly, the sacrifice he made for sin on the cross.
ARIEL, the capital city of Moab, frequently mentioned in Scripture, Ezra viii, 16. See Moab.
ARIEL, the capital city of Moab, often referenced in the Bible, Ezra viii, 16. See Moab.
ARIMATHEA, or RAMAH, now called Ramlè, or Ramla, a pleasant town, beautifully situated on the borders of a fertile and extensive plain, abounding in gardens, vineyards, olive and date trees. It stands about thirty miles north-west of Jerusalem, on the high road to Jaffa. At this Rama, which was likewise called Ramathaim Zophim, as lying in the district of Zuph, or Zoph, Samuel was born, 1 Sam. i. This was likewise the native place of Joseph, called Joseph of Arimathea, who begged and obtained the body of Jesus from Pilate, Matt. xxvi, 57. There was another Ramah, about six miles north of Jerusalem, in a pass which separated the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, which Baasha, king of Israel, took and began to fortify; but he was obliged to relinquish it, in consequence of the alliance formed between Asa, king of Judah, and Benhadad, king of Syria, 1 Kings xv. This is the Ramah, supposed to be alluded to in the lamentation of Rachel for her children.
ARIMATHEA, or RAMAH, now known as Ramlè or Ramla, is a charming town beautifully located on the edge of a rich and vast plain filled with gardens, vineyards, olive, and date trees. It sits about thirty miles northwest of Jerusalem along the main road to Jaffa. In this Rama, also called Ramathaim Zophim because it lies in the district of Zuph, Samuel was born (1 Sam. i). This was also the hometown of Joseph, known as Joseph of Arimathea, who requested and received Jesus' body from Pilate (Matt. xxvi, 57). There was another Ramah, about six miles north of Jerusalem, in a pass that separated the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, which Baasha, king of Israel, captured and began to fortify. However, he had to give it up due to the alliance between Asa, king of Judah, and Benhadad, king of Syria (1 Kings xv). This is the Ramah that is believed to be referenced in Rachel's lament for her children.
ARISTARCHUS, spoken of by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Colossians, iv, 10, and often mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. He was a Macedonian, and a native of Thessalonica. He accompanied St. Paul to Ephesus, and there continued with him during the two years of his abode in that place, sharing with him in all the dangers and labours of the ministry, Acts xix, 29; xx, 4; xxvii, 2. He was near losing his life in a tumult raised by the Ephesian silversmiths. He left Ephesus with the Apostle, and went with him into Greece. From thence he attended him into Asia; from Asia into Judea, and from Judea to Rome.
ARISTARCHUS, mentioned by St. Paul in his letter to the Colossians, 4:10, and frequently referenced in the Acts of the Apostles. He was a Macedonian and originally from Thessalonica. He traveled with St. Paul to Ephesus and stayed with him for the two years he was there, sharing in all the risks and challenges of the ministry, Acts 19:29; 20:4; 27:2. He nearly lost his life during a riot caused by the Ephesian silversmiths. He left Ephesus with the Apostle and went with him to Greece. From there, he accompanied him into Asia; then from Asia to Judea, and from Judea to Rome.
ARK, arca, denotes a kind of floating vessel built by Noah, for the preservation of himself and family, with several species of animals during the deluge. The Hebrew word by which the ark is expressed, is תבה or תיבה, the constructive form of תבה, which is evidently the Greek θίβη; and so the LXX render the word in Exod. ii, 3, where only it again occurs. They also render it κιβωτὸν; Josephus, λαρνάκα; and the Vulgate, arcam; signifying an ark, coffer, or chest. Although the ark of Noah answered, in some respects, the purpose of a ship, it is not so certain that it was of the same form and shape. It has been inconclusively argued by Michaelis and some others, that if its form had not been like that of a ship, it could not have resisted the force of the waves; because it was not intended to be conducted, like a ship, from one place to another, but merely “to float on the surface of the waters,” Gen. vii, 17. It appears to have had neither helm, nor mast, nor oars; but was merely a bulky capacious vessel, light enough to be raised aloft with all its contents, by the gradual rise of the deluge. Its shape, therefore, was of little importance; more especially as it seems to have been the purpose of Providence, in this whole transaction, to signify to those who were saved, as well as to their latest posterity, that their preservation was not in any degree effected by human contrivance. The ark in which Moses was exposed bears the same name; and some have thought that both were of the same materials. With respect to the etymology of the Hebrew word, the most rational seems to be that of Clodius, who derives it from the Arabic word תאה, “he collected,” from which is formed תבה, or תיבה, denoting a place in which things are collected. Foster deduces it from two Egyptian words, thoi, “a ship,” and bai, “a palm tree branch”; and such ships are still to be seen not only in Egypt, but in India and other countries; particularly in some isles of the Pacific Ocean.
ARK, arca, refers to a type of floating vessel built by Noah to save himself, his family, and various animal species during the flood. The Hebrew word for the ark is תבה or box, which is connected to the Greek θίβη; this is how the LXX translates the word in Exod. ii, 3, where it appears again. They also translate it as κιβωτὸν; Josephus uses λαρνάκα; and the Vulgate translates it as arcam; all meaning an ark, coffer, or chest. While Noah's ark served some functions of a ship, it’s uncertain whether it had the same shape and design. Michaelis and some others have argued that if its form wasn't ship-like, it couldn't have withstood the waves; because it wasn't meant to navigate from place to place, but simply “to float on the surface of the waters,” Gen. vii, 17. It seems not to have had a helm, mast, or oars; it was just a large, spacious vessel, light enough to be lifted with all its contents as the floodwaters rose. Its shape was therefore of little significance; especially since it appears that Providence intended to show those who were saved, as well as their descendants, that their survival wasn’t due to human design. The ark in which Moses was placed has the same name, and some believe both were made of similar materials. Regarding the etymology of the Hebrew word, the most reasonable explanation seems to be Clodius's, who links it to the Arabic word תאה, meaning “he collected,” which leads to תבה or box, signifying a place where things are gathered. Foster traces it back to two Egyptian words, thoi, meaning “a ship,” and bai, meaning “a palm tree branch”; such ships can still be found not only in Egypt but also in India and other countries, especially in some islands of the Pacific Ocean.
To the insufficiency of the ark to contain all the creatures said to have been brought into it, objections have, at different times, been made. Bishop Wilkins and others have learnedly discussed this subject, and afforded the most satisfactory answers. Dr. Hales proves the ark to have been of the burden of forty-two thousand four hundred and thirteen tons; and asks, “Can we doubt of its being sufficient to contain eight persons, and about two hundred or two hundred and fifty pair of four-footed animals, (a number to which, according to M. Buffon, all the various distinct species may be reduced,) together with all the subsistence necessary for a twelvemonth, with the fowls of the air, and such reptiles and insects as cannot live under water?” All these various animals were controlled by the power of God, whose special agency is supposed in the whole transaction, and “the lion was made to lie down with the kid.”
To the argument that the ark couldn't hold all the animals said to have been brought onto it, objections have been raised over time. Bishop Wilkins and others have thoughtfully discussed this issue and provided very convincing answers. Dr. Hales demonstrates that the ark weighed about forty-two thousand four hundred and thirteen tons and asks, “Can we doubt that it was enough to hold eight people and around two hundred or two hundred and fifty pairs of four-legged animals, (a number that, according to M. Buffon, encompasses all the different species), along with all the food needed for a year, the birds in the sky, and any reptiles and insects that couldn't survive underwater?” All these various animals were under God's control, whose special intervention is assumed throughout the entire event, and “the lion was made to lie down with the kid.”
Whether Noah was commanded to bring with him, into the ark, a pair of all living creatures, zoologically and numerically considered, has been doubted. During the long period between the creation and the flood, animals must have spread themselves over a great part of the antediluvian earth, and certain animals would, as now, probably become indigenous to certain climates. The pairs saved must therefore, if all the kinds were included, have travelled from immense distances. But of such marches no intimation is given in the history; and this seems to render it probable that the animals which Noah was “to bring with him” into the ark, were the animals clean and unclean of the country in which he dwelt, and which, from 86the capacity of the ark, must have been in great variety and number. The terms used, it is true, are universal; and it is satisfactory to know, that if taken in the largest sense there was ample accommodation in the ark. Nevertheless, universal terms in Scripture are not always to be taken mathematically, and in the vision of Peter, the phrase ϖάντα τὰ τετράποδα τῆς γῆς,--all the four-footed beasts of the earth, must be understood of varii generis quadrupedes, as Schleusner paraphrases it. Thus we may easily account for the exuviæ of animals, whose species no longer exist, which have been discovered in various places. The number of such extinct species probably has been greatly over-rated by Cuvier; but of the fact, to a considerable extent, there can be no doubt. It is also to be observed that the presumptive evidence of the truth of the fact of the preparation of such a vessel, and of the supernatural circumstances which attended it, is exceedingly strong. It is, in truth, the only solution of a difficulty which has no other explanation; for as a universal deluge is confirmed by the general history of the world, and by a variety of existing facts and monuments, such a structure as the ark, for the preservation and sustenance of various animals, seems to have been absolutely necessary; for as we can trace up the first imperfect rudiments of the art of ship building among the Greeks, there could be no ships before the flood; and, consequently, no animals could have been saved. Nay, it is highly improbable that even men and domestic animals could be saved, not to mention wild beasts, serpents, &c, though we should admit that the antediluvians had shipping, unless we should suppose, also, that they had a divine intimation respecting the flood, such as Moses relates; but this would be to give up the cause of infidelity. Mr. Bryant has collected a variety of ancient historical relations, which show that some records concerning the ark had been preserved among most nations of the world, and in the general system of Gentile mythology. Abydenus, with whom all the eastern writers concur, informs us that the place of descent from the ark was Armenia; and that its remains had been preserved for a long time. Plutarch mentions the Noachic dove, and its being sent out of the ark. Lucian speaks of Deucalion’s going forth from the ark, and raising an altar to God. The priests of Ammonia had a custom, at particular seasons, of carrying in procession a boat, in which was an oracular shrine, held in great veneration: and this custom of carrying the deity in an ark or boat was in use also among the Egyptians. Bishop Pococke has preserved three specimens of ancient sculpture, in which this ceremony is displayed. They were very ancient, and found by him in Upper Egypt. The ship of Isis referred to the ark, and its name, “Baris,” was that of the mountain corresponding to Ararat in Armenia. Bryant finds reference to the ark in the temples of the serpent worship, called Dracontia; and also in that of Sesostris, fashioned after the model of the ark, in commemoration of which it was built, and consecrated to Osiris at Theba; and he conjectures that the city, said to be one of the most ancient in Egypt, as well as the province, was denominated from it, Theba being the appellation of the ark. In other countries, as well as in Egypt, an ark, or ship, was introduced in their mysteries, and often carried about in the seasons of their festivals. He finds, also, in the story of the Argonauts several particulars, that are thought to refer to the ark of Noah. As many cities, not in Egypt only and Bœotia, but in Cilicia, Ionia, Attica, Phthiotis, Cataonia, Syria, and Italy, were called Theba; so likewise the city Apamea was denominated Cibotus, from κιϐωτος, in memory of the ark, and of the history connected with it. The ark, according to the traditions of the Gentile world, was prophetic; and was regarded as a kind of temple or residence of the deity. It comprehended all mankind, within the circle of eight persons, who were thought to be so highly favoured of Heaven that they at last were reputed to be deities. Hence in the ancient mythology of Egypt, there were precisely eight gods; and the ark was esteemed an emblem of the system of the heavens. The principal terms by which the ancients distinguished the ark were Theba, Baris, Arguz, Aren, Arene, Arni, Laris, Boutas, Bœotus, and Cibotus; and out of these they formed different personages. See Deluge.
Whether Noah was commanded to bring with him, into the ark, a pair of all living creatures, zoologically and numerically considered, has been doubted. During the long period between creation and the flood, animals must have spread out over much of the pre-flood earth, and certain animals would likely have become native to specific climates, just as they do now. The pairs saved must therefore, if all kinds were included, have traveled from great distances. But there’s no indication in the story of such journeys; this makes it likely that the animals Noah was “to bring with him” into the ark were the clean and unclean animals from the area where he lived, and that, given the size of the ark, there must have been a great variety and number. The terms used, it’s true, are universal; and it’s reassuring to know that if taken in the broadest sense, there was enough space in the ark. Nevertheless, universal terms in Scripture aren’t always to be interpreted literally, and in Peter’s vision, the phrase ϖάντα τὰ τετράποδα τῆς γῆς,--all the four-footed beasts of the earth, should be understood as various types of quadrupeds, as Schleusner puts it. This helps explain the remains of animals whose species no longer exist, which have been found in various locations. The number of such extinct species has likely been exaggerated by Cuvier; however, there is substantial evidence for the fact. It’s important to note that the circumstantial evidence for the truth of the preparation of such a vessel, and the supernatural events surrounding it, is very strong. In fact, it’s the only answer to a question that has no other explanation; because a universal flood is supported by the broader history of the world and by various existing facts and monuments, such a structure as the ark, for the preservation and sustenance of various animals, seems absolutely necessary. Just as we can trace the early, rudimentary beginnings of shipbuilding among the Greeks, there couldn’t have been ships before the flood; hence, no animals could have been saved. It's also very unlikely that even men and domestic animals could have been saved, let alone wild beasts and serpents, even if we accept that the pre-flood people had ships, unless we also assume that they received some divine warning about the flood, as Moses recounts; but this would contradict the cause of infidelity. Mr. Bryant has gathered various ancient historical accounts showing that some records about the ark were kept by most nations of the world and were part of the general system of Gentile mythology. Abydenus, supported by all the eastern writers, tells us that the place where the ark came to rest was Armenia and that its remains were preserved for a long time. Plutarch mentions the dove that Noah sent out from the ark. Lucian talks about Deucalion leaving the ark and building an altar to God. The priests of Ammonia had a tradition of carrying a boat, which contained an oracular shrine, in procession during specific seasons, and this practice of transporting a deity in an ark or boat was also found among the Egyptians. Bishop Pococke preserved three examples of ancient sculptures showing this ceremony, which were very old and found by him in Upper Egypt. The ship of Isis referenced the ark, and its name, “Baris,” corresponded to the mountain associated with Ararat in Armenia. Bryant finds references to the ark in the serpent worship temples, known as Dracontia; and also in the temple of Sesostris, modeled after the ark, built in its memory and dedicated to Osiris at Theba; he suggests that the city, considered one of the most ancient in Egypt, and the province were named from it, with Theba being the name of the ark. In other regions, as well as in Egypt, an ark or ship was included in their mysteries and often paraded during their festival seasons. He also identifies various elements in the story of the Argonauts believed to reference Noah's ark. As many cities—not just in Egypt and Bœotia but also in Cilicia, Ionia, Attica, Phthiotis, Cataonia, Syria, and Italy—were called Theba; similarly, the city Apamea was named Cibotus, derived from κιϐωτος, in memory of the ark and its related history. According to Gentile traditions, the ark had prophetic significance and was seen as a kind of temple or dwelling of the deity. It included all humanity within a group of eight individuals, who were thought to be so favored by Heaven that they ultimately were regarded as deities. Thus, in ancient Egyptian mythology, there were exactly eight gods, and the ark was viewed as a symbol of the cosmos. The main terms the ancients used to refer to the ark included Theba, Baris, Arguz, Aren, Arene, Arni, Laris, Boutas, Bœotus, and Cibotus; and from these, they created different mythological figures. See Flood.
ARK OF THE COVENANT, a small chest or coffer, three feet nine inches in length, two feet three inches in breadth, and two feet three inches in height; in which were contained the golden pot that had manna, Aaron’s rod, and the tables of the covenant, Num. xvii, 10; Heb. ix, 4. This coffer was made of shittim wood, and was covered with a lid, called the mercy seat, Exod. xxv, 17–22, &c, which was of solid gold, at the two ends whereof were two figures, called cherubim, looking toward each other, with expanded wings, which, embracing the whole circumference of the mercy seat, met in the middle. The whole, according to the rabbins, was made out of the same mass, without any of the parts being joined by solder. Over this it was that the Shechinah, or visible display of the divine presence in a luminous cloud rested, both in the tabernacle and in the temple, Lev. xvi, 2; and from hence the divine oracles were given forth by an audible voice, as often as God was consulted in behalf of his people. Hence it is that God is said in Scripture to dwell between the cherubim, on the mercy seat, because there was the seat or throne of the visible appearance of his glory among them, 2 Kings xix, 15; 2 Chron, xiii, 6; Psalm lxxx, 1, &c; and for this reason the high priest appeared before the mercy seat once every year, on the great day of expiation, at which time he was to make his nearest approach to the divine presence, to mediate and make atonement for the whole people of Israel. On the two sides of the ark there were four rings of gold, two on each side, through which staves, overlaid with gold, were put, by means whereof they carried it as they marched through the wilderness, &c, on the shoulders of the Levites, Exod. xxv, 13, 14; xxvii, 5. After the passage of the Jordan, the ark continued for 87some time at Gilgal, from whence it was removed to Shiloh. From this place the Israelites carried it to their camp, where, in an engagement with the Philistines, it fell into their hands. The Philistines, having gotten possession of the ark, carried it in triumph to one of their principal cities, named Ashdod, and placed it in the temple of Dagon, whose image fell to the ground and was broken. The Philistines also were so afflicted with emerods, that they afterward returned the ark with various presents; and it was lodged at Kirjath-Jearim, and afterward at Nob. David conveyed it to the house of Obededom, and from thence to his palace at Zion; and lastly, Solomon brought it into the temple which he had built at Jerusalem. It remained in the temple till the times of the last kings of Judah, who gave themselves up to idolatry, and even dared to place their idols in the holy temple itself. The priests, being unable to bear this profanation, took the ark and carried it from place to place, to preserve it from the hands of those impious princes. Josiah commanded them to bring it back to the sanctuary, and it was accordingly replaced, 2 Chron. xxxv, 3. What became of the ark at the destruction of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar, is a dispute among the rabbins. Had it been carried to Babylon with the other vessels of the temple, it would, in all probability, have been brought back with them at the close of the captivity. But that this was not the case, is agreed on all hands; whence it is probable that it was destroyed with the temple.
ARK OF THE COVENANT, a small chest or box, measuring three feet nine inches long, two feet three inches wide, and two feet three inches high; it contained the golden pot with manna, Aaron’s rod, and the tablets of the covenant, Num. xvii, 10; Heb. ix, 4. This chest was made of acacia wood and had a lid known as the mercy seat, Exod. xxv, 17–22, etc., which was made of solid gold. At each end, there were two figures called cherubim, facing each other, with wings spread, which covered the entire mercy seat and met in the center. According to the rabbis, it was made from the same piece of material, with none of the parts fixed together by solder. Above it rested the Shechinah, or visible manifestation of God's presence in a luminous cloud, both in the tabernacle and the temple, Lev. xvi, 2; and from this place, divine oracles were spoken as often as God was consulted on behalf of His people. That is why Scripture says God dwells between the cherubim on the mercy seat; it was the seat or throne of His glorious visible presence among them, 2 Kings xix, 15; 2 Chron. xiii, 6; Psalm lxxx, 1, etc. For this reason, the high priest appeared before the mercy seat once a year on the Day of Atonement to make his closest approach to God's presence and to mediate and make atonement for all the people of Israel. On each side of the ark, there were four gold rings—two on each side—through which poles overlaid with gold were inserted, allowing them to carry it on the shoulders of the Levites as they traveled through the wilderness, Exod. xxv, 13, 14; xxvii, 5. After crossing the Jordan, the ark was at Gilgal for a while before being moved to Shiloh. From there, the Israelites brought it to their camp, where, during a battle with the Philistines, it was captured by them. The Philistines took the ark triumphantly to one of their main cities, Ashdod, and placed it in the temple of their god Dagon, only for the statue to fall and break. The Philistines were afflicted with tumors, prompting them to return the ark along with various gifts. It was kept at Kirjath-Jearim and later at Nob. David moved it to Obededom's house and then to his palace at Zion; ultimately, Solomon brought it into the temple he built in Jerusalem. It remained there until the last kings of Judah, who engaged in idolatry and even placed their idols in the holy temple itself. The priests, unable to tolerate this desecration, moved the ark from place to place to protect it from those wicked princes. Josiah ordered them to return it to the sanctuary, and it was indeed restored, 2 Chron. xxxv, 3. What happened to the ark when the temple was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar is a matter of debate among the rabbis. If it had been taken to Babylon with the other temple vessels, it likely would have been returned when the captivity ended. But since it is generally agreed that this did not happen, it is probable that it was destroyed along with the temple.
The ark of the covenant was, as it were, the centre of worship to all those of the Hebrew nation who served God according to the Levitical law; and not only in the temple, when they came thither to worship, but every where else in their dispersions through the whole world; whenever they prayed, they turned their faces toward the place where the ark stood, and directed all their devotions that way, Dan. vi, 10. Whence the author of the book of Cosri, justly says, that the ark, with the mercy seat and cherubim, were the foundation, root, heart, and marrow of the whole temple, and all the Levitical worship performed therein; and, therefore, had there been nothing else wanting in the second temple but the ark only, this alone would have been a sufficient reason for the old men to have wept when they remembered the first temple in which it stood; and for the saying of Haggai, ii, 3, that the second temple was as nothing compared with the first; so great a share had the ark of the covenant in the glory of Solomon’s temple. However, the defect was supplied as to the outward form, for in the second temple there was also an ark of the same dimensions with the first, and put in the same place; but it wanted the tables of the law, Aaron’s rod, and the pot of manna; nor was there any appearance of the divine glory over it; nor any oracles delivered from it. The only use that was made of it was to be a representation of the former on the great day of expiation, and to be a repository of the Holy Scriptures, that is, of the original copy of that collection of them made by Ezra after the captivity; in imitation of which the Jews, in all their synagogues, have a like ark or coffer in which they keep their Scriptures.
The ark of the covenant was essentially the center of worship for all those in the Hebrew nation who followed God according to the Levitical law. This was true not only in the temple when they came to worship, but also everywhere else as they dispersed around the world. Whenever they prayed, they faced the place where the ark was located and directed all their devotion toward it, as noted in Dan. vi, 10. The author of the book of Cosri rightly states that the ark, along with the mercy seat and cherubim, were the foundation, root, heart, and essence of the entire temple and all the Levitical worship performed there. Therefore, if the only thing missing in the second temple had been the ark, that alone would have been enough reason for the old men to weep when they remembered the first temple where it stood. This also explains Haggai's remark in ii, 3, that the second temple was nothing compared to the first; the ark of the covenant played such a crucial role in the glory of Solomon's temple. However, the outward form was maintained since the second temple had an ark of the same dimensions as the first, placed in the same spot. But it lacked the tablets of the law, Aaron's rod, and the pot of manna; there was no sign of divine glory over it, nor any oracles coming from it. Its only purpose was to represent the former ark on the great day of atonement and to serve as a storage place for the Holy Scriptures, specifically the original copy of the collection made by Ezra after the exile. In fact, the Jews continue to have a similar ark or coffer in their synagogues to keep their Scriptures.
For the temple of Solomon a new ark was not made; but he constructed cherubim in the most holy place, which were designed to give additional state to this most sacred symbol of God’s grace and mercy. These cherubim were fifteen feet high, and were placed at equal distance from the centre of the ark and from each side of the wall, so that their wings being expanded, the two wings which were extended behind touched the wall, and the other two met over the ark and so overshadowed it. When these magnificent cherubim were finished, the ark was brought in and placed under their wings, 2 Chron. v, 7–10.
For Solomon's temple, a new ark wasn't made; instead, he built cherubim in the most holy place, meant to enhance the significance of this sacred symbol of God’s grace and mercy. These cherubim stood fifteen feet tall and were set at equal distances from the center of the ark and each side of the wall, so that when their wings were spread out, the two wings reaching back touched the wall, and the other two met above the ark, casting a shadow over it. Once these magnificent cherubim were completed, the ark was brought in and placed beneath their wings, 2 Chron. v, 7–10.
The ark was called the ark of the covenant, because it was a symbol of the covenant between God and his people. It was also named the ark of the testimony, because the two tables which were deposited in it were witnesses against every transgression.
The ark was called the ark of the covenant because it symbolized the agreement between God and his people. It was also known as the ark of the testimony since the two tablets kept inside were witnesses against every wrongdoing.
ARM. As it is by this member of the body that we chiefly exert our strength, it is therefore used in Scripture for an emblem of power. Thus God is said to have delivered his people from Egyptian bondage “with a stretched-out arm,” Deut. v, 15; and he thus threatens Eli the high priest, “I will cut off thine arm, and the arm of thy father’s house,” 1 Sam. ii, 31; that is, I will deprive thee and thy family of power and authority.
ARM. Since we mainly use this part of the body to show our strength, it’s often a symbol of power in Scripture. For example, God is said to have rescued his people from slavery in Egypt “with a stretched-out arm,” Deut. v, 15; and he warns Eli the high priest, “I will cut off your arm, and the arm of your father’s house,” 1 Sam. ii, 31; which means I will take away your and your family’s power and authority.
ARMAGEDDON, a place spoken of, Rev. xvi, 16, which literally signifies “the mountain of Mageddon,” or “Megiddo,” a city situated in the great plain at the foot of Mount Carmel, where the good prince Josiah received his mortal wound, in the battle against Necho, king of Egypt. At Armageddon, the three unclean spirits coming out of the dragon’s mouth shall gather together the kings of the earth, to the battle of the great day of God Almighty, Rev. xvi, 13, 14; where the word Armageddon, according to Mr. Pool, does not signify any particular place, but is used in allusion to Megiddo, mentioned Judges v, 19, where Barak overcame Sisera with his great army, and where Josiah was slain, 2 Kings xxiii, 30. If so, the term must have been a proverbial one for a place of destruction and mourning.
ARMAGEDDON, a place mentioned in Rev. xvi, 16, literally means “the mountain of Mageddon” or “Megiddo,” a city located in the great plain at the base of Mount Carmel, where the good prince Josiah suffered his fatal injury in the battle against Necho, king of Egypt. At Armageddon, three unclean spirits coming out of the dragon’s mouth will gather the kings of the earth for the battle of the great day of God Almighty, Rev. xvi, 13, 14; where the term Armageddon, according to Mr. Pool, doesn’t refer to a specific location but alludes to Megiddo, mentioned in Judges v, 19, where Barak defeated Sisera with his powerful army, and where Josiah was killed, 2 Kings xxiii, 30. If that’s the case, the term must have been a common expression for a place of destruction and mourning.
ARMENIA, a considerable country of Asia, having Colchis and Iberia on the north, Media on the east, Mesopotamia on the south, Pontus and Cappadocia on the west, and the Euphrates and Syria on the south-west. Armenia is often confounded with Aramæa, the land of Aram or Syria; but they are totally different. Armenia, which is separated from Aram by Mount Taurus, was so denominated from Ar-Men, the mountainous country of Meni or Minni, the people of which country are mentioned under this name by Jeremiah, when summoning the nations against Babylon.
ARMENIA, a significant country in Asia, is bordered by Colchis and Iberia to the north, Media to the east, Mesopotamia to the south, and Pontus and Cappadocia to the west, with the Euphrates and Syria to the southwest. Armenia is often mistaken for Aramæa, the land of Aram or Syria, but they are completely different. Armenia, which is separated from Aram by Mount Taurus, derives its name from Ar-Men, the mountainous region of Meni or Minni, whose people are mentioned by Jeremiah when he calls upon the nations against Babylon.
The people of this country have in all ages maintained a great similarity of character, partly commercial and partly pastoral. They have, in fact, in the northern parts of the Asiatic 88continent, been what the Cushites and Ishmaelites were in the south, tenders of cattle, living on the produce of their flocks and herds, and carriers of merchandize between the neighbouring nations; a part living at home with their flocks, and a part travelling as merchants and dealers into distant countries. In the flourishing times of Tyre, the Armenians, according to Ezekiel, xxvii, 14, brought horses and mules to the markets of that city; and, according to Herodotus, they had a considerable trade in wine, which they sent down the Euphrates to Babylon, &c. At the present day, the Armenians are the principal traders of the east; and are to be found in the capacity of merchants or commercial agents all over Asia, a patient, frugal, industrious, and honest people, whose known character for these virtues has withstood the tyranny and extortions of the wretched governments under which they chiefly live.
The people of this country have always shown a strong similarity in their character, which is partly commercial and partly pastoral. In fact, in the northern regions of the Asian continent, they have been like the Cushites and Ishmaelites in the south—herders of cattle, living off the products of their flocks and herds, and traders of goods between neighboring nations; some stay home with their flocks while others travel as merchants and dealers to distant countries. During the prosperous times of Tyre, the Armenians, as noted in Ezekiel 27:14, brought horses and mules to the markets of that city. According to Herodotus, they also had a significant trade in wine, which they transported down the Euphrates to Babylon, etc. Today, Armenians are the main traders in the east and can be found working as merchants or commercial agents throughout Asia, known for being patient, frugal, hardworking, and honest—qualities that have allowed them to endure the tyranny and exploitation of the harsh governments they mainly live under.
The religion of the Armenians is a corrupt Christianity of the sect of Eutyches; that is, they own but one nature in Jesus Christ. Their rites partake of those of the Greek and Latin churches, but they reject the idolatries of both. It is indeed a remarkable instance of the firmness of this people, that while the surrounding nations submitted to the religion as well as the arms of the Turks, they have preserved the purity of their ancient faith, such as it is, to the present day. It cannot be supposed but that the Turks used every effort to impose on the conquered Armenians the doctrines of the Koran. More tolerant, indeed, than the Saracens, liberty of conscience was still not to be purchased of them but by great sacrifices, which for three centuries the Armenians have patiently endured, and exhibit to the world an honourable and solitary instance of a successful national opposition of Christianity to Mohammedanism.
The religion of the Armenians is a distorted form of Christianity from the Eutychian sect; that is, they believe in only one nature in Jesus Christ. Their practices are similar to those of the Greek and Latin churches, but they reject the idolatries of both. It’s truly notable how resilient this people have been; while neighboring nations surrendered to the religion and forces of the Turks, they have maintained the integrity of their ancient faith, however flawed it may be, up to today. It's clear that the Turks tried hard to force the conquered Armenians to adopt the teachings of the Koran. Although they were more tolerant than the Saracens, freedom of belief could only be attained through significant sacrifices, which the Armenians have endured patiently for three centuries, showcasing an admirable and unique example of a successful national resistance of Christianity against Mohammedanism.
ARMENIAN CHURCH, a branch, originally, of the Greek church, residing in Armenia. They probably received Christianity in the fourth century. Mr. Yeates gives the most recent account of them:--
ARMENIAN CHURCH, a branch, originally, of the Greek church, located in Armenia. They likely embraced Christianity in the fourth century. Mr. Yeates provides the most up-to-date account of them:--
“Their whole ecclesiastical establishment is under the government of four patriarchs; the first has his residence in Echmiadzin, or Egmiathin, near Irivan; the second, at Sis, in the lesser Armenia; the third, in Georgia; and the fourth, in Achtamar, or Altamar, on the Lake of Van; but the power of the two last is bounded within their own diocesses, while the others have more extensive authority, and the patriarch of Egmiathan has, or had, under him eighteen bishops, beside those who are priors of monasteries. The Armenians every where perform divine service in their own tongue, in which their liturgy and offices are written, in the dialect of the fourth or fifth centuries. They have the whole Bible translated from the Septuagint, as they say, so early as the time of Chrysostom. The Armenian confession is similar to that of the Jacobite Christians, both being Monophysites, acknowledging but one nature in the person of Christ; but this, according to Mr. Simon, is little more than a dispute about terms; few of them being able to enter into the subtilties of polemics.
Their entire church structure is overseen by four patriarchs. The first one lives in Echmiadzin, or Egmiathin, near Irivan; the second is located at Sis, in Lesser Armenia; the third is in Georgia; and the fourth is in Achtamar, or Altamar, on Lake Van. However, the authority of the last two is limited to their own dioceses, while the others have broader power. The patriarch of Egmiathan oversees eighteen bishops, in addition to those who are heads of monasteries. Armenians everywhere conduct their religious services in their own language, which is also used for their liturgy and rituals, written in the dialect of the fourth or fifth centuries. They claim to have the complete Bible translated from the Septuagint as early as the time of Chrysostom. The Armenian confession is similar to that of the Jacobite Christians, as both are Monophysites, meaning they believe in only one nature in the person of Christ. However, according to Mr. Simon, this is mostly a matter of terminology, with few of them truly able to grasp the complexities of theological debates.
“In the year 1664, an Armenian bishop, named Uscan, visited Europe for the purpose of getting printed the Armenian Bible, and communicated the above particulars to Mr. Simon. In 1667, a certain patriarch of the lesser Armenia visited Rome, and made a profession of faith which was considered orthodox, and procured him a cordial reception, with the hope of reconciling the Armenian Christians to the Roman church; but, before he got out of Italy, it was found he had prevaricated, and still persisted in the errors of his church. About this time, Clement IX, wrote to the king of Persia, in favour of some Catholic converts in Armenia, and received a favourable answer; but the Armenian church could never be persuaded to acknowledge the authority of Rome.
"In 1664, an Armenian bishop named Uscan visited Europe to get the Armenian Bible printed and shared this information with Mr. Simon. In 1667, a patriarch from Lesser Armenia visited Rome and expressed a faith that was deemed orthodox, which earned him a warm welcome and hope to reunite Armenian Christians with the Roman church. However, before he left Italy, it was discovered that he had been deceptive and continued to adhere to the errors of his church. Around this time, Clement IX wrote to the king of Persia advocating for some Catholic converts in Armenia and received a positive response, but the Armenian church could never be convinced to accept the authority of Rome."
“They have among them a number of monasteries and convents, in which is maintained a severe discipline; marriage is discountenanced, though not absolutely prohibited; a married priest cannot obtain promotion, and the higher clergy are not allowed to marry. They worship in the eastern manner, by prostration: they are very superstitious, and their ceremonies much resemble those of the Greek church. Once in their lives they generally perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; and in 1819, the number of Armenian pilgrims was thirteen hundred, nearly as many as the Greeks. Dr. Buchanan, however, says, ‘Of all the Christians in central Asia, they have preserved themselves most free from Mohammedan and Papal corruptions.’”
“They have several monasteries and convents among them, where strict discipline is upheld; marriage is discouraged, though not completely banned; a married priest cannot be promoted, and higher-ranking clergy are not allowed to marry. They worship in the eastern tradition, through prostration: they are quite superstitious, and their ceremonies closely resemble those of the Greek church. Generally, they make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem once in their lives; in 1819, the number of Armenian pilgrims was thirteen hundred, almost as many as the Greeks. Dr. Buchanan, however, states, ‘Of all the Christians in central Asia, they have kept themselves the most free from Mohammedan and Papal corruptions.’”
ARMIES. In the reign of David, the Hebrews acquired such skill in the military art, together with such strength, as gave them a decided superiority over their competitors on the field of battle. David increased the standing army, which Saul had introduced. Solomon introduced cavalry into the military force of the nation, also chariots. Both cavalry and chariots were retained in the subsequent age; an age, in which military arms were improved in their construction, the science of fortification made advances, and large armies were mustered. From this period, till the time when the Hebrews became subject to the Assyrians and Chaldeans, but little improvement was made in the arts of war. The Maccabees, after the return of the Hebrews from the captivity, gave a new existence to the military art among them. But their descendants were under the necessity of submitting to the superior power of the Romans.
ARMIES. During David's reign, the Hebrews developed significant military skills and strength, which gave them a clear advantage over their rivals in battle. David expanded the standing army that Saul had established. Solomon introduced cavalry and chariots to the nation's military forces. Both cavalry and chariots continued to be used in later times, a period during which military technology advanced, fortification techniques improved, and large armies were assembled. From this period until the Hebrews became subjects of the Assyrians and Chaldeans, there was little progress in military arts. After the Hebrews returned from captivity, the Maccabees revitalized military strategy among them. However, their descendants were forced to yield to the greater power of the Romans.
Whenever there was an immediate prospect of war, a levy was made by the genealogists, Deut. xx, 5–9. In the time of the kings, there was a head or ruler of the persons, that made the levy, denominated השוטר, who kept an account of the number of the soldiers, but who is, nevertheless, to be distinguished from the generalissimo, הסופר, 2 Chron. xxvi, 11. Compare 2 Sam. viii, 17; xx, 25; 1 Chron. xviii, 16. After the levy was fully made out, the genealogists gave public notice, that the following 89persons might be excused, from military service, Deut. xx, 5–8: 1. Those who had built a house, and had not yet inhabited it. 2. Those who had planted a כרס, that is, an olive or vine garden, and had not as yet tasted the fruit of it; an exemption, consequently, which extended through the first five years after such planting. 3. Those who had bargained for a spouse, but had not celebrated the nuptials; also those who had not as yet lived with their wife, for a year. 4. The faint-hearted, who would be likely to discourage others, and who, if they had gone into battle, where, in those early times, every thing depended on personal prowess, would only have fallen victims.
Whenever there was a chance of war, a draft was initiated by the genealogists, Deut. xx, 5–9. During the kings' reigns, there was a leader, referred to as The cop, who organized the draft and kept track of the number of soldiers, but who should not be confused with the overall commander, The author, 2 Chron. xxvi, 11. See also 2 Sam. viii, 17; xx, 25; 1 Chron. xviii, 16. Once the draft was complete, the genealogists announced publicly that the following 89 individuals could be excused from military service, Deut. xx, 5–8: 1. Those who had built a house but hadn’t moved in yet. 2. Those who had planted a Belly, meaning an olive or vineyard, and hadn't tasted the fruit yet; this exemption lasted for the first five years after planting. 3. Those who had arranged for a spouse but hadn’t married yet; also, those who hadn’t lived with their wife for a year. 4. The timid, who might discourage others and, if they went into battle—when individual skill was crucial—would only end up being casualties.
At the head of each rank or file of fifty, was the captain of fifty. The other divisions consisted of a hundred, a thousand, and ten thousand men, each one of which was headed by its appropriate commander. These divisions ranked in respect to each other according to their families, and were subject to the authority of the heads of those families, 2 Chron. xxv, 5; xxvi, 12, 13. The centurions, and chiliarchs or captains of thousands, were admitted into the councils of war, 1 Chron. xiii, 1–3; 1 Sam. xviii, 13. The leader of the whole army was denominated אל־שרהצכא, the captain of the host. The genealogists, (in the English version, officers,) according to a law in Deut. xx, 9, had the right of appointing the persons who were to act as officers in the army; and they, undoubtedly, made it a point, in their selections, to choose those who are called heads of families. The practice of thus selecting military officers ceased under the kings. Some of them were then chosen by the king, and in other instances the office became permanent and hereditary in the heads of families. Both kings and generals had armour bearers, נשא כלים. They were chosen from the bravest of the soldiery, and not only bore the arms of their masters, but were employed to give his commands to the subordinate captains, and were present at his side in the hour of peril, 1 Sam. xiv, 6; xvii, 7. The infantry, the cavalry, and the chariots of war were so arranged, as to make separate divisions of an army, Exod. xiv, 6, 7. The infantry were divided likewise into light-armed troops, גדודים, and into spearmen, Genesis xlix, 19; 1 Samuel xxx, 8, 15, 23; 2 Sam. iii, 22; iv, 2; xxii, 30; Psalm xviii, 30; 2 Kings v, 2; Hosea vii, 1. The light-armed infantry were furnished with a sling and javelin, with a bow, arrows, and quiver, and also, at least in latter times, with a buckler. They fought the enemy at a distance. The spearmen, on the contrary, who were armed with spears, swords, and shields, fought hand to hand, 1 Chron. xii, 24, 34; 2 Chron. xiv, 8; xvii, 17. The light-armed troops were commonly taken from the tribes of Ephraim and Benjamin, 2 Chron. xiv, 8; xvii, 17. Compare Gen. xlix, 27; Psalm lxxviii, 9.
At the front of each group of fifty was the captain of fifty. The other divisions included one hundred, one thousand, and ten thousand men, each led by its designated commander. These divisions were ranked based on their family ties and were under the authority of the heads of those families, 2 Chron. xxv, 5; xxvi, 12, 13. The centurions and chiliarchs, or captains of thousands, were included in the councils of war, 1 Chron. xiii, 1–3; 1 Sam. xviii, 13. The overall leader of the army was called אל־שרהצכא, the captain of the host. The genealogists, referred to as officers in the English version, had the right under a law in Deut. xx, 9, to appoint individuals to serve as officers in the army; they likely favored choosing those recognized as heads of families. This practice of selecting military officers ended during the monarchy. Some were then chosen by the king, while in other cases, the position became permanent and hereditary among family heads. Both kings and generals had armor bearers, Carrying tools. These were selected from the bravest soldiers, tasked not only with carrying their masters' weapons but also with delivering commands to the lower-ranking captains and standing beside them during battles, 1 Sam. xiv, 6; xvii, 7. The infantry, cavalry, and war chariots were organized into separate divisions of an army, Exod. xiv, 6, 7. The infantry was also divided into light-armed troops, Battalions, and spearmen, Genesis xlix, 19; 1 Samuel xxx, 8, 15, 23; 2 Sam. iii, 22; iv, 2; xxii, 30; Psalm xviii, 30; 2 Kings v, 2; Hosea vii, 1. The light-armed infantry were equipped with slings and javelins, bows, arrows, and quivers, and later times also included shields. They engaged enemies from a distance. In contrast, spearmen, who were armed with spears, swords, and shields, fought in close combat, 1 Chron. xii, 24, 34; 2 Chron. xiv, 8; xvii, 17. The light-armed troops were typically recruited from the tribes of Ephraim and Benjamin, 2 Chron. xiv, 8; xvii, 17. See also Gen. xlix, 27; Psalm lxxviii, 9.
The art of laying out an encampment appears to have been well understood in Egypt, long before the departure of the Hebrews from that country. It was there that Moses became acquainted with that mode of encamping, which, in the second chapter of Numbers, is prescribed to the Hebrews. In the encampment of the Israelites, it appears that the holy tabernacle occupied the centre. In reference to this circumstance, it may be remarked, that it is the common practice in the east, for the prince or leader of a tribe to have his tent pitched in the centre of the others; and it ought not to be forgotten, that God, whose tent or palace was the holy tabernacle, was the prince, the leader of the Hebrews. The tents nearest to the tabernacle were those of the Levites, whose business it was to watch it, in the manner of a Pretorian guard. The family of Gershom pitched to the west, that of Kehath to the south, that of Merari to the north. The priests occupied a position to the east, opposite to the entrance of the tabernacle, Num. i, 53; iii, 21–38. At some distance to the east, were the tribes of Judah, Issachar, and Zebulon; on the south were those of Reuben, Simeon, and Gad; to the west were Ephraim, Manasseh, and Benjamin; to the north, Dan, Asher, and Napthali. The people were thus divided into four bodies, three tribes to a division; each of which divisions had its separate standard, דגל. Each of the large family associations likewise, of which the different tribes were composed, had a separate standard, termed, in contradistinction from the other, אות; and every Hebrew was obliged to number himself with his particular division, and follow his appropriate standard. Of military standards, there were,--1. The standard, denominated דגל; one of which pertained to each of the four general divisions. The four standards of this name were large, and ornamented with colours in white, purple, crimson, and dark blue. The Jewish Rabbins assert, (founding their statement on Genesis xlix, 3, 9, 17, 22, which in this case is very doubtful authority,) that the first of these standards, namely, that, of Judah, bore a lion; the second, or that of Reuben, bore a man; that of Ephraim, which was the third, displayed the figure of a bull; while that of Dan, which was the fourth, exhibited the representation of cherubim. They were wrought into the standards with embroidered work. 2. The standard, called אות. The ensign of this name belonged to the separate classes of families. 3. The standard, called נס. This standard was not, like the others, borne from place to place. It appears from Num. xxi, 8, 9, that it was a long pole, fixed into the earth. A flag was fastened to its top, which was agitated by the wind, and seen at a great distance, Jer. iv, 6, 21; li, 2, 12, 27; Ezek. xxvii, 7. In order to render it visible, as far as possible, it was erected on lofty mountains, and was in this way used as a signal, to assemble soldiers. It no sooner made its appearance on such an elevated position, than the war-cry was uttered, and the trumpets were blown, Isaiah v, 26; xiii, 2; xviii, 3; xxx, 17; xlix, 22; lxii, 10–13.
The art of setting up a camp seems to have been well understood in Egypt long before the Hebrews left the country. It was there that Moses learned the camping method described in the second chapter of Numbers for the Hebrews. In the Israelite camp, the holy tabernacle was in the center. It’s worth noting that in the East, it’s common for a prince or leader of a tribe to have their tent pitched in the middle of the others; and it’s important to remember that God, whose tent or palace was the holy tabernacle, was the leader of the Hebrews. The tents nearest to the tabernacle belonged to the Levites, whose job was to guard it like a Praetorian guard. The family of Gershom set up their tent to the west, Kehath to the south, and Merari to the north. The priests were positioned to the east, facing the entrance of the tabernacle, Num. i, 53; iii, 21–38. A bit further east were the tribes of Judah, Issachar, and Zebulon; to the south were Reuben, Simeon, and Gad; to the west were Ephraim, Manasseh, and Benjamin; and to the north were Dan, Asher, and Napthali. The people were thus divided into four groups, with three tribes in each group; and each division had its own standard, Flag. Each of the large family associations, which made up the tribes, also had a separate standard, referred to as אות, and every Hebrew was required to identify with their specific division and follow their assigned standard. As for military standards, there were: 1. The standard called Flag; each of the four main divisions had one. These four standards were large and decorated in white, purple, crimson, and dark blue. The Jewish Rabbis claim, based on Genesis xlix, 3, 9, 17, 22—which is a somewhat questionable source—that the first standard, that of Judah, had a lion; the second, for Reuben, had a man; the third, for Ephraim, displayed a bull; and the fourth, for Dan, showed cherubim. These designs were intricately embroidered onto the standards. 2. The standard known as אות. This ensign belonged to the separate families. 3. The standard referred to as נס. Unlike the others, this standard was not carried around. It seems from Num. xxii, 8, 9, that it was a long pole fixed in the ground. A flag was attached to its top, which fluttered in the wind and could be seen from far away, Jer. iv, 6, 21; li, 2, 12, 27; Ezek. xxvii, 7. To make it as visible as possible, it was placed on high mountains and served as a signal to gather soldiers. Once it appeared on such an elevation, the war cry would be called, and the trumpets blown, Isaiah v, 26; xiii, 2; xviii, 3; xxx, 17; xlix, 22; lxii, 10–13.
Before battle the various kinds of arms were put into the best order; the shields were anointed, and the soldiers refreshed themselves by taking food, lest they should become weary 90and faint under the pressure of their labours, Jer. xlvi, 3, 4; Isaiah xxi, 5. The soldiers, more especially the generals and kings, except when they wished to remain unknown, 1 Kings xxii, 30–34, were clothed in splendid habiliments, which are denominated, בהדרי-קדש, the sacred dress, Psalm cx, 3. It was the duty of the priests, before the commencement of the battle, to exhort the Hebrews to exhibit that courage which was required by the exigency of the occasion. The words which they used were as follows:--“Hear, O Israel; ye approach this day unto battle against your enemies; let not your hearts faint; fear not, and do not tremble; neither be ye terrified, because of them. For the Lord your God is he that goeth with you, to fight for you against your enemies, to save you,” Deut. xx, 2, &c. The last ceremony, previous to an engagement, was the sounding of the sacred trumpets by the priests, Num. x, 9, 10; 2 Chron. xiii, 12–14; 1 Macc. iii, 54.
Before battle, the different types of weapons were organized carefully; the shields were oiled, and the soldiers recharged by having a meal, so they wouldn’t get tired and weak from their efforts. 90 Jer. xlvi, 3, 4; Isaiah xxi, 5. The soldiers, especially the generals and kings, unless they wanted to remain anonymous, 1 Kings xxii, 30–34, wore impressive attire known as בהדרי-קדש, the sacred dress, Psalm cx, 3. It was the priests' responsibility, before the battle began, to encourage the Hebrews to show the bravery needed for the situation. Their words were: “Listen, O Israel; today you are going into battle against your enemies; don’t let your hearts weaken; don’t be afraid or panic; don’t be terrified by them. For the Lord your God is the one who goes with you, to fight for you against your enemies, to deliver you,” Deut. xx, 2, &c. The final ritual before a fight was the blowing of the sacred trumpets by the priests, Num. x, 9, 10; 2 Chron. xiii, 12–14; 1 Macc. iii, 54.
ARMINIANISM, strictly speaking, is that system of religious doctrine which was taught by Arminius, professor of divinity in the university of Leyden. If therefore we would learn precisely what Arminianism is, we must have recourse to those writings in which that divine himself has stated and expounded his peculiar tenets. This, however, will by no means give us an accurate idea of that which, since his time, has been usually denominated Arminianism. On examination, it will be found, that in many important particulars, those who have called themselves Arminians, or have been accounted such by others, differ as widely from the nominal head and founder of their sect, as he himself did from Calvin, and other doctors of Geneva. There are, indeed, certain points, with regard to which he has been strictly and uniformly followed by almost all his pretended adherents; but there are others of equal or of greater importance, dogmatically insisted on by them, to which he unquestionably never gave his sanction, and even appears to have been decidedly hostile. Such a distinction, obvious as it must be to every attentive reader, has yet been generally so far overlooked, that the memory of Arminius is frequently loaded with imputations the most unreasonable and unjust. He is accused, by the ignorant and the prejudiced, of introducing corruptions into the Christian church, which he probably never thought of, and which certainly have no place in his works. And all the odium which his followers have from time to time incurred by their varied and increasing heterodoxy, has been absurdly reflected upon him, as if he could be responsible for every error that may be sent abroad under the sanction of his name. Whatever be the number or the species of these errors, and in whatever way they may be associated with his principles, it is fair to the character of Arminius, and useful to the interests of religious truth, to revert to his own writings as the only source from which we ought to derive information concerning the Arminian scheme; and by doing so, it may be discovered, that genuine unadulterated Arminianism is not that great and dangerous heresy which among a certain class of Christians it is too often represented to be.
ARMINIANISM, in a strict sense, is the system of religious beliefs taught by Arminius, a professor of divinity at the University of Leyden. To truly understand what Arminianism is, we need to look at the writings where he himself articulated and explained his unique beliefs. However, this won't give us a full and accurate picture of what has come to be known as Arminianism since his time. Upon closer examination, it's clear that many who identify as Arminians or who have been labeled as such by others differ significantly from the original ideas of their namesake, just as he differed from Calvin and other theologians in Geneva. There are indeed certain beliefs that he has been consistently followed on by nearly all his supposed followers, but there are also other equally or more important doctrines that they insist upon, which he certainly never endorsed and may have even opposed. This distinction, though apparent to any careful reader, has often been overlooked to the extent that Arminius's memory is unfairly burdened with unreasonable accusations. The uninformed and biased claim that he introduced corruptions into the Christian church that he likely never even considered, and that are definitely not present in his writings. Moreover, any disdain his followers have attracted over time for their diverse and growing unorthodox beliefs has been absurdly attributed to him, as if he were responsible for every mistake associated with his name. Regardless of the number or type of these mistakes, and however they may relate to his principles, it is just to Arminius’s character and beneficial for the cause of religious truth to return to his own writings as the only source for understanding the Arminian framework. By doing so, we may find that genuine, pure Arminianism is not the significant and dangerous heresy that it is often portrayed to be among certain groups of Christians.
Arminianism, in its proper sense, is to be considered as a separation from Calvinism, with regard to the doctrines of unconditional election, particular redemption, and other points necessarily resulting from these. The Calvinists held that God had elected a certain portion of the human race to eternal life, passing by the rest, or rather dooming them to everlasting destruction; that God’s election proceeded upon no prescience of the moral principles and character of those whom he had thus predestinated, but originated solely in the motions of his free and sovereign mercy; that Christ died for the elect only, and therefore that the merits of his death can avail for the salvation of none but them; and that they are constrained by the irresistible power of divine grace to accept of him as their Saviour. To this doctrine, that of Arminius and his legitimate followers stands opposed. They do not deny an election; but they deny that it is absolute and unconditional. They argue, that an election of this kind is inconsistent with the character of God, that it destroys the liberty of the human will, that it contradicts the language of Scripture, and that it tends to encourage a careless and licentious practice in those by whom it is believed. They maintain that God has elected those only who, according, not to his decree, but to his foreknowledge, and in the exercise of their natural powers of self-determination, acting under the influence of his grace, would possess that faith and holiness to which salvation is annexed in the Gospel scheme. And those who are not elected are allowed to perish, not because they were not elected, but merely and solely in consequence of their infidelity and disobedience; on account, indeed, of which infidelity and disobedience being foreseen by God, their election did not take place. They hold, that Christ died for all men in the literal and unrestricted sense of that phrase; that his atonement is able, both from its own merit, and from the intention of him who appointed it, to expiate the guilt of every individual; that every individual is invited to partake of the benefits which it has procured; that the grace of God is offered to make the will comply with this invitation, but that this grace may be resisted and rendered ineffectual by the sinner’s perversity. Whether true believers necessarily persevered, or whether they might fall from their faith, and forfeit their state of grace, was a question which Arminius left in a great measure unresolved, but which was soon determined by his followers in this additional proposition, that saints may fall from the state of grace, in which they are placed by the operation of the Holy Spirit. This, indeed, seems to follow as a corollary, from what Arminius maintained respecting the natural freedom and corruption of the will, and the resistibility of divine grace.
Arminianism, in its true sense, should be seen as a break from Calvinism regarding the ideas of unconditional election, specific redemption, and related points that arise from these. The Calvinists believed that God chose a specific group of people to receive eternal life while leaving the rest out, effectively condemning them to eternal destruction; that God's choice was not based on any prior knowledge of the moral values and character of those He had predestined, but solely based on His free and sovereign mercy; that Christ died only for the elect, meaning that the benefits of His death are only available for them; and that they are compelled by the irresistible power of divine grace to accept Him as their Savior. Opposing this doctrine is that of Arminius and his rightful followers. They do not deny an election; however, they reject the idea that it is absolute and unconditional. They argue that such an election contradicts the character of God, undermines human will, goes against Scripture, and promotes careless and immoral behavior among its believers. They assert that God has chosen only those who, based not on His decree but on His foreknowledge, and through their natural ability to choose, would have the faith and holiness needed for salvation according to the Gospel. Those who are not elected face destruction, not because they weren’t elected, but due solely to their unbelief and disobedience; indeed, because God foresaw their infidelity and disobedience, they were not chosen. They maintain that Christ died for all people in a literal and unrestricted manner; that His atonement can, due to its own merit and the intention of the one who set it up, clear the guilt of every individual; that everyone is invited to benefit from what it achieved; that God's grace is offered to help the will accept this invitation, but this grace can be resisted and rendered ineffective by the sinner's stubbornness. The question of whether true believers must persevere or could fall from their faith and lose their state of grace was largely left unanswered by Arminius, but his followers quickly determined that saints can fall from the state of grace given to them by the Holy Spirit. This indeed seems to follow logically from Arminius's views on the natural freedom and corruption of the will and the resistibility of divine grace.
It may now be proper to mention some tenets with regard to which Arminianism has been much misrepresented.misrepresented. If a man hold that 91good works are necessary to justification; if he maintain that faith includes good works in its own nature; if he reject the doctrine of original sin; if he deny that divine grace is requisite for the whole work of sanctification; if he speak of human virtue as meritorious in the sight of God; it is very generally concluded, that he is an Arminian. But the truth is, that a man of such sentiments is properly a disciple of the Pelagian and Socinian schools. To such sentiments pure Arminianism is as diametrically opposite as Calvinism itself. The genuine Arminians admit the corruption of human nature in its full extent. They admit, that we are justified by faith only. They admit, that our justification originates solely in the grace of God. They admit, that the procuring and meritorious cause of our justification is the righteousness of Christ. Propter quam, says Arminius, Deus credentibus peccatum condonat, eosque pro justis reputat non aliter atque si legem perfectè implevissent. [For the sake of which God pardons believers, and accounts them as righteous precisely as if they had perfectly obeyed the law.] They admit in this way, that justification implies not merely forgiveness of sin, but acceptance to everlasting happiness. Junctam habet adoptionem in filios, et collationem juris in hereditatem vitæ eternæ. [It has connected with it adoption to sonship, and the grant of a right to the inheritance of eternal life.] They admit, in fine, that the work of sanctification, from its very commencement to its perfection in glory, is carried on by the operation of the Holy Spirit, which is the gift of God by Jesus Christ. So sound, indeed, are the Arminians with respect to the doctrine of justification, a doctrine so important and essential in the opinion of Luther, that he scrupled not to call it, articulus ecclesiæ stantis vel cadentis; [the article with which the church stands or falls;] that those who look into the writings of Arminius may be disposed to suspect him of having even exceeded Calvin in orthodoxy. It is certain, at least, that he declares his willingness to subscribe to every thing that Calvin has written on that leading subject of Christianity, in the third book of his Institutes; and with this declaration the tenor of his writings invariably corresponds.
It may now be appropriate to mention some beliefs regarding which Arminianism has been much misrepresented.misrepresented. If someone believes that good works are necessary for justification; if they assert that faith inherently includes good works; if they reject the idea of original sin; if they deny that divine grace is essential for the entire process of sanctification; if they refer to human virtue as deserving in the eyes of God; it is often concluded that they are an Arminian. However, the truth is that a person with such beliefs is actually a follower of the Pelagian and Socinian schools. These beliefs are as completely opposed to pure Arminianism as they are to Calvinism. Genuine Arminians accept the full extent of human nature's corruption. They believe that we are justified by faith alone. They agree that our justification comes solely from the grace of God. They acknowledge that the basis and merit of our justification is Christ's righteousness. Because of that, says Arminius, God forgives sins for those who believe and considers them as righteous, just as if they had perfectly fulfilled the law.. [For the sake of which God pardons believers, and accounts them as righteous precisely as if they had perfectly obeyed the law.] This means they admit that justification involves not just forgiveness of sin, but acceptance into eternal happiness. It includes the adoption of children and the granting of the right to inherit eternal life. [It has connected with it adoption to sonship, and the grant of a right to the inheritance of eternal life.] Ultimately, they acknowledge that the process of sanctification, from its very beginning to its completion in glory, is carried out by the work of the Holy Spirit, which is the gift of God through Jesus Christ. Indeed, the Arminians are quite sound regarding the doctrine of justification, a doctrine so crucial that Luther didn’t hesitate to call it church standing or falling; [the article with which the church stands or falls;] so much so that those who examine Arminius’ writings may even suspect him of being more orthodox than Calvin. It is clear, at least, that he expresses his willingness to agree with everything Calvin has written on this key subject of Christianity in the third book of his Institutes; and the overall message of his writings consistently aligns with this declaration.
The system of Arminius, then, appears to have been the same with that which was generally maintained in the reformed churches at that time; except in so far as the doctrine of the divine decrees was concerned. But the most eminent of those who became Arminians, or ranked among his professed followers, by embracing and avowing his peculiar tenets with respect to election and redemption, soon began to depart widely from the other tenets of his theological creed. They adopted views of the corruption of man, of justification, of the righteousness of Christ, of the nature of faith, of the province of good works, of the necessity and operations of grace, that are quite contrary to those which he had entertained and published. Many of them, in process of time, differed more or less from one another, on some or all of these points. And so diversified are the forms which Arminianism, as it is called, has assumed in the course of its progress, that to describe precisely what it has been since the synod of Dort, or what it is at the present day, would be a most difficult, if not an impossible, task. Even the confession of faith, which was drawn out for the Arminians by Episcopius, and is to be found in the second volume of his works, cannot be referred to as a standard. It was composed merely to counteract the reproach of their being a society without any common principles. It is expressed chiefly in the words and phrases of Scripture, to which, of course, every one would annex his own meaning. Beside, no person, not even a pastor, was obliged, by any form, to adhere strictly to it; but every one was left entirely at liberty to interpret its language in the manner that was most agreeable to his own private sentiments. Accordingly, so various and inconsistent are their opinions, that could Arminius peruse the unnumbered volumes which have been written as expositions and illustrations of Arminian doctrine, he would be at a loss to discover his own simple system, amidst that heterogeneous mass of error with which it has been rudely mixed; and would be astonished to find, that the controversy which he had conscientiously introduced, had wandered far from the point to which he had confined it, and that with his name dogmas were associated, the unscriptural and dangerous nature of which he had pointed out and condemned.
The system of Arminius seems to have been the same as what was generally upheld in the reformed churches at the time, except regarding the doctrine of divine decrees. However, many of those who became Arminians or aligned themselves with his followers by accepting and promoting his unique views on election and redemption soon began to diverge significantly from the other beliefs of his theological framework. They adopted perspectives on human corruption, justification, the righteousness of Christ, the nature of faith, the role of good works, and the necessity and workings of grace that directly contradict his original teachings. Over time, many of them began to disagree with each other, to varying degrees, on some or all of these issues. The forms that Arminianism has taken throughout its development are so diverse that accurately describing what it has been since the Synod of Dort, or what it is today, would be very challenging, if not impossible. Even the statement of faith created for the Arminians by Episcopius, found in the second volume of his works, cannot be considered a standard. It was written mainly to counter the criticism of them being a group without any shared principles. It's mostly phrased in biblical language, allowing everyone to attach their own interpretations. Additionally, no one, not even pastors, was required to adhere strictly to it; each person was free to interpret its language in a way that aligned with their own beliefs. As a result, their opinions are so varied and inconsistent that if Arminius were to read the countless volumes written as explanations and illustrations of Arminian doctrine, he would struggle to identify his own straightforward system within that chaotic mix of errors. He would be shocked to discover that the debate he had earnestly started had strayed far from the original issues he aimed to address, and that his name had become associated with doctrines he had identified as unscriptural and dangerous.
The same temper of mind which led him to renounce the peculiarities of Calvinism, induced him also to adopt more enlarged and liberal views of church communion than those which had hitherto prevailed. While he maintained that the mercy of God is not confined to a chosen few, he conceived it to be quite inconsistent with the genius of Christianity, that men of that religion should keep at a distance from each other, and constitute separate churches, merely because they differed in their opinions as to some of its doctrinal articles. He thought that Christians of all denominations should form one great community, united and upheld by the bonds of charity and brotherly love; with the exception, however, of Roman Catholics, who, on account of their idolatrous worship and persecuting spirit, must be unfit members of such a society. That this was not only agreeable to the wishes of Arminius, but one chief object of his labours, is evident from a passage in his last will, which he made a little before his death:--Ea proposui et docui quæ ad propagationem amplificationemque veritatis religionis Christianæ, veri Dei cultus, communis pietatis, et sanctæ inter homines convers[at]ionis, denique ad convenientem Christiano nomini tranquillitatem et pacem juxta verbum Dei possent conferre, excludens ex iis papatum, cum quo nulla unitas fidei, nullum pietatis aut Christianæ pacis vinculum servari potest. [I have advanced and taught those things which might contribute to the propagation and spread of the truth of Christianity, the worship of the true God, general piety, and 92a holy fellowship among men;--in fine, to a tranquillity and peace according to God’s word and becoming the Christian name, excluding the Papacy, with which no unity of faith, no bond of piety, or of Christian peace can be maintained.]
The same mindset that led him to reject the unique aspects of Calvinism also drove him to embrace broader and more inclusive views on church fellowship than those that had been common. While he argued that God's mercy isn't limited to just a select few, he believed it was fundamentally against the spirit of Christianity for its followers to isolate themselves from one another and form separate congregations simply because they disagreed on certain doctrinal issues. He felt that Christians from all backgrounds should come together as one large community, united by love and mutual respect; however, he felt that Roman Catholics, due to their idolatrous practices and tendency toward persecution, were unsuitable members of such a community. It's clear that this was not only in line with Arminius's desires, but also one of the main goals of his efforts, as shown in a statement from his last will, which he wrote shortly before his death:--I proposed and taught things that could contribute to the spread and enhancement of the truth of Christianity, the worship of the true God, common piety, and holy interactions among people, ultimately fostering the appropriate tranquility and peace that align with the Christian name according to the word of God, excluding the papacy, with which no unity of faith or bond of piety or Christian peace can be maintained.. [I have advanced and taught those things which might contribute to the propagation and spread of the truth of Christianity, the worship of the true God, general piety, and 92a holy fellowship among men;--in fine, to a tranquillity and peace according to God’s word and becoming the Christian name, excluding the Papacy, with which no unity of faith, no bond of piety, or of Christian peace can be maintained.]
Mosheim has stated this circumstance in a note to his history of the Arminian church; but his statement, or rather the conclusion which he deduces from it, is evidently unfair and incorrect. He alleges, that Arminius had actually laid the plan of that theological system which was afterward embraced by his followers; that he had inculcated the main and leading principles of it on the minds of his disciples; and that Episcopius and others, who rejected Calvinism in more points than in that which related to the divine decrees, only propagated, with greater courage and perspicuity, the doctrines which Arminianism, as taught by its founder, already contained. These allegations, it is clear, have no sort of connection with the passage from which they are drawn as inferences; and they are wholly inconsistent with the assertions, and reasonings, and declarations of Arminius, when he is discussing the merits of the question that was agitated between him and the Geneva school. Arminius, in addition to the scheme of doctrine which he taught, was anxious to establish this maxim, and to reduce it to practice, that, with the exception above mentioned, no difference of opinions should prevent Christians from remaining in one church or religious body. He did not mean to insinuate, that a difference of opinion was of no consequence at all; that they who thought one way were just as right as they who thought a contrary way; or that men have no occasion to be solicitous about the religious tenets which they hold. He did not mean to give up his own system as equally true, or equally false, with that of Calvin; and as little could he be supposed to sanction those sentiments of his followers which were in direct opposition to the sentiments which he himself had maintained. But he endeavoured, in the first place, to assert liberty of conscience, and of worship; and then, upon that fundamental principle, to persuade all Christians, however divided in opinion, to lay aside the distinctions of sect and party, and in one united body to consult that tranquillity and peace which is so agreeable to the Christian name. This we conceive to have been the object of Arminius; an object so indicative of an enlightened mind, so congenial to that charity which hopeth all things, and thinketh no evil, and so conducive to the interests of religion and the peace of the world, as to reflect the highest honour on him by whom it was first pursued, and to constitute the true glory of Arminianism.
Mosheim noted this situation in a commentary on his history of the Arminian church; however, his claim, or rather the conclusion he draws from it, is clearly unfair and incorrect. He argues that Arminius had actually devised the theological framework that was later adopted by his followers; that he had instilled the main principles in the minds of his students; and that Episcopius and others, who disagreed with Calvinism on more points than just divine decrees, simply spread the doctrines that Arminianism, as taught by its founder, already included, with more courage and clarity. These claims clearly have no connection to the passage from which they are drawn as conclusions; and they are entirely inconsistent with the statements, reasoning, and claims of Arminius when he discusses the merits of the debate between him and the Geneva school. Arminius, in addition to the doctrine he taught, was eager to establish and practice this idea: aside from the aforementioned exception, no difference of opinion should prevent Christians from being part of the same church or religious community. He did not imply that differing opinions were completely insignificant; that those who believed one thing were just as correct as those who believed the opposite; or that people need not care about the religious beliefs they hold. He did not intend to suggest that his own system was equally true or false as Calvin's; he would not have endorsed the views of his followers that directly contradicted his own beliefs. Instead, he aimed, first, to affirm the freedom of conscience and worship; and then, based on that fundamental principle, to encourage all Christians, regardless of their differing opinions, to set aside the distinctions of sect and party and come together as one body to seek the tranquility and peace that are so in line with the Christian spirit. This we believe was the goal of Arminius; a goal that reflects an enlightened mind, aligns with the charity that hopes all things and thinks no evil, and significantly benefits religion and the peace of the world, thus bringing great honor to him who first pursued it and defining the true glory of Arminianism.
The controversy to which Arminianism had given rise, was carried on after the death of its founder, with the greatest eagerness, and produced the most bitter and deplorable dissensions. The Arminians requested nothing more than a bare toleration. This moderate demand, at all times reasonable and just, was particularly so in Holland, which had thrown off the yoke of civil and spiritual despotism, and where the received confession of faith had not determined the questions under debate. It was strongly urged by Grotius, Hoogerbeets, Olden Barnevelt, and other persons of respectability and influence. And Maurice, prince of Orange, and his mother the princess dowager, giving countenance to the claim, there was some prospect of the Calvinists being persuaded to enter into pacific measures, and to treat their dissenting brethren with forbearance. Accordingly, in the year 1611, a conference between the contending parties was held at the Hague, on which occasion, it is commonly asserted, the toleration required was offered to the Arminians, provided they would renounce the errors of Socinianism,--though the papers which passed between the parties at that conference, as authenticated by each of them, contain no proviso of that description. Another conference was held at Delft, in 1613. And in 1614, the States of Holland promulgated an edict, exhorting the disputants to the exercise of mutual charity. But these and other expedients employed for the same purpose, had not the desired effect. The Calvinists expressed great indignation at the magistrates, for endeavouring, by their authority, to promote a union with such adversaries. The conduct of the States was ably and eloquently defended by Grotius, in two treatises, entitled, “De Jure Summarum Potestatum circa sacra,” and “Ordinum Hollandiæ, ac West-Frisiæ Pietas a multorum calumniis vindicata.”
The controversy sparked by Arminianism continued vigorously after the founder's death, resulting in deep and unfortunate divisions. The Arminians sought nothing more than basic tolerance. This reasonable and just request was especially relevant in Holland, which had freed itself from civil and spiritual oppression, and where the established confession of faith had not resolved the issues at hand. It was strongly advocated by Grotius, Hoogerbeets, Olden Barnevelt, and other respected and influential figures. With support from Maurice, Prince of Orange, and his mother, the dowager princess, there was hope that the Calvinists could be convinced to adopt peaceful measures and treat their dissenting brothers with understanding. Consequently, in 1611, a meeting between the conflicting parties took place at The Hague, where it is generally claimed that the requested tolerance was offered to the Arminians if they would reject the errors of Socinianism, though the documents exchanged during that meeting, validated by both sides, do not include such a stipulation. Another conference was held in Delft in 1613. In 1614, the States of Holland issued a decree urging the disputants to practice mutual charity. However, these and other measures aimed at reconciliation did not achieve the desired results. The Calvinists expressed outrage at the magistrates for trying to use their authority to foster unity with such opponents. Grotius defended the actions of the States effectively and eloquently in two treatises titled, “On the Legal Authority of Supreme Powers Regarding Sacred Matters” and “Ordinum Holland's and West Frisia's Piety Defended Against Many Calumnies.”
The hopes of success which the Arminians entertained from the indulgent manner in which they were treated by the civil authorities, were soon blasted by a misunderstanding which had secretly subsisted for some time between the stadtholder and the principal magistrates, and at last broke forth into an open rupture. Maurice, being suspected of aiming at sovereign power, was firmly opposed by the leading persons in the government, who had been the friends and patrons of the Arminians, and to whom, therefore, these adhered at this difficult crisis. On the other hand, the Gomarists, or Calvinists, attached themselves to Maurice, and inflamed the resentment which he had already, for various reasons, conceived against the Arminians. The prince was resolved, at once to ruin the ministers who had ventured to oppose his schemes of usurpation, and to crush the Arminians, by whom those statesmen had been warmly supported. For this purpose he got the leading men cast into prison. Barnevelt, whose long and faithful services deserved a better fate, died on the scaffold: and Grotius and Hoogerbeets, under pretexts more plausible than solid, were unjustly condemned to perpetual imprisonment, from which, however, the former afterward escaped, and fled into France. The alleged crime of the Arminians being of an ecclesiastical nature, it was thought proper to bring their cause before a national assembly of divines by which their religious opinions might be regularly and finally condemned.
The Arminians' hopes for success, which stemmed from the lenient treatment they received from the civil authorities, were quickly shattered by a misunderstanding that had secretly existed for some time between the stadtholder and the key magistrates, eventually leading to an open conflict. Maurice, suspected of seeking sovereign power, faced strong opposition from the government leaders who had previously been friends and supporters of the Arminians, and they turned to these leaders for support during this challenging time. On the other hand, the Gomarists, or Calvinists, sided with Maurice and fueled the resentment he already harbored against the Arminians for various reasons. The prince was determined to destroy the ministers who had dared to challenge his plans for usurpation and to crush the Arminians who had strongly backed those officials. To achieve this, he had the key figures imprisoned. Barnevelt, whose long and loyal service deserved a better outcome, was executed. Grotius and Hoogerbeets were unjustly sentenced to life in prison under pretexts that were more convincing than valid, although Grotius eventually escaped and fled to France. Since the Arminians' alleged crime was ecclesiastical in nature, it was deemed appropriate to present their case to a national assembly of theologians, where their religious beliefs could be officially and definitively condemned.
Under the auspices of Maurice, therefore, 93and by the authority of the states general, a synod was convoked at Dort, in the year 1618. Before this meeting, which consisted of deputies from the United Provinces, from England, Scotland, Switzerland, and other places, the Arminians appeared, with Episcopius at their head, to answer to the accusations brought against them, of departing from the established religion. For a full account of the proceedings of this synod, the reader may consult the second and third volumes of Brandt’s History of the Reformation, and the Remains of Mr. John Hales of Eaton, who was present at the meeting, and gives a simple narrative of what he saw and heard. The conduct of the synod has been applauded by some, and condemned by others. On the one hand, it has been placed above every other synod since the Apostolic age, for its temper, moderation, and sanctity; on the other, it has been charged with injustice and cruelty, and burlesqued in such lines as these:--
Under the authority of Maurice and the states general, a synod was called in Dort in 1618. Before this assembly, which included representatives from the United Provinces, England, Scotland, Switzerland, and other areas, the Arminians came forward, led by Episcopius, to respond to accusations of deviating from the established religion. For a complete account of the synod's proceedings, readers can refer to the second and third volumes of Brandt’s History of the Reformation, as well as the Remains of Mr. John Hales of Eaton, who was present and provides a straightforward narrative of what he witnessed. The actions of the synod have received mixed reviews; some have praised it for its spirit, moderation, and holiness, while others have criticized it for injustice and cruelty, mocking it in verses such as these:--
Dordrechti synodus nodus; chorus integer, æger; Conventus, ventus; sessio, stramen, Amen.
Dordrecht synod; whole choir, sick; assembly, wind; session, straw, Amen.
[The point of this doggrel, which consists chiefly in the gingle of the Latin words, is lost in a translation. The following is a literal version:--
[The point of this bad verse, which mainly relies on the rhyme of the Latin words, is lost in translation. Here’s a literal version:]
Neal remarks, that it behaved as well as most assemblies of a similar kind have done, “who have pretended to establish articles for other men’s faith, with penal sanctions.” This says very little for the synod of Dort; though, perhaps, it is even more than can be said with truth. Martinius of Bremen seems to have spoken much more correctly, when he told his friends, “I believe now what Gregory Nazianzen says, that he had never seen any council attended with good effects, but that it always increased the evil rather than removed it. I declare as well as that father, that I will never set my foot in any synod again. O Dort! Dort! would to God that I had never seen thee!” The Arminians, it is contended, asked more indulgence than they had reason to expect; however it is certain that the treatment which they received from the synod, was arbitrary, faithless, and oppressive. They were at length found guilty of heresy, and of hostility to their country and its religion. And the measures adopted against them, in consequence of this sentence, were of the most severe and rigorous kind. They were excommunicated; they were driven from all their offices, civil and ecclesiastical; their ministers were prohibited from preaching; and their congregations were suppressed. Refusing to submit to the two last of these hard decrees, they were subjected to fines, imprisonments, and various other punishments. To avoid this tyrannical treatment, many of them retired to Antwerp, others to France, and a considerable number into Holstein, where they were kindly received by Frederick the duke, and where, in the form of a colony, they built for themselves a handsome town, naming it Frederickstadt, in compliment to their friend and protector. The history of this colony may be found in a work entitled Epistolæ Præstantium et Eruditorum Virorum Ecclesiasticæ et Theologicæ, and published by Limborch and Hartsoeker.
Neal points out that it acted as well as most gatherings of its kind have done, “who have claimed to set rules for other people’s beliefs, with punishments.” This doesn’t say much for the synod of Dort; in fact, it might be more than can be truthfully said. Martinius from Bremen seemed to be much more accurate when he told his friends, “I now believe what Gregory Nazianzen said, that he had never seen a council that resulted in good outcomes, but that it always made things worse rather than better. I declare, just like that father, that I will never step foot in any synod again. Oh, Dort! Dort! I wish I had never seen you!” The Arminians are said to have asked for more tolerance than they had any right to expect; however, it is clear that the treatment they received from the synod was arbitrary, disloyal, and oppressive. They were ultimately found guilty of heresy and of being against their country and its faith. The measures taken against them as a result of this verdict were extremely harsh and severe. They were excommunicated; they were removed from all their civil and church positions; their ministers were forbidden to preach; and their congregations were disbanded. Refusing to comply with the last two of these harsh decrees, they faced fines, imprisonment, and various other punishments. To escape this tyrannical treatment, many fled to Antwerp, others to France, and a significant number went to Holstein, where they were warmly welcomed by Duke Frederick, and where, as a colony, they built a nice town, naming it Frederickstadt, in honor of their friend and protector. The history of this colony can be found in a work titled Letters of Distinguished and Learned Men on Ecclesiastical and Theological Matters, published by Limborch and Hartsoeker.
The tenets of the Arminians may be comprised in the following five articles relating to predestination, universal redemption, the corruption of men, conversion, and perseverance, viz. 1. That God, from all eternity, determined to bestow salvation on those whom he foresaw would persevere unto the end in their faith in Christ Jesus; and to inflict everlasting punishment on those who should continue in their unbelief, and resist unto the end his divine succours; so that election was conditional, and reprobation in like manner the result of foreseen infidelity and persevering wickedness. 2. That Jesus Christ, by his sufferings and death, made an atonement for the sins of all mankind in general, and of every individual in particular; that, however, none but those who believe in him can be partakers of the divine benefits. 3. That true faith cannot proceed from the exercise of our natural faculties and powers, nor from the force and operation of free will; since man, in consequence of his natural corruption, is incapable either of thinking or doing any good thing; and that, therefore, it is necessary, in order toto his salvation, that he be regenerated and renewed by the operation of the Holy Ghost, which is the gift of God through Jesus Christ. 4. That this divine grace or energy of the Holy Ghost begins and perfects every thing that can be called good in man, and consequently all good works are to be attributed to God alone; that, nevertheless, this grace is offered to all, and does not force men to act against their inclinations, but may be resisted and rendered ineffectual by the perverse wills of impenitent sinners. 5. That God gives to the truly faithful, who are regenerated by his grace, the means of preserving themselves in this state; and though the first Arminians made some doubt with respect to the closing part of this article, their followers uniformly maintain, that the regenerate may lose true justifying faith, forfeit their state of grace, and die in their sins. The Arminians are also called Remonstrants, from an humble petition entitled their Remonstrance, which, in the year 1610, they addressed to the States of Holland. Their principal writers are, Arminius, Episcopius, Uitenbogart, Grotius, Curcellæus, Limborch, Le Clerc, Wetstein, Goodwin, Whitby, Wesley, Fletcher, Tomline, &c. The works of Arminius, with a copious account of his life and times, have been recently translated into English, by Mr. James Nichols; and have not only served to dissipate many misconceptions respecting the sentiments of this celebrated divine, which had prevailed in England, where the Pelagianism of some eminent divines, generally called Arminian, had been unjustly charged upon him; but have added a most valuable collection of treatises to our theological literature.
The beliefs of the Arminians can be summed up in five main points about predestination, universal redemption, human corruption, conversion, and perseverance: 1. That God, from all eternity, decided to grant salvation to those He knew would stay faithful to the end in their belief in Christ Jesus, and to punish with everlasting consequences those who remain in unbelief and resist His divine help until the end; therefore, election is conditional, and damnation is similarly a result of anticipated disbelief and ongoing wickedness. 2. That Jesus Christ, through His suffering and death, atoned for the sins of all humanity as a whole, and for every individual specifically; however, only those who believe in Him can benefit from these divine gifts. 3. That true faith cannot arise from our natural abilities or from the strength and action of free will; since, due to human corruption, people cannot think or do anything good; thus, in order to achieve salvation, one must be regenerated and renewed by the working of the Holy Spirit, which is a gift from God through Jesus Christ. 4. That this divine grace or power of the Holy Spirit initiates and completes everything good in humanity, meaning all good deeds should be credited to God alone; nonetheless, this grace is offered to everyone and does not compel people to act against their will, but can be resisted and made ineffective by the stubborn choices of unrepentant sinners. 5. That God provides the truly faithful, who are regenerated by His grace, the means to maintain their state; and even though the early Arminians were somewhat unsure about the last part of this point, their followers consistently argue that the regenerate can lose true justifying faith, forfeit their grace, and die in their sins. Arminians are also known as Remonstrants, named after a humble petition called their Remonstrance, which they presented to the States of Holland in 1610. Their main writers include Arminius, Episcopius, Uitenbogart, Grotius, Curcellæus, Limborch, Le Clerc, Wetstein, Goodwin, Whitby, Wesley, Fletcher, Tomline, & c. The works of Arminius, along with an extensive account of his life and times, have recently been translated into English by Mr. James Nichols; and they not only helped clarify many misunderstandings about the views of this renowned theologian, which had been widespread in England, where some prominent theologians, often labeled as Arminianism, were unfairly associated with Pelagianism, but they also contributed a valuable collection of writings to our theological literature.
ARMS. The Hebrews do not appear to have had any peculiar military habit. As the flowing dress which they ordinarily wore would 94have impeded their movements, they girt it closely around them when preparing for battle, and loosened it on their return, 2 Sam. xx, 8; 1 Kings xx, 11. They used the same arms as the neighbouring nations, both defensive and offensive; and these were made either of iron or of brass, principally of the latter metal. Of the defensive arms of the Hebrews, the following were the most remarkable; namely,
ARMS. The Hebrews didn’t seem to have any specific military customs. Since the long garments they usually wore would have restricted their movements, they would tighten them up when getting ready for battle and loosen them afterward, as seen in 2 Sam. xx, 8; 1 Kings xx, 11. They used the same weapons as the neighboring nations, both for defense and offense, and these were made of either iron or brass, mostly the latter. Among the defensive gear of the Hebrews, the following were the most notable; namely,
1. The helmet, כובע, for covering and defending the head. This was a part of the military provision made by Uzziah for his vast army, 2 Chron. xxvi, 14; and long before the time of that king, the helmets of Saul and of the Philistine champion were of the same metal, 1 Sam. xvii, 38. This military cap was also worn by the Persians, Ethiopians, and Libyans, Ezek. xxxviii, 5, and by the troops which Antiochus sent against Judas Maccabeus, 1 Mac. vi, 35.
1. The helmet, Hat, for protecting and safeguarding the head. This was part of the military gear prepared by Uzziah for his large army, 2 Chron. xxvi, 14; and long before Uzziah, the helmets of Saul and the Philistine champion were made from the same material, 1 Sam. xvii, 38. This military headgear was also worn by the Persians, Ethiopians, and Libyans, Ezek. xxxviii, 5, and by the forces that Antiochus sent against Judas Maccabeus, 1 Mac. vi, 35.
2. The breastplate or corslet, שדיון, was another piece of defensive armour. Goliath, and the soldiers of Antiochus, 1 Sam. xvii, 5; 1 Mac. vi, 35, were accoutred with this defence; which, in our authorized translation, is variously rendered habergeon, coat of mail, and brigandine, 1 Sam. xvii, 38; 2 Chron. xxvi, 14; Isa. lix, 17; Jer. xlvi, 4. Between the joints of this harness, as it is termed in 1 Kings xxii, 4, the profligate Ahab was mortally wounded by an arrow, shot at a venture. From these various renderings of the original word, it should seem that this piece of armour covered both the back and breast, but principally the latter. The corslets were made of various materials: sometimes they were made of flax or cotton, woven very thick, or of a kind of woollen felt: others again were made of iron or brazen scales, or laminæ, laid one over another, like the scales of a fish; others were properly what we call coats of mail; and others were composed of two pieces of iron or brass, which protected the back and breast. All these kinds of corslets are mentioned in the Scriptures. Goliath’s coat of mail, 1 Sam. xvii, 5, was literally a corslet of scales, that is, composed of numerous laminæ of brass, crossing each other. It was called by Virgil, and other Latin writers, squama lorica. Similar corslets were worn by the Persians and other nations. The breastplate worn by the unhappy Saul, when he perished in battle, is supposed to have been of flax, or cotton, woven very close and thick, 2 Sam. i, 9, marginal rendering.
2. The breastplate or corslet, שיחה, was another type of defensive armor. Goliath and the soldiers of Antiochus, 1 Sam. xvii, 5; 1 Mac. vi, 35, were equipped with this protection, which in our authorized translation is referred to as habergeon, coat of mail, and brigandine, 1 Sam. xvii, 38; 2 Chron. xxvi, 14; Isa. lix, 17; Jer. xlvi, 4. Between the joints of this harness, as described in 1 Kings xxii, 4, the reckless Ahab was fatally wounded by an arrow shot randomly. From these various translations of the original word, it appears that this piece of armor protected both the front and back, but mainly the front. Corslets were made from different materials: sometimes they were crafted from thickly woven flax or cotton, or a type of wool felt; others were made of iron or brass scales or plates, layered over each other like fish scales; some were what we call coats of mail; and others were made of two pieces of iron or brass to protect the back and front. All these types of corslets are mentioned in the Scriptures. Goliath’s coat of mail, 1 Sam. xvii, 5, was essentially a corslet of scales, meaning it was made up of many overlapping brass plates. It was referred to by Virgil and other Latin writers as armor scale. Similar corslets were also worn by the Persians and other cultures. The breastplate worn by the unfortunate Saul when he died in battle is believed to have been made of tightly woven flax or cotton, 2 Sam. i, 9, marginal rendering.
3. The shield defended the whole body during the battle. It was of various forms, and made of wood covered with tough hides, or of brass, and sometimes was overlaid with gold, 1 Kings x, 16, 17; xiv, 26, 27. Two sorts are mentioned in the Scriptures; namely, the צנה, great shield or buckler, and the מלן, or smaller shield. It was much used by the Jews, Babylonians, Chaldeans, Assyrians, and Egyptians. David, who was a great warrior, often mentions a shield and buckler in his divine poems, to signify that defence and protection of Heaven which he expected and experienced, and in which he reposed all his trust, Psalm v, 12; and when he says, “God will with favour compass the righteous as with a shield,” he seems to allude to the use of the great shield tsinnah, (which is the word he uses,) with which they covered and defended their whole bodies. King Solomon caused two different sorts of shields to be made; namely, the tsinnah, (which answers to clypeus among the Latins,) such a large shield as the infantry wore, and the maginnim, or scuta, which were used by the horsemen, and were of a much less size, 2 Chron. ix, 15, 16. The former of these are translated targets, and are double in weight to the other. The Philistines came into the field with this weapon: so we find their formidable champion was appointed, 1 Sam. xvii, 7. One bearing a shield went before him, whose proper duty it was to carry this and some other weapons, with which to furnish his master upon occasion.
3. The shield protected the entire body during battle. It came in various shapes and was made of wood covered with tough hides or brass, and sometimes it was layered with gold, 1 Kings x, 16, 17; xiv, 26, 27. The Scriptures mention two types: the צנה, great shield or buckler, and the מלן, or smaller shield. It was commonly used by the Jews, Babylonians, Chaldeans, Assyrians, and Egyptians. David, a renowned warrior, often refers to a shield and buckler in his divine poems to signify the defense and protection from Heaven that he anticipated and experienced, and in which he placed all his trust, Psalm v, 12; when he said, “God will surround the righteous with favor like a shield,” he seems to reference the great shield tsinnah (which is the term he uses), which they utilized to shield and protect their entire bodies. King Solomon had two different types of shields made: the tsinnah (equivalent to clypeus in Latin), a large shield used by infantry, and the maginnim or scuta, which were smaller and used by cavalry, 2 Chron. ix, 15, 16. The former are translated as targets and weigh twice as much as the latter. The Philistines appeared in the battlefield with this weapon, as we see their formidable champion was appointed, 1 Sam. xvii, 7. One person carrying a shield went ahead of him, whose duty was to carry it and other weapons to supply his master when needed.
The loss of the shield in fight was excessively resented by the Jewish warriors, as well as lamented by them; for it was a signal aggravation of the public mourning, that “the shield of the mighty was vilely cast away,” 2 Sam. i, 21. David, a man of arms, who composed this beautiful elegy on the death of Saul, felt how disgraceful a thing it was for soldiers to quit their shields in the field.
The loss of the shield in battle was deeply felt by the Jewish warriors, and they mourned it greatly; it was a significant addition to their public sorrow that “the shield of the mighty was shamefully thrown away,” 2 Sam. i, 21. David, a warrior himself, who wrote this beautiful elegy for Saul's death, understood how dishonorable it was for soldiers to abandon their shields in the fight.
These honourable sentiments were not confined to the Jews. We find them prevailing among most other ancient nations, who considered it infamous to cast away or lose their shield. With the Greeks it was a capital crime, and punished with death. The Lacedemonian women, it is well known, in order to excite the courage of their sons, used to deliver to them their fathers’ shields, with this short address: “This shield thy father always preserved: do thou preserve it also, or perish.” Alluding perhaps to these sentiments, St. Paul, when exhorting the Hebrew Christians to steadfastness in the faith of the Gospel, urges them not to cast away their confidence, which “hath great recompense of reward,” Heb. x, 35.
These honorable feelings weren't just limited to the Jews. We see them shared among most other ancient cultures, who thought it disgraceful to abandon or lose their shield. For the Greeks, it was a serious crime, punishable by death. The Spartan women, well known for this, would give their sons their fathers' shields along with a brief message: "This shield your father always kept safe; you must keep it safe too, or die." Possibly referencing these feelings, St. Paul, when encouraging the Hebrew Christians to remain steadfast in their faith in the Gospel, tells them not to throw away their confidence, which "has great reward," Heb. x, 35.
4. Another defensive provision in war was the military girdle, which was for a double purpose: first, in order to hold the sword, which hung, as it to thisto this day, at the soldier’s girdle or belt, 1 Sam. xvii, 39: secondly, it was necessary to gird the clothes and the armour together. To gird and to arm are synonymous words in Scripture; for those who are said to be able to put on armour are, according to the Hebrew and the Septuagint, girt with a girdle; and hence comes the expression of “girding to the battle,” 1 Kings xx, 11; Isa. viii, 9; 2 Sam. xxii, 40; 1 Sam. xviii, 4. There is express mention of this military girdle, where it is recorded that Jonathan, to assure David of his entire love and friendship by some visible pledges, stripped himself not only of his usual garments, but of his military habiliments, his sword, bow, and girdle, and gave them to David.
4. Another defensive tool in war was the military belt, which served two main purposes: first, to hold the sword, which hung, like it does today, on a soldier’s belt, 1 Sam. xvii, 39; second, it was necessary to secure clothing and armor together. To gird and to arm are terms that mean the same thing in Scripture; those who can put on armor are, according to the Hebrew and the Septuagint, equipped with a belt; hence the phrase “girding for battle,” 1 Kings xx, 11; Isa. viii, 9; 2 Sam. xxii, 40; 1 Sam. xviii, 4. There is a specific mention of this military belt when it is recorded that Jonathan, to show David his complete love and friendship with some visible tokens, not only took off his usual clothes but also his military gear, his sword, bow, and belt, and gave them to David.
5. Boots or greaves were part of the ancient defensive harness, because it was the custom to cast certain εμποδια, impediments, (so called, because they entangled the feet,) in the way before the enemy. The military boot or shoe was therefore necessary to guard the legs and feet from the iron stakes placed in the way to 95gall and wound them; and thus we are enabled to account for Goliath’s greaves of brass which were upon his legs.
5. Boots or greaves were part of the ancient defensive gear because it was common to throw certain impediments (called so because they would trip someone up) in front of the enemy. The military boot or shoe was necessary to protect the legs and feet from the iron stakes that were placed on the ground to injure them; this explains Goliath’s bronze greaves that were on his legs.
The offensive weapons were of two sorts; namely, such as were employed when they came to a close engagement, and those with which they annoyed the enemy at a distance. Of the former description were the sword and the battle-axe.
The offensive weapons were of two types; specifically, those used in close combat and those used to attack the enemy from a distance. The former included the sword and the battle-axe.
1. The sword is the most ancient weapon of offence mentioned in the Bible. With it Jacob’s sons treacherously assassinated the Shechemites, Gen. xxxiv, 2. It was worn on the thigh, Psalm xlv, 4; Exod. xxxii, 27; and, it should seem on the left thigh; for it is particularly mentioned that Ehud put a dagger or short sword under his garments on his right thigh, Judges iii, 16. There appear to have been two kinds of swords in use, a larger one with one edge, which is called in Hebrew the mouth of the sword, Joshua vi, 21; and a shorter one with two edges, like that of Ehud. The modern Arabs, it is well known, wear a sabre on one side, and a cangiar or dagger in their girdles.
1. The sword is the oldest weapon mentioned in the Bible. Jacob’s sons treacherously killed the Shechemites with it, Gen. xxxiv, 2. It was worn on the thigh, Psalm xlv, 4; Exod. xxxii, 27; and it seems to have been on the left thigh, since it is specifically noted that Ehud hid a dagger or short sword under his clothes on his right thigh, Judges iii, 16. There appear to have been two types of swords in use: a larger one with one edge, referred to in Hebrew as the mouth of the sword, Joshua vi, 21; and a shorter one with two edges, like Ehud's. Today, it is well known that modern Arabs wear a sabre on one side and a cangiar or dagger in their belts.
2. Of the battle-axe we have no description in the sacred volume: it seems to have been a most powerful weapon in the hands of cavalry, from the allusion made to it by Jeremiah: “Thou art my battle-axe and weapons of war; for with thee will I break in pieces the nations, and with thee will I destroy kingdoms: and with thee will I break in pieces the horse and his rider, and with thee will I break in pieces the chariot and his rider,” Jer. li, 20, 21.
2. We don’t have a description of the battle-axe in the holy text; it appears to have been a very powerful weapon for the cavalry, as mentioned by Jeremiah: “You are my battle-axe and weapons of war; with you, I will break the nations into pieces and destroy kingdoms; with you, I will crush the horse and its rider, and with you, I will break the chariot and its rider,” Jer. li, 20, 21.
3. The spear and javelin (as the words רמח and חנית are variously rendered in Num. xxv, 7; 1 Sam. xiii, 19, and Jer. xlvi, 4) were of different kinds, according to their length or make. Some of them might be thrown or darted, 1 Sam. xviii, 11; others were a kind of long swords, Num. xxv, 8; and it appears from 2 Sam. ii, 23, that some of them were pointed at both ends. When armies were encamped, the spear of the general or commander-in-chief was stuck into the ground at his head.
3. The spear and javelin (represented by the words רמח and Parking in Num. xxv, 7; 1 Sam. xiii, 19, and Jer. xlvi, 4) came in different types, depending on their length or design. Some could be thrown or launched, as noted in 1 Sam. xviii, 11; others were more like long swords, as seen in Num. xxv, 8; and it seems from 2 Sam. ii, 23, that some had points on both ends. When armies were set up, the spear of the general or commander-in-chief was planted in the ground at their head.
4. Slings are enumerated among the military stores collected by Uzziah, 2 Chron. xxvi, 14. In the use of the sling David eminently excelled, and he slew Goliath with a stone from one. The Benjaminites were celebrated in battle because they had attained to great skill and accuracy in handling this weapon; “they could sling stones to a hair’s breadth, and not miss,” Judges xx, 16; and where it is said that they were left-handed, it should rather be rendered ambidexters; for we are told they could use “both the right hand and the left,” 1 Chron. xii, 2; that is, they did not constantly use the right hand as others did, when they shot arrows or slung stones; but they were so expert in their military exercises, that they could perform them with their left hand as well as with their right.
4. Slings are listed among the military supplies gathered by Uzziah, 2 Chron. xxvi, 14. David was particularly skilled with the sling, and he killed Goliath with a stone from one. The Benjaminites were renowned in battle because they had developed great skill and precision in using this weapon; “they could sling stones to a hair’s breadth, and not miss,” Judges xx, 16; and where it says that they were left-handed, it should be translated as ambidextrous; because we’re told they could use “both the right hand and the left,” 1 Chron. xii, 2; meaning they didn’t exclusively use their right hand like others did when shooting arrows or slinging stones; rather, they were so skilled in their military training that they could perform these actions with their left hand just as well as with their right.
5. Bows and arrows are of great antiquity; indeed, no weapon is mentioned so early. Thus Isaac said to Esau, “Take thy weapons, thy quiver and thy bow,” Gen. xxvii, 3; though, it is true, these are not spoken of as used in war, but in hunting; and so they are supposed and implied before this, where it is said of Ishmael, that he became an archer, he used bows and arrows in shooting of wild beasts, Gen. xxi, 20. This afterward became so useful a weapon, that care was taken to train up the Hebrew youth to it betimes. When David had, in a solemn manner, lamented the death of King Saul, he gave orders for teaching the young men the use of the bow, 1 Sam. i, 18, that they might be as expert as the Philistines, by whose bows and arrows Saul and his army were slain. These were part of the military ammunition; for in those times bows were used instead of guns, and arrows supplied the place of powder and ball. From the book of Job, xx, 24, it may be collected, that the military bow was made of steel, and consequently was very stiff and hard to bend, on which account they used their foot in bending their bows; and therefore when the prophets speak of treading the bow and of bows trodden, they are to be understood of bows bent, as our translators rightly render it, Jer. 1, 14; Isa. v, 28; xxi, 15; but the Hebrew word which is used in these places, signifies to tread upon. This weapon was thought so necessary in war, that it is there called, “the bow of war,” or the “battle-bow,” Zech. ix, 10; x, 14.
5. Bows and arrows are very old; in fact, no weapon is mentioned earlier. So Isaac said to Esau, “Take your weapons, your quiver and your bow,” Gen. xxvii, 3; although, it’s true, these aren’t mentioned as being used in war, but for hunting; and they are assumed to have existed before this, where it says of Ishmael that he became an archer, using bows and arrows to hunt wild animals, Gen. xxi, 20. This weapon became so useful that efforts were made to teach Hebrew youth how to use it from a young age. After David mourned King Saul’s death, he ordered the training of young men in bow usage, 1 Sam. i, 18, so they could become as skilled as the Philistines, who had killed Saul and his army with their bows and arrows. These were part of the military supplies; in those times, bows replaced guns, and arrows took the place of bullets. From the book of Job, xx, 24, it can be understood that the military bow was made of steel, making it very stiff and hard to draw back, which is why they used their foot to bend their bows. Therefore, when the prophets talk about treading the bow and bows trodden, it means bows bent, as our translators correctly interpret it, Jer. 1, 14; Isa. v, 28; xxi, 15; but the Hebrew word used in these instances means to tread upon. This weapon was considered so essential in war that it is referred to as “the bow of war” or the “battle-bow,” Zech. ix, 10; x, 14.
ARNON, a river or brook, mentioned Num. xxi, 24, and elsewhere. Its spring head is in the mountains of Gilead, or of the Moabites, and it discharges itself into the Dead Sea.
ARNON, a river or stream, mentioned in Numbers 21:24 and elsewhere. Its source is in the mountains of Gilead or the Moabites, and it flows into the Dead Sea.
ARROW. See Arms. Divination with arrows was a method of presaging future events, practised by the ancients. Ezekiel, xxi, 21, informs us, that Nebuchadnezzar, putting himself at the head of his armies, to march against Zedekiah, king of the Jews, and against the king of the Ammonites, stood at the parting of two ways, to mingle his arrows together in a quiver, in order to divine from thence which way he should march. Jerom, Theodoret, and the modern commentators after them, believe that this prince took several arrows, and upon each of them wrote the name of the king, town, or province, which he was to attack: for example, upon one, Jerusalem; upon another, Rabbah, the capital of the Ammonites; and upon another, Egypt, &c. After having put these into a quiver, he shook them together, and then drew them out; and the arrow which was drawn was thought to declare the will of the gods to attack first that city, province, or kingdom, with whose name it was inscribed.
ARROW. See Limbs. Divination with arrows was a way to predict future events, practiced by the ancients. Ezekiel, xxi, 21, tells us that Nebuchadnezzar, leading his armies to march against Zedekiah, king of the Jews, and the king of the Ammonites, stopped at a crossroads to mix his arrows in a quiver to see which way he should go. Jerom, Theodoret, and modern commentators believe that this prince took several arrows and wrote the name of the king, city, or province he was going to attack on each one: for example, one might say Jerusalem, another Rabbah, the capital of the Ammonites, and another Egypt, etc. After placing these in a quiver, he shook them together and then drew one out; the arrow that was drawn was thought to indicate the will of the gods to first attack the city, province, or kingdom named on it.
ARTAXERXES, or Ahasuerus, a king of Persia, the husband of Esther, who, in the opinion of the learned Usher and Calmet, was the Darius of profane authors. See Ahasuerus.
ARTAXERXES, or Ahasuerus, a king of Persia, the husband of Esther, who, according to scholars like Usher and Calmet, was the Darius mentioned by secular historians. See Ahasuerus.
2. Artaxerxes Longimanus is supposed by Dr. Prideaux to be the Ahasuerus of Esther. He was the son of Xerxes, and grandson of Darius Hystaspes, and reigned in Persia from the year of the world 3531 to 3579. He permitted Ezra, with all those inclined to follow him, to return into Judea, in the year of the world 3537, Ezra vii, viii. Afterward, Nehemiah also obtained leave to return, and to build the walls and gates of Jerusalem, in the year of the world 3550, Nehem. i, 11. From this year, chronologers reckon the beginning of 96Daniel’s seventy weeks, Daniel xi, 29. These are weeks of years, and make four hundred and ninety years. Dr. Prideaux, who discourses very copiously, and with great learning, on this prophecy, maintains that the decree mentioned in it for the restoring and rebuilding of Jerusalem, cannot be understood of that granted to Nehemiah, in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes; but of that granted to Ezra, by the same Artaxerxes, in the seventh year of his reign. From that time to the death of Christ, are exactly four hundred and ninety years, to a month: for in the month Nisan the decree was granted to Ezra; and in the middle of the same month Nisan, Christ suffered, just four hundred and ninety years afterward.
2. Artaxerxes Longimanus is believed by Dr. Prideaux to be the Ahasuerus mentioned in Esther. He was the son of Xerxes and the grandson of Darius Hystaspes, reigning in Persia from the year 3531 to 3579. He allowed Ezra, along with anyone willing to join him, to return to Judea in 3537, as noted in Ezra chapters 7 and 8. Later, Nehemiah also got permission to return and rebuild the walls and gates of Jerusalem in 3550, as referenced in Nehemiah 1:11. From this year, chronologists start counting the beginning of 96Daniel’s seventy weeks, as mentioned in Daniel 11:29. These are weeks of years, totaling four hundred and ninety years. Dr. Prideaux, who discusses this prophecy in great detail and with substantial knowledge, argues that the decree referred to for the restoration and rebuilding of Jerusalem cannot refer to the one granted to Nehemiah in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, but rather to the one given to Ezra by the same Artaxerxes in the seventh year of his reign. From that point until Christ’s death is exactly four hundred and ninety years, down to the month: the decree was given to Ezra in the month of Nisan, and in the middle of the same month Nisan, Christ was crucified, exactly four hundred and ninety years later.
The easterns think that the surname of Longimanus was given to Artaxerxes by reason of the extent of his dominions; as it is commonly said that princes have long hands: but the Greeks maintain that this prince had really longer hands or arms than usual; and that, when he stood upright, he could touch his knees. He is said to have been the handsomest man of his time. The eastern people call him Bahaman, and give him the surname of Ardschir-diraz-dest, or the long-handed. He was the son of Asfendiar, sixth king of the second dynasty of the Persians. After having extinguished the family of Rostam, which was formidable to him on account of the great men who composed it, he carried his arms into the western provinces, Mesopotamia and Syria, which formed part of his empire. He took Babylon from Belshazzar, son of Nebuchadnezzar; and he put in his place Kiresch, who by us is called Cyrus. Some Persian historians assert that the mother of Artaxerxes was a Jewess, of the tribe of Benjamin, and family of Saul; and that the most beloved of his wives was of the tribe of Judah, and race of Solomon, by Rehoboam, king of Judah. If this be true, we need not wonder that he should recommend to Cyrus to favour the Jewish nation. This Cyrus performed, by sending back the people into their own country, and permitting them to rebuild their temple. But the truth of this story is doubtful; and were it true, the interference of the special providence of God must still be acknowledged. Artaxerxes reigned forty-seven years, and died in the year of the world 3579, and before Jesus Christ 425.
The Easterners believe that the name Longimanus was given to Artaxerxes because of the vastness of his territories; it's often said that rulers have long hands. However, the Greeks claim this prince actually had longer hands or arms than usual, and that when he stood straight, he could touch his knees. He was known to be the most handsome man of his time. The Eastern people refer to him as Bahaman and give him the title Ardschir-diraz-dest, meaning the long-handed. He was the son of Asfendiar, the sixth king of the second dynasty of the Persians. After defeating the Rostam family, which posed a significant threat due to its notable members, he expanded his military campaigns into the western provinces, Mesopotamia and Syria, which were part of his empire. He captured Babylon from Belshazzar, the son of Nebuchadnezzar, and replaced him with Kiresch, who we call Cyrus. Some Persian historians claim that Artaxerxes' mother was a Jewish woman from the tribe of Benjamin and the family of Saul, and that his most beloved wife was from the tribe of Judah and the lineage of Solomon through Rehoboam, king of Judah. If this is true, it’s not surprising that he advised Cyrus to support the Jewish nation. Cyrus did fulfill this by allowing the people to return to their homeland and rebuild their temple. However, the truth of this account is uncertain, and even if true, the involvement of God's providence would still need to be acknowledged. Artaxerxes reigned for forty-seven years and died in the year 3579 of the world, and 425 years before Christ.
ARTEMAS, St. Paul’s disciple, who was sent by that Apostle into Crete, in the room of Titus, chap. iii, 12, while he continued with St. Paul at Nicopolis, where he passed the winter. We know nothing particular of the life or death of Artemas; but the employment to which he was appointed by the Apostle is a proof of his great merit.
ARTEMAS, a disciple of St. Paul, was sent by the Apostle to Crete in place of Titus (see chap. iii, 12), while he stayed with St. Paul in Nicopolis for the winter. We don’t know much about Artemas's life or death, but the role assigned to him by the Apostle reflects his significant worth.
ASA, the son and successor of Abijam, king of Judah, began to reign in the year of the world 3049, and before Christ 955. He reigned forty-one years at Jerusalem, and did right in the sight of the Lord. He purged Jerusalem from the infamous practices attending the worship of idols; and he deprived his mother of her office and dignity of queen, because she erected an idol to Astarte, which he burnt in the valley of Hinnom, 1 Kings xv, 8, &c.
Asa, the son and successor of Abijam, king of Judah, began to reign in the year 3049 of the world, and 955 BC. He ruled for forty-one years in Jerusalem and did what was right in the eyes of the Lord. He removed the disgraceful practices related to idol worship in Jerusalem, and he took away his mother’s position and title as queen because she set up an idol to Astarte, which he burned in the valley of Hinnom, 1 Kings 15:8, etc.
The Scripture reproaches Asa with not destroying the high places, which, perhaps, he thought it politic to tolerate, to avoid the greater evil of idolatry. He carried into the house of the Lord the gold and silver vessels which his father Abijam had vowed to consecrate. He fortified several cities, and repaired others, encouraging his people to this labour while the kingdom was at peace; and the Lord favoured them with his protection. After this he levied three hundred thousand men in Judah, armed with shields and pikes; and two hundred and eighty thousand men in Benjamin, armed with shields and bows, all men of courage and valour. About this time, Zerah, king of Ethiopia, or rather of Cush, which is part of Arabia, marched against Asa with a million of foot, and three hundred chariots of war, and advanced as far as Mareshah. This probably happened in the fifteenth year of Asa’s reign, and in the year of the world 3064, 2 Chron. xv, 10. Asa advanced to meet Zerah, and encamped in the plain of Zephathah, or rather Zephatah, near Mareshah, and having prayed to the Lord, God struck the forces of Zerah with such a panic that they began to flee. Asa and his army pursued them to Geran, and slew of them a great number. After this, Asa’s army returned to Jerusalem, laden with booty. The prophet Azariah met them, and said, “Hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, The Lord is with you while ye be with him, and if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.--Be ye strong, therefore, and let not your hands be weak: for your work shall be rewarded,” 2 Chron. xv, 2, 7. After this exhortation, Asa, being animated with new courage, destroyed the idols of Judah, Benjamin, and Mount Ephraim; repaired the altar of burnt-offerings; and assembled Judah and Benjamin, with many from the tribes of Simeon, Ephraim, and Manasseh, and on the third day, in the fifteenth year of his reign, celebrated a solemn festival. Of the cattle taken from Zerah, they sacrificed seven hundred oxen, and seven thousand sheep; they renewed the covenant with the Lord; and, with cymbals and trumpets sounding, they swore to the covenant, and declared that whoever should forsake the true worship of God, should be put to death. The Lord gave them peace; and, according to the Chronicles, the kingdom of Judah had rest till the thirty-fifth year of Asa. Concerning this year, however, there are difficulties; and some think that we should read the twenty-fifth, instead of the thirty-fifth; since Baasha, who made war on Asa, lived no longer than the twenty-sixth year of Asa, 1 Kings xvi, 8.
The Scripture criticizes Asa for not destroying the high places, which he might have thought it wise to allow in order to avoid the greater issue of idolatry. He brought into the house of the Lord the gold and silver vessels that his father Abijam had promised to dedicate. He strengthened several cities and repaired others, encouraging his people in this work while the kingdom was at peace; and the Lord blessed them with his protection. After this, he gathered three hundred thousand men in Judah, armed with shields and spears, and two hundred and eighty thousand men in Benjamin, armed with shields and bows, all brave and valorous warriors. Around this time, Zerah, king of Ethiopia, or more accurately Cush, part of Arabia, marched against Asa with a million infantry and three hundred war chariots, advancing as far as Mareshah. This likely took place in the fifteenth year of Asa’s reign, and in the year of the world 3064, 2 Chron. xv, 10. Asa went to confront Zerah and camped in the plain of Zephathah, near Mareshah. Having prayed to the Lord, God sent a panic among Zerah’s forces, causing them to flee. Asa and his army chased them to Gerar, killing a significant number of them. After this, Asa's army returned to Jerusalem, loaded with loot. The prophet Azariah met them and said, “Listen to me, Asa, and all you people of Judah and Benjamin. The Lord is with you as long as you are with him. If you seek him, he will be found by you; but if you abandon him, he will abandon you.—So be strong and do not give up, for your work will be rewarded,” 2 Chron. xv, 2, 7. After this encouragement, Asa, filled with renewed strength, destroyed the idols of Judah, Benjamin, and Mount Ephraim; repaired the altar of burnt offerings; and gathered Judah and Benjamin, along with many from the tribes of Simeon, Ephraim, and Manasseh. On the third day, in the fifteenth year of his reign, they celebrated a solemn festival. From the cattle taken from Zerah, they sacrificed seven hundred oxen and seven thousand sheep; they renewed the covenant with the Lord; and with cymbals and trumpets playing, they pledged to the covenant, declaring that anyone who abandoned the proper worship of God would be put to death. The Lord provided them peace, and according to the Chronicles, the kingdom of Judah had rest until the thirty-fifth year of Asa. However, there are some issues regarding this year, and some believe we should read the twenty-fifth instead of the thirty-fifth, since Baasha, who waged war against Asa, lived only until the twenty-sixth year of Asa, 1 Kings xvi, 8.
In this year Baasha, king of Israel, began to fortify Ramah, on the frontiers of the two kingdoms of Judah and Israel, that he might prevent the Israelites from resorting to the kingdom of Judah, and the temple of the Lord at Jerusalem. When Asa was informed of this, he sent to Benhadad, king of Damascus, all the gold and silver of his palace, and of the 97temple, to induce him to break his alliance with Baasha, and to assist him against the king of Israel. Benhadad accepted Asa’s presents, and invaded Baasha’s country, where he took several cities belonging to the tribe of Naphtali. This obliged Baasha to retire from Ramah, that he might defend his dominions nearer home. Asa immediately ordered his people to Ramah, carried off all the materials prepared by Baasha, and employed them in building Geba and Mizpah. This application to Benhadad for assistance was inexcusable. It implied, that Asa distrusted God’s power and goodness, which he had so lately experienced. Therefore the Prophet Hanani was sent to reprove him for his conduct. Asa, however, was so exasperated at his rebukes that he put the Prophet in chains, and at the same time ordered the execution of several persons in Judah. Toward the latter part of his life, he was incommoded with swellings in his feet, which, gradually rising upwards, killed him. The Scripture reproaches him with having had recourse to physicians, rather than to the Lord. He was buried in the sepulchre which he had provided for himself in the city of David; and after his death they placed on the bed great quantities of perfumes and spices, with which his body was burned. His bones and ashes were then collected, and put into his grave.
In this year, Baasha, the king of Israel, started strengthening Ramah, located on the border between the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, to stop the Israelites from going to the kingdom of Judah and the temple of the Lord in Jerusalem. When Asa found out about this, he sent all the gold and silver from his palace and the temple to Benhadad, the king of Damascus, to persuade him to break his alliance with Baasha and help him against the king of Israel. Benhadad accepted Asa’s gifts and invaded Baasha’s territory, capturing several cities belonging to the tribe of Naphtali. This forced Baasha to pull back from Ramah to defend his own lands. Asa immediately sent his people to Ramah, took all the materials that Baasha had prepared, and used them to build Geba and Mizpah. Asa’s request for help from Benhadad was unjustifiable. It suggested that Asa didn’t trust in God’s power and goodness, which he had recently experienced. Because of this, the Prophet Hanani was sent to confront him about his actions. Asa, however, became so angered by the rebuke that he put the Prophet in chains and ordered the execution of several people in Judah. Towards the end of his life, he suffered from swelling in his feet, which gradually worsened and led to his death. The Scripture criticizes him for turning to physicians instead of relying on the Lord. He was buried in the tomb he built for himself in the city of David; after his death, they placed a large amount of perfumes and spices on the bed, and his body was burned. His bones and ashes were then collected and placed in his grave.
ASAHEL, the son of Zeruiah, and brother of Joab. He was killed by Abner, in the battle of Gibeon, 2 Sam. ii, 18, 19, while he obstinately persisted in the pursuit of that general. To revenge his death, his brother Joab, some years after, treacherously killed Abner, who had come to wait on David at Hebron, in order to procure him to be acknowledged king by all Israel, 2 Sam. iii, 26, 27. See Abner.
ASAHEL, the son of Zeruiah and brother of Joab, was killed by Abner during the battle of Gibeon (2 Sam. ii, 18, 19) while he stubbornly pursued that general. To avenge his death, Joab, his brother, later deceitfully killed Abner when he came to visit David at Hebron, aiming to get him acknowledged as king by all of Israel (2 Sam. iii, 26, 27). See Abner.
ASAPH, a celebrated musician in the time of David, was the son of Barachias of the tribe of Levi. Asaph, and also his descendants, presided over the musical band in the service of the temple. Several of the psalms, as the fiftieth, the seventy-third to the eighty-third, have the name of Asaph prefixed; but it is not certain whether the words or the music were composed by him. With regard to some of them, which were written during the Babylonish captivity, they cannot in any respect be ascribed to him. Perhaps they were written or set to music by his descendants, who bore his name, or by some of that class of musicians of which the family of Asaph was the head, 1 Chron. vi, 39; 2 Chron. xxix, 30; xxxv, 15; Neh. xii, 46. The psalms which bear the name of Asaph are doctrinal or preceptive: their style, though less sweet than that of David, is more vehement, and little inferior to the grandeur of Isaiah.
ASAPH, a renowned musician during David's time, was the son of Barachias from the tribe of Levi. Asaph and his descendants led the musical group in the temple service. Several psalms, like the fiftieth and the seventy-third to the eighty-third, have Asaph's name attached to them, but it’s unclear whether he wrote the lyrics or composed the music. Some of these psalms were written during the Babylonian captivity and can't be credited to him in any way. They might have been written or set to music by his descendants who shared his name, or by other musicians from the group led by Asaph, as noted in 1 Chron. vi, 39; 2 Chron. xxix, 30; xxxv, 15; Neh. xii, 46. The psalms attributed to Asaph are doctrinal or instructive: their style, while not as melodic as David’s, is more passionate and nearly matches the grandeur of Isaiah.
ASCENSION OF CHRIST, his visible elevation to heaven. Our Saviour, having repeatedly conversed with his Apostles after his resurrection, and afforded them many infallible proofs of its reality, led them from Jerusalem to Bethany, and was raised up to heaven in their sight; there to continue till he shall descend at the last day to judge the quick and the dead. The evidences of this fact were numerous. The disciples saw him ascend, Acts i, 9, 10. Two angels testified that he did ascend, Acts i, 11. Stephen, Paul, and John saw him in his ascended state, Acts vii, 55, 56; ix; Rev. i. The ascension was demonstrated by the descent of the Holy Ghost, John xvi, 7, 14; Acts ii, 33; and the terrible overthrow and dispersion of the Jewish nation is still a standing proof of it, John viii, 21; Matt. xxvi, 64. The time of Christ’s ascension was forty days after his resurrection. He continued so many days upon earth that he might give repeated proofs of his resurrection, Acts i, 3; instruct his Apostles in every thing of importance respecting their office and ministry, Acts i, 3; and might open to them the Scriptures concerning himself, and renew their commission to preach the Gospel, Acts i, 5, 6; Mark xvi, 15. As to the manner of his ascension, it was from mount Olivet to heaven, not in appearance only, but in reality, and that visibly and locally. It was a real motion of his human nature; sudden, swift, glorious, and in a triumphant manner. He was parted from his disciples while he was solemnly blessing them; and multitudes of angels attended him with shouts of praise, Psalm lxviii, 17; xlvii, 5, 6.
ASCENSION OF CHRIST, his visible elevation to heaven. Our Savior, after having spoken to his Apostles several times following his resurrection and given them many undeniable proofs of its truth, led them from Jerusalem to Bethany, where he was taken up to heaven in front of them; he will remain there until he returns on the last day to judge the living and the dead. There were many pieces of evidence supporting this event. The disciples witnessed his ascent, Acts i, 9, 10. Two angels confirmed that he ascended, Acts i, 11. Stephen, Paul, and John saw him in his exalted state, Acts vii, 55, 56; ix; Rev. i. The ascension was further evidenced by the coming of the Holy Spirit, John xvi, 7, 14; Acts ii, 33; and the devastating destruction and scattering of the Jewish nation serve as a lasting testimony to it, John viii, 21; Matt. xxvi, 64. Christ's ascension occurred forty days after his resurrection. He remained on earth for those days to provide multiple proofs of his resurrection, Acts i, 3; to teach his Apostles everything crucial regarding their roles and mission, Acts i, 3; and to explain the Scriptures about himself, renewing their commission to preach the Gospel, Acts i, 5, 6; Mark xvi, 15. Regarding the manner of his ascension, it took place from Mount Olivet to heaven, not just in appearance but in reality, visibly and literally. It was a genuine movement of his human nature; sudden, swift, glorious, and triumphant. He was separated from his disciples while he was blessing them, and countless angels accompanied him with joyful praise, Psalm lxviii, 17; xlvii, 5, 6.
The effects or ends of his ascension were, 1. To fulfil the types and prophecies concerning it; 2. To “appear” as a priest “in the presence of God for us;” 3. To take upon him more openly the exercise of his kingly office; 4. To receive gifts for men, both ordinary and extraordinary, Psalm lxviii, 18; 5. To open the way to heaven for his people, Heb. x, 19, 20; 6. To assure the saints of their ascension to heaven after their resurrection from the dead, John xiv, 1, 2.
The effects or purposes of his ascension were, 1. To fulfill the types and prophecies about it; 2. To “appear” as a priest “in the presence of God for us;” 3. To more openly take on the role of king; 4. To receive gifts for people, both ordinary and extraordinary, Psalm 68:18; 5. To open the way to heaven for his followers, Heb. 10:19, 20; 6. To guarantee the saints their ascension to heaven after their resurrection from the dead, John 14:1, 2.
ASHDOD, Azoth, according to the Vulgate, or Azotus, according to the Greek, a city which was assigned by Joshua to the tribe of Judah, but was possessed a long time by the Philistines, and rendered famous for the temple of their god Dagon, Joshua xv, 47. It lies upon the Mediterranean Sea, about nine or ten miles north of Gaza; and in the times when Christianity flourished in these parts was made an episcopal see, and continued a fair village till the days of St. Jerom. Here the ark of Jehovah triumphed over the Philistine idol Dagon, 1 Sam. v, 2.
ASHDOD, Azoth, as mentioned in the Vulgate, or Azotus in Greek, is a city that was given by Joshua to the tribe of Judah. However, it was held by the Philistines for a long time and became well-known for the temple of their god Dagon, as noted in Joshua 15:47. It is located on the Mediterranean Sea, about nine or ten miles north of Gaza. During the period when Christianity thrived in this region, it became an episcopal see and remained a decent village until the time of St. Jerome. Here, the ark of Jehovah defeated the Philistine idol Dagon, as described in 1 Samuel 5:2.
ASHER, tribe of. The province allotted to this tribe was a maritime one, stretching along the coast from Sidon on the north to Mount Carmel on the south; including the cities Abdon, Achshaph, Accho, Achzib, Sarepta, Sidon, and Tyre. But of the northern half of this territory, that is, from Tyre northward, this tribe never became possessed, not having expelled the Phœnician inhabitants, who are supposed not to have been pure Canaanites, but a mixture of this people with a Cuthite colony from Egypt. Asher was the most northerly of the tribes; and had that of Naphtali on the west, and Zebulun on the south.
ASHER, tribe of. The area given to this tribe was a coastal one, running along the shore from Sidon in the north to Mount Carmel in the south; it included the cities Abdon, Achshaph, Accho, Achzib, Sarepta, Sidon, and Tyre. However, this tribe never gained control over the northern part of this territory, which is from Tyre northward, because they did not drive out the Phoenician inhabitants, who are believed to be a mix of Canaanites and a Cuthite colony from Egypt. Asher was the northernmost of the tribes, bordered by Naphtali to the west and Zebulun to the south.
ASHES. Several religious ceremonies, and some symbolical ones, anciently depended upon the use of ashes. To repent in sackcloth and 98ashes, or, as an external sign of self-affliction for sin, or of suffering under some misfortune, to sit in ashes, are expressions common in Scripture. “I am but dust and ashes,” exclaims Abraham before the Lord, Gen. xviii, 27; indicating a deep sense of his own meanness in comparison with God. God threatens to shower down dust and ashes on the lands instead of rain, Deut. xxviii, 24; thereby to make them barren instead of blessing them, to dry them up instead of watering them. Tamar, after the injury she had received from Amnon, covered her head with ashes, 2 Sam. xiii, 19. The Psalmist, in great sorrow, says poetically, he had “eaten ashes as it were bread,” Psalm cii, 9; that is, he sat on ashes, he threw ashes on his head; and his food, his bread, was sprinkled with the ashes wherewith he was himself covered. So Jeremiah introduces Jerusalem saying, “The Lord hath covered me with ashes,” Lamentations iii, 16. Sitting on ashes, or lying down among ashes, was a token of extreme grief. We find it adopted by Job, ii, 8; by many Jews when in great fear, Esther iv, 3; and by the king of Nineveh, Jonah iii, 6. He arose from his throne, laid aside his robe, covered himself with sackcloth, and sat in ashes. This token of affliction is illustrated by Homer’s description of old Laertes grieving for the absence of his son, “Sleeping in the apartment where the slaves slept, in the ashes, near the fire.” Compare Jer. vi, 26, “Daughter of my people, wallow thyself in ashes.” There was a sort of ley and lustral water, made with the ashes of the heifer sacrificed on the great day of expiation; these ashes were distributed to the people, and used in purifications, by sprinkling, to such as had touched a dead body, or had been present at funerals, Num. xix, 17.
ASHES. Many religious and symbolic ceremonies in ancient times relied on the use of ashes. To repent in sackcloth and ashes, or to show self-inflicted suffering for sin, or to express sorrow during misfortune by sitting in ashes, are phrases commonly found in Scripture. “I am only dust and ashes,” Abraham says before the Lord, Gen. xviii, 27; highlighting his awareness of his own insignificance compared to God. God threatens to pour down dust and ashes on the land instead of rain, Deut. xxviii, 24; making it barren instead of blessing it, to dry it up instead of watering it. After being harmed by Amnon, Tamar covered her head with ashes, 2 Sam. xiii, 19. The Psalmist, in deep sorrow, poetically states he had “eaten ashes like bread,” Psalm cii, 9; meaning he sat in ashes, tossed ashes on his head, and his food was mixed with the ashes that covered him. Likewise, Jeremiah depicts Jerusalem saying, “The Lord has covered me with ashes,” Lamentations iii, 16. Sitting on ashes or lying down in ashes was a sign of intense grief. We see this practice in Job, ii, 8; among many Jews in great fear, Esther iv, 3; and by the king of Nineveh, Jonah iii, 6. He got off his throne, removed his robe, put on sackcloth, and sat in ashes. This sign of distress is mirrored in Homer’s portrayal of old Laertes mourning for his son, “Sleeping in the room where the slaves slept, in the ashes, near the fire.” Compare Jer. vi, 26, “Daughter of my people, wallow yourself in ashes.” There was a type of water made with the ashes of the heifer sacrificed on the Day of Atonement; these ashes were given to the people and used for purifications by sprinkling them on those who had touched a dead body or had been to funerals, Num. xix, 17.
ASHKENAZ, one of the sons of Gomer, and grandson of Japheth, who gave his name to the country first peopled by him in the north and north-western part of Asia Minor, answering to Bithynia; where were traces long after of his name, particularly in that of Ascanius, applied to a bay and city, as well as to some islands lying along the coast. It was also from this country, most probably, that the king Ascanius, mentioned by Homer, came to the aid of Priamus at the siege of Troy. From the same source, likewise, the Pontus Euxinus, or Black Sea, derived its name. It may farther be remarked on the identity of these countries, that the Prophet Jeremiah, predicting the capture of Babylon, and calling by name the countries which were to rise against it, exclaims, “Call together against her the kingdoms of Ararat, (or Armenia,) Minni, and Ashkenaz:” which was literally fulfilled; as Xenophen informs us that Cyrus, after taking Sardis, became master of Phrygia on the Hellespont, and took along with him many soldiers of that country.
ASHKENAZ, one of Gomer's sons and Japheth's grandson, gave his name to the region he first inhabited in the northern and northwestern part of Asia Minor, which corresponds to Bithynia. Traces of his name remained long after, especially in the name Ascanius, used for a bay and city, as well as some islands along the coast. Most likely, it was from this region that King Ascanius, mentioned by Homer, came to Priamus's aid during the siege of Troy. Additionally, this area is likely where the name Pontus Euxinus, or Black Sea, originated. It's worth noting that the Prophet Jeremiah, when predicting Babylon's capture and naming the nations that would rise against it, declares, “Gather against her the kingdoms of Ararat (or Armenia), Minni, and Ashkenaz,” which was fulfilled, as Xenophon tells us that Cyrus, after conquering Sardis, took control of Phrygia on the Hellespont and brought many soldiers from that region with him.
ASHTAROTH, or Astarte, a goddess of the Zidonians. The word Ashtaroth properly signifies flocks of sheep, or goats; and sometimes the grove, or woods, because she was goddess of woods, and groves were her temples. In groves consecrated to her, such lasciviousness was committed as rendered her worship infamous. She was also called the queen of heaven; and sometimes her worship is said to be that of “the host of heaven.” She was certainly represented in the same manner as Isis, with cows’ horns on her head, to denote the increase and decrease of the moon. Cicero calls her the fourth Venus of the Syrians. She is almost always joined with Baal, and is called a god, the Scriptures having no particular word to express a goddess. It is believed that the moon was adored in this idol. Her temples generally accompanied those of the sun; and while bloody sacrifices or human victims were offered to Baal, bread, liquors, and perfumes were presented to Astarte. For her, tables were prepared upon the flat terrace roofs of houses, near gates, in porches, and at crossways, on the first day of every month; and this was called by the Greeks, Hecate’s supper.
ASHTAROTH, or Astarte, is a goddess of the Zidonians. The term Ashtaroth literally means flocks of sheep or goats; it sometimes refers to groves or woods, as she was a goddess of nature, and these groves served as her temples. In the sacred groves dedicated to her, acts of immorality were committed that made her worship notorious. She was also known as the queen of heaven, and her worship is sometimes referred to as that of “the host of heaven.” She was typically depicted like Isis, wearing cow horns on her head, symbolizing the phases of the moon. Cicero described her as the fourth Venus of the Syrians. She is almost always associated with Baal and is referred to as a god, since the Scriptures do not have a specific term for a goddess. It is thought that the moon was venerated through this idol. Her temples usually accompanied those of the sun; while Baal was offered bloody sacrifices or even human victims, bread, drinks, and perfumes were dedicated to Astarte. Special tables were set up for her on the flat roofs of houses, near gates, in porches, and at crossroads on the first day of every month, an event that the Greeks called Hecate’s supper.
Solomon, seduced by his foreign wives, introduced the worship of Ashtaroth into Israel; but Jezebel, daughter of the king of Tyre, and wife to Ahab, principally established her worship. She caused altars to be erected to this idol in every part of Israel; and at one time four hundred priests attended the worship of Ashtaroth, 1 Kings xviii, 7.
Solomon, influenced by his foreign wives, brought the worship of Ashtaroth into Israel; however, Jezebel, the daughter of the king of Tyre and wife of Ahab, mainly established her worship. She had altars built for this idol all over Israel, and at one point, four hundred priests were dedicated to the worship of Ashtaroth, 1 Kings xviii, 7.
ASHUR, the son of Shem, who gave his name to Assyria. It is believed that Ashur originally dwelt in the land of Shinar and about Babylonia, but that he was compelled by the usurper Nimrod to depart from thence, and settle higher toward the springs of the Tigris, in the province of Assyria, so called from him, where some think he built the famous city of Nineveh, and those of Rehoboth, Calah, and Resen, Gen. x, 11, 12.
ASHUR, the son of Shem, who gave his name to Assyria. It’s believed that Ashur originally lived in the land of Shinar and around Babylonia, but he was forced by the usurper Nimrod to leave and settle further up near the springs of the Tigris, in the province of Assyria, named after him. Some think he built the famous city of Nineveh, along with Rehoboth, Calah, and Resen, Gen. x, 11, 12.
ASIA, one of the four grand divisions of the earth. It is also used in a more restricted sense for Asia Minor, or Anatolia. In the New Testament it always signifies the Roman Proconsular Asia, in which the seven Apocalyptic churches were situated.
ASIA, one of the four major divisions of the earth. It is also used more specifically to refer to Asia Minor, or Anatolia. In the New Testament, it always refers to the Roman Proconsular Asia, where the seven Apocalyptic churches were located.
ASKELON, a city in the land of the Philistines, situated between Azoth and Gaza, upon the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, about 520 furlongs from Jerusalem. The tribe of Judah, after the death of Joshua, took the city of Askelon, Judges i, 18, being one of the five governments belonging to the Philistines. The place at present is in ruins.
ASKELON, a city in the land of the Philistines, located between Azoth and Gaza, along the Mediterranean Sea, about 520 furlongs from Jerusalem. The tribe of Judah, after Joshua's death, captured the city of Askelon, Judges i, 18, which was one of the five territories controlled by the Philistines. The site is now in ruins.
ASMONÆANS, a name given to the Maccabees, the descendants of Mattathias. After the death of Ezra and Nehemiah, the Jews were governed by their high priest, in subjection, however, to the Persian kings, to whom they paid tribute; but with full enjoyment of their liberties, civil and religious. Nearly three centuries of prosperity ensued, until they were cruelly oppressed by Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, when they were compelled to take up arms in their own defence. Under the able conduct of Judas, surnamed Maccabeus, and his valiant brothers, the Jews maintained a religious war for twenty-six years with five successive kings of Syria; and after destroying upwards of two hundred thousand of 99their best troops, the Maccabees finally established the independence of their own country, and the aggrandisement of their family. This illustrious house, whose princes united the regal and pontifical dignity in their own persons, administered the affairs of the Jews during a period of a hundred and twenty-six years; until, disputes arising between Hyrcanus II, and his brother Aristobulus, the latter was defeated by the Romans, who captured Jerusalem, and reduced Judea to a military province, B. C. 59.
ASMONÆANS, a name given to the Maccabees, the descendants of Mattathias. After the death of Ezra and Nehemiah, the Jews were governed by their high priest, though they were subject to Persian kings, to whom they paid tribute; but they enjoyed full civil and religious liberties. Nearly three centuries of prosperity followed until they were brutally oppressed by Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, which forced them to take up arms in their own defense. Under the skilled leadership of Judas, nicknamed Maccabeus, and his brave brothers, the Jews engaged in a religious war for twenty-six years against five successive kings of Syria. After defeating over two hundred thousand of their best troops, the Maccabees eventually secured their country's independence and expanded their family's power. This notable house, whose leaders combined royal and high priestly authority, managed Jewish affairs for one hundred and twenty-six years until conflicts arose between Hyrcanus II and his brother Aristobulus, leading to the latter's defeat by the Romans, who captured Jerusalem and turned Judea into a military province, B.C. 59.
ASNAPPER, the king of Assyria, who sent the Cutheans into the country belonging to the ten tribes, Ezra iv, 10. Many take this prince to be Shalmaneser; but others, with more probability, think him to be Esar-haddon.
ASNAPPER, the king of Assyria, who sent the Cutheans into the territory of the ten tribes, Ezra iv, 10. Many believe this ruler is Shalmaneser; however, others more likely consider him to be Esar-haddon.
ASP, פתן. Deut. xxxii, 33; Job xx, 14, 16; Psalm lviii, 4; xci, 13; Isaiah xi, 8. A very venomous serpent, whose poison is so subtle as to kill within a few hours with a universal gangrene. This may well refer to the bæten of the Arabians, which M. Forskal describes as spotted with black and white, about one foot in length, and nearly half an inch in thickness, oviparous, and whose bite is death. It is the aspic of the ancients, and is so called now by the literati of Cyprus, though the common people call it kufi, (κȣ́φη,) deaf. With the PETHEN we may connect the python of the Greeks, which was, according to fable, a huge serpent that had an oracle at mount Parnassus, famous for predicting future events. Apollo is said to have slain this serpent, and hence he was called “Pythius.” Those possessed with a spirit of divination were also styled Πυθωνες. The word occurs in Acts, xvi, 16, as the characteristic of a young woman who had a pythonic spirit. It is well known that the serpent was particularly employed by the Heathens in their enchantments and divinations. See Serpent].
ASP, Viper. Deut. xxxii, 33; Job xx, 14, 16; Psalm lviii, 4; xci, 13; Isaiah xi, 8. A highly venomous snake, whose poison is so potent that it can cause death within a few hours through widespread gangrene. This likely refers to the bæten of the Arabians, which M. Forskal describes as having black and white spots, about one foot long and nearly half an inch thick, oviparous, and whose bite is fatal. It is the aspic known to the ancients and is still referred to by the educated people of Cyprus, though the locals call it kufi, (κȣ́φη,) meaning deaf. We can connect the PETHEN with the python of the Greeks, which, according to legend, was a massive snake that had an oracle on Mount Parnassus, famous for predicting the future. Apollo is said to have killed this serpent, earning him the title “Pythius.” Those who were believed to have a spirit of divination were also called Πυθωνες. The term appears in Acts, xvi, 16, to describe a young woman who had a pythonic spirit. It is well known that the serpent was particularly used by pagans in their spells and divinations. See Snake.
Pethen, פתן, is variously translated in our version; but interpreters generally consider it as referring to the asp. Zophar alludes to it more than once in his description of a wicked man: “Yet his meat in his bowels is turned, it is the gall of asps within him. He shall suck the poison of asps: the viper’s tongue shall slay him.” The venom of asps is the most subtle of all; it is incurable; and, if the wounded part be not instantly amputated, it speedily terminates the existence of the sufferer. To these circumstances, Moses evidently alludes in his character of the Heathen: “Their wine is the poison of dragons, and the cruel venom of asps.” To tread upon the asp is attended with extreme danger; therefore, to express in the strongest manner the safety which the godly man enjoys under the protection of his heavenly Father, it is promised, that he shall tread with impunity upon these venomous creatures. No person of his own accord approaches the hole of these deadly reptiles; for he who gives them the smallest disturbance is in extreme danger of paying the forfeit of his rashness with his life. Hence, the Prophet Isaiah, predicting the conversion of the Gentiles to the faith of Christ, and the glorious reign of peace and truth in those regions which, prior to that period, were full of horrid cruelty, marvellously heightens the force of the whole description by declaring, “The sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the cockatrice’ den. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain; for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.”
Pethen, Viper, is translated in different ways in our version, but most interpreters think it refers to the asp. Zophar mentions it multiple times in his description of a wicked person: “Yet what he eats turns bitter in his stomach, it’s the venom of asps inside him. He will take in the poison of asps; the viper’s tongue will kill him.” The venom from asps is the most dangerous of all; it can't be cured, and if the injured area isn't quickly removed, it will swiftly lead to the victim's death. Moses clearly refers to this when he describes the wicked: “Their wine is the poison of dragons, and the deadly venom of asps.” Stepping on an asp is extremely dangerous; therefore, to emphasize the safety the righteous have under the protection of their heavenly Father, it is promised that they will walk safely over these deadly creatures. No one willingly approaches the den of these lethal snakes; anyone who disturbs them is in grave danger of losing their life due to their recklessness. Thus, the Prophet Isaiah, foreseeing the conversion of the Gentiles to the faith of Christ and the glorious era of peace and truth in regions that were once filled with horrific cruelty, powerfully enhances the imagery by stating, “A nursing child will play near the hole of the asp, and a toddler will put his hand on the den of the viper. They will not harm or destroy in all my holy mountain; for the earth will be filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.”
ASS, המור, Arabic, chamara and hamar. There are three words referred by translators to the ass: 1. המור, which is the usual appellation, and denotes the ordinary kind; such as is employed in labour, carriage, and domestic services. 2. פררא, rendered onager, or “wild ass.” 3. אהון, rendered she ass. To these we must add, ערדיא, rendered wild asses, Dan. v, 21. The prevailing colour of this animal in the east is reddish; and the Arabic word, chamara, signifies to be red.
ASS, המור, Arabic, chamara and hamar. There are three terms commonly used by translators for the ass: 1. המור, which is the standard name and refers to the common type that is used for work, transportation, and household tasks. 2. פרארה, translated as onager, or "wild ass." 3. אהון, translated as she ass. Additionally, we should include ערדיא, translated as wild asses, Dan. v, 21. The typical color of this animal in the east is reddish, and the Arabic word chamara means to be red.
In his natural state he is fleet, fierce, formidable, and intractable; but when domesticated, the most gentle of all animals, and assumes a patience and submission even more humble than his situation. Le Clerc observes, that the Israelites not being allowed to keep horses, the ass was not only made a beast of burden, but used on journeys; and that even the most honourable of the nation were wont to be mounted on asses, which in the eastern countries were much larger and more beautiful than they are with us. Jair of Gilead had thirty sons who rode on as many asses, and commanded in thirty cities, Judges x, 4. Abdon’s sons and grandsons rode also upon asses, Judges xii, 4. And Christ makes his solemn entry into Jerusalem riding upon an ass, Matt. xxi, 4; John xii, 14. To draw with an ox and ass together was prohibited in the Mosaic law, Deut. xxii, 10. This law is thought to have respect to some idolatrous custom of the Gentiles, who were taught to believe that their fields would be more fruitful if thus ploughed; for it is not likely that men would have yoked together two creatures so different in their tempers and motions, had they not been led to it by some superstition. There might be, however, a physical reason for this injunction. Two beasts of a different species cannot well associate together; and on this account never pull pleasantly either in the cart or plough, and are not therefore “true yoke fellows.” Le Clerc considers this law as merely symbolical, importing that we are not to form improper alliances in civil and religious life; and he thinks his opinion confirmed by these words of St. Paul, 2 Cor. vi, 14: “Be ye not unequally yoked with unbelievers;” which are simply to be understood as prohibiting all intercourse between Christians and idolaters, in social, matrimonial, and religious life. To teach the Jews the propriety of this, a variety of precepts relative to improper and heterogeneous mixtures were interspersed through their law; so that in civil and domestic life they might have them ever before their eyes.
In his natural state, he is quick, fierce, impressive, and hard to handle; but when tamed, he becomes the gentlest of all animals, showing a patience and submission even more humble than his situation. Le Clerc points out that since the Israelites weren’t allowed to keep horses, the donkey was not only used as a pack animal but also for travel. Even the highest-ranking people in the nation would ride donkeys, which were much larger and more beautiful in eastern countries than they are here. Jair of Gilead had thirty sons who each rode a donkey and governed thirty cities, Judges 10:4. Abdon’s sons and grandsons also rode donkeys, Judges 12:4. And Christ made his solemn entry into Jerusalem riding on a donkey, Matthew 21:4; John 12:14. The Mosaic law prohibited plowing with an ox and a donkey together, Deuteronomy 22:10. This law is thought to relate to some idolatrous custom of the Gentiles, who believed their fields would be more productive if plowed this way; it seems unlikely that people would yoke together such different animals without being driven by some superstition. There may also be a practical reason for this rule. Two animals of different species struggle to get along; for this reason, they can’t pull well together in the cart or plow, thus they aren’t “true yoke-fellows.” Le Clerc interprets this law as symbolical, implying that we shouldn’t form improper alliances in civil and religious life; he believes his view is supported by St. Paul’s words, 2 Corinthians 6:14: “Do not be unequally yoked with unbelievers,” which should be understood as prohibiting any interaction between Christians and idolaters in social, marital, and religious matters. To teach the Jews the importance of this, various laws concerning inappropriate and mixed associations were woven into their law, keeping them constantly aware of these principles in their civil and domestic lives.
The wild ass, called PARA, is probably the onager of the ancients. It is taller and a much more dignified animal than the common or domestic ass; its legs are more elegantly shaped; and it bears its head higher. It is peculiarly 100distinguished by a dusky woolly mane, long erect ears, and a forehead highly arched. The colour of the hair, in general, is of a silvery white. These animals associate in herds, under a leader, and are very shy. They inhabit the mountainous regions and desert parts of Tartary, Persia, &c. Anciently they were likewise found in Lycaonia, Phrygia, Mesopotamia, and Arabia Deserta. They are remarkably wild; and Job, xxxix, 5–8, describes the liberty they enjoy, the place of their retreat, their manners, and wild, impetuous, and untamable spirit. “Vain man would be wise, though he be born a wild ass’s colt,” Job xi, 12; עיר פרא, “ass colt,” not “ass’s colt;” יר being in apposition with פרא, and not in government. The whole is a proverbial expression, denoting extreme perversity and ferocity, and repeatedly alluded to in the Old Testament. Thus, Gen. xvi, 12, it is prophesied of Ishmael that he should be פרא אדם, a wild ass man; rough, untaught, and libertine as a wild ass. So Hosea, xiii, 15; “He (Ephraim) hath run wild (literally assified himself) amidst the braying monsters.” So again, Hosea viii, 9, the very same character is given of Ephraim, who is called “a solitary wild ass by himself,” or perhaps a solitary wild ass of the desert; for the original will bear to be so rendered. This proverbial expression has descended among the Arabians to the present day, who still employ, as Schultens has remarked, the expressions, “the ass of the desert,” or “the wild ass,” to describe an obstinate, indocile, and contumacious person. The Prophet Isaiah, xxxii, 14, describes great desolation by saying that “the wild asses shall rejoice where a city stood.” There is another kind of ass called, אתון. Abraham had ATONOTH, Gen. xii, 16; Balaam rode on an ATON, Num. xxii, 23. We find from 1 Chron. xxvii, 30, that David had an officer expressly appointed to superintend his ATONOTH; not his ordinary asses, but those of a nobler race; which implies at least equal dignity in this officer to his colleagues mentioned with him. This notion of the ATON gives also a spirit to the history of Saul, who, when his father’s ATONOTH were lost, was at no little pains to seek them; moreover, as beside being valuable, they were uncommon, he might the more readily hear of them if they had been noticed or taken up by any one; and this leads to the true interpretation of the servant’s proposed application to Samuel, verse 6, as though he said, “In his office of magistracy this honourable man may have heard of these strayed rarities, and secured them; peradventure he can direct us.”
The wild ass, known as PARA, is likely the onager from ancient times. It stands taller and is a much more dignified animal compared to the common domestic ass; its legs are shaped more elegantly, and it holds its head high. It's distinctly marked by a dark woolly mane, long upright ears, and a highly arched forehead. The general color of its fur is a silvery white. These animals form herds led by a leader and are incredibly shy. They live in the mountainous and desert regions of Tartary, Persia, etc. In ancient times, they were also found in Lycaonia, Phrygia, Mesopotamia, and Arabia Deserta. They are remarkably wild; Job, xxxix, 5–8, describes their freedom, their hiding places, their behaviors, and their wild, impulsive, and untamable nature. “A foolish man would try to be wise, even if he is born a wild ass’s colt,” Job xi, 12; wild city, “ass colt,” not “ass’s colt;” יר is in apposition with Wild, not in government. This is a proverb expressing extreme stubbornness and fierceness, frequently referenced in the Old Testament. Thus, Gen. xvi, 12 foretells that Ishmael will be wild person, a wild ass of a man; rough, untamed, and reckless like a wild ass. Similarly, in Hosea, xiii, 15; “He (Ephraim) has run wild (literally assified) among the braying beasts.” Again, in Hosea viii, 9, the same description is applied to Ephraim, who is referred to as “a solitary wild ass by himself,” or perhaps a solitary wild ass of the desert; the original can be understood that way. This saying has persisted among the Arabs to this day; they still use terms like “the ass of the desert” or “the wild ass” to describe a stubborn, unmanageable, and defiant person. The Prophet Isaiah, xxxii, 14, depicts great destruction by saying that “the wild asses will rejoice where a city once stood.” There is another kind of ass called אתיופית. Abraham had ATONOTH, Gen. xii, 16; Balaam rode on an ATON, Num. xxii, 23. From 1 Chron. xxvii, 30, we see that David had an officer specifically assigned to oversee his ATONOTH; not his regular asses, but ones of a nobler breed, which suggests that this officer held at least equal status to his colleagues mentioned alongside him. This idea about the ATON also adds depth to the story of Saul, who, when his father’s ATONOTH went missing, made considerable effort to find them; also, since they were valuable and uncommon, he might have more easily learned of them if someone had taken them. This leads to the proper interpretation of the servant’s suggestion to Samuel in verse 6, as if he was saying, “In his role as a magistrate, this honorable man might have heard about these lost treasures and secured them; perhaps he can guide us.”
Thus we find that these atonoth are mentioned in Scripture, only in the possession of judges, patriarchs, and other great men; insomuch that where these are there is dignity, either expressed or implied. They were also a present for a prince; for Jacob presented Esau with twenty, Gen. xxxii, 15. What then shall we say of the wealth of Job, who possessed a thousand? Another word which is rendered “wild ass” by our translators, Job xxxix, 5, is ORUD; which seems to be the same, that in the Chaldee of Daniel, v, 21, is called oredia. Mr. Parkhurst supposes that this word denotes the brayer, and that PARA and ORUD are only two names for the same animal. But these names may perhaps refer to different races, though of the same species; so that a description of the properties of one may apply to both, though not without some variation.
Thus we find that these atonoth are mentioned in Scripture only in the possession of judges, patriarchs, and other notable figures; wherever they are present, there is dignity, either directly stated or implied. They were also a gift for a prince; for Jacob gave Esau twenty, as mentioned in Gen. xxxii, 15. So what can we say about the wealth of Job, who owned a thousand? Another word that our translators render as “wild ass” in Job xxxix, 5 is ORUD; this seems to correlate with what is called oredia in the Chaldee of Daniel, v, 21. Mr. Parkhurst suggests that this word refers to the brayer, and that PARA and ORUD are just two names for the same animal. However, these names may perhaps refer to different breeds, though of the same species, so that a description of the characteristics of one may apply to both, albeit with some variations.
Gmelin observes that the onager is very fond of salt. Whether the “deserts” of the above text were salt marshes, or salt deserts, is of very little consequence; the circumstance shows the correctness of the Hebrew poet. In Daniel we read that Nebuchadnezzar dwelt with the OREDIA. We need not suppose that he was banished to the deserts, but was at most kept safely in an enclosure of his own park, where curious animals were kept for state and pleasure. If this be correct, then the ORUD was somewhat, at least, of a rarity at Babylon; and it might be of a kind different from the PARA, as it is denoted by another name. May it not be the Gicquetei of Professor Pallas, the wild mule of Mongalia which surpasses the onager in size, beauty, and perhaps in swiftness.
Gmelin notes that the onager has a strong liking for salt. Whether the “deserts” mentioned in the text were salt marshes or salt flats doesn’t really matter; this detail supports the accuracy of the Hebrew poet. In Daniel, we learn that Nebuchadnezzar lived with the OREDIA. We don't have to assume he was exiled to the deserts; he was likely kept in a secure area of his own park, where exotic animals were kept for entertainment and display. If that’s the case, then the ORUD was somewhat rare in Babylon, and it could have been a different type from the PARA, as it is referred to by a different name. Could it be the Gicquetei of Professor Pallas, the wild mule from Mongolia, which is larger, more beautiful, and possibly faster than the onager?
ASSIDEANS, by some named Chasideans, from chasidim, “merciful, pious.” They were a kind of religious society among the Jews, whose chief and distinguishing character was, to maintain the honour of the temple, and observe punctually the traditions of the elders. They were therefore not only content to pay the usual tribute for the maintenance of the house of God, but charged themselves with farther expense upon that account; for every day, except that of the great expiation, they sacrificed a lamb, in addition to the daily oblation, which was called the sin offering of the Assideans. They practised greater hardships and mortifications than others; and their common oath was, “By the temple;” for which our Saviour reproves the Pharisees, who had learned that oath of them, Matt. xxiii, 16. From this sect the Pharisees sprung. The Assideans are represented as a numerous sect, distinguished by its valour, as well as by its zeal for the law, 1 Mac. ii, 42. A company of them resorted to Mattathias, to fight for the law of God, and the liberties of their country. This sect arose either during the captivity, or soon after the restoration, of the Jews; and were probably in the commencement, and long afterward, a truly pious part of the nation; but they at length became superstitious.
ASSIDEANS, also called Chasideans, from chasidim, meaning “merciful, pious.” They were a kind of religious group among the Jews, primarily known for upholding the honor of the temple and strictly following the traditions of the elders. They were not only willing to pay the regular dues for the maintenance of God’s house, but they also took on additional costs for that purpose; every day, except on the Day of Atonement, they sacrificed a lamb, in addition to the daily offering, which was referred to as the sin offering of the Assideans. They practiced more severe hardships and self-denial than others, and their common oath was, “By the temple,” for which our Savior reprimands the Pharisees, who had learned that oath from them, Matt. xxiii, 16. The Pharisees emerged from this sect. The Assideans are described as a large group, distinguished not just by their bravery, but also by their fervor for the law, 1 Mac. ii, 42. A group of them gathered around Mattathias to fight for God’s law and the freedoms of their country. This sect emerged either during the captivity or shortly after the Jews’ restoration; and they were likely, at first and for a long time afterward, a truly devout part of the nation; however, they ultimately became superstitious.
ASSURANCE. The sense in which this term is used theologically is that of a firm persuasion of our being in a state of salvation. The doctrine itself has been matter of dispute among divines, and when considered as implying not only that we are now accepted of God through Christ, but that we shall be finally saved, or when it is so taken as to deny a state of salvation to those who are not so assured as to be free from all doubt, it is in many views 101questionable. Assurance of final salvation must stand or fall with the doctrine of personal unconditional election, and is chiefly held by divines of the Calvinistic school; and that nothing is an evidence of a state of present salvation but so entire a persuasion as amounts to assurance in the strongest sense, might be denied upon the ground that degrees of grace, of real saving grace, are undoubtedlyundoubtedly mentioned in Scripture. Assurance, however, is spoken of in the New Testament, and stands prominent as one of the leading doctrines of religious experience. We have “full assurance of understanding;” that is a perfect knowledge and entire persuasion of the truth of the doctrine of Christ. The “assurance of faith,” in Hebrews ix, 22, is an entire trust in the sacrifice and priestly office of Christ. The “assurance of hope,” mentioned in Hebrews vi, 11, relates to the heavenly inheritance, and must necessarily imply a full persuasion that we are “the children of God,” and therefore “heirs of his glory;” and from this passage it must certainly be concluded that such an assurance is what every Christian ought to aim at, and that it is attainable. This, however, does not exclude occasional doubt and weakness of faith, from the earlier stages of his experience.
ASSURANCE. In theology, this term refers to a strong belief that we are in a state of salvation. The doctrine itself has been a topic of debate among theologians. When it's understood to mean not just that we are accepted by God through Christ, but that we will ultimately be saved, or when it suggests that those who lack complete certainty do not have salvation, it raises many questions. Assurance of final salvation is closely tied to the doctrine of personal unconditional election and is mainly supported by theologians of the Calvinistic tradition. It could be argued that nothing proves a current state of salvation except a total belief that constitutes assurance in the strongest sense, as there are various degrees of real saving grace mentioned in Scripture. Assurance, however, is discussed in the New Testament and stands out as one of the key doctrines in religious experience. We are told of having “full assurance of understanding,” which refers to complete knowledge and total belief in the truth of Christ's doctrine. The “assurance of faith,” mentioned in Hebrews 9:22, signifies complete trust in Christ's sacrifice and priestly role. The “assurance of hope,” referred to in Hebrews 6:11, relates to our heavenly inheritance and implies a deep belief that we are “the children of God” and therefore “heirs of his glory.” From this, it can certainly be concluded that every Christian should strive for such assurance, which is attainable. However, this does not eliminate the possibility of occasional doubt and weakness of faith in the earlier stages of one's experience.
A comforting and abiding persuasion of present acceptance by God, through Christ, we may therefore affirm, must in various degrees follow true faith. In support of this view, the following remarks may be offered:--
A comforting and lasting belief in being accepted by God through Christ, we can therefore affirm, must in various ways accompany true faith. To support this view, the following remarks may be offered:--
If it is the doctrine of the inspired records, that man is by nature prone to evil, and that in practice he violates that law under which as a creature he is placed, and is thereby exposed to punishment;--if also it is there stated, that an act of grace and pardon is promised on the conditions of repentance toward God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ;--if that repentance implies consideration of our ways, a sense of the displeasure of Almighty God, contrition of heart, and consequently trouble and grief of mind, mixed, however, with a hope inspired by the promise of forgiveness, and which leads to earnest supplication for the actual pardon of sin so promised, it will follow from these premises--either, 1. That forgiveness is not to be expected till after the termination of our course of probation, that is, in another life; and that, therefore, this trouble and apprehension of mind can only be assuaged by the hope we may have of a favourable final decision on our case;--or, 2. That sin is, in the present life, forgiven as often as it is thus repented of, and as often as we exercise the required and specific acts of trust in the merits of our Saviour; but that this forgiveness of our sins is not in any way made known unto us: so that we are left, as to our feelings, in precisely the same state as if sin were not forgiven till after death, namely, in grief and trouble of mind, relieved only by hope;--or, 3. The Scriptural view is, that when sin is forgiven by the mercy of God through Christ, we are, by some means, assured of it, and peace and satisfaction of mind take the place of anxiety and fear.
If the inspired writings say that humans are naturally inclined to do wrong and that in reality we break the laws we are meant to follow, exposing ourselves to punishment; and if they also mention that grace and forgiveness are promised on the condition of repentance toward God and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ; and if repentance involves reflecting on our actions, feeling the displeasure of Almighty God, experiencing heartfelt sorrow, along with a mix of hope from the promise of forgiveness, which leads us to genuinely seek the forgiveness of our sins as promised, then it follows from these premises—either, 1. That forgiveness isn't expected until after our time of testing is over, meaning in the afterlife; therefore, our anxiety can only be eased by hope for a favorable outcome in our case;—or, 2. That sin is forgiven in this life whenever we truly repent and demonstrate the required trust in the merits of our Savior; but that we are not informed of this forgiveness, leaving us feeling just as if forgiveness only comes after death—filled with sorrow and anxiety, comforted only by hope;—or, 3. The biblical perspective is that when sin is forgiven by God's mercy through Christ, we receive some assurance of this, replacing anxiety and fear with peace and satisfaction of mind.
The first of these conclusions is sufficiently disproved by the authority of Scripture, which exhibits justification as a blessing attainable in this life, and represents it as actually experienced by true believers. “Therefore being justified by faith.” “There is now no condemnation to them who are in Christ Jesus.” “Whosoever believeth is justified from all things,” &c. The quotations might be multiplied, but these are decisive. The notion that though an act of forgiveness may take place, we are unable to ascertain a fact so important to us, is also irreconcilable with many scriptures in which the writers of the New Testament speak of an experience, not confined personally to themselves, or to those Christians who were endowed with spiritual gifts, but common to all Christians. “Being justified by faith we have peace with God.” “We joy in God, by whom we have received the reconciliation.” “Being reconciled unto God by the death of his Son.” “We have not received the spirit of bondage again unto fear, but the spirit of adoption, by which we cry, Abba, Father.” To these may be added innumerable passages which express the comfort, the confidence, and the joy of Christians; their “friendship” with God; their “access” to him; their entire union and delightful intercourse with him; and their absolute confidence in the success of their prayers. All such passages are perfectly consistent with deep humility, and self-diffidence; but they are irreconcilable with a state of hostility between the parties, and with an unascertained and only hoped-for restoration of friendship and favour.
The first of these conclusions is clearly disproved by Scripture, which shows that justification is a blessing we can attain in this life and is actually experienced by true believers. “Therefore being justified by faith.” “There is now no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus.” “Whoever believes is justified from all things,” etc. These quotes could be multiplied, but these are decisive. The idea that an act of forgiveness can happen, yet we cannot know such an important fact for ourselves, contradicts many scriptures where the New Testament writers talk about an experience that isn’t limited to themselves or to Christians with special spiritual gifts, but is common to all Christians. “Being justified by faith we have peace with God.” “We rejoice in God, by whom we have received the reconciliation.” “Being reconciled to God by the death of his Son.” “We have not received a spirit of slavery leading to fear again, but the spirit of adoption, by which we cry, Abba, Father.” To these, we can add countless passages that express the comfort, confidence, and joy of Christians; their “friendship” with God; their “access” to Him; their complete union and joyful interaction with Him; and their total confidence in the success of their prayers. All such passages are perfectly consistent with deep humility and self-doubt, but they are incompatible with a state of hostility between the parties and with an uncertain and merely hoped-for restoration of friendship and favor.
An assurance, therefore, that the sins which are felt to “be a burden intolerable” are forgiven, and that the ground of that apprehension of future punishment which causes the penitent to “bewail his manifold sins,” is taken away by restoration to the favour of the offended God, must be allowed, or nothing would be more incongruous and impossible than the comfort, the peace, the rejoicing of spirit, which in the Scriptures are attributed to believers.
An assurance, therefore, that the sins which are felt to "be an unbearable burden" are forgiven, and that the fear of future punishment which leads the penitent to "mourn his many sins," is removed by being restored to the favor of the offended God, must be accepted, or nothing would be more incongruous and impossible than the comfort, the peace, and the joy of spirit that the Scriptures attribute to believers.
Few Christians of evangelical views have, therefore, denied the possibility of our becoming assured of the favour of God in a sufficient degree to give substantial comfort to the mind. Their differences have rather respected the means by which the contrite become assured of that change in their relation to Almighty God, whom they have offended, which in Scripture is expressed by the term justification. The question has been, (where the notion of an assurance of eternal salvation has not been under discussion,) by what means the assurance of the divine favour is conveyed to the mind. Some have concluded that we obtain it by inference, others by the direct testimony of the Holy Spirit to the mind. See Holy Spirit.
Few evangelical Christians have, therefore, denied the possibility of being confident in God's favor to a degree that truly comforts the mind. Their differences have mostly been about how the remorseful can be assured of the change in their relationship with Almighty God, whom they have offended, which Scripture refers to as justification. The question has been, (where the idea of assurance of eternal salvation has not been discussed), how the assurance of God's favor is communicated to the mind. Some have concluded that we receive it through inference, while others believe it's through the direct testimony of the Holy Spirit to the mind. See Holy Spirit.
ASSYRIA, a kingdom of Asia, of the extent, origin, and duration of which very different accounts have been given by ancient writers. Ctesias and Diodorus Siculus affirm, that the Assyrian monarchy, under Ninus and Semiramis, comprehended the greater part of the known world: but, if this had been the case, it is not likely that Homer and Herodotus 102would have omitted a fact so remarkable. The sacred records intimate that none of the ancient states or kingdoms were of considerable extent; for neither Chederlaomer, nor any of the neighbouring princes, were tributary or subject to Assyria; and “we find nothing,” says Playfair, “of the greatness or power of this kingdom in the history of the judges and succeeding kings of Israel, though the latter kingdom was oppressed and enslaved by many different powers in that period.” It is therefore highly probable that Assyria was originally of small extent. According to Ptolemy, this country was bounded on the north by part of Armenia and Mount Niphates; on the west by the Tigris; on the south by Susiana; and on the east by part of Media and the mountains Choatra and Zagros. Of the origin, revolutions, and termination of Assyria, properly so called, and distinguished from the grand monarchy which afterward bore this appellation, the following account is given by Mr. Playfair, as the most probable:--“The founder of it was Ashur, the second son of Shem, who departed from Shinar, upon the usurpation of Nimrod, at the head of a large body of adventurers, and laid the foundations of Nineveh, where he resided, and erected a new kingdom, called Assyria, after his name, Gen. x, 11. These events happened not long after Nimrod had established the Chaldean monarchy, and fixed his residence at Babylon; but it does not appear that Nimrod reigned in Assyria. The kingdoms of Assyria and Babylon were originally distinct and separate, Micah v, 6; and in this state they remained until Ninus conquered Babylon, and made it tributary to the Assyrian empire. Ninus, the successor of Ashur, Gen. x, 11, seized on Chaldea after the death of Nimrod, and united the kingdoms of Assyria and Babylon. This great prince is said to have subdued Asia, Persia, Media, Egypt, &c. If he did so, the effects of his conquests were of no long duration; for, in the days of Abraham, we do not find that any of the neighbouring kingdoms were subject to Assyria. Ninus was succeeded by Semiramis, a princess bold, enterprising, and fortunate; of whose adventures and exploits many fabulous relations have been recorded. Playfair is of opinion that there were two princesses of this name, who flourished at different periods: one, the consort of Ninus; and another, who lived five generations before Nitocris, queen of Nebuchadnezzar. Of the successors of Ninus and Semiramis nothing certain is recorded. The last of the ancient Assyrian kings was Sardanapalus, who was besieged in his capital by Arbaces, governor of Media, in concurrence with the Babylonians. These united forces defeated the Assyrian army, demolished the capital, and became masters of the empire, B. C. 821.
ASSYRIA, a kingdom in Asia, has been described in very different ways by ancient writers regarding its size, origins, and duration. Ctesias and Diodorus Siculus claim that the Assyrian monarchy under Ninus and Semiramis covered most of the known world. However, if that were true, it's unlikely that Homer and Herodotus would have left out such an important fact. The sacred records suggest that none of the ancient states or kingdoms were very extensive; for neither Chederlaomer nor any of the neighboring princes were tributary or subject to Assyria. “We find nothing,” says Playfair, “about the greatness or power of this kingdom in the history of the judges and subsequent kings of Israel, even though the latter kingdom was oppressed and enslaved by many different powers during that time.” Therefore, it seems very likely that Assyria started off small. According to Ptolemy, this country was bordered on the north by part of Armenia and Mount Niphates; on the west by the Tigris; on the south by Susiana; and on the east by part of Media and the Choatra and Zagros mountains. Regarding the origins, changes, and end of Assyria, properly so called, distinct from the later grand monarchy that held the same name, Mr. Playfair offers the following account as the most probable: “The founder was Ashur, the second son of Shem, who left Shinar after Nimrod's usurpation, leading a large group of adventurers, and established Nineveh, where he ruled and founded a new kingdom called Assyria after himself, Gen. x, 11. These events took place shortly after Nimrod established the Chaldean monarchy and set up his court in Babylon; however, it doesn’t seem that Nimrod ruled in Assyria. The kingdoms of Assyria and Babylon were initially distinct, Micah v, 6; and they remained that way until Ninus conquered Babylon and made it pay tribute to the Assyrian empire. Ninus, Ashur’s successor, Gen. x, 11, took over Chaldea after Nimrod's death and united the kingdoms of Assyria and Babylon. This great prince is said to have conquered Asia, Persia, Media, Egypt, etc. If he did, his conquests were short-lived; because during Abraham's time, we find that none of the neighboring kingdoms were under Assyria’s control. Ninus was succeeded by Semiramis, a bold, ambitious, and fortunate princess, whose adventures and exploits have given rise to many legendary tales. Playfair believes that there were two princesses with this name who lived at different times: one was the consort of Ninus, and the other lived five generations before Nitocris, queen of Nebuchadnezzar. There’s not much certainty about the successors of Ninus and Semiramis. The last of the ancient Assyrian kings was Sardanapalus, who was besieged in his capital by Arbaces, the governor of Media, along with the Babylonians. These combined forces defeated the Assyrian army, destroyed the capital, and took control of the empire in B.C. 821.
“After the death of Sardanapalus,” says Mr. Playfair, “the Assyrian empire was divided into three kingdoms; namely, the Median, Assyrian, and Babylonian. Arbaces retained the supreme authority, and nominated governors in Assyria and Babylon, who were honoured with the title of kings, while they remained subject and tributary to the Persian monarchs Belesis,” he says, “a Chaldean priest, who assisted Arbaces in the conquest of Sardanapalus, received the government of Babylon as the reward of his services; and Phul was intrusted with that of Assyria. The Assyrian governor gradually enlarged the boundaries of his kingdom, and was succeeded by Tiglath-pileser, Salmanasar, and Sennacherib, who asserted and maintained their independence. After the death of Assar-haddon, the brother and successor of Sennacherib, the kingdom of Assyria was split, and annexed to the kingdoms of Media and Babylon. Several tributary princes afterward reigned in Nineveh; but we hear no more of the kings of Assyria, but of those of Babylon. Cyaxares, king of Media, assisted Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, in the siege of Nineveh, which they took and destroyed, B. C. 606.”
“After the death of Sardanapalus,” says Mr. Playfair, “the Assyrian empire was divided into three kingdoms: the Median, Assyrian, and Babylonian. Arbaces kept the top position and appointed governors in Assyria and Babylon, who were honored with the title of kings, while still being subject to the Persian monarchs. Belesis,” he says, “a Chaldean priest who helped Arbaces conquer Sardanapalus, received control over Babylon as a reward for his efforts, while Phul was given charge of Assyria. The Assyrian governor gradually expanded the boundaries of his kingdom and was succeeded by Tiglath-pileser, Salmanasar, and Sennacherib, who asserted and maintained their independence. After the death of Assar-haddon, Sennacherib's brother and successor, the kingdom of Assyria was divided and joined with the kingdoms of Media and Babylon. Several tributary princes later ruled in Nineveh, but we no longer hear of the kings of Assyria, only those of Babylon. Cyaxares, king of Media, assisted Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, in the siege of Nineveh, which they captured and destroyed in 606 B.C.”
The history of Assyria, deduced from Scripture, and acknowledged as the only authentic one by Sir Isaac Newton and many others, ascribes the foundation of the monarchy to Pul, or Phul, about the second year of Menahem, king of Israel, twenty-four years before the æra of Nabonassar, 1579 years after the flood, and, according to Blair, 769, or, according to Newton, 790, years before Christ. Menahem, having taken forcible possession of the throne of Israel by the murder of Shallum, 2 Kings xv, 10, was attacked by Pul, but prevented the hostilities meditated against him by presenting the invader with a thousand talents of silver. Pul, thus gratified, took the kingdom of Israel under his protection, returned to his own country, after having received voluntary homage from several nations in his march, as he had done from Israel, and became the founder of a great empire. As it was in the days of Pul that the Assyrians began to afflict the inhabitants of Palestine, 2 Kings xi, 9; 1 Chron. v, 26, this was the time, according to Sir Isaac Newton, when the Assyrian empire arose. Thus he interprets the words, “since the time of the kings of Assyria,” Nehem. ix, 32; that is, since the time of the kingdom of Assyria, or since the rise of that empire. But though this was the period in which the Assyrians afflicted Israel, it is not so evident that the time of the kings of Assyria must necessarily be understood of the rise of the Assyrian empire. However, Newton thus reasons; and observes, that “Pul and his successors afflicted Israel, and conquered the nations round about them; and upon the ruin of many small and ancient kingdoms erected their empire; conquering the Medes, as well as other nations.” It is farther argued, that God, by the Prophet Amos, in the reign of Jeroboam, about ten or twenty years before the reign of Pul, (see Amos vi, 13, 14,) threatened to raise up a nation against Israel; and that, as Pul reigned presently after the prophecy of Amos, and was the first upon record who began to fulfil it, he may be justly reckoned the first conqueror and founder of this empire. See 1 Chron. v, 26. Pul was succeeded on the throne of Assyria by his elder son Tiglath-pileser; and at the 103same time he left Babylon to his younger son Nabonassar, B. C. 747. Of the conquests of this second king of Assyria against the kings of Israel and Syria, when he took Damascus, and subdued the Syrians, we have an account in 2 Kings xv, 29, 37; xvi, 5,9; 1 Chron. v, 26; by which the prophecy of Amos was fulfilled, and from which it appears that the empire of the Assyrians was now become great and powerful. The next king of Assyria was Shalmaneser, or Salmanassar, who succeeded Tiglath-pileser, B. C. 729, and invaded Phœnicia, took the city of Samaria, and, B. C. 721, carried the ten tribes into captivity, placing them in Chalach and Chabor, by the river Gazon, and in the cities of the Medes, 2 Kings xvii, 6. Shalmaneser was succeeded by Sennacherib, B. C. 719; and in the year B. C. 714, he was put to flight with great slaughter by the Ethiopians and Egyptians. In the year B. C. 711 the Medes revolted from the Assyrians; Sennacherib was slain; and he was succeeded by his son Esar-Haddon, Asserhaddon, Asordan, Assaradin, or Sarchedon, by which names he is called by different writers. He began his reign at Nineveh, in the year of Nabonassar 42; and in the year 68 extended it over Babylon. He then carried the remainder of the Samaritans into captivity, and peopled Samaria with captives brought from several parts of his kingdom; and in the year of Nabonassar 77 or 78 he seems to have put an end to the reign of the Ethiopians over Egypt. “In the reign of Sennacherib and Asser-Hadon,” says Sir I. Newton, “the Assyrian empire seems arrived at its greatness; being united under one monarch, and containing Assyria, Media, Apolloniatis, Susiana, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Cilicia, Syria, Phœnicia, Egypt, Ethiopia, and part of Arabia; and reaching eastward into Elymais, and Parætæcene, a province of the Medes; and if Chalach and Chabor be Colchis and Iberia, as some think, and as may seem probable from the circumcision used by those nations till the days of Herodotus, we are also to add these two provinces, with the two Armenias, Pontus, and Cappadocia, as far as to the river Halys: for Herodotus tells us that the people of Cappadocia, as far as to that river, were called Syrians by the Greeks, both before and after the days of Cyrus; and that the Assyrians were also called Syrians by the Greeks.” Asser-Hadon was succeeded in the year B. C. 668 by Saosduchinus. At this time Manasseh was allowed to return home, and fortify Jerusalem; and the Egyptians also, after the Assyrians had harassed Egypt and Ethiopia three years, Isa. xx, 3, 4, were set at liberty. Saosduchinus, after a reign of twenty years, was succeeded at Babylon, and probably at Nineveh also, by Chyniladon, in the year B. C. 647. This Chyniladon is supposed by Newton to be the Nebuchadonosor mentioned in the book of Judith, i, 1–15, who made war upon Arphaxad, king of the Medes; and, though deserted by his auxiliaries of Cilicia, Damascus, Syria, Phœnicia, Moab, Ammon, and Egypt, routed the army of the Medes, and slew Arphaxad. This Arphaxad is supposed to be either Dejoces or his son Phraortes, mentioned by Herodotus. Soon after the death of Phraortes, in the year B. C. 635, the Scythians invaded the Medes and Persians; and in 625, Nabopolassar, the commander of the forces of Chyniladon in Chaldea, revolted from him, and became king of Babylon. Chyniladon was either then or soon after succeeded at Nineveh by the last king of Assyria, called Sarac by Polyhistor. The authors of the Universal History suppose Saosduchinus to have been the Nebuchadonosor of Scripture, and Chyniladon or Chynaladan to have been the Sarac of Polyhistor. At length Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabopolassar, married Amyit, the daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes, and sister of Cyaxares; and by this marriage the two families having contracted affinity, they conspired against the Assyrians. Nabopolassar being old, and Astyages dead, their sons Nebuchadnezzar and Cyaxares led the armies of the two nations against Nineveh, slew Sarac, destroyed the city, and shared the kingdom of the Assyrians. This victory the Jews refer to the Chaldeans; the Greeks, to the Medes; Tobit, xiv, 15, Polyhistor, and Ctesias, to both. With this victory commenced the great successes of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyaxares, and it laid the foundation of the two collateral empires of the Babylonians and Medes, which were branches of the Assyrian empire; and hence the time of the fall of the Assyrian empire is determined, the conquerors being then in their youth. In the reign of Josiah, when Zephaniah prophesied, Nineveh and the kingdom of Assyria were standing; and their fall was predicted by that Prophet, Zeph. i, 3; ii, 13. And in the end of his reign, Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, the successor of Psammitichus, went up against the king of Assyria to the river Euphrates, to fight against Carchemish, or Circutium; and in his way thither slew Josiah, 2 Kings xxiii, 29; 2 Chron. xxxv, 20; and therefore the last king of Assyria was not yet slain. But in the third and fourth years of Jehoiakim, the successor of Josiah, the two conquerors having taken Nineveh, and finished their war in Assyria, prosecuted their conquests westward; and, leading their forces against the king of Egypt, as an invader of their right of conquest, they beat him at Carchemish, and took from him whatever he had recently taken from the Assyrians, 2 Kings xxiv, 7; Jer. xlvi, 2; “and therefore we cannot err,” says Sir Isaac Newton, “above a year or two, if we refer the destruction of Nineveh, and fall of the Assyrian empire, to the third year, of Jehoiakim,” or the hundred and fortieth, or, according to Blair, the hundred and forty-first year of Nabonassar; that is, the year B. C. 607.
The history of Assyria, derived from Scripture, and recognized as the only genuine account by Sir Isaac Newton and many others, attributes the founding of the monarchy to Pul, or Phul, around the second year of Menahem, king of Israel, which was twenty-four years before the era of Nabonassar, 1579 years after the flood, and according to Blair, 769, or according to Newton, 790 years before Christ. Menahem, having forcibly taken the throne of Israel by murdering Shallum (2 Kings 15:10), was confronted by Pul, but he avoided hostilities by giving the invader a thousand talents of silver. Pul, satisfied, put the kingdom of Israel under his protection, returned to his country after receiving voluntary tribute from several nations along his route, just as he had from Israel, and became the founder of a significant empire. As it was during Pul's time that the Assyrians began to oppress the inhabitants of Palestine (2 Kings 11:9; 1 Chronicles 5:26), this is when, according to Sir Isaac Newton, the Assyrian empire emerged. He interprets the phrase, “since the time of the kings of Assyria” (Nehemiah 9:32), as indicating the period of the Assyrian kingdom or the rise of that empire. However, while this was the time when the Assyrians troubled Israel, it is not obvious that the phrase "the time of the kings of Assyria" must definitively denote the rise of the Assyrian empire. However, Newton argues that “Pul and his successors troubled Israel and conquered the surrounding nations, and upon the collapse of many small and ancient kingdoms, established their empire, defeating the Medes as well as other nations.” It is further argued that God, through the Prophet Amos during the reign of Jeroboam, about ten or twenty years before Pul's reign (see Amos 6:13-14), threatened to raise a nation against Israel; and since Pul ruled shortly after Amos's prophecy and was the first noted to begin fulfilling it, he can be accurately regarded as the first conqueror and founder of this empire (see 1 Chronicles 5:26). Pul was succeeded on the throne of Assyria by his elder son Tiglath-pileser; at the same time, he assigned Babylon to his younger son Nabonassar, in 747 B.C. The conquests of this second king of Assyria against the kings of Israel and Syria, including his capture of Damascus and subjugation of the Syrians, are recounted in 2 Kings 15:29, 37; 16:5, 9; and 1 Chronicles 5:26, where the prophecy of Amos was realized, revealing that the Assyrian empire had become great and powerful. The next king of Assyria was Shalmaneser, or Salmanassar, who took over from Tiglath-pileser in 729 B.C. He invaded Phœnicia, captured the city of Samaria, and in 721 B.C. took the ten tribes into captivity, resettling them in Chalach and Chabor, by the river Gazon, and in the cities of the Medes (2 Kings 17:6). Shalmaneser was succeeded by Sennacherib in 719 B.C., and in 714 B.C. he was defeated and heavily slain by the Ethiopians and Egyptians. In 711 B.C., the Medes revolted against the Assyrians; Sennacherib was killed, and he was succeeded by his son Esar-Haddon, also referred to as Asserhaddon, Asordan, Assaradin, or Sarchedon, depending on different authors. He began his reign in Nineveh in the 42nd year of Nabonassar and expanded it over Babylon in the 68th year. He then took the remaining Samaritans captive and resettled Samaria with captives from various parts of his kingdom; and in the 77th or 78th year of Nabonassar, he appears to have ended the reign of the Ethiopians over Egypt. “During the reigns of Sennacherib and Asser-Hadon,” Sir I. Newton states, “the Assyrian empire seemed to reach its height; united under one ruler, it included Assyria, Media, Apolloniatis, Susiana, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Cilicia, Syria, Phœnicia, Egypt, Ethiopia, and parts of Arabia; extending east into Elymais and Parætæcene, a province of the Medes; and if Chalach and Chabor are indeed Colchis and Iberia, as some assert, it may also include these provinces, along with the two Armenias, Pontus, and Cappadocia as far as the river Halys: for Herodotus notes that people in Cappadocia up to that river were referred to as Syrians by the Greeks, both before and after Cyrus; and the Assyrians were also called Syrians by the Greeks.” Asser-Hadon was succeeded in 668 B.C. by Saosduchinus. At this point, Manasseh was allowed to return home and fortify Jerusalem; additionally, after the Assyrians had troubled Egypt and Ethiopia for three years (Isaiah 20:3, 4), the Egyptians were freed. Saosduchinus, after a twenty-year reign, was succeeded in Babylon and probably in Nineveh by Chyniladon in 647 B.C. Newton believes this Chyniladon is the Nebuchadonosor mentioned in the book of Judith (1:1–15), who fought against Arphaxad, king of the Medes; and despite being abandoned by his allies from Cilicia, Damascus, Syria, Phœnicia, Moab, Ammon, and Egypt, he defeated the army of the Medes and killed Arphaxad. This Arphaxad is thought to be either Dejoces or his son Phraortes, mentioned by Herodotus. Shortly after Phraortes’s death in 635 B.C., the Scythians invaded the Medes and Persians, and in 625, Nabopolassar, the commander of Chyniladon’s forces in Chaldea, revolted and became king of Babylon. Chyniladon was either succeeded at Nineveh soon after or around that time by the last king of Assyria, referred to as Sarac by Polyhistor. The authors of the Universal History believe Saosduchinus to have been the Nebuchadonosor of Scripture, with Chyniladon or Chynaladan being the Sarac of Polyhistor. Ultimately, Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabopolassar, married Amyit, the daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes, and sister of Cyaxares; through this marriage, the two families formed an alliance and conspired against the Assyrians. With Nabopolassar aging, and Astyages deceased, their sons Nebuchadnezzar and Cyaxares led the combined armies against Nineveh, killed Sarac, destroyed the city, and divided the Assyrian kingdom. The Jews attribute this victory to the Chaldeans; the Greeks to the Medes; and Tobit, along with sources like Polyhistor and Ctesias, to both groups. This victory marked the start of the significant successes of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyaxares, laying the groundwork for the two allied empires of the Babylonians and Medes, which were derivatives of the Assyrian empire; thus, the timing of the fall of the Assyrian empire is established, as the conquerors were still in their youth. During Josiah’s reign, when Zephaniah prophesied, Nineveh and the Assyrian kingdom were still intact; their collapse was foretold by that prophet (Zephaniah 1:3; 2:13). At the end of his reign, Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt and successor of Psammitichus, marched against the king of Assyria to the Euphrates River to engage in battle against Carchemish (or Circutium); on his way there, he killed Josiah (2 Kings 23:29; 2 Chronicles 35:20); therefore, the last king of Assyria had not yet been slain. However, during the third and fourth years of Jehoiakim, Josiah’s successor, the two conquerors captured Nineveh and concluded their war in Assyria before continuing their conquests westward. They directed their forces against the king of Egypt, challenging his right to reconquer, defeated him at Carchemish, and reclaimed whatever he had recently taken from the Assyrians (2 Kings 24:7; Jeremiah 46:2); “and therefore,” Sir Isaac Newton asserts, “we cannot be far off, if we associate the destruction of Nineveh and the fall of the Assyrian empire with the third year of Jehoiakim,” or the 140th, or according to Blair, the 141st year of Nabonassar; that is, the year 607 B.C.
Of the government, laws, religion, learning, customs, &c, of the ancient Assyrians, nothing absolutely certain is recorded. Their kingdom was at first small, and subsisted for several ages under hereditary chiefs; and their government was simple. Afterward, when they rose to the sublimity of empire, their government seems to have been despotic, and the empire hereditary. Their laws were probably 104few, and depended upon the mere will of the prince. To Ninus we may ascribe the division of the Assyrian empire into provinces and governments; for we find that this institution was fully established in the reigns of Semiramis and her successors. The people were distributed into a certain number of tribes; and their occupations or professions were hereditary. The Assyrians had several distinct councils, and several tribunals for the regulation of public affairs. Of councils there were three, which were created by the body of the people, and who governed the state in conjunction with the sovereign. The first consisted of officers who had retired from military employments; the second, of the nobility; and the third, of the old men. The sovereigns also had three tribunals, whose province it was to watch over the conduct of the people. The Assyrians have been competitors with the Egyptians for the honour of having invented alphabetic writing. It appears, from the few remains now extant of the writing of these ancient nations, that their letters had a great affinity with each other. They much resembled one another in shape; and they ranged them in the same manner, from right to left.
Of the government, laws, religion, education, customs, etc., of the ancient Assyrians, nothing is known for sure. Their kingdom started off small and was governed by hereditary leaders for many ages, and their system was straightforward. Later, when they became a powerful empire, their government appeared to be despotic, with the empire being passed down through families. Their laws were likely minimal and relied solely on the will of the king. We can attribute the division of the Assyrian empire into provinces and governments to Ninus, as this structure was fully established during the reigns of Semiramis and her successors. The population was organized into a number of tribes, and their jobs or professions were passed down through generations. The Assyrians had several distinct councils and various courts to manage public matters. There were three councils created by the people, which governed alongside the king. The first was made up of retired military officers, the second consisted of nobles, and the third was made up of elders. The kings also had three courts responsible for overseeing the behavior of the people. The Assyrians competed with the Egyptians for the distinction of having invented alphabetic writing. From the few remnants that still exist of the writing of these ancient civilizations, it seems that their letters were quite similar to one another. They looked alike in shape and were arranged in the same way, from right to left.
ASTROLOGY, the art of foretelling future events, from the aspects, positions, and influences of the heavenly bodies. The word is compounded of ἀϛὴρ star, and λόγος, discourse; whence, in the literal sense of the term, astrology should signify no more than the doctrine or science of the stars. Astrology judiciary, or judicial, is what we commonly call simple astrology, or that which pretends to foretel mortal events, even those which have a dependence on the free will and agency of man; as if they were directed by the stars. This art, which owed its origin to the practice of knavery on credulity, is now universally exploded by the intelligent part of mankind. Judicial astrology is commonly said to have been invented in Chaldea, and thence transmitted to the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans; though some will have it of Egyptian origin, and ascribe the invention to Cham. But we derive it from the Arabians. The Chaldeans, and the Egyptians, and indeed almost all the nations of antiquity, were infatuated with the chimæras of astrology. It originated in the notion, that the stars have an influence, either beneficial or malignant, upon the affairs of men, which may be discovered, and made the ground of certain prediction, in particular cases; and the whole art consisted in applying astronomical observations to this fanciful purpose. Diodorus Siculus relates, that the Chaldeans learned these arts from the Egyptians; and he would not have made this assertion, if there had not been at least a general tradition that they were practised from the earliest times in Egypt. The system was, in those remote ages, intimately connected with Sabaism, or the worship of the stars as divinities; but whether it emanates from idolatry or fatality, it denies God and his providence, and is therefore condemned in the Scriptures, and ranked with practices the most offensive and provoking to the Divine Majesty.
ASTROLOGY is the practice of predicting future events based on the positions, aspects, and influences of celestial bodies. The term comes from the Greek words ἀϛὴρ meaning "star," and λόγος meaning "discourse," so literally, astrology should mean the doctrine or science of the stars. Judicial astrology, often referred to as simple astrology, is what we commonly consider when it claims to predict human events, even those that depend on people's free will and choices, as if these actions were controlled by the stars. This practice, rooted in trickery and gullibility, is now widely dismissed by educated people. Judicial astrology is said to have originated in Chaldea before spreading to the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans; however, some argue it comes from Egypt and trace its invention to Cham. We trace it back to the Arabians. The Chaldeans, Egyptians, and nearly all ancient cultures were captivated by the fantasies of astrology. It began with the belief that the stars have either beneficial or harmful effects on human affairs, which can be identified and used for specific predictions; the entire practice involved applying astronomical observations to this imaginative notion. Diodorus Siculus mentions that the Chaldeans learned these arts from the Egyptians, and he would not have claimed this if there hadn't been at least a general tradition that these practices were in place from ancient times in Egypt. In those early days, the system was closely connected with Sabaism, the worship of stars as deities; but whether it originates from idolatry or fate, it rejects God and his providence, which is why it is condemned in the Scriptures and considered among the most offensive and disobedient practices against Divine Majesty.
ASTYAGES, otherwise, Cyaxares, king of the Medes, and successor to Phraortes. He reigned forty years, and died A. M. 3409. He was father to Astyages, otherwise called Darius the Mede. He had two daughters, Mandane and Amyit: Mandane married Cambyses, the Persian, and was the mother of Cyrus; Amyit married Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabopolassar, and was the mother of Evilmerodach.
ASTYAGES, also known as Cyaxares, was the king of the Medes and the successor to Phraortes. He ruled for forty years and died in 3409 A.M. He was the father of Astyages, also referred to as Darius the Mede. He had two daughters, Mandane and Amyit: Mandane married Cambyses, the Persian, and was the mother of Cyrus; Amyit married Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabopolassar, and was the mother of Evilmerodach.
Astyages, otherwise called Ahasuerus in the Greek, Dan. ix, 1, or Cyaxares in Xenophon, or Apandus in Ctesias, was appointed by his father Cyaxares governor of Media, and sent with Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, against Saracus, otherwise called Chynaladanus, king of Assyria. These two princes besieged Saracus in Nineveh, took the city, and dismembered the Assyrian empire. Astyages was with Cyrus at the conquest of Babylon, and succeeded Belshazzar, king of the Chaldeans, as is expressly mentioned in Daniel, v, 30, 31, A. M. 3447. After his death Cyrus succeeded him, A. M. 3456.
Astyages, also known as Ahasuerus in the Greek, Dan. ix, 1, or Cyaxares in Xenophon, or Apandus in Ctesias, was appointed by his father Cyaxares as governor of Media and was sent with Nabopolassar, the king of Babylon, against Saracus, who was also known as Chynaladanus, the king of Assyria. These two leaders besieged Saracus in Nineveh, captured the city, and broke up the Assyrian empire. Astyages was with Cyrus during the conquest of Babylon and took over from Belshazzar, the king of the Chaldeans, as specifically stated in Daniel, v, 30, 31, A. M. 3447. After his death, Cyrus took his place, A. M. 3456.
ASUPPIM, a word which signifies gatherings, and the name of the treasury of the temple of Jerusalem, 1 Chron. xxvi, 15.
ASUPPIM, a term that means gatherings, and the name of the treasury of the temple of Jerusalem, 1 Chron. xxvi, 15.
ATHALIAH, the daughter of Omri, king of Samaria, and wife to Jehoram, king of Judah. This princess, being informed that Jehu had slain her son Ahaziah, resolved to take the government upon herself, 2 Kings xi; which that she might effect without opposition, she destroyed all the children that Jehoram had by other wives, and all their offspring. But Jehosheba, the sister of Ahaziah, by the father’s side only, was at this time married to Jehoiada, the high priest; and while Athaliah’s executioners were murdering the rest, she conveyed Joash the son of Ahaziah away, and kept him and his nurse concealed in an apartment of the temple, during six years. In the seventh year, his uncle Jehoiada being determined to place him on the throne of his ancestors, and procure the destruction of Athaliah, he engaged the priests and Levites, and the leading men in all the parts of the kingdom in his interest, and in a public assembly produced him, and made them take an oath of secrecy and fidelity to him. He then distributed arms among the people, whom he divided into three bodies, one to guard the person of the king, and the other two to secure the gates of the temple. After this, he brought out the young prince, set the crown on his head, put the book of the law into his hand, and with sound of trumpet proclaimed him; which was seconded with the joyful shouts and acclamations of the people. Athaliah, hearing the noise, made all haste to the temple; but when, to her astonishment, she saw the young king seated on a throne, she rent her clothes and cried out, “Treason!” But, at the command of Jehoiada, the guards seized and carried her out of the temple, putting all to the sword who offered to rescue or assist her; and then taking her to the stable gate belonging to the palace, there put her to death, A. M. 3126.
ATHALIAH, the daughter of Omri, king of Samaria, and wife of Jehoram, king of Judah. When this princess found out that Jehu had killed her son Ahaziah, she decided to take control for herself, 2 Kings xi. To do this without facing any opposition, she killed all the children that Jehoram had with other wives, along with all their descendants. However, Jehosheba, Ahaziah's half-sister, was married to Jehoiada, the high priest at that time. While Athaliah's executioners were murdering everyone else, she secretly took Joash, Ahaziah's son, and hid him and his nurse in a room of the temple for six years. In the seventh year, Jehoiada, determined to place Joash on the throne and eliminate Athaliah, gathered the priests, Levites, and key figures throughout the kingdom to support his cause. In a public assembly, he presented Joash and made everyone swear an oath of secrecy and loyalty to him. Then, he distributed weapons among the people, dividing them into three groups: one to protect the king, and the other two to secure the temple gates. After that, he brought out the young prince, placed the crown on his head, gave him the book of the law, and proclaimed him king with the sound of a trumpet, celebrated by the joyful cheers of the crowd. Athaliah, hearing the commotion, rushed to the temple, but when she was shocked to see the young king on the throne, she ripped her clothes and yelled, “Treason!” However, at Jehoiada’s order, the guards seized her and took her out of the temple, killing anyone who tried to help her. They then brought her to the stable gate of the palace and executed her. A. M. 3126.
ATHANASIANS, the orthodox followers of St. Athanasius, the great and able antagonist 105of Arius. The Athanasian Creed, though generally admitted not to be drawn up by this father, (but probably, as Doctor Waterland says, by Hilary, bishop of Arles, in the fifth century,) is universally allowed to contain a fair expression of his sentiments. This creed says, “The Catholic faith is this: that we worship One God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity: neither confounding the persons, nor dividing the substance. For there is one person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the Holy Ghost. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one; the glory equal, the majesty co-eternal. Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is the Holy Ghost;” namely, “uncreate, incomprehensible, eternal,” &c. The true key to the Athanasian Creed lies in the knowledge of the errors to which it was opposed. The Sabellians considered the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit as one in person;--this was “confounding the persons:” the Arians considered them as differing in essence--three beings;--this was “dividing the substance:” and against these two hypotheses was the creed originally framed. And since every sect was willing to adopt the language of Scripture, it was thought necessary to adopt scholastic terms, in order to fix the sense of Scripture language. Many, however, hold the doctrine of the Athanasian Creed, and approve its terms, who object to its damnatory clauses. See Arians.
ATHANASIANS, the orthodox followers of St. Athanasius, the great and skilled opponent of Arius. The Athanasian Creed, although generally recognized not to have been written by this father (but likely, as Doctor Waterland suggests, by Hilary, bishop of Arles, in the fifth century), is widely accepted as a true reflection of his beliefs. This creed states, “The Catholic faith is this: that we worship One God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity: neither merging the persons nor dividing the substance. For there is one person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the Holy Spirit. But the Godhead of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit is all one; the glory equal, the majesty co-eternal. As the Father is, so is the Son, and so is the Holy Spirit;” namely, “uncreated, incomprehensible, eternal,” etc. The real key to the Athanasian Creed lies in understanding the errors it was countering. The Sabellians viewed the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit as one person; this was “merging the persons.” The Arians saw them as separate essences—three beings; this was “dividing the substance.” The creed was originally created in response to these two errors. And since every sect was eager to use the language of Scripture, it was deemed necessary to adopt scholarly terms to clarify the meaning of scriptural language. However, many who accept the doctrine of the Athanasian Creed and appreciate its terms object to its harsh clauses. See Arians.
ATHANASIUS, the celebrated patriarch of Alexandria, resisted Arius and his erroneous doctrines; and his sentiments as to the Trinity are embodied in the creed which bears his name, though not composed by him. At the Council of Nice, though then but a deacon of Alexandria, his reputation for skill in controversy gained him an honourable place in the council, and with great dexterity he exposed the sophistry of those who pleaded on the side of Arius. Notwithstanding the influence of the emperor, who had recalled Arius from banishment, and upon a plausible confession of his faith, in which he affected to be orthodox in his sentiments, directed that he should be received by the Alexandrian church, Athanasius refused to admit him to communion, and exposed his prevarication. The Arians upon this exerted themselves to raise tumults at Alexandria, and to injure the character of Athanasius with the emperor, who was prevailed upon to pronounce against him a sentence of banishment. In the beginning of the reign of Constantius he was recalled; but was again disturbed and deposed through the influence of the Arians. Accusations were also sent against him and other bishops from the east to the west, but they were acquitted by Pope Julius in full council. Athanasius was restored to his see upon the death of the Arian bishop, who had been placed in it. Arianism, however, being in favour at court, he was condemned by a council convened at Arles, and by another at Milan, and was obliged to fly into the deserts. He returned with the other bishops whom Julian the apostate recalled from banishment, and in A. D. 362, held a council at Alexandria, where the belief of a consubstantial Trinity was openly professed. Many now were recovered from Arianism, and brought to subscribe the Nicene Creed. During the reign of Jovian also Athanasius held another council, which declared its adherence to the Nicene faith; and with the exception of a short retirement under Valens he was permitted to sit down in quiet and govern his affectionate church of Alexandria. Athanasius was an eminent instrument of maintaining the truth in an age when errors affecting the great foundation of our faith were urged with great subtlety. He was by his acuteness able to trace the enemy through his most insidious modes of attack; and thus to preserve the simple and unwary from being misled by terms and distinctions, which, whilst they sounded in unison with the true faith of the Gospel, did in fact imply, or at least open the door to, the most deadly errors. The Scripture doctrine of the Trinity, as explained by him, at length triumphed over the heresies which at one time met with so much support and sanction; and the views of Athanasius have been received, in substance, by all orthodox churches to the present time.
ATHANASIUS, the renowned patriarch of Alexandria, stood against Arius and his false teachings. His views on the Trinity are reflected in the creed that bears his name, although he did not actually write it. At the Council of Nice, even though he was just a deacon in Alexandria then, his reputation for debate earned him a respected position in the council, where he skillfully exposed the dishonest arguments of Arius's supporters. Despite the emperor's influence, who had brought Arius back from exile and, on a seemingly genuine statement of faith, directed that he be accepted by the church in Alexandria, Athanasius refused to let him partake in communion and revealed his deceit. Following this, the Arians worked to create chaos in Alexandria and to tarnish Athanasius's reputation with the emperor, who ended up exiling him. At the start of Constantius's reign, he was brought back; however, he was soon troubled and deposed again due to the Arians' influence. Accusations against him and other bishops were sent from east to west, but Pope Julius acquitted them in a full council. Athanasius returned to his position after the death of the Arian bishop who had taken over. Nevertheless, with Arianism still favored at court, he was condemned by councils held in Arles and Milan, forcing him to flee into the deserts. He returned with other bishops recalled from exile by Julian the apostate and, in A.D. 362, held a council in Alexandria, where the belief in a consubstantial Trinity was openly affirmed. Many people returned from Arianism and agreed to the Nicene Creed. During Jovian's reign, Athanasius held another council that reaffirmed loyalty to the Nicene faith; apart from a brief period of retreat under Valens, he was allowed to lead his beloved church in Alexandria in peace. Athanasius played a vital role in defending the truth during a time when fundamental doctrines of our faith were challenged with great subtlety. His sharp insight allowed him to identify the enemy's deceptive tactics, thus protecting the simple and unsuspecting from being misled by language and distinctions that, while sounding aligned with the true Gospel, actually suggested or opened the door to serious errors. The scriptural understanding of the Trinity, as he explained, ultimately overcame the heresies that once enjoyed substantial support. The views of Athanasius have been accepted, in essence, by all orthodox churches up to the present day.
ATHEIST, in the strict and proper sense of the word, is one who does not believe in the existence of a God, or who owns no being superior to nature. It is compounded of the two terms, α negative, and Θεὸς, God, signifying without God. Atheists have been also known by the name infidels; but the word infidel is now commonly used to distinguish a more numerous party, and is become almost synonymous with Deist. He who disbelieves the existence of a God, as an infinite, intelligent, and a moral agent, is a direct or speculative Atheist; he who confesses a Deity and providence in words, but denies them in his life and actions, is a practical Atheist. That Atheism existed in some sense before the flood, may be suspected from what we read in Scripture, as well as from Heathen tradition; and it is not very unreasonable to suppose, that the deluge was partly intended to evince to the world a heavenly power, as Lord of the universe, and superior to the visible system of nature. This was at least a happy consequence of that fatal catastrophe; for, as it is observed by Dean Sherlock, “The universal deluge, and the confusion of languages, had so abundantly convinced mankind of a divine power and providence, that there was no such creature as an Atheist, till their ridiculous idolatries had tempted some men of wit and thought, rather to own no God than such as the Heathens worshipped.”
An ATHEIST, in the strict and proper sense of the word, is someone who doesn't believe in the existence of a God or who doesn’t acknowledge any being superior to nature. The term is made up of two parts: α, meaning "without," and Θεὸς, meaning "God," which together signify without God. Atheists have also been referred to as infidels; however, the term infidel is now commonly used to refer to a larger group, and it has become almost synonymous with Deist. Someone who outright denies the existence of a God, as an infinite, intelligent, and moral being, is called a direct or speculative Atheist; while someone who verbally acknowledges a Deity and providence but acts contrary to that belief is known as a practical Atheist. It's suggested that Atheism existed in some form even before the flood, as implied by Scripture and ancient tradition; and it’s not unreasonable to think that the flood was partly meant to demonstrate a divine power as the Lord of the universe, above the visible system of nature. This was at least a fortunate outcome of that tragic event; as noted by Dean Sherlock, “The universal deluge and the confusion of languages had so thoroughly convinced humanity of divine power and providence that there were no Atheists until their absurd idolatries led some clever individuals to prefer denying God rather than worshipping the ones the ancient peoples did.”
Atheistical principles were long nourished and cherished in Greece, and especially among the atomical, peripatetic, and skeptical philosophers; and hence some have ascribed the origin of Atheism to the philosophy of Greece. This is true, if they mean that species of refined Atheism, which contrives any impious scheme of principles to account for the origin of the world, without a divine being. For though there may have been in former ages, and in other countries, some persons irreligious in principle as well as in practice, yet we know 106of none who, forming a philosophical scheme of impiety, became a sect, and erected colleges of Atheistical learning, till the arrogant and enterprising genius of Greece undertook that detestable work. Carrying their presumptuous and ungoverned speculations into the very essence of the divinity, at first they doubted, and at length denied, the existence of a first cause independent of nature and of a providence that superintends its laws, and governs the concerns of mankind. These principles, with the other improvements of Greece, were transferred to Rome; and, excepting in Italy, we hear little of Atheism, for many ages after the Christian æra. “For some ages before the Reformation,” says Archbishop Tillotson, “Atheism was confined to Italy, and had its chief residence at Rome. But, in this last age, Atheism has travelled over the Alps and infected France, and now of late it hath crossed the seas, and invaded our nation, and hath prevailed to amazement.” However, to Tillotson, and other able writers, we owe its suppression in this country; for they pressed it down with a weight of sound argument, from which it has never been able to raise itself. For although in our time, in France and Germany a subtle Atheism was revived, and spread its unhallowed and destructive influence for many years throughout the Continent, it made but little progress in this better-instructed nation.
Atheistic ideas have been around for a long time in Greece, especially among philosophers like the atomists, Peripatetics, and skeptics. Some attribute the origins of Atheism to Greek philosophy. This holds true if they refer to the more refined Atheism that creates schemes to explain the world's origin without a divine being. While there have been irreligious individuals in the past in various places, we don't know of any who developed a comprehensive philosophical system of Atheism or established colleges focused on Atheistic teaching until the ambitious and bold thinkers of Greece took on that abhorrent task. They began by doubting and eventually outright denying the existence of a first cause that exists outside of nature and a providential force that oversees its laws and governs human affairs. These ideas, along with other advancements from Greece, spread to Rome; and aside from Italy, Atheism was rarely mentioned for many centuries after the rise of Christianity. “For some ages before the Reformation,” Archbishop Tillotson states, “Atheism was limited to Italy and primarily centered in Rome. But in more recent times, Atheism has crossed the Alps, affected France, and lately crossed the seas to invade our nation, making shocking strides.” However, thanks to Tillotson and other skilled writers, we owe the suppression of Atheism in this country to their compelling arguments that have kept it from gaining traction. Even though, during our time, a form of subtle Atheism revived and spread its damaging influence across France and Germany for many years, it made little headway in our better-informed nation.
Atheism, in its primary sense, comprehends, or at least goes beyond, every heresy in the world; for it professes to acknowledge no religion, true or false. The two leading hypotheses which have prevailed, among Atheists, respecting this world and its origin, are, that of Ocellus Lucanus, adopted and improved by Aristotle, that it was eternal; and that of Epicurus, that it was formed by a fortuitous concourse of atoms. “That the soul is material and mortal, Christianity an imposture, the Scripture a forgery, the worship of God superstition, hell a fable, and heaven a dream, our life without providence, and our death without hope, like that of asses and dogs, are part of the glorious gospel of our modern Atheists.”
Atheism, in its basic sense, encompasses or at least goes beyond every heresy in the world because it claims to recognize no religion, whether true or false. The two main theories that Atheists have held about this world and its origin are Ocellus Lucanus's view, which was adopted and improved by Aristotle, asserting that it is eternal, and Epicurus’s idea that it was created through a random collision of atoms. “The belief that the soul is physical and mortal, Christianity is a scam, the Scriptures are fake, the worship of God is superstition, hell is a myth, and heaven is an illusion, along with the idea that our lives lack providence and our deaths come without hope—like those of donkeys and dogs—are all part of the so-called gospel of our modern Atheists.”
The being of a God may be proved from the marks of design, and from the order and beauty visible in the world; from universal consent; from the relation of cause and effect; from internal consciousness; and from the necessity of a final as well as an efficient cause.
The existence of God can be demonstrated through the signs of design, as well as the order and beauty seen in the world; from widespread agreement; from the relationship between cause and effect; from our inner awareness; and from the need for both a final cause and an efficient cause.
Of all the false doctrines and foolish opinions that ever infested the mind of man, nothing can possibly equal that of Atheism, which is such a monstrous contradiction of all evidence, to all the powers of understanding, and the dictates of common sense, that it may be well questioned whether any man can really fall into it by a deliberate use of his judgment. All nature so clearly points out, and so loudly proclaims, a Creator of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, that whoever hears not its voice, and sees not its proofs, may well be thought wilfully deaf, and obstinately blind. If it be evident, self-evident to every man of thought, that there can be no effect without a cause, what shall we say of that manifold combination of effects, that series of operations, that system of wonders, which fill the universe, which present themselves to all our perceptions, and strike our minds and our senses on every side? Every faculty, every object of every faculty, demonstrates a Deity. The meanest insect we can see, the minutest and most contemptible weed we can tread upon, is really sufficient to confound Atheism, and baffle all its pretensions. How much more that astonishing variety and multiplicity of God’s works with which we are continually surrounded! Let any man survey the face of the earth, or lift up his eyes to the firmament; let him consider the nature and instincts of brute animals, and afterward look into the operations of his own mind, and will he presume to say or suppose that all the objects he meets with are nothing more than the result of unaccountable accidents and blind chance? Can he possibly conceive that such wonderful order should spring out of confusion? or that such perfect beauty should be ever formed by the fortuitous operations of unconscious, unactive particles of matter? As well, nay better, and more easily, might he suppose that an earthquake might happen to build towns and cities; or the materials carried down by a flood fit themselves up without hands into a regular fleet. For what are towns, cities, or fleets, in comparison of the vast and amazing fabric of the universe! In short, Atheism offers such violence to all our faculties, that it seems scarce credible it should ever really find any place in the human understanding. Atheism is unreasonable, because it gives no tolerable account of the existence of the world. This is one of the greatest difficulties with which the Atheist has to contend. For he must suppose either that the world is eternal, or that it was formed by chance and a fortuitous concourse of the parts of matter. That the world had a beginning, is evident from universal tradition, and the most ancient history that exists; from there being no memorials of any actions performed previously to the time assigned in that history as the æra of the creation; from the origin of learning and arts, and the liability of the parts of matter to decay. That the world was not produced by chance, is also evident. Nothing can be more unreasonable than to ascribe to chance an effect which appears with all the characters of a wise design and contrivance. Will chance fit means to ends, even in ten thousand instances, and not fail in a single one? How often might a man, after shaking a set of letters in a bag, throw them on the ground, before they would become an exact poem, or form a good discourse in prose? In short, the arguments in proof of Deity are so numerous, and at the same time so obvious to a thinking mind, that to waste time in disputing with an Atheist, is approaching too much toward that irrationality, which may be considered as one of the most striking characteristics of the sect.
Of all the false beliefs and foolish opinions that have ever troubled people's minds, nothing can compare to Atheism. It stands as a huge contradiction to all evidence, to our understanding, and to the common sense we all share. One might reasonably wonder if anyone could truly arrive at it through careful thought. All of nature clearly points to, and loudly declares, a Creator of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness. So, if someone doesn't hear that call or see those signs, it might be fair to think they are willfully deaf and stubbornly blind. If it's obvious—self-evident even—to any thoughtful person that nothing happens without a cause, then what do we say about the countless effects, operations, and wonders that fill the universe? They present themselves to all our senses and perceptions on every side. Every capability and every object shows evidence of a Deity. Even the tiniest insect we can see, or the most insignificant weed we can step on, is enough to challenge Atheism and disprove its claims. How much more so the incredible variety and abundance of God's creations that constantly surround us! Let any person examine the earth or look up at the sky; let them think about the nature and instincts of animals, and then reflect on the workings of their own mind. Will they really pretend that everything they encounter is just the result of random accidents and blind chance? Can they believe that such remarkable order could emerge from chaos, or that perfect beauty could arise from the random actions of mindless particles? It would be just as reasonable—if not more—to think an earthquake could somehow construct cities, or that materials washed down by a flood could organize themselves into a fleet without any hands. Because what are towns, cities, or fleets compared to the vast and incredible structure of the universe? In short, Atheism clashes with all our faculties to such an extent that it’s hard to believe it could ever truly exist in human understanding. Atheism is unreasonable because it fails to provide a plausible explanation for the world's existence. This is one of the biggest challenges the Atheist faces. They must either believe that the world is eternal, or that it was created by chance from a random mix of material. It's clear from universal tradition and the oldest histories that the world had a beginning; there are no records of events that happened before the time noted as the moment of creation; there's the emergence of knowledge and the arts, and the tendency of matter to decay. It’s also obvious that the world wasn't created by chance. Nothing could be more unreasonable than attributing to chance an effect that shows all the signs of careful design and intention. Does chance really coordinate means to achieve ends, even in countless cases, and not fail even once? How many times might a person shake a bag of letters and drop them on the ground before they would form a coherent poem or create a good piece of prose? In conclusion, the arguments for the existence of a Deity are so numerous and so clear to a thinking mind that engaging in a debate with an Atheist feels like stepping too close to the irrationality often associated with that belief system.
The more noted Atheist, since the Reformation, are Machiavel, Spinoza, Hobbes, Blount, and Vanini. To these may be added Hume, 107and Voltaire the corypheus of the sect, and the great nursing father of that swarm of them which has appeared in these last days.
The most well-known atheists since the Reformation are Machiavelli, Spinoza, Hobbes, Blount, and Vanini. We can also include Hume and Voltaire, the leading figure of the movement and the key supporter of the many who have emerged in recent times. 107
Dr. Samuel Clarke, in his “Demonstration of the Being of a God,” says, that Atheism arises either from stupid ignorance, or from corruption of principles and manners, or from the reasonings of false philosophy; and he adds, that the latter, who are the only Atheistical persons capable of being reasoned with at all, must of necessity own that, supposing it cannot be proved to be true, yet it is a thing very desirable, and which any wise man would wish to be true, for the great benefit and happiness of man, that there was a God, an intelligent and wise, a just and good Being, to govern the world. Whatever hypothesis these men can possibly frame, whatever argument they can invent, by which they would exclude God and providence out of the world; that very argument or hypothesis, will of necessity lead them to this concession. If they argue, that our notion of God arises not from nature and reason, but from the art and contrivance of politicians; that argument itself forces them to confess, that it is manifestly for the interest of human society, that it should be believed there is a God. If they suppose that the world was made by chance, and is every moment subject to be destroyed by chance again; no man can be so absurd as to contend, that it is as comfortable and desirable to live in such an uncertain state of things, and so continually liable to ruin, without any hope of renovation, as in a world that is under the preservation and conduct of a powerful, wise, and good God. If they argue against the being of God, from the faults and defects which they imagine they can find in the frame and constitution of the visible and material world; this supposition obliges them to acknowledge that it would have been better the world had been made by an intelligent and wise Being, who might have prevented all faults and imperfections. If they argue against providence, from the faultiness and inequality which they think they discover in the management of the moral world; this is a plain confession, that it is a thing more fit and desirable in itself, that the world should be governed by a just and good Being, than by mere chance or unintelligent necessity. Lastly, if they suppose the world to be eternally and necessarily self-existent, and consequently that every thing in it is established by a blind and eternal fatality; no rational man can at the same time deny, but that liberty and choice, or a free power of acting, is a more eligible state, than to be determined thus in all our actions, as a stone is to move, downward, by an absolute and inevitable fate. In a word, which way soever they turn themselves, and whatever hypothesis they make, concerning the original and frame of things, nothing is so certain and undeniable, as that man, considered without the protection and conduct of a superior Being, is in a far worse case than upon supposition of the being and government of God, and of men’s being under his peculiar conduct, protection, and favour.
Dr. Samuel Clarke, in his “Demonstration of the Being of a God,” states that Atheism comes from either ignorance, a corruption of principles and morals, or misguided philosophy. He adds that those who are atheistic but can be reasoned with must acknowledge that, even if it can't be proven true, it's desirable and any wise person would want it to be true. A belief in a God—a smart, just, and good being—would be beneficial for humanity. No matter what theory these individuals create or what argument they come up with to exclude God and divine providence, their reasoning will ultimately lead them to this truth. If they claim that our idea of God comes not from nature and reason, but from political manipulation, that argument itself forces them to admit that it’s clearly in the best interest of society to believe in God. If they argue that the world was created by chance and can be destroyed at any moment by chance again, no one can seriously argue that it’s preferable to live in such uncertainty and constant risk of ruin, without hope for renewal, than in a world overseen by a powerful, wise, and good God. If they challenge God’s existence by pointing out flaws and defects they think they see in the material world, they must concede that it would be better if the world had been created by an intelligent and wise being who could have avoided all flaws and imperfections. If they argue against divine providence due to perceived faults and inequalities in how the moral world is managed, that reveals a clear acknowledgment that it’s inherently preferable for the world to be governed by a just and good being than by mere chance or mindless necessity. Ultimately, if they assume the world is eternally and necessarily self-existent, which means everything is determined by a blind and eternal fate, no rational person can deny that freedom of choice and the ability to act is a better state than being compelled in all our actions, like a stone moving downward due to unavoidable fate. In short, no matter what angle they approach it from and whatever theories they propose about the nature and structure of things, nothing is more certain and undeniable than that humanity, without the guidance and protection of a higher being, is in a much worse situation than if we assume the existence and governance of God, and the idea that people are under His care, protection, and favor.
ATHENS, a celebrated city of Greece, too well known to be here described. St. Paul’s celebrated sermon, Acts xvii, was preached on the Areopagus, or Hill of Mars, where a celebrated court was held which took cognizance of matters of religion, blasphemies against the gods, the building of temples, &c. (See Areopagus.) The inscription on the altar, “to the unknown God,” which St. Paul so appropriately made the text of his discourse, was adopted on the occasion of the city having been relieved from a pestilence; and they erected altars to “the God unknown,” either as not knowing to which of their divinities they were indebted for the favour, or, which is more probable, because there was something in the circumstances of this deliverance, which led them to refer it to a higher power than their own gods, even to the supreme God, who was not unfrequently styled, the “unknown,” by the wiser Heathens. The existence of such altars is expressly mentioned by Lucian. On the place where the great Apostle bore his noble testimony against idols, and declared to them the God whom they ignorantly worshipped, Dr. E. D. Clarke, the traveller, remarks, “It is not possible to conceive a situation of greater peril, or one more calculated to prove the sincerity of a preacher, than that in which the Apostle was here placed; and the truth of this, perhaps, will never be better felt than by a spectator, who from this eminence actually beholds the monuments of Pagan pomp and superstition by which he, whom the Athenians considered as the setter forth of strange gods, was then surrounded: representing to the imagination the disciples of Socrates and of Plato, the dogmatist of the porch, and the skeptic of the academy, addressed by a poor and lowly man, who, ‘rude in speech,’ without the ‘enticing words of man’s wisdom,’ enjoined precepts contrary to their taste, and very hostile to their prejudices. One of the peculiar privileges of the Areopagitæ seems to have been set at defiance by the zeal of St. Paul on this occasion; namely, that of inflicting extreme and exemplary punishment upon any person who should slight the celebration of the holy mysteries, or blaspheme the gods of Greece. We ascended to the summit by means of steps cut in the natural stone. The sublime scene here exhibited is so striking, that a brief description of it may prove how truly it offers to us a commentary upon the Apostle’s words, as they were delivered upon the spot. He stood upon the top of the rock, and beneath the canopy of heaven. Before him there was spread a glorious prospect of mountains, islands, seas, and skies; behind him towered the lofty Acropolis, crowned with all its marble temples. Thus every object, whether in the face of nature, or among the works of art, conspired to elevate the mind, and to fill it with reverence toward that Being who made and governs the world, Acts xvii, 24, 28; who sitteth in that light which no mortal eye can approach, and yet is nigh unto the meanest of his creatures; in whom we live, and move, and have our being.”
ATHENS, a famous city in Greece, is too well known to need much description here. St. Paul’s well-known sermon, Acts xvii, was preached on the Areopagus, or Hill of Mars, where an important court dealt with issues of religion, blasphemy against the gods, the construction of temples, and more (See Areopagus). The inscription on the altar, “to the unknown God,” which St. Paul cleverly used as the basis of his message, was established after the city was freed from a plague; they set up altars to “the unknown God,” either due to not knowing which of their gods they owed their relief to, or, more likely, because the circumstances of their deliverance made them believe it was a higher power than their own gods, namely the supreme God, who was often referred to as the “unknown” by the more enlightened pagans. Lucian specifically mentions the existence of such altars. In the place where the great Apostle boldly testified against idols and proclaimed to them the God they worshipped in ignorance, traveler Dr. E. D. Clarke noted, “It is impossible to imagine a situation of greater peril, or one more likely to test a preacher’s sincerity, than that in which the Apostle found himself here; and perhaps the reality of this will be most deeply felt by someone standing on this height, witnessing the monuments of pagan grandeur and superstition that surrounded him, whom the Athenians viewed as the proclaimer of strange gods: conjuring images of the followers of Socrates and Plato, the stoic of the porch and the skeptic of the academy, being addressed by a humble man who, ‘rude in speech,’ without the ‘enticing words of man’s wisdom,’ preached messages that were contrary to their preferences and very much against their biases. One of the special privileges of the Areopagitæ seems to have been disregarded by St. Paul’s fervor on this occasion; that is, the ability to impose severe punishment on anyone who disrespected the celebration of holy mysteries or blasphemed the gods of Greece. We ascended to the top using steps carved into the natural stone. The breathtaking view presented here is so remarkable that a brief description can illustrate how it truly reflects the Apostle’s words, as given in that very location. He stood atop the rock, beneath the open sky. Before him stretched a magnificent vista of mountains, islands, seas, and skies; behind him rose the towering Acropolis, adorned with all its marble temples. Thus, every element, whether in nature or among human creations, worked together to uplift the spirit and instill reverence toward the Being who created and governs the world, Acts xvii, 24, 28; who dwells in a light that no human can approach, yet is close to the humblest of his creatures; in whom we live, and move, and have our being.”
108ATONEMENT, the satisfaction offered to divine justice by the death of Christ for the sins of mankind, by virtue of which all true penitents who believe in Christ are personally reconciled to God, are freed from the penalty of their sins, and entitled to eternal life. The atonement for sin made by the death of Christ, is represented in the Christian system as the means by which mankind may be delivered from the awful catastrophe of eternal death; from judicial inflictions of the displeasure of a Governor, whose authority has been contemned, and whose will has been resisted, which shall know no mitigation in their degree, nor bound to their duration. This end it professes to accomplish by means which, with respect to the Supreme Governor himself, preserve his character from mistake, and maintain the authority of his government; and with respect to man, give him the strongest possible reason for hope, and render more favourable the condition of his earthly probation. These are considerations which so manifestly show, from its own internal constitution, the superlative importance and excellence of Christianity, that it would be exceedingly criminal to overlook them.
108ATONEMENT is the satisfaction that divine justice receives from the death of Christ for humanity's sins. Through this, all genuine penitents who believe in Christ are personally reconciled with God, freed from the penalty of their sins, and granted the promise of eternal life. The atonement made by Christ's death is depicted in the Christian faith as the way for people to be saved from the terrifying consequence of eternal death and the severe punishment from a Governor whose authority has been disregarded and whose wishes have been opposed, without any reduction in severity or limit to their duration. This aim claims to be achieved in a way that preserves the Supreme Governor's character from misunderstanding and upholds the authority of His government, while also giving humanity the strongest reasons for hope and improving the conditions of their earthly trials. These points clearly demonstrate the immense importance and value of Christianity, making it extremely wrong to ignore them.
How sin may be forgiven without leading to such misconceptions of the divine character as would encourage disobedience, and thereby weaken the influence of the divine government, must be considered as a problem of very difficult solution. A government which admitted no forgiveness, would sink the guilty to despair; a government which never punishes offence, is a contradiction,--it cannot exist. Not to punish the guilty, is to dissolve authority; to punish without mercy, is to destroy, and where all are guilty, to make the destruction universal. That we cannot sin with impunity, is a matter determined. The Ruler of the world is not careless of the conduct of his creatures; for that penal consequences are attached to the offence, is not a subject of argument, but is matter of fact evident by daily observation of the events and circumstances of the present life. It is a principle therefore already laid down, that the authority of God must be preserved; but it ought to be remarked, that in that kind of administration which restrains evil by penalty, and encourages obedience by favour and hope, we and all moral creatures are the interested parties, and not the divine Governor himself, whom, because of his independent and all-sufficient nature, our transgressions cannot injure. The reasons, therefore, which compel him to maintain his authority do not terminate in himself. If he treats offenders with severity, it is for our sake, and for the sake of the moral order of the universe, to which sin, if encouraged by a negligent administration, or by entire or frequent impunity, would be the source of endless disorder and misery; and if the granting of pardon to offence be strongly and even severely guarded, so that no less a satisfaction could be accepted than the death of God’s own Son, we are to refer this to the moral necessity of the case as arising out of the general welfare of accountable creatures, liable to the deep evil of sin, and not to any reluctance on the part of our Maker to forgive, much less to any thing vindictive in his nature,--charges which have been most inconsiderately and unfairly said to be implied in the doctrine of Christ’s vicarious sufferings. If it then be true, that the release of offending man from future punishment, and his restoration to the divine favour, ought, for the interests of mankind themselves, and for the instruction and caution of other beings, to be so bestowed, that no license shall be given to offence;--that God himself, whilst he manifests his compassion, should not appear less just, less holy, than he really is;--that his authority should be felt to be as compelling, and that disobedience should as truly, though not unconditionally, subject us to the deserved penalty, as though no hope of forgiveness had been exhibited;--we ask, On what scheme, save that which is developed in the New Testament, are these necessary conditions provided for? Necessary they are, unless we contend for a license and an impunity which shall annul all good government in the universe, a point for which no reasonable man will contend; and if so, then we must allow that there is strong internal evidence of the truth of the doctrine of Scripture, when it makes the offer of pardon consequent only upon the securities we have before mentioned. If it be said, that sin may be pardoned in the exercise of the divine prerogative, the reply is, that if this prerogative were exercised toward a part of mankind only, the passing by of the rest would be with difficulty reconciled to the divine character; and if the benefit were extended to all, government would be at an end. This scheme of bringing men within the exercise of a merciful prerogative, does not therefore meet the obvious difficulty of the case; nor is it improved by confining the act of grace only to repentant criminals. For in the immediate view of danger, what offender, surrounded with the wreck of former enjoyments, feeling the vanity of guilty pleasures, now past for ever, and beholding the approach of the delayed penal visitation, but would repent? Were the principle of granting pardon to repentance to regulate human governments, every criminal would escape, and judicial forms would become a subject for ridicule. Nor is it recognised by the divine Being in his conduct to men in the present state, although in this world punishments are not final and absolute. Repentance does not restore health injured by intemperance; property, wasted by profusion; or character, once stained by dishonourable practices. If repentance alone could secure pardon, then all must be pardoned, and government dissolved, as in the case of forgiveness by the exercise of mere prerogative; but if an arbitrary selection be made, then different and discordant principles of government are introduced into the divine administration, which is a derogatory supposition.
How sin can be forgiven without creating misunderstandings about the divine character that encourage disobedience and weaken the influence of divine governance is a challenging problem. A government that allows no forgiveness would push the guilty into despair; a government that never punishes wrongdoing is contradictory—it cannot exist. Not punishing the guilty would undermine authority; punishing without mercy would destroy, and in a world where everyone is guilty, that destruction would be universal. It is clear that we cannot sin without consequences. The Ruler of the world is not indifferent to the behavior of His creations; the fact that penalties accompany offenses is evident through the daily observation of events and circumstances in our lives. Thus, it’s already established that God’s authority must be upheld; however, it’s important to note that in the system where evil is restrained by penalties and obedience is encouraged through favor and hope, we and all moral beings are the concerned parties, not the divine Governor, whose independent and self-sufficient nature means our transgressions cannot harm Him. The reasons that compel Him to maintain His authority do not end with Him. If He treats wrongdoers harshly, it’s for our benefit and the moral order of the universe, which would fall into endless chaos and suffering if sin were allowed to thrive due to neglect or total frequent impunity. Moreover, if the granting of forgiveness for offenses is heavily guarded, and nothing less than the death of God’s own Son is accepted as satisfaction, we should attribute this to the moral necessity of ensuring the welfare of accountable beings vulnerable to the serious evils of sin, rather than to any reluctance on God’s part to forgive, much less to any vindictive nature—accusations that have been made thoughtlessly and unfairly against the doctrine of Christ's sacrificial suffering. If it is true that freeing offending humans from future punishment and restoring them to divine favor should be done in a manner that does not condone offenses—where God, while showing compassion, does not seem less just or less holy than He truly is; where His authority is felt as compelling, and disobedience still results in deserved penalties, as if no hope for forgiveness existed—we must ask, what plan, apart from the one outlined in the New Testament, provides for these necessary conditions? They are necessary, unless we argue for a form of leniency and immunity that would nullify all good governance in the universe, a position no reasonable person would support; if that is the case, then we must acknowledge the strong internal evidence for the truth of Scripture's doctrine when it states that the offer of pardon depends on the mentioned securities. If it is claimed that sin can be forgiven as an exercise of divine prerogative, the response is that if this prerogative were exercised for only some people, it would be hard to reconcile the passing over of others with the divine character; and if the benefit were given to everyone, governance would cease to exist. This approach of placing people under a merciful prerogative fails to address the clear difficulty of the situation; it is not improved by restricting acts of grace to only those criminals who repent. For when faced with imminent danger, what offender, surrounded by the ruins of former pleasures, realizing the emptiness of past guilty enjoyments, and witnessing the approach of punishment, would not repent? If the principle of granting pardons based on repentance were applied to human governments, every criminal would escape, and legal systems would become a laughingstock. Nor is this principle recognized by the divine Being in His dealings with humanity at this time, even though punishments in this world are not final and absolute. Repentance does not restore health damaged by excess; property wasted through extravagance; or a reputation tarnished by dishonorable actions. If repentance alone could guarantee forgiveness, then everyone would have to be forgiven, and governance would crumble, as it would in the case of mere prerogative forgiveness; but if arbitrary selection is made, then different and conflicting principles enter into divine governance, which is an undermining assumption.
The question proposed abstractedly, How may mercy be extended to offending creatures, the subjects of the divine government, without 109encouraging vice, by lowering the righteous and holy character of God, and the authority of his government, in the maintenance of which the whole universe of beings are interested? is, therefore, at once one of the most important and one of the most difficult that can employ the human mind. None of the theories which have been opposed to Christianity affords a satisfactory solution of the problem. They assume principles either destructive of moral government, or which cannot, in the circumstances of man, be acted upon. The only answer is found in the Holy Scriptures. They alone show, and, indeed, they alone profess to show, how God may be “just,” and yet the “justifier” of the ungodly. Other schemes show how he may be merciful; but the difficulty does not lie there. The Gospel meets it, by declaring “the righteousness of God,” at the same time that it proclaims his mercy. The voluntary sufferings of the Divine Son of God “for us,” that is, in our room and stead, magnify the justice of God; display his hatred to sin; proclaim “the exceeding sinfulness” of transgression, by the deep and painful manner in which they were inflicted upon the Substitute; warn the persevering offender of the terribleness, as well as the certainty, of his punishment; and open the gates of salvation to every penitent. It is a part of the same divine plan also to engage the influence of the Holy Spirit, to awaken penitence in man, and to lead the wanderer back to himself; to renew our fallen nature in righteousness, at the moment we are justified through faith, and to place us in circumstances in which we may henceforth “walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit.” All the ends of government are here answered--no license is given to offence,--the moral law is unrepealed,--a day of judgment is still appointed,--future and eternal punishments still display their awful sanctions,--a new and singular display of the awful purity of the divine character is afforded,--yet pardon is offered to all who seek it; and the whole world may be saved.
The question raised about how mercy can be extended to offending beings under divine governance, without encouraging wrongdoing by undermining the righteous and holy nature of God and the authority of His rule, which impacts the entire universe, is one of the most crucial and challenging issues for the human mind to consider. None of the theories opposing Christianity provide a satisfactory answer to this dilemma. They either rely on principles that would destroy moral governance or that cannot be applied to human circumstances. The only solution is found in the Holy Scriptures. They uniquely show, and indeed claim to show, how God can be “just” and still be the “justifier” of the ungodly. Other theories explain how God may be merciful, but that isn’t where the challenge lies. The Gospel addresses this by declaring “the righteousness of God” alongside His mercy. The voluntary sufferings of the Divine Son of God “for us,” meaning in our place, highlight God’s justice; reveal His hatred for sin; proclaim “the exceeding sinfulness” of wrongdoing through the deep and painful way they were inflicted on the Substitute; warn the unrepentant sinner about the severity and certainty of punishment; and offer the chance of salvation to everyone who repents. Part of this divine plan also involves engaging the influence of the Holy Spirit to inspire repentance in people and to guide the lost back to Him; to renew our fallen nature with righteousness at the moment we are justified through faith, and to position us so that we can henceforth “walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit.” All the purposes of governance are fulfilled here—no permission is granted for wrongdoing, the moral law remains in effect, a day of judgment is still designated, future and eternal punishments maintain their serious consequences, a new and remarkable display of God’s purity is shown, yet forgiveness is offered to all who seek it; and the entire world can be saved.
With such evidence of suitableness to the case of mankind, under such lofty views of connection with the principles and ends of moral government, does the doctrine of the atonement present itself. But other important considerations are not wanting to mark the united wisdom and goodness of that method of extending mercy to the guilty, which Christianity teaches us to have been actually and exclusively adopted. It is rendered, indeed, “worthy of all acceptation,” by the circumstance of its meeting the difficulties we have just dwelt upon,--difficulties which could not otherwise have failed to make a gloomy impression upon every offender awakened to a sense of his spiritual danger; but it must be very inattentively considered, if it does not farther commend itself to us, by not only removing the apprehensions we might feel as to the severity of the divine Lawgiver, but as exalting him in our esteem as “the righteous Lord, who loveth righteousness,” who surrendered his beloved Son to suffering and death, that the influence of moral goodness might not be weakened in the hearts of his creatures; and as a God of love, affording in this instance a view of the tenderness and benignity of his nature infinitely more impressive and affecting than any abstract description could convey, or than any act of creating and providential power and grace could exhibit, and, therefore, most suitable to subdue that enmity which had unnaturally grown up in the hearts of his creatures, and which, when corrupt, they so easily transfer from a law which restrains their inclination to the Lawgiver himself. If it be important to us to know the extent and reality of our danger, by the death of Christ it is displayed, not in description, but in the most impressive action; if it be important that we should have an assurance of the divine placability toward us, it here receives a demonstration incapable of being heightened; if gratitude be the most powerful motive of future obedience, and one which renders command on the one part, and active service on the other, “not grievous but joyous,” the recollection of such obligations as those which the “love of Christ” has laid us under, is a perpetual spring to this energetic affection, and will be the means of raising it to higher and more delightful activity for ever. All that can most powerfully illustrate the united tenderness and awful majesty of God, and the odiousness of sin; all that can win back the heart of man to his Maker and Lord, and render future obedience a matter of affection and delight as well as duty; all that can extinguish the angry and malignant passions of man to man; all that can inspire a mutual benevolence, and dispose to a self-denying charity for the benefit of others; all that can arouse by hope, or tranquillize by faith; is to be found in the vicarious death of Christ, and the principles and purposes for which it was endured.
With such evidence of suitability for humanity, and such high views on the connection to the principles and goals of moral governance, the doctrine of atonement stands out. But there are also other significant factors that highlight the combined wisdom and goodness of the way Christianity teaches us to extend mercy to the guilty. It is indeed “worthy of all acceptance,” as it addresses the challenges we've just discussed—challenges that would otherwise cast a dark shadow over anyone who recognizes their spiritual danger. Additionally, it deserves our attention because it not only alleviates our fears about the harshness of the divine Lawgiver but also elevates our view of Him as “the righteous Lord, who loves righteousness,” who gave His beloved Son to suffering and death so that the power of moral goodness would not diminish in the hearts of His creations. As a loving God, this act reveals a sense of tenderness and kindness that is far more impactful than any abstract description or display of creating and providential power and grace could offer. It is, therefore, the most fitting response to the hostility that has unnaturally developed within His creations, which, when corrupted, is easily redirected from a law that restrains their desires to the Lawgiver Himself. If it's important for us to understand the full extent of our danger, Christ's death makes that clear, not through mere words but through a profound act. If it matters that we have assurance of God’s willingness to forgive us, we find here a demonstration that cannot be surpassed. If gratitude serves as the strongest motivation for future obedience and transforms commands into something that is “not burdensome but joyful," then remembering the obligations that arise from the “love of Christ” serves as an ongoing source of this powerful emotion, inspiring higher and more joyful activity forever. Everything that can most powerfully illustrate the combined tenderness and awe-inspiring majesty of God, as well as the repulsiveness of sin; everything that can draw humanity back to its Creator and Lord, transforming future obedience into something motivated by love and joy instead of mere duty; everything that can extinguish the anger and spite between people; everything that can foster mutual goodwill and encourage selfless charity for the benefit of others; everything that can awaken hope or soothe with faith can be found in the sacrificial death of Christ and the principles and purposes for which it was endured.
The first declaration, on this subject, after the appearance of Christ, is that of John the Baptist, when he saw Jesus coming unto him, “Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world;” where it is obvious, that when John called our Lord, “the Lamb of God,” he spoke of him under a sacrificial character, and of the effect of that sacrifice as an atonement for the sins of mankind. This was said of our Lord, even before he entered on his public office; but if any doubt should exist respecting the meaning of the Baptist’s expression, it is removed by other passages, in which a similar allusion is adopted, and in which it is specifically applied to the death of Christ, as an atonement for sin. In the Acts of the Apostles, the following words of Isaiah are, by Philip the evangelist, distinctly applied to Christ, and to his death: “He was led as a sheep to the slaughter; and like a lamb dumb before his shearer, so opened he not his mouth. in his humiliation his judgment was taken away: and who shall declare his generation? for his life is taken from the earth.” This particular part of the prophecy being applied to our Lord’s death, the whole must relate to the 110same subject; for it is undoubtedly one entire prophecy, and the other expressions in it are still stronger: “He was wounded for our transgressions; he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and with his stripes we are healed: the Lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us all.” In the First Epistle of Peter, is also a strong and very apposite text, in which the application of the term “lamb” to our Lord, and the sense in which it is applied, can admit of no doubt: “Forasmuch as ye know that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot,” 1 Peter i, 18, 19. It is therefore evident that the Prophet Isaiah, six hundred years before the birth of Jesus; that John the Baptist, on the commencement of his ministry; and that St. Peter, his friend, companion and Apostle, subsequent to the transaction; speak of Christ’s death as an atonement for sin, under the figure of a lamb sacrificed.
The first statement on this topic after Christ appeared comes from John the Baptist, who, when he saw Jesus approaching, said, “Look, the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world.” It's clear that when John referred to our Lord as “the Lamb of God,” he was talking about Him in a sacrificial way, highlighting the impact of that sacrifice as a means of atoning for humanity's sins. This was said about our Lord even before he began His public ministry. However, if there's any confusion about what the Baptist meant, it’s clarified in other passages that make a similar reference, specifically tied to Christ's death as atonement for sin. In the Acts of the Apostles, Philip the evangelist clearly applies the following words of Isaiah to Christ and His death: “He was led like a sheep to the slaughter, and like a lamb that is silent before its shearer, he did not open his mouth. In his humiliation, his justice was taken away; and who can speak of his descendants? For his life was taken from the earth.” This part of the prophecy pertains to our Lord's death, demonstrating that the entire prophecy is connected; it's undoubtedly a single prophecy, and the surrounding phrases are even more powerful: “He was wounded for our transgressions; he was bruised for our iniquities; the punishment that brought us peace was upon him; and by his wounds we are healed: the Lord has laid on him the iniquity of us all.” In the First Epistle of Peter, there is also a strong and relevant passage where the term “lamb” is applied to our Lord, and the meaning is unmistakable: “For you know that you were not redeemed with perishable things, but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot,” 1 Peter 1:18-19. It is clear, then, that the Prophet Isaiah, six hundred years before Jesus was born; John the Baptist, at the start of his ministry; and St. Peter, his friend, companion, and Apostle, after the events, all refer to Christ's death as an atonement for sin using the imagery of a sacrificed lamb.
The passages that follow, plainly and distinctly declare the atoning efficacy of Christ’s death: “Now once in the end of the world hath he appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself.” “Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many; and unto them that look for him shall he appear the second time without sin unto salvation,” Heb. ix, 26, 28. “This man, after he had offered one sacrifice for sin, for ever sat down on the right hand of God; for by one offering he hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified,” Heb. x, 12. It is observable, that nothing similar is said of the death of any other person, and that no such efficacy is imputed to any other martyrdom. “While we were yet sinners Christ died for us; much more then, being now justified by his blood, we shall be saved from wrath through him: for if, when we were enemies, we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son, much more, being reconciled, we shall be saved by his life,” Rom. v, 8–10. The words, “reconciled to God by the death of his Son,” show that his death had an efficacy in our reconciliation; but reconciliation is only preparatory to salvation. “He has reconciled us to his Father in his cross, and in the body of his flesh through death,” Col. i, 20, 22. What is said of reconciliation in these texts, is in some others spoken of sanctification, which is also preparatory to salvation. “We are sanctified,”--how? “by the offering of the body of Christ once for all,” Heb. x, 10. In the same epistle, the blood of Jesus is called “the blood of the covenant by which we are sanctified.” In these and many other passages that occur in different parts of the New Testament, it is therefore asserted that the death of Christ had an efficacy in the procuring of human salvation. Such expressions are used concerning no other person, and the death of no other person; and it is therefore evident, that Christ’s death included something more than a confirmation of his preaching; something more than a pattern of a holy and patient martyrdom; something more than a necessary antecedent to his resurrection, by which he gave a grand and clear proof of our resurrection from the dead. Christ’s death was all these, but it was something more. It was an atonement for the sins of mankind; and in this way only it became the accomplishment of our eternal redemption. See Day of Expiation.
The following passages clearly state the atoning power of Christ’s death: “Now once at the end of the age, he appeared to remove sin by sacrificing himself.” “Christ was once offered to carry the sins of many; and to those who are waiting for him, he will appear a second time, without sin, for salvation," Heb. ix, 26, 28. “This man, after he had made one sacrifice for sin, forever sat down at the right hand of God; for by one offering he has perfected forever those who are sanctified,” Heb. x, 12. It's noteworthy that nothing similar is said about the death of anyone else, and no other martyrdom is attributed such effectiveness. “While we were still sinners, Christ died for us; much more, now that we are justified by his blood, we will be saved from wrath through him: for if, when we were enemies, we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son, much more, now that we are reconciled, we will be saved by his life,” Rom. v, 8–10. The phrase, “reconciled to God by the death of his Son,” indicates that his death had a role in our reconciliation; but reconciliation is just the first step toward salvation. “He has reconciled us to his Father through his cross, and in his physical body through death,” Col. i, 20, 22. What is mentioned about reconciliation in these texts is referred to as sanctification in others, which is also a precursor to salvation. “We are sanctified,”—how? “by the offering of the body of Christ once for all,” Heb. x, 10. In the same letter, the blood of Jesus is called “the blood of the covenant by which we are sanctified.” Thus, in these and many other passages throughout the New Testament, it is asserted that Christ’s death had a significant role in achieving human salvation. Such statements are not made about anyone else’s death, making it clear that Christ’s death involved something greater than just confirming his teachings, more than just being an example of holy and patient martyrdom, and more than merely a necessary step before his resurrection, which provided undeniable proof of our resurrection from the dead. Christ's death encompassed all of these aspects, but it was ultimately much more. It was an atonement for the sins of humanity; and in this manner, it accomplished our eternal redemption. See Day of Atonement.
AUGSBURGH, or AUGUSTAN CONFESSION. In 1530, a diet of the German princes was convened by the emperor Charles V, to meet at Augsburgh, for the express purpose of composing the religious troubles which then distracted Germany. On this occasion Melancthon was employed to draw up this famous confession of faith which may be considered as the creed of the German reformers, especially of the more temperate among them. It consisted of twenty-one articles, including the following points:--The Trinity, original sin, the incarnation, justification by faith, the word and sacraments, necessity of good works, the perpetuity of the church, infant baptism, the Lord’s Supper, repentance and confession, the proper use of the sacraments, church order, rites and ceremonies, the magistracy, a future judgment, free will, the worship of saints, &c. It then proceeds to state the abuses of which the reformers chiefly complained, as the denial of the sacramental cup to the laity, the celibacy of the clergy, the mass, auricular confession, forced abstinence from meats, monastic vows, and the enormous power of the church of Rome. The confession was read at a full meeting of the diet, and signed by the elector of Saxony, and three other princes of the German empire.
AUGSBURG, or AUGUSTAN CONFESSION. In 1530, a meeting of the German princes was called by Emperor Charles V to gather in Augsburg, specifically to address the religious conflicts that were troubling Germany at the time. During this event, Melanchthon was tasked with drafting this well-known confession of faith, which can be seen as the creed of the German reformers, particularly those who were more moderate. It contained twenty-one articles, covering topics such as: the Trinity, original sin, the incarnation, justification by faith, the word and sacraments, the necessity of good works, the continuity of the church, infant baptism, the Lord’s Supper, repentance and confession, the proper use of the sacraments, church order, rites and ceremonies, the role of the civil authority, the final judgment, free will, the veneration of saints, and more. It then goes on to outline the abuses that the reformers were primarily concerned about, including the denial of the sacramental cup to the laity, clergy celibacy, the mass, confession, enforced fasting, monastic vows, and the excessive power of the Roman church. The confession was read at a full session of the diet and was signed by the Elector of Saxony and three other princes of the German empire.
John Faber, afterward archbishop of Vienna, and two other Catholic divines, were employed to draw up an answer to this confession, which was replied to by Melancthon in his “Apology for the Augsburgh Confession” in 1531. This confession and defence; the articles of Smalcald, drawn up by Luther; his catechisms, &c, form the symbolical books of the Lutheran church; and it must be owned that they contain concessions in favour of some parts of popery, particularly the real presence, that few Protestants in this country would admit.
John Faber, who later became the archbishop of Vienna, along with two other Catholic theologians, was tasked with drafting a response to this confession. Melancthon replied in his “Apology for the Augsburg Confession” in 1531. This confession and defense, along with the articles of Smalcald written by Luther, his catechisms, and others, make up the symbolic books of the Lutheran church. It must be acknowledged that they contain concessions towards certain aspects of Catholicism, especially the real presence, that few Protestants in this country would accept.
AUGUSTINE, or, as he is sometimes called in the court style of the middle ages, St. Austin, one of the ancient fathers of the church, whose writings for many centuries had almost as potent an influence on the religious opinions of Christendom as those of Aristotle exercised over philosophy. Indeed, it has often been mentioned as a fact, with expressions of regret, that the writings of no man, those of the Stagirite excepted, contributed more than those of St. Augustine to encourage that spirit of subtle disquisition which subsequently distinguished the era of the Schoolmen. He was born, November 13th, A. D. 354, at Tagasta, an episcopal city of Numidia in Africa. His parents, Patricius and Monica, were Christians of respectable rank in life, who afforded their son all the means of instruction which his excellent genius and wonderful aptitude for learning seemed to require. He studied grammar and rhetoric at Madura, until he was sixteen years old; and 111afterward removed to Carthage, to complete his studies. In both these cities, in all the fervour of unregenerate youth, he entered eagerly into the seducing scenes of dissipation and folly with which he was surrounded, and became not only depraved but infamous in his conduct. In this respect he was not improved by his subsequent connection with the Manichees, whose unhallowed principles afforded an excuse for his immorality, and threw a veil over the vilest of his actions. The simplicity and minuteness with which he has narrated the numerous incidents of his childhood, youth, and mature age, in his celebrated book of “Confessions,” have afforded abundant matter of ridicule to the profane and infidel wits of this and the last age. The reflections, however, which accompany his narrative, are generally important and judicious, and furnish to the moral philosopher copious materials for a history of the varieties of the human heart, and are of superior value to the humble Christian for the investigation and better knowledge of his own. With a strange though not uncommon inconsistency, few books have been more frequently quoted as authority on matters relating to general literature and philosophy by infidels themselves, than St. Augustine’s otherwise despised “Confessions,” and his “City of God.” But, whatever else is taught in this remarkable piece of autobiography, every pious reader will be delighted with the additional proofs which it contains of the ultimate prevalence of faithful prayer, especially on the part of Christian parents. Monica’s importunate prayers to heaven followed the aberrations of her graceless son,--when he settled at Carthage as a teacher of rhetoric; when he removed to Rome, and lodged with a Manichee;--and when he finally settled at Milan as professor of rhetoric. St. Ambrose was at that time, A. D. 384, bishop of Milan, and to his public discourses Augustine began to pay much attention. His heart became gradually prepared for the reception of divine truth, and for that important change of heart and principles which constitutes “conversion.” The circumstances attending this change, though often related, are not unworthy of being repeated, if only to show that the mode of the Holy Spirit’s operations was in substance the same in those early days as they are now; and time was when some of the soundest divines and most worthy dignitaries of the church of England were in the habit of referringreferring with approbation to this well attested instance of change of heart. One of his Christian countrymen, Pontinius, who held a high situation at court, having perceived a copy of St. Paul’s Epistles lying on the table, entered one day into conversation with him and his friend Alipius about the nature of faith and the happiness of those who lived in the enjoyment of religion. Augustine was deeply affected at the close of this visit; and when Pontinius had retired, giving vent to his feelings he addressed Alipius in a most animated strain: “How is this? What shall we do? Ignorant people come, and seize upon heaven; and we, with our learning, (senseless wretches that we are!) behold we are immersed in flesh and blood! Are we ashamed to follow them? Yet is it not a still greater shame, not even to be able to follow them?” Full of remorse and contrition Augustine left the house and retired to a secret part of the garden, followed by his friend, who seemed on this occasion to be a partaker of his grief only because he saw him grieved in spirit. Unwilling to unman himself, as he accounted it, before Alipius, he left him; and throwing himself down under the branches of a large fig tree he poured out a torrent of tears which he was unable any longer to restrain, and exclaimed in bitterness of soul, “When, O Lord, when will thy anger cease? Why tomorrow? Why not at this time?” He instantly heard what he considered to be the voice of a child, saying Tolle, lege, “Take and read.” These two Latin words were repeated several times; Augustine reflected upon them, checked his tears, received them as the voice of God, and running into the house, opened, according to the divine direction, the Epistles of St. Paul which he had left on the table, and attentively read the first passage which he found. It was Romans xiii, 13, 14; a passage peculiarly applicable to him, in reference to his former habits and present state of mind: “Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying: but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof.” He shut up the book, and was amazed that all his doubts and fears had vanished. Alipius was speedily informed of this wonderful change in his feelings and views; and after having desired to see the two verses, in the spirit of a true seeker he pointed out to Augustine the passage which immediately follows, and which he considered as peculiarly adapted to his own case: “Him that is weak in the faith receive ye,” &c, Rom. xiv, 1. The two friends then ran to acquaint Monica with these circumstances, the knowledge of which transported her with joy.
AUGUSTINE, or as he’s sometimes called in the court style of the Middle Ages, St. Augustine, was one of the ancient fathers of the church, whose writings influenced the religious views of Christianity for many centuries, almost as much as Aristotle influenced philosophy. In fact, it’s often mentioned, with regret, that no one—not even Aristotle—contributed more than St. Augustine to encourage the spirit of deep analysis that later characterized the era of the Schoolmen. He was born on November 13, A.D. 354, in Tagasta, an episcopal city in Numidia, Africa. His parents, Patricius and Monica, were Christians of respectable status who provided their son with all the educational opportunities his exceptional intelligence and remarkable aptitude for learning seemed to require. He studied grammar and rhetoric in Madura until he was sixteen, then moved to Carthage to complete his studies. In both cities, with the enthusiasm of unrepentant youth, he eagerly immersed himself in the seductive distractions of partying and foolishness that surrounded him, becoming not only morally corrupt but also infamous in his behavior. His connection with the Manichees didn’t help his situation, as their ungodly principles offered excuses for his immorality and concealed the worst of his actions. The detailed and straightforward way he narrated numerous incidents from his childhood, youth, and adulthood in his famous book “Confessions” has provided ample material for ridicule from skeptics and non-believers in this and the last centuries. However, the reflections that accompany his narrative are generally significant and wise, offering moral philosophers rich material for understanding the complexity of human emotion and providing genuine value to humble Christians seeking a deeper understanding of themselves. Strangely, yet not unusually, few books have been more frequently cited by skeptics, as authoritative references on general literature and philosophy, than St. Augustine’s otherwise scorned “Confessions” and “City of God.” But regardless of the other lessons conveyed in this remarkable autobiography, every devout reader finds delight in the additional evidence it presents of the eventual triumph of sincere prayer, especially by Christian parents. Monica’s relentless prayers for her wayward son followed him during his time as a rhetoric teacher in Carthage, when he moved to Rome and stayed with a Manichee, and when he finally settled in Milan as a professor of rhetoric. At that time, A.D. 384, St. Ambrose was the bishop of Milan, and Augustine began to pay close attention to his public speeches. His heart gradually became open to accepting divine truth and to the significant change of heart and beliefs that defines “conversion.” The circumstances surrounding this transformation, although often recounted, are worth repeating simply to demonstrate that the Holy Spirit’s mode of operation was essentially the same then as it is now. There was a time when some of the most knowledgeable theologians and respected leaders of the Church of England referred, with approval, to this well-documented instance of a change of heart. One of his fellow Christians, Pontinius, who held a prominent position at court, found a copy of St. Paul’s Epistles on the table and engaged Augustine and his friend Alipius in conversation about faith and the happiness of those enjoying a religious life. Augustine was deeply moved by this encounter, and when Pontinius left, he expressed his feelings to Alipius passionately: “What is happening? What should we do? Uneducated people come and grasp heaven, while we, with our education, (how foolish we are!) find ourselves trapped in the flesh! Are we too embarrassed to follow them? Isn’t it an even greater shame not to be able to follow them?” Overwhelmed with remorse and regret, Augustine left the house and retreated to a secluded spot in the garden, followed closely by Alipius, who seemed to share his sorrow only because he saw Augustine’s anguish. Reluctant to appear vulnerable before Alipius, Augustine left him behind and threw himself beneath a large fig tree, weeping uncontrollably and crying out in anguish, “When, O Lord, when will your anger end? Why not tomorrow? Why not now?” He then heard what he believed to be the voice of a child, saying Take it and read., “Take and read.” These two Latin words were repeated several times; Augustine reflected on them, stopped his tears, accepted them as God’s voice, and ran back inside to obey the divine instruction, opening the Epistles of St. Paul left on the table. He read the first passage he saw, which was Romans xiii, 13-14; a passage particularly relevant to him regarding his past behavior and current mindset: “Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying: but put on Lord Jesus Christ, and make no provision for the flesh to fulfill its lusts.” He closed the book, astonished that all his doubts and fears had disappeared. Alipius was quickly informed of this remarkable change in Augustine’s feelings and perspectives; and as a true seeker, he asked to see the two verses, pointing out the passage that followed, which he thought was particularly relevant to his own situation: “Him that is weak in the faith receive ye,” &c, Rom. xiv, 1. The two friends then rushed to share this news with Monica, whose joy was overwhelming upon hearing these events.
In a frame of mind not unfamiliar to those who have themselves had “much forgiven,” Augustine wished to retire at once from so wicked a world as that in which he had passed the first thirty-two years of his dissolute life. His secession, however, was only a temporary one; for he and Alipius were, a few months afterward, received by baptism into the Christian church. After having composed several religious treatises in his retreat near Tagasta, especially against the errors of the Manichees, from which he had been so recently reclaimed, he was, in the year 392, ordained priest by Valerius, bishop of Hippo, now a part of the Barbary States on the coast of Africa. He there held a public disputation with Fortunatus, a celebrated priest among the Manichees, and acquitted himself with great spirit and success, he also wrote and preached largely and to great effect against the Donatists and Manichees. His reputation as a divine increased; and he was, at the close of the year 395, ordained bishop of Hippo, in which high station he continued with great advantage to wage war against various orders of heretics.
In a mindset familiar to those who have themselves received "much forgiveness," Augustine wanted to withdraw from the wicked world he had known during the first thirty-two years of his reckless life. However, his departure was only temporary; a few months later, he and Alipius were baptized into the Christian church. After writing several religious texts during his retreat near Tagasta, particularly against the beliefs of the Manichees, from which he had only recently converted, he was ordained as a priest in 392 by Valerius, the bishop of Hippo, now part of the Barbary States on the African coast. There, he engaged in a public debate with Fortunatus, a well-known priest among the Manichees, and he performed remarkably well. He also wrote and preached extensively and effectively against the Donatists and Manichees. His reputation as a theologian grew, and by the end of 395, he was ordained as the bishop of Hippo, where he continued to effectively combat various groups of heretics.
112Augustine had hitherto directed his theological artillery principally against the predestinarian errors of the Manichees; but he was soon called upon to change his weapons and his mode of warfare, in attacking a new and not less dangerous class of heretics. In the year 412 he began to write against the injurious doctrines of Pelagias, a native of Britain, who had resided for a considerable time at Rome, and acquired universal esteem by the purity of his manners, his piety, and his erudition. Alarmed at the consequences which seemed to him obviously to result from allowing that Adam’s sin is transmitted to all his posterity, and fortified in his sentiments on this subject by those of Origen and Ruffinus, with the latter of whom he had associated, he boldly denied tenets which he did not believe. In the defence of his opinions, Pelagius, was seconded by Celestius, a man equally eminent for his talents and his virtues. Their principles were propagated at first rather by hints and intimations, than by open avowal and plain declarations; but this reserve was laid aside when they perceived the ready reception which their doctrines obtained; and Celestius began zealously to disseminate them in Africa, while Pelagius sowed the same tares in Palestine, whence they were speedily transplanted to almost every corner of Christendom. If the brief notices, which have come down to us respecting their tenets, in the writings of their adversaries, be correct, they affirmed, “It is not free will if it requires the aid of God; because every one has it within the power of his own will to do any thing, or not to do it. Our victory over sin and Satan proceeds not from the help which God affords, but is owing to our own free will. The prayers which the church offers up either for the conversion of unbelievers and other sinners, or for the perseverance of believers, are poured forth in vain. The unrestricted capability of men’s own free will is amply sufficient for all these things, and therefore no necessity exists for asking of God those things which we are able of ourselves to obtain; the gifts of grace being only necessary to enable men to do that more easily and completely which yet they could do themselves though more slowly and with greater difficulty; and that they are perfectly free creatures,” in opposition to all the current notions of predestination and reprobation. These novel opinions were refuted by St. Augustine and St. Jerom, as well as by Orosius a Spanish presbyter, and they were condemned as heresies in the council of Carthage and in that of Milevum. The discussions which then arose have been warmly agitated in various subsequent periods of the Christian church, though little new light has been thrown upon them from that age to the present. In his eagerness to confute these opponents St. Augustine employed language so strong as made it susceptible of an interpretation wholly at variance with the accountability of man. This led to farther explanations and modifications of his sentiments, which were multiplied when the Semi-Pelagians arose, who thought that the truth lay between his doctrines and those of the Pelagians. Concerning original sin, he maintained that it was derived from our first parents; and he believed he had ascertained in what the original sin conveyed by Adam to his posterity consisted. In his sentiments, however, upon the latter point he was rather inconsistent, at one time asserting that the essence of original sin was concupiscence, and at another expressing doubts respecting his own position. This subject was bequeathed as a legacy to the schoolmen of a subsequent age, who exercised their subtle wits upon all its ramifications down to the period of the council of Trent. On the consequences of the fall of our first parents, St. Augustine taught that by it human nature was totally corrupted, and deprived of all inclination and ability to do good. Before the age in which he lived, the early fathers held what, in the language of systematic theology, is termed the synergestic system, or the needfulness of human coöperation in the works of holiness; but though the freedom of the will was not considered by them as excluding or rendering unnecessary the grace of God, yet much vagueness is perceptible in the manner in which they express themselves, because they had not examined the subject with the same attention as the theologians by whom they were succeeded. Those early divines generally used the language of Scripture, the fertile invention of controversial writers, not having as yet displayed itself, except on the divine nature of Jesus Christ, and subsidiary terms and learned distinctions not being then required by any great differences of opinion. But as soon as Pelagius broached his errors, the attention of Christians was naturally turned to the investigation of the doctrine of grace. The opinions of St. Augustine on this subject, which soon became those of the great body of the Christian church, admitted the necessity of divine grace, or the influence of the Holy Spirit, for our obedience to the law of God. He ascribed the renovation of our moral constitution wholly to this grace, denied all coöperation of man with it for answering the end to be accomplished, and represented it as irresistible. He farther affirmed that it was given only to a certain portion of the human race, to those who showed the fruits of it in their sanctification, and that it secured the perseverance of all upon whom it was bestowed. Plaifere in his “Appello Evangelium” has given the following as the substance of that opinion of the order of predestination of which “many do say that St. Austin was the first author: 1. That God from all eternity decreed to create mankind holy and good. 2. That he foresaw man, being tempted by Satan, would fall into sin, if God did not hinder it; he decreed not to hinder. 3. That out of mankind, seen fallen into sin and misery, he chose a certain number to raise to righteousness and to eternal life, and rejected the rest, leaving them in their sins. 4. That for these his chosen he decreed to send his Son to redeem them, and his Spirit to call them and sanctify them; the rest he decreed to forsake, leaving them to Satan and themselves, and to punish them for their sins.”
112 Augustine had previously focused his theological arguments mostly against the predestinarian mistakes of the Manichees; however, he was soon required to switch his approach and tactics to confront a new and equally dangerous group of heretics. In the year 412, he began writing against the harmful beliefs of Pelagius, a British native who had spent a significant amount of time in Rome, earning widespread respect for his moral integrity, piety, and knowledge. Concerned about the implications of believing that Adam's sin is passed down to all his descendants, and supported in his views by Origen and Ruffinus, with whom he had associated, he boldly rejected beliefs he did not accept. Pelagius was backed in defending his views by Celestius, a man equally renowned for his abilities and virtues. Their teachings were initially spread more through hints and suggestions than through open statements and clear declarations; but as they noticed the quick acceptance of their ideas, they dropped this caution, and Celestius passionately began to promote them in Africa, while Pelagius spread the same ideas in Palestine, from where they quickly spread to nearly every corner of Christendom. If the brief accounts that we have about their beliefs from their opponents are accurate, they stated, “It's not free will if it needs God's help; because anyone has the ability through their own will to do anything or not do it. Our success over sin and Satan doesn't come from the help God provides, but from our own free will. The prayers the church offers for the conversion of non-believers and other sinners, or for the perseverance of believers, are made in vain. The unrestricted ability of human free will is entirely sufficient for all these matters, and thus there’s no need to ask God for what we can achieve ourselves; the gifts of grace are only needed to help people do those things more easily and completely, which they could still do themselves, though more slowly and with more difficulty; and that they are fully free beings,” opposing all the common beliefs about predestination and rejection. These new views were challenged by St. Augustine and St. Jerome, as well as by Orosius, a Spanish priest, and they were condemned as heresies in the councils of Carthage and Milevum. The debates that arose during that time have been intensely discussed in various subsequent periods of the Christian church, although little new insight has been gained from that era until now. In his eagerness to counter these opponents, St. Augustine used such strong language that it became open to an interpretation that contradicted human accountability. This led to further clarifications and adjustments to his beliefs, which multiplied when the Semi-Pelagians emerged, who believed the truth was somewhere between his teachings and those of the Pelagians. Regarding original sin, he maintained that it was inherited from our first parents; he believed he figured out what the original sin passed down by Adam to his descendants consisted of. However, he was somewhat inconsistent in his views on this point, sometimes claiming that the essence of original sin was concupiscence, and at other times expressing uncertainty about his own stance. This issue was passed down as a legacy to the later schoolmen, who analyzed its complexities until the time of the council of Trent. Concerning the effects of the fall of our first parents, St. Augustine taught that it completely corrupted human nature and stripped it of all inclination and ability to do good. Before his time, the early church fathers adhered to what is referred to in systematic theology as the synergistic system, or the necessity of human cooperation in works of holiness; although they did not view free will as excluding or making God's grace unnecessary, there was still a noticeable vagueness in their expressions, as they hadn't examined the issue with the same rigor as the theologians who followed them. These early theologians typically used the language of Scripture, as the inventive argumentative style of controversy writers had not yet emerged, except concerning the divine nature of Jesus Christ, and specialized terms and distinctions were not yet required due to any significant disagreements. But as soon as Pelagius introduced his errors, the focus of Christians naturally turned to examining the doctrine of grace. St. Augustine's views on this matter soon became those of the majority of the Christian church, recognizing the necessity of divine grace, or the influence of the Holy Spirit, for obeying God's law. He attributed the renewal of our moral nature entirely to this grace, denied any cooperation from man with it to achieve the intended outcome, and portrayed it as irresistible. He additionally claimed that it was given only to a specific group of humanity, to those who displayed evidence of it in their sanctification, and that it ensured the perseverance of all who received it. Plaifere in his “Appello Gospel” summarized this opinion on the order of predestination which “many say St. Augustine was the first to articulate: 1. That God from all eternity decided to create humanity holy and good. 2. That He foresaw humanity, being tempted by Satan, would fall into sin if He did not prevent it; He decided not to prevent it. 3. That from humanity, seen fallen into sin and misery, He chose a certain number to raise to righteousness and eternal life, and rejected the rest, leaving them in their sins. 4. That for these chosen ones, He decided to send His Son to redeem them, and His Spirit to call and sanctify them; the rest He decided to abandon, leaving them to Satan and themselves, and to punish them for their sins.”
After St. Augustine had thus in a great degree 113new moulded the science of theology, and had combined with it as an essential part of divine truth, that the fate of mankind was determined by the divine decree independently of their own efforts and conduct, and that they were thus divided into the elect and reprobate, it became necessary, in order to preserve consistency, to introduce into his system a limitation with respect to baptism, and to prevent the opinions concerning it from interfering with those which flowed from the doctrine of predestination. He accordingly taught, that baptism brings with it the forgiveness of sins; that it is so essential, that the omission of it will expose us to condemnation; and that it is attended with regeneration. He also affirmed that the virtue of baptism is not in the water; that the ministers of Christ perform the external ceremony, but that Christ accompanies it with invisible grace; that baptism is common to all, whilst, grace is not so; and that the same external rite may be death to some, and life to others. By this distinction he rids himself of the difficulty which would have pressed upon his scheme of theology, had pardon, regeneration, and salvation been necessarily connected with the outward ordinance of baptism; and limits its proper efficacy to those who are comprehended, as the heirs of eternal life, in the decree of the Almighty. Many, however, of those who strictly adhere to him in other parts of his doctrinal system, desert him at this point. Bishop Bedell speaks thus in disparagement of his baptismal views, in a letter to Dr. Ward: “This I do yield to my Lord of Sarum most willingly, that the justification, sanctification, and adoption which children have in baptism, is not univocè [univocally] the same with that which adulti [adults] have. I think the emphatical speeches of Augustine against the Pelagians, and of Prosper, are not so much to be regarded (who say the like of the eucharist also) touching the necessity and efficacy in the case of infants; and they are very like the speeches of Lanfranc and Guitmund of Christ’s presence in the sacrament, opposing veracitér, [truly] and veré [truly] to sacramentalitér; [sacramentally;] which is a false and absurd contraposition. The opinion of the Franciscans out of Scotus and Bernard, mentioned in the council of Trent, seems to be the true opinion; for they make the sacraments to be effectual, ‘because God gives them effectus regularitér concomitantes,’ [regularly accompanying effects,] and to contain grace no otherwise than as an effectual sign; and that grace is received by them as an investiture by a ring or staff, which is obsignando, [by signation.] Consider that if you will aver, that baptism washes away otherwise than sacramentally, that is, obsignatorily, original sin; yet you must allow that manner of washing for future actual sins; and you must make two sorts of justification, one for children, another for adulti; [adults;] and (which passes all the rest) you must find some promise in God’s covenant wherein he binds himself to wash away sin without faith or repentance. By this doctrine, you must also maintain that children do spiritually eat the flesh of Christ and drink his blood, if they receive the eucharist, as for ages they did, and by the analogy of the passover they may; and sith [if] the use of this sacrament toties quoties [as often as it is used] must needs confer grace, it seems it were necessary to let them communicate, and the oftener the better, to the intent they might be stronger in grace: which opinion, though St. Austin and many more of the ancients do maintain, I believe you will not easily condescend unto, or that children dying without baptism are damned.” These remarks are important, as proceeding from the pen of the personal friend of Father Paul, who wrote the History of the council of Trent.
After St. Augustine largely reshaped the study of theology and claimed that humanity's fate is decided by divine decree regardless of their own actions, leading to a division between the elect and the reprobate, he needed to clarify baptism in his teachings. This was to ensure that his views on baptism wouldn't clash with his beliefs on predestination. He taught that baptism grants the forgiveness of sins and is so crucial that missing it could lead to condemnation, and that it is accompanied by regeneration. He also stated that the power of baptism doesn't come from the water; that Christ, not just the ministers, provides the necessary grace during the ceremony; that while baptism is available to everyone, grace is not; and that the same act of baptism could mean death for some and life for others. This clarification helped him avoid contradictions in his theological framework, where forgiveness, regeneration, and salvation would have to be linked to the act of baptism itself, which he limited to those who are designated as heirs of eternal life by God's decree. However, many who generally support his other doctrines disagree with him on this issue. Bishop Bedell expressed critique of Augustine's views on baptism in a letter to Dr. Ward: “I gladly concede to my Lord of Sarum that the justification, sanctification, and adoption that children receive in baptism are not precisely the same as that which adults have. I think we should not give too much weight to Augustine's fervent arguments against the Pelagians and those of Prosper regarding the necessity and effect of baptism for infants, as these are similar to the arguments by Lanfranc and Guitmund about Christ’s presence in the sacrament, opposing the notions of truly and sacramentally, which is a false and absurd comparison. The perspective of the Franciscans as cited from Scotus and Bernard, noted in the Council of Trent, seems to be the correct view, positing that sacraments are effective because God provides them with accompanying effects and contain grace only as an effective sign; and that grace is received through them in a manner akin to receiving a ring or staff as a sign of investiture. Consider that if you claim baptism removes original sin in a non-sacramental way, you must also account for future actual sins. You would have to propose two kinds of justification: one for children, and another for adults; and furthermore, you would need to find a promise in God’s covenant that guarantees the removal of sin without faith or repentance. Additionally, you would then have to claim that children spiritually eat Christ's flesh and drink His blood if they receive the Eucharist, as has been done for ages, and by the analogy of the Passover, they might. Given that the use of this sacrament must confer grace each time it is used, it seems essential to allow them to partake, and the more often, the better, so they might grow stronger in grace. Although St. Augustine and many early scholars support this view, I believe you would find it hard to accept that children who die without baptism are condemned.” These comments are significant, coming from a close friend of Father Paul, who documented the history of the Council of Trent.
In the various discussions which have arisen concerning predestination and the doctrines with which it is connected, some modern divines have quoted the arguments of St. AugustineAugustine against the Manichees, and others those which he employed against the Pelagians, according to the discordant views which the combatants severally entertain on these controverted points. One of them has thus expressed himself, in his endeavour to reconcile St Augustine with himself:--“The heresy of Pelagius being suppressed, the catholic doctrine in that point became more settled and confirmed by the opposition; such freedom being left to the will of man, as was subservient unto grace, coöperating in some measure with those heavenly influences. And so much is confessed by St. Augustine himself, where he asks this question, ‘Doth any man affirm that free will is perished utterly from man by the fall of Adam?’ And thereunto he makes this answer: ‘Freedom is perished by sin; but it is that freedom only which we had in paradise, of having perfect righteousness with immortality.’ For, otherwise, it appears to be his opinion, that man was not merely passive in all the acts of grace which conduced to glory, according to the memorable saying of his, so common in the mouths of all men, ‘He who first made us without our help will not vouchsafe to save us at last without our concurrence.’ If any harsher expressions have escaped his pen, (as commonly it happeneth in the heats of a disputation,) they are to be qualified by this last rule, and by that before, in which it was affirmed, that ‘God could not with justice judge and condemn the world, if all men’s sins proceeded not from their own free will, but from some overruling providence which inforced them to it.‘” Another admirer of this father offers the following as an attempt at reconciliation: “St. Augustine denied that the coöperation of man is at all exerted to produce the renewal of our nature; but, when the renewal had been produced, he admitted that there was an exercise of the will combined with the workings of grace. In the tenth chapter of his work against the Manichæans, the bishop of Hippo thus expresses himself: ‘Who is it that will not exclaim, How foolish it is to deliver precepts to that man who is not at liberty to perform what is commanded! And how unjust it is to condemn him who had not power to fulfil the commands! 114Yet these unhappy persons [the Manichees] do not perceive that they are ascribing such injustice and want of equity to God. But what greater truth is there than this, that God has delivered precepts, and that human spirits have freedom of will?‘ Elsewhere he says, ‘Nothing is more within our power than our own will. The will is that by which we commit sin, and by which we live righteously.’ Nothing can be plainer than that the writer of these passages admitted the liberty of the human will, and the necessity of our own exertions in conjunction with divine grace. How this is to be reconciled with his general doctrine, is perhaps indicated in the following passage from his book De Gratiâ et lib. Arbitrio, c. 17. Speaking of grace he says, ‘That we may will God works without us; but when we will, and so will as to do, he co-works with us; yet unless he either works that we may will, or co-works when we do will, we are utterly incapable of doing any thing in the good works of piety.’” These are but very slight specimens of the mode in which learned and ingenious men have tried to give a kind of symmetrical proportion to this father’s doctrinal system. Several large treatises have been published with the same praiseworthy intention; the pious authors of them either entirely forgetting, or having never read, the rather latitudinarian indulgence of opinion which St. Augustine claims for himself in his “Retractations,” in which he has qualified the harshness of his previous assertions on many subjects. If, however, an estimate may be formed of what this father intended in his various pacifacatory doctrinal explanations from what he has actually admitted and expressed, it may be safely affirmed that no systematic writer of theology seems so completely to have entered into the last and best views of the bishop of Hippo, or so nearly reconciled the apparent discordances in them, as Arminius has done; and few other authors have rendered more ample justice to his sentiments, talents, and character, than the famous Dutch Professor.
In the various discussions that have come up regarding predestination and its related doctrines, some modern theologians have referenced St. Augustine's arguments against the Manichees, while others have noted his points against the Pelagians, reflecting the differing perspectives held by each side in these debates. One theologian has expressed his attempt to reconcile St. Augustine with his own views: “After the heresy of Pelagius was suppressed, the Catholic doctrine on this matter became more established and confirmed through opposition; there remains some freedom of the human will that works in tandem with grace, cooperating to some extent with those divine influences. St. Augustine himself acknowledges this when he asks, ‘Does anyone claim that free will has been completely lost to humanity because of Adam’s fall?’ He answers, ‘Free will has been diminished by sin; but that is only the freedom we had in paradise, when we possessed complete righteousness and immortality.’ Otherwise, it seems to be his belief that humans are not merely passive in the acts of grace that lead to salvation, as evidenced by his well-known saying: ‘He who first created us without our help will not save us at last without our cooperation.’ If any harsher phrasing appears in his writings, (as often happens in heated debates), they should be tempered by this final principle, as well as the earlier one, which states that ‘God cannot justly judge and condemn the world if all human sins stem not from their own free will but from some overriding providence that forces them to act.’” Another admirer of St. Augustine presents the following reconciliation: “St. Augustine denied that human cooperation is required to initiate the renewal of our nature; however, once that renewal is achieved, he affirmed that the will plays a role alongside grace. In the tenth chapter of his work against the Manichees, the Bishop of Hippo states: ‘Who would not cry out, How foolish it is to give commandments to someone who cannot obey them! And how unjust it is to condemn someone who lacks the power to fulfill those commands! Yet these unfortunate individuals [the Manichees] do not realize they are accusing God of such injustices and lack of fairness. But what could be truer than this: that God has given commandments, and that human spirits possess free will?’ He also mentions, ‘Nothing is more within our control than our own will. The will is what leads us to sin and also what allows us to live righteously.’ It's clear from these statements that the author recognized the freedom of the human will and the necessity of our efforts combined with divine grace. How this aligns with his overall doctrine is perhaps suggested in this passage from his book On Grace and Free Will, Chapter 17. Regarding grace, he states, ‘God works without us so that we may want; but when we want, and want to act, he co-works with us; yet if he does not either work so that we may want, or co-work when we act, we are completely incapable of doing anything in the good works of piety.’” These are just a few examples of how learned and creative individuals have attempted to create a balanced interpretation of this father’s theological system. Several major works have been published with the same worthy goal; the devoted authors of these works either entirely forget or have never encountered the relatively flexible approach to opinion that St. Augustine claims in his “Retractations,” where he tempers the severity of his earlier assertions on various topics. However, if we are to gauge what he intended by his various attempts at doctrinal reconciliation based on what he has admitted and expressed, it can be confidently stated that no systematic theologian seems to have fully comprehended the latest and most refined ideas of the Bishop of Hippo, or to have reconciled the apparent contradictions within them, as Arminius has. Moreover, few other scholars have accurately recognized his views, talents, and character as well as the renowned Dutch Professor.
Many were the theological labours to which he was invited by the most eminent of his contemporaries; and hastily as some of his lucubrations were executed, it is not surprising that among two hundred and seventy-two treatises on different subjects, some are of inferior value and unworthy of the fame which he had acquired in the church. After a life of various changes, and of a mixed character, he died A. D. 430, in the seventy-sixth year of his age; having been harassed at the close of life by seeing his country invaded by the Vandals, and the city of which he was the bishop besieged. Though those barbarians took Hippo and burned it, they saved his library, which contained his voluminous writings.
He was invited to contribute to many theological efforts by the most distinguished people of his time; and even though some of his writings were done quickly, it's not surprising that among the two hundred and seventy-two treatises on various topics, some aren't of great value and don't match the reputation he had built in the church. After a life filled with changes and complexities, he passed away in A.D. 430, at the age of seventy-six; having been troubled at the end of his life by the invasion of his country by the Vandals and the siege of the city where he served as bishop. Although those barbarians took over Hippo and burned it, they spared his library, which held his extensive writings.
St. Augustine was a diligent man in the sacred calling; and that the office of a bishop even in that age of the church was no sinecure, is evident from several notices in his letters. At the close of one addressed to Marcellinus he gives the subjoined account: “If I were able to give you a narrative of the manner in which I spend my time, you would be both surprised and distressed on account of the great number of affairs which oppress me without my being able to suspend them. For when some little leisure is allowed me by those who daily attend upon me about business, and who are so urgent with me that I can neither shun them nor ought to despise them, I have always some other writings to compose, which indeed ought to be preferred, [to those which Marcellinus requested,] because the present juncture will not permit them to be postponed. For the rule of charity is, not to consider the greatness of the friendship, but the necessity of the affair. Thus I have continually something or other to compose which diverts me from writing what would be more agreeable to my inclinations, daring the little intervals in that multiplicity of business with which I am burdened either through the wants or the passions of others.” He frequently complains of this oppressive weight of occupation in which his love of his flock had engaged him, by obeying the Apostolical precept, which forbids Christians from going to law before Pagan tribunals. In reference to this employment his biographer, Posidonius, says: “At the desire of Christians, or of men belonging to any sect whatever, he would hear causes with patience and attention, sometimes till the usual hour of eating, and sometimes the whole day without eating at all, observing the dispositions of the parties, and how much they advanced or decreased in faith and good works; and when he had opportunity he instructed them in the law of God, and gave them suitable advice, requiring nothing of them except Christian obedience. He sometimes wrote letters, when desired, on temporal subjects; but looked upon all this as unprofitable occupation, which drew him aside from that which was better and more agreeable to himself.”
St. Augustine was a dedicated man in his religious duties; it’s clear from various mentions in his letters that the role of a bishop during that time was no easy task. At the end of one letter to Marcellinus, he shares the following: “If I could tell you how I spend my time, you’d be both surprised and worried about the overwhelming number of duties that weigh me down, leaving me unable to put them aside. Whenever I do get a little downtime from those who constantly bring business matters to me—who are so insistent that I can't ignore them—I always have other writings to work on, which I must prioritize over those you asked for because the current situation doesn’t allow for delays. The principle of charity is not to focus on the significance of the friendship, but on the necessity of the matter. So, I’m always busy with something that distracts me from writing what I'd personally prefer, during the brief breaks in the endless tasks I take on, whether due to the needs or desires of others.” He often expresses his frustration about this heavy burden of work brought on by his love for his community, complying with the Apostolic command that Christians shouldn’t take their disputes to non-Christian courts. Regarding this duty, his biographer, Posidonius, notes: “At the request of Christians or anyone from any group, he would listen to cases patiently, sometimes until mealtime or even all day without eating, paying attention to the individuals involved and how their faith and good deeds were progressing or declining; and when he had the chance, he would teach them about God's law and offer appropriate advice, asking nothing from them except for Christian obedience. Occasionally, he wrote letters on practical matters when asked, but he considered all this a distracting, unproductive use of his time, which pulled him away from what he found more meaningful and fulfilling.”
The character of this eminent father has been much misrepresented both as a man and as a writer. Whoever looks into his writings for accurate and enlarged views of Christian doctrine, looks for that which could not be expected in the very infancy of Biblical criticism. He was a rhetorician by profession, and the degenerate taste of that age must be blamed, rather than the individual who wrote in the style which then prevailed. The learning of St. Augustine, and particularly his knowledge of Greek, have been disputed; and hence the importance of his Biblical criticisms has been depreciated. In the account of the early part of his life he confesses his great aversion to the study of that language; and as he tells us, in his maturer age, that he read the Platonists in a Latin version, it has perhaps been too hastily concluded that he never made any great proficiency in it. But though it be allowed that his comments on Scripture consist chiefly of popular reflections, spiritual and moral, or allegorical and mystical perversions of the literal meaning; yet the works of this father are not wholly destitute of remarks and critical interpretations, that are pertinent and judicious: to such, after a series of extracts from his 115writings, Dr. Lardner has referred his readers. With regard to his knowledge of Greek, this impartial and candid author is of opinion, that he understood that language better than some have supposed; and he has cited several passages from which it may be perceived, that St. Augustine frequently compared his copies of the Latin version with those of the Greek original. Le Clerc himself allows that he sometimes explains Greek words and phrases in a very felicitous manner. Indeed, the commencement of his correspondence with St. Jerom proves him to have been no contemptible critic. In this he besought him, in the name of all the African churches, to apply himself to the translation into Latin of the Greek interpreters of Scripture, rather than to enter upon a new translation from the original Hebrew; and to point out those passages in which the Hebrew differed from the Septuagint, as he had previously done in the book of Job. Voltaire and other profane wits have, in the exercise of their buffoonery, impeached his moral conduct; but their charges, when impartially examined, will be seen to be founded in ignorance or in malice. They resemble those which the same parties prefer against Prophets, Apostles, and against Christ himself. Mosheim observes that Augustine’s high reputation filled the Christian world; and “not without reason, as a variety of great and shining qualities were united in the character of that illustrious man. A sublime genius, an uninterrupted and zealous pursuit of truth, an indefatigable application, an invincible patience, a sincere piety, and a subtle and lively wit, conspired to establish his fame upon the most lasting foundations.” Such a testimony as this far outweighs the vituperative remarks and petty sneers of a thousand infidels. See Pelagians and Synods.
The character of this prominent figure has been significantly misrepresented both as a person and as a writer. Anyone who looks to his writings for clear and comprehensive views of Christian doctrine is expecting something that couldn’t have been anticipated in the early stages of Biblical criticism. He was a professional rhetorician, and the poor taste of that time should be blamed, rather than the individual who wrote in the prevailing style. St. Augustine's scholarship, particularly his knowledge of Greek, has been questioned, which has led to a devaluation of the importance of his Biblical critiques. In recounting the early part of his life, he admits to a strong dislike for studying that language; and since he tells us, in his later years, that he read the Platonists in a Latin version, it may have been too quickly assumed that he never achieved much proficiency in it. However, even though it can be agreed that his comments on Scripture mainly consist of popular reflections—spiritual and moral, or allegorical and mystical interpretations of the literal meaning—his works are not completely lacking in relevant and thoughtful remarks and critical interpretations. Dr. Lardner has referred his readers to such insights after a series of excerpts from his writings. Regarding his knowledge of Greek, this fair and honest author believes that he understood the language better than some have thought; he has cited several passages showing that St. Augustine frequently compared his copies of the Latin translation with those of the Greek original. Le Clerc himself acknowledges that he sometimes explains Greek words and phrases quite effectively. In fact, the start of his correspondence with St. Jerome shows he was no minor critic. In this, he asked him, on behalf of all the African churches, to focus on translating the Greek interpreters of Scripture into Latin rather than try a new translation from the original Hebrew, and to indicate which passages in the Hebrew differed from the Septuagint, as he had previously done in the book of Job. Voltaire and other irreverent jokers have mocked his moral conduct, but their accusations, when objectively examined, stem from ignorance or malice. They resemble those made against Prophets, Apostles, and even against Christ himself. Mosheim notes that Augustine's high reputation spread throughout the Christian world; and “not without reason, as a combination of many great and notable qualities defined the character of that remarkable man. A brilliant mind, an unwavering and enthusiastic pursuit of truth, tireless effort, unyielding patience, genuine piety, and a sharp and lively wit all contributed to solidifying his legacy on the most enduring foundations.” Such a statement far outweighs the derogatory comments and petty mockery of a thousand skeptics. See Pelagians and Church meetings.
AUGUSTUS, emperor of Rome, and successor of Julius Cæsar. The battle of Actium, which he fought with Mark Antony, and which made him master of the empire, happened fifteen years before the birth of Christ. This is the emperor who appointed the enrolment mentioned Luke ii, 1, which obliged Joseph and the Virgin Mary to go to Bethlehem, the place where Jesus Christ was born. Augustus procured the crown of Judea for Herod, from the Roman senate. After the defeat of Mark Antony, Herod adhered to Augustus, and was always faithful to him; so that Augustus loaded him with honours and riches.
AUGUSTUS, emperor of Rome and successor to Julius Caesar. The battle of Actium, which he fought against Mark Antony and that secured his control over the empire, took place fifteen years before the birth of Christ. This is the emperor who ordered the census mentioned in Luke 2:1, which required Joseph and the Virgin Mary to travel to Bethlehem, the location where Jesus Christ was born. Augustus secured the title of king of Judea for Herod from the Roman Senate. After Mark Antony's defeat, Herod remained loyal to Augustus and was consistently faithful to him; as a result, Augustus rewarded him with honors and wealth.
AVEN, a city of Egypt, afterward called Heliopolis, and On, Ezek. xxx, 17. Herodotus informs us that in this city there was an annual assembly in honour of the sun, and a temple dedicated to him. It appears, however, highly probable, by the behaviour of Pharaoh to Joseph and Jacob, and especially by Joseph’s care to preserve the land to the priests, Gen. xlvii, 22, 26, that the true religion prevailed in Egypt in his time; and it is incredible that Joseph should have married the daughter of the priest of On, had that name among the Egyptians denoted only the material light; which, however, no doubt they, like all the rest of the world, idolized in after times, and to which we find a temple dedicated among the Canaanites, under this name, Joshua vii, 2.
AVEN, a city in Egypt, later known as Heliopolis, and On, as mentioned in Ezekiel 30:17. Herodotus tells us that there was an annual gathering in this city to honor the sun, along with a temple dedicated to it. However, it seems very likely, based on Pharaoh's treatment of Joseph and Jacob, and especially Joseph's effort to protect the land for the priests (Genesis 47:22, 26), that the true faith was practiced in Egypt during his time. It's hard to believe that Joseph would have married the daughter of the priest of On if that name only referred to material light, which they certainly idolized later, like the rest of the world. We even find a temple dedicated to this name among the Canaanites, as noted in Joshua 7:2.
AVENGER OF BLOOD. He who prosecuted the man-slayer under the law was called the avenger of blood, and had a right to slay the person, if he found him without a city of refuge. See Goel.
AVENGER OF BLOOD. The person who initiated legal action against the killer was referred to as the avenger of blood and had the right to kill the individual if he found him outside a city of refuge. See Goel.
AVIMS, a people descended from Hevus, the son of Canaan. They dwelt at first in the country which was afterward possessed by the Caphtorims, or Philistines. The Scripture says expressly, that the Caphtorims drove out the Avims, who dwelt in Hazerim, even unto Azzah, Deut. ii, 23. There were also Avims, or Hivites, at Shechem, or Gibeon, Joshua xi, 19; for the inhabitants of Shechem were Hivites. Lastly, there were some of them beyond Jordan, at the foot of Mount Hermon. Bochart thinks, that Cadmus, who conducted a colony of the Phœnicians into Greece, was a Hivite. His name, Cadmus, comes from the Hebrew Kedem, “the east,” because he came from the eastern parts of the land of Canaan. The name of his wife Hermione was taken from Mount Hermon, at the foot whereof the Hivites dwelt. The metamorphoses of the companions of Cadmus into serpents is founded upon the signification of the name of Hivites, which, in the Phœnician language, signifies serpents.
AVIMS, people descended from Hevus, the son of Canaan. They initially lived in the territory later taken over by the Caphtorims, or Philistines. The Scripture clearly states that the Caphtorims drove out the Avims, who lived in Hazerim, all the way to Azzah, Deut. ii, 23. There were also Avims, or Hivites, at Shechem, or Gibeon, Joshua xi, 19; the inhabitants of Shechem were Hivites. Lastly, there were some of them beyond the Jordan, at the foot of Mount Hermon. Bochart believes that Cadmus, who led a colony of Phoenicians into Greece, was a Hivite. His name, Cadmus, comes from the Hebrew Kedem, meaning “the east,” because he hailed from the eastern parts of Canaan. The name of his wife, Hermione, was derived from Mount Hermon, where the Hivites lived. The transformation of Cadmus's companions into serpents is based on the meaning of the name Hivites, which signifies serpents in the Phoenician language.
AZARIAH, or UZZIAH, king of Judah, son of Amaziah. He began to reign at the age of sixteen years, and reigned fifty-two years in Jerusalem; his mother’s name being Jecholiah, 2 Kings xv. Azariah did that which was right in the sight of the Lord; nevertheless he did not destroy the high places; and, against the express prohibition of God, the people continued to sacrifice there. Having taken upon him to offer incense in the temple, which office belonged entirely to the priests, he was struck with a leprosy, and continued without the city, separated from other men until the day of his death, 2 Chron. xxvi. Josephus says, that upon this occasion a great earthquake happened; and that the temple opening at the top, a ray of light darted upon the king’s forehead, the very moment he took the censer into his hand, and he instantly became a leper; nay, that the earthquake was so very violent, that it tore in sunder a mountain west of Jerusalem, and rolled one half of it over and over to the distance of four furlongs, till at length it was stopped by another mountain which stood over against it; but choked up the highway, and covered the king’s gardens with dust. This is what Josephus adds to the history related in the Chronicles; but the truth of it may be justly suspected. We know, indeed, that there was a very great earthquake in the reign of Uzziah; for Amos, chap. i, 1, and Zechariah, chap. xiv, 5, make mention of it: however, it is not certain that it happened at the very time that Uzziah took upon him to offer incense.
AZARIAH, or UZZIAH, king of Judah, son of Amaziah. He started his reign at the age of sixteen and ruled for fifty-two years in Jerusalem; his mother’s name was Jecholiah, 2 Kings xv. Azariah did what was right in the eyes of the Lord; however, he did not destroy the high places, and despite God’s clear prohibition, the people continued to sacrifice there. When he took it upon himself to offer incense in the temple, a role that was solely for the priests, he was struck with leprosy and lived outside the city, separated from everyone until the day he died, 2 Chron. xxvi. Josephus mentions that during this event, a significant earthquake occurred; the temple opened at the top, and a beam of light struck the king’s forehead the moment he took the censer, causing him to instantly become a leper. He also claimed that the earthquake was so powerful it split a mountain west of Jerusalem, rolling half of it for a distance of four furlongs until it was halted by another mountain across from it; it blocked the road and covered the king’s gardens in dust. This is what Josephus adds to the story told in the Chronicles; however, the truth of this account is questionable. We do know that a major earthquake took place during Uzziah’s reign, as mentioned in Amos, chap. i, 1, and Zechariah, chap. xiv, 5; nonetheless, it is not confirmed that it occurred at the exact moment Uzziah attempted to offer incense.
During the time that Uzziah was a leper, his son Jotham, as his father’s viceroy, took the public administration upon himself, and succeeded him after his death, which happened in the fifty-second year of his reign, A. M. 3246. 116He was not buried in the royal sepulchre; but in the same field, at some distance, on account of his leprosy.
During the time Uzziah had leprosy, his son Jotham, acting as his father’s deputy, took over public administration and succeeded him after his death, which occurred in the fifty-second year of his reign, A. M. 3246. 116 He wasn't buried in the royal tomb; instead, he was laid to rest in a nearby field, due to his leprosy.
The first part of Uzziah’s reign was very successful: he obtained great advantages over the Philistines, Ammonites, and Arabians. He made additions to the fortifications at Jerusalem, and always kept an army on foot of three hundred and seven thousand men, and upwards, 2 Chron. xxvi; and he had great magazines, well stored with all sorts of arms, as well offensive as defensive; and he was a great lover of agriculture.
The first part of Uzziah’s reign was very successful: he gained significant victories over the Philistines, Ammonites, and Arabians. He expanded the fortifications in Jerusalem and always maintained an army of over three hundred and seven thousand men, 2 Chron. xxvi; and he had large supplies stocked with all kinds of weapons, both offensive and defensive; and he was a big fan of agriculture.
BAAL, BEL, or BELUS, denoting lord, a divinity among several ancient nations; as the Canaanites, Phœnicians, Sidonians, Carthaginians, Babylonians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians. The term Baal, which is itself an appellative, served at first to denote the true God, among those who adhered to the true religion. Accordingly, the Phœnicians, being originally Canaanites, having once had, as well as the rest of their kindred, the knowledge of the true God, probably called him Baal, or lord. But they, as well as other nations, gradually degenerating into idolatry, applied this appellation to their respective idols; and thus were introduced a variety of divinities, called Baalim, or Baal, with some epithet annexed to it, as Baal Berith, Baal Gad, Baal Moloch, Baal Peor, Baal Zebub, &c. Some have supposed that the descendants of Ham first worshipped the sun under the title of Baal, 2 Kings xxiii, 5, 11; and that they afterward ascribed it to the patriarch who was the head of their line; making the sun only an emblem of his influence or power. It is certain, however, that when the custom prevailed of deifying and worshipping those who were in any respect distinguished among mankind, the appellation of Baal was not restricted to the sun, but extended to those eminent persons who were deified, and who became objects of worship in different nations. The Phœnicians had several divinities of this kind, who were not intended to represent the sun. It is probable that Baal, Belus, or Bel, the great god of the Carthaginians, and also of the Sidonians, Babylonians, and Assyrians, who, from the testimony of Scripture, appears to have been delighted with human sacrifices, was the Moloch of the Ammonites; the Chronus of the Greeks, who was the chief object of adoration in Italy, Crete, Cyprus, and Rhodes, and all other countries where divine honours were paid him; and the Saturn of the Latins. In process of time, many other deities, beside the principal ones just mentioned, were distinguished by the title of Baal among the Phœnicians, particularly those of Tyre, and of course among the Carthaginians, and other nations. Such were Jupiter, Mars, Bacchus, and Apollo, or the sun.
BAAL, BEL, or BELUS, meaning lord, was a deity among several ancient nations, including the Canaanites, Phoenicians, Sidonians, Carthaginians, Babylonians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians. The term Baal, which is essentially a title, was originally used to refer to the true God by those who practiced the true religion. Since the Phoenicians were originally Canaanites and, like their relatives, once had knowledge of the true God, they likely called Him Baal, or lord. However, as they, along with other nations, gradually fell into idolatry, they began to use this title for their various idols; thus a range of deities known as Baalim, or Baal with additional titles, was introduced, such as Baal Berith, Baal Gad, Baal Moloch, Baal Peor, and Baal Zebub, among others. Some believe that the descendants of Ham were the first to worship the sun under the name Baal, as noted in 2 Kings 23:5, 11, and that they later linked it to the patriarch who was the head of their lineage, making the sun merely a symbol of his influence or power. It is clear, however, that as the practice of deifying and worshiping distinguished individuals became common, the name Baal was not limited to just the sun but extended to prominent people who were deified and became objects of worship in various nations. The Phoenicians had several gods of this nature that did not represent the sun. It is likely that Baal, Belus, or Bel, the major god of the Carthaginians, as well as the Sidonians, Babylonians, and Assyrians, who, according to the Scriptures, seemed to have favored human sacrifices, was the Moloch of the Ammonites; the Chronus of the Greeks, who was a primary object of worship in Italy, Crete, Cyprus, Rhodes, and other regions that honored him; and the Saturn of the Latins. Over time, many other deities, alongside the main ones mentioned, were also called Baal among the Phoenicians, particularly those of Tyre, as well as among the Carthaginians and other nations. These included Jupiter, Mars, Bacchus, and Apollo, or the sun.
The temples and altars of Baal were generally placed on eminences: they were places inclosed by walls, within which was maintained a perpetual fire; and some of them bad statues or images, called in Scripture “Chamanim.” Maundrell, in his journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, observed,observed, some remains of these enclosures in Syria. Baal had his prophets and his priests in great numbers; accordingly, we read of four hundred and fifty of them that were fed at the table of Jezebel only; and they conducted the worship of this deity, by offering sacrifices, by dancing round his altar with violent gesticulations and exclamations, by cutting their bodies with knives and lancets, and by raving and pretending to prophesy, as if they were possessed by some invisible power.
The temples and altars of Baal were usually located on hilltops; they were enclosed spaces that maintained a constant fire, and some even had statues or images referred to in Scripture as “Chamanim.” Maundrell, during his journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, notedobserved, some remnants of these enclosures in Syria. Baal had a significant number of prophets and priests; in fact, we read that there were four hundred and fifty of them who were solely supported by Jezebel. They led the worship of this deity by offering sacrifices, dancing around his altar with energetic movements and loud shouts, cutting their bodies with knives and lancets, and behaving wildly as if they were possessed by some unseen force.
It is remarkable that we do not find the name Baal so much in popular use east of Babylonia; but it was general west of Babylonia, and to the very extremity of western Europe, including the British isles. The worship of Bel, Belus, Belenus, or Belinus, was general throughout the British islands; and certain of its rites and observances are still maintained among us, notwithstanding the establishment of Christianity during so many ages. A town in Perthshire, on the borders of the Highlands, is called Tilliebeltane or Tulliebeltane; that is, the eminence, or rising ground, of the fire of Baal. In the neighbourhood is a Druidical temple of eight upright stones, where it is supposed the fire was kindled. At some distance from this is another temple of the same kind, but smaller; and near it a well still held in great veneration. On Beltane morning, superstitious people go to this well, and drink of it; then they make a procession round it nine times. After this they in like manner go round the temple. So deep-rooted is this Heathenish superstition in the minds of many who reckon themselves good Protestants, that they will not neglect these rites, even when Beltane falls on the Sabbath.
It’s noteworthy that the name Baal isn’t commonly used much east of Babylonia; however, it was widely known west of Babylonia and all the way to the far reaches of western Europe, including the British Isles. The worship of Bel, Belus, Belenus, or Belinus was prevalent throughout the British Isles, and some of its rituals and practices are still observed today, despite the establishment of Christianity for so many centuries. A town in Perthshire, on the edge of the Highlands, is called Tilliebeltane or Tulliebeltane; that is, the hill or higher ground of the fire of Baal. Nearby, there is a Druidic temple with eight standing stones, where it’s believed the fire was lit. Not far from this temple is another, smaller one; and close to it is a well that is still greatly revered. On Beltane morning, superstitious people visit this well and drink from it; then they walk around it nine times. After this, they similarly walk around the temple. This pagan superstition is so entrenched in the minds of many who consider themselves good Protestants that they won’t skip these rituals, even when Beltane falls on a Sunday.
In Ireland, Bel-tein is celebrated on the twenty-first of June, at the time of the solstice. There, as they make fires on the tops of hills, every member of the family is made to pass through the fire; as they reckon this ceremony necessary to ensure good fortune through the succeeding year. This resembles the rites used by the Romans in the Palilia. Bel-tein is also observed in Lancashire.
In Ireland, Bel-tein is celebrated on June 21st, during the solstice. There, as they light fires on hilltops, every family member has to pass through the fire, as they believe this ceremony is essential for ensuring good fortune in the coming year. This is similar to the rituals practiced by the Romans during the Palilia. Bel-tein is also celebrated in Lancashire.
In Wales, this annual fire is kindled in autumn, on the first day of November; which being neither at the solstice nor equinox, deserves attention. It may be accounted for by supposing that the lapse of ages has removed it from its ancient station, and that the observance is kept on the same day, nominally, though that be now removed some weeks backward from its true station. However that may be, in North Wales especially, this fire is attended by many ceremonies; such as running through the fire and smoke, each participator casting a stone into the fire.
In Wales, this yearly fire is lit in the autumn, on November 1st; and since it doesn't fall on either the solstice or equinox, it deserves attention. This could be explained by the idea that over the centuries, it has shifted from its original date, and that people still observe it on the same day, even though that date has now moved a few weeks earlier from its actual point in time. Regardless, in North Wales particularly, this fire is accompanied by many rituals, like running through the fire and smoke, with each participant throwing a stone into the flames.
The Hebrews often imitated the idolatry of the Canaanites in adoring Baal. They offered human sacrifices to him in groves, upon high places, and upon the terraces of houses. Baal had priests and prophets consecrated to his service. All sorts of infamous and immodest actions were committed in the festivals of Baal and Astarte. See Jer. xxxii, 35; 2 Kings xvii, 11716; xxiii, 4, 5, 12; 1 Kings xviii, 22; 2 Kings x, 19; 1 Kings xiv, 24; xv, 12; 2 Kings xxiii, 7; Hosea iv, 14. This false deity is frequently mentioned in Scripture in the plural number, Baalim, which may intimate that the name Baal was given to several different deities.
The Hebrews often copied the idolatry of the Canaanites by worshiping Baal. They made human sacrifices to him in groves, on hilltops, and on the rooftops of houses. Baal had priests and prophets dedicated to his service. Various scandalous and inappropriate acts were performed during the festivals of Baal and Astarte. See Jer. xxxii, 35; 2 Kings xvii, 16; xxiii, 4, 5, 12; 1 Kings xviii, 22; 2 Kings x, 19; 1 Kings xiv, 24; xv, 12; 2 Kings xxiii, 7; Hosea iv, 14. This false god is often referred to in the Bible in the plural form, Baalim, suggesting that the name Baal was assigned to several different deities.
There were many cities in Palestine, whose names were compounded of Baal and some other word: whether it was that the god Baal was adored in them, or that these places were looked upon as the capital cities,--lords of their respective provinces,--is uncertain.
There were many cities in Palestine, whose names were made up of Baal and another word: whether the god Baal was worshipped there, or if these places were seen as the main cities,--lords of their respective provinces,--is unclear.
BAAL BERITH, the god of the Shechemites, Judges viii, 33; ix, 4, 46.
BAAL BERITH, the god of the Shechemites, Judges viii, 33; ix, 4, 46.
BAAL PEOR. Peor is supposed to have been a part of Mount Abarim; and Baal was the great idol or chief god of the Phœnicians, and was known and worshipped under a similar name, with tumultuous and obscene rites, all over Asia. He is the same as the Bel of the Babylonians. Baal, by itself, signifies lord, and was a name of the solar or principal god. But it was also variously compounded, in allusion to the different characters and attributes of the particular or local deities who were known by it, as Baal Peor, Baal Zebub, Baal Zephon, &c. Baal Peor, then, was probably the temple of an idol belonging to the Moabites, on Mount Abarim, which the Israelites worshipped when encamped at Shittim; this brought a plague upon them, of which twenty-four thousand died, Num. xxxv. Chemosh, the abomination of Moab, to whom Solomon erected an altar, 1 Kings xi, 7, is supposed to have been the same deity. Baal Peor has been farther supposed by some to have been Priapus; by others, Saturn; by others, Pluto; and by others again, Adonis. Mr. Faber agrees with Calmet in making Baal Peor the same with Adonis; a part of whose worship consisted in bewailing him with funeral rites, as one lost or dead, and afterward welcoming, with extravagant joy, his fictitious return to life. He was in an eminent degree the god of impurity. Hosea, speaking of the worship of this idol, emphatically calls it “that shame,” Hos. ix, 10. Yet in the rites of this deity the Moabite and Midianite women seduced the Israelites to join.
BAAL PEOR. Peor is thought to have been a part of Mount Abarim; and Baal was the major idol or chief god of the Phoenicians, worshipped under similar names with chaotic and lewd rituals across Asia. He is the same as the Bel of the Babylonians. Baal, by itself, means lord and was a name for the main solar god. However, it was also combined with other words to refer to the distinct characters and attributes of specific local deities known by names like Baal Peor, Baal Zebub, Baal Zephon, etc. Baal Peor was likely the temple of an idol revered by the Moabites on Mount Abarim, which the Israelites worshipped while camping at Shittim; this action brought about a plague that killed twenty-four thousand of them, Num. xxxv. Chemosh, the detestable god of Moab, to whom Solomon built an altar, 1 Kings xi, 7, is believed to have been the same deity. Some have also suggested that Baal Peor could have been Priapus; others think it was Saturn, Pluto, or even Adonis. Mr. Faber agrees with Calmet that Baal Peor is the same as Adonis; part of whose worship involved mourning him with funeral rites as if he were lost or dead, followed by celebrating his imagined return to life with great joy. He was notably the god of impurity. Hosea, referring to the worship of this idol, pointedly calls it “that shame,” Hos. ix, 10. Yet through the rituals of this deity, the Moabite and Midianite women enticed the Israelites to participate.
BAAL ZEBUB, BEELZEBUB, or BEL-ZEBUB, signifies the god of flies, and was an idol of the Ekronites. It is not easy to discover how this false deity obtained its name. Some commentators think that he was called Baal Samin, or the lord of heaven; but that the Jews, from contempt, gave him the name of Baal-zebub. Others with greater reason believe that he was denominated “the god of flies” by his votaries, because he defended them from flies, which are extremely troublesome in hot countries; in the same manner as the Eleans worshipped Hercules under the appellation of Ἀπόμυιος, the fly chaser. Pliny is of opinion, that the name of Achor, the god invoked at Cyrene against flies, is derived from Accaron, or Ekron, where Baal-zebub was worshipped, and where he had a famous temple and oracle. Winkelman has given the figures of two heads, “both of them images of Jupiter, called by the Greeks Ἀπόμυιος, and by the Romans Muscarius; that is to say, fly driver; for to this Jupiter was attributed the function of driving away flies.”
BAAL ZEBUB, BEELZEBUB, or BEL-ZEBUB, signifies the god of flies and was an idol of the Ekronites. It's not easy to determine how this false deity got its name. Some commentators believe he was called Baal Samin, or the lord of heaven; but the Jews, out of contempt, referred to him as Baal-zebub. Others, with more justification, think he was named “the god of flies” by his followers because he protected them from flies, which are really bothersome in hot countries; similar to how the Eleans worshipped Hercules as Ἀπόμυιος, the fly chaser. Pliny believes that the name of Achor, the god invoked at Cyrene against flies, comes from Accaron or Ekron, where Baal-zebub was worshipped, and where he had a well-known temple and oracle. Winkelman has provided images of two heads, “both of them representations of Jupiter, called Ἀπόμυιος by the Greeks and Muscarius by the Romans; that is, fly driver; for this Jupiter was thought to have the role of driving away flies.”
It is evident that Beelzebub was considered as the patron deity of medicine; for this is plainly implied in the conduct of Ahaziah, 2 Kings i. The Greek mythology considered Apollo as the god of medicine, and attributed also to him those possessions by a pythonic spirit which occasionally perplexed spectators, and of which we have an instance in Acts xvi, 19. Apollo, too, was the sun. Hence we probably see the reason why Ahaziah sent to Beelzebub to inquire the issue of his accident; since Beelzebub was Apollo, and Apollo was the god of physic. The Jews, who changed Beelzebub into Beelzebul, “god of a dunghill,” perhaps had a reference to the Greek of pytho, which signifies putrefied. In Scripture Beelzebub is called “the prince of devils,” Matt. xii, 24; Luke xi, 15; merely, it would seem, through the application of the name of the chief idol of the Heathen world to the prince of evil spirits. This was natural, since the Jews were taught in their own Scriptures to consider all the idols of the Heathens “devils.” Those commentators who think that the idol of Ekron himself is intended, have indulged in an improbable fancy. See Hornet.
It’s clear that Beelzebub was viewed as the patron god of medicine, as indicated by the actions of Ahaziah in 2 Kings 1. In Greek mythology, Apollo was known as the god of medicine and was also associated with a pythonic spirit that sometimes confused onlookers, as shown in Acts 16:19. Apollo was also identified with the sun, which likely explains why Ahaziah consulted Beelzebub to find out the outcome of his injury; since Beelzebub represented Apollo, and Apollo was the god of healing. The Jews, who transformed Beelzebub into Beelzebul, meaning “god of a dung heap,” might have been alluding to the Greek word pytho, which means decayed. In the Bible, Beelzebub is referred to as “the prince of devils” in Matthew 12:24 and Luke 11:15, seemingly by linking the name of the main idol of the pagan world to the leader of evil spirits. This connection was natural since the Jews were taught in their own Scriptures to see all the idols of the pagans as “devils.” Those commentators who believe that the idol of Ekron is specifically meant are engaging in an unlikely theory. See Hornet.
BAAL ZEPHON, or the god of the watch tower, was probably the temple of some idol, which served at the same time for a place of observation for the neighbouring sea and country, and a beacon to the travellers by either. It was situated on a cape or promontory on the eastern side of the western or Heroopolitan branch of the Red Sea, near its northern extremity, over against Pihahiroth, or the opening in the mountains which led from the desert, on the side of Egypt, to the Red Sea.
BAAL ZEPHON, or the god of the watchtower, was likely the temple of some idol that also acted as a lookout point for the nearby sea and land, serving as a beacon for travelers in both directions. It was located on a cape or promontory on the eastern side of the western or Heroopolitan branch of the Red Sea, near its northern end, opposite Pihahiroth, which was the pass through the mountains that connected the desert on the Egyptian side to the Red Sea.
BAASHA, the son of Ahijah, commander-in-chief of the armies belonging to Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, king of Israel. Baasha killed his master treacherously at the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines, A. M. 3051, and usurped the crown, which he possessed twenty-four years, 1 Kings xv, 27, &c. And, to secure himself in his usurpation, he massacred all the relatives of his predecessor; which barbarous action proved the accomplishment of the prophecy denounced against the house of Jeroboam by Ahijah, the prophet, 1 Kings xiv, 1, &c.
BAASHA, the son of Ahijah, was the commander of the armies of Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, king of Israel. Baasha treacherously killed his master during the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines, in the year 3051 A.M., and seized the crown, which he held for twenty-four years, 1 Kings xv, 27, & etc. To secure his rule, he slaughtered all the relatives of his predecessor; this brutal act fulfilled the prophecy made against the house of Jeroboam by the prophet Ahijah, 1 Kings xiv, 1, & etc.
BABEL, the tower and city founded by the descendants of Noah in the plain of Shinar. The different tribes descended from Noah were here collected, and from this point were dispersed, through the confusion of their language. The time when this tower was built is differently stated in the Hebrew and Samaritan chronologies. The former fixes it in the year 101 after the flood, which Mr. Faber thinks encumbered with insuperable difficulties. This writer then goes on to show, that the chronology of the Samaritan Pentateuch reconciles every date, and surmounts every difficulty. It represents Shem as dying nearly a century and a half before the death of Peleg, instead of more than that number of years afterward, and 118almost four centuries and a half before the death of Abraham; whom, in accordance with the history, it makes to survive his father Terah precisely a hundred years. It removes the difficulties with which the Hebrew chronology invests the whole history, by giving time, while it allows the dispersion to have taken place in the latter part of Peleg’s life, for the thirteen sons of his younger brother Joktan to have become heads of families; for Noah and his sons to have died, as it is proved they must have done, prior to the emigration from Armenia; for Nimrod, instead of being a boy, to have been of an age suitable to his exploits, and to have acquired the sovereign command, not, in the face of all probability, while the four great patriarchs were living, but after their decease; and for the families of mankind to have multiplied sufficiently to undertake the stupendous work of the tower. It explains also the silence respecting Shem in the history of Abraham, by making the former die in Armenia four hundred and forty years before the latter was born, instead of surviving him thirty-five years; and, lastly, it makes sacred history accord with profane; the Babylonic history of Berosus, and the old records consulted by Epiphanius, both placing the death of Noah and his sons before the emigration from Armenia.
BABEL, the tower and city founded by the descendants of Noah in the plain of Shinar. The different tribes descended from Noah gathered here, and from this point, they were scattered due to the confusion of their language. The time when this tower was built is stated differently in the Hebrew and Samaritan chronologies. The Hebrew version places it in the year 101 after the flood, which Mr. Faber thinks has insurmountable difficulties. He then explains that the chronology of the Samaritan Pentateuch reconciles every date and overcomes every challenge. It shows that Shem died nearly a century and a half before the death of Peleg, rather than more than that number of years afterward, and almost four centuries and a half before Abraham's death; it states that Abraham survived his father, Terah, by exactly a hundred years. This viewpoint solves the problems that the Hebrew chronology creates for the entire history by allowing time for the dispersion to happen in the later part of Peleg’s life, for the thirteen sons of his younger brother Joktan to become heads of families, for Noah and his sons to have died, as proven they must have, before the emigration from Armenia; for Nimrod to have been of an age appropriate for his exploits and to have gained the sovereign command, contrary to all probability, only after the four great patriarchs had died; and for humanity to have multiplied enough to undertake the massive project of the tower. It also clarifies the absence of Shem in the history of Abraham by indicating that Shem died in Armenia four hundred and forty years before Abraham was born, instead of living for thirty-five years after him; lastly, it aligns sacred history with secular accounts, as Babylonian history from Berosus and the ancient records consulted by Epiphanius both place the deaths of Noah and his sons before the emigration from Armenia.
The sum of the whole is as follows: All the descendants of Noah remained in Armenia in peaceable subjection to the patriarchal religion and government during the lifetime of the four royal patriarchs, or till about the beginning of the sixth century after the flood; when, gradually falling off from the pure worship of God, and from their allegiance to the respective heads of families, and seduced by the schemes of the ambitious Nimrod, and farther actuated by a restless disposition, or a desire for a more fertile country, they migrated in a body southwards, till they reached the plains of Shinar, probably about sixty years after the death of Shem. Here, under the command of their new leader, and his dominant military and sacerdotal Cuthites, by whom the original scheme of idolatry, the groundwork of which was probably laid in Armenia, was now perfected; and, with the express view to counteract the designs of the Almighty in their dispersion into different countries, they began to build the city and tower, and set up a banner which should serve as a mark of national union, and concentrate them in one unbroken empire; when they were defeated and dispersed by the miraculous confusion of tongues. All this probably occupied the farther space of twenty or twenty-one years; making eighty-one from the death of Shem, and five hundred and eighty-three after the flood. All of which also will come within the life of Peleg, who, according to the Samaritan Pentateuch, died in the year 640. The tower of Belus in Babylon, mentioned by Herodotus, was probably either the original tower of Babel repaired, or it was constructed upon its massive foundations. The remains of this tower are still to be seen, and are thus described by Captain Mignan, in his Travels in Chaldea:--
The overall situation is as follows: All of Noah's descendants lived peacefully under the patriarchal faith and leadership in Armenia during the lifetimes of the four royal patriarchs, lasting until around the start of the sixth century after the flood. As they gradually strayed from the true worship of God and their loyalty to their family leaders, and were led astray by the ambitions of Nimrod, motivated by a restless nature or a desire for more fertile land, they moved en masse southward until they reached the plains of Shinar, likely about sixty years after Shem's death. Here, under the leadership of their new commander and his powerful military and priestly Cuthites, who completed the original plan for idolatry likely started in Armenia, they aimed to undermine God's intent for their dispersion into various nations. They began constructing the city and tower, creating a symbol that would unify them as a single nation and solidify their empire, when they were thwarted and scattered by the miraculous confusion of languages. This process likely took an additional twenty or twenty-one years, totaling eighty-one years from Shem's death and five hundred eighty-three years after the flood. All of this occurred during Peleg's lifetime, who, according to the Samaritan Pentateuch, died in the year 640. The tower of Belus in Babylon, mentioned by Herodotus, was probably either a renovated version of the original tower of Babel or built upon its substantial foundations. The remnants of this tower are still visible and are described by Captain Mignan in his Travels in Chaldea:--
“At day light I departed for the ruins, with a mind absorbed by the objects which I had seen yesterday. An hour’s walk, indulged in intense reflection, brought me to the grandest and most gigantic northern mass, on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, and distant about four miles and a half from the eastern suburb of Hillah. It is called by the natives, El Mujellibah, ‘the overturned;’ also Haroot and Maroot, from a tradition handed down, with little deviation, from time immemorial, that near the foot of the ruin there is a well, invisible to mortals, in which those rebellious angels were condemned by God to be hung with their heels upward, until the day of judgment, as a punishment for their wickedness. This solid mound, which I consider, from its situation and magnitude, to be the remains of the Tower of Babel, (an opinion likewise adopted by that venerable and highly distinguished geographer, Major Rennell,) is a vast oblong square, composed of kiln-burnt and sun-dried bricks, rising irregularly to the height of one hundred and thirty-nine feet, at the south-west; whence it slopes toward the north-east to a depth of one hundred and ten feet. Its sides face the four cardinal points. I measured them carefully, and the following is the full extent of each face: that to the north, along the visible face, is two hundred and seventy-four yards; to the south, two hundred and fifty-six yards; to the east, two hundred and twenty-six yards; and to the west, two hundred and forty yards. The summit is an uneven flat, strewed with broken and unbroken bricks, the perfect ones measuring thirteen inches square, by three thick. Many exhibited the arrow-headed character, which appeared remarkably fresh. Pottery, bitumen, vitrified and petrified brick, shells, and glass, were all equally abundant. The principal materials composing this ruin are, doubtless, mud bricks baked in the sun, and mixed up with straw. It is not difficult to trace brick work along each front, particularly at the south-west angle, which is faced by a wall, composed partly of kiln-burnt brick, that in shape exactly resembles a watch tower or small turret. On its summit there are still considerable traces of erect building; at the western end is a circular mass of sold brick work, sloping toward the top, and rising from a confused heap of rubbish. The chief material forming this fabric appeared similar to that composing the ruin called Akercouff, a mixture of chopped straw, with slime used as cement; and regular layers of unbroken reeds between the horizontal courses of the bricks. The base is greatly injured by time and the elements; particularly to the south-east, where it is cloven into a deep furrow from top to bottom. The sides of the ruin exhibit hollows worn partly by the weather, but more generally formed by the Arabs, who are incessantly digging for bricks, and hunting for antiquities.”
“At daylight, I set out for the ruins, my mind filled with the things I had seen the day before. After an hour of walking and deep thought, I reached the most impressive and massive northern structure on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, about four and a half miles from the eastern part of Hillah. The locals call it El Mujellibah, meaning ‘the overturned;’ it’s also referred to as Haroot and Maroot, stemming from a long-held tradition that near the base of the ruin lies a hidden well, unseen by humans, where rebellious angels were sentenced by God to hang upside down until the day of judgment as punishment for their wickedness. I believe this solid mound, given its location and size, to be the remains of the Tower of Babel, a view shared by the esteemed geographer, Major Rennell. It is a massive oblong square made of kiln-burnt and sun-dried bricks, rising unevenly to a height of one hundred and thirty-nine feet at the southwest, then sloping down to a depth of one hundred and ten feet toward the northeast. Its sides face the four cardinal directions. I carefully measured them, and here are the dimensions of each side: the north side is two hundred and seventy-four yards; the south side is two hundred and fifty-six yards; the east side is two hundred and twenty-six yards; and the west side is two hundred and forty yards. The top is a rough flat surface scattered with broken and intact bricks, with the perfect ones measuring thirteen inches square and three inches thick. Many bricks had a fresh-looking arrow-headed design. There was an abundance of pottery, bitumen, vitrified and petrified bricks, shells, and glass. The main materials of this ruin are clearly sun-dried mud bricks mixed with straw. It’s not hard to see brickwork along each side, especially at the southwest corner, where a wall made partly of kiln-burnt brick resembles a watchtower or small turret. On top of it, there are still noticeable remnants of structure; at the western end, a circular mass of solid brickwork slopes towards the top, rising from a chaotic pile of debris. The primary material of this structure seems similar to that of the ruin known as Akercouff, a blend of chopped straw and slime used as cement, with regular layers of unbroken reeds between the horizontal rows of bricks. The base has significantly deteriorated over time and due to the elements, especially on the southeast side, which is deeply gouged from top to bottom. The sides of the ruin show hollows worn partly by the weather but more often created by Arabs who are constantly digging for bricks and searching for ancient artifacts.”
BABYLON, 2 Kings xxiv, 1. The capital of Chaldea, built by Nimrod, Gen. x, 10. It 119was under Nebuchadnezzar that Babylon, then become the seat of universal empire, is supposed to have acquired that extent and magnificence, and that those stupendous works were completed which rendered it the wonder of the world and of posterity: and accordingly, this prince, then the most potent on the earth, arrogated to himself the whole glory of its erection; and in the pride of his heart exclaimed, “Is not this great Babylon that I have built?” The city at this period stood on both sides of the river, which intersected it in the middle. It was, according to the least computation, that of Diodorus Siculus, 45 miles in circumference; and according to Herodotus, the older author of the two, 60 miles. Its shape was that of a square, traversed each way by 25 principal streets; which of course intersected each other, dividing the city into 626 squares. These streets were terminated at each end by gates of brass, of prodigious size and strength, with a smaller one opening toward the river. The walls, from the most moderate accounts, were 75 feet in height and 32 in breadth; while Herodotus makes them 300 in height and 75 in breadth: which last measurement, incredible as it may seem, is worthy of credit, as Herodotus is much the oldest author who describes them, and who gives their original height; whereas, those who follow him in their accounts of these stupendous walls, describe them as they were after they had been taken down to the less elevation by Darius Hystaspes. They were built of brick, cemented with bitumen instead of mortar; and were encompassed by a broad and deep ditch, lined with the same materials, as were also the banks of the river in its course through the city: the inhabitants descending to the water by steps through the smaller brazen gates before mentioned. The houses were three or four stories high, separated from each other by small courts or gardens, with open spaces and even fields interspersed over the immense area enclosed within the walls. Over the river was a bridge, connecting the two halves of the city, which stood, the one on its eastern, and the other on its western, bank; the river running nearly north and south. The bridge was 5 furlongs in length, and 30 feet in breadth, and had a palace at each end, with, it is said, a subterraneous passage beneath the river, from one to the other: the work of Semiramis. Within the city was the temple of Belus, or Jupiter, which Herodotus describes as a square of two stadia, or a quarter of a mile: in the midst of which arose the celebrated tower, to which both the same writer, and Strabo, give an elevation of one stadium, or 660 feet; and the same measure at its base; the whole being divided into eight separate towers, one above another, of decreasing dimensions to the summit; where stood a chapel, containing a couch, table, and other things of gold. Here the principal devotions were performed; and over this, on the highest platform of all, was the observatory, by the help of which the Babylonians arrived to such perfection in astronomy, that Calisthenes the philosopher, who accompanied Alexander to Babylon, found astronomical observations for 1903 years backwards from that time; which reach as high as the 115th year after the flood. On either side of the river, according to Diodorus, adjoining to the bridge, was a palace; that on the western bank being by much the larger. This palace was eight miles in circumference, and strongly fortified with three walls one within another. Within it were the celebrated pensile or hanging gardens, enclosed in a square of 400 feet. These gardens were raised on terraces, supported by arches, or rather by piers, laid over with broad flat stones; the arch appearing to be unknown to the Babylonians: which courses of piers rose above one another, till they reached the level of the top of the city walls. On each terrace or platform, a deep layer of mould was laid, in which flowers, shrubs and trees were planted; some of which are said to have reached the height of 50 feet. On the highest level was a reservoir, with an engine to draw water up from the river by which the whole was watered. This novel and astonishing structure, the work of a monarch who knew not how to create food for his own pampered fancy, or labour for his debased subjects or unhappy captives, was undertaken to please his wife Amyitis; that she might see an imitation of the hills and woods of her native country, Media.
BABYLON, 2 Kings xxiv, 1. The capital of Chaldea, built by Nimrod, Gen. x, 10. It 119was during Nebuchadnezzar's reign that Babylon became the center of a vast empire, believed to have reached its impressive size and splendor. Under his rule, the incredible constructions that made it a marvel of the world and future generations were completed. This powerful king claimed all the credit for its creation and, in his arrogance, declared, “Is this not the great Babylon that I have built?” At that time, the city stretched along both sides of the river that flowed through it. According to the least estimates, notably by Diodorus Siculus, it had a circumference of 45 miles; while Herodotus, the older of the two, estimated it at 60 miles. The city was square-shaped, with 25 major streets crossing each other, creating a grid of 626 blocks. Each street ended with enormous brass gates, as well as a smaller one leading to the river. The walls, based on more moderate accounts, were 75 feet tall and 32 feet wide; Herodotus claimed they were 300 feet high and 75 feet thick. This last measurement, though astonishing, is credible since Herodotus is the earliest author to describe them and provides their original height, whereas later authors describe the walls after they had been reduced in height by Darius Hystaspes. The walls were constructed of brick, held together with bitumen instead of mortar, and were surrounded by a wide, deep ditch made of the same materials, which also lined the riverbanks. The inhabitants accessed the water via steps through the aforementioned smaller brass gates. The houses were three or four stories high, separated by small yards or gardens, and there were open spaces and fields scattered throughout the vast area contained within the walls. A bridge stretched over the river, linking the two halves of the city, one on the eastern bank and the other on the western bank, with the river flowing nearly north and south. The bridge was 5 furlongs long and 30 feet wide, with a palace at each end, reportedly featuring an underground passage beneath the river, built by Semiramis. Inside the city stood the temple of Belus, or Jupiter, which Herodotus described as a square measuring two stadia, or a quarter of a mile, at its base. In the center of this temple rose the famous tower, which both Herodotus and Strabo claimed was one stadium, or 660 feet, tall and the same measurement at its base; the tower was divided into eight separate sections, one stacked on top of the other, with decreasing sizes up to the peak, where there was a chapel containing a couch, table, and other golden items. This is where the main rituals were performed, and above it, on the highest platform, was the observatory, which allowed the Babylonians to excel in astronomy. Calisthenes, the philosopher who accompanied Alexander to Babylon, discovered astronomical records that went back 1903 years from that time, reaching all the way to the 115th year after the flood. According to Diodorus, next to the bridge on each side of the river stood a palace, with the one on the western bank being significantly larger. This palace was eight miles in circumference and heavily fortified with three concentric walls. Inside, there were the famous hanging gardens, enclosed within a square of 400 feet. These gardens were built on terraces, supported by piers with broad flat stones laid across them, as arches seemed to be unknown to the Babylonians. The piers ascended layer by layer until they reached the height of the city walls. Each terrace had a thick layer of soil where flowers, shrubs, and trees were planted, some allegedly reaching heights of 50 feet. At the highest level was a reservoir with a mechanism to draw water from the river to irrigate the gardens. This remarkable and astounding structure was created by a king who couldn’t provide sustenance for his own indulgent desires or labor for his oppressed subjects or captives, to please his wife Amyitis, so she could enjoy a glimpse of the hills and forests of her homeland, Media.
Yet, while in the plenitude of its power, and, according to the most accurate chronologers, 160 years before the foot of an enemy had entered it, the voice of an enemy had entered it, the voice of prophecy pronounced the doom of the mighty and unconquered Babylon. A succession of ages brought it gradually to the dust; and the gradation of its fall is marked till it sinks at last into utter desolation. At a time when nothing but magnificence was around this city, emphatically called the great, fallen Babylon was delineated by the pencil of inspiration exactly as every traveller now describes its ruins.
Yet, while at the height of its power, and according to the most precise chronologers, 160 years before an enemy ever set foot in it, the voice of prophecy declared the downfall of the mighty and unconquered Babylon. A series of ages slowly brought it down to nothing; and the stages of its decline are noted until it ultimately falls into complete desolation. At a time when only magnificence surrounded this city, aptly named the great, fallen Babylon was vividly depicted by the brush of inspiration just as every traveler now describes its ruins.
The immense fertility of Chaldea, which retained also the name of Babylonia till after the Christian æra, corresponded with the greatness of Babylon. It was the most fertile region of the whole east. Babylonia was one vast plain, adorned and enriched by the Euphrates and the Tigris, from which, and from the numerous canals that intersected the country from the one river to the other, water was distributed over the fields by manual labour and by hydraulic machines, giving rise, in that warm climate and rich exhaustless soil, to an exuberance of produce without a known parallel, over so extensive a region, either in ancient or modern times. Herodotus states, that he knew not how to speak of its wonderful fertility, which none but eye witnesses would credit; and, though writing in the language of Greece, itself a fertile country, he expresses his own consciousness that his description of what he actually saw would appear to be improbable, and to exceed belief. Such was the “Chaldees’ excellency,” that it departed not on the first conquest, nor on the final extinction of its 120capital, but one metropolis of Assyria arose after another in the land of Chaldea, when Babylon had ceased to be “the glory of kingdoms.”
The incredible fertility of Chaldea, which continued to be known as Babylonia until after the Christian era, matched the greatness of Babylon. It was the most fertile area in the entire East. Babylonia was one vast plain, enriched by the Euphrates and the Tigris rivers, from which water was distributed across the fields through manual labor and hydraulic machines via the many canals that connected the two rivers. This warm climate and its rich, endless soil produced an abundance of crops unparalleled in history, both ancient and modern. Herodotus noted that he struggled to describe its remarkable fertility, which only firsthand witnesses would believe. Even though he was writing in Greek, a region known for its fertility, he acknowledged that his portrayal of what he saw might seem unbelievable and exceed reasonable expectation. Such was the "excellency of the Chaldeans" that it didn't vanish with the first conquest or the ultimate fall of its capital. Instead, one metropolis after another rose in the land of Chaldea even after Babylon was no longer “the glory of kingdoms.”
2. Manifold are the prophecies respecting Babylon and the land of the Chaldeans; and the long lapse of ages has served to confirm their fulfilment in every particular, and to render it at last complete. The judgments of Heaven are not casual, but sure; they are not arbitrary, but righteous. And they were denounced against the Babylonians, and the inhabitants of Chaldea, expressly because of their idolatry, tyranny, oppression, pride, covetousness, drunkenness, falsehood, and other wickedness. The burden of Babylon, which Isaiah the son of Amos did see: “The noise of a multitude in the mountains, like as of a great people: a tumultuous noise of the kingdoms of nations gathered together: the Lord of Hosts mustereth the host of the battle. They come from a far country, from the end of heaven, even the Lord and the weapons of his indignation, to destroy the whole land. Behold, the day of the Lord cometh, cruel both with wrath and fierce anger, to lay the land desolate: and he shall destroy the sinners thereof out of it. Babylon, the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees’ excellency, shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. It shall never be inhabited, neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to generation: neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there: neither shall the shepherds make their fold there. But wild beasts of the desert shall lie there: and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures; and owls shall dwell there, and satyrs shall dance there. And the wild beasts of the islands shall cry in their desolate houses, and dragons in their pleasant palaces.” “Thou shalt take up this proverb against the king of Babylon, and say, How hath the oppressor ceased! the golden city ceased! Thy pomp is brought down to the grave, and the noise of thy viols: the worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee. Thou shalt be brought down to hell, to the sides of the pit. Thou art cast out of the grave like an abominable branch.--I will cut off from Babylon the name, and remnant, the son, and nephew, saith the Lord. I will also make it a possession for the bittern, and pools of water: and I will sweep it with the besom of destruction, saith the Lord of Hosts.” “Babylon is fallen, is fallen; and all the graven images of her gods he hath broken unto the ground.” “Thus saith the Lord, that saith unto the deep, Be dry; and I will dry up thy rivers: that saith of Cyrus, He is my shepherd, and shall perform all my pleasure,--and I will loose the loins of kings, to open before him the two-leaved gates; and the gates shall not be shut.” “Bel boweth down,” &c. “Come down, and sit in the dust, O virgin daughter of Babylon: sit on the ground, there is no throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans. Sit thou silent, and get thee into darkness, O daughter of the Chaldeans; for thou shalt no more be called the lady of kingdoms.”
2. There are many prophecies about Babylon and the land of the Chaldeans, and the long passage of time has only confirmed their fulfillment in every detail, making it ultimately complete. The judgments of Heaven aren't random, but certain; they aren't arbitrary, but just. They were declared against the Babylonians and the people of Chaldea specifically because of their idolatry, tyranny, oppression, pride, greed, drunkenness, deceit, and other evils. The burden of Babylon, which Isaiah son of Amos saw: “The noise of a crowd in the mountains, like that of a great people: a loud cry from the kingdoms of nations gathered together: the Lord of Hosts calls the army to battle. They come from a distant country, from the ends of the earth, even the Lord and the weapons of His anger, to destroy the whole land. Look, the day of the Lord is coming, brutal with wrath and fierce anger, to make the land desolate: and He will remove the sinners from it. Babylon, the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees’ pride, will be like when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. It will never be inhabited, nor will it be lived in from generation to generation: nor will the Arabian pitch his tent there; nor will shepherds make their folds there. But wild animals will lie there, and their houses will be filled with mournful creatures; and owls will dwell there, and satyrs will dance there. And wild beasts from the islands will cry in their desolate homes, and dragons in their pleasant palaces.” “You will take up this proverb against the king of Babylon, and say, How has the oppressor ceased! the golden city has ceased! Your splendor has been brought down to the grave, and the sound of your music: the worm is spread under you, and worms cover you. You will be brought down to the pit, to the sides of the abyss. You are cast out of the grave like a worthless branch.--I will remove from Babylon the name and remnant, the son and nephew, says the Lord. I will also make it a home for the bittern, and pools of water: and I will sweep it away with the broom of destruction, says the Lord of Hosts.” “Babylon is fallen, is fallen; and all the graven images of her gods have been broken to the ground.” “Thus says the Lord, who tells the deep, Be dry; and I will dry up your rivers: who says of Cyrus, He is my shepherd, and will accomplish all my purpose,--and I will loosen the belts of kings, to open before him the two-leaved gates; and the gates will not be shut.” “Bel bows down,” & “Come down, and sit in the dust, O virgin daughter of Babylon: sit on the ground, there is no throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans. Sit in silence, and go into darkness, O daughter of the Chaldeans; for you will no longer be called the lady of kingdoms.”
Many other prophecies against Babylon, and the whole land of Chaldea, are found in the Old Testament; and though the limits of this article will only allow a reference to be made to the exact fulfilment of a few, there is not one of the great number of predictions on record, the accomplishment of which has not been remarked by numerous writers, and more especially by those who have visited the spot. For, though for many centuries the site of Babylon was unknown, or the ruins of other Chaldean cities mistaken for its remains, its true situation and present condition have been, within a few years, satisfactorily ascertained, and accurately described, by several most intelligent and enterprising travellers.
Many other prophecies about Babylon and the entire region of Chaldea are found in the Old Testament. While this article can only reference a few specific fulfillments, every one of the numerous predictions recorded has been noted by various writers, especially those who have visited the site. Although the location of Babylon was unknown for many centuries, or the ruins of other Chaldean cities were confused for its remains, its actual location and current state have recently been accurately identified and described by several knowledgeable and adventurous travelers.
When in the plenitude of its greatness, splendour and strength, Babylon first yielded to the arms of Cyrus, whose name, and the manœuvre by which the city was taken, were mentioned by Isaiah nearly two hundred years before the event; which was also predicted by Jeremiah: “Go up, O Elam, (or Persia,) besiege, O Media. The Lord hath raised up the spirit of the kings of the Medes, for his device is against Babylon, to destroy it.” The kings of Persia and Media, prompted by a common interest, freely entered into a league against Babylon, and with one accord entrusted the command of their united armies to Cyrus, the relative and eventually the successor of them both.--But the taking of Babylon was not reserved for these kingdoms alone: other nations had to be “prepared against her.” “Set up a standard in the land; blow the trumpet among the nations, prepare the nations against her, call together against her the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and Aschenaz: Lo, I will raise and cause to come up against Babylon an assembly of great nations from the north country,” &c. Cyrus subdued the Armenians, who had revolted against Media, spared their king, bound them over anew to their allegiance, by kindness rather than by force, and incorporated their army with his own.--“The mighty men of Babylon have foreborne to fight. They have remained in their holds; their might hath failed, they became as women.” So dispirited became its people, that Babylon, which had made the world to tremble, was long besieged, without making any effort to drive off the enemy. But, possessed of provisions for twenty years, which in their timid caution they had plentifully stored, they derided Cyrus from their impregnable walls, within which they remained. Their profligacy, their wickedness and false confidence were unabated; they continued to live carelessly in pleasures: and Babylon the great, unlike to many a small fortress and unwalled town, made not one struggle to regain its freedom or to be rid of the foe.--Much time having been lost, and no progress being made in the siege, the anxiety of Cyrus was strongly excited, and he was reduced to great perplexity, when at last it was suggested and immediately determined to divert the course of the Euphrates. And while the unconscious and reckless citizens were engaged in dancing and merriment, the river was suddenly turned into the lake, the trench, and the canals; and the Persians, both foot and horse, so soon as the subsiding 121of the water permitted, entered by its channel, and were followed by the allies in array, along the dry part of the river. “I will dry up thy sea, and make thy springs dry. That saith to the deep, Be dry, I will dry up thy rivers.”--One detachment was placed where the river first enters the city, and another where it leaves it. And “one post did run to meet another, and one messenger to meet another, to show the king of Babylon that his city is taken at the end, and that the passages are shut.” “They were taken,” says Herodotus, “by surprise; and such is the extent of the city, that, as the inhabitants themselves affirm, they who lived in the extremities were made prisoners before any alarm was communicated to the centre of the place,” where the palace stood. Thus a “snare was laid for Babylon, it was taken, and it was not aware; it was found and also caught; for it had sinned against the Lord. How is the praise of the whole earth surprised!”--“In their heat I will make their feasts, and I will make them drunken, that they may rejoice and sleep a perpetual sleep, and not wake, saith the Lord. I will bring them down like lambs to the slaughter,” &c. “I will make drunken her princes and her wise men, her captains and her rulers, and her mighty men, and they shall sleep a perpetual sleep,” &c. Cyrus, as the night drew on, stimulated his assembled troops to enter the city, because in that night of general revel within the walls, many of them were asleep, many drunk, and confusion universally prevailed. On passing, without obstruction or hinderance, into the city, the Persians, slaying some, putting others to flight, and joining with the revellers, as if slaughter had been merriment, hastened by the shortest way to the palace, and reached it ere yet a messenger had told the king that his city was taken. The gates of the palace, which was strongly fortified, were shut. The guards stationed before them, were drinking beside a blazing light, when the Persians rushed impetuously upon them. A louder and altered clamour, no longer joyous, caught the ear of the inmates of the palace, and the bright light showed them the work of destruction, without revealing its cause. And not aware of the presence of an enemy in the midst of Babylon, the king himself, (who had been roused from his revelry by the hand writing on the wall,) excited by the warlike tumult at the gates, commanded those within to examine from whence it arose; and according to the same word, by which “the gates” (leading from the river to the city) “were not shut, the loins of kings were loosed to open before Cyrus the two-leaved gates” of the palace. The eager Persians sprang in. “The king of Babylon heard the report of them; anguish took hold of him;” he and all who were about him perished; God had “numbered” his kingdom and finished it; it was “divided,” and given to the Medes and Persians; the lives of the Babylonian princes, and lords, and rulers, and captains, closed with that night’s festival; the drunken slept “a perpetual sleep, and did not wake.”--“I will fill thee with men as with caterpillars.” Not only did the Persian army enter with ease as caterpillars, together with all the nations that had come up against Babylon, but they seemed also as numerous. Cyrus, after the capture of the city, made a great display of his cavalry in the presence of the Babylonians, and in the midst of Babylon. Four thousand guards stood before the palace gates, and two thousand on each side. These advanced as Cyrus approached; two thousand spearmen followed them. These were succeeded by four square masses of Persian cavalry, each consisting of ten thousand men: and to these again were added, in their order, the Median, Armenian, Hyrcanian, Caducian, and Sacian horsemen,--all, as before, “riding upon horses, every man in array,”--with lines of chariots, four abreast, concluding the train of the numerous hosts. Cyrus afterward reviewed, at Babylon, the whole of his army, consisting of one hundred and twenty thousand horse, two thousand chariots, and six hundred thousand foot. Babylon, which was taken when not aware, and within whose walls no enemy, except a captive, had been ever seen, was thus “filled with men as with caterpillars,” as if there had not been a wall around it. The Scriptures do not relate the manner in which Babylon was taken, nor do they ever allude to the exact fulfilment of the prophecies. But there is, in every particular, a strict coincidence between the predictions of the prophets and the historical narratives, both of Herodotus and Xenophon.
When at the height of its greatness, splendor, and power, Babylon first fell to Cyrus's armies, whose name and the method by which the city was captured were mentioned by Isaiah around two hundred years prior; Jeremiah also predicted it: “Go up, O Elam (or Persia), besiege, O Media. The Lord has stirred up the spirit of the kings of the Medes to come against Babylon and destroy it.” The kings of Persia and Media, driven by a common goal, formed an alliance against Babylon, and they unanimously entrusted the combined command of their armies to Cyrus, who was related to them both and would eventually succeed them. But the task of capturing Babylon was not for these kingdoms alone; other nations needed to be “prepared against her.” “Set up a standard in the land; blow the trumpet among the nations, prepare the nations against her, gather the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and Aschenaz against her: Behold, I will raise an assembly of great nations from the north country against Babylon,” etc. Cyrus subdued the Armenians, who had rebelled against Media, spared their king, won them back to loyalty through kindness rather than force, and absorbed their army into his own. “The mighty men of Babylon have held back from fighting. They remained in their strongholds; their power failed, they became as women.” The people became so discouraged that Babylon, which had once made the world tremble, sat besieged for a long time without making any effort to drive the enemy away. But, stocked with provisions for twenty years due to their cautious over-preparation, they mocked Cyrus from their seemingly impenetrable walls. Their immorality, wickedness, and false confidence remained unchanged; they continued to indulge in pleasures, and Babylon, unlike many smaller fortresses and unprotected towns, did not lift a finger to regain its freedom or rid itself of the enemy. Losing much time and seeing no progress in the siege heightened Cyrus’s anxiety to the point of desperation, leading him to the immediate decision to divert the Euphrates River. While the oblivious and careless citizens were busy with dancing and celebrations, the river was suddenly rerouted into lakes, trenches, and canals; and once the water receded enough, both foot soldiers and cavalry of the Persians entered through the riverbed, followed by their allies in formation. “I will dry up your sea, and make your springs dry. The one who says to the deep, ‘Be dry,’ I will dry up your rivers.” One group was positioned where the river entered the city, and another where it exited. “One runner met another, and one messenger met another, showing the king of Babylon that his city had been taken and that the pathways were closed.” “They were caught by surprise,” says Herodotus, “and the extent of the city is such that, according to its own inhabitants, those living on the outskirts were captured before any warning could reach the center,” where the palace stood. Thus, a “trap was set for Babylon, it was taken, unaware; it was found and caught; for it had sinned against the Lord. How is the glory of the whole earth taken by surprise!” “In their fervor I will hold their feasts and make them drunk, so they may rejoice and fall into a perpetual sleep, never to wake,” says the Lord. “I will bring down her princes, her wise men, her captains, her rulers, and her mighty men to sleep a perpetual sleep,” etc. As night fell, Cyrus urged his assembled troops to storm the city, as many within the walls were asleep or drunk, and confusion reigned. The Persians entered the city without hindrance, killing some, chasing others away, and joining with the revelers, as if the slaughter were a celebration, hastening directly to the palace, and arriving before anyone could inform the king that his city had fallen. The palace gates, heavily fortified, were shut, and the guards positioned before them were drinking by the bright light when the Persians crashed upon them. An abrupt and alarming noise, suddenly no longer joyful, reached the ears of those inside the palace, and the bright light revealed the destruction without explaining its cause. Unaware of the enemy's presence in the midst of Babylon, the king himself, awakened from his revelry by the mysterious writing on the wall, was stirred by the sounds of battle at the gates and ordered those inside to investigate the source; according to the same word that “the gates” (leading from the river to the city) “were not shut, the loins of kings were loosened to open before Cyrus the two-leaved gates” of the palace. The eager Persians rushed in. “The king of Babylon heard the report of them; anguish overwhelmed him,” and he and everyone around him perished; God had “numbered” his kingdom and brought it to an end; it was “divided” and handed over to the Medes and Persians; the lives of Babylon’s princes, lords, rulers, and captains ended with that night’s festival; the drunkards slept “a perpetual sleep, and did not wake.” “I will fill you with men as with locusts.” The Persian army entered with incredible ease like locusts, along with all the nations that had come against Babylon, appearing to be countless. After capturing the city, Cyrus proudly displayed his cavalry in front of the Babylonians, right in the heart of Babylon. Four thousand guards stood at the palace gates, and two thousand on each side. They advanced as Cyrus approached; two thousand spearmen followed them. Then came four large battalions of Persian cavalry, each containing ten thousand men: following them were the Median, Armenian, Hyrcanian, Caducian, and Sacian horsemen—all, as before, “riding on horses, every man in formation”—with lines of chariots, four abreast, closing out the long procession of numerous troops. Cyrus later reviewed the entire army at Babylon, which included one hundred twenty thousand cavalry, two thousand chariots, and six hundred thousand infantry. Babylon, taken by surprise and within whose walls no enemy, except a captive, had ever been seen, was thus “filled with men as with locusts,” as though it had not had walls surrounding it. The Scriptures do not detail how Babylon was captured, nor do they mention the precise fulfillment of the prophecies. However, in every detail, there is a strict correlation between the prophets' predictions and the historical accounts provided by both Herodotus and Xenophon.
3. Every step in the progress of the decline of Babylon was the accomplishment of a prophecy. Conquered, for the first time, by Cyrus, it was afterward reduced from an imperial to a tributary city. “Come down and sit in the dust, O daughter of Babylon: sit on the ground, there is no throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans.” After the Babylonians rebelled against Darius, the walls were reduced in height, and all the gates destroyed. “The wall of Babylon shall fall, her walls are thrown down.”--Xerxes, after his ignominious retreat from Greece, rifled the temples of Babylon, the golden images alone of which were estimated at 20,000,000l, beside treasures of vast amount. “I will punish Bel in Babylon, and I will bring forth out of his mouth that which he has swallowed up; I will do judgment upon the graven images of Babylon.”--Alexander the Great attempted to restore it to its former glory, and designed to make it the metropolis of a universal empire. But while the building of the temple of Belus, and the reparation of the embankments of the Euphrates, were actually carrying on, the conqueror of the world died, at the commencement of this his last undertaking, in the height of his power, and in the flower of his age. “Take balm for her pain, if so be that she may be healed. We would have healed Babylon, but she is not healed.” The building of the neighbouring city of Seleucia was the chief cause of the decline of Babylon, and drained it of a great part of its population. And at a later period, or about 130 years before the birth of Christ, Humerus, a 122Parthian governor, who was noted as excelling all tyrants in cruelty, exercised great severities on the Babylonians; and having burned the forum and some of the temples, and destroyed the fairest parts of the city, reduced many of the inhabitants to slavery on the slightest pretexts, and caused them, together with all their households, to be sent into Media. “They shall remove, they shall depart, both man and beast.” The “golden city” thus gradually verged, for centuries, toward poverty and desolation. Notwithstanding that Cyrus resided chiefly at Babylon, and sought to reform the government, and remodel the manners of the Babylonians, the succeeding kings of Persia preferred, as the seat of empire, Susa, Persepolis, or Ecbatana, situated in their own country: and in like manner the successors of Alexander did not attempt to complete his purpose of restoring Babylon to its preeminence and glory; but, after the subdivision of his mighty empire, the very kings of Assyria, during their temporary residence even in Chaldea, deserted Babylon, and dwelt in Seleucia. And thus the foreign inhabitants, first Persians and afterward Greeks, imitating their sovereigns by deserting Babylon, acted as if they verily had said, “Forsake her, and let us go every man unto his own country; for her judgment is reached unto heaven, and is lifted up even to the skies.”
3. Every step in the decline of Babylon was a fulfillment of prophecy. Conquered for the first time by Cyrus, it was later changed from an imperial city to a tributary one. “Come down and sit in the dust, O daughter of Babylon: sit on the ground, there is no throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans.” After the Babylonians revolted against Darius, the walls were lowered, and all the gates were destroyed. “The wall of Babylon shall fall, her walls are thrown down.”--Xerxes, after his shameful retreat from Greece, looted the temples of Babylon, where the value of the golden images alone was estimated at 20,000,000l, not to mention the vast treasures. “I will punish Bel in Babylon, and I will bring forth out of his mouth that which he has swallowed up; I will execute judgment on the graven images of Babylon.”--Alexander the Great tried to restore it to its former glory and aimed to make it the capital of a universal empire. But while the temple of Belus was being built and the embankments of the Euphrates were being repaired, the conqueror of the world died at the start of this last project, in the height of his power and in the prime of his youth. “Take balm for her pain, if perhaps she may be healed. We would have healed Babylon, but she is not healed.” The construction of the nearby city of Seleucia was a major reason for the decline of Babylon, draining it of much of its population. Later, around 130 years before the birth of Christ, Humerus, a Parthian governor known for his extreme cruelty, imposed harsh treatments on the Babylonians; he burned the forum and some of the temples, destroyed the most beautiful parts of the city, reduced many inhabitants to slavery on trivial charges, and sent them, along with their families, into Media. “They shall remove, they shall depart, both man and beast.” The “golden city” gradually fell into poverty and desolation over the centuries. Although Cyrus lived mainly in Babylon and attempted to reform the government and reshape the customs of the Babylonians, the following Persian kings preferred Susa, Persepolis, or Ecbatana in their own country as their seat of empire. Similarly, Alexander’s successors did not strive to complete his vision of restoring Babylon to its former prominence and glory. After the division of his vast empire, even the Assyrian kings, during their temporary stay in Chaldea, abandoned Babylon and settled in Seleucia. Thus, the foreign inhabitants, first Persians and later Greeks, followed their rulers in leaving Babylon, behaving as if they had truly said, “Forsake her, and let us go everyone to his own country; for her judgment is reached unto heaven, and is lifted up even to the skies.”
4. But kindred judgments, the issue of common crimes, rested on the land of Chaldea, as well as on its doomed metropolis. “They come from a far country, from the end of the earth, to destroy the whole land. Many nations and great kings shall serve themselves of thee also,” &c. The Persians, the Macedonians, the Parthians, the Romans, the Saracens, and the Turks, are the chief of the many nations who have unscrupulously and unsparingly “served themselves” of the land of the Chaldeans: and Cyrus and Darius, kings of Persia; Alexander the Great; and Seleucus, king of Assyria; Demetrius and Antiochus the Great; Tragan, Severus, Julian, and Heraclius, emperors of Rome; the victorious Omar, the successor of Mohammed; Holagou, and Tamerlane,--are “great kings” who successively subdued or desolated Chaldea, or exacted from it tribute to such an extent, as scarcely any other country ever paid to a single conqueror. And though the names of some of these nations were unknown to the Babylonians, and unheard of in the world at the time of the prophecy, most of these “many nations and great kings” need now but to be named, to show that, in local relation to Chaldea, “they came from the utmost border, from the coasts of the earth.”--“I will punish the land of the Chaldeans, and will make it perpetual desolations; cut off the sower from Babylon, and him that handleth the sickle in the time of harvest. A drought is on her waters, and they shall be dried up. Behold the hinder-most of the nations, a dry land and a desert.” The land of the Chaldeans was indeed made--perpetual, or long continued, desolation. Ravaged and spoiled for ages, the Chaldees’ excellency finally disappeared, and the land became desolate, as still it remains. Rauwolff, who passed through it in 1574, describes the country as bare, and “so dry and barren that it cannot be tilled.” And the most recent travellers all concur in describing it in similar terms. On the one side, near to the site of Opis, “the country all around,” says Mr. Buckingham, “appears to be one wide desert, of sandy and barren soil, thinly scattered over with brushwood and tufts of reedy grass.” On the other, between Bussorah and Bagdad, “immediately on either bank of the Tigris,” observes Mignan, “is the untrodden desert. The absence of all cultivation, the sterile, arid, and wild character of the whole scene, formed a contrast to the rich and delightful accounts delineated in Scripture. The natives, in travelling over these pathless deserts, are compelled to explore their way by the stars.” “The whole country between Bagdad and Hillah is a perfectly flat and (with the exception of a few spots as you approach the latter place) uncultivated waste. That it was at some former period in a far different state, is evident from the number of canals by which it is traversed, now dry and neglected; and the quantity of heaps of earth covered with fragments of brick and broken tiles, which are seen in every direction, the indisputable traces of former population. At present the only inhabitants of the tract are the Sobeide Arabs. Around, as far as the eye can reach is a trackless desert.”--“Her cities are desolations.” The course of the Tigris through Babylonia, instead of being adorned with cities, is marked with the sites of “ancient ruins.” Sitace, Sabata, Narisa, Fuchera, Sendia, “no longer exist.” A succession of longitudinal mounds, crossed at right angles by others, mark the supposed site of Artemita, or Destagered. Its once luxuriant gardens are covered with grass; and a higher mound distinguishes “the royal residence” from the ancient streets. “Extensive ridges and mountains, (near to Houmania,) varying in height and extent, are seen branching in every direction.” A wall, with sixteen bastions, is the only memorial of Apollonia. The once magnificent Seleucia is now a scene of desolation. There is not a single entire edifice, but the country is strewed for miles with fragments of decayed buildings. “As far,” says Major Keppel, “as the eye could reach, the horizon presented a broken line of mounds; the whole of this place was a desert flat.” On the opposite bank of the Tigris, where Ctesiphon its rival stood, beside fragments of walls and broken masses of brick work, and remains of vast structures encumbered with heaps of earth, there is one magnificent monument of antiquity “in a remarkably perfect state of preservation,” “a large and noble pile of building, the front of which presents to view a wall three hundred feet in length, adorned with four rows of arched recesses, with a central arch, in span eighty-six feet, and above a hundred feet high, supported by walls sixteen feet thick, and leading to a hall which extends to the depth of a hundred and fifty-six feet,” the width of the building. A great part of the back wall, and of the roof, is broken down; but that which remains “still appears much larger than Westminster 123Abbey.” It is supposed to have been the lofty palace of Chosroes; but there desolation now reigns. “On the site of Ctesiphon,” says Mignan, “the smallest insect under heaven would not find a single blade of grass wherein to hide itself, nor one drop of water to allay its thirst.” In the rear of the palace, and attached to it, are mounds two miles in circumference, indicating the utter desolation of buildings, formed to minister to luxury.
4. But similar judgments, arising from shared crimes, rested on the land of Chaldea, as well as on its doomed capital. “They come from a distant country, from the ends of the earth, to destroy the entire land. Many nations and great kings will also take what they want from you,” etc. The Persians, Macedonians, Parthians, Romans, Saracens, and Turks are the main nations that have shamelessly and relentlessly exploited the land of the Chaldeans: Cyrus and Darius, kings of Persia; Alexander the Great; Seleucus, king of Assyria; Demetrius and Antiochus the Great; Trajan, Severus, Julian, and Heraclius, emperors of Rome; the victorious Omar, the successor of Mohammed; Hulagu, and Tamerlane—are all “great kings” who successively conquered or devastated Chaldea, or extracted tribute from it to an extent that few other countries have ever paid to a single conqueror. And although some of these nations were unknown to the Babylonians and hadn't been heard of at the time of the prophecy, most of these “many nations and great kings” only need to be mentioned now to illustrate that, in reference to Chaldea, “they came from the farthest borders, from the coasts of the earth.” — “I will punish the land of the Chaldeans, and make it desolate forever; cut off the planter from Babylon, and those who harvest during the time of harvest. A drought is upon its waters, and they shall dry up. Look, the most distant of the nations is a dry and desolate land.” The land of the Chaldeans has indeed been made into a lasting, or long-lasting, wasteland. Devastated and plundered for ages, the Chaldeans’ greatness eventually faded, and the land became barren, as it still is. Rauwolff, who traveled through it in 1574, described the area as empty and “so dry and barren that it cannot be cultivated.” Most recent travelers all agree in describing it similarly. On one side, near the site of Opis, “the area all around,” says Mr. Buckingham, “appears to be one vast desert, of sandy and barren soil, sparsely dotted with brushwood and patches of reedy grass.” On the other side, between Basra and Baghdad, “immediately on either bank of the Tigris,” remarks Mignan, “is the untrodden desert. The lack of any cultivation, the barren, dry, and wild nature of the entire scene, stands in stark contrast to the rich and delightful descriptions in Scripture. The locals, when traveling over these pathless deserts, must navigate by the stars.” “The entire region between Baghdad and Hillah is perfectly flat and, except for a few spots as you approach the latter place, an uncultivated wasteland. That it was once in a vastly different condition is evident from the numerous canals that crisscross it, now dry and neglected; and the heaps of earth scattered with fragments of brick and broken tiles that can be seen in every direction, undeniable evidence of past habitation. Currently, the only inhabitants of the area are the Sobeide Arabs. Surrounding them, as far as the eye can see, is a trackless desert.” — “Her cities are in ruins.” The course of the Tigris through Babylonia, instead of being adorned with cities, is marked by the sites of “ancient ruins.” Sitace, Sabata, Narisa, Fuchera, Sendia, “no longer exist.” A series of long mounds, intersected at right angles by others, marks the supposed site of Artemita, or Destagered. Its once lush gardens are now covered in grass; and a taller mound distinguishes “the royal residence” from the ancient streets. “Extensive ridges and hills, (near Houmania,) varying in height and size, can be seen extending in all directions.” A wall with sixteen bastions is the only reminder of Apollonia. The once magnificent Seleucia is now a scene of desolation. There isn’t a single intact building, but the countryside is littered for miles with remnants of dilapidated structures. “As far,” says Major Keppel, “as the eye could see, the horizon presented a broken line of mounds; the entire area was a flat desert.” On the opposite bank of the Tigris, where its rival Ctesiphon stood, alongside fragments of walls and broken blocks of brickwork, and remains of massive structures buried under heaps of earth, stands one impressive monument of antiquity “in remarkably good condition,” “a large and impressive building, the front of which has a wall three hundred feet long, decorated with four rows of arched recesses and a central arch that spans eighty-six feet and rises over a hundred feet high, supported by walls sixteen feet thick, leading to a hall that extends to a depth of a hundred and fifty-six feet,” which is also the width of the building. A large portion of the back wall and roof has collapsed; however, what remains “still looks much larger than Westminster Abbey.” It is believed to have been the grand palace of Chosroes; but desolation reigns there now. “On the site of Ctesiphon,” says Mignan, “even the smallest insect under heaven would not find a single blade of grass to hide in, nor a drop of water to quench its thirst.” Behind the palace, and connected to it, are mounds two miles in circumference, indicating the total ruin of structures that were once meant for luxury.
5. But let us come to the fulfilment of these wonderful prophecies in the present condition of Babylon itself, as described by those who have most recently visited it.
5. But let's talk about how these amazing prophecies are being fulfilled in the current state of Babylon itself, as described by those who have visited it most recently.
“Babylon shall become heaps.” Babylon the glory of kingdoms is now the greatest of ruins. “Immense tumuli of temples, palaces, and habitations of every description,” are every where seen, and form “long and varied lines of ruins,” which, in some places, says Sir R. K. Porter, “rather resemble natural hills than mounds which cover the remains of great and splendid edifices.” These buildings, which were once the labour of slaves and the pride of kings, are now misshapen heaps of rubbish. “The whole face of the country,” observes Rich, “is covered with vestiges of building, in some places consisting of brick walls surprisingly fresh, in others, merely a vast succession of mounds of rubbish, of such indeterminate figures, variety, and extent, as to involve the person who should have formed any theory in inextricable confusion.”--“Let nothing of her be left.” “Vast heaps constitute all that now remains of ancient Babylon,” says Rich. All its grandeur is departed; all its treasures have been spoiled; all its excellence has utterly vanished; the very heaps are searched for bricks, when nothing else can be found; even these are not left, wherever they can be taken away; and Babylon has for ages been “a quarry above ground,” ready to the hand of every successive despoiler. Without the most remote allusion to this prophecy, Captain Mignan describes a mound attached to the palace, ninety yards in breadth by half that height, the whole of which is deeply furrowed, in the same manner as the generality of the mounds. “The ground is extremely soft, and tiresome to walk over, and appears completely exhausted of all its building materials; nothing now is left, save one towering hill, the earth of which is mixed with fragments of broken brick, red varnished pottery, tile, bitumen, mortar, glass, shells, and pieces of mother of pearl,”--worthless fragments, of no value to the poorest. “From thence shall she be taken, let nothing of her be left.” While the workmen “cast her up as heaps” while excavating for bricks, that they may “take” them “from thence,” and that “nothing may be left;” they labour more than trebly in the fulfilment of prophecy: for the numerous and deep excavations form pools of water, on the over-flowing of the Euphrates, and, annually filled, they are not dried up throughout the year. “Deep cavities are also formed by the Arabs, when digging for hidden treasure.” Thus “the ground,” says Buckingham, “is sometimes covered with pools of water in the hollows.”
“Babylon will become a pile of ruins.” Babylon, once the pride of kingdoms, is now just a massive ruin. “Huge mounds of temples, palaces, and all sorts of buildings” can be seen everywhere, forming “long and varied lines of ruins,” which, in some areas, Sir R. K. Porter notes, “look more like natural hills than mounds concealing the remains of great and splendid structures.” These buildings, once the work of slaves and the pride of kings, are now twisted heaps of debris. “The whole landscape,” points out Rich, “is dotted with signs of construction, with some places boasting surprisingly intact brick walls, while others show merely a vast succession of mounds of rubble, so shapeless, varied, and extensive that anyone trying to make sense of it would be hopelessly confused.” -- “Let nothing of her be left.” “Enormous heaps make up all that now remains of ancient Babylon,” Rich says. All its glory is gone; all its treasures have been ruined; all its excellence has entirely disappeared; people even search through the piles for bricks when there’s nothing else to find; even these are not left when they can be taken away; for centuries, Babylon has been “an open-air quarry,” available to every looter. Without any direct reference to this prophecy, Captain Mignan describes a mound next to the palace, ninety yards wide and half that high, which is deeply furrowed, like the majority of the mounds. “The ground is incredibly soft and exhausting to walk on, looking completely depleted of all its building materials; nothing now remains except one towering hill, made of earth mixed with fragments of broken bricks, red pottery, tiles, bitumen, mortar, glass, shells, and bits of mother-of-pearl,” -- worthless scraps, of no use to even the poorest. “From there she shall be taken, let nothing of her remain.” While the workers “pile her up as heaps” during their search for bricks, to “take” them “from there,” and to ensure “nothing is left;” they labor not just in the fulfillment of prophecy but more than threefold: the many and deep excavations create pools of water during the overflow of the Euphrates, which, filled annually, do not dry up throughout the year. “Deep depressions are also made by the Arabs when searching for hidden treasure.” Thus, “the ground,” says Buckingham, “is sometimes covered with pools of water in the low spots.”
“Sit in the dust, sit on the ground, O daughter of the Chaldeans.” The surface of the mounds which form all that remains of Babylon, consists of decomposed buildings, reduced to dust; and over all the ancient streets and habitations, there is literally nothing but the dust of the ground on which to sit.--“Thy nakedness shall be uncovered.” “Our path,” says Captain Mignan, “lay through the great mass of ruined heaps on the site of ‘shrunken Babylon;’ and I am perfectly incapable of conveying an adequate idea of the dreary, lonely nakedness that appeared before me.”--“Sit thou silent, and get thee into darkness.” “There reigns throughout the ruins,” says Sir R. K. Porter, “a silence profound as the grave.” “Babylon is now a silent scene, a sublime solitude.”--“It shall never be inhabited, nor dwelt in from generation to generation.” From Rauwolff’s testimony it appears that, in the sixteenth century, “there was not a house to be seen.” And now “the eye wanders over a barren desert, in which the ruins are nearly the only indication that it had ever been inhabited.” “It is impossible,” adds Major Keppel, “to behold this scene and not to be reminded how exactly the predictions of Isaiah and Jeremiah have been fulfilled, even in the appearance Babylon was doomed to present, that ‘she should never be inhabited;’ that ‘the Arabian should not pitch his tent there;’ that she should ‘become heaps;’ that her cities should be ‘a desolation, a dry land, and a wilderness.’” “Babylon is spurned alike by the heel of the Ottomans, the Israelites, and the sons of Ishmael.” It is “a tenantless and desolate metropolis,” remarks Mignan. “It shall not be inhabited, but be wholly desolate. Neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there, neither shall the shepherds make their folds there.” It was prophesied of Ammon that it should be a stable for camels and a couching place for flocks; and of Philistia, that it should be cottages for shepherds, and a pasture of flocks. But Babylon was to be visited with a far greater desolation, and to become unfit or unsuited even for such a purpose; and that neither a tent would be pitched there, even by an Arab, nor a fold made by a shepherd, implies the last degree of solitude and desolation. “It is common in these parts for shepherds to make use of ruined edifices to shelter their flocks in.” But Babylon is an exception. Instead of taking the bricks from thence, the shepherd might very readily erect a defence from wild beasts, and make a fold for his flock amidst the heaps of Babylon; and the Arab who fearlessly traverses it by day, might pitch his tent by night. But neither the one nor the other could now be persuaded to remain a single night among the ruins. The superstitious dread of evil spirits, far more than the natural terror of the wild beasts, effectually prevents them. Captain Mignan was accompanied by six Arabs, completely armed; but he “could not induce them to remain toward night, from the apprehension of evil spirits. It is impossible to eradicate this idea from the minds of this people, who are very deeply imbued with superstition.”
“Sit in the dust, sit on the ground, O daughter of the Chaldeans.” The remnants of Babylon consist of crumbled buildings, now just dust; and over all the ancient streets and homes, there’s literally nothing but the dust of the ground to sit on.--“Your nakedness will be exposed.” “Our route,” says Captain Mignan, “took us through the massive ruins of ‘shrinking Babylon,’ and I can’t adequately express the dreary, lonely emptiness that lay before me.”--“Stay quiet, and sink into darkness.” “There’s a silence here,” says Sir R. K. Porter, “that's as deep as the grave.” “Babylon is now a quiet scene, a majestic solitude.”--“It will never be inhabited, nor lived in from generation to generation.” From Rauwolff’s account, it seems that in the sixteenth century, “there was not a house in sight.” And now “the eye wanders over a barren desert, where the ruins are almost the only sign it was ever inhabited.” “It’s impossible,” adds Major Keppel, “to look at this scene and not recall how precisely the predictions of Isaiah and Jeremiah have come true, even in how Babylon was fated to appear, that ‘she should never be inhabited;’ that ‘the Arab should not set up his tent there;’ that she should ‘become heaps;’ that her cities should be ‘a desolation, a dry land, and a wilderness.’” “Babylon is rejected by the Ottomans, the Israelites, and the sons of Ishmael alike.” It’s “an empty and desolate city,” notes Mignan. “It will not be inhabited, but will be entirely barren. Neither will the Arabian pitch a tent there, nor will the shepherds make their folds there.” It was predicted about Ammon that it would be a stable for camels and a resting place for flocks; and about Philistia, that it would be cottages for shepherds and a pasture for flocks. But Babylon was meant to face a greater desolation, becoming unsuitable even for that purpose; the fact that neither a tent nor a fold can be set up by an Arab or a shepherd indicates the utmost degree of solitude and abandonment. “It’s common in these areas for shepherds to use ruined buildings to shelter their flocks.” But Babylon is different. Instead of using bricks from there, a shepherd could easily build a shelter from wild animals and create a fold amidst the ruins of Babylon; an Arab who travels through it by day could set up his tent there at night. But, neither of them could be convinced to stay even one night among the ruins. The superstitious fear of evil spirits, far more than the instinctive fear of wild beasts, keeps them away. Captain Mignan was accompanied by six armed Arabs; however, he “could not get them to stay after dark due to their fear of evil spirits. It’s impossible to shake this belief from the minds of these people, who are deeply rooted in superstition.”
124“Wild beasts of the deserts shall lie there, and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures; and owls shall dwell there, and satyrs (goats) shall dance there,” &c. “There are many dens of wild beasts in various parts. And while the lower excavations are often pools of water, in most of the cavities are numbers of bats and owls.” The king of the forest now ranges over the site of that Babylon which Nebuchadnezzar built for his own glory. And the temple of Belus, the greatest work of man, is now like unto a natural den of lions. Two or three majestic lions were seen upon its heights by Sir Robert Ker Porter, as he was approaching it; and “the broad prints of their feet were left plain in the clayey soil.” Major Keppel saw there a similar foot-print of a lion. It is also the unmolested retreat of jackalls, hyenas, and other noxious animals. Wild beasts are numerous at the Mujelibé, as well as on Birs Nimrood. “The mound,” says Kinneir, “was full of large holes: we entered some of them, and found them strewed with the carcasses and skeletons of animals recently killed. The ordure of wild beasts was so strong, that prudence got the better of curiosity; for we had no doubt as to the savage nature of the inhabitants. Our guides, indeed, told us, that all the ruins abounded in lions, and other wild beasts: so literally has the divine prediction been fulfilled, that wild beasts of the deserts should lie there, and their houses be full of doleful creatures; that the wild beasts of the islands should cry in their desolate houses.”
124 “Wild animals of the deserts will lie there, and their homes will be filled with sorrowful creatures; owls will live there, and satyrs (goats) will dance there,” etc. “There are many dens of wild animals in different areas. While the lower excavations are often pools of water, most of the cavities are filled with bats and owls.” The king of the forest now roams over the site of that Babylon which Nebuchadnezzar built for his own glory. And the temple of Belus, the greatest work of man, is now like a natural den for lions. Two or three majestic lions were spotted on its heights by Sir Robert Ker Porter as he approached; and “the broad prints of their feet were left clearly in the clay soil.” Major Keppel saw a similar lion footprint there. It is also a safe haven for jackals, hyenas, and other harmful animals. Wild beasts are plentiful at Mujelibé, as well as on Birs Nimrood. “The mound,” says Kinneir, “was full of large holes: we entered some of them and found them strewn with the carcasses and skeletons of recently killed animals. The scent of wild animals was so strong that caution overtook curiosity; for we had no doubt about the fierce nature of the inhabitants. Our guides, in fact, told us that all the ruins were full of lions and other wild beasts: so literally has the divine prediction been fulfilled, that wild beasts of the deserts should lie there and their homes be filled with sorrowful creatures; that the wild beasts of the islands should cry in their desolate homes.”
“The sea is come upon Babylon. She is covered with the multitude of the waves thereof.” The traces of the western bank of the Euphrates are now no longer discernible. The river overflows unrestrained; and the very ruins, with “every appearance of the embankment,” have been swept away. “The ground there is low and marshy, and presents not the slightest vestige of former buildings, of any description whatever.” “Morasses and ponds,” says Porter, “tracked the ground in various parts. For a long time after the general subsiding of the Euphrates, great part of this plain is little better than a swamp,” &c. “The ruins of Babylon are then inundated, so as to render many parts of them inaccessible, by converting the valleys among them into morasses.” But while Babylon is thus “covered with the multitude of waves, and the waters come upon it;” yet, in striking contrast and seeming contradiction to such a feature of desolation, (like the formation of “pools of water,” from the “casting up of heaps,”) are the elevated sunburnt ruins, which the waters do not overflow, and the “dry waste” and “parched and burning plain,” on which the heaps of Babylon lie, equally prove that it is “a desert, a dry land, and a wilderness.” One part, even on the western side of the river, is “low and marshy, and another,” says Mignan, “an arid desert.”
“The sea has come upon Babylon. She is covered with the multitude of its waves.” The signs of the western bank of the Euphrates are no longer visible. The river overflows freely, and even the ruins, which once showed “every appearance of the embankment,” have been swept away. “The ground there is low and marshy and shows no traces of former buildings of any kind.” “Swamps and ponds,” says Porter, “mark the ground in various places. For a long time after the river dropped, much of this plain is hardly better than a marsh.” “The ruins of Babylon are then flooded, making many parts inaccessible, as the valleys between them turn into swamps.” But while Babylon is thus “covered with the multitude of waves, and the waters come upon it,” in sharp contrast and seeming contradiction to such a scene of desolation, (like the formation of “pools of water” from the “casting up of heaps,”) are the elevated sun-baked ruins that the waters do not reach, and the “dry wasteland” and “parched and burning plain” where the mounds of Babylon lie, all equally confirming that it is “a desert, a dry land, and a wilderness.” One part, even on the western side of the river, is “low and marshy, and another,” says Mignan, “is an arid desert.”
Many other striking particulars might be collected; and we may conclude in the words of Mr. Keith, from whose work on the prophecies several of the above particulars have been extracted:--“Is it possible that there can be any attestation of the truth of prophecy, if it be not witnessed here? Is there any spot on earth which has undergone a more complete transformation? ‘The records of the human race,’ it has been said with truth, ‘do not present a contrast more striking than that between the primeval magnificence of Babylon and its long desolation.’ Its ruins have of late been carefully and scrupulously examined by different natives of Britain, of unimpeached veracity; and the result of every research is a more striking demonstration of the literal accomplishment of every prediction. How few spots are there on earth of which we have so clear and faithful a picture as prophecy gave to fallen Babylon at a time when no spot on earth resembled it less than its present desolate solitary site! or could any prophecies respecting any single place have been more precise, or wonderful, or numerous, or true, or more gradually accomplished throughout many generations? And when they look at what Babylon was, and what it is, and perceive the minute realization of them all, may not nations learn wisdom, may not tyrants tremble, and may not skeptics think?”
Many other remarkable details could be gathered, and we can conclude with the words of Mr. Keith, from whose work on the prophecies several of the above details have been taken: “Is it possible for there to be any confirmation of the truth of prophecy if it isn’t seen here? Is there any place on earth that has undergone such a complete transformation? ‘The records of the human race,’ it has been accurately said, ‘do not show a contrast more striking than that between the original magnificence of Babylon and its long desolation.’ Its ruins have recently been carefully examined by various respected British individuals; and the results of every investigation reveal a more striking demonstration of the literal fulfillment of every prediction. How few places on earth do we have such a clear and accurate depiction of as prophecy provided for fallen Babylon at a time when no place on earth resembled it less than its current desolate, isolated location! Could any prophecies about a single place be more precise, or incredible, or numerous, or true, or fulfilled gradually over many generations? And when they consider what Babylon was and what it is now, and observe the exact realization of them all, can nations not learn wisdom, can tyrants not tremble, and can skeptics not reflect?”
The reasons why prophecies so numerous and particular were recorded concerning Babylon, appear to have been, 1. That Babylon was the great oppressor of the Jews. 2. That it was the type of all the powerful persecuting enemies of the church of God, especially of Rome; and in its fate they may read their own. 3. That the accomplishment of prophecy in the destruction of so eminent an empire might give a solemn testimony to the truth of the Scriptures to the whole earth, and to all ages.
The reasons why so many specific prophecies were recorded about Babylon are as follows: 1. Babylon was the major oppressor of the Jews. 2. It served as a symbol of all the powerful persecutors of God’s church, especially Rome; and in its downfall, they can see their own fate. 3. The fulfillment of prophecy in the destruction of such a significant empire could provide a strong testament to the truth of the Scriptures for the entire world and for all time.
BACKSLIDING, a falling off, or defection in matters of religion; an apostasy, Acts xxi, 21; 2 Thess. ii, 3; 1 Tim. iv, 1. This may be either partial or complete: partial, when it is in the heart, as Prov. xiv, 14; complete, as that described in Heb. vi, 4, &c; x, 6, &c. On the latter passage Chrysostom observes, “When a house has a strong foundation, suppose an arch fall, some of the beams break, or a wall decline, while the foundation is good, these breaches may be repaired; so in religion, whilst a person maintains the true doctrines, and remains on the firm rock, though he fall, true repentance may restore him to the favour and image of God: but as in a house, when the foundation is bad, nothing can save the building from ruin; so when heretical doctrines are admitted for a foundation, nothing can save the professor from destruction.” It is important in interpreting these passages to keep it steadfastly in mind, that the apostasy they speak of is not only moral but doctrinal.
BACKSLIDING refers to a decline or defection in religious beliefs; an apostasy, as mentioned in Acts 21:21; 2 Thessalonians 2:3; 1 Timothy 4:1. This can be either partial or complete: partial when it occurs in the heart, as in Proverbs 14:14; complete, as described in Hebrews 6:4, etc.; 10:6, etc. On the latter passage, Chrysostom observes, “When a house has a strong foundation, if an arch falls, some beams break, or a wall tilts, while the foundation remains solid, these damages can be fixed; similarly in faith, as long as a person holds onto true doctrines and stands on solid ground, even if they stumble, sincere repentance can bring them back into the grace and likeness of God. However, in a house, when the foundation is weak, nothing can prevent the building from collapsing; in the same way, if heretical doctrines are accepted as a foundation, nothing can save the believer from destruction.” It’s crucial to remember when interpreting these passages that the apostasy they refer to is not just moral but also doctrinal.
BADGER, תחש. This word in a plural form occurs, Exod. xxv, 5; xxvi, 14; xxxv, 7, 23; xxxvi, 19; xxxix, 34; Num. iv, 6, 8, 10–12, 14, 25; Ezek. xvi, 10; and is joined with ערת, skins used for the covering of the tabernacle in the wilderness. The Jewish interpreters are agreed as to its being some animal. Jarchi says it was a beast of many colours, which no more exists. Kimchi holds the same opinion. Aben Ezra thinks it some animal of the 125bovine kind, of whose skins shoes are made; alluding to Ezek. xvi, 10. Most modern interpreters have taken it to be the badger, and among these our English translators; but, in the first place, the badger is not an inhabitant of Arabia; and there is nothing in its skin peculiarly proper either for covering a tabernacle or making shoes. Hasæus, Michaelis, and others, have laboured to prove that it is the mermaid, or homo marinus, the trichekus of Linnæus. Faber, Dathe, and Rosenmuller, think that it is the seal, or sea calf, vitulus marinus, the skin of which is both strong and pliable, and was accounted by the ancients as a most proper outer covering for tents, and was also made into shoes, as Rau has clearly shown. Niebuhr says, “A merchant of Abushahr called dahash that fish which the captains in English vessels call porpoise, and the Germans, sea hog. In my voyage from Maskat to Abushahr, I saw a prodigious quantity together near Ras Mussendom, that were all going the same way, and seemed to swim with great vehemence.” Bochart thinks that not an animal, but a colour, was intended, Exodus xxv, 5; so that the covering of the tabernacle was to be azure, or sky blue.
BADGER, תחש. This word in its plural form appears in Exod. xxv, 5; xxvi, 14; xxxv, 7, 23; xxxvi, 19; xxxix, 34; Num. iv, 6, 8, 10–12, 14, 25; Ezek. xvi, 10, and is associated with ערת, the skins used for covering the tabernacle in the wilderness. Jewish interpreters generally agree that it refers to some type of animal. Jarchi describes it as a creature of many colors, which no longer exists. Kimchi shares the same view. Aben Ezra believes it to be an animal of the 125bovine type, whose skins are used for making shoes, referring to Ezek. xvi, 10. Most modern interpreters identify it as the badger, including our English translators; however, the badger is not found in Arabia, and its skin is not particularly suitable for either tabernacle coverings or shoes. Hasæus, Michaelis, and others have tried to argue that it refers to the mermaid, or marine human, the trichekus of Linnæus. Faber, Dathe, and Rosenmuller suggest it is the seal, or sea calf, sea calf, whose skin is both strong and flexible, and was considered by ancient peoples to be an ideal material for tent coverings and for making shoes, as Rau has clearly demonstrated. Niebuhr mentions, “A merchant from Abushahr called dahash that fish which captains of English vessels refer to as porpoise, and the Germans as sea hog. During my journey from Maskat to Abushahr, I saw a massive group near Ras Mussendom, all swimming together vigorously.” Bochart theorizes that it might not refer to an animal, but rather a color, in Exodus xxv, 5, suggesting that the covering of the tabernacle was meant to be azure or sky blue.
BAG, a purse or pouch, Deut. xxv, 13; 1 Sam. xvii, 40; Luke xii, 33; Job xiv, 17. The money collected in the treasuries of eastern princes was reckoned up in certain equal sums, put into bags and sealed. These are, in some parts of the Levant, called purses, where they estimate great expenses by so many purses. The money collected in the temple in the time of Joash, for its reparation, seems, in like manner, to have been told up in bags of equal value; and these were probably delivered sealed to those who paid the workmen, 2 Kings xii, 10. In the east, in the present day, a bag of money passes, for some time at least, currently from hand to hand, under the authority of a banker’s seal, without any examination of its contents. See Tobit ix, 5; xi, 16.
BAG, a purse or pouch, Deut. xxv, 13; 1 Sam. xvii, 40; Luke xii, 33; Job xiv, 17. The money collected in the treasuries of eastern princes was counted in specific equal amounts, placed into bags, and sealed. In some areas of the Levant, these are called purses, where they estimate large expenses by so many purses. The money collected in the temple during Joash's time for repairs also seems to have been counted in bags of equal value; these were likely delivered sealed to those who paid the workers, 2 Kings xii, 10. In the east today, a bag of money can circulate, at least for a time, with a banker’s seal, without anyone checking its contents. See Tobit ix, 5; xi, 16.
BAKING BREAD. Abraham directed Sarah to bake cakes upon the hearth, for the use of the strangers who had visited him, Genesis xviii, 6. Elijah requests the same of the widow of Zarephath, 1 Kings xvii, 13. Amnon the son of David requests Tamar his sister to come and make cakes in his sight, that he might eat at her hand, 2 Sam. xiii, 6. These and other allusions to the preparation of bread will be explained by referring to eastern customs. Rauwolff observes that travellers frequently bake bread in the deserts of Arabia, on the ground heated for that purpose by fire, covering their cakes of bread with ashes and coals, and turning them several times till they are enough. The eastern bread is made in small thin cakes, and is generally eaten new. Sometimes it was however made to keep several days, as the shew bread; and a sort of rusks, or bread for travelling, Joshua ix, 12. The eastern ladies of rank often prepare cakes, pastry, &c, in their own apartments.
BAKING BREAD. Abraham told Sarah to bake cakes on the hearth for the strangers who had come to visit him, Genesis xviii, 6. Elijah asked the widow of Zarephath to do the same, 1 Kings xvii, 13. Amnon, the son of David, asked his sister Tamar to come and make cakes for him to eat, 2 Sam. xiii, 6. These and other references to bread preparation can be understood by looking at eastern customs. Rauwolff notes that travelers often bake bread in the deserts of Arabia on the ground, heated by fire, covering their bread with ashes and coals, and flipping them several times until they're done. Eastern bread is usually made into small, thin cakes and is typically eaten fresh. Sometimes, however, it was made to last several days, like the showbread or a type of rusks meant for traveling, Joshua ix, 12. Eastern ladies of high status often prepare cakes, pastries, etc., in their own rooms.
BALAAM, a prophet of the city of Pethor, or Bosor, upon the Euphrates, whose intercourse with Balak, king of the Moabites, who sent for him to curse the Israelites, is recorded at large by Moses, Num. xxii-xxiv. It has been a subject of controversy, whether Balaam was a true prophet or a mere diviner, magician, or fortune teller. Origen says that his whole power consisted in magic and cursing. Theodoret is of opinion that Balaam did not consult the Lord, but that he was supernaturally inspired, and constrained to speak against his own inclination. Cyril says that he was a magician, an idolater, and a false prophet, who spoke truth against his will; and St. Ambrose compares him to Caiaphas, who prophesied without being aware of the import of what he said. Jerom seems to have adopted the opinion of the Hebrews; which was, that Balaam knew the true God, erected altars to him, and that he was a true prophet, though corrupted by avarice, Num. xxii, 18. St. Austin and other commentators have inclined to this opinion. Dr. Jortin supposes that Balaam was a worshipper of the true God, and a priest and prophet of great reputation; and that he was sent for by Balak from a notion which generally prevailed, that priests and prophets could sometimes, by prayers and sacrifices duly and skilfully applied, obtain favours from God, and that their imprecations were efficacious. He conceives that the prophet had been accustomed to revelations, and that he used to receive them in visions, or in dreams of the night. It cannot be denied that the Scripture expressly calls him a prophet, 2 Pet. ii, 15, and therefore those are probably right who think that he had once been a good man and a true prophet, till, loving the wages of unrighteousness, and prostituting the honour of his office to covetousness, he apostatized from God, and, betaking himself to idolatrous practices, fell under the delusion of the devil, of whom he learned all his magical enchantments; though at this juncture, when the preservation of his people was concerned, it might be consistent with God’s wisdom to appear to him and overrule his mind by the impulse of real revelations. As to what passed between him and his ass, when that animal was miraculously enabled to speak to its master, commentators are divided in their opinions; whether it really and literally happened as Moses relates it, or whether it be an allegory only, or was the mere imagination or vision of Balaam. But St. Peter evidently mentions it as a fact literally and certainly occurring: “the dumb ass, speaking with man’s voice, when she forbade the madness of the prophet,” 2 Pet. ii, 16. This, it is true, has frequently been made the subject of profane banter by those whose skepticism leads them to scoff at all prodigies. But how absurd is it to subject a miraculous event to the ordinary rules of reasoning! “Say what you will of the formation of the tongue and jaws being unfit for speaking,” says Bishop Newton, “yet an adequate cause is assigned for this wonderful event; for it is expressly said that ‘the Lord opened the mouth of the ass;’ and who that believes a God, can doubt his power to do this and much more? The miracle was by no means needless or superfluous; it was well adapted to convince Balaam 126that the mouth and tongue were under God’s direction, and that the same divine power which caused the dumb ass to speak contrary to its nature, could, in like manner, make him utter blessings contrary to his inclination. And, accordingly, he was overruled to bless the people, though he came prepared and disposed to curse them; which was the greater miracle of the two; for the ass was merely passive, but Balaam resisted the good motions of God.” The prophecy which Balaam delivered concerning Israel on this remarkable occasion, and which is contained in Numbers xxiv, 5–9, has been greatly admired by critics. Bishop Lowth, in particular, remarks that he knows nothing in the whole scope of the Hebrew poetry more exquisite or perfect. “It abounds,” says he, “in splendid imagery, copied immediately from the tablet of nature; and is chiefly conspicuous for the glowing elegance of the style, and the form and diversity of the figures.”
BALAAM, a prophet from the city of Pethor, or Bosor, on the Euphrates, had interactions with Balak, the king of the Moabites, who called for him to curse the Israelites. This story is detailed by Moses in Numbers 22-24. There has been debate about whether Balaam was a genuine prophet or just a diviner, magician, or fortune teller. Origen argued that his entire power was based on magic and cursing. Theodoret believed that Balaam didn't consult the Lord but was inspired supernaturally, forced to speak against his own wishes. Cyril claimed he was a magician, idolater, and false prophet, who spoke truths he didn't want to say. St. Ambrose compared him to Caiaphas, who prophesied without understanding the significance of his words. Jerom seems to align with the views of the Hebrews, believing that Balaam knew the true God, built altars to Him, and was a true prophet, though corrupted by greed, as seen in Numbers 22:18. St. Augustine and other commentators shared this viewpoint. Dr. Jortin speculated that Balaam was a worshipper of the true God, a renowned priest and prophet, called by Balak under the common belief that priests and prophets could secure God’s favor through proper prayers and sacrifices, and that their curses were powerful. He believed that the prophet had been used to receiving revelations through visions or dreams. It’s important to note that Scripture explicitly refers to him as a prophet in 2 Peter 2:15, supporting the idea that he was once a good man and true prophet who, after embracing unrighteousness and corrupting his role, turned away from God and engaged in idolatry, leading him to be deceived by the devil, from whom he learned magical tricks. However, at the moment when the safety of his people was at stake, it might have aligned with God’s wisdom to appear to Balaam and guide his thoughts through genuine revelations. Regarding the interaction between him and his donkey, when that animal miraculously spoke to him, opinions among commentators vary; some argue whether it literally happened as Moses wrote, if it’s merely an allegory, or if it was just Balaam's imagination or vision. Yet, St. Peter clearly refers to it as a factual occurrence: “the dumb ass, speaking with man’s voice, when she forbade the madness of the prophet,” 2 Peter 2:16. This incident has often been mocked by skeptics who dismiss all miraculous events. But it's unreasonable to judge a miraculous event by standard reasoning! “Regardless of any claims about the tongue and jaws not being fit for speech,” says Bishop Newton, “there’s an adequate explanation for this astonishing event; it is explicitly stated that ‘the Lord opened the mouth of the ass;’ and who could doubt God's power to do this and more?” The miracle was certainly not unnecessary or redundant; it effectively showed Balaam that his mouth and tongue were directed by God, and that the same divine power that made the dumb donkey speak against its nature could also make him say blessings against his will. Consequently, he was compelled to bless the people, even though he had come intending to curse them; this was the greater miracle since the donkey was simply passive, while Balaam resisted God's good intentions.” The prophecy Balaam shared about Israel during this significant event, found in Numbers 24:5–9, has been highly praised by critics. Bishop Lowth, in particular, noted that he sees nothing in all of Hebrew poetry that is more exquisite or perfect. “It is rich,” he said, “in stunning imagery drawn directly from nature, and is especially notable for its elegant style and the variety of figures.”
After his predictions, Balaam returned into his own country; but before he left the land of Moab, as if vexed with his own disappointment in missing the promised reward, and with a purpose of revenging himself on the Israelites, as the cause of it, he instructed the Moabites and Midianites in a wicked scheme, which was to send their daughters into the camp of the Israelites, in order to draw them first into lewdness, and then into idolatry, the certain means of depriving them of the help of that God who protected them. This artifice succeeded; for as the Israelites lay encamped at Shittim, many of them were deluded by these strange women, not only to commit whoredom with them, but to assist at their sacrifices, and worship their god Baal-Peor, Num. xxv, 1–3; xxxi, 16; Mic. vi, 5; 2 Pet. ii, 15; Jude 11; Rev. ii, 14; Deut. xxiii, 4, 5; Joshua xxiv, 9, 10; Neh. xiii, 2. God commanded Moses to avenge this crime. He therefore declared war against the Midianites, killed five of their princes, and a great number of other persons without distinction of age or sex, among whom was Balaam himself.
After making his predictions, Balaam went back to his own country. However, before leaving Moab, feeling frustrated about missing out on the promised reward and wanting to get back at the Israelites, he shared a sinister plan with the Moabites and Midianites. This scheme involved sending their daughters into the Israelite camp to tempt them into immorality and then into idol worship, which would cut them off from the help of the God who was protecting them. The plan worked; while the Israelites were camped at Shittim, many were seduced by these foreign women, leading them not only to engage in sexual immorality but also to participate in their sacrifices and worship the god Baal-Peor, Num. xxv, 1–3; xxxi, 16; Mic. vi, 5; 2 Pet. ii, 15; Jude 11; Rev. ii, 14; Deut. xxiii, 4, 5; Joshua xxiv, 9, 10; Neh. xiii, 2. God told Moses to take revenge for this wrongdoing. So, he declared war against the Midianites, killed five of their leaders, and a large number of others regardless of age or gender, including Balaam himself.
Moses says that Balaam consulted the Lord, and calls the Lord his God: “I cannot go beyond the commandment of the Lord my God,” Num. xxii, 18. The reason why Balaam calls Jehovah, “my God” may be, because he was of the posterity of Shem, who maintained the worship of Jehovah, not only in his own person, but among his descendants; so that while the posterity of Ham fell into idolatry, and the posterity of Japhet were settled at a distance in Europe, the Shemites generally, though not universally, retained the worship of God.
Moses says that Balaam spoke with the Lord and refers to Him as his God: “I cannot go beyond the command of the Lord my God,” Num. xxii, 18. Balaam might call Jehovah “my God” because he was a descendant of Shem, who kept the worship of Jehovah alive not only for himself but also for his children. While the descendants of Ham turned to idolatry and those of Japheth settled far away in Europe, the Shemites generally, though not universally, continued to worship God.
BALDNESS is a natural effect of old age, in which period of life the hair of the head, wanting nourishment, falls off, and leaves the head naked. Artificial baldness was used as a token of mourning; it is threatened to the voluptuous daughters of Israel, instead of well set hair, Isaiah iii, 24. See Mic. i, 16; and instances of it occur, Isaiah xv, 2; Jer. xlvii, 5. See Ezek, vii, 18; Amos viii, 10.
BALDNESS is a natural result of aging, during which time the hair on the head, lacking nourishment, falls out, leaving the head bare. Artificial baldness was adopted as a sign of mourning; it is mentioned as a punishment for the pleasure-seeking daughters of Israel, instead of styled hair, in Isaiah 3:24. See Micah 1:16; similar instances can be found in Isaiah 15:2; Jeremiah 47:5. Also see Ezekiel 7:18; Amos 8:10.
The insult offered to Elisha by the young people of Bethel, improperly rendered “little children,” who cried out after him, “Go up, thou bald head,” may here be noticed. The town of Bethel was one of the principal nurseries of Ahab’s idolatry, and the contempt was offered to Elisha in his public character as a prophet of the Lord. If in the expression, “Go up,” there was also a reference to the translation of Elijah, as turning it into jest, this was another aggravation of the sin, to which these young people were probably instigated by their parents. The malediction laid upon them by the prophet was not an act of private resentment, but evidently proceeded from prophetic impulse.
The insult directed at Elisha by the young people of Bethel, mistakenly called “little children,” who shouted at him, “Get out of here, you bald head,” should be noted. Bethel was one of the main centers of Ahab’s idol worship, and the disrespect shown to Elisha was due to his role as a prophet of the Lord. If the phrase “Get out of here” also alluded to Elijah’s ascension, turning it into a joke, this further intensified the wrongdoing, likely encouraged by their parents. The curse that the prophet placed upon them wasn’t an act of personal anger, but clearly came from a prophetic inspiration.
BALM, צרי, Gen. xxxvii, 25; xliii, 11; Jer. viii, 22; xlvi, 11; li, 8; Ezek. xxvii, 17. Balm, or balsam, is used with us as a common name for many of those oily resinous substances, which flow spontaneously or by incision, from certain trees or plants, and are of considerable use in medicine and surgery. It serves therefore very properly to express the Hebrew word צרי, which the LXX have rendered ῥητίνη, and the ancients have interpreted resin indiscriminately.
BALM, צרי, Gen. xxxvii, 25; xliii, 11; Jer. viii, 22; xlvi, 11; li, 8; Ezek. xxvii, 17. Balm, or balsam, is commonly used as a general term for many of those oily, resin-like substances that flow naturally or can be harvested from certain trees or plants, and they have significant applications in medicine and surgery. It effectively conveys the meaning of the Hebrew word Create, which the LXX translated as ῥητίνη, and which ancient scholars have equally interpreted as resin.
BALSAM TREE, בעל־שמין; in Arabic, abuschâm, that is, “father of scent,” sweet-scented. According to Mr. Bruce, the balessan, balsam, or balm, is an evergreen shrub, or tree, which grows to about fourteen feet high, spontaneously and without culture in its native country, Azab, and all along the coast to Babelmandel. There were three kinds of balsam extracted from this tree. The first was called opobalsamum, and was most highly esteemed. It was that which flowed spontaneously, or by means of incision, from the trunk or branches of the tree in summer time. The second was carpobalsamum, made by expressing the fruit when in maturity. The third, and least esteemed of all, was hylobalsamum, made by a decoction of the buds and small young twigs. The great value set upon this drug in the east is traced to the earliest ages. The Ishmaelites, or Arabian carriers and merchants, trafficking with the Arabian commodities into Egypt, brought with them צרי as a part of their cargo, Gen. xxxvii, 25; xliii, 11. Josephus, in the history of the antiquities of his country, says that a tree of this balsam was brought to Jerusalem by the queen of Saba, and given among other presents to Solomon, who, as we know from Scripture, was very studious of all sorts of plants, and skilful in the description and distinction of them. And here, indeed, it seems to have been cultivated and to have thriven; so that the place of its origin, through length of time, combined with other reasons, came to be forgotten. Notwithstanding the positive authority of Josephus, and the great probability that attends it, we cannot put it in competition with what we have been told in Scripture, as we have just now seen that the place where it grew, and was sold to merchants, was Gilead in Judea, more than 1730 years before Christ, or 1000 before the queen of Saba; so that in reading the verse, nothing can be plainer than that it had been transplanted into Judea, flourished, and had become an article of commerce in Gilead, long 127before the period he mentions. “A company of Ishmaelites came from Gilead with their camels, bearing spicery and balm, and myrrh, going to carry it down to Egypt,” Gen. xxxvii, 25. Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Tacitus, Justin, Solinus, and Serapion, speaking of its costliness and medicinal virtues, all say that this balsam came from Judea. The words of Pliny are, “But to all other odours whatever, the balsam is preferred, produced in no other part but the land of Judea, and even there in two gardens only; both of them belonging to the king, one no more than twenty acres, the other still smaller.” The whole valley of Jericho was once esteemed the most fruitful in Judea; and the obstinacy with which the Jews fought here to prevent the balsam trees from falling into the possession of the Romans, attests the importance which was attached to them. This tree Pliny describes as peculiar to the vale of Jericho, and as “more like a vine than a myrtle.” It was esteemed so precious a rarity, that both Pompey and Titus carried a specimen to Rome in triumph; and the balsam, owing to its scarcity, sold for double its weight in silver, till its high price led to the practice of adulteration. Justin makes it the chief source of the national wealth. He describes the country in which it grew, as a valley like a garden, environed with continual hills, and, as it were, enclosed with a wall. “The space of the valley contains 200,000 acres, and is called Jericho. In that valley, there is wood as admirable for its fruitfulness as for its delight, for it is intermingled with palm trees and opobalsamum. The trees of the opobalsamum have a resemblance to fir trees; but they are lower, and are planted and husbanded after the manner of vines. On a set season of the year they sweat balsam. The darkness of the place is beside as wonderful as the fruitfulness of it; for although the sun shines no where hotter in the world, there is naturally a moderate and perpetual gloominess of the air.” According to Mr. Buckingham, this description is most accurate. “Both the heat and the gloominess,” he says, “were observed by us, though darkness would be an improper term to apply to this gloom.”
BALSAM TREE, בעל השפעה; in Arabic, abuschâm, meaning “father of scent,” has a sweet aroma. According to Mr. Bruce, the balessan, balsam, or balm is an evergreen shrub or tree that grows to about fourteen feet high, naturally and without cultivation in its native land, Azab, stretching all along the coast to Babelmandel. Three types of balsam come from this tree. The first, called opobalsamum, was the most highly valued. It is collected naturally or through incisions made in the trunk or branches during summertime. The second type, carpobalsamum, is produced by pressing the mature fruit. The third and least valued was hylobalsamum, made by boiling the buds and small young twigs. The high value of this substance in the east dates back to ancient times. The Ishmaelites, or Arabian traders, who brought Arabian goods into Egypt, included Sorry as part of their cargo, as seen in Gen. xxxvii, 25; xliii, 11. Josephus, in the history of his country's antiquities, mentions that the queen of Saba brought a balsam tree to Jerusalem as part of her gifts to Solomon, who, as we know from Scripture, had a strong interest in all kinds of plants and was skilled in describing and distinguishing them. This tree appears to have been cultivated and thrived there, leading to the eventual loss of its origin's location over time. Despite Josephus's authoritative claims and their strong likelihood, they cannot compete with what we find in Scripture, which indicates that the tree was native to Gilead in Judea more than 1,730 years before Christ, or a thousand years before the queen of Saba; thus, reading the verse clearly shows it was transplanted to Judea, thrived, and became a product of trade in Gilead long 127 before the time he mentions. “A company of Ishmaelites came from Gilead with their camels, bearing spices and balm and myrrh, going to carry it down to Egypt,” Gen. xxxvii, 25. Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Tacitus, Justin, Solinus, and Serapion all mention its high price and medicinal properties, agreeing that this balsam came from Judea. Pliny states, “But among all other scents, balsam is preferred, produced in no other place but the land of Judea, and even there in only two gardens; both belonging to the king, one no larger than twenty acres, the other even smaller.” The entire valley of Jericho was once considered the most fertile in Judea, and the fierce resistance the Jews put up to prevent the balsam trees from falling into Roman hands shows how much they valued them. Pliny describes this tree as unique to the vale of Jericho, and “more like a vine than a myrtle.” It was so rare and valuable that both Pompey and Titus brought a specimen back to Rome in triumph; and due to its scarcity, balsam sold for double its weight in silver, leading to attempts at adulteration. Justin referred to it as the main source of national wealth, depicting the region where it grew as a beautifully enclosed valley, surrounded by constant hills. “The area of the valley covers 200,000 acres and is called Jericho. In that valley, there's wood as remarkable for its abundance as for its beauty, mixed with palm trees and opobalsamum. The opobalsamum trees resemble fir trees but are shorter and cultivated like vines. At a specific time of the year, they exude balsam. The area's darkness is as remarkable as its productivity; although the sun shines hotter nowhere else in the world, there is a natural, steady gloominess in the air.” According to Mr. Buckingham, this description is quite accurate. “Both the heat and the gloominess,” he says, “were noticeable to us, although darkness wouldn’t be the right word to describe this gloom.”
BANGORIAN CONTROVERSY, a controversy that arose with Dr. Hoadly, bishop of Bangor. That prelate, in a sermon preached before George I, asserted that Christ was supreme in his own kingdom; that he had not delegated his power, like temporal lawgivers during their absence, to any persons as his vicegerents or deputies; and that the church of England, as all other national churches, was merely a civil or human institution, established for the purpose of diffusing and perpetuating the knowledge and belief of Christianity. On the meeting of the convocation, a committee was appointed to examine this publication. A heavy censure was passed against it, as tending to subvert all government and discipline in the church of Christ, to reduce his kingdom to a state of anarchy and confusion, and to impugn and impeach the royal supremacy in matters ecclesiastical, and the authority of the legislature to enforce obedience in matters of religion, by severe sanction. To these proceedings a sudden stop was put by proroguing the convocation; but the controversy which had been commenced was continued for several years.
BANGORIAN CONTROVERSY, a dispute that arose with Dr. Hoadly, bishop of Bangor. He preached a sermon before George I, claiming that Christ was supreme in his own kingdom; that he hadn’t delegated his power, like secular lawmakers during their absence, to anyone as his representatives or deputies; and that the Church of England, like all other national churches, was just a civil or human institution set up to spread and maintain the knowledge and belief of Christianity. When the convocation met, a committee was formed to examine this publication. It received a strong condemnation for undermining all government and discipline in the church of Christ, reducing his kingdom to chaos and confusion, and challenging the royal supremacy in ecclesiastical matters, as well as the authority of the legislature to enforce compliance in religious issues through severe penalties. These proceedings were abruptly halted by proroguing the convocation, but the controversy that had started continued for several years.
BANNER, an ensign, or standard, used by armies or caravans on their journeys in the eastern countries. The original דגל, is rendered by lexicographers and translators under this word, as a noun, in which form it often occurs, a standard, banner; as a verb, once, to set up a banner; Psalm xx, 5; as a participle pahul, vexillatus, one distinguished by a banner, the chief; as a participle niphal, bannered, or with banners. The meaning of the root is illustrated by the very ingenious and sensible author of “Observations on Divers Passages of Scripture,” who shows, from Pitts and Pococke, that, “as in Arabia and the neighbouring countries, on account of the intense heat of the sun by day, people generally choose to travel in the night; so, to prevent confusion in their large caravans, particularly in the annual one to Mecca, each company, of which the caravan consists, has its distinct portable beacon, which is carried on the top of a pole, and consists of several lights, which are somewhat like iron stoves, into which they put short dry wood, with which some of the camels are loaded. Every company has one of these poles belonging to it; some of which have ten, some twelve, of these lights on their tops, more or less; and they are likewise of different figures, as well as numbers; one, perhaps, in an oval shape; another, triangular, or in the form of an M, or N, &c, so that by these every one knows his respective company. They are carried in the front, and set up in the place where the caravan is to pitch, before that comes up, at some distance from one another. As travelling then in the night must be, generally speaking, more agreeable to a great multitude in that desert, we may believe a compassionate God, for the most part, directed Israel to move in the night. And in consequence, must we not rather suppose the standards of the tribes were movable beacons, like those of the Mecca pilgrims, than flags or any thing of that kind?” This ingenious author seems, however, to forget, 1. That the pillar of fire was with the Israelites to direct their marches. 2. That the Israelites were not a mere caravan, but an army; and, as such, for order, required standards as well by day as by night. See Armies.
BANNER, an ensign or standard used by armies or caravans on their journeys in eastern countries. The original Flag is defined by lexicographers and translators with this word, as a noun, where it often appears, a standard, banner; as a verb, once, to set up a banner; Psalm xx, 5; as a participle pahul, vexillatus, one distinguished by a banner, the chief; as a participle niphal, bannered, or with banners. The meaning of the root is demonstrated by the insightful author of “Observations on Divers Passages of Scripture,” who explains, based on Pitts and Pococke, that “just as in Arabia and surrounding regions, due to the intense daytime heat, people typically prefer to travel at night; to avoid confusion in their large caravans, especially during the annual one to Mecca, each group within the caravan has its own distinct portable beacon, carried on top of a pole, featuring several lights that resemble iron stoves filled with short dry wood, some of which are carried by the camels. Each group has one of these poles; some have ten, others twelve lights on top, varying in number and shape; some may be oval, others triangular, or shaped like an M or N, etc., allowing everyone to identify their group. They are positioned at the front and set up where the caravan plans to stop, placed at a distance from one another. Since traveling at night is generally more comfortable for a large crowd in that desert, it's reasonable to assume a compassionate God often guided Israel to move at night. Therefore, should we not consider that the standards of the tribes were more like portable beacons, similar to those of the Mecca pilgrims, rather than just flags or anything of that sort?” However, this perceptive author seems to overlook, 1. That the pillar of fire was with the Israelites to guide their travel. 2. That the Israelites were not just a caravan, but an army; and thus, to maintain order, required standards both by day and night. See Military forces.
BANQUET. The hospitality of the present day in the east exactly resembles that of the remotest antiquity. The parable of the “great supper” is in those countries literally realized. And such was the hospitality of ancient Greece and Rome. When a person provided an entertainment for his friends or neighbours, he sent round a number of servants to invite the guests; these were called vocatores by the Romans, and κλητώρες by the Greeks. The day when the entertainment is to be given is fixed some considerable time before; and in the evening of the day appointed, a messenger comes to bid the guests to the feast. The custom is 128thus introduced in Luke: “A certain man made a great supper, and bade many; and sent his servant at supper time to say to them that were bidden, Come, for all things are now ready.” They were not now asked for the first time; but had already accepted the invitation, when the day was appointed, and were therefore already pledged to attend at the hour when they might be summoned. They were not taken unprepared, and could not in consistency and decency plead any prior engagement. They could not now refuse, without violating their word, and insulting the master of the feast, and, therefore, justly subjected themselves to punishment. The terms of the parable exactly accord with established custom. The Jews did not always follow the same method; sometimes they sent a number of servants different ways among the friends they meant to invite; and at other times, a single male domestic.
BANQUET. Today's hospitality in the East is just like that of ancient times. The story of the “great supper” is literally played out in those regions. This mirrors the hospitality of ancient Greece and Rome. When someone hosted a gathering for friends or neighbors, they would send several servants to invite the guests; the Romans called these servants callers, while the Greeks referred to them as κλητώρες. The date for the gathering is set well in advance, and on the evening of the event, a messenger arrives to remind the guests. This practice is reflected in Luke: “A certain man made a great supper, and invited many; and sent his servant at supper time to say to them that were invited, Come, for all things are now ready.” They weren’t being invited for the first time; they had already accepted the invitation when the date was set, and thus had committed to attend when summoned. They were not caught off guard and couldn’t reasonably claim a previous engagement. Refusing now would break their promise and insult the host, which is why they would justly face consequences. The details of the parable align perfectly with established custom. The Jews sometimes took a different approach; they would send several servants in various directions among the friends they wished to invite, and other times, they sent just a single male servant.
The Persians send a deputation to meet their guests: this deputation are called openers of the way; and the more distinguished the persons sent, and the greater the distance to which they go, so much greater is the honour. So it is proclaimed, “Go forth and behold king Solomon, with the crown wherewith his mother crowned him.” “The bridegroom cometh, go ye forth to meet him.” The names of the persons to be invited were inscribed upon tablets, and the gate was set open to receive those who had obtained them; but to prevent any getting in that had no ticket, only one leaf of the door was left open; and that was strictly guarded by the servants of the family. Those who were admitted had to go along a narrow passage to the room; and after all who had received tickets of admission were assembled, the master of the house rose and shut to the door; and then the entertainment began. The first ceremony, after the guests arrived at the house of entertainment, was the salutation performed by the master of the house, or one appointed in his place. Among the Greeks, this was sometimes done by embracing with arms around; but the most common salutation was by the conjunction of their right hands, the right hand being reckoned a pledge of fidelity and friendship. Sometimes they kissed the lips, hands, knees, or feet, as the person deserved more or less respect. The Jews welcomed a stranger to their house in the same way; for our Lord complains to Simon, that he had given him no kiss, had welcomed him to his table with none of the accustomed tokens of respect.
The Persians send a group to meet their guests: this group is called the "openers of the way"; and the more distinguished the people sent and the farther they travel, the greater the honor. It was announced, “Go out and see King Solomon, with the crown his mother gave him.” “The bridegroom is coming, go out to meet him.” The names of those to be invited were written on tablets, and the gate was opened to welcome those who had them; however, to prevent anyone without a ticket from entering, only one door leaf was left open, and it was closely monitored by the family’s servants. Those allowed inside had to walk through a narrow passage to the room; after all ticket holders gathered, the host would rise and close the door, and then the entertainment would begin. The first ceremony, after the guests arrived at the host's place, was the greeting performed by the host or someone designated in his place. Among the Greeks, this sometimes involved hugging, but the most common greeting involved shaking right hands, as the right hand was seen as a symbol of loyalty and friendship. Sometimes they would kiss the lips, hands, knees, or feet, depending on how much respect was deserved. The Jews welcomed a stranger to their home in the same manner; for our Lord points out to Simon that he had not given him a kiss and had welcomed him to his table without the usual signs of respect.
The custom of reclining was introduced from the nations of the east, and particularly from Persia, where it seems to have been adopted at a very remote period. The Old Testament Scriptures allude to both customs; but they furnish undeniable proofs of the antiquity of sitting. As this is undoubtedly the most natural and dignified posture, so it seems to have been universally adopted by the first generations of men; and it was not till after the lapse of many ages, and when degenerate man had lost much of the firmness of his primitive character, that he began to recline.
The practice of reclining originated from the eastern nations, especially Persia, where it appears to have been adopted a very long time ago. The Old Testament Scriptures reference both practices; however, they provide clear evidence that sitting is much older. Sitting is undoubtedly the most natural and dignified position, so it seems that it was widely accepted by the earliest generations of humanity. It wasn't until many ages later, when humanity had lost much of its original strength and character, that people started to recline.
The tables were constructed of three different parts or separate tables, making but one in the whole. One was placed at the upper end crossways, and the two others joined to its ends, one on each side, so as to leave an open space between, by which the attendants could readily wait at all the three. Round these tables were placed beds or couches, one to each table; each of these beds was called clinium; and three of these being united, to surround the three tables, made the triclinium. At the end of each clinium was a footstool, for the convenience of mounting up to it. These beds were formed of mattresses, and supported on frames of wood, often highly ornamented; the mattresses were covered with cloth or tapestry, according to the quality of the entertainer. At the splendid feast which Ahasuerus made for the nobles of his kingdom, beds of silver and gold were placed round the tables; according to a custom in the east of naming a thing from its principal ornament, these must have been couches profusely ornamented with the precious metals. Each guest inclined the superior part of his body upon his left arm, the lower part being stretched out at length, or a little bent; his head was raised up, and his back sometimes supported with pillows. In conversation, those who spoke raised themselves almost upright, supported by cushions. When they ate, they raised themselves on their elbow, and made use of the right hand; which is the reason our Lord mentions the hand of Judas in the singular number: “He that dippeth his hand with me in the dish, the same shall betray me,” Matt. xxvi, 23. See Accubation.
The tables were made up of three different parts or separate tables, creating one whole. One table was placed at the upper end across, with the other two joined to its ends, one on each side, leaving an open space in the middle for the attendants to easily serve at all three. Around these tables were placed beds or couches, one for each table; each of these beds was called clinium; and three of these combined to surround the three tables, creating the dining room. At the end of each clinium was a footstool, making it easier to get on. These beds were made of mattresses supported by wooden frames, often elaborately decorated; the mattresses were covered with cloth or tapestry, depending on the host's status. At the lavish feast that Ahasuerus held for the nobles of his kingdom, beds of silver and gold were placed around the tables; according to an eastern custom of naming things by their most notable feature, these must have been couches richly adorned with precious metals. Each guest leaned on his left arm, with the lower part of his body stretched out or slightly bent; his head was raised, and his back was sometimes supported by pillows. In conversation, those who spoke would sit up almost straight, resting on cushions. When they ate, they propped themselves up on their elbows and used their right hand; this is why our Lord refers to the hand of Judas in the singular: “He that dippeth his hand with me in the dish, the same shall betray me,” Matt. xxvi, 23. See Lying down to eat.
When a Persian comes into an assembly, and has saluted the house, he then measures with his eye the place to which his degree of rank entitles him; he straightway wedges himself into the line of guests, without offering any apology for the general disturbance which he produces. It often happens that persons take a higher seat than that to which they are entitled. The Persian scribes are remarkable for their arrogance in this respect, in which they seem to bear a striking resemblance to the Jews of the same profession in the days of our Lord. The master of the entertainment has, however, the privilege of placing any one as high in the rank of the assembly as he may choose. And Mr. Morier saw an instance of it at a public entertainment to which he was invited. When the assembly was nearly full, the governor of Kashan, a man of humble mien, although of considerable rank, came in and seated himself at the lowest place; when the master of the house, after numerous expressions of welcome, pointed with his hand to an upper seat in the assembly, to which he desired him to move, and which he accordingly did. These circumstances furnish a beautiful and striking illustration of the parable which our Lord uttered, when he saw how those that were invited chose the highest places.
When a Persian enters a gathering and greets the host, he then scans the room to find the spot that matches his rank; he immediately squeezes himself into the line of guests without apologizing for the disruption he causes. It often happens that people sit in seats higher than their rank allows. The Persian scribes are particularly known for their arrogance in this regard, resembling the Jewish scribes of the same period during our Lord’s time. However, the host has the right to assign anyone to the highest position in the gathering as he sees fit. Mr. Morier witnessed this at a public event he attended. When the room was nearly full, the governor of Kashan, a man of modest appearance but significant status, came in and sat in the lowest position; the host, after warmly welcoming him, gestured toward a higher seat in the assembly, which he then moved to. These events provide a clear and striking illustration of the parable our Lord spoke when he noticed how those invited chose the best seats.
Before the Greeks went to an entertainment, they washed and anointed themselves; for it was thought very indecent to appear on such an occasion, defiled with sweat and dust; but they who came off a journey were washed, and 129clothed with suitable apparel, in the house of the entertainer, before they were admitted to the feast. When Telemachus and Pisistratus arrived at the palace of Menelaus, in the course of their wanderings, they were immediately supplied with water to wash, and with oil to anoint, themselves, before they took their seats by the side of the king. The oil used on such occasions, in the palaces of nobles and princes, was perfumed with roses and other odoriferous herbs. They also washed their hands before they sat down to meat. To these customary marks of respect, to which a traveller, or one who had no house of his own, was entitled, our Lord alludes in his defence of Mary: “And he turned to the woman, and said unto Simon, Seest thou this woman? I entered into thine house; thou gavest me no water for my feet, but she hath washed my feet with her tears, and wiped them with the hairs of her head. Thou gavest me no kiss; but this woman, since the time I came in, hath not ceased to kiss my feet. My head with oil thou didst not anoint; but this woman hath anointed my feet with ointment,” Luke vii, 44. Homer mentions it as a custom quite common in those days, for daughters to wash and afterward to anoint the feet of their parents. Our Saviour was in the circumstances of a traveller; he had no home to wash and anoint himself in, before he went to Simon’s house; and, therefore, had a right to complain that his entertainer had failed in the respect that was due to him as a stranger, at a distance from the usual place of his residence. The Jews regularly washed their hands and their feet before dinner; they considered this ceremony as essential, which discovers the reason of their astonishment, when they observed the disciples of Christ sit down at table without having observed this ceremony: “Why do thy disciples transgress the tradition of the elders? for they wash not their hands when they eat bread,” Matt. xv, 2. After meals they wash them again; for, says the evangelist, “the Pharisees and all the Jews, except they wash their hands oft, eat not, holding the tradition of the elders,” Mark vii, 3, 4. When they washed their hands themselves, they plunged them into the water up to the wrists; but when others performed this office for them, it was done by pouring it upon their hands. The same custom prevailed in Greece, for Homer says, the attendants poured water on the hands of their chiefs. This was a part of the service which Elisha performed for his master Elijah; and in every instance under the law where water was applied to the body by another, it was done, not by plunging, but by pouring or sprinkling. To wash the feet was a mean and servile office, and, therefore, generally performed by the female servants of the family. It was occasionally performed, however, by females of the highest rank; for the daughter of Cleobulus, one of the Grecian sages, and king of Lindus, a city on the south-east part of Rhodes, was not ashamed to wash the feet of her father’s guests. And it was customary for them to kiss the feet of those to whom they thought a more than common respect was due; for the daughter of Philocleon, in Aristophanes, washed her father, anointed his feet, and, stooping down, kissed them. The towel which was used to wipe the feet after washing, was considered through all the east as a badge of servitude. Suetonius mentions it as a sure mark of the intolerable pride of Caligula, the Roman emperor, that when at supper he suffered senators of the highest rank, sometimes to stand by his couch, sometimes at his feet, girt with a towel. Hence it appears that this honour was a token of humiliation, which was not, however, absolutely degrading and inconsistent with all regard to rank. Yet our blessed Redeemer did not refuse to give his disciples, and Judas Iscariot himself, that proof of his love and humility.
Before the Greeks went to an event, they washed and applied oil to themselves because it was considered very disrespectful to show up covered in sweat and dirt. Those who had just come from a journey were washed and given suitable clothing at the host's house before they were allowed to join the feast. When Telemachus and Pisistratus reached the palace of Menelaus during their travels, they were immediately given water to wash and oil to anoint themselves before sitting down next to the king. The oil used on such occasions in the homes of nobles and princes was scented with roses and other fragrant herbs. They also washed their hands before eating. These customary signs of respect, which travelers or those without a home were entitled to, are referenced by our Lord in his defense of Mary: “And he turned to the woman, and said unto Simon, ‘Do you see this woman? I entered your house; you gave me no water for my feet, but she has washed my feet with her tears and wiped them with her hair. You did not give me a kiss; but this woman, since the time I came in, has not stopped kissing my feet. You did not anoint my head with oil; but this woman has anointed my feet with perfume,’” Luke 7:44. Homer mentions it as a common practice in those days for daughters to wash and then anoint their parents' feet. Our Savior was in the position of a traveler; he had no home to wash and anoint himself in before going to Simon’s house, and therefore had a right to complain that his host had failed to show him the respect due to a stranger away from his usual residence. The Jews regularly washed their hands and feet before dinner, considering this ceremony essential, which explains their surprise when they saw Jesus’ disciples sit down to eat without observing this practice: “Why do your disciples break the tradition of the elders? They don’t wash their hands before they eat,” Matt. 15:2. After meals, they washed again; for, the evangelist notes, “the Pharisees and all the Jews, unless they wash their hands often, do not eat, observing the tradition of the elders,” Mark 7:3-4. When washing their own hands, they submerged them in water up to the wrists; but when others did it for them, it was done by pouring water on their hands. A similar custom existed in Greece, as Homer states that attendants poured water on the hands of their leaders. This was part of the service Elisha performed for his master Elijah, and in every case under the law where water was applied to the body by someone else, it was done by pouring or sprinkling, not by submerging. Washing the feet was a lowly task and typically done by the household's female servants. However, women of high status occasionally performed this duty, as Cleobulus’ daughter, one of the Greek sages and king of Lindus, was unashamed to wash her father’s guests' feet. It was customary for people to kiss the feet of those to whom they had exceptional respect; the daughter of Philocleon in Aristophanes washed her father, anointed his feet, and bent down to kiss them. The towel used to dry the feet after washing was seen throughout the East as a symbol of servitude. Suetonius notes it as a clear sign of Caligula’s intolerable pride that he allowed high-ranking senators to stand by his couch or at his feet, wearing a towel. Thus, it shows that this honor was a sign of humility, which was not utterly degrading and inconsistent with regard for rank. Yet, our blessed Redeemer did not hesitate to show his love and humility to his disciples, including Judas Iscariot himself.
The entertainment was conducted by a symposiarch, or governor of the feast. He was, says Plutarch, one chosen among the guests, the most pleasant and diverting in the company, that would not get drunk, and yet would drink freely; he was to rule over the rest, to forbid any disorder, but to encourage their mirth. He observed the temper of the guests, and how the wine worked upon them; how every one could bear his wine, and to endeavour accordingly to keep them all in harmony, and in an even composure, that there might be no disquiet nor disturbance. To do this effectually, he first proclaimed liberty to every one to drink what he thought proper, and then observing who among them was most ready to be disordered, mixed more water with his wine, to keep him equally sober with the rest of the company; so that this officer took care that none should be forced to drink, and that none, though left to their own choice, should get intoxicated. Such, we have reason to believe, was the governor of the feast at the marriage in Cana of Galilee, which our Lord honoured with his presence. The term ἀρχιτρίκλινος literally signifies the governor of a place furnished with three beds; and he acted as one having authority; for he tasted the wine before he distributed it to the company, which, it is universally admitted, was one of the duties of a symposiarch. Neither the name nor the act accords with the character and situation of a guest; he must, therefore, have been the symposiarch, or governor of the feast. The existence of such an officer among the Jews is placed beyond a doubt, by a passage in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus, where his office is thus described: “If thou be made the master of a feast, lift not thyself up, but be among them as one of the rest; take diligent care of them, and so sit down. And when thou hast done all thine office, take thy place, that thou mayest be merry with them, and receive a crown for the well-ordering of the feast,” Ecclesiasticus xxxii, 1. See Architriclinus.
The entertainment was led by a symposiarch, or the head of the feast. According to Plutarch, this person was chosen from among the guests for being the most charming and entertaining, someone who wouldn’t get drunk but would drink freely. Their role was to oversee everyone, prevent any disorder, and encourage fun. They kept an eye on the guests’ moods and how the wine affected them; they noted how much each person could handle and worked to keep everyone balanced and composed, avoiding any unrest or chaos. To do this effectively, the symposiarch first announced that everyone was free to drink as they wished, and then, noticing who was most likely to get disorderly, mixed in more water with their wine to keep them on the same level as the others; this way, no one was forced to drink, and no one, even if left to their own choice, would become intoxicated. This is likely how the leader of the feast at the wedding in Cana of Galilee, which Jesus attended, operated. The term ἀρχιτρίκλινος literally means the head of a place set with three couches, and he acted as an authority figure; he tasted the wine before serving it to the guests, which was widely recognized as one of the duties of a symposiarch. Neither the title nor the action aligns with that of a regular guest; he must have, therefore, been the symposiarch or head of the feast. The existence of such an officer among the Jews is clearly established by a passage in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus, which describes his role: “If you are made the master of a feast, don’t elevate yourself, but be among them as one of the rest; take careful consideration of them, and then sit down. And when you have performed all your duties, take your place, so that you may enjoy yourself with them and receive a reward for your good management of the feast,” Ecclesiasticus xxxii, 1. See Architrichlinus.
BAPTISM, from the Greek word βαπτίζω, is a rite or ceremony by which persons are initiated into the profession of the Christian religion; or, it is the appointed mode by which a person assumes the profession of Christianity, or is admitted to a participation of the privileges belonging to the disciples of Christ. It 130was by this mode that those who believed the Gospel were to be separated from unbelievers, and joined to the visible Christian church; and the rite accompanying it, or washing with water, was probably intended to represent the washing away, or renouncing, the impurities of some former state, viz. the sins that had been committed, and the vicious habits that had been contracted; and to this purpose it may be observed, that the profession of repentance always accompanied, or was understood to accompany, the profession of faith in Christ. That our Lord instituted such an ordinance as baptism, is plain from the commission given to the Apostles after his resurrection, and recorded in Matt. xxviii, 19, 20. To this rite there is also an allusion in Mark xvi, 16; John iii, 5; Acts ii, 41; viii, 12, 36–38; xxii, 16. The design of this institution, which was to express faith in Christ on the part of those who were baptized, and to declare their resolution of openly professing his religion, and cultivating real and universal holiness, appears from Rom. vi, 3, 4; 1 Peter iii, 21; Ephes. v, 26; and Titus iii, 5. We find no account of baptism as a distinct religious rite, before the mission of John, the forerunner of Christ, who was called the “Baptist,” on account of his being commanded by God to baptize with water all who should hearken to his invitation to repent. Washing, however, accompanied many of the Jewish rites, and, indeed, was required after contracting any kind of uncleanness. Also, soon after the time of our Saviour, we find it to have been the custom of the Jews solemnly to baptize, as well as to circumcise, all their proselytes. As their writers treat largely of the reasons for this rite, and give no hint of its being a novel institution, it is probable that this had always been the custom antecedent to the time of Moses, whose account of the rite of circumcision, and of the manner of performing it, is by no means circumstantial. Or, baptism, after circumcision, might have come into use gradually from the natural propriety of the thing, and its easy conformity to other Jewish customs. For if no Jew could approach the tabernacle, or temple, after the most trifling uncleanness, without washing, much less would it be thought proper to admit a proselyte from a state so impure and unclean as Heathenism was conceived to be, without the same mode of purification. The antiquity of this practice of proselyte baptism among the Jews, has been a subject of considerable debate among divines. It is strenuously maintained by Lightfoot. Dr. John Owen considers the opinion, that Christian baptism came from the Jews, as destitute of all probability. On the other hand, Mr. Wall has made it highly probable, to say the least, from many testimonies of the Jewish writers, who without one dissenting voice allow the fact, that the practice of Jewish baptism obtained before and at, as well as after, our Saviour’s time. There is also a strong intimation, even in the Gospel itself, of such a known practice among the Jews in the time of John the Baptist, John i, 25. The testimonies of the Jewish writers are of the greater weight, because the practice, reported by them to have been of so ancient a date, did still remain among them; for if it had not been of that antiquity to which it pretends, viz. before the time of Christ, it is not likely that it would ever have become a custom among the Jews afterward. Would they begin to proselyte persons to their religion by baptism in imitation of the disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, whom they held accursed? And yet if this proselyte baptism were adopted by the Jews since the time of Christ, it must have been a mere innovation in imitation of Christians, which is not very likely. This ceremony is performed by immersion in the oriental churches. The practice of the western churches is, to sprinkle the water on the head or face of the person to be baptized, except in the church of Milan, in whose ritual it is ordered, that the head of the infant be plunged three times into the water; the minister at the same time pronouncing the words, “I baptize thee in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost;” importing that by this ceremony the person baptized is received among the professors of that religion which God, the Father of all, revealed to mankind by the ministry of his Son, and confirmed by the miracles of his Spirit.
BAPTISM, from the Greek word βαπτίζω, is a ceremony through which individuals are initiated into the Christian faith. It’s the accepted way for someone to profess Christianity or to be welcomed into the community of Christ's disciples. It was through this practice that those who accepted the Gospel were distinguished from non-believers and joined to the visible Christian church. The accompanying act of washing with water likely symbolized the cleansing or renouncing of previous impurities, specifically the sins committed and bad habits developed. It's worth noting that the declaration of repentance has always gone hand-in-hand with professing faith in Christ. Our Lord clearly instituted baptism, as shown in the commission given to the Apostles post-resurrection in Matt. xxviii, 19, 20. There are also references to this rite in Mark xvi, 16; John iii, 5; Acts ii, 41; viii, 12, 36–38; xxii, 16. The purpose of this practice, which was to express faith in Christ for those being baptized and to signify their commitment to openly profess His religion and pursue genuine holiness, is evident in Rom. vi, 3, 4; 1 Peter iii, 21; Ephes. v, 26; and Titus iii, 5. There is no record of baptism as a separate religious rite before John the Baptist's mission, who was named “the Baptist” because he was commanded by God to baptize with water all who responded to his call to repent. However, washing was part of many Jewish rituals and was required after experiencing any form of uncleanness. Additionally, shortly after the time of our Savior, it became customary for Jews to baptize, as well as circumcise, all their converts. Jewish writers extensively discuss the reasons for this rite and do not suggest that it was a new practice, which implies it likely existed before Moses, whose description of circumcision is not detailed. Alternatively, baptism might have gradually become part of the custom after circumcision due to its natural appropriateness and alignment with other Jewish traditions. If no Jew could enter the tabernacle or temple after even minor uncleanness without washing, it would be even less appropriate to accept a proselyte from the perceived impurity of paganism without the same form of cleansing. The historical significance of proselyte baptism among the Jews has been debated among theologians. Lightfoot strongly argues for it, while Dr. John Owen doubts that Christian baptism originated from Jewish practices. Conversely, Mr. Wall has provided strong evidence from numerous Jewish writings that cite the practice of Jewish baptism as existing before, during, and after our Savior's time. There are also implications within the Gospel itself suggesting such a widely recognized practice among Jews during John the Baptist's time, as noted in John i, 25. The testimonies of Jewish writers carry more weight, especially since the practice they describe as ancient continues among them today; if it were not as old as claimed, predating Christ, it’s unlikely it would have become a custom afterward. Would they have begun to convert people to their religion through baptism, mimicking the followers of Jesus of Nazareth whom they considered cursed? If this proselyte baptism were adopted by Jews after Christ, it would be seen as a mere imitation, which seems unlikely. In Eastern churches, this ceremony is performed by immersion. In Western churches, the practice is to sprinkle water on the individual’s head or face, except in the church of Milan, where it is required for the infant’s head to be submerged three times in water, with the minister concurrently declaring, “I baptize thee in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,” signifying that through this act, the individual is welcomed among the followers of the faith that God, the Father of all, revealed to humanity through His Son and affirmed through the miracles of His Spirit.
2. It is observable that the baptismal form, above cited from St. Matthew, never occurs in the same words, either in the book of the Acts, or in any of the Epistles. But though the form in St. Matthew never appears elsewhere, the thing intended thereby is always implied. There are many ceremonies delivered by ecclesiastical writers, as used in baptism, which were introduced after the age of Justin Martyr, but which are now disused; as the giving milk and honey to the baptized, in the east; wine and milk, in the west, &c. They also added unction and the imposition of hands. Tertullian is the first who mentions the signing with the sign of the cross, but only as used in private, and not in public worship; and he particularly describes the custom of baptizing without it. Indeed, it does not appear to have been used in baptism till the latter end of the fourth or fifth century; at which time great virtue was ascribed to it. Lactantius, who lived in the beginning of the fourth century, says the devil cannot approach those who have the heavenly mark of the cross upon them as an impregnable fortress to defend them; but he does not say it was used in baptism. After the council of Nice, Christians added to baptism the ceremonies of exorcism and adjuration, to make evil spirits depart from the persons to be baptized. They made several signings with the cross, they used lighted candles, they gave salt to the baptized person to taste, and the priest touched his mouth and ears with spittle, and also blew and spat upon his face. At that time also baptized persons wore white garments till the Sunday following. They had also various other ceremonies; some of which are now abolished, though others of them remain in the church of Rome to this day.
2. It can be seen that the baptismal formula mentioned in St. Matthew never appears in the same wording, either in the book of Acts or in any of the Epistles. However, even though St. Matthew's specific wording is not found elsewhere, the underlying meaning is always implied. There are many rituals described by church writers that were used in baptism, which were introduced after the time of Justin Martyr, yet are no longer practiced; for example, giving milk and honey to the baptized in the East, and wine and milk in the West, etc. They also added anointing and the laying on of hands. Tertullian is the first to mention the signing with the sign of the cross, but only as something done privately, not in public worship; he specifically describes the practice of baptizing without it. In fact, it seems that the cross was not used in baptism until the late fourth or fifth century, at which point it was believed to have great significance. Lactantius, who lived in the early fourth century, states that the devil cannot approach those who bear the heavenly mark of the cross, serving as an invincible defense; however, he does not mention anything about it being used in baptism. After the Council of Nicaea, Christians began to incorporate the ceremonies of exorcism and adjuration into baptism to drive away evil spirits from those being baptized. They performed several signings with the cross, used lit candles, gave the baptized person salt to taste, and the priest touched their mouth and ears with saliva, and also blew and spat on their face. At that time, individuals who were baptized wore white garments until the following Sunday. There were also various other rituals; some of these have been abolished, while others still remain in the Roman Catholic Church today.
3. The Quakers assert, that water baptism was never intended to continue in the church 131of Christ any longer than while Jewish prejudices made such an external ceremony necessary. They argue from Eph. iv, 5, in which one baptism is spoken of as necessary to Christians, that this must be a baptism of the Spirit. But from comparing the texts that relate to this institution, it will plainly appear that water baptism was instituted by Christ in more general terms than will agree with this explication. That it was administered to all the Gentile converts, and not confined to the Jews, appears from Matt. xxviii, 19, 20, compared with Acts x, 47; and that the baptism of the Spirit did not supersede water baptism appears to have been the judgment of Peter and of those that were with him; so that the one baptism spoken of seems to have been that of water; the communication of the Holy Spirit being only called baptism in a figurative sense. As for any objection which may be drawn from 1 Cor. i, 17, it is sufficiently answered by the preceding verses, and all the numerous texts, in which, in epistles written long after this, the Apostle speaks of all Christians as baptized; and argues from the obligation of baptism, in such a manner as we can never imagine he would have done, if he had apprehended it to have been the will of God that it should be discontinued in the church. Compare Rom. vi, 3, &c; Col. ii, 12; Gal. iii, 27.
3. The Quakers argue that water baptism was never meant to continue in the church of Christ any longer than when Jewish biases made such an outward ceremony necessary. They reference Eph. iv, 5, where one baptism is identified as essential for Christians, claiming this must refer to a baptism of the Spirit. However, a comparison of the relevant texts clearly shows that water baptism was established by Christ in broader terms than would align with this interpretation. It was administered to all the Gentile converts, not just the Jews, as seen in Matt. xxviii, 19, 20 when compared to Acts x, 47. Furthermore, the belief that the baptism of the Spirit replaced water baptism appears to have been the view of Peter and those with him; hence, the one baptism mentioned seems to refer to water baptism, while the giving of the Holy Spirit is only termed baptism in a figurative sense. Any objections that might come from 1 Cor. i, 17 can be adequately addressed by the preceding verses, along with the many texts in letters written long after this, where the Apostle refers to all Christians as baptized and discusses the duty of baptism in a way that suggests he would not have done if he believed it was God's will that it should end in the church. See also Rom. vi, 3, etc.; Col. ii, 12; Gal. iii, 27.
4. Baptism, in early times, was only administered at Easter and Whitsuntide, except in cases of necessity. Adult persons were prepared for baptism by abstinence, prayer, and other pious exercises. It was to answer for them, says Mosheim, that sponsors, or godfathers, were first instituted in the second century, though they were afterward admitted also in the baptism of infants. This, according to M. Daillé, was not done till the fourth century. Wall refers the origin of sponsors, or godfathers, on the authority of Tertullian, to the commencement of the second century; who were used in the baptism of infants that could not answer for themselves. The catechumens were not forward in coming to baptism. St. Ambrose was not baptized before he was elected bishop of Milan; and some of the fathers not till the time of their death. Some deferred it out of a tender conscience; and others out of too much attachment to the world; it being the prevailing opinion of the primitive times, that baptism, whenever conferred, washed away all antecedent stains and sins. Accordingly they deferred this sanctifying rite as long as possible, even till they apprehended they were at the point of death. Cases of this kind occur at the beginning of the third century. Constantine the Great was not baptized till he was at the last gasp, and in this he was followed by his son Constantius; and two of his other sons, Constantine and Constans, were killed before they were baptized. As to the necessity of baptism, we may observe, however, that, though some seem to have laid too great stress upon it, as if it were indispensably necessary in order to salvation; it must be allowed, that for any person to omit baptism, when he acknowledges it to be an institution of Christ, and that it is the will of Christ that he should submit to it, is an act of disobedience to his authority, which is inconsistent with true faith.
4. In the early days, baptism was only performed during Easter and Whitsun, except in cases of necessity. Adults prepared for baptism through fasting, prayer, and other spiritual exercises. According to Mosheim, sponsors, or godfathers, were first introduced in the second century to vouch for them, although they later became involved in the baptism of infants as well. M. Daillé notes that this practice didn’t begin until the fourth century. Wall traces the origin of sponsors, or godfathers, back to the early second century based on Tertullian’s authority, who were used in the baptism of infants who couldn’t speak for themselves. The catechumens weren’t eager to be baptized. St. Ambrose was not baptized until he was elected as bishop of Milan, and some of the church fathers were only baptized at the time of their death. Some put it off out of a sensitive conscience, while others did so out of too much attachment to the world. It was commonly believed in early times that baptism washed away all previous sins. Consequently, many delayed this sacred rite as long as possible, even until they were on their deathbed. Such cases can be found at the beginning of the third century. Constantine the Great wasn’t baptized until he was on his deathbed, and his son Constantius followed his example; two of his other sons, Constantine and Constans, were killed before they could be baptized. As for the necessity of baptism, we should note that while some seem to have emphasized it too strongly as essential for salvation, it is clear that for anyone to skip baptism, when they acknowledge it as a command of Christ and know it is His will for them to partake in it, is an act of disobedience that contradicts true faith.
5. The word baptism is frequently taken for sufferings, Mark x, 38; Luke xii, 50; Matt. xx, 22, 23. Of expressions like these we find some traces in the Old Testament also, where waters often denote tribulations, Psalm lxix, 1, 15; cxxiv, 4, 5; and where to be swallowed up by the waters, and to pass through the great waters, signify to be overwhelmed with miseries and calamities.
5. The word baptism is often associated with sufferings, as seen in Mark 10:38; Luke 12:50; and Matthew 20:22, 23. We can also find similar expressions in the Old Testament, where waters frequently represent tribulations, such as in Psalm 69:1, 15; 124:4, 5. Additionally, being swallowed up by the waters and passing through the great waters signify being overwhelmed by miseries and disasters.
6. St. Paul, endeavouring to prove the resurrection of the dead, among several other reasons in support of the doctrine, says, “If the dead rise not at all, what shall they do who are baptized for the dead?” 1 Cor. xv, 29. Of this phrase various interpretations have been given; three of which only shall be here mentioned. “It means,” say some, “‘baptized in the room of the dead just fallen in the cause of Christ, and who are thus supported by a sucession of new converts, immediately offering themselves to fill up their places, as ranks of soldiers who advance to combat in the room of their companions, who have just been slain in their sight.’” Others think it signifies, “In hope of blessings to be received after they are numbered with the dead.” Dr. Macknight supplies the words, τῆς ἀναϛάσεως, and reads the clause, “Who are baptized for the resurrection of the dead;” or in consequence of their believing in the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead; on account of which faith, and their profession of it, they are exposed to great sufferings, for which they can have no recompense, if there be no resurrection of the dead, nor any future life at all.
6. St. Paul, trying to prove the resurrection of the dead, says several things in support of the doctrine, including, “If the dead don't rise at all, what will those do who are baptized for the dead?” 1 Cor. xv, 29. There have been various interpretations of this phrase; here are just three. Some say it means, “baptized in place of those who have just died for the cause of Christ, and who are thus supported by a succession of new converts immediately stepping up to take their places, like soldiers who advance to fight in place of their comrades who have just been killed right in front of them.” Others believe it signifies, “In hope of blessings they will receive after they are counted among the dead.” Dr. Macknight adds the words, τῆς ἀναϛάσεως, and reads the clause, “Who are baptized for the resurrection of the dead;” or because they believe in the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead; for which belief, and their profession of it, they face great suffering, with no reward if there’s no resurrection of the dead, nor any afterlife at all.
7. As to the subjects of baptism, the anti-pædobaptists hold that believing adults only are proper subjects, because the commission of Christ to baptize appears to them to restrict this ordinance to such only as are taught, or made disciples; and that, consequently, infants, who cannot be thus taught, ought to be excluded. “It does not appear,” say they, “that the Apostles, in executing the commission of Christ, ever baptized any but those who were first instructed in the Christian faith, and professed their belief of it.” They contend that infants can receive no benefit from baptism, and are not capable of faith and repentance, which are to be considered as prerequisites.
7. When it comes to who should be baptized, the anti-pædobaptists believe that only believing adults are the right candidates. They think that Christ’s command to baptize is meant for those who have been taught or made into disciples, which means infants, who can't be taught, should be left out. They argue, “It doesn’t seem that the Apostles, in following Christ's command, ever baptized anyone who wasn’t first instructed in the Christian faith and didn’t profess their belief in it.” They claim that infants can’t gain any benefit from baptism and are not capable of faith and repentance, which they see as necessary conditions.
8. As to the mode, they observe that the meaning of the word βαπτίζω signifies to immerse or dip, and that only; that John baptized in Jordan; that he chose a place where there was much water; that Jesus came up out of the water; that Philip and the eunuch went down both into the water; that the terms, washing, purifying, burying in baptism, so often mentioned in the Scriptures, allude to this mode; that immersion only was the practice of the Apostles and the first Christians; and that it was only laid aside from the love of novelty, and the coldness of climate. These positions, they think, are so clear from Scripture, and the history of the church, that they 132stand in need of but little argument for their support. Farther, they also insist that all positive institutions depend entirely upon the will and declaration of the institutor; and that, therefore, reasoning by analogy from previously abrogated rites is to be rejected, and the express command of Christ respecting baptism ought to be our rule.
8. Regarding the method, they point out that the meaning of the word βαπτίζω is to immerse or dip, and nothing more; that John baptized in the Jordan; that he chose a spot where there was a lot of water; that Jesus came up out of the water; that Philip and the eunuch both went down into the water; that the terms washing, purifying, and burying in baptism, frequently mentioned in the Scriptures, refer to this method; that immersion was the only practice of the Apostles and the early Christians; and that it was only abandoned for the sake of novelty and the coolness of the climate. They believe these positions are so clear from Scripture and church history that they require very little argument for support. Furthermore, they also argue that all positive institutions rely entirely on the will and declaration of the one who establishes them; therefore, reasoning by analogy from previously canceled rites should be dismissed, and the direct command of Christ regarding baptism should be our guideline.
9. The Pædobaptists, however, are of a different opinion. As to the subjects of baptism, they believe that qualified adults, who have not been baptized before, are certainly proper subjects; but then they think, also, that infants ought not to be excluded. They believe that, as the Abrahamic and Christian covenants are the same, Gen. xvii, 7; Heb. viii, 12; that as children were admitted under the former; and that as baptism is now a sign, seal, or confirmation of this covenant, infants have as great a right to it as the children of the Israelites had to the seal of circumcision under the law, Acts ii, 39; Rom. iv, 11. Farther, if children are not to be baptized because there is no positive command for it, for the same reason they say that women should not come to the Lord’s Supper; nor ought we to keep holy the first day of the week; neither of these being expressly commanded. If baptizing infants had been a human invention, they also ask, how such a practice could have been so universal in the first three hundred years of the church, and yet no record have remained when it was introduced, nor any dispute or controversy about it have taken place? Some reduce the matter to a narrower compass; urging, (1.) That God constituted in his church the membership of infants, and admitted them to that privilege by a religious ordinance, Gen. xvii; Gal. iii, 14, 17. (2.) That this right of infants to church membership was never taken away: and this being the case, they argue, that infants must be received, because God has appointed it; and, since they must be received, it must be either with baptism or without it; but none must be received without baptism; therefore, infants must of necessity be baptized. Hence it is clear that, under the Gospel, infants are still continued exactly in the same relation to God and his church in which they were originally placed under former dispensations. That infants are to be received into the church, and as such baptized, is also inferred from the following passages of Scripture: Gen. xvii; Isa. xliv, 3; Matt. xix, 13; Luke ix, 47, 48; Acts ii, 38, 39; Rom. xi, 17, 21; 1 Cor. vii, 14.
9. The Pædobaptists, however, have a different viewpoint. Regarding who should be baptized, they believe that qualified adults who haven't been baptized before are certainly appropriate candidates; however, they also think that infants shouldn't be excluded. They believe that since the Abrahamic and Christian covenants are the same (Gen. xvii, 7; Heb. viii, 12), and that children were included under the former covenant, and since baptism is now a sign, seal, or confirmation of this covenant, infants have just as much right to it as the children of the Israelites had to the seal of circumcision under the law (Acts ii, 39; Rom. iv, 11). Furthermore, if children are not to be baptized because there is no explicit command for it, then for the same reason, they argue that women shouldn't participate in the Lord’s Supper; nor should we observe the first day of the week, since none of these practices are expressly commanded. They also ask how the practice of baptizing infants, if it were merely a human idea, could have been so widespread in the first three hundred years of the church without any record of when it started or any disputes about it. Some narrow the argument, insisting on (1.) That God established church membership for infants and allowed them that privilege through a religious ordinance (Gen. xvii; Gal. iii, 14, 17). (2.) That this right of infants to church membership was never taken away. Given this, they argue that infants must be welcomed, as God has mandated it; and since they must be welcomed, it has to be done either with or without baptism, but no one should be welcomed without baptism; therefore, infants must necessarily be baptized. Thus, it is clear that, under the Gospel, infants still hold the same relationship with God and His church that they had under previous dispensations. That infants are to be received into the church and baptized is also supported by the following scripture references: Gen. xvii; Isa. xliv, 3; Matt. xix, 13; Luke ix, 47, 48; Acts ii, 38, 39; Rom. xi, 17, 21; 1 Cor. vii, 14.
10. Though there are no express examples in the New Testament of Christ and his Apostles baptizing infants, yet there is no proof that they were excluded. Jesus Christ actually blessed little children; and it is difficult to believe that such received his blessing, and yet were not to be members of the Gospel church. If Christ received them, and would have us “receive” them, how can we keep them out of the visible church? Beside, if children were not to be baptized, it is reasonable to expect that they would have been expressly forbidden. As whole households were baptized, it is also probable there were children among them. From the year 400 to 1150, no society of men, in all that period of seven hundred and fifty years, ever pretended to say it was unlawful to baptize infants: and still nearer the time of our Saviour there appears to have been scarcely any one who advised the delay of infant baptism. Irenæus, who lived in the second century, and was well acquainted with Polycarp, who was John’s disciple, declares expressly, that the church learned from the Apostles to baptize children. Origen, in the third century, affirms, that the custom of baptizing infants was received from Christ and his Apostles. Cyprian, and a council of ministers, held about the year 254, no less than sixty-six in number, unanimously agreed that children might be baptized as soon as they were born. Ambrose, who wrote about 274 years from the Apostles, declares that the baptism of infants had been practised by the Apostles themselves, and by the church down to that time. “The catholic church every where declares,” says Chrysostom, in the fifth century, “that infants should be baptized;” and Augustine affirmed, that he never heard or read of any Christian, catholic or sectarian, but who always held that infants were to be baptized. They farther believe that there needed no mention in the New Testament of receiving infants into the church, as it had been once appointed and never repealed. So far from confining baptism to adults, it must be remembered that there is not a single instance recorded in the New Testament, in which the descendants of Christian parents were baptized in adult years. The objection that infants are not proper subjects for baptism, because they cannot profess faith and repentance, falls with as much weight upon the institution of circumcision as infant baptism; since they are as capable or are as fit subjects for the one as the other. Finally, it is generally acknowledged, that if infants die, (and a great part of the human race die in their infancy,) they are saved: if this be the case then why refuse them the sign of union with Christ, if they be capable of enjoying the thing signified?
10. Although there are no clear examples in the New Testament of Christ and his Apostles baptizing infants, there’s no evidence that they were excluded from baptism. Jesus Christ actually blessed little children, and it’s hard to believe that those who received his blessing were not meant to be part of the Gospel church. If Christ welcomed them and wanted us to “receive” them, how can we keep them out of the visible church? Furthermore, if children were not meant to be baptized, we would expect there to be a clear prohibition against it. Since entire households were baptized, it’s likely that there were children among them. From 400 to 1150, across seven hundred and fifty years, no group of people claimed that baptizing infants was unlawful; even closer to the time of our Savior, very few suggested delaying infant baptism. Irenaeus, who lived in the second century and knew Polycarp, who was a disciple of John, clearly stated that the church learned from the Apostles to baptize children. Origen, in the third century, confirmed that the practice of baptizing infants came from Christ and his Apostles. Cyprian, along with a council of sixty-six ministers around 254, unanimously agreed that children could be baptized as soon as they were born. Ambrose, who wrote about 274 years after the Apostles, asserted that the Apostles themselves had practiced infant baptism, and that the church continued to do so up to his time. “The Catholic church everywhere declares,” says Chrysostom in the fifth century, “that infants should be baptized;” and Augustine noted that he had never heard or read of any Christian, whether Catholic or not, who didn’t believe infants should be baptized. They also believe there was no need to mention receiving infants into the church in the New Testament, as it had been established once and was never revoked. Far from limiting baptism to adults, it’s important to remember that there is no recorded instance in the New Testament of the children of Christian parents being baptized as adults. The argument that infants are not suitable for baptism because they cannot profess faith and repentance applies just as strongly to circumcision as it does to infant baptism, since they are equally capable of being fit subjects for both. Ultimately, it’s widely accepted that if infants die (and a large portion of humanity does die in infancy), they are saved. If this is the case, then why deny them the sign of unity with Christ, if they are capable of enjoying what the sign represents?
11. As to the mode, the Pædobaptists deny that the term βαπτίζω, which is a derivative of βάπτω, and, consequently, must be something less in its signification, is invariably used in the New Testament to express plunging. It is denied, therefore, that dipping is its only meaning; that Christ absolutely enjoined immersion; and that it is his positive will that no other mode should be used. As the word βαπτίζω is used to express the various ablutions among the Jews, such as sprinkling, pouring, &c, Heb. ix, 10, for the custom of washing before meals, and the washing of household furniture, pots, &c, it is evident from hence that it does not express the manner of doing a thing, whether by immersion or effusion, but only the thing done; that is, washing; or the application of water in some form or other. It no where signifies to dip, but in denoting a mode of, and in order to, washing or cleansing; and the mode or use is only the ceremonial part of a positive institute; just as in the Lord’s 133Supper, the time of day, the number and posture of the communicants, the quantity and quality of bread and wine, are circumstances not accounted essential by any part of Christians. If in baptism there be an expressive emblem of the descending influence of the Spirit, pouring must be the mode of administration; for that is the Scriptural term most commonly and properly used for the communication of divine influences, Matt. iii, 11; Mark i, 8, 10; Luke iii, 16–22; John i, 33; Acts i, 5; ii, 38, 39; viii, 12, 17; xi, 15, 16. The term sprinkling, also, is made use of in reference to the act of purification, Isa. lii, 15; Ezek. xxxvi, 25; Heb. ix, 13, 14; and therefore cannot be inapplicable to baptismal purification. But, it is observed, that John baptized “in Jordan:” to this it is replied, To infer always a plunging of the whole body in water from this particle, would, in many instances, be false and absurd. The same Greek preposition, ἐν, is used when it is said they should be “baptized with fire;” but few will assert that they should be plunged into it. The Apostle, speaking of Christ, says, he came not, ἐν, “by water only;” but, ἐν, “by water and blood.” There the same word, ἐν, is translated by; and with justice and propriety; for we know no good sense in which we could say he came in water. It has been remarked that ἐν is, more than a hundred times, in the New Testament, rendered at; and in a hundred and fifty others it is translated with. If it be rendered so here, John baptized at Jordan, or with the water of Jordan, there is no proof that he plunged his disciples in it.
11. Regarding the method, the Pædobaptists argue that the term βαπτίζω, which comes from βάπτω and thus must imply something lesser in its meaning, is consistently used in the New Testament to refer to plunging. They deny that dipping is its only meaning, that Christ required immersion exclusively, and that it's his definite will that no other method should be employed. Since the word βαπτίζω is also used to describe various Jewish washings, such as sprinkling and pouring (Heb. ix, 10), including customs like washing before meals and cleaning household items, it's clear that it doesn’t specify how something is done—whether by immersion or pouring—but rather refers to the act itself, which is washing or applying water in some manner. It does not mean to dip, but instead indicates a method of washing or cleansing; thus, the method is only the ceremonial aspect of a specific institution, similar to how the timing, number, and position of participants, as well as the quantity and quality of bread and wine, in the Lord’s Supper are not considered essential by any group of Christians. If baptism represents an expressive symbol of the Spirit's descending influence, pouring should be the method of administration; this is the term most commonly and correctly used in Scripture to convey divine influences (Matt. iii, 11; Mark i, 8, 10; Luke iii, 16–22; John i, 33; Acts i, 5; ii, 38, 39; viii, 12, 17; xi, 15, 16). The term sprinkling is also used in connection with purification (Isa. lii, 15; Ezek. xxxvi, 25; Heb. ix, 13, 14) and therefore can appropriately apply to baptismal purification. However, it is noted that John baptized “in Jordan”: in response, it is said that assuming this implies complete immersion would often be incorrect or illogical. The same Greek preposition, ἐν, is used when it is stated they would be “baptized with fire,” yet few would claim this means they should be submerged in it. The Apostle speaks of Christ, saying he came not ἐν, “by water only,” but ἐν, “by water and blood.” Here, the same word ἐν is translated as by, which is appropriate; we can't meaningfully say he came in water. It's been noted that ἐν is translated as at over a hundred times in the New Testament, and over a hundred fifty times it is rendered as with. If it were translated that way here, it would mean John baptized at Jordan, or with the water of Jordan, offering no evidence that he fully submerged his disciples in it.
Jesus, it is said, came up out of the water; but this is no proof that he was immersed, as the Greek term, ἀπὸ, often signifies from: for instance, “Who hath warned you to flee from,” not out of, “the wrath to come?” with many others that might be mentioned. Again: it is urged that Philip and the eunuch went down both into the water. To this it is answered, that here also is no proof of immersion: for, if the expression of their going down into the water necessarily includes dipping, then Philip was dipped, as well as the eunuch. The preposition εἰς, translated into, often signifies no more than to, or unto: see Matt. xv, 24; Rom. x, 10; Acts xxviii, 14; Matt. iii, 11; xvii, 27: so that from none of these circumstances can it be proved that there was one person of all the baptized, who went into the water ankle deep. As to the Apostle’s expression, “buried with him in baptism,” that has no force in the argument for immersion, since it does not allude to a custom of dipping, any more than our baptismal crucifixion and death has any such reference. It is not the sign, but the thing signified, that is here alluded to. As Christ was buried, and rose again to a heavenly life, so we by baptism signify that we are separated from sin, that we may live a new life of faith and love.
Jesus, it is said, came up out of the water; but this doesn't prove that he was immersed, as the Greek word, ἀπὸ, often means from: for example, "Who has warned you to flee from," not out of, "the wrath to come?" with many other instances that could be mentioned. Additionally, it is argued that Philip and the eunuch both went down into the water. However, this also doesn’t prove immersion: if saying they went down into the water necessarily means dipping, then Philip was dipped, just like the eunuch. The preposition εἰς, translated as into, often means no more than to or unto: see Matt. xv, 24; Rom. x, 10; Acts xxviii, 14; Matt. iii, 11; xvii, 27: so none of these circumstances can prove that anyone who was baptized went into the water up to their ankles. As for the Apostle’s phrase, “buried with him in baptism,” it doesn't carry weight in the argument for immersion since it doesn't refer to a practice of dipping, any more than our baptismal crucifixion and death has any such implication. It’s not the sign, but the thing signified, that is being referenced here. Just as Christ was buried and rose again to a heavenly life, we signify through baptism that we are separated from sin so that we can live a new life of faith and love.
To conclude: it is urged, against the mode of immersion, that, as it carries with it too much of the appearance of a burdensome rite for the Gospel dispensation; as it is too indecent for so solemn an ordinance; as it has a tendency to agitate the spirits, often rendering the subject unfit for the exercise of proper thoughts and affections, and indeed utterly incapable of them; as in many cases the immersion of the body would, in all probability, be instant death; as in other situations it would be impracticable, for want of water; it cannot be considered as necessary to the ordinance of baptism, and there is the strongest improbability that it was ever practised in the times of the New Testament, or in the earliest periods of the Christian church.
To sum up: it's argued against immersion because it seems too much like a cumbersome ritual for the Gospel era; it’s too inappropriate for such a serious ceremony; it can stir up emotions, often making a person unable to think or feel properly, and sometimes completely incapable of it; in many cases, being fully immersed in water could likely lead to immediate death; in other situations, it wouldn’t be possible due to a lack of water; therefore, it shouldn’t be seen as essential to the practice of baptism, and there's a strong chance it was never actually done during the New Testament times or in the early days of the Christian church.
BAPTISTS, or ANTIPÆDOBAPTISTS, so called from their rejecting the baptism of infants. The Baptists in England form one of “the three denominations of Protestant Dissenters.” The constitution of their churches, and their modes of worship, are congregational, or independent. They bore a considerable share in the sufferings of the seventeenth and preceding centuries: for there were many among the Lollards and Wickliffites who disapproved of infant baptism. There were also many of this faith among the Protestants and Reformers abroad. In Holland, Germany, and the north, they went by the names of Anabaptists and Mennonites; and in Piedmont and the south, they were found among the Albigenses and Waldenses. The Baptists subsist chiefly under two denominations,--the Particular or Calvinistical, and the General or Arminian. The former is by far the most numerous. Some of both denominations, General and Particular, allow of free or mixed communion; admitting to the Lord’s table pious persons who have not been immersed, while others consider that as an essential requisite to communion. These are sometimes called Strict Baptists. Other societies of this denomination observe the seventh day of the week as their Sabbath, apprehending the original law of the Sabbath to remain in force, unaltered and unrepealed. These are called Seventh-day Baptists. A considerable number of the General Baptists have gone into Unitarianism; in consequence of which, those who maintained the doctrines of the Trinity and atonement, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, formed themselves into what is called “The New Connection,” or Association. These preserve a friendly correspondence with their other brethren in things which concern the general interests of the denomination, but hold no religious communion with them. Some congregations of General Baptists admit three distinct orders of church officers: messengers or ministers, elders, and deacons. The Baptists in America, and in the East and West Indies, are chiefly Calvinists; but most of them admit of free communion. The Scottish Baptists form a distinct denomination, and are distinguished by several peculiarities of church government. “No trace can be found of a Baptist church in Scotland,” says Mr. Jones, “excepting one which appears to have been formed out of Cromwell’s army, previous to 1765, when a church was settled at Edinburgh, under the pastoral care of Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Archibald 134M’Lean. Others have since been formed at Dundee, Glasgow, and in most of the principal towns of Scotland:” also at London, and in various parts of England. They think that the order of public worship, which uniformly obtained in the Apostolic churches, is clearly set forth in Acts ii, 42–47; and therefore they endeavour to follow it out to the utmost of their power. They require a plurality of elders in every church, administer the Lord’s Supper, and make contributions for the poor every first day of the week. The prayers and exhortations of the brethren form a part of their church order, under the direction and control of the elders, to whom it exclusively belongs to preside in conducting the worship, to rule in cases of discipline, and to labour in the word and doctrine, in distinction from the brethren exhorting one another. The elders are all laymen, generally chosen from among the brethren; but, when circumstances require, are supported by their contributions. They approve also of persons who are properly qualified for it, being appointed by the church to preach the Gospel and baptize, though not vested with any pastoral charge. The discipline and government of the Scottish Baptists are strictly congregational.
BAPTISTS, or ANTIPÆDOBAPTISTS, are named for their rejection of infant baptism. In England, Baptists make up one of “the three denominations of Protestant Dissenters.” Their church structure and worship styles are congregational or independent. They experienced significant suffering during the seventeenth and earlier centuries, as many among the Lollards and Wickliffites opposed infant baptism. There were also many followers of this belief among Protestants and Reformers abroad. In Holland, Germany, and the north, they were known as Anabaptists and Mennonites; in Piedmont and the south, they were part of the Albigenses and Waldenses. Baptists mainly exist under two groups: the Particular or Calvinistic and the General or Arminian, with the former being much larger in number. Some from both groups, General and Particular, allow free or mixed communion, welcoming pious individuals who haven’t been immersed to the Lord’s table, while others consider immersion essential for communion. These are sometimes called Strict Baptists. Other groups within this denomination observe the seventh day of the week as their Sabbath, believing that the original law of the Sabbath remains unchanged and in effect. These are known as Seventh-day Baptists. A significant number of General Baptists have shifted towards Unitarianism, which led those who upheld the doctrines of the Trinity and atonement in the late eighteenth century to form what’s known as “The New Connection” or Association. They maintain friendly communication with their fellow members on matters concerning the broader interests of the denomination but do not share religious communion with them. Some congregations of General Baptists recognize three distinct roles for church leaders: messengers or ministers, elders, and deacons. The Baptists in America and in the East and West Indies are primarily Calvinists, but most of them allow for free communion. Scottish Baptists represent a separate denomination, characterized by several unique features in church governance. “No trace can be found of a Baptist church in Scotland,” says Mr. Jones, “except one which seems to have been established from Cromwell’s army before 1765, when a church was established in Edinburgh, under the pastoral care of Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Archibald M’Lean. Others have since been formed in Dundee, Glasgow, and most major towns in Scotland,” as well as in London and various parts of England. They believe that the order of public worship, which was consistently practiced in the Apostolic churches, is clearly outlined in Acts 2:42–47; therefore, they strive to follow it as closely as possible. They require a plurality of elders in every church, administer the Lord’s Supper, and collect contributions for the poor every Sunday. The prayers and exhortations from the congregation are part of their church order, under the guidance and supervision of the elders, who are responsible for leading the worship, making disciplinary decisions, and working in teaching and doctrine, distinct from the congregation encouraging one another. All elders are laypeople, typically chosen from among the brethren; but, when necessary, they are supported by congregational contributions. They also support qualified individuals being appointed by the church to preach the Gospel and baptize, though they do not hold any pastoral position. The discipline and governance of the Scottish Baptists are strictly congregational.
BARACHIAS, the father of Zacharias, mentioned Matt. xxiii, 35, as slain between the temple and the altar. There is a great diversity of opinions concerning the person of this Zacharias, the son of Barachias. Some think him to be Zacharias, the son of Jehoiada, who was killed by the orders of Joash, between the temple and the altar, 2 Chron. xxiv, 21. Campbell thinks, with Father Simon, that Jehoiada had two names, Barachias and Jehoiada. See Zacharias.
BARACHIAS, the father of Zacharias, is mentioned in Matt. xxiii, 35, as having been killed between the temple and the altar. There are many different opinions about who this Zacharias, the son of Barachias, actually is. Some believe he is Zacharias, the son of Jehoiada, who was ordered to be killed by Joash, right between the temple and the altar, as noted in 2 Chron. xxiv, 21. Campbell, along with Father Simon, believes that Jehoiada had two names: Barachias and Jehoiada. See Zach.
BARAK, son of Abinoam, chosen by God to deliver the Hebrews from that bondage under which they were held by Jabin, king of the Canaanites, Judges iv, 4, 5, &c. He refused to obey the Lord’s commands, signified to him by Deborah, the prophetess, unless she consented to go with him. Deborah accompanied Barak toward Kedesh of Naphtali; and, having assembled ten thousand men, they advanced to mount Tabor. Sisera, being informed of this movement, marched with nine hundred chariots of war, and encamped near the river Kishon. Barak rapidly descended from mount Tabor, and the Lord having spread terror through Sisera’s army Barak easily obtained a complete victory. Sisera was killed by Jael. Barak and Deborah composed a hymn of thanksgiving; and the land had peace forty years from A. M. 2719 to 2759, B. C. 1245.
BARAK, son of Abinoam, chosen by God to rescue the Hebrews from their oppression under Jabin, the king of the Canaanites, Judges iv, 4, 5, etc. He refused to follow the Lord’s commands, relayed to him by Deborah, the prophetess, unless she agreed to go with him. Deborah joined Barak as they headed toward Kedesh in Naphtali; after gathering ten thousand men, they moved on to Mount Tabor. When Sisera learned of this, he marched with nine hundred war chariots and camped near the river Kishon. Barak quickly descended from Mount Tabor, and with the Lord instilling fear in Sisera’s army, Barak achieved a complete victory. Sisera was killed by Jael. Barak and Deborah sang a hymn of thanks, and the land enjoyed peace for forty years from A. M. 2719 to 2759, B. C. 1245.
BARBARIAN. The word לעו (rendered barbarian; LXX, βάρβαρος,) in the Hebrew sense of it, signifies a stranger; one who knows neither the holy language nor the law. According to the notions of the Greeks, all nations who were not Greeks, or not governed by laws like the Greeks, were barbarians. The Persians, Egyptians, Hebrews, Arabians, Gauls, Germans, and even the Romans, were, in their phraseology, barbarians, however learned or polite they might be in themselves. St. Paul comprehends all mankind under the names of Greeks and barbarians: “I am a debtor both to the Greeks and to the barbarians; to the wise and to the unwise,” Rom. i, 14. St. Luke calls the inhabitants of the island of Malta barbarians, Acts xxviii, 2, 4. St. Paul, writing to the Colossians, uses the terms barbarian and Scythian almost in the same signification. In 1 Cor. xiv, 11, he says, that if he who speaks a foreign language in an assembly be not understood by those to whom he discourses, with respect to them he is a barbarian; and, reciprocally, if he understand not those who speak to him, they are to him barbarians. Barbarian, therefore, is used for every stranger or foreigner who does not speak our native language, and includes no implication whatever of savage nature or manners in those respecting whom it is used. It is most probably derived from berbir, “a shepherd;” whence Barbary, the country of wandering shepherds; Bedouins, Sceni, Scythei, as if, wanderers in tents; therefore barbarians.
BARBARIAN. The word לעו (translated as barbarian; LXX, βάρβαρος) in Hebrew means a stranger; someone who doesn’t know the holy language or the law. To the Greeks, all nations that were not Greek or didn’t have laws like the Greeks were considered barbarians. The Persians, Egyptians, Hebrews, Arabians, Gauls, Germans, and even Romans were labeled as barbarians in their terminology, regardless of how educated or cultured they may have been. St. Paul refers to all humanity as Greeks and barbarians: “I am a debtor both to the Greeks and to the barbarians; to the wise and to the unwise,” Rom. i, 14. St. Luke describes the people of Malta as barbarians, Acts xxviii, 2, 4. In his letter to the Colossians, St. Paul uses the terms barbarian and Scythian almost interchangeably. In 1 Cor. xiv, 11, he states that if someone speaking a foreign language in a gathering isn’t understood by the audience, he is a barbarian to them; conversely, if he doesn’t understand those speaking to him, they are barbarians to him. Therefore, "barbarian" refers to any foreigner or stranger who doesn’t speak our native language, without implying anything about being savage or uncultured about those described. It most likely comes from berbir, meaning “a shepherd,” leading to Barbary, the land of wandering shepherds; Bedouins, Sceni, Scythei, as if they are wanderers in tents; hence, barbarians.
BAR-JESUS, or, according to some copies, BAR-JEU, was a Jewish magician in the island of Crete, Acts xiii, 6. St. Luke calls him Elymas. He was with the pro-consul Sergius Paulus, who, sending for Paul and Barnabas, desired to hear the word of God. Bar-Jesus endeavouring to hinder the pro-consul from embracing Christianity, Paul, filled with the Holy Ghost, “set his eyes upon him, and said, O full of all subtilty and mischief, thou child of the devil, thou enemy of all righteousness, wilt thou not cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord? Behold, the hand of the Lord is upon thee, and thou shalt be blind, not seeing the sun for a season;” which took place immediately. The pro-consul, who saw this miracle, was converted. Origen and Chrysostom think that Elymas, or Bar-Jesus, was converted likewise; and that St. Paul speedily restored his sight.
BAR-JESUS, or as some copies call him, BAR-JEU, was a Jewish magician on the island of Crete, as mentioned in Acts xiii, 6. St. Luke refers to him as Elymas. He was with the pro-consul Sergius Paulus, who, after calling for Paul and Barnabas, wanted to hear the word of God. Bar-Jesus tried to stop the pro-consul from embracing Christianity, but Paul, filled with the Holy Spirit, “fixed his gaze on him and said, 'You are full of all deceit and fraud, you son of the devil, you enemy of all righteousness, will you never stop twisting the straight paths of the Lord? Look, the hand of the Lord is against you, and you will be blind and unable to see the sun for a time;'” and this happened immediately. The pro-consul, witnessing this miracle, converted. Origen and Chrysostom believe that Elymas, or Bar-Jesus, also converted, and that St. Paul quickly restored his sight.
BARLEY, שערה, Exod. ix, 31; Lev. xxvii, 16, &c;; a well-known kind of grain. It derives its Hebrew name from the long hairy beard which grows upon the ear. Pliny, on the testimony of Menander, says that barley was the most ancient aliment of mankind. In Palestine the barley was sown about October, and reaped in the end of March, just after the passover. In Egypt the barley harvest was later; for when the hail fell there, Exodus ix, 31, a few days before the passover, the flax and barley were bruised and destroyed: for the flax was at its full growth, and the barley began to form its green ears; but the wheat, and more backward grain, were not damaged, because they were only in the blade, and the hail bruised the young shoots which produce the ears.
BARLEY, שערה, Exod. ix, 31; Lev. xxvii, 16, &c;; a well-known type of grain. Its Hebrew name comes from the long, hairy beard that grows on the ear. Pliny, citing Menander, states that barley was the oldest food for humans. In Palestine, barley was sown around October and harvested at the end of March, just after Passover. In Egypt, the barley harvest came later; when the hail fell there, Exodus ix, 31, a few days before Passover, the flax and barley were damaged and destroyed: the flax was fully grown, and the barley was just starting to form its green ears. However, the wheat and other less mature grains were not harmed, as they were only in the blade stage, and the hail damaged the young shoots that produce the ears.
The rabbins sometimes called barley the food of beasts, because in reality they fed their cattle with it, 1 Kings iv, 28; and from Homer and other ancient writers we learn, that barley was given to horses. The Hebrews, however, frequently used barley bread, as we find by several passages of Scripture: for example, David’s friends brought to him in his flight wheat, 135barley, flour, &c, 2 Sam. xvii, 28. Solomon sent wheat, barley, oil, and wine, to the labourers King Hiram had furnished him, 2 Chron. ii, 15. Elijah had a present made him, of twenty barley loaves, and corn in the husk, 2 Kings iv, 22. And, by miraculously increasing the five barley loaves, Christ fed a multitude of about five thousand, John vi, 8–10. The jealousy-offering, in the Levitical institution, was to be barley meal, Num. v, 15. The common mincha, or offering, was of fine wheat flour, Lev. ii, 1; but this was of barley, a meaner grain, probably to denote the vile condition of the person in whose behalf it was offered. For which reason, also, there was no oil or frankincense permitted to be offered with it. Sometimes barley is put for a low, contemptible reward or price. So the false prophets are charged with seducing the people for handfuls of barley, and morsels of bread, Ezek. xiii, 19. Hosea bought his emblematic bride for fifteen pieces of silver, and a homer and a half of barley, Hosea iii, 2.
The rabbis sometimes referred to barley as the food of animals because they actually fed their livestock with it, 1 Kings iv, 28; and from Homer and other ancient authors, we learn that barley was given to horses. However, the Hebrews often used barley bread, as shown in several passages of Scripture: for example, David's friends brought him wheat, barley, flour, etc., 2 Sam. xvii, 28. Solomon sent wheat, barley, oil, and wine to the workers that King Hiram had provided, 2 Chron. ii, 15. Elijah received a gift of twenty barley loaves and corn in the husk, 2 Kings iv, 22. And by miraculously multiplying five barley loaves, Christ fed a crowd of about five thousand, John vi, 8–10. The jealousy offering in the Levitical law was to consist of barley meal, Num. v, 15. The common mincha, or offering, was made from fine wheat flour, Lev. ii, 1; but this was from barley, a lesser grain, likely to symbolize the lowly state of the person on whose behalf it was offered. For this reason, there was no oil or frankincense allowed to be offered with it. Sometimes barley represents a low, worthless reward or price. Thus, the false prophets were accused of misleading the people for handfuls of barley and scraps of bread, Ezek. xiii, 19. Hosea bought his symbolic bride for fifteen pieces of silver and a homer and a half of barley, Hosea iii, 2.
BARNABAS, a disciple of Jesus Christ, and companion of St. Paul in his labours. He was a Levite, born in the isle of Cyprus. His proper name was Joses, to which the Apostles added Barnabas, signifying the son of consolation. He is generally considered one of the seventy disciples, chosen by our Saviour. He was brought up with Paul at the feet of Gamaliel. When that Apostle came to Jerusalem, three years after his conversion, Barnabas introduced him to the other Apostles, Acts ix, 26, 27, about A. D. 37. Five years afterward, the church at Jerusalem, being informed of the progress of the Gospel at Antioch, sent Barnabas thither, who beheld with great joy the wonders of the grace of God, Acts xi, 22, 24. He exhorted the faithful to perseverance. Some time afterward, he went to Tarsus, to seek Paul, and bring him to Antioch, where they jointly laboured two years, and converted great numbers; and here the disciples were first called Christians. They left Antioch A. D. 44, to convey alms from this church to that at Jerusalem. At their return they brought John Mark, the cousin of Barnabas. While they were at Antioch, the Holy Ghost directed that they should be separated for those labours among the Gentiles to which he had appointed them. They departed into Cyprus, where they converted Sergius Paulus, the pro-consul. They preached at Perga in Pamphylia without much success, by reason of the obstinacy and malice of the Jews; but being come to Iconium, they made many converts. Here the Jews stirred up a sedition, and obliged them to retire to Derbe and Lystra, in Lycaonia, where St. Paul curing one Æneas, who had been lame from his birth, the people of Lystra regarded them as gods; calling Barnabas, Jupiter; and Paul, Mercury; and would have sacrificed to them, which the two Apostles with great difficulty hindered: nevertheless, soon afterward, they were persecuted in this very city. Having revisited the cities through which they had passed, and where they had preached the Gospel, they returned to Antioch in Syria.
BARNABAS, a disciple of Jesus Christ, was a companion of St. Paul in his work. He was a Levite, born on the island of Cyprus. His real name was Joses, but the Apostles called him Barnabas, which means the son of consolation. He is generally thought to be one of the seventy disciples chosen by our Savior. He grew up with Paul at the feet of Gamaliel. When Paul came to Jerusalem three years after his conversion, Barnabas introduced him to the other Apostles, as recorded in Acts 9:26-27, around A.D. 37. Five years later, the church in Jerusalem learned about the spread of the Gospel in Antioch and sent Barnabas there, who saw the amazing grace of God and was filled with joy, as noted in Acts 11:22-24. He encouraged the believers to stay strong in their faith. Later, he went to Tarsus to find Paul and bring him to Antioch, where they worked together for two years, converting many people, and it was there that the disciples were first called Christians. They left Antioch in A.D. 44 to deliver donations from that church to the one in Jerusalem. On their return, they brought John Mark, Barnabas's cousin. While they were in Antioch, the Holy Spirit directed them to be set apart for the mission among the Gentiles that He had planned for them. They traveled to Cyprus, where they converted Sergius Paulus, the pro-consul. They preached at Perga in Pamphylia but didn’t have much success due to the stubbornness and hostility of the Jews; however, when they reached Iconium, they made many converts. Here, the Jews incited a riot, forcing them to flee to Derbe and Lystra in Lycaonia. In Lystra, St. Paul healed a man named Æneas, who had been lame since birth, which led the people to think of them as gods, calling Barnabas Jupiter and Paul Mercury, wanting to sacrifice to them, which the two Apostles managed to stop with great difficulty. Nevertheless, they were soon afterward persecuted in that same city. After revisiting the cities where they had preached the Gospel, they returned to Antioch in Syria.
In A. D. 51, Barnabas was sent with Paul from Antioch to Jerusalem, on occasion of disputes concerning the observance of legal rites, to which the Jews wished to subject the Gentiles. Paul and Barnabas were present in the council at Jerusalem, and returned immediately to Antioch. Peter, arriving there soon afterward, was led to countenance, in some degree, by his conduct, the observance of the Mosaic distinctions. Barnabas, too, (who, being by descent a Levite, might retain some former notions,) used the like dissimulation: but Paul reproved Peter and Barnabas with great freedom. Paul afterward determining to visit the churches in the isle of Cyprus, and in Asia Minor, Barnabas desired that John Mark might accompany them: but Paul objected, because Mark had left them on the first journey. Hereupon the two Apostles separated: Paul went toward Asia; and Barnabas, with Mark, to Cyprus. This is all we know certainly concerning Barnabas.
In A.D. 51, Barnabas was sent with Paul from Antioch to Jerusalem due to disagreements about the observance of legal rituals that some Jews wanted to impose on the Gentiles. Paul and Barnabas attended the council in Jerusalem and quickly returned to Antioch. Shortly after, Peter arrived and, through his actions, seemed to support the observance of Mosaic laws. Barnabas, who was a Levite by birth and might have held onto some previous beliefs, acted similarly. However, Paul openly criticized both Peter and Barnabas for this behavior. Later, Paul decided to visit the churches in Cyprus and Asia Minor, and Barnabas requested that John Mark join them. Paul disagreed because Mark had left them on their first journey. As a result, the two Apostles parted ways: Paul went toward Asia, while Barnabas and Mark headed to Cyprus. This is the extent of what we definitely know about Barnabas.
There is extant among the writings of the fathers an epistle which is attributed to Barnabas; though, being without an inscription, it is not known to whom it professes to have been addressed. It was first published by Archbishop Usher, in Greek and Latin, and translated by Archbishop Wake, in his “Genuine Epistles of the Apostolical Fathers,” and has often been reprinted. That it is not the production of Barnabas, the companion of Paul, may be safely concluded from internal evidence; though it may have been written by some other person of the same name. There is also a tract which goes by the name of, “The Gospel of Barnabas,” still extant; from which Dr. White, at the end of his Bampton Lectures, has given extracts sufficiently copious to satisfy any impartial mind that it is spurious.
There is a letter among the writings of the early Church fathers that is attributed to Barnabas; however, since it has no title, it's unclear who it was meant for. Archbishop Usher was the first to publish it in Greek and Latin, and Archbishop Wake translated it in his "Genuine Epistles of the Apostolical Fathers," and it has been reprinted many times. It's safe to conclude from the content that this letter was not written by Barnabas, the companion of Paul, although it might have been composed by someone else with the same name. There is also a text known as "The Gospel of Barnabas" that still exists; Dr. White provided enough excerpts from it at the end of his Bampton Lectures to convince any unbiased reader that it is not genuine.
BARRENNESS. This was looked upon as reproachful among the Greeks and Romans, but more particularly so among the Jews; which may be accounted for by the constant expectation of Messiah, and the hope that every woman had, that she might be the mother of the promised seed. This constant hope of the speedy coming of the great “Seed of the woman” serves also to account for many circumstances in the Old Testament history. “Couple it,” says the Rev. J. J. Blunt, “with this consideration, and I see the scheme of revelation, like the physical scheme, proceeding with beautiful uniformity: a unity of plan ‘connecting,’ as it has been well said by Paley, ‘the chicken roosting upon its perch with the spheres revolving in the firmament;’ and a unity of plan connecting in like manner the meanest accidents of a household with the most illustrious visions of a prophet. Abstracted from this consideration, I see in the history of Moses details of actions, some trifling, some even offensive, pursued at a length (when compared with the whole) singularly disproportionate; while things which the angels would desire to look into are passed over and forgotten. But this principle once admitted, all is consecrated; all assumes a new aspect; 136trifles, that seem at first not bigger than a man’s hand, occupy the heavens; and wherefore Sarah laughed, for instance, at the prospect of a son, and wherefore that laugh was rendered immortal in his name; and wherefore the sacred historian dwells on a matter so trivial, whilst the world and its vast concerns were lying at his feet, I can fully understand. For then I see the hand of God shaping every thing to his own ends, and in an event thus casual, thus easy, thus unimportant, telling forth his mighty design of salvation to the world, and working it up into the web of his noble prospective counsels, Gen. xxi, 6. I see that nothing is great or little before Him who can bend to his purposes whatever he willeth, and convert the light-hearted and thoughtless mockery of an aged woman into an instrument of his glory, effectual as the tongue of the seer which he touched with living coals from the altar. Bearing this master-key in my hand, I can interpret the scenes of domestic mirth, of domestic stratagem, or of domestic wickedness, with which the history of Moses abounds. The Seed of the woman, that was to bruise the serpent’s head, Gen. iii, 15, however indistinctly understood, (and probably it was understood very indistinctly,) was the one thing longed for in the families of old; was ‘the desire of all nations,’ as the Prophet Haggai expressly calls it, Hag. ii, 7; and, provided they could accomplish this desire, they (like others, when urged by an overpowering motive) were often reckless of the means, and rushed upon deeds which they could not defend. Then did the wife forget her jealousy, and provoke, instead of resenting, the faithlessness of her husband, Gen. xvi, 2; xxx, 3, 9; then did the mother forget a parent’s part, and teach her own child treachery and deceit, Gen. xxv, 23; xxvii, 13; then did daughters turn the instincts of nature backward, and deliberately work their own and their father’s shame, Gen. xix, 31; then did the daughter-in-law veil her face, and court the incestuous bed, Gen. xxxviii, 14; and to be childless, was to be a by-word, Gen. xvi, 5; xxx, 1; and to refuse to raise up seed to a brother, was to be spit upon, Gen. xxxviii, 26; Deut. xxv, 9; and the prospect of the promise, like the fulfilment of it, did not send peace into families, but a sword; and three were set against two, and two against three, Gen. xxvii, 41; and the elder, who would be promoted unto honour, was set against the younger, whom God would promote, Gen. iv, 5; xxvii, 41; and national differences were engendered by it, as individuals grew into nations, Gen. xix, 37; xxvi, 35; and even the foulest of idolatries may be traced, perhaps, to this hallowed source; for the corruption of the best is the worst corruption of all, Num. xxv, 1, 2, 3. It is upon this principle of interpretation, and I know not upon what other so well, that we may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, who have made those parts of the Mosaic history a stumbling-block to many, which, if rightly understood, are the very testimony of the covenant; and a principle which is thus extensive in its application and successful in its results; which explains so much that is difficult, and answers so much that is objected against, has, from this circumstance alone, strong presumption in its favour, strong claims upon our sober regard.”
BARRENNESS. This was seen as embarrassing among the Greeks and Romans, but especially so among the Jews; this can be explained by their constant expectation of a Messiah and the hope every woman had of being the mother of the promised child. This ongoing hope for the imminent arrival of the great “Seed of the woman” also helps explain many situations in Old Testament history. “Combine it,” says Rev. J. J. Blunt, “with this consideration, and I see the scheme of revelation, like the natural world, progressing with beautiful consistency: a unity of plan ‘connecting,’ as Paley has well stated, ‘the chicken roosting on its perch with the spheres revolving in the sky;’ and a unity of plan that similarly links the most mundane household events with the most spectacular visions of a prophet. Without this perspective, I see in the history of Moses details of actions, some trivial, some even offensive, pursued at a length (when compared to the whole) strangely disproportionate; while matters that angels would want to understand are overlooked and forgotten. But once this principle is accepted, everything is sacred; everything takes on a new light; 136small things that at first seem no bigger than a man’s hand fill the heavens; and I can understand why Sarah laughed at the idea of having a son, why that laugh became immortal in his name, and why the sacred historian focuses on something so trivial while the world and its vast concerns lay at his feet. For then I see God's hand shaping everything to His ends, and in an event so casual, so easy, so unimportant, revealing His grand design of salvation to the world, woven into the fabric of His noble prospective plans, Gen. xxi, 6. I realize that nothing is great or small before Him who can bend all things to His purposes and transform the light-hearted and thoughtless mockery of an old woman into a tool of His glory, as effective as the tongue of a prophet that He touched with live coals from the altar. Holding this master key, I can interpret the scenes of family joy, family schemes, or family wickedness that permeate the history of Moses. The Seed of the woman, destined to crush the serpent's head, Gen. iii, 15, however vaguely understood (and likely it was understood very vaguely), was the one thing sought after in ancient families; it was ‘the desire of all nations,’ as the Prophet Haggai explicitly calls it, Hag. ii, 7; and as long as they could fulfill this desire, they (like others spurred by an overwhelming motive) often acted recklessly and rushed into actions they could not justify. Then the wife overlooked her jealousy and provoked instead of resenting her husband’s unfaithfulness, Gen. xvi, 2; xxx, 3, 9; then the mother ignored her parental duty and taught her own child treachery and deceit, Gen. xxv, 23; xxvii, 13; then the daughters turned their natural instincts upside down and intentionally brought shame upon themselves and their father, Gen. xix, 31; then the daughter-in-law hid her face and sought the incestuous bed, Gen. xxxviii, 14; and being childless became a joke, Gen. xvi, 5; xxx, 1; and refusing to provide a child for a brother was to be scorned, Gen. xxxviii, 26; Deut. xxv, 9; and the promise’s prospect, like its fulfillment, didn’t bring peace into families but a sword; and three were set against two, and two against three, Gen. xxvii, 41; and the older, who would be exalted, stood opposed to the younger, whom God would raise up, Gen. iv, 5; xxvii, 41; and national conflicts arose from it, as individuals became nations, Gen. xix, 37; xxvi, 35; and even the most disgusting idolatries might trace their origins to this sacred source; because the corruption of the best is the worst corruption of all, Num. xxv, 1, 2, 3. It is based on this principle of interpretation, and I know of no other that serves so well, that we can silence the ignorance of foolish men, who have made parts of the Mosaic history a stumbling block for many, which, if correctly understood, are the very proof of the covenant; and a principle that is so broadly applicable and successful in its outcomes; that explains so much that is difficult and answers so many objections, has, because of this circumstance alone, strong grounds in its favor and strong claims on our serious consideration.”
BARSABAS. Joseph Barsabas, surnamed Justus, was one of the first disciples of Jesus Christ, and probably one of the seventy. When St. Peter proposed to the disciples to fill up the place of Judas the traitor, by choosing another Apostle, Acts i, 21, Barsabas was nominated along with Matthias; but the lot fell on Matthias, who was therefore numbered with the eleven Apostles. We know nothing farther of the life of this Barsabas.
BARSABAS. Joseph Barsabas, also known as Justus, was one of the first disciples of Jesus Christ, and likely one of the seventy. When St. Peter suggested to the disciples that they fill the position left by Judas the traitor by selecting another Apostle, Acts i, 21, Barsabas was nominated along with Matthias; however, the lot was drawn in favor of Matthias, who was then counted among the eleven Apostles. We don’t know anything more about the life of this Barsabas.
2. Barsabas was also the surname of Judas, one of the principal disciples mentioned, Acts xv, 22, &c. Barsabas and some others were sent by the Apostles, with Paul and Barnabas, to Antioch, and carried a letter with them from the Apostles, signifying what the council at Jerusalem had decreed. After the reading of the letter to the brethren, which was received with joy, Barsabas and Silas continued here some time longer, instructing and confirming the brethren; after which Silas and Barsabas returned to Jerusalem. This is all we know of Barsabas Judas.
2. Barsabas was also the last name of Judas, one of the key disciples mentioned in Acts xv, 22, and so on. Barsabas and a few others were sent by the Apostles, along with Paul and Barnabas, to Antioch, carrying a letter from the Apostles that explained what the council in Jerusalem had decided. After the letter was read to the members, who received it with joy, Barsabas and Silas stayed there for a while longer, teaching and encouraging the members; after that, Silas and Barsabas went back to Jerusalem. That's all we know about Barsabas Judas.
BARTHOLOMEW, one of the twelve Apostles, Matt. x, 3, is supposed to be the same person who is called Nathanael, one of the first of Christ’s disciples. This opinion is founded on the circumstance, that as the evangelist John never mentions Bartholomew in the number of the Apostles, so the other evangelists never mention Nathanael. And as in John i, 45, Philip and Nathanael are mentioned together as coming to Jesus, so in the other evangelists Philip and Bartholomew are constantly associated together. The supposition also acquires additional probability from considering, that Nathanael is particularly mentioned among the Apostles to whom Christ appeared at the sea of Tiberias, after his resurrection; Simon Peter, Thomas, and Nathanael, of Cana in Galilee; the sons of Zebedee, namely, James and John; with two other of his disciples, probably Andrew and Philip, John xxi, 2. It is an early tradition, that Bartholomew propagated the faith as far as India, and also in the more northern and western parts of Asia, and that he finally suffered martyrdom. But all the particulars respecting the life and labours of the Apostles, not mentioned in the New Testament, are exceedingly uncertain.
BARTHOLOMEW, one of the twelve Apostles, Matt. x, 3, is thought to be the same person as Nathanael, one of Christ’s first disciples. This idea is based on the fact that the evangelist John never lists Bartholomew among the Apostles, just as the other evangelists never mention Nathanael. In John i, 45, Philip and Nathanael are noted as coming to Jesus together, while in the other gospels, Philip and Bartholomew are regularly mentioned together. The assumption gains further credibility since Nathanael is specifically mentioned among the Apostles who saw Christ at the sea of Tiberias after his resurrection: Simon Peter, Thomas, and Nathanael from Cana in Galilee; the sons of Zebedee, James and John; and two other disciples, probably Andrew and Philip, John xxi, 2. There’s an early tradition that Bartholomew spread the faith as far as India and also into the more northern and western regions of Asia, ultimately suffering martyrdom. However, all details about the life and work of the Apostles not found in the New Testament are highly uncertain.
BARUCH, the son of Neriah, and grandson of Maaseiah, was of illustrious birth, and of the tribe of Judah. He had a brother of the name of Seraiah, who occupied an important station in the court of King Zedekiah; but he himself adhered to the person of the Prophet Jeremiah, and was his most steady friend, though his attachment to him drew on himself several persecutions and much ill treatment. He appears to have acted as his secretary during a great part of his life, and never left him till they were parted by death. In the reign of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, A. M. 3398, Jeremiah having been thrown into prison, the Lord commanded him to commit to writing all the 137prophecies that he had delivered until that time. He accordingly sent for Baruch, and dictated them to him by word of mouth. Some time afterward he instructed the latter to go and read them to the people, who were then assembled in the temple; on which Michaiah, who happened to be present, and heard them, instantly gave notice of them to the king’s counsellors. The latter immediately sent for Baruch, and commanded him to repeat to them what he had been reading to the people in the temple; which he accordingly did, to their great astonishment: and, finding that they contained some very unwelcome tidings respecting the fate of the kingdom, they inquired how he came into possession of them; intimating that their duty to the king required that they should make him acquainted therewith. Baruch was at the same time advised to consult his own safety, and to let no man know where he was to be found; after which they took from him the roll of his prophecies, and deposited it in the chamber of Elishama, the scribe. They next waited on the king, and told him what had passed. The latter sent Jehudi to fetch the book; which being brought, Jehoiakim commanded it to be read in his presence, and in the presence of his nobles who surrounded him. But Jehudi had not proceeded far before the king took the book, cut it with his secretary’s penknife, and threw it into the fire, where it was consumed before their faces. He at the same time gave orders to have both Baruch and Jeremiah seized; but the hand of Providence concealed them from his fury.
BARUCH, the son of Neriah and grandson of Maaseiah, came from a notable lineage and belonged to the tribe of Judah. He had a brother named Seraiah, who held a significant position in the court of King Zedekiah; however, Baruch remained closely allied with the Prophet Jeremiah, serving as his most loyal friend, even though his commitment led to various persecutions and hardships for him. He acted as Jeremiah's secretary for much of his life and never abandoned him until death separated them. During the reign of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, in the year 3398 A.M., Jeremiah was thrown into prison, and God instructed him to write down all the prophecies he had delivered up to that point. He called for Baruch and dictated the prophecies to him. Later, he directed Baruch to go and read them to the people gathered in the temple; when Michaiah, who was present, heard this, he immediately informed the king’s advisors. They quickly summoned Baruch and ordered him to recite what he had read to the people in the temple, which he did, much to their astonishment. Upon realizing that the prophecies contained troubling news about the kingdom's future, they asked how he had received them, implying that it was their duty to inform the king. Baruch was also advised to ensure his own safety and to keep his whereabouts a secret. Afterward, they took the scroll of his prophecies from him and stored it in the chamber of Elishama, the scribe. They then went to the king and reported what had occurred. Jehoiakim sent Jehudi to retrieve the book; once it was brought to him, he commanded it to be read aloud in his presence and in front of his nobles. However, before Jehudi had read much, the king took the book, cut it into pieces with his secretary’s knife, and threw it into the fire, where it burned up right in front of them. He also ordered that both Baruch and Jeremiah be captured, but divine intervention kept them safe from his wrath.
Jeremiah was instructed a second time to commit his prophecies to writing; and Baruch wrote them as before, with the addition of several others which were not contained in the former book. In the fourth year of the reign of Zedekiah, Baruch went to Babylon, carrying with him a long letter from Jeremiah, in which the Prophet foretold the judgments that should come upon Babylon, and promised the Jews, who were then captives in that country, that they should again be restored to their own land. The latter were exceedingly affected at hearing Jeremiah’s letter read to them, and returned an answer to their brethren at Jerusalem. After his return to Jerusalem, Baruch continued his constant attendance on Jeremiah; and when Jerusalem was besieged by Nebuchadnezzar, and Jeremiah thrown into prison, Baruch also was confined with him: but when the city had surrendered, Nebuzaraddan showed him much kindness, granted him his liberty, and permitted him to go with Jeremiah wherever he chose.
Jeremiah was told a second time to write down his prophecies, and Baruch wrote them out again, adding several new ones that weren't in the previous book. In the fourth year of Zedekiah's reign, Baruch went to Babylon, bringing a long letter from Jeremiah. In it, the Prophet predicted the judgments that would come upon Babylon and assured the Jews, who were then captives there, that they would be restored to their homeland. The captives were deeply moved when they heard Jeremiah’s letter read to them and sent a response back to their fellow Jews in Jerusalem. After returning to Jerusalem, Baruch continued to support Jeremiah; and when Jerusalem was besieged by Nebuchadnezzar and Jeremiah was imprisoned, Baruch was also locked up with him. However, when the city surrendered, Nebuzaraddan showed him great kindness, set him free, and allowed him to go wherever he wanted with Jeremiah.
The remnant of the people who had been left in Judea under the care of Gedaliah, having adopted the resolution of going into Egypt, and finding that Jeremiah opposed their taking that journey, threw the blame upon Baruch; insinuating that the latter had influenced the Prophet to declare against it. They were, however, both of them at last compelled to follow the people into Egypt, where Jeremiah soon afterward died; on which Baruch retired to Babylon, where the rabbins say he also died in the twelfth year of the captivity, Jer. xxxvi; xliii. The book of Baruch is justly placed among the apocryphal writings. Grotius thinks it a fiction written by some Hellenistic Jew; and St. Jerome gives as the reason why he did not write a commentary upon it, that the Jews themselves did not deem it canonical.
The remaining people who had stayed in Judea under Gedaliah’s leadership decided to go to Egypt. When they discovered that Jeremiah was against this journey, they blamed Baruch, suggesting that he had convinced the Prophet to oppose it. In the end, both Jeremiah and Baruch were forced to go with the people to Egypt, where Jeremiah soon died. Baruch then went to Babylon, where the rabbis say he also died in the twelfth year of the captivity, Jer. xxxvi; xliii. The book of Baruch is rightly classified among the apocryphal writings. Grotius believes it is a fictional work by some Hellenistic Jew, and St. Jerome stated that he didn’t write a commentary on it because the Jews themselves did not consider it canonical.
BASHAN, or BASAN, one of the most fertile cantons of Canaan, which was bounded on the west by the river Jordan, on the east by the mountains of Gilead, on the south by the brook of Jabbok, and on the north by the land of Geshur. The whole kingdom took its name from the hill of Bashan, which is situated in the middle of it, and by the Greeks is called Batanæa. It had no less than sixty walled towns in it, beside villages. It afforded an excellent breed of cattle, and stately oaks, and was, in short, a plentiful and populous country. Og, king of the Amorites, possessed this country when Moses made the conquest thereof. In the division of the Holy Land, it was assigned to the half tribe of Manasseh. Of the present state of this portion of the ancient possessions of the Israelites, Mr. Buckingham, in his Travels, gives the following account: “We ascended the steep on the north side of the Zerkah, or Jabbok; and, on reaching the summit, came again on a beautiful plain, of an elevated level, and still covered with a very rich soil. We had now quitted the land of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and entered into that of Og, the king of Bashan, both of them well known to all the readers of the early Scriptures. We had quitted too, the districts apportioned to the tribes of Reuben and of Gad, and entered that part which was allotted to the half tribe of Manasseh, beyond Jordan eastward, leaving the land of the children of Ammon on our right, or to the east of the Jabbok, which, according to the authority before quoted, divided Ammon, or Philadelphia, from Gerasa. The mountains here are called the land of Gilead in the Scriptures, and in Josephus; and, according to the Roman division, this was the country of the Decapolis, so often spoken of in the New Testament, or the province of Gaulonitis, from the city of Gaulon, its early capital. We continued our way over this elevated tract, continuing to behold, with surprise and admiration, a beautiful country on all sides of us: its plains covered with a fertile soil, its hills clothed with forests; at every new turn presenting the most magnificent landscapes that could be imagined. Among the trees, the oak was frequently seen; and we know that this territory produced them of old. In enumerating the sources from which the supplies of Tyre were drawn in the time of her great wealth and naval splendour, the Prophet says,says, ‘Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars,’ Ezek. xxvii, 6. Some learned commentators indeed, believing that no oaks grew in these supposed desert regions, have translated the word by ‘alders,’ to prevent the appearance of inaccuracy in the inspired writer. The expression of ‘the fat bulls of Bashan,’ which occurs more than once in the Scriptures, seemed to us equally inconsistent, as applied 138to the beasts of a country generally thought to be a desert, in common with the whole tract which is laid down in our modern maps as such between the Jordan and the Euphrates; but we could now fully comprehend, not only that the bulls of this luxuriant country might be proverbially fat, but that its possessors, too, might be a race renowned for strength and comeliness of person. The general face of this region improved as we advanced farther in it; and every new direction of our path opened upon us views which surprised and charmed us by their grandeur and their beauty. Lofty mountains gave an outline of the most magnificent character; flowing beds of secondary hills softened the romantic wildness of the picture; gentle slopes, clothed with wood, gave a rich variety of tints, hardly to be imitated by the pencil; deep valleys, filled with murmuring streams and verdant meadows, offered all the luxuriance of cultivation; and herds and flocks gave life and animation to scenes as grand, as beautiful, and as highly picturesque as the genius or taste of a Claude could either invent or desire.”
BASHAN, or BASAN, was one of the most fertile regions of Canaan, bordered on the west by the Jordan River, on the east by the Gilead mountains, on the south by the Jabbok brook, and on the north by the land of Geshur. The entire kingdom was named after the hill of Bashan, located in its center, which the Greeks referred to as Batanæa. It had at least sixty walled towns and numerous villages. The area provided an excellent breed of cattle and majestic oaks, making it a plentiful and populous region. Og, king of the Amorites, ruled this land when Moses conquered it. In the distribution of the Holy Land, it was allocated to the half-tribe of Manasseh. Regarding the current condition of this ancient territory belonging to the Israelites, Mr. Buckingham shares the following in his Travels: “We climbed the steep on the north side of the Zerkah, or Jabbok; and upon reaching the top, we found ourselves on a beautiful elevated plain, still covered with rich soil. We had now left the land of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and entered the territory of Og, king of Bashan, both well-known from early Scriptures. We had also moved away from the areas given to the tribes of Reuben and Gad, entering the region designated for the half-tribe of Manasseh, east of the Jordan, with the land of the Ammonites to our right, east of the Jabbok, which, according to the cited authority, separated Ammon, or Philadelphia, from Gerasa. The mountains in this area are referred to as the land of Gilead in the Scriptures and by Josephus, and according to Roman classifications, this was the region of the Decapolis, frequently mentioned in the New Testament, or the province of Gaulonitis, named after Gaulon, its early capital. We continued our journey across this elevated land, continually marveling at the stunning landscape around us: its plains rich with fertile soil, its hills covered in forests; each turn revealing magnificent views that were hard to imagine. Among the trees, oaks were commonly seen, and it’s known that this land produced them in ancient times. The Prophet says,says, ‘Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars,’ Ezek. xxvii, 6. Some scholars, believing that no oaks grew in these supposedly barren lands, translated the term to ‘alders’ to avoid seeming inaccurate about the inspired writer. The phrase ‘the fat bulls of Bashan,’ which appears several times in the Scriptures, also seemed inconsistent to us when applied to animals from a region generally thought to be desolate, similar to the whole area depicted in modern maps between the Jordan and the Euphrates; however, we could now fully understand that the bulls from this lush land were indeed fat and that its inhabitants may also have been known for their strength and good looks. As we progressed further into this region, its overall appearance improved; and each new direction our path took revealed views that amazed and delighted us with their grandeur and beauty. Towering mountains formed a breathtaking outline; flowing hills softened the scene’s wild nature; gentle, wooded slopes provided a rich variety of colors that were hard to replicate in painting; deep valleys, filled with babbling streams and lush meadows, showcased the richness of cultivation; and herds and flocks brought life to scenes that were as grand, beautiful, and picturesque as anything the creativity or taste of a Claude could either create or yearn for.”
BASILIDEANS, the followers of Basilides of Alexandria, a gnostic leader of the early part of the second century. See Gnostics.
BASILIDEANS, the followers of Basilides of Alexandria, a Gnostic leader from the early part of the second century. See Gnostics.
BASTARD, one born out of wedlock. A bastard among the Greeks was despised, and exposed to public scorn, on account of his spurious origin. In Persia the son of a concubine is never placed on a footing with the legitimate offspring; any attempt made by parental fondness to do so would be resented by the relations of the legitimate wife, and outrage the feelings of a whole tribe. The Jewish father bestowed as little attention on the education of his natural children as the Greek: he seems to have resigned them, in a great measure, to their own inclinations; he neither checked their passions, nor corrected their faults, nor stored their minds with useful knowledge. This is evidently implied in these words of the Apostle: “If ye endure chastening, God dealeth with you as with sons; for what son is he whom the father chasteneth not? But if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are partakers, then are ye bastards and not sons,” Heb. xii, 7, 8. To restrain the licentious desires of the heart, Jehovah by an express law fixed a stigma upon the bastard, which was not to be removed till the tenth generation; and to show that the precept was on no account to be violated, or suffered to fall into disuse, it is emphatically repeated, “A bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; even to his tenth generation shall he not enter into the congregation of the Lord,” Deut. xxiii, 2.
BASTARD, someone born out of wedlock. A bastard among the Greeks was looked down upon and faced public ridicule because of his illegitimate origins. In Persia, the son of a concubine is never considered on the same level as the legitimate children; any attempt by a parent to change that would be met with resentment from the legitimate wife's family and would offend an entire tribe. The Jewish father paid as little attention to the upbringing of his natural children as the Greeks did: he seems to have left them largely to their own devices; he neither restrained their desires nor corrected their wrongs, nor filled their minds with useful knowledge. This is clearly indicated in these words from the Apostle: “If you endure discipline, God treats you as sons; for what son is there whom his father does not discipline? But if you are without discipline, of which all have become partakers, then you are illegitimate children and not sons,” Heb. xii, 7, 8. To curb the unruly desires of the heart, Jehovah, by a specific law, placed a permanent mark on the bastard, which was not to be lifted until the tenth generation; and to emphasize that this command was not to be disregarded or allowed to fade away, it is powerfully repeated, “A bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; even to his tenth generation shall he not enter into the congregation of the Lord,” Deut. xxiii, 2.
BASTINADO, the punishment of beating with sticks. It is also called tympanum, [a drum,] because the patient was beaten like a drum. Upwards of a hundred blows were often inflicted, and sometimes the beating was unto death. St. Paul, Heb. xi, 35, says that some of the saints were tortured, τυμπανίζω, suffered the tympanum, that is, were stretched on an instrument of torture, and beaten to death.
BASTINADO, the punishment of being beaten with sticks. It’s also called tympanum, [a drum], because the person was beaten like a drum. More than a hundred blows were often dealt, and sometimes the beating resulted in death. St. Paul, Heb. xi, 35, mentions that some of the saints were tortured, τυμπανίζω, experienced the tympanum, meaning they were stretched on a torture device and beaten to death.
BAT, עטלף, Lev. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18; Isaiah ii, 20; Baruch vi, 22. The Jewish legislator, having enumerated the animals legally unclean, as well beasts as birds, closes his catalogue with a creature whose equivocal properties seem to exclude it from both those classes: it is too much a bird to be properly a mouse, and too much a mouse to be properly a bird. The bat is therefore well described in Deut. xiv, 18, 19, as the passage should be read, “Moreover the othelaph, and every creeping thing that flieth, is unclean to you: they shall not be eaten.” This character is very descriptive, and places this creature at the head of a class of which he is a clear and well-known instance. It has feet or claws growing out of its pinions, and contradicts the general order of nature, by creeping with the instruments of its flight. The Hebrew name of the bat is from עטל darkness, and עמ to fly, as if it described “the flier in darkness.” So the Greeks called the creature νυκτερὶς, from νὺξ, night; and the Latins, vespertilio, from vesper, “evening.” It is prophesied, Isaiah ii, 20, “In that day shall they cast away their idols to the moles and to the bats;” that is, they shall carry them into the dark caverns, old ruins, or desolate places, to which they shall fly for refuge, and so shall give them up, and relinquish them to the filthy animals that frequent such places, and have taken possession of them as their proper habitation.
BAT, Bat, Lev. 11:19; Deut. 14:18; Isaiah 2:20; Baruch 6:22. The Jewish lawgiver, after listing the animals considered unclean, including both beasts and birds, ends his list with a creature that seems to fit neither category: it’s too bird-like to be a mouse and too mouse-like to be a bird. The bat is aptly described in Deut. 14:18-19, as the passage reads, “Moreover the othelaph, and every creeping thing that flies, is unclean to you: they shall not be eaten.” This description is quite fitting and positions this creature as a clear and well-known example of its class. It has feet or claws extending from its wings and defies the usual order of nature by crawling with the tools it uses for flight. The Hebrew name for the bat comes from עטל darkness and עמ to fly, suggesting “the flier in darkness.” Similarly, the Greeks called it νυκτερὶς, derived from νὺξ, night; and the Latins referred to it as bat, from vesper, meaning “evening.” It is prophesied in Isaiah 2:20, “In that day they will throw away their idols to the moles and the bats;” meaning they will take them into dark caves, ancient ruins, or desolate areas, seeking refuge, thereby abandoning them to the filthy creatures that dwell in such places, which have taken them over as their rightful home.
BATH, a measure of capacity for things liquid, being the same with the ephah, Ezek. xlv, 11, and containing ten homers, or seven gallons and four pints.
BATH, a unit of volume for liquids, is equivalent to the ephah, as mentioned in Ezek. xlv, 11, and it holds ten homers, or seven gallons and four pints.
BATH-KOL, בח־קול, daughter of the voice. By this name the Jewish writers distinguish what they called a revelation from God, after verbal prophecy had ceased in Israel; that is, after the prophets Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The generality of their traditions and customs are founded on this Bath-Kol. They pretend that God revealed them to their elders, not by prophecy, but by the daughter of the voice. The Bath-Kol, as Dr. Prideaux shows, was a fantastical way of divination, invented by the Jews, like the Sortes Virgilianæ [divination by the works of Virgil] among the Heathen. For, as with them, the words first opened upon in the works of that poet, was the oracle whereby they prognosticated those future events which they desired to be informed of; so with the Jews when they appealed to Bath-Kol, the next words which they should hear drop from any one’s mouth were taken as the desired oracle. With some it is probable that Bath-Kol, the daughter of the voice, was only an elegant personification of tradition. Others, however, more bold, said that it was a voice from heaven, sometimes attended by a clap of thunder.
BATH-KOL, בח־קול, daughter of the voice. This term is used by Jewish writers to refer to a revelation from God, which they believed occurred after verbal prophecy stopped in Israel, specifically after the prophets Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Most of their traditions and customs are based on this Bath-Kol. They claim that God revealed these to their elders, not through prophecy, but through the daughter of the voice. As Dr. Prideaux explains, Bath-Kol was a fanciful method of divination created by the Jews, similar to the Virgilian Oracles [divination using the works of Virgil] among pagans. Just as they would interpret the first words encountered in Virgil's works as an oracle to predict future events, the Jews would view the next words they heard from anyone's lips when consulting Bath-Kol as the desired oracle. For some, Bath-Kol, the daughter of the voice, was likely just a sophisticated way to personify tradition. Others, however, bolder in their beliefs, claimed it was a voice from heaven, sometimes accompanied by a clap of thunder.
BATTLE. See Armies.
BATTLE. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
BAXTERIANISM, a modification of the Calvinistic doctrine of election advocated by the celebrated Baxter in his treatise of “Universal Redemption,” and in his “Methodus Theologiæ.” The real author of the scheme, at least in a systematized form, was Camero, who taught divinity at Saumur, and it was unfolded 139and defended by his disciple Amyraldus, whom Curcellæus refuted. Baxter says, in his preface to his “Saint’s Rest,” “The middle way which Camero, Crocius, Martinius, Amyraldus, Davenant, with all the divines of Britain and Bremen in the synod of Dort, go, I think is nearest the truth of any that I know who have written on these points.” Baxter first differs from the majority of Calvinists, though not from all, in his statement of the doctrine of satisfaction:--
BAXTERIANISM is a variation of the Calvinistic belief in election, promoted by the well-known Baxter in his work “Universal Redemption” and in his “Theology Methodology.” The true originator of this idea, at least in a structured way, was Camero, who taught theology at Saumur, and it was further developed and defended by his student Amyraldus, whom Curcellæus countered. Baxter states in the preface to his “Saint’s Rest,” “The middle path that Camero, Crocius, Martinius, Amyraldus, Davenant, along with all the theologians from Britain and Bremen in the synod of Dort, follow, seems to me to be the closest to the truth of any I know who have written on these topics.” Baxter initially diverges from most Calvinists, though not all, in his explanation of the doctrine of satisfaction:--
“Christ’s sufferings were not a fulfilling of the law’s threatening; (though he bore its curse materially;) but a satisfaction for our not fulfilling the precept, and to prevent God’s fulfilling the threatening on us. Christ paid not, therefore, the idem, but the tantundem, or æquivalens; not the very debt which we owed and the law required, but the value: (else it were not strictly satisfaction, which is redditio æquivalentis: [the rendering of an equivalent:])equivalent:]) and (it being improperly called the paying of a debt, but properly a suffering for the guilty) the idem is nothing but supplicium delinquentis. [The punishment of the guilty individual.] In criminals, dum alius solvet simul aliud solvitur. [When another suffers, it is another thing also that is suffered.] The law knoweth no vicarius pœnæ; [substitute in punishment;] though the law maker may admit it, as he is above law; else there were no place for pardon, if the proper debt be paid and the law not relaxed, but fulfilled. Christ did neither obey nor suffer in any man’s stead, by a strict, proper representation of his person in point of law; so as that the law should take it, as done or suffered by the party himself. But only as a third person, as a mediator, he voluntarily bore what else the sinner should have borne. To assert the contrary (especially as to particular persons considered in actual sin) is to overthrow all Scripture theology, and to introduce all Antinomianism; to overthrow all possibility of pardon, and assert justification before we sinned or were born, and to make ourselves to have satisfied God. Therefore, we must not say that Christ died nostro loco, [in our stead,] so as to personate us, or represent our persons in law sense; but only to bear what else we must have borne.”
“Christ’s sufferings weren’t a fulfillment of the law’s threats; (though he took on its curse directly;) but a remedy for our failure to fulfill the requirements, and to stop God from fulfilling the threats against us. Christ didn’t pay the same, but the tantundem, or equivalence; not the exact debt we owed and the law demanded, but the equivalent value: (otherwise it wouldn’t be strict satisfaction, which is reddit equivalent: [the rendering of an equivalent:])equivalent:]) and (though it’s incorrectly termed paying a debt, the proper term is suffering for the guilty) the same is nothing but punishment of the offender. [The punishment of the guilty individual.] In criminals, While one thing is being paid, another is being paid off. [When another suffers, it is another thing also that is suffered.] The law recognizes no substitute of punishment; [substitute in punishment;] though the law maker may allow it, since he is above the law; otherwise, there wouldn’t be any room for pardon, if the actual debt is paid and the law not relaxed, but fulfilled. Christ did neither obey nor suffer on anyone’s behalf, in a strict, proper representation of his person legally; so that the law would see it as done or suffered by the individual himself. But only as a third party, as a mediator, he willingly took on what otherwise the sinner should have faced. To claim otherwise (especially regarding specific individuals considered in actual sin) is to undermine all Scripture theology, and to introduce all Antinomianism; it destroys all possibility of pardon, and asserts justification before we sinned or were born, making ourselves to have satisfied God. Therefore, we must not say that Christ died nostro loco, [in our stead,] as if he personated us, or represented our persons in a legal sense; but only to bear what we otherwise would have faced.”
This system explicitly asserts, that Christ made a satisfaction by his death equally for the sins of every man; and thus Baxter essentially differs both from the higher Calvinists, and, also, from the Sublapsarians, who, though they may allow that the reprobate derive some benefits from Christ’s death, so that there is a vague sense in which he may be said to have died for all men, yet they, of course, deny to such the benefit of Christ’s satisfaction or atonement which Baxter contends for:--
This system clearly states that Christ's death provided satisfaction for the sins of every person. In this way, Baxter fundamentally disagrees with both the higher Calvinists and the Sublapsarians, who may argue that the reprobate receive some benefits from Christ's death, meaning there’s a loose sense in which he could be said to have died for everyone. However, they definitely deny these individuals the benefit of Christ’s satisfaction or atonement that Baxter advocates for:--
“Neither the law, whose curse Christ bore, nor God, as the legislator to be satisfied, did distinguish between men as elect and reprobate, or as believers and unbelievers, de presenti vel de futuro; [with regard to the present or the future;] and to impose upon Christ, or require from him satisfaction for the sins of one sort more than of another, but for mankind in general. God the Father, and Christ the Mediator, now dealeth with no man upon the mere rigorous terms of the first law; (obey perfectly and live, else thou shalt die;) but giveth to all much mercy, which, according to the tenor of that violated law, they could not receive, and calleth them to repentance, in order to their receiving farther mercy offered them. And accordingly he will not judge any at last according to the mere law of works, but as they have obeyed or not obeyed his conditions or terms of grace. It was not the sins of the elect only, but of all mankind fallen, which lay upon Christ satisfying. And to assert the contrary, injuriously diminisheth the honour of his sufferings; and hath other desperate ill consequences.”
“Neither the law, which Christ took upon Himself, nor God, as the one making the rules, distinguished between people as chosen or rejected, or as believers and non-believers, of the present or future; [with regard to the present or the future;] and did not impose on Christ or require from Him satisfaction for one type of sin over another, but rather for humanity as a whole. God the Father, and Christ the Mediator, do not treat anyone now based solely on the strict terms of the original law; (obey perfectly and live, otherwise you shall die;) but instead offers everyone a lot of mercy, which they could not have under the terms of that broken law, and calls them to repentance, so they can receive further mercy offered to them. Accordingly, He will not judge anyone in the end based only on the strict law of works, but on whether they have obeyed or not obeyed His conditions or terms of grace. It was not just the sins of the elect, but those of all fallen humanity, that Christ took upon Himself to satisfy. To claim otherwise unfairly undermines the value of His suffering; and has other dire negative consequences.”
The benefits derived to all men equally, from the satisfaction of Christ, he thus states:--
The benefits that all people equally receive from Christ's satisfaction are expressed as follows:--
“All mankind, immediately upon Christ’s satisfaction, are redeemed and delivered from that legal necessity of perishing which they were under, (not by remitting sin or punishment directly to them, but by giving up God’s jus puniendi [right of punishing] into the hands of the Redeemer; nor by giving any right directly to them, but per meram resultantiam [by mere consequence] this happy change is made for them in their relation, upon the said remitting of God’s right and advantage of justice against them,) and they are given up to the Redeemer as their owner and ruler, to be dealt with upon terms of mercy which have a tendency to their recovery. God the Father and Christ the Mediator hath freely, without any prerequisite condition on man’s part, enacted a law of grace of universal extent, in regard of its tenor, by which he giveth, as a deed or gift, Christ himself, with all his following benefits which he bestoweth; (as benefactor and legislator;) and this to all alike, without excluding any; upon condition they believe and accept the offer. By this law, testament, or covenant, all men are conditionally pardoned, justified, and reconciled to God already, and no man absolutely; nor doth it make a difference, nor take notice of any, till men’s performance or non-performance of the condition makes a difference. In the new law Christ hath truly given himself with a conditional pardon, justification, and conditional right to salvation, to all men in the world, without exception.”
“All humanity, immediately after Christ’s sacrifice, is redeemed and freed from the legal obligation to perish that they were under, (not by removing sin or punishment directly from them, but by transferring God’s right to punish [right of punishing] to the Redeemer; nor by granting any right directly to them, but per meram resultantiam [by mere consequence] this positive change occurs for them in their relationship, following the said transfer of God’s right and claim of justice against them,) and they are entrusted to the Redeemer as their owner and ruler, to be treated under terms of mercy aimed at their recovery. God the Father and Christ the Mediator have freely, without any prior conditions on humanity's part, established a law of grace of universal scope, regarding its terms, by which He gives, as a deed or gift, Christ Himself, along with all the benefits He provides; (as benefactor and legislator;) and this applies to everyone equally, without excluding anyone; provided they believe and accept the offer. Through this law, testament, or covenant, all individuals are conditionally pardoned, justified, and reconciled to God already, and no one is absolutely; nor does it make a distinction, nor take notice of any, until individuals' fulfillment or lack of fulfillment of the condition creates a distinction. In the new law, Christ has truly given Himself with a conditional pardon, justification, and conditional right to salvation, to all people in the world, without exception.”
But the peculiarity of Baxter’s scheme will be seen from the following farther extracts:--
But you'll see the uniqueness of Baxter's plan from the following additional excerpts:--
“Though Christ died equally for all men, in the aforesaid law sense, as he satisfied the offended legislator, and as giving himself to all alike in the conditional covenant; yet he never properly intended or purposed the actual justifying and saving of all, nor of any but those that come to be justified and saved; he did not, therefore, die for all, nor for any that perish, with a decree or resolution to save them, much less did he die for all alike, as to this intent. Christ hath given faith to none by his law or testament, though he hath revealed, that to some he will, as benefactor and Dominus Absolutus, [absolute Lord,] give that grace which shall infallibly produce it; and God 140hath given some to Christ that he might prevail with them accordingly; yet this is no giving it to the person, nor hath he in himself ever the more title to it, nor can any lay claim to it as their due. It belongeth not to Christ as satisfier, nor yet as legislator, to make wicked refusers to become willing, and receive him and the benefits which he offers; therefore he may do all for them that is fore-expressed, though he cure not their unbelief. Faith is a fruit of the death of Christ, (and so is all the good which we do enjoy,) but not directly, as it is satisfaction to justice; but only remotely, as it proceedeth from that jus dominii [right of dominion] which Christ has received to send the Spirit in what measure and TO WHOM HE WILL, and to succeed it accordingly; and as it is necessary to the attainment of the farther ends of his death in the certain gathering and saving of THE ELECT.”
“Although Christ died equally for all people, in the mentioned legal sense, as he fulfilled the demands of the offended lawgiver, and as he gave himself to everyone equally in the conditional covenant; he never truly intended or aimed to actually justify and save everyone, nor anyone except those who come to be justified and saved; therefore, he did not die for everyone, nor for anyone who is lost, with a decree or intention to save them, much less did he die for everyone equally, with that intent. Christ has given faith to no one through his law or testament, although he has revealed that to some he will, as a benefactor and Absolute Ruler, [absolute Lord,] provide that grace which will certainly result in it; and God 140has given some to Christ so that he may succeed with them accordingly; yet this does not mean giving it to the person, nor does he have any more claim to it himself, nor can anyone rightfully claim it as their own. It does not belong to Christ as satisfier, nor as legislator, to make wicked refusers become willing and accept him and the benefits he offers; therefore, he may do all that has been previously stated for them, even if he does not cure their unbelief. Faith is a result of Christ's death (and so is all the good we enjoy), but not directly, as it is satisfaction to justice; rather, it is only remotely, as it comes from that jus dominii [right of dominion] which Christ has received to send the Spirit as he sees fit and to succeed it accordingly; and as it is necessary for achieving the further purposes of his death in the certain gathering and saving of THE CHOSEN ONES.”
Thus the whole theory amounts to this, that, although a conditional salvation has been purchased by Christ for all men, and is offered to them, and all legal difficulties are removed out of the way of their pardon as sinners by the atonement, yet Christ hath not purchased for any man the gift of FAITH, or the power of performing the condition of salvation required; but gives this to some, and does not give it to others, by virtue of that absolute dominion over men which he has purchased for himself, so that, as the Calvinists refer the decree of election to the sovereignty of the Father, Baxter refers it to the sovereignty of the Son; one makes the decree of reprobation to issue from the Creator and Judge, the other, from the Redeemer himself.
So, the whole theory comes down to this: even though Christ has bought a conditional salvation for everyone and offers it to them, and all legal barriers to their forgiveness as sinners have been cleared by the atonement, Christ hasn’t bought the gift of BELIEF or the ability to fulfill the condition for salvation for anyone. Instead, He gives this gift to some people and not to others, based on His absolute dominion over humanity that He acquired for Himself. Therefore, while Calvinists attribute the decree of election to the sovereignty of the Father, Baxter attributes it to the sovereignty of the Son. One sees the decree of reprobation as originating from the Creator and Judge, while the other sees it coming from the Redeemer Himself.
If, however, any one expects to find something in the form of system in Baxter’s opinions on the five disputed points, he will be much disappointed. The parties to whom he refers as the authors of this supposed “middle way,” differ as much among themselves as Baxter occasionally does from himself. Bishop Davenant and Dr. S. Ward differed from Amyraut, Martinius, and others of that school, on the topic of baptismal regeneration; and, as the subjects of baptism, according to the sentiments of the two former, are invested with invisible grace, and are regenerated in virtue of the ordinance when canonically performed, such divines far more easily disposed of their baptized converts in the ranks of strict predestination, than the others could who did not hold those sentiments. But they exhibited much ingenuity in not suffering it to “intrench upon the question of perseverance.” Their friend Bishop Bedell, however, maintained, that “reprobates coming to years of discretion, after baptism, shall be condemned for original sin; for their absolution and washing in baptism was but conditional and expectative; which doth truly interest them in all the promises of God, but under the condition of repenting, believing and obeying, which they never perform, and therefore never attain the promise.” Bishop Overal has also been claimed as a patron of this diversified “middle system;” but it will be evident to every one who peruses his productions, that his chief endeavour was to display the doctrines of the English church as identical with those of St. Augustine, yet basing them upon the antecedent will of God and conditional decrees. After all the refined distinctions which Baxter employed to render the theory of common and special grace plausible and popular, the real meaning of the inventors was frequently elicited when such a question as this was asked, “Have any men in the world grace sufficient to repent and believe savingly who do not?” After asserting that he knows nothing about the matter, the reply of Baxter is, “If we may conjecture upon probabilities, it seemeth most likely that there is such a sufficient grace, or power, to repent and believe savingly, in some that use it not, but perish.” “This,” says one of Baxter’s apologists, “seems to me very inexplicable!” and in the same light it will be viewed by all who recollect that this “sufficient grace or power” is that “portion of special grace which never fails to accomplish its design,--the salvation of the individual on whom it is bestowed!” Baxter’s celebrated “Aphorisms of Justification,” published in 1649, afforded employment to himself and his theological critics till near the close of his life; and in the many modifications, concessions, and alterations which were extorted from him by men of different religious tenets, he sometimes incautiously proved himself to be more Calvinistic than Calvin, and at others more Arminian than Arminius. The following observations,observations, from “Orme’s Life of Baxter,” are on the whole just and instructive:--
If someone expects to find any kind of system in Baxter’s views on the five disputed points, they will be very disappointed. The people he refers to as the authors of this supposed “middle way” disagree as much among themselves as Baxter sometimes does with himself. Bishop Davenant and Dr. S. Ward had different views from Amyraut, Martinius, and others from that school regarding baptismal regeneration; and, according to the beliefs of the first two, the subjects of baptism are granted invisible grace and are regenerated through the ordinance when it is performed correctly, making it easier for those divines to classify their baptized converts under strict predestination than for those who did not share those views. However, they cleverly avoided allowing this to affect the question of perseverance. Their associate Bishop Bedell argued that “reprobates reaching the age of discretion after baptism will be condemned for original sin; their absolution and cleansing in baptism were conditional and based on expectations; which indeed involve them in all of God’s promises, but only under the conditions of repenting, believing, and obeying, which they never fulfill, and so never receive the promise.” Bishop Overal has also been considered a supporter of this varied “middle system,” but anyone who reads his works will see that his main goal was to present the doctrines of the English church as aligned with those of St. Augustine, while supporting them with the antecedent will of God and conditional decrees. Despite all the intricate distinctions Baxter used to make the theory of common and special grace seem reasonable and popular, the true meaning of the inventors often emerged when this question was posed: “Are there any people in the world who have enough grace to repent and believe genuinely but do not?” After stating he knows nothing about it, Baxter responds, “If we can speculate on probabilities, it seems most likely that there is such sufficient grace or power to repent and believe savingly in some who do not use it and perish.” “This,” one of Baxter’s defenders remarks, “seems to me very puzzling!” and it will be viewed the same way by anyone who remembers that this “sufficient grace or power” refers to that “portion of special grace that never fails to achieve its purpose—the salvation of the individual on whom it is given!” Baxter’s famous “Aphorisms of Justification,” published in 1649, occupied him and his theological critics well into the end of his life; and through the many modifications, concessions, and changes that were forced upon him by people of various religious beliefs, he sometimes inadvertently revealed himself to be more Calvinistic than Calvin, and at other times more Arminian than Arminius. The following observations,observations, from “Orme's Life of Baxter,” are overall accurate and informative:--
“Thus did Baxter, at a very early period of his life, launch into the ocean of controversy, on some of the most interesting subjects that can engage the human mind. The manner in which he began to treat them was little favourable to arriving at correct and satisfactory conclusions. Possessed of a mind uncommonly penetrating, he yet seems not to have had the faculty of compressing within narrow limits his own views, or the accounts he was disposed to give of the views of others. All this arose, not from any indisposition to be explicit, but from the peculiar character of his mind. He is perpetually distinguishing things into physical and moral, real and nominal, material and formal. However important these distinctions are, they often render his writings tiresome to the reader, and his reasonings more frequently perplexing than satisfactory. Baxter is generally understood to have pursued a middle course between Calvinism and Arminianism. That he tried to hold and adjust the balance between the two parties, and that he was most anxious to reconcile them, are very certain. But it seems scarcely less evident, that he was much more a Calvinist than he was an Arminian. While this seems to me very apparent, it must be acknowledged, that if certain views which have often been given of Calvinism are necessary to constitute a Calvinist, Richard Baxter was no believer in that creed.
“Thus did Baxter, at a very early point in his life, dive into the sea of controversy on some of the most intriguing subjects that can engage the human mind. The way he began to approach them wasn’t very conducive to reaching accurate and satisfying conclusions. Although he had an unusually sharp mind, he seemed to lack the ability to keep his own views or the perspectives he presented about others’ views concise. This wasn’t due to any reluctance to be clear, but rather the unique nature of his mind. He constantly differentiated between physical and moral, real and nominal, material and formal. While these distinctions are important, they often make his writings tedious for the reader, and his reasoning more often confusing than satisfying. Baxter is generally understood to have taken a middle path between Calvinism and Arminianism. It’s very clear that he aimed to balance the two sides and was very eager to reconcile them. However, it also seems evident that he was much more of a Calvinist than an Arminian. While this appears obvious to me, it must be acknowledged that if certain views that have often been attributed to Calvinism are necessary for someone to be considered a Calvinist, Richard Baxter wasn’t a believer in that creed.”
“While satisfied that among Baxter’s sentiments, no important or vital error will be found, yet in the style and method in which he too generally advocated or defended them, there is 141much to censure. The wrangling and disputatious manner in which he presented many of his views, was calculated to gender an unsanctified state of mind in persons who either abetted or opposed his sentiments. His scholastic and metaphysical style of arguing is unbefitting the simplicity of the Gospel, and cannot fail to injure it wherever such is employed. It not only savours too much of the spirit of the schools, and the philosophy of this world; but places the truths of revelation on a level with the rudiments of human science. I am not sure whether certain effects which began early in the last century to appear among the Presbyterian part of the Nonconformists, may not be traced, in some degree, to the speculative and argumentative writings of Baxter. His influence over this class of his brethren was evidently very great. He contributed more than any other man to mitigate the harsh and forbidding aspect which the Presbyterians presented during the civil wars and the commonwealth. This was well, but he did not stop here. He was inimical to all the existing systems of doctrine and discipline then contended for, or ever before known in the world; while he did not present any precisely defined system as his own. He opposed Calvinism; he opposed Arminianism; he would not allow himself to be considered an Episcopalian, in the ordinary acceptation of the word; he denied that he was a Presbyterian, and scorned to be thought an Independent. He held something in common with them all, and yet he was somewhat different from all. He contended for a system more general, and more liberal, than was then approved; and, as we have stated, wished to place a variety of theological truths on grounds belonging rather to philosophy or metaphysics, than to revelation.
“While I acknowledge that Baxter's sentiments contain no major errors, I do criticize the style and approach he generally used to advocate or defend them. His argumentative and confrontational manner often fostered a negative mindset among those who either supported or opposed his views. His scholarly and philosophical way of arguing is not suitable for the simplicity of the Gospel and can harm it wherever it is applied. It leans too much towards academic thinking and worldly philosophy, placing the truths of revelation on par with basic human knowledge. I'm not sure if the effects that started to emerge among the Presbyterian Nonconformists in the early last century can be somewhat attributed to Baxter’s speculative and argumentative writings. He undeniably had a significant influence on this group of his peers. He did more than any other person to soften the harsh and unwelcoming image that Presbyterians had during the civil wars and the commonwealth period. This was beneficial, but he didn’t stop there. He opposed all the doctrinal and disciplinary systems that were prevalent then or that had ever been known. However, he didn’t present a clearly defined system of his own. He rejected Calvinism; he rejected Arminianism; he wouldn’t identify himself as an Episcopalian in the usual sense; he denied being a Presbyterian and scorned the label of Independent. He shared some beliefs with all of them but was also distinct from each. He advocated for a broader, more inclusive system than what was accepted at the time and, as we noted, sought to place a range of theological truths on a foundation more aligned with philosophy or metaphysics than with revelation.”
“On himself, this species of latitudinarianism produced little injurious effect, but I fear it had a baneful influence on others. The rejection of all human authority and influence in religion, requires to be balanced by a very strong sense of the divine authority, to prevent its generating a state of mind more characterized by pride of intellect, and independence of spirit, than by the humility and diffidence which are essential features in the Christian character. It is a singular fact, that the Presbyterians, though at first more rigid in their doctrinal views, and more exclusive in their spirit and system of church government, than the Independents, became before the death of Baxter the more liberal party. High views began to be ascribed by them to their now moderate brethren; and, to avoid the charge of Antinomianism, which Baxter was too ready to prefer against such as differed from some of his views, the Presbyterians seem gradually to have sunk into a state of low, moderate orthodoxy, in which there was little of the warmth or vitality of evangelical religion.
“On himself, this kind of broad-mindedness had little harmful effect, but I worry it negatively impacted others. The rejection of all human authority and influence in religion needs to be balanced by a strong sense of divine authority to avoid fostering a mindset that’s more about intellectual pride and independence than the humility and modesty essential to the Christian character. It’s an interesting fact that the Presbyterians, although initially stricter in their doctrinal views and more exclusive in their spirit and church governance than the Independents, became the more liberal group before Baxter’s death. They started attributing high views to their now moderate counterparts; and to escape the accusation of Antinomianism, which Baxter was quick to point out against those who disagreed with some of his beliefs, the Presbyterians gradually seemed to settle into a state of low, moderate orthodoxy, where there was little passion or life of evangelical faith.”
“In farther illustration of the influence now adverted to, it must be remarked, that the first stage in that process of deterioration which took place among the Presbyterian Dissenters, was generally characterized by the term Baxterianism; a word to which it is difficult to attach a definite meaning. It denotes no separate sect or party, but rather a system of opinions on doctrinal points, verging toward Arminianism, and which ultimately passed to Arianism and Socinianism. Even during Baxter’s own life, while the Presbyterians taxed the Independents with Antinomianism, the latter retorted the charge of Socinianism, or at least of a tendency toward it, in some of the opinions maintained both by Baxter and others of that party. To whatever cause it is to be attributed, it is a melancholy fact, that the declension which began even at this early period in the Presbyterian body, went on slowly, but surely, till, from the most fervid orthodoxy, it finally arrived at the frigid zone of Unitarianism.
“In further illustration of the influence now referenced, it should be noted that the first stage in the decline among the Presbyterian Dissenters was commonly referred to as Baxterianism; a term that is hard to define precisely. It does not refer to a distinct sect or group, but rather to a set of beliefs on doctrinal issues that leaned toward Arminianism and eventually moved towards Arianism and Socinianism. Even during Baxter’s own lifetime, while the Presbyterians accused the Independents of Antinomianism, the Independents countered with accusations of Socinianism, or at least a leaning toward it, in some of the views held by Baxter and others in that group. Regardless of the cause, it is a sad reality that the decline that began at this early stage in the Presbyterian community continued slowly but surely, until it shifted from fervent orthodoxy to the cold realm of Unitarianism.”
“I wish not to be understood as stating that Baxter either held any opinions of this description, or was conscious of a tendency in his sentiments toward such a fearful consummation; but, that there was an injurious tendency in his manner of discussing certain important subjects. It was subtle, and full of logomachy; it tended to unsettle, rather than to fix and determine; it gendered strife, rather than godly edifying. It is not possible to study such books as his ‘Methodus,’ and his ‘Catholic Theology,’ without experiencing that we are brought into a different region from Apostolic Christianity; a region of fierce debate and altercation about words, and names, and opinions; in which all that can be said for error is largely dwelt upon, as well as what can be said for truth. The ambiguities of language, the diversities of sects, the uncertainties of human perception and argument are urged, till the force of revealed truth is considerably weakened, and confidence in our own judgment of its meaning greatly impaired. Erroneous language is maintained to be capable of sound meaning, and the most Scriptural phrases to be susceptible of unscriptural interpretation, till truth and error almost change places, and the mind is bewildered, confounded, and paralyzed. Into this mode of discussing such subjects, was this most excellent man led, partly by the natural constitution of his mind, which has often been adverted to; partly by his ardent desire of putting an end to the divisions of the Christian world, and producing universal concord and harmony. He failed where success was impossible, however plausible might have been the means which he employed. He understood the causes of difference and contention better than their remedies; hence the measures which he used frequently aggravated instead of curing the disease. While a portion of evil, however, probably resulted from Baxter’s mode of conducting controversy, and no great light was thrown by him on some of the dark and difficult subjects which he so keenly discussed, I have no doubt he contributed considerably to produce a more moderate spirit toward each other, between Calvinists and Arminians, than had long prevailed. Though he satisfied neither party, he must have convinced both, that great difficulties exist on the subjects in debate, if pursued beyond a certain length; that allowance ought to be made by each, for the weakness or prejudices of the 142other; and that genuine religion is compatible with some diversity of opinion respecting one or all of the five points.” A similar effect as that which Mr. Orme ascribes to Baxter’s writings on the English Presbyterians, followed also, on the continent among the reformed churches. It was the same middle system with its philosophical subtleties, which Camero and Amyraut taught abroad, and which produced in them those effects that have been falsely ascribed, both in England and abroad, to Arminianism. See Amyraut and Cameron.
“I don’t mean to imply that Baxter held any such opinions or was aware of any tendencies in his beliefs toward such a troubling conclusion; rather, I’m saying that there was a damaging tendency in how he discussed certain important topics. His approach was subtle and full of wordplay; it tended to unsettle feelings instead of providing clarity and resolution; it stirred conflict rather than promote spiritual growth. It's impossible to read books like his ‘Methodus’ and ‘Catholic Theology’ without realizing that we are entering a different realm from Apostolic Christianity—a realm of intense arguments and disputes about words, names, and beliefs; where everything that can be said in favor of error is emphasized just as much as what supports the truth. The ambiguities of language, the diversity of denominations, and the uncertainties of human perception and reasoning are stressed until the strength of revealed truth is significantly diluted, and our confidence in understanding its meaning is severely diminished. Misleading language is claimed to have valid meaning, and even the most biblical phrases can be interpreted in unbiblical ways, until truth and error nearly switch places, leaving the mind confused and paralyzed. This esteemed man was drawn into this way of discussing such topics, partly due to the natural makeup of his mind, which has often been mentioned; and partly due to his passionate desire to end the divisions in the Christian world and create universal unity and harmony. He failed where success was unattainable, no matter how reasonable his methods may have seemed. He better understood the causes of difference and conflict than the solutions; thus, the strategies he employed often worsened the problem rather than fixing it. While some negativity likely arose from Baxter’s way of engaging in controversy, and he didn’t shed much light on some of the tough and obscure issues he debated so passionately, I have no doubt he significantly helped foster a more moderate attitude toward one another among Calvinists and Arminians than what had long been the norm. Though he satisfied neither side, he must have convinced both that significant challenges exist on the topics being debated if they are taken too far; that each should make allowances for the weaknesses or biases of the other; and that true religion can coexist with some differing opinions regarding one or all of the five points.” A similar effect, as Mr. Orme attributes to Baxter’s writings on the English Presbyterians, also occurred on the continent among the reformed churches. It was the same middle-ground perspective with its philosophical intricacies, which Camero and Amyraut taught abroad, leading to effects that have been misattributed, both in England and abroad, to Arminianism. See Amyraut and Cameron.
BAY-TREE. אזרח. It is mentioned only in Psalm xxxvii, 35, 36: “I have seen the ungodly in great power, and flourishing like a green bay-tree. Yet he passed away, and lo, he was not. Yea, I sought him, but he could not be found.” Aben Ezra, Jarchi, Kimchi, Jerom, and some others say that the original may mean only a native tree; a tree growing in its native soil, not having suffered by transplantation. Such a tree spreads itself luxuriantly. The Septuagint and Vulgate render it cedars; but the high Dutch of Luther’s Bible, the old Saxon, the French, the Spanish, the Italian of Diodati, and the version of Ainsworth, make it the laurel.
BAY-TREE. Citizen. It's mentioned only in Psalm 37:35-36: “I have seen the wicked in great power, thriving like a green bay tree. Yet he disappeared, and look, he was gone. Yes, I searched for him, but he couldn’t be found.” Aben Ezra, Jarchi, Kimchi, Jerom, and others say that the original might just mean a native tree; a tree that grows in its natural habitat without the stress of being transplanted. Such a tree spreads out abundantly. The Septuagint and Vulgate translate it as cedars; however, Luther's High Dutch Bible, the old Saxon, French, Spanish, Italian of Diodati, and Ainsworth's version refer to it as the laurel.
BDELLIUM, בדלה, occurs Gen. ii, 12, and Num. xi, 7. Interpreters seem at a loss to know what to do with this word, and have rendered it variously. Many suppose it a mineral production. The Septuagint translates in the first place, ἀνθράκα, a carbuncle, and in the second, κρύϛαλλον, a crystal. The rabbins are followed by Reland in calling it a crystal; but some, instead of bedolah, read berolah, changing the ב into ר, which are not always easily distinguished, and are often mistaken by transcribers; and so render it the beryl, which, say they, is the prime kind of crystal. The bedoleh, in Genesis, is undoubtedly some precious stone; and its colour, mentioned in Numbers, where the manna is spoken of as of the colour of bdellium, is explained by a reference to Exod. xvi, 14, 31, where it is likened to hoar frost, which being like little fragments of ice, may confirm the opinion that the bdellium is the beryl, perhaps that pellucid kind, called by Dr. Hill the ellipomocrostyla, or beryl crystal.
BDELLIUM, בדלה, appears in Gen. ii, 12, and Num. xi, 7. Interpreters seem unsure about how to deal with this word and have translated it in various ways. Many believe it to be a type of mineral. The Septuagint first translates it as ἀνθράκα, a carbuncle, and then as κρύϛαλλον, a crystal. The rabbis, followed by Reland, refer to it as a crystal; however, some read bedolah as berolah, changing the ב into ר, which are often hard to distinguish and can be confused by transcribers, leading them to translate it as beryl, which they claim is the primary type of crystal. The bedoleh in Genesis is certainly a precious stone, and its color, described in Numbers where the manna is said to be the color of bdellium, is clarified by reference to Exod. xvi, 14, 31, where it's compared to hoarfrost, which looks like small pieces of ice. This supports the idea that bdellium is beryl, possibly the translucent type referred to by Dr. Hill as ellipomocrostyla, or beryl crystal.
BEAN, פול, occurs 2 Sam. xvii, 28, and Ezek. iv, 9. A common legume. Those most usually cultivated in Syria are the white horse-bean, faba rotunda oblonga, and the kidney-bean, phaseolis minimus, fructu viridi ovato, called by the natives masch. The Arabic ban, the name of the coffee berry, corresponds with our bean, and is probably its etymon.
BEAN, Paul, appears in 2 Sam. xvii, 28, and Ezek. iv, 9. It's a common legume. The types most often grown in Syria are the white horse-bean, faba round oblong, and the kidney-bean, small green bean, known locally as masch. The Arabic word ban, which refers to the coffee berry, is related to our word for bean and likely shares its origin.
BEAR. That bears were common in Palestine appears from several passages of the Old Testament. Their strength, rapacity, and fierceness, furnish many expressive metaphors to the Hebrew poets. The Hebrew name of this animal is taken from his growling; so Varro deduces his Latin name ursus by an onomatopæia from the noise which he makes: “ursi Lucana origo, vel unde illi, nostri ab ipsius voce:” [the origin of the term ursus (bear) is Lucanian, (whence also the bears themselves,) from the noise made by the animal.] David had to defend his flock against bears as well as lions, 1 Sam. xvii, 34. And Dr. Shaw gives us to understand that these rugged animals are not peculiar to the bleak regions of the north, being found in Barbary; and Thevenot informs us that they inhabit the wilderness adjoining the Holy Land, and that he saw one near the northern extremities of the Red Sea. The ferocity of the bear, especially when hungry or robbed of its whelps, has been mentioned by many authors. The Scripture alludes in three places to this furious disposition. The first is, 2 Sam. xvii, 8, “They be mighty men, and they be chafed in their minds as a bear robbed of her whelps in the field.” The second, Prov. xvii, 12, “Let a bear robbed of her whelps meet a man rather than a fool in his folly.” And the third, Hosea xiii, 8, “I will meet them as a bear that is bereaved of her whelps, and will rend the caul of their heart.”
BEAR. Bears were common in Palestine, as shown in several passages from the Old Testament. Their strength, greediness, and fierceness provide many vivid metaphors for Hebrew poets. The Hebrew name for this animal comes from its growling; Varro, deriving the Latin name ursus, uses onomatopoeia from the sound it makes: “the origin of Lucania, or where it comes from, according to his own words:” [the origin of the term bear (bear) is Lucanian, (whence also the bears themselves,) from the noise made by the animal.] David had to protect his flock from both bears and lions, 1 Sam. xvii, 34. Dr. Shaw indicates that these rugged animals are not exclusive to the cold northern regions, as they can also be found in Barbary; Thevenot mentions that they live in the wilderness near the Holy Land and that he saw one near the northern edge of the Red Sea. The ferocity of the bear, especially when hungry or deprived of its cubs, has been noted by many authors. The Scriptures reference this fierce nature in three instances. The first is in 2 Sam. xvii, 8: “They be mighty men, and they be chafed in their minds as a bear robbed of her whelps in the field.” The second is in Prov. xvii, 12: “Let a bear robbed of her whelps meet a man rather than a fool in his folly.” The third is Hosea xiii, 8: “I will meet them as a bear that is bereaved of her whelps, and will rend the caul of their heart.”
BEARD. The Hebrews wore their beards, but had, doubtless, in common with other Asiatic nations, several fashions in this, as in all other parts of dress. Moses forbids them, Lev. xix, 27, “to cut off entirely the angle, or extremity of their beard;” that is, to avoid the manner of the Egyptians, who left only a little tuft of beard at the extremity of their chins. The Jews, in some places, at this day suffer a little fillet of hair to grow from below the ears to the chin: where, as well as upon their lower lips, their beards are long. When they mourned, they entirely shaved the hair of their heads and beards, and neglected to trim their beards, to regulate them into neat order, or to remove what grew on their upper lips and cheeks, Jer. xli, 5; xlviii, 37. In times of grief and affliction, they plucked away the hair of their heads and beards, a mode of expression common to other nations under great calamities. The king of the Ammonites, designing to insult David in the person of his ambassadors, cut away half of their beards, and half of their clothes; that is, he cut off all their beard on one side of their faces, 2 Sam. x, 4, 5; 1 Chron. xix, 5. To avoid ridicule, David did not wish them to appear at his court till their beards were grown again. When a leper was cured of his leprosy, he washed himself in a bath, and shaved off all the hair of his body; after which, he returned into the camp, or city; seven days afterward, he washed himself and his clothes again, shaved off all his hair, and offered the sacrifices appointed for his purification, Lev. xiv, 9. The Levites, at their consecration, were purified by bathing, and washing their bodies and clothes; after which, they shaved off all the hair of their bodies, and then offered the sacrifices appointed for their consecration, Num. viii, 7.
BEARD. The Hebrews wore their beards but, like other Asian nations, had various styles for this and other aspects of clothing. Moses forbids them, Lev. xix, 27, “to cut off entirely the corner or edge of their beard,” which means they should avoid the Egyptian style of leaving just a small tuft of beard at the end of their chins. Today, in some places, Jews let a small strip of hair grow from below their ears to their chins, and their beards are long on their lower lips as well. When they were in mourning, they completely shaved their heads and beards and refrained from grooming their beards into a neat style or removing hair from their upper lips and cheeks, Jer. xli, 5; xlviii, 37. During times of sadness and hardship, they would pull out hair from their heads and beards, a way of expressing grief that other nations also practiced during severe troubles. The king of the Ammonites, aiming to insult David through his messengers, cut off half of their beards and half of their clothing; specifically, he shaved off all the beard on one side of their faces, 2 Sam. x, 4, 5; 1 Chron. xix, 5. To avoid embarrassment, David didn’t want them to come to his court until their beards had grown back. When a leper was healed, he bathed and shaved off all the hair from his body; then he returned to the camp or city. Seven days later, he washed himself and his clothes again, shaved off all his hair, and offered the sacrifices required for his purification, Lev. xiv, 9. The Levites, during their consecration, were purified by bathing and washing their bodies and clothes; then they shaved off all the hair from their bodies and offered the sacrifices required for their consecration, Num. viii, 7.
Nothing has been more fluctuating in the different ages of the world and countries than the fashion of wearing the beard. Some have cultivated one part and some another; some have endeavoured to extirpate it entirely, while others have almost idolized it; the revolutions of countries have scarcely been more famous than the revolutions of beards. It is a great mark of infamy among the Arabs to cut off the 143beard. Many people would prefer death to this kind of treatment. As they would think it a grievous punishment to lose it, they carry things so far as to beg for the sake of it: “By your beard, by the life of your beard, God preserve your blessed beard.” When they would express their value for any thing, they say, “It is worth more than a man’s beard.” And hence we may easily learn the magnitude of the offence of the Ammonites in their treatment of David’s ambassadors, as above mentioned; and also the force of the emblem used Ezek. v, 1–5, where the inhabitants of Jerusalem are compared to the hair of his head and beard. Though they had been dear to God as the hair of an eastern beard to its owner, they should be taken away and consumed, one part by pestilence and famine, another by the sword, another by the calamities incident on exile.
Nothing has changed more over the centuries and in different cultures than the trend of wearing beards. Some have emphasized one style, while others have focused on different ones; some have even tried to remove them entirely, whereas others have revered them. The changes in cultures are hardly as noted as the shifts in beard styles. Among Arabs, cutting off a beard is considered a huge disgrace. Many would rather face death than endure such an act. To lose it is seen as a severe punishment, and they go so far as to plead for it: “By your beard, by the life of your beard, may God protect your blessed beard.” To demonstrate how much they value something, they say, “It’s worth more than a man’s beard.” This highlights the seriousness of the offense the Ammonites committed against David’s envoys, as previously noted; it also illustrates the symbolism in Ezek. v, 1–5, where the residents of Jerusalem are likened to the hair on a man’s head and beard. Although they were cherished by God, like the hair of an Eastern man's beard, they would be taken away and destroyed—some by plague and famine, others by the sword, and the rest by the hardships of exile.
BEASTS. When this word is used in opposition to man, as Psalm xxxvi, 5, any brute creature is signified; when to creeping things, as Lev. xi, 2, 7; xxix, 30, four-footed animals, from the size of the hare and upward, are intended; and when to wild creatures, as Gen. i, 25, cattle, or tame animals, are spoken of. In Isaiah xiii, 21, several wild animals are mentioned as dwelling among the ruins of Babylon: “Wild beasts of the desert,” ציים, those of the dry wilderness, as the root of the word implies, “shall dwell there. Their houses shall be full of doleful creatures,” אהים, marsh animals. “Owls shall dwell there,” ostriches, “and satyrs,” שעירים, shaggy ones, “shall dance there. And the wild beasts of the islands,” איים, oases of the desert, “shall cry in their desolate houses, and dragons,” תנים, crocodiles, or amphibious animals, “shall be in their desolate places.” St. Paul, 1 Cor. xv, 32, speaks of fighting with beasts, &c: by which he does not mean his having been exposed in the amphitheatreamphitheatre to fight as a gladiator, as some have conjectured, but that he had to contend at Ephesus with the fierce uproar of Demetrius and his associates. Ignatius uses the same figure in his Epistle to the Romans: “From Syria even unto Rome I fight with wild beasts, both by sea and land, both night and day, being bound to ten leopards;” that is, to a band of soldiers. So Lucian, in like manner, says, “For I am not to fight with ordinary wild beasts, but with men, insolent and hard to be convinced.” In Rev. iv, v, vi, mention is made of four beasts, or rather, as the word ζῶα signifies, living creatures, as in Ezek. i; and so the word might have been less harshly translated. Wild beasts are used in Scripture as emblems of tyrannical and persecuting powers. The most illustrious conquerors of antiquity also have not a more honourable emblem.
BEASTS. When this word is used in contrast to humans, as in Psalm xxxvi, 5, it refers to any non-human creature; when compared to creeping things, as in Lev. xi, 2, 7; xxix, 30, it refers to four-legged animals, from the size of a hare and larger; and when discussing wild creatures, as in Gen. i, 25, it refers to cattle, or domesticated animals. In Isaiah xiii, 21, several wild animals are mentioned as inhabiting the ruins of Babylon: “Wild beasts of the desert,” ציים, referring to those of the arid wilderness, as the root of the word suggests, “shall live there. Their homes shall be full of sorrowful creatures,” אהים, swamp animals. “Owls shall inhabit there,” ostriches, “and satyrs,” Goats, shaggy ones, “shall dance there. And the wild beasts of the islands,” Islands, desert oases, “shall cry in their abandoned homes, and dragons,” תן, crocodiles, or amphibious creatures, “shall be in their desolate areas.” In St. Paul’s writing, 1 Cor. xv, 32, he talks about fighting with beasts, etc.: he doesn’t mean he was thrown into the amphitheateramphitheatre to battle as a gladiator, as some have speculated, but that he had to deal with the fierce uproar from Demetrius and his allies in Ephesus. Ignatius uses the same metaphor in his Epistle to the Romans: “From Syria all the way to Rome I fight with wild beasts, both at sea and on land, day and night, being bound to ten leopards;” meaning, to a group of soldiers. Similarly, Lucian remarks, “For I am not to fight with ordinary wild beasts, but with men who are arrogant and difficult to persuade.” In Rev. iv, v, vi, there is mention of four beasts, or rather, as the word ζῶα means, living creatures, similar to Ezek. i; and so the word could have been translated in a less harsh manner. Wild beasts in Scripture symbolize tyrannical and persecuting powers. The most distinguished conquerors of ancient times also have no more honorable symbol.
BED. Mattresses, or thick cotton quilts folded, were used for sleeping upon. These were laid upon the duan, or divan, a part of the room elevated above the level of the rest, covered with a carpet in winter, and a fine mat in summer. (See Accubation and Banquets.) A divan cushion serves for a pillow and bolster. They do not keep their beds made; the mattresses are rolled up, carried away, and placed in a cupboard till they are wanted at night. And hence the propriety of our Lord’s address to the paralytic, “Arise, take up thy bed,” or mattress, “and walk,” Matt. ix, 6. The duan on which these mattresses are placed, is at the end of the chamber, and has an ascent of several steps. Hence Hezekiah is said to turn his face to the wall when he prayed, that is, from his attendants. In the day the duan was used as a seat, and the place of honour was the corner, Amos iii, 12.
BED. Mattresses, or thick cotton quilts folded, were used for sleeping on. These were laid on the duan, or divan, which is a part of the room raised above the rest, covered with a carpet in winter and a fine mat in summer. (See Accubation and Banquets.) A divan cushion serves as a pillow and bolster. They don’t keep their beds made; the mattresses are rolled up, taken away, and stored in a cupboard until they’re needed at night. This explains our Lord’s instruction to the paralytic, “Get up, take your bed,” or mattress, “and walk,” Matt. ix, 6. The duan where these mattresses are placed is at the end of the room and has several steps leading up to it. Thus, Hezekiah is said to turn his face to the wall when he prayed, meaning from his attendants. During the day, the duan was used as a seat, and the most respected spot was the corner, Amos iii, 12.
BEELZEBUB, Matt. x, 25. See Baalzebub.
BEELZEBUB, Matt. x, 25. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
BEERSHEBA, or the well of the oath; so named from a well which Abraham dug in this place, and the covenant which he here made with Abimelech, king of Gerar, Gen. xx, 31. Here also he planted a grove, as it would appear, for the purpose of retirement for religious worship. In process of time, a considerable town was built on the same spot, which retained the same name. Beersheba was given by Joshua to the tribe of Judah, and afterward transferred to Simeon, Joshua xv, 28. It was situated twenty miles south of Hebron, in the extreme south of the land of Israel, as Dan was on the north. The two places are frequently thus mentioned in Scripture, as “from Dan to Beersheba,” to denote the whole length of the country.
BEERSHEBA, or the well of the oath; named after a well that Abraham dug in this location, and the agreement he made here with Abimelech, the king of Gerar, Gen. xx, 31. He also planted a grove here, apparently for the purpose of private religious worship. Over time, a significant town developed in the same area, keeping the same name. Beersheba was given by Joshua to the tribe of Judah and later transferred to Simeon, Joshua xv, 28. It was located twenty miles south of Hebron, in the far south of the land of Israel, just as Dan was in the north. These two places are often mentioned together in Scripture as “from Dan to Beersheba,” indicating the entire length of the country.
דבורה BEE, דבורה, occurs Deut. i, 44; Judges xiv, 8; Psalm cviii, 12; Isa. vii, 18. A well known, small, industrious insect; whose form, propagation, economy, and singular instinct and ingenuity, have attracted the attention of the most inquisitive and laborious inquirers into nature. Bees were very numerous in the east. Serid, or Seriad, means “the land of the hive;” and Canaan was celebrated as “a land flowing with milk and honey.” The wild bees formed their comb in the crevices of the rocks, and in the hollows of decayed trees. The passage in Isa. vii, 8, which mentions the “hissing for the bee,” is supposed to involve an allusion to the practice of calling out the bees from their hives, by a hissing or whistling sound, to their labour in the fields, and summoning them again to return when the heavens begin to lower, or the shadows of evening to fall. In this manner Jehovah threatens to rouse the enemies of Judah, and lead them to the prey. However widely scattered, or far remote from the scene of action, they should hear his voice, and with as much promptitude as the bee that has been taught to recognise the signal of its owner and obey his call, they should assemble their forces; and although weak and insignificant as a swarm of bees, in the estimation of a proud and infatuated people, they should come, with irresistible might, and take possession of the rich and beautiful region which had been abandoned by its terrified inhabitants.
דבורה BEE, Bee, appears in Deut. i, 44; Judges xiv, 8; Psalm cviii, 12; Isa. vii, 18. A well-known, small, hardworking insect whose shape, reproduction, lifestyle, and unique instincts have drawn the interest of the most curious and dedicated nature enthusiasts. Bees were very common in the East. Serid, or Seriad, means “the land of the hive;” and Canaan was famous for being “a land flowing with milk and honey.” Wild bees built their combs in rock crevices and in the hollows of rotting trees. The reference in Isa. vii, 8, about “hissing for the bee,” likely refers to the practice of calling bees out from their hives with a hissing or whistling sound for work in the fields and summoning them back when the sky darkens or evening approaches. In this way, God warns he will stir up Judah’s enemies and lead them to their target. No matter how spread out or distant from the action, they will hear his call, and just like a bee that has learned to recognize its owner’s signal and respond, they will gather their forces; and though they may seem weak and insignificant like a swarm of bees to a proud and deluded people, they will come with unstoppable strength and take over the rich and beautiful land left behind by its frightened inhabitants.
The bee is represented by the ancients as a vexatious and even a formidable enemy; and the experience of every person who turns his attention to the temper and habits of this insect attests the truth of their assertion. The allusion, therefore, of Moses to their fierce hostility, Deut. i, 44, is both just and beautiful: “The Amorites, which dwelt in that mountain, 144came out against you, and chased you as bees do, and destroyed you in Seir even unto Hormah.” The Amorites, it appears, were the most bitter adversaries to Israel of all the nations of Canaan. Like bees that are easily irritated, that attack with great fury and increasing numbers the person that dares to molest their hive, and persecute him in his flight to a considerable distance, the incensed Amorites had collected their hostile bands, and chased the Israelites from their territory. The Psalmist also complains that his enemies compassed him about like bees; fiercely attacking him on every side. From these allusions it would however appear, that the bees of the east were of a more quarrelsome temper than ours, which exist chiefly in a domesticated state.
The bee has been seen by ancient cultures as a troublesome and even a fierce enemy, and anyone who studies the behavior and nature of this insect will agree with that view. Moses' reference to their fierce aggression in Deuteronomy 1:44 is both accurate and vivid: “The Amorites, who lived in that mountain, came out against you and chased you like bees do, and destroyed you in Seir all the way to Hormah.” The Amorites were clearly the most bitter enemies of Israel among all the nations of Canaan. Just like bees that become easily provoked and attack with great intensity and growing numbers anyone who disturbs their hive, pursuing their target far away, the angry Amorites rallied their forces and drove the Israelites from their land. The Psalmist also says his enemies surrounded him like bees, aggressively attacking him from all sides. These references suggest that the bees in the east were more aggressive than the ones we mainly keep domesticated today.
BEETLE. חרגל. It occurs only Lev. xi, 22. A species of locust is thought to be there spoken of. The word still remains in the Arabic, and is derived from an original, alluding to the vast number of their swarms. Golius explains it of the locust without wings. The Egyptians paid a superstitious worship to the beetle. Mr. Molyneaux, in the “Philosophical Transactions,” says, “It is more than probable that this destructive beetle we are speaking of was that very kind of scarabæus, which the idolatrous Egyptians of old had in such high veneration as to pay divine worship unto it, and so frequently engrave its image upon their obelisks, &c, as we see at this day. For nothing can be supposed more natural than to imagine a nation, addicted to polytheism, as the Egyptians were, in a country frequently suffering great mischief and scarcity from swarms of devouring insects, should, from a strange sense and fear of evil to come, (the common principle of superstition and idolatry,) give sacred worship to the visible authors of these their sufferings, in hopes to render them more propitious for the future. See Fly and Locust.
BEETLE. חרגל. It only appears in Lev. xi, 22. A type of locust is believed to be referenced there. The term still exists in Arabic and comes from an original word that refers to the enormous number of their swarms. Golius describes it as the wingless locust. The Egyptians worshipped the beetle superstitiously. Mr. Molyneaux, in the “Philosophical Transactions,” states, “It’s more than likely that this harmful beetle we’re discussing was the same type of scarab that the idolatrous Egyptians held in such high regard that they worshipped it and often carved its image on their obelisks, etc., as we can see today. For it’s only natural to think that a nation, prone to polytheism as the Egyptians were, living in a country often plagued by destructive swarms of insects, would, out of a strange sense of fear and superstition, give sacred worship to the visible causes of their suffering, hoping to make them more favorable in the future. See Fly and Locusts.
BEHEMOTH. בהמות. This term has greatly tried the ingenuity of the critics. By some, among whom are Bythner and Reiske, it is regarded in Job xl, 16, as a plural noun for beasts in general: the peculiar name of the animal immediately described not being mentioned, as unnecessary, on account of the description itself being so easily applied at the time. In this sense it is translated in various passages in the Psalms. Thus, l, 10, in which it is usually rendered cattle, as the plural of בהמת it means unquestionably a beast or brute, in the general signification of these words: “For every beast of the field is mine, and the cattle,” behemoth, “upon a thousand hills.” So again, Isa. lxxiii, 22: “So foolish was I, and ignorant; I was as a beast,” behemoth, “before thee.” It is also used in the same sense in chap. xxxv, 11, of the book of Job: “Who teacheth us more than the beasts,” behemoth, “of the earth.” The greater number of critics, however, have understood the word behemoth, in the singular number, as the peculiar name of the quadruped described, Job xl, of whatever kind or nature it may be; although they have materially differed upon this last point, some regarding it as the hippopotamus, or river horse, and others as the elephant. The evidence in favour of the hippopotamus appears, however, to predominate. The hippopotamus is nearly as large as the rhinoceros. The male has been found seventeen feet in length, fifteen in circumference, and seven in height. The head is enormously large, and the jaws extend upwards two feet, and are armed with four cutting teeth, each of which is twelve inches in length. The body is of a lightish colour, thinly covered with hair. The legs are three feet long. Though amphibious, the hoofs, which are quadrifid, are not connected by membranes. The hide is so thick and tough as to resist the edge of a sword or sabre. Although an inhabitant of the waters, the hippopotamus is well known to breathe air like land animals. On land, indeed, he finds the chief part of his food. It has been pretended that he devours vast quantities of fish; but it appears with the fullest evidence, both from the relations of many travellers, and from the structure of the stomach, in specimens that have been dissected, that he is nourished solely, or almost solely, on vegetable food. Though he feeds upon aquatic plants, yet he very often leaves the waters, and commits wide devastations through all the cultivated fields adjacent to the river. Unless when accidentally provoked, or wounded, he is never offensive; but when he is assaulted or hurt, his fury against the assailants is terrible. He will attack a boat, break it in pieces with his teeth; or, where the river is not too deep, he will raise it on his back and overset it. If he be irritated when on shore, he will immediately betake himself to the water; and there, in his native element, shows all his strength and resolution.
BEHEMOTH. Animals. This term has greatly challenged critics' creativity. Some, including Bythner and Reiske, see it in Job 40:16 as a plural noun for beasts in general; they argue that the specific name of the animal being described isn’t given, since the description itself is already clear. In this sense, it is translated in different passages in the Psalms. For example, in Psalm 50:10, it's usually translated as cattle; as the plural of בהמת, it clearly means a beast or brute, in the broad sense of these words: “For every beast of the field is mine, and the cattle,” behemoth, “upon a thousand hills.” Similarly, in Isaiah 73:22: “So foolish was I, and ignorant; I was as a beast,” behemoth, “before you.” It’s also used in the same way in Job 35:11: “Who teaches us more than the beasts,” behemoth, “of the earth.” However, most critics understand the word behemoth, in the singular, as the specific name of the four-legged animal described in Job 40, no matter what kind it is; they’ve notably disagreed on this last point, with some seeing it as the hippopotamus, or river horse, and others as the elephant. The evidence seems to lean towards the hippopotamus. The hippopotamus is nearly as large as a rhinoceros. The male can be found at seventeen feet long, fifteen feet around, and seven feet tall. Its head is gigantic, with jaws that extend upwards two feet and are equipped with four cutting teeth, each twelve inches long. The body has a lightish color, sparsely covered with hair. Its legs are three feet long. Though it lives in water, its split hooves are not connected by membranes. The skin is so thick and tough that it can resist the sharp edge of a sword or saber. Even though it lives in water, the hippopotamus, like land animals, breathes air. It primarily finds its food on land. Some claim that it eats huge amounts of fish; however, both from traveler accounts and the structure of the stomach in dissected specimens, it’s clear that it feeds almost entirely on plant material. While it eats aquatic plants, it often leaves the water and causes significant destruction in all the cultivated fields near the river. Unless provoked or hurt, it’s not aggressive; but when attacked or injured, its rage is terrifying. It can attack a boat and break it apart with its teeth, or if the river isn’t too deep, it can lift it on its back and flip it over. If disturbed on land, it will quickly return to the water, where it shows all its strength and determination in its natural habitat.
BEHMENISTS, a name given to those mystics who adopted the explication of the mysteries of nature and grace, as given by Jacob Behmen. This writer was born in the year 1575, at Old Siedenburg, near Gorlitz, in Upper Lusatia. He was a shoemaker by trade, and is described as having been thoughtful and religious from his youth up, taking peculiar pleasure in frequenting the public worship. At length, seriously considering within himself that speech of our Saviour, “Your heavenly Father will give the Holy Spirit to them that ask him,” he was thereby awakened to desire that promised Comforter; and, continuing in that earnestness, he was at last, to use his own expression, “surrounded with a divine light for seven days, and stood in the highest contemplation and kingdom of joys!” After this, about the year 1600, he was again surrounded with a divine light and replenished with the heavenly knowledge; insomuch as, going abroad into the fields, and viewing the herbs and grass, by his inward light, he saw into their essences, uses, and properties, which were discovered to him by their lineaments, figures, and signatures. In the year 1610, he had a third special illumination, wherein still farther mysteries were revealed to him; but it was not till the year 1612 that Behmen committed these revelations to writing. His first treatise is entitled, “Aurora,” which was seized by the 145senate of Gorlitz before it was completed. His next production is called, “The Three Principles,” by which he means the dark world, or hell; the light world, or heaven; and the external, or visible world, which we inhabit. In this work he more fully illustrates the subjects treated of in the former, and supplies what is wanting in that work, showing, 1. How all things came from a working will of the holy, triune, incomprehensible God, manifesting himself as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, through an outward, perceptible, working, triune power of fire, light, and spirit, in the kingdom of heaven. 2. How and what angels and men were in their creation; that they are in and from God, his real offspring; that their life begun in and from this divine fire, which is the Father of Light, generating a birth of light in their souls; from both which proceeds the Holy Spirit, or breath of divine love, in the triune creature, as it does in the triune Creator. 3. How some angels, and all men, are fallen from God, and their first state of a divine triune life in him; what they are in their fallen state, and the difference between the fall of angels and that of man. 4. How the earth, stars, and elements were created in consequence of the fall of angels. 5. Whence there is good and evil in all this temporal world; and what is meant by the curse that dwells in it. 6. Of the kingdom of Christ, how it is set in opposition to the kingdom of hell. 7. How man, through faith in Christ, is able to overcome the kingdom of hell, and thereby obtain eternal salvation. 8. How and why sin and misery shall only reign for a time, until God shall, in a supernatural way, make fallen man rise to the glory of angels, and this material system shake off its curse, and enter into an everlasting union with that heaven from whence it fell.
BEHMENISTS is a term for those mystics who embraced the understanding of the mysteries of nature and grace as explained by Jacob Behmen. He was born in 1575 in Old Siedenburg, near Gorlitz, in Upper Lusatia. By trade, he was a shoemaker and was known to be introspective and religious from a young age, enjoying attending public worship. Eventually, reflecting on the words of our Savior, “Your heavenly Father will give the Holy Spirit to those who ask him,” he felt a deep desire for that promised Comforter. As he persisted in this yearning, he eventually described experiencing a divine light for seven days, reaching a state of profound contemplation and joy. After that, around 1600, he encountered another divine light, filled with heavenly knowledge; as he walked in the fields and observed the plants and grass, he perceived their essences, uses, and properties, revealed to him through their forms and characteristics. In 1610, he had a third significant illumination, which brought even deeper mysteries to light; however, it wasn't until 1612 that Behmen wrote down these revelations. His first work is titled “Aurora,” which was seized by the senate of Gorlitz before it was finished. His next work is called “The Three Principles,” referring to the dark world or hell, the light world or heaven, and the external or visible world in which we live. In this piece, he elaborates on the topics covered in the previous work and fills in its gaps, explaining: 1. How everything originated from the working will of the holy, triune, incomprehensible God, manifesting himself as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit through an outward, perceivable, working triune force of fire, light, and spirit in the kingdom of heaven. 2. The nature of angels and humans at their creation, their origin in God as his true offspring, that their life began in and from this divine fire, the Father of Light, generating a birth of light in their souls; from both of these, the Holy Spirit or divine love flows in the triune creation, just as it does in the triune Creator. 3. How some angels and all humans fell from God, losing their initial state of divine triune life in him; what their fallen state consists of, and how the falls of angels and humans differ. 4. How the earth, stars, and elements were created as a result of the fall of angels. 5. The source of good and evil in this temporal world, and the meaning of the curse that exists within it. 6. The kingdom of Christ and how it opposes the kingdom of hell. 7. How man can overcome the kingdom of hell through faith in Christ and thus achieve eternal salvation. 8. The reason why sin and misery will only have temporary reign until God, in a supernatural manner, restores fallen humanity to the glory of angels, allowing this material world to shed its curse and rejoin the everlasting union with the heaven from which it fell.
The next year, Behmen produced his “Three-fold Life of Man,” according to the three principles above mentioned. In this work he treats more largely of the state of man in this world: that he has, 1. That immortal spark of life, which is common to angels and devils. 2. That divine life of the light and Spirit of God, which makes the essential difference between an angel and a devil; and, 3. The life of this external and visible world. The first and last are common to all men; but the second only to a true Christian, or child of God. Behmen wrote several other treatises; but these are the basis of all his other writings. His conceptions are often clothed under allegorical symbols; and, in his later works, he frequently adopted chemical and Latin phrases, which he borrowed from conversation with learned men. But as to the matter contained in his writings, he disclaims having borrowed it either from men or books. He died in the year 1624; and his last words were, “Now I go hence into paradise!” Behmen’s principles were adopted by Mr. Law, who clothed them in a more modern dress, and in a style less obscure. The essential obscurity of the subjects indeed he could not remedy. If they were understood by the author himself, he is probably the only one who ever made that attainment.
The next year, Behmen published his “Three-fold Life of Man,” based on the three principles mentioned earlier. In this work, he elaborates on the state of humanity in this world: 1. The immortal spark of life, which is shared by angels and devils. 2. The divine life of the light and Spirit of God, which distinguishes an angel from a devil; and 3. The life of this external and visible world. The first and last are common to all people, but only a true Christian or child of God possesses the second. Behmen wrote several other treatises, but these form the foundation of all his other writings. His ideas are often expressed through allegorical symbols, and in his later works, he frequently used chemical and Latin terms he picked up from discussions with learned individuals. However, regarding the material in his writings, he insists that he didn't borrow it from any people or books. He died in 1624, and his last words were, “Now I go hence into paradise!” Behmen’s principles were adopted by Mr. Law, who presented them in a more modern style and less obscure language. The essential complexity of the subjects, however, he could not change. If the author fully understood them, he is likely the only one who ever did.
BEL, or Belus, a name by which many Heathens, and particularly the Babylonians, called their chief idol. But whether under this appellation they worshipped Nimrod, their first Baal, or lord, or Pul, king of Assyria, or some other monarch, or the sun, or all in one, is uncertain. It is, however, probable, that Bel is the same as the Phenician Baal, and that the worship of the same deity passed over to the Carthagenians, who were a colony of Phenicians. Hence the names Hannibal, Asdrubal, &c, compounded with Bel or Baal, according to the custom of the east, where great men added the names of the gods to their own. Bel had a temple erected to him in the city of Babylon, on the very uppermost range of the famous tower of Babel, wherein were many statues of this pretended deity; and one, among the rest, of massy gold, forty feet high. The whole furniture of this magnificent temple was of the same metal, and valued at eight hundred talents of gold. This temple, with its riches, was in being till the time of Xerxes, who, returning from his unfortunate expedition into Greece, demolished it, and carried off the immense wealth which it contained. It was, probably, the statue of this god which Nebuchadnezzar, being returned to Babylon after the end of the Jewish war, set up and dedicated in the plain of Dura; the story of which is related at large, Dan. iii. See Babel.
BEL, or Belus, was the name many Heathens, especially the Babylonians, used for their main idol. It's unclear whether they worshipped Nimrod, their first Baal or lord, Pul, the king of Assyria, or some other ruler, or even the sun, or if they combined all of them into one. However, it’s likely that Bel is the same as the Phoenician Baal, and that this worship was carried over to the Carthaginians, who were a colony of Phoenicians. This is why names like Hannibal and Asdrubal include Bel or Baal, following the Eastern tradition where prominent figures included the names of gods in their own. Bel had a temple built for him in Babylon, at the very top of the famous Tower of Babel, which housed many statues of this supposed deity, including one massive golden statue that stood forty feet tall. The entire interior of this stunning temple was made of gold, valued at eight hundred talents of gold. This temple, along with its riches, lasted until the time of Xerxes, who, after his disastrous campaign in Greece, destroyed it and took away the immense wealth it held. It’s likely that the statue of this god was what Nebuchadnezzar set up and dedicated in the plain of Dura after he returned to Babylon following the Jewish war; this story is described in detail in Dan. iii. See Babel.
Bel and the Dragon, an apocryphal and uncanonical book. It was always rejected by the Jewish church, and is extant neither in the Hebrew, nor in the Chaldee languages; nor is there any proof that it ever was so, although the council of Trent allowed it to be part of the canonical book of Daniel, in which it stands in the Latin Vulgate. There are two Greek texts of this fragment, that of the Septuagint, and that found in Theodotion’s Greek version of Daniel. The Latin and Arabic versions are from the text of Theodotion. Daniel probably, by detecting the mercenary contrivances of the idolatrous priests of Babylon, and by opening the eyes of the people to the follies of superstition, might furnish some foundation for the story; but the whole is evidently charged with fiction, though introduced with a pious intent. St. Jerom gives it no better title than, “The fable of Bel and the Dragon.” Selden thinks that this history ought rather to be considered as a poem or fiction, than a true account: as to the dragon, he observes, that serpents, dracones, made a part of the hidden mysteries of the Pagan religion, as appears from Clemens Alexandrinus, Julius Firmicus, Justin Martyr, and others. See Serpent.
Bel and the Dragon is an apocryphal and non-canonical book. It was always rejected by the Jewish church and doesn't exist in Hebrew or Chaldee; there’s no evidence it ever did, even though the Council of Trent accepted it as part of the canonical book of Daniel, where it appears in the Latin Vulgate. There are two Greek texts of this fragment: one from the Septuagint and the other from Theodotion’s Greek version of Daniel. The Latin and Arabic versions are derived from Theodotion's text. Daniel probably serves as a basis for the story by exposing the selfish schemes of the idolatrous priests of Babylon and helping the people see the absurdities of superstition; however, it clearly has elements of fiction, despite being introduced with good intentions. St. Jerome refers to it as “The fable of Bel and the Dragon.” Selden believes this story should be viewed more as a poem or fiction rather than an accurate account. Regarding the dragon, he notes that serpents, dracones, were part of the hidden mysteries of Pagan religion, as indicated by Clemens Alexandrinus, Julius Firmicus, Justin Martyr, and others. See Snake.
BELIAL. The phrase, “sons of Belial,” signifies wicked, worthless men. It was given to the inhabitants of Gibeah, who abused the Levite’s wife, Judges xix, 22; and to Hophni and Phineas, the wicked and profane sons of Eli, 1 Samuel ii, 12. In later times the name Belial denoted the devil: “What concord hath Christ with Belial?” 2 Cor. vi, 15; for as the word literally imports “one who will do no one good,” the positive sense of a doer of evil was 146applied to Satan, who is the author of evil, and, eminently, “the Evil One.”
BELIAL. The term "sons of Belial" refers to wicked, worthless men. It was used to describe the people of Gibeah, who violated the Levite's wife, Judges xix, 22; and also Hophni and Phineas, the corrupt and irreverent sons of Eli, 1 Samuel ii, 12. In later times, the name Belial came to represent the devil: "What agreement does Christ have with Belial?" 2 Cor. vi, 15; since the word literally means "someone who does no good," it was specifically associated with Satan, the source of evil, and, especially, "the Evil One." 146
BELLS. Moses ordered that the lower part of the blue robe, which the high priest wore in religious ceremonies, should be adorned with pomegranates and bells, intermixed alternately, at equal distances. The pomegranates were of wool, and in colour, blue purple, and crimson; the bells were of gold. Moses adds, “And it shall be upon Aaron to minister; and his sound shall be heard when he goeth in unto the holy place before the Lord, and when he cometh out; that he die not.” Some of the Hebrews believe that these little bells are round; others, that they were such as were commonly in use. The ancient kings of Persia are said to have had the hem of their robes adorned like that of the Jewish high priest, with pomegranates and golden bells. The Arabian ladies, who are about the king’s person, have little gold bells fastened to their legs, their neck, and elbows, which, when they dance, make a very agreeable harmony. The Arabian women of rank, generally, wear on their legs large hollow gold rings, containing small flints, that sound like little bells when they walk; or they are large circles, with little rings hung all round, which produce the same effect. These, when they walk, give notice that the mistress of the house is passing, that so the servants of the family may behave themselves respectfully, and strangers may retire, to avoid seeing the person who advances. It was, in all probability, with some such design of giving notice that the high priest was passing, that he also wore little bells at the hem of his robe. Their sound intimated also when he was about to enter the sanctuary, and served to keep up the attention of the people. A reverential respect for the Divine Inhabitant was also indicated. The palace of kings was not to be entered without due notice, by striking some sonorous body, much less the sanctuary of God; and the high priest did, by the sound of his bells at the bottom of his robe, ask leave to enter. “And his sound shall be heard when he goeth into the holy place before the Lord, and when he cometh out; that he die not.”
BELLS. Moses instructed that the lower part of the blue robe worn by the high priest during religious ceremonies should be decorated with pomegranates and bells, arranged alternately and spaced evenly. The pomegranates were made of wool and came in colors of blue, purple, and crimson; the bells were made of gold. Moses added, “And it shall be upon Aaron to minister; and his sound shall be heard when he goes into the holy place before the Lord, and when he comes out; that he die not.” Some Hebrews believe these little bells were round; others think they looked like those commonly used at the time. It is said that the ancient kings of Persia had the hems of their robes decorated like those of the Jewish high priest, with pomegranates and golden bells. Arabian ladies around the king have small gold bells attached to their legs, necks, and elbows, which produce a pleasant sound when they dance. Generally, Arabian women of rank wear large hollow gold rings on their legs filled with small flints that sound like little bells as they walk, or they wear large circles with small rings attached all around to create a similar effect. These sounds announce the approach of the mistress of the house, allowing family servants to behave respectfully and strangers to step aside to avoid seeing her. It’s likely that the high priest wore little bells at the hem of his robe for a similar purpose, signaling his passage. The sound also indicated when he was about to enter the sanctuary and helped maintain the people's focus. It showed a deep respect for the Divine Presence. Just as one wouldn’t enter a king’s palace without notice by making some sound, the same applied to God’s sanctuary; thus, the high priest, by the sound of his bells, sought permission to enter. “And his sound shall be heard when he goes into the holy place before the Lord, and when he comes out; that he die not.”
Bells were a part of the martial furniture of horses employed in war. The Jewish warrior adorned his charger with these ornaments; and the prophet foretels that these in future times should be consecrated to the service of God: “In that day shall there be upon the bells of the horses, Holiness unto the Lord.” Chardin observes that something like this is seen in several places of the east; in Persia, and in Turkey, the reins of their bridles are of silk, of the thickness of a finger, on which are wrought the name of God, or other inscriptions. A horse which had not been trained was by the Greeks called, “one that had never heard the noise of bells.”
Bells were part of the gear for horses used in battle. The Jewish warrior decorated his horse with these ornaments; and the prophet predicts that in the future, these will be dedicated to serving God: “In that day shall there be upon the bells of the horses, Holiness unto the Lord.” Chardin notes that a similar practice can be seen in several regions in the East; in Persia and Turkey, the reins of their bridles are made of silk, about the thickness of a finger, and feature the name of God or other inscriptions. A horse that had not been trained was referred to by the Greeks as “one that had never heard the noise of bells.”
BELLY is used in Scripture for gluttony, Titus i, 12; Philip iii, 16; Rom. xvi, 18. For the heart, or the secrets of the mind, Prov. xx, 27, 30; xxii, 18. The “belly of hell” signifies the grave, or some imminent danger, or deep distress, Jonah ii, 2; Ecclus. ii, 5.
BELLY is mentioned in the Bible to refer to gluttony, Titus 1:12; Philippians 3:16; Romans 16:18. It also stands for the heart or the hidden thoughts of the mind, Proverbs 20:27, 30; 22:18. The “belly of hell” represents the grave, a serious threat, or deep distress, Jonah 2:2; Ecclesiasticus 2:5.
BELSHAZZAR, the last king of Babylon, and, according to Hales and others, the grandson of Nebuchadnezzar, Dan. v, 18. During the period that the Jews were in captivity at Babylon, a variety of singular events concurred to prove that the sins which brought desolation on their country, and subjected them for a period of seventy years to the Babylonish yoke, had not dissolved that covenant relation which, as the God of Abraham, Jehovah had entered into with them; and that any act of indignity perpetrated against an afflicted people, or any insult cast upon the service of their temple, would be regarded as an affront to the Majesty of heaven, and not suffered to pass with impunity, though the perpetrators were the princes and potentates of the earth. Belshazzar was a remarkable instance of this. He had an opportunity of seeing, in the case of his ancestor, how hateful pride is, even in royalty itself; how instantly God can blast the dignity of the brightest crown, and reduce him that wears it to a level with the beasts of the field; and consequently how much the prosperity of kings and the stability of their thrones depend upon acknowledging that “the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.” But all these awful lessons were lost upon Belshazzar.
BELSHAZZAR, the last king of Babylon, and, according to Hales and others, the grandson of Nebuchadnezzar, Dan. v, 18. During the time the Jews were in captivity in Babylon, a series of unusual events occurred to demonstrate that the sins which led to their country's destruction and subjected them to the Babylonian rule for seventy years had not broken the covenant relationship that Jehovah, the God of Abraham, had established with them. Any act of disrespect toward these suffering people or any insult directed at the service of their temple would be seen as an offense to the Majesty of heaven and would not go unpunished, even if the offenders were the princes and rulers of the earth. Belshazzar was a striking example of this. He had the chance to see, through his ancestor's story, how detestable pride can be, even in royalty; how quickly God can shatter the dignity of the most splendid crown and bring its wearer down to the level of the animals; and therefore, how much the success of kings and the stability of their thrones rely on recognizing that “the Most High rules in the kingdom of men, and gives it to whomever He wills.” But all these terrifying lessons were lost on Belshazzar.
The only circumstances of his reign, recorded, are the visions of the Prophet Daniel, in the first and third years, Dan. vii, 1; viii, 1; and his sacrilegious feast and violent death, Dan. v, 1–30. Isaiah, who represents the Babylonian dynasty as “the scourge of Palestine,” styles Nebuchadnezzar “a serpent,” Evil Merodach “a cockatrice,” and Belshazzar “a fiery flying serpent,” the worst of all, Isaiah xiv, 4–29. And Xenophon confirms this prophetic character by two atrocious instances of cruelty and barbarity, exercised by Belshazzar upon some of his chief and most deserving nobles. He slew the only son of Gobryas, in a transport of rage, because at a hunting match he hit with his spear a bear, and afterward a lion, when the king had missed both; and in a fit of jealousy, he brutally castrated Gadatus, because one of his concubines had commended him as a handsome man. His last and most heinous offence was the profanation of the sacred vessels belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, which his wise grandfather, and even his foolish father Evil Merodach, had respected. Having made a great feast for a thousand of his lords, he ordered those vessels to be brought during the banquet, that he, his princes, his wives, and his concubines, might drink out of them, which they did; and to aggravate sacrilege by apostasy and rebellion, and ingratitude against the Supreme Author of all their enjoyments, “they praised the gods of gold, silver, brass, iron, and stone, but the God in whose hand was their breath, and whose were all their ways, they praised or glorified not.” For these complicated crimes his doom was denounced in the midst of the entertainment; a divine hand appeared, which wrote on the plaister of the wall, opposite to the king, and full in his view, a mysterious inscription. This tremendous apparition struck Belshazzar with 147the greatest terror and agony: “his countenance was changed, and his thoughts troubled him, so that the joints of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote against each other.” This is one of the liveliest and finest amplifications of dismay to be found throughout the sacred classics, and infinitely exceeds, both in accuracy and force, the most admired of the Heathen; such as “et corde et genibus tremit,” of Horace, and “tarda trementi genua labant,” of Virgil.
The only details of his reign that are noted are the visions of the Prophet Daniel, in the first and third years, Dan. vii, 1; viii, 1; and his sacrilegious feast and violent death, Dan. v, 1–30. Isaiah portrays the Babylonian dynasty as “the scourge of Palestine,” calling Nebuchadnezzar “a serpent,” Evil Merodach “a cockatrice,” and Belshazzar “a fiery flying serpent,” the worst of all, Isaiah xiv, 4–29. Xenophon backs up this prophetic description by recounting two brutal acts of cruelty committed by Belshazzar against some of his top and most deserving nobles. In a fit of rage, he killed Gobryas's only son because during a hunting match the young man hit a bear and later a lion with his spear, while the king had missed both; and out of jealousy, he brutally castrated Gadatus because one of his concubines had praised him for being attractive. His final and most heinous act was desecrating the sacred vessels from the temple of Jerusalem, which his wise grandfather, and even his foolish father Evil Merodach, had respected. He threw a huge feast for a thousand of his lords and ordered those vessels to be brought in during the banquet so that he, his princes, his wives, and his concubines could drink from them, which they did; and to make matters worse by showing apostasy, rebellion, and ingratitude against the Supreme Author of all their blessings, “they praised the gods of gold, silver, brass, iron, and stone, but the God in whose hand was their breath, and whose were all their ways, they did not praise or glorify.” Because of these serious offenses, his punishment was announced right in the middle of the festivities; a divine hand appeared, writing on the plaster of the wall, right in front of the king, a mysterious inscription. This terrifying sight filled Belshazzar with the utmost fear and dread: “his face changed, and his thoughts troubled him, so that the joints of his loins were loosened, and his knees knocked against each other.” This is one of the most vivid and powerful expressions of fear found in sacred texts, far surpassing even the most famous from the pagans; such as “trembles with heart and knees,” by Horace, and “weak knees tremble,” by Virgil.
Unable himself to decypher the writing, Belshazzar cried aloud to bring in the astrologers, the Chaldeans, and the soothsayers, promising that whosoever should read the writing, and explain to him its meaning, should be clothed with scarlet, have a chain of gold about his neck, and be the third ruler in his kingdom. But the writing was too difficult for the Magi; at which the king was still more greatly troubled. In this crisis, and at the instance of the queen mother, the Prophet Daniel was sent for, to whom honours were promised, on condition of his explaining the writing. Daniel refused the honours held out to him; but having with great faithfulness pointedly reproved the monarch for his ingratitude to God who had conferred on him such dignity, and particularly for his profanation of the vessels which were consecrated to his service, he proceeded to the interpretation of the words which had been written, and still stood visible on the wall. They were, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin. “This is the interpretation of the thing, Mene, ‘God hath numbered thy kingdom and finished it;’ Tekel, ‘thou art weighed in the balances and art found wanting;’ Peres, ‘thy kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.’” In that very night, in the midst of their mirth and revelling, the city was taken by surprise, Belshazzar himself put to death, and the kingdom transferred to Darius the Mede. If the character of the hand-writing was known to the Magi of Babylon, the meaning could not be conjectured. Perhaps, however, the character was that of the ancient Hebrew, or what we now call the Samaritan; and in that case it would be familiar to Daniel, though rude and unintelligible to the Chaldeans. But even if Daniel could read the words, the import of this solemn graphic message to the proud and impious monarch could only have been made known to the prophet by God. All the ideas the three words convey, are numbering, weighing, and dividing. It was only for the power which sent the omen to unfold, not in equivocal terms, like the responses of Heathen oracles, but in explicit language, the decision of the righteous Judge, the termination of his long suffering, and the instant visitation of judgment. See Babylon.
Unable to decipher the writing, Belshazzar shouted to bring in the astrologers, the Chaldeans, and the soothsayers, promising that whoever could read the writing and explain its meaning would be dressed in scarlet, wear a gold chain around their neck, and be the third ruler in his kingdom. But the writing was too challenging for the Magi, which troubled the king even more. In this crisis, at the suggestion of the queen mother, the Prophet Daniel was summoned, and honors were promised to him if he explained the writing. Daniel refused the honors offered to him and firmly reproached the king for his ingratitude to God, who had granted him such authority, and specifically for his misuse of the consecrated vessels. He then proceeded to interpret the words that had been written and were still visible on the wall. They were, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin. “This is the interpretation of the thing, Mene, ‘God has numbered your kingdom and brought it to an end;’ Tekel, ‘you have been weighed on the scales and found lacking;’ Peres, ‘your kingdom is divided and given to the Medes and Persians.’” That very night, amid their revelry, the city was taken by surprise, Belshazzar himself was killed, and the kingdom was passed to Darius the Mede. If the Magi of Babylon knew the characters of the writing, they couldn't guess its meaning. Perhaps the characters were in the ancient Hebrew or what we now call the Samaritan; if so, it would have been familiar to Daniel, but obscure to the Chaldeans. However, even if Daniel could read the words, the significance of this solemn message to the proud and irreverent king could only have been revealed to the prophet by God. The three words convey the ideas of numbering, weighing, and dividing. It was solely for the power behind the omen to clarify, not in ambiguous terms like the responses of pagan oracles, but in clear language, the judgment of the righteous Judge, the end of His patience, and the immediate sending of judgment. See Babylon.
BELUS, a river of Palestine. On leaving Acre, and turning toward the south-east, the traveller crosses the river Belus, near its mouth, where the stream is shallow enough to be easily forded on horseback. This river rises out of a lake, computed to be about six miles distant, toward the south-east, called by the ancients Palus Cendovia. Of the sand of this river, according to Pliny, glass was first made; and ships from Italy continued to convey it to the glass houses of Venice and Genoa, so late as the middle of the seventeenth century.
BELUS, a river in Palestine. When leaving Acre and heading southeast, travelers cross the river Belus near its mouth, where the water is shallow enough to be easily crossed on horseback. This river flows from a lake believed to be about six miles away to the southeast, known in ancient times as Palus Cendovia. According to Pliny, glass was first made from the sand of this river, and ships from Italy continued to transport it to the glass factories of Venice and Genoa as recently as the mid-seventeenth century.
BENEDICTION, in a general sense, the act of blessing in the name of God, or of giving praise to God, or returning thanks for his favours. Hence benediction is the act of saying grace before or after meals. Neither the ancient Jews, nor Christians, ever ate without a short prayer. The Jews are obliged to rehearse a hundred benedictions every day; of which, eighty are to be spoken in the morning. Rabbi Nehemiah Baruch, in 1688, published a discourse on the manner wherein the sacerdotal benediction is to be pronounced. In the synagogue of Ferrara, it is rather sung than spoken. Among the ancient Jews, as well as Christians, benedictions were attended with the imposition of hands; and Christians, in process of time, added the sign of the cross, which was made with the same hand, elevated or extended. Hence, in the Romish church, benediction was used to denote the sign of the cross, made by a bishop or prelate, from an idea that it conferred some grace on the people. The custom of receiving benediction by bowing the head before the bishops, is very ancient; and was so universal, that emperors themselves did not decline this mark of submission. Under the name benediction the Hebrews also frequently understood the presents which friends made to one another; in all probability because they were generally attended with blessings and prayers, both from those who gave and those who received them. The solemn blessing pronounced by the Jewish high priest upon the people, is recorded Num. vi, 22, &c: “The Lord bless thee, and keep thee: the Lord make his face to shine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee: the Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.” The great Christian benediction is, “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost, be with you always.” See Blessing.
BENEDICTION generally refers to the act of blessing in the name of God, giving praise to God, or expressing gratitude for His favors. Therefore, a benediction is saying grace before or after meals. Both ancient Jews and Christians never ate without saying a short prayer. The Jews are required to recite a hundred blessings every day, with eighty spoken in the morning. Rabbi Nehemiah Baruch published a discourse in 1688 on how the priestly blessing should be pronounced. In the synagogue of Ferrara, it's often sung instead of spoken. Both ancient Jews and Christians performed blessings with the laying on of hands; over time, Christians added the sign of the cross, made with the same hand, raised or extended. Thus, in the Roman Catholic Church, benediction came to signify the sign of the cross made by a bishop or cleric, believed to bestow grace upon the people. The practice of receiving a blessing by bowing the head before bishops is very old and was so widespread that even emperors did not shy away from this act of submission. Under the term benediction, the Hebrews often understood the gifts friends exchanged, likely because these were typically accompanied by blessings and prayers from both givers and receivers. The formal blessing spoken by the Jewish high priest over the people is recorded in Num. vi, 22, &c: “The Lord bless you and keep you; the Lord make His face shine on you and be gracious to you; the Lord turn His face toward you and give you peace.” The primary Christian benediction is, “May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit be with you always.” See Blessing.
BENHADAD, the son of Tibrimon, king of Syria, came to the assistance of Asa, king of Judah, against Baasha, king of Israel, obliging the latter to return home and succour his own country, and to abandon Ramah, which he had undertaken to fortify, 1 Kings xv, 18. This Benhadad is thought by some to have been the same person with Hadad the Edomite, who rebelled against Solomon toward the end of that prince’s reign, 1 Kings xi, 25.
BENHADAD, the son of Tibrimon, king of Syria, came to help Asa, king of Judah, against Baasha, king of Israel, forcing Baasha to go back home and defend his own country, abandoning Ramah, which he had planned to fortify, 1 Kings xv, 18. Some believe this Benhadad was the same person as Hadad the Edomite, who rebelled against Solomon near the end of Solomon’s reign, 1 Kings xi, 25.
2. Benhadad, king of Syria, son of the preceding, made war upon Ahab, king of Israel, but was defeated. In the following year, however, he came with a most powerful army to Aphek, where Ahab again engaged him, killed a hundred thousand of his men, and the remainder endeavouring to take refuge in Aphek, the walls of the city fell upon them, and killed twenty-seven thousand more. Thus completely defeated, Benhadad submitted to beg his life of the king of Israel, who not only granted his request, but gave him his liberty, and restored him to his crown upon certain conditions, 1481 Kings xx. Twelve years afterward, A. M. 3115, Benhadad declared war against Jehoram, the son and successor of Ahab, 2 Kings vi, 8; but his designs were made known to Jehoram by the Prophet Elisha, and they were accordingly frustrated. Suspecting some treachery in this affair, Benhadad was informed that all his projects were revealed to his enemy by Elisha, and getting intelligence that the latter was at Dothan, he sent a detachment of his best troops to invest the city and apprehend the prophet; but they were struck with blindness at Elisha’s prayer, so that they were unable to distinguish him, when he was in the midst of them and held a conversation with them. He then led them into the city of Samaria, and having conducted them safely there, he prayed to God again to open their eyes, and induced Jehoram to dismiss them without violence. Generous as this conduct was, it produced no salutary effect on the infatuated Benhadad; for about four years afterward, he laid close siege to Samaria, and reduced the city to such distress that the head of an ass, which the Israelites considered to be an unclean animal, was sold for fourscore pieces of silver, about 2l. 9s. sterling; and the fourth part of a cab of dove’s dung, or rather three quarters of a pint of chick pease, as Bochart understands the word, for five pieces of silver. In fact, such was the pressure of the famine at this time in Samaria, that mothers were constrained to eat their own children. Jehoram, hearing of these calamities, attributed them to Elisha, and sent orders to have him put to death; but before his messengers could reach the prophet’s house, he came thither himself. Elisha predicted that the next day, about the same hour, a measure of fine flour would be sold at the gate of Samaria for a shekel, which, however incredible at the moment, proved to be the case; for in the night, a general panic, supernaturally induced, pervaded the Syrian camp; they imagined that Jehoram had procured an army of Egyptians to come to his assistance, and, abandoning their horses, tents, and provisions, they all took to flight. Four lepers, whose disease did not permit them to live within the city, and being ready to perish with hunger, ventured into the Syrian camp; and finding it deserted, and at the same time abounding with all sorts of provisions, communicated the information to Jehoram. The king immediately rose, though in the middle of the night; but reflecting that probably it was only a stratagem of Benhadad to draw his people out of the town, he first sent parties to reconnoitre. They, however, speedily returned, and informed him that the enemy was fled, and that the roads were every where strewed with arms and garments, which the Syrians had abandoned to facilitate their flight. As soon as the news was confirmed, the Samaritans went out, pillaged the Syrian camp, and brought in such quantities of provisions, that a measure of fine flour was, at the time specified by Elisha, sold at the gate of Samaria for a shekel, 2 Kings vii.
2. Benhadad, king of Syria, son of the previous king, fought against Ahab, king of Israel, but was defeated. The next year, however, he returned with a powerful army to Aphek, where Ahab faced him again, killing a hundred thousand of his men. The rest, trying to find refuge in Aphek, were crushed by the city walls, killing another twenty-seven thousand. Totally defeated, Benhadad had to beg for his life from the king of Israel, who not only granted his request but also gave him his freedom and restored his throne on certain conditions, 1481 Kings xx. Twelve years later, A.M. 3115, Benhadad declared war against Jehoram, Ahab's son and successor, 2 Kings vi, 8; but the Prophet Elisha revealed his plans to Jehoram, which were then thwarted. Suspecting betrayal, Benhadad learned that all his schemes had been exposed by Elisha, so he sent some of his best troops to capture the prophet at Dothan. However, they were struck blind by Elisha’s prayer and couldn't recognize him when he was right in their midst and spoke with them. He then led them to Samaria and, once they were safely inside, prayed to God again to restore their sight, convincing Jehoram to let them go without harm. Despite this kind treatment, it had no positive effect on the deluded Benhadad, as about four years later, he laid siege to Samaria, causing such severe suffering that the head of an ass, which the Israelites viewed as unclean, was sold for eighty pieces of silver, around 2l. 9s. sterling; and a quarter cab of dove’s dung, or three-quarters of a pint of chickpeas as Bochart interprets it, was sold for five pieces of silver. The famine was so bad in Samaria that mothers were forced to eat their own children. Upon hearing of these disasters, Jehoram blamed Elisha and ordered his execution; but before his messengers could reach the prophet’s house, Elisha arrived there first. He predicted that the next day, around the same time, a measure of fine flour would be sold at the gate of Samaria for a shekel, which seemed impossible at that moment, but it turned out to be true; during the night, a supernatural panic struck the Syrian camp; they thought Jehoram had hired Egyptians to help him, and they fled, abandoning their horses, tents, and supplies. Four lepers, who were too ill to live in the city and were starving, went into the Syrian camp and found it deserted, filled with all kinds of food, and shared this news with Jehoram. The king immediately got up in the middle of the night, but suspecting it might be a trick by Benhadad to lure his people out of the city, he first sent groups to check it out. They quickly returned and reported that the enemy had fled, leaving behind weapons and clothes scattered on the ground to hasten their escape. Once the news was confirmed, the Samaritans rushed out, looted the Syrian camp, and brought back so much food that, at the time Elisha had predicted, a measure of fine flour was sold at the gate of Samaria for a shekel, 2 Kings vii.
The following year, A. M. 3120, Benhadad fell sick, and sent Hazael, one of his officers, with forty camels, loaded with valuable presents, to the Prophet Elisha, to interrogate him, whether or not he should recover of his indisposition. Elisha fixed his eyes steadfastly on Hazael, and then burst into tears: “Go,” said he, “and tell Benhadad, Thou mayest certainly recover; though the Lord hath showed me that he shall assuredly die.” He at the same time apprised Hazael that he himself would reign in Syria, and do infinite mischief to Israel. Hazael on this returned and told Benhadad that his health should be restored. But on the next day he took a thick cloth, which, having dipped in water, he spread over the king’s face and stifled him. He then took possession of the kingdom of Syria, according to the prediction of Elisha, 2 Kings viii.
The following year, A.M. 3120, Benhadad got sick and sent Hazael, one of his officers, with forty camels carrying valuable gifts, to the Prophet Elisha to ask him whether he would recover from his illness. Elisha looked at Hazael intently and then started to cry. “Go,” he said, “and tell Benhadad that he may recover; however, the Lord has shown me that he will definitely die.” At the same time, he informed Hazael that he would become the king of Syria and would cause great harm to Israel. Hazael returned and told Benhadad that he would get better. But the next day, he took a thick cloth, dipped it in water, spread it over the king’s face, and suffocated him. He then took control of the kingdom of Syria, just as Elisha had predicted, 2 Kings viii.
3. Benhadad, the son of Hazael, mentioned in the preceding article, succeeded his father as king of Syria, 2 Kings xiii, 24. During his reign, Jehoash, king of Israel, recovered from him all that his father Hazael had taken from Jehoahaz his predecessor. He defeated him in three several engagements, and compelled him to surrender all the country beyond Jordan, 2 Kings xiii, 25.
3. Benhadad, the son of Hazael, mentioned in the previous article, took over as king of Syria after his father, 2 Kings xiii, 24. During his time as king, Jehoash, the king of Israel, reclaimed everything his father Hazael had taken from Jehoahaz, his predecessor. He defeated Benhadad in three different battles and forced him to give up all the territory across the Jordan, 2 Kings xiii, 25.
BENI KHAIBIR, sons of Keber, the descendants of the Rechabites, to whom it was promised, Jer. xxxv, 19, “Thus saith the Lord, Jonadab, the son of Rechab, shall not want a man to stand before me for ever.” They were first brought into notice in modern times by Mr. Samuel Brett, who wrote a narrative of the proceedings of the great council of the Jews in Hungary, A. D. 1650. He says of the sect of the Rechabites, “that they observe their old rules and customs, and neither sow, nor plant, nor build houses; but live in tents, and often remove from one place to another with their whole property and families.” They are also mentioned in Neibuhr’s travels. Mr. Wolff, a converted Jew, gives the following account in a late journal. He inquired of the rabbins at Jerusalem, relative to these wandering Jews, and received the following information: “Rabbi Mose Secot is quite certain that the Beni Khaibir are descendants of the Rechabites; at this present moment they drink no wine, and have neither vineyard, nor field, nor seed; but dwell, like Arabs, in tents, and are wandering nomades. They receive and observe the law of Moses by tradition, for they are not in possession of the written law.” Mr. Wolff afterward himself visited this people, who have remained, amidst all the changes of nations, a most remarkable monument of the exact fulfilment of a minute, and apparently at first sight an unimportant, prophecy. So true is it, that not one jot or tittle of the word of God shall pass away! See Rechabites.
BENI KHAIBIR, sons of Keber, the descendants of the Rechabites, to whom it was promised, Jer. xxxv, 19, “Thus says the Lord, Jonadab, the son of Rechab, will always have a man standing before me.” They were first noticed in modern times by Mr. Samuel Brett, who wrote a narrative of the proceedings of the great council of the Jews in Hungary, A.D. 1650. He says of the sect of the Rechabites, “that they follow their old rules and customs, and neither sow, nor plant, nor build houses; but live in tents, and often move from one place to another with their entire property and families.” They are also mentioned in Neibuhr’s travels. Mr. Wolff, a converted Jew, provides the following account in a recent journal. He asked the rabbis in Jerusalem about these wandering Jews and received this information: “Rabbi Mose Secot is quite certain that the Beni Khaibir are descendants of the Rechabites; at this moment, they drink no wine and have neither vineyard, nor field, nor seed; but live, like Arabs, in tents, and are wandering nomads. They accept and observe the law of Moses by tradition, as they do not have the written law.” Mr. Wolff later visited this group, who have remained, through all the changes of nations, a striking example of the precise fulfillment of a small, seemingly insignificant prophecy. Truly, not one jot or tittle of the word of God shall pass away! See Rechabites.
BENJAMIN, the youngest son of Jacob and Rachel, who was born, A. M. 2272. Jacob, being on his journey from Mesopotamia, as he was proceeding southward with Rachel in the company, Gen. xxxv, 16, 17, &c, the pains of child-bearing came upon her, about a quarter of a league from Bethlehem, and she died after the delivery of a son, whom, with her last breath, she named Benoni, that is, “the son of 149my sorrow;” but soon afterward Jacob changed his name, and called him Benjamin, that is, “the son of my right hand.” See Joseph.
BENJAMIN, the youngest son of Jacob and Rachel, was born in the year 2272. While Jacob was traveling from Mesopotamia and heading south with Rachel, she went into labor about a quarter of a league from Bethlehem. Tragically, she died after giving birth to a son, whom she named Benoni, meaning “the son of my sorrow,” with her last breath. However, Jacob later changed his name to Benjamin, meaning “the son of my right hand.” See Joseph.
BEREA, a city of Macedonia, where St. Paul preached the Gospel with great success, and where his hearers were careful to compare what they heard with the scriptures of the Old Testament, Acts, xvii, 10; for which they are commended, and held out to us as an example of subjecting every doctrine to the sole test of the word of God.
BEREA, a city in Macedonia, where St. Paul preached the Gospel successfully, and where his listeners diligently compared what they heard with the scriptures of the Old Testament, Acts 17:10; for which they are praised and presented to us as an example of testing every doctrine solely against the word of God.
BERNICE, the daughter of Agrippa, surnamed the Great, king of the Jews, and sister to young Agrippa, also king of the Jews. This lady was first betrothed to Mark, the son of Alexander Lysimachus, albarach of Alexandria; afterward she married Herod, king of Chalcis, her own uncle by the father’s side. After the death of Herod, which happened A. D. 48, she was married to Polemon, king of Pontus, but did not long continue with him. She returned to her brother Agrippa, and with him heard the discourse which Paul delivered before Festus, Acts xxv.
BERNICE, the daughter of Agrippa, known as the Great, king of the Jews, and sister to young Agrippa, who was also king of the Jews. She was initially engaged to Mark, the son of Alexander Lysimachus, a prominent figure from Alexandria; later, she married Herod, king of Chalcis, who was her uncle on her father's side. After Herod died in A.D. 48, she married Polemon, king of Pontus, but didn't stay with him for long. She returned to her brother Agrippa and, along with him, listened to the speech Paul gave before Festus, as mentioned in Acts xxv.
BERYL, תרשיש, a pellucid gem of a bluish green colour, whence it is called by the lapidaries, aqua marina. Its Hebrew name is a word also for the same reason given to the sea, Psalm xlviii, 7. It is found in the East Indies, Peru, Siberia, and Tartary. It has a brilliant appearance, and is generally transparent. It was the tenth stone belonging to the high priest’s pectoral, Exod. xxviii, 10, 20; Rev. xxi, 20.
BERYL, תרשיש, a clear gem of a bluish-green color, which is why lapidaries call it aqua marina. Its Hebrew name is also used for the sea, as mentioned in Psalm xlviii, 7. It can be found in the East Indies, Peru, Siberia, and Tartary. It has a brilliant appearance and is typically transparent. It was the tenth stone in the high priest’s breastplate, as noted in Exod. xxviii, 10, 20; Rev. xxi, 20.
BETHABARA, or BETHBARAH, signifies in the Hebrew a place of passage, because of its ford over the river Jordan, on the east bank of which river it stood over against Jericho, Joshua ii, 7; iii, 15, 16. To this place Gideon sent a party to secure the passage of the river, previous to his attack on the Midianites, Judges vii, 24. Here John commenced his baptizing, and here Christ himself was baptized, John i, 28. To this place, also, Jesus retired, when the Jews sought to take him at the feast of dedication; and many who resorted there to him believed on him, John x, 39–42.
BETHABARA, or BETHBARAH, means in Hebrew a place of passage, due to its ford over the Jordan River, located on the east bank, opposite Jericho, as noted in Joshua 2:7; 3:15-16. Here, Gideon sent a group to secure the river crossing before his attack on the Midianites, as mentioned in Judges 7:24. It was here that John began baptizing, and where Christ himself was baptized, according to John 1:28. Jesus also withdrew to this location when the Jews tried to seize him during the Feast of Dedication, and many who came to him there believed in him, as stated in John 10:39-42.
BETHANY, a considerable place, situated on the ascent of the mount of Olives, about two miles from Jerusalem, John xi, 18; Matt. xxi, 17; xxvi, 6, &c. Here it was that Martha and Mary lived, with their brother Lazarus, whom Jesus raised from the dead; and it was here that Mary poured the perfume on our Saviour’s head. Bethany at present is but a very small village. One of our modern travellers tells us, that, at the entrance into it, there is an old ruin, called the castle of Lazarus, supposed to have been the mansion house where he and his sisters resided. At the bottom of a descent, not far from the castle, you see his sepulchre, which the Turks hold in great veneration, and use it for an oratory, or place for prayer. Here going down by twenty-five steps, you come at first into a small square room, and from thence creep into another that is smaller, about a yard and a half deep, in which the body is said to have been laid. About a bow-shot from hence you pass by the place which they say was Mary Magdalene’s house; and thence descending a steep hill, you come to the fountain of the Apostles, which is so called because, as the tradition goes, these holy persons were wont to refresh themselves there between Jerusalem and Jericho,--as it is very probable they might, because the fountain is close to the road side, and is inviting to the thirsty traveller. Bethany is now a poor village, but pleasantly situated, says Dr. Richardson, on the shady side of the mount of Olives, and abounds in trees and long grass.
BETHANY, a significant location, sits on the slope of the Mount of Olives, about two miles from Jerusalem (see John 11:18; Matt. 21:17; 26:6, etc.). This is where Martha and Mary lived with their brother Lazarus, whom Jesus brought back to life, and where Mary anointed our Savior’s head with perfume. Today, Bethany is just a small village. One modern traveler mentions that, at the entrance, there's an old ruin known as the castle of Lazarus, thought to be where he and his sisters lived. At the bottom of a slope, not far from the castle, you can see his tomb, which the Turks regard with great respect and use as a place of prayer. Descending twenty-five steps, you first enter a small square room, and from there you squeeze into another smaller room, about a yard and a half deep, where it is believed the body was laid. Roughly a bowshot from here, you pass by what is said to be Mary Magdalene’s house; then, continuing down a steep hill, you reach the fountain of the Apostles. It's named this way because, according to tradition, these holy figures often stopped there for refreshment while traveling between Jerusalem and Jericho. This makes sense, as the fountain is conveniently located by the roadside and is inviting to thirsty travelers. Bethany is now a poor village, but Dr. Richardson points out that it is nicely situated on the shady side of the Mount of Olives and is filled with trees and tall grass.
BETHAVEN, the same with Bethel. This city, upon the revolt of the ten tribes, belonged to the kingdom of Israel, and was therefore one of the cities in which Jeroboam set up his golden calves. Whence the prophet in derision calls it, “Bethaven,” the house of vanity or idols, Hosea iv, 15, instead of “Bethel,” the house of God, the name which Jacob formerly gave it, when he had the vision of the mysterious ladder, reaching from earth to heaven, Gen. xxviii, 19.
BETHAVEN, the same as Bethel. This city, after the ten tribes revolted, became part of the kingdom of Israel and was one of the places where Jeroboam set up his golden calves. That's why the prophet mockingly refers to it as “Bethaven,” the house of vanity or idols, in Hosea 4:15, instead of “Bethel,” the house of God, which was the name Jacob originally gave it when he had the vision of the mysterious ladder stretching from earth to heaven, Genesis 28:19.
BETHEL, a city which lay to the west of Ai, about eight miles to the north of Jerusalem, in the confines of the tribe of Ephraim and Benjamin. Here Jacob slept and had his vision. The name of this city had formerly been Luz, which signifies an almond, and was probably so called from the number of almond trees which grew in those parts. See Jacob.
BETHEL, a city located west of Ai, about eight miles north of Jerusalem, within the boundaries of the tribes of Ephraim and Benjamin. This is where Jacob slept and had his vision. The city was formerly called Luz, which means an almond, likely named after the many almond trees that grew in the area. See Jacob.
BETHESDA. This word signifies the house of mercy, and was the name of a pool, or public bath, at Jerusalem, which had five porticos, piazzas, or covered walks around it. This bath was called Bethesda, because, as some observe, the erecting of baths was an act of great kindness to the common people, whose infirmities in hot countries required frequent bathing; but the generality of expositors think it had this name rather from the great goodness of God manifested to his people, in bestowing healing virtues upon its waters. The account of the evangelist is, “Now there was at Jerusalem, by the sheep market, a pool, which is called in the Hebrew tongue, Bethesda, having five porches. In these lay a multitude of impotent folk, of blind, halt, withered, waiting for the moving of the water; for an angel went down at a certain season into the pool: whosoever then first after the troubling of the water stepped in was made whole of whatsoever disease he had,” John v, 2–4. The genuineness of the fourth verse has been disputed, because it is wanting in some ancient MSS, and is written in the margin of another as a scholion; but even were the spuriousness of this verse allowed, for which, however, the evidence is by no means satisfactory, the supernatural character of the account, as it is indicated by the other parts of the narrative, remains unaffected. The agitation of the water; its suddenly healing virtue as to all diseases; and the limitation to the first that should go in, are all miraculous circumstances. Commentators have however resorted to various hypotheses to account for the whole without divine agency. Dr. Hammond says, “The sacrifices were exceedingly numerous at the 150passover, κατὰ καιρὸν, (once a year, Chrysostom,) when the pool being warm from the immediate washing of the blood and entrails, and thus adapted to the cure of the blind, the withered, the lame, and perhaps the paralytic, was yet farther troubled, and the congelations and grosser parts stirred up by an officer or messenger, ἄγγελος, to give it the full effect.” To this hypothesis Whitby acutely replies, 1. How could this natural virtue be adapted to, and cure, all kinds of diseases? 2. How could the virtue only extend to the cure of one man, several probably entering at the same instant? 3. How unlikely is it, if natural, to take place only at one certain time, at the passover? for there was a multitude of sacrifices slain at other of the feasts. 4. Lastly, and decisively, Lightfoot shows that there was a laver in the temple for washing the entrails; therefore they were not washed in this pool at all.
BETHESDA. This word means the house of mercy and was the name of a pool, or public bath, in Jerusalem, which had five porticoes, piazzas, or covered walkways around it. This bath was called Bethesda because, as some note, building baths was a kind gesture towards the common people, whose health issues in hot climates required frequent bathing; however, most interpreters believe it got its name more from God’s great goodness shown to His people by giving healing powers to its waters. The evangelist’s account states, “Now there was in Jerusalem, by the sheep market, a pool, which is called in the Hebrew language, Bethesda, having five porches. In these lay a multitude of sick people—blind, lame, paralyzed—waiting for the moving of the water; for an angel went down at a certain time into the pool: whoever stepped in first after the water was stirred was healed of whatever illness they had,” John 5:2–4. The authenticity of the fourth verse has been questioned because it is absent in some ancient manuscripts and is noted in the margin of another as a commentary; but even if this verse were considered spurious, which the evidence does not convincingly support, the supernatural nature of the account, as indicated by other parts of the narrative, still stands. The stirring of the water; its sudden healing power for all diseases; and the condition that only the first person to enter would be healed are all miraculous elements. Commentators, however, have proposed various theories to explain the events without divine intervention. Dr. Hammond suggests, “The sacrifices during Passover were exceptionally numerous, κατὰ καιρὸν, (once a year, Chrysostom), so when the pool was warmed from the immediate washing of the blood and entrails, it was suited for healing the blind, the lame, and possibly the paralyzed, and was further stirred by an officer or messenger, ἄγγελος, to maximize its effect.” In response to this theory, Whitby sharply argues: 1. How could this natural power be suitable for and heal all kinds of illnesses? 2. How could the healing only apply to one person, when several might enter at the same time? 3. How unlikely would it be for it to happen only at one specific time during Passover when many sacrifices were made during other festivals? 4. Finally, and importantly, Lightfoot points out that there was a basin in the temple for washing the entrails, so they were not washed in this pool at all.
Others, however, suppose that the blood of the victims was conveyed from the temple to this pool by pipes; and Kuinoel thinks that it cannot be denied that the blood of animals recently slaughtered may impart a medicinal property to water; and he refers to Richter’s “Dissertat. de Balneo Animali,” and Michaelis in loc. But he admits that it cannot be proved whether the pool was situated out of the city at the sheep gate, or in the city, and in the vicinity of the temple; nor that the blood of the victims was ever conveyed thither by canals. Kuinoel justly observes, that though in Josephus no mention is made of the baths here described, yet this silence ought not to induce us to question the truth of this transaction; since the historian omits to record many other circumstances which cannot be doubted; as, for instance, the census of Augustus, and the murder of the infants. This critic also supposes that St. John only acts the part of an historian, and gives the account as it was current among the Jews, without vouching for its truth, or interposing his own judgment. Mede follows in the track of absurdly attempting to account for the phenomenon on natural principles:--“I think the water of this pool acquired a medicinal property from the mud at its bottom, which was heavy with metallic salts,--sulphur perhaps, or alum, or nitre. Now this would, from the water being perturbed from the bottom by some natural cause, perhaps subterranean heat, or storms, rise upward and be mingled with it, and so impart a sanative property to those who bathed in it before the metallic particles had subsided to the bottom. That it should have done so, κατὰ καιρὸν, is not strange, since Bartholin has, by many examples, shown, that it is usual with many medicinal baths, to exert a singular force and sanative power at stated times, and at periodical, but uncertain, intervals.” Doddridge combines the common hypothesis with that of Mede; namely, that the water had at all times more or less of a medicinal property; but at some period, not far distant from that in which the transaction here recorded took place, it was endued with a miraculous power; an extraordinary commotion being probably observed in the water, and Providence so ordering it, that the next person who accidentally bathed here, being under some great disorder, found an immediate and unexpected cure: the like phenomenon in some other desperate case, was probably observed on a second commotion: and these commotions and cures might happen periodically.
Others, however, believe that the blood of the victims was carried from the temple to this pool by pipes; and Kuinoel thinks that it can't be denied that the blood of freshly slaughtered animals could give the water a medicinal quality; he references Richter’s “Dissertation on Animal Bathing” and Michaelis in loc. But he admits that there's no way to prove whether the pool was located outside the city at the sheep gate, or inside the city near the temple; nor can it be confirmed that the blood of the victims was ever brought there through canals. Kuinoel rightly points out that even though Josephus doesn't mention the baths being described, this silence shouldn't lead us to question the authenticity of this event; since the historian neglects to record many other undeniable facts, like the census of Augustus and the massacre of infants. This critic also suggests that St. John is merely acting as a historian, relaying the story as it was known among the Jews, without endorsing its accuracy or inserting his own opinion. Mede absurdly tries to explain the phenomenon based on natural principles: “I believe the water of this pool gained medicinal properties from the mud at its bottom, which was rich in metallic salts—perhaps sulfur, alum, or nitrate. This would cause the water to be disturbed from the bottom due to a natural cause, maybe underground heat or storms, causing it to rise and mix with the water, imparting healing properties to those who bathed in it before the metallic particles settled. That this could happen, at certain times, is not surprising, since Bartholin has shown through many examples that many medicinal baths often exhibit a unique strength and healing power at specific times, but at periodic, yet uncertain, intervals.” Doddridge combines the common theory with that of Mede; that the water always had some level of medicinal properties, but at some point not long before the event described, it was endowed with a miraculous power; with an extraordinary disturbance observed in the water, and Providence arranging it so that the next person who accidentally bathed there, while suffering from a significant ailment, experienced an immediate and unexpected cure: a similar phenomenon in another desperate case was likely observed during a second disturbance; and these disturbances and cures might happen periodically.
All those hypotheses which exclude miracle in this case are very unsatisfactory, nor is there any reason whatever to resort to them; for, when rightly viewed, there appears a mercy and a wisdom in this miracle which must strike every one who attentively considers the account, unless he be a determined unbeliever in miraculous interposition. For, 1. The miracle occurred κατὰ καιρὸν, from time to time, that is, occasionally, perhaps frequently. 2. Though but one at a time was healed, yet, as this might often occur, a singularly gracious provision was made for the relief of the sick inhabitants of Jerusalem in desperate cases. 3. The angel probably acted invisibly, but the commotion in the waters was so strong and peculiar as to mark a supernatural agent. 4. There is great probability in what Doddridge, following Tertullian, supposes, that the waters obtained their healing property not long before the ministry of Christ, and lost it after his rejection and crucifixion by the Jews. In this case a connection was established between the healing virtue of the pool and the presence of Christ on earth, indicating HIM to be the source of this benefit, and the true agent in conferring it; and thus it became, afterward at least, a confirmation of his mission. 5. The whole might also be emblematical, “intended,” says Macknight, “to show that Ezekiel’s vision of waters issuing out of the sanctuary was about to be fulfilled, of which waters it is said, They shall be healed, and every thing shall live where the river cometh.” It cannot be objected that this was not an age of miracles; and if miracles be allowed, we see in this particular supernatural visitation obvious reasons of fitness, as well as a divine compassion. If however the ends to be accomplished by so public and notable a miraculous interposition were less obvious, still we must admit the fact, or either force absurd interpretations upon the text, or make the evangelist carelessly give his sanction to an instance of vulgar credulity and superstition.
All the theories that exclude the possibility of a miracle in this situation are quite unsatisfactory, and there’s no reason at all to rely on them. When you look at it the right way, there’s a mercy and wisdom in this miracle that should impress anyone who carefully considers the account, unless they're a determined skeptic about miraculous intervention. For, 1. The miracle happened occasionally, perhaps even often. 2. Even though only one person was healed at a time, this could happen frequently, providing a special grace for the sick residents of Jerusalem in dire situations. 3. The angel likely acted invisibly, but the disturbance in the waters was so strong and unique that it indicated a supernatural force. 4. There’s a strong possibility, as Doddridge suggests following Tertullian, that the waters gained their healing properties shortly before Christ’s ministry and lost them after his rejection and crucifixion by the Jews. In this scenario, a connection was established between the healing power of the pool and the presence of Christ on earth, pointing to Him as the source of this benefit and the true agent behind it; thus, it later became, at least, a confirmation of his mission. 5. The entire situation might also be symbolic, as Macknight states, “intended to show that Ezekiel’s vision of waters flowing out of the sanctuary was about to be fulfilled, with those waters said to heal everything and bring life wherever the river flows.” It can’t be argued that this was not a time of miracles, and if miracles are accepted, we can see clear reasons for this supernatural occurrence, both in its appropriateness and in divine compassion. Even if the purpose of such a public and significant miraculous intervention wasn’t clear, we still have to acknowledge the fact, or else we’d have to impose ridiculous interpretations on the text or suggest that the evangelist carelessly endorsed an example of common gullibility and superstition.
Maundrell and Chateaubriand both describe a bason or reservoir, near St. Stephen’s gate, and bounding the temple on the north, as the identical pool of Bethesda; which, if it really be what it is represented to be, is all that now remains of the primitive architecture of the Jews at Jerusalem. The latter says, “It is a reservoir, a hundred and fifty feet long and forty wide. The sides are walled, and these walls are composed of a bed of large stones joined together by iron cramps; a wall of mixed materials runs up on these large stones; a layer of flints is stuck upon the surface of this wall; and a coating is laid over these flints. The four beds are perpendicular with the bottom, and not horizontal: the coating 151was on the side next to the water; and the large stones rested, as they still do, against the ground. This pool is now dry, and half filled up. Here grow some pomegranate trees, and a species of wild tamarind of a bluish colour: the western angle is quite full of nopals. On the west side may also be seen two arches, which probably led to an aqueduct that carried the water into the interior of the temple.”
Maundrell and Chateaubriand both describe a basin or reservoir near St. Stephen’s gate, bordering the temple on the north, as the same pool of Bethesda; which, if it truly is what it claims to be, is all that remains of the original architecture of the Jews in Jerusalem. The latter states, “It is a reservoir, one hundred and fifty feet long and forty feet wide. The sides are walled, made of large stones joined together with iron cramps; a wall of mixed materials rises on top of these large stones; a layer of flints is applied to the surface of this wall; and a coating is placed over these flints. The four beds are vertical with the bottom, not horizontal: the coating was on the side facing the water; and the large stones rested, as they still do, against the ground. This pool is now dry and half filled in. Some pomegranate trees grow here, along with a type of wild tamarind that has a bluish color: the western corner is completely filled with nopals. On the west side, you can also see two arches, which likely led to an aqueduct that brought water into the interior of the temple.”
BETH-HORON. About twelve miles from Jerusalem, lies the Arab village of Bethoor, where Dr. E. D. Clarke was by accident compelled to pass a night. It is noticed by no other traveller; and yet, there is the highest probability that this is the Beth-horon of the Scriptures. St. Jerom associates it with Rama, in the remark that they were in his time, together with other noble cities built by Solomon, only poor villages. Beth-horon stood on the confines of Ephraim and Benjamin; which, according to the learned traveller, exactly answers to the situation of Bethoor. He supposes it, from its situation on a hill, to be Beth-horon the upper, the Beth-horon superior of Eusebius, of which frequent notice occurs in the apocryphal writings. Josephus mentions that Cestius, the Roman general, marched upon Jerusalem by way of Lydda and Beth-horon.
BETH-HORON. About twelve miles from Jerusalem is the Arab village of Bethoor, where Dr. E. D. Clarke was accidentally forced to spend the night. No other traveler has noted it; however, there is a strong possibility that this is the Beth-horon mentioned in the Scriptures. St. Jerome connects it with Rama, noting that during his time, they, along with other significant cities built by Solomon, were just poor villages. Beth-horon was located on the borders of Ephraim and Benjamin; according to the knowledgeable traveler, this matches the location of Bethoor perfectly. He believes that due to its position on a hill, it is Beth-horon the upper, or the superior Beth-horon mentioned by Eusebius, which frequently appears in the apocryphal texts. Josephus states that Cestius, the Roman general, marched on Jerusalem via Lydda and Beth-horon.
BETHLEHEM, a city in the tribe of Judah, Judges xvii, 7; and likewise called Ephrath, Gen. xlviii, 7; or Ephratah, Micah v, 2; and the inhabitants of it, Ephrathites, Ruth i, 2; 1 Sam. xvii, 12. Here David was born, and spent his early years as a shepherd. And here also the scene of the beautiful narrative of Ruth is supposed to be laid. But its highest honour is, that here our divine Lord condescended to be born of woman:--“And thou, Bethlehem Ephratah, though thou be little among the thousands of Judah, yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me, that is to be ruler in Israel, whose goings forth have been of old, from everlasting.” Travellers describe the first view of Bethlehem as imposing. The town appears covering the ridge of a hill on the southern side of a deep and extensive valley, and reaching from east to west. The most conspicuous object is the monastery erected over the supposed “Cave of the Nativity;” its walls and battlements have the air of a large fortress. From this same point, the Dead Sea is seen below on the left, seemingly very near, “but,” says Sandys, “not so found by the traveller; for these high, declining mountains are not to be directly descended.” The road winds round the top of a valley which tradition has fixed on as the scene of the angelic vision which announced the birth of our Lord to the shepherds; but different spots have been selected, the Romish authorities not being agreed on this head. Bethlehem (called in the New Testament Bethlehem Ephrata and Bethlehem of Judea, to distinguish it from Bethlehem of Zabulon) is situated on a rising ground, about two hours’ distance, or not quite six miles from Jerusalem. Here the traveller meets with a repetition of the same puerilities and disgusting mummery which he has witnessed at the church of the sepulchre. “The stable,” to use the words of Pococke, “in which our Lord was born, is a grotto cut out of the rock, according to the eastern custom.” It is astonishing to find so intelligent a writer as Dr. E. D. Clarke gravely citing St. Jerom, who wrote in the fifth century, as an authority for the truth of the absurd legend by which the cave of the nativity is supposed to be identified. The ancient tombs and excavations are occasionally used by the Arabs as places of shelter; but the Gospel narrative affords no countenance to the notion that the Virgin took refuge in any cave of this description. On the contrary, it was evidently a manger belonging to the inn or khan: in other words, the upper rooms being wholly occupied, the holy family were compelled to take up their abode in the court allotted to the mules and horses, or other animals. But the New Testament was not the guide which was followed by the mother of Constantine, to whom the original church owed its foundation. The present edifice is represented by Chateaubriand as of undoubtedly high antiquity; yet Doubdan, an old traveller, says that the monastery was destroyed in the year 1263 by the Moslems; and in its present state, at all events, it cannot lay claim to a higher date. The convent is divided among the Greek, Roman, and Armenian Christians, to each of whom separate parts are assigned as places of worship and habitations for the monks; but, on certain days, all may perform their devotions at the altars erected over the consecrated spots. The church is built in the form of a cross; the nave being adorned with forty-eight Corinthian columns in four rows, each column being two feet six inches in diameter, and eighteen feet high, including the base and the capital. The nave, which is in possession of the Armenians, is separated from the three other branches of the cross by a wall, so that the unity of the edifice is destroyed. The top of the cross is occupied by the choir, which belongs to the Greeks. Here is an altar dedicated to the wise men of the east, at the foot of which is a marble star, corresponding, as the monks say, to the point of the heavens where the miraculous meteor became stationary, and directly over the spot where the Saviour was born in the subterranean church below! A flight of fifteen steps, and a long narrow passage, conduct to the sacred crypt or grotto of the nativity, which is thirty-seven feet six inches long, by eleven feet three inches in breadth, and nine feet high. It is lined and floored with marble, and provided on each side with five oratories, “answering precisely to the ten cribs or stalls for horses that the stable in which our Saviour was born contained!” The precise spot of the birth is marked by a glory in the floor, composed of marble and jasper encircled with silver, around which are inscribed the words, Hìc de Virgine Mariâ Jesus Christus natus est. [Here Jesus Christ was born of the Virgin Mary.] Over it is a marble table or altar, which rests against the side of the rock, here cut into an arcade. The manger is at the distance of seven paces from the altar; it is in a low recess hewn 152out of the rock, to which you descend by two steps, and consists of a block of marble, raised about a foot and a half above the floor, and hollowed out in the form of a manger. Before it is the altar of the Magi. The chapel is illuminated by thirty-two lamps, presented by different princes of Christendom. Chateaubriand has described the scene in his usual florid and imaginative style: “Nothing can be more pleasing, or better calculated to excite devotional sentiments, than this subterraneous church. It is adorned with pictures of the Italian and Spanish schools, which represent the mysteries of the place. The usual ornaments of the manger are of blue satin, embroidered with silver. Incense is continually burning before the cradle of our Saviour. I have heard an organ, touched by no ordinary hand, play, during mass, the sweetest and most tender tunes of the best Italian composers. These concerts charm the Christian Arab, who, leaving his camels to feed, repairs, like the shepherds of old, to Bethlehem, to adore the King of kings in the manger. I have seen this inhabitant of the desert communicate at the altar of the Magi, with a fervour, a piety, a devotion, unknown among the Christians of the west. The continual arrival of caravans from all the nations of Christendom; the public prayers; the prostrations; nay, even the richness of the presents sent here by the Christian princes, altogether produce feelings in the soul, which it is much easier to conceive than to describe.”
BETHLEHEM, a city in the tribe of Judah, Judges xvii, 7; also known as Ephrath, Gen. xlviii, 7; or Ephratah, Micah v, 2; and its residents are called Ephrathites, Ruth i, 2; 1 Sam. xvii, 12. This is where David was born and spent his early years as a shepherd. It is also believed to be the setting for the beautiful story of Ruth. But its greatest honor is that it is the birthplace of our divine Lord: “And you, Bethlehem Ephratah, though you are small among the thousands of Judah, out of you will come one who will be ruler over Israel, whose origins are from ancient times, from everlasting.” Travelers describe the first sight of Bethlehem as impressive. The town sits on the ridge of a hill on the southern side of a deep and vast valley, stretching from east to west. The most noticeable feature is the monastery built over the supposed "Cave of the Nativity;" its walls and battlements resemble a large fortress. From this point, the Dead Sea can be seen below to the left, appearing quite close, “but,” as Sandys says, “this is not the case for travelers, as these high, descending mountains are not to be directly approached.” The road winds along the top of a valley, traditionally thought to be the scene of the angelic vision that announced the Lord's birth to the shepherds; however, different locations have been identified, as the Roman authorities do not agree on this matter. Bethlehem (referred to in the New Testament as Bethlehem Ephrata and Bethlehem of Judea, to differentiate it from Bethlehem of Zebulun) is located on elevated ground, about a two-hour journey or nearly six miles from Jerusalem. Here, travelers encounter the same trivialities and irritating displays they observed at the Church of the Sepulchre. “The stable,” as Pococke puts it, “in which our Lord was born, is a grotto cut out of the rock, following eastern custom.” It is surprising to see a knowledgeable writer like Dr. E. D. Clarke seriously citing St. Jerome, who wrote in the fifth century, as a source for the ridiculous legend of where the nativity cave is believed to be. The ancient tombs and excavations are sometimes used by Arabs for shelter; however, the Gospel account does not support the idea that the Virgin sought refuge in any cave of this kind. On the contrary, it seems she and her family were in a manger belonging to the inn or khan: in other words, since the upper rooms were fully occupied, the holy family had to settle in the courtyard set aside for mules and horses or other animals. But the New Testament was not the guide followed by the mother of Constantine, who founded the original church. The current structure is described by Chateaubriand as being undeniably ancient; yet Doubdan, an early traveler, states that the monastery was destroyed in 1263 by the Muslims; and in its present state, at least, it cannot claim an earlier date. The convent is divided among Greek, Roman, and Armenian Christians, each assigned separate areas for worship and living quarters for monks; however, on certain days, all may worship at the altars erected over the sacred spots. The church is built in the shape of a cross; the nave is decorated with forty-eight Corinthian columns in four rows, each column measuring two feet six inches in diameter and eighteen feet tall, including the base and capital. The Armenians occupy the nave, which is separated from the other three parts of the cross by a wall, disrupting the unity of the structure. The top of the cross houses the choir, belonging to the Greeks. Here, there is an altar dedicated to the wise men from the east, with a marble star at its foot, which the monks claim corresponds to the position in the heavens where the miraculous star stood still, directly above where the Savior was born in the subterranean church below! A flight of fifteen steps and a long narrow passage lead to the sacred crypt or grotto of the nativity, which measures thirty-seven feet six inches long, eleven feet three inches wide, and nine feet high. It is lined and floored with marble and has five oratories on each side, “exactly corresponding to the ten cribs or stalls for horses that the stable where our Savior was born contained!” The exact spot of His birth is marked by a glory in the floor, made of marble and jasper surrounded by silver, with the words inscribed: Here, the Virgin Mary gave birth to Jesus Christ. [Here Jesus Christ was born of the Virgin Mary.] Above it rests a marble table or altar, positioned against the rock, which is cut into an arcade. The manger is seven paces away from the altar; it sits in a low recess hewn from the rock, accessed by two steps, and consists of a block of marble raised about a foot and a half above the floor, hollowed out in the shape of a manger. In front of it is the altar of the Magi. The chapel is lit by thirty-two lamps presented by various princes of Christendom. Chateaubriand has depicted the scene in his usual ornate and imaginative style: “Nothing can be more delightful or better suited to evoke feelings of devotion than this underground church. It is adorned with paintings from both Italian and Spanish schools that depict the mysteries of this place. The usual decorations of the manger are made of blue satin, embroidered with silver. Incense continually burns before the cradle of our Savior. I have heard music from an organ, played by extraordinary hands, during mass, carrying the sweetest and most tender melodies of the finest Italian composers. These concerts enchant the Christian Arab, who, leaving his camels to graze, goes to Bethlehem, like the shepherds of old, to worship the King of kings in the manger. I have seen this desert dweller partake at the altar of the Magi with a fervor, piety, and devotion unknown among Christians of the west. The constant arrival of caravans from every nation in Christendom, the public prayers, the prostrations, even the lavish gifts sent by Christian princes, altogether evoke feelings in the soul that are much easier to feel than to describe.”
Such are the illusions which the Roman superstition casts over this extraordinary scene! In another subterraneous chapel, tradition places the sepulchre of the Innocents. From this, the pilgrim is conducted to the grotto of St. Jerom, where they show the tomb of that father, who passed great part of his life in this place; and who, in the grotto shown as his oratory, is said to have translated that version of the Bible which has been adopted by the church of Rome, and is called the Vulgate. He died at the advanced age of ninety-one, A. D. 422. The village of Bethlehem contains about three hundred inhabitants, the greater part of whom gain their livelihood by making beads, carving mother-of-pearl shells with sacred subjects, and manufacturing small tables and crucifixes, all which are eagerly purchased by the pilgrims.
Such are the illusions that Roman superstition casts over this extraordinary scene! In another underground chapel, tradition places the tomb of the Innocents. From there, the pilgrim is led to the grotto of St. Jerome, where they show the tomb of that father, who spent a significant part of his life in this place; and in the grotto shown as his oratory, he is said to have translated the version of the Bible that has been adopted by the Church of Rome, known as the Vulgate. He died at the advanced age of ninety-one in A.D. 422. The village of Bethlehem has about three hundred residents, most of whom earn a living by making beads, carving mother-of-pearl shells with religious subjects, and producing small tables and crucifixes, all of which are eagerly bought by the pilgrims.
Bethlehem has been visited by many modern travellers. The following notice of it by Dr. E. D. Clarke will be read with interest: “After travelling for about an hour from the time of our leaving Jerusalem, we came in view of Bethlehem, and halted to enjoy the interesting sight. The town appeared covering the ridge of a hill on the southern side of a deep and extensive valley, and reaching from east to west; the most conspicuous object being the monastery, erected over the cave of the nativity, in the suburbs, and upon the eastern side. The battlements and walls of this building seemed like those of a vast fortress. The Dead Sea below, upon our left, appeared so near to us that we thought we could have rode thither in a very short space of time. Still nearer stood a mountain upon its western shore, resembling in its form the cone of Vesuvius near Naples, and having also a crater upon its top which was plainly discernible. The distance, however, is much greater than it appears to be; the magnitude of the objects beheld in this fine prospect causing them to appear less remote than they really are. The atmosphere was remarkably clear and serene; but we saw none of those clouds of smoke, which, by some writers, are said to exhale from the surface of the lake, nor from any neighbouring mountain. Every thing about it was in the highest degree grand and awful. Bethlehem is six miles from Jerusalem. Josephus describes the interval between the two cities as equal only to twenty stadia; and in the passage referred to, he makes an allusion to a celebrated well, which, both from the account given by him of its situation, and more especially from the text of the sacred Scriptures, 2 Sam. xxiii, 15, seems to have contained the identical fountain, of whose pure and delicious water we were now drinking. Considered merely in point of interest, the narrative is not likely to be surpassed by any circumstance of Pagan history. David, being a native of Bethlehem, calls to mind, during the sultry days of harvest, verse 13, a well near the gate of the town, the delicious waters of which he had often tasted; and expresses an earnest desire to assuage his thirst by drinking of that limpid spring. ‘And David longed, and said, O that one would give me to drink of the water of the well of Bethlehem, which is by the gate!’ The exclamation is overheard by ‘three of the mighty men whom David had,’ namely, Adino, Eleazar, and Shamnah, verses 8, 9, 11. These men sallied forth, and having fought their way through the garrison of the Philistines at Bethlehem, verse 14, ‘drew water from the well that was by the gate,’ on the other side of the town, and brought it to David. Coming into his presence, they present to him the surprising testimony of their valour and affection. The aged monarch receives from their hands a pledge they had so dearly earned, but refuses to drink of water every drop of which had been purchased with blood, 2 Sam. xxiii, 17. He returns thanks to the Almighty, who had vouchsafed the deliverance of his warriors from the jeopardy they had encountered; and pouring out the water as a libation on the ground, makes an offering of it to the Lord. The well still retains its pristine renown; and many an expatriated Bethlehemite has made it the theme of his longing and regret.”
Bethlehem has been visited by many modern travelers. The following account by Dr. E. D. Clarke is quite interesting: “After traveling for about an hour since we left Jerusalem, we caught sight of Bethlehem and paused to take in the fascinating view. The town sprawled across the ridge of a hill on the southern side of a deep, expansive valley, stretching from east to west; the most prominent feature was the monastery built over the cave of the nativity, located in the suburbs on the eastern side. The fortress-like walls and battlements of this building gave it an imposing presence. The Dead Sea below us to the left looked so close that we thought we could ride there in no time. Even closer was a mountain on its western shore, resembling the cone of Vesuvius near Naples, with a clearly visible crater at its summit. However, the distance is much greater than it appears; the scale of the sights in this beautiful landscape makes them seem nearer than they actually are. The atmosphere was remarkably clear and calm; we didn’t see any of the smoke clouds that some writers claim rise from the lake’s surface or any nearby mountains. Everything around us was incredibly grand and awe-inspiring. Bethlehem is six miles from Jerusalem. Josephus describes the distance between the two cities as about twenty stadia; he also references a famous well that, based on his description and particularly the biblical text, 2 Sam. xxiii, 15, seems to be the same fountain we were drinking from, known for its pure and refreshing water. In terms of interest, this story is unlikely to be overshadowed by any account from pagan history. David, a Bethlehem native, recalls during the hot days of harvest, verse 13, a well near the town gate, whose delicious waters he had often enjoyed; he expresses a strong desire to quench his thirst with that clear spring. ‘And David longed, and said, O that one would give me to drink of the water of the well of Bethlehem, which is by the gate!’ This cry is heard by ‘three of the mighty men whom David had,’ namely, Adino, Eleazar, and Shamnah, verses 8, 9, 11. These men bravely set out, fought their way through the Philistine garrison at Bethlehem, verse 14, ‘drew water from the well that was by the gate’ on the other side of town, and brought it back to David. When they presented this remarkable testament of their bravery and loyalty to him, the aged king accepted the water they had fought for, but refused to drink it, as every drop was purchased with blood, 2 Sam. xxiii, 17. He thanked the Almighty for delivering his warriors from the danger they faced and poured out the water as a libation on the ground as an offering to the Lord. The well still maintains its legendary status, and many an expatriated Bethlehemite has longed for it and reminisced about it.”
BETHPHAGE, so called from its producing figs, a small village situated in Mount Olivet, and, as it seems, somewhat nearer Jerusalem than Bethany. Jesus being come from Bethany to Bethphage, commanded his disciples to seek out an ass for him that he might ride, in his triumphant entrance into Jerusalem, Matt. xxi, 1, &c. The distance between Bethphage and Jerusalem is about fifteen furlongs.
BETHPHAGE, named for its fig production, is a small village on Mount Olivet, and it appears to be a bit closer to Jerusalem than Bethany. When Jesus came from Bethany to Bethphage, he instructed his disciples to find a donkey for him to ride during his triumphant entry into Jerusalem, Matt. xxi, 1, &c. The distance from Bethphage to Jerusalem is roughly fifteen furlongs.
BETHSAIDA, a city whose name in Hebrew 153imports a place of fishing or of hunting, and for both of these exercises it was well situated. As it belonged to the tribe of Naphtali, it was in a country remarkable for plenty of deer; and as it lay on the north end of the lake Gennesareth, just where the river Jordan runs into it, it became the residence of fishermen. Three of the Apostles, Philip, Andrew, and Peter, were born in this city. It is not mentioned in the Old Testament, though it frequently occurs in the New: the reason is, that it was but a village, as Josephus tells us, till Philip the tetrarch enlarged it, making it a magnificent city, and gave it the name of Julias, out of respect to Julia, the daughter of Augustus Cæsar.
BETHSAIDA, a city whose name in Hebrew means a place for fishing or hunting, was well-situated for both activities. It was part of the tribe of Naphtali, in an area known for an abundance of deer; and since it was located at the northern end of the lake Gennesareth, right where the river Jordan flows into it, it became home to many fishermen. Three of the Apostles, Philip, Andrew, and Peter, were born in this city. Though it's not mentioned in the Old Testament, it appears frequently in the New Testament; this is because, as Josephus tells us, it was just a village until Philip the tetrarch expanded it into a magnificent city and renamed it Julias, in honor of Julia, the daughter of Augustus Cæsar.
The evangelists speak of Bethsaida; and yet it then possessed that name no longer: it was enlarged and beautified nearly at the same time as Cæsarea, and called Julias. Thus was it called in the days of our Lord, and so would the sacred historians have been accustomed to call it. But if they knew nothing of this, what shall we say of their age? In other respects they evince the most accurate knowledge of the circumstances of the time. The solution is, that, though Philip had exalted it to the rank of a city, to which he gave the name of Julias, yet, not long afterward, this Julia, in whose honour the city received its name, was banished from the country by her own father. The deeply wounded honour of Augustus was even anxious that the world might forget that she was his daughter. Tiberius, whose wife she had been, consigned the unfortunate princess, after the death of Augustus, to the most abject poverty, under which she sank without assistance. Thus adulation must under two reigns have suppressed a name, from which otherwise the city might have wished to derive benefit to itself; and for some time it was called by its ancient name Bethsaida instead of Julias. At a later period this name again came into circulation, and appears in the catalogue of Jewish cities by Pliny. By such incidents, which are so easily overlooked, and the knowledge of which is afterward lost, do those who are really acquainted with an age disclose their authenticity. “But it is strange,” some one will say, “that John reckons this Bethsaida, or Julias, where he was born, in Galilee, John xii, 21. Should he not know to what province his birthplace belonged?” Philip only governed the eastern districts by the sea of Tiberias; but Galilee was the portion of his brother Antipas. Bethsaida or Julias could therefore not have been built by Philip, as the case is; or it did not belong to Galilee, as John alleges. In fact, such an error were sufficient to prove that this Gospel was not written by John. Julias, however, was situated in Gaulonitis, which district was, for deep political reasons, divided from Galilee; but the ordinary language of the time asserted its own opinion, and still reckoned the Gaulonitish province in Galilee. When, therefore, John does the same, he proves, that the peculiarity of those days was not unknown to him; for he expresses himself after the ordinary manner of the period. Thus Josephus informs us of Judas the Gaulonite from Gamala, and also calls him in the following chapters, the Galilean; and then in another work he applies the same expression to him; from whence we may be convinced that the custom of those days paid respect to a more ancient division of the country, and bade defiance, in the present case, to the then existing political geography. Is it possible that historians who, as it is evident from such examples, discover throughout so nice a knowledge of geographical arrangements and local and even temporary circumstances, should have written at a time when the theatre of events was unknown to them, when not only their native country was destroyed, but their nation scattered, and the national existence of the Jews extinguished and extirpated? On the contrary, all this is in proof that they wrote at the very period which they profess, and it also proves the usual antiquity assigned to the Gospels.
The evangelists mention Bethsaida, but at that time, it no longer had that name. It was expanded and beautified around the same time as Cæsarea and renamed Julias. This is how it was known in the days of our Lord, and it’s likely the sacred historians referred to it that way. But if they were unaware of this, what does that say about their era? In other respects, they show a precise understanding of the historical context. The explanation is that, although Philip elevated it to city status and named it Julias, shortly after, Julia, for whom the city was named, was banished from the country by her own father. Augustus was deeply insulted and wanted the world to forget that she was his daughter. Tiberius, her husband, left the unfortunate princess to live in severe poverty after Augustus's death, with no support. Thus, flattery must have obscured the name for two reigns, from which the city might have wished to benefit, and for a while it was called by its original name, Bethsaida, rather than Julias. Later on, the name Julias came back into use and appears in Pliny’s list of Jewish cities. Such easily overlooked incidents and the subsequent loss of knowledge demonstrate the authenticity of those well-acquainted with a certain period. “But it’s strange,” someone might say, “that John refers to Bethsaida, or Julias, where he was born, in Galilee (John 12:21). Shouldn’t he know what province his birthplace belongs to?” Philip only ruled the eastern districts near the Sea of Tiberias, while Galilee was governed by his brother Antipas. So, Bethsaida or Julias couldn't have been established by Philip, as is the case, or it didn’t belong to Galilee, as John claims. In fact, even such an error would cast doubt on John being the author of this Gospel. However, Julias was located in Gaulonitis, which for significant political reasons was separated from Galilee. Nevertheless, the common language of the time would still consider Gaulonitish territory part of Galilee. Thus, when John does the same, he shows that he was aware of the distinctions of that time, as he expressed himself in the usual style of the period. Similarly, Josephus mentions Judas the Gaulonite from Gamala and later refers to him as the Galilean in subsequent chapters, and in another work uses the same term. This indicates that customs of the time respected an older division of the region, disregarding the political realities of the day. Is it possible that historians who, as shown by such examples, demonstrated a thorough understanding of geographical arrangements and local, even temporary, situations, would have written during a time when they were unaware of the events unfolding around them—when their homeland was destroyed, their nation scattered, and the Jewish identity extinguished? On the contrary, all of this proves that they wrote precisely in the period they claimed and supports the traditional dating of the Gospels.
BETHSHAN, a city belonging to the half tribe of Manasseh, on the west of Jordan, and not far from the river. It was a considerable city in the time of Eusebius and St. Jerom, and was then, as it had been for several ages before, called Scythopolis, or the city of the Scythians, from some remarkable occurrence when the Scythians made an irruption into Syria. It is said to be six hundred furlongs from Jerusalem, 2 Macc. xii, 29. After the battle of Mount Gilboa, the Philistines took the body of Saul, and hung it against the wall of Bethshan, 1 Sam. xxxi, 10. Bethshan is now called Bysan, and is described by Burckhardt as situated on rising ground on the west of the Ghor, or valley of Jordan.
BETHSHAN, a city that belongs to the half tribe of Manasseh, is located to the west of the Jordan River, not far from it. During the time of Eusebius and St. Jerome, it was a significant city and had been known for many ages before as Scythopolis, or the city of the Scythians, due to a notable event when the Scythians invaded Syria. It is said to be six hundred furlongs from Jerusalem, 2 Macc. xii, 29. After the battle of Mount Gilboa, the Philistines took Saul's body and hung it up against the wall of Bethshan, 1 Sam. xxxi, 10. Bethshan is now called Bysan and is described by Burckhardt as being on elevated ground to the west of the Ghor, or the Jordan Valley.
BETHSHEMESH, a city of the tribe of Judah, belonging to the priests, Joshua xxi, 16. The Philistines having sent back the ark of the Lord, it was brought to Bethshemesh, 1 Sam. vi, 12, where some of the people out of curiosity having looked into it, the Lord destroyed seventy of the principal men belonging to the city, and fifty thousand of the common people, verse 19. It is here to be observed that it was solemnly enjoined, Num. iv, 20, that not only the common people but that even the Levites themselves should not dare to look into the ark, upon pain of death. “It is a fearful thing,” says Bishop Hall, “to use the holy ordinances of God with an irreverent boldness; fear and trembling become us in our access to the majesty of the Almighty.”
BETHSHEMESH, a city of the tribe of Judah, designated for the priests, Joshua 21:16. The Philistines returned the ark of the Lord, and it was brought to Bethshemesh, 1 Samuel 6:12. Due to curiosity, some of the people looked inside it, and the Lord struck down seventy of the leading men in the city, along with fifty thousand common people, verse 19. It’s important to note that it was strictly instructed, Numbers 4:20, that not only the common people but even the Levites themselves were not to look into the ark, under penalty of death. “It is a fearful thing,” says Bishop Hall, “to treat the holy ordinances of God with irreverent boldness; we should approach the majesty of the Almighty with fear and trembling.”
BETHUEL, the son of Nahor and Milcah. He was Abraham’s nephew, and father to Laban and Rebekah, the wife of Isaac, Genesis xxii, 20, 23.
BETHUEL, the son of Nahor and Milcah. He was Abraham’s nephew and the father of Laban and Rebekah, the wife of Isaac, Genesis xxii, 20, 23.
BETROTHMENT, a mutual promise or compact between two parties for a future marriage. The word imports as much as giving one’s troth; that is, true faith, or promise. Among the ancient Jews, the betrothing was performed either by a writing, or by a piece of silver given to the bride. After the marriage was contracted, the young people had the liberty of seeing each other, which was not allowed them before. If, after the betrothment, the bride should trespass against that fidelity she 154owed to her bridegroom she was treated as an adulteress. See Marriage.
BETROTHMENT is a mutual promise or agreement between two people for a future marriage. The term means giving one’s word; that is, true faith or promise. Among the ancient Jews, the betrothal was performed either through a written document or by giving a piece of silver to the bride. After the marriage was arranged, the couple was allowed to see each other, which was not permitted before. If, after the betrothal, the bride betrayed the fidelity she owed to her groom, she was treated as an adulteress. See Marriage.
BEZER, or Bozra, or Bostra, a city beyond Jordan, given by Moses to Reuben: this town was designed by Joshua to be a city of refuge; it was given to the Levites of Gershom’s family, Deut. iv, 43. When Scripture mentions Bezer, it adds, “in the wilderness,” because it lay in Arabia Deserta, and the eastern part of Edom, encompassed with deserts. Eusebius places Bozra twenty-four miles from Adraa, or Edrai. This city is sometimes said to belong to Reuben, sometimes to Moab, and sometimes again to Edom; because, as it was a frontier town to these three provinces, it was occasionally in the hands of one party, and then was taken by another. The bishops of Bostra subscribed the decrees of several councils.
BEZER, also known as Bozra or Bostra, is a city beyond the Jordan River that Moses gave to the tribe of Reuben. Joshua designated it as a city of refuge. It was allocated to the Levites from Gershom’s family, as mentioned in Deuteronomy 4:43. When the Bible references Bezer, it adds "in the wilderness" because it was located in the Arabian Desert and the eastern part of Edom, surrounded by deserts. Eusebius notes that Bozra is about twenty-four miles from Adraa, or Edrai. This city is sometimes considered part of Reuben, sometimes of Moab, and at other times of Edom, since it was on the border of these three regions and often changed hands between different groups. The bishops of Bostra signed the decrees of various councils.
BIBLE, the book, by way of eminence so called, as containing the sacred Scriptures, that is, the inspired writings of the Old and New Testament; or the whole collection of those which are received among Christians as of divine authority. The word Bible comes from the Greek Βίϐλος, or Βιϐλίον, and is used to denote any book; but is emphatically applied to the book of inspired Scripture, which is “the book” as being superior in excellence to all other books. Βιβλίον again comes from Βίϐλος, the Egyptian reed, from which the ancient paper was procured. The word Bible seems to be used in the particular sense just given by Chrysostom: “I therefore exhort all of you to procure to yourselves Bibles, Βιϐλια. If you have nothing else, take care to have the New Testament, particularly the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospels, for your constant instructers.” And Jerome says, “that the Scriptures being all written by one Spirit, are one book.” Augustine also informs us, “that some called all the canonical Scriptures one book, on account of their wonderful harmony and unity of design throughout.” It is not improbable that this mode of speaking gradually introduced the general use of the word Bible for the whole collection of the Scriptures, or the books of the Old and New Testament. By the Jews the Bible, that is, the Old Testament, is called Mikra, that is, “lecture, or reading.” By Christians the Bible, comprehending the Old and New Testament, is usually denominated “Scripture;” sometimes also the “Sacred Canon,” which signifies the rule of faith and practice. These, and similar appellations, are derived from the divine original and authority of the Bible. As it contains an authentic and connected history of the divine dispensations with regard to mankind; as it was given by divine inspiration; as its chief subject is religion; and as the doctrines it teaches, and the duties it inculcates, pertain to the conduct of men, as rational, moral, and accountable beings, and conduce by a divine constitution and promise, to their present and future happiness; the Bible deserves to be held in the highest estimation, and amply justifies the sentiments of veneration with which it has been regarded, and the peculiar and honourable appellations by which it has been denominated.
BIBLE, the book, is called so primarily because it contains the sacred Scriptures, which are the inspired writings of the Old and New Testaments; or the entire collection accepted by Christians as divinely authoritative. The word Bible comes from the Greek Βίϐλος or Βιϐλίον, and it refers to any book, but is specifically used for the inspired Scripture, recognized as “the book” that stands out in excellence above all others. Βιβλίον comes from Βίϐλος, the Egyptian reed, which was used to make ancient paper. The term Bible seems to have been used in this specific sense as stated by Chrysostom: “I therefore urge all of you to get Bibles, Βιϐλια. If you have nothing else, make sure you have the New Testament, particularly the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospels, for your ongoing teaching.” Jerome also mentions that “the Scriptures are all written by one Spirit, and are one book.” Augustine adds that some refer to all the canonical Scriptures as one book due to their amazing harmony and unity in purpose throughout. It is likely that this way of speaking gradually led to the common use of the word Bible to describe the entire collection of Scriptures, or the books of the Old and New Testaments. By Jews, the Bible, meaning the Old Testament, is called Mikra, which means “lecture” or “reading.” By Christians, the Bible, which includes the Old and New Testaments, is usually referred to as “Scripture;” sometimes it is also called the “Sacred Canon,” meaning the rule of faith and practice. These and similar names come from the divine origin and authority of the Bible. Since it contains an authentic and coherent history of divine interactions with humanity; since it was given through divine inspiration; since its main subject is religion; and since the doctrines it teaches and the duties it emphasizes relate to human conduct as rational, moral, and accountable beings, contributing through divine design and promise to their current and future happiness; the Bible is worthy of the highest respect and fully merits the reverence it has received along with the unique and respected titles attributed to it.
2. The list of the books contained in the Bible constitutes what is called the canon of Scripture. Those books that are contained in the catalogue to which the name of canon has been appropriated, are called canonical, by way of contradistinction from others called deutero-canonical, apocryphal, pseudo-apocryphal, &c, which either are not acknowledged as divine books, or are rejected as heretical and spurious. (See Apocrypha.) The first canon or catalogue of the sacred books was made by the Jews; but the original author of it is not satisfactorily ascertained. It is certain, however, that the five books of Moses, called the Pentateuch, were collected into one body within a short time after his death; since Deuteronomy, which is, as it were, the abridgment and recapitulation of the other four, was laid in the tabernacle near the ark, according to the order which he gave to the Levites, Deut. xxxi, 24. Hence the first canon of the sacred writings consisted of the five books of Moses: for a farther account of which see Pentateuch. It does not appear that any other books were added to these, till the division of the ten tribes, as the Samaritans acknowledged no others. However, after the time of Moses, several prophets, and other writers divinely inspired, composed either the history of their own times, or prophetical books and divine writings, or psalms appropriated to the praise of God. But these books do not seem to have been collected into one body, or comprised under one and the same canon, before the Babylonish captivity. This was not done till after their return from the captivity, about which time the Jews had a certain number of books digested into a canon, which comprehended none of those books that were written since the time of Nehemiah. The book of Ecclesiasticus affords sufficient evidence that the canon of the sacred books was completed when that tract was composed; for that author, in chapter xlix, having mentioned among the famous men and sacred writers, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, adds the twelve minor prophets who follow those three in the Jewish canon; and from this circumstance we may infer that the prophecies of these twelve were already collected and digested into one body. It is farther evident, that in the time of our Saviour the canon of the Holy Scriptures was drawn up, since he cites the law of Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms, which are the three kinds of books of which that canon is composed, and which he often styles, “the Scriptures,” or, “the Holy Scripture,” Matt. xxi, 42; xxii, 29; xxvi, 54; John v, 39; and by him therefore the Jewish canon, as it existed in his day, was fully authenticated, by whomsoever or at what time it had been formed.
2. The list of books in the Bible makes up what is known as the canon of Scripture. The books included in this canon are referred to as canonical, in contrast to others called deuterocanonical, apocryphal, pseudo-apocryphal, etc., which are either not recognized as sacred texts or are dismissed as heretical and false. (See Apocrypha.) The first canon or list of sacred books was established by the Jews, although the original creator is not definitively known. However, it's certain that the five books of Moses, known as the Pentateuch, were compiled shortly after his death; Deuteronomy, serving as a summary and recap of the other four, was placed in the tabernacle near the ark, as instructed by Moses to the Levites, Deut. xxxi, 24. Thus, the initial canon of sacred writings consisted of the five books of Moses; for more details, see Pentateuch. It doesn't seem that any other books were added until the division of the ten tribes, as the Samaritans recognized no others. Nevertheless, after Moses’ time, several prophets and other divinely inspired writers produced texts covering the history of their times, prophetic writings, and psalms dedicated to praising God. However, these books don't appear to have been compiled into a single collection or canon until after the Babylonian captivity. This compilation occurred after their return from captivity, when the Jews organized a specific number of books into a canon that did not include any written after the time of Nehemiah. The book of Ecclesiasticus provides enough evidence that the canon of sacred texts was completed by the time it was written; in chapter 49, the author mentions notable figures and sacred writers like Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, and includes the twelve minor prophets who come after these three in the Jewish canon. From this, we can infer that the prophecies of these twelve were already gathered into one collection. Additionally, it’s clear that during the time of our Savior, the canon of the Holy Scriptures was established, as he references the law of Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms, which are the three types of books included in that canon, and he often refers to them as “the Scriptures” or “the Holy Scripture,” Matt. xxi, 42; xxii, 29; xxvi, 54; John v, 39. Therefore, the Jewish canon, as it existed in his time, was fully validated, regardless of who or when it was formed.
3. The person who compiled this canon is generally allowed to be Ezra. According to the invariable tradition of Jews and Christians, the honour is ascribed to him of having collected together and perfected a complete edition of the Holy Scriptures. The original of the Pentateuch had been carefully preserved in the side of the ark, and had been probably introduced with the ark into the temple at Jerusalem. 155After having been concealed in the dangerous days of the idolatrous kings of Judah, and particularly in the impious reigns of Manasseh and Amon, it was found in the days of Josiah, the succeeding prince, by Hilkiah the priest, in the temple. Prideaux thinks, that during the preceding reigns the book of the law was so destroyed and lost, that, beside this copy of it, there was then no other to be obtained. To this purpose he adds, that the surprise manifested by Hilkiah, on the discovery of it, and the grief expressed by Josiah when he heard it read, plainly show that neither of them had seen it before. On the other hand, Dr. Kennicott, with better reason, supposes, that long before this time there were several copies of the law in Israel, during the separation of the ten tribes, and that there were some copies of it also among the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, particularly in the hands of the prophets, priests, and Levites; and that by the instruction and authority of these MSS, the various services in the temple were regulated, during the reigns of the good kings of Judah. He adds, that the surprise expressed by Josiah and the people, at his reading the copy found by Hilkiah, may be accounted for by adverting to the history of the preceding reigns, and by recollecting how idolatrous a king Manasseh had been for fifty-five years, and that he wanted neither power nor inclination to destroy the copies of the law, if they had not been secreted by the servants of God. The law, after being so long concealed, would be unknown almost to all the Jews; and thus the solemn reading of it by Josiah would awaken his own and the people’s earnest attention; more especially, as the copy produced was probably the original written by Moses. From this time copies of the law were extensively multiplied among the people; and though, within a few years, the autograph, or original copy of the law, was burnt with the city and temple by the Babylonians, yet many copies of the law and the prophets, and of all the other sacred writings, were circulated in the hands of private persons, who carried them with them into their captivity. It is certain that Daniel had a copy of the Holy Scriptures with him at Babylon; for he quotes the law, and mentions the prophecies of Jeremiah, Dan. ix, 2, 11, 13. It appears also, from the sixth chap. of Ezra, and from the ninth chap. of Nehemiah, that copies of the law were dispersed among the people. The whole which Ezra did may be comprised in the following particulars: He collected as many copies of the sacred writings as he could find, and compared them together, and, out of them all, formed one complete copy, adjusted the various readings, and corrected the errors of transcribers. He likewise made additions in several parts of the different books, which appeared to be necessary for the illustration, correction, and completion of them. To this class of additions we may refer the last chapter of Deuteronomy, which, as it gives an account of the death and burial of Moses, and of the succession of Joshua after him, could not have been written by Moses himself. Under the same head have also been included some other interpolations in the Bible, which create difficulties that can only be solved by allowing them; as in Gen. xii, 6; xxii, 14; xxxvi, 3; Exodus xvi, 35; Deut. ii, 12; iii, 11, 14; Prov. xxv, 1. The interpolations in these passages are ascribed by Prideaux to Ezra; and others which were afterward added, he attributes to Simon the Just. Ezra also changed the old names of several places that were become obsolete, putting instead of them the new names by which they were at that time called; instances of which occur in Genesis xiv, 4, where Dan is substituted for Laish, and in several places in Genesis, and also in Numbers, where Hebron is put for Kirjath Arba, &c. He likewise wrote out the whole in the Chaldee character, changing for it the old Hebrew character, which has since that time been retained only by the Samaritans, and among whom it is preserved even to this day. The canon of the whole Hebrew Bible seems, says Kennicott, to have been closed by Malachi, the latest of the Jewish prophets, about fifty years after Ezra had collected together all the sacred books which had been composed before and during his time. Prideaux supposes the canon was completed by Simon the Just, about one hundred and fifty years after Malachi: but, as his opinion is founded merely on a few proper names at the end of the two genealogies, 1 Chron. iii, 19; Nehem. xii, 22, which few names might very easily be added by a transcriber afterward, it is more probable, as Kennicott thinks, that the canon was finished by the last of the prophets, about four hundred years before Christ.
3. The person who put this canon together is generally recognized as Ezra. According to the consistent tradition of both Jews and Christians, he is credited with collecting and perfecting a complete edition of the Holy Scriptures. The original version of the Pentateuch was carefully kept in the side of the ark and was likely taken with the ark into the temple at Jerusalem. 155 After being hidden during the dangerous times of the idolatrous kings of Judah, especially during the wicked reigns of Manasseh and Amon, it was discovered in the days of Josiah, the next king, by Hilkiah the priest in the temple. Prideaux suggests that during those earlier reigns, the book of the law was so destroyed and lost that, besides this copy, there were no others available. He adds that Hilkiah's surprise at finding it and Josiah's grief when he heard it read clearly indicate that neither of them had seen it before. On the other hand, Dr. Kennicott more reasonably believes that well before this time, there were several copies of the law in Israel, especially during the separation of the ten tribes, and that there were also copies among the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, particularly with the prophets, priests, and Levites; and that these manuscripts guided various services in the temple during the reigns of the good kings of Judah. He further notes that the surprise shown by Josiah and the people at the reading of the copy found by Hilkiah can be explained by recalling the history of the preceding reigns and remembering how idolatrous King Manasseh had been for fifty-five years. He had neither the power nor the willingness to destroy copies of the law if they had not been hidden by the servants of God. The law, after being concealed for so long, would be unknown to almost all the Jews; thus, the solemn reading of it by Josiah would capture his attention and that of the people; especially since the copy presented was probably the original written by Moses. From that time on, copies of the law were widely reproduced among the people; and although the original copy of the law was destroyed along with the city and temple by the Babylonians just a few years later, many copies of the law and the prophets, and all other sacred writings, were distributed to individuals who took them into captivity. It is certain that Daniel had a copy of the Holy Scriptures with him in Babylon, as he quotes the law and mentions the prophecies of Jeremiah, Dan. ix, 2, 11, 13. It also appears from the sixth chapter of Ezra and the ninth chapter of Nehemiah that copies of the law were scattered among the people. The entire work that Ezra accomplished can be summarized in the following details: He gathered as many copies of the sacred writings as he could find, compared them, and from all of them created one complete copy, adjusted the different readings, and corrected the errors of transcribers. He also added several parts to different books that seemed necessary for clarification, correction, and completion. The last chapter of Deuteronomy falls into this category, as it recounts the death and burial of Moses and Joshua’s succession after him, which could not have been written by Moses himself. Other interpolations in the Bible also create difficulties that can only be addressed by acknowledging their existence, as seen in Gen. xii, 6; xxii, 14; xxxvi, 3; Exodus xvi, 35; Deut. ii, 12; iii, 11, 14; Prov. xxv, 1. Prideaux attributes these interpolations to Ezra, while those added later are credited to Simon the Just. Ezra also updated the old names of several places that had become outdated, replacing them with the new names they were called at the time; for instance, in Genesis xiv, 4, where Dan is used instead of Laish, and in various places in Genesis and also in Numbers, where Hebron is used instead of Kirjath Arba, etc. He also transcribed the whole text in the Chaldee script, replacing the old Hebrew script, which has since then only been retained by the Samaritans, among whom it is still preserved today. Kennicott suggests that the canon of the entire Hebrew Bible was closed by Malachi, the last of the Jewish prophets, about fifty years after Ezra had compiled all the sacred books that had been written before and during his time. Prideaux believes the canon was completed by Simon the Just around one hundred fifty years after Malachi; however, since his opinion is based merely on a few proper names at the end of two genealogies, 1 Chron. iii, 19; Nehem. xii, 22, which could easily have been added later by a transcriber, it seems more likely, as Kennicott posits, that the canon was finished by the last of the prophets about four hundred years before Christ.
4. It is an inquiry of considerable importance, in its relation to the subject of this article, what books were contained in the canon of the Jews. The Old Testament, according to our Bibles, comprises thirty-nine books, viz. the Pentateuch or five books of Moses, called Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1 & 2 Samuel, 1 & 2 Kings, 1 & 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, the prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah with his Lamentations, Ezekiel, Daniel, Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. But, among the ancient Jews, they formed only twenty-two books, according to the letters of their alphabet, which were twenty-two in number; reckoning Judges and Ruth, Ezra and Nehemiah, Jeremiah and his Lamentations, and the twelve minor prophets, (so called from the comparative brevity of their compositions,) respectively as one book. Josephus says, “We have not thousands of books, discordant, and contradicting each other: but we have only twenty-two, which comprehend the history of all former ages, and are justly regarded as divine. Five of them proceed from Moses; they include as well the laws, as an account of the creation of man, extending to the time of his (Moses) death. This period comprehends nearly three thousand years. From the death of Moses to that of Artaxerxes, who was king of Persia after Xerxes, the prophets, 156who succeeded Moses, committed to writing, in thirteen books, what was done in their days. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, (the Psalms,) and instructions of life for man.” The threefold division of the Old Testament into the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms, mentioned by Josephus, was expressly recognised before his time by Jesus Christ, as well as by the subsequent writers of the New Testament. We have therefore sufficient evidence that the Old Testament existed at that time; and if it be only allowed that Jesus Christ was a teacher of a fearless and irreproachable character, it must be acknowledged that we draw a fair conclusion, when we assert that the Scriptures were not corrupted in his time: for, when he accused the Pharisees of making the law of no effect by their traditions, and, when he enjoined his hearers to search the Scriptures, he could not have failed to mention the corruptions or forgeries of Scripture, if any had existed in that age. About fifty years before the time of Christ were written the Targums of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, and of Jonathan Ben-Uzziel on the Prophets; (according to the Jewish classification of the books of the Old Testament;) which are evidence of the genuineness of those books at that time. We have, however, unquestionable testimony of the genuineness of the Old Testament, in the fact that its canon was fixed some centuries before the birth of Jesus Christ. Jesus the son of Sirach, author of the book of Ecclesiasticus, makes evident references to the prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, and mentions these prophets by name: he speaks also of the twelve minor prophets. It likewise appears from the prologue to that book, that the law and the prophets, and other ancient books, were extant at the same period. The book of Ecclesiasticus, according to the best chronologers, was written in the Syro-Chaldaic dialect A. M. 3772, that is, two hundred and thirty-two years before the Christian æra, and was translated by the grandson of Jesus into Greek, for the use of the Alexandrian Jews. The prologue was added by the translator; but this circumstance does not diminish the evidence for the antiquity of the Old Testament: for he informs us, that the law and the prophets, and the other books of their fathers, were studied by his grandfather; a sufficient proof that they were extant in his time. Fifty years, indeed, before the age of the author of Ecclesiasticus, or two hundred and eighty-two years before the Christian æra, the Greek version of the Old Testament, usually called the Septuagint, was executed at Alexandria, the books of which are the same as in our Bibles; whence it is evident that we still have those identical books, which the most ancient Jews attested to be genuine. The Christian fathers too, Origen, Athanasius, Hilary, Gregory, Nazianzen, Epiphanius, and Jerom, speaking of the books that are allowed by the Jews as sacred and canonical, agree in saying that they are the same in number with the letters in the Hebrew alphabet, that is, twenty-two, and reckon particularly those books which we have already mentioned. Nothing can be more satisfactory and conclusive than all the parts of the evidence for the authenticity and integrity of the canon of the Old Testament scriptures. The Jews, to whom they were first committed, never varied respecting them; while they were fully recognised by our Lord and his Apostles; and, consequently, their authenticity is established by express revelation. And that we now possess them as thus delivered and authenticated, we have the concurrent testimony of the whole succession of the most distinguished early Christian writers, as well as of the Jews to this day, who, in every age, and in all countries, the most remote from one another, have constantly been in the habit of reading them in their synagogues.
4. It's important to look into what books were included in the Jewish canon in relation to this article. The Old Testament, as we have it, contains thirty-nine books, including the Pentateuch or the five books of Moses: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy; plus the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1 & 2 Samuel, 1 & 2 Kings, 1 & 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, and the prophecies from Isaiah, Jeremiah (along with his Lamentations), Ezekiel, Daniel, Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. However, to ancient Jews, these were counted as only twenty-two books, following the number of letters in their alphabet—twenty-two. They counted Judges and Ruth, Ezra and Nehemiah, Jeremiah and his Lamentations, and the twelve minor prophets (named for the relative shortness of their writings) as one book each. Josephus noted, “We don’t have thousands of books that disagree with each other; instead, we have only twenty-two, which cover the history of all former times, and are rightly seen as divine. Five of these are from Moses and include the laws along with the account of the creation of man, which goes up to the time of his (Moses) death. This covers nearly three thousand years. From Moses' death to that of Artaxerxes, the Persian king after Xerxes, the prophets who followed Moses wrote down, in thirteen books, what happened in their time. The last four books contain hymns to God (the Psalms) and guidance for human life.” The three-part division of the Old Testament into the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms, mentioned by Josephus, was acknowledged even before his time by Jesus Christ, as well as by later New Testament authors. Thus, there's enough evidence that the Old Testament existed then; and if we accept that Jesus Christ was a teacher of unimpeachable character, we can reasonably conclude that the Scriptures were not corrupted during his time. When he called out the Pharisees for nullifying the law with their traditions and urged his followers to study the Scriptures, he surely would have pointed out any corruptions or forgeries of Scripture if they existed in that era. About fifty years before Christ, Onkelos translated the Pentateuch into the Targums, and Jonathan Ben-Uzziel translated the Prophets (based on the Jewish classification of the Old Testament books), serving as proof of those books' authenticity at that time. We also have undeniable proof of the genuine nature of the Old Testament, in the fact that its canon was established centuries before Jesus Christ's birth. Jesus the son of Sirach, who wrote Ecclesiasticus, makes clear references to the prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, mentioning these prophets by name. He also refers to the twelve minor prophets. The prologue of that book indicates that the law, the prophets, and other ancient texts were available at that time. Ecclesiasticus was written in the Syro-Chaldaic dialect in A.M. 3772, which is about two hundred and thirty-two years before the Christian era, and it was translated into Greek by the grandson of Jesus for the use of the Jews in Alexandria. The prologue was added by the translator, but this does not lessen the evidence for the Old Testament's age, as he tells us that his grandfather studied the law, the prophets, and the other books of their ancestors—a strong indication that they were available during his time. Fifty years prior to Ecclesiasticus's author, or two hundred and eighty-two years before the Christian era, the Greek version of the Old Testament, commonly called the Septuagint, was produced in Alexandria, containing the same books that are in our Bibles. Hence, it’s clear that we still possess those identical books which the earliest Jews confirmed as authentic. Early Christian leaders like Origen, Athanasius, Hilary, Gregory, Nazianzen, Epiphanius, and Jerome, when discussing the books recognized by the Jews as sacred and canonical, agree that they equate in number to the letters in the Hebrew alphabet—that is, twenty-two—and specifically list the books we've mentioned. Nothing is more convincing and clear than the evidence supporting the authenticity and integrity of the Old Testament scriptures. The Jews, to whom these scriptures were originally entrusted, have never wavered in their stance; they were fully accepted by our Lord and his Apostles, establishing their authenticity through direct revelation. The fact that we now have them as such, delivered and authenticated, is backed by the collective testimony of a long line of distinguished early Christian writers, as well as Jews today, who, throughout history and across diverse places, have consistently read these texts in their synagogues.
5. The five books of the law are divided into fifty-four sections, which division is attributed to Ezra, and was intended for the use of their synagogues, and for the better instruction of the people in the law of God. For, one of these sections was read every Sabbath in their synagogues. They ended the last section with the last words of Deuteronomy on the Sabbath of the feast of the tabernacles, and then began anew with the first section from the beginning of Genesis the next Sabbath after, and so went round in this circle every year. The number of these sections was fifty-four, because in their intercalated years (a month being then added) there were fifty-four Sabbaths. On other years they reduced them to the number of the Sabbaths which were in those years, by joining two short ones several times into one. For they held themselves obliged to have the whole law thus read over in their synagogues every year. Till the time of the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, they read only the law; but being then prohibited from reading it any more, they substituted in the room of the fifty-four sections of the law, fifty-four sections out of the prophets, the reading of which they ever after continued. Thus, when the reading of the law was restored by the Maccabees, the section which was read every Sabbath out of the law served for their first lesson, and the section out of the prophets for their second lesson; and this practice was continued to the times of the Apostles, Acts xiii, 15, 27. These sections were divided into verses, called by the Jews pesukim, and they are marked out in the Hebrew Bible by two great points at the end of them, called from hence, soph-pasuk, that is, the end of the verse. This division, if not made by Ezra, is very ancient; for when the Chaldee came into use in the room of the Hebrew language, after the return of the Jews from their captivity in Babylon, the law was read to the people first in the Hebrew language, and then rendered by an interpreter into the Chaldee language; and this was done period by period. The division of the Holy Scriptures into chapters is of a much later date. The Psalms, indeed, appear to have been always divided as they are at present, Acts xiii, 33; but as to the rest of the Bible, the present division into chapters was unknown to the ancients.
5. The five books of the law are split into fifty-four sections, a division credited to Ezra, and was intended for use in their synagogues to better educate the people about God’s law. One of these sections was read every Sabbath in their synagogues. They finished the last section with the final words of Deuteronomy on the Sabbath during the Feast of Tabernacles, and then started over with the first section from the beginning of Genesis the following Sabbath, continuing this cycle every year. The total was fifty-four sections because in leap years (when an extra month was added), there were fifty-four Sabbaths. In other years, they reduced the number to match the Sabbaths of those years by combining two shorter sections into one several times. They felt obligated to read the entire law in their synagogues every year. Until the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes, they only read the law; but after being forbidden to do so, they substituted the fifty-four sections of the law with fifty-four sections from the prophets, which they continued to read. When the reading of the law was restored by the Maccabees, the section read every Sabbath from the law became their first lesson, and the section from the prophets served as the second lesson; this practice continued until the time of the Apostles, as seen in Acts xiii, 15, 27. These sections were divided into verses, known to the Jews as pesukim, and are marked in the Hebrew Bible by two large points at the end, referred to as soph-pasuk, meaning the end of the verse. This division, whether made by Ezra or not, is very old; when the Chaldee language became prevalent after the Jews returned from Babylonian captivity, the law was first read to the people in Hebrew and then interpreted into Chaldee, done section by section. The division of the Holy Scriptures into chapters is much more recent. The Psalms have always appeared divided as they are today, as noted in Acts xiii, 33; but the current chapter division for the rest of the Bible was unknown to the ancients.
6. From the time when the Old Testament 157was completed by Malachi, the last of the prophets, till the publication of the New Testament, about four hundred and sixty years elapsed. During the life of Jesus Christ, and for some time after his ascension, nothing on the subject of his mission was committed to writing. The period of his remaining upon earth may be regarded as an intermediate state between the old and new dispensations. His personal ministry was confined to the land of Judea; and, by means of his miracles and discourses, together with those of his disciples, the attention of men, in that country, was sufficiently directed to his doctrine. They were also in possession of the Old Testament scriptures; which, at that season, it was of the greatest importance they should consult, in order to compare the ancient predictions with what was then taking place. Immediately after the resurrection of Jesus Christ, his disciples, in the most public manner, and in the place where he had been crucified, proclaimed that event, and the whole of the doctrine which he had commanded them to preach. In this service they continued personally to labour for a considerable time, first among their countrymen the Jews, and then among the other nations. During the period between the resurrection and the publication of the New Testament, the churches possessed miraculous gifts, and the prophets were enabled to explain the predictions of the Old Testament, and to show their fulfilment. After their doctrine had every where attracted attention, and, in spite of the most violent opposition, had forced its way through the civilized world; and when churches or societies of Christians were collected, not only in Judea, but in the most celebrated cities of Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor, the scriptures of the New Testament were written by the Apostles, and other inspired men, and intrusted to the keeping of these churches.
6. From the time the Old Testament was finished by Malachi, the last prophet, until the New Testament was published, about four hundred and sixty years went by. During Jesus Christ's lifetime, and for a while after his ascension, nothing about his mission was written down. His time on earth can be seen as a transitional period between the old and new ways. His personal ministry was limited to Judea, and through his miracles and teachings, along with those of his disciples, people in that region were drawn to his message. They also had access to the Old Testament scriptures, which were crucial for them to examine in order to compare the ancient prophecies with what was happening around them. Right after Jesus' resurrection, his disciples publicly declared that event and the entire doctrine he instructed them to preach, in the same place where he had been crucified. They continued to work personally in this mission for a significant time, starting with their fellow Jews and then reaching out to other nations. During the time between the resurrection and the writing of the New Testament, the churches had miraculous gifts, and the prophets were able to clarify the Old Testament prophecies and demonstrate their fulfillment. After their teachings gained attention and, despite strong opposition, spread throughout the civilized world, and when communities of Christians were formed not just in Judea but also in major cities of Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor, the New Testament scriptures were written by the Apostles and other inspired individuals, and entrusted to these churches.
The whole of the New Testament was not written at once, but in different parts, and on various occasions. Six of the Apostles, and two inspired disciples who accompanied them in their journeys, were employed in this work. The histories which it contains of the life of Christ, known by the name of the Gospels, were composed by four of his contemporaries, two of whom had been constant attendants on his public ministry. The first of these was published within a few years after his death, in that very country where he had lived, and among the people who had seen him and observed his conduct. The history called the Acts of the Apostles, which contains an account of their proceedings, and of the progress of the Gospel, from Jerusalem, among the Gentile nations, was published about the year 64, being thirty years after our Lord’s crucifixion, by one who, though not an Apostle, declares that he had “perfect understanding of all things, from the very first,” and who had written one of the Gospels. This book, commencing with a detail of proceedings, from the resurrection of Jesus Christ, carries down the evangelical history till the arrival of Paul as a prisoner at Rome. The Epistles, addressed to churches in particular places, to believers scattered up and down in different countries, or to individuals, in all twenty-one in number, were separately written, by five of the Apostles, from seventeen, to twenty, thirty, and thirty-five years after the death of Christ. Four of these writers had accompanied the Lord Jesus during his life, and had been “eye witnesses of his majesty.” The fifth was the Apostle Paul, who, as he expresses it, was “one born out of due time,” but who had likewise seen Jesus Christ, and had been empowered by him to work miracles, which were “the signs of an Apostle.” One of these five also wrote the book of Revelation, about the year A. D. 96, addressed to seven churches in Asia, containing Epistles to these churches from Jesus Christ himself, with various instructions for the immediate use of all Christians, together with a prophetical view of the kingdom of God till the end of time. These several pieces, which compose the scriptures of the New Testament, were received by the churches with the highest veneration; and, as the instructions they contain, though partially addressed, were equally intended for all, they were immediately copied, and handed about from one church to another, till each was in possession of the whole. The volume of the New Testament was thus completed before the death of the last of the Apostles, most of whom had sealed their testimony with their blood. From the manner in which these scriptures were at first circulated, some of their parts were necessarily longer in reaching certain places than others. These, of course, could not be so soon received into the canon as the rest. Owing to this circumstance, and to that of a few of the books being addressed to individual believers, or to their not having the names of their writers affixed, or the designation of Apostle added, a doubt for a time existed among some respecting the genuineness of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of James, the second Epistle of Peter, the second and third Epistles of John, the Epistle of Jude, and the book of Revelation. These, however, though not universally, were generally acknowledged; while all the other books of the New Testament were without dispute received from the beginning. This discrimination proves the scrupulous care of the first churches on this highly important subject.
The entire New Testament wasn’t written all at once but rather in different sections and on various occasions. Six of the Apostles, along with two inspired disciples who traveled with them, were involved in this work. The Gospels, which recount the life of Christ, were written by four of his contemporaries, two of whom were regular followers during his public ministry. The first Gospel was published just a few years after his death, in the same country where he had lived and among the people who had seen him and observed his actions. The book called the Acts of the Apostles details their activities and the spread of the Gospel from Jerusalem to the Gentile nations; it was published around the year 64, thirty years after our Lord’s crucifixion, by someone who, although not an Apostle, claimed to have “perfect understanding of all things from the very first” and who also wrote one of the Gospels. This book starts with events after the resurrection of Jesus Christ and continues to the arrival of Paul as a prisoner in Rome. The Epistles, which are letters addressed to specific churches, believers in various countries, or individuals, total twenty-one. They were written separately by five Apostles between seventeen and thirty-five years after the death of Christ. Four of these writers were present during Jesus’s life and were “eyewitnesses of his majesty.” The fifth was the Apostle Paul, who described himself as “one born out of due time” but had also seen Jesus Christ and was given the power to perform miracles, which were “the signs of an Apostle.” One of these five also wrote the book of Revelation around A.D. 96, addressed to seven churches in Asia, containing letters from Jesus Christ himself with various instructions for all Christians, along with a prophetic view of God’s kingdom until the end of time. These different writings that make up the New Testament scriptures were accepted by the churches with great reverence; and since the guidance they provided, while addressed specifically, was meant for everyone, they were quickly copied and shared from one church to another until each had the complete set. The New Testament was thus completed before the death of the last Apostle, most of whom had confirmed their witness with their own blood. Due to how these scriptures were initially distributed, some parts reached certain places slower than others. As a result, they couldn’t be included in the canon as quickly as the others. Because of this, and because some books were directed to individual believers or lacked the authors' names or the title of Apostle, there was some doubt for a time regarding the authenticity of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of James, the second Epistle of Peter, the second and third Epistles of John, the Epistle of Jude, and the book of Revelation. However, these were generally acknowledged, though not universally, while all the other books of the New Testament were accepted from the beginning without dispute. This differentiation shows the careful attention of the early churches to this very important matter.
At length these books, which had not at first been admitted, were, like the rest, universally received, not by the votes of a council, as is sometimes asserted, but after deliberate and free inquiry by many separate churches, under the superintending providence of God, in different parts of the world. It is at the same time a certain fact, that no other books beside those which at present compose the volume of the New Testament, were admitted by the churches. Several apocryphal writings were published under the name of Jesus Christ and his Apostles, which are mentioned by the writers of the first four centuries, most of which have perished, though some are still extant. Few or none of them were composed before the second century, and several of them were 158forged as late as the third century. But they were not acknowledged as authentic by the first Christians; and were rejected by those who have noticed them, as spurious and heretical. Histories, too, as might have been expected, were written of the life of Christ; and one forgery was attempted, of a letter said to have been written by Jesus himself to Abgarus, king of Edessa; but of the first, none were received as of any authority, and the last was universally rejected. “Beside our Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles,” says Paley, “no Christian history claiming to be written by an Apostle, or Apostolical man, is quoted within three hundred years after the birth of Christ, by any writer now extant or known, or, if quoted, is quoted with marks of censure and rejection.” This agreement of Christians respecting the Scriptures, when we consider their many differences in other respects, is the more remarkable, since it took place without any public authority being interposed. “We have no knowledge” says the above author, “of any interference of authority in the question before the council of Laodicea, in the year 363. Probably the decree of this council rather declared than regulated the public judgment, or, more properly speaking, the judgment of some neighbouring churches, the council itself consisting of no more than thirty or forty bishops of Lydia and the adjoining countries. Nor does its authority seem to have extended farther.” But the fact, that no public authority was interposed, does not require to be supported by the above reasoning. The churches at the beginning, being widely separated from each other, necessarily judged for themselves in this matter, and the decree of the council was founded on the coincidence of their judgment. In delivering this part of his written revelation, God proceeded as he had done in the publication of the Old Testament scriptures. For a considerable time, his will was declared to mankind through the medium of oral tradition. At length he saw meet, in his wisdom, to give it a more permanent form. But this did not take place till a nation, separated from all others, was provided for its reception. In the same manner, when Jesus Christ set up his kingdom in the world, of which the nation of Israel was a type, he first made known his will by means of verbal communication, through his servants whom he commissioned and sent out for that purpose; and when, through their means, he had prepared his subjects and collected them into churches, to be the depositaries of his word, he caused it to be delivered to them in writing. His kingdom was not to consist of any particular nation, like that of Israel, but of all those individuals, in every part of the world, who should believe in his name. It was to be ruled, not by means of human authority, or compulsion of any kind, but solely by his authority. These sacred writings were thus intrusted to a people prepared for their reception,--a nation among the nations, but singularly distinct from all the rest, who guarded and preserved them with the same inviolable attachment as the Old Testament scriptures had experienced from the Jews.
Eventually, these books, which were initially not accepted, became widely recognized like the others, not through the votes of a council, as is sometimes claimed, but after thorough and open investigation by many different churches, all under God's careful guidance, in various parts of the world. It is also a definite fact that no other writings apart from those that currently make up the New Testament were accepted by the churches. Several apocryphal texts were published under the names of Jesus Christ and his Apostles, which were noted by writers from the first four centuries, most of which have been lost, though some still exist. Few, if any, were written before the second century, and some were forged as late as the third century. However, they were not recognized as genuine by the early Christians and were dismissed by those who referenced them as false and heretical. As expected, histories were written about the life of Christ; one forgery was an attempt to create a letter supposedly written by Jesus himself to Abgarus, the king of Edessa, but of the former, none were regarded as authoritative, and the latter was universally rejected. “Besides our Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles,” says Paley, “no Christian history claiming to be written by an Apostle or a person connected to an Apostle is mentioned within three hundred years after the birth of Christ, by any existing or known writer, or, if referenced, it is done so with criticism and rejection.” This consensus among Christians regarding the Scriptures is particularly notable given their many differences in other areas, especially since it occurred without any public authority intervening. “We have no knowledge,” states the same author, “of any authority interference in the matter before the council of Laodicea in the year 363. Probably the decree of this council primarily reflected, rather than controlled, public opinion, or, more accurately, the views of some neighboring churches, as the council itself consisted of only thirty to forty bishops from Lydia and surrounding regions. Its authority does not seem to have extended beyond that.” However, the fact that no public authority intervened doesn’t require further argument. The early churches, being widely separated, had to make their own judgments on this matter, and the council's decree was based on the agreement of their views. In revealing this part of his written revelation, God acted as he had when publishing the Old Testament scriptures. For a significant time, his will was communicated to humanity through oral tradition. Eventually, he deemed it appropriate, in his wisdom, to provide it a more permanent form. But this occurred only once a nation, distinct from all others, was prepared to receive it. Similarly, when Jesus Christ established his kingdom in the world, of which the nation of Israel was a foreshadowing, he first communicated his will verbally through his appointed servants; and once they had prepared and gathered his followers into churches to safeguard his word, he had it delivered to them in written form. His kingdom was not intended to be based around any particular nation, like Israel, but rather composed of all individuals from every part of the world who would believe in his name. It would be governed not by human authority or coercion of any kind, but solely by his authority. These sacred writings were entrusted to a people who were ready for them—a nation among nations, yet uniquely distinct, who preserved them with the same unwavering dedication shown by the Jews toward the Old Testament scriptures.
7. Respecting the lateness of the time when the scriptures of the New Testament were written, no objection can be offered, since they were published before that generation passed away which had witnessed the transactions they record. The dates of these writings fall within the period of the lives of many who were in full manhood when the Lord Jesus was upon earth; and the facts detailed in the histories, and referred to in the Epistles, being of the most public nature, were still open to full investigation. It must also be recollected, that the Apostles and disciples, during the whole intermediate period, were publicly proclaiming to the world the same things which were afterward recorded in their writings. Thus were the Scriptures, as we now possess them, delivered to the first churches. By the concurrent testimony of all antiquity, both of friends and foes, they were received by Christians of different sects, and were constantly appealed to on all hands, in the controversies that arose among them. Commentaries upon them were written at a very early period, and translations made into different languages. Formal catalogues of them were published, and they were attacked by the adversaries of Christianity, who not only did not question, but expressly admitted, the facts they contained, and that they were the genuine productions of the persons whose names they bore. In this manner the Scriptures were also secured from the danger of being in any respect altered or vitiated. “The books of Scripture,” says Augustine, “could not have been corrupted. If such an attempt had been made by any one, his design would have been prevented and defeated. His alterations would have been immediately detected by many and more ancient copies.” The difficulty of succeeding in such an attempt is apparent hence, that the Scriptures were early translated into divers languages, and copies of them were numerous. The alterations which any one attempted to make would have been soon perceived; just even as now, in fact, lesser faults in some copies are amended by comparing ancient copies or those of the original. “If any one,” continues Augustine, “should charge you with having interpolated some texts alleged by you as favourable to your cause, what would you say? Would you not immediately answer that it is impossible for you to do such a thing in books read by all Christians; and that if any such attempt had been made--by you, it would have been presently discerned and defeated by comparing the ancient copies? Well, then, for the same reason that the Scriptures cannot be corrupted by you, neither could they be corrupted by any other people.” Accordingly, the uniformity of the manuscripts of the Holy Scriptures that are extant, which are incomparably more numerous than those of any ancient author, and which are dispersed through so many countries, and in so great a variety of languages, is truly astonishing. It demonstrates both the veneration in which the Scriptures have been always held, and the singular 159care that has been taken in transcribing them. The number of various readings, that by the most minute and laborious investigation and collations of manuscripts have been discovered in them, are said to amount to one hundred and fifty thousand; though at first sight they may seem calculated to diminish confidence in the sacred text, yet in no degree whatever do they affect its credit and integrity. They consist almost wholly in palpable errors in transcription, grammatical and verbal differences, such as the insertion or omission of a letter or article, the substitution of a word for its equivalent, or the transposition of a word or two in a sentence. Taken altogether, they neither change nor affect a single doctrine or duty announced or enjoined in the word of God. When, therefore, we consider the great antiquity of the sacred books, the almost infinite number of copies, of versions, and of editions, which have been made of them in all languages, in languages which have not any analogy one with another, among nations differing so much in their customs and their religious opinions,--when we consider these things, it is truly astonishing, and can only be ascribed to the watchful providence of God over his own word, that, among the various readings, nothing truly essential can be discerned, which relates to either precept or doctrine, or which breaks that connection, that unity which subsists in all the various parts of divine revelation, and which demonstrates the whole to be the work of one and the same Spirit.
7. Given the time when the New Testament was written, there are no objections since these texts were published before that generation passed away which had experienced the events they describe. The dates of these writings fall during the lives of many who were fully mature while Jesus was on earth. The events detailed in the histories and referenced in the letters were public and could be thoroughly examined. It's also important to remember that the Apostles and disciples were publicly announcing the same matters throughout the entire time before these were recorded. This is how the Scriptures, as we have them today, were given to the first churches. According to the collective testimony of history, from both supporters and opponents, Christians of different groups accepted them and frequently referred to them in the debates that arose among them. Commentaries on these texts were written early on, and translations were made into various languages. Formal lists of them were published, and they faced criticism from those against Christianity, who not only didn't question the facts contained in them but also acknowledged that they were indeed authored by the individuals whose names were attached. This made it unlikely that the Scriptures would be altered in any way. “The books of Scripture,” says Augustine, “could not have been corrupted. If someone had tried to do that, their plan would have been discovered and stopped. Any changes would have been quickly noticed by comparing with earlier copies.” The challenge of succeeding in such an attempt is clear since the Scriptures were translated early into many languages, and there were numerous copies. Any alterations would have been noticed soon; just as we currently correct minor mistakes in some copies by comparing ancient versions. “If anyone,” continues Augustine, “accuses you of having changed some passages you claim support your view, what would you say? Wouldn’t you immediately respond that it’s impossible for you to do that in books read by all Christians? And if you attempted it, it would have been recognized and thwarted through the comparison of earlier copies? For the same reason the Scriptures can’t be corrupted by you, neither could they be altered by anyone else.” Therefore, the consistency of the existing manuscripts of the Holy Scriptures, which are vastly more numerous than those of any ancient writer, and which are spread across many countries and in a great variety of languages, is truly remarkable. It shows the respect in which the Scriptures have always been held and the meticulous effort that has gone into copying them. The number of variations found through careful investigation of these manuscripts is reported to be around one hundred and fifty thousand. While they might initially seem to undermine confidence in the sacred text, they do not affect its reliability or integrity at all. Most of these variations are simple transcription errors and grammatical or wording differences, such as adding or omitting a letter or article, substituting one word for its equivalent, or rearranging a word or two in a sentence. Overall, they do not change or impact any doctrine or duty proclaimed in the word of God. Thus, when we consider the great age of these sacred texts, the almost infinite number of copies, versions, and editions made in all languages, including those with no similarities to one another, among nations with vastly different customs and religious beliefs, it is truly astonishing. This can only be attributed to God's careful oversight of His own word, as amidst the various readings, nothing truly essential can be detected that relates to any command or doctrine, or that disrupts the connection and unity among all the parts of divine revelation, demonstrating that the entire work is from one and the same Spirit.
8. Having considered the appellations by which the Bible is distinguished, the books of which it consists, the time and manner in which they were collected, it may not be improper to subjoin a few observations on the genuineness and authenticity of the Scriptures, on their high original and divine authority, and on their great importance and utility.
8. After looking at the names given to the Bible, the books it contains, and how and when they were compiled, it might be helpful to add a few thoughts on the genuineness and authenticity of the Scriptures, their original divine authority, and their significance and usefulness.
It should here be considered, that the genuineness of the Scriptures proves the truth of the principal facts contained in them; to which purpose we may observe that it is very rare to meet with any genuine writings of the historical kind, in which the principal facts are not true, unless it be in instances where both the motives which engaged the author to falsify, and the circumstances which gave some plausibility to the fiction, are apparent; neither of which can be alleged in the present case with any colour of reason. As this is rare in general, it is more rare when the writer treats of things that happened in his own time, and under his own cognizance and direction, and communicates his history to persons under the same circumstances; all which may be said of the writers of the Scripture history. Beside, the great importance of the facts mentioned in the Scriptures makes it more improbable, that the several authors should either have attempted to falsify, or have succeeded in such an attempt. The same observation may be applied to the great number of particular circumstances of time, place, persons, &c, mentioned in the Scriptures, and to the harmony of the books with themselves, and with each other. These are arguments both for the genuineness of the books, and truth of the facts distinctly considered, and also arguments for deducing the truth from the genuineness. Moreover, if the books of the Old and New Testaments were written by the persons to whom they have been ascribed, that is, if they be genuine, the moral characters of these writers afford the strongest assurance, that the facts asserted by them are true. The sufferings which several of the writers underwent both in life and in death, in attestation of the facts delivered by them, furnish a particular argument in favour of these facts. Again, the arguments here alleged for proving the truth of the Scripture history from the genuineness of the books, are as conclusive in respect of the miraculous facts, as of the common ones. It may also be observed, that if we allow the genuineness of the books to be a sufficient evidence of the common facts which they record, the miraculous facts must also be allowed from their close connection with the others. It is necessary to admit both or neither. We cannot conceive that Moses should have delivered the Israelites from their slavery in Egypt, or conducted them through the wilderness for forty years, at all in such manner as the common history represents, unless we suppose the miraculous facts intermixed with it to be true also. In like manner, the fame of Christ’s miracles, the multitudes which followed him, the adherence of his disciples, the jealousy and hatred of the chief priests, scribes, and Pharisees, with many other facts of a common nature, are impossible to be accounted for, unless we allow that he did really work miracles. And the same observations hold, in general, of the other parts of the Scripture history. We might urge that a particular argument in favour of the miraculous part of the Scripture history, may be deduced from the reluctance of mankind to receive miraculous facts; which would put the writers and readers very much upon their guard, and would operate as a strong check upon the publication of a miraculous history at or near the time when the miracles were said to be performed; and thus it would serve as a strong confirmation of such a history, if its genuineness be previously granted.
It should be noted that the authenticity of the Scriptures supports the truth of the main facts within them. It's rare to find genuine historical writings where the key facts are false, except in cases where the reasons for the author to deceive and the circumstances that lend believability to the fiction are clear; neither of these can reasonably be claimed here. This rarity increases when the author discusses events from their own time and knowledge, sharing their account with others in the same situation, which applies to the writers of Scripture. Additionally, the significance of the facts in Scripture makes it even less likely that the different authors would have tried to falsify or succeeded in doing so. The numerous specific details of time, place, people, etc., mentioned in the Scriptures, as well as the consistency of the books with each other, support both the authenticity of the texts and the truth of the facts considered. It also supports the argument that truth can be derived from authenticity. Furthermore, if the books of the Old and New Testaments were indeed written by those to whom they are attributed, their moral integrity offers strong assurance that their claims are truthful. The hardships endured by several of the authors in life and death to attest to these facts further reinforces their credibility. The arguments presented for validating the truth of the Scripture's history through the authenticity of the texts apply equally to both miraculous and mundane events. If we accept the genuineness of the texts as sufficient evidence for the ordinary events they record, we must also acknowledge the miraculous events due to their close relationship with the others. We can't believe that Moses led the Israelites out of slavery in Egypt or guided them through the wilderness for forty years in the way the common narrative describes unless we assume that the miraculous events interwoven with that history are true as well. Likewise, the reputation of Christ’s miracles, the crowds that followed him, the loyalty of his disciples, the jealousy and animosity from the chief priests, scribes, and Pharisees, among many other common facts, are impossible to explain unless we accept that he genuinely performed miracles. The same reasoning applies broadly to other aspects of the Scripture's history. We might argue that the general skepticism humans have toward accepting miraculous events supports the miraculous parts of Scripture. This skepticism would have made both writers and readers cautious and would serve as a significant deterrent to the publication of a miraculous history at or near the time of the supposed miracles, thereby providing strong backing for such a history if its authenticity is accepted.
9. In connection with the preceding proposition we may observe, that the genuineness of the Scriptures proves their divine authority. Porphyry in effect acknowledges the truth of this proposition, in its reference to the book of Daniel, by being unable to devise a method of invalidating its divine authority implied in the accomplishment of the prophecies which it contains, without asserting that they were written after the event, or that they were forgeries. Many of the other books of the Old and New Testaments have unquestionable evidences of the divine foreknowledge, if they be allowed genuine; such are those supplied by Moses’s prophecy concerning the captivity of the Israelites, or of a state not yet erected; Isaiah’s concerning Cyrus; Jeremiah’s concerning the duration of the Babylonish captivity; Christ’s concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, and 160the captivity that was to follow; St. John’s concerning the great corruption of the Christian church; and Daniel’s concerning the fourth empire in its declension; which last was extant in the time of Porphyry, at least; that is, before the events which it represents. The truth of the proposition might also be argued from the sublimity and excellence of the doctrines contained in the Scriptures; in no respect suiting the supposed authors, or the ages in which they lived, their education or occupation; so that, if they were the real authors, we are under the necessity of admitting the divine assistance. The converse of this proposition, namely, that the divine authority of the Scriptures infers their genuineness, will be readily and universally acknowledged. Moreover, the truth of the principal facts contained in the Scriptures proves their divine authority. Such is the frame of the human mind, that the Scripture history, allowed to be true, must convince us that Christ, the Prophets, and the Apostles, were endued with a power greater than human, and acted by the authority of a Being of the highest wisdom and goodness. By such mode of reasoning it is shown that the genuineness of the Scriptures, the truth of the principalprincipal facts contained in them, and their divine authority, appear to be so connected with each other, that, any one being established upon independent principles, the other two may be inferred from it. On the subject of the inspiration of the Scriptures, see Inspiration.
9. In relation to the previous point, we can note that the authenticity of the Scriptures demonstrates their divine authority. Porphyry essentially acknowledges this truth regarding the book of Daniel by failing to find a way to discredit its divine authority as suggested by the fulfillment of its prophecies, except by claiming they were written after the events or that they were forgeries. Many other books in the Old and New Testaments show undeniable evidence of divine foreknowledge, provided they are considered authentic. Examples include Moses’s prophecy about the Israelites' captivity or a state that hadn't yet emerged; Isaiah’s prophecy about Cyrus; Jeremiah’s regarding the duration of the Babylonian captivity; Christ’s concerning the destruction of Jerusalem and the subsequent captivity; St. John’s about the significant corruption of the Christian church; and Daniel’s about the decline of the fourth empire; the latter being available during Porphyry's time, prior to the events it discusses. The truth of this point could also be supported by the profound and remarkable doctrines found in the Scriptures, which do not align with the supposed authors, or the times they lived in, nor their education or professions; therefore, if they were genuine authors, we must acknowledge divine assistance. The opposite of this proposition—namely, that the divine authority of the Scriptures implies their genuineness—will likely be accepted widely. Furthermore, the truth of the key facts in the Scriptures confirms their divine authority. The human mind is structured in such a way that, if Scripture history is accepted as true, it must persuade us that Christ, the Prophets, and the Apostles possessed a power beyond that of ordinary humans and acted under the authority of a Being of the highest wisdom and goodness. Through this reasoning, it becomes clear that the genuineness of the Scriptures, the truth of the principal facts within them, and their divine authority are so interconnected that if one is established on independent grounds, the other two can be inferred from it. For more on the topic of the inspiration of the Scriptures, see Inspo.
10. Another argument in favour of the genuineness of the books of the Old and New Testaments, and of the truth of the principal facts contained in them, may be deduced from the manner in which they have been transmitted down from one age to another; resembling that in which all other genuine books and true histories have been conveyed down to posterity. As the works of the Greek and Roman writers were considered by these nations as having been transmitted to them by their ancestors in a continued succession from the times when the respective authors lived, so have the books of the Old Testament been accounted by the Jews, and those of the New by the Christians; and it is an additional evidence in the last case, that the primitive Christians were not a distinct nation, but a great multitude of people dispersed through all the nations of the Roman empire, and even extending itself beyond the bounds of that empire. As the Greeks and Romans always believed the principal facts of their historical books, so the Jews and Christians did more, and never seem to have doubted of the truth of any part of theirs. In short--whatever can be said of the traditional authority due to the Greek and Roman writers--something analogous to this, and for the most part of greater weight, may be urged for the Jewish and Christian. Now, as all sober minded persons admit the books usually ascribed to the Greek and Roman historians, philosophers, &c, to be genuine, and the principal facts related or alluded to in them to be true, and that one chief evidence for this is the general traditionary one here recited, they ought, therefore, to pay the same regard to the books of the Old and New Testaments, since there are the same, or even greater, reasons for it. Beside, these traditionary evidences are sufficient; and we thus obtain a real argument, as well as one ad hominem, for receiving books thus handed down to us. For it is not conceivable, that whole nations should either be imposed upon themselves, or concur to deceive others by forgeries of books or of facts. These books and facts must therefore, in general, be genuine and true; and it is a strong additional evidence of this, that all nations must be jealous of forgeries for the same reasons as we are.
10. Another argument supporting the authenticity of the books of the Old and New Testaments and the truth of the main facts they contain can be drawn from how they have been passed down from one generation to another, similar to how all genuine books and true histories have been conveyed to future generations. Just as the works of Greek and Roman writers were regarded by these cultures as being handed down through a continuous lineage from the times the respective authors lived, the books of the Old Testament have been recognized by the Jews, and those of the New Testament by Christians. Moreover, it further supports the latter case that the early Christians were not a separate nation but a large group of people spread across all the nations of the Roman Empire, even reaching beyond its borders. Just as Greeks and Romans always believed the key facts in their historical writings, the Jews and Christians not only did the same but also never seemed to doubt the truth of any part of their texts. In short, whatever can be said about the traditional authority of Greek and Roman writers—something similar, and often of greater significance, can be argued for the Jewish and Christian texts. Now, as all reasonable people accept the books typically attributed to Greek and Roman historians, philosophers, etc., as genuine and the main facts they discuss or reference as true, and considering that a primary piece of evidence for this is the overall traditional acknowledgment cited here, they should also give the same respect to the books of the Old and New Testaments, since there are the same, if not stronger, reasons to do so. Additionally, these traditional evidences are sufficient; thus, we gain a real argument, as well as a relatable one, for accepting texts that have been handed down to us. It’s hard to believe that entire nations would either deceive themselves or conspire to mislead others through the forgery of books or facts. Therefore, these books and facts must generally be genuine and true; and it provides strong additional proof that all nations would be cautious of forgeries for the same reasons we are.
11. We may proceed to state farther, that the great importance of the histories, precepts, promises, threatenings, and prophecies contained in the Scriptures, is in evidence both of their genuineness, and of the truth of the principal facts mentioned in them. The history of the creation, fall, deluge, longevity of the patriarchs, dispersion of mankind, calling of Abraham, descent of Jacob with his family into Egypt, and the precepts of abstaining from blood, and of circumcision, were of such concern, either to mankind in general, or to the Israelites in particular, and some of them of so extraordinary a nature, as that it could not be a matter of indifference to the people among whom the account given of them in Genesis was first published, whether they received them or not. On the supposition that this account was first published among the Israelites by Moses, and then confirmed by clear, universal, uninterrupted tradition, it will be easy to conceive how it should be handed down from age to age among the Jews, and received by them as indubitable. But, supposing the account to be false, or that there were no such vestiges and evidences of these histories and precepts, it will be difficult to conceive how this could have happened, let the time of publication be what it may. If early, the people would reject at once the account, for want of a clear tradition; if late, it would be natural to inquire how the author was informed of things never known before to others. As to other cosmogonies and theogonies current among Pagans, which are evident fictions, they furnish no just objection against the Mosaic history, because they were generally regarded merely as amusing fictions; and yet they concealed in figures, or expressed in plain words, some truths which agree with the book of Genesis, and afford a strong presumptive evidence in favour of this book. With respect to the law of Moses, this was extremely burdensome, expensive, and severe, particularly in its reference to the crime of idolatry, to which mankind were then extravagantly prone; and it was absurd, according to human judgment, in the instances of prohibiting their furnishing themselves with horses for war, and of commanding all the males of the whole nation to appear at Jerusalem three times a year. Nevertheless, it claims a divine authority, and appeals to facts of the most notorious kind, and to customs and ceremonies of the most peculiar nature, as the memorials of these facts. Can we then conceive 161that any nation, with such motives to reject, and such opportunities of detecting, the forgery of the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, should yet receive them, and submit to this heavy yoke? That the Jews did submit to the law of Moses in these circumstances, is evident from the books of the Old and New Testaments, if we allow them the least truth and genuineness, or even from profane writers, and from the present observance of it by the Jews scattered through all the kingdoms of the world. Should it be said that other nations have ascribed divine authority to their lawgivers, and submitted to very severe laws, it may be alleged in reply to this, that the pretences of lawgivers among the Pagans to inspiration, and the submission of the people, may be accounted for from their peculiar circumstances at the time, without recurring to real inspiration; and more especially if we admit the patriarchal revelations related by Moses, and his own divine legation, as Heathen lawgivers copied after these, and hence we derive a strong argument in their favour. Beside, no instance occurs among the Pagans of a body of laws framed at once and remaining invariable; whereas the body politic of the Israelites assumed a complete form at once, and has preserved it, with little variation, to the present time, and under many external disadvantages; thus supplying us with an instance altogether without parallel, and showing the high opinion which they entertained of the great importance of their law. In short, of all the fictions or forgeries that can happen among any people, the most improbable is that of the Jewish body of civil laws, and seems to be utterly impossible.
11. We can further state that the great significance of the histories, teachings, promises, warnings, and prophecies found in the Scriptures is evidence of their authenticity and the truth of the main events discussed within them. The stories of creation, the fall, the flood, the long lives of the patriarchs, the scattering of humanity, God’s calling of Abraham, Jacob and his family's descent into Egypt, and the laws against consuming blood and for circumcision were so important, whether for humanity as a whole or specifically for the Israelites, and some were so extraordinary that it was impossible for the original audience of Genesis to treat these accounts indifferently. If we assume that Moses first published this account among the Israelites and that it was confirmed by clear, universal, and consistent tradition, it’s easy to understand how it was passed down through generations among the Jews and accepted as undeniable. However, if the account were false or if there were no traceable evidence of these stories and laws, it would be hard to explain how this could have occurred, regardless of when it was published. If it was published early, people would have quickly rejected it due to a lack of strong tradition; if it was published later, it would naturally raise questions about how the author knew things that others had never known. As for the other cosmogonies and theogonies known among pagans, which are clearly fictional, they do not pose a valid objection to the Mosaic history because they were generally seen as mere entertaining tales; yet they contain truths, either in metaphor or directly, that align with Genesis and provide strong circumstantial evidence in favor of this book. Regarding the law of Moses, it was quite burdensome, costly, and harsh, especially concerning the crime of idolatry, to which people were then excessively drawn; it seemed unreasonable by human standards, particularly regarding prohibitions against acquiring horses for warfare and the requirement for all males of the nation to appear in Jerusalem three times a year. Nevertheless, it claims divine authority and points to well-known events and unique customs and ceremonies as reminders of those events. Can we then imagine that any nation, with strong reasons to reject it and ample opportunities to expose the forgeries of the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, would still accept them and bear this heavy burden? That the Jews accepted the law of Moses under these circumstances is clear from both the Old and New Testaments, if we grant them any degree of truth and authenticity, as well as from secular writers and from contemporary Jewish practices across the world. If someone argues that other nations have also attributed divine authority to their lawgivers and adhered to very strict laws, it can be countered that the claims of pagan lawgivers to inspiration and the compliance of their people can be explained by their unique circumstances at the time, without needing to invoke actual inspiration; especially if we recognize the patriarchal revelations recorded by Moses, with pagan lawgivers drawing from these, which gives us a strong argument in their favor. Furthermore, there are no examples among the pagans of a complete set of laws established at once and remaining unchanged; on the other hand, the community of Israelites took shape all at once and has maintained that structure, with little alteration, up to the present day, despite many external challenges. This uniquely demonstrates the high regard they had for the critical importance of their laws. In summary, of all the fabrications or forgeries that might occur among any people, the least probable is that of the Jewish civil laws, and it seems utterly impossible.
12. If we farther examine the history contained in the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, and extending from the death of Moses to the reëstablishment of the Jews after the Babylonish captivity by Ezra and Nehemiah, we shall find a variety of important facts, most of which must be supposed to leave such vestiges of themselves, either external and visible, or internal in the minds and memories of the people, as would verify them if true, or cause them to be rejected if false. The conquest of the land of Canaan, the division of it, and the appointment of cities for the priests and Levites by Joshua; the frequent slaveries of the Israelites to the neighbouring kings, and their deliverance by the judges; the creation of a kingdom by Samuel; the translation of this kingdom from Saul’s family to David, with his conquests; the glory of Solomon’s kingdom; the building of the temple; the division of the kingdom; the idolatrous worship set up at Dan and Bethel; the captivity of the Israelites by the kings of Assyria; the captivity of the Jews by Nebuchadnezzar; the destruction of their temple; their return under Cyrus, rebuilding the temple under Darius Hystaspes, and reëstablishment under Artaxerxes Longimanus, by Ezra and Nehemiah:--these events are some of them the most glorious, and some of them the most reproachful, that can happen to any people. How can we reconcile forgeries of such opposite kinds, and especially as they are interwoven together by various complicated and necessary connections, which do not admit of separation? The facts, indeed, are of such importance, notoriety, and permanency in their effects, that no particular persons among the Israelites could first project the design of feigning them, that their own people would not concur with such a design, and that neighbouring nations would not permit the fiction to pass. Nothing but the invincible evidence of the facts here alleged, could induce a jealous multitude among the Israelites or neighbouring nations to acquiesce. This must be acknowledged upon the supposition that the several books were published in or near the times when the facts that are recorded in them happened. But suppose all these historical books forged by Ezra; the hypothesis is evidently impossible. Things so important and notorious, so honourable and so reproachful to the people for whose sake they were forged, would have been rejected with the utmost indignation, unless there were the strongest and most genuine traces of these things already among the people. They must therefore, in part at least, be true. If it be said that additions were made by Ezra, these additions must have been either of important or trivial matters. On the first supposition, the difficulty already stated recurs; and if the important facts are true, what possible motive could have induced Ezra to make additions of no importance? Beside, if any ancient writings were extant, Ezra must either copy after them, which destroys the present supposition, or differ from and oppose them, which would betray him. If there were no such ancient writings, the people would be led to inquire with regard to matters of importance, for what reason Ezra was so particular in things of which there was neither any memory, nor account in writing. Should it be said that the people did not regard what Ezra had thus forged, this reduces the subject in question to matters of small or of no importance. Beside, why should Ezra write if no one would read or regard? Farther: Ezra must have had, like other men, friends, enemies, and rivals; and some, or all of these, would have been a check upon him, and a security against him, in matters of importance. If we suppose these books, instead of having been forged at once, to have been forged successively, at the interval of one, two, or three centuries after the facts related, we shall involve ourselves in the same or similar difficulties. Upon the whole, then, we may conclude, that the forgery of the annals of the Israelites appears to be impossible, as well as that of the body of their civil laws. It is needless to examine the books of Esther, Job, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles; and we might proceed to the Prophecies; but this will be resumed under the article Prophecy. For the subjects comprehended in the books of the New Testament. See Gospel:GOSPEL, and #Christianity.
12. If we take a closer look at the history outlined in the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, covering the period from Moses's death to the re-establishment of the Jews after the Babylonian captivity by Ezra and Nehemiah, we will uncover a variety of significant facts. Most of these facts likely left traces of themselves, either visible in the world around us or remembered internally by the people, which would confirm their truth if accurate or lead to their rejection if false. The conquest of Canaan, the division of the land, the assignment of cities for the priests and Levites by Joshua; the Israelites' repeated enslavement by neighboring kings and their subsequent deliverance by judges; the establishment of a kingdom by Samuel; the transfer of this kingdom from Saul’s family to David, along with his victories; the splendor of Solomon’s reign; the construction of the temple; the division of the kingdom; the idolatrous worship introduced at Dan and Bethel; the captivity of the Israelites by the Assyrian kings; the Babylonian capture of the Jews by Nebuchadnezzar; the destruction of their temple; their return under Cyrus, rebuilding the temple under Darius Hystaspes, and re-establishment under Artaxerxes Longimanus by Ezra and Nehemiah—these events are among the most glorious and reproachful occurrences for any people. How can we reconcile such contrasting forgeries, especially as they are intricately woven together by various complex and necessary connections that cannot be separated? The facts are so significant, well-known, and enduring in their effects that no individuals among the Israelites could have been the first to create them; their own people wouldn't support such a scheme, and neighboring nations wouldn't allow the fiction to go unchallenged. Only the undeniable evidence of the claims described here could convince a suspicious crowd among the Israelites or surrounding nations to accept them. This is only valid if we assume that the various books were published around the time the recorded events occurred. But if we consider all these historical books were fabricated by Ezra, that theory is clearly unworkable. Such significant and notorious matters, both honorable and embarrassing for the people supposedly forged, would have been dismissed with outrage, unless there were already strong and genuine traces of these events among the people. Therefore, these accounts must, at least in part, be true. If it's claimed that additions were made by Ezra, those additions must have been either significant or trivial. If they were significant, the earlier mentioned difficulty arises again; if the key facts are accurate, what possible reason could Ezra have for adding trivial content? Moreover, if any ancient texts existed, Ezra would either have to copy from them, which contradicts the current assumption, or differ from and oppose them, which would expose him. If there were no such ancient texts, the people would question why Ezra was so detailed about things with no memory or written account. If it's said that the people didn't pay any mind to what Ezra had supposedly fabricated, this reduces the discussion to minor or insignificant matters. Also, why would Ezra write anything if no one would read or care? Furthermore, Ezra would have had, like any other person, friends, foes, and rivals; some or all of these would serve as checks on him, providing security in important matters. If we consider that these books were not forged all at once but rather successively over the span of one, two, or three centuries after the events took place, we would encounter the same or similar challenges. Overall, we can conclude that the forgery of the Israelites' history seems impossible, along with that of their compiled civil laws. There's no need to examine the books of Esther, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Songs; we could move on to the Prophecies, but that will be addressed under the section Prophecy. For the topics covered in the New Testament, see Good news:GOSPEL, and #Christianity.
13. We shall here subjoin some general evidences 162in attestation of the truth of the books of Scripture. That Jews and Christians have thought their sacred books very highly important, most genuine, and true, appears from the persecutions and sufferings which they have undergone on account of their attachment to them, and because they would not be prevailed upon to surrender them. The preservation of the law of Moses, probably the first book written in any language, whilst many others of a later date have been lost, shows the great regard that has been paid to it; and from this circumstance we may infer that this and the other books of the Old Testament have been preserved on account of their importance, or from some other cause, equally evincing their genuineness and truth. The great value set upon these books appears also from the many early translations and paraphrases of them; and these translations and paraphrases serve to correct errors that are unavoidable in the lapse of time, and to secure their integrity and purity. The hesitation and difficulty with which some few books of the New Testament were received into the canon, show the great care and concern of the primitive Christians about the canon, and the high importance of the books admitted into it; and afford a strong evidence of their genuineness and truth. The same observation is in a degree applicable to the Jewish canon. Moreover, the religious hatred and animosity which subsisted between the Jews and Samaritans, and between several of the ancient sects among the Christians, convince us of what importance they all thought their sacred books, and disposed them to watch over one another with a jealous eye. Farther: the genuineness of the books of the Old and New Testaments may be evinced from the language, style, and manner of writing used in them. The Hebrew language, in which the Old Testament was written, being the language of an ancient people, who had little intercourse with their neighbours, would not change so fast as modern languages have done, since different nations have been variously blended with one another by the extension of trade, arts, and sciences; and yet some changes must have occurred in the interval that elapsed between the time of Moses and that of Malachi. The biblical Hebrew corresponds so exactly to this criterion, as to afford a considerable argument in favour of the genuineness of the books of the Old Testament. Beside, these books have too great a diversity of style to be the work of either one Jew, or of any set of contemporary Jews. If they be forgeries, there must have been a succession of impostors in different ages, who concurred in the same iniquitous design. Again: the Hebrew language ceased to be spoken, as a living language, soon after the time of the Babylonish captivity; and it would be difficult or impossible to forge any thing in it after it became a dead language. Hence it appears, that all the books of the Old Testament must at least be nearly as ancient as the Babylonish captivity; and as they could not all be written in the same age, some must be much more ancient, and this would reduce us to the necessity of supposing a succession of conspiring impostors. Moreover, there is, as we have already observed, a simplicity of style, and an unaffected manner of writing, in all the books of the Old Testament, which is a strong evidence of their genuineness. The style of the New Testament, in particular, is not only simple and unaffected, but is Greek influenced by the Hebrew idiom, and exactly answers to the circumstances of time, places, and persons. To which we may add, that the narrations and precepts of both the Old and New Testament are delivered without hesitation; the writers teaching as having authority: and this circumstance is peculiar to those who unite, with a clear knowledge of what they deliver, a perfect integrity of heart. But a farther argument for the genuineness and truth of the Scriptures is supplied by the very great number of particular circumstances of time, place, persons, &c, mentioned in them. It is needless to recount these; but they are incompatible with forged and false accounts, that do not abound in such particularities, and the want of which furnishes a suspicion to their discredit. Compare, in this respect, Manetho’s account of the dynasties of Egypt, Ctesias’s of the Assyrian kings, and those which the technical chronologers have given of the ancient kingdoms of Greece, which are defective in such particulars, with the history by Thucydides of the Peloponnesian war, and with Cæsar’s of the war in Gaul, and the difference will be sufficiently apparent. Dr. Paley’s admirable treatise, entitled, “Horæ Paulinæ,” affords very valuable illustrations of this argument as it respects the genuineness of the books of the New Testament. The agreement of the Scriptures with history, natural and civil, is a farther proof of their genuineness and truth. The history of the fall agrees in an eminent manner both with the obvious facts of labour, sorrow, pain, and death, with what we see and feel every day, and with all our philosophical inquiries into the frame of the human mind, the nature of social life, and the origin of evil. Natural history bears a strong testimony to Moses’s account of the deluge. Civil history affords many evidences which corroborate the same account. (See Deluge.) The Mosaic account of the confusion of languages, of the dispersion of Noah’s sons, and of the state of religion in the ancient postdiluvian world, is not only rendered probable, but is in a very high degree established, by many collateral arguments. See Confusion of Languages, and Division of the Earth.
13. Here, we will provide some general evidence supporting the truth of the Scriptures. It is clear that Jews and Christians have regarded their sacred texts as extremely important, authentic, and true, given the persecutions and hardships they have faced for their devotion to them, and their refusal to give them up. The survival of the law of Moses, likely the first book written in any language, while many later texts have been lost, indicates the high regard it has received; from this, we can infer that this book and others from the Old Testament have been preserved due to their significance or for some other reason that demonstrates their authenticity and truth. The high value placed on these texts is also shown by the numerous early translations and paraphrases, which help correct errors that come with the passage of time and maintain their integrity and purity. The hesitation and difficulty surrounding the acceptance of some New Testament books into the canon reflect the early Christians' great care and concern for it and emphasize the importance of the texts included, providing strong evidence of their authenticity and truth. This observation can also somewhat apply to the Jewish canon. Furthermore, the deep-seated animosity between Jews and Samaritans, and among various early Christian sects, underscores the importance they all ascribed to their sacred books, motivating them to vigilantly guard them. Additionally, the authenticity of the Old and New Testament books can be demonstrated through their language, style, and writing methods. The Hebrew language, in which the Old Testament was penned, belonged to an ancient people with little interaction with their neighbors, meaning it would not evolve as quickly as modern languages have, given that different cultures have interacted through trade, arts, and sciences; yet some changes must have occurred between the time of Moses and Malachi. Biblical Hebrew aligns well with this standard, providing significant argument for the authenticity of the Old Testament. Moreover, these texts display too much stylistic diversity to be the work of a single Jewish author or a group of contemporary Jews. If they are forgeries, it would require a long line of deceivers across different ages collaborating in the same dishonest scheme. Additionally, the Hebrew language ceased to be spoken as a living language shortly after the Babylonian captivity; thus, it would be challenging, if not impossible, to create something in it after it became a dead language. Therefore, it seems that all the Old Testament books must be nearly as old as the Babylonian captivity, and since they couldn't all be written in the same era, some must be much older, which implies the need to assume a long sequence of conspiratorial forgers. Moreover, as we have noted, the Old Testament books exhibit a straightforward and genuine writing style, which strongly supports their authenticity. The style of the New Testament is not only simple and unpretentious but also Greek influenced by Hebrew construction, perfectly matching the contexts of the periods, places, and individuals involved. Additionally, both the Old and New Testament narrations and teachings are presented confidently, with the writers speaking with authority, a characteristic unique to those who possess both clear understanding and unblemished integrity. Furthermore, a robust argument for the authenticity and truth of the Scriptures comes from the substantial number of specific details related to time, place, persons, etc., mentioned within them. It is unnecessary to detail these, but they are inconsistent with fabricated accounts, which typically lack such particulars, and the absence of which raises doubts about their credibility. In this regard, compare Manetho’s chronicles of the Egyptian dynasties, Ctesias's accounts of the Assyrian kings, and the records provided by technical chronologists of ancient Greek kingdoms—each lacking in such specificities—with Thucydides' history of the Peloponnesian War and Caesar’s account of the war in Gaul to highlight the clear differences. Dr. Paley’s excellent treatise titled, “Pauline Hours,” offers valuable illustrations supporting the authenticity of the New Testament texts. The consistency of the Scriptures with both natural and civil history provides additional proof of their authenticity and truth. The account of the fall aligns remarkably with the evident realities of labor, suffering, pain, and death that we experience daily, and with our philosophical inquiries into human psychology, the nature of social existence, and the origins of evil. Natural history strongly supports Moses’s narrative of the flood, while civil history offers many affirmations corroborating this account. (See Deluge.) The Mosaic description of the confusion of languages, the dispersion of Noah’s descendants, and the state of religion in the ancient post-flood world is not only made plausible but is strongly reinforced by many additional arguments. See Language Confusion, and Earth's Division.
14. The agreement of the books of the Old and New Testaments with themselves and with each other, affords another argument both of their genuineness and truth. The laws of the Israelites are contained in the Pentateuch, and referred to, in a great variety of ways, direct and indirect, in the historical books, in the Psalms, and in the Prophecies. The historical facts also in the preceding books are often referred to in those that succeed, and in the Psalms and Prophecies. In like manner, the Gospels have the greatest harmony with each other, and the Epistles of St. Paul with 163the Acts of the Apostles; and, indeed, there is scarcely any book of either the Old or New Testament, which may not be shown to refer to many of the rest, in one way or other. For the illustration of this argument, let us suppose that no more remained of the Roman writers than Livy, Tully, and Horace; would they not, by their references to the same facts and customs, by the sameness of style in the same writer, and difference in the different ones, and numberless other such like circumstances of critical consideration, prove themselves, and one another to be genuine, and the principal facts related, or alluded to, to be true? Whoever will apply this reasoning to the present case will perceive, that the numberless minute, direct, and indirect agreements and coincidences, that present themselves to all diligent readers of the Scriptures, prove their truth and genuineness beyond all contradiction.
14. The consistency of the Old and New Testaments with each other and within themselves provides another strong argument for their authenticity and truth. The laws of the Israelites are found in the Pentateuch and are referenced in many ways, both directly and indirectly, in the historical books, the Psalms, and the Prophecies. The historical events mentioned in the earlier books are frequently referenced in the later books, as well as in the Psalms and Prophecies. Similarly, the Gospels are highly consistent with one another, and St. Paul’s letters align well with the Acts of the Apostles; in fact, almost every book in both the Old and New Testaments can be shown to reference many others in some way. To illustrate this point, let’s consider if the only surviving Roman writers were Livy, Cicero, and Horace; wouldn’t their references to the same events and customs, the consistency of style within the same writer, differences across different writers, and numerous other critical factors demonstrate their authenticity, as well as the truth of the key facts they present or imply? Anyone who applies this line of reasoning to our current situation will notice that the countless detailed, direct, and indirect agreements and coincidences that emerge for all careful readers of the Scriptures convincingly establish their truth and authenticity without any doubt.
The harmony and agreement of the several writers of the Old and New Testament appear the more remarkable, when it is considered that their various parts were penned by several hands in very different conditions of life, from the throne and sceptre down to the lowest degree, and in very distant ages, through a long interval of time; which would naturally have led a spirit of imposture to have varied its schemes, and to have adapted them to different stations in the world, and to the different vicissitudes of every age. David wrote about four hundred years after Moses, and Isaiah about two hundred and fifty after David, and Matthew more than seven hundred years after Isaiah; and yet these authors, with all the other Prophets and Apostles, write in perfect harmony, confirming the authority of their predecessors, labouring to reduce the people to the observance of their instructions, and loudly exclaiming against the neglect and contempt of them, and denouncing the severest judgments against such as continued disobedient. Consequently, as the writers of the Holy Scriptures, though they all claim a divine authority, yet write in perfect connection and harmony, mutually confirming the doctrine and testimony of each other, and concurring to establish the very same religious truths and principles, it is a strong proof that they all derived their instructions from the same fountain, the wisdom of God, and were indeed under the direction and illumination of the same Spirit. This leads us to add, that the unity of design, which appears in the dispensations recorded in the Scriptures, is an argument not only of their truth and genuineness, but also of their divine authority. In order to perceive the force of this argument, it is only necessary to inquire what this design is, and how it is pursued by the series of events and divine interpositions recorded in the Scriptures. (See Dispensation.) It should also be considered, that the historical evidences in favour of the genuineness, truth, and divine authority of the Scriptures, do not become less from age to age; but, on the contrary, it may rather be presumed that they increase. Since the three great concurring events of printing, the reformation of religion in these western parts, and the restoration of letters, so many more evidences and coincidences have been discovered in favour of the Jewish and Christian histories, as may serve, in some measure, to supply the want of those that have been lost in the preceding times; and as this accumulation of evidences is likely to continue, there is great reason to hope that it will at length become irresistible to all and silence even every gainsayer.
The harmony and agreement among the various writers of the Old and New Testament are even more remarkable when you consider that their different parts were written by different people in very different life situations, from the highest rulers to the lowest social classes, and across a long span of time. This would typically lead to a tendency to alter narratives to fit different circumstances and changes throughout the ages. David wrote about four hundred years after Moses, Isaiah wrote about two hundred and fifty years after David, and Matthew wrote more than seven hundred years after Isaiah; yet, these authors, along with all the other Prophets and Apostles, write in perfect harmony, affirming the authority of their predecessors, working to guide the people to follow their teachings, and strongly criticizing those who neglect or scorn them, threatening severe judgments against those who remain disobedient. Therefore, even though all the writers of the Holy Scriptures claim divine authority, they write in perfect connection and harmony, mutually reinforcing each other's doctrines and testimonies, and coming together to establish the same religious truths and principles. This strongly indicates that they all received their guidance from the same source: the wisdom of God, and were truly led and inspired by the same Spirit. This leads us to consider that the unity of purpose, evident in the accounts recorded in the Scriptures, serves as proof not only of their truth and authenticity but also of their divine authority. To understand the strength of this argument, it is essential to explore what this purpose is and how it is pursued through the series of events and divine interventions detailed in the Scriptures. (See Dispensation.) It should also be noted that the historical evidence supporting the authenticity, truth, and divine authority of the Scriptures does not diminish over time; rather, it is likely to increase. Since the three major developments of printing, the reformation of religion in the Western world, and the revival of education, many more pieces of evidence and parallels have been found supporting Jewish and Christian histories, which can somewhat compensate for those that have been lost in earlier times. As this accumulation of evidence is expected to continue, there is substantial reason to believe that it will eventually become undeniable to everyone and silence every critic.
15. The moral characters of the Prophets, and the Apostles, prove the truth and divine authority of the Scriptures. The characters of the persons who are said in the Scriptures to have had divine communications, and a divine mission, are so much superior to the characters that occur in common life, that we can scarcely account for the more eminent individuals, and much less so for so large a succession of them, continued through so many ages, without allowing the divine communications and assistance which they allege. Notwithstanding considerable imperfections that pertained to many of these eminent persons, and the occasional offences chargeable upon one or two of them, yet the impartial reader should consider whether the Prophets, Apostles, &c, were not so much superior, not only to mankind at an average, but even to the best men among the Greeks and Romans, as is not fairly to be accounted for by the mere powers of human nature. If this statement should not be conceded, their characters, however, are too good to allow the supposition of an impious fraud and imposture, which must have been the case if they had not divine authority. Beside, it should be recollected, that the undisguised and impartial manner in which the imperfections and faults of the eminent persons mentioned in Scripture are related, furnishes a remarkable additional evidence for the truth of those parts of the Scripture history in which such relations occur, beside such evidences as extend to the whole.
15. The moral qualities of the Prophets and the Apostles demonstrate the truth and divine authority of the Scriptures. The characters of those individuals described in the Scriptures as having divine messages and missions are so much greater than those found in everyday life that it's hard to explain the existence of so many remarkable individuals over such a long period without acknowledging the divine communications and support they claim to have received. Despite the significant flaws of many of these distinguished figures and the occasional wrongdoings attributed to one or two of them, a fair reader should consider whether the Prophets, Apostles, etc., were not vastly superior not only to the average person but even to the finest individuals among the Greeks and Romans, a superiority that can't simply be explained by human nature. If this argument isn't accepted, their characters are still too commendable to support the idea of a wicked fraud or deception, which would have to be the case if they lacked divine authority. Furthermore, we should remember that the straightforward and unbiased way the imperfections and faults of these notable figures in Scripture are presented provides striking additional evidence for the truth of those parts of Scripture that include such accounts, alongside the evidence that applies to the entirety.
16. The excellence of the doctrine contained in the Scriptures is an additional evidence of their authority. This argument has great force independently of all other considerations. Suppose, for instance, that the author of the Gospel, which goes under the name of St. Matthew, was not known, and that it was unsupported by the writers of the primitive times; yet such are the unaffected simplicity of the narrations, the purity of the doctrine, and the sincere piety and goodness of the sentiments, that it carries its own authority with it. The same observation is applicable in general to all the books of the Old and New Testaments; so that if there was no other book in the world beside the Bible, a man could not reasonably doubt of the truth of revealed religion. If all other arguments were set aside, we may conclude from this single consideration, that the authors of the books of the Old and New Testaments, whoever they were, cannot have made a false claim to divine authority. The Scriptures contain doctrines concerning God, providence, a future state, the duty of man, &c, far more pure and sublime than can in any way be accounted for from the natural powers 164of men, so circumstanced as the sacred writers were. Let the reader consider whether it can be reasonably supposed, that Jewish shepherds, fishermen, &c, should, both before and after the rise of the Heathen philosophy, so far exceed men of the greatest abilities and accomplishments in other nations, by any other means than divine communications. Indeed, no writers, from the invention of letters to the present times, are equal to the penmen of the books of the Old and New Testaments in true excellence, utility and dignity; and this is surely such an internal criterion of their divine authority, as ought not to be resisted.
16. The quality of the teachings found in the Scriptures provides further proof of their authority. This argument stands strong regardless of other factors. For example, even if we didn’t know who wrote the Gospel attributed to St. Matthew, and it had no support from early writers, the straightforward storylines, the purity of the teachings, and the genuine piety and goodness in the sentiments convey their own authority. This observation applies generally to all the books of the Old and New Testaments; thus, if the Bible were the only book in the world, a person couldn’t reasonably doubt the truth of revealed religion. If all other arguments were dismissed, we can conclude from this one point that the authors of the Old and New Testaments, whoever they were, could not have falsely claimed divine authority. The Scriptures contain teachings about God, providence, an afterlife, human duty, etc., that are far more pure and profound than anything that could arise from the natural abilities of people, given the circumstances of the sacred writers. Consider whether it’s reasonable to think that Jewish shepherds, fishermen, and others, both before and after the rise of pagan philosophy, could surpass the most talented and accomplished individuals from other nations by any means other than divine inspiration. In fact, no writers from the invention of letters to today can match the true excellence, usefulness, and dignity of the authors of the Old and New Testaments; and this is certainly a compelling internal standard of their divine authority that shouldn’t be ignored.
17. The many and great advantages which have accrued to the world from the patriarchal, Judaical, and Christian revelations, confirm the whole. These advantages relate partly to the knowledge, and partly to the practice, of religion. The internal worth and excellence of the Scriptures, as containing the best principles of knowledge, holiness, consolation, and hope, and their consequent utility and importance in a moral and practical view, fully and directly demonstrate their divine original. For an enlarged view of this branch of evidence see Christianity.
17. The numerous and significant benefits that have come to the world from the patriarchal, Jewish, and Christian revelations confirm the whole. These benefits relate both to the understanding and to the practice of religion. The intrinsic value and greatness of the Scriptures, which embody the best principles of knowledge, holiness, comfort, and hope, along with their resulting usefulness and importance from a moral and practical perspective, clearly and directly demonstrate their divine origin. For a broader view of this evidence, see Christianity.
BIBLISTS, or BIBLICI, a term applied to certain doctors in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, who expounded the sacred writings in their public schools, and endeavoured to establish their doctrines by the authority of Scripture, in opposition to uncertain traditions, or the speculations of the schools. Upon the same principle, the Pietists of the seventeenth century formed what they called Biblical colleges, for expounding the Scriptures.
BIBLISTS, or BIBLICI, is a term used for certain scholars in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries who taught the sacred texts in their public schools and tried to support their beliefs with Scripture, in contrast to unreliable traditions or the theories of the schools. Following this same idea, the Pietists of the seventeenth century established what they referred to as Biblical colleges to interpret the Scriptures.
BIER. See Burial.
BEER. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
BILDAD, the Shuhite, one of Job’s friends, thought by some to have descended from Shuah, the son of Abraham, by Keturah, Job ii, 11; viii, xviii, xxv.
BILDAD, the Shuhite, one of Job’s friends, is believed by some to have descended from Shuah, the son of Abraham and Keturah, Job ii, 11; viii, xviii, xxv.
BILHAH, Rachel’s handmaid, given by her to Jacob her husband, as a concubinary wife, that, through her she might have a son, Gen. xxx, 3, 4, &c. See Barrenness.
BILHAH, Rachel's maid, whom she gave to her husband Jacob as a secondary wife, so that she could have a son through her, Gen. xxx, 3, 4, &c. See Infertility.
BIND. To bind and loose are taken for condemning and absolving: “And I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven,” Matt. xvi, 19. By binding and loosing, in the language of the Jews, is understood, likewise, permitting and forbidding; or declaring any thing in a judicial manner to be permitted or forbidden; and on the promotion of their doctors, they put the keys into their hands with these words, “Receive the power of binding and loosing.” So our Lord says, “I am not come to destroy,” to unloose or dissolve, “the law, but to fulfil,” that is, to confirm and establish it, Matt. v, 17. See Keys.
BIND. To bind and loose means to condemn and absolve: “And I will give you the keys to the kingdom of heaven: whatever you bind on earth will be bound in heaven, and whatever you loose on earth will be loosed in heaven,” Matt. xvi, 19. In Jewish terms, binding and loosing also refers to permitting and forbidding; or officially declaring something to be allowed or not allowed. When promoting their teachers, they hand over the keys with the phrase, “Receive the power of binding and loosing.” Our Lord says, “I have not come to destroy,” to unbind or dissolve, “the law, but to fulfill,” meaning to confirm and establish it, Matt. v, 17. See Keys.
BIRD, צפור, a common name for all birds, but is sometimes used for the sparrow in particular.
BIRD, ציפור, a general term for all birds, but is occasionally used specifically for the sparrow.
Birds are distinguished by the Jewish legislator into clean and unclean. Such as fed upon grain and seeds were allowed for food, and such as devoured flesh and carrion were prohibited.
Birds are categorized by the Jewish lawgiver into clean and unclean. Those that eat grain and seeds are permitted as food, while those that consume flesh and carrion are banned.
Moses, to inspire the Israelites with sentiments of tenderness toward the brute creation, commands them, if they find a bird’s nest, not to take the dam with the young, but to suffer the old one to fly away, and to take the young only, Deut. xxii, 6. This is one of those merciful constitutions in the law of Moses which respect the animal creation, and tended to humanize the heart of that people, to excite in them a sense of the divine providence extending itself to all creatures, and to teach them to exercise their dominion over them with gentleness. Beside, the young never knew the sweets of liberty; the dam did: they might be taken and used for any lawful purpose; but the dam must not be brought into a state of captivity. The poet Phocylides has a maxim, in his admonitory poem, very similar to that in the sacred texts:--
Moses, to encourage the Israelites to care for animals, tells them that if they find a bird’s nest, they shouldn’t take the mother with the chicks, but should let her fly away and only take the young ones, Deut. xxii, 6. This is one of those compassionate laws in Moses's teachings that aimed to soften the hearts of the people, make them aware of divine care that extends to all creatures, and teach them to treat animals gently. Besides, the young birds have never known the freedom that the mother has; they can be taken and used for any lawful reason, but the mother must not be captured. The poet Phocylides has a saying in his advisory poem that is very much like what’s in the sacred texts:--
It appears that the ancients hunted birds. Baruch, iii, 17, speaking of the kings of Babylon, says, “They had their pastime with the fowls of the air;” and Daniel, iii, 38, tells Nebuchadnezzar that God had made the fowls of the air subject to him.
It looks like ancient people hunted birds. Baruch 3:17 mentions the kings of Babylon, saying, “They enjoyed themselves with the birds of the sky;” and Daniel 3:38 tells Nebuchadnezzar that God had made the birds of the air subject to him.
Birds were offered in sacrifice on many occasions. In the sacrifices for sin, he who had not a lamb, or a kid, “might offer two turtles, or two young pigeons; one for a sin-offering, the other for a burnt-offering. These he presented to the priest, who offered that first which was for the sin-offering, and wrung off the head from the neck, but did not divide it asunder: the other he was to offer for a burnt-offering,” Lev. v, 7, 8. When a man who had been smitten with a leprosy was healed, he came to the entrance of the camp of Israel, and the priest went out to inspect him, whether he were entirely cured, Lev. xiv, 5, 6. After this inspection, the leprous person came to the door of the tabernacle, and offered two living sparrows, or two birds; (pure birds, those of which it was lawful to eat;) he made a wisp with branches of cedar and hyssop, tied together with a thread, or scarlet ribbon; he filled an earthen pot with running water, that the blood of the bird might be mingled with it; then the priest, dipping the bunch of hyssop and cedar into the water, sprinkled with it the leper who was healed; after which he let loose the living bird, to fly where it would. In Palestine dead bodies were sometimes left exposed to birds of prey, as appears from Scripture; but, generally, they were buried in the evening: even criminals were taken down from the gallows.
Birds were sacrificed on many occasions. For sin offerings, if someone didn't have a lamb or a goat, "they could offer two turtle doves or two young pigeons; one for a sin offering and the other for a burnt offering. These would be presented to the priest, who would first offer the one for the sin offering by wringing off its head from the neck without dividing it. The other would be offered for a burnt offering,” Lev. v, 7, 8. When a man healed from leprosy approached the camp of Israel, the priest would go out to check if he was completely cured, Lev. xiv, 5, 6. After this check, the healed person would come to the door of the tabernacle and offer two living sparrows or two birds (clean birds that were acceptable to eat); he would make a bundle with branches of cedar and hyssop tied together with a thread or scarlet ribbon; he filled a clay pot with running water so that the bird's blood could mix with it. Then the priest would dip the bundle of hyssop and cedar into the water and sprinkle it on the healed leper; afterward, he would set the living bird free to fly wherever it wanted. In Palestine, dead bodies were sometimes left out for birds of prey, as mentioned in Scripture; however, usually, they were buried in the evening, and even criminals were taken down from the gallows.
BIRTHRIGHT, or PRIMOGENITURE, the right of the first-born or eldest son. The birthright, or right of primogeniture, had many privileges annexed to it. The first-born was consecrated to the Lord, Exod. xxii, 29; had a double portion of the estate allotted him, Deut. xxi, 17; had a dignity and authority over his 165brethren, Gen. xlix, 3; succeeded in the government of the family or kingdom, 2 Chron. xxi, 3; and, as some with good reason suppose, in ancient times to the priesthood or chief government in matters ecclesiastical. Jacob, having bought Esau’s birthright, acquired a title to the particular blessing of his dying father; and, accordingly, he had consigned to him the privilege of the covenant which God made with Abraham, that from his loins the Messiah should spring: a prerogative which descended to his posterity. Reuben forfeited the blessings of his birthright, as we see by the express declaration of his father Jacob, in his benediction of his children, Gen. xlix, 1, &c, for the crime of incest with his father’s concubine, on account of which his tribe continued all along in obscurity; while the priesthood was conferred on Levi, the government on Judah, and the double portion on Joseph, to descend to their respective tribes. And this preëminence of the first-born took place from the beginning, and as much belonged to Cain, before his forfeiture of it, as it did to Reuben before his. See Genesis iv, 7; xlix, 3. Thus the patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, offered sacrifices, and were priests as well as kings in their respective families, Gen. xii, 7, 8; xiii, 18; xvii, 7; xxvi, 25; xxxi, 54; xxxv, 7. Job, in Arabia, acted in the same capacity, Job, i, 5; and it is highly probable that, among the ancient Heathen nations in general, the first-born were entitled not only to the civil authority, but also to the priesthood. This seems to have been the case in Egypt, in the time of Moses: and hence Jehovah’s destroying their first-born, as it was the last miracle wrought in that country before the Exodus, so was it the most dreadful, and most effectual in prevailing on Pharaoh and the Egyptians to dismiss the Israelites.
BIRTHRIGHT, or PRIMOGENITURE, the right of the first-born or eldest son. The birthright, or right of primogeniture, came with many privileges. The first-born was dedicated to the Lord, Exod. xxii, 29; received a double share of the estate, Deut. xxi, 17; held a position of dignity and authority over his siblings, Gen. xlix, 3; succeeded in governing the family or kingdom, 2 Chron. xxi, 3; and, as some reasonably believe, in ancient times, also assumed the priesthood or chief authority in religious matters. Jacob, after acquiring Esau’s birthright, earned the right to his father's special blessing at his death; and, as a result, he received the privilege of the covenant God made with Abraham, that from his lineage the Messiah would arise, a privilege passed down to his descendants. Reuben lost the blessings of his birthright, as revealed by his father Jacob in his blessing of his children, Gen. xlix, 1, &c, due to the sin of incest with his father’s concubine, which caused his tribe to remain in obscurity; meanwhile, the priesthood went to Levi, the rulership to Judah, and the double portion to Joseph, to be passed down to their respective tribes. This prominence of the first-born has been established from the beginning, and it belonged to Cain just as much before he forfeited it, as it did to Reuben before his loss. See Genesis iv, 7; xlix, 3. Thus, the patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, offered sacrifices and served as priests as well as kings in their families, Gen. xii, 7, 8; xiii, 18; xvii, 7; xxvi, 25; xxxi, 54; xxxv, 7. Job, in Arabia, performed similar roles, Job, i, 5; and it is very likely that among ancient pagan nations, the first-born held not only civil authority but also priestly roles. This probably applied in Egypt during Moses's time: hence, Jehovah’s destruction of their first-born was the final miracle performed there before the Exodus, and it was the most terrifying and effective in persuading Pharaoh and the Egyptians to release the Israelites.
BISHOP, פקיד, ἐπίσκοπος, signifies an overseer, or one who has the inspection and direction of any thing. Nehemiah speaks of the overseer of the Levites at Jerusalem, Neh. xi, 22. The most common acceptation of the word bishop is that in Acts xx, 28, and in St. Paul’s Epistles, Philip, i, 1, where it signifies the pastor of a church. St. Peter calls Jesus Christ “the Shepherd and Bishop of our souls,” 1 Peter ii, 25; and St. Paul describes the qualities requisite in a bishop, 1 Tim. iii, 2; Titus 1, 2, &c. It is not improbable that the overseers of Christ’s church are in the New Testament called ἐπισκόποι, from the following passage in Isaiah: “I will also make thy officers peace, and thine overseers” (ἐπισκόπȣς,) “righteousness,” Isa. lx, 17. The word, as used by the Apostolic writers, when referring to the pastors of Christian churches, is evidently of the same import as presbyter or elder; for the terms, as they occur in the New Testament, appear to be synonymous, and are used indifferently. Thus the same persons that are called ἐπισκόποι, bishops are also called ϖρεσβύτεροι, elders. Hence, when St. Paul came to Miletus, he sent to Ephesus for the presbyters of the church, and thus addressed them: “Take heed unto yourselves, and to all the flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you” (the presbyters) “ἐπισκόπȣς, bishops,” or overseers, Acts xx, 17. “Here,” says Dr. Campbell, “there can be no question that the same persons are denominated presbyters and bishops.” Nor is this the only passage in which we find the terms used convertibly. In Titus i, 5, it is said, “For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders” (Greek, ϖρεσβυτέρȣς) “in every city;” and then it follows in verse 7, “For a bishop” (ἐπίσκοπον) “must be blameless.” In like manner, the Apostle Peter, 1 Peter v, 1: “The elders” (ϖρεσβυτέρȣς) “which are among you I exhort; feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight thereof; ἐπισκοποῦντες, that is, discharging the office of bishops.” See Episcopacy.
BISHOP, Clerk, ἐπίσκοπος, means an overseer, or someone who has control and direction over something. Nehemiah mentions the overseer of the Levites in Jerusalem, Neh. xi, 22. The most common meaning of the word bishop is found in Acts xx, 28, and in St. Paul’s letters, Philippians, i, 1, where it refers to the pastor of a church. St. Peter calls Jesus Christ “the Shepherd and Bishop of our souls,” 1 Peter ii, 25; and St. Paul outlines the qualities needed in a bishop, 1 Tim. iii, 2; Titus 1, 2, etc. It seems likely that the overseers of Christ’s church are referred to as ἐπισκόποι in the New Testament due to the following passage in Isaiah: “I will also make your officers peace, and your overseers” (ἐπισκόπȣς), “righteousness,” Isa. lx, 17. The term, as used by the Apostolic writers when talking about the pastors of Christian churches, clearly has the same meaning as presbyter or elder; because the terms in the New Testament seem to be synonymous and are used interchangeably. Thus, those who are called ἐπισκόποι, bishops are also referred to as ϖρεσβύτεροι, elders. Therefore, when St. Paul arrived in Miletus, he called for the elders of the church in Ephesus and addressed them: “Take heed to yourselves, and to all the flock over which the Holy Ghost has made you” (the elders) “ἐπισκόπȣς, bishops,” or overseers, Acts xx, 17. “Here,” says Dr. Campbell, “there can be no question that the same people are referred to as presbyters and bishops.” This is not the only instance where we see the terms used interchangeably. In Titus i, 5, it states, “For this reason I left you in Crete, that you should set in order the things that are lacking, and appoint elders” (Greek, ϖρεσβυτέρȣς) “in every city;” and then in verse 7, it says, “For a bishop” (ἐπίσκοπον) “must be blameless.” Similarly, the Apostle Peter, in 1 Peter v, 1, says: “The elders” (ϖρεσβυτέρȣς) “who are among you I exhort; feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight thereof; ἐπισκοποῦντες, that is, carrying out the role of bishops.” See Bishopric.
BITHYNIA, a country of Asia Minor, stretching along the shore of the Pontus Euxinus, or Black Sea, from Mysia to Paphlagonia; having Phrygia and Galatia on the south. In it are the two cities of Nicæa, or Nice, and Chalcedon: both celebrated in ecclesiastical history, on account of the general councils held in them, and called after their names. The former city is at present called Is-Nick, and the latter Kadi-Keni. Within this country, also, are the celebrated mountains of Olympus. St. Peter addressed his first Epistle to the Hebrew Christians who were scattered through this and the neighbouring countries.
BITHYNIA, a region in Asia Minor, runs along the coast of the Black Sea from Mysia to Paphlagonia, bordered by Phrygia and Galatia to the south. It includes the two cities of Nicæa, or Nice, and Chalcedon, both well-known in church history for the general councils held there, which are named after them. The former city is now called Is-Nick, and the latter Kadi-Keni. This area is also home to the famous mountains of Olympus. St. Peter wrote his first Epistle to the Hebrew Christians who were scattered throughout this region and the surrounding areas.
BITTER HERBS. מרורים. Exod. xii, 8, and Num. ix, 11. The Jews were commanded to eat their passover with a salad of bitter herbs; but whether one particular plant was intended, or any kind of bitter herbs, has been made a question. By the Septuagint it is rendered επι ϖικριδων; by Jerom, “cum lactucis agrestibus;” and by the Gr. Venet., επι ϖικρισιν. Dr. Geddes remarks, that “it is highly probable that the succory or wild lettuce is meant.” The Mischna in Pesachim, cap. 2, reckons five species of these bitter herbs: 1. Chazareth, taken for lettuce: 2. Ulsin, supposed to be endive or succory: 3. Tamca, probably tansy: 4. Charubbinim, which Bochart thought might be the nettle, but Scheuchzer shows to be the camomile: 5. Meror, the sow-thistle, or dent-de-lion, or wild lettuce. Mr. Forskal says, “the Jews in Sana and in Egypt eat the lettuce with the paschal lamb.” He also remarks, that moru is centaury, of which the young stems are eaten in February and March.
BITTER HERBS. Bitter herbs. Exod. xii, 8, and Num. ix, 11. The Jews were instructed to eat their Passover with a salad of bitter herbs; however, there’s debate over whether a specific plant was meant or any kind of bitter herb. The Septuagint translates it as ε πι ϖικριδων; Jerom says “with wild lettuce;” and the Gr. Venet. translates it as επι ϖικρισιν. Dr. Geddes notes that “it’s very likely that the succory or wild lettuce is intended.” The Mishnah in Pesachim, cap. 2, lists five types of these bitter herbs: 1. Chazareth, believed to be lettuce; 2. Ulsin, thought to be endive or succory; 3. Tamca, likely tansy; 4. Charubbinim, which Bochart believed might be the nettle, but Scheuchzer shows is actually chamomile; 5. Meror, which refers to sow-thistle, dandelion, or wild lettuce. Mr. Forskal mentions, “the Jews in Sana and in Egypt eat the lettuce with the paschal lamb.” He also points out that moru is centaury, whose young stems are eaten in February and March.
BITTERN. קפוד. Isa. xiv, 23; xxxiv, 11; and Zephaniah ii, 14. Interpreters have rendered this word variously: an owl, an osprey, a tortoise, a porcupine, and even an otter. “How unhappy,” says Mr. Harmer, “that a word which occurs but three times in the Hebrew Bible should be translated by three different words, and that one of them should be otter!” Isaiah, prophesying the destruction of Babylon, says that “the Lord will make it a possession for the bittern, and pools of water;” and Zephaniah, ii, 14, prophesying against Nineveh, says that “the cormorant and bittern shall lodge in the upper lintels of it: their voice shall sing in the windows.” The Arabic version reads “al-houbara.” 166According to Dr. Shaw, the houbara is “of the bigness of a capon, but of a longer body. It feeds on little shrubs and insects, like the graab el Sahara; frequenting, in like manner, the confines of the desert.” Golius interprets it the bustard; and Dr. Russel says that the Arabic name of the bustard is “houbry.”
BITTERN. קפוד. Isa. xiv, 23; xxxiv, 11; and Zephaniah ii, 14. Different scholars have interpreted this word in various ways: as an owl, an osprey, a tortoise, a porcupine, and even an otter. “How unfortunate,” says Mr. Harmer, “that a word which appears only three times in the Hebrew Bible should be translated into three different words, and that one of them should be otter!” Isaiah, predicting the destruction of Babylon, states that “the Lord will make it a habitat for the bittern, and pools of water;” and Zephaniah, in ii, 14, foretelling against Nineveh, mentions that “the cormorant and bittern shall rest in its upper beams: their voices shall sing in the windows.” The Arabic version translates it as “al-houbara.” 166 Dr. Shaw describes the houbara as “about the size of a capon, but with a longer body. It feeds on small shrubs and insects, like the graab el Sahara; often found near the edges of the desert.” Golius interprets it as the bustard; and Dr. Russel notes that the Arabic name for the bustard is “houbry.”
BITTERNESS, waters of. See Adultery.
BITTERNESS, waters of. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
BLASPHEMY, βλασφημία, properly denotes calumny, detraction, reproachful or abusive language, against whomsoever it be vented. That βλασφημία and its conjugates are very often applied, says Dr. Campbell, to reproaches not aimed against God, is evident from the following passages: Matt. xii, 31, 32; xxvii, 39; Mark xv, 29; Luke xxii, 65; xxiii, 39; Rom. iii, 8; xiv, 16; 1 Cor. iv, 13; x, 30; Eph. iv, 31; 1 Tim. vi, 4; Titus iii, 2; 1 Pet. iv, 14; Jude 9, 10; Acts vi, 11, 13; 2 Pet. ii, 10, 11; in the much greater part of which the English translators, sensible that they could admit no such application, have not used the words blaspheme or blasphemy, but rail, revile, speak evil, &c. In one of the passages quoted, a reproachful charge brought even against the devil is called κρισις βλασφημίας, Jude 9; and rendered by them, “railing accusation.” The import of the word βλασφημία is maledicentia, in the largest acceptation; comprehending all sorts of verbal abuse, imprecation, reviling, and calumny. And let it be observed, that when such abuse is mentioned as uttered against God, there is properly no change made in the signification of the word: the change is only in the application; that is, in the reference to a different object. The idea conveyed in the explanation now given is always included, against whomsoever the crime be committed. In this manner every term is understood that is applicable to both God and man. Thus the meaning of the word disobey is the same, whether we speak of disobeying God or of disobeying man. The same may be said of believe, honour, fear, &c. As, therefore, the sense of the term is the same, though differently applied, what is essential to constitute the crime of detraction in the one case, is essential also in the other. But it is essential to this crime, as commonly understood, when committed by one man against another, that there be in the injurious person the will or disposition to detract from the person abused. Mere mistake in regard to character, especially when the mistake is not conceived by him who entertains it to lessen the character, nay, is supposed, however erroneously, to exalt it, is never construed by any into the crime of defamation. Now, as blasphemy is in its essence the same crime, but immensely aggravated by being committed against an object infinitely superior to man, what is fundamental to the very existence of the crime will be found in this, as in every other species which comes under the general name. There can be no blasphemy, therefore, where there is not an impious purpose to derogate from the Divine Majesty, and to alienate the minds of others from the love and reverence of God. The blasphemer is no other than the calumniator of Almighty God. To constitute the crime, it is as necessary that this species of calumny be intentional. He must be one, therefore, who by his impious talk endeavours to inspire others with the same irreverence toward the Deity, or perhaps, abhorrence of him, which he indulges in himself. And though, for the honour of human nature, it is to be hoped that very few arrive at this enormous guilt, it ought not to be dissembled, that the habitual profanation of the name and attributes of God by common swearing, is but too manifest an approach toward it. There is not an entire coincidence: the latter of these vices may be considered as resulting solely from the defect of what is good in principle and disposition; the former from the acquisition of what is evil in the extreme: but there is a close connection between them, and an insensible gradation from the one to the other. To accustom one’s self to treat the Sovereign of the universe with irreverent familiarity, is the first step; malignly to arraign his attributes, and revile his providence, is the last. The first divine law published against it, “He that blasphemeth the name of the Lord” (or Jehovah, as it is in the Hebrew) “shall be put to death,” Lev. xxiv, 16, when considered along with the incident that occasioned it, suggests a very atrocious offence in words, no less than abuse or imprecations vented against the Deity. For, in what way soever the crime of the man there mentioned be interpreted,--whether as committed against the true God, the God of Israel, or against any of the false gods whom his Egyptian father worshipped,--the law in the words now quoted is sufficiently explicit; and the circumstances of the story plainly show, that the words which he had used were derogatory from the Godhead, and shocking to the hearers. And if we add to this the only other memorable instance in sacred history, namely, that of Rabshakeh, it will lead us to conclude that it is solely a malignant attempt, in words, to lessen men’s reverence of the true God, and, by vilifying his perfections, to prevent their placing confidence in him, which is called in Scripture blasphemy, when the word is employed to denote a sin committed directly against God. This was manifestly the attempt of Rabshakeh, when he said, “Neither let Hezekiah make you trust in the Lord,” (the word is Jehovah,) “saying, Jehovah will surely deliver us. Hath any of the gods of the nations delivered his land out of the hand of the king of Assyria? Where are the gods of Hamath and of Arpad? Where are the gods of Sepharvaim, Hena, and Iva? Have they delivered Samaria out of my hand? Who are they, among all the gods of the countries, that have delivered their country out of mine hand, that Jehovah should deliver Jerusalem out of mine hand?” 2 Kings xviii, 30, 33–35.
BLASPHEMY, βλασφημία, typically means calumny, detraction, reproachful, or abusive language, directed at anyone. Dr. Campbell notes that βλασφημία and its variations are often used for insults that aren't aimed at God, as seen in passages like Matt. xii, 31, 32; xxvii, 39; Mark xv, 29; Luke xxii, 65; xxiii, 39; Rom. iii, 8; xiv, 16; 1 Cor. iv, 13; x, 30; Eph. iv, 31; 1 Tim. vi, 4; Titus iii, 2; 1 Pet. iv, 14; Jude 9, 10; Acts vi, 11, 13; 2 Pet. ii, 10, 11; in many of which the English translators avoided the terms blaspheme or blasphemy, opting instead for rail, revile, speak evil, etc. In one of these instances, a reproach against the devil is referred to as κρισις βλασφημίας, Jude 9, and translated as “railing accusation.” The essence of the word βλασφημία is malediction, broadly covering all types of verbal abuse, curses, insults, and slander. It's important to note that when such abuse is directed at God, there is no real change in the meaning of the word; the difference lies only in the application, meaning its reference to a different subject. The concept presented in this explanation applies regardless of the target of the offense. Therefore, every term that can apply to both God and man is understood in the same way. The meaning of disobey, for instance, remains consistent whether discussing disobedience to God or to another person. The same goes for believe, honour, fear, etc. Since the meaning of the term stays the same despite different applications, the elements required to constitute the crime of detraction in one case are also required in the other. However, it's fundamental to this crime, as typically understood, that when one person wrongs another, there must be a willful intent to harm the reputation of the victim. A simple misunderstanding about someone's character, especially when the person making the mistake does not intend to tarnish that character and even mistakenly believes they are enhancing it, is never considered defamation. Therefore, blasphemy is fundamentally the same crime but significantly worsened by being directed at a being vastly superior to humans; the essential elements defining this crime will also be found in all other forms under this general term. There can be no blasphemy without a wicked intent to undermine the Divine Majesty and to turn others away from loving and respecting God. A blasphemer is essentially a slanderer of Almighty God. To constitute the crime, it’s crucial that this type of slander is intentional. Thus, it must be someone who, through their irreverent words, tries to instill the same lack of respect for the Deity in others that they themselves display. Although it's hoped, for the sake of humanity, that very few reach this grave level of guilt, it should not be overlooked that the regular misuse of God's name and attributes through common swearing is a clear step towards it. While there is a distinction—one vice might stem solely from a lack of good principle and disposition, while the other arises from adopting extreme evil—there’s a strong connection between them and a gradual progression from one to the other. Getting accustomed to treating the Sovereign of the universe with irreverent familiarity is the first step; maliciously accusing Him of negative attributes and insulting His providence is the final act. The first divine law against this, “He that blasphemeth the name of the Lord” (or Jehovah, in Hebrew) “shall be put to death,” Lev. xxiv, 16, when viewed alongside the incident that prompted it, highlights a severely atrocious verbal offense, no less than abusive language or curses directed at the Deity. Regardless of how the crime of the man mentioned is interpreted—whether as committed against the true God, the God of Israel, or against the false gods worshipped by his Egyptian father—the law quoted is quite clear; the context of the story indicates that the words he used were disrespectful toward the Godhead and shocking to those who heard them. Additionally, if we take into account the only other significant example in sacred history, that of Rabshakeh, it leads to the conclusion that blasphemy is solely a malicious verbal attempt to diminish people's reverence for the true God, and by denigrating His attributes, to prevent their trust in Him, which is recognized in Scripture as blasphemy when referring to a sin directly against God. This was clearly Rabshakeh's intention when he stated, “Neither let Hezekiah make you trust in the Lord” (the term used is Jehovah), “saying, Jehovah will surely deliver us. Has any of the gods of the nations delivered his land from the hand of the king of Assyria? Where are the gods of Hamath and of Arpad? Where are the gods of Sepharvaim, Hena, and Iva? Have they rescued Samaria from my grasp? Who among all the gods of the countries has saved their territory from my power, that Jehovah should save Jerusalem from my hand?” 2 Kings xviii, 30, 33–35.
2. It will naturally occur to inquire, what that is, in particular, which our Lord denominates “blasphemy against the Holy Spirit,” Matt. xii, 31, 32; Mark iii, 28, 29; Luke xii, 10. But without entering minutely into the discussion of this question, it may suffice 167here to observe, that this blasphemy is certainly not of the constructive kind, but direct, manifest, and malignant. First, it is mentioned as comprehended under the same genus with abuse against men, and contradistinguished only by the object. Secondly, it is farther explained by being called speaking against in both cases: ὃς ἂν ἐίπη λόγον κατὰ τοῦ ὑιοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρωπȣ,--ὃς δ’ ἂν ἐίπη κατὰ τοῦ ϖνεύματος τοῦ ἁγίς. “Whosoever speaketh a word against the Son of Man.”--“Whosoever speaketh against the Holy Ghost.” The expressions are the same, in effect, in all the Evangelists who mention it, and imply such an opposition as is both intentional and malevolent. This cannot have been the case of all who disbelieved the mission of Jesus, and even decried his miracles; many of whom, we have reason to think, were afterward converted by the Apostles. But it was the wretched case of some who, instigated by worldly ambition and avarice, slandered what they knew to be the cause of God; and, against conviction, reviled his work as the operation of evil spirits. This view of the sin against the Holy Ghost is confirmed by the circumstances under which our Lord spoke.
2. It naturally raises the question of what exactly our Lord means by “blasphemy against the Holy Spirit,” as referenced in Matt. xii, 31, 32; Mark iii, 28, 29; Luke xii, 10. Without going into a detailed discussion on this topic, it’s enough to note that this blasphemy is not something inferred, but rather direct, obvious, and harmful. First, it’s mentioned alongside insults against people, distinguished only by its target. Second, it’s further clarified by being described as speaking against in both instances: ὃς ἂν ἐίπη λόγον κατὰ τοῦ ὑιοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρωπȣ,--ὃς δ’ ἂν ἐίπη κατὰ τοῦ ϖνεύματος τοῦ ἁγίς. “Whoever speaks a word against the Son of Man.”--“Whoever speaks against the Holy Spirit.” The wording is essentially the same in all the Gospels that mention it and indicates a type of opposition that is both intentional and malicious. Not everyone who doubted Jesus’ mission or criticized his miracles fit this description; many, we believe, were later converted by the Apostles. However, this was the unfortunate case for some who, driven by worldly ambition and greed, spoke ill of what they knew was God’s cause; they consciously dismissed his work as the action of evil spirits. This understanding of the sin against the Holy Spirit is supported by the context in which our Lord spoke.
If we consider the Scripture account of this sin, nothing can be plainer than that it is to be understood of the Pharisees’ imputing the miracles wrought by the power of the Holy Ghost to the power of the devil; for our Lord had just healed one possessed of a devil, and upon this the Pharisees gave this malicious turn to the miracle. This led our Saviour to discourse on the sin of blasphemy. The Pharisees were the persons charged with the crime: the sin itself manifestly consisted in ascribing what was done by the finger of God to the agency of the devil; and the reason, therefore, why our Lord pronounced it unpardonable, is plain; because, by withstanding the evidence of miracles, they resisted the strongest means of conviction, and that wilfully and malignantly; and, giving way to their passions, opprobriously treated that Holy Spirit whom they ought to have adored. From all which it will probably follow, that no person can now be guilty of the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, in the sense in which our Saviour originally intended it; but there may be sins which bear a very near resemblance to it. This appears from the case of the apostates mentioned in the Epistle to the Hebrews, to whom “no more sacrifice for sins” is said to remain; whose defection, however, is not represented so much as a direct sin against the Holy Ghost as against Christ, whom the apostate Jews blasphemed in the synagogues. It implied, however, a high offence against the Holy Spirit also, with whose gifts they had, probably, been endowed, and their conduct must be considered, if not the same sin as that committed by the Pharisees, yet as a consenting with it, and thus as placing them in nearly, if not altogether, the same desperate condition. Even apostasy in the present day, although a most aggravated and perilous offence, cannot be committed with circumstances of equal aggravation to those which were found in the case of the persons mentioned by St. Paul; and it may be laid down as certain, for the relief of those who may be tempted to think that they have committed the unpardonable sin, that their horror of it, and the trouble which the very apprehension causes them, are the sure proofs that they are mistaken. But although there may be now fearful approaches to the unpardonable offence, it is to be remembered that there may be many dangerous and fatal sins against the Holy Ghost, which are not the sin against him, which has no forgiveness.
If we look at the biblical account of this sin, it's clear that it refers to the Pharisees blaming the miracles done through the Holy Spirit on the devil’s power. Jesus had just healed someone possessed by a devil, and in response, the Pharisees twisted the miracle with malicious intent. This led Jesus to talk about the sin of blasphemy. The Pharisees were the ones accused of this crime: the sin itself clearly involved attributing God’s work to the devil. The reason Jesus called it unforgivable is obvious; by denying the evidence of miracles, they were rejecting the strongest means of conviction, and they did it willfully and maliciously. They let their emotions get the better of them and insulted the Holy Spirit, whom they should have honored. From all this, it’s likely that no one today can commit the blasphemy against the Holy Spirit in the way Jesus originally meant it; however, there can be sins that closely resemble it. This is evident from the situation of the apostates mentioned in the Epistle to the Hebrews, to whom it is said “no more sacrifice for sins” remains; their falling away isn’t depicted so much as a direct sin against the Holy Spirit as against Christ, whom the apostate Jews defamed in the synagogues. However, it also constitutes a serious offense against the Holy Spirit, with whose gifts they were likely blessed, and their actions should be viewed as not exactly the same sin as that of the Pharisees, but as being in agreement with it, placing them in a similar, if not entirely the same, desperate situation. Even apostasy today, while a serious and risky offense, cannot occur with the same level of severity found in the cases discussed by St. Paul. It can be said for certain, relieving those who may fear they’ve committed the unforgivable sin, that their dread of it and the distress caused by such thoughts are solid evidence that they are mistaken. However, while there may be alarming situations that approach the unforgivable offense, it’s important to remember that there are many serious and deadly sins against the Holy Spirit that are not the sin against him that has no forgiveness.
BLEMISH, whatever renders a person or thing imperfect or uncomely. The Jewish law required the priests to be free from blemishes of person, Lev. xxi, 17–23; xxii, 20–24. Scandalous professors are blemishes to the church of God, 2 Peter ii, 13; Jude 12, and therefore ought to be put away from it, in the exercise of a godly discipline.
BLEMISH refers to anything that makes a person or thing imperfect or unattractive. The Jewish law required priests to be without physical blemishes, as noted in Lev. xxi, 17–23; xxii, 20–24. Scandalous individuals are blemishes to the church of God, as mentioned in 2 Peter ii, 13; Jude 12, and therefore should be removed from it through proper disciplinary actions.
BLESS, BLESSING. There are three points of view in which the acts of blessing may be considered. The first is, when men are said to bless God, as in Psalm ciii, 1, 2. We are then not to suppose that the divine Being, who is over all, and, in himself, blessed for evermore, is capable of receiving any augmentation of his happiness, from all the creatures which he has made: such a supposition, as it would imply something of imperfection in the divine nature, must ever be rejected with abhorrence; and, therefore, when the creatures bless the adorable Creator, they only ascribe to him that praise and dominion, and honour, and glory, and blessing, which it is equally the duty and joy of his creatures to render. But when God is said to bless his people, Gen. i, 22; Eph. i, 3; the meaning is, that he confers benefits upon them, either temporal or spiritual, and so communicates to them some portion of that blessedness which, in infinite fulness, dwells in himself, James i, 17; Psalm civ, 24, 28; Luke xi, 9–13. In the third place men are said to bless their fellow creatures. From the time that God entered into covenant with Abraham, and promised extraordinary blessings to his posterity, it appears to have been customary for the father of each family, in the direct line, or line of promise, previous to his death, to call his children around him, and to inform them, according to the knowledge which it pleased God then to give him, how, and in what manner, the divine blessing conferred upon Abraham was to descend among them. Upon these occasions, the patriarchs enjoyed a divine illumination; and under its influence, their benediction was deemed a prophetic oracle, foretelling events with the utmost certainty, and extending to the remotest period of time. Thus Jacob blessed his sons, Gen. xlix; and Moses, the children of Israel, Deut. xxxiii. When Melchizedeck blessed Abraham, the act of benediction included in it not merely the pronouncing solemn good wishes, but also a petitionary address to God that he would be pleased to ratify the benediction by his concurrence with what was prayed for. Thus Moses instructed Aaron, 168and his descendants, to bless the congregation, “In this wise shall ye bless the children of Israel, saying unto them, The Lord bless thee, and keep thee; the Lord make his face to shine upon thee; the Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace,” Num. iv, 23. David says, “I will take the cup of salvation, and call upon the name of the Lord,” Psalm cxvi, 13. This phrase appears to be taken from the practice of the Jews in their thank-offerings, in which a feast was made of the remainder of their sacrifices, and the offerers, together with the priests, did eat and drink before the Lord; when, among other rites, the master of the feast took a cup of wine in his hand and solemnly blessed God for it, and for the mercies which were then acknowledged, and gave it to all the guests, every one of whom drank in his turn. To this custom it is supposed our blessed Lord alludes in the institution of the cup, which also is called, 1 Cor. x, 16, “the cup of blessing.” At the family feasts also, and especially that of the passover, both wine and bread were in this solemn and religious manner distributed, and God was blessed, and his mercies acknowledged. They blessed God for their present refreshment, for their deliverance out of Egypt, for the covenant of circumcision, and for the law given by Moses; and prayed that God would be merciful to his people Israel, that he would send the Prophet Elijah, and that he would render them worthy of the kingdom of the Messiah. See also 1 Chron. xvi, 2, 3. In the Mosaic law, the manner of blessing is appointed by the lifting up of hands. Our Lord lifted up his hands, and blessed his disciples. It is probable that this action was constantly used on such occasions. The palm of the hand held up was precatory; and the palm turned outward or downward was benedictory. See Benediction and Lord’s Supper.
BLESS, BLESSING. There are three ways to look at acts of blessing. The first is when people are said to bless God, as in Psalm 103:1, 2. We shouldn’t think that the divine Being, who is above all, and blessed forever, can gain any increase in happiness from the creatures he made. That idea, as it would suggest some sort of imperfection in the divine nature, must always be rejected. Therefore, when creatures bless the revered Creator, they are merely giving him the praise, authority, honor, glory, and blessing that it is both the duty and joy of his creatures to offer. But when God blesses his people, as in Gen. 1:22; Eph. 1:3, it means he grants them benefits, either earthly or spiritual, thereby sharing with them a portion of the blessedness that dwells in infinite fullness within himself, as seen in James 1:17; Psalm 104:24, 28; Luke 11:9–13. In the third instance, people bless one another. Since God made a covenant with Abraham and promised extraordinary blessings to his descendants, it has become customary for the head of each family in the direct line, or line of promise, to gather his children around him before he dies, to tell them, according to the understanding God has given him, how the divine blessing given to Abraham would be passed down among them. During these occasions, the patriarchs experienced divine insight, and under that influence, their blessing was seen as a prophetic oracle, predicting events with complete certainty and extending to the farthest future. For example, Jacob blessed his sons in Gen. 49, and Moses blessed the children of Israel in Deut. 33. When Melchizedek blessed Abraham, the benediction included not just speaking sincere good wishes, but also making a petition to God to confirm the blessing by aligning with what was requested. Thus, Moses instructed Aaron and his descendants to bless the congregation, saying, “This is how you should bless the children of Israel: say to them, 'The Lord bless you and keep you; the Lord make his face shine on you; the Lord turn his face toward you and give you peace,'” Num. 4:23. David states, “I will take the cup of salvation and call on the name of the Lord,” Psalm 116:13. This phrase seems to come from the customs of the Jews during their thank-offerings, when a feast was held with the leftover sacrifices. The offerers and the priests would eat and drink before the Lord; during which, the host lifted a cup of wine and solemnly blessed God for it and for the mercies acknowledged, sharing it with all the guests, each of whom drank in turn. It’s believed our blessed Lord alludes to this practice when he instituted the cup, referred to in 1 Cor. 10:16 as “the cup of blessing.” At family feasts, especially during Passover, both wine and bread were distributed in this solemn and religious manner, with thanks to God and acknowledgment of his mercies. They blessed God for their current nourishment, their deliverance from Egypt, for the covenant of circumcision, and for the law given by Moses; and prayed that God would show mercy to his people Israel, send the Prophet Elijah, and make them worthy of the Messiah’s kingdom. See also 1 Chron. 16:2, 3. In the Mosaic law, the method of blessing is designated by lifting up hands. Our Lord raised his hands and blessed his disciples. It’s likely that this action was regularly performed on such occasions. The palm of the hand facing up was for prayer; and the palm facing outward or downward was for blessing. See Blessing and Communion.
BLINDFOLDING. This is the treatment which Christ received from his enemies. It refers to a sport which was common among children, called μυΐνδα, in which it was the manner first to blindfold, then to strike, and to ask who gave the blow, and not to let the person go till he had named the right man who had struck him. It was used in reproach of our blessed Lord as a Prophet, or divine instructer, and to expose him to ridicule, Luke xxii, 63, 64.
BLINDFOLDING. This is the treatment that Christ endured from his enemies. It refers to a game that was popular among children, called μυΐνδα, where someone would first be blindfolded, then hit, and asked to guess who struck them, and they couldn’t leave until they named the right person. This was used to mock our blessed Lord as a Prophet or divine teacher, exposing him to ridicule, Luke xxii, 63, 64.
BLINDNESS is often used in Scripture to express ignorance or want of discernment in divine things, as well as the being destitute of natural sight. See Isa. xlii, 18, 19; vi, 10; Matt. xv, 14. “Blindness of heart” is the want of understanding arising from the influence of vicious passions. “Hardness of heart” is stubbornness of will, and destitution of moral feeling. Moses says, “Thou shalt not put a stumbling block before the blind,” Lev. xix, 14, which may be understood literally; or figuratively, as if Moses recommended that charity and instruction should be shown to them who want light and counsel, or to those who are in danger of going wrong through their ignorance. Moses says also, “Cursed be he who maketh the blind to wander out of his way,” Deut. xxvii, 18, which may also be taken in the same manner. An ignorant or erring teacher is compared by our Lord to a blind man leading a blind man;--a strong representation of the presumption of him that professes to teach the way of salvation without due qualifications, and of the danger of that implicit faith which is often placed by the people in the authority of man, to the neglect of the Holy Scriptures.
BLINDNESS is often used in Scripture to describe ignorance or a lack of understanding in spiritual matters, as well as being without physical sight. See Isa. xlii, 18, 19; vi, 10; Matt. xv, 14. “Blindness of heart” refers to the lack of understanding caused by negative emotions. “Hardness of heart” refers to stubbornness and a lack of moral sensitivity. Moses says, “You shall not put a stumbling block before the blind,” Lev. xix, 14, which can be taken literally; or figuratively, as if Moses is recommending that kindness and guidance should be given to those who need clarity and support, or to those who risk going astray due to their ignorance. Moses also states, “Cursed be he who makes the blind wander out of his way,” Deut. xxvii, 18, which can also be understood in the same way. An ignorant or misguided teacher is compared by our Lord to a blind person leading another blind person; this serves as a powerful image of the arrogance of someone who claims to teach the path to salvation without proper qualifications, and the risk of the blind faith people often place in human authority while neglecting the Holy Scriptures.
BLOOD. Beside its proper sense, the fluid of the veins of men and animals, the term in Scripture is used, 1. For life. “God will require the blood of a man,” he will punish murder in what manner soever committed. “His blood be upon us,” let the guilt of his death be imputed to us. “The voice of thy brother’s blood crieth;” the murder committed on him crieth for vengeance. “The avenger of blood;” he who is to avenge the death of his relative, Num. xxxv, 24, 27. 2. Blood means relationship, or consanguinity. 3. Flesh and blood are placed in opposition to a superior nature: “Flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but my Father who is in heaven,” Matt. xvi, 17. 4. They are also opposed to the glorified body: “Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God,” 1 Cor. xv, 50. 5. They are opposed also to evil spirits: “We wrestle not against flesh and blood,” against visible enemies composed of flesh and blood, “but against principalities and powers,” &c, Eph. vi, 12. 6. Wine is called the pure blood of the grape: “Judah shall wash his garments in the blood of the grape,” Gen. xlix, 11; Deut. xxxii. 14. 7. The priests were established by God to judge between blood and blood; that is, in criminal matters, and where the life of man is at stake;--to determine whether the murder be casual, or voluntary; whether a crime deserve death, or admit of remission, &c. 8. In its most eminent sense blood is used for the sacrificial death of Christ; whose blood or death is the price of our salvation. His blood has “purchased the church,” Acts xx, 28. “We are justified by his blood,” Rom. v, 9. “We have redemption through his blood,” Eph. i, 7, &c. See Atonement.
BLOOD. In addition to its regular meaning as the fluid in the veins of humans and animals, the term in Scripture is used, 1. To signify life. “God will require the blood of a man,” meaning he will punish murder in any form it takes. “His blood be upon us,” meaning let the guilt of his death fall on us. “The voice of your brother’s blood cries out;” the murder committed against him cries out for vengeance. “The avenger of blood;” the person responsible for avenging the death of a relative, Num. xxxv, 24, 27. 2. Blood refers to relationship or kinship. 3. Flesh and blood are contrasted with a higher nature: “Flesh and blood have not revealed this to you, but my Father who is in heaven,” Matt. xvi, 17. 4. They are also contrasted with the glorified body: “Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God,” 1 Cor. xv, 50. 5. They are also opposed to evil spirits: “We do not wrestle against flesh and blood,” meaning visible enemies made of flesh and blood, “but against principalities and powers,” etc., Eph. vi, 12. 6. Wine is referred to as the pure blood of the grape: “Judah shall wash his garments in the blood of the grape,” Gen. xlix, 11; Deut. xxxii. 14. 7. The priests were appointed by God to judge between blood and blood; that is, in criminal cases, especially where a person's life is at stake; to determine if a murder was accidental or intentional; whether a crime deserves death or can be forgiven, etc. 8. In its most significant sense, blood refers to the sacrificial death of Christ, whose blood or death is the cost of our salvation. His blood has “purchased the church,” Acts xx, 28. “We are justified by his blood,” Rom. v, 9. “We have redemption through his blood,” Eph. i, 7, etc. See Reparation.
That singular and emphatic prohibition of blood for food from the earliest times, which we find in the Holy Scriptures, deserves particular attention. God expressly forbade the eating of blood alone, or of blood mixed with the flesh of animals, as when any creature was suffocated, or strangled, or killed without drawing its blood from the carcass. For when the grant of animal food was made to Noah, in those comprehensive words, “Even as the green herb have I given you all things,” it was added, “but flesh with the life thereof, namely, its blood, ye shall not eat,” Gen. ix, 4. And when the law was given to the children of Israel, we find the prohibition against the eating of blood still more explicitly enforced, both upon Jews and Gentiles, in the following words, “Whatsoever man there be of the house of Israel, or of the strangers that sojourn among you, that eateth any manner of blood; I will even set my face against that soul that eateth 169blood, and will cut him off from among his people: for the life of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it to you upon the altar to make atonement for your souls: for it is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul,” Lev. xvii, 10, 11. And to cut off all possibility of mistake upon this particular point, it is added: “Therefore I said unto the children of Israel, No soul of you shall eat blood, neither shall any stranger that sojourneth among you eat blood; and whatsoever man there be of the children of Israel, or of the strangers that sojourn among you, which hunteth and catcheth any beast or fowl that may be eaten; he shall even pour out the blood thereof and cover it with dust, for it is the life of all flesh; the blood of it is for the life thereof; therefore I said unto the children of Israel, Ye shall eat the blood of no manner of flesh: for the life of all flesh is the blood thereof; whosoever eateth it shall be cut off,” verses 12–14. This restraint, than which nothing can be more express, was also, under the new covenant, enjoined upon believing Gentiles, as “a burden” which “it seemed necessary to the Holy Spirit to impose upon them,” Acts xv, 28, 29. For this prohibition no moral reason seems capable of being offered; nor does it clearly appear that blood is an unwholesome aliment, which some think was the physical reason of its being inhibited; and if, in fact, blood is deleterious as food, there seems no greater reason why this should be pointed out by special revelation to man, to guard him against injury, than many other unwholesome aliments. There is little force in the remark, that the eating of blood produces a ferocious disposition; for those nations that eat strangled things, or blood cooked with other aliments, do not exhibit more ferocity than others. The true reason was, no doubt, a sacrificial one. When animals were granted to Noah for food, the blood was reserved; and when the same law was reënacted among the Israelites, the original prohibition is repeated with an explanation which at once shows the original ground upon which it rested: “I have given it upon the altar to make an atonement for your souls.” From this “additional reason,” as it has been called, it has been argued, that the doctrine of the atoning power of blood was new, and was, then, for the first time, announced by Moses, or the same cause for the prohibition would have been assigned to Noah. To this we may reply, 1. That unless the same reason be supposed as the ground of the prohibition of blood to Noah, as that given by Moses to the Jews, no reason at all can be conceived for this restraint being put upon the appetite of mankind from Noah to Moses; and yet we have a prohibition of a most solemn kind, which in itself could have no reason, enjoined without any external reason being either given or conceivable. 2. That it is a mistake to suppose that the declaration of Moses to the Jews, that God had “given them the blood for an atonement,” is an “additional reason” for the interdict, not to be found in the original prohibition to Noah. The whole passage occurs in Lev. xvii; and the great reason there given of the prohibition of blood is, that it is “the life;” and what follows respecting “atonement,” is exegetical of this reason;--the life is in the blood, and the blood or life is given as an atonement. Now, by turning to the original prohibition in Genesis we find that precisely the same reason is given: “But the flesh with the blood, which is the life thereof, shall ye not eat.” The reason, then, being the same, the question is, whether the exegesis added by Moses must not necessarily be understood in the general reason given for the restraint to Noah. Blood is prohibited because it is the life; and Moses adds, that it is “the blood,” or life, “which makes atonement.” Let any one attempt to discover any reason for the prohibition of blood to Noah, in the mere circumstance that it is “the life,” and he will find it impossible. It is no reason at all, moral or instituted, except that as it was LIFE SUBSTITUTED FOR LIFE, the life of the animal in sacrifice for the life of man, and that, therefore, blood had a sacred appropriation. The manner, too, in which Moses introduces the subject, is indicative that, though he was renewing a prohibition, he was not publishing a new doctrine; he does not teach his people that God had then given, or appointed, blood to make atonement; but he prohibits them from eating it, because he had already made this appointment, without reference to time, and as a subject with which they were familiar. Because the blood was the life, it was sprinkled upon, and poured out at, the altar: and we have in the sacrifice of the paschal lamb, and the sprinkling of its blood, a sufficient proof that, before the giving of the law, not only was blood not eaten, but was appropriated to a sacred sacrificial purpose. Nor was this confined to the Jews; it was customary with the Romans and Greeks, who, in like manner, poured out and sprinkled the blood of victims at their altars; a rite derived, probably, from the Egyptians, who deduced it, not from Moses, but from the sons of Noah. The notion, indeed, that the blood of the victims was peculiarly sacred to the gods, is impressed upon all ancient Pagan mythology.
That clear and strong prohibition against consuming blood, found in the Holy Scriptures since ancient times, deserves special consideration. God specifically prohibited the eating of blood by itself, or blood mixed with animal flesh, such as when an animal was suffocated, strangled, or killed without having its blood drained. When the permission for animal food was given to Noah, it included the comprehensive phrase, “Just as I have given you the green herb, I have given you all things,” but it also stated, “but you must not eat flesh with the lifeblood in it, that is, its blood,” Gen. ix, 4. When the law was given to the Israelites, the prohibition against eating blood was enforced even more clearly for both Jews and non-Jews, with the following words: “Any man from the house of Israel, or any stranger living among you, who consumes any blood, I will set my face against that person who eats blood and will eliminate them from among their people: for the life of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it to you on the altar to make atonement for your souls: for it is the blood that makes atonement for the soul,” Lev. xvii, 10, 11. To avoid any misunderstanding about this matter, it is stated: “Therefore I said to the Israelites, No one among you shall eat blood, nor shall any stranger residing among you eat blood; and any man from the Israelites or strangers living among you, who hunts and catches any animal or bird that may be eaten, must pour out its blood and cover it with dust, for it is the blood that represents life; therefore I told the Israelites, You must not eat blood from any flesh: for the life of all flesh is its blood; anyone who eats it will be cut off,” verses 12–14. This restriction, which couldn't be more straightforward, was also mandated for believing non-Jews under the new covenant as “a burden” which “it seemed necessary for the Holy Spirit to impose on them,” Acts xv, 28, 29. No moral reason for this prohibition seems to be applicable; nor is there clear evidence that blood is an unhealthy food, which some believe is the physical reason it was forbidden; and if blood is indeed harmful as food, there seems to be no more reason for this to be revealed to humanity through divine revelation than many other unhealthy foods. There is little weight to the argument that eating blood leads to a violent nature; for those cultures that consume strangled animals or blood cooked with other foods do not show more violence than others. The real reason was likely sacrificial. When animals were given to Noah for food, the blood was kept aside; and when the same law was reiterated among the Israelites, the original prohibition was repeated with an explanation that reveals the basis for it: “I have granted it on the altar for atonement for your souls.” From this “additional reason,” as it has been termed, it has been argued that the doctrine of the atoning power of blood was new, and was, for the first time, introduced by Moses; otherwise, the same justification for the prohibition would have been communicated to Noah. In response, we can say: 1. Unless the same rationale is assumed for the prohibition of blood to Noah as that provided by Moses to the Jews, no reason can be conceived for this restriction being placed on humanity from Noah to Moses; yet we have a very solemn prohibition issued without any external reason being given or conceivable. 2. It is a misconception to think that Moses’ declaration to the Jews that God had “given them the blood for atonement” is merely an “additional reason” not found in the original prohibition to Noah. The entire passage is in Lev. xvii; and the principal reason given for the prohibition of blood is that it is “the life”; and what follows about “atonement” explains this reason; the life is in the blood, and the blood or life is used for atonement. Moreover, looking at the original prohibition in Genesis, we find that precisely the same reason is given: “But the flesh with the blood, which is the life thereof, shall you not eat.” Since the reason is the same, the question is whether the explanation added by Moses should not necessarily be understood in the general reason provided to Noah. Blood is prohibited because it is the life; and Moses adds that it is “the blood,” or life, “which makes atonement.” Anyone attempting to find any reason for the prohibition of blood to Noah based solely on the idea that it is “the life” will find it impossible. It offers no moral or instituted reason, except that it represents LIFE SUBSTITUTED FOR LIFE, the life of the animal sacrificed for the life of man, indicating that blood had a sacred purpose. The way Moses introduces the subject suggests that, while he was renewing a prohibition, he was not announcing a new doctrine; he does not instruct his people that God had just appointed blood for atonement; rather, he prohibits them from eating it because this appointment had already been made, without regard to time, as a well-known subject. Because blood is the life, it was sprinkled on and poured out at the altar: and we see in the sacrifice of the Passover lamb, and the sprinkling of its blood, clear evidence that, prior to the giving of the law, not only was blood not consumed, but it was designated for sacred sacrificial uses. This practice was not exclusive to the Jews; it was also customary among the Romans and Greeks, who similarly poured out and sprinkled the blood of their sacrifices at their altars; a rite probably derived from the Egyptians, who traced it back, not to Moses, but to the sons of Noah. The belief that the blood of the sacrifices was particularly sacred to the gods is prevalent in all ancient pagan mythologies.
BOANERGES. This word is neither Hebrew nor Syriac, and some have thought that the transcribers have not exactly copied it, and that the word was benereen, βενερεὲν, which expresses the sound of the Hebrew of the phrase, “sons of thunder.” Parkhurst judges the word to be the Galilean pronunciation of the Hebrew בנירעש expressed in Greek letters. Now, רעש properly signifies a violent trembling or commotion, and may therefore be well rendered by βροντὴ, thunder, which is a violent commotion in the air; so, vice versâ, any violent commotion is figuratively, and not unusually, in all languages, called thunder. When our Saviour named the sons of Zebedee, Boanerges, he perhaps had an eye to that prophecy of Haggai, “Yet once, and I will shake the heavens and the earth,” ii, 6; which is by the Apostle to the Hebrews, xii, 26, applied to the great alteration made in the economy of the Jews by the publication of the Gospel. The name 170Boanerges, therefore, given to James and John, imports that they should be eminent instruments in accomplishing the wondrous change, and should, like an earthquake or thunder, mightily bear down all opposition, by their inspired preaching and miraculous powers. That it does not relate to their mode of preaching is certain; for that clearly appears to have been calmly argumentative, and sweetly persuasive--the very reverse of what is usually called a thundering ministry.
BOANERGES. This word is neither Hebrew nor Syriac, and some have speculated that the transcribers didn’t copy it accurately, suggesting that it was benereen, βενερεὲν, which mimics the sound of the Hebrew phrase meaning “sons of thunder.” Parkhurst believes the word is the Galilean pronunciation of the Hebrew In Ne'irash written in Greek letters. Now, Noise properly means a violent shaking or disturbance, and can appropriately be translated as βροντὴ, thunder, which is a loud disturbance in the air; similarly, in all languages, any intense disruption is often metaphorically referred to as thunder. When our Savior called the sons of Zebedee Boanerges, He likely referenced the prophecy from Haggai, “Yet once, and I will shake the heavens and the earth,” ii, 6; which the Apostle to the Hebrews, xii, 26, connects to the significant changes in the Jewish system brought about by the Gospel. The name 170Boanerges given to James and John signifies that they were to be key figures in bringing about this incredible transformation, and like an earthquake or thunder, they would powerfully overcome all opposition through their inspired preaching and miraculous abilities. It is clear that this does not relate to their style of preaching; it evidently appears to have been calm, logical, and gently persuasive—the complete opposite of what is typically considered a thundering ministry.
BOAR, חזיר. The wild boar is considered as the parent stock of our domestic hog. He is smaller, but at the same time stronger and more undaunted, than the hog. In his own defence, he will turn on men or dogs; and scarcely shuns any denizen of the forests, in the haunts where he ranges. His colour is always an iron grey, inclining to black. His snout is longer than that of the common breed, and his ears are comparatively short. His tusks are very formidable, and all his habits are fierce and savage. It should seem, from the accounts of ancient authors, that the ravages of the wild boar were considered as more formidable than those of other savage animals. The conquest of the Erymanthian boar was one of the fated labours of Hercules; and the story of the Calydonian boar is one of the most beautiful in Ovid. The destructive ravages of these animals are mentioned in Psalm lxxx, 14. Dr. Pococke observed very large herds of wild boars on the side of Jordan, where it flows out of the sea of Tiberias; and saw several of them on the other side lying among the reeds by the sea. The wild boars of other countries delight in the like moist retreats. These shady marshes then, it should seem, are called in the Scripture, “woods;” for it calls these animals, “the wild boars of the woods.”
BOAR, Pig. The wild boar is regarded as the ancestor of our domestic pig. He is smaller, yet stronger and more fearless than the domesticated hog. In self-defense, he will attack men or dogs and hardly avoids any creature of the forests in his territory. His color is typically a grayish iron tone, leaning towards black. His snout is longer than that of common pigs, and his ears are relatively short. His tusks are very menacing, and all his behaviors are fierce and brutal. According to ancient accounts, the damage caused by wild boars was seen as more threatening than that from other wild animals. The capture of the Erymanthian boar was one of Hercules' infamous tasks, and the tale of the Calydonian boar is one of the most captivating stories in Ovid. The destructive actions of these animals are referenced in Psalm 80:14. Dr. Pococke noted very large herds of wild boars on the banks of the Jordan River, where it flows from the Sea of Tiberias, and saw several of them on the opposite side resting among the reeds by the sea. Wild boars in other countries also enjoy similar damp habitats. These shady marshes are referred to in Scripture as “woods,” as the text calls these creatures “the wild boars of the woods.”
BOHEMIAN BRETHREN, a sect of heretics, according to the church of Rome; but, in truth, a race of early reformers, who preceded Luther. At first they were charged with so many heresies, that the great reformer was shy of them; but, upon receiving from themselves an account of their tenets, in 1522, he readily acknowledged them as brethren, and received them into communion. Some time after this, they were driven by persecution from their native country, and entered into communion with the Swiss church, as reformed by Zuinglius; and from thence sprang the church of the United Brethren.
BOHEMIAN BRETHREN, a group labeled as heretics by the Roman church; but, in reality, they were early reformers who came before Luther. Initially, they were accused of numerous heresies, which made the great reformer hesitant to associate with them; however, after receiving an explanation of their beliefs in 1522, he readily recognized them as fellow believers and welcomed them into communion. Some time later, they were forced to flee from their homeland due to persecution and joined the Swiss church, reformed by Zwingli; from this connection, the church of the United Brethren was formed.
BONDS were of two kinds, public and private; the former were employed to secure a prisoner in the public jail, after confession or conviction; the latter when he was delivered to a magistrate, or even to private persons, to be kept at their houses till he should be tried. The Apostle Paul was subjected to private bonds by Felix, the Roman governor, who “commanded a centurion to keep him, and to let him have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister, or come unto him,” Acts xxiv, 23. And after he was carried prisoner to Rome, he “dwelt two whole years in his own hired house, and received all that came in unto him,” xxviii, 30.
BONDS were of two types: public and private. Public bonds were used to hold a prisoner in the public jail after they confessed or were found guilty; private bonds were used when the prisoner was handed over to a magistrate or even to private individuals, to be kept at their homes until trial. The Apostle Paul was placed under private bonds by Felix, the Roman governor, who “ordered a centurion to guard him, allowing him some freedom, and that he should not stop any of his associates from visiting or helping him,” Acts xxiv, 23. After being taken as a prisoner to Rome, he “stayed for two whole years in his own rented house, and welcomed everyone who came to see him,” xxviii, 30.
BONNET was a covering for the head, worn by the Jewish priests. Josephus says, that the bonnet worn by the private priests was composed of several rounds of linen cloth, turned in and sewed together, so as to appear like a thick linen crown. The whole was entirely covered with another piece of linen, which came down as low as their forehead, and concealed the deformity of the seams. See Exodus xxviii, 40. The high priest’s bonnet was not much different from that which has been described.
BONNET was a head covering worn by the Jewish priests. Josephus states that the bonnet worn by ordinary priests was made of several layers of linen cloth, folded in and sewn together to look like a thick linen crown. The entire piece was covered with another linen fabric that extended down to their foreheads, hiding the seams. See Exodus 28:40. The high priest's bonnet was quite similar to the one just described.
BOOK, a writing composed on some point of knowledge by a person intelligent therein, for the instruction or amusement of the reader. The wordword is formed from the Gothic boka, or Saxon boc, which comes from the Northern buech, of buechaus, a beech or service tree, on the bark of which our ancestors used to write. Book is distinguished from pamphlet, or single paper, by its greater length; and from tome or volume, by its containing the whole writing on the subject. Isidore makes this distinction between liber and codex; that the former denotes a single book, the latter a collection of several; though, according to Scipio Maffei, codex signifies a book in the square form; liber, a book in the roll form. The primary distinction between liber and codex seems to have been derived, as Dr. Heylin has observed, from the different materials used for writing, among the ancients: from the innerside of the bark of a tree, used for this purpose, and called in Latin liber, the name of liber applied to a book was deduced; and from that tablet, formed from the main body of a tree, called caudex, was derived the appellation of codex.
BOOK is a piece of writing on a certain topic created by someone knowledgeable about it, intended for the reader's instruction or entertainment. The wordword comes from the Gothic boka or Saxon boc, which originates from the Northern buech or buechaus, referring to a beech or service tree, on the bark of which our ancestors would write. A book is different from a pamphlet or a single sheet of paper due to its longer length, and it differs from a tome or volume because it encompasses the entire written work on a subject. Isidore distinguishes between liber and codex; the former refers to a single book, while the latter means a collection of several books. However, according to Scipio Maffei, codex indicates a book in a square format, whereas liber refers to a book in a scroll format. The main distinction between liber and codex appears to come, as Dr. Heylin noted, from the different materials used for writing in ancient times: from the inner side of tree bark used for this purpose, called liber, which gave rise to the name for a book, and from the tablet made from the main body of a tree, known as caudex, which led to the term codex.
2. Several sorts of materials were formerly used in making books: stone and wood were the first materials employed to engrave such things upon as men were desirous of having transmitted to posterity. Porphyry makes mention of some pillars preserved in Crete, on which the ceremonies observed by the Corybantes in their sacrifices were recorded. The works of Hesiod were originally written on tables of lead, and deposited in the temple of the Muses in Bœotia. The laws of Jehovah were written on tables of stone, and those of Solon on wooden planks. Tables of wood and ivory were common among the ancients: those of wood, were very frequently covered with wax, that persons might write on them with more ease, or blot out what they had written. And the instrument used to write with was a piece of iron, called a style; and hence the word “style” came to be taken for the composition of the writing. The leaves of the palm-tree were afterward used instead of wooden planks, and the finest and thinnest part of the bark of such trees as the lime, ash, maple, and elm; and especially the tilio, or phillyrea, and Egyptian papyrus. Hence came the word liber, (a book,) which signifies the inner bark of the trees. And as these barks were rolled up in order to be removed with greater ease, each roll was called volumen, a volume; a name afterward given to the like rolls of paper or parchment. From the Egyptian papyrus the 171word paper is derived. After this, leather was introduced, especially the skins of goats and sheep. For the king of Pergamus, in collecting his library, was led to the invention of parchment made of those skins. The ancients likewise wrote upon linen. Pliny says, the Parthians, even in his time, wrote upon their clothes; and Livy speaks of certain books made of linen, lintei libri, upon which the names of magistrates, and the history of the Roman commonwealth, were written, and preserved in the temple of the goddess Moneta.
2. In the past, several types of materials were used to make books: stone and wood were the first materials used to engrave things that people wanted to pass down to future generations. Porphyry mentions some pillars kept in Crete, where the ceremonies performed by the Corybantes in their sacrifices were recorded. The works of Hesiod were originally written on lead tablets and stored in the temple of the Muses in Bœotia. The laws of Jehovah were inscribed on stone tablets, and Solon's laws were written on wooden planks. Wooden and ivory tablets were common in ancient times; the wooden ones were often coated with wax so that people could write on them more easily or erase what they had written. The tool used for writing was a piece of iron called a style; that's where the term “style” came to describe the composition of writing. Later, palm tree leaves replaced wooden planks, as well as the finest and thinnest parts of the bark from trees like lime, ash, maple, and elm; particularly the tilio, or phillyrea, and Egyptian papyrus. This gave rise to the word liber, meaning book, which refers to the inner bark of trees. As these barks were rolled up for easier transport, each roll was called volumen, or volume; this name was later applied to similar rolls of paper or parchment. The word paper comes from Egyptian papyrus. After this, leather became popular, especially the skins of goats and sheep. The king of Pergamus, while collecting his library, invented parchment made from those skins. The ancients also wrote on linen. Pliny mentions that the Parthians, even in his time, wrote on their clothes, and Livy refers to certain books made of linen, book's pages, which recorded the names of magistrates and the history of the Roman commonwealth, preserved in the temple of the goddess Moneta.
3. The materials generally used by the ancients for their books, were liable to be easily destroyed by the damp, when hidden in the earth; and in times of war, devastation, and rapacity, it was necessary to bury in the earth whatever they wished to preserve from the attacks of fraud and violence. With this view, Jeremiah ordered the writings, which he delivered to Baruch, to be put in an earthen vessel, Jer. xxxii. In the same manner the ancient Egyptians made use of earthen urns, or pots of a proper shape, for containing whatever they wanted to inter in the earth, and which, without such care, would have been soon destroyed. We need not wonder then, that the Prophet Jeremiah should think it necessary to inclose those writings in an earthen pot, which were to be buried in Judea, in some place where they might be found without much difficulty on the return of the Jews from captivity. Accordingly two different writings, or small rolls of writing, called books in the original Hebrew, were designed to be inclosed in such an earthen vessel; but commentators have been much embarrassed in giving any probable account of the necessity of two writings, one sealed, the other open; or, as the passage has been commonly understood, the one sealed up, the other left open for any one to read; more especially, as both were to be alike buried in the earth and concealed from every eye, and both were to be examined at the return from the captivity. But the word translated open, in reference to the evidence, or book which was open, (1 Sam. iii, 7, 21; Dan. ii, 19, 30; x, 1,) signifies the revealing of future events to the minds of men by a divine agency; and it is particularly used in the book of Esther, viii, 13, to express a book’s making known the decree of an earthly king. Consequently the open book of Jeremiah seems to signify, not its being then lying open or unrolled before them, while the other was sealed up; but the book that had revealed the will of God, to bring back Israel into their own country, and to cause buying and selling of houses and lands again to take place among them. This was a book of prophecy, opening and revealing the future return of Israel, and the other little book, which was ordered to be buried along with it, was the purchase deed.
3. The materials that the ancients typically used for their books were prone to damage from moisture when buried underground; during times of war, destruction, and greed, it was vital to bury anything they wanted to protect from deceit and violence. To this end, Jeremiah instructed that the writings he gave to Baruch be placed in an earthen vessel, Jer. xxxii. Similarly, the ancient Egyptians used clay urns or appropriately shaped pots to contain whatever they wanted to bury, which would have deteriorated quickly without such precautions. It’s not surprising then that the Prophet Jeremiah deemed it necessary to enclose those writings in a clay pot, to be buried in Judea, in a spot where they could easily be found when the Jews returned from captivity. Therefore, two distinct writings or small scrolls, referred to as books in the original Hebrew, were meant to be placed in that earthen vessel; however, commentators have struggled to explain why there were two writings—one sealed and the other open—or, as it is commonly interpreted, one sealed up and the other left open for anyone to read; especially since both were to be buried and hidden from sight and would be examined upon their return from captivity. The word translated as open, in relation to the evidence or book that was open (1 Sam. iii, 7, 21; Dan. ii, 19, 30; x, 1), indicates the revealing of future events to people through divine means; it is notably used in the book of Esther, viii, 13, to describe how a book made known the decree of a worldly king. Therefore, the open book of Jeremiah seems to signify not that it was physically open or unrolled before them while the other was sealed; rather, it represents the book that revealed God’s intention to bring Israel back to their land and to allow the buying and selling of homes and land among them again. This was a book of prophecy, revealing the future return of Israel, while the other smaller book, which was to be buried alongside it, was the purchase deed.
4. By adverting to the different modes of writing in eastern countries, we obtain a satisfactory interpretation of a passage in the book of Job, xix, 23, 24, and a distinct view of the beautiful gradation which is lost in our translation: “O that my words were now written! O that they were printed (written) in a book! that they were graven with an iron pen and lead in the rock for ever!” In the east there is a mode of writing, which is designed to fix words in the memory, but the writing is not intended for duration. Accordingly we are informed by Dr. Shaw, that children learn to write in Barbary by means of a smooth thin board, slightly covered with whiting, which may be wiped off or renewed at pleasure. Job expresses his wish not only that his words were written, but also written in a book, from which they should not be blotted out, nay, still farther, graven in a rock, the most permanent mode of recording them, and especially if the engraved letters were filled with lead; or the rock was made to receive leaden tablets, the use of which was known among the ancients. So Pliny, “At first men wrote on the leaves of palm, and the bark of certain trees, but afterward public documents were preserved on leaden plates, and those of a private nature on wax, or linen.”
4. By looking at the different ways of writing in eastern countries, we can better understand a passage in the book of Job, xix, 23, 24, and see the beautiful nuances that get lost in our translation: “Oh, that my words were now written! Oh, that they were printed (written) in a book! That they were engraved with an iron pen and lead in the rock forever!” In the East, there’s a way of writing that’s meant to help memorize words, but it's not meant for permanence. Dr. Shaw tells us that children learn to write in Barbary using a smooth, thin board lightly coated with chalk, which can be easily wiped clean or refreshed. Job wishes not just for his words to be written, but to be in a book that cannot be erased, and even further, engraved in rock—the most lasting way to record them, especially if the letters were filled with lead; or if the rock was used to hold lead tablets, which were known in ancient times. Pliny mentions that “At first, people wrote on palm leaves and the bark of certain trees, but later, public documents were kept on lead plates, while private ones were written on wax or linen.”
5. The first books were in the form of blocks and tables, of which we find frequent mention in Scripture, under the appellation sepher, which the Septuagint render ἀξίνες, that is, square tables: of which form the book of the covenant, book of the law, book, or bill of divorce, book of curses, &c, appear to have been. As flexible matters came to be written on, they found it more convenient to make their books in form of rolls, called by the Greeks κοντάκια, by the Latins volumina, which appear to have been in use among the ancient Jews as well as the Grecians, Romans, Persians, and even Indians; and of such did the libraries chiefly consist, till some centuries after Christ. The form which obtains among us is the square, composed of separate leaves; which was also known, though little used, among the ancients; having been invented by Attalus, king of Pergamus, the same who also invented parchment: but it has now been so long in possession, that the oldest manuscripts are found in it. Montfaucon assures us, that of all the ancient Greek manuscripts he has seen, there are but two in the roll form; the rest being made up much after the manner of the modern books. The rolls, or volumes, were composed of several sheets, fastened to each other, and rolled upon a stick, or umbilicus; the whole making a kind of column, or cylinder, which was to be managed by the umbilicus, as a handle; it being reputed a kind of crime to take hold of the roll itself. The outside of the volume was called frons; the ends of the umbilicus were called cornua, “horns;” which were usually carved and adorned likewise with silver, ivory, or even gold and precious stones. Whilst the Egyptian papyrus was in common use, its brittle nature made it proper to roll up what they wrote; and as this had been a customary practice, many continued it when they used other materials, which might very safely have been treated in a different manner. To the form of books belongs the economy of the inside, or the order and arrangement of points and letters into lines and pages, with margins and other appurtenances. 172This has undergone many varieties: at first, the letters were only divided into lines, then into separate words; which, by degrees, were noted with accents, and distributed by points and stops into periods, paragraphs, chapters, and other divisions. In some countries, as among the orientals, the lines began from the right, and ran to the left; in others, as in northern and western nations, from the left to the right; others, as the Grecians, followed both directions alternately, going in the one and returning in the other, called boustrophedon, because it was after the manner of oxen turning when at plough. In the Chinese books, the lines ran from top to bottom. Again: the page in some is entire, and uniform; in others, divided into columns; in others distinguished into texts and notes, either marginal, or at the bottom: usually it is furnished with signatures and catch words; also with a register to discover whether the book be complete. To these are occasionally added the apparatus of summaries, or side notes; the embellishments of red, gold, or figured initial letters, head pieces, tail pieces, effigies, schemes, maps, and the like. The end of the book now denoted by finis, was anciently marked with a <, called coronis, and the whole frequently washed with an oil drawn from cedar, or citron chips, strewed between the leaves to preserve it from rotting. There also occur certain formulæ at the beginning and end of books; as among the Jews, the word חוק, esto fortis, which we find at the end of the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Ezekiel, &c, to exhort the reader to be courageous, and proceed on to the following book. The conclusions were also often guarded with imprecations against such as should falsify them; of which we have an instance in the Apocalypse. The Mohammedans, for the like reason, place the name of God at the beginning of all their books, which cannot fail to procure them protection, on account of the infinite regard which they pay to that name, wherever found. For the like reason it is, that divers of the laws of the ancient emperors begin with the formula, In nomine Dei. [In the name of God.] At the end of each book the Jews also added the number of verses contained in it, and at the end of the Pentateuch the number of sections; that, it might be transmitted to posterity entire. The Masorites and Mohammedan doctors have gone farther; so as to number the several words and letters in each book, chapter, verse, &c, of the Old Testament and the Alcoran. The scarcity and high price of books in former ages, ought to render us the more grateful for the discovery of the great art of printing, as especially by that means the Holy Bible, “the word of truth and Gospel of our salvation,” is made familiar to all classes.
5. The earliest books were in the form of blocks and tables, which are often mentioned in Scripture as sepher, translated by the Septuagint as ἀξίνες, meaning square tables: these included the book of the covenant, book of the law, book or bill of divorce, book of curses, etc. As more flexible materials started to be used for writing, it became more practical to create books in the form of rolls, known by the Greeks as κοντάκια and by the Latins as volumina. These rolls were used by ancient Jews as well as by Greeks, Romans, Persians, and even Indians; they made up the majority of libraries until several centuries after Christ. The format we use today is the square shape made up of separate leaves; this had also existed, although it was seldom used among the ancients, having been invented by Attalus, king of Pergamus, who also created parchment. It has been in use for so long that the oldest manuscripts are found in this format. Montfaucon tells us that among all the ancient Greek manuscripts he has seen, only two are in roll form, while the rest resemble modern books. Rolls or volumes were made up of several sheets connected to each other and rolled onto a stick, or umbilicus, forming a column or cylinder that was meant to be held by the umbilicus as a handle; it was considered a minor offense to touch the roll itself. The outside of the volume was called forehead; the ends of the navel were referred to as horns, meaning “horns”; these were often carved and adorned with silver, ivory, or even gold and precious stones. While Egyptian papyrus was commonly used, its fragile nature made it suitable to roll what was written; since this practice was customary, many continued to do it even when using other materials that could have been handled differently. The format of books also includes the economy of the inside, or how points and letters are ordered into lines and pages, along with margins and other features. 172 This has gone through many changes: initially, letters were only divided into lines, then into separate words; gradually, accents were added, and points and stops were used to create periods, paragraphs, chapters, and other divisions. In some regions, like among Eastern cultures, lines started from the right and moved to the left; in others, like in northern and western nations, they began from the left to the right; and others, such as the Greeks, alternated directions, known as boustrophedon, which means it was like how oxen turn while plowing. In Chinese books, the lines went from top to bottom. Additionally, some pages are complete and uniform, while others are divided into columns; some include text and notes, either in the margins or at the bottom. Usually, pages have signatures and catchwords, and there is often a register to check if the book is complete. Summaries or side notes, and embellishments like red, gold, or decorative initial letters, headpieces, tailpieces, pictures, diagrams, maps, and similar features may also be included. The end of the book, marked by finis, was traditionally denoted by a <, called coronis, and the entire book was often treated with an oil made from cedar or citron chips, sprinkled between the leaves to prevent rotting. There were also specific formulæ at the beginning and end of books; for example, among the Jews, the word Law, this is strong, which appears at the end of the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Ezekiel, etc., encourages the reader to be brave and continue to the next book. Conclusions were often followed by curses against anyone who would alter them; we see an example of this in the Apocalypse. The Muslims do something similar, placing the name of God at the beginning of all their books, believing it offers them protection because of the high regard they have for that name. For the same reason, various laws of ancient emperors began with the phrase, In the name of God. [In the name of God.] At the end of each book, the Jews also included the number of verses, and at the end of the Pentateuch, they listed the number of sections to ensure its complete transmission to future generations. The Masorites and Islamic scholars went even further, counting the number of words and letters in each book, chapter, verse, etc., of the Old Testament and the Quran. The scarcity and high cost of books in earlier times should make us more grateful for the invention of printing, as it has allowed everyone to access the Holy Bible, “the word of truth and Gospel of our salvation.”
The universal ignorance that prevailed in Europe, from the seventh to the eleventh century, may be ascribed to the scarcity of books during that period, and the difficulty of rendering them more common, concurring with other causes arising from the state of government and manners. The Romans wrote their books either on parchment, or on paper made of the Egyptian papyrus. The latter, being the cheapest, was of course the most commonly used. But after the Saracens conquered Egypt, in the seventh century, the communication between that country and the people settled in Italy, or in other parts of Europe, was almost entirely broken off, and the papyrus was no longer in use among them. They were obliged on that account to write all their books upon parchment; and as the price of that was high, books became extremely rare and of great value. We may judge of the scarcity of materials for writing them from one circumstance. There still remain several manuscripts of the eighth, ninth, and following centuries, written on parchment, from which some former writing had been erased, in order to substitute a new composition in its place. Thus, it is probable, several of the works of the ancients perished. A book of Livy or of Tacitus might be erased, to make room for the legendary tale of a saint, or the superstitious prayers of a missal. Nay, worse instances are recorded, of obliterating copies of the Holy Scriptures to make room for the lucubrations of some of the more modern fathers of the church. Manuscripts thus defaced, the vellum or parchment of which is occupied with some other writings, are called “palimpsests,” codices rescripti or palimpsesti, from ϖαλίμψηϛος, “that which has been twice scraped.” As this want of materials for writing will serve to account for the loss of many of the works of the ancients, and for the small number of MSS. previous to the eleventh century, many facts prove the scarcity of books at this period. Private persons seldom possessed any books whatever; and even monasteries of note had only one missal. In 1299, John de Pontissara, bishop of Winchester, borrows of his cathedral convent of St. Swithin, at Winchester, “bibliam bene glossatam,” that is, the Bible, with marginal annotations, in two folio volumes; but gives a bond for the return of it, drawn up with great solemnity. For the bequest of this Bible to the convent, and one hundred marks, the monks founded a daily mass for the soul of the donor. If any person gave a book to a religious house, he believed that so valuable a donation merited eternal salvation, and he offered it on the altar with great ceremony. The prior and convent of Rochester declare, that they will every year pronounce the irrevocable sentence of damnation on him who shall purloin or conceal a Latin translation of Aristotle’s Poetics, or even obliterate the title. Sometimes a book was given to a monastery, on condition that the donor should have the use of it for his life; and sometimes to a private person, with the reservation that he who receives it should pray for the soul of his benefactor. In the year 1225, Roger de Insula, dean of York, gave several Latin Bibles to the university of Oxford, on condition that the students who perused them should deposit a cautionary pledge. The library of that university, before the year 1300, consisted only of a few tracts, chained or kept in chests, in the choir of St. Mary’s church. The price of books became so high, that persons of a moderate 173could not afford to purchase them. In the year 1174, Walter, prior of St. Swithin’s at Winchester, purchased of the monks of Dorchester, in Oxfordshire, Bede’s homilies, and St. Austin’s psalter for twelve measures of barley and a pall, on which was embroidered in silver the history of St. Birinus converting a Saxon king. About the year 1400, a copy of John of Meun’s “Roman de la Rose” was sold before the palace gate at Paris for forty crowns, or 33l. 6s. 6d. The countess of Anjou paid, for a copy of the homilies of Haimon, bishop of Halberstadt, two hundred sheep, five quarters of wheat, and the same quantity of rye and millet. Even so late as the year 1471, when Louis XI. of France borrowed the works of Rhasis, the Arabian physician, from the faculty of medicine at Paris, he not only deposited by way of pledge a considerable quantity of plate, but he was obliged to procure a nobleman to join with him as surety in a deed, binding himself under a great forfeiture to restore it. But when, in the eleventh century, the art of making paper was invented, and more especially after the manufacture became general, the number of MSS. increased, and the study of the sciences was wonderfully facilitated. Indeed, the invention of the art of making paper, and the invention of the art of printing, are two very memorable events in the history of literature and of human civilization. It is remarkable, that the former preceded the first dawning of letters and improvement in knowledge, toward the close of the eleventh century; and the latter ushered in the light which spread over Europe at the æra of the reformation.
The widespread ignorance in Europe from the seventh to the eleventh century can be attributed to the lack of books during that time and the challenges in making them more accessible, along with other issues stemming from the government and social customs. The Romans created their books on either parchment or paper made from Egyptian papyrus. Since papyrus was the cheaper option, it was the most commonly used. However, after the Saracens conquered Egypt in the seventh century, communication between Egypt and people in Italy and other parts of Europe was nearly completely cut off, leading to papyrus falling out of use. Consequently, they had to write all their books on parchment, which was expensive, making books extremely rare and valuable. We can gauge the scarcity of writing materials from one fact: several manuscripts from the eighth, ninth, and later centuries still exist on parchment from which earlier writing was erased to make room for new texts. This suggests that many works from ancient times were lost. A book by Livy or Tacitus could be erased to allow for the legendary story of a saint or the superstitious prayers of a missal. There are even worse examples where copies of the Holy Scriptures were wiped out to make space for the writings of some of the more recent church fathers. Such manuscripts, which had been defaced and overwritten, are called “palimpsests,” rewritten codices or palimpsests, derived from ϖαλίμψηϛος, meaning “that which has been twice scraped.” This shortage of writing materials helps explain the loss of many ancient works and the small number of manuscripts before the eleventh century. Numerous facts indicate the scarcity of books during this time. Private individuals rarely owned any books at all, and even renowned monasteries typically had only one missal. In 1299, John de Pontissara, bishop of Winchester, borrowed a “well-glossed Bible,” that is, the Bible with marginal notes, in two folio volumes from his cathedral convent of St. Swithin, Winchester, but had to sign a solemn bond to return it. For bequeathing this Bible to the convent along with one hundred marks, the monks established a daily mass in honor of the donor's soul. If someone donated a book to a religious house, they believed such a valuable gift warranted eternal salvation, and they presented it at the altar with great ceremony. The prior and convent of Rochester declared they would annually pronounce an irrevocable curse on anyone who stole or hid a Latin translation of Aristotle’s Poetics or even erased the title. Sometimes a book was given to a monastery on the condition that the donor could use it for their lifetime, or to an individual with the requirement that they pray for the soul of the benefactor. In 1225, Roger de Insula, dean of York, donated several Latin Bibles to the university of Oxford on the condition that students using them would leave a cautionary pledge. Before 1300, the library at that university included only a few tracts, often chained or kept in chests, located in St. Mary’s church choir. The cost of books became so high that even people of moderate means couldn’t afford them. In 1174, Walter, prior of St. Swithin’s at Winchester, bought Bede’s homilies and St. Austin’s psalter from the monks of Dorchester in Oxfordshire for twelve measures of barley and a pall adorned with silver embroidery depicting St. Birinus converting a Saxon king. Around 1400, a copy of John of Meun’s “Roman de la Rose” sold at the palace gate in Paris for forty crowns, or 33l. 6s. 6d. The Countess of Anjou paid two hundred sheep, five quarters of wheat, and the same amount of rye and millet for a copy of the homilies by Haimon, bishop of Halberstadt. Even as late as 1471, when Louis XI. of France borrowed the works of Rhasis, the Arabian physician, from the faculty of medicine at Paris, he not only had to pledge a significant amount of silverware but also needed a nobleman to co-sign a deed, binding him to restore it under severe penalties. However, when the art of making paper was invented in the eleventh century and particularly after its widespread manufacturing, the availability of manuscripts increased, and the study of the sciences greatly advanced. Indeed, the invention of paper and the invention of printing are two pivotal moments in the history of literature and human civilization. It’s noteworthy that the invention of paper came just before the first signs of literacy and knowledge improvement toward the end of the eleventh century, while the invention of printing ushered in the knowledge that spread across Europe during the Reformation.
6. If the ancient books were large, they were formed of a number of skins, of a number of pieces of linen and cotton cloth, or of papyrus, or parchment, connected together. The leaves were rarely written over on both sides, Ezek. ii, 9; Zech. v, 1. Books, when written upon very flexible materials, were, as stated above, rolled round a stick; and, if they were very long, round two, from the two extremities. The reader unrolled the book to the place which he wanted, ἀναπτύζας τὸ βιλβλίον, and rolled it up again, when he had read it, πτύζας τὸ βιβλίον, Luke iv, 17–20; whence the name מגלה, a volume, or thing rolled up, Psalm xl, 7; Isaiah xxxiv, 4; Ezek. ii, 9; 2 Kings xix, 14; Ezra vi, 2. The leaves thus rolled round the stick, which has been mentioned, and bound with a string, could be easily sealed, Isaiah xxix, 11; Dan. xii, 4; Rev. v, 1; vi, 7. Those books, which were inscribed on tablets of wood, lead, brass, or ivory, were connected together by rings at the back, through which a rod was passed to carry them by. The orientals appear to have taken pleasure in giving tropical or enigmatical titles to their books. The titles, prefixed to the fifty-sixth, sixtieth, and eightieth psalms appear to be of this description. And there can be no doubt, that David’s elegy upon Saul and Jonathan, 2 Sam. i, 18, is called קשת or the bow, in conformity with this peculiarity of taste.
6. If the ancient books were large, they were made from several animal skins, pieces of linen and cotton cloth, or papyrus, or parchment, all connected together. The pages were rarely written on both sides, Ezek. ii, 9; Zech. v, 1. When books were written on very flexible materials, as mentioned earlier, they were rolled around a stick; and if they were very long, they were rolled around two sticks from each end. The reader would unroll the book to the desired section, ἀναπτύζας τὸ βιλβλίον, and then roll it back up after reading, πτύζας τὸ βιβλίον, Luke iv, 17–20; which is where the term Discover, a volume, or something rolled up comes from, Psalm xl, 7; Isaiah xxxiv, 4; Ezek. ii, 9; 2 Kings xix, 14; Ezra vi, 2. The pages, rolled around the stick mentioned earlier and tied with a string, could be easily sealed, Isaiah xxix, 11; Dan. xii, 4; Rev. v, 1; vi, 7. Books inscribed on wooden, lead, brass, or ivory tablets were connected together by rings at the back, through which a rod was inserted for carrying them. The people in the East seem to have enjoyed giving their books tropical or enigmatic titles. The titles given to the fifty-sixth, sixtieth, and eightieth psalms appear to follow this trend. There is also no doubt that David’s elegy about Saul and Jonathan, 2 Sam. i, 18, is called קשת or the bow, in line with this unique taste.
The book, or flying roll, spoken of in Zech. v, 1, 2, twenty cubits long and ten wide, was one of the ancient rolls, composed of many skins, or parchments, glued or sewed together at the end. Though some of these rolls or volumes were very long, yet none, probably, was ever made of such a size as this. This contained the curses and calamities which should befal the Jews. The extreme length and breadth of it shows the excessive number and enormity of their sins, and the extent of their punishment.
The book, or flying scroll, mentioned in Zech. v, 1, 2, which is twenty cubits long and ten wide, was one of the ancient scrolls made from many skins or parchments glued or stitched together at the ends. While some of these scrolls or volumes were very long, none were likely ever made to be this size. This one included the curses and disasters that would befall the Jews. Its significant length and width highlight the sheer number and seriousness of their sins, as well as the scale of their punishment.
Isaiah, describing the effects of God’s wrath, says, “The heavens shall be folded up like a book,” (scroll,) Isaiah xxxiv, 4. He alludes to the way among the ancients, of rolling up books, when they purposed to close them. A volume of several feet in length was suddenly rolled up into a very small compass. Thus the heavens should shrink into themselves, and disappear, as it were, from the eyes of God, when his wrath should be kindled. These ways of speaking are figurative, and very energetic.
Isaiah, describing the effects of God’s anger, says, "The heavens will be rolled up like a scroll," (Isaiah 34:4). He refers to the ancient practice of rolling up scrolls when they intended to finish reading them. A long scroll could be quickly rolled up into a small space. In this way, the heavens will contract and seem to vanish from God’s sight when His anger is ignited. These expressions are figurative and quite powerful.
7. Book is sometimes used for letters, memoirs, an edict, or contract. In short, the word book, in Hebrew, sepher, is much more extensive than the Latin liber. The letters which Rabshakeh delivered from Sennacherib to Hezekiah are called a book. The English translation, indeed, reads letter; but the Septuagint has βιβλίον, and the Hebrew text, הספרים. The contract, confirmed by Jeremiah for the purchase of a field, is called by the same name, Jer. xxxii, 10; and also the edict of Ahasuerus in favour of the Jews, Esther ix, 20, though our translators have called it letters. The writing which a man gave to his wife when he divorced her, was denominated, in Hebrew, “a book of divorce,” Deut. xxiv.
7. The term "book" is sometimes used for letters, memoirs, an edict, or a contract. In short, the word book, in Hebrew, sepher, is much broader than the Latin free. The letters that Rabshakeh delivered from Sennacherib to Hezekiah are referred to as a book. The English translation indeed reads letter; however, the Septuagint has βιβλίον, and the Hebrew text, The books. The contract, verified by Jeremiah for the purchase of a field, is called by the same name, Jer. xxxii, 10; and also the edict of Ahasuerus in favor of the Jews, Esther ix, 20, although our translators have labeled it letters. The document that a man gave to his wife when he divorced her was referred to, in Hebrew, as “a book of divorce,” Deut. xxiv.
Books, Writers of. The ancients seldom wrote their treatises with their own hand, but dictated them to their freedmen and slaves. These were either ταχυγράφοι, amanuenses, notarii, “hasty writers,” or καλλιγράφοι, librarii, “fair writers,” or βιβλιογράφοι, librarii, “copyists.” The office of these last was to transcribe fairly that which the former had written hastily and from dictation; they were those who were obliged to write books and other documents which were intended to be durable. The correctness of the copies was under the care of the emendator, corrector, ὁ δοκιμάζων τὰ γεγραμμένα. A great part of the books of the New Testament was dictated after this custom. St. Paul noted it as a particular circumstance in the Epistle to the Galatians, that he had written it with his own hand, Gal. vi, 11. But he affixed the salutation with his own hand, 2 Thess. iii, 17; 1 Cor. xvi, 21; Col. iv, 18. The amanuensis who wrote the Epistle to the Romans, has mentioned himself near the conclusion, Rom. xvi, 22.
Books, Writers of. In ancient times, people rarely wrote their treatises themselves; instead, they would dictate them to their freedmen and slaves. These individuals were either ταχυγράφοι, scribes, notaries, "quick writers," or καλλιγράφοι, librarians, "neat writers," or βιβλιογράφοι, librarians, "copyists." The role of the latter was to neatly transcribe what the former had written quickly and from dictation; they were responsible for writing books and other documents that were meant to last. The accuracy of the copies was overseen by the editor, editor, ὁ δοκιμάζων τὰ γεγραμμένα. A significant portion of the New Testament was composed this way. St. Paul pointed out in his letter to the Galatians that he wrote it with his own hand, Gal. vi, 11. However, he added the greeting himself in 2 Thess. iii, 17; 1 Cor. xvi, 21; Col. iv, 18. The amanuensis who wrote the letter to the Romans mentioned himself near the end, Rom. xvi, 22.
Books, modes of publication. Works could only be multiplied by means of transcripts. Whenever in this way they passed over to others, they were beyond the control of the author, and published. The edition, or publication, by means of the booksellers, was, only at a later period, advantageous to the Christians. The recitatio [reading aloud] preceded the publication, which took place often merely 174among some few friends, and often with great preparations before many persons, who were invited for that purpose. From hence the author became known as the writer, and the world became previously informed of all which they might expect from the work. If the composition pleased them, he was requested to permit its transcription; and thus the work left the hands of the author, and belonged to the publicum: [public.] Frequently an individual sent his literary labours to some illustrious man, as a present, strena, [a new-year’s gift,] munusculum; [a small present;] or he prefixed his name to it, for the sake of giving him a proof of friendship or regard, by means of this express and particular direction of his work. When it was only thus presented or sent to him, and he accepted it, he was considered as the person bound to introduce it to the world, or as the patronus libri, [patron of the book,] who had pledged himself, as the patronus personæ [patron of the person] to this duty. It now became his office to provide for its publication by means of transcripts, to facilitate its approach ad limina potentiorum to the gates of men of great influence, and to be its defensor.
Books, ways of publication. Works could only be reproduced through copies. Once they were shared in this way, they were out of the author’s control and considered published. The distribution through booksellers became beneficial to Christians only at a later time. The recitation [reading aloud] was the first step before actual publication, which often occurred among a small group of friends but sometimes involved elaborate preparations for a larger audience who were invited for that occasion. This is how the author became recognized as the writer, and the audience was informed ahead of time about what to expect from the work. If they liked the composition, they would ask for permission to copy it, thus transferring the work from the author to the public [public]. Frequently, an individual would send their literary work to a notable person as a gift, gift [a new-year’s gift], or munusculum [a small present], or they would attach their name to it as a way of showing friendship or respect by specifically directing this work to that person. When it was simply given or sent to him, and he accepted it, he was seen as the one responsible for introducing it to the public, acting as the patronus books [patron of the book], who had committed to this duty like a patronus persona [patron of the person]. It then became his role to arrange for its publication through copies, helping it reach ad limina potentiorum the gates of influential individuals, and to be its defender.
Thus the works of the first founders of the Christian church made their appearance before their community. Their Epistles were read in those congregations to which they were directed; and whoever wished to possess them either took a transcript of them, or caused one to be procured for him. The historical works were made known by the authors in the congregations of the Christians, per recitationem: [by reading aloud:] the object and general interest in them procured for them readers and transcribers. St. Luke dedicated his writings to an illustrious man of the name of Theophilus.
Thus, the works of the first founders of the Christian church were presented to their community. Their letters were read in the congregations they were intended for, and anyone who wanted a copy either wrote one out themselves or had someone else get it for them. The historical works were shared by the authors in Christian congregations, per recitationem: [by reading aloud:] the subject matter and general interest in them attracted readers and transcribers. St. Luke dedicated his writings to a notable man named Theophilus.
Book of Life, or Book of the Living, or Book of the Lord, Psalm lxix, 28. Some have thought it very probable that these descriptive phrases, which are frequent in Scripture, are taken from the custom, observed generally in the courts of princes, of keeping a list of persons who are in their service, of the provinces which they govern, of the officers of their armies, of the number of their troops, and sometimes even of the names of their soldiers. Thus, when it is said that any one is written in the book of life, it means that he particularly belongs to God, and is enrolled among the number of his friends and servants: and to be “blotted out of the book of life,” is to be erased from the list of God’s friends and servants, as those who are guilty of treachery are struck off the roll of officers belonging to a prince. The most satisfactory explanation of these phrases is, however, that which refers them to the genealogical lists of the Jews, or to the registers kept of the living, from which the names of all the dead were blotted out.
Life's Book, or Book of the Living, or Lord's Book, Psalm 69:28. Some believe it’s likely that these phrases, which appear often in Scripture, come from the custom, commonly found in royal courts, of maintaining a list of individuals who are in their service, the provinces they govern, the officers in their armies, the size of their troops, and sometimes even the names of their soldiers. Therefore, when it’s said that someone is written in the book of life, it signifies that they specifically belong to God and are counted among His friends and servants. To be “blotted out of the book of life” means being removed from the list of God’s friends and servants, just like those guilty of betrayal are taken off the roster of a prince’s officers. However, the most convincing interpretation of these phrases relates them to the genealogical lists of the Jews or to the records kept of the living, from which the names of all the deceased were removed.
Book of Judgment. Daniel, speaking of God’s judgment, says, “The judgment was set, and the books were opened,” Dan. vii, 10. This is an allusion to what was practised when a prince called his servants to account. The accounts are produced and examined. It is possible he might allude, also, to a custom of the Persians, among whom it was a constant practice every day to write down the services rendered to the king, and the rewards given to those who had performed them. Of this we see an instance in the history of Ahasuerus and Mordecai, Esther iv, 12, 34. When, therefore, the king sits in judgment, the books are opened: he obliges all his servants to reckon with him; he punishes those who have failed in their duty; he compels those to pay who are indebted to him; and he rewards those who have done him services. A similar proceeding will take place at the day of God’s final judgment.
Judgment Book. Daniel, discussing God's judgment, says, “The judgment was set, and the books were opened,” Dan. vii, 10. This refers to what would happen when a prince called his servants to account. The records are presented and reviewed. He might also be referencing a custom of the Persians, who regularly wrote down the services rendered to the king and the rewards given to those who performed them. We see an example of this in the story of Ahasuerus and Mordecai, Esther iv, 12, 34. So, when the king sits in judgment, the books are opened: he requires all his servants to give an account; he punishes those who have not fulfilled their duties; he makes those who owe him pay up; and he rewards those who have served him well. A similar process will happen on the day of God’s final judgment.
Sealed Book, mentioned Isa. xxix, 11, and the book sealed with seven seals, in the Revelation v, 1–3, are the prophecies of Isaiah and of John, which were written in a book, or roll, after the manner of the ancients, and were sealed, which figure truly signifies that they were mysterious: they had respect to times remote, and to future events; so that a complete knowledge of their meaning could not be obtained till after what was foretold should happen, and the seals, as it were taken off. In old times, letters, and other writings that were to be sealed, were first wrapped round with thread or flax, and then wax and the seal were applied to them. To read them, it was necessary to cut the thread or flax, and to break the seals.
Locked Book, mentioned in Isaiah 29:11, and the book sealed with seven seals in Revelation 5:1–3, refer to the prophecies of Isaiah and John, which were written in a book or scroll, like in ancient times, and were sealed. This sealing symbolizes their mysterious nature: they pertain to distant times and future events, meaning a full understanding of their significance could only be achieved after the predicted events occurred and the seals were, so to speak, removed. In the past, letters and other documents that needed to be sealed were first wrapped with thread or flax, followed by the application of wax and a seal. To read them, you had to cut the thread or flax and break the seals.
BOOTY, spoils taken in war, Num. xxxi, 27–32. According to the law of Moses, the booty was to be divided equally between those who were in the battle and those who were in the camp, whatever disparity there might be in the number of each party. The law farther required that, out of that part of the spoils which was assigned to the fighting men, the Lord’s share should be separated; and for every five hundred men, oxen, asses, sheep, &c, they were to take one for the high priest, as being the Lord’s first fruits. And out of the other moiety, belonging to the children of Israel, they were to give for every fifty men, oxen, asses, sheep, &c, one to the Levites.
BOOTY, spoils taken in war, Num. xxxi, 27–32. According to the law of Moses, the booty was to be divided equally between those who fought in the battle and those who stayed in the camp, regardless of how many were in each group. The law also required that from the portion of the spoils assigned to the fighting men, a share for the Lord be set aside; for every five hundred men, oxen, donkeys, sheep, etc., they were to give one to the high priest as the Lord’s first fruits. And from the other half, belonging to the children of Israel, they were to give one for every fifty men, oxen, donkeys, sheep, etc., to the Levites.
BOOZ, or BOAZ, the son of Salmon and Rahab, Ruth iv, 21, &c; Matt., i, 5. Rahab, we know, was a Canaanite of Jericho, Joshua ii, 1. Salmon, who was of the tribe of Judah, married her, and she bore him Booz, one of our Saviour’s ancestors according to the flesh. Some say there were three of this name, the son, the grandson, and the great grandson, of Salmon: the last Booz was Ruth’s husband, and the father of Obed.
BOOZ, or BOAZ, the son of Salmon and Rahab, Ruth 4:21, etc.; Matt. 1:5. Rahab, as we know, was a Canaanite from Jericho, Joshua 2:1. Salmon, who belonged to the tribe of Judah, married her, and she gave birth to Booz, who is one of our Savior’s ancestors in the flesh. Some say there were three people with this name: the son, the grandson, and the great-grandson of Salmon. The last Booz was Ruth’s husband and the father of Obed.
2. Booz, or Boaz, was the name of one of the two brazen pillars which Solomon erected in the porch of the temple, the other column being called Jachin. This last pillar was on the right hand of the entrance into the temple, and Booz on the left, 1 Kings vii, 21. The word signifies strength or firmness. Mr. Hutchinson has an express treatise upon these two columns, attempting to show that they represented the true system of the universe, which he insists was given by God to David, and by him to Solomon, and was wrought by Hiram upon these pillars.
2. Booze, or Boaz, was the name of one of the two bold pillars that Solomon set up in the entrance of the temple, with the other pillar being called Jachin. This last pillar was on the right side of the entrance into the temple, and Booz was on the left, 1 Kings vii, 21. The word means strength or firmness. Mr. Hutchinson has a specific treatise on these two columns, trying to show that they represented the true system of the universe, which he argues was given by God to David, and by him to Solomon, and was crafted by Hiram on these pillars.
175BOSOM. See Accubation.
BOSOM. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
BOSSES, the thickest and strongest parts of a buckler, Job xv, 20.
BOSSES, the heaviest and toughest parts of a shield, Job 15:20.
BOTTLE. The eastern bottle is made of a goat or kid skin, stripped off without opening the belly; the apertures made by cutting off the tail and legs are sewed up, and, when filled, it is tied about the neck. The Arabs and Persians never go a journey without a small leathern bottle of water hanging by their side like a scrip. These skin bottles preserve their water, milk, and other liquids, in a fresher state than any other vessels they can use. The people of the east, indeed, put into them every thing they mean to carry to a distance, whether dry or liquid, and very rarely make use of boxes and pots, unless to preserve such things as are liable to be broken. They enclose these leathern bottles in woollen sacks, because their beasts of carriage often fall down under their load, or cast it down on the sandy desert. These skin bottles were not confined to the countries of Asia; the roving tribes, which passed the Hellespont soon after the deluge, and settled in Greece and Italy, probably introduced them into those countries. We learn from Homer, that they were in common use among the Greeks at the siege of Troy; for, with a view to an accommodation between the hostile armies, the heralds carried through the city the things which were necessary to ratify the compact, two lambs, and exhilarating wine, the fruit of the earth, in a bottle of goat skin:
BOTTLE. The eastern bottle is made from a goat or kid skin, taken off without opening the belly; the holes created by cutting off the tail and legs are sewn up, and when filled, it’s tied around the neck. The Arabs and Persians never travel without a small leather bottle of water hanging at their side like a pouch. These skin bottles keep water, milk, and other liquids fresher than any other containers they can use. People in the east actually use them for everything they need to carry for a long distance, whether solid or liquid, and they rarely use boxes and pots unless they need to store fragile items. They wrap these leather bottles in woolen sacks because their pack animals often stumble under the load or drop it on the sandy desert. These skin bottles weren't limited to Asia; the nomadic tribes that crossed the Hellespont shortly after the flood and settled in Greece and Italy likely brought them to those regions. We learn from Homer that they were commonly used among the Greeks during the siege of Troy; for the purpose of reaching an agreement between the warring armies, the heralds brought through the city the items necessary to finalize the pact—two lambs and refreshing wine, the produce of the land, in a goat skin bottle:
The bottle of wine which Samuel’s mother brought to Eli, 1 Sam. i, 24, is called נבל, and was an earthen jug. Another word is used to signify the vessel out of which Jael gave milk to Sisera: she opened a bottle of milk, and gave him drink, Judges iv, 19. This is called נאוד, which refers to something supple, moist, oozing, or, perhaps, imports moistened into pliancy, as that skin must be which is kept constantly filled with milk. This kind was usually made of goat skins. This word is also used to denote the bottle in which Jesse sent wine by David to Saul, 1 Sam. xvi, 20. It is likewise employed to express the bottle into which the Psalmist desires his tears may be collected, Psalm lvi, 8; and that to which he resembles himself, and which he calls a bottle in the smoke, Psalm cxix, 83, that is, a skin bottle, blackened and shrivelled. Beside the words already considered, another אבות, in the plural, is used, Job xxxii, 19. This signifies, in general, to swell or distend. On receiving the liquor poured into it, a skin bottle must be greatly swelled and distended; and it must be swelled still farther by the fermentation of the liquor within it, as that advances to ripeness. In this state, if no vent be given to the liquor, it may overpower the strength of the bottle, or it may penetrate by some secret crevice or weaker part. Hence arises the propriety of putting new wine into new bottles, which, being strong, may resist the expansion, the internal pressure of their contents, and preserve the wine to due maturity; while old bottles may, without danger, contain old wine, whose fermentation is already past, Matt. ix, 17; Luke v, 38.
The bottle of wine that Samuel's mother brought to Eli, 1 Sam. i, 24, is called Harp, and it was a clay jug. Another term is used to describe the container Jael used to give milk to Sisera: she opened a bottle of milk and gave him a drink, Judges iv, 19. This is called נאוד, which refers to something flexible, moist, or possibly means moistened to be pliable, like a skin that is kept constantly filled with milk. This type was typically made from goat skins. This word is also used to refer to the bottle in which Jesse sent wine with David to Saul, 1 Sam. xvi, 20. It is also used to describe the bottle into which the Psalmist wishes his tears to be collected, Psalm lvi, 8; and the one to which he likens himself, calling it a bottle in the smoke, Psalm cxix, 83, meaning a skin bottle that is darkened and shriveled. Besides the words already mentioned, another Fathers, in the plural, is used, Job xxxii, 19. This generally means to swell or stretch. When a liquid is poured into it, a skin bottle must swell and stretch significantly; it must swell even more from the fermentation of the liquid inside as it matures. In this state, if no release is given to the liquid, it may exceed the bottle's capacity, or it may seep through some hidden crack or weaker point. Hence, it makes sense to put new wine into new bottles, which, being strong, can withstand the expansion and internal pressure of their contents, keeping the wine at the right maturity; while old bottles can safely contain old wine, whose fermentation has already occurred, Matt. ix, 17; Luke v, 38.
BOUDDHISTS, or BUDHISTS, one of the three great sects of India, distinct both from the Brahminical sect, and the Jainas. The Bouddhists do not believe in a First Cause: they consider matter as eternal; that every portion of animated existence has in itself its own rise, tendency, and destiny; that the condition of creatures on earth is regulated by works of merit and demerit; that works of merit not only raise individuals to happiness, but, as they prevail, exalt the world itself to prosperity; while, on the other hand, when vice is predominant, the world degenerates till the universe itself is dissolved. They suppose, however, that there is always some superior deity, who has attained to this elevation by religious merit; but they do not regard him as the governor of the world. To the present grand period, comprehending all the time included in a “kulpu,” they assign five deities, four of whom have already appeared, including Goutumu, or Bouddhu, whose exaltation continues five thousand years, two thousand three hundred and fifty-six of which had expired, A. D. 1814. After the expiration of the five thousand years, another saint will obtain the ascendancy, and be deified. Six hundred millions of saints are said to be canonized with each deity, though it is admitted that Bouddhu took only twenty-four thousand devotees to heaven with him. The lowest state of existence is in hell; the next is that in the forms of brutes: both these are states of punishment. The next ascent is to that of man, which is probationary. The next includes many degrees of honour and happiness up to demigods, &c, which are states of reward for works of merit. The ascent to superior deity is from the state of man. The Bouddhists are taught that there are four superior heavens which are not destroyed at the end of “kulpu;” that below these there are twelve other heavens, followed by six inferior heavens; after which follows the earth; then the world of snakes; and then thirty-two chief hells: to which are to be added, one hundred and twenty hells of milder torments. The highest state of glory is absorption. The person who is unchangeable in his resolution; who has obtained the knowledge of things past, present, and to come, through one “kulpu;” who can make himself invisible; go where he pleases; and who has attained to complete abstraction; will enjoy absorption. Those who perform works of merit are admitted to the heavens of the different gods, or are made kings or great men on earth; and those who are wicked are born in the forms of different animals, or consigned to different hells. The happiness of these heavens is described as entirely sensual. The Bouddhists believe that at the end of a “kulpu” the universe is destroyed. To convey some idea of the extent of this period, the illiterate Cingalese use this comparison: “If a man were to ascend a mountain nine miles high, and to renew these journeys 176once in every hundred years, till the mountain were worn down by his feet to an atom, the time required to do this would be nothing to the fourth part of a ‘kulpu.’” Bouddhu, before his exaltation, taught his followers that, after his death, the remains of his body, his doctrine, or an assembly of his disciples, were to be held in equal reverence with himself. When a Cingalese, therefore, approaches an image of Bouddhu, he says, “I take refuge in Bouddhu; I take refuge in his doctrine; I take refuge in his followers.” There are five commands given to the common Bouddhists; the first forbids the destruction of animal life; the second forbids theft; the third, adultery; the fourth, falsehood; the fifth, the use of spirituous liquors. There are other commands for superior classes, or devotees, which forbid dancing, songs, music, festivals, perfumes, elegant dresses, elevated seats, &c. Among works of the highest merit, one is the feeding of a hungry infirm tiger with a person’s own flesh.
Buddhists, or Bouddhists, are one of the three main sects in India, separate from both the Brahminical sect and the Jains. Buddhists don’t believe in a First Cause; they see matter as eternal and believe that every living being has its own origin, purpose, and fate. They think that the state of beings on earth is determined by their good and bad deeds, where good actions not only lead individuals to happiness but can also uplift the world as a whole. Conversely, when bad deeds dominate, the world declines until the universe itself falls apart. However, they do believe there is always a higher deity who has reached that status through religious merit, though they don’t see this deity as the ruler of the world. Up to the current grand era, known as a “kulpu,” they recognize five deities, four of whom have already manifested, including Gautama, or Buddha, whose exaltation lasts for five thousand years, of which two thousand three hundred and fifty-six years had passed by A.D. 1814. After the five thousand years, another saint will gain supremacy and be honored as a deity. It is said there are six hundred million saints canonized with each deity, although it’s acknowledged that Buddha only took twenty-four thousand followers to heaven with him. The lowest state of existence is hell, followed by the state of animals, both of which are forms of punishment. The next level is that of humans, which is a test. After this are various levels of honor and happiness leading to demigods, which are states of reward for good actions. Ascending to a higher deity comes from the human state. Buddhists are taught that there are four superior heavens that aren’t destroyed at the end of a “kulpu;” below these are twelve other heavens, followed by six inferior heavens; then comes earth, the realm of snakes, and thirty-two main hells, plus one hundred and twenty hells of lesser suffering. The highest state of glory is absorption. A person who remains steadfast in their determination; who has gained knowledge of the past, present, and future through one “kulpu;” who can make themselves invisible and go wherever they wish; and who has achieved complete detachment, will experience absorption. Those who perform good deeds are welcomed into the heavens of various gods or are made kings or influential people on earth, while the wicked are reborn as different animals or sent to various hells. The pleasure in these heavens is described as purely sensory. Buddhists believe that at the end of a “kulpu” the universe is annihilated. To give some idea of the length of this period, uneducated Sri Lankans often compare it to this: “If a man were to climb a mountain nine miles high and make that journey once every hundred years until the mountain was worn down to an atom, the time taken would be nothing compared to a quarter of a ‘kulpu.’” Before his exaltation, Buddha taught his followers that, after his death, his remains, his teachings, or his gathered disciples should be revered equally. Therefore, when a Sri Lankan approaches an image of Buddha, they say, “I take refuge in Buddha; I take refuge in his teachings; I take refuge in his followers.” There are five precepts given to ordinary Buddhists: the first prohibits taking animal life; the second prohibits theft; the third prohibits adultery; the fourth prohibits lying; and the fifth prohibits consuming alcohol. There are additional rules for higher classes or devoted practitioners, which ban dancing, singing, music, festivals, perfumes, fancy clothing, luxurious seating, etc. Among the highest deeds of merit is feeding a starving, sick tiger with one's own flesh.
BOURIGNONISTS, the followers of the celebrated Mad. Antoinette Bourignon de la Ponte, a native of Flanders, born at Lisle, in 1616. She was so much deformed at her birth, that it was even debated whether she should not be stifled as a monster. As she grew up, however, this deformity greatly decreased, and she discovered a superior mind, a strong imagination, and very early indications of a devotional spirit, strongly tinctured with mysticism. She conceived herself to be divinely called, and set apart to revive the true spirit of Christianity that had been extinguished by theological animosities and debates. In her confession of faith, she professes her belief in the Scriptures, and in the divinity and atonement of Christ. The leading principles which pervade her productions are these: that man is perfectly free to resist or receive divine grace; that God is ever unchangeable in love toward all his creatures, and does not inflict any arbitrary punishment, but that the evils they suffer are the natural consequences of sin; that true religion consists not in any outward forms of worship, nor systems of faith, but in immediate communion with the Deity, by internal feelings and impulses, and by a perfect acquiescence in his will.
BOURIGNONISTS, the followers of the famous Madame Antoinette Bourignon de la Ponte, who was from Flanders and born in Lille in 1616. She was so deformed at birth that there was even debate about whether she should be put to death as a monster. However, as she grew up, this deformity lessened significantly, and she revealed an exceptional mind, a vivid imagination, and early signs of a devoted spirit deeply influenced by mysticism. She believed she was called by God to restore the true essence of Christianity that had been dimmed by theological conflicts and arguments. In her statement of faith, she expresses her belief in the Scriptures and in the divinity and sacrifice of Christ. The key principles that run through her writings are these: that individuals have complete freedom to accept or resist divine grace; that God is always unchanging in His love for all His creations and does not impose arbitrary punishment, but that the suffering they endure is a natural result of sin; and that true religion is not about outward acts of worship or belief systems, but about immediate communion with the divine through inner feelings and impulses, and fully accepting His will.
This lady was educated in the Roman Catholic religion; but she declaimed equally against the corruptions of the church of Rome and those of the Reformed churches: hence she was opposed and persecuted by both Catholics and Protestants, and after being driven about from place to place, she died at Franeker, in 1680. She maintained that there ought to be a general toleration of all religions. Her notion on God’s foreknowledge was, that God was capable of foreknowing all events, but, his power being equal to his knowledge, he purposely withheld from himself that knowledge in certain cases, that he might not interfere with the free agency and responsibility of his creatures. Her works are very numerous, making eighteen volumes in octavo: of which the principal are, “The Light of the World;” “The Testimony of Truth;” and “The Renovation of the Gospel Spirit;” which are much in esteem among the admirers of mystical theology.
This woman was educated in the Roman Catholic faith, but she spoke out against the corruptions of both the Roman Church and the Reformed churches. As a result, she faced opposition and persecution from both Catholics and Protestants. After being forced to move from place to place, she died in Franeker in 1680. She believed there should be general tolerance for all religions. Her view on God’s foreknowledge was that while God has the ability to know all events, his power is equal to his knowledge. Therefore, he intentionally chose not to know certain things in order not to interfere with the free will and responsibility of his creatures. She wrote extensively, producing eighteen volumes in octavo. The main works include “The Light of the World,” “The Testimony of Truth,” and “The Renovation of the Gospel Spirit,” all of which are well-regarded by those who appreciate mystical theology.
BOW. The expression, “to break the bow,” so frequent in Scripture, signifies to destroy the power of a people, because the principal offensive weapon of armies was anciently the bow. “A deceitful bow” is one that, from some defect, either in bending or the string, carries the arrow wide of the mark, however well aimed. See Arms.
BOW. The phrase "to break the bow," which appears often in Scripture, means to weaken the strength of a group, because the main weapon used in battles back then was the bow. "A deceitful bow" is one that, due to some flaw in its bending or string, shoots the arrow off-target, no matter how well it was aimed. See Arms.
BOWELS. The bowels are the seat of mercy, tenderness, and compassion. Joseph’s bowels were moved at the sight of his brother Benjamin; that is, he felt himself softened and affected. The true mother of the child whom Solomon commanded to be divided, felt her bowels move, and consented that it should be given to the woman who was not its real mother, 1 Kings, iii, 26. The Hebrews also sometimes place wisdom and understanding in the bowels, “Who hath put wisdom in the inner parts?” or bowels, Job xxxviii, 36. The Psalmist says, “Thy law is within my heart,” literally, in the midst of my bowels,--it is by me strongly and affectionately regarded, Psalm xl, 8.
BOWELS. The bowels are the center of mercy, tenderness, and compassion. Joseph's emotions were stirred when he saw his brother Benjamin; he felt softened and affected. The real mother of the child that Solomon ordered to be split in half felt her emotions rise and agreed to let it be given to the woman who wasn’t the true mother, 1 Kings, iii, 26. The Hebrews also sometimes associate wisdom and understanding with the bowels, “Who has put wisdom in the inner parts?” or bowels, Job xxxviii, 36. The Psalmist says, “Your law is within my heart,” literally, in the depths of my bowels—it is something I hold strongly and affectionately, Psalm xl, 8.
BOX TREE, תאשור, Isa. xli, 9; lx, 13; Ezek. xxvii, 6; 2 Esdras xiv, 24, where the word appears to be used for tablets. Most of the ancient, and several of the modern, translators render this word the buxus, or “box tree;” but from its being mentioned along with trees of the forest, some more stately tree must be intended, probably the cedar.
BOX TREE, תאשר, Isa. xli, 9; lx, 13; Ezek. xxvii, 6; 2 Esdras xiv, 24, where the word seems to refer to tablets. Most of the ancient, and several of the modern, translators interpret this word as buxus, or “box tree;” however, since it is mentioned alongside forest trees, a more majestic tree is likely intended, probably the cedar.
BRACELET. A bracelet is commonly worn by the oriental princes, as a badge of power and authority. When the calif Cayem Bemrillah granted the investiture of certain dominions to an eastern prince, he sent him letters patent, a crown, a chain, and bracelets. This was probably the reason that the Amalekite brought the bracelet which he found on Saul’s arm, along with his crown, to David, 2 Sam. i, 10. It was a royal ornament, and belonged to the regalia of the kingdom. The bracelet, it must be acknowledged, was worn both by men and women of different ranks; but the original word, in the second book of Samuel, occurs only in two other places, and is quite different from the term which is employed to express the more common ornament known by that name. And beside, this ornament was worn by kings and princes in a different manner from their subjects. It was fastened above the elbow; and was commonly of great value.
BRACELET. A bracelet is often worn by Eastern princes as a symbol of power and authority. When the caliph Cayem Bemrillah granted the rule of certain territories to an Eastern prince, he sent him official letters, a crown, a chain, and bracelets. This is likely why the Amalekite brought the bracelet he found on Saul’s arm, along with his crown, to David, as mentioned in 2 Sam. i, 10. It was a royal ornament and part of the kingdom's regalia. It's worth noting that both men and women of various ranks wore bracelets; however, the original term in the second book of Samuel only appears in two other instances and is quite different from the term used for the more common jewelry known by that name. Additionally, this ornament was worn by kings and princes in a different way than by their subjects. It was fastened above the elbow and was typically of great value.
BRAHMINS, or BRACHMINS, the highest caste of Hindoos, to whom is confined the priesthood, and, in general, all their ancient learning, which is locked up in their sacred language, called the Sanscrit. The Brahmins derive that name from Brahma, the Creator; for they maintain the doctrine of three embodied energies, the creative, the preserving, and the destroying; personified under the names of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, all sprung from Brimh; and to each of them is assigned a kind of celestial consort, a female deity, which they describe as a passive energy.
BRAHMINS, or BRACHMINS, are the highest caste of Hindus, responsible for the priesthood and, in general, all their ancient knowledge, which is contained in their sacred language, Sanskrit. The name Brahmin comes from Brahma, the Creator; they believe in three embodied energies: the creative, the preserving, and the destroying, represented by the names Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, all originating from Brimh. Each of these deities has a kind of celestial partner, a female goddess, which they refer to as a passive energy.
177Like the philosophers of Greece, they seem to have had an open and a secret doctrine: the latter, a species of Spinozism, considering the great Supreme as “the soul of the world;” endowed with no other quality than ubiquity; requiring no worship, and exerting no power, but in the production of the three great energies above mentioned. These are so ingeniously diversified as to produce three hundred and thirty millions of gods, or objects of idolatry; so various in character as to suit every man’s taste or humour, and to furnish examples of every vice and folly to which humanity is subject.
177Like the philosophers of Greece, they seem to have had both a public and a hidden doctrine: the latter, a kind of Spinozism, views the Supreme Being as “the soul of the world;” having no quality other than being everywhere; requiring no worship, and exercising no power except through the production of the three great energies mentioned above. These energies are so cleverly diversified that they create three hundred and thirty million gods, or objects of idolatry; so varied in nature that they cater to every person's taste or mood, providing examples of every vice and folly to which humanity is prone.
As it respects a future state, two of the principal doctrines of Brachminism are transmigration and absorption. After death, the person is conveyed, by the messengers of Yumu, through the air to the place of judgment. After receiving his sentence, he wanders about the earth for twelve months, as an aërial being or ghost; and then takes a body suited to his future condition, whether he ascend to the gods, or suffer in a new body, or be hurled into some hell. This is the doctrine of several “pooranus;” others maintain, that immediately after death and judgment, the person suffers the pains of hell, and removes his sin by suffering; and then returns to the earth in some bodily form. The descriptions which the “pooranus” give of the heavens of the gods are truly in the eastern style; all things, even the beds of the gods, are made of gold and precious stones. All the pleasures of these heavens are exactly what we should expect in a system formed by uninspired and unrenewed men: like the paradise of Mohammed, they are brothels, rather than places of rewards for “the pure in heart.” Here all the vicious passions are personified, or rather, deified: the quarrels and licentious intrigues of the gods fill these places with perpetual uproar, while their impurities are described with the same literality and gross detail, as similar things are talked of among these idolaters on earth.
Regarding the future, two main principles of Brahminism are reincarnation and absorption. After death, a person is taken by the messengers of Yama through the air to the place of judgment. Following their sentence, they roam the earth for twelve months as an aerial being or ghost, and then take on a body appropriate for their future state, whether that means ascending to the gods, suffering in a new body, or being cast into some hell. This is the teaching of several "Puranas"; others argue that right after death and judgment, the person experiences the torments of hell, atones for their sins through suffering, and then returns to earth in some bodily form. The depictions that the "Puranas" provide of the heavens of the gods are characteristically Eastern; everything, including the beds of the gods, is made of gold and precious stones. The pleasures of these heavens align perfectly with what one might expect from a system created by uninspired and unrenewed individuals: similar to Mohammed's paradise, they resemble brothels more than places of reward for "the pure in heart." Here, all the vices are personified, or rather, deified: the disputes and reckless affairs of the gods create a constant uproar, while their impurities are described with the same bluntness and detail as such matters are discussed among idolaters on earth.
But the highest degree of happiness is absorption. God, as separated from matter, the Hindoos contemplate as a being reposing in his own happiness, destitute of ideas; as infinite placidity; as an unruffled sea of bliss; as being perfectly abstracted, and void of consciousness. They therefore deem it the height of perfection to be like this being. Hence Krishnu, in his discourse to Urjoonu, praises the man “who forsaketh every desire that entereth into his heart; who is happy of himself; who is without affection; who rejoiceth not either in good or evil; who, like the tortoise, can restrain his members from their wonted purpose; to whom pleasure and pain, gold, iron, and stones are the same.” “The learned,” adds Krushnu, “behold Brumhu alike in the reverend ‘branhun,’ perfected in knowledge; in the ox, and in the elephant; in the dog, and in him who eateth of the flesh of dogs.” The person whose very nature, say they, is absorbed in divine meditation; whose life is like a sweet sleep, unconscious and undisturbed; who does not even desire God, and who is thus changed into the image of the ever blessed; obtains absorption into Brumhu. The ceremonies leading to absorption are called by the name of “tupushya” and the persons performing them, a “tupushwee.” Forsaking the world; retiring to a forest; fasting, living on roots, fruits, &c;--remaining in certain postures; exposure to all the inclemencies of the weather, &c; these, and many other austere practices are prescribed, to subdue the passions, to fix the mind, habituate it to meditation, and fill it with that serenity and indifference to the world which is to prepare it for absorption, and place it beyond the reach of future birth.
But the highest form of happiness is total absorption. God, as distinct from matter, is seen by the Hindus as a being resting in his own happiness, devoid of thoughts; like infinite calmness; an untroubled sea of bliss; perfectly detached and lacking awareness. They believe it is the ultimate perfection to be like this being. Therefore, Krishna, in his dialogue with Arjuna, commends the person “who gives up every desire that comes into his heart; who is self-sufficient; who is without attachment; who does not take pleasure in good or bad; who can, like a tortoise, withdraw his limbs from their usual activities; to whom pleasure and pain, gold, iron, and stones are all the same.” “The wise,” Krishna adds, “see Brahman equally in the revered Brahmin, perfected in knowledge; in the ox, and in the elephant; in the dog, and in the one who eats the flesh of dogs.” They say that the person whose very nature is absorbed in divine meditation; whose life is like a sweet, undisturbed sleep; who does not even desire God, becoming thus like the ever-blessed, achieves absorption into Brahman. The rituals leading to absorption are called “tapasya,” and those who perform them are called “tapaswi.” Giving up the world; retreating to a forest; fasting and living on roots, fruits, etc.; maintaining specific postures; enduring all types of weather; these and many other strict practices are recommended to tame the passions, focus the mind, train it for meditation, and cultivate a calmness and indifference to the world that prepares it for absorption and frees it from the cycle of rebirth.
BRAMBLE, אטד, a prickly shrub, Judges ix, 14, 15; Psalm lviii, 9. In the latter place it is translated “thorn.” Hiller supposes atad to be the cynobastus, or sweetbrier. The author of “Scripture Illustrated” says, that the bramble seems to be well chosen as the representative of the original; which should be a plant bearing fruit of some kind, being associated, Judges ix, 14, though by opposition, with the vine. The apologue or fable of Jotham has always been admired for its spirit and application. It has also been considered as the oldest fable extant.
BRAMBLE, אטד, a thorny shrub, Judges ix, 14, 15; Psalm lviii, 9. In the latter, it is translated as “thorn.” Hiller thinks atad refers to the cynobastus, or sweetbriar. The author of “Scripture Illustrated” suggests that the bramble is a fitting representation of the original, as it should be a plant that bears some kind of fruit, even though it is contrasted with the vine, Judges ix, 14. The fable of Jotham has always been praised for its insight and relevance. It is also regarded as the oldest fable still in existence.
BRANCH, a title of Messiah: “And there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a Branch shall grow out of his roots,” Isaiah xi, 1. See also Zech. iii, 8; vi, 12; Jer. xxiii, 5; xxxiii, 15. When Christ is represented as a slender twig, shooting out from the trunk of an old tree lopped to the very root and decayed, and becoming itself a mighty tree, reference is made, 1. To the kingly dignity of Christ, springing up from the decayed house of David; 2. To the exaltation which was to succeed his humbled condition on earth, and to the glory and vigour of his mediatorial reign.
BRANCH, a title of the Messiah: “A shoot will grow from the stump of Jesse, and a Branch will bear fruit from his roots,” Isaiah 11:1. See also Zechariah 3:8; 6:12; Jeremiah 23:5; 33:15. When Christ is depicted as a slender twig emerging from the trunk of an old tree that has been cut down and decayed, and then growing into a mighty tree, it references: 1. The kingly status of Christ rising from the fallen house of David; 2. The exaltation that would follow his humbled state on earth, along with the glory and strength of his role as mediator.
BRASS. נחשת. The word brass occurs very often in our translation of the Bible; but that is a mixed metal, for the making of which we are indebted to the German metallurgists of the thirteenth century. That the ancients knew not the art of making it, is almost certain. None of their writings even hint at the process. There can be no doubt that copper is the original metal intended. This is spoken of as known prior to the flood; and to have been discovered, or at least wrought, as was also iron, in the seventh generation from Adam, by Tubal-cain: whence the name Vulcan. The knowledge of these two metals must have been carried over the world afterward with the spreading colonies of the Noachidæ. Agreeably to this, the ancient histories of the Greeks and Romans speak of Cadmus as the inventor of the metal which by the former is called χαλκὸς, and by the latter æs; and from him had the denomination cadmea. According to others, Cadmus discovered a mine, of which he taught the use. The name of the person here spoken of was undoubtedly the same with Ham, or Cam, the son of Noah, who probably learned the art of assaying metals from the family of Tubal-cain, and communicated that knowledge to the people of the colony which he settled.
BRASS. Guess. The word brass comes up a lot in our translation of the Bible, but it's a mixed metal for which we owe thanks to German metallurgists from the thirteenth century. It's almost certain that the ancients didn't know how to make it. Their writings don’t even hint at the process. There’s no doubt that copper is the original metal being referred to. This is noted as being known before the flood, and it was discovered, or at least worked, along with iron, in the seventh generation from Adam by Tubal-cain; hence the name Vulcan. The knowledge of these two metals must have spread around the world with the colonies of the Noachidæ. In line with this, ancient histories from the Greeks and Romans mention Cadmus as the inventor of the metal, referred to as χαλκὸς by the former and as by the latter; and he gave rise to the term Cadmea. According to others, Cadmus discovered a mine and taught its use. The person mentioned here was likely the same as Ham, or Cam, the son of Noah, who probably learned the art of assaying metals from Tubal-cain’s family and shared that knowledge with the people in the colony he settled.
178BRASEN SERPENT, the, was an image of polished brass, in the form of one of those fiery serpents which were sent to chastise the murmuring Israelites in the wilderness, and whose bite caused violent heat, thirst, and inflammation. By divine command “Moses made a serpent of brass,” or copper, and “put it upon a pole; and it came to pass, that if a serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the serpent of brass, he lived,” Num. xxi, 6–9. This brasen serpent was preserved as a monument of the divine mercy, but in process of time became an instrument of idolatry. When this superstition began, it is difficult to determine; but the best account is given by the Jewish rabbi, David Kimchi, in the following manner: From the time that the kings of Israel did evil, and the children of Israel followed idolatry, till the reign of Hezekiah, they offered incense to it; for it being written in the law of Moses, “Whoever looketh upon it shall live,” they fancied they might obtain blessings by its mediation, and therefore thought it worthy to be worshipped. It had been kept from the days of Moses, in memory of a miracle, in the same manner as the pot of manna was: and Asa and Jehoshaphat did not extirpate it when they rooted out idolatry, because in their reign they did not observe that the people worshipped this serpent, or burnt incense to it; and therefore they left it as a memorial. But Hezekiah thought fit to take it quite away, when he abolished other idolatry, because in the time of his father they adored it as an idol; and though pious people among them accounted it only as a memorial of a wonderful work, yet he judged it better to abolish it, though the memory of the miracle should happen to be lost, than suffer it to remain, and leave the Israelites in danger to commit idolatry hereafter with it. On the subject of the serpent-bitten Israelites being healed by looking at the brasen serpent, there is a good comment in the book of Wisdom, chap. xvi, 4–12, in which are these remarkable words:--“They were admonished, having a sign of salvation,” that is, the brasen serpent, “to put them in remembrance of the commandments of thy law. For he that turned himself toward it, was not saved by the THING that he saw, but by THEE, that art the Saviour of all,” verses 6, 7. To the circumstance of looking at the brasen serpent in order to be healed, our Lord refers, John iii, 14, 15: “As Moses lifted up the (brasen) serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life.”
178THE BRASS SERPENT was a statue made of shiny brass, resembling one of those fiery snakes that were sent to punish the complaining Israelites in the desert, whose bite caused intense heat, thirst, and swelling. By God's command, "Moses made a serpent of brass," or copper, and "put it on a pole; and it happened that if any man was bitten by a serpent, when he looked at the brass serpent, he lived," Num. xxi, 6–9. This brass serpent was kept as a symbol of God's mercy, but over time it became an object of idol worship. It's hard to pinpoint when this superstition began; however, the best explanation comes from the Jewish rabbi, David Kimchi, who stated it this way: From the time the kings of Israel did wrong, and the Israelites followed idolatry, until the reign of Hezekiah, they burned incense to it; since it was written in the law of Moses, "Whoever looks at it shall live," they believed they could receive blessings by its mediation and therefore thought it deserving of worship. It had been preserved since the days of Moses as a reminder of a miracle, similar to the pot of manna: Asa and Jehoshaphat didn't get rid of it when they eradicated idolatry because during their reign, they didn't see the people worshiping the serpent or burning incense to it; thus, they left it as a memorial. But Hezekiah felt it necessary to completely remove it when he put an end to other forms of idolatry because during his father's time, it was worshipped as an idol; and even though devout people saw it only as a reminder of a miraculous event, he thought it was better to abolish it, even at the risk of losing the memory of the miracle, than to let it remain and put the Israelites at risk of committing idolatry in the future. Regarding the Israelites who were bitten by snakes being healed by looking at the brass serpent, there’s a noteworthy comment in the Book of Wisdom, chap. xvi, 4–12, which contains these significant words: “They were reminded, having a sign of salvation,” which referred to the brass serpent, “to keep the commandments of your law in mind. For the one who turned toward it was not saved by the THING he saw, but by YOU, the Savior of all,” verses 6, 7. Concerning the act of looking at the brass serpent to be healed, our Lord mentions this in John iii, 14, 15: “As Moses lifted up the (brass) serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of Man be lifted up, so that whoever believes in him will not perish but have eternal life.”
BREAD, a term which in Scripture is used, as by us, frequently for food in general; but is also often found in its proper sense. Sparing in the use of flesh, like all the nations of the east, the chosen people usually satisfied their hunger with bread, and quenched their thirst in the running stream. Their bread was generally made of wheat or barley, or lentiles and beans. Bread of wheat flour, as being the most excellent, was preferred: barley bread was used only in times of scarcity and distress. So mean and contemptible, in the estimation of the numerous and well-appointed armies of Midian, was Gideon, with his handful of undisciplined militia, that he seems to have been compared to bread of this inferior quality, which may account for the ready interpretation of the dream of the Midianite respecting him: “And when Gideon was come, behold, there was a man that told a dream unto his fellow, and said, Behold, I dreamed a dream, and lo, a cake of barley bread tumbled into the host of Midian, and came unto a tent and smote it that it fell, and overturned it, that the tent lay along. And his fellow answered and said, This is nothing else save the sword of Gideon, the son of Joash, a man of Israel; for into his hand hath God delivered Midian, and all the host.” In the cities and villages of Barbary, where public ovens are established, the bread is usually leavened; but among the Bedoweens and Kabyles, as soon as the dough is kneaded, it is made into thin cakes, either to be baked immediately upon the coals, or else in a shallow earthen vessel like a frying-pan, called Tajen. Such were the unleavened cakes which we so frequently read of in Scripture; and those also which Sarah made quickly upon the hearth. These last are about an inch thick; and, being commonly prepared in woody countries, are used all along the shores of the Black Sea, from the Palus Mæotis to the Caspian, in Chaldea and Mesopotamia, except in towns. A fire is made in the middle of the room: and when the bread is ready for baking, a corner of the hearth is swept, the bread is laid upon it, and covered with ashes and embers; in a quarter of an hour, they turn it. Sometimes they use small convex plates of iron, which are most common in Persia, and among the nomadic tribes, as being the easiest way of baking, and done with the least expense; for the bread is extremely thin, and soon prepared. The oven is also used in every part of Asia: it is made in the ground, four or five feet deep, and three in diameter, well plastered with mortar. When it is hot, they place the bread (which is commonly long, and not thicker than a finger) against the sides: it is baked in a moment. Ovens, Chardin apprehends, were not used in Canaan in the patriarchal age: all the bread of that time was baked upon a plate, or under the ashes; and he supposes, what is nearly self-evident, that the cakes which Sarah baked on the hearth were of the last sort, and that the shew bread was of the same kind. The Arabs about Mount Carmel use a great strong pitcher, in which they kindle a fire; and when it is heated, they mix meal and water, which they apply with the hollow of their hands to the outside of the pitcher; and this extremely soft paste, spreading itself, is baked in an instant. The heat of the pitcher having dried up all the moisture, the bread comes off as thin as our wafers; and the operation is so speedily performed, that in a very little time a sufficient quantity is made. But their best sort of bread they bake, either by heating an oven, or a large pitcher full of little smooth shining flints, 179upon which they lay the dough, spread out in the form of a thin broad cake. Sometimes they use a shallow earthen vessel, resembling a frying pan, which seems to be the pan mentioned by Moses, in which the meat-offering was baked. This vessel, Dr. Shaw informs us, serves both for baking and frying; for the bagreah of the people of Barbary differs not much from our pancakes; only, instead of rubbing the pan in which they fry them with butter, they rub it with soap, to make them like a honey-comb. If these accounts of the Arab stone pitcher, the pan, and the iron hearth or copper plate, be attended to, it will not be difficult to understand the laws of Moses in the second chapter of Leviticus: they will be found to answer perfectly well to the description which he gives us of the different ways of preparing the meat-offerings. As the Hebrews made their bread thin, in the form of little flat cakes, they did not cut it with a knife, but broke it; which gave rise to the expression, breaking bread, so frequent in Scripture.
BREAD is a term used in the Bible, much like it is today, often meaning food in general but also referring to its specific sense. The chosen people, like other nations in the East, were modest in their consumption of meat and typically satisfied their hunger with bread and quenched their thirst with fresh water. Their bread was usually made from wheat or barley, and sometimes from lentils and beans. Wheat flour bread, being the best quality, was preferred, while barley bread was reserved for times of scarcity and hardship. Gideon, with his small, untrained group of militia, was viewed so poorly by the well-equipped Midianite armies that he was likened to this lesser quality bread, which may explain the quick interpretation of a Midianite's dream about him: “When Gideon arrived, a man told his friend about a dream he had, saying, ‘I dreamed that a barley cake rolled into the Midianite camp, hit a tent, and knocked it over so that it fell flat.’ His friend replied, ‘This is nothing less than the sword of Gideon, son of Joash, a man of Israel; God has given Midian and their entire camp into his hands.’” In the towns and villages of Barbary, where community ovens are found, bread is typically leavened; however, among the Bedouins and Kabyles, once the dough is kneaded, it’s shaped into thin cakes, either cooked right on the coals or in a shallow earthen dish, similar to a frying pan, called Tajen. These were the unleavened cakes frequently mentioned in the Bible, like the ones made quickly by Sarah on the hearth. These cakes are about an inch thick and, being primarily made in wooded areas, are commonly used along the Black Sea, from the Sea of Azov to the Caspian, in Chaldea and Mesopotamia, except in cities. A fire is built in the middle of the room: when the bread is ready to bake, a corner of the hearth is cleared, the bread is placed on it, and covered with ashes and embers; in about fifteen minutes, it’s flipped. Sometimes, small convex iron plates, common in Persia and among nomadic tribes, are used since they are the easiest and cheapest way to bake; the bread is extremely thin and cooks quickly. An oven is also utilized across Asia: it is dug into the ground, about four to five feet deep and three feet wide, well-coated with mortar. When heated, the bread (typically long and about as thick as a finger) is placed against the walls to bake, and it cooks almost instantly. Chardin suggests that ovens weren’t used in Canaan during the patriarchal age; all the bread back then was baked on a plate or under the ashes. He also assumes, quite understandably, that the cakes Sarah made on the hearth were of the latter type, just like the showbread. The Arabs near Mount Carmel use a large, sturdy pitcher to start a fire; when heated, they mix flour and water, applying this soft paste to the outside of the pitcher, which immediately cooks the bread. The heat of the pitcher dries out the moisture, resulting in wafers as thin as ours, and the process is so quick that a lot can be made in a short time. However, their best bread is made either by heating an oven or a large pitcher filled with smooth, shiny stones, where they lay the dough spread out as a thin flat cake. They sometimes use a shallow earthen dish that resembles a frying pan, which appears to be the pan mentioned by Moses, used for baking meat offerings. According to Dr. Shaw, this dish can be used for both baking and frying; the bagreah of the Barbary people is similar to our pancakes, except they use soap instead of butter to grease the pan, giving it a honeycomb-like texture. If we consider these descriptions of the Arab stone pitcher, the pan, and iron or copper plates, it becomes easy to understand the laws set out by Moses in the second chapter of Leviticus; they match well with his descriptions of how meat offerings are to be prepared. Since the Hebrews made their bread thin and in the form of flat cakes, they did not slice it with a knife but broke it instead, leading to the common phrase, breaking bread, that appears frequently in the Bible.
The Arabians and other eastern people, among whom wood is scarce, often bake their bread between two fires made of cow dung, which burns slowly, and bakes the bread very leisurely. The crumb of it is very good, if it be eaten the same day; but the crust is black and burnt, and retains a smell of the materials that were used in baking it. This may serve to explain a passage in Ezekiel, iv, 9–13. The straits of a siege and the scarcity of fuel were thus intimated to the Prophet. During the whole octave of the passover, the Hebrews use only unleavened bread, as a memorial that at the time of their departure out of Egypt they wanted leisure to bake leavened bread; and, having left the country with precipitation, they were content to bake bread which was not leavened, Exod. xii, 8. The practice of the Jews at this day, with relation to the use of unleavened bread, is as follows: They forbid to eat, or have in their houses, or in any place belonging to them, either leavened bread or any thing else that is leavened. That they may the better observe this rule, they search into all the corners of the house with scrupulous exactness for all bread or paste, or any thing that is leavened. After they have thus well cleansed their houses, they whiten them, and furnish them with kitchen and table utensils, all new, and with others which are to be used only on that day. If they are movables, which have served only for something else, and are made of metal, they have them polished, and put into the fire, to take away all the impurity which they may have contracted by touching any thing leavened. All this is done on the thirteenth day of Nisan, or on the vigil of the feast of the passover, which begins with the fifteenth of the same month, or the fourteenth day in the evening; for the Hebrews reckon their days from one evening to another. On the fourteenth of Nisan, at eleven o’clock, they burn the common bread, to show that the prohibition of eating leavened bread is then commenced; and this action is attended with words, whereby the master of the house declares that he has no longer any thing leavened in his keeping; that, at least, he believes so. In allusion to this practice, we are commanded to “purge out the old leaven;” by which “malice and wickedness” are intended; and to feed only on the “unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.”
The Arabians and other eastern communities, where wood is hard to find, often bake their bread between two fires made from cow dung, which burns slowly and cooks the bread gradually. The texture is quite good if eaten on the same day, but the crust is blackened and burnt, holding onto the smell of the materials used for baking. This may help clarify a passage in Ezekiel, 4:9-13. The hardships of a siege and the lack of fuel were indicated to the Prophet. During the entire week of Passover, the Hebrews eat only unleavened bread as a reminder of when they left Egypt; they didn’t have time to bake leavened bread and had to settle for unleavened bread as they hurriedly escaped (Exod. 12:8). The current practice of Jews regarding unleavened bread is as follows: they avoid eating or having any leavened bread in their homes or anywhere they have influence. To stick to this rule, they meticulously search every corner of their houses for any leavened bread or dough. After thoroughly cleaning their homes, they whiten them and equip them with new kitchen and dining utensils, alongside others that are only used on that day. If they have movable items that were used for different purposes and are made of metal, they polish them and put them in the fire to eliminate any impurities from contact with leavened items. All this is done on the thirteenth day of Nisan, or the eve of Passover, which starts on the fifteenth of the same month, or the evening of the fourteenth day since the Hebrews count their days from one evening to the next. On the fourteenth of Nisan, at eleven o'clock, they burn the regular bread to signify the start of the prohibition against eating leavened bread. This ritual includes the head of the household declaring that they no longer have any leavened items in their possession, or at least that they believe so. In connection to this practice, we are commanded to “purge out the old leaven,” referring to “malice and wickedness,” and to only partake in the “unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.”
2. Shew Bread, or, according to the Hebrews, the bread of faces, was bread offered every Sabbath day upon the golden table in the holy place, Exod. xxv, 30. The Hebrews affirm that these loaves were square, and had four sides, and were covered with leaves of gold. They were twelve in number, according to the number of the twelve tribes, in whose names they were offered. Every loaf was composed of two assarons of flour, which make about five pints and one-tenth. These loaves were unleavened. They were presented hot every Sabbath day, the old ones being taken away and eaten by the priests only. This offering was accompanied with salt and frankincense, and even with wine, according to some commentators. The Scripture mentions only salt and incense; but it is presumed that wine was added, because it was not wanting in other sacrifices and offerings. It is believed that these loaves were placed one upon another, in two piles of six each; and that between every loaf were two thin plates of gold, folded back in a semicircle the whole length of them, to admit air, and to prevent the loaves from growing mouldy. These golden plates, thus turned in, were supported at their extremities by two golden forks, which rested on the ground. The twelve loaves, because they stood before the Lord, were called לחם הפנים, ἄρτοι ϖροθέσεως, or ἐνωπίοι, the bread of faces, or of the presence; and are therefore denominated in our English translation the shew bread.
2. Show Bread, or as the Hebrews call it, the bread of faces, was bread presented every Sabbath day on the golden table in the holy place, Exod. xxv, 30. The Hebrews claim that these loaves were square, had four sides, and were covered in gold leaves. There were twelve loaves, in line with the twelve tribes, and they were offered in their names. Each loaf was made from two assarons of flour, which equals about five pints and one-tenth. These loaves were unleavened. They were presented hot every Sabbath, with the old ones removed and eaten only by the priests. This offering was accompanied by salt and frankincense, and some commentators suggest it was also paired with wine. The Scripture specifically mentions only salt and incense, but it’s assumed that wine was included, as it was in other sacrifices and offerings. It’s believed these loaves were stacked two high in two piles of six, with two thin gold plates placed between each loaf, folded back in a semicircle along their entire length to allow air in and keep the loaves from going moldy. These gold plates were held up by two golden forks at their ends, resting on the ground. The twelve loaves, as they were presented before the Lord, were called לחם השולחן, ἄρτοι ϖροθέσεως, or ἐνωπίοι, the bread of faces, or of the presence; and in our English translation, they are referred to as the show bread.
Since part of the frankincense put upon the bread was to be burnt on the altar for a memorial, even an offering made by fire unto the Lord; and since Aaron and his sons were to eat it in the holy place, Lev. xxiv, 5–9, it is probable that this bread typified Christ, first presented as a sacrifice to Jehovah, and then becoming spiritual food to such as in and through him are spiritual priests to God, even his Father, Rev. i, 6; v, 10; xx, 6; 1 Peter ii, 5. It appears, from some places in Scripture, (see Exodus xxix, 32, and Numbers vi, 15,) that there was always near the altar a basket full of bread, in order to be offered together with the ordinary sacrifices.
Since part of the frankincense placed on the bread was to be burned on the altar as a memorial—an offering made by fire to the Lord—and since Aaron and his sons were to eat it in the holy place (Lev. xxiv, 5–9), it’s likely that this bread symbolized Christ, first presented as a sacrifice to Jehovah, and then becoming spiritual nourishment for those who, through Him, are spiritual priests to God, even His Father (Rev. i, 6; v, 10; xx, 6; 1 Peter ii, 5). From various passages in Scripture (see Exodus xxix, 32, and Numbers vi, 15), it seems there was always a basket full of bread near the altar, meant to be offered along with the regular sacrifices.
BREASTPLATE, or PECTORAL, one part of the priestly vestments, belonging to the Jewish high priests. It was about ten inches square, Exod. xxviii, 13–31; and consisted of a folded piece of the same rich embroidered stuff of which the ephod was made. It was worn on the breast of the high priest, and was set with twelve precious stones, on each of which was engraven the name of one of the tribes. They were set in four rows, three in each row, and were divided from each other by the little golden squares or partitions in which they were set. The names of these stones, and that of the tribe engraven on them, as also their disposition 180on the breastplate, are usually given as follows; but what stones really answer to the Hebrew name, is for the most part very uncertain:--
BREASTPLATE, or PECTORAL, is one part of the priestly garments worn by the Jewish high priests. It measured about ten inches square, Exod. xxviii, 13–31, and was made from a folded piece of the same richly embroidered fabric as the ephod. The high priest wore it on his chest, and it was adorned with twelve precious stones, each engraved with the name of one of the tribes. The stones were arranged in four rows, three stones in each row, and were separated by small golden squares or partitions. The names of these stones and the tribes engraved on them, along with their layout on the breastplate, are typically provided as follows, but the exact correspondence of these stones to the Hebrew names is mostly uncertain:--
Sardine, | Topaz, | Carbuncle, |
Reuben sandwich. | Simeon. | Levi. |
Emerald, | Sapphire, | Diamond, |
Judah. | Dan. | Naphtali. |
Ligure, | Agate, | Amethyst, |
Gad. | Asher. | Issachar. |
Beryl, | Onyx, | Jasper, |
Zebulun. | Joseph. | Ben. |
This breastplate was fastened at the four corners, those on the top to each shoulder, by a golden hook or ring, at the end of a wreathen chain; and those below to the girdle of the ephod, by two strings or ribbons, which had likewise two rings or hooks. This ornament was never to be separated from the priestly garment; and it was called the memorial, because it was a sign whereby the children of Israel might know that they were presented to God, and that they were had in remembrance by him. It was also called the breastplate of judgment, because it had the divine oracle of Urim and Thummim annexed to it. These words signify lights and perfections, and are mentioned as in the high priest’s breastplate; but what they were, we cannot determine. Some think they were two precious stones added to the other twelve, by the extraordinary lustre of which, God marked his approbation of a design, and, by their becoming dim, his disallowance of it; others, that these two words were written on a precious stone, or plate of gold, fixed in the breastplate; others, that the letters of the names of the tribes, were the Urim and Thummim; and that the letters by standing out, or by an extraordinary illumination, marked such words as contained the answer of God to him who consulted this oracle. Le Clerc will have them to be the names of two precious stones, set in a golden collar of the high priest, and coming down to his breast, as the magistrates of Egypt wore a golden chain, at the end of which hung the figure of truth, engraven on a precious stone. Prideaux thinks the words chiefly denote the clearness of the oracles dictated to the high priest, though perhaps the lustre of the stones in his breastplate might represent this clearness. Jahn says the most probable opinion is, that Urim and Thummim (אורים, ותמים, light and justice, Septuagint, δήλωσις καὶ ἀλήθεια) [manifestation and truth] was a sacred lot, 1 Samuel xiv, 41, 42. There were employed, perhaps, in determining this lot, three precious stones, on one of which was engraven כן, yes; on the other, לא, no; the third being destitute of any inscription. The question proposed, therefore, was always to be put in such a way, that the answer might be direct, either yes or no, provided any answer was given at all. These stones were carried in the purse or bag, formed by the lining or interior of the pectoral; and when the question was proposed, if the high priest drew out the stone which exhibited yes, the answer was affirmative; if the one on which no was written, the answer was negative; if the third, no answer was to be given, Joshua vii, 13–21; 1 Sam. xiv, 40–43; xxviii, 6. In the midst of all this conjecture, only two things are certain: 1. That one of the appointed methods of consulting God, on extraordinary emergencies, was by Urim and Thummim: 2. That the oracles of God rejected all equivocal and enigmatical replies, which was the character of the Heathen pretended oracles. “The words of the Lord are pure words.” His own oracle bears, therefore, an inscription which signifies lights and perfections, or, the shining and the perfect; or, according to the LXX, manifestation and truth. In this respect it might be a type of the Christian revelation made to the true Israel, the Christian church, by the Gospel. St. Paul seems especially to allude to this translation of Urim and Thummim by the Septuagint, when he speaks of himself and his fellow labourers, “commending themselves to every man’s conscience by manifestation of the truth;” in opposition to those who by their errors and compliances with the Jewish prejudices, or with the philosophical taste of the Greeks, obscured the truth, and rendered ambiguous the guidance of Christian doctrine. His preaching is thus tacitly compared to the oracles of God; theirs, to the misleading and perplexed oracles of the Heathen.
This breastplate was attached at the four corners, with the top ones connecting to each shoulder by a golden hook or ring at the end of a braided chain; and the bottom ones were attached to the ephod's belt by two strings or ribbons that also had two rings or hooks. This ornament was never to be separated from the priestly garment; it was called the memorial, as it served as a sign for the children of Israel to know that they were presented to God and remembered by Him. It was also known as the breastplate of judgment because it had the divine oracle of Urim and Thummim connected to it. These terms mean lights and perfections, and while they are associated with the high priest’s breastplate, their exact nature remains uncertain. Some believe they were two precious stones added to the other twelve, which indicated God's approval of a plan through their extraordinary brightness and His disapproval when they became dim. Others think these two words were inscribed on a precious stone or gold plate fixed in the breastplate. Another view is that the letters representing the tribes were the Urim and Thummim, and that the letters, by standing out or glowing unusually, pointed to the words containing God's answers to those consulting this oracle. Le Clerc suggests they were the names of two precious stones set in a golden collar worn by the high priest, similar to the golden chain worn by Egyptian leaders that had a figure of truth engraved on a precious stone. Prideaux believes the terms primarily refer to the clarity of the oracles given to the high priest, though the brilliance of the stones in his breastplate may also symbolize this clarity. Jahn states that the most likely explanation is that Urim and Thummim (Guides, Simple and innocent, light and justice, Septuagint, δήλωσις καὶ ἀλήθεια) [manifestation and truth] was a sacred lot, as mentioned in 1 Samuel 14:41-42. It is thought that three precious stones were used to determine this lot, with one inscribed with Yes, yes; another with לא, no; while the third had no inscription. Therefore, the question asked had to be framed in such a way that the answer could only be either yes or no, provided an answer was given. These stones were kept in a pouch or bag created by the lining of the breastplate; when a question was posed, if the high priest drew out the stone that displayed yes, the answer was affirmative; if the one marked no, the answer was negative; if the third, no answer was to be given (Joshua 7:13-21; 1 Samuel 14:40-43; 28:6). Amidst all this speculation, two things are certain: 1. One of the established methods of consulting God in special situations was through Urim and Thummim: 2. The oracles of God provided no ambiguous or puzzling responses, unlike the so-called oracles of pagans. “The words of the Lord are pure words.” His oracle thus bears an inscription signifying lights and perfections, or, the shining and the perfect; or, according to the LXX, manifestation and truth. In this sense, it might symbolize the Christian revelation given to the true Israel, the Christian church, through the Gospel. St. Paul appears to reference this translation of Urim and Thummim by the Septuagint when he mentions himself and his fellow workers, “commending themselves to every man’s conscience by manifestation of the truth;” in contrast to those who, through their errors and conformity to Jewish biases or the philosophical preferences of the Greeks, obscured the truth and made the guidance of Christian doctrine unclear. His preaching is subtly compared to the oracles of God; theirs, to the confusing and misleading oracles of the pagans.
BRIDE and BRIDEGROOM. Under this head an account of the marriage customs of ancient times, the knowledge of which is so necessary to explain many allusions in the Holy Scriptures, may be properly introduced. Among the Jews, the state of marriage was, from the remotest periods of their history, reckoned so honourable, that the person who neglected or declined to enter into it without a good reason, was thought to be guilty of a great crime. Such a mode of thinking was not confined to them; in several of the Grecian states, marriage was held in equal respect. The Jews did not allow marriageable persons to enter into that honourable state without restriction; the high priest was forbidden by law to marry a widow; and the priests of every rank, to take a harlot to wife, a profane woman, or one put away from her husband. To prevent the alienation of inheritances, an heiress could not marry but into her own tribe. The whole people of Israel, being a holy nation, separated from all the earth to the service of the true God, and to be the depositaries of his law, were forbidden to contract matrimonial alliances with the idolatrous nations in their vicinity. The marriage engagement of a minor, without the knowledge and consent of the parents, was of no force; so sacred was the parental authority held among that people. These customs appear to have been derived from a very remote antiquity; for when Eliezer of Damascus went to Mesopotamia to take a wife from thence unto his master’s son, he disclosed the motives of his journey to the father and brother of Rebecca; and Hamor applied to Jacob and his sons, for their consent to the union of Dinah with his son Shechem. Samson also consulted his parents about his marriage; and entreated 181them to get for him the object of his choice. Marriage contracts seem to have been made in the primitive ages with little ceremony. The suitor himself, or his father, sent a messenger to the father of the woman, to ask her in marriage. In the remote ages of antiquity, women were literally purchased by their husbands; and the presents made to their parents or other relations were called their dowry. Thus, we find Shechem bargaining with Jacob and his sons for Dinah: “Let me find grace in your eyes, and what ye shall say unto me, I will give: ask me never so much dowry and gift, and I will give according as ye shall say unto me; but give me the damsel to wife,” Gen. xxxiv, 2. The practice still continues in the country of Shechem; for when a young Arab wishes to marry, he must purchase his wife; and for this reason, fathers, among the Arabs, are never more happy than when they have many daughters. They are reckoned the principal riches of a house. An Arabian suitor will offer fifty sheep, six camels, or a dozen of cows: if he be not rich enough to make such offers, he proposes to give a mare or a colt, considering in the offer the merit of the young woman, the rank of her family, and his own circumstances. In the primitive times of Greece, a well-educated lady was valued at four oxen. When they are agreed on both sides, the contract is drawn up by him that acts as cadi or judge among these Arabs. In some parts of the east, a measure of corn is formally mentioned in contracts for their concubines, or temporary wives, beside the sum of money which is stipulated by way of dowry. This custom is probably as ancient as concubinage, with which it is connected; and if so, it will perhaps account for the Prophet Hosea’s purchasing a wife of this kind, for fifteen pieces of silver, and for a homer of barley, and a half homer of barley. When the intended husband was not able to give a dowry, he offered an equivalent. The patriarch Jacob, who came to Laban with only his staff, offered to serve him seven years for Rachel: a proposal which Laban accepted. This custom has descended to modern times; for in Cabul the young men who are unable to advance the required dowry “live with their future father-in-law, and earn their bride by their services, without ever seeing the object of their wishes.” The contract of marriage was made in the house of the woman’s father, before the elders and governors of the city or district. The espousals by money, or a written instrument, were performed by the man and woman under a tent or canopy erected for that purpose. Into this chamber the bridegroom was accustomed to go with his bride, that he might talk with her more familiarly; which was considered as a ceremony of confirmation to the wedlock. While he was there, no person was allowed to enter: his friends and attendants waited for him at the door, with torches and lamps in their hands; and when he came out, he was received by all that were present with great joy and acclamation. To this ancient custom, the Psalmist alludes in his magnificent description of the heavens: “In them he set a tabernacle for the sun; which, as a bridegroom coming out of his chamber, rejoices as a strong man to run a race,” Psalm xix, 4. A Jewish virgin legally betrothed was considered as a lawful wife; and, by consequence, could not be put away without a bill of divorce. And if she proved unfaithful to her betrothed husband, she was punished as an adulteress; and her seducer incurred the same punishment as if he had polluted the wife of his neighbour. This is the reason that the angel addressed Joseph, the betrothed husband of Mary, in these terms: “Joseph, thou son of David, fear not to take unto thee Mary thy wife; for that which is conceived in her is of the Holy Ghost.” The Evangelist Luke gives her the same title: “And Joseph also went up from Galilee unto Bethlehem, to be taxed, with Mary his espoused wife,” Luke ii, 4, 5.
BRIDE and BRIDEGROOM. This section presents the marriage customs of ancient times, which are important for understanding many references in the Holy Scriptures. Among the Jews, marriage was regarded as so honorable from the earliest periods of their history that anyone who neglected or refused to marry without a valid reason was considered to have committed a serious offense. This mindset wasn’t exclusive to them; in several Greek states, marriage was similarly respected. The Jews had restrictions on who could marry; for instance, the high priest was legally prohibited from marrying a widow, and priests of all ranks could not marry a harlot, a profane woman, or someone divorced. To prevent issues with inheritance, an heiress could only marry someone from her own tribe. All of Israel, being a holy nation set apart to serve the true God and uphold His law, was forbidden from marrying idolaters living nearby. A minor’s engagement was not binding without the knowledge and consent of their parents, emphasizing the sacredness of parental authority in that society. These customs seem to have origins from very ancient times; for instance, when Eliezer of Damascus went to Mesopotamia to find a wife for his master’s son, he explained his intentions to Rebecca’s father and brother. Similarly, Hamor sought Jacob and his sons' approval for the union of his son Shechem with Dinah. Samson also discussed his marriage plans with his parents and asked them to help him win the woman he desired. Marriage contracts in primitive times appear to have been formed with little formality. The suitor or his father would send a messenger to ask the woman’s father for her hand in marriage. In those ancient times, women were essentially bought by their husbands, with gifts to their parents or relatives referred to as their dowry. For example, Shechem negotiated with Jacob and his sons for Dinah, stating, “Let me find favor in your eyes, and whatever you ask me, I will give; ask me never so much dowry and gift, and I will provide whatever you say; just give me the girl as my wife,” Gen. xxxiv, 2. This practice continues among the people of Shechem; when a young Arab wants to marry, he must pay for his wife. Because of this, Arab fathers are particularly pleased when they have many daughters, as they are seen as a family’s main wealth. An Arabian suitor may offer fifty sheep, six camels, or a dozen cows; if he can't afford such offerings, he may propose a mare or a colt, considering the young woman's qualities, her family's status, and his own situation. In ancient Greece, a well-educated woman was valued at four oxen. When both parties reach an agreement, a cadi or judge among the Arabs prepares the contract. In some eastern regions, a measure of grain is mentioned in contracts for concubines or temporary wives, alongside the monetary sum stipulated as dowry. This custom likely dates back as far as concubinage itself; if this is true, it may explain why the Prophet Hosea bought a wife of this kind for fifteen pieces of silver, and a homer and a half of barley. If the intended husband couldn’t provide a dowry, he would offer an equivalent. The patriarch Jacob, who arrived at Laban's with just his staff, agreed to work for seven years for Rachel’s hand in marriage; Laban accepted this proposal. This custom has persisted into modern times; for instance, in Cabul, young men who cannot provide the required dowry “live with their future father-in-law and earn their bride through their services, often without ever seeing her beforehand.” The marriage contract was made at the woman's father's house in front of the city or district elders and leaders. The engagement through money or a written contract was conducted by the man and woman under a tent or canopy set up for that purpose. In this chamber, the bridegroom would go in with his bride for a more personal conversation, which was seen as a confirmation of their marriage. While they were inside, no one else could enter; his friends and attendants would wait outside with torches and lamps, and when he emerged, he would be welcomed with great joy and celebration. The Psalmist refers to this ancient custom in a beautiful description of the heavens: “In them he set a tabernacle for the sun; which, as a bridegroom coming out of his chamber, rejoices as a strong man to run a race,” Psalm xix, 4. A Jewish virgin who was legally betrothed was viewed as a lawful wife; therefore, she could not be dismissed without a bill of divorce. If she was unfaithful to her fiancé, she would be punished as an adulteress, and her seducer would face the same penalty as if he had violated his neighbor's wife. This is why the angel spoke to Joseph, Mary’s betrothed husband, saying, “Joseph, son of David, do not be afraid to take Mary as your wife; for that which is conceived in her is of the Holy Spirit.” The Evangelist Luke also refers to her as “And Joseph also went up from Galilee to Bethlehem, to be registered, with Mary his espoused wife,” Luke ii, 4, 5.
2. Ten or twelve months commonly intervened between the ceremony of espousals and the marriage: during this interval, the espoused wife continued with her parents, that she might provide herself with nuptial ornaments suitable to her station. This custom serves to explain a circumstance in Samson’s marriage, which is involved in some obscurity. “He went down,” says the historian, “and talked with the woman,” (whom he had seen at Timnath,) “and she pleased him well,” Judges xiv, 7, &c. These words seem to refer to the ceremony of espousals; the following, to the subsequent marriage: “And after a time he returned to take her,” Judges xiv, 8. Hence a considerable time intervened between the espousals and their actual union. From the time of the espousals, the bridegroom was at liberty to visit his espoused wife in the house of her father; yet neither of the parties left their own abode during eight days before the marriage; but persons of the same age visited the bridegroom, and made merry with him. These circumstances are distinctly marked in the account which the sacred historian has given us of Samson’s marriage: “So his father went down unto the woman, and made there a feast; for so used the young men to do. And it came to pass when they saw him, that they brought thirty companions to be with him,” Judges xiv, 10. These companions were the children of the bride chamber, of whom our Lord speaks: “Can the children of the bride chamber mourn as long as the bridegroom is with them?” Matt. xix, 15. The marriage ceremony was commonly performed in a garden, or in the open air; the bride was placed under a canopy, supported by four youths, and adorned with jewels according to the rank of the married persons; all the company crying out with joyful acclamations, “Blessed be he that cometh!” It was anciently the custom, at the conclusion of the ceremony, for the father and mother and kindred of the woman, to pray for a blessing upon the parties. Bethuel and Laban, and the other members of their family, pronounced a solemn benediction upon Rebecca before her departure: “And they blessed Rebecca, and said unto her, Thou art our sister, be thou the mother of thousands of millions; and let thy 182seed possess the gate of those that hate them,” Gen. xxiv, 60. And in times long posterior to the age of Isaac, when Ruth, the Moabitess, was espoused to Boaz, “all the people that were in the gate, and the elders, said, We are witnesses: the Lord make the woman that is come into thine house like Rachel, and like Leah, which two did build the house of Israel; and do thou worthily in Ephratah, and be famous in Bethlehem,” Ruth iv, 11, 12. After the benedictions, the bride is conducted with great pomp to the house of her husband: this is usually done in the evening; and as the procession moved along, money, sweetmeats, flowers, and other articles, were thrown among the populace, which they caught in cloths made for such occasions, stretched in a particular manner upon frames. The use of perfumes at eastern marriages is common; and upon great occasions very profuse.
2. Ten to twelve months typically passed between the engagement ceremony and the wedding: during this time, the engaged woman stayed with her parents to gather wedding decorations appropriate for her status. This custom helps clarify a detail in Samson’s marriage that is somewhat unclear. “He went down,” says the historian, “and spoke with the woman,” (whom he had met at Timnath,) “and she pleased him well,” Judges xiv, 7, &c. These words seem to refer to the engagement ceremony; the next part refers to the actual wedding: “And after a time he returned to take her,” Judges xiv, 8. Thus, a significant amount of time passed between the engagement and their actual union. From the time of the engagement, the groom could visit his fiancée in her father's house; however, neither party left their home during the eight days before the wedding. Instead, peers visited the groom to celebrate with him. These details are clearly outlined in the account of Samson’s marriage: “So his father went down to the woman and made a feast there; for that was what young men usually did. And when they saw him, they brought thirty companions to be with him,” Judges xiv, 10. These companions were the children of the bridal chamber, referred to by our Lord: “Can the children of the bridal chamber mourn as long as the bridegroom is with them?” Matt. xix, 15. The wedding ceremony was usually held in a garden or outdoors; the bride was placed under a canopy held up by four young men, adorned with jewels according to the couple's status, while the crowd cheered with joyful shouts, “Blessed be he that comes!” Traditionally, at the end of the ceremony, the bride’s father, mother, and relatives would pray for a blessing upon the couple. Bethuel and Laban, along with their family, pronounced a solemn blessing on Rebecca before she left: “And they blessed Rebecca, and said to her, You are our sister; may you be the mother of thousands of millions; and let your seed possess the gates of those who hate them,” Gen. xxiv, 60. Even much later, when Ruth, the Moabitess, was engaged to Boaz, “all the people in the gate, and the elders, said, We are witnesses: may the Lord make the woman who has come into your house like Rachel and like Leah, who together built the house of Israel; and may you act worthily in Ephrathah, and be famous in Bethlehem,” Ruth iv, 11, 12. After the blessings, the bride is taken with great ceremony to her husband’s house: this usually happens in the evening; and as the procession moves, money, sweets, flowers, and other items are thrown among the crowd, which they catch in cloths made for that purpose, stretched out in a particular way on frames. The use of perfumes at Eastern weddings is common, and on special occasions, very lavish.
3. It was the custom among the ancient Greeks, and the nations around them, to conduct the new-married couple with torches and lamps to their dwelling; as appears from the messenger in Euripides, who says he called to mind the time when he bore torches before Menelaus and Helena. These torches were usually carried by servants; and the procession was sometimes attended by singers and dancers. Thus Homer, in his description of the shield of Achilles:--
3. It was customary among the ancient Greeks and the surrounding nations to escort newly married couples to their home with torches and lamps. This is shown by the messenger in Euripides, who recalls the time he carried torches in front of Menelaus and Helena. Typically, these torches were held by servants, and the procession was occasionally accompanied by singers and dancers. Similarly, Homer describes this in his depiction of Achilles' shield:--
“In one of the sculptured cities, nuptials were celebrating, and solemn feasts; through the city they conducted the new-married pair from their chambers, with flaming torches, while frequent shouts of Hymen burst from the attending throng, and young men danced in skilful measures to the sound of the pipe and the harp.”
“In one of the sculpted cities, weddings were being celebrated with formal feasts. They led the newlyweds from their chambers through the city, carrying flaming torches, while cheers of Hymen rang out from the crowd. Young men danced skillfully to the music of the pipe and the harp.”
A similar custom is observed among the Hindoos. The husband and wife, on the day of their marriage, being both in the same palanquin, go about seven and eight o’clock at night, accompanied with all their kindred and friends; the trumpets and drums go before them; and they are lighted by a number of flambeaux; immediately before the palanquin walk many women, whose business it is to sing verses, in which they wish them all manner of prosperity. They march in this equipage through the streets for the space of some hours, after which they return to their own house, where the domestics are in waiting. The whole house is illumined with small lamps; and many of those flambeaux already mentioned are kept ready for their arrival, beside those which accompany them, and are carried before the palanquin. These flambeaux are composed of many pieces of old linen, squeezed hard against one another in a round figure, and thrust down into a mould of copper. The persons that hold them in one hand have in the other a bottle of the same metal with the copper mould, which is full of oil, which they take care to pour out from time to time upon the linen, which otherwise gives no light. The Roman ladies also were led home to their husbands in the evening by the light of torches. A Jewish marriage seems to have been conducted in much the same way; for in that beautiful psalm, where David describes the majesty of Christ’s kingdom, we meet with this passage: “And the daughter of Tyre shall be there with a gift; even the rich among the people shall entreat thy favour. The king’s daughter is all-glorious within; her clothing is of wrought gold. She shall be brought unto the king in raiment of needle work; the virgins, her companions that follow her, shall be brought unto thee. With gladness and rejoicing shall they be brought: they shall enter into the king’s palace,” Psalm xlv, 12, &c. In the parable of the ten virgins, the same circumstances are introduced: “They that were foolish took their lamps, and took no oil with them: but the wise took oil in their vessels with their lamps. While the bridegroom tarried,” leading the procession through the streets of the city, the women and domestics that were appointed to wait his arrival at home, “all slumbered and slept. And at midnight there was a cry made, Behold, the bridegroom cometh! Go ye out to meet him. Then all those virgins arose and trimmed their lamps. And the foolish said unto the wise, Give us of your oil; for our lamps are gone out,” Matt. xxv, 6.
A similar tradition is seen among Hindus. On their wedding day, the husband and wife travel in the same palanquin around 7 or 8 o'clock at night, accompanied by family and friends. Trumpets and drums lead the way, and they are illuminated by numerous torches. In front of the palanquin, many women walk and sing verses wishing them all kinds of prosperity. They parade through the streets for several hours, after which they return to their home, where the household staff is waiting. The entire house is lit with small lamps, and many of the aforementioned torches are prepared for their arrival, in addition to those accompanying them. These torches are made from several pieces of old linen tightly packed together in a round shape and placed into a copper mold. The people holding them in one hand also carry a copper oil bottle in the other, which they periodically pour onto the linen, as it wouldn’t give off light otherwise. Roman women were also brought home to their husbands in the evening by torchlight. A Jewish wedding seems to have been conducted similarly; in that beautiful psalm where David describes the majesty of Christ's kingdom, we find this passage: “And the daughter of Tyre shall be there with a gift; even the rich among the people shall entreat thy favor. The king’s daughter is all-glorious within; her clothing is of wrought gold. She shall be brought unto the king in raiment of needlework; the virgins, her companions that follow her, shall be brought unto thee. With gladness and rejoicing shall they be brought: they shall enter into the king’s palace,” Psalm xlv, 12, &c. In the parable of the ten virgins, the same details are included: “They that were foolish took their lamps, and took no oil with them: but the wise took oil in their vessels with their lamps. While the bridegroom tarried,” leading the procession through the streets of the city, the women and household staff who were meant to wait for his arrival at home “all slumbered and slept. And at midnight there was a cry made, Behold, the bridegroom cometh! Go ye out to meet him. Then all those virgins arose and trimmed their lamps. And the foolish said unto the wise, Give us of your oil; for our lamps are gone out,” Matt. xxv, 6.
The following extract from Ward’s “View of the Hindoos” very strikingly illustrates this parable: “At a marriage, the procession of which I saw some years ago, the bridegroom came from a distance, and the bride lived at Serampore, to which place the bridegroom was to come by water. After waiting two or three hours, at length, near midnight, it was announced, as if in the very words of Scripture, ‘Behold, the bridegroom cometh! Go ye out to meet him.’ All the persons employed now lighted their lamps, and ran with them in their hands to fill up their stations in the procession; some of them had lost their lights, and were unprepared; but it was then too late to seek them, and the cavalcade moved forward to the house of the bride, at which place the company entered a large and splendidly illuminated area, before the house covered with an awning, where a great multitude of friends dressed in their best apparel were seated upon mats. The bridegroom was carried in the arms of a friend, and placed on a superb seat in the midst of the company, where he sat a short time, and then went into the house, the door of which was immediately shut, and guarded by Sepoys. I and others expostulated with the door keepers, but in vain.”
The following extract from Ward’s “View of the Hindoos” very strikingly illustrates this parable: “At a wedding I attended a few years ago, the groom came from far away, and the bride lived in Serampore, where the groom was supposed to arrive by boat. After waiting two or three hours, finally, around midnight, it was announced, just like in Scripture, ‘Look, the groom is coming! Go out to meet him.’ Everyone involved quickly lit their lamps and hurried with them in hand to take their places in the procession; some of them had lost their lights and weren’t ready, but by then, it was too late to search for them, and the parade proceeded to the bride's house. There, the guests entered a spacious and beautifully lit area in front of the house, which was covered with an awning, where a large crowd of friends in their finest clothes was sitting on mats. The groom was carried by a friend and placed on a magnificent seat in the middle of the gathering, where he sat for a little while before going into the house, the door of which was immediately shut and guarded by soldiers. I and others tried to reason with the doorkeepers, but it was pointless.”
4. But among the Jews, the bridegroom was not always permitted to accompany his bride from her father’s house; an intimate friend was often sent to conduct her, while he remained at home to receive her in his apartment. Her female attendants had the honour to introduce her; and whenever they changed the bride’s dress, which is often done, they presented her to the bridegroom. It is the custom, and belongs to their ideas of magnificence, 183frequently to dress and undress the bride, and to cause her to wear on that same day all the clothes made up for her nuptials. These circumstances discover the force of St. John’s language, in his magnificent description of the Christian church in her millennial state: “And I, John, saw the holy city, New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband,” Rev. xxi, 2.
4. Among the Jews, the groom wasn't always allowed to accompany his bride from her father's house; instead, a close friend would often be sent to escort her while he stayed home to welcome her in his room. Her female attendants had the honor of introducing her, and whenever they changed the bride’s dress—which happened often—they would present her to the groom. It's a tradition, reflecting their ideas of grandeur, to frequently dress and undress the bride, making her wear all the outfits prepared for her wedding on that same day. These details highlight the power of St. John’s language in his beautiful description of the Christian church in her millennial state: “And I, John, saw the holy city, New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband,” Rev. xxi, 2.
5. Those that were invited to the marriage were expected to appear in their best and gayest attire. If the bridegroom was in circumstances to afford it, wedding garments were prepared for all the guests, which were hung up in the antechamber for them to put on over the rest of their clothes, as they entered the apartments where the marriage feast was prepared. To refuse, or even to neglect, putting on the wedding garment, was reckoned an insult to the bridegroom; aggravated by the circumstance that it was provided by himself for the very purpose of being worn on that occasion, and was hung up in the way to the inner apartment, that the guests must have seen it, and recollected the design of its suspension. This accounts for the severity of the sentence pronounced by the king, who came in to see the guests, and found among them one who had neglected to put it on: “And he saith unto him, Friend, how camest thou in hither, not having a wedding garment? And he was speechless,” Matt. xxii, 11, because it was provided at the expense of the entertainer, and placed full in his view. “Then said the king to the servants, Bind him hand and foot, and take him away, and cast him into outer darkness: there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth.”
5. Those who were invited to the wedding were expected to show up in their best and most colorful outfits. If the groom could afford it, wedding clothes were prepared for all the guests, which were hung up in the entrance hall for them to put on over their regular clothes as they walked into the area where the wedding feast was set up. Refusing or even forgetting to wear the wedding garment was considered an insult to the groom; this was made worse by the fact that it was provided by him specifically for this occasion and was clearly visible as guests entered the inner room, so they must have seen it and remembered its purpose. This explains the harsh penalty imposed by the king, who came in to check on the guests and found one person who had not put it on: “And he said to him, ‘Friend, how did you get in here without a wedding garment?’ And he was speechless,” Matt. xxii, 11, because it was provided at the host's expense and was right in front of him. “Then the king said to the servants, ‘Tie him hand and foot, and take him away, and throw him into outer darkness: there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth.’”
The following extract will show the importance of having a suitable garment for a marriage feast, and the offence taken against those who refuse it when presented as a gift. “The next day, Dec. 3d, the king sent to invite the ambassadors to dine with him once more. The Mehemander told them, it was the custom that they should wear over their own clothes the best of those garments which the king had sent them. The ambassadors at first made some scruple of that compliance; but when they were told that it was a custom observed by all ambassadors, and that no doubt the king would take it very ill at their hands if they presented themselves before him without the marks of his liberality, they at last resolved to do it; and, after their example, all the rest of the retinue.”
The following extract will show how important it is to wear the right outfit for a wedding feast, and the offense taken against those who refuse it when offered as a gift. “The next day, Dec. 3rd, the king sent to invite the ambassadors to dine with him again. The Mehemander told them it was customary for them to wear over their own clothes the best of the garments the king had sent them. The ambassadors hesitated at first, but when they were informed this was a tradition followed by all ambassadors, and that the king would undoubtedly be displeased if they appeared before him without the signs of his generosity, they finally agreed to do it; and following their lead, the rest of the retinue did as well.”
BRIER. This word occurs several times in our translation of the Bible, but with various authorities from the original. 1. הברקנים, Judges viii, 7, 16, is a particular kind of thorn. 2. חדק, Prov. xv, 19; Micah vii, 4. It seems hardly possible to determine what kind of plant this is. Some kind of tangling prickly shrub is undoubtedly meant. In the former passage there is a beautiful opposition, which is lost in our rendering: “The narrow way of the slothful is like a perplexed path among briers; whereas the broad road” (elsewhere rendered causeway) “of the righteous is a high bank;” that is, free from obstructions, direct, conspicuous, and open. The common course of life of these two characters answers to this comparison. Their manner of going about business, or of transacting it, answers to this. An idle man always takes the most intricate, the most oblique, and eventually the most thorny, measures to accomplish his purpose; the honest and diligent man prefers the most open and direct. In Micah, the unjust judge, taking bribes, is a brier, holding every thing that comes within his reach, hooking all that he can catch. 3. סרבים, Ezek. ii, 6. This word is translated by the Septuagint, παροιϛρήσουσιν, stung by the œstrus, or gadfly; and they use the like word in Hosea iv, 16, where, what in our version is “a backsliding heifer,” they render “a heifer stung by the œstrus.” These coincident renderings lead to the belief that both places may be understood of some venomous insect. The word סרר may lead us to sarran, by which the Arabs thus describe “a great bluish fly, having greenish eyes, its tail armed with a piercer, by which it pesters almost all horned cattle, settling on their heads, &c. Often it creeps up the noses of asses. It is a species of gadfly; but carrying its sting in its tail.” 4. סלון, Ezek. xxviii, 24, and סלונים, Ezek. ii, 6, must be classed among thorns. The second word Parkhurst supposes to be a kind of thorn, overspreading a large surface of ground, as the dewbrier. It is used in connection with קוצ, which, in Gen. iii, 18, is rendered thorns. The author of “Scripture Illustrated” queries, however, whether, as it is associated with “scorpions” in Ezek. ii, 6, both this word and serebim may not mean some species of venomous insects. 5. סרפד, mentioned only in Isaiah lv, 13, probably means a prickly plant; but what particular kind it is impossible to determine. 6. שמיר. This word is used only by the Prophet Isaiah, and in the following places: Isa. v, 6; vii, 23–25; ix, 17; x, 17; xxvii, 4; and xxxii, 13. It is probably a brier of a low kind; such as overruns uncultivated lands.
BRIER. This word appears several times in our Bible translation, but with different meanings drawn from the original. 1. ברקנים, Judges viii, 7, 16, refers to a specific type of thorn. 2. חדק, Prov. xv, 19; Micah vii, 4. It seems nearly impossible to identify what kind of plant this is. It likely indicates some sort of tangled prickly shrub. In the earlier passage, there's a beautiful contrast that is lost in our translation: “The narrow way of the lazy is like a confusing path among briers; whereas the broad road” (also translated as causeway) “of the righteous is a high bank;” meaning it is free from obstacles, clear, noticeable, and open. The typical lifestyle of these two characters reflects this comparison. Their way of handling business or doing things corresponds with this. An idle person often takes the most complicated, indirect, and ultimately the most thorny paths to achieve their goals; while the honest and hardworking person opts for the most open and straightforward approach. In Micah, the corrupt judge who accepts bribes acts like a brier, grabbing everything within his reach and snagging whatever he can catch. 3. Serbs, Ezek. ii, 6. This word is translated by the Septuagint as παροιϛρήσουσιν, stung by the œstrus, or gadfly; and they use a similar term in Hosea iv, 16, where what is referred to in our version as “a backsliding heifer” is rendered as “a heifer stung by the œstrus.” These consistent translations suggest that both contexts may refer to some venomous insect. The word סרר may lead us to sarran, which the Arabs use to describe “a large bluish fly with green eyes, its tail equipped with a stinger that bothers almost all horned cattle, often landing on their heads, etc. It frequently crawls up the noses of donkeys. It is a type of gadfly, but it carries its sting in its tail.” 4. living room, Ezek. xxviii, 24, and סלונים, Ezek. ii, 6, should be categorized among thorns. The second word, Parkhurst believes it to be a type of thorn that spreads over large areas of ground, like the dewbrier. It is used alongside קוצ, which is translated as thorns in Gen. iii, 18. However, the author of “Scripture Illustrated” raises the question of whether, since it is connected with “scorpions” in Ezek. ii, 6, both this word and serebim might refer to some types of venomous insects. 5. Nettle, mentioned only in Isaiah lv, 13, probably refers to a prickly plant; but the specific kind is indeterminate. 6. Shamir. This word is used only by the Prophet Isaiah in the following passages: Isa. v, 6; vii, 23–25; ix, 17; x, 17; xxvii, 4; and xxxii, 13. It likely refers to a low-growing brier that spreads over uncultivated land.
BRIMSTONE, גפרית, Gen. xix, 24; Deut. xxix, 23; Job xviii, 15; Psalm xi, 6; Isaiah xxx, 33; xxxiv, 9; Ezek. xxxviii, 22. It is rendered θεῖον by the Septuagint, and is so called in Luke xvii, 29. Fire and brimstone are represented in many passages of Scripture as the elements by which God punishes the wicked; both in this life, and another. There is in this a manifest allusion to the overthrow of the cities of the plain of the Jordan, by showers of ignited sulphur, to which the physical appearances of the country bear witness to this day. The soil is bituminous, and might be raised by eruptions into the air, and then inflamed and return in horrid showers of overwhelming fire. This awful catastrophe, therefore, stands as a type of the final and eternal punishment of the wicked in another world. In Job. xviii, 15, Bildad, describing the calamities which overtake the wicked person, says, “Brimstone shall be scattered upon his habitation.” This may be a general expression, 184to designate any great destruction: as that in Psalm xi, 6, “Upon the wicked he shall rain fire and brimstone.” Moses, among other calamities which he sets forth in case of the people’s disobedience, threatens them with the fall of brimstone, salt, and burning like the overthrow of Sodom, &c, Deut. xxix, 23. The Prophet Isaiah, xxxiv, 9, writes that the anger of the Lord shall be shown by the streams of the land being turned into pitch, and the dust thereof into brimstone. See Dead Sea.
BRIMSTONE, Sulfur, Gen. xix, 24; Deut. xxix, 23; Job xviii, 15; Psalm xi, 6; Isaiah xxx, 33; xxxiv, 9; Ezek. xxxviii, 22. It is translated as θεῖον by the Septuagint, and is referred to as such in Luke xvii, 29. Fire and brimstone are depicted in many passages of Scripture as the means by which God punishes the wicked, both in this life and the next. This clearly alludes to the destruction of the cities in the Jordan plain by showers of burning sulfur, which the physical features of the land still testify to today. The soil is bituminous and could erupt into the air, ignite, and then return in terrifying showers of fire. Therefore, this horrific event serves as a symbol of the final and eternal punishment of the wicked in the next world. In Job xviii, 15, Bildad, describing the disasters that befall the wicked, says, “Brimstone shall be scattered upon his habitation.” This could be a general statement indicating any significant destruction, as seen in Psalm xi, 6, “Upon the wicked he shall rain fire and brimstone.” Moses, among other calamities he outlines for the people's disobedience, warns them of brimstone, salt, and burning like the destruction of Sodom, etc., Deut. xxix, 23. The Prophet Isaiah, in xxxiv, 9, writes that the Lord's anger will be shown by the land's streams turning to pitch and its dust becoming brimstone. See Dead Sea.
BROOK is distinguished from a river by its flowing only at particular times; for example, after great rains, or the melting of the snow; whereas a river flows constantly at all seasons. However, this distinction is not always observed in the Scripture; and one is not unfrequently taken for the other,--the great rivers, such as the Euphrates, the Nile, the Jordan, and others being called brooks. Thus the Euphrates, Isaiah xv, 7, is called the brook of willows. It is observed that the Hebrew word, נחל, which signifies a brook, is also the term for a valley, whence the one is often placed for the other, in different translations of the Scriptures. To deal deceitfully “as a brook,” and to “pass away as the stream thereof,” is to deceive our friend when he most needs and expects our help and comfort, Job vi, 15; because brooks, being temporary streams, are dried up in the heats of summer, when the traveller most needs a supply of water on his journey.
A brook is different from a river because it only flows during certain times, like after heavy rain or when the snow melts, while a river flows continuously throughout the year. However, this distinction isn’t always clear in the Scriptures, and one is often mistaken for the other—great rivers like the Euphrates, the Nile, and the Jordan are sometimes referred to as brooks. For example, in Isaiah 15:7, the Euphrates is called the brook of willows. It’s interesting to note that the Hebrew word, Stream, which means a brook, also means a valley, leading to the two being used interchangeably in different translations of the Scriptures. To act deceitfully “as a brook” and to “pass away as the stream thereof” means to betray a friend when they most need and expect our support and comfort, as seen in Job 6:15; because brooks, being temporary streams, dry up in the summer heat when travelers need water the most.
BROTHER. 1. A brother by the same mother, a uterine brother, Matt. iv, 21; xx, 20. 2. A brother, though not by the same mother, Matt. i, 2. 3. A near kinsman, a cousin, Matt. xiii, 55; Mark vi, 3. Observe, that in Matt. xiii, 55, James, and Joses, and Judas, are called the ἀδελφοὶ, brethren, of Christ, but were most probably only his cousins by his mother’s side; for James and Joses were the sons of Mary, Matt. xxvii, 56; and James and Judas, the sons of Alpheus, Luke vi, 15, 16; which Alpheus is therefore probably the same with Cleopas, the husband of Mary, sister to our Lord’s mother, John xix, 25.
BROTHER. 1. A brother who shares the same mother, a uterine brother, Matt. iv, 21; xx, 20. 2. A brother, even if he doesn't share the same mother, Matt. i, 2. 3. A close relative, a cousin, Matt. xiii, 55; Mark vi, 3. Note that in Matt. xiii, 55, James, Joses, and Judas are referred to as the ἀδελφοὶ, brethren, of Christ, but they were most likely just his cousins through his mother; since James and Joses were the sons of Mary, Matt. xxvii, 56; and James and Judas were the sons of Alpheus, Luke vi, 15, 16; and it’s likely that Alpheus is the same person as Cleopas, the husband of Mary, sister of our Lord’s mother, John xix, 25.
BUCKLER. See Arms.
BUCKLER. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
BUILD. Beside the proper and literal signification of this word, it is used with reference to children and a numerous posterity. Sarah desires Abraham to take Hagar to wife, that by her she may be builded up, that is, have children to uphold her family, Gen. xvi, 2. The midwives who refused obedience to Pharaoh’s orders, when he commanded them to put to death all the male children of the Hebrews, were rewarded for it; God built them houses, that is, he gave them a numerous posterity. The Prophet Nathan tells David that God would build his house; that is, give him children and successors, 2 Sam. vii, 27. Moses, speaking of the formation of the first woman, says, God built her with the rib of Adam, Gen. ii, 22.
BUILD. In addition to its proper and literal meaning, this word relates to children and a large family. Sarah wants Abraham to marry Hagar so that she can be 'built up,' meaning she can have children to support her family, Gen. xvi, 2. The midwives who defied Pharaoh's commands to kill all the male children of the Hebrews were rewarded for their actions; God built them families, meaning He blessed them with many descendants. The Prophet Nathan tells David that God would build his house, meaning He would give him children and successors, 2 Sam. vii, 27. Moses, referring to the creation of the first woman, says that God built her from Adam's rib, Gen. ii, 22.
BUL, the eighth month of the ecclesiastical year of the Jews, and the second month of the civil year. It answers to October, and consists of twenty-nine days. On the sixth day of this month the Jews fasted, because on that day Nebuchadnezzar put to death the children of Zedekiah in the presence of their unhappy father, whose eyes, after they had been witnesses of this sad spectacle, he ordered to be put out, 2 Kings xxv, 7. We find the name of this month mentioned in Scripture but once, 1 Kings vi, 38.
BUL, the eighth month of the Jewish ecclesiastical year and the second month of the civil year, corresponds to October and has twenty-nine days. On the sixth day of this month, the Jews fasted because Nebuchadnezzar executed the children of Zedekiah in front of their devastated father, whose eyes he ordered to be gouged out after they witnessed this tragic event, 2 Kings xxv, 7. The name of this month is mentioned in Scripture only once, 1 Kings vi, 38.
BULL, the male of the beeve kind; and it is to be recollected that the Hebrews never castrated animals. There are several words translated “bull” in Scripture, of which the following is a list, with the meaning of each: שור, a bove, or cow, of any age. תאו, the wild bull, oryx, or buffalo, occurs only Deut. xiv, 5; and in Isaiah li, 20, תוא, with the interchange of the two last letters. אבירי, a word implying strength, translated “bulls,” Psalm xxii, 12; l, 13; lxviii, 30; Isaiah xxxiv, 7; Jer. xlvi, 15. בקר, herds, horned cattle of full age. פר, a full grown bull, or cow, fit for propagating. עגל, a full grown, plump young bull; and in the feminine, a heifer. תור, Chaldee taur, and Latin taurus; the ox accustomed to the yoke: occurs only in Ezra vi, 9, 17; vii, 17; Dan. iv, 25, 32, 33; xxii, 29, 30.
BULL, the male of the cattle kind; and it's important to note that the Hebrews never castrated animals. There are several words translated as “bull” in Scripture, of which the following is a list, along with the meaning of each: שור, a bovine, or cow, of any age. תאו, the wild bull, oryx, or buffalo, occurs only in Deut. xiv, 5; and in Isaiah li, 20, תוא, with the interchange of the last two letters. Knights, a word implying strength, translated as “bulls,” Psalm xxii, 12; l, 13; lxviii, 30; Isaiah xxxiv, 7; Jer. xlvi, 15. בוקר, herd, horned cattle of full age. פר, a fully grown bull, or cow, suitable for breeding. calf, a fully grown, plump young bull; and in the feminine, a heifer. Queue, Chaldee taur, and Latin taurus; the ox accustomed to the yoke: occurs only in Ezra vi, 9, 17; vii, 17; Dan. iv, 25, 32, 33; xxii, 29, 30.
This animal was reputed by the Hebrews to be clean, and was generally made use of by them for sacrifices. The Egyptians had a particular veneration for it, and paid divine honours to it; and the Jews imitated them in the worship of the golden calves or bulls, in the wilderness, and in the kingdom of Israel. The wild bull is found in the Syrian and Arabian deserts. It is frequently mentioned by the Arabian poets, who are copious in their descriptions of hunting it, and borrow many images from its beauty, strength, swiftness, and the loftiness of its horns. They represent it as fierce and untamable; as being white on the back, and having large shining eyes. Bulls, in a figurative and allegorical sense, are taken for powerful, fierce, and insolent enemies, Psalm xxii, 12; lxviii, 30.
This animal was considered clean by the Hebrews and was often used by them for sacrifices. The Egyptians held it in high regard and honored it as a deity; the Jews followed their example by worshiping golden calves or bulls in the wilderness and in the kingdom of Israel. The wild bull is found in the deserts of Syria and Arabia. It’s often mentioned by Arabian poets, who richly describe hunting it and draw many images from its beauty, strength, speed, and the grandeur of its horns. They depict it as fierce and untameable, describing it as white on its back with large, shining eyes. In a figurative and allegorical sense, bulls symbolize powerful, fierce, and arrogant enemies, as seen in Psalm xxii, 12; lxviii, 30.
BULRUSH, גמא, Exodus ii, 3; Job viii, 11; Isaiah xviii, 2; xxxv, 7. A plant growing on the banks of the Nile, and in marshy grounds. The stalk rises to the height of six or seven cubits, beside two under water. This stalk is triangular, and terminates in a crown of small filaments resembling hair, which the ancients used to compare to a thyrsus. This reed, the Cyperus papyrus of Linnæus, commonly called “the Egyptian reed,” was of the greatest use to the inhabitants of the country where it grew; the pith contained in the stock served them for food, and the woody part for building vessels, figures of which are to be seen on the engraven stones and other monuments of Egyptian antiquity. For this purpose they made it up, like rushes, into bundles; and, by tying these bundles together, gave their vessels the necessary shape and solidity. “The vessels of bulrushes,” or papyrus, “that are mentioned in sacred and profane history,” says Dr. Shaw, “were no other than large fabrics of the same kind with that of Moses, Exodus ii, 3; which, from the late introduction of plank and stronger materials, are now laid aside.” Thus Pliny takes notice of the “naves 185papyraceas armamentaque Nili,” “ships made of papyrus, and the equipments of the Nile;” and he observes, “ex ipsâ quidem papyro navigia texunt,” “of the papyrus itself they construct sailing vessels.” Herodotus and Diodorus have recorded the same fact; and among the poets, Lucan, “Conseritur bibulâ Memphitis cymba papyro,” “the Memphian” or Egyptian boatboat is made of the thirsty papyrus; where the epithet bibulâ, “drinking,” “soaking,” “thirsty,” is particularly remarkable, as corresponding with great exactness to the nature of the plant, and to its Hebrew name, which signifies to soak or drink up. These vegetables require much water for their growth; when, therefore, the river on whose banks they grew was reduced, they perished sooner than other plants. This explains Job viii, 11, where the circumstance is referred to as an image of transient prosperity: “Can the flag grow without water? Whilst it is yet in its greenness, and not cut down, it withereth before any other herb.”
BULRUSH, גמא, Exodus ii, 3; Job viii, 11; Isaiah xviii, 2; xxxv, 7. A plant that grows along the banks of the Nile and in marshy areas. The stem can reach a height of six or seven cubits, while two-thirds remain underwater. This stem is triangular and ends in a tuft of small, hair-like filaments, which ancient people compared to a thyrsus. This reed, known as Cyprus papyrus by Linnæus and commonly referred to as “the Egyptian reed,” was extremely useful to the locals where it grew; the pith inside the stem was used as food, and the woody part was used to make boats, examples of which can be found in engravings and other monuments from ancient Egypt. For this purpose, they bundled the reeds together like rushes, and by tying these bundles, they formed boats with the necessary shape and sturdiness. “The vessels of bulrushes,” or papyrus, “that are mentioned in sacred and secular history,” says Dr. Shaw, “were basically large boats similar to that of Moses, Exodus ii, 3; which, due to the later use of planks and stronger materials, have now fallen out of use.” Pliny also notes the “papyrus boats and Nile weapons,” “boats made of papyrus, and the equipment of the Nile;” and he adds, “They actually weave boats from the very papyrus.,” “they build sailing vessels from the papyrus itself.” Herodotus and Diodorus have recorded the same detail; among the poets, Lucan states, “Conserves a papyrus boat in Memphis,” “the Memphian” or Egyptian boatboat is made from thirsty papyrus; where the term bibulâ, meaning “drinking,” “soaking,” or “thirsty,” is particularly notable, as it accurately reflects the nature of the plant and its Hebrew name, which means to soak or drink up. These plants need a lot of water to grow; therefore, when the river they grew beside dried up, they withered faster than other plants. This is illustrated in Job viii, 11, where it is described as a metaphor for fleeting prosperity: “Can the flag grow without water? While it is still green, and not cut down, it withers before any other herb.”
BURIAL, the interment of a deceased person; an office held so sacred, that they who neglected it have in all nations been held in abhorrence. As soon as the last breath had fled, the nearest relation, or the dearest friend, gave the lifeless body the parting kiss, the last farewell and sign of affection to the departed relative. This was a custom of immemorial antiquity; for the patriarch Jacob had no sooner yielded up his spirit, than his beloved Joseph, claiming for once the right of the first-born, “fell upon his face and kissed him.” It is probable he first closed his eyes, as God had promised he should do: “Joseph shall put his hands upon thine eyes.” The parting kiss being given, the company rent their clothes, which was a custom of great antiquity, and the highest expression of grief in the primitive ages. This ceremony was never omitted by the Hebrews when any mournful event happened, and was performed in the following manner: they took a knife, and holding the blade downward, gave the upper garment a cut in the right side, and rent it a hand’s breadth. For very near relations, all the garments are rent on the right side. After closing the eyes, the next care was to bind up the face, which it was no more lawful to behold. The next care of surviving friends was to wash the body, probably, that the ointments and perfumes with which it was to be wrapped up, might enter more easily into the pores, when opened by warm water. This ablution, which was always esteemed an act of great charity and devotion, was performed by women. Thus the body of Dorcas was washed, and laid in an upper room, till the arrival of the Apostle Peter, in the hope that his prayers might restore her to life. After the body was washed, it was shrouded, and swathed with a linen cloth, although in most places, they only put on a pair of drawers and a white tunic; and the head was bound about with a napkin. Such were the napkin and grave clothes in which the Saviour was buried.
BURIAL, the act of burying someone who has died; a duty regarded as so sacred that those who neglect it have been looked down upon in all cultures. Once the last breath was taken, the closest relative or dearest friend would give the lifeless body a final kiss, a last goodbye and expression of love for the departed loved one. This tradition dates back to ancient times; when the patriarch Jacob passed away, his beloved Joseph, momentarily taking on the role of the firstborn, “fell upon his face and kissed him.” He likely first closed Jacob’s eyes, just as God had promised: “Joseph shall put his hands upon thine eyes.” After the farewell kiss, the mourners ripped their clothes, a longstanding tradition and the strongest sign of grief in early societies. The Hebrews always carried out this ritual in times of sorrow, doing it in the following way: they would take a knife, hold it blade down, and cut the upper garment on the right side, tearing it to a hand's breadth. For very close relatives, all garments were ripped on the right side. After closing the eyes, the next step was to cover the face, as it was no longer acceptable to look upon it. The next duty of the grieving friends was to wash the body, likely to help the ointments and perfumes, which were used for wrapping, to absorb better into the skin once warmed by water. This cleansing, seen as a significant act of kindness and devotion, was usually done by women. Thus, the body of Dorcas was washed and laid in an upper room until the arrival of the Apostle Peter, hoping his prayers would bring her back to life. After washing, the body was wrapped in linen cloth, though in many places, they simply dressed it in a pair of undergarments and a white tunic; the head was covered with a cloth. Such were the cloth and burial garments used for the Savior.
2. The body was sometimes embalmed, which was performed by the Egyptians after the following method: the brain was removed with a bent iron, and the vacuity filled up with medicaments; the bowels were also drawn out, and the trunk being stuffed with myrrh, cassia, and other spices, except frankincense, which were proper to exsiccate the humours, it was pickled in nitre, in which it lay for seventy days. After this period, it was wrapped in bandages of fine linen and gums, to make it adhere; and was then delivered to the relations of the deceased entire; all its features, and the very hairs of the eyelids, being preserved. In this manner were the kings of Judah embalmed for many ages. But when the funeral obsequies were not long delayed, they used another kind of embalming. They wrapped up the body with sweet spices and odours, without extracting the brain, or removing the bowels. This is the way in which it was proposed to embalm the lifeless body of our Saviour; which was prevented by his resurrection. The meaner sort of people seem to have been interred in their grave clothes, without a coffin. In this manner was the sacred body of our Lord committed to the tomb. The body was sometimes placed upon a bier, which bore some resemblance to a coffin or bed, in order to be carried out to burial. Upon one of these was carried forth the widow’s son of Nain, whom our compassionate Lord raised to life, and restored to his mother. We are informed in the history of the kings of Judah, that, Asa being dead, they laid him in the bed, or bier, which was filled with sweet odours. Josephus, the Jewish historian, describing the funeral of Herod the Great, says, His bed was adorned with precious stones; his body rested under a purple covering; he had a diadem and a crown of gold upon his head, a sceptre in his hand; and all his house followed the bed. The bier used by the Turks at Aleppo is a kind of coffin, much in the form of ours, only the lid rises with a ledge in the middle.
2. The body was sometimes embalmed, which the Egyptians did using the following method: they removed the brain with a bent iron tool and filled the cavity with medicinal substances; the intestines were also taken out, and the trunk was packed with myrrh, cassia, and other spices, except frankincense, which helped dry out the fluids. It was then preserved in nitre for seventy days. After that, it was wrapped in linen bandages and gums to make everything stick together, and then it was given back to the deceased's family intact; all the features and even the hairs of the eyelids were preserved. This is how the kings of Judah were embalmed for many generations. However, when the burial rites were not delayed for long, they used a different method of embalming. They wrapped the body in sweet spices and fragrances, without taking out the brain or intestines. This was the method intended for the embalming of our Savior's lifeless body, which was prevented by his resurrection. The less privileged people seem to have been buried in their grave clothes, without a coffin. This was how the sacred body of our Lord was laid to rest. The body was sometimes placed on a bier, which looked somewhat like a coffin or a bed, for carrying it out to be buried. One of these was used for the widow’s son from Nain, whom our compassionate Lord raised to life and returned to his mother. We learn from the history of the kings of Judah that when Asa died, they laid him on a bed or bier filled with sweet scents. Josephus, the Jewish historian, describes the funeral of Herod the Great, stating that his bed was adorned with precious stones; his body was covered in purple fabric; he wore a crown and a diadem on his head, and held a scepter; and all his family followed the bier. The bier used by the Turks in Aleppo is a type of coffin that resembles ours, except the lid has a ledge in the middle.
3. The Israelites committed the dead to their native dust; and from the Egyptians, probably, borrowed the practice of burning many spices at their funerals. “They buried Asa in his own sepulchres, which he made for himself in the city of David, and laid him in the bed which was filled with sweet odours, and divers kinds of spices, prepared by the apothecaries’ art; and they made a very great burning for him,” 2 Chron. xvi, 14. Thus the Old Testament historian entirely justifies the account which the Evangelist gives, of the quantity of spices with which the sacred body of Christ was swathed. The Jews object to the quantity used on that occasion, as unnecessarily profuse, and even incredible; but it appears from their own writings, that spices were used at such times in great abundance. In the Talmud it is said, that no less than eighty pounds of spices were consumed at the funeral of rabbi Gamaliel the elder. And at the funeral of Herod, if we may believe the account of their most celebrated historian, the procession was followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. Why then should it be reckoned incredible, that Nicodemus brought of myrrh 186and aloes about a hundred pounds’ weight, to embalm the body of Jesus?
3. The Israelites buried their dead in their homeland; and likely borrowed the practice of burning many spices at funerals from the Egyptians. “They buried Asa in his own tombs that he made for himself in the city of David, and placed him in a bed filled with sweet scents and various spices, prepared by the skill of the perfumers; and they made a very large fire for him,” 2 Chron. xvi, 14. Thus, the Old Testament historian fully supports the Evangelist’s account of the amount of spices used to wrap the sacred body of Christ. The Jews criticize the quantity used on that occasion as unnecessarily excessive, even unbelievable; but it appears from their own writings that spices were used abundantly on such occasions. In the Talmud, it is stated that no less than eighty pounds of spices were used at the funeral of Rabbi Gamaliel the Elder. And at Herod's funeral, if we can trust the account of their most famous historian, the procession was followed by five hundred of his servants carrying spices. So why should it be considered unbelievable that Nicodemus brought about a hundred pounds of myrrh and aloes to embalm the body of Jesus?
4. The funeral procession was attended by professional mourners, eminently skilled in the art of lamentation, whom the friends and relations of the deceased hired, to assist them in expressing their sorrow. They began the ceremony with the stridulous voices of old women, who strove, by their doleful modulations, to extort grief from those that were present. The children in the streets through which they passed, often suspended their sports, to imitate the sounds, and joined with equal sincerity in the lamentations. “But whereunto shall I liken this generation? It is like unto children sitting in the markets, and calling unto their fellows, and saying, We have mourned unto you, and ye have not lamented,” Matt. ix, 17. Music was afterward introduced to aid the voices of the mourners: the trumpet was used at the funerals of the great, and the small pipe or flute for those of meaner condition. Hired mourners were in use among the Greeks as early as the Trojan war, and probably in ages long before; for in Homer, a choir of mourners were planted around the couch on which the body of Hector was laid out, who sung his funeral dirge with many sighs and tears:--
4. The funeral procession was attended by professional mourners, highly skilled in the art of expressing grief, whom the deceased's friends and family hired to help them show their sorrow. They began the ceremony with the loud cries of elderly women, who tried, with their sorrowful tones, to draw out grief from those present. The children in the streets they passed often paused their games to mimic the sounds and joined in the mourning with genuine feeling. “But how can I compare this generation? It’s like children sitting in the marketplaces and calling to their friends, saying, We have mourned for you, and you have not wept,” Matt. ix, 17. Music was then introduced to support the mourners' voices: trumpets were used at the funerals of the prominent, while flutes or small pipes were for those of lesser status. Hired mourners were used by the Greeks as early as the Trojan war, and likely even earlier; for in Homer, a choir of mourners surrounded Hector's body as it lay on the couch, singing his funeral dirge with many sighs and tears:--
In Egypt, the lower class of people call in women who play on the tabor; and whose business it is, like the hired mourners in other countries, to sing elegiac airs to the sound of that instrument, which they accompany with the most frightful distortions of their limbs. These women attend the corpse to the grave, intermixed with the female relations and friends of the deceased, who commonly have their hair in the utmost disorder; their heads covered with dust; their faces daubed with indigo, or at least rubbed with mud; and howling like maniacs. Such were the minstrels whom our Lord found in the house of Jairus, making so great a noise round the bed on which the dead body of his daughter lay. The noise and tumult of these retained mourners, and the other attendants, appear to have begun immediately after the person expired. It is evident that this sort of mourning and lamentation was a kind of art among the Jews: “Wailing shall be in the streets; and they shall call such as are skilful of lamentation to wail,” Amos v, 16. Mourners are still hired at the obsequies of Hindoos and Mohammedans, as in former times. To the dreadful noise and tumult of the hired mourners, the following passage of Jeremiah indisputably refers; and shows the custom to be derived from a very remote antiquity: “Call for the mourning women that they may come; and send for cunning women, that they may come, and let them make haste, and take up a wailing for us, that our eyes may run down with tears, and our eyelids gush out with waters,” Jer. ix, 17. The funeral processions of the Jews in Barbary are conducted nearly in the same manner as those in Syria. The corpse is borne by four to the place of burial: in the first rank march the priests, next to them the kindred of the deceased; after whom come those that are invited to the funeral; and all singing in a sort of plain song, the forty-ninth Psalm. Hence the Prophet, Amos viii, 3, warns his people that public calamities were approaching, so numerous and severe, as should make them forget the usual rites of burial, and even to sing one of the songs of Zion over the dust of a departed relative. This appears to be confirmed by a prediction in the eighth chapter: “And the songs of the temple shall be howlings in that day, saith the Lord God; there shall be many dead bodies in every place; they shall cast them forth with silence;” they shall have none to lament and bewail; none to blow the funeral trump or touch the pipe and tabor; none to sing the plaintive dirge, or express their hope of a blessed resurrection, in the strains of inspiration. All shall be silent despair. See Sepulchres.
In Egypt, the lower class hires women who play the tabor; their job, like that of hired mourners in other cultures, is to sing sorrowful songs to the sound of the instrument, accompanied by wild contortions of their bodies. These women accompany the corpse to the grave, mingling with the female relatives and friends of the deceased, who typically have disheveled hair, heads covered in dust, faces smeared with indigo or at least dirt, and are crying out like crazed individuals. Such were the musicians our Lord encountered in Jairus' house, creating a great commotion around the bed where his daughter’s dead body lay. The noise and chaos from the hired mourners and other attendees seem to start right after the person has died. It’s clear that this type of mourning and lamenting was a kind of art among the Jews: “Wailing shall be in the streets; and they shall call such as are skillful of lamentation to wail,” Amos 5:16. Mourners are still hired for the funerals of Hindus and Muslims, just as they were in the past. The terrible noise and uproar of these hired mourners are undoubtedly referenced in this passage from Jeremiah, showing that the practice has ancient roots: “Call for the mourning women that they may come; and send for cunning women that they may come, and let them make haste, and take up a wailing for us, that our eyes may run down with tears, and our eyelids gush out with waters,” Jeremiah 9:17. The funeral processions of the Jews in North Africa are conducted similarly to those in Syria. The body is carried by four people to the burial site: at the front are the priests, followed by the relatives of the deceased; after them come those invited to the funeral, all singing a basic rendition of the forty-ninth Psalm. Therefore, the Prophet Amos 8:3 warns his people that public disasters are coming, so numerous and severe that they will forget the usual funeral rites, even singing one of the songs of Zion over the dust of a deceased family member. This is further confirmed by a prophecy in the eighth chapter: “And the songs of the temple shall be howlings in that day, says the Lord God; there shall be many dead bodies in every place; they shall cast them forth with silence;” there will be no one to mourn and lament; no one to sound the funeral trumpet or play the pipe and tabor; no one to sing the sorrowful dirge or express hopes of a blessed resurrection in inspired tunes. All shall be silent despair. See Tombs.
BUSH. סנה. This word occurs in Exod. iii, 2, 4, and Deut. xxxiii, 16, as the name of the bush in which God appeared to Moses. If it be the χιονὸς mentioned by Dioscorides, it is the white thorn. Celsius calls it the rubus fructicosus. The number of these bushes in this region seems to have given the name to the mountain Sinai. The word נהללים, found only in Isa. vii, 19, and there rendered “bushes,” means fruitful pastures.
BUSH. seneh. This word appears in Exod. iii, 2, 4, and Deut. xxxiii, 16, referring to the bush where God spoke to Moses. If it corresponds to the χιονὸς mentioned by Dioscorides, it is the white thorn. Celsius calls it blackberry. The abundance of these bushes in this area seems to have inspired the name of Mount Sinai. The word נהללים, found only in Isa. vii, 19, and translated there as “bushes,” actually means fruitful pastures.
BUTTER is taken in Scripture, as it has been almost perpetually in the east, for cream or liquid butter, Prov. xxx, 33; 2 Sam. xvii, 29. The ancient way of making butter in Arabia and Palestine was probably nearly the same as is still practised by the Bedoween Arabs, and Moors in Barbary, and which is thus described by Dr. Shaw: “Their method of making butter is by putting the milk or cream into a goat’s skin turned inside out, which they suspend from one side of the tent to the other; and then pressing it to and fro in one uniform direction, they quickly separate the unctious and wheyey parts. In the Levant they tread upon the skin with their feet, which produces the same effect.” The last method of separating the butter from the milk, perhaps may throw light upon a passage in Job of some difficulty: “When I washed my steps with butter, and the rock poured me out rivers of oil,” Job xxxi, 6. The method of making butter in the east illustrates the conduct of Jael, the wife of Heber, described in the book of Judges: “And Sisera said unto her, Give me, I pray thee, a little water to drink, for I am thirsty: and she opened a bottle of milk, and gave him drink and covered him.” In the Song of Deborah, the statement is repeated: “He asked water, and she gave him milk; she brought forth butter in a lordly dish,” Judges iv, 19; v, 25. The word חמאה, which our translators rendered butter, properly signifies cream; which is undoubtedly the meaning of it in this passage: for Sisera complained 187of thirst, and asked a little water to quench it;--a purpose to which butter is but little adapted. Mr. Harmer, indeed, urges the same objection to cream, which, he contends, few people would think a very proper beverage for one that was extremely thirsty; and concludes that it must have been butter-milk which Jael, who had just been churning, gave to Sisera. But the opinion of Dr. Russel is preferable,--that the hemah of the Scriptures is probably the same as the haymak of the Arabs, which is not, as Harmer supposed, simple cream, but cream produced by simmering fresh sheep’s milk for some hours over a slow fire. It could not be butter newly churned, which Jael presented to Sisera, because the Arab butter is apt to be foul, and is commonly passed through a strainer before it is used: and Russel declares, he never saw butter offered to a stranger, but always haymak; nor did he ever observe the orientals drink butter-milk, but always leban, which is coagulated sour milk, diluted with water. It was leban, therefore, which Pococke mistook for butter-milk, with which the Arabs treated him in the Holy Land. A similar conclusion may be drawn concerning the butter and milk which the wife of Heber presented to Sisera: they were forced cream or haymak, and leban, or coagulated sour milk, diluted with water, which is a common and refreshing beverage in those sultry regions. In Isaiah vii, 15, butter and honey are mentioned as food which, in Egypt and other places in the east, is in use to this day. The butter and honey are mixed, and the bread is then dipped in it.
BUTTER is referred to in Scripture, just as it has been nearly continuously in the East, meaning cream or liquid butter, as seen in Proverbs 30:33 and 2 Samuel 17:29. The ancient method of making butter in Arabia and Palestine was likely similar to what is still practiced by the Bedouin Arabs and Moors in North Africa, which Dr. Shaw describes as follows: “Their method of making butter involves putting the milk or cream into a goat’s skin turned inside out, which they hang from one side of the tent to the other; then, by shaking it back and forth in one consistent direction, they quickly separate the creamy and watery parts. In the Levant, they tread on the skin with their feet, achieving the same result.” This last method of separating butter from milk may clarify a challenging verse in Job: “When I washed my steps with butter, and the rock poured me out rivers of oil,” Job 31:6. The way butter is made in the East sheds light on the actions of Jael, the wife of Heber, as described in the book of Judges: “And Sisera said to her, ‘Please give me a little water to drink, for I am thirsty.’ And she opened a bottle of milk, gave him a drink, and covered him.” The Song of Deborah echoes this: “He asked for water, and she gave him milk; she brought out butter in a noble dish,” Judges 4:19; 5:25. The word Butter, which our translators rendered as butter, actually means cream; this is certainly the intention in this passage, since Sisera complained of thirst and asked for a little water to quench it—something that butter isn’t well-suited for. Mr. Harmer does raise the same objection about cream, arguing that few would consider it an appropriate drink for someone who was very thirsty; he concludes that it must have been buttermilk that Jael, who had just been churning, gave to Sisera. However, Dr. Russel’s view is more convincing—that the hemah in Scripture is likely the same as the haymak of the Arabs, which, contrary to Harmer’s assumption, is not just cream but cream produced by simmering fresh sheep’s milk for several hours over a low heat. It could not have been freshly churned butter that Jael offered to Sisera, as Arab butter tends to spoil quickly and is generally strained before use: Russel notes he has only seen haymak offered to strangers, never butter; likewise, he observed that Orientals do not drink buttermilk but always leban, which is coagulated sour milk mixed with water. Thus, it was leban that Pococke mistakenly thought was buttermilk when the Arabs served him in the Holy Land. A similar conclusion about the butter and milk provided by Heber’s wife to Sisera can be drawn: they likely included forced cream or haymak, along with leban, or coagulated sour milk diluted with water, which is a common and refreshing drink in those hot climates. In Isaiah 7:15, butter and honey are mentioned as foods that are still used in Egypt and other places in the East today. The butter and honey are mixed together, and bread is then dipped in it.
BYSSUS. By this word we generally understand that fine Egyptian linen of which the priests’ tunics were made. But we must distinguish three kinds of commodities, which are generally comprehended under the name of linen: 1. The Hebrew בד, which signifies linen: 2. שש, which signifies cotton: 3. בוץ, which is commonly called bussus, and is the silk growing from a certain shell fish, called pinna. We do not find the name butz in the text of Moses, though the Greek and Latin use the word byssus, to signify the fine linen of certain habits belonging to the priests. The word butz occurs only in 1 Chron. xv, 27; Ezek. xxvii, 16; Esther i, 6. In the Chronicles we see David dressed in a mantle of butz, with the singers and Levites. Solomon used butz in the veils of the temple and sanctuary. Ahasuerus’s tents were upheld by cords of butz; and Mordecai was clothed with a mantle of purple and butz, when king Ahasuerus honoured him with the first employment in his kingdom. Lastly, it is observed that there was a manufacture of butz in the city of Beersheba, in Palestine. This butz must have been different from common linen, since in the same place where it is said, David wore a mantle of byssus, we read likewise that he had on a linen ephod.
BYSSUS. This term generally refers to the fine Egyptian linen used to make the priests' tunics. However, we should differentiate between three types of products commonly labeled as linen: 1. The Hebrew בד, which means linen; 2. שש, which means cotton; 3. mud, often referred to as bussus, which is the silk derived from a specific shellfish known as pinna. The term butz does not appear in the texts of Moses, even though the Greek and Latin use the word byssus to refer to the fine linen used in certain priestly garments. The word butz is found only in 1 Chron. xv, 27; Ezek. xxvii, 16; Esther i, 6. In the Chronicles, we see David dressed in a mantle of butz along with the singers and Levites. Solomon used butz for the veils of the temple and sanctuary. Ahasuerus’s tents were supported by cords made of butz; and Mordecai was dressed in a purple mantle with butz when King Ahasuerus honored him with a high position in his kingdom. Finally, it's noted that there was a production of butz in the city of Beersheba, in Palestine. This butz must have been distinct from regular linen, as in the same context where it states that David wore a mantle of byssus, it also mentions that he had on a linen ephod.
CAB, or KAB, a Hebrew measure, containing three pints one-third of our wine measure, or two pints five-sixths of our corn measure.
CAB, or KAB, is a Hebrew measurement that holds three pints, which is one-third of our wine measure, or two pints and five-sixths of our corn measure.
CABBALA, a mysterious kind of science, delivered to the ancient Jews, as they pretend, by revelation, and transmitted by oral tradition to those of our times; serving for the interpretation of the books both of nature and Scripture. The word is variously written, as Cabala, Caballa, Kabbala, Kabala, Cabalistica, Ars Cabala, and Gaballa. It is originally Hebrew, קבלה, and properly signifies reception; formed from the verb קבל, to receive by tradition, or from father to son; especially in the Chaldee and Rabbinical Hebrew. Cabbala, then, primarily denotes any sentiment, opinion, usage, or explication of Scripture, transmitted from father to son. In this sense the word cabbala is not only applied to the whole art, but also to each operation performed according to the rules of that art. Thus it is, rabbi Jacob Ben Ascher, surnamed Baal-Hatturim, is said to have compiled most of the cabbalas invented on the books of Moses before his time. As to the origin of the cabbala, the Jews relate many marvellous tales. They derive the mysteries contained in it from Adam; and assert, that whilst the first man was in paradise, the angel Raphael brought him a book from heaven, which contained the doctrines of heavenly wisdom; and that when Adam received this book, angels came down from heaven to learn its contents; but that he refused to admit them to the knowledge of sacred things, intrusted to himself alone: that, after the fall, this book was taken back into heaven; that, after many prayers and tears, God restored it to Adam; and that it passed from Adam to Seth. The Jewish fables farther relate, that the book being lost, and the mysteries contained in it almost forgotten, in the degenerate age preceding the flood, they were restored by special revelation to Abraham, who transmitted them to writing in the book “Jezirah;” and that the revelation was renewed to Moses, who received a traditionary and mystical, as well as a written and preceptive, law from God. Accordingly, the Jews believe that God gave to Moses on Mount Sinai, not only the law, but also the explication of that law; and that Moses, after his coming down, retiring to his tent, rehearsed to Aaron both the one and the other. When he had done, the sons of Aaron, Eleazar and Ithamar, were introduced to a second rehearsal. This being over, the seventy elders that composed the sanhedrim were admitted; and, lastly, the people, as many as pleased; to all of whom Moses again repeated both the law and explanation, as he received them from God: so that Aaron heard it four times, his sons thrice, the elders twice, and the people once. Now, of the two things which Moses taught them, the laws and the explanation, only the first were committed to writing; which is what we have in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers. As to the second, or the explication of those laws, they were contented to impress it well in their memory, to teach it their children; they to theirs, &c. Hence the first part they call simply the law, or the written law; the second, the oral law, or cabbala. Such is the original notion of the cabbala.
CABALA, a mysterious type of knowledge, passed down to the ancient Jews, as they claim, through revelation and oral tradition to those in our time; serving to interpret both the natural world and Scripture. The term is spelled in various ways, such as Cabala, Caballa, Kabbala, Kabala, Cabalistica, Ars Cabala, and Gaballa. It originates from Hebrew, Kabbalah, which means reception; derived from the verb קבל, to receive through tradition or from father to son; particularly in Chaldee and Rabbinical Hebrew. So, Cabala primarily refers to any belief, interpretation, usage, or explanation of Scripture passed down from father to son. In this context, the term cabala applies not only to the entire practice but also to each act performed according to the rules of that practice. For instance, Rabbi Jacob Ben Ascher, known as Baal-Hatturim, is said to have compiled many of the cabalas created on the books of Moses before his time. Regarding the origins of cabala, Jews share many fantastic stories. They claim the mysteries within it trace back to Adam; asserting that while the first man was in paradise, the angel Raphael brought him a book from heaven containing the principles of divine wisdom; when Adam received this book, angels descended from heaven to study its contents; however, he refused to share the sacred knowledge entrusted solely to him: that after the fall, the book was reclaimed by heaven; after many prayers and tears, God returned it to Adam; and it was passed from Adam to Seth. Further Jewish tales say that when the book was lost and the mysteries nearly forgotten in the corrupt age before the flood, they were revealed once again to Abraham, who documented them in the book “Jezirah;” and that the revelation was renewed to Moses, who received both a traditional and mystical, as well as a written and prescriptive, law from God. Thus, Jews believe that God gave Moses at Mount Sinai not just the law, but also its explanation; after coming down, Moses retreated to his tent and conveyed both to Aaron. Once he finished, the sons of Aaron, Eleazar and Ithamar, were brought in for a second hearing. After that, the seventy elders who made up the sanhedrim were invited; and finally, the people, as many as wished to come; to all of whom Moses repeated both the law and its explanation, just as he received them from God: so that Aaron heard it four times, his sons three times, the elders twice, and the people once. Of the two things Moses taught them—the laws and the explanations—only the first were written down; which we find in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers. Regarding the second, or the explanations of those laws, they simply made sure to memorize it well, teaching it to their children; and they in turn to theirs, and so on. Hence, they refer to the first part as the law, or the written law; the second as the oral law, or cabala. This is the basic concept of cabala.
2. The cabbala being again lost amidst the 188calamities of the Babylonish captivity, was once more revealed to Esdras; and it is said to have been preserved in Egypt, and transmitted to posterity through the hands of Simeon Ben Setach, Elkanah, Akibha, Simeon Ben Jochai, and others. The only warrantable inference from these accounts, which bear the obvious marks of fiction, is, that the cabbalistic doctrine obtained early credit among the Jews as a part of their sacred tradition, and was transmitted, under this notion, by the Jews in Egypt to their brethren in Palestine. Under the sanction of ancient names, many fictitious writings were produced, which greatly contributed to the spreading of this mystical system. Among these were “Sepher Happeliah,” or the book of wonders; “Sepher Hakkaneh,” or the book of the pen; and “Sepher Habbahir,” or the book of light. The first unfolds many doctrines said to have been delivered by Elias to the rabbi Elkanah; the second contains mystical commentaries on the divine commands; and the third illustrates the most sublime mysteries. Among the profound doctors who, beside the study of tradition, cultivated with great industry the cabbalistic philosophy, the most celebrated persons are the rabbis Akibba, who lived soon after the destruction of Jerusalem, and Simeon Ben Jochai, who flourished in the second century. To the former is ascribed the book entitled “Jezirah,” concerning the creation; and to the latter, the book “Sohar,” or brightness; and these are the principal sources from which we derive our knowledge of the cabbala.
2. The cabbala, once again lost during the disasters of the Babylonian captivity, was revealed to Esdras and is said to have been preserved in Egypt, passed down through people like Simeon Ben Setach, Elkanah, Akibha, Simeon Ben Jochai, and others. The only reasonable conclusion from these accounts, which clearly show signs of being fictional, is that the cabbalistic doctrine gained early acceptance among the Jews as part of their sacred tradition and was shared by Jews in Egypt with their counterparts in Palestine. Supported by ancient names, many fake texts were created that significantly helped spread this mystical system. These included “Sepher Happeliah,” or the book of wonders; “Sepher Hakkaneh,” or the book of the pen; and “Sepher Habbahir,” or the book of light. The first reveals many teachings said to have been given by Elias to Rabbi Elkanah; the second offers mystical interpretations of divine commands; and the third explains the highest mysteries. Among the prominent scholars who, alongside the study of tradition, diligently pursued the cabbalistic philosophy, the most well-known are the rabbis Akibba, who lived shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem, and Simeon Ben Jochai, who thrived in the second century. The former is credited with the book called “Jezirah” about creation, and the latter with the book “Sohar,” or brightness; these are the main sources from which we gain our understanding of the cabbala.
3. That this system of the cabbalistic philosophy, which we may consider as the acroamatic, esotericesoteric, or concealed doctrine of the Jews, by way of contradistinction from the exoretic or popular doctrine, was not of Hebrew origin, we may conclude with a very great degree of probability, from the total dissimilarity of its abstruse and mysterious doctrines to the simple principles of religion taught in the Mosaic law; and that it was borrowed from the Egyptian schools will sufficiently appear from a comparison of its tenets with those of the oriental and Alexandrian philosophy. Many writers have, indeed, imagined that they have found in the cabbalistic dogmas a near resemblance of the doctrines of Christianity; and they have thought that the fundamental principles of this mystical system were derived from divine revelation. This opinion, however, may be traced up to a prejudice which originated with the Jews, and passed from them to the Christian fathers, by which they were led to ascribe all Pagan wisdom to a Hebrew origin: a notion which very probably took its rise in Egypt, when Pagan tenets first crept in among the Jews. Philo, Josephus, and other learned Jews, in order to flatter their own vanity, and that of their countrymen, industriously propagated this opinion; and the more learned fathers of the Christian church, who entertained a high opinion of the Platonic philosophy, hastily adopted it, from an imagination that if they could trace back the most valuable doctrines of Paganism to a Hebrew origin, this could not fail to recommend the Jewish and Christian religions to the attention of the Gentile philosophers. Many learned moderns, relying implicitly upon these authorities, have maintained the same opinion; and have thence been inclined to credit the report of the divine original of the Jewish cabbala. But the opinion is unfounded; and the cabbalistic system is essentially inconsistent with the pure doctrine of divine revelation. The true state of the case seems to be, that during the prophetic ages, the traditions of the Jews consisted in a simple explanation of those divine truths which the prophets delivered, or their law exhibited, under the veil of emblems. After this period, when the sects of the Essenes and Therapeutæ were formed in Egypt, foreign tenets and institutions were borrowed from the Egyptians and Greeks; and, in the form of allegorical interpretations of the law, were admitted into what might then be called the Jewish mysteries, or secret doctrines. These innovations chiefly consisted in certain dogmas concerning God and divine things, at this time received in the Egyptian schools; particularly at Alexandria, where the Platonic and Pythagorean doctrines on these subjects had been blended with the oriental philosophy. The Jewish mysteries, thus enlarged by the accession of Pagan dogmas, were conveyed from Egypt to Palestine, at the time when the Pharisees, who had been driven into Egypt under Hyrcanus, returned with many other Jews into their own country. From this time the cabbalistic mysteries continued to be taught in the Jewish schools; but at length they were adulterated by a mixture of Peripatetic doctrines, and other tenets. These mysteries were not, probably, reduced to any systematic forms in writing, till after the dispersion of the Jews; when in consequence of their national calamities, they became apprehensive that those sacred treasures would be corrupted or lost. In preceding periods, the cabbalistic doctrines underwent various corruptions, particularly from the prevalence of the Aristotelian philosophy. The similarity, or rather the coincidence, of the cabbalistic, Alexandrian, and oriental philosophy, will be sufficiently evinced by briefly stating the common tenets in which these different systems agreed. They are as follow:--“All things are derived by emanation from one principle; and this principle is God. From him a substantial power immediately proceeds, which is the image of God, and the source of all subsequent emanations. This second principle sends forth, by the energy of emanation, other natures, which are more or less perfect, according to their different degrees of distance, in the scale of emanation, from the first source of existence, and which constitute different worlds or orders of being, all united to the eternal power from which they proceed. Matter is nothing more than the most remote effect of the emanative energy of the Deity. The material world receives its form from the immediate agency of powers far beneath the first source of being. Evil is the necessary effect of the imperfection of matter. Human souls are distant emanations 189from Deity; and, after they are liberated from their material vehicles, will return, through various stages of purification, to the fountain whence they first proceeded.” From this brief view it appears, that the cabbalistic system, which is the offspring of the other two, is a fanatical kind of philosophy, originating in defect of judgment and eccentricity of imagination, and tending to produce a wild and pernicious enthusiasm.
3. This system of cabbalistic philosophy, which we might consider the acroamatic, esotericesoteric, or hidden teachings of the Jews, in contrast to the exoretic or popular teachings, likely did not originate from the Hebrews. We can reasonably conclude this from the complete difference between its complex and mysterious doctrines and the simple principles of faith found in the Mosaic law. It seems to have been borrowed from Egyptian schools, and a comparison of its beliefs with those in Eastern and Alexandrian philosophy will make this clear. Many writers have indeed thought they found significant similarities between cabbalistic principles and Christian doctrines, believing that this mystical system's foundational concepts came from divine revelation. However, this belief seems to stem from a bias that originated with the Jews and was passed on to the Christian fathers, who were led to attribute all Pagan wisdom to a Hebrew source—a notion likely emerging in Egypt when Pagan teachings first made their way into Jewish thought. Philo, Josephus, and other educated Jews promoted this idea to bolster their own pride and that of their fellow countrymen. The more learned Christian church fathers, who held Platonic philosophy in high regard, quickly adopted this idea, thinking that if they could trace the most valuable Pagan doctrines back to Hebrew origins, it would elevate the Jewish and Christian faiths in the eyes of Gentile philosophers. Many modern scholars, relying heavily on these authorities, have supported the same view and have been inclined to believe in the divine origin of the Jewish Kabbalah. But this belief is unfounded; the cabbalistic system is fundamentally at odds with the pure teachings of divine revelation. The reality seems to be that during the prophetic era, Jewish traditions consisted of straightforward explanations of the divine truths delivered by the prophets or exhibited in their law through symbols. After this time, when the Essenes and Therapeutae sects formed in Egypt, they borrowed foreign ideas and practices from the Egyptians and Greeks; these were incorporated into what could then be labeled as Jewish mysteries or secret teachings in the form of allegorical interpretations of the law. These innovations mainly consisted of certain teachings about God and divine matters that were accepted in Egyptian schools, especially in Alexandria, where Platonic and Pythagorean teachings on these topics merged with Eastern philosophy. Thus, the Jewish mysteries, expanded by the inclusion of Pagan ideas, were transmitted from Egypt to Palestine when the Pharisees, expelled into Egypt during Hyrcanus, returned with many other Jews to their homeland. From then on, cabbalistic mysteries continued to be taught in Jewish schools but were eventually tainted by a mix of Peripatetic doctrines and other beliefs. These mysteries were probably not organized into any systematic written form until after the Jewish dispersion, when, due to their national tragedies, they became worried that these sacred teachings would be corrupted or lost. In earlier periods, cabbalistic doctrines underwent various corruptions, particularly due to the spread of Aristotelian philosophy. The similarities, or rather the coincidences, of cabbalistic, Alexandrian, and Eastern philosophy can be clearly seen by briefly outlining the common beliefs these different systems share. They are as follows: “All things arise by emanation from one principle, which is God. From Him, a substantial power immediately emerges, which is the image of God and the source of all subsequent emanations. This second principle generates other natures through the process of emanation, which are more or less perfect based on how far they are from the primary source of existence, and these constitute different worlds or orders of being, all connected to the eternal power from which they originate. Matter is merely the most distant effect of the divine emanative energy. The material world takes its form from the direct action of forces significantly below the prime source of being. Evil is the inevitable result of the imperfections found in matter. Human souls are distant emanations from the Divine; and once liberated from their material forms, they will return through various purification stages to the source from which they initially came.” From this brief overview, it is clear that the cabbalistic system, which is derived from the other two, is a somewhat fanatical philosophy that originates from flawed judgment and unusual imagination, leading to a wild and harmful enthusiasm.
4. Among the explications of the law which are furnished by the cabbala, and which, in reality, are little else but the several interpretations and decisions of the rabbins on the laws of Moses, some are mystical; consisting of odd abstruse significations given to a word, or even to the letters whereof it is composed: whence, by different combinations, they draw meanings from Scripture very different from those it seems naturally to import. The art of interpreting Scripture after this manner is called more particularly cabbala; and it is in this last sense the word is more ordinarily used among us. This cabbala, called also artificial cabbala, to distinguish it from the first kind, or simple tradition, is divided into three sorts. The first, called gematria, consists in taking letters as figures, or arithmetical numbers, and explaining each word by the arithmetical value of the letters whereof it is composed; which is done various ways: the second is called notaricon, and consists either in taking each letter of a word for an entire diction, or in making one entire diction out of the initial letters of many: the third kind, called themurah, that is, changing, consists in changing and transposing the letters of a word; which is done various ways. The generality of the Jews prefer the cabbala to the literal Scripture; comparing the former to the sparkling lustre of a precious stone, and the latter to the fainter glimmering of a candle. The cabbala only differs from masorah, as the latter denotes the science of reading the Scripture; the former, of interpreting it. Both are supposed to have been handed down from generation to generation by oral tradition only, till at length the readings were fixed by the vowels and accents, as the interpretations were by the gemara.
4. Among the explanations of the law provided by the Kabbalah, which are really just the various interpretations and decisions of the rabbis regarding the laws of Moses, some are mystical. They involve strange and complex meanings assigned to a word, or even to the letters that make it up. From different combinations, they derive meanings from Scripture that are quite different from what it seems to imply naturally. The method of interpreting Scripture this way is specifically called Kabbalah, and it’s in this sense that the term is most commonly used among us. This Kabbalah, also referred to as artificial Kabbalah to distinguish it from the first kind, or simple tradition, is divided into three types. The first, called gematria, involves treating letters as numbers and explaining each word by the numerical value of its letters, which can be done in various ways. The second is notaricon, which either takes each letter of a word to represent an entire phrase, or creates one whole phrase from the initial letters of several. The third type, called themurah, meaning changing, consists of altering and rearranging the letters of a word, which can also be done in various ways. Most Jews prefer Kabbalah over the literal interpretation of Scripture, comparing the former to the bright sparkle of a precious stone and the latter to the dim glow of a candle. Kabbalah differs from masorah in that the latter refers to the skill of reading the Scripture, while the former focuses on interpreting it. Both are believed to have been passed down through generations solely by oral tradition until eventually, the readings were standardized through vowels and accents, just as the interpretations were through the Gemara.
5. Cabbala is also applied to the use, or rather abuse, which visionaries and enthusiasts make of Scripture, for discovering futurity by the study and consideration of the combination of certain words, letters, and numbers, in the sacred writings. All the words, terms, magic figures, numbers, letters, charms, &c, used in the Jewish magic, as also in the hermetical science, are comprised under this species of cabbala; which professes to teach the art of curing diseases, and performing other wonders, by means of certain arrangements of sacred letters and words. But it is only the Christians that call it by this name, on account of the resemblance this art bears to the explications of the Jewish cabbala: for the Jews never used the word cabbala in any such sense; but ever with the utmost respect and veneration. It is not, however, the magic of the Jews alone which we call cabbala; but the word is also used for any kind of magic.
5. Cabbala is also used to describe the way visionaries and enthusiasts misinterpret Scripture to predict the future by studying and analyzing combinations of specific words, letters, and numbers in the sacred texts. All the words, terms, magical figures, numbers, letters, charms, etc., used in Jewish magic, as well as in hermetic science, fall under this type of cabbala; which claims to teach the art of healing illnesses and performing other wonders through certain arrangements of sacred letters and words. However, it’s primarily Christians who refer to it by this name, due to its similarity to the interpretations of Jewish cabbala; the Jews themselves have never used the term cabbala in this way, but always with the utmost respect and reverence. Nevertheless, it is not just Jewish magic that we call cabbala; the term is also applied to any type of magic.
CABUL, the name which Hiram, king of Tyre, gave to the twenty cities in the land of Galilee, of which Solomon made him a present, in acknowledgment for the great services in building the temple, 1 Kings ix, 31. These cities not being agreeable to Hiram, on viewing them, he called them the land of Cabul, which in the Hebrew tongue denotes displeasing; others take it to signify binding or adhesive, from the clayey nature of the soil.
CABUL is the name that Hiram, king of Tyre, gave to the twenty cities in the land of Galilee, which Solomon gifted him as a thanks for his significant contributions in building the temple, 1 Kings ix, 31. When Hiram viewed these cities and found them unsatisfactory, he named them the land of Cabul, which in Hebrew means displeasing; others interpret it to mean binding or adhesive, based on the clayey nature of the soil.
CÆSAR, a title borne by all the Roman emperors till the destruction of the empire. It took its rise from the surname of the first emperor, Caius Julius Cæsar; and this title, by a decree of the senate, all the succeeding emperors were to bear. In Scripture, the reigning emperor is generally mentioned by the name of Cæsar, without expressing any other distinction: so in Matt. xxii, 21, “Render unto Cæsar,” &c, Tiberias is meant; and in Acts xxv, 10, “I appeal unto Cæsar,” Nero is intended.
CÆSAR, a title held by all the Roman emperors until the fall of the empire. It originated from the surname of the first emperor, Caius Julius Cæsar; and by a decree of the senate, all subsequent emperors were to adopt this title. In the Bible, the reigning emperor is usually referred to simply as Cæsar, without any additional distinctions: as in Matt. xxii, 21, “Render unto Cæsar,” referring to Tiberius; and in Acts xxv, 10, “I appeal unto Cæsar,” referring to Nero.
CÆSAREA, a city and port of Palestine, built by Herod the Great, and thus called in honour of Augustus Cæsar. It was on the site of the tower of Strato. This city, which was six hundred furlongs from Jerusalem, is often mentioned in the New Testament. Here it was that Herod Agrippa was smitten of the Lord for not giving God the glory, when the people were so extravagant in his praise. Cornelius the centurion, who was baptized by St. Peter, resided here, Acts x, 1, &c; and also Philip the deacon, with his four maiden daughters. At Cæsarea the Prophet Agabus foretold that Paul would be bound and persecuted at Jerusalem. Lastly, the Apostle himself continued two years a prisoner at Cæsarea, till he was conducted to Rome. When Judea was reduced to the state of a Roman province, Cæsarea became the stated residence of the proconsul, which accounts for the circumstance of Paul being carried thither from Jerusalem, to defend himself.
CÆSAREA, a city and port in Palestine, was built by Herod the Great and named in honor of Augustus Caesar. It was located on the site of the tower of Strato. This city, which was 600 furlongs from Jerusalem, is often mentioned in the New Testament. Here, Herod Agrippa was struck down by the Lord for not giving God the glory when people praised him extravagantly. Cornelius the centurion, who was baptized by St. Peter, lived here, as well as Philip the deacon with his four unmarried daughters. In Cæsarea, the Prophet Agabus predicted that Paul would be bound and persecuted in Jerusalem. Finally, the Apostle himself spent two years as a prisoner in Cæsarea before being taken to Rome. When Judea was turned into a Roman province, Cæsarea became the official residence of the proconsul, which explains why Paul was taken there from Jerusalem to defend himself.
Dr. E. D. Clarke’s remarks upon this once celebrated city will be read with interest: “On the 15th of July, 1801, we embarked, after sunset, for Acre, to avail ourselves of the land wind, which blows during the night, at this season of the year. By day break, the next morning, we were off the coast of Cæsarea; and so near with the land that we could very distinctly perceive the appearance of its numerous and extensive ruins. The remains of this city, although still considerable, have long been resorted to as a quarry, whenever building materials are required at Acre. Djezzar Pacha brought from hence the columns of rare and beautiful marble, as well as the other ornaments of his palace, bath, fountain, and mosque at Acre. The place at present is inhabited only by jackals and beasts of prey. As we were becalmed during the night, we heard the cries of these animals until day break. Pococke mentions the curious fact of the former existence of crocodiles in the river of Cæsarea. Perhaps there has not been in the history of the world an example of any city, that in so 190short a space of time rose to such an extraordinary height of splendour as did this of Cæsarea; or that exhibits a more awful contrast to its former magnificence, by the present desolate appearance of its ruins. Not a single inhabitant remains. Its theatres, once resounding with the shouts of multitudes, echo no other sound than the nightly cries of animals roaming for their prey. Of its gorgeous palaces and temples, enriched with the choicest works of art, and decorated with the most precious marbles, scarcely a trace can be discerned. Within the space of ten years after laying the foundation, from an obscure fortress, it became the most celebrated and flourishing city of all Syria. It was named Cæsarea by Herod, in honour of Augustus, and dedicated by him to that emperor, in the twenty-eighth year of his reign. Upon this occasion, that the ceremony might be rendered illustrious, by a degree of profusion unknown in any former instance, Herod assembled the most skilful musicians, wrestlers, and gladiators from all parts of the world. This solemnity was to be renewed every fifth year. But, as we viewed the ruins of this memorable city, every other circumstance respecting its history was absorbed in the consideration that we were actually beholding the very spot where the scholar of Tarsus, after two years’ imprisonment, made that eloquent appeal, in the audience of the king of Judea, which must ever be remembered with piety and delight. In the history of the actions of the holy Apostles, whether we regard the internal evidence of the narrative, or the interest excited by a story so wonderfully appalling to our passions and affections, there is nothing that we call to mind with fuller emotions of sublimity and satisfaction. ‘In the demonstration of the Spirit and of power,’ the mighty advocate for the Christian faith had before ‘reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come,’ till the Roman governor, Felix, trembled as he spoke. Not all the oratory of Tertullus; not the clamour of his numerous adversaries; not even the countenance of the most profligate of tyrants availed against the firmness and intrepidity of the oracle of God. The judge had trembled before his prisoner; and now a second occasion offered, in which, for the admiration and the triumph of the Christian world, one of the bitterest persecutors of the name of Christ, and a Jew, appeals, in the public tribunal of a large and populous city, to all its chiefs and its rulers, its governor and its king, for the truth of his conversion founded on the highest evidence.”
Dr. E. D. Clarke’s comments about this once-famous city will be intriguing to read: “On July 15, 1801, we set off after sunset for Acre to take advantage of the land breeze that blows during the night at this time of year. By dawn the next morning, we were off the coast of Cæsarea and so close to shore that we could clearly see the many extensive ruins. Although the remains of this city are still significant, they have long been used as a quarry whenever building materials are needed in Acre. Djezzar Pacha took from here the columns of rare and beautiful marble, along with other decorations for his palace, bath, fountain, and mosque in Acre. The area is now only inhabited by jackals and predatory animals. As we sat still during the night, we heard the sounds of these creatures until daybreak. Pococke notes the interesting fact that crocodiles once lived in the river of Cæsarea. Perhaps there has never been a city in history that rose to such extraordinary heights of glory in such a short time as Cæsarea, or that shows a more striking contrast to its former magnificence than the desolate appearance of its ruins today. Not a single inhabitant remains. Its theaters, once filled with the cheers of crowds, echo only the nightly cries of animals hunting for food. Almost no trace can be seen of its magnificent palaces and temples, filled with the finest art and adorned with the most precious marbles. Within ten years of its founding as an obscure fortress, it became the most renowned and thriving city in all of Syria. It was named Cæsarea by Herod in honor of Augustus and dedicated to the emperor in the twenty-eighth year of his reign. To make the occasion remarkable, with a level of extravagance never seen before, Herod gathered the best musicians, wrestlers, and gladiators from all around the world. This celebration was to be repeated every five years. But as we looked at the ruins of this historic city, every other detail about its past faded in comparison to the realization that we were standing on the very spot where the scholar from Tarsus, after two years of imprisonment, made that powerful appeal before the king of Judea, which will always be remembered with reverence and joy. In the history of the holy Apostles, whether we look at the internal evidence of the narrative or the emotions stirred by such a profoundly moving story, nothing recalls feelings of grandeur and fulfillment more vividly. ‘In the demonstration of the Spirit and of power,’ the strong advocate for the Christian faith had previously ‘reasoned about righteousness, self-control, and the coming judgment,’ until the Roman governor, Felix, trembled as he spoke. Not all the eloquence of Tertullus; not the uproar of his many opponents; not even the expression of the most depraved tyrant could overcome the courage and steadfastness of the messenger of God. The judge had quaked before his prisoner; and now a second opportunity arose in which, for the admiration and triumph of the Christian world, one of the fiercest persecutors of Christ’s name, a Jew, appeals in the public court of a large and bustling city to all its leaders, rulers, governor, and king, for the truth of his conversion based on the strongest evidence.”
CÆSAREA PHILIPPI was first called Laish or Leshem, Judg. xviii, 7. After it was subdued by the Danites, Judg. v, 29, it received the name of Dan; and is by Heathen writers called Paneas. Philip, the youngest son of Herod the Great, made it the capital of his tetrarchy, enlarged and embellished it, and gave it the name of Cæsarea Philippi. It was situated at the foot of Mount Hermon, near the head of the Jordan; and was about fifty miles from Damascus, and thirty from Tyre. Our Saviour visited and taught in this place, and healed one who was possessed of an evil spirit: here also he gave the memorable rebuke to Peter, Mark viii.
Cæsarea Philippi was originally called Laish or Leshem, Judges 18:7. After it was conquered by the Danites, Judges 5:29, it was named Dan, and is referred to by pagan writers as Paneas. Philip, the youngest son of Herod the Great, made it the capital of his tetrarchy, expanded and beautified it, and renamed it Cæsarea Philippi. It was located at the foot of Mount Hermon, near the source of the Jordan River; about fifty miles from Damascus and thirty miles from Tyre. Our Savior visited and taught here, and healed a man possessed by an evil spirit; it was also where he famously rebuked Peter, Mark 8.
CAIAPHAS, high priest of the Jews, succeeded Simon, son of Camith; and after possessing this dignity nine years, from A. M. 4029 to 4038, he was succeeded by Jonathan, son of Ananas, or Annas. Caiaphas was high priest, A. M. 4037, which was the year of Jesus Christ’s death. He married a daughter of Annas, who also is called high priest in the Gospel, because he had long enjoyed that dignity. When the priests deliberated on the seizure and death of Jesus Christ, Caiaphas declared, that there was no room for debate on that matter, “because it was expedient that one man should die for the people, that the whole nation should not perish,” John xi, 49, 50. This sentiment was a prophecy, which God suffered to proceed from the mouth of the high priest on this occasion, importing, that the death of Jesus would be for the salvation of the world. When Judas had betrayed Jesus, he was first taken before Annas, who sent him to his son-in-law, Caiaphas, who possibly lived in the same house, John xviii, 24. The priests and doctors of the law there assembled to judge our Saviour, and to condemn him. The depositions of certain false witnesses being insufficient to justify a sentence of death against him, and Jesus continuing silent, Caiaphas, as high priest, said to him, “I adjure thee by the living God, that thou tell us whether thou art the Christ, the Son of God!” To this adjuration, so solemnly made by the superior judge, Jesus answered, “Thou hast said; nevertheless I say unto you, Hereafter shall ye see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of power, and coming in the clouds of heaven.” On hearing these words, Caiaphas rent his clothes, saying, “What farther need have we of witnesses? Behold, now you have heard his blasphemy. What think ye?” They answered, “He is worthy of death.” And as the power of life and death was not at this time in their hands, but was reserved by the Romans, they conducted him to Pilate, that he might confirm their sentence, and order his execution.
CAIAPHAS, the high priest of the Jews, succeeded Simon, son of Camith. After holding this position for nine years, from A.M. 4029 to 4038, he was followed by Jonathan, son of Ananas, or Annas. Caiaphas was the high priest in A.M. 4037, the year of Jesus Christ’s death. He married a daughter of Annas, who is also referred to as high priest in the Gospel because he had held that position for a long time. When the priests discussed seizing and executing Jesus Christ, Caiaphas stated there was no need for debate, saying, “It is better for one man to die for the people than for the whole nation to perish,” John xi, 49, 50. This statement was a prophetic declaration that God allowed to come from the mouth of the high priest, indicating that Jesus's death would lead to the salvation of the world. After Judas betrayed Jesus, he was first taken before Annas, who then sent him to Caiaphas, who likely lived in the same house, John xviii, 24. The priests and legal experts gathered there to judge and condemn our Savior. The testimonies of some false witnesses were insufficient to warrant a death sentence, and as Jesus remained silent, Caiaphas, as high priest, asked him, “I charge you by the living God: tell us if you are the Christ, the Son of God!” In response to this solemn charge, Jesus replied, “You’ve said it; but I say to you, from now on you will see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of power and coming in the clouds of heaven.” Upon hearing this, Caiaphas tore his clothes and exclaimed, “What further need have we of witnesses? You have now heard his blasphemy. What do you think?” They replied, “He deserves death.” Since they did not have the authority to carry out a death sentence at that time, as it was reserved for the Romans, they took him to Pilate to confirm their judgment and order his execution.
Two years after this, Vitellus, governor of Syria, coming to Jerusalem at the passover, was received very magnificently by the people. As an acknowledgment for this honour, he restored the custody of the high priest’s ornaments to the priests, he remitted certain duties raised on the fruits of the earth, and deposed the high priest Caiaphas. From this it appears that Caiaphas had fallen under popular odium, for his deposition was to gratify the people.
Two years later, Vitellus, the governor of Syria, arrived in Jerusalem for Passover and was welcomed very lavishly by the people. To show his appreciation for this honor, he restored the high priest’s ceremonial items to the priests, canceled certain taxes on agricultural products, and removed the high priest Caiaphas from his position. This indicates that Caiaphas had become unpopular, as his removal was meant to appease the crowd.
CAIN, the eldest son of Adam and Eve. He was the first man who had been a child, and the first man born of woman. For his history, as connected with that of Abel, see Abel. The curse pronounced upon Cain, on account of his fratricide, is thus expressed: “And the Lord said unto Cain, Where is thy brother Abel? And he said, I know not: am I my brother’s keeper? And God said, What hast thou done? The voice of thy brother’s blood 191crieth unto me from the ground. And now art thou cursed from the earth, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother’s blood from thy hand. When thou tillest it, it shall not henceforth yield unto thee its strength; a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth. And Cain said unto the Lord, My punishment is greater than I can bear. Behold, thou hast driven me out this day from the face of the earth,” meaning, probably, from his own native district, and from the presence of his kindred, “and from thy face shall I be hid;” by which he probably intended the divine glory, or Shekinah, whose appearance sanctified the place of primitive worship, and was the pledge of acceptance and protection. The mark set upon Cain “lest any one finding him should kill him,” has been variously interpreted. Some have supposed it a change in the colour of his skin, others a certain horror of countenance. The LXX. understood the passage to mean, that the Lord gave him a sign, to assure him that his life should be preserved. Whatever it was, its object was not to aggravate, but to mitigate, his punishment, which may intimate that Cain had manifested repentance. Cain, being thus banished from the presence of the Lord, retired into the land of Nod, lying east from the province of Eden. While he dwelt in this country, which is generally understood to be Susiana, or Chusistan, he had a son, whom he named Enoch, in memory of whom he built a city of the same name. This is all we learn from Scripture concerning Cain.
CAIN, the oldest son of Adam and Eve. He was the first man who was a child and the first man born of a woman. For his story, especially regarding Abel, see Abel. The curse placed on Cain because of his killing his brother is stated as follows: “And the Lord said to Cain, Where is your brother Abel? And he replied, I don’t know. Am I my brother’s keeper? And God said, What have you done? The voice of your brother’s blood cries out to me from the ground. Now you are cursed from the earth, which has opened its mouth to receive your brother’s blood from your hand. When you work the ground, it will no longer yield its strength to you; you will be a wanderer and a fugitive on the earth.” And Cain said to the Lord, My punishment is more than I can handle. Look, you have driven me out this day from the face of the earth,” likely meaning from his own homeland and from the presence of his family, “and from your face I will be hidden;” which likely refers to the divine glory, or Shekinah, which made the place of early worship sacred and was a sign of acceptance and protection. The mark placed on Cain “so that anyone who finds him will not kill him” has been interpreted in various ways. Some think it was a change in the color of his skin, while others suggest it was a certain look of distress. The LXX understood this to mean that the Lord gave him a sign to assure him that his life would be protected. Whatever it was, its purpose was not to make his punishment worse, but to lessen it, which might suggest that Cain showed some repentance. After being banished from the presence of the Lord, Cain went to the land of Nod, east of Eden. While living in this area, generally believed to be Susiana or Chusistan, he had a son named Enoch, in honor of whom he built a city with the same name. This is all we learn from Scripture about Cain.
CAKE. See Bread.
CAKE. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
CALAH, a city of Assyria, built by Ashur, Gen. x, 12. From it the adjacent country, on the north-east of the Tigris, and south of the Gordian mountains of Armenia, was called Callachene, or Callacine.
CALAH, a city in Assyria, constructed by Ashur, Gen. x, 12. From it, the surrounding area to the northeast of the Tigris and south of the Gordian mountains of Armenia was known as Callachene, or Callacine.
CALAMUS, קנה. Exod. xxx, 23; Cantic. iv, 14; Isa. xliii, 24; Jer. vi, 20; Ezek. xxvii, 19. An aromatic reed, growing in moist places in Egypt, in Judea near lake Genezareth, and in several parts of Syria. It grows to about two feet in height; bearing from the root a knotted stalk, quite round, containing in its cavity a soft white pith. The whole is of an agreeable aromatic smell; and the plant is said to scent the air with a fragrance even while growing. When cut down, dried, and powdered, it makes an ingredient in the richest perfumes. It was used for this purpose by the Jews.
CALAMUS, Buy. Exod. xxx, 23; Cantic. iv, 14; Isa. xliii, 24; Jer. vi, 20; Ezek. xxvii, 19. An aromatic reed that grows in wet areas in Egypt, around Lake Genezareth in Judea, and in various parts of Syria. It reaches about two feet tall and has a knotted, round stem that holds a soft white pith inside. The entire plant emits a pleasant aromatic scent, and it's said to fragrance the air even while still growing. When harvested, dried, and ground into powder, it becomes a key ingredient in the finest perfumes. The Jews used it for this purpose.
Calamus Scriptorius, a reed answering the purpose of a pen to write with. The ancients used styles, to write on tablets covered with wax; but reeds, to write on parchment or papyrus. The Psalmist says, “My tongue is the pen of a ready writer,” xlv, 1. The Hebrew signifies rather a style. The third book of Maccabees states, that the writers employed in making a list of the Jews in Egypt, produced their reeds quite worn out. Baruch wrote his prophecies with ink, Jer. xxxvi, 4; and, consequently, used reeds; for it does not appear that quills were then used to write with. In third John 13, the Apostle says, he did not design to write with pen (reed) and ink. The Arabians, Persians, Turks, Greeks, and Armenians, to this day, write with reeds or rushes.
Calamus Scriptorius, a reed used as a pen for writing. The ancients used styluses to write on wax-covered tablets, but they used reeds for writing on parchment or papyrus. The Psalmist says, “My tongue is the pen of a ready writer,” xlv, 1. In Hebrew, this refers more to a stylus. The third book of Maccabees mentions that the writers tasked with listing the Jews in Egypt had their reeds worn out. Baruch wrote his prophecies with ink, Jer. xxxvi, 4; and therefore, used reeds, as it seems quills were not in use at that time. In third John 13, the Apostle mentions that he didn’t intend to write with a pen (reed) and ink. The Arabians, Persians, Turks, Greeks, and Armenians still write with reeds or rushes today.
CALEB, the son of Jephunneh, of the tribe of Judah, was one of those who accompanied Joshua, when he was deputed by Moses to view the land of Canaan, which the Lord had promised them for an inheritance, Num. xiii. The deputies sent on this occasion were twelve in number, selected one out of each of the tribes, and they performed their commission with great promptitude and skill; they traversed the country in every direction, bringing with them, on their return, some of its finest fruits for the inspection of their brethren. Some of them, however, after making the report of the beauty and goodness of the country, which they described to be a land flowing with milk and honey, added, that the inhabitants of it were remarkable for their strength, while its cities were large and enclosed with walls. These later particulars having excited a spirit of murmuring among the Israelites, Caleb endeavoured to animate their courage by dwelling upon the fertility of the country, and exhorting them to go boldly and take possession of it. Others, however, dissuaded the people from making the attempt, assuring them that they would never make themselves masters of it. We have seen giants there, said they, in comparison of whom we were as grasshoppers; on which the people declared against the project, and intimated their wish to return again into Egypt. Moses and Aaron no sooner heard this than they fell upon their faces before the whole congregation, and Joshua and Caleb rent their clothes, imploring them to take courage and march boldly on; since, if God were with them, they might easily make a conquest of the whole land. So exasperated, however, were the multitude, that they were proceeding to stone Caleb and Joshua, when the glory of the Lord appeared upon the tabernacle, and threatened their extermination. Moses, having fervently interceded for them, the Lord graciously heard his prayer; but though he was pleased not to destroy them immediately, he protested with an oath, that none of those who had murmured against him should see the land of Canaan, but that they should all die in the wilderness. “As for my servant Caleb,” it was added, “who hath faithfully followed me, him will I bring into the land, and he shall possess it, he and his children after him,” Num. xiv, 1–24. Joshua also obtained a similar exception, verses 30, 38. When Joshua had entered the promised land, and conquered a considerable part of it, Caleb, with the people of his tribe, came to meet him at Gilgal, and finding that he was about to divide the land among the twelve tribes, Caleb petitioned to have the country which was inhabited by the giants allotted to him, on which Joshua blessed him and granted his request. Assisted by a portion of his tribe, he marched against Hebron, and slew the children of Anak: thence he proceeded to Debir, and finding the place almost impregnable, he offered his daughter Achsah in marriage to the hero that should take it. This was done by his nephew Othniel, who in consequence 192obtained Achsah with a considerable portion also of territory. We are not informed of the particular time or manner of the death of Caleb; but by his three sons, Iru, Elah, and Naam, he had a numerous posterity, who maintained an honourable rank among their brethren. See Num. xiii, xiv, Josh. xiv, 6–15; xv, 13–19; Judges i, 9–15; 1 Chron. iv, 15–20. עגל
CALEB, the son of Jephunneh, from the tribe of Judah, was one of the men who went with Joshua when Moses sent him to explore the land of Canaan, which the Lord had promised them as an inheritance (Num. 13). Twelve men were sent, one from each tribe, and they carried out their mission quickly and expertly. They traveled all over the land, returning with some of its best fruits to show their fellow Israelites. However, while they reported on the beauty and abundance of the land—a place flowing with milk and honey—they also mentioned that the people living there were strong and that their cities were large and fortified. This news sparked discontent among the Israelites, so Caleb tried to encourage them by emphasizing the land's fertility and urging them to bravely take possession of it. Others, however, discouraged the people from attempting it, insisting they could never conquer it. "We saw giants there, and compared to them, we felt like grasshoppers," they said, which led the people to reject the idea and express a desire to return to Egypt. When Moses and Aaron heard this, they fell on their faces before the entire assembly, and Joshua and Caleb tore their clothes in desperation, urging the people to be courageous and move forward, as with God on their side, victory was within reach. The crowd was so enraged that they nearly stoned Caleb and Joshua, but then the glory of the Lord appeared at the tabernacle, warning them of dire consequences. Moses pleaded with God for them, and the Lord listened to his prayer; although He chose not to destroy them immediately, He swore an oath that none of those who had complained against Him would see the land of Canaan, but would die in the wilderness. “As for my servant Caleb,” the Lord said, “who has fully followed me, I will bring him into the land, and he and his descendants will possess it” (Num. 14:1–24). Joshua received a similar promise (verses 30, 38). When Joshua entered the promised land and conquered much of it, Caleb and his tribe came to him at Gilgal. Learning that Joshua was about to divide the land among the twelve tribes, Caleb requested the region inhabited by the giants, to which Joshua granted his request and blessed him. With some members of his tribe, Caleb went against Hebron and defeated the descendants of Anak. He then moved on to Debir and, finding it nearly impossible to capture, he promised his daughter Achsah in marriage to whoever succeeded in taking it. This was accomplished by his nephew Othniel, who thus gained Achsah and a significant portion of land. We don’t know the exact time or manner of Caleb's death, but he had three sons, Iru, Elah, and Naam, who left behind a large lineage that held a respectable position among their people. See Num. 13, 14; Josh. 14:6–15; 15:13–19; Judges 1:9–15; 1 Chron. 4:15–20.
CALF, עגל. The young of the ox kind. There is frequent mention in Scripture of calves, because they were made use of commonly in sacrifices. The “fatted calf,” mentioned in several places, as in 1 Sam. xxviii, 24, and Luke xv, 23, was stall fed, with special reference to a particular festival or extraordinary sacrifice. The “calves of the lips,” mentioned by Hosea, xiv, 2, signify the sacrifices of praise which the captives of Babylon addressed to God, being no longer in a condition to offer sacrifices in his temple. The Septuagint render it the “fruit of the lips;” and their reading is followed by the Syriac, and by the Apostle to the Hebrews, xiii, 15. The “golden calf” was an idol set up and worshipped by the Israelites at the foot of mount Sinai in their passage through the wilderness to the land of Canaan. Having been conducted through the wilderness by a pillar of cloud and fire, which preceded them in their marches, while Moses was receiving the divine commands that cloud covered the mountain, and they probably imagined that it would no longer be their guide; and, therefore, applied to Aaron to make for them a sacred sign or symbol, as other nations had, which might visibly represent God. With this request, preferred tumultuously, and in a menacing manner, Aaron in a moment of weakness complied. The image thus formed is supposed to have been like the Egyptian deity, Apis, which was an ox, an animal used in agriculture, and so a symbol of the god who presided over their fields, or of the productive power of the Deity. The means by which Moses reduced the golden calf to powder, so that when mixed with water he made the people drink it, in contempt, has puzzled commentators. Some understand that he did this by a chymical process, then well known, but now a secret; others, that he beat it into gold leaf, and then separated this into parts so fine, as to be easily potable; others, that he reduced it by filing. The account says, that he took the calf, burned it to powder, and mixed the powder with water; from which it is probable, as several Jewish writers have thought, that the calf was not wholly made of gold, but of wood, covered with a profusion of gold ornaments cast and fashioned for the occasion. For this reason it obtained the epithet golden, as afterward some ornaments of the temple were called, which we know were only overlaid with gold. It would in that case be enough to reduce the wood to powder in the fire, which would also blacken and deface the golden ornaments; but there is no need to suppose they were also reduced to powder. It is plain from Aaron’s proclaiming a fast to Jehovah, Exod. xxxii, 4, and from the worship of Jeroboam’s calves being so expressly distinguished from that of Baal, 2 Kings x, 28–31, that both Aaron and Jeroboam meant the calves they formed and set up for worship to be emblems of Jehovah. Nevertheless, the inspired Psalmist speaks of Aaron’s calf with the utmost abhorrence, and declares that, by worshipping it, they forgat God their Saviour, (see 1 Cor. x, 9,) who had wrought so many miracles for them, and that for this crime God threatened to destroy them, Psalm cvi, 19–24; Exod. xxxii, 10; and St. Stephen calls it plainly εἴδωλον, an idol, Acts vii, 41. As for Jeroboam, after he had, for political reasons, 1 Kings xii, 27, &c, made a schism in the Jewish church, and set up two calves in Dan and Bethel, as objects of worship, he is scarcely ever mentioned in Scripture but with a particular stigma set upon him: “Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.”
CALF, Calf. The young of the ox kind. Calves are often mentioned in Scripture because they were commonly used in sacrifices. The “fatted calf,” referenced in various places like 1 Sam. 28:24 and Luke 15:23, was fed in a special way for a particular festival or significant sacrifice. The phrase “calves of the lips,” mentioned by Hosea 14:2, signifies the sacrifices of praise that the Babylonian captives offered to God since they could no longer make sacrifices in His temple. The Septuagint translates it as the “fruit of the lips,” a reading also followed by the Syriac version and the Apostle in Hebrews 13:15. The “golden calf” was an idol established and worshipped by the Israelites at the foot of Mount Sinai during their journey through the wilderness to Canaan. Guided by a pillar of cloud and fire that led them in their travels, they believed that the cloud would no longer guide them while Moses received divine commands from the mountain. Consequently, they asked Aaron to create a visible symbol of God, similar to those of other nations. Aaron, yielding to their tumultuous and threatening demands, complied in a moment of weakness. This image is believed to resemble the Egyptian deity Apis, represented as an ox, an animal central to agriculture and thus a symbol of the deity overseeing their fields and the productive powers of God. The method Moses used to turn the golden calf into powder, which he then mixed with water for the people to drink as a form of contempt, has puzzled scholars. Some think he accomplished this with a then-known chemical process, now a secret; others suggest he turned it into gold leaf and refined it to be easily drinkable; some propose he filed it down. The account indicates that he took the calf, burned it to powder, and mixed the powder with water. This leads some Jewish writers to believe that the calf wasn't completely made of gold but rather wood covered with gold ornaments crafted for the occasion. Hence, it was called golden, like some temple ornaments that were merely overlaid with gold. In this case, it would be sufficient to reduce the wood to powder in the fire, which would also char and damage the gold decorations, although it's not necessary to assume that these were also reduced to powder. It is clear from Aaron’s declaration of a fast to Jehovah (Exod. 32:4) and the distinct worship practices surrounding Jeroboam’s calves compared to Baal worship (2 Kings 10:28–31) that both Aaron and Jeroboam intended the calves they created to symbolize Jehovah. Nevertheless, the inspired Psalmist expresses disgust towards Aaron’s calf and states that in worshipping it, they forgot God their Savior (see 1 Cor. 10:9), who had performed many miracles for them, leading God to threaten their destruction (Psalm 106:19–24; Exod. 32:10); St. Stephen explicitly calls it εἴδωλον, an idol (Acts 7:41). As for Jeroboam, after he created a schism in the Jewish church for political motives (1 Kings 12:27, et seq.) and set up two calves in Dan and Bethel for worship, he is seldom mentioned in Scripture without the specific stigma attached: “Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.”
CALL, to name a person or thing, Acts xi, 26; Rom. vii, 3. 2. To cry to another for help; and hence, to pray. The first passage in the Old Testament in which we meet with this phrase, is Gen. iv, 26, where we read, “Then began men to call on the name of the Lord,” or Jehovah; the meaning of which seems to be, that they then first began to worship him in public assemblies. In both the Old and New Testament, to call upon the name of the Lord, imports invoking the true God in prayer, with a confession that he is Jehovah, that is, with an acknowledgment of his essential and incommunicable attributes. In this view the phrase is applied to the worship of Christ.
CALL, to mention a person or thing, Acts xi, 26; Rom. vii, 3. 2. To shout out to someone for help; and as a result, to pray. The first instance in the Old Testament where we find this phrase is Gen. iv, 26, where it says, “Then began men to call on the name of the Lord,” or Jehovah; this suggests that they first started to worship him in public gatherings. In both the Old and New Testaments, calling on the name of the Lord means invoking the true God in prayer, recognizing that he is Jehovah, which involves acknowledging his essential and unique attributes. In this sense, the phrase also refers to the worship of Christ.
CALLING, a term in theology, which is taken in a different sense by the advocates and the impugners of the Calvinistic doctrine of grace. By the former it is thus stated: In the golden chain of spiritual blessings which the Apostle enumerates in Rom. viii, 30, originating in the divine predestination, and terminating in the bestowment of eternal glory on the heirs of salvation, that of calling forms an important link. “Moreover, whom he did predestinate, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also glorified.” Hence we read of “the called according to his purpose,” Rom. viii, 28. There is indeed a universal call of the Gospel to all men; for wherever it comes it is the voice of God to those who hear it, calling them to repent and believe the divine testimony unto the salvation of their souls; and it leaves them inexcusable in rejecting it, John iii, 14–19; but this universal call is not inseparably connected with salvation; for it is in reference to it that Christ says, “Many are called, but few are chosen,” Matt. xxii, 14. But the Scripture also speaks of a calling which is effectual, and which consequently is more than the outward ministry of the word; yea, more than some of its partial and temporary effects upon many who hear it, for it is always ascribed to God’s making his word effectual through the enlightening and sanctifying influences of his Holy Spirit. Thus it is said, “Paul may plant, and Apollos water, but God giveth the increase,” 1 Cor. iii, 6, 7. Again, he is said to have “opened the heart of Lydia, 193that she attended to the doctrine of Paul,” Acts xvi, 14. “No man can come unto Christ, except the Father draw him,” John vi, 44. Hence faith is said to be the gift of God, Eph. ii, 8; Phil. i, 29. The Spirit takes of the things of Christ and shows them to men, John xvi, 14; and thus opens their eyes, turning them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, Acts xxvi, 18. And so God saves his people, not by works of righteousness which they have done, but according to his mercy, by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Spirit, Titus iii, 5. Thus they are saved, and called with a holy calling, not according to their works, but according to the divine purpose and grace which was given them in Christ Jesus before the world began, 2 Tim. i, 9.
CALLING, a term in theology, is viewed differently by supporters and critics of the Calvinistic doctrine of grace. Supporters state that in the chain of spiritual blessings that the Apostle lists in Rom. viii, 30, which begins with divine predestination and ends with eternal glory for the heirs of salvation, calling is a crucial link. “Moreover, whom he predestined, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also glorified.” Therefore, we read of “the called according to his purpose,” Rom. viii, 28. There is indeed a universal call of the Gospel to all people; wherever it is heard, it is God's voice calling them to repent and believe the divine testimony for the salvation of their souls; and it leaves them without excuse for rejecting it, John iii, 14–19; but this universal call isn't automatically connected with salvation, as Christ says, “Many are called, but few are chosen,” Matt. xxii, 14. The Scriptures also mention a calling that is effective, which is more than just the outward preaching of the word; it goes beyond the temporary effects on many who hear it, as it is always attributed to God making His word effective through the enlightening and sanctifying influence of His Holy Spirit. Thus, it is said, “Paul may plant, and Apollos water, but God gives the increase,” 1 Cor. iii, 6, 7. Again, he is said to have “opened Lydia's heart so she paid attention to Paul's message,” Acts xvi, 14. “No one can come to Christ unless the Father draws him,” John vi, 44. Therefore, faith is said to be a gift from God, Eph. ii, 8; Phil. i, 29. The Spirit takes what belongs to Christ and reveals it to people, John xvi, 14; and thus opens their eyes, turning them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan to God, Acts xxvi, 18. In this way, God saves His people, not by righteous works they have done, but according to His mercy, through the washing of regeneration and renewal by the Holy Spirit, Titus iii, 5. They are saved and called with a holy calling, not based on their own works, but according to the divine purpose and grace given to them in Christ Jesus before the world began, 2 Tim. i, 9.
2. To this it is replied, that this whole statement respecting a believer’s calling is without any support from the Scriptures, and is either a misunderstanding, or a misapplication of their sense. “To call” signifies to invite to the blessings of the Gospel, to offer salvation through Christ, either by God himself, or, under his appointment, by his servants; and in the parable of the marriage of the king’s son, Matt. xxii, 1–14, which appears to have given rise, in many instances, to the use of this term in the Epistles, we have three descriptions of “called” or invited persons. First, the disobedient, who would not come in at the call, but made light of it. Second, the class of persons represented by the man who, when the king came in to see his guests, had not on the wedding garment; and with respect to whom our Lord makes the general remark, “For many are called, but few are chosen;” so that the persons thus represented by this individual culprit were not only “called,” but actually came into the company. Third, the approved guests; those who were both called and chosen. As far as the simple calling or invitation is concerned, all these three classes stood upon equal ground--all were invited; and it depended upon their choice and conduct whether they embraced the invitation, and were admitted as guests. We have nothing here to countenance the notion of what is termed “effectual calling.” This implies an irresistible influence exerted upon all the approved guests, but withheld from the disobedient, who could not, therefore, be otherwise than disobedient; or at most could only come in without that wedding garment, which it was never put into their power to take out of the king’s wardrobe; and the want of which would necessarily exclude them, if not from the church on earth, yet from the church in heaven. The doctrine of Christ’s parables is in entire contradiction to this notion of irresistible influence; for they who refused, and they who complied but partially with the calling, are represented, not merely as being left without the benefit of the feast, but as incurring additional guilt and condemnation for refusing the invitation. It is to this offer of salvation by the Gospel, this invitation to spiritual and eternal benefits, that St. Peter appears to refer, when he says, “For the PROMISE is unto you and to your children, and to all that are afar off, even as many as the Lord our God shall CALL,” Acts ii, 39; a passage which declares “the promise” to be as extensive as the “calling;” in other words, as the offer or invitation. To this also St. Paul refers, Rom. i, 5, 6: “By whom we have received grace and Apostleship, for obedience to the faith among all nations, for his name;” that is, to publish his Gospel, in order to bring all nations to the obedience of faith; “among whom are ye also the CALLED of Jesus Christ;” you at Rome have heard the Gospel, and have been invited to salvation in consequence of this design. This promulgation of the Gospel, by the personal ministry of the Apostle, under the name of calling, is also referred to in Gal. i, 6: “I marvel that ye are so soon removed from him that called you into the grace of Christ,” obviously meaning, that it was he himself who had called them, by his preaching, to embrace the grace of Christ. So also in chap. v, 13: “For, brethren, ye have been called unto liberty.” Again: 1 Thess. ii, 12: “That ye would walk worthy of God, who hath CALLED you,” invited you, “to his kingdom and glory.”
2. In response, it's pointed out that this entire idea about a believer’s calling lacks any support from the Scriptures and is either a misunderstanding or a misinterpretation of their meaning. “To call” means to invite someone to the blessings of the Gospel, to offer salvation through Christ, either by God himself or, at his direction, by his servants. In the parable of the king’s son’s wedding, Matt. xxii, 1–14, which seems to have inspired many instances of the term used in the Epistles, we see three types of “called” or invited people. First, the disobedient, who refused to attend the call and took it lightly. Second, the man who, when the king came in to see his guests, wasn't wearing the wedding garment; concerning him, our Lord makes the general statement, “For many are called, but few are chosen.” This means that those represented by this individual not only were “called” but actually entered the gathering. Third, there are the approved guests—those who were both called and chosen. As far as the basic calling or invitation goes, all three groups were treated equally—all were invited; it was up to their choices and actions whether they accepted the invitation and became guests. There’s nothing here to support the idea of what’s called “effectual calling.” This suggests that an irresistible influence is exerted on all the approved guests while being withheld from the disobedient, who thus had no choice but to remain disobedient; at most, they could enter without the wedding garment, which they were never allowed to take from the king’s wardrobe; lacking it would necessarily exclude them, if not from the church on earth, then from the church in heaven. The teachings in Christ’s parables completely contradict this notion of irresistible influence; those who refused and those who only partially complied with the call are depicted not just as being left out of the feast, but as incurring extra guilt and condemnation for turning down the invitation. This offer of salvation through the Gospel, this invitation to spiritual and eternal benefits, is what St. Peter seems to refer to when he says, “For the Commitment is unto you and to your children, and to all that are afar off, even as many as the Lord our God shall Call,” Acts ii, 39; a passage that declares “the promise” to be as broad as the “calling,” in other words, as the offer or invitation. St. Paul also refers to this in Rom. i, 5, 6: “By whom we have received grace and Apostleship, for obedience to the faith among all nations, for his name;” that is, to spread his Gospel to bring all nations to the obedience of faith; “among whom are ye also the Called of Jesus Christ;” you in Rome have heard the Gospel and have been invited to salvation as a result of this mission. This spreading of the Gospel through the Apostle’s personal ministry, labeled as calling, is also noted in Gal. i, 6: “I marvel that ye are so soon removed from him that called you into the grace of Christ,” clearly meaning that it was he who had called them through his preaching to accept the grace of Christ. Likewise, in chap. v, 13: “For, brethren, ye have been called unto liberty.” Again: 1 Thess. ii, 12: “That ye would walk worthy of God, who hath Called you,” invited you, “to his kingdom and glory.”
3. In our Lord’s parable it will also be observed, that the persons called are not invited as separate individuals to partake of solitary blessings; but they are called to “a feast,” into a company or society, before whom the banquet is spread. The full revelation of the transfer of the visible church of Christ from Jews by birth, to believers of all nations, was not, however, then made. When this branch of the evangelic system was fully revealed to the Apostles, and taught by them to others, that part of the meaning of our Lord’s parable which was not at first developed was more particularly discovered to his inspired followers. The calling of guests to the evangelical feast, we then more fully learn, was not the mere calling of men to partake of spiritual benefits; but calling them also to form a spiritual society composed of Jews and Gentiles, the believing men of all nations; to have a common fellowship in these blessings, and to be formed into this fellowship for the purpose of increasing their number, and diffusing the benefits of salvation among the people or nation to which they respectively belonged. The invitation, “the calling,” of the first preachers was to all who heard them in Rome, in Ephesus, in Corinth, and other places; and those who embraced it, and joined themselves to the church by faith, baptism, and continued public profession, were named, especially and eminently, “the called,” because of their obedience to the invitation. They not only put in their claim to the blessings of Christianity individually, but became members of the new church, that spiritual society of believers which God now visibly owned as his people. As they were thus called into a common fellowship by the Gospel, this is sometimes termed their “vocation;” as the object of this church state was to promote “holiness,” it is termed a “holy vocation;” as sanctity was required of the members, they are said to have been “called to be saints;” as the final result was, through the mercy of God, to 194be eternal life, we hear of “the hope of their calling,” and of their being “called to his eternal glory by Christ Jesus.”
3. In our Lord’s parable, it should also be noted that the people called are not invited as individual participants to receive solitary blessings; instead, they are called to “a feast,” joining a community where the banquet is laid out. However, the complete understanding of the transition of the visible church of Christ from ethnic Jews to believers from all nations was not revealed at that time. When this aspect of the evangelistic message was fully revealed to the Apostles and taught by them to others, the deeper meaning of our Lord’s parable, which wasn’t initially clear, became more apparent to his inspired followers. We then learn that the calling of guests to the evangelistic feast was not just about inviting people to enjoy spiritual benefits; it was also about inviting them to form a spiritual community made up of Jews and Gentiles, believers from all nations, sharing in these blessings and coming together to grow their numbers and spread the benefits of salvation to their respective people or nations. The invitation, or “calling,” of the first preachers was to all who listened to them in Rome, Ephesus, Corinth, and other locations; those who accepted it and joined the church through faith, baptism, and ongoing public profession were especially known as “the called” because they responded to the invitation. They not only claimed the blessings of Christianity for themselves but also became members of the new church, that spiritual community of believers that God now visibly recognized as His people. As they were called into a shared fellowship by the Gospel, this is sometimes referred to as their “vocation;” since the aim of this church state was to promote “holiness,” it is described as a “holy vocation;” and since holiness was required of the members, they are said to have been “called to be saints;” as the ultimate goal was, through God’s mercy, to attain eternal life, we hear of “the hope of their calling” and being “called to his eternal glory by Christ Jesus.”
4. These views will abundantly explain the various passages in which the term calling occurs in the Epistles: “Even us whom he hath called, not of the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles,” Rom. ix, 24; that is, whom he hath made members of his church through faith. “But unto them which are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God, and the wisdom of God;” the wisdom and efficacy of the Gospel being, of course, acknowledged in their very profession of Christ, in opposition to those to whom the preaching of “Christ crucified” was “a stumbling block,” and “foolishness,” 1 Cor. i, 24. “Is any man called,” (brought to acknowledge Christ, and to become a member of his church,) “being circumcised? let him not become uncircumcised. Is any called in uncircumcision? let him not be circumcised,” 1 Cor. vii, 18. “That ye walk worthy of the vocation, wherewith ye are called. There is one body, and one Spirit, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling,” Eph. iv, 1, 4. “That ye would walk worthy of God, who hath called you to his kingdom and glory,” 1 Thess. ii, 12. “Through sanctification of the Spirit, and belief of the truth, whereunto he called you by our Gospel, to the obtaining of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ,” 2 Thess. ii, 13, 14. “Who hath saved us and called us with a holy calling; not according to our works, but according to his own purpose and grace, which was given us in Christ Jesus before the world began; but is now made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ,” 2 Tim. i, 9, 10. On this passage we may remark, that the “calling,” and the “purpose” mentioned in it, must of necessity be interpreted to refer to the establishment of the church on the principle of faith, so that it might include men of all nations; and not, as formerly, be restricted to natural descent. For personal election, and a purpose of effectual personal calling, could not have been hidden till manifested by the “appearing of Christ;” since every instance of true conversion to God in any age prior to the appearing of Christ, would be as much a manifestation of eternal election, and an instance of personal effectual calling, according to the Calvinistic scheme, as it was after the appearance of Christ. The Apostle is speaking of a purpose of God, which was kept secret till revealed by the Christian system; and, from various other parallel passages, we learn that this secret, this “mystery,” as he often calls it, was the union of the Jews and Gentiles in “one body,” or church, by faith.
4. These views will clearly explain the different passages in which the term calling appears in the Epistles: “Even us whom he has called, not only from the Jews but also from the Gentiles,” Rom. ix, 24; meaning, those he has made members of his church through faith. “But to those who are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ is the power of God and the wisdom of God;” acknowledging the wisdom and effectiveness of the Gospel in their very acceptance of Christ, unlike those for whom the preaching of “Christ crucified” was “a stumbling block” and “foolishness,” 1 Cor. i, 24. “Is anyone called,” (brought to acknowledge Christ and become a member of his church,) “while already circumcised? Let him not become uncircumcised. Is anyone called while uncircumcised? Let him not be circumcised,” 1 Cor. vii, 18. “That you walk worthy of the vocation with which you are called. There is one body and one Spirit, just as you are called in one hope of your calling,” Eph. iv, 1, 4. “That you would walk worthy of God, who has called you to his kingdom and glory,” 1 Thess. ii, 12. “Through the sanctification of the Spirit and belief of the truth, he called you by our Gospel, to obtain the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ,” 2 Thess. ii, 13, 14. “Who has saved us and called us with a holy calling; not according to our works, but according to his own purpose and grace, which was given to us in Christ Jesus before the world began; but is now made known by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ,” 2 Tim. i, 9, 10. In this passage, we may note that the “calling” and the “purpose” mentioned must refer to the establishment of the church on the principle of faith, so that it includes people of all nations and is no longer restricted to natural descent. For personal election and a purpose of effectual personal calling could not have remained hidden until the “appearing of Christ;” since every instance of true conversion to God before Christ’s appearance would be just as much a manifestation of eternal election and an example of personal effectual calling, according to Calvinistic views, as it was after Christ’s appearance. The Apostle is discussing a purpose of God that was kept secret until revealed by the Christian system; and from various other similar passages, we learn that this secret, this “mystery,” as he often refers to it, is the union of Jews and Gentiles in “one body,” or church, through faith.
5. In none of these passages is the doctrine of the exclusive calling of a set number of men contained; and the synod of Dort, as though they felt this, only attempt to infer the doctrine from a text already quoted; but which we will now more fully notice: “Whom he did predestinate, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he also glorified,” Rom. viii, 30. This is the text on which the Calvinists chiefly rest their doctrine of effectual calling; and tracing it, as they say, through its steps and links, they conclude, that a set and determinate number of persons having been predestinated unto salvation, this set number only are called effectually, then justified, and finally glorified. But this passage was evidently nothing to the purpose, unless it had spoken of a set and determinate number of men as predestinated and called, independent of any consideration of their faith and obedience; which number as being determinate, would, by consequence exclude the rest. The context declares that those who are foreknown, and predestinated to eternal glory, are true believers, those who “love God,” as stated in a subsequent verse; for of such only the Apostle speaks; and when he adds, “Moreover, whom he did predestinate, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he also glorified;” he shows in particular how the divine purpose to glorify believers is carried into effect, through all its stages. The great instrument of bringing men to “love God” is the Gospel; they are, therefore, called, invited by it, to this state and benefit; the calling being obeyed, they are justified; and being justified, and continuing in that state of grace, they are glorified. Nothing, however, is here said to favour the conclusion, that many others who were called by the Gospel, but refused, might not have been justified and glorified as well as they; nothing to distinguish this calling into common and effectual: and the very guilt which those are every where represented as contracting who despised the Gospel calling, shows that they reject a grace which is sufficient, and sincerely intended, to save them.
5. None of these passages contains the idea of a specific number of people being exclusively called; the synod of Dort recognizes this and only tries to infer the doctrine from a previously quoted text, which we will now explore more thoroughly: “Whom he did predestinate, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he also glorified,” Rom. viii, 30. This is the main text that Calvinists base their doctrine of effective calling on; they track it, as they say, through its stages and connections, concluding that a specific number of people has been predestined for salvation, and only this specific number is effectively called, then justified, and finally glorified. However, this passage really says nothing about it unless it refers to a definite number of people being predestined and called, regardless of their faith and obedience; such a definite number would consequently exclude the rest. The context makes it clear that those who are foreknown and predestined for eternal glory are true believers, those who “love God,” as mentioned in a later verse; the Apostle speaks only of these people; and when he adds, “Moreover, whom he did predestinate, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he also glorified;” he specifically illustrates how God's plan to glorify believers takes shape through all its stages. The main way that people come to “love God” is through the Gospel; they are, therefore, called and invited by it to this state and benefit; when they obey the calling, they are justified; and after being justified and remaining in that state of grace, they are glorified. However, nothing here supports the idea that many others who were called by the Gospel but refused it could not also have been justified and glorified; there’s nothing that separates this calling into common and effective. The very guilt that those are continually shown to incur who despise the Gospel calling indicates that they are rejecting a grace that is sufficient and genuinely intended to save them.
CALNEH, a city in the land of Shinar, built by Nimrod, and one of the cities mentioned Genesis x, 10, as belonging to his kingdom. It is believed to be the same with Calno, mentioned in Isa. x, 9. It is said by the Chaldee interpreters, as also by Eusebius and Jerom, to be the same with Ctesiphon, standing upon the Tigris, about three miles distant from Seleucia, and that for some time it was the capital city of the Parthians. Bochart, Wells, and Michaëlis, agree in this opinion.
CALNEH, a city in the land of Shinar, was built by Nimrod and is one of the cities mentioned in Genesis 10:10 as part of his kingdom. It's believed to be the same as Calno, which is referenced in Isaiah 10:9. The Chaldean interpreters, as well as Eusebius and Jerome, say it is the same as Ctesiphon, located on the Tigris River, about three miles from Seleucia, and that it was the capital city of the Parthians for a time. Bochart, Wells, and Michaëlis all support this view.
CALVARY, or, as it is called in Hebrew, Golgotha, “a skull,” or “place of skulls,” supposed to be thus denominated from the similitude it bore to the figure of a skull or man’s head, or from its being a place of burial. It was a small eminence or hill to the north of Mount Sion, and to the west of old Jerusalem, upon which our Lord was crucified. The ancient summit of Calvary has been much altered, by reducing its level in some parts, and raising it in others, in order to bring it within the area of a large and irregular building, called “The Church of the Holy Sepulchre,” which now occupies its site. But in doing this, care has been taken that none of the parts connected with the crucifixion should suffer any alteration. The same building also encloses within its spacious walls several other places reputed sacred. The places which claim the chief attraction 195of the Christian visitant of this church, and those only perhaps which can be relied on, are, the spot on which the crucifixion took place, and the sepulchre in which our Lord was afterward laid. The first has been preserved without mutilation: being a piece of ground about ten yards square, in its original position; and so high above the common floor of the church, that there are, according to Chateaubriand, twenty-one steps to ascend up to it. Mr. Buckingham describes the present mount as a rock, the summit of which is ascended by a steep flight of eighteen or twenty steps from the common level of the church, which is equal with that of the street without; and beside this, there is a descent of thirty steps, from the level of the church, into the chapel of St. Helena, and by eleven more to the place where the cross was said to be found. On this little mount is shown the hole in which the cross was fixed; and near it the position of the crosses of the two thieves: one, the penitent, on the north; and the other on the south. Here, also, is shown a cleft in the rock, said to have been caused by the earthquake which happened at the crucifixion. The sepulchre, distant, according to Mr. Jolliffe, forty-three yards from the cross, presents rather a singular and unexpected appearance to a stranger; who, for such a place, would naturally expect to find an excavation in the ground, instead of which, he perceives it altogether raised, as if artificially, above its level. The truth is, that in the alterations which were made on Calvary, to bring all the principal places within the projected church, the earth around the sepulchre was dug away; so that, what was originally a cave in the earth has now the appearance of a closet or grotto above ground. The sepulchre itself is about six feet square and eight high. There is a solid block of the stone left in excavating the rock, about two feet and a half from the floor, and running along the whole of the inner side; on which the body of our Lord is said to have been laid. This, as well as the rest of the sepulchre, is now faced with marble: partly from the false taste which prevailed in the early ages of Christianity, in disguising with profuse and ill-suited embellishments the spots rendered memorable in the history of its Founder; and partly, perhaps, to preserve it from the depredations of the visitants. This description of the holy sepulchre will but ill accord with the notions entertained by some English readers of a grave; but a cave or grotto, thus excavated in rocky ground, on the side of a hill, was the common receptacle for the dead among the eastern nations. Such was the tomb of Christ; such that of Lazarus; and such are the sepulchres still found in Judea and the east. It may be useful farther to observe, that it was customary with Jews of property to provide a sepulchre of this kind on their own ground, as the place of their interment after death; and it appears that Calvary itself, or the ground immediately around it, was occupied with gardens; one of which belonged to Joseph of Arimathea, who had then recently caused a new sepulchre to be made for himself. It was this sepulchre, so close at hand, and so appropriate, which he resigned for the use of our Lord; little thinking perhaps, at the time, how soon it would again be left vacant for its original purpose by his glorious resurrection.
CALVARY, or what is referred to in Hebrew as Golgotha, meaning “a skull” or “place of skulls,” is believed to be named due to its resemblance to a skull or a human head, or because it was a burial site. It was a small hill located to the north of Mount Sion and west of ancient Jerusalem, where our Lord was crucified. The original summit of Calvary has been significantly modified, with some areas lowered and others raised, to fit within the structure of a large, irregular building known as “The Church of the Holy Sepulchre,” which now stands on its site. However, care has been taken to ensure that none of the features related to the crucifixion have been altered. This building also contains several other places considered sacred. The main attractions for Christian visitors to this church, which are perhaps the only ones that can be reliably identified, are the spot where the crucifixion occurred and the tomb where our Lord was later laid. The crucifixion site has been preserved without alteration; it’s a piece of land about ten yards square, in its original location, elevated above the common floor of the church, requiring, according to Chateaubriand, a climb of twenty-one steps to reach it. Mr. Buckingham describes the current mount as a rock, and visitors ascend it via a steep staircase of eighteen or twenty steps from the common level of the church, which aligns with the street outside; additionally, there’s a descent of thirty steps from the church level into the chapel of St. Helena, followed by another eleven steps down to the area where the cross was said to have been discovered. On this small mount, the hole where the cross was inserted is shown, along with the positions of the two thieves’ crosses: one for the penitent thief on the north side and the other on the south. There is also a fissure in the rock said to have been created by the earthquake that happened at the time of the crucifixion. The tomb, located about forty-three yards from the cross according to Mr. Jolliffe, presents a rather unusual and unexpected sight for a visitor, who might anticipate finding a burial pit, but instead sees it elevated above ground, almost as if artificially raised. The truth is, during the alterations made on Calvary to place all the significant areas within the planned church, the earth surrounding the tomb was excavated; thus, what was originally a cave now appears as a closet or grotto above ground. The tomb itself is about six feet square and eight feet high. A solid block of stone remains from the rock excavation, approximately two and a half feet from the floor, extending along the entire inner side, where the body of our Lord is said to have been laid. This, along with the rest of the tomb, is now covered in marble—partly due to the misguided trends in the early years of Christianity to overly embellish the significant sites in its Founder’s history and partly to protect it from the damage caused by visitors. This description of the holy sepulchre might not align with some English readers' perceptions of a grave; however, a cave or grotto carved into rocky terrain on a hillside was a common burial place among eastern nations. Such was the tomb of Christ, and similar to that of Lazarus, and such sepulchres can still be found in Judea and the East. It’s also worth noting that wealthy Jews often arranged for such a tomb on their property as their burial site after death; it appears that Calvary itself or the surrounding land was filled with gardens, one of which belonged to Joseph of Arimathea, who had recently commissioned a new tomb for himself. It was this nearby and fitting sepulchre that he offered for our Lord’s use, perhaps unaware at the time that it would soon again be empty for its original purpose due to His glorious resurrection.
CALVINISM, that scheme of doctrine on predestination and grace, which was taught by Calvin, the celebrated reformer, in the early part of the sixteenth century. His opinions are largely opened in the third book of his “Institutes:” “Predestination we call the eternal decree of God; by which he hath determined in himself what he would have to become of every individual of mankind. For they are not all created with similar destiny; but eternal life is foreordained for some, and eternal damnation for others. Every man, therefore, being created for one or other of these ends, we say, he is predestinated, either to life, or to death.” After having spoken of the election of the race of Abraham, and then of particular branches of that race, he proceeds: “Though it is sufficiently clear, that God, in his secret counsel, freely chooses whom he will, and rejects others, his gratuitous election is but half displayed till we come to particular individuals, to whom God not only offers salvation, but assigns it in such a manner that the certainty of the effect is liable to no suspense or doubt.” He sums up the chapter, in which he thus generally states the doctrine, in these words: “In conformity, therefore, to the clear doctrine of the Scripture, we assert, that, by an eternal and immutable counsel, God hath once for all determined both whom he would admit to salvation, and whom he would condemn to destruction. We affirm that this counsel, as far as concerns the elect, is founded on his gratuitous mercy, totally irrespective of human merit; but that to those whom he devotes to condemnation, the gate of life is closed by a just and irreprehensible, but incomprehensible, judgment. In the elect, we consider calling as an evidence of election; and justification as another token of its manifestation, till they arrive in glory, which constitutes its completion. As God seals his elect by vocation and justification, so by excluding the reprobate from the knowledge of his name, and sanctification of his Spirit, he affords another indication of the judgment that awaits them,” chap. 21, book iii.
CALVINISM, the system of beliefs about predestination and grace taught by Calvin, the famous reformer, in the early sixteenth century. His views are largely explained in the third book of his “Institutes”: “Predestination is the eternal decree of God, by which He has decided what will happen to every individual human being. People are not all created with the same fate; rather, eternal life is destined for some, and eternal damnation for others. Therefore, since every person is created for one of these outcomes, we say they are predestined, either to life or to death.” After discussing the election of Abraham's descendants and then specific branches of that lineage, he continues: “Although it is clear that God, in His secret counsel, freely chooses whom He will and rejects others, His gracious election is only half revealed until we look at specific individuals, to whom God not only offers salvation but also assigns it in such a way that its outcome is certain and beyond doubt.” He concludes the chapter, summarizing the doctrine like this: “According to the clear teachings of Scripture, we affirm that, by an eternal and unchangeable decree, God has decisively determined both whom He will allow into salvation and whom He will condemn to destruction. We declare that this decree, concerning the elect, is based solely on His gracious mercy, completely independent of any human merit; whereas for those destined for condemnation, the door to life is closed by a just and faultless, yet incomprehensible, judgment. In the elect, we see calling as proof of election, and justification as another sign of its manifestation, until they reach glory, which completes it. Just as God seals His elect through calling and justification, so by excluding the reprobate from the knowledge of His name and the sanctification of His Spirit, He provides another indication of the judgment that awaits them,” chap. 21, book iii.
2. In the commencement of the following chapter he thus rejects the notion that predestination is to be understood as resulting from God’s foreknowledge of what would be the conduct of either the elect or the reprobate: “It is a notion commonly entertained, that God, foreseeing what would be the respective merits of every individual, makes a correspondent distinction between different persons; that he adopts as his children such as he foreknows will be deserving of his grace; and devotes to the damnation of death others, whose dispositions he sees will be inclined to wickedness and impiety. Thus they not only obscure election by covering it with the veil of foreknowledge, but pretend that it originates in another cause,” book iii, chap. 22. Consistently 196with this, he a little farther on asserts, that election does not flow from holiness, but holiness from election: “For when it is said, that the faithful are elected that they should be holy, it is fully implied, that the holiness they were in future to possess had its origin in election.” He proceeds to quote the example of Jacob and Esau, as loved and hated before they had done good or evil, to show that the only reason of election and reprobation is to be placed in God’s “secret counsel.” He will not allow the future wickedness of the reprobate to have been considered in the decree of their rejection, any more than the righteousness of the elect, as influencing their better fate: “‘God hath mercy on whom he will have mercy, and whom he will he hardeneth.’ You see how he (the Apostle) attributes both to the mere will of God. If, therefore, we can assign no reason why he grants mercy to his people but because such is his pleasure, neither shall we find any other cause but his will for the reprobation of others. For when God is said to harden, or show mercy to whom he pleases, men are taught, by this declaration, to seek no cause beside his will.” (Ibid.) “Many, indeed, as if they wished to avert odium from God, admit election in such a way as to deny that any one is reprobated. But this is puerile and absurd; because election itself could not exist, without being opposed to reprobation;--whom God passes by he therefore reprobates; and from no other cause than his determination to exclude them from the inheritance which he predestines for his children,” book iii, chap. xxiii.
2. At the beginning of the next chapter, he rejects the idea that predestination comes from God’s knowledge of how the elect or the damned would act: “It’s a common belief that God, seeing the merits of each person, makes a distinction between them; that he accepts as his children those he knows will deserve his grace, and condemns others, whose nature he sees will lead them to wickedness and impiety. In this way, they not only obscure election by covering it with the veil of foreknowledge but also claim it originates from another source,” book iii, chap. 22. Consistently, 196 he further states that election does not come from holiness, but rather holiness comes from election: “For when it is said that the faithful are elected to be holy, it implies that the holiness they are to have in the future originates from election.” He then cites the example of Jacob and Esau, loved and hated before they did good or evil, to show that the only reason for election and reprobation is found in God's “secret counsel.” He does not allow the future wickedness of the reprobate to be considered in their rejection decree, just as the righteousness of the elect does not influence their favorable outcome: “‘God has mercy on whom he will have mercy, and whom he will, he hardens.’ You see how the Apostle attributes both to the mere will of God. Therefore, if we can’t find a reason why he shows mercy to his people other than his pleasure, we also won’t find any other cause than his will for the rejection of others. When God is said to harden or show mercy to whom he pleases, this declaration teaches men to seek no cause other than his will.” (Ibid.) “Many, indeed, as if they want to deflect blame from God, accept election in such a way as to deny that anyone is reprobated. But this is childish and absurd; because election itself cannot exist without being contrasted with reprobation;—whom God passes by he therefore reprobates; and for no other reason than his decision to exclude them from the inheritance he predestines for his children,” book iii, chap. xxiii.
3. This is the scheme of predestination as exhibited by Calvin; and to the objection taken from justice, he replies, “They” (the objectors) “inquire by what right the Lord is angry with his creatures who had not provoked him by any previous offence; for that to devote to destruction whom he pleases, is more like the caprice of a tyrant, than the lawful sentence of a judge. If such thoughts ever enter into the minds of pious men, they will be sufficiently enabled to break their violence by this one consideration, how exceedingly presumptuous it is, only to inquire into the causes of the divine will; which is, in fact, and is justly entitled to be, the cause of every thing that exists. For if it has any cause, then there must be something antecedent on which it depends, which it is impious to suppose. For the will of God is the highest rule of justice; so that what he wills must be considered just, for this very reason, because he wills it.” Thus he assumes the very thing in dispute, that God has willed the destruction of any part of the human race, “for no other cause than because he wills it;” of which assumption there is not only not a word of proof in Scripture; but, on the contrary, it ascribes the death of him that dieth to his own will, and not to the will of God. 2. He pretends that to assign any cause to the divine will is to suppose something antecedent to, something above God, and therefore “impious;” as if we might not suppose something IN God to be the rule of his will, not only without any impiety, but with truth and piety; as, for instance, his perfect wisdom, holiness, justice, and goodness; or, in other words, to believe the exercise of his will to flow from the perfection of his whole nature; a much more honourable and Scriptural view of the will of God than that which subjects it to no rule, even though it should arise from the nature of God himself. 3. When he calls the will of God, “the highest rule of justice,” beyond which we cannot push our inquiries, he confounds the will of God, as a rule of justice to us, and as a rule to himself. This will is our rule; yet even then, because we know that it is the will of a perfect being: but when Calvin represents mere will as constituting God’s own rule of justice, he shuts out knowledge, discrimination of the nature of things, and holiness; which is saying something very different from that great truth, that God cannot will any thing but what is perfectly just. It is to say that blind will, will which has no respect to any thing but itself, is God’s highest rule of justice; a position which, if presented abstractedly, many Calvinists themselves would spurn. 4. He determines the question by the authority of his own metaphysics, and totally forgets that one dictum of inspiration overturns his whole theory,--God “willeth all men to be saved;” a declaration, which in no part of the sacred volume is opposed or limited by any contrary declaration.
3. This is the concept of predestination as presented by Calvin; and in response to the objection regarding justice, he answers, “They” (the objectors) “ask why the Lord is angry with his creatures who hadn't done anything to provoke him; because to condemn to destruction whomever he wants seems more like the whims of a tyrant than the fair judgment of a judge. If such thoughts ever cross the minds of sincere believers, they can overcome their doubts with this one idea: how incredibly arrogant it is to question the reasons behind the divine will; which is, in reality, and rightly so, the cause of everything that exists. For if it has a cause, then there must be something prior that it depends on, which is blasphemous to assume. The will of God is the ultimate standard of justice; therefore, what he wills must be deemed just, solely for the reason that he wills it.” Thus, he assumes the very point in question, that God has chosen the destruction of any part of humanity, “for no other reason than because he wills it ;” of which assumption there is not only no evidence in Scripture; but, on the contrary, it attributes the death of anyone to their own will, not to the will of God. 2. He claims that attributing any cause to the divine will implies something prior to, something above God, and therefore “blasphemous;” as if we couldn't consider something IN God to be the standard of his will, not only without any impiety, but with truth and respect; like his perfect wisdom, holiness, justice, and goodness; or, in other words, to believe that the exercise of his will comes from the perfection of his entire nature; a much more respectable and biblical perspective of the will of God than that which places it above any standard, even if it arises from the nature of God himself. 3. When he describes the will of God as “the highest rule of justice,” beyond which we cannot go, he confuses the will of God as a rule of justice for us, and as a rule for himself. This will is our rule; yet even then, because we understand that it is the will of a perfect being: but when Calvin portrays mere will as the basis of God’s own rule of justice, he disregards knowledge, understanding of the nature of things, and holiness; which is saying something very different from the great truth that God cannot will anything that is not perfectly just. It states that blind will, a will that only concerns itself, is God’s ultimate rule of justice; a claim that, if presented without context, many Calvinists themselves would reject. 4. He settles the argument based on his own philosophical reasoning and completely overlooks that one dictum of inspiration undermines his entire theory: God “willeth all men to be saved;” a statement that is not opposed or contradicted by any other declaration in the sacred texts.
4. Calvin was not, however, content thus to leave the matter; but resorts to an argument, in which he has been generally followed by those who have adopted his system with some mitigations: “As we are all corrupted by sin, we must necessarily be odious to God, and that not from tyrannical cruelty, but in the most equitable estimation of justice. If all whom the Lord predestinates to death are, in their natural condition, liable to the sentence of death, what injustice do they complain of receiving from him?” To this Calvin very fairly states the obvious rejoinder made in his day; and which the common sense of mankind will always make,--“They object, Were they not by the decree of God antecedently predestinated to that corruption which is now stated as the cause of their condemnation? When they perish in their corruption, therefore, they only suffer the punishment of that misery into which, in consequence of his predestination, Adam fell, and precipitated his posterity with him.” The manner in which Calvin attempts to meet this objection, shows how truly unanswerable it is upon his system. “I confess,” says he, “indeed, that all the descendants of Adam fell, by the Divine will, into that miserable condition in which they are now involved; and this is what I asserted from the beginning, that we must always return at last to the sovereign determination of God’s will; the cause of which is hidden in himself. But it follows not, therefore, that God is liable to this reproach; for we will answer them in the language of Paul, ‘O man, who art thou that repliest against God? Shall the thing formed say to him that formed it, Why hast thou made me thus’” That is, in order to escape the pinch 197of the objection, he assumes that St. Paul affirms that God has “formed” a part of the human race for eternal misery; and that, by imposing silence upon them, he intended to declare that this proceeding in God was just. Now the passage may be proved from its context to have no respect to the eternal state of men at all; but, if that were less obvious, it gives no answer to the objection; and we are brought round again, as indeed he confesses, to his former, and indeed only, argument, that the whole matter as he states it, is to be referred back to the divine will; which will, though perfectly arbitrary, is, as he contends, the highest rule of justice: “I say, with Augustine, that the Lord created those whom he certainly foreknew would fall into destruction; and that this was actually so, because he willed it; but of his will, it belongs not to us to demand the reason, which we are incapable of comprehending; nor is it reasonable, that the divine will should be made the subject of controversy with us, which is only another name for the highest rule of justice.” Thus he shuts us out from pursuing the argument. But the evasion proves the objection unanswerable. For if all is to be resolved into the mere will of God as to the destruction of the reprobate; if they were created for this purpose, as Calvin expressly affirms; if they fell into their corruption in pursuance of God’s determination; if, as he had said before, “God passes them by, and reprobates them, from no other cause than his determination to exclude them from the inheritance of his children,” why refer to their natural corruption at all, and their being odious to God in that state, since the same reason is given for their corruption as for their reprobation?--not any fault of theirs; but the mere will of God, “the reprobation hidden in his secret counsel,” and that not grounded on the visible and tangible fact of their demerit. Thus the election taught by Calvin is not the choice of some persons to peculiar grace from the whole mass, equally deserving of punishment; (though this is a sophism;) since, in that case, the decree of reprobation would rest upon God’s foreknowledge of those passed by as corrupt and guilty, which notion he rejects: “For since God foresees future events only in consequence of his decree that they shall happen, it is useless to contend about foreknowledge, while it is evident that all things come to pass rather by ordination and decree.” “It is a HORRIBLE DECREE, I confess; but no one can deny that God foreknew the future fate of man before he created him; and that he did foreknow it, because it was appointed by his own decree.” Agreeably to this, he repudiates the distinction between will and permission: “For what reason shall we assign for his permitting it, but because it is his will? It is not probable, however, that man procured his own destruction by the mere permission, and without any appointment, of God.”
4. Calvin, however, wasn’t satisfied to leave it at that. He turns to an argument that many who have adopted his ideas, with some modifications, generally follow: “Since we are all tainted by sin, we must inevitably be repugnant to God, and this isn’t due to some tyrannical cruelty, but from the most fair assessment of justice. If everyone the Lord predestines to death is, in their natural condition, subject to the death sentence, what injustice do they claim to be receiving from him?” Calvin fairly acknowledges the common counterargument of his time, which people will always resort to: “They argue, Were they not by God’s decree predestined to that corruption, which is now cited as the cause of their condemnation? Thus, when they perish in their corruption, they only suffer the consequences of the misery into which, because of his predestination, Adam fell and dragged his descendants with him.” The way Calvin tries to address this objection shows how truly unanswerable it is within his framework. “I admit,” he says, “that all of Adam's descendants fell by Divine will into the miserable condition they find themselves in now; and this is what I have maintained from the beginning, that we must always return ultimately to the sovereign will of God; the reason for which lies hidden within him. However, it does not follow that God is subject to this criticism; for we shall respond to them in the words of Paul, ‘O man, who are you to argue with God? Shall what is made say to its maker, Why did you make me this way?’” In other words, to sidestep the core of the objection, he claims that St. Paul indicates that God has “formed” part of humanity for eternal misery and that by imposing silence on them, God intended to establish that this action was just. Although the context can easily show that this passage does not refer to the eternal state of humanity at all, even if it were less clear, it provides no answer to the objection and leads us back, as he indeed admits, to his original and indeed only argument that the entire issue must be traced back to divine will; a will that, while perfectly arbitrary, he argues is the ultimate rule of justice: “I assert, along with Augustine, that the Lord created those whom he already knew would fall into destruction; and this was indeed the case because he willed it; yet we shouldn’t seek to understand the reason behind his will, which is beyond our comprehension; nor is it reasonable for us to contest the divine will, which is just another term for the highest rule of justice.” Thus, he prevents us from further discussing the argument. But this evasion makes the objection unanswerable. If everything comes down to the simple will of God regarding the destruction of the damned; if they were created with this intention, as Calvin clearly asserts; if they fell into their corruption following God’s determination; if, as he previously indicated, “God passes them over and condemns them, for no other reason than his will to exclude them from the inheritance of his children,” then why even mention their natural corruption or their being repugnant to God in that state, since the same reasoning is used for their corruption as for their condemnation?—not due to any fault of theirs, but simply because of God’s will, “the condemnation hidden in his secret counsel,” which isn’t based on any visible and clear evidence of their wrongdoing. Therefore, the election taught by Calvin isn’t the choice of some individuals for special grace from a mass equally deserving of punishment; (though this is a flawed argument) since in that scenario, the decree of condemnation would rest on God’s foreknowledge of those disregarded as corrupt and guilty, a notion he rejects: “For since God foresees future events only as a result of his decree that they will happen, it’s pointless to debate foreknowledge when it’s clear that all things occur through ordination and decree.” “It is a AWFUL DECREE, I admit; but no one can deny that God knew the fate of man before he created him; and that he knew it, because it was determined by his own decree.” Following this logic, he denies the distinction between will and permission: “What reason can we give for his allowing it, other than that it is his will? It is unlikely, however, that man caused his own ruin through mere permission without any appointment from God.”
5. With this doctrine he again attempts to reconcile the demerit of men: “Their perdition depends on the divine predestination in such a manner, that the cause and matter of it are found in themselves. For the first man fell because the Lord had determined it should so happen. The reason of this determination is unknown to us.--Man, therefore, falls according to the appointment of divine providence; but he falls by his own fault. The Lord had a little before pronounced every thing that he had made to be ‘very good.’ Whence, then, comes the depravity of man to revolt from his God? Lest it should be thought to come from creation, God approved and commended what had proceeded from himself. By his own wickedness, therefore, man corrupted the nature he had received pure from the Lord, and by his fall he drew all his posterity with him to destruction.” It is in this way that Calvin attempts to avoid the charge of making God the author of sin. But how God should not merely permit the defection of the first man, but appoint it, and will it, and that his will should be the “necessity of things,” (all which he had before asserted,) and yet that Deity should not be the author of that which he appointed, willed, and imposed a necessity upon, would be rather a delicate inquiry. It is enough that Calvin rejects the impious doctrine; and even though his principles directly lead to it, since he has put in his disclaimer, he is entitled to be exempted from the charge;--but the logical conclusion is inevitable.
5. With this belief, he tries again to explain the faults of humans: “Their downfall is linked to divine predestination in such a way that the cause and matter of it are found within themselves. The first man fell because the Lord had decided it would happen. The reason behind this decision is unknown to us.--Therefore, man falls according to the appointment of divine providence; but he falls by his own fault. The Lord had recently declared everything he made to be ‘very good.’ So, where does man's tendency to rebel against his God come from? To avoid the idea that this comes from creation, God approved and praised what came from Himself. Thus, it is by his own wickedness that man corrupted the nature he received pure from the Lord, and through his fall, he led all his descendants with him to destruction.” This is how Calvin tries to defend himself against the accusation of making God the origin of sin. But how God could not only allow the first man's defection, but also ordain it, and want it, while his will is the “necessity of things,” (all of which he previously claimed), and yet Deity not be the source of what he ordained, wanted, and imposed necessity upon, would be quite a complex topic. It’s enough that Calvin rejects this ungodly belief; and even though his principles lead directly to it, since he has issued his disclaimer, he is considered free from the accusation;--but the logical conclusion is unavoidable.
6. In much the same manner he contends that the necessity of sinning is laid upon the reprobate by the ordination of God, and yet denies God to be the author of their sinful acts, since the corruption of men was derived from Adam, by his own fault, and not from God. He exhorts us “rather to contemplate the evident cause of condemnation, which is nearer to us, in the corrupt nature of mankind, than search after a hidden and altogether incomprehensible one, in the predestination of God.” “For though, by the eternal providence of God, man was created to that misery to which he is subject, yet the ground of it he has derived from himself, not God; since he is thus ruined, solely in consequence of his having degenerated from the pure creation of God to vicious and impure depravity.” Thus, almost in the same breath, he affirms that men became reprobate from no other cause than “the will of God,” and his “sovereign determination;” that men have no reason “to expostulate with God, if they are predestinated to eternal death, without any demerit of their own, merely by his sovereign will;”--and then, that the corrupt nature of mankind is the evident and nearer cause of condemnation; (which cause, however, was still a matter of “appointment,” and “ordination,” not “permission;”) and that man is “ruined solely in consequence of his having degenerated from the pure state in which God created him.” These propositions manifestly fight with each other; for if the reason of reprobation be laid in man’s corruption, it cannot be laid in the mere will and sovereign determination of God, unless we suppose him to be the author of sin. It is this offensive doctrine only, which can reconcile them. For if God so wills, and appoints, and necessitates 198the depravity of man, as to be the author of it, then there is no inconsistency in saying that the ruin of the reprobate is both from the mere will of God, and from the corruption of their nature, which is but the result of that will. The one is then, as Calvin states, the “evident and nearer cause,” the other the more remote and hidden one; yet they have the same source, and are substantially acts of the same will. But if it be denied that God is, in any sense, the author of evil, and if sin is from man alone, then is the “corruption of nature” the effect of an independent will; and if this corruption be the “real source,” as he says, of men’s condemnation, then the decree of reprobation rests not upon the sovereign will of God, as its sole cause, which he affirms; but upon a cause dependent on the will of the first man: but as this is denied, then the other must follow. Calvin himself, indeed, contends for the perfect concurrence of these proximate and remote causes, although in point of fact, to have been perfectly consistent with himself, he ought rather to have called the mere will of God THE CAUSE of the decree of reprobation, and the corruption of man THE MEANS by which it is carried into effect:--language which he sanctions, and which many of his followers have not scrupled to adopt.
6. Similarly, he argues that the necessity of sinning is imposed on the reprobate by God's ordination, yet he denies that God is the author of their sinful actions, as humanity's corruption stems from Adam's own fault, not from God. He encourages us “instead to focus on the clear cause of condemnation, which is closer to us, in human corrupt nature, than to search for a hidden and completely incomprehensible one in God's predestination.” “For even though, by God's eternal providence, humanity was created to the misery to which it is subjected, the ground of that misery comes from within themselves, not from God; as they are ruined solely due to having strayed from the pure creation of God into vicious and impure depravity.” Thus, almost in the same breath, he claims that people became reprobate for no other reason than “the will of God,” and his “sovereign determination;” that people have no right “to argue with God if they are predestined to eternal death, without any demerit of their own, simply by his sovereign will;”--and then, that the corrupt nature of humanity is the clear and immediate cause of condemnation; (which cause, however, was still a matter of “appointment,” and “ordination,” not “permission;”) and that humanity is “ruined solely because of their degeneration from the pure state in which God created them.” These statements clearly contradict each other; because if the reason for reprobation lies in man's corruption, it cannot also lie solely in the will and sovereign determination of God, unless we assume he is the author of sin. It is only this questionable doctrine that can reconcile them. For if God wills, appoints, and necessitates human depravity, making him the author of it, then it is consistent to say that the ruin of the reprobate comes from both God's mere will and from the corruption of their nature, which is merely a result of that will. One is then, as Calvin states, the “clear and immediate cause,” the other the more distant and hidden cause; yet they share the same source and are fundamentally acts of the same will. However, if it is denied that God is, in any sense, the author of evil, and if sin comes solely from man, then the “corruption of nature” results from an independent will; and if this corruption is the “real source,” as he claims, of men’s condemnation, then the decree of reprobation does not rest solely on God's sovereign will, as he asserts; but on a cause dependent on the will of the first man: but since this is denied, the opposite must follow. Calvin himself, in fact, argues for the perfect concurrence of these immediate and distant causes, although to be perfectly consistent with himself, he should have referred to the mere will of God as THE REASON of the decree of reprobation and the corruption of humanity as THE METHOD by which it is enacted:--language he endorses, and which many of his followers have not hesitated to adopt.
7. So certainly does this opinion involve in it the consequences, that in sin man is the instrument, and God the actor, that it cannot be maintained, as stated by Calvin, without this conclusion. For as two causes of reprobation are expressly laid down, they must be either opposed to each other, or be consenting. If they are opposed, the scheme is given up; if consenting, then are both reprobation and human corruption the results of the same will, the same decree, and necessity. It would be trifling to say that the decree does not influence; for if so, it is no decree in Calvin’s sense, who understands the decree of God, as the foregoing extracts and the whole third book of his “Institutes” plainly show, as appointing what shall be, and by that appointment making it necessary. Otherwise, he could not reject the distinction between will and permission, and avow the sentiment of St. Augustine, “that the will of God is the necessity of things; and that what he has willed will necessarily come to pass,” book iii, chap. 23, sec. 8. So, in writing to Castellio, he makes the sin of Adam the result of an act of God: “You say Adam fell by his free will. I except against it. That he might not fall, he stood in need of that strength and constancy with which God armeth all the elect, as long as he will keep them blameless. Whom God has elected, he props up with an invincible power unto perseverance. Why did he not afford this to Adam, if he would have had him stand in his integrity?” And with this view of necessity, as resulting from the decree of God, the immediate followers of Calvin coincided; the end and the means, as to the elect, and as to the reprobate, are equally fixed by the decree, and are both to be traced to the appointing and ordaining will of God. On such a scheme it is therefore worse than trifling to attempt to make out a case of justice in favour of this assumed divine procedure, by alleging the corruption and guilt of man: a point which, indeed, Calvin himself, in fact, gives up when he says, “That the reprobate obey not the word of God, when made known to them, is justly imputed to the wickedness and depravity of their hearts, provided it be at the same time stated, that they are abandoned to this depravity, because they have been raised up by a just but inscrutable judgment of God, to display his glory in their condemnation.”
7. This opinion clearly carries the implication that in sin, man is the instrument and God is the actor. It cannot be held, as Calvin stated, without arriving at this conclusion. Since two causes of reprobation are explicitly mentioned, they must either be opposed or in agreement. If they are opposed, the theory does not hold; if they are in agreement, then both reprobation and human corruption result from the same will, the same decree, and necessity. It would be pointless to say that the decree doesn't have an influence; if it doesn't, it isn't a decree in Calvin's sense, who interprets God's decree—as shown in the previous extracts and the entire third book of his “Institutes”—as appointing what will happen and making it necessary through that appointment. Otherwise, he couldn't reject the distinction between will and permission and agree with St. Augustine’s idea that “the will of God is the necessity of things; and that what he has willed will necessarily come to pass,” book iii, chap. 23, sec. 8. In writing to Castellio, he claims that Adam's sin results from an act of God: “You say Adam fell by his free will. I disagree. For him not to fall, he needed the strength and constancy that God gives all the elect, as long as He intends to keep them blameless. Those whom God has chosen are supported with an unstoppable power to persevere. Why didn't He provide this to Adam if He wanted him to remain in his integrity?” With this interpretation of necessity stemming from God's decree, Calvin's immediate followers agreed; both the end and the means for the elect and the reprobate are equally determined by the decree and trace back to the appointing and ordaining will of God. Under such a framework, it is therefore more than just trivial to attempt to argue for justice in favor of this presumed divine action by citing human corruption and guilt: a point which, in fact, Calvin acknowledges when he states, “That the reprobate do not obey the word of God when it is made known to them is rightly attributed to the wickedness and depravity of their hearts, provided it is simultaneously stated that they are left to this depravity because they have been raised up by a just but inscrutable judgment of God, to demonstrate His glory in their condemnation.”
8. It was by availing themselves of the ineffectual struggles of Calvin to give some colour of justice to his reprobating decree by fixing upon the corruption of man as a cause of reprobation, that some of his followers endeavoured, in the very teeth of his own express words, to reduce his system to sublapsarianism. This was attempted by Amyraldus; who was answered by Curcellæus, in his tract “De Jure Dei in Creaturas.” This last writer, partly by several of the same passages we have given above from Calvin’s Institutes, and by extracts from his other writings, proves that Calvin did by no means consider man, as fallen, to be the object of reprobation; but man not yet created; man as to be created, and so reprobated, under no consideration in the divine mind of his fall or actual guilt, except as consequences of an eternal preterition of the persons of the reprobate, resolvable only into the sovereign pleasure of God. The references he makes to men as corrupt, and to their corrupt state as the proximate cause of their rejection, are all manifestly used to parry off rather than to answer objections, and somewhat to moderate and soften, as Curcellæus observes, the harsher parts of his system. And, indeed, for what reason are we so often brought back to that unfailing refuge of Calvin, “the presumption and wickedness of replying against God?” For if reprobation be a matter of human desert, it cannot be a mystery; if it be adequate punishment for an adequate fault, there is no need to urge it upon us to bow with submission to an unexplained sovereignty. We may add, there is no need to speak of a remote or first cause of reprobation, if the proximate cause will explain the whole case; and that Calvin’s continual reference to God’s secret counsel, and will, and inscrutable judgment, could have no aptness to his argument. Among English divines, Dr. Twisse has sufficiently defended Calvin from the charge, as he esteems it, of sublapsarianism; and, whatever merit Twisse’s own supralapsarian creed may have, his argument on this point is unanswerable.
8. Some of Calvin's followers tried to justify his harsh decree by blaming human corruption as the reason for being rejected, even though this contradicted his own clear statements. They attempted to fit his ideas into a sublapsarian view. Amyraldus was one who made this attempt, but Curcellæus responded to him in his work "De Jure Dei in Creatures." Curcellæus used various passages from Calvin’s Institutes and other writings to show that Calvin did not see fallen man as the target of rejection; rather, he viewed man as yet to be created, and thus reprobation was not based on the fall or actual guilt, but stemmed from God's sovereign choice to overlook the reprobate. Curcellæus noted that Calvin's references to corrupt persons and their fallen state as a direct cause for their rejection were used more to deflect criticisms than to address them, and to somewhat soften the more severe aspects of his doctrine. Indeed, why do we frequently return to Calvin's unwavering statement that it is presumptuous and wicked to argue against God? If reprobation is based on human merit, it can't be a mystery; if it’s just punishment for wrongdoing, there's no need to demand our submission to an unexplained authority. Moreover, there's no need to discuss a distant or primary cause of reprobation if the immediate cause is enough to account for the situation; Calvin's frequent mentions of God's secret plan, will, and inscrutable judgment do not fit into his argument. Among English theologians, Dr. Twisse has convincingly defended Calvin against the accusation of sublapsarianism, and while Twisse's own supralapsarian beliefs have their merit, his arguments on this issue are compelling.
9. As it is not intended here to enter into this controversy, on which multitudes of books have been written, and the leading authors are known almost to every one, the above may be sufficient to convey a just notion of Calvin’s own opinions. After these subjects had long agitated the reformed churches, and given rise to several modifications of Calvin’s original scheme, and to numerous writings in refutation of it, the synod of Dort digested the whole 199into five articles from which arose the celebrated controversy on the five points. These articles, as being the standard of what is generally called strict Calvinism, are, in substance, as follows:--
9. Since we’re not going to dive into this debate, which has been discussed in countless books and is well-known to almost everyone, the above summary should adequately convey Calvin’s views. After these issues had been hotly debated in the reformed churches, leading to several adaptations of Calvin’s original ideas and many writings critiquing them, the synod of Dort organized everything into five articles that sparked the famous debate over the five points. These articles, representing what is commonly referred to as strict Calvinism, are essentially as follows:--
(1.) “Of Predestination. As all men have sinned in Adam, and have become exposed to the curse and eternal death, God would have done no injustice to any one, if he had determined to leave the whole human race under sin and the curse, and to condemn them on account of sin; according to those words of the Apostle, ‘All the world is become guilty before God,’ Rom. iii, 19, 23; vi, 23. That some, in time, have faith given them by God, and others have it not given, proceeds from his eternal decree; for ‘known unto God are all his works from the beginning,’ &c, Acts xv, 18; Eph. i, 11. According to which decree, he graciously softens the hearts of the elect, however hard, and he bends them to believe; but the non-elect he leaves, in his judgment, to their own perversity and hardness. And here, especially, a deep discrimination, at the same time both merciful and just; a discrimination of men equally lost, opens itself to us; or that decree of election and reprobation which is revealed in the word of God; which, as perverse, impure, and unstable persons do wrest to their own destruction, so it affords ineffable consolation to holy and pious souls. But election is the immutable purpose of God; by which, before the foundations of the world were laid, he chose, out of the whole human race, fallen by their own fault from their primeval integrity into sin and destruction, according to the most free good pleasure of his own will, and of mere grace, a certain number of men, neither better nor worthier than others, but lying in the same misery with the rest, to salvation in Christ; whom he had, even from eternity, constituted Mediator and head of all the elect, and the foundation of salvation; and therefore he decreed to give them unto him to be saved, and effectually to call and draw them into communion with him, by his word and Spirit; or he decreed himself to give unto them true faith, to justify, to sanctify, and at length powerfully to glorify them, &c, Eph. i, 4–6; Rom. viii, 30. This same election is not made from any foreseen faith, obedience of faith, holiness, or any other good quality and disposition, as a pre-requisite cause or condition in the man who should be elected, &c. ‘He hath chosen us,’ not because we were, but ‘that we might be, holy,’ &c, Eph. i, 4; Rom. ix, 11–13; Acts xiii, 48. Moreover, Holy Scripture doth illustrate and commend to us this eternal and free grace of our election, in this more especially, that it doth testify all men not to be elected; but that some are non-elect, or passed by, in the eternal election of God, whom truly God, from most free, just, irreprehensible, and immutable good pleasure, decreed to leave in the common misery into which they had, by their own fault, cast themselves; and not to bestow on them living faith, and the grace of conversion; but having been left in their own ways, and under just judgment, at length, not only on account of their unbelief, but also of all their other sins, to condemn and eternally punish them, to the manifestation of his own justice. And this is the decree of reprobation, which determines that God is, in no wise, the author of sin, (which, to be thought of, is blasphemy,) but a tremendous, incomprehensible, just judge, and avenger.“
(1.) “Of Predestination. Since all humans have sinned through Adam and are subject to the curse and eternal death, God would have been justified if he had chosen to leave the entire human race in sin and to condemn them for it. This aligns with the Apostle's words: ‘The whole world is guilty before God,’ Rom. iii, 19, 23; vi, 23. The fact that some are given faith by God over time while others are not, comes from his eternal decree; as it is written, ‘God knows all his works from the beginning,’ &c, Acts xv, 18; Eph. i, 11. According to this decree, God graciously softens the hearts of the elect, no matter how hard, and leads them to believe; but the non-elect he leaves to their own wickedness and stubbornness. Here, a profound distinction emerges, both merciful and just; a distinction among men who are equally lost, revealing the decree of election and reprobation found in God’s word. While twisted, impure, and unstable individuals manipulate this for their own destruction, it brings immense comfort to holy and devout souls. Election is the unchanging purpose of God; before the world was created, he chose, out of the fallen human race, to save a certain number of people, equally unworthy as others, who are in the same plight, through the free good pleasure of his will and mere grace. He designated these individuals for salvation in Christ, who has been, from eternity, established as the Mediator and head of all the elect, the foundation of salvation; therefore, he decided to gift them to him for salvation, effectively calling and drawing them into fellowship with him through his word and Spirit; or he chose to give them true faith, to justify, to sanctify, and ultimately to glorify them, &c, Eph. i, 4–6; Rom. viii, 30. This election is not based on any foreseen faith, obedience, holiness, or any other good qualities or dispositions as conditions for the elect, &c. ‘He has chosen us,’ not because we were, but ‘that we might be holy,’ &c, Eph. i, 4; Rom. ix, 11–13; Acts xiii, 48. Furthermore, Holy Scripture emphasizes this eternal and free grace of our election by testifying that not all people are elected; some are non-elect or passed by in God’s eternal election. These are individuals God, out of his free, just, irreproachable, and unchangeable good pleasure, decreed to leave in the common misery they brought upon themselves through their own fault; and he chose not to grant them living faith or the grace of conversion. Therefore, having left them to their own ways and under just judgment, they will ultimately be condemned and punished for their unbelief and all their other sins, revealing his own justice. This is the decree of reprobation, which asserts that God is, in no way, the author of sin (which is blasphemous to even consider), but rather a terrifying, incomprehensible, just judge and avenger.”
(2.) “Of the Death of Christ.” Passing over, for brevity’s sake, what is said of the necessity of atonement, in order to pardon, and of Christ having offered that atonement and satisfaction, it is added, “This death of the Son of God is a single and most perfect sacrifice and satisfaction for sins; of infinite value and price, abundantly sufficient to expiate the sins of the whole world; but because many who are called by the Gospel do not repent, nor believe in Christ, but perish in unbelief; this doth not arise from defect or insufficiency of the sacrifice offered by Christ upon the cross, but from their own fault. God willed that Christ, through the blood of the cross, should, out of every people, tribe, nation, and language, efficaciously redeem all those, and those only, who were from eternity chosen to salvation, and given to him by the Father; that he should confer on them the gift of faith,” &c.
(2.) “Of the Death of Christ.” Skipping over, for the sake of brevity, the discussion about the need for atonement for forgiveness, and of Christ having provided that atonement and satisfaction, it is noted, “The death of the Son of God is a unique and perfect sacrifice and satisfaction for sins; it holds infinite value and worth, more than enough to redeem the sins of the entire world. However, since many who are called by the Gospel do not repent or believe in Christ, but perish in their unbelief; this is not due to any flaw or inadequacy in the sacrifice made by Christ on the cross, but is a result of their own choice. God intended for Christ, through the blood of the cross, to effectively redeem all those, and only those, who were chosen for salvation from eternity and were given to Him by the Father; and that He should grant them the gift of faith,” & c.
(3.) “Of Man’s Corruption, &c. All men are conceived in sin, and born the children of wrath, indisposed (inepti) to all saving good, propense to evil, dead in sin, and the slaves of sin; and without the regenerating grace of the Holy Spirit, they neither are willing nor able to return to God, to correct their depraved nature, or to dispose themselves to the correction of it.“
(3.) “Of Man’s Corruption, &c. All people are conceived in sin and born as children of wrath, unable (inepti) to accept any saving goodness, inclined toward evil, dead in sin, and enslaved by sin; and without the renewing grace of the Holy Spirit, they are neither willing nor able to return to God, to fix their corrupted nature, or to prepare themselves for its correction.“
(4.) “Of Grace and Free will. But in like manner as, by the fall, man does not cease to be man, endowed with intellect and will; neither hath sin, which hath pervaded the whole human race, taken away the nature of the human species, but it hath depraved and spiritually stained it; so that even this divine grace of regeneration does not act upon men like stocks and trees, nor take away the properties of his will; or violently compel it, while unwilling; but it spiritually quickens, heals, corrects, and sweetly, and at the same time powerfully, inclines it; so that whereas before it was wholly governed by the rebellion and resistance of the flesh, now prompt and sincere obedience of the Spirit may begin to reign; in which the renewal of our spiritual will, and our liberty, truly consist; in which manner, (or for which reason,) unless the admirable Author of all good should work in us, there could be no hope to man of rising from the fall by that free will, by which, when standing, he fell into ruin.”
(4.) “Of Grace and Free Will. Just as the fall didn't change the fact that humans remain beings with intellect and will, sin, which has affected all of humanity, hasn’t taken away our human nature; instead, it has corrupted and spiritually stained it. This means that divine grace, which brings regeneration, doesn’t treat people like inanimate objects, nor does it remove the qualities of their will or forcibly compel it against their wishes. Instead, it spiritually revives, heals, corrects, and gently yet powerfully encourages the will; so that whereas it was previously completely controlled by the rebellion and resistance of the flesh, now the prompt and genuine obedience of the Spirit can begin to take charge. In this lies the renewal of our spiritual will and our true freedom. Thus, unless the amazing Author of all good works within us, there would be no hope for people to rise from the fall by that free will through which, when standing firm, they fell into ruin.”
(5.) “On Perseverance. God, who is rich in mercy, from his immutable purpose of election, does not wholly take away his Holy Spirit from his own, even in lamentable falls; nor does he so permit them to glide down, (prolabi,) that they should fall from the grace of adoption, and the state of justification; or commit the ‘sin unto death,’ or against the Holy Spirit; that, being deserted by him, they should cast 200themselves headlong into eternal destruction. So that not by their own merits or strength, but by the gratuitous mercy of God, they obtain it, that they neither totally fall from faith and grace, nor finally continue in their falls and perish.”
(5.) “On Perseverance. God, who is abundant in mercy, from His unchanging purpose of choosing, does not fully take away His Holy Spirit from His own, even in their unfortunate failures; nor does He allow them to slip away so much that they would fall from the grace of adoption and the state of justification; or commit the ‘sin that leads to death’ or against the Holy Spirit; so that, being abandoned by Him, they would throw themselves into eternal destruction. Therefore, not by their own efforts or strength, but by the free mercy of God, they receive the assurance that they neither completely fall from faith and grace, nor ultimately remain in their failures and perish.”
10. The controversy on these difficult subjects was not decided by the decrees of the synod of Dort, which, it will be seen under that article, were purposely drawn up in a politic and wary manner, so as to quadrate with the opinions, and not to outrage the feelings, of any grade of Calvinists. Prior to the convention of that celebrated assembly, the doctrines of Calvin had been refined upon and incautiously carried out to some of their legitimate consequences, in a manner almost without precedent, except that of the Mohammedan doctors on the absolute fate which holds a distinguished place in the Koran. Several of the brightest and most acute wits in Europe occupied themselves in sublimating to the height of extravagance the two kindred branches of predestination,--the eternal and absolute election of certain men to everlasting glory, and the reprobation of the rest of mankind to endless punishment, without regard in the divine mind to the foreseen faith of one class or to the foreseen unbelief of the other. This course was commenced by Beza, the contemporary and successor of Calvin, who possessed neither his genius nor his caution; and his writings contain several rash assertions on these points, which, it is probable, would never have obtained the approbation of his departed friend and instructer. Zanchius, with true Italian astuteness, carried on this process of refinement in high style; and his predestinarian improvements were only equalled by those of Piscator, Pareus, Keckerman, Hommius, Kimedontius, Polanus, Sturmius, Danæus, Thysius, Donteklock, Bogerman, Gomar, Smoutius, Triglandius, down to the minor tribe of Contra-Remonstrants, Damman, Maccovius, and Sibrandus Lubbertus. Nor were the clever divines of our own country a whit behind the foreigners in accomplishing this grand object; and the theological reader, on seeing the names of Perkins, Whitaker, Abbot, and Twisse, will instantly recognise men whose doctrinal vagaries were familiar to all the Calvinists in Europe. No one can form an adequate conception of the injury thus inflicted on the divine attributes of wisdom, goodness, and mercy, as they have been revealed in the Scriptures, unless he has read the immense mass of quotations from the writings of these and other divines, which were presented to the notice of the synod of Dort by the Remonstrants, especially in their Rejection of Errors under each of the five points in dispute; the proofs of which were quoted from their respective authors, and the accuracy and faithfulness of which were never called in question. Not only would the minds of all sober Christians in these days be shocked when perusing the monstrous sentiments propounded in those extracts, but even the tolerably stiff Calvinists of Oliver Cromwell’s time felt themselves scandalized by any allusion to them, and would not admit that their opinions had the least affinity to such desecrating dogmas. Little more than twenty years after the synod of Dort, that distinguished polemical divine and accurate scholar, Dr. Thomas Pierce, published his able and very interesting pamphlet, entitled, “A Correct Copy of Some Notes concerning God’s Decrees;” in which, without naming the authors, he gave ten extracts from celebrated Calvinistic treatises, to prove, that “there are men of no small name who have told the world, that all the evil of sin which is in man proceedeth from God only as the author, and from man only as the instrument.” Four of these extracts will furnish sufficient matter to every judicious mind for mournful reflections on the strange obliquities to which the human understanding is liable:--(1.) “A wicked man, by the just impulse of God, doeth that which is not lawful for him to do.” (2.) “When God makes an angel or a man a transgressor, he himself doth not transgress, because he doth not break a law. The very same sin, namely, adultery or murder, inasmuch as it is the work of God, the author, mover, and compeller, is not a crime; but inasmuch as it is of man, it is a wickedness.” (3.) “God can will that man shall not fall, by his will which is called voluntas signi; and in the mean while he can ordain that the same man shall infallibly and efficaciously fall, by his will which is called voluntas beneplaciti. The former will of God is improperly called his will, for it only signifieth what man ought to do by right; but the latter will is properly called a will, because by that he decreed what should inevitably come to pass.” (4.) “God’s will doth pass, not only into the permission of the sin, but into the sin itself which is permitted. The Dominicans,” the high predestinarian order in the church of Rome, “do imperfectly and obscurely relate the truth whilst, beside God’s concurrence to the making way for sin, they require nothing but the negation of efficacious grace, when it is manifest that there is a farther prostitution of sin required.” Of these four passages the first is from Calvin himself, the second from Zuinglius, and the third and fourth from Dr. Twisse. This pamphlet was the first in a smart controversy, in which Doctor (afterward Bishop) Reynolds, Baxter, Hickman, and Barlee, took part against Dr. Pierce, but in which those eminent men virtually disclaimed all community of sentiment between themselves and such high predestinarians. In their warmth, however, they accused the Doctor of having “rifled the well-furnished cabinet of the Batavian Remonstrant writings,” and of not having hesitated “to be beholden to very thieves, namely, such roguish pamphlets as Fur Predestinatus and others are, rather than want materials for invectives against Calvin, Beza, Twisse,” &c. In his reply, the Doctor says, “When I published my papers on God’s decrees, I had never so much as seen that well-furnished cabinet, the ‘Acta Synodalia Remonstrantium;’” and he proves that he has copied none of his extracts from Fur Predestinatus. As his opponents were “so unthankful for the lenity” which he had displayed in 201giving “so short a catalogue,” he added other affirmations of a still more revolting import, if that were possible. The four extracts which follow, will serve as a correct specimen of the gross and unguarded assertions of some of those good men who were thus exposed; the first two are from Zanchius, the other two from Piscator, both of them men of renown in that age:--(1.) “Reprobates are compelled with a necessity of sinning, and so of perishing, by this ordination of God; and so compelled that they cannot choose but sin and perish.” (2.) “God works all things in all men, not only in the godly, but also in the ungodly.” (3.) “Judas could not but betray Christ, seeing that God’s decrees are immutable; and whether a man bless or curse, he always doth it necessarily in respect of God’s providence, and in so doing he doeth always according to the will of God.” (4.) “It doth or at least may appear from the word of God, that we neither can do more good than we do, nor omit more evil than we omit; because God from eternity hath precisely decreed that both [the good and the evil] should so be done. It is fatally constituted when, and how, and how much, every one of us ought to study and love piety, or not to love it.” In that newly emancipated age, the ample discussion of these topics could not fail to produce much good; and the result in the course of a few years was, that a vast number of those who had implicitly followed the guidance of Calvin, deserted his standard, and either went completely over to the ranks of Arminius, or halted midway under the command of Baxter. From that time to the middle of the eighteenth century, those dogmas which are usually designated as ultra-Calvinian or Antinomian, received no support except from such shallow divines as Dr. Crisp and his immediate admirers. But when the Rev. John Wesley and his brother, as Arminians, propounded the doctrines of the Gospel in as evangelical a manner, and with as marked success, as any Calvinist, a number of those excellent men, both in the church and among the Dissenters, who had been early benefited by the ministry of the two brothers, thought, as many now do, that it was impossible for any thing to be evangelical that was not Calvinistic; and, apparently with the design of being at as great a remove as possible from a reputed heresy, they became in principle real Antinomians. In forming this conclusion, and in running to a supposed opposite extreme, such persons seem to have forgotten that those truly evangelical principles,--which in Germany and the neighbouring states effected the reformation from Popery, which transformed sinners into Christians and martyrs, and which, in the perverted state of society that then obtained, but too painfully reminded the sainted sufferers of the domestic, municipal, and national grievances and persecutions to which the earliest confessors of the name of Christ were subjected,--had been in beneficial operation long before Calvin’s doctrinal system was brought to maturity, and when he was known only as the humble and diligent pastor of the church of Geneva. And even after the publication of his “Institutes,” which contained the peculiarities of his creed, he had to wait many years, to labour hard, not always in the most sanctified spirit, both from the pulpit and the press, and to endure many personal mortifications, before he was able to obtrude his novel dogmas on his own immediate connections, or to make any sensible impression on the generally received theology of his learned contemporaries. Such persons ought also to recollect, that, as Dr. Watts justly observes, “some of the most rigid and narrow limitations of grace to men are found chiefly in Calvin’s Institutions, which were written in his youth. But his comments on Scripture were the labours of his riper years and maturer judgment.”
10. The debate on these challenging topics wasn’t settled by the decrees of the synod of Dort, which, as will be explained in that article, were intentionally crafted in a cautious and strategic way to align with the views and not to offend the feelings of any type of Calvinists. Before that renowned assembly convened, Calvin's doctrines had been elaborated upon and carelessly pushed to their logical extremes, in a manner almost unprecedented, except for the Mohammedan scholars' views on absolute fate found in the Koran. Some of the brightest and sharpest minds in Europe engaged in refining the two related ideas of predestination—the eternal and absolute election of some individuals to eternal glory, and the rejection of the rest of humanity to endless punishment, disregarding the foreseen faith of one group or the foreseen unbelief of the other. This trend began with Beza, Calvin's contemporary and successor, who lacked both Calvin's genius and caution; his writings contain several reckless claims on these matters that would probably not have received the approval of his late friend and teacher. Zanchius, displaying true Italian shrewdness, advanced this method of refinement with flair; and his predestinarian improvements were only matched by those of Piscator, Pareus, Keckerman, Hommius, Kimedontius, Polanus, Sturmius, Danæus, Thysius, Donteklock, Bogerman, Gomar, Smoutius, Triglandius, down to the minor group of Contra-Remonstrants like Damman, Maccovius, and Sibrandus Lubbertus. The astute theologians in our own country were just as active as their foreign counterparts in achieving this significant goal; and the theological reader, upon seeing the names of Perkins, Whitaker, Abbot, and Twisse, will instantly recognize men whose doctrinal eccentricities were well-known among all Calvinists in Europe. One cannot fully grasp the damage done to the divine attributes of wisdom, goodness, and mercy, as revealed in Scripture, unless they have read the extensive quotes from the writings of these and other theologians that were brought before the synod of Dort by the Remonstrants, particularly in their Rejection of Errors concerning each of the five disputed points; the proofs of which were cited from their respective authors, and the accuracy of which was never questioned. Not only would the minds of all serious Christians today be appalled when reading the grotesque views expressed in those excerpts, but even the fairly strict Calvinists of Oliver Cromwell’s time were scandalized by any reference to them and would not acknowledge that their beliefs had any connection to such sacrilegious doctrines. Little more than twenty years after the synod of Dort, the distinguished polemic theologian and precise scholar, Dr. Thomas Pierce, published his thoughtful and engaging pamphlet titled “A Correct Copy of Some Notes concerning God’s Decrees;” in which, without naming the authors, he presented ten excerpts from famous Calvinistic texts to prove that “there are notable figures who have announced that all the evil of sin in man comes solely from God as the author, and from man merely as the instrument.” Four of these excerpts will provide ample material for any discerning reader to reflect sadly on the strange deviations to which human understanding is prone: (1.) “A wicked person, by the rightful impulse of God, does what is not lawful for him to do.” (2.) “When God makes an angel or a human a transgressor, he himself does not transgress because he does not break a law. The very same sin, namely, adultery or murder, when it’s the work of God—the author, mover, and enforcer—is not a crime; but when it is of man, it’s a wickedness.” (3.) “God can will that a person shall not fall, by his will which is called voluntary sign; and at the same time, he can ordain that the same person shall infallibly and effectively fall, by his will which is called beneficial consent. The former will of God is improperly called his will, as it merely indicates what man should do by right; but the latter will is correctly referred to as a will because by that he decreed what would inevitably happen.” (4.) “God’s will goes beyond just permitting sin; it extends into the sin itself that is permitted. The Dominicans,” the significant predestinarian order in the Roman church, “imperfectly and vaguely interpret the truth while, in addition to God’s concurrence in making way for sin, they demand nothing more than the absence of effective grace, when it's evident that a further allowance for sin is required.” Of these four quotes, the first is from Calvin himself, the second from Zuinglius, and the third and fourth from Dr. Twisse. This pamphlet sparked a sharp debate, in which Dr. (later Bishop) Reynolds, Baxter, Hickman, and Barlee participated against Dr. Pierce, but these eminent figures effectively distanced themselves from any shared sentiment with such staunch predestinarians. However, in their fervor, they accused the Doctor of having “pillaged the well-stocked cabinet of the Batavian Remonstrant writings” and of not hesitating “to rely on actual thieves, namely, those rogue pamphlets like Fur Predestinatus and others, rather than risk lacking materials for criticisms against Calvin, Beza, Twisse,” etc. In his response, the Doctor claims, “When I published my papers on God’s decrees, I had never even seen that well-furnished cabinet, the ‘Acta Synodalia Remonstrantium;’” and he demonstrates that he has not copied any of his quotes from Fur Predestined. As his opponents were “so ungrateful for the leniency” he had shown in providing “such a short list,” he added other assertions of even more shocking content, if that were possible. The four subsequent quotes will serve as accurate examples of the blatant and careless claims of some of those good men who were thus exposed; the first two are from Zanchius and the other two from Piscator, both renowned figures of that time: (1.) “Reprobates are compelled by a necessity of sinning, and therefore of perishing, by this ordination of God; and they are compelled in such a way that they cannot help but sin and perish.” (2.) “God works all things in all people, not only in the godly but also in the ungodly.” (3.) “Judas could not help but betray Christ, since God’s decrees are immutable; and whether a person blesses or curses, he always does it necessarily concerning God’s providence, and in so doing, he always acts according to the will of God.” (4.) “It does or at least may appear from the word of God that we can neither do more good than we do, nor omit more evil than we do; because God from eternity has precisely decreed that both [the good and the evil] shall be done. It is fatally determined when, how, and how much each of us ought to study and love piety or not.” In that newly liberated age, the extensive discussion of these topics naturally led to much benefit; and the result over a few years was that a large number of those who had blindly followed Calvin’s lead abandoned his standard, either fully aligning with the ranks of Arminius or pausing midway under Baxter's leadership. From that point until the mid-eighteenth century, the doctrines usually termed ultra-Calvinian or Antinomian received no support except from some shallow theologians like Dr. Crisp and his immediate followers. But when the Rev. John Wesley and his brother, as Arminians, presented the doctrines of the Gospel as evangelically as any Calvinist, many of those worthy men in the church and among the Dissenters, who had been early helped by the ministry of the two brothers, thought, as many do today, that it was impossible for anything to be evangelical that wasn’t Calvinistic; and, seemingly to distance themselves as much as they could from a perceived heresy, they, in principle, became real Antinomians. In reaching this conclusion and rushing to a supposed opposite extreme, these individuals seem to have overlooked that those truly evangelical principles—which in Germany and neighboring states led to a reformation from Popery, which transformed sinners into Christians and martyrs, and which, in the distorted societal state of that time, painfully reminded the sainted victims of the domestic, municipal, and national grievances and persecutions faced by the earliest confessors of Christ’s name—had been beneficially operating long before Calvin's doctrinal system matured and when he was known solely as the humble and dedicated pastor of the church of Geneva. Even after the release of his “Institutes,” which contained the peculiarities of his beliefs, he had to wait many years, work tirelessly, not always with the most sanctified spirit, both from the pulpit and in print, and endure many personal hardships before he could impose his new ideas on his immediate associates or make a notable impact on the generally accepted theology of his educated contemporaries. Those individuals should also remember that, as Dr. Watts rightly observes, “some of the most rigid and narrow restrictions of grace to people are primarily found in Calvin’s Institutions, which were written in his youth. But his comments on Scripture were the work of his later years and more mature judgment.”
11. His first tract on predestination was published in 1552; and the first complete edition of his “Institutes” did not see the light till the year 1558; but the change in Melancthon’s opinions, from the fatality of Stoicism, to the universality of the Gospel, occurred at least six years prior to 1535, when the second edition of his “Common Places” was published, that contained his amended creed, and strong cautions against the contrary doctrines. One of the most eloquent and best informed writers of the present age has, in reference to this subject, justly observed: “Both Luther and Melancthon, after their creed became permanently settled at the diet of AugsburgAugsburg, (A. D. 1530,) kept one object constantly in view,--to inculcate only what was plain and practical, and never to attempt philosophizing. They perceived, that before the reformation the doctrine of divine foreknowledge had been grossly misconceived and abused, although guarded by all the logic of the schools; and they felt, that, after it, they had themselves at first contributed to increase the evil, by grounding upon the same high argument, although for a very different purpose, the position of an infallible necessity. Thenceforward, therefore, they only taught a predestination which the Christian religion explains, and the Christian life exemplifies. Thus, while their adversaries philosophized upon a predestination of individuals, preferred one before another by divine regard because worthy of such a preference, they taught only that which has been revealed with certainty,--the predestination of a peculiar description of persons, of a people zealous of good works, of the Christian church contemplated as an aggregate, not on account of its own dignity, but on account of Christ its supreme Head, and the author of eternal salvation to all who obey him. While restoring Scriptural simplicity to the doctrine of predestination, perplexed and disfigured by the vanity of the schools, they studiously and anxiously preserved every trace of that universal benevolence by which Christianity is particularly distinguished. ‘Let us,’ they said, ‘with both our hands, or rather with all our heart, hold fast the true and pious maxim, that God is not the author of sin, that he sits not in heaven writing Stoical laws in the volumes of fate; but, endowed with a perfect freedom himself, 202he communicates a liberty of action to his creatures; firmly opposing the position of necessity as false, and pernicious to morals and religion. God, we may be assured, is no cruel and merciless tyrant; he does not hate and reject men, but loves them as a parent loves his children.’ Universal grace, indeed, was at all times a favourite topic with the Lutherans; nor would they admit of any predestination except that of a beneficent Deity, who was in Christ reconciling the world to himself; except a predestination conformable with that order of things which he has established, and with the use or abuse of the means which he has ordained. ‘The Almighty,’ they said, ‘has seriously willed and decreed, from eternity, all men to be saved and to enjoy everlasting felicity; let us not therefore indulge in evil suggestions, and separate ourselves from his grace, which is as expanded as the space between heaven and earth; let us not restrain the general promise, in which he offers his favour to all without discrimination, nor confine it to those who, affecting a peculiar garb, wish to be alone esteemed pious and sanctified. If many perish, the fault is not to be imputed to the divine will, but to human obstinacy, which despises that will, and disregards a salvation destined for all men.’ ‘And because many are called, but few are chosen, let us not,’ they added, ‘entertain an opinion highly impious,--that God tenders his grace to many, but communicates it only to a few; for should we not in the greatest degree detest a Deity by whose arbitrary will we believed ourselves to be excluded from salvation?’ Upon the important point likewise of the conditional acceptance of the individual, their ideas were not more distinct than their language was explicit. ‘If God chose,’ they argued, ‘certain persons only in order to unite them to himself, and rejected the remainder in all respects alike, would not such AN ELECTION WITHOUT CAUSES seem tyrannical? Let us therefore be persuaded, that some cause exists in us, as some difference is to be found between those who are, and those who are not, accepted.’accepted.’ Thus they conceived that, predestinating his elect in Christ, or the Christian church, to eternal salvation, he excludes none from that number by a partial adoption of favourites, but calls all equally, and accepts of all who obey his calling, or, in other words, who become true Christians by possessing the qualifications which Christianity requires.--'He,' they stated, who ‘falls from grace, cannot but perish, completely losing remission of sin, with the other benefits which Christ has purchased for him, and acquiring in their stead divine wrath and death eternal.’ Melancthon, who in his private correspondence expressly termed Calvin the Zeno of his day, says, ‘Let us execrate the Stoical disputations which some introduce, who imagine that the elect always retain the Holy Spirit, even when they commit atrocious crimes,--a manifest and highly reprehensible error; and let us not confirm in fools security and blindness.’”
11. His first writing on predestination was published in 1552, and the first complete edition of his “Institutes” didn't come out until 1558. However, Melancthon's shift in beliefs, from the fatalism of Stoicism to the universality of the Gospel, happened at least six years before 1535, when the second edition of his “Common Places” was published. This edition included his updated beliefs and strong warnings against opposing doctrines. A well-informed and articulate writer of today's age has noted regarding this topic: “Both Luther and Melancthon, after their beliefs became firmly established at the diet of AugsburgAugsburg (A.D. 1530), focused on teaching what was clear and practical, avoiding any philosophical speculation. They recognized that before the Reformation, the doctrine of divine foreknowledge had been profoundly misunderstood and misused, despite being supported by all the logic of the academies; they understood that initially, they too had contributed to this issue by basing their arguments on the same lofty principles, although for a considerably different purpose, asserting a position of infallible necessity. From that point on, they taught only a predestination explained by the Christian religion and exemplified in the Christian life. While their opponents theorized about the predestination of specific individuals favored by divine regard for being deserving of such favor, they taught only what had been firmly revealed—the predestination of a specific kind of people, a people zealous of good works, the Christian church viewed as a collective, not because of its own worthiness, but because of Christ, its supreme Head, and the author of eternal salvation to all who obey him. By restoring biblical simplicity to the doctrine of predestination, which had been complicated and distorted by the arrogance of the academies, they carefully maintained every trace of that universal benevolence that distinguishes Christianity. ‘Let us,’ they said, ‘with both our hands, or rather with all our hearts, hold fast to the true and pious principle that God is not the author of sin, and that he does not sit in heaven composing Stoic laws in the volumes of fate; but endowed with perfect freedom himself, he grants his creatures the liberty to act; firmly rejecting the idea of necessity as false and harmful to morality and religion. We can be assured that God is not a cruel and merciless tyrant; he does not hate and reject people but loves them as a parent loves his children.’ Universal grace has always been a favored theme among the Lutherans; they would not accept any notion of predestination other than that of a benevolent Deity, who was in Christ reconciling the world to himself; one that aligns with the order of things he has established and the proper use or misuse of the means he has set forth. ‘The Almighty,’ they said, ‘has earnestly wished and decreed from eternity that all people be saved and enjoy everlasting happiness; therefore, let us not indulge in sinful thoughts and distance ourselves from his grace, which is as vast as the distance between heaven and earth; let us not limit the general promise in which he offers his favor without distinction, nor restrict it to those who, donning a particular appearance, wish to be regarded as the only pious and sanctified. If many are lost, it is not the fault of divine will, but of human stubbornness, which scorns that will and neglects a salvation intended for all people.’ ‘And because many are called, but few are chosen, let us not,’ they added, ‘hold a vile belief—that God offers his grace to many but gives it only to a few; for should we not detest a Deity whose arbitrary will we thought excluded us from salvation?’ On the significant issue of the individual’s conditional acceptance, their thoughts were as clear as their expression was straightforward. ‘If God chose only certain individuals to unite with himself and rejected the rest without distinction, wouldn’t such AN ELECTION WITH NO REASONS seem tyrannical? Let us therefore believe that there is some cause within us, just as there is a difference between those who are, and those who are not, accepted.accepted.’ Thus, they believed that, while predestining his elect in Christ, or the Christian church, to eternal salvation, he excludes no one through a selective adoption of favorites, but calls everyone equally, and accepts all who respond to his calling, or in other words, who truly become Christians by possessing the qualities that Christianity requires.--'He,' they stated, who ‘falls from grace, cannot help but perish, completely losing remission of sin and the other benefits purchased for him by Christ, and instead acquiring divine wrath and eternal death.’ Melancthon, who in his private correspondence explicitly referred to Calvin as the Zeno of his day, says, ‘Let us condemn the Stoical arguments introduced by some who believe that the elect always have the Holy Spirit, even when they commit terrible crimes—a clear and serious mistake; and let us not give security and blindness to fools.’”
These quotations might be augmented by others from the earliest Lutheran authors, more Arminian in their import than any which Arminius ever wrote: but the preceding are sufficient to show, that, during upward of thirty years, the Protestant church in Germany was nourished by doctrines most manifestly at variance with the refinements afterward promulgated by Calvin. Real conversions of sinners were never more abundant than in that golden age; yet these were produced by the blessing of God upon an evangelical agency that had scarcely any thing in common with the Genevan dogmas. With these and similar facts before him, therefore, no Calvinist can in common honesty claim for the peculiarities of his creed, for those doctrines which distinguish it from the Melancthonism of the Protestant churches of England and Germany, the exclusive title of Evangelical. Equally fallacious is the ground on which he can prefer any such claim on account of the alleged counsel and advice given by Calvin to our reformers while they were engaged in the formation of our Articles and Liturgy. On no fact in the ecclesiastical history of this country are our annalists more completely at agreement than on this,--that Calvin’s name and writings were scarcely known in England till the time when the persecution under Queen Mary forced many of our best divines into banishment; and that, to the great future disquietude of the church, several of these exiles on their return imported a personal bias either in favour of his discipline or of his dogmas. Anterior to that period he had received no such pressing invitations from our reformers, and from the king himself, as Melancthon had done, for his friendly theological aid in drawing up the doctrinal and disciplinary formulæ of our national church. The man who asserts the contrary to this, and who has the hardihood to deny the Melancthonian origin of the Articles and Liturgy, discovers at once his want of correct information on these subjects, and has never read the convincing documents appended to the Archbishop of Cashel’s (Dr. Laurence’s) “Eight Sermons,” being the Bampton Lectures for 1804, and entitled, “An Attempt to Illustrate those Articles of the Church of England which the Calvinists improperly consider as Calvinistical;” Todd’s treatise “On Original Sin, Free Will, &c, as maintained by certain Declarations of our Reformers;” Plaifere’s “Appello Evangelium;” nor even the portable yet convincing pamphlets of Kipling and Winchester, the former entitled “The Articles not Calvinistic;” the latter, “A Dissertation on the Seventeenth Article of the Church.”
These quotes could be expanded with others from the earliest Lutheran writers, which were more Arminian than anything Arminius ever wrote. However, the previous ones are enough to show that for over thirty years, the Protestant church in Germany thrived on doctrines that were clearly at odds with the teachings later put forward by Calvin. Genuine conversions of sinners were never more plentiful than in that golden age; yet these occurred due to God's blessing on an evangelical effort that had almost nothing in common with Geneva’s beliefs. With these and similar facts in front of them, no Calvinist can honestly claim that the unique aspects of their faith, the doctrines that set it apart from Melancthonism in the Protestant churches of England and Germany, hold the exclusive title of Evangelical Christian. It is equally misleading for them to base such claims on the supposed advice given by Calvin to our reformers while they were drafting our Articles and Liturgy. Our historians agree completely that Calvin's name and writings were hardly known in England until the persecution under Queen Mary forced many of our best theologians into exile; and that, to the church's future distress, some of these exiles returned with a personal bias either in favor of his practices or his beliefs. Before that time, he had not received the urgent invitations from our reformers, or even from the king himself, that Melancthon had received for his friendly theological help in creating the doctrinal and disciplinary documents of our national church. Anyone who claims otherwise, and dares to deny the Melancthonian roots of the Articles and Liturgy, immediately shows their lack of accurate information on these subjects and has likely never read the compelling documents attached to the Archbishop of Cashel’s (Dr. Laurence’s) “Eight Sermons,” which are the Bampton Lectures for 1804, entitled, “An Attempt to Illustrate those Articles of the Church of England which the Calvinists improperly consider as Calvinistical;” Todd’s treatise “On Original Sin, Free Will, &c, as maintained by certain Declarations of our Reformers;” Plaifere’s “Evangelium Appello;” or even the accessible yet persuasive pamphlets of Kipling and Winchester, the former titled “The Articles not Calvinistic;” the latter, “A Dissertation on the Seventeenth Article of the Church.”
12. There is one fact connected with these assumed yet unfounded claims, which has never yet been placed in its proper light, but which it may be well briefly to notice in this place. Calvin himself, in 1535, wrote the following truly Melancthonian paragraphs as part of his preface to the New Testament in French: “This Mediator, our Lord Jesus Christ, was the only, true, and eternal Son of God, whom the Father was about to send into the world, that he might collect all men together from this horrid dispersion and devastation. When, at 203length, that fulness of time arrived, that day preordained by the Lord, he openly showed himself as that Messiah who had for so many ages been the desire of all nations, and hath most abundantly performed all those things which were necessary for the redemption of all men. But this great blessing was not confined solely within the boundaries of the land of Israel, since, on the contrary, it was intended [porrigendum] to be held out for the acceptance of the whole human race; because through Christ alone the entire family of man was to be reconciled to God, as will be seen, and most amply demonstrated, in these pages of the New Testament.” “To this inheritance of our heavenly Father’s kingdom we are all called without respect of persons,--whether we be men or women, high or low, masters or servants, teachers or disciples, [doctores] divines or laics, Jews or Greeks, Frenchmen or [Romani] Italians. From this inheritance no one is excluded, if he only so receive Christ as he is offered by the Father for the salvation of all men, and embrace him when received.” Great research has been displayed by the Calvinists at different periods, in endeavouring to discover, in the public formularies of the church, or in the private productions of our reformers, some trace of affinity between them and the writings of Calvin. Only two cases of such affinity have yet been found; and, unfortunately for the validity of all pretensions of this kind, neither of them contains a single peculiarity of Calvinism, but, on the contrary, both are of the moderate and evangelical class of the Melancthonian school. One of the passages thus discovered is here subjoined from Cranmer’s “Defence of the True and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament,” &c; and bears all the marks of verisimilitude to the second of the preceding paragraphs from Calvin, though written fifteen years after it:--“Almighty God, without respect of person, accepteth the oblation and sacrifice of priest and lay person, of king and subject, of master and servant, of man and woman, of young and old, yea, of English, French, Scot, Greek, Latin, Jew, and Gentile; of every man according to his faithful and obedient heart unto him, and that through the sacrifice propitiatory of Jesus Christ.” Had either this or the other passage contained the least tinge of what is now considered as belonging exclusively to the system of Calvin, the English admirers of that great man would have had some grounds for the assertions which have been too confidently made, because so easily refuted.
12. There's one fact related to these assumed but unsupported claims that hasn't been properly highlighted yet, but it's worth briefly mentioning here. Calvin himself, in 1535, wrote the following truly Melancthonian paragraphs as part of his preface to the New Testament in French: “This Mediator, our Lord Jesus Christ, was the only, true, and eternal Son of God, whom the Father was about to send into the world to gather all people together from this terrible dispersion and destruction. When, finally, that moment arrived, that day preordained by the Lord, he openly revealed himself as the Messiah who had been desired by all nations for so many ages, and has abundantly accomplished all the things necessary for the redemption of all people. But this great blessing was not limited solely to the land of Israel; rather, it was intended to be offered for acceptance by all humanity, because through Christ alone the entirety of mankind was to be reconciled to God, as will be shown and thoroughly demonstrated in these pages of the New Testament.” “To this inheritance of our heavenly Father’s kingdom, we are all called without distinction—whether we are men or women, high or low, masters or servants, teachers or students, divines or laypeople, Jews or Greeks, French or Italians. No one is excluded from this inheritance, as long as they receive Christ as he is offered by the Father for the salvation of all people, and embrace him once received.” Great effort has been made by Calvinists at various times to find some connection between their public church formulas or the private works of our reformers and the writings of Calvin. So far, only two instances of such connections have been discovered; and unfortunately for the credibility of all claims of this kind, neither contains a single distinct element of Calvinism. Instead, both belong to the moderate and evangelical class of the Melancthonian school. One of the passages discovered is included here from Cranmer’s “Defence of the True and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament,” and bears all the hallmarks of resemblance to the second of the previous paragraphs from Calvin, although it was written fifteen years later: “Almighty God, without respect of person, accepts the offering and sacrifice of priest and layperson, of king and subject, of master and servant, of man and woman, of young and old, yes, of English, French, Scots, Greeks, Latins, Jews, and Gentiles; of every man according to his faithful and obedient heart to him, and that through the propitiatory sacrifice of Jesus Christ.” If either this or the other passage had contained even a hint of what is now considered unique to Calvin's system, the English admirers of that great man would have had some justification for their claims, which have been made too confidently, as they can be easily disproven.
13. Having given this summary of the sentiments of Calvin himself, and of the ancient or strict Calvinists, it is proper to observe, that there are, and always have been, many who generally embrace the Calvinistic system, but object to some particular parts, and to the strong language in which some of the propositions are expressed. These are called moderate or modern Calvinists, who differ from Calvin, and the synod of Dort, chiefly on two points,--the doctrine of reprobation, and the extent of the death of Christ. The theory of Baxter has already been noticed. This and all other mitigated schemes rest on two principles, the sufficiency of the atonement for all mankind, and the sufficiency of grace for those who do not believe. Still something more is held to be necessary than this sufficiency of grace in order to actual salvation; namely, an acceptance by man, which can only be made under that degree of effectual supernatural aid which is dispensed only to a certain number of persons, who are thus distinguished as the “elect of God.” The main characteristic of all these theories, from the first to the last, from the highest to the lowest, is, that a part of mankind are shut out from the mercies of God, on some ground irrespective of their refusal of a sincere offer to them of salvation through Christ, made with a communicated power of embracing it. Some power they allow to the reprobate, as natural power, and degrees of superadded moral power; but in no case the power to believe unto salvation; and thus, as one well observes, “When they have cut some fair trenches, as if they would bring the water of life unto the dwellings of the reprobate, on a sudden they open a sluice which carries it off again.” The whole labour of these theories is to find out some plausible reason for the infliction of punishment on them that perish, independent of the only cause assigned by the word of God--their rejection of a mercy free for all, and made attainable by all. See Baxterianism.
13. After summarizing the views of Calvin himself and the traditional or strict Calvinists, it’s important to note that there have always been many who generally support the Calvinistic system but disagree with certain specific parts and the strong language used in some of the statements. These individuals are known as moderate or modern Calvinists, who differ from Calvin and the Synod of Dort mainly on two issues: the doctrine of reprobation and the scope of Christ’s death. Baxter’s theory has already been mentioned. This and other modified schemes rely on two principles: the sufficiency of atonement for everyone and the sufficiency of grace for those who don't believe. However, something more is seen as necessary for actual salvation than just this sufficiency of grace; specifically, an acceptance by individuals that can only happen with a certain level of effective supernatural assistance provided only to a limited number of people, who are identified as the "elect of God." The main feature of all these theories, from the beginning to the end and from the highest to the lowest, is that a portion of humanity is excluded from God’s mercy based on reasons unrelated to their rejection of a genuine offer of salvation through Christ, which includes the ability to accept it. They do allow some capability to the reprobate, like natural ability and varying degrees of additional moral ability; but they deny them the ability to believe for salvation. As one commentator pointed out, “When they create channels, as if they intended to bring the water of life to the homes of the reprobate, suddenly they open a gate that washes it away again.” The entire effort of these theories is to find some plausible justification for punishing those who perish, aside from the only reason given by the word of God—their rejection of a mercy that is freely available to all and attainable by everyone. See Baxterism.
14. After all, however, it is pleasant to find these indications of a growing consciousness, on the part of modern predestinarians, that the common notions and common language of mankind on these deep subjects are not far from the truth. And though some too fastidious Arminians may complain, that, in this desire to enlist the views and words of common sense on the side of Calvinism, many of those by whom they are employed attach to them a meaning very different from that which ordinary usage warrants; yet even this tendency to approximate to right views should be regarded as favourable to the progress of truth, and the evidently improved feeling which has suggested such approximation ought to be met in a conciliating spirit. But this is a fault which must always be an appendage to such a system, however it may be modified; and does not exclusively apply to its modern supporters. The following remarks by Archbishop Laurence on the ambiguity of language not unfrequently discernible in the writings of Calvin himself, are worthy of consideration:--“In whatsoever sense he wished these words to be understood, it must be admitted that he sometimes adapted the style of others, who had a very different object in view, to his own peculiar opinions. And hence, from the want of a due discrimination, the sentiments of his contemporaries, opposite in their natural tendency, are often improperly forced into the vortex of Calvinism. Systematizing was his darling propensity, and the ambition of being distinguished as a leader in reform his predominant passion: in the arrangements of the former, he never felt a doubt, or found a difficulty; and in the 204pursuits of the latter he displayed an equal degree of perseverance and ardour. Thus, in the doctrine of the eucharist, it is well known that he laboured to acquire celebrity, and conciliate followers, by maintaining a kind of middle sacramental presence between the corporeal of the Lutherans, and the mere spiritual of the Zuinglians; expressing himself in language which, partly derived from one, and partly from the other, verged toward neither extreme; but which, by his singular talent at perspicuous combination, he applied, and not without success, to his own particular purpose. Nor was he less solicitous to press into his service a foreign phraseology upon the subject more immediately before me; a subject on his theory of which he not a little prided himself, and seemed contented to stake his reputation. He perceived that the Lutherans, strongly reprobating every discussion upon the decrees of a Deity unrevealed to us, founded predestination solely on a Scriptural basis; contending for a divine will which is seriously, not fictitiously, disposed to save all men, and predetermined to save all who become and continue sincere Christians. Zuingle, indeed, had reasoned from a different principle; and, although persuaded that God’s mercies in Christ were liberally bestowed on all without distinction, on infants who commit not actual crime, and on the Heathen as well as the Christian world, he nevertheless was a necessitarian in the strictest sense of the expression; referring events of every kind to an uncontrollable and absolute predetermination. Zuingle, however, died in 1531, before the youth of Calvin permitted him to assume the character of a reformer; who found Bullinger then at the head of the Zuinglian church, not only applauding, but adopting, the moderation of the Lutherans; and, to use the phrase of Turretin, plainly Melancthonizing. But the doctrine alluded to, it may be imagined, was of a species too limited and unphilosophical for one of his enterprising turn of mind, who never met with an obstacle which he attempted not instantly to surmount. Disregarding, therefore, the sober restrictions of the times, he gave loose to the most unbounded speculation: yet, anxious by all means to win over all to his opinion, he studiously laboured to preserve, on some popular points, a verbal conformity with the Lutherans. With them, in words, he taught the universality of God’s good will; but it was a universality which he extended only to the offer of salvation; conceiving the reprobate to be precluded from the reception of that offer by the secret decree of an immutable Deity. The striking feature of their system was an election in Christ, by which they meant an election as Christians. This also, in words, he inculcated: his idea, however, of an election in Christ was totally different from theirs; for he held it to be the previous election of certain favourites by an irrespective will of God, whom, and whom alone, Christ was subsequently appointed to save. But his ingenuity was such, in adapting the terms borrowed from another source to his own theory, that some erroneously conceive them to have been thus originally used by the Lutherans themselves. Hence, therefore, much confusion has arisen in the attempt of properly discriminating between the various sentiments of Protestants upon this question, at the period under consideration: all have been regarded as formed upon the model which Calvin exhibited; at least by writers who have contemplated him as the greatest reformer of his age, but who have forgotten that, although they chose to esteem him the greatest, they could not represent him as the first in point of time; and that his title to preëminence, in the common estimation of his contemporaries, was then far from being acknowledged.”
14. After all, it's nice to see that modern predestinarians are starting to realize that the common ideas and language people use about these deep topics are pretty close to the truth. Even though some picky Arminians might argue that in trying to align common sense with Calvinism, those who use these ideas often twist their meanings in ways that aren't supported by usual usage, even this shift toward clearer understanding should be seen as a positive step for the truth. The improved mindset behind these efforts deserves to be met with an open attitude. However, this issue is always going to be part of such a system, no matter how it evolves, and it doesn’t just apply to its contemporary followers. Archbishop Laurence’s comments on the unclear language often found in Calvin's own writings are worth noting: “No matter how he intended those words to be understood, it's clear that he sometimes borrowed the style of others, who had very different goals, to promote his own specific beliefs. As a result of this lack of precise distinction, the views of his contemporaries, which were naturally opposing, are often wrongly drawn into the sphere of Calvinism. He had a strong tendency to systematize and an ambition to be recognized as a leader in reform; in organizing these ideas, he had no doubts or difficulties, and he showed the same determination and enthusiasm in pursuing this recognition. In the doctrine of the eucharist, it’s well known that he sought fame and followers by proposing a kind of middle ground on the sacramental presence between the literal interpretation of the Lutherans and the purely spiritual view of the Zwinglians; he used language that drew from both sides but didn’t fully align with either extreme, skillfully applying it to serve his own agenda. He was equally eager to introduce unfamiliar terminology in the specific area I’m discussing; he took pride in his theory on this topic and seemed willing to put his reputation on the line. He recognized that the Lutherans, who strongly rejected any discussions about divine decrees that are not revealed to us, based their view of predestination solely on Scripture, arguing for a divine will that genuinely, not just hypothetically, desires to save all people and is predetermined to save everyone who becomes and remains a sincere Christian. Zwingli, however, approached the issue from a different perspective; although he believed that God's mercies in Christ were generously offered to everyone without distinction, including infants who haven’t committed actual sins and both the Gentile and Christian worlds, he was still a strict necessitarian, attributing all events to an unchangeable, absolute predetermination. Unfortunately, Zwingli passed away in 1531 before Calvin had established himself as a reformer. At that time, Bullinger was leading the Zwinglian church, not only praising the Lutherans but also adopting their moderation; to use Turretin's phrase, he was clearly Melancthonizing. The doctrines in question might have seemed too narrow and unphilosophical for someone with Calvin's ambitious nature, who never encountered an obstacle he didn't strive to overcome quickly. Ignoring the cautious limitations of his era, he unleashed a wave of unrestricted speculation; yet, eager to win everyone over to his views, he made considerable efforts to maintain some verbal agreement with the Lutherans on popular topics. He articulated the universality of God's goodwill in words similar to theirs; however, this universality only extended to the offer of salvation, believing that the rejected were unable to accept that offer due to an unchangeable decree from a sovereign Deity. The defining aspect of their doctrine was an election in Christ, which they understood as an election for Christians. He also preached this doctrine verbally, but his understanding of an election in Christ was completely different from theirs, as he believed it to be the prior selection of certain favorites by an impartial will of God, whom, and whom only, Christ was designated to save. His cleverness in adapting terminology from other sources to fit his own theory led some to mistakenly believe that these terms originated with the Lutherans. Consequently, a lot of confusion has emerged in attempts to accurately differentiate the various Protestant views on this topic during that time; all have been seen as modeled after Calvin’s ideas at least by those writers who view him as the leading reformer of his era, but who have overlooked the fact that, even if they choose to regard him as the greatest, he cannot be considered the first in chronological order, and his claim to superiority was far from being universally accepted by his contemporaries.”
15. On one topic, however, Calvin and the older divines of that school were very explicit. They tell us plainly, that they found all the Christian fathers, both of the Greek and the Latin church down to the age of St. Augustine, quite unmanageable for their purpose; and therefore occasionally bestow upon them and their productions epithets not the most courteous. Yet some modern writers, not possessing half the splendid qualifications of those veterans in learning, make a gorgeous display of the little that they know concerning antiquity; and wish to lead their readers to suppose, that the whole stream of early Christianity has flowed down only in their channel. Every one must have remarked how much like Calvin all those fathers speak whose works are quoted by Toplady in his “Historic Defence.” Nor can the two Milners, in their “History of the Church,” entirely escape censure on this account,--though both were excellent men, and better scholars than Toplady. But from the manner in which they “show up” only those ancient Christian authors, some of whose sentiments seem to be nearly in unison with their own, they induce the unlearned or half informed to draw the erroneous conclusion,--that the peculiarities of Calvinism are not the inventions of a comparatively recent æra, and that they have always formed a prominent part of the profession of faith of every Christian community since the days of the Apostles.
15. On one topic, though, Calvin and the older theologians of that school were very clear. They straightforwardly tell us that they found all the Christian fathers, both from the Greek and Latin churches up to the time of St. Augustine, quite difficult to deal with for their purposes; and so they sometimes give them and their works uncharitable labels. Yet some modern writers, who don’t have even half the impressive qualifications of those learned veterans, put on a flashy show of the little they know about antiquity; and they try to lead their readers to believe that the entire history of early Christianity has only flowed through their perspective. Everyone has probably noticed how much the fathers quoted by Toplady in his “Historic Defence” sound like Calvin. The Milners, in their “History of the Church,” also can't escape criticism for this reason, even though both were good men and better scholars than Toplady. But by only highlighting those ancient Christian authors whose views seem to align closely with their own, they lead the uninformed or partially informed to falsely conclude that the distinctive features of Calvinism are not recent inventions and that they have always been a significant part of the faith of every Christian community since the days of the Apostles.
All men must admire the candid and liberal spirit which breathes in the subjoined high but just eulogium on Calvin, from the pen of the same amiable Archbishop: “Calvin himself was both a wise and a good man; inferior to none of his contemporaries in general ability, and superior to almost all in the art, as well as elegance, of composition, in the perspicuity and arrangement of his ideas, the structure of his periods, and the Latinity of his diction. Although attached to a theory, which he found it difficult in the extreme to free from the suspicion of blasphemy against God, as the author of sin, he certainly was no blasphemer; but, on the contrary, adopted that very theory from an anxiety not to commit, but, as he conceived, to avoid blasphemy,--that of ascribing to human, what he deemed alone imputable to divine, agency.”
All people should appreciate the honest and open spirit in the following high but fair tribute to Calvin, written by the same kind Archbishop: “Calvin himself was both a wise and a good man; he was equal to none of his contemporaries in general ability and superior to almost all in the skill and elegance of writing, in the clarity and organization of his ideas, the structure of his sentences, and the quality of his Latin. Although he was committed to a theory that he found extremely difficult to separate from the idea of blasphemy against God as the author of sin, he was definitely not a blasphemer; rather, he embraced that very theory out of a concern to avoid, not commit, what he believed to be blasphemy—attributing to humans what he thought should only be attributed to divine agency.”
CAMBYSES, the son of Cyrus, king of Persia. He succeeded his father, A. M. 3475, and is the Ahasuerus mentioned in Ezra iv, 6, 205to whom, as soon as he came to the crown, the Samaritans applied by petition, desiring that the rebuilding of Jerusalem might be stopped. What the motives were which they made use of to prevail upon this prince, we are ignorant; but it is certain, that though he was not persuaded to revoke his father’s decree, yet he put a stop to the works, so that for the remaining seven years and five months which he reigned, the building of the city and temple was suspended. See Ahasuerus.
CAMBYSES, the son of Cyrus, king of Persia. He took over after his father, A.M. 3475, and is the Ahasuerus mentioned in Ezra 4:6, 205 to whom, as soon as he became king, the Samaritans appealed with a petition, asking that the rebuilding of Jerusalem be halted. We don't know the reasons they used to convince this king, but it's clear that while he wasn't persuaded to reverse his father's order, he did put a stop to the construction, so for the last seven years and five months of his reign, the building of the city and temple was on hold. See Ahasuerus.
CAMEL, גמל. This animal is called in ancient Arabic, gimel; and in modern, diammel; in Greek, κάμηλος. With very little variation, the name is retained in modern languages. The camel is very common in Arabia, Judea, and the neighbouring countries; and is often mentioned in Scripture, and reckoned among the most valuable property, 1 Chron. v, 21; Job i, 3, &c. “No creature,” says Volney, “seems so peculiarly fitted to the climate in which he exists as the camel. Designing this animal to dwell in a country where he can find little nourishment, nature has been sparing of her materials in the whole of his formation. She has not bestowed upon him the fleshiness of the ox, horse, or elephant; but limiting herself to what is strictly necessary, has given him a long head, without ears, at the end of a long neck without flesh; has taken from his legs and thighs every muscle not immediately requisite for motion; and, in short, bestowed upon his withered body only the vessels and tendons necessary to connect its frame together. She has furnished him with a strong jaw, that he may grind the hardest aliments; but, lest he should consume too much, has straitened his stomach, and obliged him to chew the cud; has lined his foot with a lump of flesh, which sliding in the mud, and being no way adapted to climbing, fits him only for a dry, level, and sandy soil, like that of Arabia. So great, in short, is the importance of the camel to the desert, that, were it deprived of that useful animal, it must infallibly lose every inhabitant.” The chief use of the camel has always been as a beast of burden, and for performing journeys across the deserts. They have sometimes been used in war, to carry the baggage of an oriented army, and mingle in the tumult of the battle. Many of the Amalekite warriors, who burnt Ziklag in the time of David, were mounted on camels; for the sacred historian remarks, that of the whole army not a man escaped the furious onset of that heroic and exasperated leader, “save four hundred young men, which rode upon camels, and fled,” 1 Sam. xxx, 17.
CAMEL, Camel. This animal is called in ancient Arabic, gimel; and in modern Arabic, diammel; in Greek, κάμηλος. With very little change, the name is kept in modern languages. The camel is quite common in Arabia, Judea, and surrounding countries; it is often mentioned in the Bible and considered one of the most valuable possessions, 1 Chron. v, 21; Job i, 3, &c. “No creature,” says Volney, “seems so perfectly suited to the environment in which it lives as the camel. Designed to thrive in a region with scarce nourishment, nature has been frugal in its entire design. It hasn’t been given the bulk of an ox, horse, or elephant; instead, sticking to what is absolutely necessary, it has a long head without ears, sitting atop a long neck without much flesh; all unnecessary muscle has been stripped from its legs and thighs, leaving only what’s essential for movement; in short, its shriveled body contains only the vessels and tendons needed to hold it together. It has been given a strong jaw to crush the toughest foods, but to prevent overeating, its stomach is narrow, forcing it to chew the cud; it has a pad of flesh on its foot that sinks in mud and is not made for climbing, making it fit for dry, flat, and sandy terrain, like that of Arabia. Ultimately, the camel is so vital to the desert that without it, the region would undoubtedly lose all its inhabitants.” The primary purpose of the camel has always been as a pack animal and for making journeys across deserts. They have occasionally been used in warfare to transport the baggage of an organized army and to join in the chaos of battle. Many of the Amalekite warriors who burned Ziklag during David's time rode camels; the sacred historian notes that none of the entire army escaped the fierce charge of that gallant and enraged leader, “except for four hundred young men who rode on camels and fled,” 1 Sam. xxx, 17.
The passage of Scripture in which our Lord says, “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven,” Matt. xix, 24, has been the occasion of much criticism. Some assert that near Jerusalem was a low gate called “the needle’s eye,” through which a camel could not pass unless his load was taken off. Others conjecture that κάμιλος should be read κάβιλος, a cable. But there are no ancient manuscripts to support the reading. In the Jewish Talmud, there is, however, a similar proverb respecting an elephant: “Rabbi Shesheth answered Rabbi Amram, who had advanced an absurdity, ‘Perhaps thou art one of the Pambidithians, who can make an elephant pass through the eye of a needle;’” that is, says the Aruch, “who speak things impossible.” There is also a saying of the same kind in the Koran: “The impious, who in his arrogancy shall accuse our doctrine of falsity, shall find the gates of heaven shut; nor shall he enter there, till a camel shall pass through the eye of a needle. It is thus that we shall recompense the wicked,” Surat. vii, 37. Indeed, Grotius, Lightfoot, Wetstein, and Michaëlis join in opinion, that the comparison is so much in the figurative style of the oriental nations and of the rabbins, that the text is sufficiently authentic.
The passage in the Bible where our Lord says, “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich person to enter the kingdom of heaven,” Matt. xix, 24, has sparked a lot of debate. Some people claim there was a low gate near Jerusalem called “the needle’s eye,” where a camel couldn’t pass unless its load was removed. Others suggest that κάμιλος should actually be read as κάβιλος, a cable. However, there are no ancient manuscripts to support this reading. The Jewish Talmud does contain a similar saying about an elephant: “Rabbi Shesheth responded to Rabbi Amram, who had made an outrageous claim, ‘Maybe you’re one of the Pambidithians, who can make an elephant pass through the eye of a needle;’” which means, according to the Aruch, “who say impossible things.” There’s also a similar idea in the Koran: “The wicked, who in their arrogance accuse our teachings of being false, will find the gates of heaven closed; they will not enter until a camel passes through the eye of a needle. That’s how we will reward the evil,” Surat. vii, 37. Indeed, Grotius, Lightfoot, Wetstein, and Michaëlis all agree that the comparison fits well with the figurative language of Eastern cultures and the rabbis, which makes the text quite authentic.
CAMEL’s HAIR, mentioned Matt. iii, 4; Mark i, 6. John the Baptist, we are told, was habited in a raiment of camel’s hair; and Chardin assures us, that the modern dervises wear such garments; as they do also great leathern girdles. Camel’s hair is also made into those beautiful stuffs, called shawls; but certainly the coarser manufacture of this material was adopted by John, and we may receive a good idea of its texture, from what Braithwaite says of the Arabian tents: “They are made of camel’s hair, somewhat like our coarse hair cloths to lay over goods.” By this coarse vesture the Baptist was not merely distinguished, but contrasted with those in royal palaces, who wore “soft raiment,” such as shawls or other superfine manufactures, whether of the same material or not.
CAMEL's HAIR, mentioned in Matt. iii, 4; Mark i, 6. John the Baptist, we are told, wore clothing made of camel's hair; and Chardin confirms that modern dervishes wear such garments, along with large leather belts. Camel's hair is also used to create those beautiful fabrics called shawls; however, it's clear that the rougher version of this material was chosen by John, and we can get a good sense of its texture from what Braithwaite says about Arabian tents: “They are made of camel's hair, somewhat like our coarse hair cloths used for covering goods.” This rough clothing set the Baptist apart and contrasted him with those in royal palaces, who wore “soft raiment,” such as shawls or other finely made fabrics, whether from the same material or not.
CAMERONIANS, a sect in Scotland, who separated from the Presbyterians in 1666, and continued to hold their religious assemblies in the fields. The Cameronians took their denomination from Richard Cameron, a famous field preacher, who, refusing to accept the indulgence to tender consciences granted by King Charles II, as such an acceptance seemed an acknowledgment of the king’s supremacy, and that he had before a right to silence them, separated from his brethren, and even headed a rebellion in which he was killed. His followers were never entirely reduced till the Revolution, when they voluntarily submitted to King William. The Cameronians adhered rigidly to the form of government established in 1648.
CAMERONIANS, a group in Scotland, split from the Presbyterians in 1666 and continued to hold their religious gatherings outdoors. The Cameronians got their name from Richard Cameron, a well-known field preacher who, refusing to accept the leniency offered to those with delicate consciences by King Charles II, believed that doing so would imply acceptance of the king’s authority and that he had a prior right to silence them. He separated from his fellow ministers and even led a rebellion in which he was killed. His followers were never fully subdued until the Revolution, when they willingly submitted to King William. The Cameronians strictly adhered to the form of government established in 1648.
CAMERONISTS, or CAMERONITES, is the denomination of a party of Calvinists in France, who asserted, that the cause of men’s doing good or evil proceeds from the knowledge which God infuses into them; and that God does not move the will physically, but only morally, in virtue of its dependence on the judgment of the mind. They had this name from John Cameron, one of the most famous divines among the Protestants of France, in the seventeenth century, who was born at Glasgow, in Scotland, about the year 1580, and taught Greek there till he removed to Bourdeaux in 1600. Here he acquired such celebrity by the fluency with which he spoke Greek, that he was appointed to teach the 206learned languages at Bergerac. He afterward became professor of philosophy at Sedan; but returning to Bourdeaux in 1604, he devoted himself to the study of divinity. Upon being appointed tutor to the sons of the chancellor of Navarre, he accompanied them to Paris, Geneva, and Heidelberg. After having discharged the office of a minister at Bourdeaux, which he assumed in 1608, for ten years, he accepted the professorship of divinity at Saumur. Upon the dispersion of that academy by the public commotions in 1621, he removed to England, and taught divinity at his own house in London. King James inclined to favour him on account of his supposed attachment to the hierarchy, made him master of the college, and professor of divinity, at Glasgow; but after holding this office, which he found to be unpleasant to him, for a year, he returned to Saumur, where he read private lectures. From thence he removed, in 1624, to Montauban; where the disturbances excited by the emissaries of the duke de Rohan led him to remonstrate against the principles which produced them, with more zeal than prudence. This occasioned his being insulted by a private person in the streets, and severely beaten: and this treatment so much affected him, that he soon after died, in 1625, at the early age of forty-six years. Bayle represents him as “a man of great parts and judgment, of an excellent memory, very learned, a good philosopher, good humoured, liberal not only of his knowledge but his purse, a great talker, a long-winded preacher, little versed in the fathers, inflexible in his opinions, and inclined to turbulence.” He was one of those who attempted to reconcile the doctrine of predestination, as it had been taught at Geneva, and confirmed at Dort, with the sentiments of those who believe that God offers salvation to all mankind. His opinion was maintained and propagated by Moses Amyraut, and several others of the most learned among the reformed ministers, who thought Calvin’s doctrine too harsh. They were called Hypothetical Universalists. Cameron likewise maintained the possibility of salvation in the church of Rome. See Amyraut and Baxterianism.
CAMERONISTS, or CAMERONITES, is the name for a group of Calvinists in France who claimed that people's ability to do good or evil comes from the knowledge that God gives them. They argued that God doesn't physically move the will but influences it morally, based on the mind's judgment. They got their name from John Cameron, a well-known theologian among French Protestants in the seventeenth century, who was born in Glasgow, Scotland, around 1580 and taught Greek there until he moved to Bordeaux in 1600. He became so famous for his fluency in Greek that he was appointed to teach the languages at Bergerac. He later became a philosophy professor in Sedan, but returned to Bordeaux in 1604 to focus on theology. After being appointed tutor to the chancellor of Navarre's sons, he traveled with them to Paris, Geneva, and Heidelberg. After serving as a minister in Bordeaux from 1608 for ten years, he accepted a theology professorship at Saumur. When that academy was disrupted by public unrest in 1621, he moved to England and taught theology at his home in London. King James favored him due to his supposed loyalty to the hierarchy, appointing him head of the college and theology professor at Glasgow. However, after a year in this role, which he found unsatisfying, he returned to Saumur to conduct private lectures. In 1624, he moved to Montauban, where the turmoil caused by the duke de Rohan's agents prompted him to speak out against the principles behind the unrest, with more enthusiasm than caution. This led to him being insulted and beaten by someone in the streets, which affected him greatly, and he died soon after, in 1625, at just forty-six. Bayle described him as “a man of great talent and judgment, with an excellent memory, very learned, a good philosopher, good-natured, generous with both his knowledge and his money, a great talker, a long-winded preacher, not very familiar with the church fathers, inflexible in his opinions, and prone to controversy.” He was among those who tried to reconcile the doctrine of predestination as taught in Geneva and confirmed at Dort with the belief that God offers salvation to everyone. His views were upheld and spread by Moses Amyraut and several other prominent Reformed ministers who thought Calvin’s teachings were too harsh. They were called Hypothetical Universalists. Cameron also argued for the possibility of salvation within the Roman church. See Amyraut and Baxterism.
CAMP, or ENCAMPMENT, of the Israelites. The whole body of the people, consisting of six hundred thousand fighting men, beside women and children, was disposed under four battalions, so placed as to enclose the tabernacle, in the form of a square, and each under one general standard. (See Armies.) There were forty-one encampments, from their first in the month of March, at Rameses, in the land of Goshen, in Egypt, and in the wilderness, until they reached the land of Canaan. They are thus enumerated in Numbers xxxiii:--
CAMP, or ENCAMPMENT, of the Israelites. The entire group of people, made up of six hundred thousand fighting men, along with women and children, was organized into four battalions, positioned to surround the tabernacle in a square shape, each under a single general standard. (See Armies.) There were forty-one encampments, starting with their first in March at Rameses, in the land of Goshen, in Egypt, and throughout the wilderness, until they arrived in the land of Canaan. They are listed as follows in Numbers xxxiii:--
- 1. Rameses
- 2. Succoth
- 3. Etham, on the edge of the wilderness
- 4. Pihahiroth
- 5. Marah
- 6. Elim
- 7. By the Red Sea
- 8. Wilderness of Sin
- 9. Dophkah
- 10. Alush
- 11. Rephidim
- 12. Wilderness of Sinai
- 13. Kibroth-hattaavah
- 14. Hazeroth
- 15. Rithmah
- 16. Rimmon-parez
- 17. Libnah
- 18. Rissah
- 19. Kehelatha
- 20. Shapher
- 21. Haradah
- 22. Makheloth
- 23. Tahath
- 24. Tarah
- 25. Mithcah
- 26. Hashmonah
- 27. Moseroth
- 28. Bene-jaakan
- 29. Hor-hagidgad
- 30. Jotbathah
- 31. Ebronah
- 32. Ebion-gaber
- 33. Kadesh
- 34. Mount Hor
- 35. Zalmonah
- 36. Punon
- 37. Oboth
- 38. Ije-abarim
- 39. Dibon-gad
- 40. Almon-diblathaim
- 41. Mountains of Abarim
In the second year after their exodus from Egypt they were numbered; and upon an exact poll, the number of their males amounted to six hundred and three thousand, five hundred and fifty, from twenty years old and upward, Num. i, ii. This vast mass of people, encamped in beautiful order, must have presented a most impressive spectacle. That it failed not to produce effect upon the richly endowed and poetic mind of Balaam, appears from Num. xxiv, 2; “And Balaam lifted up his eyes and he saw Israel abiding in his tents according to their tribes; and the Spirit of God came upon him, and he took up his parable and said, How goodly are thy tents, O Jacob, and thy tabernacles, O Israel! As the valleys are they spread forth, as gardens by the river side, as the trees of lign aloes which the Lord hath planted, and as cedar trees beside waters.” Grandeur, order, beauty, and freshness, were the ideas at once suggested to the mind of this unfaithful prophet, and called forth his unwilling admiration. Perhaps we may consider this spectacle as a type of the order, beauty, and glory of the true “church in the wilderness,” in those happy days when God “shall not behold iniquity in Jacob, nor perverseness in Israel;” when it shall be said, “The Lord his God is with him, and the shout of a king is among them.”
In the second year after their departure from Egypt, they were counted; and in a detailed census, the number of their males totaled six hundred and three thousand, five hundred and fifty, from twenty years old and up, Num. i, ii. This massive group of people, camped in beautiful order, must have created a stunning sight. It clearly left an impact on the highly imaginative and poetic mind of Balaam, as seen in Num. xxiv, 2: “And Balaam lifted up his eyes and saw Israel camping in their tents by their tribes; and the Spirit of God came upon him, and he took up his oracle and said, How lovely are your tents, O Jacob, and your dwelling places, O Israel! They spread out like valleys, like gardens by the riverside, like trees of sweet-smelling aloes that the Lord has planted, and like cedar trees beside waters.” Grandeur, order, beauty, and freshness were the immediate thoughts that filled this unfaithful prophet's mind, evoking his reluctant admiration. Perhaps we can see this sight as a symbol of the order, beauty, and glory of the true “church in the wilderness,” in those blessed days when God “will not see iniquity in Jacob, nor villainy in Israel;” when it will be said, “The Lord his God is with him, and the shout of a king is among them.”
CAMPHIRE. כפר. Greek, κύπρος. Latin cyprus. Canticles i, 14; iv, 13. Sir T. Browne supposes that the plant mentioned in the Canticles, rendered κύπρος in the Septuagint, and cyprus in the Vulgate, is that described by Dioscorides and Pliny, which grows in Egypt, and near to Ascalon, producing an odorate bush of flowers, and yielding the celebrated oleum cyprinum. [A sweet oil made of the flowers of the privet tree.] This is one of the plants which is most grateful to the eye and the smell. The deep colour of its bark, the light green of its foliage, the softened mixture of white and yellow with which the flowers, collected into long clusters like the lilac, are coloured; the red tint of the ramifications which support them, form an agreeable combination. The flowers, whose shades are so delicate, diffuse around the sweetest odours, and embalm the gardens and apartments which they embellish. The women take pleasure in decking themselves with them. With the powder of the dried leaves they give an orange tincture to their nails, to the inside of their hands, and to the soles of their feet. The expression, עשתה את־צפרניה, rendered “pare their 207nails,” Deut. xxi, 12, may perhaps rather mean, “adorn their nails;” and imply the antiquity of this practice. This is a universal custom in Egypt, and not to conform to it would be considered indecent. It seems to have been practised by the ancient Egyptians, for the nails of the mummies are most commonly of a reddish hue.
CAMPHIRE. village. Greek, κύπρος. Latin cyprus. Canticles i, 14; iv, 13. Sir T. Browne suggests that the plant referred to in the Canticles, called κύπρος in the Septuagint and cyprus in the Vulgate, is the same one described by Dioscorides and Pliny, which grows in Egypt and near Ascalon, producing a fragrant bush of flowers and yielding the famous Cyprus oil. [A sweet oil made from the flowers of the privet tree.] This is one of the plants that is most pleasing to the eye and the nose. The deep color of its bark, the light green of its leaves, and the soft mix of white and yellow of the flowers, gathered into long clusters like lilac, create a lovely combination. The flowers, with their delicate shades, spread around the sweetest fragrances and beautify the gardens and rooms they adorn. Women enjoy decorating themselves with them. Using the powder from the dried leaves, they give an orange tint to their nails, the inside of their hands, and the soles of their feet. The phrase עשתה את הציפורניים, translated as “pare their nails” in Deut. xxi, 12, might actually mean “adorn their nails,” suggesting the long history of this practice. This custom is widespread in Egypt, and not following it would be seen as inappropriate. It seems to have been practiced by the ancient Egyptians, as the nails of mummies are often reddish in color.
In the Song of Solomon, the bride is described as saying, “My beloved is unto me as a cluster of camphire in the vineyards of Engedi,” chap. i, 24; and again, “Thy plants are an orchard of pomegranates, with pleasant fruits, camphire with spikenard,” chap. iv, 13.
In the Song of Solomon, the bride says, “My beloved is like a cluster of henna in the vineyards of Engedi,” chap. i, 24; and again, “Your plants are like an orchard of pomegranates, with delightful fruits, henna with spikenard,” chap. iv, 13.
CANA, a town of Galilee, where Jesus performed his first miracle, John ii, 1, 2, &c. It lay in the tribe of Zebulun, not far from Nazareth. Cana was visited by Dr. E. D. Clarke, who says, “It is worthy of note, that, walking among the ruins of a church, we saw large massy stone pots, answering the description given of the ancient vessels of the country; these were not preserved nor exhibited as reliques, but lying about, disregarded by the present inhabitants, as antiquities with whose original use they were unacquainted. From their appearance, and the number of them, it was quite evident that a practice of keeping water in large stone pots, each holding from eighteen to twenty-seven gallons, was once common in the country.”
Cana, a town in Galilee, is where Jesus performed his first miracle (John 2:1-2, etc.). It was located in the tribe of Zebulun, not far from Nazareth. Dr. E. D. Clarke visited Cana and noted, “It’s worth mentioning that while walking among the ruins of a church, we saw large stone jars that matched the descriptions of ancient vessels from the area; these were not preserved or displayed as relics but were scattered around, ignored by the current residents, who were unfamiliar with their original purpose. From their appearance and the number of jars, it was clear that using large stone pots to hold water, each with a capacity of eighteen to twenty-seven gallons, was once a common practice in the region.”
CANAAN, the son of Ham. The Hebrews believe that Canaan, having first discovered Noah’s nakedness, told his father Ham; and that Noah, when he awoke, having understood what had passed, cursed Canaan, the first author of the offence. Others are of opinion that Ham was punished in his son Canaan, Gen. ix, 25. For though Canaan is mentioned, Ham is not exempted from the malediction; on the contrary, he suffers more from it, since parents are more affected with their children’s misfortunes than with their own; especially if the evils have been inflicted through some fault or folly of theirs. Some have thought that Canaan may be put elliptically for the father of Canaan, that is, Ham, as it is rendered in the Arabic and Septuagint translations.
CANAAN, the son of Ham. The Hebrews believe that Canaan, who first saw Noah’s nakedness, told his father Ham; and when Noah woke up and realized what had happened, he cursed Canaan, who was the one responsible for the offense. Others think that Ham was punished through his son Canaan, Gen. ix, 25. Although Canaan is mentioned, Ham isn't exempt from the curse; in fact, he suffers even more from it because parents are more impacted by their children's misfortunes than their own, especially if the troubles arose from their own mistakes or foolishness. Some believe that Canaan may be a shorthand reference for the father of Canaan, meaning Ham, as it is shown in the Arabic and Septuagint translations.
The posterity of Canaan was numerous. His eldest son, Sidon, founded the city of Sidon, and was father of the Sidonians and Phenicians. Canaan had ten other sons, who were fathers of as many tribes, dwelling in Palestine and Syria; namely, the Hittites, the Jebusites, the Amorites, the Girgasites, the Hivites, the Arkites, the Sinites, the Arvadites, the Zemarites, and the Hemathites. It is believed that Canaan lived and died in Palestine, which from him was called the land of Canaan. Notwithstanding the curse is directed againstagainst Canaan the son, and not against Ham the father, it is often supposed that all the posterity of Ham were placed under the malediction, “Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren.” But the true reason why Canaan only was mentioned probably is, that the curse was in fact restricted to the posterity of Canaan. It is true that many Africans, descendants of other branches of Ham’s family, have been largely and cruelly enslaved; but so have other tribes in different parts of the world. There is certainly no proof that the negro race were ever placed under this malediction. Had they been included in it, this would neither have justified their oppressors, nor proved that Christianity is not designed to remove the evil of slavery. But Canaan alone in his descendantsdescendants, is cursed, and Ham only in that branch of his posterity. It follows that the subjugation of the Canaanitish races to Israel fulfils the prophecy. To them it was limited, and with them it expired. Part of the seven nations of the Canaanites were made slaves to the Israelites, when they took possession of their land; and the remainder by Solomon.
The descendants of Canaan were many. His oldest son, Sidon, founded the city of Sidon and was the ancestor of the Sidonians and Phoenicians. Canaan had ten other sons, each founding a tribe that lived in Palestine and Syria: the Hittites, the Jebusites, the Amorites, the Girgasites, the Hivites, the Arkites, the Sinites, the Arvadites, the Zemarites, and the Hemathites. It's believed that Canaan lived and died in Palestine, which was named the land of Canaan after him. Although the curse is directed against Canaan the son, not Ham the father, it's often thought that all of Ham's descendants were under the curse: “Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren.” The reason Canaan is specifically mentioned is likely that the curse was confined to his descendants. It's true that many Africans, descended from other branches of Ham's family, have suffered large-scale and brutal enslavement; however, so have other tribes in different parts of the world. There is no evidence that the Black race was ever under this curse. Even if they were included, it wouldn’t justify their oppressors or prove that Christianity is not meant to address the issue of slavery. Only Canaan and his descendants are cursed, and only Ham in that part of his lineage. Therefore, the subjugation of the Canaanite races by Israel fulfills the prophecy. It was limited to them and expired with them. Some of the seven nations of the Canaanites were enslaved by the Israelites when they took over their land, and the rest were made slaves by Solomon.
Canaan, Land of. In the map it presents the appearance of a narrow slip of country, extending along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean; from which, to the river Jordan, the utmost width does not exceed fifty miles. This river was the eastern boundary of the land of Canaan, or Palestine, properly so called, which derived its name from the Philistines or Palestines originally inhabiting the coast. To three of the twelve tribes, however, Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh, portions of territory were assigned on the eastern side of the river, which were afterward extended by the subjugation of the neighbouring nations. The territory of Tyre and Sidon was its ancient border on the north-west; the range of the Libanus and Antilibanus forms a natural boundary on the north and north-east; while in the south it is pressed upon by the Syrian and Arabian deserts. Within this circumscribed district, such were the physical advantages of the soil and climate, there existed, in the happiest periods of the Jewish nation, an immense population. The kingdom of David and Solomon, however, extended far beyond these narrow limits. In a north-eastern direction, it was bounded only by the river Euphrates, and included a considerable part of Syria. It is stated that Solomon had dominion over all the region on the western side of the Euphrates, from Thiphsah, or Thapsacus, on that river, in latitude 25° 20´, to Azzah, or Gaza. “Tadmore in the wilderness,” (Palmyra,) which the Jewish monarch is stated to have built, (that is, either founded or fortified,) is considerably to the north-east of Damascus, being only a day’s journey from the Euphrates; and Hamath, the Epiphania of the Greeks, (still called Hamah,) in the territory belonging to which city Solomon had several “store cities,” is seated on the Orontes, in latitude 34° 45´ N. On the east and south-east, the kingdom of Solomon was extended by the conquest of the country of Moab, that of the Ammonites, and Edom; and tracts which were either inhabited or pastured by the Israelites, lay still farther eastward. Maon, which belonged to the tribe of Judah, and was situated in or near the desert of Paran, is described by Abulfeda as the farthest city of Syria toward Arabia, being two days’ journey beyond Zoar. In the time of David, the people of Israel, women and children included, amounted, on the lowest computation, to five millions; beside 208the tributary Canaanites, and other conquered nations.
Canaan, Land of. On the map, it looks like a narrow stretch of land along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean; the widest part from there to the Jordan River doesn't exceed fifty miles. This river formed the eastern boundary of Canaan, or Palestine, which got its name from the Philistines or Palestines who originally lived along the coast. However, territories were assigned to three of the twelve tribes—Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh—on the eastern side of the river, which were later expanded through the conquest of neighboring nations. The ancient borders on the northwest were defined by Tyre and Sidon; the mountain ranges of the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon created a natural boundary in the north and northeast; to the south, it was bordered by the Syrian and Arabian deserts. Despite this limited area, during the peak periods of the Jewish nation, it supported a vast population due to the rich soil and favorable climate. The kingdom of David and Solomon, however, extended far beyond these narrow confines. It stretched northeast to the Euphrates River, covering a significant portion of Syria. It is said that Solomon ruled over all the lands west of the Euphrates, from Thiphsah, or Thapsacus, at latitude 25° 20', to Azzah, or Gaza. "Tadmor in the wilderness" (Palmyra), which the Jewish king is said to have built (either founded or fortified), is considerably northeast of Damascus, about a day's journey from the Euphrates; and Hamath, the Greek Epiphania (still known as Hamah), where Solomon built several "store cities," is located on the Orontes River at latitude 34° 45' N. To the east and southeast, Solomon's kingdom expanded through the conquest of Moab, Ammon, and Edom, with areas settled or grazed by the Israelites lying even farther east. Maon, belonging to the tribe of Judah and situated in or near the desert of Paran, is noted by Abulfeda as the furthest city of Syria towards Arabia, two days' journey beyond Zoar. At the time of David, the population of Israel, including women and children, was estimated to be at least five million, along with the tributary Canaanites and other conquered nations. 208
The vast resources of the country, and the power of the Jewish monarch, may be estimated not only by the consideration in which he was held by the contemporary sovereigns of Egypt, Tyre, and Assyria, but by the strength of the several kingdoms into which the dominions of David were subsequently divided. Damascus revolted during the reign of Solomon, and shook off the Jewish yoke. At his death, ten of the tribes revolted under Jeroboam, and the country became divided into the two rival kingdoms of Judah and Israel, having for their capitals Jerusalem and Samaria. The kingdom of Israel fell before the Assyrian conqueror, in the year B. C. 721, after it had subsisted about two hundred and fifty years. That of Judah survived about one hundred and thirty years, Judea being finally subdued and laid waste by Nebuchadnezzar, and the temple burned B. C. 588. Idumea was conquered a few years after. From this period till the æra of Alexander the Great, Palestine remained subject to the Chaldean, Median, and Persian dynasties. At his death, Judea fell under the dominion of the kings of Syria, and, with some short and troubled intervals, remained subject either to the kings of Syria or of Egypt, till John Hyrcanus shook off the Syrian yoke, and assumed the diadem, B. C. 130. The Asmonean dynasty, which united, in the person of the monarch, the functions of king and pontiff, though tributary to Roman conquerors, lasted one hundred and twenty-six years, till the kingdom was given by Anthony to Herod the Great, of an Idumean family, B. C. 39.
The vast resources of the country and the power of the Jewish king can be measured not only by how other rulers in Egypt, Tyre, and Assyria viewed him, but also by the strength of the various kingdoms that emerged from David's dominions later on. Damascus rebelled during Solomon's reign and broke free from Jewish control. After Solomon's death, ten of the tribes revolted under Jeroboam, leading to the division of the country into the two rival kingdoms of Judah and Israel, with Jerusalem and Samaria as their capitals. The kingdom of Israel fell to the Assyrian conqueror in 721 B.C., after existing for about two hundred and fifty years. Judah lasted around one hundred and thirty years longer, until Judea was finally conquered and devastated by Nebuchadnezzar, with the temple being burned down in 588 B.C. Idumea was taken a few years later. From this time until the era of Alexander the Great, Palestine was ruled by the Chaldean, Median, and Persian dynasties. After Alexander's death, Judea came under the control of the kings of Syria, and with a few brief and turbulent breaks, it remained under the rule of either the Syrian or Egyptian kings until John Hyrcanus ended the Syrian dominance and took the crown in 130 B.C. The Asmonean dynasty combined the roles of king and high priest in one monarch. Although it was a vassal to Roman conquerors, it lasted for one hundred and twenty-six years until Anthony granted the kingdom to Herod the Great, who was from an Idumean family, in 39 B.C.
2. At the time of the Christian æra, Palestine was divided into five provinces; Judea, Samaria, Galilee, Perea, and Idumea. On the death of Herod, Archelaus, his eldest son, succeeded to the government of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea, with the title of tetrarch; Galilee being assigned to Herod Antipas; and Perea, or the country beyond Jordan, to the third brother, Philip. But in less than ten years the dominions of Archelaus became annexed, on his disgrace, to the Roman province of Syria; and Judea was thenceforth governed by Roman procurators. Jerusalem, after its final destruction by Titus, A. D. 71, remained desolate and almost uninhabited, till the emperor Hadrian colonized it, and erected temples to Jupiter and Venus on its site. The empress Helena, in the fourth century, set the example of repairing in pilgrimage to the Holy Land, to visit the scenes consecrated by the Gospel narrative; and the country became enriched by the crowds of devotees who flocked there. In the beginning of the seventh century, it was overrun by the Saracens, who held it till Jerusalem was taken by the crusaders in the twelfth. The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem continued for about eighty years, during which the Holy Land streamed continually with Christian and Saracen blood. In 1187, Judea was conquered by the illustrious Saladin, on the decline of whose kingdom it passed through various revolutions, and at length, in 1317, was finally swallowed up in the Turkish empire.
2. During the time of the Christian era, Palestine was split into five provinces: Judea, Samaria, Galilee, Perea, and Idumea. After Herod's death, his oldest son, Archelaus, took over the government of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea as tetrarch. Galilee was given to Herod Antipas, and Perea, or the region beyond the Jordan, went to their brother, Philip. However, within ten years, Archelaus's territories were annexed to the Roman province of Syria due to his disgrace, and Judea was then governed by Roman procurators. After Jerusalem was finally destroyed by Titus in A.D. 71, it remained desolate and almost uninhabited until Emperor Hadrian colonized it and built temples to Jupiter and Venus on the site. In the fourth century, Empress Helena set an example by making pilgrimages to the Holy Land to visit the locations mentioned in the Gospel narrative, which led to an influx of devotees who enriched the area. By the early seventh century, it was taken over by the Saracens, who controlled it until the crusaders captured Jerusalem in the twelfth century. The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem lasted about eighty years, during which the Holy Land was continuously stained with the blood of Christians and Saracens. In 1187, the renowned Saladin conquered Judea, and after the decline of his kingdom, it underwent various changes before finally becoming part of the Turkish empire in 1317.
Palestine is now distributed into pashalics. That of Acre or Akka extends from Djebail nearly to Jaffa; that of Gaza comprehends Jaffa and the adjacent plains; and these two being now united, all the coast is under the jurisdiction of the pasha of Acre. Jerusalem, Hebron, Nablous, Tiberias, and in fact, the greater part of Palestine, are included in the pashalic of Damascus, now held in conjunction with that of Aleppo; which renders the present pasha, in effect, the viceroy of Syria. Though both pashas continue to be dutiful subjects to the Grand Seignior in appearance, and annually transmit considerable sums to Constantinople to insure the yearly renewal of their office, they are to be considered as tributaries, rather than subjects of the Porte; and it is supposed to be the religious supremacy of the Sultan, as caliph and vicar of Mohammed, more than any apprehension of his power, which prevents them from declaring themselves independent. The reverence shown for the firmauns of the Porte throughout Syria attests the strong hold which the Sultan maintains, in this character, on the Turkish population. The pashas of Egypt and Bagdad are attached to the Turkish sovereign by the same ecclesiastical tie, which alone has kept the ill-compacted and feeble empire from crumbling to ruin.
Palestine is now divided into provinces called pashalics. The one in Acre, or Akka, stretches from Djebail almost to Jaffa; the one in Gaza includes Jaffa and the surrounding plains; and these two are now combined, so all the coast falls under the authority of the pasha of Acre. Jerusalem, Hebron, Nablous, Tiberias, and most of Palestine are included in the pashalic of Damascus, which is currently held alongside that of Aleppo; this makes the current pasha effectively the viceroy of Syria. While both pashas still act like loyal subjects to the Grand Seignior and send substantial annual payments to Constantinople to secure the renewal of their positions, they are more like tributaries than actual subjects of the Porte; it's believed that the Sultan's religious authority as caliph and representative of Mohammed, rather than fear of his power, keeps them from declaring independence. The respect shown for the firman of the Porte across Syria reflects the strong influence that the Sultan has, in this role, over the Turkish population. The pashas of Egypt and Bagdad are connected to the Turkish sovereign through the same religious bond, which has been the only thing keeping the poorly structured and weak empire from falling apart.
3. A few additional remarks upon the topography and climate will tend to elucidate the force of many of those parts of Scripture which contain allusions to these topics. Dr. E. D. Clarke, after stating his resolve to make the Scriptures his only guide throughout this interesting territory, says, “The delight afforded by the internal evidences of truth, in every instance where their fidelity of description was proved by a comparison of existing documents, surpassed even all we had anticipated. Such extraordinary instances of coincidence even with the customs of the country as they are now exhibited, and so many wonderful examples of illustration afforded by contrasting the simple narrative with the appearances presented, made us only regret the shortness of our time, and the limited sphere of our abilities for the comparison.” Judea is beautifully diversified with hills and plains--hills now barren and gloomy, but once cultivated to their summits, and smiling in the variety of their produce, chiefly the olive and the vine; and plains, over which the Bedouin now roves to collect a scanty herbage for his cattle, but once yielding an abundance of which the inhabitants of a northern climate can form no idea. Rich in its soil; glowing in the sunshine of an almost perpetual summer; and abounding in scenery of the grandest, as well as of the most beautiful kind; this happy country was indeed a land which the Lord had blessed: but Mohammedan sloth and despotism, as the instruments employed to execute the curse of Heaven, have converted it into a waste of rock and desert, with the exception of some few spots, which remain to attest the veracity of the accounts formerly given of it. The hills of Judea frequently rise into mountains; the most considerable of which are those of Lebanon and Hermon, on the north; those 209which surround the sea of Galilee, and the Dead Sea, also attain a respectable elevation. The other mountains of note are, Carmel, Tabor, Ebal, and Gerizim, and the mountains of Gilboa, Gilead, and Abarim; with the summits of the latter, Nebo and Pisgah: a description of which will be found under their respective heads. Many of the hills and rocks abound in caverns, the refuge of the distressed, or the resorts of robbers.
3. A few more comments on the landscape and climate will help clarify the meaning of many parts of Scripture that refer to these topics. Dr. E. D. Clarke, after expressing his commitment to use the Scriptures as his only guide throughout this fascinating area, says, “The satisfaction provided by the internal evidence of truth, whenever the accuracy of description was confirmed through comparison with existing documents, exceeded all our expectations. Such remarkable instances of alignment with the current customs displayed in the region, along with many amazing examples of clarity gained by comparing the straightforward narrative with what we observed, made us only wish we had more time and a broader capacity for comparison.” Judea is strikingly varied with hills and plains—hills that are now barren and dreary, but once thrived with cultivation and greenery, mainly producing olives and grapes; and plains, where the Bedouin now wanders to gather meager grass for his livestock, but which once provided an abundance unimaginable to those from northern climates. Rich in soil, basking in the nearly eternal summer sun, and filled with both grand and beautiful scenery, this blessed land was truly one that the Lord had favored: however, the laziness and tyranny of the Muslims, as the tools of divine punishment, have turned it into a desolate wasteland, save for a few areas that remain to confirm the truth of its former descriptions. The hills of Judea often rise into mountains; the most significant include those of Lebanon and Hermon to the north; those surrounding the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea also reach a notable height. Other notable mountains include Carmel, Tabor, Ebal, and Gerizim, along with the mountains of Gilboa, Gilead, and Abarim; with the peaks of Nebo and Pisgah among the latter—descriptions of which can be found under their respective headings. Many of the hills and rocks feature caves, serving as refuge for the distressed or hideouts for bandits.
4. From the paucity of rain which falls in Judea, and the heat and dryness of the atmosphere for the greater part of the year, it possesses but few rivers; and as these, have all their rise within its boundaries, their course is short, and their size inconsiderable: the principal is the Jordan, which runs about a hundred miles. The other remarkable streams are, the Arnon, the Jabbok, the Kishon, the Kedron, the Besor, the Sorek, and the stream called the river of Egypt. These, also, will be found described under their respective heads. This country was once adorned with woods and forests: as we read of the forest of cedars in Lebanon, the forest of oaks in Bashan, the forest or wood of Ephraim, and the forest of Hareth in the tribe of Judah. Of these, the woods of Bashan alone remain; the rest have been swept away by the ravages of time and of armies, and by the gradual consumption of the inhabitants, whose indolence and ignorance have prevented their planting others.
4. Due to the lack of rain in Judea and the heat and dryness of the atmosphere for most of the year, there are very few rivers. The ones that do exist all originate within its borders, making their courses short and their sizes small. The main river is the Jordan, which runs about a hundred miles. Other notable streams include the Arnon, Jabbok, Kishon, Kedron, Besor, Sorek, and the stream known as the river of Egypt. You can find more details about these under their respective sections. This region used to be filled with woods and forests, as we read about the cedar forest in Lebanon, the oak forest in Bashan, the forest of Ephraim, and the Hareth forest in the tribe of Judah. Of these, only the woods of Bashan remain; the others have been lost to the passage of time, warfare, and the gradual depletion caused by the inhabitants, whose laziness and lack of knowledge have stopped them from planting new ones.
5. There are no volcanoes now existing in Judea or its vicinity: nor is mention made of any in history, although volcanic traces are found in many parts on its eastern side, as they are also in the mountains of Edom on the south, the Djebel Shera and Hesma, as noticed by Burckhardt. There can be no doubt that many of the sacred writers were familiarly acquainted with the phenomena of volcanoes; whence it may be inferred that they were presented to their observation at no great distance, and from which they drew some of their sublimest imagery. Mr. Horne has adduced the following instances: “The mountains quake at him, and the hills melt, and the earth is burned at his presence. His fury is poured out like fire, and the rocks are thrown down by him,” Nahum i, 5, 6. “Behold, the Lord cometh forth out of his place, and will come down and tread upon the high places of the earth. And the mountains shall be molten under him, and the valleys shall be cleft as wax before the fire, and as the waters that are poured down a steep place,” Micah i, 3, 4. “O that thou wouldest rend the heavens, that thou wouldest come down, that the mountains might flow down at thy presence. As when the melting fire burneth, the fire causeth the waters to boil, to make thy name known to thine adversaries, that the nations may tremble at thy presence. When thou didst terrible things which we looked not for, thou camest down, the mountains flowed down at thy presence,” Isa. lxiv, 1–3.
5. There are no volcanoes currently found in Judea or its surroundings, and there’s no mention of any in history, even though volcanic remnants can be seen in many areas on its eastern side, as well as in the Edom mountains to the south, specifically Djebel Shera and Hesma, as noted by Burckhardt. It’s clear that many of the sacred writers were well-acquainted with volcanic activity; hence, it can be inferred that they observed these phenomena not far from where they lived, drawing on them for some of their most powerful imagery. Mr. Horne has provided the following examples: “The mountains quake at him, and the hills melt, and the earth is burned at his presence. His fury is poured out like fire, and the rocks are thrown down by him,” Nahum i, 5, 6. “Behold, the Lord comes forth from his place and will come down and tread upon the high places of the earth. And the mountains shall be molten under him, and the valleys shall be cleft as wax before the fire, and as the waters that are poured down a steep place,” Micah i, 3, 4. “O that you would tear open the heavens, that you would come down, that the mountains might flow down at your presence. As when the melting fire burns, the fire causes the waters to boil, to make your name known to your adversaries, that the nations may tremble at your presence. When you did awesome things we did not expect, you came down; the mountains flowed down at your presence,” Isa. lxiv, 1–3.
6. The climate of Judea, from the southern latitude of the country, is necessarily warm. The cold of winter is, indeed, sometimes greater than in European climates situated some degrees farther to the north; but it is of short duration, and the general character of the climate is that of heat. Both heat and cold are, however, tempered by the nature of the surface; the winter being scarcely felt in the valleys, while in the summer the heat is almost insupportable; and, on the contrary, in the more elevated parts, during the winter months, or rather weeks, frosts frequently occur, and snow sometimes falls, while the air in summer is comparatively cool and refreshing. Many winters pass without either snow or frost; and in the coldest weather which ever occurs, the sun in the middle of the day is generally warm, and often hot; so that the pain of cold is in reality but little felt, and the poor who cannot afford fires may enjoy, during several hours of the day, the more genial and invigorating influence of the sun. This is the ordinary character of the winters; though in some years, as will be seen presently, the cold is more severely felt during the short time that it prevails, which is never more than two months, and more frequently not so much as one. Toward the end of November, or beginning of December, domestic fires become agreeable. It was at this time that Jehoiakim, king of Judah, is represented by Jeremiah as sitting in his winter house, with a fire burning on the hearth before him, Jer. xxxvi, 22. The same luxury, though frequently by no means necessary, is used by the wealthy till the end of March.
6. The climate of Judea, due to its southern latitude, is typically warm. Winter can be colder than in some European regions further north, but it doesn’t last long, and the overall climate is warm. Both the heat and cold are moderated by the landscape; winter is barely felt in the valleys, while summer heat can become almost unbearable. In the higher areas, however, frost often occurs during the winter months, which are really just weeks, and snow can sometimes fall, while the summer air is relatively cool and refreshing. Many winters go by without any snow or frost, and during the coldest days, the midday sun is usually warm and often hot, making the chill less noticeable, so the less fortunate, who can’t afford fires, can still benefit from several hours of the sun’s warmth. This is the typical winter experience, although, in some years, as will be noted later, the cold can be more intense during the short period it lasts, which never exceeds two months, and often lasts less than one. By the end of November or the beginning of December, having fires at home becomes enjoyable. It was during this time that Jehoiakim, king of Judah, is depicted by Jeremiah as sitting in his winter house with a fire burning on the hearth, Jer. xxxvi, 22. The wealthy often indulge in this luxury, even if it’s not strictly necessary, until the end of March.
7. Rain only falls during the autumn, winter, and spring, when it sometimes descends with great violence: the greatest quantity, and that which properly constitutes the rainy season, happening between the autumnal equinox, or somewhat later, and the beginning of December; during which period, heavy clouds often obscure the sky, and several days of violent rain sometimes succeed each other with winds. This is what in Scripture is termed the early or the former rain. Showers continue to fall at uncertain intervals, with some cloudy but more fair weather, till toward the vernal equinox, when they become again more frequent and copious till the middle of April. These are the latter rains, Joel ii, 23. From this time to the end of May, showers come on at irregular intervals, gradually decreasing as the season advances; the sky being for the most part serene, and the temperature of the air agreeable, though sometimes acquiring a high degree of heat. From the end of May, or beginning of June, to the end of September, or middle of October, scarce a drop of rain falls, the sky being constantly unclouded, and the heat generally oppressive. During this period, the inhabitants commonly sleep on the tops of their houses. The storms, especially in the autumn, are preceded by short but violent gusts of wind, which, from the surface of a parched soil, raise great clouds of dust; which explains what is meant by, “Ye shall not see wind,” 2 Kings iii, 7. The continuation of the same passage likewise implies, that such circumscribed whirlwinds were generally considered 210as the precursors of rain: a circumstance likewise alluded to by Solomon, who says, “Whoso boasteth himself of a false gift, is like clouds and wind without rain,” Prov. xxv, 14. Another prognostic of an approaching storm is a small cloud rising in the west, and increasing until it overspreads the whole heavens. Such was the cloud, “like a man’s hand,” which appeared to Elijah, on mount Carmel; which spread “till the heaven was black with clouds and wind, and there was a great rain,” 1 Kings xviii, 44. To this phenomenon, and the certainty of the prognostic, our Saviour alludes: “When ye see a cloud” (or the cloud, την νεφελην) “rise out of the west, straightway ye say, There cometh a shower; and so it is,” Luke xii, 54. The same appearance is noticed by Homer:--
7. Rain only falls during the autumn, winter, and spring, sometimes arriving with great intensity. The heaviest rainfall, which is what we consider the rainy season, typically occurs between the autumn equinox, or a little later, and the beginning of December. During this time, thick clouds often cover the sky, and there can be several days of heavy rain accompanied by strong winds. This is referred to in scripture as the early or former rain. Showers continue at unpredictable intervals, interspersed with some cloudy days but more sunny weather, until around the vernal equinox. After that, they become more frequent and heavier until mid-April. These are the latter rains, as described in Joel ii, 23. From that point until the end of May, showers happen at irregular intervals, gradually decreasing as the season progresses; the sky is mostly clear, and the temperature is pleasant, although it can sometimes get quite hot. From the end of May or beginning of June until the end of September or mid-October, hardly any rain falls, the sky remains clear, and the heat is typically oppressive. During this time, people generally sleep on their rooftops. The storms, especially in autumn, are preceded by brief but fierce gusts of wind, which stir up clouds of dust from the dry ground; this explains the phrase, “Ye shall not see wind,” in 2 Kings iii, 7. The continuation of that passage suggests that such localized whirlwinds were usually seen as signs of impending rain, a notion also referenced by Solomon, who says, “Whoso boasteth himself of a false gift is like clouds and wind without rain,” in Prov. xxv, 14. Another sign of an approaching storm is a small cloud appearing in the west and growing until it covers the entire sky. This is similar to the cloud “like a man’s hand” that Elijah saw on Mount Carmel, which expanded “till the heaven was black with clouds and wind, and there was a great rain,” as noted in 1 Kings xviii, 44. Our Savior refers to this phenomenon and its reliable prediction: “When ye see a cloud” (or the cloud, την νεφελην) “rise out of the west, straightaway ye say, There comes a shower; and so it is,” in Luke xii, 54. The same observation is made by Homer:---
Hail frequently falls in the winter and spring in very heavy storms, and with hailstones of an enormous size. Dr. Russel says that he has seen some at Aleppo which measured two inches in diameter; but sometimes they are found to consist of irregularly shaped pieces, weighing near three ounces. The copious dew forms another peculiarity of this climate, frequently alluded to in Scripture: so copious, indeed, is it sometimes, as to resemble small rain, and to supply the wants of superficial vegetation. Mr. Maundrell, when travelling near mount Hermon, says, “We were instructed by experience what the Psalmist means by ‘the dew of Hermon,’ Psalm cxxxiii, 3; our tents being as wet with it, as if it had rained all night.”
Hail often falls heavily in the winter and spring during intense storms, with some hailstones being really large. Dr. Russel mentions he has seen some in Aleppo that were two inches across; however, sometimes they appear as oddly shaped pieces weighing close to three ounces. The abundant dew is another characteristic of this climate, frequently mentioned in the Bible: it can be so abundant that it feels like light rain and helps satisfy the needs of surface-level plants. Mr. Maundrell, while traveling near Mount Hermon, says, “We learned from experience what the Psalmist means by ‘the dew of Hermon,’ Psalm 133:3; our tents were as wet from it as if it had rained all night.”
8. The seasons are often adverted to in Scripture, under the terms “seed time and harvest.” The former, for wheat, is about the middle of October to the middle or end of November: barley is put into the ground two and sometimes three months later. The wheat harvest commences about the twentieth of May, and early in June the whole is off the ground. The barley harvest, it is to be observed, is generally a fortnight earlier. A survey of the astonishing produce of this country, and of the manner in which its most rocky and, to appearance, insuperably sterile parts, are made to yield to the wants of man, will be sufficient to refute the objections raised by skeptical writers against the possibility of its furnishing subsistence to the multitude of its former inhabitants recorded in Scripture. Dr. Clarke, when travelling from Napolose to Jerusalem, relates, “The road was mountainous, rocky, and full of loose stones; yet the cultivation was every where marvellous: it afforded one of the most striking pictures of human industry which it is possible to behold. The limestone rocks and stony valleys of Judea were entirely covered with plantations of figs, vines, and olive trees: not a single spot seemed to be neglected. The hills, from their bases to their upmost summits, were entirely covered with gardens: all of these were free from weeds, and in the highest state of agricultural perfection. Even the sides of the most barren mountains had been rendered fertile, by being divided into terraces, like steps rising one above another, whereon soil had been accumulated with astonishing labour. Among the standing crops, we noticed millet, cotton, linseed, and tobacco; and occasionally small fields of barley. A sight of this territory can alone convey any adequate idea of its surprising produce: it is truly the Eden of the east, rejoicing in the abundance of its wealth. Under a wise and a beneficent government, the produce of the Holy Land would exceed all calculation. Its perennial harvest; the salubrity of its air; its limpid springs; its rivers, lakes, and matchless plains; its hills and dales;--all these, added to the serenity of its climate, prove this land to be indeed ‘a field which the Lord hath blessed: God hath given it of the dew of heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine.’” An oriental’s ideas of fertility differ, however, from ours; for to him, plantations of figs, vines, and olives, with which the limestone rocks of Judea were once covered, would suggest the same associations of plenty and opulence that are called up in the mind of an Englishman by rich tracts of corn land. The land of Canaan is characterized as flowing with milk and honey; and it still answers to this description; for it contains extensive pasture lands of the richest quality, and the rocky country is covered with aromatic plants, yielding to the wild bees, who hive in the hollow of the rocks, such abundance of honey as to supply the poorer classes with an article of food. Honey from the rocks is repeatedly referred to in the Scriptures, as a delicious food, and an emblem of plenty, 1 Sam. xiv, 25; Psa. lxxxi, 16. Dates are another important article of consumption; and the neighbourhood of Judea was famous for its numerous palm trees, which are found springing up from chance-sown kernels in the midst of the most arid districts. When to these wild productions we add the oil extracted from the olive, so essential an article to an oriental, we shall be at no loss to account for the ancient fertility of the most barren districts of Judea, or for the adequacy of the soil to the support of so numerous a population, notwithstanding the comparatively small proportion of arable land. There is no reason to doubt, however, that corn and rice would be imported by the Tyrian merchants; which the Israelites would have no difficulty in exchanging for the produce of the olive ground and the vineyard, or for their flocks and herds. Delicious wine is still produced in some districts, and the valleys bear plentiful crops of tobacco, wheat, barley, and millet. Tacitus compares both the climate and the soil, indeed, to those of Italy; and he particularly specifies the palm tree and balsam tree as productions 211which gave the country an advantage over his own. Among other indigenous productions may be enumerated the cedar and other varieties of the pine, the cypress, the oak, the sycamore, the mulberry tree, the fig tree, the willow, the turpentine tree, the acacia, the aspen, the arbutus, the myrtle, the almond tree, the tamarisk, the oleander, the peach tree, the chaste tree, the carob or locust tree, the oskar, the doom, the mustard plant, the aloe, the citron, the apple, the pomegranate, and many flowering shrubs. The country about Jericho was celebrated for its balsam, as well as for its palm trees; and two plantations of it existed during the last war between the Jews and the Romans, for which both parties fought desperately. But Gilead appears to have been the country in which it chiefly abounded: hence the name, “balm of Gilead.” Since the country has fallen under the Turkish dominion, it has ceased to be cultivated in Palestine, but is still found in Arabia. Other indigenous productions have either disappeared or are now confined to circumscribed districts. Iron is found in the mountain range of Libanus, and silk is produced in abundance in the plains of Samaria.
8. The seasons are often mentioned in Scripture as “seed time and harvest.” For wheat, the planting season is from about mid-October to late November; barley is typically planted two to three months later. The wheat harvest starts around May 20th, and by early June, it's all harvested. The barley harvest usually happens about two weeks earlier. A look at the amazing produce of this region, along with how even its rocky and seemingly infertile areas provide for the needs of people, should be enough to counter the skepticism about its ability to support the large population mentioned in Scripture. Dr. Clarke, while traveling from Napolose to Jerusalem, noted, “The road was mountainous, rocky, and filled with loose stones; yet the farming was remarkable everywhere: it presented one of the most striking examples of human effort possible. The limestone rocks and stony valleys of Judea were completely covered with fig, vine, and olive plantations: not a single spot appeared to be overlooked. The hills, from their bases to their peaks, were entirely filled with gardens: all of these were free from weeds and at the peak of agricultural excellence. Even the most barren mountain sides had been turned fertile, divided into terraces, like steps rising one above another, where soil had been piled up with incredible labor. Among the standing crops, we saw millet, cotton, linseed, and tobacco; and occasionally small fields of barley. A visit to this area alone can give anyone a true sense of its remarkable produce: it is truly the Eden of the east, thriving in its wealth. Under a wise and kind government, the yield of the Holy Land could exceed all expectations. Its year-round harvests, the freshness of its air, its clear springs, rivers, lakes, and unmatched plains; its hills and valleys—all of these, combined with the calmness of its climate, confirm that this land is indeed ‘a field which the Lord has blessed: God has given it the dew of heaven, the richness of the earth, and plentiful grain and wine.’” However, an easterner's concept of fertility differs from ours; for them, plantations of figs, vines, and olives, which once covered the limestone rocks of Judea, evoke the same feelings of abundance and wealth that rich farmland does for an Englishman. The land of Canaan is described as flowing with milk and honey, and it still fits this description; it contains vast pastures of the highest quality, and the rocky terrain is filled with aromatic plants, providing wild bees, which hive in the rock hollows, with enough honey to feed the poorer classes. Honey from the rocks is frequently mentioned in the Scriptures as a tasty food and a symbol of abundance, 1 Sam. xiv, 25; Psa. lxxxi, 16. Dates are another key food item, and the area around Judea was known for its many palm trees, which grow from seeds that germinate in the driest places. Adding to these natural resources, the oil extracted from olives, which is essential in eastern cooking, helps explain the historical fertility of even the most barren parts of Judea, as well as how the soil could support a large population despite the relatively small amount of arable land. There’s no doubt that Tyrian merchants would import grain and rice; the Israelites would have easily traded their olive oil and wine, or their flocks and herds for it. Delicious wine is still produced in some areas, and the valleys yield abundant crops of tobacco, wheat, barley, and millet. Tacitus even compared the climate and soil to those of Italy; he specifically mentioned the palm tree and balsam tree as resources that gave this land an edge over his. Other local resources include cedar and various pine species, cypress, oak, sycamore, mulberry, fig, willow, turpentine, acacia, aspen, arbutus, myrtle, almond, tamarisk, oleander, peach, chaste, carob, oskar, doom, mustard, aloe, citron, apple, pomegranate, and many flowering shrubs. The area around Jericho was famous for its balsam, as well as its palm trees; during the last war between the Jews and Romans, two balsam plantations existed, which both sides fought hard for. However, Gilead seems to have been the region where it flourished the most, hence the name “balm of Gilead.” Since the area has come under Turkish rule, it has stopped being cultivated in Palestine, though it can still be found in Arabia. Other local resources have either vanished or are now limited to small areas. Iron is found in the mountain range of Libanus, and silk is abundant in the plains of Samaria.
9. The grand distinction of Canaan, however, is, that it was the only part of the earth made, by divine institution, a type of heaven. So it was exhibited to Abraham, and also to the Jews. It pointed to the eternal rest which the spiritual seed of the father of the faithful were to enjoy after the pilgrimage of life; its holy city was the figure of the “Jerusalem above;” and Zion, with its solemn and joyful services represented that “hill of the Lord” to which the redeemed shall come with songs, and everlasting joy upon their heads; where they shall obtain joy and gladness, and sorrow and sighing shall fly away.
9. The great uniqueness of Canaan, however, is that it was the only part of the earth that was designed by divine will to symbolize heaven. This was shown to Abraham and also to the Jews. It represented the eternal rest that the spiritual descendants of the faithful father would experience after life's journey; its holy city was a representation of the “Jerusalem above;” and Zion, with its solemn and joyful rituals, symbolized that “hill of the Lord” where the redeemed will gather with songs and everlasting joy on their heads; where they will find joy and gladness, and sorrow and sighing will disappear.
CANAANITES, the posterity of Canaan by his eleven sons, who are supposed to have settled in the land of Canaan, soon after the dispersion of Babel. Five of these are known to have dwelt in the land of Canaan; viz. Heth, Jebus, Hemor or Amor, Girgashi, and Hevi or Hivi; and these, together with their father Canaan, became the heads of so many nations. Sina or Sini was another son of Canaan, whose settlement is not so precisely ascertained; but some authors infer, from the affinity of the names, that the Desert of Sin, and Mount Sinai, were the places of his abode, and that they were so called from him. The Hittites inhabited the country about Hebron, as far as Beersheba, and the brook Besor, reckoned by Moses the southern limits of Canaan. The Jebusites dwelt near them on the north, as far as the city of Jebus, since called Jerusalem. The Amorites possessed the country on the east side of Jordan, between the river Arnon on the south-east, and Mount Gilead on the north, afterward the lot of Reuben and Gad. The Girgashites lay next above the Amorites, on the east side of the Sea of Tiberias, and their land was afterward possessed by the half tribe of Manasseh. The Hivites dwelt northward, under Mount Libanus. The Perizzites, who make one of the seven nations of the Canaanites, are supposed, by Heylin and others, to be the descendants of Sina or Sini; and it is probable, since we do not read of their abode in cities, that they lived dispersed, and in tents, like the Scythians, roving on both sides of the Jordan, on the hills and plains; and that they were called by that name from the Hebrew pharatz, which signifies “to disperse.” The Canaanites dwelt in the midst of all, and were surrounded by the rest. This appears from the sacred writings to have been the respective situation of those seven nations, which are said to have been doomed to destruction for their idolatry and wickedness, when the Israelites first invaded their country. The learned have not absolutely determined whether the nations proceeding from Canaan’s other six sons should be reckoned among the inhabitants of the land of Canaan. The prevalent opinion is, that they were not included. As to the customs, manners, arts, sciences, and language of the seven nations that inhabited the land of Canaan, they must, from the situation they severally occupied, have been very different. Those who inhabited the sea coast were merchants, and by reason of their commerce and wealth scattered colonies over almost all the islands and maritime provinces of the Mediterranean. (See Phenicia) The colonies which Cadmus carried to Thebes in Bæotia, and his brother Cilix into Cilicia, are said to have proceeded from the stock of Canaan. Sicily, Sardinia, Malta, Cyprus, Corfu, Majorca, Minorca, Gades, and Ebutris, are supposed to have been peopled by the Canaanites. The other Canaanites, whose situation was inland, were employed partly in pasturage, and partly in tillage, and they were also well skilled in the exercise of arms. Those who dwelt in the walled cities, and who had fixed abodes, cultivated the land; and those who wandered about, as the Perizzites seem to have done, grazed cattle: so that among the Canaanites, we discover the various classes of merchants, and, consequently, mariners; of artificers, soldiers, shepherds, and husbandmen. We learn, also, from their history, that they were all ready, however diversified by their occupations or local interests, to join in a common cause; that they were well appointed for war, both offensive and defensive; that their towns were well fortified; that they were sufficiently furnished with military weapons and warlike chariots; that they were daring, obstinate, and almost invincible; and that they were not destitute of craft and policy. Their language, we find, was well understood by Abraham, who was a Hebrew, for he conversed readily with them on all occasions; but as to their mode of writing, whether it was originally their own or borrowed from the Israelites, it is not so easy to determine. Their religion, at least in part, seems to have been preserved pure till the days of Abraham, who acknowledged Melchisedek to be priest of the most high God; and Melchisedek was, without doubt, a Canaanite, or, at least, dwelt at that time in Canaan in high esteem and veneration.
CANAANITES, the descendants of Canaan through his eleven sons, are thought to have settled in the land of Canaan shortly after the scattering at Babel. Five of these sons are known to have lived in Canaan: Heth, Jebus, Hemor (or Amor), Girgashi, and Hevi (or Hivi). Together with their father Canaan, they became the leaders of various nations. Sina (or Sini) was another son of Canaan, whose exact settlement is less clear; however, some scholars suggest that the Desert of Sin and Mount Sinai were named after him. The Hittites inhabited the area around Hebron, extending to Beersheba and the Besor brook, which Moses identified as the southern boundaries of Canaan. The Jebusites lived to the north, up to the city of Jebus, now known as Jerusalem. The Amorites occupied the region east of the Jordan, between the Arnon River to the southeast and Mount Gilead to the north, which later became the territory of Reuben and Gad. The Girgashites were located above the Amorites on the east side of the Sea of Tiberias, and their land was later taken over by the half-tribe of Manasseh. The Hivites resided to the north under Mount Lebanon. The Perizzites, one of the seven nations of Canaanites, are believed by Heylin and others to be the descendants of Sina or Sini. It is likely that they lived scattered and in tents, similar to the Scythians, roaming both sides of the Jordan in the hills and plains; they may have been called by this name from the Hebrew pharatz, which means “to disperse.” The Canaanites lived among all of them and were surrounded by the others. This is confirmed by sacred texts, which show the relative situation of those seven nations that were condemned for their idolatry and wickedness when the Israelites first entered their land. Scholars have not definitively concluded whether the nations descending from Canaan's other six sons should be counted among the inhabitants of Canaan, but the prevailing view is that they were not included. Regarding the customs, manners, arts, sciences, and languages of the seven nations of Canaan, they would have varied significantly based on their respective locations. Those living along the coast were merchants who, due to their trade and wealth, established colonies in nearly all the Mediterranean islands and coastal regions. (See Phenicia) The colonies that Cadmus brought to Thebes in Bæotia, and his brother Cilix to Cilicia, are said to have come from Canaan's lineage. Sicily, Sardinia, Malta, Cyprus, Corfu, Majorca, Minorca, Gades, and Ebutris are believed to have been settled by Canaanites. The other Canaanites, situated inland, mainly engaged in herding and farming and were also skilled in warfare. Those living in fortified cities with permanent homes cultivated the land, while those who wandered, like the Perizzites seem to have done, raised livestock. Among the Canaanites, we find various classes of merchants, and therefore sailors; craftsmen, soldiers, shepherds, and farmers. Their history also reveals that, despite their different occupations and local concerns, they were united in common causes; they were well-prepared for both offensive and defensive warfare; their towns were strongly fortified; they had ample supplies of military weapons and war chariots; they were bold, determined, and almost unbeatable; and they were not lacking in cleverness and strategy. Their language was well understood by Abraham, a Hebrew, who conversed easily with them on various occasions. However, it is harder to determine whether their writing system was originally theirs or borrowed from the Israelites. Their religion seemed to have remained relatively pure until Abraham’s time, as he acknowledged Melchisedek as a priest of the Most High God, and Melchisedek was surely a Canaanite or at least held in high regard and respect at that time in Canaan.
2. But we learn from the Scripture history, 212that the Hittites in particular were become degenerate in the time of Isaac and Rebekah; for they could not endure the thoughts of Jacob’s marrying one of the daughters of Heth, as Esau had done. From this time, then, we may date the prevalence of those abominations which subjected them to the divine displeasure, and made them unworthy of the land which they possessed. In the days of Moses, they were become incorrigible idolaters; for he commands his people to destroy their altars, and break down their images, (statues or pillars,) and cut down their groves, and burn their graven images with fire. And lest they should pervert the Israelites, the latter were strictly enjoined not to intermarry with them; but “to smite them, and utterly destroy them, nor show mercy upon them,” Deut. vii, 1–5. They are accused of the cruel custom of sacrificing men, and are said to have made their seed pass through the fire to Moloch, Lev. xviii, 21. Their morals were as corrupt as their doctrine: adultery, bestiality of all sorts, profanation, incest, and all manner of uncleanness, are the sins laid to their charge. “The Canaanites,” says Mr. Bryant, “as they were a sister tribe of the Mizraim, resembled them in their rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration, agreeably to the customs of Egypt. Their chief deity was the sun, whom they worshipped, together with the Baalim, under the titles of Ourchol, Adonis, or Thamuz.”
2. But we learn from Scripture that the Hittites, in particular, had become corrupt during the time of Isaac and Rebekah; they couldn't stand the idea of Jacob marrying one of Heth's daughters, as Esau had done. From this point on, we can trace the rise of those evils that brought them under God's judgment and made them unworthy of the land they occupied. By the time of Moses, they had become hopeless idolaters; he ordered his people to destroy their altars, break down their images (statues or pillars), cut down their groves, and burn their carved images with fire. To prevent them from leading the Israelites astray, the Israelites were strictly instructed not to intermarry with them, but to "strike them down and completely destroy them, and not show mercy to them," Deut. vii, 1–5. They were accused of the horrific practice of sacrificing humans and were said to have made their children pass through the fire to Moloch, Lev. xviii, 21. Their morals were as corrupt as their beliefs: adultery, all kinds of bestiality, desecration, incest, and all forms of uncleanness were the sins attributed to them. “The Canaanites,” says Mr. Bryant, “being a sister tribe of the Mizraim, resembled them in their rituals and religion. They held a heifer or cow in high regard, aligning with the customs of Egypt. Their main deity was the sun, whom they worshipped, along with the Baalim, under the names Ourchol, Adonis, or Thamuz.”
3. When the measure of the idolatries and abominations of the Canaanites was filled up, God delivered their country into the hands of the Israelites, who conquered it under Joshua. However, they resisted with obstinate valour, and kept Joshua employed six years from the time of his passing the river Jordan, and entering Canaan, in the year B. C. 1451, to the year B. C. 1445, the sabbatical year beginning from the autumnal equinox; when he made a division of the land among the tribes of Israel, and rested from his conquests. As God had commanded this people, long before, to be treated with rigour, see Deut. vii, 2, Joshua extirpated great numbers, and obliged the rest to fly, some of them into Africa, and others into Greece. Procopius says, they first retreated into Egypt, but advanced into Africa, where they built many cities, and spread themselves over those vast regions which reach to the straits, preserving their old language with little alteration. In the time of Athanasius, the Africans still said they were descended from the Canaanites; and when asked their origin, they answered, “Canani.” It is agreed, that the Punic tongue was nearly the same as the Canaanitish or Hebrew.
3. When the level of idolatries and wickedness among the Canaanites was at its peak, God handed their land over to the Israelites, who conquered it under Joshua. However, the Canaanites fought back fiercely, keeping Joshua busy for six years from the time he crossed the Jordan River and entered Canaan in 1451 B.C. to 1445 B.C., which was the sabbatical year starting from the autumn equinox. During that time, he divided the land among the tribes of Israel and paused his conquests. As God had previously commanded that these people be dealt with harshly (see Deut. 7:2), Joshua eliminated many of them and forced the others to flee, some into Africa and others into Greece. Procopius notes that they initially retreated to Egypt before moving into Africa, where they established many cities and spread across vast regions up to the straits, maintaining their old language with little change. During Athanasius's time, Africans still claimed descent from the Canaanites, and when asked about their origins, they responded, “Canani.” It's widely agreed that the Punic language was very similar to the Canaanite or Hebrew.
4. On the rigorous treatment of the nations of Canaan by the Israelites, to which infidels have taken so many exceptions, the following remarks of Paley are a sufficient reply: The first thing to be observed is, that the nations of Canaan were destroyed for their wickedness. This is plain from Lev. xviii, 24, &c. Now the facts disclosed in this passage sufficiently testify, that the Canaanites were a wicked people; that detestable practices were general among them, and even habitual; that it was for these enormities the nations of Canaan were destroyed. It was not, as some have imagined, to make way for the Israelites; nor was it simply to make away with their idolatry; but it was because of the abominable crimes which usually accompanied the latter. And we may farther learn from the passage, that God’s abhorrence of these crimes and his indignation against them are regulated by the rules of strict impartiality, since Moses solemnly warns the Israelites against falling into the like wicked courses, “that the land,” says he, “cast not you out also, when you defile it, as it cast out the nations that were before you; for whosoever shall commit any of these abominations, even the souls that commit them shall be cut off from among their people,” Lev. xviii, 28, 29. Now, when God, for the wickedness of a people, sends an earthquake, or a fire, or a plague among them, there is no complaint of injustice, especially when the calamity is known, or expressly declared beforehand, to be inflicted for the wickedness of such people. It is rather regarded as an act of exemplary penal justice, and, as such, consistent with the character of the moral Governor of the universe. The objection, therefore, is not to the Canaanitish nations being destroyed; (for when their national wickedness is considered, and when that is expressly stated as the cause of their destruction, the dispensation, however severe, will not be questioned;) but the objection is solely to the manner of destroying them. I mean there is nothing but the manner left to be objected to: their wickedness accounts for the thing itself. To which objection it may be replied, that if the thing itself be just, the manner is of little signification, of little signification even to the sufferers themselves. For where is the great difference, even to them, whether they were destroyed by an earthquake, a pestilence, a famine, or by the hands of an enemy? Where is the difference, even to our imperfect apprehensions of divine justice, provided it be, and is known to be, for their wickedness that they are destroyed? But this destruction, you say, confounded the innocent with the guilty. The sword of Joshua, and of the Jews spared neither women nor children. Is it not the same with all other national visitations? Would not an earthquake, or a fire, or a plague, or a famine among them have done the same? Even in an ordinary and natural death the same thing happens; God takes away the life he lends, without regard, that we can perceive, to age, or sex, or character. “But, after all, promiscuous massacres, the burning of cities, the laying waste of countries, are things dreadful to reflect upon.” Who doubts it? so are all the judgments of Almighty God. The effect, in whatever way it shows itself, must necessarily be tremendous, when the Lord, as the Psalmist expresses it, “moveth out of his place to punish the wicked.” But it ought to satisfy us; at least this is the point upon which we ought to rest and fix our attention; that it was for excessive, wilful, and forewarned wickedness, that all this befel them, and that it is 213all along so declared in the history which recites it.
4. On the strict treatment of the nations of Canaan by the Israelites, which critics have frequently condemned, the following observations by Paley provide an adequate response: First, it’s important to note that the nations of Canaan were destroyed because of their wickedness. This is clear from Lev. xviii, 24, etc. The facts presented in this passage clearly show that the Canaanites were a corrupt society; that detestable practices were widespread and even habitual among them; and that it was for these serious offenses that the nations of Canaan faced destruction. It wasn’t, as some people believe, merely to make room for the Israelites, nor solely to eliminate their idolatry; it was because of the horrifying crimes that typically accompanied that idolatry. Furthermore, we can learn from this passage that God’s detestation of these crimes and His anger towards them are characterized by strict fairness, as Moses solemnly warns the Israelites against engaging in similar wrongful behavior, saying, “that the land,” he warns, “may not also expel you when you defile it, as it expelled the nations that were before you; for anyone who commits any of these abominations, even those who commit them will be cut off from among their people,” Lev. xviii, 28, 29. Now, when God sends an earthquake, fire, or plague upon a wicked people, there is no claim of injustice, especially when the disaster is known or specifically indicated to be a punishment for their wrongdoing. It's typically seen as an act of clear punitive justice, consistent with the nature of a moral Governor of the universe. Therefore, the objection isn't to the destruction of the Canaanite nations; (since considering their national wickedness, and being informed that this was the reason for their destruction, the severity of the punishment shouldn’t be questioned;) but solely to the method of their destruction. That is, the only real objection left is about the method; their wrongdoing justifies the outcome. To this objection, it can be argued that if the act itself is just, the method is of little significance, even to those who are suffering. Because, what difference does it make to them whether they die from an earthquake, a plague, a famine, or by an enemy’s hand? What difference does it make, even to our limited understanding of divine justice, as long as it is known that their destruction results from their wickedness? But you claim this destruction mixed the innocent with the guilty. Joshua’s sword, along with those of the Jews, spared neither women nor children. Isn’t it the same with all other national calamities? Wouldn’t an earthquake, a fire, a plague, or a famine have caused the same outcomes? Even in ordinary death, the same occurs; God takes back the life He gives, without regard, as we can see, to age, sex, or character. “But, after all, indiscriminate massacres, burning cities, and ravaging lands are terrifying to think about.” Who disagrees? So are all the judgments of Almighty God. The consequences, regardless of how they manifest, must be overwhelming when the Lord, as the Psalmist says, “moves from His place to punish the wicked.” However, it should reassure us; at least that is where we should focus our attention; that it was due to extreme, intentional, and forewarned wickedness that everything happened to them, and that this is consistently stated throughout the history that recounts it.
But, farther, if punishing them by the hands of the Israelites rather than by a pestilence, an earthquake, a fire, or any such calamity, be still an objection, we may perceive, I think, some reasons for this method of punishment in preference to any other whatever; always bearing in our mind, that the question is not concerning the justice of the punishment, but the mode of it. It is well known, that the people of those ages were affected by no proof of the power of the gods which they worshipped, so deeply as by their giving them victory in war. It was by this species of evidence that the superiority of their own gods above the gods of the nations which they conquered, was, in their opinion, evinced. This being the actual persuasion which then prevailed in the world, no matter whether well or ill founded, how were the neighbouring nations, for whose admonition this dreadful example was intended, how were they to be convinced of the supreme power of the God of Israel above the pretended gods of other nations; and of the righteous character of Jehovah, that is, of his abhorrence of the vices which prevailed in the land of Canaan? How, I say, were they to be convinced so well, or at all indeed, as by enabling the Israelites, whose God he was known and acknowledged to be, to conquer under his banner, and drive out before them, those who resisted the execution of that commission with which the Israelites declared themselves to be invested, namely, the expulsion and extermination of the Canaanitish nations? This convinced surrounding countries, and all who were observers or spectators of what passed, first, that the God of Israel was a real God; secondly, that the gods which other nations worshipped, were either no gods, or had no power against the God of Israel; and thirdly, that it was he, and he alone, who possessed both the power and the will, to punish, to destroy, and to exterminate from before his face, both nations and individuals, who gave themselves up to the crimes and wickedness for which the Canaanites were notorious. Nothing of this sort would have appeared, or with the same evidence, from an earthquake, or a plague, or any natural calamity. These might not have been attributed to divine agency at all, or not to the interposition of the God of Israel.
But if punishing them through the Israelites instead of through a plague, earthquake, fire, or any other disaster raises objections, we can see some reasons for choosing this method of punishment over any other. We should remember that the issue is not about the justice of the punishment but about the way it was carried out. It's well known that people in those times were most deeply affected by proof of the power of the gods they worshipped, especially through victories in battle. This kind of evidence demonstrated, in their view, the superiority of their gods over the gods of the nations they defeated. Given this widespread belief, regardless of whether it was justified or not, how were the neighboring nations meant to be convinced of the supreme power of the God of Israel compared to the false gods of other nations? And how could they understand the righteous nature of Jehovah, particularly his rejection of the vices prevalent in the land of Canaan? The best, or perhaps the only, way to convince them was by empowering the Israelites—whose God was recognized and acknowledged—to triumph under his banner and drive out those who opposed the mission they claimed to undertake: the expulsion and destruction of the Canaanite nations. This demonstrated to neighboring countries and all observers that, first, the God of Israel was real; second, that the gods worshipped by other nations were either false or powerless against the God of Israel; and third, that he alone had the power and will to punish, destroy, and eliminate from his sight both nations and individuals who engaged in the crimes and wickedness for which the Canaanites were well-known. None of this would have been as clear or as persuasive from natural disasters like earthquakes or plagues. Those events might not have been attributed to divine action at all, or not specifically to the intervention of the God of Israel.
Another reason which made this destruction both more necessary, and more general, than it would have otherwise been, was the consideration, that if any of the old inhabitants were left, they would prove a snare to those who succeeded them in the country; would draw and seduce them by degrees into the vices and corruptions which prevailed among themselves. Vices of all kinds, but vices most particularly of the licentious kind, are astonishingly infectious. A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump. A small number of persons addicted to them, and allowed to practise them with impunity or encouragement, will spread them through the whole mass. This reason is formally and expressly assigned, not simply for the punishment, but for the extent to which it was carried; namely, extermination: “Thou shalt utterly destroy them, that they teach you not to do after all their abominations, which they have done unto their gods.”
Another reason that made this destruction both more necessary and more widespread than it would have otherwise been is the idea that if any of the old inhabitants were left, they would pose a trap for those who came after them in the country; they would gradually lead them into the vices and corrupt behaviors that were common among themselves. Vices of all kinds, particularly the more indulgent ones, are surprisingly contagious. A little influence can affect the whole group. A small number of people engaging in such behaviors and allowed to do so without consequences or support will spread those behaviors throughout the entire community. This reason is clearly stated, not just for punishment, but explaining the extent to which it was carried out; namely, extermination: “Thou shalt utterly destroy them, that they teach you not to do after all their abominations, which they have done unto their gods.”
In reading the Old Testament account, therefore, of the Jewish wars and conquests in Canaan, and the terrible destruction brought upon the inhabitants thereof, we are always to remember that we are reading the execution of a dreadful but just sentence, pronounced by Jehovah against the intolerable and incorrigible crimes of these nations; that they were intended to be made an example to the whole world of God’s avenging wrath against sins, which, if they had been suffered to continue, might have polluted the whole ancient world, and which could only be checked by the signal and public overthrow of nations notoriously addicted to them, and so addicted as even to have incorporated them into their religion and their public institutions; and that the Israelites were mere instruments in the hands of a righteous Providence for effecting the extirpation of a people, of whom it was necessary to make a public example to the rest of mankind; that this extermination, which might have been accomplished by a pestilence, by fire, by earthquakes, was appointed to be done by the hands of the Israelites, as being the clearest and most intelligible method of displaying the power and the righteousness of the God of Israel; his power over the pretended gods of other nations; and his righteous indignation against the crimes into which they were fallen.
In reading the Old Testament account of the Jewish wars and conquests in Canaan, and the awful destruction brought upon its inhabitants, we should always remember that we are witnessing the execution of a terrible but just sentence pronounced by God against the unbearable and unrepentant sins of these nations. They were meant to serve as an example to the entire world of God's avenging wrath against sins which, if allowed to continue, might have corrupted the whole ancient world. This could only be halted by the significant and public overthrow of nations that were notoriously engaged in such sins, ones that were so ingrained they had even integrated them into their religion and public institutions. The Israelites were merely instruments in the hands of a righteous Providence to carry out the elimination of a people, of whom it was necessary to make a public example to the rest of humanity. This extermination, which could have been carried out by a plague, fire, or earthquakes, was designated to be done by the Israelites, as it was the clearest and most direct way to show the power and righteousness of the God of Israel; His power over the false gods of other nations; and His righteous anger against the sins they had embraced.
CANDACE, the name of an Ethiopian queen, whose eunuch coming to Jerusalem to worship the Lord, was baptized by Philip the deacon, near Bethsura, in the way to Gaza, as he was returning to his own country, Acts viii, 27. The Ethiopia here mentioned was the isle or peninsula of Meroë to the south of Egypt, which, as Mr. Bruce shows, is now called Atbara, up the Nile. Candace was the common name of the queens of that country. Strabo and Pliny mention queens of that name as reigning in their times. That the queen mentioned in the Acts was converted by the instrumentality of her servant, and that the country thus received Christianity at that early period, are statements not supported by any good testimony. See Abyssinian Church.
CANDACE, the name of an Ethiopian queen, had her eunuch come to Jerusalem to worship the Lord. He was baptized by Philip the deacon near Bethsura, on the way to Gaza, as he was heading back to his own country (Acts viii, 27). The Ethiopia mentioned here was the island or peninsula of Meroë, located south of Egypt, which, as Mr. Bruce indicates, is now known as Atbara, along the Nile. Candace was the common name for queens in that region. Strabo and Pliny refer to queens by that name who ruled during their time. The idea that the queen mentioned in Acts was converted through the help of her servant, and that Christianity reached her country at such an early time, lacks strong evidence. See Abyssinian Church.
CANDLESTICK. The instrument so rendered by our translators was more properly a stand for lamps. One of beaten gold was made by Moses, Exod. xxv, 31, 32, and put into the tabernacle in the holy place, over against the table of shew bread. The basis of this candlestick was also of pure gold; it had seven branches, three on each side, and one in the middle. When Solomon had built the temple, he was not satisfied with placing one golden candlestick there, but had ten put up, of the same form and metal with that described by Moses, five on the north, and five on the south side of the holy place, 1 Kings vii, 49. After the Jews returned from their captivity, the golden candlestick was again placed in the temple, as it had been before in the tabernacle by 214Moses. The lamps were kept burning perpetually; and were supplied morning and evening with pure olive oil. Josephus says, that after the Romans had destroyed the temple, the several things which were found within it, were carried in triumph to Rome, namely, the golden table, and the golden candlestick with seven branches. These were lodged in the temple built by Vespasian, and consecrated to Peace; and at the foot of Mount Palatine, there is a triumphal arch still visible, upon which Vespasian’s triumph is represented, and the several monuments which were carried publicly in the procession are engraved, and among the rest the candlestick with the seven branches, which are still discernible upon it. In Rev. i, 12, 20, mention is made of seven golden candlesticks, which are said to be emblems of the seven Christian churches.
CANDLESTICK. The term used by our translators actually referred more accurately to a lampstand. One made of beaten gold was created by Moses, as mentioned in Exod. xxv, 31, 32, and placed in the tabernacle in the holy place, opposite the table of showbread. The base of this lampstand was also made of pure gold; it had seven branches: three on each side and one in the center. When Solomon built the temple, he didn’t stop at just one golden lampstand; he had ten made, identical in design and material to the one described by Moses—five on the north side and five on the south side of the holy place, as noted in 1 Kings vii, 49. After the Jews returned from their captivity, the golden lampstand was put back in the temple, just as Moses had placed it in the tabernacle. The lamps were kept burning continuously and were refilled every morning and evening with pure olive oil. Josephus states that after the Romans destroyed the temple, various items found inside were taken in triumph to Rome, including the golden table and the golden lampstand with seven branches. These items were housed in the temple built by Vespasian, which was dedicated to Peace. At the base of Mount Palatine, there is still a triumphal arch that depicts Vespasian’s triumph, with engravings of the various items carried in the procession, including the lampstand with seven branches, which is still visible on it. In Rev. i, 12, 20, seven golden lampstands are mentioned, symbolizing the seven Christian churches.
CANKER-WORM, ילק, Psalm cv, 34; Jer. li, 27, where it is rendered caterpillar; Joel i, 4; ii, 25; Nahum iii, 15, canker-worm. As it is frequently mentioned with the locust, it is thought by some to be a species of that insect. It certainly cannot be the canker-worm, as our version renders it; for in Nahum, it is expressly said to have wings and fly, to camp in the hedges by day, and commit its depredations in the night. But it may be, as the Septuagint renders it in five passages out of eight where it occurs, the bruchus, or “hedge-chaffer.” Nevertheless, the passage, Jer. li, 27, where the ialek is described as “rough,” that is, with hair standing onon end on it, leads us very naturally to the rendering of our translators in that place, “the rough caterpillar,” which, like other caterpillars, at a proper time, casts its exterior covering and flies away in a winged state. Scheuchzer observes that we should not, perhaps, be far from the truth, if with the ancient interpreters, we understood this ialek, after all, as a kind of locust; as some species of them have hair principally on the head, and others have prickly points standing out.
CANKER-WORM, ילק, Psalm 34:34; Jeremiah 51:27, where it is referred to as caterpillar; Joel 1:4; 2:25; Nahum 3:15, canker-worm. Because it is often mentioned alongside locusts, some believe it to be a type of that insect. However, it cannot be the canker-worm, as our translation suggests; in Nahum, it clearly describes it as having wings and flying, camping in hedges during the day, and causing destruction at night. It might actually be what the Septuagint translates as bruchus, or “hedge-chaffer,” in five out of eight instances. Still, in Jeremiah 51:27, where ialek is depicted as “rough,” meaning with hair standing onon the end, we can quite naturally understand the translators' interpretation there as “the rough caterpillar,” which, like others, sheds its outer covering at the right time and emerges as a winged creature. Scheuchzer notes that we may not be too far from the truth if we, like the ancient interpreters, see this ialek as a type of locust; some species have hair mostly on their heads, while others have prickly points.
CANON, a word used to denote the authorized catalogue of the sacred writings. The word is originally Greek, κανὼν, and signifies a rule or standard, by which other things are to be examined and judged. Accordingly the same word has been applied to the tongue of a balance, or that small part which, by its perpendicular position, determines the even poise or weight, or, by its inclination either way, the uneven poise of the things which are weighed. Hence it appears, that as the writings of the Prophets, Apostles, and Evangelists contain an authentic account of the revealed will of God, they are the rule of the belief and practice of those who receive them. Canon is also equivalent to a list or catalogue, in which are inserted those books which contain the rule of faith.
CANON, a term used to refer to the official list of sacred writings. The word comes from the Greek, κανὼν, meaning a rule or standard for examining and judging other things. Similarly, this term is applied to the arm of a scale, or that small part which, when positioned vertically, ensures balance or weight, and when tilted, indicates an imbalance of the items being weighed. Therefore, as the writings of the Prophets, Apostles, and Evangelists provide an authentic account of God's revealed will, they serve as the foundation for the beliefs and practices of those who accept them. Canon also refers to a list or catalogue that includes the books that contain this foundation of faith.
For an account of the settling of the canon of Scripture, see Bible. The following observations of Dr. Alexander, in his work on the canon, proving that no canonical book of the Old or New Testament has been lost, may here be properly introduced.--No canonical book of the Old Testament has been lost. On this subject, there has existed some diversity of opinion. Chrysostom is cited by Bellarmine as saying, “that many of the writings of the prophets had perished, which may readily be proved from the history in Chronicles. For the Jews were negligent, and not only negligent, but impious; so that some books were lost through carelessness, and others were burned, or otherwise destroyed.” In confirmation of this opinion, an appeal is made to 1 Kings iv, 32, 33, where it is said of Solomon, “that he spake three thousand proverbs, and his songs were a thousand and five. And he spake of trees, from the cedar in Lebanon even unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall: he spake also of beasts, and of fowl, and of creeping things, and of fishes.” All these productions, it is acknowledged, have perished. Again it is said in 1 Chron. xxix, 29, 30: “Now, the acts of David the king, first and last, behold they are written in the book of Samuel the seer, and in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the book of Gad the seer; with all his reign, and his might, and the times that went over him, and over Israel, and over all the kingdoms of the countries.” The book of Jasher, also, is twice mentioned in Scripture. In Joshua x, 13: “And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed, until the people had avenged themselves on their enemies. Is not this written in the book of Jasher?” And in 2 Sam. i, 18: “And he bade them teach the children of Israel the use of the bow: behold, it is written in the book of Jasher.”
For a discussion on the settling of the canon of Scripture, see Bible. The following points from Dr. Alexander’s work on the canon, which demonstrate that no canonical book of the Old or New Testament has been lost, are relevant here. No canonical book of the Old Testament has been lost. There has been some disagreement on this topic. Chrysostom is quoted by Bellarmine as saying that “many of the writings of the prophets had perished,” which can easily be supported by the history in Chronicles. He claimed that the Jews were not just careless, but also disrespectful, leading to some books being lost due to negligence, and others being burned or destroyed in various ways. To support this viewpoint, 1 Kings 4:32-33 is referenced, which states about Solomon that “he spoke three thousand proverbs, and his songs were a thousand and five. He spoke of trees, from the cedar of Lebanon to the hyssop that grows out of the wall; he also spoke of animals, birds, creeping things, and fish.” It is acknowledged that all these works have disappeared. Moreover, it is stated in 1 Chronicles 29:29-30: “Now the acts of King David, from beginning to end, are written in the book of Samuel the seer, in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the book of Gad the seer; along with all his reign, his power, and the events that happened to him, to Israel, and to all the kingdoms of the lands.” The book of Jasher is also mentioned twice in the Scriptures. In Joshua 10:13: “And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed, until the people had avenged themselves on their enemies. Is not this written in the book of Jasher?” And in 2 Samuel 1:18: “And he instructed them to teach the children of Israel how to use the bow: behold, it is written in the book of Jasher.”
The book of the wars of the Lord is referred to in Numbers xxi, 14. But we have in the canon no books under the name of Nathan and Gad, nor any book of Jasher, nor of the wars of the Lord. Moreover, we frequently are referred, in the sacred history, to other chronicles or annals, for a fuller account of the matters spoken of, which chronicles are not now extant. And in 2 Chron. ix, 29, it is said, “Now, the rest of the acts of Solomon, first and last, are they not written in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions of Iddo the seer, against Jeroboam, the son of Nebat?” Now, it is well known that none of these writings of the prophets are in the canon; at least, none of them under their names. It is said, also, in 2 Chron. xii, 15, “Now, the acts of Rehoboam, first and last, are they not written in the book of Shemaiah the prophet, and of Iddo the seer, concerning genealogies?” Of which works nothing remains under the names of these prophets.
The book of the wars of the Lord is mentioned in Numbers 21:14. However, we don’t have any books in the canon attributed to Nathan and Gad, nor any book of Jasher, or the wars of the Lord. Additionally, we often refer to other chronicles or records in the sacred history for a more detailed account of the topics discussed, but those chronicles are no longer available. In 2 Chronicles 9:29, it says, “Now, the rest of the acts of Solomon, both the first and the last, are they not written in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions of Iddo the seer, against Jeroboam, the son of Nebat?” It is well known that none of these prophetic writings are in the canon; at least, none are attributed to those names. It also states in 2 Chronicles 12:15, “Now, the acts of Rehoboam, both the first and the last, are they not written in the book of Shemaiah the prophet, and of Iddo the seer, concerning genealogies?” We have nothing left of those works under the names of these prophets.
1. The first observation which may be made on this subject is, that every book referred to or quoted in the sacred writings is not necessarily an inspired or canonical book. Because St. Paul cites passages from the Greek poets, it does not follow that we must receive their poems as inspired.
1. The first observation to make on this subject is that not every book mentioned or quoted in the sacred writings is necessarily inspired or canonical. Just because St. Paul cites passages from Greek poets doesn’t mean we have to accept their poems as inspired.
2. A book may be written by an inspired man, and yet be neither inspired nor canonical. Inspiration was not constantly afforded to the prophets; but was occasional, and for particular important purposes. In common matters, 215and especially in things no way connected with religion, it is reasonable to suppose that the Prophets and Apostles were left to the same guidance of reason and common sense as other men. A man, therefore, inspired to deliver some prophecy, or even to write a canonical book, might write other books with no greater assistance than other good men receive. Because Solomon was inspired to write some canonical books, it does not follow that what he wrote on natural history was also inspired, any more than Solomon’s private letters to his friends, if ever he wrote any. Let it be remembered that the Prophets and Apostles were only inspired on special occasions, and on particular subjects, and all difficulties respecting such works as these will vanish. How many of the books referred to in the Bible, and mentioned above, may have been of this description, it is now impossible to tell; but probably several of them belong to this class. No doubt there were many books of annals much more minute and particular in the narration of facts than those which we have. It was often enough merely to refer to these state papers, or public documents, as being sufficiently correct, in regard to the facts on account of which the reference was made. The book of the wars of the Lord might, for aught that appears, have been merely a muster roll of the army. The word translated book has so extensive a meaning in Hebrew, that it is not even necessary to suppose that it was a writing at all. The book of Jasher (or of Rectitude, if we translate the word) might have been some useful compend taken from Scripture, or composed by the wise, for the regulation of justice and equity between man and man. Augustine, in his “City of God,” has distinguished accurately on this subject. “I think,” says he, “that those books which should have authority in religion were revealed by the Holy Spirit, and that men composed others by historical diligence, as the prophets did these by inspiration. And these two classes of books are so distinct, that it is only by those written by inspiration that we are to suppose that God, through them, is speaking unto us. The one class is useful for fulness of knowledge; the other, for authority in religion; in which authority the canon is preserved.”
2. A book can be written by an inspired person, yet it might not be inspired or part of the canon. Inspiration wasn't consistently given to the prophets; it was occasional and meant for specific important purposes. In regular matters, especially those unrelated to religion, it's reasonable to believe that the Prophets and Apostles relied on the same reasoning and common sense as everyone else. Thus, a person inspired to share a prophecy or even to write a canonical book might have written other works with no more help than what other good people get. Just because Solomon was inspired to write some canonical books doesn't mean that what he wrote about natural history was inspired, just as Solomon's personal letters to friends, if he ever wrote any, wouldn’t be. It's important to remember that the Prophets and Apostles were only inspired on certain occasions and for specific subjects, and all questions regarding these types of works will resolve themselves. We can't know how many of the books mentioned in the Bible fit this description, but likely several do. There were probably many annals that were much more detailed in recounting events than those we currently have. Often, it was enough to reference these state papers or public documents as being accurate regarding the facts for which they were cited. The book of the wars of the Lord might have simply been a list of the army. The word translated as book has such a wide meaning in Hebrew that it isn’t even necessary to think of it as a written document. The book of Jasher (or of Rectitude, if we translate the word) could have been an informative summary drawn from Scripture or created by wise individuals to regulate justice and fairness among people. Augustine, in his “City of God,” accurately distinguishes on this topic. “I think,” he says, “that those books which should hold authority in religion were revealed by the Holy Spirit, while others were authored by diligent historical research, like the prophets did through inspiration. These two categories of books are so distinct that we should only consider those written through inspiration as God speaking to us. One category is useful for comprehensive knowledge; the other provides authority in religion, which is preserved in the canon.”
3. But again: it may be maintained, without any prejudice to the completeness of the canon, that there may have been inspired writings which were not intended for the instruction of the church in all ages, but composed by the prophets for some special occasion. These writings, though inspired, were not canonical. They were temporary in their design; and when that was accomplished, they were no longer needed. We know that the prophets delivered, by inspiration, many discourses to the people, of which we have not a trace on record. Many true prophets are mentioned, who wrote nothing that we know of; and several are mentioned, whose names are not even given. The same is true of the Apostles. Very few of them had any concern in writing the canonical Scriptures, and yet they all possessed plenary inspiration. And if they wrote letters on special occasions, to the churches planted by them; yet these were not designed for the perpetual instruction of the universal church. Therefore, Shemaiah, and Iddo, and Nathan, and Gad, might have written some things by inspiration which were never intended to form a part of the sacred volume. It is not asserted that there certainly existed such temporary inspired writings: all that is necessary to be maintained is, that, supposing such to have existed, which is not improbable, it does not follow that the canon is incomplete by reason of their loss.
3. But again, it could be argued, without affecting the completeness of the canon, that there may have been inspired writings that were not meant for the church's instruction throughout all ages, but were written by the prophets for specific occasions. These writings, while inspired, were not considered canonical. They were intended for a limited purpose, and once that purpose was fulfilled, they were no longer needed. We know that the prophets delivered many messages by inspiration to the people, of which there is no record. Many true prophets are mentioned who didn’t write anything we know of, and several are mentioned without even naming them. The same applies to the Apostles. Very few of them were involved in writing the canonical Scriptures, yet they all had full inspiration. And even if they wrote letters for specific occasions to the churches they established, those letters weren’t meant for the ongoing instruction of the universal church. Therefore, Shemaiah, Iddo, Nathan, and Gad may have written some inspired works that were never intended to be part of the sacred text. It is not claimed that such temporary inspired writings definitely existed; all that needs to be argued is that, assuming such writings did exist, which is not unlikely, it doesn’t mean the canon is incomplete because they are lost.
4. The last remark in relation to the books of the Old Testament supposed to be lost is, that it is highly probable that we have several of them now in the canon, under another name. The books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, were, probably, not written by one, but by a succession of prophets. There is reason to believe that, until the canon of sacred Scripture was closed, the succession of prophets was never interrupted. Whatever was necessary to be added, by way of explanation, to any book already received into the canon, they were competent to annex; or, whatever annals or histories it was the purpose of God to have transmitted to posterity, they would be directed and inspired to prepare. Thus, different parts of these books might have been penned by Gad, Nathan, Iddo, Shemaiah, &c. That some parts of these histories were prepared by prophets, we have clear proof in one instance; for Isaiah has inserted in his prophecy several chapters which are contained in 2 Kings, and which, I think, there can be no doubt were originally written by himself. The Jewish doctors are of opinion that the book of Jasher is one of the books of the Pentateuch, or the whole law. The book of the wars of the Lord has by many been supposed to be no other than the book of Numbers.
4. The final comment regarding the books of the Old Testament that are believed to be lost is that it’s likely we have several of them now in the canon under different names. The books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles were probably not written by a single author but by a succession of prophets. There’s reason to believe that until the canon of sacred Scripture was finalized, the line of prophets was never broken. They were capable of adding any necessary explanations to books already included in the canon, or whatever records or histories God intended to preserve for future generations would have been directed and inspired for them to write. Therefore, different parts of these books could have been written by Gad, Nathan, Iddo, Shemaiah, etc. There’s clear proof that some sections of these histories were authored by prophets; for example, Isaiah included several chapters in his prophecy that are found in 2 Kings, which I believe were originally written by him. Jewish scholars think that the book of Jasher is one of the books in the Pentateuch, or the entire law. Many people have thought that the book of the wars of the Lord is actually the book of Numbers.
Thus, it sufficiently appears from an examination of particulars, that there exists no evidence that any canonical book of the Old Testament has been lost. To which we may add, that there are many general considerations of great weight which go to prove that no part of the Scriptures of the Old Testament has been lost. The translation of these books into Greek is sufficient to show that the same books existed nearly two hundred years before the advent of Christ. And, above all, the unqualified testimony to the Scriptures of the Old Testament, by Christ and his Apostles, ought to satisfy us that we have lost none of the inspired books of the canon. The Scriptures are constantly referred to, and quoted as infallible authority by them, as we have before shown. These oracles were committed to the Jews as a sacred deposit, and they are never charged with unfaithfulness in this trust. The Scriptures are declared to have been written “for our learning;” and no intimation is given that they had ever been mutilated, or in any degree corrupted.
Therefore, it clearly appears from looking at the details that there’s no evidence that any canonical book of the Old Testament has been lost. We can also say there are many important reasons that support the idea that no part of the Old Testament scriptures has been lost. The translation of these books into Greek shows that the same texts existed nearly two hundred years before Christ came. Most importantly, the strong testimony of Christ and his Apostles regarding the Old Testament scriptures should reassure us that we haven't lost any of the inspired books of the canon. They frequently refer to and quote these scriptures as an infallible authority, as we've mentioned before. These sacred writings were entrusted to the Jews, and there is never any accusation of unfaithfulness to this responsibility. The scriptures are said to have been written “for our learning,” and there’s no indication that they were ever altered or corrupted in any way.
As to the New Testament, the same author proceeds: With respect to the New Testament, 216I am ready to concede, as was before done, that there may have been books written by inspired men that have been lost; for inspiration was occasional, not constant; and confined to matters of faith, and not afforded on the affairs of this life, or in matters of mere science. And if such writings have been lost, the canon of Scripture has suffered no more by this means, than by the loss of any other uninspired books. But again: I am willing to go farther, and say that it is possible (although I know no evidence of the fact) that some things, written under the influence of inspiration, for a particular occasion, and to rectify some disorder in a particular church, may have been lost, without injury to the canon. For, since much that the Apostles preached by inspiration is undoubtedly lost, so there is no reason why every word which they wrote must necessarily be preserved, and form a part of the canonical volume. For example: suppose that when St. Paul said, “I wrote to you in an epistle not to company with fornicators,” 1 Cor. v, 9, he referred to an epistle which he had written to the Corinthians, before the one now called the First; it might never have been intended that this letter should form a constituent part of the canon; for although it treated of subjects connected with Christian faith or practice, yet, an occasion having arisen, in a short time, of treating these subjects more at large, every thing in that epistle (supposing it ever to have been written) may have been included in the two Epistles to the Corinthians which are now in the canon.
As for the New Testament, the same author continues: Regarding the New Testament, 216 I am willing to acknowledge, as mentioned earlier, that there may have been books written by inspired individuals that are now lost; because inspiration was not a continuous process, but rather occasional, and limited to matters of faith, not necessarily applied to everyday life or purely scientific issues. If such writings are indeed lost, the canon of Scripture hasn’t been affected any more by this than by the loss of any other non-inspired books. Furthermore, I am prepared to say that it is possible (although I have no evidence to confirm this) that some writings produced under inspiration, meant for a specific occasion and to address certain issues in a particular church, may have been lost without harming the canon. Given that much of what the Apostles preached under inspiration is undoubtedly lost, there’s no reason to believe that every word they wrote needs to be preserved and included in the canonical text. For instance, when St. Paul said, “I wrote to you in an epistle not to company with fornicators,” 1 Cor. v, 9, he might have been referring to a letter he wrote to the Corinthians before the one currently known as the First; this letter might never have been intended to be part of the canon; even though it addressed issues related to Christian faith or practice, once the occasion arose to discuss these topics more comprehensively soon after, everything in that letter (if it was ever written) could have been incorporated into the two Epistles to the Corinthians that are now part of the canon.
1. The first argument to prove that no canonical book has been lost, is derived from the watchful care of providence over the sacred Scriptures. Now, to suppose that a book written by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and intended to form a part of the canon, which is the rule of faith to the church, should be utterly and irrecoverably lost, is surely not very honourable to the wisdom of God, and in no way consonant with the ordinary method of his dispensations, in regard to his precious truth. There is good reason to think that, if God saw it needful, and for the edification of the church, that such books should be written under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, by his providence he would have taken care to preserve them from destruction. We do know that this treasure of divine truth has been, in all ages, and in the worst times, the special care of God, or not one of the sacred books would now be in existence. And if one canonical book might be lost through the negligence or unfaithfulness of men, why not all? And thus the end of God, in making a revelation of his will, might have been defeated. But whatever other corruptions have crept into the Jewish or Christian churches, it does not appear that either of them, as a body, ever incurred the censure of having been careless in preserving the oracles of God. Our Saviour never charges the Jews, who perverted the sacred Scriptures to their own ruin, with having lost any portion of the sacred deposit intrusted to them. History informs us of the fierce and malignant design of Antiochus Epiphanes, to abolish every vestige of the sacred volume; but the same history assures us that the Jewish people manifested a heroic fortitude and invincible patience in resisting and defeating his impious purpose. They chose rather to sacrifice their lives, and suffer a cruel death, than to deliver up the copies of the sacred volume in their possession. And the same spirit was manifested, and with the same result, in the Dioclesian persecution of the Christians. Every effort was made to obliterate the sacred writings of Christians; and multitudes suffered death for refusing to deliver up the New Testament. Some, indeed, overcome by the terrors of a cruel persecution, did, in the hour of temptation, consent to surrender the holy book; but they were ever afterward called traitors; and it was with the utmost difficulty that any of them could be received again into the communion of the church, after a long repentance, and the most humbling confessions of their fault. Now, if any canonical book was ever lost, it must have been in these early times, when the word of God was valued far above life, and when every Christian stood ready to seal the truth with his blood.
1. The first argument to show that no canonical book has been lost is based on the careful protection of God over the sacred Scriptures. To think that a book inspired by the Holy Spirit, meant to be part of the canon which serves as the rule of faith for the church, could be completely and irretrievably lost, does not reflect well on God’s wisdom and does not align with His usual way of managing His precious truth. There’s good reason to believe that if God deemed it necessary for the church’s growth to inspire the writing of such books, He would have ensured their protection from destruction. Throughout all ages and in the toughest times, this treasure of divine truth has been under God’s special care; otherwise, none of the sacred books would exist today. If even one canonical book could be lost due to human negligence or unfaithfulness, why not all of them? This could have thwarted God’s purpose in revealing His will. However, despite the various corruptions that have entered both the Jewish and Christian churches, neither group, as a whole, has ever been accused of being careless in safeguarding the oracles of God. Our Savior never criticized the Jews, who twisted the sacred Scriptures to their own downfall, for losing any part of the sacred trust given to them. History tells us about the fierce and malicious plan of Antiochus Epiphanes to erase all traces of the sacred texts; yet, it also tells us that the Jewish people showed remarkable courage and unwavering patience in opposing his wicked initiative. They preferred to sacrifice their lives and endure brutal deaths rather than hand over the copies of the sacred texts they possessed. The same spirit was evident during the Diocletian persecution of Christians, where every attempt was made to destroy Christian writings, and many faced death for refusing to surrender the New Testament. Some, however, succumbing to the pressures of harsh persecution, did give in during their moment of temptation and surrendered the holy text, but they were labeled traitors and found it exceedingly difficult to be readmitted into the church’s community after long periods of repentance and sincere confessions of their wrongdoing. If any canonical book was ever lost, it would have happened in those early days when the Word of God was valued above life itself, and every Christian was ready to testify to the truth with their own blood.
2. Another argument which appears to me to be convincing is, that in a little time, all the sacred books were dispersed over the whole world. If a book had, by some accident or violence, been destroyed in one region, the loss could soon have been repaired, by sending for copies to other countries. The considerations just mentioned would, I presume, be satisfactory to all candid minds, were it not that it is supposed that there is evidence that some things were written by the Apostles which are not now in the canon. We have already referred to an epistle to the Corinthians, which St. Paul is supposed to have written to them, previously to the writing of those which we now possess. But it is by no means certain, or even probable, that St. Paul ever did write such an epistle; for not one ancient writer makes the least mention of any such letter, nor is there any where to be found any citation from it, or any reference to it. It is a matter of testimony, in which all the fathers concur, as with one voice, that St. Paul wrote no more than fourteen epistles, all of which we now have. But still, St. Paul’s own declaration stands in the way of our opinion: “I wrote to you in an epistle,” 1 Cor. v, 9, 11. The words in the original are, Ἔγραψα ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ ἐπιϛολῇ; the literal version of which is, “I have written to you in the epistle,” or “in this epistle;” that is, in the former part of it; where, in fact, we find the very thing which he says that he had written. See 1 Cor. v, 2, 5, 6. But it is thought by learned and judicious commentators, that the words following, Νυνὶ δὲ ἔγραψα ὑμῖν, “But now I have written unto you,” require that we should understand the former clause, as relating to some former time; but a careful attention to the context will convince us that this reference is by no means necessary. The Apostle had told them in the beginning of the chapter, to avoid the company of fornicators, &c; but it is manifest, 217from the tenth verse, that he apprehended that his meaning might be misunderstood, by extending the prohibition too far, so as to decline all intercourse with the world; therefore, he repeats what he had said, and informs them that it had relation only to the professors of Christianity, who should be guilty of such vices. The whole may be thus paraphrased: “I wrote to you above in my letter, that you should separate from those who were fornicators, and that you should purge them out as old leaven; but, fearing lest you should misapprehend my meaning, by inferring that I have directed you to avoid all intercourse with the Heathen around you, who are addicted to these shameful vices, which would make it necessary that you should go out of the world, I now inform you that my meaning is, that you do not associate familiarly with any who make a profession of Christianity, and yet continue in these evil practices.” In confirmation of this interpretation, we can adduce the old Syriac version, which, having been made soon after the days of the Apostles, is good testimony in relation to this matter of fact. In this venerable version, the meaning of the eleventh verse is thus given: “This is what I have written unto you,” or, “the meaning of what I have written unto you.”
2. Another convincing argument is that, over time, all the sacred texts spread throughout the world. If a book were accidentally or violently destroyed in one area, copies could quickly be sent for from other countries to replace it. I believe the points I've mentioned would satisfy reasonable minds, if not for the suggestion that there’s evidence some writings attributed to the Apostles are missing from the canon. We've already mentioned a letter to the Corinthians that St. Paul is thought to have written before the letters we currently have. However, it’s not certain, or even likely, that St. Paul ever wrote such a letter; not one ancient writer mentions it, nor is there any citation or reference to it. All the church fathers agree, as one voice, that St. Paul wrote no more than fourteen letters, all of which we possess today. Still, St. Paul's own statement complicates our view: “I wrote to you in an epistle,” 1 Cor. v, 9. The original Greek reads, Ἔγραψα ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ ἐπιϛολῇ; which translates literally to “I have written to you in the epistle,” or “in this epistle;” meaning in the earlier part of it, where we find exactly what he claimed to have written. See 1 Cor. v, 2, 5, 6. Scholars and thoughtful commentators believe the following words, Νυνὶ δὲ ἔγραψα ὑμῖν, “But now I have written unto you,” imply that we should interpret the earlier clause as referring to a past time; but a careful look at the context shows that this connection isn’t necessary. The Apostle began the chapter by telling them to avoid the company of fornicators, etc.; however, it’s clear from verse ten that he worried his meaning might be misunderstood, potentially leading them to cut off all contact with the world. So, he reiterates his point, specifying that it only applied to those who call themselves Christians but are guilty of such vices. The message can be paraphrased as follows: “I mentioned in my previous letter that you should distance yourselves from fornicators and expel them like old leaven; but, fearing you might misinterpret my words and think I meant you should avoid all contact with the surrounding non-Christians who engage in these shameful acts—meaning you’d have to leave the world entirely—I clarify that I meant you shouldn't associate closely with anyone who professes Christianity yet continues in these sinful behaviors.” To support this interpretation, we can refer to the old Syriac version, which, being created soon after the Apostles' time, offers strong evidence for this fact. In this ancient translation, the meaning of verse eleven is expressed as: “This is what I have written to you,” or “the meaning of what I have written to you.”
The only other passage in the New Testament which has been thought to refer to an epistle of St. Paul not now extant, is that in Colossians iv, 16: “And when this epistle is read among you, cause also that it be read in the church of the Laodiceans, and that ye likewise read the epistle from Laodicea.” But what evidence is there that St. Paul ever wrote an epistle to the Laodiceans? The text on which this opinion has been founded, in ancient and modern times, correctly interpreted, has no such import. The words in the original are, καὶ τὴν ἐκ Λαοδικείας ἵνα καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀναγνῶτε, “and that ye likewise read the epistle from Laodicea,” Col. iv, 16. These words have been differently taken; for, by them some understand that an epistle had been written by St. Paul to the Laodiceans, which he desired might be read in the church at Colosse. Chrysostom seems to have understood them thus; and the Romish writers almost universally have adopted this opinion. “Therefore,” says Bellarmine, “it is certain that St. Paul’s epistle to the Laodiceans is now lost.” And their opinion is favoured by the Latin Vulgate, where we read, eamque Laodicensium, “that which is of the Laodiceans;” but even these words admit of another construction. Many learned Protestants, also, have embraced the same interpretation; while others suppose that St. Paul here refers to the epistle to the Ephesians, which they think he sent to the Laodiceans, and that the present inscription is spurious. But that neither of these opinions is correct, may be rendered very probable. That St. Paul could not intend, by the language used in the passage under consideration, an epistle written by himself, will appear by the following arguments: (1.) St. Paul could not, with any propriety of speech, have called an epistle written by himself, and sent to the Laodiceans, an epistle from Laodicea. He certainly would have said, ϖρὸς Λαοδικείαν, [to Laodicea,] or some such thing. Who ever heard of an epistle addressed to any individual, or to any society, denominated an epistle from them? (2.) If the epistle referred to in this passage had been one written by St. Paul, it would have been most natural for him to call it his epistle; and this would have rendered his meaning incapable of misconstruction. (3.) All those best qualified to judge of the fact, and who were well acquainted with St. Paul’s history and writings, never mention any such epistle: neither Clement, Hermas, nor the Syriac interpreter, knew any thing of such an epistle of St. Paul. But it may be asked, To what epistle, then, does St. Paul refer? It seems safest in such a case, where testimony is deficient, to follow the literal sense of the words, and to believe that it was an epistle written by the Laodiceans, probably to himself, which he had sent to the Colossians, together with his own epistle, for their perusal.perusal.
The only other passage in the New Testament that has been thought to refer to a letter from St. Paul that no longer exists is in Colossians 4:16: “And when this letter is read among you, make sure it is also read in the church of the Laodiceans, and that you also read the letter from Laodicea.” But what proof is there that St. Paul ever wrote a letter to the Laodiceans? The text that supports this view, both in ancient and modern times, when interpreted correctly, doesn’t imply that. The words in the original are, καὶ τὴν ἐκ Λαοδικείας ἵνα καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀναγνῶτε, “and that you also read the letter from Laodicea,” Col. 4:16. These words have been interpreted in different ways; some believe it indicates that St. Paul wrote a letter to the Laodiceans which he wanted read in the church in Colosse. Chrysostom seems to have understood it this way, and almost all Roman writers have taken this view. “Therefore,” says Bellarmine, “it is certain that St. Paul’s letter to the Laodiceans is now lost.” Their view is supported by the Latin Vulgate, where we read, Laodicean team, “that which is of the Laodiceans;” but even these words can be interpreted differently. Many learned Protestants have accepted this interpretation as well, while others believe St. Paul is referring to the letter to the Ephesians, which they think he sent to the Laodiceans, and that the current title is not authentic. However, it seems very likely that neither of these interpretations is correct. To show that St. Paul could not have meant, by the language used in this passage, a letter he wrote himself, consider the following arguments: (1.) St. Paul would not have properly referred to a letter he wrote and sent to the Laodiceans as a letter from Laodicea. He certainly would have said, ϖρὸς Λαοδικείαν, [to Laodicea,] or something similar. Who has ever heard of a letter addressed to someone or any group being called a letter from them? (2.) If the letter mentioned in this passage had been one written by St. Paul, it would have been most natural for him to call it his letter; this would have made his meaning clear. (3.) Those who are best qualified to judge the situation, and who were familiar with St. Paul’s history and writings, never mention any such letter: neither Clement, Hermas, nor the Syriac translator knew of any letter from St. Paul. But one might ask, To which letter is St. Paul referring then? It seems safest, in such a situation where testimony is lacking, to take the literal meaning of the words and believe it was a letter written by the Laodiceans, probably to him, which he had sent to the Colossians along with his own letter for their perusal.perusal.
CANTICLES, the book of, in Hebrew, שיר השירים, the song of songs. The church, as well as the synagogue, received this book generally as canonical. The royal author appears, in the typical spirit of his times, to have designed to render a ceremonial appointment descriptive of a spiritual relation; and this song is accordingly considered, by judicious writers, to be a mystical allegory of that sort which induces a more sublime sense on historical truths, and which, by the description of human events, shadows out divine circumstances. The sacred writers were, by God’s condescension, authorized to illustrate his strict and intimate relation to the church by the figure of a marriage; and the emblem must have been strikingly becoming and expressive to the conceptions of the Jews, since they annexed ideas of peculiar mystery to this appointment, and imagined the marriage union to be a counterpart representation of some original pattern in heaven. Hence it was performed among them with very peculiar ceremonies and solemnity, with every thing that could give dignity and importance to its rites. Solomon, therefore, in celebrating the circumstances of his marriage, was naturally led, by a train of correspondent reflections, to consider that spiritual connection which it was often employed to symbolize; and the idea must have been the more forcibly suggested to him, as he was at this period preparing to build a temple to God, and thereby to furnish a visible representation of the Hebrew church. The spiritual allegory thus worked up by Solomon to its highest perfection, was very consistent with the prophetic style, which was accustomed to predict evangelical blessings by such parabolical figures; and Solomon was more immediately furnished with a pattern for this representation by the author of the forty-fifth Psalm, who describes, in a compendious allegory, the same future connection between Christ and his church.
CANTICLES, the book of, in Hebrew, Song of Songs, the song of songs. Both the church and the synagogue have generally accepted this book as canonical. The royal author seems, in keeping with his times, to have aimed to turn a ceremonial appointment into a depiction of a spiritual relationship; thus, this song is viewed by thoughtful writers as a mystical allegory that evokes a deeper understanding of historical truths and, through the depiction of human events, alludes to divine realities. The sacred writers were, through God's grace, given the authority to illustrate His close and personal relationship with the church using the metaphor of marriage. This symbol was particularly meaningful and expressive to the Jews, who attached unique mysteries to it and believed that the marriage union mirrored some original example in heaven. As a result, these ceremonies were conducted with distinctive rituals and solemnity, emphasizing their importance. Solomon, in celebrating his marriage, was naturally inspired to reflect on the spiritual connection that was often symbolized by it; this idea would have been especially relevant to him as he was preparing to build a temple for God, providing a visible representation of the Hebrew church. The spiritual allegory that Solomon crafted to its fullest extent aligned well with the prophetic style, which often used parabolic images to predict evangelical blessings. Additionally, Solomon had a direct model for this representation in the author of the forty-fifth Psalm, who succinctly describes the same future relationship between Christ and His church through allegory.
2. But though the work be certainly an allegorical representation, many learned men, in an unrestrained eagerness to explain the song, 218even in its minutest and most obscure particulars, have too far indulged their imaginations; and, by endeavouring too nicely to reconcile the literal with the spiritual sense, have been led beyond the boundaries which a reverence for the sacred Scriptures should ever prescribe. The ideas which the sacred writers furnish concerning the mystical relation between Christ and his church, though well accommodated to our apprehensions by the allusion of a marriage union, are too general to illustrate every particular contained in this poem, which may be supposed to have been intentionally decorated with some ornaments appropriate to the literal construction. When the general analogy is obvious, we are not always to expect minute resemblance, and should not be too curious in seeking for obscure and recondite allusions. Solomon, in the glow of an inspired fancy, and unsuspicious of misconception or deliberate perversion, describes God and his church, with their respective attributes and graces, under colourings familiar and agreeable to mankind, and exhibits their ardent affection under the authorized figures of earthly love. No similitude, indeed, could be chosen so elegant and apposite for the illustration of this intimate and spiritual alliance, as a marriage union, if considered in the chaste simplicity of its first institution, or under the interesting circumstances with which it was established among the Jews.
2. While the work is definitely an allegorical representation, many scholars, in their eagerness to explain the song, even in its smallest and most obscure details, have let their imaginations run too wild. In trying too hard to reconcile the literal with the spiritual meaning, they may wander beyond the limits that respect for sacred Scriptures should set. The ideas presented by the sacred writers about the mystical relationship between Christ and his church, even though they fit well with our understanding through a marriage metaphor, are too broad to clarify every specific detail found in this poem, which seems to have purposely included some elements that suit the literal interpretation. When the general analogy is clear, we shouldn't always expect exact parallels and shouldn't be overly curious in searching for unclear and hidden references. Solomon, inspired and unaware of any potential misunderstanding or intentional misrepresentation, portrays God and His church along with their qualities and virtues using imagery that is relatable and appealing to people. He shows their deep love using the established symbols of earthly love. No comparison could be more elegant and fitting to illustrate this close and spiritual bond than a marriage union, viewed in the pure simplicity of its original purpose or under the significant context in which it was formed among the Jews.
3. This poem may be considered, as to its form, as a dramatic poem of the pastoral kind. There is a succession of time, and a change of place, to different parts of the palace and royal gardens. The persons introduced as speakers, are the bridegroom and bride, and their respective attendants. The interchange of dialogue is carried on in a wild and digressive manner; but the speeches are adapted to the persons with appropriate elegance. The companions of the bride compose a kind of chorus, which seems to bear some resemblance to that afterward adopted in the Grecian tragedy. Solomon and his queen assume the pastoral simplicity of style, which is favourable to the communication of their sentiments. The poem abounds throughout with beauties, and presents every where a delightful and romantic display of nature, painted at its most interesting season, and described with every ornament that an inventive fancy could furnish. It is justly entitled Song of Songs, or most excellent song, as being superior to any that an uninspired writer could have produced, and tending, if properly understood, to purify the mind, and to elevate the affections from earthly to heavenly things.
3. This poem can be seen, in terms of its form, as a dramatic pastoral poem. It shows a sequence of time and movement to different areas of the palace and royal gardens. The characters speaking are the bridegroom and bride, along with their attendants. The dialogue flows in a wild and wandering way, but the speeches are suited to the characters with fitting elegance. The bride’s companions act like a chorus, reminiscent of what would later be used in Greek tragedy. Solomon and his queen adopt a simple, pastoral style that helps convey their feelings. The poem is filled with beauty and offers a charming and romantic portrayal of nature, described at its most captivating season, adorned with every imaginative detail. It rightfully earns the title Song of Songs, or most excellent song, as it surpasses anything an uninspired writer could create, and, if properly understood, has the power to purify the mind and elevate our hearts from earthly matters to divine ones.
CAPERNAUM, a city celebrated in the Gospels, being the place where Jesus usually resided during the time of his ministry. It stood on the sea coast, that is, on the coast of the sea of Galilee, in the borders of Zebulun and Naphtalim, Matt. iv, 15, and consequently toward the upper part of it. As it was a convenient port from Galilee to any place on the other side of the sea, this might be our Lord’s inducement to make it the place of his most constant residence. Upon this account Capernaum was highly honoured; and though “exalted unto heaven,” as its inhabitants boasted, because it made no proper use of this signal favour it drew from him the severe denunciation, that it should “be brought down to hell,” Matt. xi, 23. This sentence of destruction has been fully realized; the ancient city is reduced to a state of utter desolation. Burckhardt supposes the ruins called Tal Houm, near the rivulet called El Eshe, to be those of Capernaum. Mr. Buckingham, who gives this place the name of Talhhewn, describes considerable and extensive ruins; the only remains of those edifices which exalted Capernaum above its fellows.
Capernaum, a city mentioned in the Gospels, was where Jesus often lived during his ministry. It was located along the coast of the Sea of Galilee, within the borders of Zebulun and Naphtali, as noted in Matt. iv, 15, specifically in the upper region. Being a convenient port for traveling from Galilee to the opposite side of the sea likely motivated Jesus to make it his main residence. Because of this, Capernaum was held in high regard; however, despite the residents' claims of being “exalted unto heaven,” they failed to properly appreciate this significant favor, leading to the severe warning that it would “be brought down to hell,” as stated in Matt. xi, 23. This prediction of destruction has come true; the once-thriving city now lies in complete ruins. Burckhardt suggests that the site known as Tal Houm, near the stream called El Eshe, is the location of Capernaum. Mr. Buckingham, who refers to this site as Talhhewn, describes significant and extensive ruins—the only remnants of the structures that once set Capernaum apart from the others.
CAPPADOCIA, is called in Hebrew Caphtor. Cappadocia joined Galatia on the east, and is mentioned in Acts ii, 9, and by St. Peter, who addresses his First Epistle to the dispersed throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Bithynia, and Asia. The people of this country were formerly infamous for their vices; but after the promulgation of Christianity, it produced many great and worthy men: among these may be reckoned Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory Nyssen, and St. Basil, commonly styled the Great.
CAPPADOCIA is referred to in Hebrew as Caphtor. Cappadocia borders Galatia to the east and is mentioned in Acts 2:9, as well as by St. Peter, who addresses his First Epistle to those scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Bithynia, and Asia. The people of this region were once notorious for their vices, but after the spread of Christianity, it produced many great and notable individuals. Among them are Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory Nyssen, and St. Basil, commonly known as the Great.
CAPTIVES. The treatment of persons taken in war among ancient nations throws great light upon many passages of Scripture. The eastern conqueror often stripped his unhappy captives naked, shaved their heads, and made them travel in that condition, exposed to the burning heat of a vertical sun by day, and the chilling cold of the night. Such barbarous treatment was to modest women the height of cruelty and indignity; especially to those who had been educated in softness and elegance, who had figured in all the superfluities of ornamental dress, and whose faces had hardly ever been exposed to the sight of man. The Prophet Isaiah mentions this as the hardest part of the sufferings in which female captives are involved: “The Lord will expose their nakedness.” The daughter of Zion had indulged in all the softness of oriental luxury; but the offended Jehovah should cause her unrelenting enemies to drag her forth from her secret chambers into the view of an insolent soldiery; strip her of her ornaments, in which she so greatly delighted; take away her splendid and costly garments, discover her nakedness, and compel her to travel in that miserable plight to a far distant country, a helpless captive, the property of a cruel lord. Arrived in the land of their captivity, captives were often purchased at a very low price. The Prophet Joel complains of the contemptuous cheapness in which the people of Israel were held by those who made them captives: “And they have cast lots for my people; and have given a boy for a harlot, and sold a girl for wine, that they might drink.” The custom of casting lots for the captives taken in war appears to have prevailed both among the Jews and the Greeks. The same allusion occurs in the prophecy of Obadiah: “Strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon Jerusalem,” Obadiah 11. With respect 219to the Greeks, we have an instance in Tryphiodorus:--
CAPTIVES. The treatment of people captured in war during ancient times sheds significant light on many passages in Scripture. Eastern conquerors often stripped their unfortunate captives bare, shaved their heads, and forced them to travel in that state, exposed to the scorching heat of the sun during the day and the biting cold of the night. This brutal treatment was a severe form of cruelty and humiliation for modest women, particularly those raised in comfort and style, who were used to lavish clothing and had seldom been seen by men. The Prophet Isaiah highlights this as one of the harshest aspects of the suffering that female captives faced: “The Lord will expose their nakedness.” The daughter of Zion had reveled in all the luxuries of the East, but the offended God would make her pitiless enemies drag her from her private chambers into the view of arrogant soldiers; take away her cherished ornaments; strip her of her beautiful and expensive garments, reveal her nakedness, and force her to travel in that miserable condition to a distant land, a helpless captive and property of a cruel master. Once they reached the land of their captivity, captives were often sold at very low prices. The Prophet Joel laments the humiliating cheapness with which the captives from Israel were regarded: “And they have cast lots for my people; and have given a boy for a harlot, and sold a girl for wine, that they might drink.” The practice of casting lots for captives taken in war seems to have been common among both Jews and Greeks. A similar reference appears in the prophecy of Obadiah: “Strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon Jerusalem,” Obadiah 11. As for the Greeks, we have an example in Tryphiodorus:--
2. By an inhuman custom which is still retained in the east, the eyes of captives taken in war were not seldom put out, sometimes literally scooped or dug out of their sockets. This dreadful calamity Samson had to endure from the unrelenting vengeance of his enemies. In a posterior age, Zedekiah, the last king of Judah and Benjamin, after being compelled to behold the violent death of his sons and nobility, had his eyes put out, and was carried in chains to Babylon. The barbarous custom long survived the decline and fall of the Babylonian empire; for by the testimony of Mr. Maurice, in his history of Hindostan, the captive princes of that country were often treated in this manner by their more fortunate rivals; a red hot iron was passed over their eyes, which effectually deprived them of sight, and at the same time of their title and ability to reign. To the wretched state of such prisoners, the Prophet Isaiah alludes in a noble prediction, where he describes in very glowing colours the character and work of the promised Messiah: “He hath sent me to heal the broken hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised,” as captives too frequently were by the weight of their fetters.
2. By a cruel custom still found in the East, the eyes of captives taken in war were often put out, sometimes literally scooped out of their sockets. This awful fate was something Samson had to suffer from the relentless vengeance of his enemies. Later on, Zedekiah, the last king of Judah and Benjamin, after being forced to watch the brutal deaths of his sons and nobles, had his eyes put out and was taken away in chains to Babylon. This barbaric custom continued long after the Babylonian empire fell; according to Mr. Maurice in his history of Hindostan, captive princes in that region were frequently treated this way by their more fortunate rivals. A red-hot iron was passed over their eyes, which destroyed their sight and stripped them of their right and ability to rule. The Prophet Isaiah touches on the miserable condition of such prisoners in a powerful prophecy, where he vividly describes the character and work of the promised Messiah: “He hath sent me to heal the broken hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised,” as captives often were by the weight of their chains.
3. It seems to have been the practice of eastern kings, to command their captives taken in war, especially those that had, by the atrociousness of their crimes, or the stoutness of their resistance, greatly provoked their indignation, to lie down on the ground, and then put to death a certain part of them, which they measured with a line, or determined by lot. This custom was not, perhaps, commonly practised by the people of God, in their wars with the nations around them; but one instance is recorded in the life of David, who inflicted this punishment on the Moabites: “And he smote Moab, and measured them with a line, casting them down to the ground; even with two lines measured he to put to death, and with one full line to keep alive: and so the Moabites became David’s servants, and brought gifts,” 2 Sam. viii, 2. But the most shocking punishment which the ingenious cruelty of a haughty and unfeeling conqueror ever inflicted on the miserable captive, is described by Virgil in the eighth book of the Æneid; and which even a Roman, inured to blood, could not mention without horror:--
3. It seems to have been the practice of eastern kings to order their war captives, especially those who had provoked their anger through severe crimes or strong resistance, to lie down on the ground, and then execute a portion of them, which they measured with a line or determined by lot. This custom may not have been commonly practiced by the people of God in their battles with surrounding nations; however, one instance is recorded in the life of David, who imposed this punishment on the Moabites: “And he struck Moab, measuring them with a line, casting them down to the ground; with two lines he measured to put to death, and with one full line to keep alive: and so the Moabites became David’s servants, and brought gifts,” 2 Sam. viii, 2. But the most horrifying punishment ever inflicted by a proud and unfeeling conqueror on a miserable captive is described by Virgil in the eighth book of the Æneid; something that even a Roman, accustomed to bloodshed, could not mention without horror:--
“Quid memorem infandas cædes? quid facta tyranni,” &c.
“What should I say about the horrific massacre? What about the tyrant's actions?,” &c.
It is to this deplorable condition of a captive that the Apostle refers, in that pathetic exclamation, “O wretched man that I am! who shall deliver me from the body of this death?” Who shall rescue me, miserable captive as I am, from this continual burden of sin which I carry about with me; and which is cumbersome and odious, as a dead carcass bound to a living body, to be dragged along with it where-ever it goes?
It is to this pitiful state of a captive that the Apostle refers in that heartfelt cry, “O wretched man that I am! Who will deliver me from this body of death?” Who will rescue me, a miserable captive, from this ongoing weight of sin that I carry with me; a burden as heavy and disgusting as a dead body tied to a living one, dragged around wherever it goes?
CAPTIVITY. God generally punished the sins and infidelities of the Jews by different captivities or servitudes. The first captivity is that of Egypt, from which they were delivered by Moses, and which should be considered rather as a permission of providence, than as a punishment for sin. Six captivities are reckoned during the government by judges: the first, under Chushanrishathaim, king of Mesopotamia, which continued about eight years; the second, under Eglon, king of Moab, from which the Jews were delivered by Ehud; the third, under the Philistines, from which they were rescued by Shamgar; the fourth, under Jabin, king of Hazor, from which they were delivered by Deborah and Barak; the fifth, under the Midianites, from which Gideon freed them; and the sixth, under the Ammonites and Philistines, during the judicatures of Jephthah, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon, Eli, Samson, and Samuel. But the greatest and most remarkable captivities were those of Israel and Judah, under their regal government.
CAPTIVITY. God typically punished the sins and betrayals of the Jews through various captivities or servitudes. The first captivity was in Egypt, from which they were freed by Moses, and this should be viewed more as a part of divine planning than as punishment for sin. There are six captivities noted during the period of the judges: the first, under Chushanrishathaim, king of Mesopotamia, lasted about eight years; the second, under Eglon, king of Moab, from which Ehud delivered the Jews; the third, under the Philistines, rescued by Shamgar; the fourth, under Jabin, king of Hazor, delivered by Deborah and Barak; the fifth, under the Midianites, freed by Gideon; and the sixth, under the Ammonites and Philistines, during the leadership of Jephthah, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon, Eli, Samson, and Samuel. However, the most significant and noteworthy captivities were those of Israel and Judah during their times of kingship.
Captivities of Israel. In the year of the world 3264, Tiglath-pileser took several cities, and carried away captives, principally from the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, 2 Kings xv, 29. In the year of the world 3283, Shalmaneser took and destroyed Samaria, after a siege of three years, and transplanted the tribes that had been spared by Tiglath-pileser, to provinces beyond the Euphrates, 2 Kings xviii, 10, 11. It is generally believed, there was no return of the ten tribes from this second captivity. But when we examine carefully the writings of the Prophets, we find a return of at least a great part of Israel from the captivity clearly pointed out. Hosea says, “They shall tremble as a bird out of Egypt, and as a dove out of the land of Assyria; and I will place them in their houses, saith the Lord,” Hosea xi, 11. Amos says, “And I will bring again my people Israel from their captivity: they shall build their ruined cities and inhabit them,” &c, Amos ix, 14. Obadiah observes, “The captivity of this host of the children of Israel shall possess that of the Canaanites,” &c, Obadiah 18, 19. To the same purpose speak the other Prophets. “The Lord shall assemble the outcast of Israel, and gather together the dispersed of Judah,” Isa. xi, 12, 13. Ezekiel received an order from God to take two pieces of wood, and write on one, “For Judah and for the children of Israel;” and on the other, “For Joseph and for all the house of Israel;” and to join these two pieces of wood, 220that they might become one, and designate the reunion of Judah and Israel, Ezek. xxxvii, 16. Jeremiah is equally express: “The house of Judah shall walk with the house of Israel; and they shall come together out of the north, to the land which I have given for an inheritance to their fathers,” Jer. iii, 18. See also Jer. xxxi, 7–9, 16, 17, 20; xvi, 15; xlix, 2, &c; Zech. ix, 13; x, 6, 10; Micah ii, 12. In the historical books of Scripture, we find that Israelites of the ten tribes, as well as of Judah and Benjamin, returned from the captivity. Among those that returned with Zerubbabel are reckoned some of Ephraim and Manasseh, who settled at Jerusalem with the tribe of Judah. When Ezra numbered those who returned from the captivity, he only inquired whether they were of the race of Israel; and at the first passover which was then celebrated in the temple, was a sacrifice of twelve he-goats for the whole house of Israel, according to the number of the tribes, Ezra vi, 16, 17; viii, 35. Under the Maccabees, and in our Saviour’s time, we see Palestine peopled by Israelites of all the tribes indifferently. The Samaritan Chronicle asserts that in the thirty-fifth year of the pontificate of Abdelus, three thousand Israelites, by permission of King Sauredius, returned from captivity, under the conduct of Adus, son of Simon.
Israel's captivities. In the year 3264, Tiglath-pileser took several cities and carried off captives, mainly from the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, 2 Kings 15:29. In the year 3283, Shalmaneser captured and destroyed Samaria after a three-year siege and relocated the tribes that had been spared by Tiglath-pileser to provinces across the Euphrates, 2 Kings 18:10-11. It's widely believed that there was no return of the ten tribes from this second captivity. However, when we closely examine the writings of the Prophets, we see a return of at least some of Israel from captivity clearly indicated. Hosea says, “They shall tremble like a bird coming out of Egypt and like a dove coming from the land of Assyria; and I will settle them in their homes, says the Lord,” Hosea 11:11. Amos says, “I will bring back my people Israel from their captivity; they will rebuild their ruined cities and live in them,” etc., Amos 9:14. Obadiah notes, “The captives of this host of the children of Israel shall possess that of the Canaanites,” etc., Obadiah 18-19. Other Prophets express similar sentiments. “The Lord will gather the outcasts of Israel and gather together the scattered of Judah,” Isaiah 11:12-13. Ezekiel was instructed by God to take two pieces of wood, writing on one, “For Judah and for the children of Israel,” and on the other, “For Joseph and for all the house of Israel,” and to join these two pieces of wood, 220 symbolizing the reunion of Judah and Israel, Ezekiel 37:16. Jeremiah is equally clear: “The house of Judah will walk with the house of Israel, and they will come together from the north to the land I have given as an inheritance to their ancestors,” Jeremiah 3:18. See also Jeremiah 31:7-9, 16-17, 20; 16:15; 49:2, etc.; Zechariah 9:13; 10:6, 10; Micah 2:12. In the historical books of Scripture, we find that Israelites from the ten tribes, as well as from Judah and Benjamin, returned from captivity. Among those who returned with Zerubbabel were some from Ephraim and Manasseh, who settled in Jerusalem with the tribe of Judah. When Ezra counted those who returned from captivity, he only asked if they were from the race of Israel; and at the first Passover celebrated in the temple, a sacrifice of twelve male goats was made for the entire house of Israel, according to the number of the tribes, Ezra 6:16-17; 8:35. Under the Maccabees and in the time of our Savior, we see Palestine inhabited by Israelites from all tribes uniformly. The Samaritan Chronicle states that in the thirty-fifth year of the pontificate of Abdelus, three thousand Israelites returned from captivity with the permission of King Sauredius, led by Adus, son of Simon.
Captivities of Judah. The captivities of Judah are generally reckoned four: the first, in the year of the world 3398, under King Jehoiakim, when Daniel and others were carried to Babylon; the second, in the year of the world 3401, and in the seventh year of the reign of Jehoiakim, when Nebuchadnezzar carried three thousand and twenty-three Jews to Babylon; the third, in the year of the world 3406, and in the fourth of Jehoiachin, when this prince, with part of his people, was sent to Babylon; and the fourth in the year 3416, under Zedekiah, from which period begins the captivity of seventy years, foretold by the Prophet Jeremiah. Dr. Hales computes that the first of these captivities, which he thinks formed the commencement of the Babylonish captivity, took place in the year before Christ 605. The Jews were removed to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, who, designing to render that city the capital of the east, transplanted thither very great numbers of people, subdued by him in different countries. In Babylon the Jews had judges and elders, who governed them, and who decided matters in dispute juridically, according to their laws. Of this we see a proof in the story of Susanna, who was condemned by elders of her own nation. Cyrus, in the year of the world 3457, and in the first year of his reign at Babylon, permitted the Jews to return to their own country, Ezra i, 1. However, they did not obtain leave to rebuild the temple; and the completion of those prophecies which foretold the termination of their captivity after seventy years, was not till the year of the world 3486. In that year, Darius Hystaspes, by an edict, allowed them to rebuild the temple. In the year of the world 3537, Artaxerxes Longimanus sent Nehemiah to Jerusalem. The Jews assert that only the refuse of their nation returned from the captivity, and that the principal of them continued in and near Babylon, where they had been settled, and where they became very numerous. It may, however, be doubted whether the refuse of Judah was really carried to Babylon. It appears from incidental observations in Scripture that some remained; and Major Rennell has offered several reasons for believing that only certain classes of the Jews were deported to Babylon, as well as into Assyria. Nebuchadnezzar carried away only the principal inhabitants, the warriors, and artisans of every kind; and he left the husbandmen, the labourers, and in general, the poorer classes, that constitute the great body of the people.
Judah's captivities. The captivities of Judah are usually counted as four: the first, in the year 3398, under King Jehoiakim, when Daniel and others were taken to Babylon; the second, in the year 3401, during the seventh year of Jehoiakim's reign, when Nebuchadnezzar brought three thousand and twenty-three Jews to Babylon; the third, in the year 3406, in the fourth year of Jehoiachin's reign, when this king, along with part of his people, was sent to Babylon; and the fourth in the year 3416, under Zedekiah, marking the start of the seventy-year captivity predicted by the Prophet Jeremiah. Dr. Hales estimates that the first captivity, which he considers the beginning of the Babylonian captivity, occurred in 605 BC. The Jews were taken to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, who aimed to make that city the capital of the east and moved there a large number of people he had conquered in various countries. In Babylon, the Jews had judges and elders who governed them and resolved disputes according to their laws. We see evidence of this in the story of Susanna, who was condemned by the elders of her own nation. Cyrus, in the year 3457 and during his first year of reign in Babylon, allowed the Jews to return to their homeland, Ezra i, 1. However, they were not given permission to rebuild the temple, and the prophecies predicting the end of their captivity after seventy years were fulfilled only in the year 3486. In that year, Darius Hystaspes issued an edict allowing them to rebuild the temple. In the year 3537, Artaxerxes Longimanus sent Nehemiah to Jerusalem. The Jews claim that only the leftovers of their nation returned from captivity, and that the prominent members stayed in and around Babylon, where they had settled and multiplied. However, it can be questioned whether the leftovers of Judah were truly taken to Babylon. It appears from various hints in Scripture that some remained behind; and Major Rennell has provided several reasons to believe that only certain groups of Jews were deported to Babylon and into Assyria. Nebuchadnezzar took away only the leading inhabitants, warriors, and skilled workers of all kinds; he left the farmers, laborers, and generally, the poorer classes, who made up the majority of the population.
CARAITES, or KARÆITES, an ancient Jewish sect. The name signifies Textualists, or Scripturists, and was originally given to the school of Shammai, (about thirty years or more before Christ,) because they rejected the traditions of the elders, as embraced by the school of Hillel and the Pharisees, and all the fanciful interpretations of the Cabbala. They claim, however, a much higher antiquity, and produce a catalogue of doctors up to the time of Ezra. The rabbinists have been accustomed to call them Sadducees; but they believed in the inspiration of the Scriptures, the resurrection of the dead, and the final judgment. They believe that Messiah is not yet come, and reject all calculations of the time of his appearance: yet they say, it is proper that even every day they should receive their salvation by Messiah, the Son of David. As to the practice of religion, they differ from the rabbinists in the observance of the festivals, and keep the Sabbath with more strictness. They extend their prohibition of marriage to more degrees of affinity, and admit not of divorce on any slight or trivial grounds. The sect of Caraites still exists, but their number is inconsiderable. They are found chiefly in the Crimea, Lithuania, and Persia; at Damascus, Constantinople, and Cairo. Their honesty in the Crimea is said to be proverbial.
CARAITES, or KARÆITES, an ancient Jewish sect. The name means Textualists or Scripturists, and it was originally given to the school of Shammai (around thirty years or more before Christ) because they rejected the traditions of the elders held by the school of Hillel and the Pharisees, along with all the fanciful interpretations of the Cabbala. However, they claim a much older origin and provide a list of scholars dating back to the time of Ezra. Rabbinic Jews commonly referred to them as Sadducees, but they believed in the inspiration of the Scriptures, the resurrection of the dead, and the final judgment. They believe that the Messiah has not yet come and dismiss any calculations about when he will appear; nonetheless, they maintain that it is appropriate to seek their salvation through the Messiah, the Son of David, every day. In their religious practices, they differ from rabbinic Jews in how they observe festivals and are stricter in keeping the Sabbath. They extend their prohibition on marriage to closer relatives and do not allow divorce for minor reasons. The sect of Karaites still exists, but their numbers are small. They are mainly found in Crimea, Lithuania, and Persia, as well as in Damascus, Constantinople, and Cairo. Their honesty in Crimea is said to be well-known.
CARBUNCLE, ברקת, Exod. xxviii, 17; xxxix, 10; Ezek. xxviii, 13; and ἄνθραξ, Eccles. xxxii, 5; Tobit xiii, 17; a very elegant and rare gem, known to the ancients by the name ἄνθραξ, or coal, because, when held up before the sun, it appears like a piece of bright burning charcoal: the name carbunculus has the same meaning. It was the third stone in the first row of the pectoral; and is mentioned among the glorious stones of which the new Jerusalem is figuratively said to be built. Bishop Lowth observes that the precious stones, mentioned Isa. liv, 11, 12, and Rev. xxi, 18, seem to be general images to express beauty, magnificence, purity, strength, and solidity, agreeably to the ideas of the eastern nations; and to have never been intended to be strictly scrutinized, and minutely and particularly explained, as if they had some precise moral or spiritual meaning. Tobit, in his prophecy of the final restoration of Israel, Tobit xii, 16,17, describes the new Jerusalem in the same oriental manner.
CARBUNCLE, Barakat, Exod. 28:17; 39:10; Ezek. 28:13; and ἄνθραξ, Eccles. 32:5; Tobit 13:17; a very elegant and rare gem, known to the ancients as ἄνθραξ, or coal, because when held up to the sun, it looks like a piece of bright burning charcoal: the name carbunculus has the same meaning. It was the third stone in the first row of the breastplate; and is mentioned among the magnificent stones that the new Jerusalem is said to be built from figuratively. Bishop Lowth notes that the precious stones mentioned in Isa. 54:11-12 and Rev. 21:18 seem to be general symbols to express beauty, grandeur, purity, strength, and durability, in line with the beliefs of the eastern nations; and they were never meant to be analyzed strictly or explained in detail as if they had some specific moral or spiritual significance. Tobit, in his prophecy about the final restoration of Israel, Tobit 12:16-17, describes the new Jerusalem in the same eastern style.
221CARMEL, in the southern part of Palestine, where Nabal the Carmelite, Abigail’s husband, dwelt, Joshua xv, 55; 1 Sam. xxv.
221 CARMEL, in the southern region of Palestine, where Nabal the Carmelite, Abigail’s husband, lived, Joshua 15:55; 1 Samuel 25.
2. Carmel was also the name of a celebrated mountain in Palestine. Though spoken of in general as a single mountain, it ought rather to be considered as a mountainous region, the whole of which was known by the name of Carmel, while to one of the hills, more elevated than the rest, that name was usually applied by way of eminence. It had the plain of Sharon on the south; overlooked the port of Ptolemais on the north; and was bounded on the west by the Mediterranean sea; forming one of the most remarkable promontories that present themselves on the shores of that great sea. According to Volney, it is about two thousand feet in height, and has the shape of a flattened cone. Its sides are steep and rugged; the soil neither deep nor rich; and among the naked rocks stinted with plants, and wild forests which it presents to the eye, there are at present but few traces of that fertility which we are accustomed to associate with the idea of Mount Carmel. Yet even Volney himself acknowledges that he found among the brambles, wild vines and olive trees, which proved that the hand of industry had once been employed on a not ungrateful soil. Of its ancient productiveness there can be no doubt; the etymology and ordinary application of its name being sufficient evidence of the fact. Carmel is not only expressly mentioned in Scripture as excelling other districts in that respect; but, every place possessed of the same kind of excellence obtained from it the same appellation in the language both of the prophets and the people. Mount Carmel is celebrated in the Old Testament, as the usual place of residence of the Prophets Elijah and Elisha. It was here that Elijah so successfully opposed the false prophets of Baal, 1 Kings xviii; and there is a certain part of the mountain facing the west, and about eight miles from the point of the promontory, which the Arabs call Mansur, and the Europeans the place of sacrifice, in commemoration of that miraculous event. Near the same place is also still shown a cave, in which it is said the Prophet had his residence. The brook Kishon, which issues from Mount Tabor, waters the bottom of Carmel, and falls into the sea toward the northern side of the mountain, and not the southern, as some writers have erroneously stated. Its greatest elevation is about one thousand five hundred feet; hence, when the sea coast on one side, and the plain on the other, are oppressed with sultry heat, this hill is refreshed by cooling breezes, and enjoys a delightful temperature. The fastnesses of this rugged mountain are so difficult of access, that the Prophet Amos classes them with the deeps of hell, the height of heaven, and the bottom of the sea: “Though they dig into hell,” (or the dark and silent chambers of the grave,) “thence shall mine hand take them; though they climb up to heaven, thence will I bring them down; and though they hide themselves in the top of Carmel, I will search and take them out thence; and though they be hid from my sight in the bottom of the sea, thence will I command the serpent, and he shall bite them,” Amos ix, 2, 3. Lebanon raises to heaven a summit of naked and barren rocks, covered for the greater part of the year with snow; but the top of Carmel, how naked and sterile soever its present condition, was clothed with verdure which seldom was known to fade. Even the lofty genius of Isaiah, stimulated and guided by the Spirit of inspiration, could not find a more appropriate figure to express the flourishing state of the Redeemer’s kingdom, than “the excellency of Carmel and Sharon.”
2. Carmel was also the name of a famous mountain in Palestine. While it's commonly referred to as a single mountain, it should actually be seen as a mountainous area, all known as Carmel, with one of the hills, taller than the rest, often being called by that name. It was bordered by the plain of Sharon to the south; overlooked the port of Ptolemais to the north; and was framed by the Mediterranean Sea to the west, making it one of the most notable promontories along that coast. According to Volney, it's about two thousand feet tall and has the shape of a flattened cone. Its slopes are steep and rugged; the soil is neither deep nor fertile; and among the bare rocks scattered with plants, and wild forests that it presents, there are currently few signs of the fertility we typically associate with Mount Carmel. Yet even Volney acknowledges that he found wild vines and olive trees amid the brambles, indicating that people once worked this land productively. There is no doubt about its ancient fertility; the origin and common use of its name provide clear evidence of that. Carmel is specifically mentioned in the Scriptures as being superior to other regions in this regard; furthermore, every place with similar qualities was given the same name in the language of both the prophets and the people. Mount Carmel is well-known in the Old Testament as the usual home of the prophets Elijah and Elisha. It was here that Elijah famously confronted the false prophets of Baal, in 1 Kings xviii; and there is a particular part of the mountain facing west, about eight miles from the tip of the promontory, which the Arabs call Mansur and the Europeans refer to as the place of sacrifice, in memory of that miraculous event. Close to that location, there is still a cave believed to have been the prophet's home. The brook Kishon, which flows from Mount Tabor, irrigates the base of Carmel and empties into the sea on the northern side of the mountain, not the southern, as some writers have mistakenly claimed. Its highest point is about one thousand five hundred feet; therefore, when the coastal area on one side and the plain on the other are sweltering in heat, this hill is refreshed by cool breezes and enjoys a pleasant climate. The rugged terrain of this mountain is so hard to reach that the Prophet Amos compares it to the depths of hell, the heights of heaven, and the bottom of the sea: “Though they dig into hell,” (or the dark and silent chambers of the grave,) “thence shall mine hand take them; though they climb up to heaven, thence will I bring them down; and though they hide themselves in the top of Carmel, I will search and take them out thence; and though they be hid from my sight in the bottom of the sea, thence will I command the serpent, and he shall bite them,” Amos ix, 2, 3. Lebanon raises a peak of bare and barren rocks toward heaven, mostly covered with snow for much of the year; but the top of Carmel, however bare and sterile it may be now, was once lush and rarely saw any fading. Even the great prophet Isaiah, inspired and guided by divine influence, could not find a better way to illustrate the flourishing state of the Redeemer’s kingdom than “the excellency of Carmel and Sharon.”
CART, a machine used in Palestine to force the corn out of the ear, and bruise the straw, Isaiah xxviii, 27, 28. The wheels of these carts were low, broad, and shod with iron, and were drawn over the sheaves spread on the floor by means, of oxen.
CART, a machine used in Palestine to remove the corn from the ear and crush the straw, Isaiah xxviii, 27, 28. The wheels of these carts were low, wide, and equipped with iron, and they were pulled over the sheaves laid out on the floor by oxen.
CASTOR and POLLUX. It is said that the vessel which carried Paul to Rome had the sign of Castor and Pollux, Acts xxviii, 11. Castor and Pollux were sea-gods, and invoked by sailors; and even the light balls or meteors which are sometimes seen on ships, were called Castor and Pollux. An inscription in Gruter proves that seamen implored Castor and Pollux in dangers at sea. It is to be observed, that St. Luke does not mention the name, but the sign, of the ship. By the word sign, the sacred writer meant a protecting image of the deity, to whom the vessel was in some sort consecrated; as at present in Catholic countries, most of their vessels are named after some saint, St. Xavier, St. Andero, St. Dominique, &c. It appears to be certain, that the figure which gave name to the ship was at the head, and the tutelary deity was placed on the poop.
CASTOR and POLLUX. It is said that the ship that took Paul to Rome had the sign of Castor and Pollux, Acts xxviii, 11. Castor and Pollux were sea gods, invoked by sailors; even the bright balls or meteors sometimes seen on ships were called Castor and Pollux. An inscription in Gruter shows that sailors called on Castor and Pollux during dangerous times at sea. It's worth noting that St. Luke mentions the sign of the ship, not its name. By "sign," the writer meant a protective image of the deity to whom the ship was somewhat dedicated; similar to how in Catholic countries today, many vessels are named after saints, like St. Xavier, St. Andero, St. Dominique, etc. It seems certain that the figure giving the ship its name was at the front, and the protective deity was placed at the back.
CASUIST, one who studies and decides upon cases of conscience. Escobar has made a collection of the opinions of all the casuists before his time. M. Le Feore, preceptor to Louis XIII, said that the books of the casuists taught “the art of quibbling with God;” which does not seem far from truth, by reason of the multitude of distinctions and subtleties with which they abound. Mayer has published a bibliotheca of casuists, containing an account of all the writers on cases of conscience, ranged under three heads; the first comprehending the Lutheran; the second, the Calvinistic; and the third, the Roman casuists.
CASUIST, someone who studies and makes decisions about moral dilemmas. Escobar has compiled a collection of the opinions of all the casuists up to his time. M. Le Feore, tutor to Louis XIII, said that the books of the casuists taught “the art of arguing with God,” which seems quite accurate due to the numerous distinctions and subtleties they contain. Mayer has published a bibliography of casuists, listing all the writers on moral dilemmas, categorized into three groups: the first includes the Lutheran, the second the Calvinistic, and the third the Roman casuists.
CASUISTRY, the doctrine and science of conscience and its cases, with the rules and principles of resolving the same; drawn partly from natural reason, or equity, and partly from the authority of Scripture, the canon law, councils, fathers, &c. To casuistry belongs the decision of all difficulties arising about what a man may lawfully do or not do; what is sin or not sin; what things a man is obliged to do in order to discharge his duty, and what he may let alone without breach of it. Although the morality of the Gospel is distinguished by its purity and by its elevation, it is necessarily exhibited in a general form; certain leading principles are laid down; but the 222application of these to the innumerable cases which occur in the actual intercourse of life, is left to the understanding and the conscience of individuals. Had it been otherwise, the Christian code would have swelled to an extent which would have rendered it in a great degree useless; it would have been difficult or impossible to recollect all its provisions; and, minute as these would have been, they would still have been defective,--new situations or combinations of circumstances modifying duty continually arising, which it would have been impracticable or hurtful to anticipate. When the principles of duty are rightly unfolded, and when they are placed on a sound foundation, there is, to a fair mind, no difficulty in accommodating them to its own particular exigencies. A few cases, it is true, may occur, where it is a matter of doubt in what way men should act; but these are exceedingly rare, and the lives of vast numbers may come to an end without any of them happening to occasion perplexity. Every man may be, and perhaps is, sensible, that his errors are to be ascribed, not to his having been at a loss to know what he should have done, but to his deliberately or hastily violating what he saw to be right, or to his having allowed himself to confound, by vain and subtile distinctions, what, in the case of any one else, would have left in his mind no room for hesitation. The manner, however, in which the Gospel inculcates the law of God, combined with other causes in leading to a species of moral discussion, which, pretending to ascertain in every case what ought to be practised, and thus to afford plain and safe directions to the conscience, terminated in what has been denominated casuistry.
CASUISTRY is the study and practice of conscience and its cases, using rules and principles to resolve these issues. It draws from both natural reason or fairness and the authority of Scripture, canon law, councils, church fathers, etc. Casuistry addresses all the questions about what a person can lawfully do or not do, what constitutes sin, what responsibilities a person has to fulfill their duty, and what they can avoid without failing their obligations. Although the morality of the Gospel is known for its purity and high ideals, it is necessarily presented in a general way. Certain key principles are established, but applying these to the countless situations that arise in daily life is left to each person’s understanding and conscience. If it were otherwise, the Christian code would become so extensive that it would be largely impractical; remembering all its stipulations would be challenging, and even if detailed, they would still be inadequate, as new situations or combinations of circumstances that modify what is considered duty would always arise, making it impractical or detrimental to predict them. When the principles of duty are explained correctly and based on a solid foundation, there is, for a reasonable person, no trouble adapting them to specific needs. A few situations might arise where there is uncertainty about how to act, but these are extremely rare, and countless lives can end without any of them causing confusion. Most people are aware that their mistakes are due not to being unsure of what they should do, but rather to deliberately or impulsively ignoring what they recognized as right, or to letting themselves get lost in trivial and intricate distinctions that, in the case of others, would leave no doubt. The way the Gospel teaches the law of God, alongside other factors, has led to a form of moral discussion that seeks to establish clear guidance on what should be practiced in every case, resulting in what is known as casuistry.
The schoolmen delighted in this species of intellectual labour. They transferred their zeal for the most fanciful and frivolous distinctions in what respected the doctrines of religion to its precepts; they anatomized the different virtues; nicely examined all the circumstances by which our estimate of them should be influenced; and they thus rendered the study of morality inextricable, confounded the natural notions of right and wrong, and so accustomed themselves and others to weigh their actions, that they could easily find some excuse for what was most culpable, while they continued under the impression that they were not deviating from what, as moral beings, was incumbent upon them. The corruption of manners which was introduced into the church during the dark ages rendered casuistry very popular; and, accordingly, many who affected to be the most enlightened writers of their age, and perhaps really were so, tortured their understanding or their fancy in solving cases of conscience, and often in polluting their own imaginations and those of others, by employing them on possible crimes, upon which, however unlikely was their occurrence in life, they were eager to pronounce a decision. The happy change which the Reformation produced upon the views of men respecting the sacred Scriptures, tended to erect that pure standard of duty which for ages had been laid in the dust. Yet for a considerable time Protestant divines occupied themselves with the intricacies of casuistry, thus in some degree shutting out the light which they had fortunately poured upon the world. The Lutheran theologians walked very much in the tract which the schoolmen had opened, although their decisions were much more consonant with Christianity; and it was not uncommon in some countries for ecclesiastical assemblies to devote part of their time to the resolution of questions which might have been safely left unnoticed, which now are almost universally regarded as frivolous, and about which almost the most ignorant would be ashamed to ask an opinion. Even after much of the sophistry, and much of the moral perversion connected with casuistry, were exploded, the form of that science was preserved, and many valuable moral principles in conformity to it delivered. The venerable Bishop Hall published a celebrated work, to which he gave the appellation of “Cases of Conscience Practically resolved;” and he introduces it with the following observations addressed to the reader: “Of all divinity, that part is most useful which determines cases of conscience; and of all cases of conscience, the practical are most necessary, as action is of more concernment than speculation; and of all practical cases, those which are of most common use are of so much greater necessity and benefit to be resolved, as the errors thereof are more universal, and therefore more prejudicial to the society of mankind. These I have selected out of many; and having turned over divers casuists, have pitched upon those decisions which I hold most conformable to enlightened reason and religion; sometimes I follow them, and sometimes I leave them for a better guide.” He divides his work into four parts,--Cases of profit and traffic, Cases of life and liberty, Cases of piety and religion, and Cases matrimonial; under each of these solving a number of questions, or rather giving a number of moral dissertations.
The scholars took pleasure in this type of intellectual work. They transferred their enthusiasm for the most fanciful and trivial distinctions concerning religious doctrines to its precepts; they dissected the various virtues; carefully examined all the factors that should influence our judgment of them; and in doing so, made the study of morality complex, blurred the natural concepts of right and wrong, and conditioned themselves and others to evaluate their actions to the point where they could easily justify their most wrongful behaviors, all while believing they weren’t straying from what was expected of them as moral beings. The decline in moral standards that crept into the church during the dark ages made casuistry quite popular; thus, many who claimed to be the most enlightened thinkers of their time, and perhaps truly were, twisted their reasoning or imagination to resolve moral dilemmas, often polluting their own minds and those of others by focusing on hypothetical crimes that, however unlikely they were to happen in real life, they were eager to pass judgment on. The positive shift brought about by the Reformation regarding how people viewed the sacred Scriptures helped to establish that pure standard of duty which had been neglected for ages. However, for quite some time, Protestant theologians got caught up in the complexities of casuistry, somewhat obscuring the light they had thankfully brought into the world. The Lutheran theologians largely followed the path laid out by the scholars, although their conclusions were much more aligned with Christianity; it was not uncommon in some regions for church gatherings to spend time resolving questions that could have been easily overlooked, which today are generally considered trivial and about which even the least knowledgeable would feel embarrassed to seek an opinion. Even after much of the logical fallacies and moral corruption associated with casuistry were discarded, the structure of that science remained intact, and many valuable moral principles were still conveyed in line with it. The esteemed Bishop Hall published a well-known work titled “Cases of Conscience Practically Resolved,” introducing it with the following remarks directed at the reader: “Of all theology, that part is most useful which addresses cases of conscience; and of all cases of conscience, the practical ones are most essential, as action is more important than theory; and of all practical cases, those that are most commonly encountered are much more necessary and beneficial to resolve, as the mistakes related to them are more widespread and therefore more harmful to society. These I have chosen from many; and after reviewing various casuists, I have selected those judgments that I believe are most consistent with enlightened
Casuistry, as a systematic perversion of Christian morality, is now, in the Protestant world, very much unknown; though there still is, and perhaps always will be, that softening down of the strict rules of duty, to which mankind are led either by self-deceit, or by the natural desire of reconciling, with the hope of the divine favour, considerable obliquity from that path of rectitude and virtue which alone is acceptable to God. But the most striking specimen of the length to which casuistry was carried, and of the dangerous consequences which resulted from it, is furnished by the history of the maxims and sentiments of the Jesuits, that celebrated order, which combined with profound literature, and the most zealous support of Popery, an ambition that perverted their understandings, or rather induced them to employ their rational powers in the melancholy work of poisoning the sources of morality, and of casting the name and the appearance of virtue over a dissoluteness of principle and a profligacy of licentiousness, which, had they not been checked by sounder views, and by 223feelings and habits favourable to morality, would have spread through the world the most degrading misery. See Jesuits.
Casuistry, as a systematic distortion of Christian morality, is now quite unknown in the Protestant world; however, there is still, and perhaps always will be, that tendency to soften strict rules of duty, which people are led to by self-deception or by the natural desire to reconcile significant deviations from the path of righteousness and virtue—which alone is pleasing to God—with the hope of divine favor. But the most striking example of how far casuistry was taken, and the dangerous consequences that followed from it, is demonstrated by the history of the maxims and beliefs of the Jesuits, that well-known order, which, alongside deep scholarship and strong support for Catholicism, had an ambition that twisted their understanding, or rather made them use their reason in the sad task of corrupting the foundations of morality and dressing the name and appearance of virtue over a looseness of principle and a recklessness of indulgence, which, if left unchecked by sounder perspectives and by feelings and habits that support morality, would have spread the most degrading suffering across the world. See Jesuits.
CATERPILLAR. חסיל. The word occurs Deut. xxviii, 38; Psa. lxviii, 46; Isa. xxxiii, 4; 1 Kings viii, 37; 2 Chron. vi, 28; Joel i, 4; ii, 25. In the four last cited texts, it is distinguished from the locust, properly so called; and in Joel i, 4, is mentioned as “eating up” what the other species had left, and therefore might be called the consumer, by way of eminence. But the ancient interpreters are far from being agreed what particular species it signifies. The Septuagint in Chronicles, and Aquila in Psalms, render it βροῦχος: so the Vulgate in Chronicles and Isaiah, and Jerom in Psalms, bruchus, the chafer, which is a great devourer of leaves. From the Syriac version, however, Michaëlis is disposed to understand it the taupe grillon, “mole cricket,” which, in its grub state, is very destructive to corn and other vegetables, by feeding on their roots. See Locust.
CATERPILLAR. חסיל. The word appears in Deut. 28:38; Psa. 68:46; Isa. 33:4; 1 Kings 8:37; 2 Chron. 6:28; Joel 1:4; 2:25. In the last four references, it is set apart from the locust, specifically. In Joel 1:4, it is described as “eating up” what the other species have left, thus it could be called the consumer, especially. However, ancient interpreters don’t agree on what specific species it refers to. The Septuagint in Chronicles, and Aquila in Psalms, translate it as βροῦχος; the Vulgate in Chronicles and Isaiah, and Jerome in Psalms, as bruchus, the chafer, which is a significant leaf eater. From the Syriac version, Michaëlis is inclined to interpret it as the taupe grill, “mole cricket,” which in its larval state is quite destructive to corn and other plants, feeding on their roots. See Locusts.
CATHOLIC denotes what is general or universal. The rise of heresies induced the primitive Christian church to assume to itself the appellation of catholic, as being a characteristic to distinguish itself from them. The Romish church now proudly assumes the title catholic, in opposition to all who have separated from her communion, and whom she considers as heretics and schismatics, while she herself remains the only true and Christian church. The church of Christ is called catholic, because it extends throughout the world, and endures through all time.
CATHOLIC refers to what is general or universal. The emergence of heresies led the early Christian church to adopt the name catholic to set itself apart from them. The Roman church now proudly claims the title catholic, in contrast to those who have separated from her community, whom she views as heretics and schismatics, while she believes she is the only true Christian church. The church of Christ is called catholic because it exists worldwide and lasts throughout all time.
2. Catholic, general, Epistles. They are seven in number; namely, one of James, two of Peter, three of John, and one of Jude. They are called catholic, because directed to Christian converts generally, and not to any particular church. Hug, in his “Introduction to the New Testament,” takes another view of the import of this term, which was certainly used at an early period, as by Origen and others:--“When the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles constituted one peculiar division, the works of Paul also another, there still remained writings of different authors, which might likewise form a collection of themselves, to which a name must be given. It might most aptly be called the common collection, καθολικὸν σύνταγμα, of the Apostles, and the treatises contained in it, κοιναὶ and καθολικαὶ, which are commonly used by the Greeks as synonyms. For this we find a proof even in the most ancient ecclesiastical language. Clemens Alexandrinus calls the epistle which was despatched by the assembly of the Apostles, Acts xv, 23, the ‘catholic epistle,’ as that in which all the Apostles had a share, την ἐπιστολὴν καθολικὴν τῶν Ἀποστόλων ἅπαντων. Hence our seven epistles are catholic, or epistles of all the Apostles who are authors.”
2. Catholicism, general, Epistles. There are seven of them: one from James, two from Peter, three from John, and one from Jude. They are called "catholic" because they are intended for Christian believers in general rather than for a specific church. Hug, in his “Introduction to the New Testament,” offers a different interpretation of this term, which was definitely used early on, including by Origen and others: “When the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles formed one specific group, and Paul’s writings formed another, there remained various writings by different authors that could also be grouped together and needed a name. The most fitting name would be the common collection, καθολικὸν σύνταγμα, of the Apostles, and the writings included in it, κοιναὶ and καθολικαὶ, are often used by Greeks as synonyms. We find evidence for this in the most ancient church language. Clemens Alexandrinus refers to the letter sent by the assembly of the Apostles, Acts xv, 23, as the ‘catholic epistle,’ because all the Apostles contributed to it, την ἐπιστολὴν καθολικὴν τῶν Ἀποστόλων ἅπαντων. Therefore, our seven epistles are considered catholic, or letters from all of the Apostles who are the authors.”
CAVES, or CAVERNS. The country of Judea, being mountainous and rocky, is in many parts full of caverns, to which allusions frequently occur in the Old Testament. At Engedi, in particular, there was a cave so large, that David, with six hundred men, hid themselves in the sides of it, and Saul entered the mouth of the cave without perceiving that any one was there, 1 Sam. xxiv. Josephus tells us of a numerous gang of banditti, who, having infested the country, and being pursued by Herod with his army, retired into certain caverns, almost inaccessible, near Arbela in Galilee, where they were with great difficulty subdued. “Beyond Damascus,” says Strabo, “are two mountains, called Trachones, from which the country has the name of Trachonitis; and from hence, toward Arabia and Iturea, are certain rugged mountains, in which there are deep caverns; one of which will hold four thousand men.” Tavernier, in his “Travels in Persia,” speaks of a grotto between Aleppo and Bir, that would hold near three thousand horse. And Maundrel assures us, that “three hours distant from Sidon, about a mile from the sea, there runs along a high rocky mountain, in the sides of which are hewn a multitude of grottoes, all very little differing from each other. They have entrances about two foot square. There are of these subterraneous caverns two hundred in number. It may, with probability, at least, be concluded that these places were contrived for the use of the living, and not of the dead.” These extracts may be useful in explaining such passages of Scripture as the following: “Because of the Midianites, the children of Israel made them dens which are in the mountains, and caves, and strong holds,” Judges vi, 2. To these they betook themselves for refuge in times of distress and hostile invasion:--“When the men of Israel saw that they were in a strait, for the people were distressed, then the people did hide themselves in caves, and in thickets, and in rocks, and in high places, and in pits,” 1 Sam. xiii, 6. See also Jer. xli, 9: “To enter into the holes of the rocks and into the caves of the earth,” became with the prophets a very proper and familiar image to express a state of terror and consternation. Thus Isa. ii, 19: “They shall go into the holes of the rocks, and into the caves of the earth, for fear of the Lord, and for the glory of his majesty, when he ariseth to shake terribly the earth.”
CAVES, or CAVERNs. The land of Judea, being mountainous and rocky, has many areas filled with caves, which are often mentioned in the Old Testament. At Engedi, for example, there was a cave so big that David, along with six hundred men, hid in its recesses while Saul entered the cave without realizing anyone was inside, 1 Sam. xxiv. Josephus tells us about a large group of bandits who, after terrorizing the area and being pursued by Herod and his army, took refuge in nearly inaccessible caves near Arbela in Galilee, where they were very hard to defeat. “Beyond Damascus,” says Strabo, “are two mountains called Trachones, which is why the region is named Trachonitis; and from there, towards Arabia and Iturea, there are some rugged mountains containing deep caves; one of which can hold four thousand men.” Tavernier, in his “Travels in Persia,” mentions a grotto between Aleppo and Bir that could accommodate nearly three thousand horses. Maundrel assures us that “three hours from Sidon, about a mile from the sea, there is a high rocky mountain with numerous carved grottoes, all very similar to one another. Their entrances are roughly two feet square. There are about two hundred of these underground caves. It is at least reasonable to conclude that these places were made for the living, not the dead.” These excerpts may help clarify such scripture passages as: “Because of the Midianites, the children of Israel made them dens which are in the mountains, and caves, and strongholds,” Judges vi, 2. They took refuge in these places during times of distress and invasion: “When the men of Israel saw that they were in a tight spot, for the people were distressed, then the people hid themselves in caves, thickets, rocks, high places, and pits,” 1 Sam. xiii, 6. See also Jer. xli, 9: “To enter into the holes of the rocks and into the caves of the earth,” became a fitting and familiar image for the prophets to convey a state of fear and panic. Thus, Isa. ii, 19: “They shall go into the holes of the rocks, and into the caves of the earth, for fear of the Lord, and for the glory of his majesty, when he arises to shake the earth terribly.”
CEDAR, ארז. The cedar is a large and noble evergreen tree. Its lofty height, and its far extended branches, afford spacious shelter and shade, Ezek. xxxi, 3, 6, 8. The wood is very valuable; is of a reddish colour, of an aromatic smell, and reputed incorruptible. This is owing to its bitter taste, which the worms cannot endure, and to its resin, which preserves it from the injuries of the weather. The ark of the covenant, and much of the temple of Solomon, and that of Diana at Ephesus, were built of cedar. The tree is much celebrated in Scripture. It is called, “the glory of Lebanon,” Isa. lx, 13. On that mountain it must in former times have flourished in great abundance. There are some cedars still growing there which are prodigiously large. But the travellers who have visited the place within these two or three centuries, and who describe trees of vast size, inform us that their number is 224diminished greatly; so that, as Isaiah says, “a child may number them,” Isa. x, 19. Maundrell measured one of the largest size, and found it to be twelve yards and six inches in girt, and yet sound; and thirty-seven yards in the spread of its boughs. Gabriel Sionita, a very learned Syrian Maronite, who assisted in editing the Paris Polyglott, a man worthy of all credit, thus describes the cedars of mount Lebanon, which he had examined on the spot: “The cedar grows on the most elevated part of the mountain, is taller than the pine, and so thick, that five men together could scarcely encompass one. It shoots out its branches at ten or twelve feet from the ground: they are large and distant from each other, and are perpetually green. The wood is of a brown colour, very solid and incorruptible, if preserved from wet. The tree bears a small cone like that of the pine.”pine.”
CEDAR, ארז. The cedar is a large and majestic evergreen tree. Its impressive height and widespread branches provide plenty of shelter and shade, Ezek. xxxi, 3, 6, 8. The wood is highly valuable; it has a reddish hue, a pleasant aroma, and is known to be resistant to decay. This durability comes from its bitter taste, which deters insects, and its resin, which protects it from the elements. The ark of the covenant, much of Solomon's temple, and the temple of Diana in Ephesus were built from cedar. The tree is celebrated in Scripture, referred to as “the glory of Lebanon,” Isa. lx, 13. It must have once thrived abundantly on that mountain. Some cedars still growing there are incredibly large. However, travelers who have visited the area in the last couple of centuries note that their numbers have greatly decreased, so that, as Isaiah puts it, “a child may number them,” Isa. x, 19. Maundrell measured one of the largest and found it to be twelve yards and six inches in circumference, still sound, with a branch spread of thirty-seven yards. Gabriel Sionita, a knowledgeable Syrian Maronite who contributed to the Paris Polyglott and is highly credible, describes the cedars of Mount Lebanon, which he examined firsthand: “The cedar grows on the highest part of the mountain, is taller than the pine, and is so thick that five men together could hardly wrap around one. Its branches extend out ten or twelve feet from the ground; they are large and spaced apart, and remain green year-round. The wood is a rich brown color, very solid and resistant to decay if kept dry. The tree produces a small cone similar to that of the pine.”pine.”
CELSUS. A Pagan philosopher of the second century, who composed a work against Christianity, in which he so expressly refers to the facts of the Gospels, and to the books of the New Testament, as to have furnished important undesigned testimony to their antiquity and truth.
CELSUS. A pagan philosopher from the second century, who wrote a piece opposing Christianity, in which he directly references the events of the Gospels and the New Testament books, providing significant unintentional evidence of their age and authenticity.
CEMETERY. See Sepulchre.
CEMETERY. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
CENSER, a sacred instrument made use of in the religious rites of the Hebrews. It was a vase which contained incense to be used in sacrifice. When Aaron made an atonement for himself and his house, he was to take a censer full of burning coals of fire from off the altar of the Lord, Lev. xvi, 12. And Solomon, when he provided furniture for the temple of the Lord, made, among other things, censers of pure gold, 1 Kings vii, 50.
CENSER, a sacred tool used in the religious ceremonies of the Hebrews. It was a container that held incense for sacrifices. When Aaron made atonement for himself and his family, he was instructed to take a censer filled with burning coals from the altar of the Lord, Lev. xvi, 12. Additionally, Solomon, when preparing the furnishings for the Lord's temple, made, among other items, censers of pure gold, 1 Kings vii, 50.
CENTURION, an officer in the Roman army, who, as the term indicates, had the command of a hundred men, Matt. viii, 5, &c.
CENTURION, an officer in the Roman army, who, as the term indicates, had the command of a hundred men, Matt. viii, 5, &c.
CEPHAS, Κηφᾶς, from כיפא, a rock. The Greek Πέτρος, and the Latin Petrus, have the same signification. See Peter.
CEPHAS, Κηφᾶς, from כיף, a rock. The Greek Πέτρος and the Latin Petrus have the same meaning. See Peter.
CEREMONY, an assemblage of several actions, forms, and circumstances, serving to render a thing magnificent and solemn. Applied to religious services, it signifies the external rites and manner in which the ministers of religion perform their sacred functions, and direct or lead the worship of the people. In 1646, M. Ponce, published a history of ancient ceremonies, showing the rise, growth, and introduction of each rite into the church, and its gradual advancement to superstition. Many of them were borrowed from Judaism, but more from Paganism. In all religions adapted to the nature of man there must be some positive institutions for fixing the mind upon spiritual objects, and counteracting that influence of material things upon habits and pursuits which is, and must be, constantly exerted. Without such institutions, religion might be preserved, indeed, by a few of superior understanding and of strong powers of reflection; but among mankind in general all trace of it would soon be lost. When the end for which they are appointed is kept in view, and the simple examples of the New Testament are observed, they are of vast importance to the production both of pious feelings and of virtuous conduct; but there has constantly been a propensity in the human race to mistake the means for the end, and to consider themselves as moral and religious, when they scrupulously observe what was intended to produce morality and religion. The reason is obvious: ceremonial observances can be performed without any great sacrifice of propensities and vices; they are palpable; when they are observed by men who, in the tenor of public life, do not act immorally, they are regarded by others as indicating high attainments in virtue; and through that self-deceit which so wonderfully misleads the reason, and inclines it to minister to the passions which it should restrain, men have themselves become persuaded that their acknowledgment of divine authority, implied in their respect to the ritual which that authority is conceived to have sanctioned, may be taken as a proof that they have nothing to apprehend from the violation of the law under which they are placed. But, whatever be the causes of this, the fact itself is established by the most extensive and the most incontrovertible evidence. We find it, indeed, wherever mankind have had notions of superior power, and of their obligation to yield obedience to the will of the supreme Being.
CEREMONY is a combination of actions, forms, and situations that makes something impressive and serious. When it comes to religious services, it refers to the external rites and the way religious leaders perform their sacred duties and guide or lead the worship of the people. In 1646, M. Ponce published a history of ancient ceremonies, detailing how each rite developed, grew, and was introduced into the church, and how it gradually moved toward superstition. Many of these practices were taken from Judaism, but even more came from Paganism. In all religions that align with human nature, there have to be certain practices to focus the mind on spiritual matters and counteract the influence of material things on habits and pursuits, which is always existing. Without such practices, religion might survive among a few people with superior understanding and strong reflective abilities; however, among the general population, all evidence of it would quickly vanish. When the purpose of these practices is kept in mind, and the simple examples from the New Testament are followed, they play a significant role in fostering both pious feelings and virtuous behavior; yet, there has always been a tendency for humanity to confuse the means with the ends, assuming they are moral and religious simply because they meticulously follow what was meant to cultivate morality and religion. The reason for this is clear: ceremonial practices can be carried out without much sacrifice of personal tendencies and vices; they are obvious; when followed by people who do not behave immorally in public life, they are seen by others as evidence of high moral standards; and through that self-deception that so cleverly misleads reason and leads it to cater to the passions it should control, people have convinced themselves that their acknowledgment of divine authority, shown in their respect for the rituals believed to be endorsed by that authority, serves as proof that they have nothing to fear from breaking the law governing them. But, regardless of the reasons behind this, the fact itself is supported by extensive and undeniable evidence. We see this wherever humans have had ideas of a higher power and recognized their duty to obey the will of the supreme Being.
Under the system of polytheism which prevailed in the most enlightened nations previous to the publication of Christianity, this was carried so far, that the connection between religion and morality was in a great degree dissolved, rites and ceremonies, sacrifices and oblations, were all that it was thought requisite to observe; when these were carefully performed, there was no hesitation in ascribing piety to the persons who did perform them, however deficient they might be in virtuous and pious dispositions. Even under the Mosaical dispensation, proceeding as it did, immediately from heaven, and adapted, as in infinite wisdom it was, to the situation of those to whom it was given, the same evil early began to be experienced; and although it was lamented and exposed by the prophets, and the most enlightened men among the Jews, it was so far from being eradicated, that it continued to acquire strength, till it was exhibited in all its magnitude in the character prevalent among the Pharisees at the period of Christ’s manifestation. With this highly popular and revered class of men, religion was either merely a matter of ceremony, or was employed, for base and interested purposes, to cast a veil of sanctity over their actions. They said long prayers, but it was for a show; they gave alms, but it was after they had sounded a trumpet, that the eye of man might be fixed upon their beneficence; and, as to the point now under review, they were most strikingly described by our Saviour, when he said of them, “They pay tithe of mint, and anise, and cummin, but they neglect the weightier matters of the law, justice, and mercy, and truth.” The Christian religion not only expressly guards against an evil which had become so prevalent, but its whole spirit is at variance with it, its own ceremonial observances 225being few, and obviously emblematical of whatever is excellent and holy. But still the Gospel finds human nature as other religions found it; and ecclesiastical history, even from the earliest periods, shows with what astonishing perverseness, and with what wonderful ingenuity, men departed from the simplicity of Christianity, and substituted in its room the most childish, and often the most pernicious, practices and observances. The power of godliness was lost in forms; and the innovations of a profane will-worship became almost innumerable. The effect was, that men regarded God as less concerned with the moral conduct of his creatures, than with the quantum of service they performed in his temples; and religion and morals were so disjoined, that one became the substitute for the other, to the universal corruption of the Christian world.
Under the system of polytheism that existed in the most advanced nations before Christianity was published, the link between religion and morality was largely broken. Rites and ceremonies, sacrifices and offerings, were seen as all that needed to be observed; as long as these were carried out faithfully, people had no doubt in calling those who performed them pious, even if they were lacking in actual virtuous and pious qualities. Even under the Mosaic law, which came directly from heaven and was perfectly suited to the people it was given to, the same issue began to appear early on. Even though the prophets and the most enlightened individuals among the Jews lamented and pointed it out, it not only persisted but became stronger, culminating in the rampant issues seen among the Pharisees during Christ's time. For this highly regarded group of men, religion was either just a matter of formality or was used for selfish purposes to create an illusion of holiness around their actions. They prayed long prayers for show; they donated to the poor only after making sure everyone noticed their generosity; and concerning the issue at hand, our Savior described them perfectly when he said, “They pay a tenth of mint, dill, and cumin, but neglect the more important matters of the law—justice, mercy, and faithfulness.” The Christian faith not only explicitly safeguards against this widespread issue, but its entire essence contradicts it, with very few ceremonial practices that clearly symbolize what is good and holy. However, the Gospel encounters human nature just as other religions did; and church history, even from the earliest times, shows how incredibly misguided and creatively people strayed from the simplicity of Christianity, replacing it with trivial and often harmful practices. The true essence of godliness was lost in rituals; and the emergence of a hollow form of worship became nearly limitless. As a result, people viewed God as less interested in the moral behavior of His creatures and more focused on the quantity of service they rendered in His temples; religion and morality became so disconnected that one served as a substitute for the other, leading to widespread corruption in the Christian world.
CERINTHIANS. Of Cerinthus, the founder of this sect, Dr. Burton gives the following account: Cerinthus is said to have been one of those Jews who, when St. Peter returned to Jerusalem, expostulated with him for having baptized Cornelius, Acts xi, 2. He is also stated to have been one of those who went down from Judea to Antioch, and said, “Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved,” Acts xv, 1. According to the same account, he was one of the false teachers who seduced the Galatians to Judaism; and he is also charged with joining in the attack which was made upon St. Paul, for polluting the temple by the introduction of Greeks, Acts xxi, 27, 28. I cannot find any older authority for these statements than that of Epiphanius, who wrote late in the fourth century, and is by no means worthy of implicit credit. He asserts, also, that Cerinthus was one of the persons alluded to by St. Luke, as having already undertaken to write the life of Jesus. But all these stories I take to be entirely inventions; and there is no evidence that Cerinthus made himself conspicuous at so early a period. Irenæus speaks of the heresy of the Nicolaitans, as being considerably prior to that of the Cerinthians. According to the same writer, Carpocrates also preceded Cerinthus; and if it be true, as so many of the fathers assert, that St. John wrote his Gospel expressly to confute this heresy, we can hardly come to any other conclusion, than that it was late in the first century when Cerinthus rose into notice. He appears undoubtedly to have been a Jew; and there is evidence that, after having studied philosophy in Egypt, he spread his doctrines in Asia Minor. This will account for his embracing the Gnostic opinions, and for his exciting the notice of St. John, who resided at Ephesus. He was certainly a Gnostic in his notion of the creation of the world, which he conceived to have been formed by angels; and his attachment to that philosophy may explain what otherwise seems inconsistent, that he retained some of the Mosaic ceremonies, such as the observance of Sabbaths and circumcision; though, like other Gnostics, he ascribed the law and the prophets to the angel who created the world. This adoption or rejection of different parts of the same system was a peculiar feature of the Gnostic philosophy; and the name of Cerinthus probably became eminent, because he introduced a fresh change in the notion concerning Christ. The Gnostics, like their leader, Simon Magus, had all of them been Docetæ, and denied the real humanity; but Cerinthus is said to have maintained that Jesus had a real body, and was the son of human parents, Joseph and Mary. In the other points he agreed with the Gnostics, and believed that Christ was one of the æons who descended on Jesus at his baptism. It is difficult to ascertain who was the first Gnostic that introduced this opinion. Some writers give the merit of it to Ebion; and yet it is generally said that Cerinthus and Ebion agreed in their opinions concerning Christ, and that Cerinthus preceded Ebion. Again Carpocrates is said to have held the same sentiments; and he is placed by Irenæus before Cerinthus: so that it is difficult, if not impossible, to decide the chronological precedence of these heretics. Perhaps the safest inference to draw from so many conflicting testimonies is this: that Carpocrates was the first Gnostic of eminence who was not a Docetist; but that the notion of Jesus being born of human parents was taught more explicitly and with more success by Cerinthus. Carpocrates is reported to have been distinguished by the gross immorality of his life; and whatever we may think of the imputations cast upon the Gnostics in general, it seems impossible to deny that this person, at least, professed and practised a perfect liberty of action. There is also strong evidence that in this instance Cerinthus followed his example.
CERINTHIANS. Dr. Burton provides the following account of Cerinthus, the founder of this sect: Cerinthus is said to have been one of the Jews who, when St. Peter returned to Jerusalem, confronted him for having baptized Cornelius, Acts xi, 2. He is also noted as one of those who came down from Judea to Antioch and asserted, “Except you be circumcised after the manner of Moses, you cannot be saved,” Acts xv, 1. According to the same account, he was one of the false teachers who led the Galatians toward Judaism; and he is also accused of participating in the attack on St. Paul for supposedly polluting the temple by allowing Greeks entry, Acts xxi, 27, 28. I can't find any earlier sources for these claims than Epiphanius, who wrote in the late fourth century and shouldn't be taken at face value. He also claims that Cerinthus was one of those mentioned by St. Luke as having attempted to write the life of Jesus. However, I believe these stories are completely fabricated, and there is no proof that Cerinthus was prominent at such an early time. Irenæus mentions the heresy of the Nicolaitans as existing long before that of the Cerinthians. According to him, Carpocrates also came before Cerinthus; and if it’s true, as many early Church Fathers assert, that St. John wrote his Gospel specifically to counter this heresy, we can hardly conclude otherwise than that Cerinthus gained attention late in the first century. He certainly appears to have been a Jew, and there's evidence that, after studying philosophy in Egypt, he spread his teachings in Asia Minor. This explains his adoption of Gnostic views and why he caught the attention of St. John, who lived in Ephesus. He clearly embraced a Gnostic perspective on the creation of the world, believing it was made by angels; his inclination towards that philosophy may also explain why he kept some Mosaic practices, like observing Sabbaths and circumcision, even though like other Gnostics, he attributed the law and the prophets to the angel who created the world. This selective acceptance or rejection of different aspects of the same belief system was a unique trait of Gnostic philosophy; and Cerinthus probably became well-known because he introduced a new idea regarding Christ. The Gnostics, including their leader Simon Magus, had all been Docetists who denied true humanity; but Cerinthus is reported to have claimed that Jesus had a real body and was the son of human parents, Joseph and Mary. On other beliefs, he aligned with the Gnostics, believing that Christ was one of the æons who descended upon Jesus at his baptism. It’s challenging to determine who was the first Gnostic to present this idea. Some attribute it to Ebion; yet it’s generally said that Cerinthus and Ebion shared views about Christ, with Cerinthus predating Ebion. Again, Carpocrates is said to have held similar beliefs, and Irenæus places him before Cerinthus, making it hard, if not impossible, to clearly resolve the chronological order of these heretics. Perhaps the safest conclusion from all these conflicting accounts is this: Carpocrates was the first notable Gnostic who wasn't a Docetist; however, the idea of Jesus being born of human parents was taught more clearly and effectively by Cerinthus. Carpocrates is reported to have lived a scandalously immoral life; and regardless of what we think about the accusations against the Gnostics in general, it’s difficult to deny that this individual at least claimed and practiced total freedom of action. There is also strong evidence that in this case, Cerinthus followed his example.
There is a peculiar doctrine ascribed to this heretic, which, if it originated with him, may well account for the celebrity of his name. Cerinthus has been handed down as the first person who held the notion of a millennium; and though the fathers undoubtedly believed that, previous to the general resurrection, the earth would undergo a renovation, and the just would rise to enjoy a long period of terrestrial happiness, yet there was a marked and palpable difference between the millennium of the fathers and that of Cerinthus. The fathers conceived this terrestrial happiness to be perfectly pure and freed from the imperfections of our nature; but Cerinthus is said to have promised his followers a millennium of the grossest pleasures and the most sensual gratifications. It is singular that all the three sources, to which we may trace the Gnostic doctrines, might furnish some foundation for this notion of a millennium. Thus Plato has left some speculations concerning the “great year,” when, after the expiration of thirty-six thousand years, the world was to be renewed, and the golden age to return. It was the belief of the Persian magi, according to Plutarch, that the time would come, when Ahreman, or the evil principle, would be destroyed; when the earth would lose its impediments and inequalities, and all mankind would be of one language, and enjoy uninterrupted happiness. It was taught, in the Cabbala, that the world 226was to last six thousand years, which would be followed by a period of rest for a thousand years more. There appears in this an evident allusion, though on a much grander scale, to the sabbatical years of rest. The institution of the jubilee, and the glowing descriptions given by the prophets of the restoration of the Jews, and the reign of the Messiah, may have led the later Jews to some of their mystical fancies; and when all these systems were blended together by the Gnostics, it is not strange, if a millennium formed part of their creed long before the time of Cerinthus. It seems probable, however, that he went much farther than his predecessors in teaching that the millennium would consist in a course of sensual indulgence; and it may have been his notions upon this subject, added to those concerning the human nature of Christ, which led him to maintain, contrary to the generality of Gnostics, that Christ had not yet risen, but that he would rise hereafter. The Gnostics, as we have seen, denied the resurrection altogether. Believing Jesus to be a phantom, they did not believe that he was crucified; and they could not therefore believe that he had risen. But Cerinthus, who held that Jesus was born, like other human beings, found no difficulty in believing literally that he was crucified; and he is said also to have taught that he would rise from the dead at some future period. It is most probable that this period was that of the millennium; and the words of St. John in the Revelation would easily be perverted, where it is said of the souls of the martyrs, that “they lived and reigned with Christ a thousand years,” Rev. xx, 4.
There’s a strange belief linked to this heretic, which, if it started with him, might explain his fame. Cerinthus is known as the first person to have the idea of a millennium. While the early church leaders believed that before the general resurrection, the earth would be renewed and the righteous would rise to enjoy a long time of happiness on earth, there was a clear difference between their version of the millennium and Cerinthus's. The early church conceived of this happiness as completely pure and free from our human flaws, while Cerinthus supposedly promised his followers a millennium filled with the most indulgent pleasures and sensual gratifications. It’s interesting that all three sources we can trace Gnostic beliefs to might provide some basis for this idea of a millennium. For instance, Plato speculated about a “great year,” when after thirty-six thousand years, the world would be renewed, bringing back the golden age. According to Plutarch, the Persian magi believed that a time would come when Ahreman, or the evil principle, would be defeated; the earth would become free of obstacles and inequalities, and all people would speak one language and enjoy uninterrupted happiness. The Cabbala even taught that the world would last six thousand years, followed by a thousand-year period of rest. This seems to echo, on a much larger scale, the sabbatical years of rest. The concept of the jubilee and the vivid descriptions by the prophets of the restoration of the Jews and the reign of the Messiah might have inspired later Jewish mystical ideas. So, when all these beliefs were combined by the Gnostics, it’s not surprising that a millennium was part of their beliefs well before Cerinthus’s time. However, it seems likely that he went further than those before him by teaching that the millennium would be about indulgence; and it may have been his views on this topic, combined with those about Christ's human nature, that led him to assert, unlike most Gnostics, that Christ had not yet risen but would do so in the future. As we've seen, the Gnostics completely denied the resurrection. They believed Jesus was a phantom, so they didn't think he was crucified and therefore couldn’t believe he rose from the dead. But Cerinthus, who believed Jesus was born like everyone else, had no issue believing he was literally crucified; he also reportedly taught that he would rise from the dead at some future time. It’s most likely that this future time was during the millennium, and the words of St. John in Revelation could easily be misinterpreted, where it says of the souls of the martyrs that “they lived and reigned with Christ a thousand years,” Rev. xx, 4.
CHALCEDONY, χαλκηδών, Rev. xxi, 19; a precious stone. Arethas, who has written an account of Bithynia, says that it was so called from Chalcedon, a city of that country, opposite to Byzantium; and it was in colour like a carbuncle. Some have supposed this also to be the stone called נפך, translated “emerald,” Exodus xxviii, 18.
CHALCEDONY, χαλκηδών, Rev. xxi, 19; a precious stone. Arethas, who wrote about Bithynia, says it got its name from Chalcedon, a city in that region, across from Byzantium; it was colored like a carbuncle. Some believe this to be the stone called נפך, translated as “emerald,” Exodus xxviii, 18.
CHALDEA, or Babylonia, the country lying on both sides of the Euphrates, of which Babylon was the capital; and extending southward to the Persian Gulf, and northward into Mesopotamia, at least as far as Ur, which is called Ur of the Chaldees. This country had also the name of Shinar. See Babylon.
CHALDEA, or Babylonia, is the region on both sides of the Euphrates River, with Babylon as its capital. It stretches south to the Persian Gulf and north into Mesopotamia, reaching at least as far as Ur, known as Ur of the Chaldees. This area was also referred to as Shinar. See Babylon.
CHALDEAN PHILOSOPHY claims attention on account of its very high antiquity. The most ancient people, next to the Hebrews, among the eastern nations, who appear to have been acquainted with philosophy, in its more general sense, were the Chaldeans; for though the Egyptians have pretended that the Chaldeans were an Egyptian colony, and that they derived their learning from Egypt, there is reason to believe that the kingdom of Babylon, of which Chaldea was a part, flourished before the Egyptian monarchy; and that the Egyptians were rather indebted to the Chaldeans, than the Chaldeans to the Egyptians. Nevertheless, the accounts that have been transmitted to us by the Chaldeans themselves, of the antiquity of their learning, are blended with fable, and involved in considerable uncertainty. There are other circumstances, independently of the antiquity of the Chaldean philosophy, which render our knowledge of it imperfect and uncertain. We derive our acquaintance with it from other nations, and principally from the Greeks, whose vanity led them to despise and misrepresent the pretended learning of barbarous nations. The Chaldeans also adopted a symbolical mode of instruction, and transmitted their doctrines to posterity under a veil of obscurity, which it is not easy to remove. To all which, we may add that, about the commencement of the Christian æra, a race of philosophers sprung up, who, with a view of gaining credit to their own wild and extravagant doctrines, passed them upon the world as the ancient wisdom of the Chaldeans and Persians, in spurious books, which they ascribed to Zoroaster, or some other eastern philosopher. Thus, the fictions of these impostors were confounded with the genuine dogmas of the ancient eastern nations. Notwithstanding these causes of uncertainty, which perplex the researches of modern inquirers into the distinguishing doctrines and character of the Chaldean philosophy, it appears probable that the philosophers of Chaldea were the priests of the Babylonian nation, who instructed the people in the principles of religion, interpreted its laws, and conducted its ceremonies. Their character was similar to that of the Persian magi, and they are often confounded with them by the Greek historians. Like the priests in most other nations, they employed religion in subserviency to the ruling powers, and made use of imposture to serve the purposes of civil policy. Accordingly, Diodorus Siculus relates, that they pretended to predict future events by divination, to explain prodigies, and interpret dreams, and to avert evils, or confer benefits, by means of augury and incantations. For many ages, they retained a principal place among diviners. In the reign of Marcus Antonius, when the emperor and his army, who were perishing with thirst, were suddenly relieved by a shower, the prodigy was ascribed to the power and skill of the Chaldean soothsayers. Thus accredited for their miraculous powers, they maintained their consequence in the courts of princes. The principal instrument which they employed in support of their superstition, was astrology. The Chaldeans were probably the first people who made regular observations upon the heavenly bodies, and hence the appellation of Chaldean became afterward synonymous with that of astronomer. Nevertheless all their observations were applied to the sole purpose of establishing the credit of judicial astrology; and they employed their pretended skill in this art, in calculating nativities, foretelling the weather, predicting good and bad fortune, and other practices usual with impostors of this class. While they taught the vulgar that all human affairs are influenced by the stars, and professed to be acquainted with the nature and laws of their influence, and consequently to possess a power of prying into futurity, they encouraged much 227idle superstition, and many fraudulent practices. Hence other professors of these mischievous arts were afterward called Chaldeans, and the arts themselves were called Babylonian arts. Among the Romans these impostors were so troublesome, that, during the time of the republic, it became necessary to issue an edict requiring the Chaldeans, or mathematicians, (by which latter appellation they were commonly known,) to depart from Rome and Italy within ten days; and, afterward, under the emperors, these soothsayers were put under the most severe interdiction.
CHALDEAN PHILOSOPHY draws attention because of its great age. The Chaldeans were among the oldest peoples next to the Hebrews who seemed to have knowledge of philosophy in a broader sense. Although the Egyptians claimed that the Chaldeans were an Egyptian colony and got their learning from Egypt, it's likely that Babylon, where Chaldea was a part, thrived before the Egyptian kingdom. This suggests that the Egyptians owed more to the Chaldeans than the other way around. However, the accounts we have from the Chaldeans about the age of their knowledge are mixed with myths and shrouded in a lot of uncertainty. Additionally, there are other factors, besides the age of Chaldean philosophy, that make our understanding of it incomplete and unclear. We mainly learn about it through other nations, especially the Greeks, whose arrogance led them to look down on and misinterpret the supposed knowledge of less sophisticated nations. The Chaldeans also used symbolic teaching methods and passed down their beliefs under a layer of obscurity that's hard to penetrate. To add to this, around the time of the Christian era, a group of philosophers emerged who, in an attempt to gain credibility for their own bizarre beliefs, misrepresented them as the ancient wisdom of the Chaldeans and Persians in fake texts attributed to Zoroaster or other eastern philosophers. This blurred the lines between these impostors' fabrications and the real doctrines of ancient eastern cultures. Despite these uncertainties that complicate the studies of today's researchers into what truly defines Chaldean philosophy, it seems likely that the Chaldean philosophers were the priests of the Babylonian people. They taught the principles of religion, explained its laws, and led its ceremonies. Their role was similar to that of the Persian magi, and Greek historians often confused the two. Like priests in many other cultures, they aligned religion with the interests of those in power, using deception to serve political agendas. For example, Diodorus Siculus reported that they claimed to predict the future through divination, explain omens, interpret dreams, and prevent disasters or grant favors via augury and incantations. For centuries, they held a prominent position among diviners. During the reign of Marcus Antonius, when the emperor and his troops were desperate for water and were suddenly saved by rain, this miracle was attributed to the abilities of the Chaldean soothsayers. With such recognition for their miraculous abilities, they maintained their significance in royal courts. The main tool they used to support their superstition was astrology. The Chaldeans were likely the first to make systematic observations of celestial bodies, which later led to the term Chaldean becoming synonymous with astronomer. However, all their observations were focused solely on validating the credibility of judicial astrology. They used their supposed expertise in this field to calculate birth charts, predict weather patterns, forecast fortunes, and engage in other common practices associated with charlatans. While they taught the masses that all human affairs are influenced by the stars, claiming to understand the nature and laws of their influence, thus offering a supposed ability to see into the future, they fostered much pointless superstition and many fraudulent activities. Consequently, other practitioners of these harmful arts were later referred to as Chaldeans, and these practices themselves were called Babylonian arts. Among the Romans, these fraudsters became so problematic that, during the republic, an edict was issued requiring the Chaldeans, or mathematicians (which is what they were commonly called), to leave Rome and Italy within ten days. Later, under the emperors, these soothsayers faced strict prohibitions.
The Chaldean philosophy, notwithstanding the obscurity that has rendered it difficult of research, has been highly extolled, not only by the orientals and Greeks, but by Jewish and Christian writers: but upon recurring to authorities that are unquestionable, there seems to be little or nothing in this branch of the barbaric philosophy which deserves notice. The following brief detail will include the most interesting particulars. From the testimony of Diodorus, and also from other ancient authorities, collected by Eusebius, it appears, that the Chaldeans believed in God, the Lord and Parent of all, by whose providence the world is governed. From this principle sprung their religious rites, the immediate object of which was a supposed race of spiritual beings or demons, whose existence could not have been imagined, without first conceiving the idea of a supreme Being, the source of all intelligence. The belief of a supreme Deity, the fountain of all the divinities which were supposed to preside over the several parts of the material world, was the true origin of all religious worship, however idolatrous, not excepting even that which consisted in paying divine honours to the memory of dead men. Beside the supreme Being, the Chaldeans supposed spiritual beings to exist, of several orders; gods, demons, heroes: these they probably distributed into subordinate classes, agreeably to their practice of theurgy or magic. The Chaldeans, in common with the eastern nations in general, admitted the existence of certain evil spirits, clothed in a vehicle of grosser matter; and in subduing or counteracting these, they placed a great part of the efficacy of their religious incantations. These doctrines were the mysteries of the Chaldean religion, imparted only to the initiated. Their popular religion consisted in the worship of the sun, moon, planets, and stars, as divinities, after the general practice of the east, Job xxxi, 27. From the religious system of the Chaldeans were derived two arts, for which they were long celebrated; namely, magic and astrology. Their magic, which should not be confounded with witchcraft, or a supposed intercourse with evil spirits, consisted in the performance of certain religious ceremonies or incantations, which were supposed, by the interposition of good demons, to produce supernatural effects. Their astrology was founded upon the chimerical principle, that the stars have an influence, either beneficial or malignant, upon the affairs of men, which may be discovered, and made the certain ground of prediction, in particular cases; and the whole art consisted in applying astronomical observations to this fanciful purpose, and thus imposing upon the credulity of the vulgar.
The Chaldean philosophy, despite its complexity that makes it hard to study, has been praised not only by Easterners and Greeks but also by Jewish and Christian writers. However, when looking at credible sources, it seems there is very little in this area of ancient philosophy that merits attention. The following brief summary will cover the most significant details. According to Diodorus and other ancient sources compiled by Eusebius, the Chaldeans believed in a God, the Lord and Father of all, who governs the world through His providence. This belief was the foundation of their religious rituals, which focused on a supposed race of spiritual beings or demons. One could only conceive of these beings by first understanding the idea of a supreme Being, the source of all knowledge. The belief in a supreme deity, the origin of all the gods thought to oversee different aspects of the material world, was the true source of all forms of worship, even if idolatrous, including the veneration of deceased individuals. Besides the supreme Being, the Chaldeans believed in various spiritual beings, including gods, demons, and heroes, likely categorized into subordinate classes based on their practices of theurgy or magic. Like many Eastern nations, the Chaldeans acknowledged the existence of certain evil spirits, made of denser matter, and believed that overcoming or counteracting these spirits was a significant part of the power behind their religious rituals. These teachings were part of the mysteries of the Chaldean religion, shared only with the initiated. Their mainstream religion involved worshiping the sun, moon, planets, and stars as deities, following common Eastern practices. From the Chaldean religious system emerged two well-known arts: magic and astrology. Their magic, which should not be confused with witchcraft or supposed interactions with evil spirits, consisted of performing specific religious ceremonies or incantations intended to elicit supernatural effects with the help of good demons. Their astrology was based on the fanciful idea that the stars influence human affairs, either positively or negatively, and that these influences can be detected to predict outcomes in particular situations. The entire practice revolved around applying astronomical observations to this imaginative goal and thus exploiting the gullibility of the masses.
CHAMBER. See Upper Room.
CHAMBER. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
CHAPTERS. The New Testament was early portioned out into certain divisions, which appear under various names. The custom of reading it publicly in the Christian assemblies after the law and the prophets, would soon cause such divisions to be applied to it. The law and the prophets were for this end already divided into parashim and haptaroth, and the New Testament could not long remain without being treated in the same way. The distribution into church lessons was indeed the oldest that took place in it. The Christian teachers gave the name of pericopes, to the sections read as lessons by the Jews. Justin Martyr avails himself of this expression, when he quotes prophetical passages. Such is the case also in Clemens of Alexandria; but this writer also gives the name of ϖερικόπαι to larger sections of the Gospels and St. Paul’s Epistles. Pericopes therefore were nothing else but ἀναγνώσματα, church lessons, or sections of the New Testament, which were read in the assemblies after Moses and the Prophets. In the third century another division also into κεφαλαία occurs. Dionysius of Alexandria speaks of them in reference to the Apocalypse, and the controversies respecting it. Some, says he, went through the whole book, from chapter to chapter, to show that it bore no sense. In the fifth century Euthalius produced again a division into chapters, which was accounted his invention. He himself however lays claim to nothing more than having composed τὴν τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐκθεσίν, the summaries of the contents of the chapters in the Acts of the Apostles and the Catholic Epistles. In the Epistles of St. Paul, not even these are his property; but they are derived “from one of the wisest of the fathers, and worshippers of Christ,” as he himself says, and he only incorporated them into his stichometrical edition of the New Testament. The chapters must, therefore, have been in existence before Euthalius, if the father whom he mentions composed notices of their contents. But how old they are cannot easily be known. The Euthalian κεφαλαία are distinguished from the pericopes, or reading portions, by their extent. The Jews had divided the law into fifty-three parashim, according to the number of the Sabbaths, taking into account the leap year. Nearly so distributed were the Acts of the Apostles, St. Paul’s and the Catholic Epistles, according to the Alexandrine ritual, which Euthalius follows in his stichometrical edition, namely, into fifty-six pericopes; three more than the number of κουριάκαι ἡμέραι, Sundays, probably for three festivals, which might be observed at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide. The Gospels too had naturally in the same way many pericopes. Such in older times was the practice in Asia also; for Justin says, that the believers there assemble themselves for prayer and reading 228on Sunday only, ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἡλίου ἡμερᾷ. Since then the whole New Testament was distributed into so few sections, these must necessarily have been great, and a pericope in Euthalius sometimes includes in it four, five, and even six chapters. We have spoken hitherto only of the chapters of the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles. In the Gospels there occur to us κεφαλαία of two sorts, the greater and the lesser. The lesser are the Ammonian which Eusebius rejected, after which he composed his ten canons in order to point out in the Monotessaron of Ammonius the respective contents of every Evangelist. He has explained himself in the Epistle to Carpianus on their use, and on the formation of his ten canons, where he names his sections sometimes κεφαλαία, sometimes ϖερικόπαι. Matthew has three hundred and fifty-five of these, Mark two hundred and thirty-six, Luke three hundred and forty-two, and John two hundred and thirty-two. The other chapters are independent of these, which from their extent are also named the greater. Of these, Matthew contains sixty-eight, Mark forty-nine, Luke eighty-three, and John only eighteen. There are but very few manuscripts which have not both of them together. As to the church lessons, to come back to them once more, various alterations took place in them. As the festival days multiplied, the old division could no longer subsist, and in many churches the pericopes were shortened. At last as the ritual of ceremonies was enlarged, only certain portions were extracted from the Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles, which sometimes were very short. A codex of this sort was termed ἐκλογάδιον; in reference to the Gospels alone, εὐαγγελιϛάριον; and in respect to the other books, ϖραξαπόϛολος. This seems to have taken place among the Latins much earlier than among the Greeks. There are perfectly credible testimonies, which establish such an arrangement among the former at the middle of the fifth century, at which date nothing of the kind is perceptible among the latter. The expression, ϖραξαπόϛολος, appears indeed frequently in the Typicum of St. Sabas, who died in the beginning of the fifth century. But the Greeks do not disavow, that this Typicum or monastic ritual was not by himself, that it perished in the invasions of the barbarians, and was composed anew by John of Damascus, with references memoriter, [from memory,] to that of Sabas. He lived toward the middle of the eighth century, and with an earlier notice of lectionaries among the Greeks we are not acquainted. Finally, our present chapters come, as it is well known, from Cardinal Hugo de St. Cher, who in the twelfth century composed a concordance, and to this end distributed the Bible according to his own discretion into smaller portions. They are now moreover generally admitted in the editions of the Hebrew and Greek texts. The verses, however, are from Robert Stephens, who first introduced them in his edition of the New Testament, A. D. 1551. His son, Henry Stephens, was the first to record this for the information of posterity, in the preface to his Greek Concordance to the New Testament; in which he says, that two facts connected with it equally demand our admiration: “The first is, that my father, while travelling from Paris to Lyons, finished this division of each chapter into verses, and indeed the greater part of it [inter equitandum] when riding on his horse. The second fact is, that, a short time prior to this journey, while he had the matter still in contemplation, almost all those to whom he mentioned it told him plainly that he was an indiscreet man, as though he had a wish to spend his time and labour on an affair which would prove utterly useless, and which would not obtain for him any commendation, but, on the contrary, would expose him to much ridicule. But behold the result: in opposition to the opinion which condemned and discountenanced my father’s undertaking, as soon as his invention was published, every edition of the New Testament, whether in the Greek, Latin, French, German, or in any other language, which did not adopt it, was immediately discarded.” It perhaps will not be unedifying to add, that this passage has yielded mankind another proof that LEARNING is not always synonymous with WISDOM: for the phrase respecting riding, which occurs in it, has furnished matter of warm dispute to literary men; some of them contending that inter equitandum means, that Robert Stephens performed the greater part of his task while actually on horseback; but others, giving a more extended construction to the expression, assert that he was engaged in this occupation only when stopping for refreshment at inns on the road. Though the first interpretation would probably obtain the greatest number of suffrages from really learned and impartial men; yet it is quite sufficient for mankind to know, in either way, that this division into verses was completed in the course of that journey.
CHAPTERS. The New Testament was divided early on into various sections, known by different names. The practice of reading it aloud in Christian gatherings after the Torah and the Prophets led to these divisions. The Torah and the Prophets were already divided into parashim and haptaroth, so it was only a matter of time before the New Testament was treated similarly. The earliest division into church readings is believed to be the oldest form of division present. Christian teachers referred to the sections read as lessons by the Jews as pericopes. Justin Martyr uses this term when citing prophetic passages. Clemens of Alexandria does the same, but he also calls larger sections of the Gospels and St. Paul’s letters ϖερικόπαι. Therefore, pericopes were simply ἀναγνώσματα, church lessons, or sections of the New Testament, read in gatherings after the readings from Moses and the Prophets. In the third century, another division into κεφαλαία appeared. Dionysius of Alexandria mentions this in relation to the Apocalypse and the debates surrounding it. Some people, he says, went through the entire book, chapter by chapter, to argue that it made no sense. In the fifth century, Euthalius created a new chapter division, which was thought to be his innovation. However, he only claimed to have compiled τὴν τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐκθεσίν, the summaries of the chapter contents in the Acts of the Apostles and the Catholic Epistles. In St. Paul’s letters, he didn’t even originate these; they were derived “from one of the wisest of the fathers and worshippers of Christ,” as he states, and he simply incorporated them into his stichometrical edition of the New Testament. This suggests that the chapters existed before Euthalius, if the father he mentioned created summaries of their contents. However, the exact age of these divisions is not easily determined. Euthalian κεφαλαία are distinguished from pericopes, or reading portions, by their length. The Jews had divided the law into fifty-three parashim, corresponding to the number of Sabbaths, factoring in leap years. The Acts of the Apostles, St. Paul’s, and the Catholic Epistles were similarly divided according to the Alexandrine ritual, which Euthalius followed in his stichometrical edition, into fifty-six pericopes—three more than the number of κουριάκαι ἡμέραι, Sundays, likely accounting for three festivals, which could be observed at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide. The Gospels also had many pericopes in the same way. This practice was noted in ancient Asia; Justin mentions that believers there gathered for prayer and reading only on Sundays, ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἡλίου ἡμερᾷ. Since the whole New Testament was organized into so few sections, they must have been quite extensive, and a pericope in Euthalius sometimes includes four, five, or even six chapters. So far, we have focused only on the chapters of the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles. In the Gospels, there are two types of κεφαλαία: the greater and the lesser. The lesser are the Ammonian sections that Eusebius rejected, after which he created his ten canons to identify the respective contents of each Evangelist’s Monotessaron. He explained their use in his letter to Carpianus regarding the formation of his ten canons, where he sometimes designates his sections as κεφαλαία and sometimes as ϖερικόπαι. Matthew has three hundred and fifty-five of these, Mark has two hundred and thirty-six, Luke has three hundred and forty-two, and John has two hundred and thirty-two. The other chapters are independent and are also called the greater, with Matthew containing sixty-eight, Mark forty-nine, Luke eighty-three, and John only eighteen. Few manuscripts exist that do not include both types together. Regarding the church readings, returning to them, various modifications occurred. As the festival days increased, the old divisions became impractical, and in many churches, the pericopes were shortened. Eventually, as the ceremony rituals expanded, only certain portions were extracted from the Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles, which were sometimes quite short. Such a codex was called ἐκλογάδιον; concerning the Gospels alone, it was termed εὐαγγελιϛάριον; and for the other books, ϖραξαπόϛολος. This arrangement appears to have developed among the Latins much sooner than among the Greeks. Credible evidence shows such an organization among the former by the mid-fifth century, at which point nothing similar is noted among the latter. The term ϖραξαπόϛολος appears frequently in the Typicum of St. Sabas, who passed away at the beginning of the fifth century. However, the Greeks acknowledge that this Typicum, or monastic ritual, was not authored by him; it was lost during the barbarian invasions and later recompiled by John of Damascus, referencing memoriter to Sabas' work. He lived in the mid-eighth century, and we are not aware of any earlier mention of lectionaries among the Greeks. Finally, as is well known, our current chapters originate from Cardinal Hugo de St. Cher, who in the twelfth century created a concordance and divided the Bible into smaller sections at his discretion. They are now widely accepted in editions of the Hebrew and Greek texts. The verses, however, were introduced by Robert Stephens, who first implemented them in his New Testament edition in A.D. 1551. His son, Henry Stephens, was the first to document this for future reference in the preface of his Greek Concordance to the New Testament, stating that two aspects of this endeavor evoke our admiration: “The first is that my father, while traveling from Paris to Lyons, completed this division of each chapter into verses, and much of it [to balance the scales] while riding on his horse. The second fact is that, shortly before this journey, while still pondering the matter, nearly everyone he mentioned it to told him outright that he was being foolish, as though he intended to waste his time and effort on something utterly useless that would earn him no praise, but instead subject him to much ridicule. Yet look at the outcome: contrary to the prevailing opinion that condemned and mocked my father’s project, as soon as his invention was published, any edition of the New Testament, whether in Greek, Latin, French, German, or any other language, that did not adopt it was quickly discarded.” It might be worth mentioning that this passage provides another insight that LEARNING is not always synonymous with Wisdom: for the phrase regarding riding, included in it, has sparked heated debate among scholars; some argue that to balance indicates that Robert Stephens did most of his work while actually on horseback, while others interpret the expression more broadly, claiming he was involved in this task only during stops for refreshment at inns on his journey. Although the first interpretation would likely gain more support from genuinely knowledgeable and impartial people, it is sufficient for the public to know that this division into verses was completed during that journey.
CHARIOTS OF WAR. The Scripture speaks of two sorts of these chariots, one for princes and generals to ride in, the other used to break the enemies battalions, by letting them loose armed with iron, which made dreadful havoc among the troops. The most ancient chariots of which we have any notice are Pharaoh’s, which were overwhelmed in the Red Sea, Exodus xiv, 7. The Canaanites, whom Joshua engaged at the waters of Merom, had cavalry and a multitude of chariots, Joshua xi, 4. Sisera, the general of Jabin, king of Hazor, had nine hundred chariots of iron in his army, Judges iv, 3. The tribe of Judah could not get possession of all the lands of their lot, because the ancient inhabitants of the country were strong in chariots of iron. The Philistines, in the war carried on by them against Saul, had thirty thousand chariots and six thousand horsemen, 1 Sam. xiii, 5. David, having taken one thousand chariots of war from Hadadezer, king of Syria, hamstrung the horses, and burned nine hundred chariots, reserving only one hundred to himself, 2 Sam. viii, 4. Solomon had a considerable number of chariots, but we know of no military expedition in which they were employed, 1 Kings 229x, 26. As Judea was a very mountainous country, chariots could be of no great use there, except in the plains; and the Hebrews often evaded them by fighting on the mountains. The kings of the Hebrews, when they went to war, were themselves generally mounted in chariots from which they fought, and issued their orders; and there was always a second chariot empty, which followed each of them, that if the first was broken he might ascend the other, 2 Chron. xxxv, 24. Chariots were sometimes consecrated to the sun; and the Scripture observes, that Josiah burned those which had been dedicated to the sun by his predecessors, 2 Kings xxiii, 11. This superstitious custom was borrowed from the Heathens, and principally from the Persians.
CHARIOTS OF WAR. The Scripture mentions two types of chariots: one for princes and generals to ride in, and the other used to break enemy lines, unleashing destruction with iron weaponry that caused devastating damage among the troops. The earliest chariots we know of are Pharaoh's, which were destroyed in the Red Sea, Exodus xiv, 7. The Canaanites, who Joshua fought at the waters of Merom, had cavalry and a large number of chariots, Joshua xi, 4. Sisera, the commander of Jabin, king of Hazor, had nine hundred iron chariots in his army, Judges iv, 3. The tribe of Judah struggled to take full control of their territory because the original inhabitants were strong with iron chariots. The Philistines had thirty thousand chariots and six thousand horsemen in their war against Saul, 1 Sam. xiii, 5. David captured one thousand chariots of war from Hadadezer, king of Syria, hamstrung the horses, and burned nine hundred of them, keeping only one hundred for himself, 2 Sam. viii, 4. Solomon had a significant number of chariots, but we have no record of any military campaign in which they were used, 1 Kings 229x, 26. Since Judea was a mountainous region, chariots weren't very effective except in the plains, and the Hebrews often avoided them by fighting in the mountains. When the Hebrew kings went to war, they typically rode in chariots from which they fought and issued commands, and there was always an empty second chariot following them in case the first one was damaged, 2 Chron. xxxv, 24. Chariots were sometimes dedicated to the sun, and the Scripture notes that Josiah burned those that had been devoted to the sun by his predecessors, 2 Kings xxiii, 11. This superstitious practice was borrowed from pagans, particularly the Persians.
CHARITY, considered as a Christian grace, ought in our translation, in order to avoid mistake, to have been translated love. It is the love of God, and the love of our neighbour flowing from the love of God; and is described with wonderful copiousness, felicity, and even grandeur, by St. Paul, 1 Cor. xiii; a portion of Scripture which, as it shows the habitual temper of a true Christian, cannot be too frequently referred to for self-examination, and ought to be constantly present to us as our rule. 2. In the popular sense, charity is almsgiving; a duty of practical Christianity which is solemnly enjoined, and to which special promises are annexed.
CHARITY, seen as a Christian virtue, should be translated as love in our understanding, to avoid confusion. It is the love of God and the love for our neighbors that comes from that love of God; St. Paul describes it with remarkable depth, clarity, and even greatness in 1 Cor. xiii. This passage of Scripture, which illustrates the true Christian's mindset, should be referenced often for self-reflection and should always guide us as our standard. 2. In everyday language, charity means giving to those in need; it’s a responsibility of practical Christianity that is strongly emphasized and comes with specific promises attached.
CHARM. See Divination.
CHARM. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
CHEBAR, a river of Chaldea, Ezek. i, 1. It is thought to have risen near the head of the Tigris, and to have run through Mesopotamia, to the south-west, and emptied itself into the Euphrates.
CHEBAR, a river in Chaldea, Ezek. i, 1. It is believed to have originated near the source of the Tigris, flowing southwest through Mesopotamia and into the Euphrates.
CHEDORLAOMER, a king of the Elamites, who were either Persians, or people bordering upon the Persians. This was one of the four confederated kings, who made war upon the five kings of the pentapolis of Sodom; and who, after having defeated them, and made themselves masters of a great booty, were pursued and dispersed by Abraham, Gen. xiv.
CHEDORLAOMER, a king of the Elamites, who were either Persians or people living near the Persians. He was one of the four allied kings who waged war against the five kings of the city-states of Sodom; after defeating them and claiming a large amount of spoils, they were chased down and scattered by Abraham, Gen. xiv.
CHEMARIM. This word occurs only once in our version of the Bible: “I will cut off the remnant of Baal, and the name of the Chemarims (Chemarim) with the priests,” Zeph. i, 4; but it frequently occurs in the Hebrew, and is generally translated “priests of the idols,” or “priests clothed in black,” because chamar signifies blackness. By this word the best commentators understand the priests of false gods, and in particular the worshippers of fire, because they were, it is said, dressed in black. Le Clerc, however, declares against this last opinion. Our translators of the Bible would seem sometimes to understand by this word the idols or objects of worship, rather than their priests. This is also the opinion of Le Clerc. Calmet observes that camar in Arabic signifies the moon, and that Isis is the same deity. “Among the priests of Isis,” says Calmet, “were those called melanephori, that is, wearers of black; but it is uncertain whether this name was given them by reason of their dressing wholly in black, or because they wore a black shining veil in the processions of this goddess.”
CHEMARIM. This word appears only once in our version of the Bible: “I will cut off the remnant of Baal, and the name of the Chemarims (Chemarim) with the priests,” Zeph. i, 4; but it comes up frequently in Hebrew and is usually translated as “priests of the idols” or “priests dressed in black,” because chamar means blackness. The best commentators generally interpret this as referring to the priests of false gods, particularly those who worship fire, as they were said to wear black. However, Le Clerc argues against this last view. Our translators of the Bible sometimes seem to interpret this word as referring to the idols or objects of worship instead of their priests. This interpretation is also supported by Le Clerc. Calmet notes that camar in Arabic means the moon, which is associated with the same deity. “Among the priests of Isis,” Calmet states, “were those called melanephori, or wearers of black; but it is uncertain whether this name was given to them because they dressed entirely in black or because they wore a black shining veil during the processions of this goddess.”
CHEMOSH, כמוש, an idol of the Moabites, Numbers xxi, 29. The name is derived from a root which in Arabic signifies to hasten. For this reason, many believe Chemosh to be the sun, whose precipitate course might well procure it the name of swift. Some identify Chemosh with Ammon; and Macrobius shows that Ammon was the sun, whose rays were denoted by his horns. Calmet is of opinion that the god Hamanus and Apollo Chomeus, mentioned by Strabo and Ammianus Marcellinus, was Chamos, or the sun. These deities were worshipped in many parts of the east. Some, from the resemblance of the Hebrew Chamos with the Greek Comos, have thought Chamos to signify Bacchus. Jerom and most interpreters consider Chamosh and Peor as the same deity; but some think that Baal-Peor was Tammuz, or Adonis. To Chemosh Solomon erected an altar upon the Mount of Olives, 1 Kings xi, 7. As to the form of the idol Chemosh, the Scripture is silent; but if, according to Jerom, it were like Baal-Peor, it must have been of the beeve kind; as were, probably, all the Baals, though accompanied with various insignia. There can be little doubt that part of the religious services performed to Chemosh, as to Baal-Peor, consisted in revelling and drunkenness, obscenities and impurities of the grossest kinds. From Chemosh the Greeks seem to have derived their Κῶμος, called by the Romans Comus, the god of feasting and revelling.
CHEMOSH, כמו שאת, an idol of the Moabites, Numbers xxi, 29. The name comes from a root in Arabic that means to hasten. For this reason, many believe Chemosh represents the sun, whose rapid movement could earn it the title of swift. Some connect Chemosh with Ammon, and Macrobius states that Ammon was the sun, with his rays symbolized by his horns. Calmet believes that the god Hamanus and Apollo Chomeus, mentioned by Strabo and Ammianus Marcellinus, was actually Chamos, or the sun. These gods were worshipped in various parts of the east. Some, noting the similarity between the Hebrew Chamos and the Greek Comos, think Chamos means Bacchus. Jerom and most interpreters see Chamosh and Peor as the same deity; however, some argue that Baal-Peor was Tammuz or Adonis. Solomon built an altar to Chemosh on the Mount of Olives, 1 Kings xi, 7. The Bible does not describe the form of the idol Chemosh, but if, according to Jerom, it resembled Baal-Peor, it likely had the form of a bull, as most Baals probably did, though with various symbols. There’s little doubt that part of the religious rituals performed for Chemosh, as with Baal-Peor, involved revelry and drunkenness, along with explicit and crude acts. From Chemosh, the Greeks seem to have derived their Κῶμος, known to the Romans as Comus, the god of feasting and revelry.
CHERETHIM. כרתים. Cherethim, or Cherethites, are denominations for the Philistines: “I will stretch out mine hand upon the Philistines, and will cut off the Cherethim, and destroy the remnant of the sea coast,” Ezek. xxv, 16. Zephaniah, exclaiming against the Philistines, says, “Wo unto the inhabitants of the sea coasts, the nation of the Cherethites,” Zeph. ii, 5. It is said, 1 Sam. xxx, 14, that the Amalekites invaded the south of the Cherethites; that is, of the Philistines. David, and some of the kings, his successors, had guards called Cherethites and Pelethites, 2 Sam. xv, 18; xx, 7. Calmet thinks that they were of the country of the Philistines; but several expositors of our own country are of a different opinion. “We can hardly suppose,” say the latter, “that David would employ any of these uncircumcised people as his body-guard, or that the Israelitish soldiers would have patiently seen foreigners of that nation advanced to such places of honour and trust.” It may, therefore, be inferred that guards were called Cherethites, because they went with David into Philistia, where they continued with him all the time he was under the protection of Achish. These were the persons who accompanied David from the first, and who remained with him in his greatest distresses; and it is no wonder, if men of such approved fidelity should be chosen for his body-guard. Beside, it is not uncommon for soldiers to derive their names, not from the place of their nativity, but of their residence.
CHERETHIM. קריתים. Cherethim, or Cherethites, are terms used for the Philistines: “I will stretch out my hand against the Philistines, and I will cut off the Cherethim, and destroy the remnant of the seacoast,” Ezek. xxv, 16. Zephaniah, speaking out against the Philistines, says, “Woe to the inhabitants of the seacoasts, the nation of the Cherethites,” Zeph. ii, 5. It is mentioned in 1 Sam. xxx, 14, that the Amalekites invaded the southern part of the Cherethites; that is, of the Philistines. David, along with some of his successor kings, had a guard known as the Cherethites and Pelethites, 2 Sam. xv, 18; xx, 7. Calmet believes they were from the land of the Philistines, but several modern scholars disagree. “It's hard to imagine,” say the latter, “that David would use any of these uncircumcised people as his bodyguard, or that the Israelite soldiers would have allowed foreigners from that nation to be promoted to such positions of honor and trust.” Therefore, it can be suggested that they were called Cherethites because they accompanied David into Philistia, where they remained with him throughout his time under Achish's protection. These were the individuals who stood by David from the beginning and who remained with him during his toughest times; it’s no surprise that men known for their loyalty would be chosen for his bodyguard. Additionally, it's not unusual for soldiers to be named not after their place of birth but after where they live.
230CHERUB. כרב, plural כרבים. It appears, from Gen. iii, 29, that this is a name given to angels; but whether it is the name of a distinct class of celestials, or designates the same order as the seraphim, we have no means of determining. But the term cherubim generally signifies those figures which Moses was commanded to make and place at each end of the mercy seat, or propitiatory, and which covered the ark with expanded wings in the most holy place of the Jewish tabernacle and temple. See Exodus xxv, 18, 19. The original meaning of the term, and the shape or form of these, any farther than that they were alata animata, “winged creatures,” is not certainly known. The word in Hebrew is sometimes taken for a calf or ox; and Ezekiel, x, 14, sets down the face of a cherub as synonymous to the face of an ox. The word cherub, in Syriac and Chaldee, signifies to till or plough, which is the proper work of oxen. Cherub also signifies strong and powerful. Grotius says they were figures much like that of a calf; and Bochart, likewise, thinks that they were more like the figure of an ox than any thing beside; and Spencer is of the same mind. But Josephus says they were extraordinary creatures of a figure unknown to mankind. The opinion of most critics, taken, it seems, from Ezek. i, 9, 10, is, that they were figures composed of parts of various creatures; as a man, a lion, an ox, an eagle. But certainly we have no decided proof that the figures placed in the holy of holies, in the tabernacle, were of the same form with those described by Ezekiel. The contrary, indeed, seems rather indicated, because they looked down upon the mercy seat, which is an attribute not well adapted to a four-faced creature, like the emblematical cherubim seen by Ezekiel.
230CHERUB. As a rabbi, plural מזויף. It seems, from Gen. iii, 29, that this term is used for angels; however, we can't tell if it refers to a specific group of celestial beings or if it denotes the same order as the seraphim. The term cherubim typically refers to the figures that Moses was instructed to create and position at each end of the mercy seat, or propitiatory, which covered the ark with outstretched wings in the holiest part of the Jewish tabernacle and temple. See Exodus xxv, 18, 19. The original meaning of the term and the exact shape or form of these beings, beyond the fact that they were animated character, or "winged creatures," is not definitively known. In Hebrew, the word is sometimes associated with a calf or ox; and Ezekiel, x, 14, refers to the face of a cherub as being the same as the face of an ox. The word cherub, in Syriac and Chaldee, means to till or plow, which is typical work for oxen. Cherub also indicates strength and power. Grotius suggests they were figures resembling a calf; Bochart also believes they looked more like an ox than anything else; and Spencer shares the same view. However, Josephus claims they were extraordinary beings with forms unknown to humans. Most critics, based on Ezek. i, 9, 10, propose that they were figures made up of parts from various creatures—such as a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. But there is no definite proof that the figures in the holy of holies of the tabernacle had the same form as those described by Ezekiel. In fact, the contrary seems more likely since they looked down upon the mercy seat, which is not a trait that suits a four-faced creature like the symbolic cherubim seen by Ezekiel.
The cherubim of the sanctuary were two in number; one at each end of the mercy seat; which, with the ark, was placed exactly in the middle, between the north and south sides of the tabernacle. It was here that atonement was made, and that God was rendered propitious by the high priest sprinkling the blood upon and before the mercy seat, Lev. xvi, 14, 15. Here the glory of God appeared, and here he met his high priest, and by him his people, and from hence he gave forth his oracles; whence the whole holy place was called דביר, the oracle. These cherubim, it must be observed, had feet whereon they stood, 2 Chron. iii, 13; and their feet were joined, in one continued beaten work, to the ends of the mercy seat which covered the ark: so that they were wholly over or above it. Those in the tabernacle were of beaten gold, being but of small dimensions, Exod. xxv, 18; but those in the temple of Solomon were made of the wood of the olive tree overlaid with gold; for they were very large, extending their wings to the whole breadth of the oracle, which was twenty cubits, 1 Kings vi, 23–28; 2 Chron. iii, 10–13. They are called “cherubim of glory,” not merely or chiefly on account of the matter or formation of them, but because they had the glory of God, or the glorious symbol of his presence, “the Shekinah,” resting between them. As this glory abode in the inward tabernacle, and as the figures of the cherubim represented the angels who surround the manifestation of the divine presence in the world above, that tabernacle was rendered a fit image of the court of heaven, in which light it is considered every where in the Epistle to the Hebrews. See chapters iv, 14; viii, 1; ix, 8, 9, 23, 24; xii, 22, 23.
The sanctuary had two cherubim; one on each side of the mercy seat. The ark was positioned right in the middle, between the north and south sides of the tabernacle. This was the place where atonement happened, and where the high priest made God favorable by sprinkling blood on and in front of the mercy seat, Lev. xvi, 14, 15. Here, God’s glory appeared, and here He met with His high priest, who represented His people, and from this spot, He provided His messages; hence, the entire holy place was called דביר, the oracle. It’s important to note that these cherubim had feet on which they stood, 2 Chron. iii, 13; their feet were joined together in one continuous beaten form connected to the ends of the mercy seat, which covered the ark: so they were positioned completely above it. The ones in the tabernacle were made of beaten gold and were quite small, Exod. xxv, 18; but those in Solomon’s temple were made from olive wood and covered in gold; they were much larger, stretching their wings across the entire width of the oracle, which was twenty cubits, 1 Kings vi, 23–28; 2 Chron. iii, 10–13. They are referred to as “cherubim of glory,” not just because of their material or design, but because they had the glory of God, or the glorious symbol of His presence, “the Shekinah,” resting between them. As this glory dwelled in the inner tabernacle, and as the figures of the cherubim symbolized the angels surrounding the manifestation of divine presence in the heavenly realm, that tabernacle served as a suitable representation of the court of heaven, as depicted throughout the Epistle to the Hebrews. See chapters iv, 14; viii, 1; ix, 8, 9, 23, 24; xii, 22, 23.
The cherubim, it is true, have been considered by the disciples of Mr. Hutchinson as designed emblems of Jehovah himself, or rather of the Trinity of Persons in the Godhead, with man taken into the divine essence. But that God, who is a pure Spirit, without parts or passions, perfectly separate and remote from all matter, should command Moses to make material and visible images or emblematical representations of himself, is utterly improbable: especially, considering that he had repeatedly, expressly, and solemnly forbidden every thing of this kind in the second commandment of the moral law, delivered from Mount Sinai, amidst thunder and lightning, “blackness, darkness, and tempest,” pronouncing with an audible and awful voice, while “the whole mount quaked greatly, and the sound of the trumpet waxed louder and louder, Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the water under the earth.” Hence the solemn caution of Moses, Deut. iv, 15, &c: “Take ye good heed unto yourselves, (for ye saw no manner of similitude on the day the Lord spake unto you in Horeb out of the midst of the fire,) lest ye corrupt yourselves, and make you a graven image, the similitude of any figure, the likeness of male or female, of any beast that is on the earth, of any winged fowl that flieth in the air, of any thing that creepeth on the ground, of any fish that is in the waters.” Hence God’s demand by his prophet: “To what will ye liken me, or shall I be equal, saith the Holy One?” And hence the censure of the inspired penman, Psalm cvi, 20: “They changed their glory into the similitude of an ox that eateth grass.” Add to this, that in most or all of the places where the cherubim are mentioned in the Scriptures, God is expressly distinguished from them. Thus, “He,” the Lord, “placed at the east of the garden cherubim, and a flaming sword,” Gen. iii, 24. “He rode on a cherub and did fly,” Psalm xviii, 10. “He sitteth between the cherubim,” Psalm xcix, 1. “He dwelleth between the cherubim,” Psalm lxxx, 1. We also read of “the glory of the God of Israel going up, from the cherub whereupon he was, to the threshold of the house,” Ezek. ix, 3. And again, “The glory of the Lord went up from the cherub, and the court was full of the brightness of the Lord’s glory,” Ezek. x, 4. And again, “The glory of the Lord departed from off the threshold, and stood over the cherubim,” Ezek. x, 18. In all these passages the glory of the Lord, that is, the Shekinah, the glorious symbol of his presence, is distinguished from the cherubim; and 231not the least intimation is given in these passages, or any others, of the Scripture, that the cherubim were images or emblematical representations of him. Mr. Parkhurst’s laborious effort to establish Mr. Hutchinson’s opinion on the subject of the cherubim, in his Hebrew Lexicon, sub voce, is so obviously fanciful and contradictory, that few will be converted to this strange opinion. It seems much more probable that, as most eminent divines have supposed, the cherubim represented the angels who surround the divine presence in heaven. Accordingly, they had their faces turned toward the mercy seat, where God was supposed to dwell, whose glory the angels in heaven always behold, and upon which their eyes are continually fixed; as they are also upon Christ, the true propitiatory, which mystery of redemption they “desire,” St. Peter tells us, “to look into,” 1 Peter i, 12: a circumstance evidently signified by the faces of the cherubim being turned inward, and their eyes fixed on the mercy seat. We may here also observe that, allowing St. Peter in this passage to allude to the cherubic figures, which, from his mode of expression, can scarcely be doubted, this amounts to a strong presumption that the cherubim represented, not so much one order, as “the angels” in general, all of whom are said to “desire to look into” the subjects of human redemption, and to all whose orders, “the principalities and powers in heavenly places, the manifold wisdom of God is made known by the church.” In Ezekiel, the cherubic figures are evidently connected with the dispensations of providence; and they have therefore appropriate forms, emblematical of the strength, wisdom, swiftness, and constancy, with which the holy angels minister in carrying on God’s designs: but in the sanctuary they are connected with the administration of grace; and they are rather adoring beholders, than actors, and probably appeared under forms more simple. As to the living creatures, improperly rendered “beasts” in our translation, Rev. iv, 7, some think them a hieroglyphical representation, not of the qualities of angels, but of those of real Christians; especially of those in the suffering and active periods of the church. The first a lion, signifying their undaunted courage, manifested in meeting with confidence the greatest sufferings; the second a calf or ox, emblematical of unwearied patience; the third with the face of a man representing prudence and compassion; the fourth a flying eagle, signifying activity and vigour. The four qualities thus emblematically set forth in these four living creatures, namely, undaunted courage, unwearied patience under sufferings, prudence united with kindness, and vigorous activity, are found, more or less, in the true members of Christ’s church in every age and nation. But others have imagined that this representation might be intended to intimate also that these qualities would especially prevail in succeeding ages of the church, in the order in which they are here placed: that is, that in the first age true Christians would be eminent for the courage, fortitude, and success, wherewith they should spread the Gospel; that in the next age they would manifest remarkable patience in bearing persecution, when they should be “killed all the day,” like calves or oxen appointed for the slaughter; that in the subsequent age or ages, when the storms of persecution were blown over, and Christianity was generally spread through the whole Roman empire, knowledge and wisdom, piety and virtue, should increase, and the church should wear the face of a man, and excel in prudence, humanity, love, and good works; and that in ages still later, being reformed from various corruptions in doctrine and practice, and full of vigour and activity, it should carry the Gospel, as upon the wings of a flying eagle, to the remotest nations under heaven, “to every kindred, and tongue, and people.” This is a thought which deserves some consideration. The four great monarchies of the earth had their prophetic emblems, taken both from metals and from beasts and birds; and it is not unreasonable to look for prophetic emblems of the one kingdom of Christ, in its varied and successive states. Perhaps, however, the most reasonable conclusion is, that, like the “living creatures” in the vision of Ezekiel, they are emblematical of the ministrations of angels in what pertains to those providential events which more particularly concern the church.
The cherubim have indeed been seen by the followers of Mr. Hutchinson as symbols of Jehovah himself, or more accurately, the Trinity of Persons in the Godhead, with humanity included in the divine essence. However, it seems highly unlikely that God, who is a pure Spirit without form or emotions, entirely separate from all physical matter, would instruct Moses to create material and visible images or symbolic representations of himself. This is especially true considering that God had explicitly and solemnly forbidden such practices in the second commandment of the moral law, given from Mount Sinai amid thunder and lightning, “darkness, gloom, and storm,” and pronounced with a loud, terrifying voice while “the whole mountain shook violently, and the sound of the trumpet grew louder and louder, 'You shall not make for yourself any carved image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or on the earth below, or in the water beneath the earth.'" Thus, Moses's serious warning, Deut. iv, 15, etc: “Be very careful for yourselves, (for you saw no shape on the day the Lord spoke to you at Horeb out of the fire,) lest you corrupt yourselves and make an idol, the likeness of any form, whether male or female, of any creature on the earth, any bird that flies in the air, anything that crawls on the ground, or any fish in the waters." Hence God's challenge through his prophet: “To what will you compare me, or who will be my equal, says the Holy One?” And the rebuke from the inspired writer, Psalm cvi, 20: “They exchanged their glory for the likeness of an ox that eats grass.” Moreover, in most or all instances where cherubim are mentioned in Scripture, God is specifically set apart from them. For example, “He,” the Lord, “placed cherubim at the east of the garden, along with a flaming sword,” Gen. iii, 24. “He rode on a cherub and flew,” Psalm xviii, 10. “He sits enthroned between the cherubim,” Psalm xcix, 1. “He dwells between the cherubim,” Psalm lxxx, 1. We also read about “the glory of the God of Israel rising from the cherub where He was, to the threshold of the house,” Ezek. ix, 3. And again, “The glory of the Lord rose from the cherub, and the court was filled with the brightness of the Lord's glory,” Ezek. x, 4. And once more, “The glory of the Lord departed from the threshold and stood over the cherubim,” Ezek. x, 18. In all these instances, the glory of the Lord, that is, the Shekinah, the glorious symbol of His presence, is set apart from the cherubim; and there is no indication in these or any other passages of Scripture that the cherubim were images or symbolic representations of Him. Mr. Parkhurst’s detailed effort to support Mr. Hutchinson’s view on cherubim in his Hebrew Lexicon, sub voce, seems so clearly fanciful and contradictory that few will be persuaded by this odd opinion. It appears far more likely that, as most distinguished theologians have believed, the cherubim represented the angels who surround the divine presence in heaven. Accordingly, their faces were turned toward the mercy seat, where God was thought to reside, whose glory the angels in heaven always behold, and upon which their gaze is constantly fixed; just as they are also focused on Christ, the true sacrifice, a mystery of redemption that they “desire,” according to St. Peter, “to look into,” 1 Peter i, 12: a notion clearly represented by the faces of the cherubim facing inward and their eyes fixed on the mercy seat. We might also note that, if we accept that St. Peter in this passage refers to the cherubic figures, which his phrasing suggests, it adds strong evidence that the cherubim represented not just one kind, but “the angels” in general, all of whom are said to “desire to look into” the matters of human redemption, and to whom all ranks, “the principalities and authorities in heavenly places, the manifold wisdom of God is made known by the church.” In Ezekiel, the cherubic figures are clearly linked to the workings of providence; their forms are thus suitable symbols of the strength, wisdom, speed, and constancy with which the holy angels serve in carrying out God’s plans: but in the sanctuary, they are associated with the administration of grace; and they are more akin to worshipers than participants, likely appearing in simpler forms. As for the living creatures, inaccurately translated as “beasts” in our version, Rev. iv, 7, some believe they symbolically represent not the characteristics of angels, but those of true Christians; particularly during the suffering and active periods of the church. The first, a lion, symbolizes their fearless courage, demonstrated in confidently facing the greatest sufferings; the second, a calf or ox, representing tireless patience; the third, with a human face representing wisdom and compassion; the fourth, a flying eagle, signifying energy and vigor. The four qualities symbolically represented in these creatures—fearless courage, enduring patience amidst suffering, wisdom coupled with kindness, and active energy—can be found, to varying degrees, among the true members of Christ’s church in every age and nation. Others have suggested that this depiction might also imply that these qualities will especially prevail in the future eras of the church, in the order in which they are presented here: that is, in the first era, true Christians would shine for their courage, strength, and success in spreading the Gospel; in the next era, they would show remarkable patience in facing persecution, when they would be “killed all day,” like calves or oxen set for slaughter; in the following ages, once the storms of persecution had passed and Christianity was widely established throughout the Roman Empire, knowledge and wisdom, piety and virtue would flourish, and the church would take on the characteristics of a human face, excelling in prudence, compassion, love, and good deeds; and in later ages, having been reformed from various doctrinal and practical corruptions, and full of energy and activity, it would carry the Gospel, as if on the wings of a flying eagle, to the farthest corners of the earth, “to every tribe, language, and people.” This idea certainly merits some thought. The four great empires of the world were assigned prophetic symbols taken from metals, beasts, and birds; similarly, it’s reasonable to expect prophetic symbols of Christ’s kingdom in its various and successive forms. However, the most reasonable conclusion is probably that, like the “living creatures” in Ezekiel’s vision, they symbolize the ministries of angels in relation to those providential events that particularly concern the church.
CHESNUT TREE, ערמון. This tree, which is mentioned only in Gen. xxx, 37, and Ezek. xxxi, 8, is by the Septuagint and Jerom rendered plane tree; and Drusius, Hiller, and most of the modern interpreters render it the same. The name is derived from a root which signifies nakedness; and it is often observed of the plane tree that the bark peels off from the trunk, leaving it naked, which peculiarity may have been the occasion of its Hebrew name. The son of Sirach says, “I grew up as a plane tree by the water,” Ecclesiasticus xxiv, 14.
CHESNUT TREE, אֵזוֹר. This tree, mentioned only in Gen. 30:37 and Ezek. 31:8, is referred to as a plane tree by the Septuagint and Jerome; Drusius, Hiller, and most modern interpreters use the same term. The name comes from a root that means nakedness; it's commonly noted that the bark of the plane tree peels off from the trunk, leaving it bare, which might explain its Hebrew name. The son of Sirach states, “I grew up as a plane tree by the water,” Ecclesiasticus 24:14.
CHILD. Mothers, in the earliest times, suckled their offspring themselves, and that from thirty to thirty-six months. The day when the child was weaned was made a festival, Gen. xxi, 8; Exod. ii, 7, 9; 1 Sam. i, 22–24; 2 Chron. xxxi, 16; 2 Mac. vii, 27, 28; Matt, xxi, 16. Nurses were employed, in case the mother died before the child was old enough to be weaned, and when from any circumstances she was unable to afford a sufficient supply of milk for its nourishment. In later ages, when matrons had become more delicate, and thought themselves too infirm to fulfil the duties which naturally devolved upon them, nurses were employed to take their place, and were reckoned among the principal members of the family. They are, accordingly, in consequence of the respectable station which they sustained, frequently mentioned in sacred history, Gen. xxxv, 8; 2 Kings xi, 2; 2 Chron. xxii, 11. The sons remained till the fifth year in the care of the women; they then came into the father’s hands, and were taught not only the arts and duties of life, but were instructed in the Mosaic law, and in all parts of their country’s religion, Deut, vi, 20–25; vii, 23219; xi, 19. Those who wished to have them farther instructed, provided they did not deem it preferable to employ private teachers, sent them away to some priest or Levite, who sometimes had a number of other children to instruct. It appears from 1 Sam. i, 24–28, that there was a school near the holy tabernacle, dedicated to the instruction of youth. There had been many other schools of this kind, which had fallen into decay, but were restored again by the Prophet Samuel; after whose time, the members of the seminaries in question, who were denominated by way of distinction “the sons of the prophets,” acquired no little notoriety. Daughters rarely departed from the apartments appropriated to the females, except when they went out with an urn to draw water. They spent their time in learning those domestic and other arts, which are befitting a woman’s situation and character, till they arrived at that period in life when they were to be sold, or, by a better fortune, given away in marriage, Prov. xxxi, 13; 2 Sam. xiii, 7.
CHILD. In ancient times, mothers nursed their children directly for about thirty to thirty-six months. The day of weaning was celebrated as a special occasion, as noted in Gen. xxi, 8; Exod. ii, 7, 9; 1 Sam. i, 22–24; 2 Chron. xxxi, 16; 2 Mac. vii, 27, 28; Matt, xxi, 16. If the mother passed away before the child could be weaned or if she couldn’t produce enough milk, a nurse would be hired. In later years, as mothers became more delicate and felt incapable of fulfilling their traditional roles, nurses took over these responsibilities and were considered important members of the household. Due to their esteemed position, they are often mentioned in sacred texts, like Gen. xxxv, 8; 2 Kings xi, 2; 2 Chron. xxii, 11. Sons remained under the women’s care until they were five, after which they were entrusted to their fathers, who taught them not only life skills but also the Mosaic law and aspects of their national religion, as mentioned in Deut, vi, 20–25; vii, 19; xi, 19. Those looking for further education, if they preferred not to hire private tutors, would send their children to a priest or Levite, who often taught multiple kids. It is indicated in 1 Sam. i, 24–28 that there was a school near the holy tabernacle meant for youth education. Many such schools had previously fallen into disrepair but were revived by the Prophet Samuel. After his time, the students in these schools, distinguished as “the sons of the prophets,” gained significant recognition. Daughters typically stayed within the women’s quarters, only leaving to fetch water with a jug. They focused on learning domestic skills and other arts suitable for women until they reached the stage in life when they would be sold or, ideally, given away in marriage, as noted in Prov. xxxi, 13; 2 Sam. xiii, 7.
2. In Scripture, disciples are often called children or sons, Solomon, in his Proverbs, says,to his disciple, “Hear, my son.” The descendants of a man, how remote soever, are denominated his sons or children; as “the children of Edom,” “the children of Moab,” “the children of Israel.” Such expressions as “the children of light,” “the children of darkness,” “the children of the kingdom,” signify those who follow truth, those who remain in error, and those who belong to the church. Persons arrived at almost the age of maturity are sometimes called “children.” Thus, Joseph is termed “the child,” though he was at least sixteen years old, Gen. xxxvii, 30; and Benjamin, even when above thirty, was so denominated, xliv, 20. By the Jewish law, children were reckoned the property of their parents, who could sell them for seven years to pay their debts. Their creditors had also the power of compelling them to resort to this measure. The poor woman, whose oil Elisha increased so much as enabled her to pay her husband’s debts, complained to the prophet, that, her husband being dead, the creditor was come to take away her two sons to be bondmen, 2 Kings iv, 1. “Children, or sons of God,” is a name by which the angels are sometimes described: “There was a day when the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord,” Job i, 6; ii, 1. Good men, in opposition to the wicked, are also thus denominated; the children of Seth’s family, in opposition to those of Cain: “The sons of God saw the daughters of men,” Gen. vi, 2. Judges, magistrates, priests, are also termed children of God: “I have said, Ye are gods, and all of you are the children of the Most High,” Psa. lxxxii, 6. The Israelites are called “sons of God,” in opposition to the Gentiles, Hosea i, 10; John xi, 52. In the New Testament, believers are commonly called “children of God” by virtue of their adoption. St. Paul, in several places, extols the advantages of being adopted sons of God, Rom. viii, 14; Gal. iii, 26. “Children, or sons of men,” is a name given to Cain’s family before the deluge, and, in particular, to the giants who were violent men, and had corrupted their ways. Afterward, the impious Israelites were thus called: “O ye sons of men, how long will ye love vanity?” Psa. iv, 2. “The sons of men, whose teeth are spears and arrows,” lvii, 4.
2. In Scripture, disciples are often referred to as children or sons. Solomon, in his Proverbs, says to his disciple, “Listen, my son.” The descendants of a man, no matter how distant, are called his sons or children; for example, “the children of Edom,” “the children of Moab,” “the children of Israel.” Expressions like “the children of light,” “the children of darkness,” and “the children of the kingdom” represent those who embrace truth, those who remain in error, and those who belong to the church. People who are nearly adults are sometimes still called “children.” For instance, Joseph is referred to as “the child,” even though he was at least sixteen years old (Gen. xxxvii, 30), and Benjamin, even when over thirty, was similarly called (xliv, 20). According to Jewish law, children were considered the property of their parents, who could sell them for seven years to settle their debts. Creditors could also force them to take this step. The poor woman whose oil Elisha multiplied, allowing her to pay her husband’s debts, complained to the prophet that since her husband had died, the creditor had come to take her two sons as servants (2 Kings iv, 1). “Children, or sons of God” is a term sometimes used to describe angels: “There was a day when the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord” (Job i, 6; ii, 1). Righteous people, as opposed to the wicked, are also referred to as such; for example, the children of Seth compared to those of Cain: “The sons of God saw the daughters of men” (Gen. vi, 2). Judges, magistrates, and priests are likewise called children of God: “I have said, Ye are gods, and all of you are the children of the Most High” (Psa. lxxxii, 6). The Israelites are termed “sons of God” in contrast to the Gentiles (Hosea i, 10; John xi, 52). In the New Testament, believers are generally called “children of God” by virtue of their adoption. St. Paul highlights the benefits of being adopted sons of God in several places (Rom. viii, 14; Gal. iii, 26). “Children, or sons of men” refers to Cain’s lineage before the flood, particularly the giants who were violent and had corrupted their ways. Later, the wicked Israelites were also called this: “O ye sons of men, how long will ye love vanity?” (Psa. iv, 2). “The sons of men, whose teeth are spears and arrows” (lvii, 4).
CHILD BIRTH. In oriental countries child birth is not an event of much difficulty; and mothers at such a season were originally the only assistants of their daughters, as any farther aid was deemed unnecessary, Exod. i, 19. In cases of more than ordinary difficulty, those matrons who had acquired some celebrity for skill and expertness on occasions of this kind, were invited in; and in this way there eventually rose into notice that class of women denominated midwives. The child was no sooner born, than it was washed in a bath, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in swaddling clothes, החתל, Ezek. xvi, 4. It was the custom at a very ancient period, for the father, while music in the mean while was heard to sound, to clasp the new born child to his bosom, and by this ceremony was understood to declare it to be his own, Gen. l, 23; Job iii, 12; Psa. xxii, 11. This practice was imitated by those wives who adopted the children of their maids, Gen. xvi, 2; xxx, 3–5. The birth day of a son, especially, was made a festival, and on each successive year was celebrated with renewed demonstrations of festivity and joy, Gen. xl, 20; Job i, 4; Matt. xiv, 6. The messenger, who brought the news of the birth of a son, was received with joy, and rewarded with presents, Job iii, 3; Jer. xx, 15. This is the case at the present day in Persia.
CHILD BIRTH. In Eastern countries, childbirth is generally not very difficult; mothers were initially the only helpers for their daughters during this time because any additional assistance was considered unnecessary, Exod. i, 19. In cases of greater difficulty, skilled women known for their expertise were brought in, which led to the emergence of midwives. As soon as the child was born, it was washed in a bath, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in swaddling clothes, The diaper, Ezek. xvi, 4. A long time ago, it was customary for the father to hold the newborn to his chest while music played, symbolizing his acknowledgment of the child as his own, Gen. l, 23; Job iii, 12; Psa. xxii, 11. This practice was also mirrored by wives who adopted their maidservants’ children, Gen. xvi, 2; xxx, 3–5. The birthday of a son was especially celebrated as a festival, and each subsequent year was marked with renewed celebrations and joy, Gen. xl, 20; Job i, 4; Matt. xiv, 6. The messenger who brought the news of the birth of a son was welcomed with happiness and rewarded with gifts, Job iii, 3; Jer. xx, 15. This tradition continues today in Persia.
CHISLEU, the third month of the Jewish civil year, and the ninth of their sacred, answering to our November and December, Nehem. i, 1. It contains thirty days.
CHISLEU, the third month of the Jewish civil year and the ninth of their sacred year, corresponds to our November and December (Nehem. i, 1). It has thirty days.
CHITTIM, the country, or countries, implied by this name in Scripture, are variously interpreted by historians and commentators. Chittim has been taken, by Hales and Lowth, for all the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean; which appears most consonant with the general use of the word by the different inspired writers.
CHITTIM, the country, or countries, referred to by this name in the Bible, are interpreted differently by historians and commentators. Hales and Lowth consider Chittim to represent all the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean, which seems to align best with how the term is used by various biblical authors.
CHRIST, an appellation synonymous with Messiah. The word Χριϛὸς, signifies anointed, from χρίω, I anoint. Sometimes the word Christ is used singly, by way of autonomasis, to denote a person sent from God, as an anointed prophet, king, or priest. “Christ,” says Lactantius, “is no proper name, but one denoting power; for the Jews used to give this appellation to their kings, calling them Christ, or anointed, by reason of their sacred unction.” But he adds, “The Heathens, by mistake, call Jesus Christ, Chrestus.” Accordingly, Suetonius, speaking of Claudius, and of his expelling the Jews from Rome, says that “he banished them because they were continually promoting tumults, under the influence of one Chrestus:” “Judæos, impulsore Chresto, assiduè tumultuantes, Româ expulit,” taking Christ to be a proper name. The names of Messiah and Christ were originally derived from the ceremony 233of anointing, by which the kings and the high priests of God’s people, and sometimes the prophets, 1 Kings xix, 16, were consecrated and admitted to the exercise of their functions; for all these functions were accounted holy among the Israelites. But the most eminent application of the word is to that illustrious personage, typified and predicted from the beginning, who is described by the prophets, under the character of God’s Anointed, the Messiah, or the Christ. As to the use of the term in the New Testament, were we to judge by the common version, or even by most versions into modern tongues, we should receive it rather as a proper name, than an appellative, or name of office, and should think of it only as our Lord’s surname. To this mistake our translators have contributed, by too seldom prefixing the article before Christ. The word Christ was at first as much an appellative as the word Baptist, and the one was as regularly accompanied with the article as the other. Yet our translators, who would always say “the Baptist,” have, it should seem, studiously avoided saying “the Christ.” The article, in such expressions as occur in Acts xvii, 3; xviii, 5, 28, adds considerable light to them, and yet no more than what the words of the historian manifestly convey to every reader who understands his language. It should therefore be, “Paul testified to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ,” or the Messiah, &c. Many other similar instances occur. Should it be asked, Is the word Christ never to be understood in the New Testament as a proper name, but always as having a direct reference to the office or dignity? it may be replied, that this word came at length, from the frequency of application to one individual, and only to one, to supply the place of a proper name. It would also very much accelerate this effect, that the name Jesus was common among the Jews at that time, and this rendered an addition necessary for distinguishing the person. To this purpose, Grotius remarks, that in process of time the name Jesus was very much dropped, and Christ, which had never been used before as the proper name of any person, and was, for that reason, a better distinction, was substituted for it; insomuch that, among the Heathens, our Lord came to be more known by the latter than by the former. This use seems to have begun soon after his ascension. During his life, it does not appear that the word was ever used in this manner; nay, the contrary is evident from several passages of the Gospels. The evangelists wrote some years after the period above mentioned; and therefore they adopted the practice common among Christians at that time, which was to employ the word as a surname for the sake of distinction. See Matt. i, 1, 18; Mark i, 1.
CHRIST is a term synonymous with Messiah. The word Χριϛὸς means anointed, derived from χρίω, I anoint. Sometimes, the word Christ is used alone, referring to someone sent by God, like an anointed prophet, king, or priest. "Christ," Lactantius says, "is not a proper name, but one that denotes power; because the Jews used this title for their kings, calling them Christ, or anointed, due to their sacred anointing." He continues, "The Gentiles mistakenly call Jesus Christ, Chrestus." In line with this, Suetonius mentions Claudius expelling the Jews from Rome, stating that "he banished them because they were continually causing disturbances, influenced by one Chrestus:" "The Jews, stirred up by Chrestus, continually rioted and were expelled from Rome.", treating Christ as a proper name. The names Messiah and Christ originally come from the anointing ceremony by which the kings and high priests of God’s people, and sometimes the prophets, were consecrated and allowed to perform their roles; all these roles were considered sacred among the Israelites. However, the most significant application of the word is to that remarkable individual, foretold and symbolized from the start, who is described by the prophets as God’s Anointed, the Messiah, or the Christ. In the New Testament, if we consider most translations, including common versions, we might see it more as a proper name rather than a title or name of office, often thinking of it just as our Lord’s surname. This misunderstanding has been encouraged by our translators, who seldom place the article before Christ. The word Christ was initially just as much a title as the word Baptist, and both were typically accompanied by the article. However, our translators, who often refer to “the Baptist,” seem to have intentionally avoided saying “the Christ.” The article adds significant clarity to phrases like those in Acts xvii, 3; xviii, 5, 28, yet that's simply what the historian's words convey to any reader familiar with the language. Thus, it should read, “Paul told the Jews that Jesus was the Christ,” or the Messiah, etc. Many similar cases appear. If asked whether the word Christ is ever meant in the New Testament as a proper name rather than as referring to an office or dignity, it can be said that eventually, from frequent application to one individual, it began to function as a proper name. Additionally, this shift was accelerated because the name Jesus was common among Jews at that time, making a distinction necessary. To this, Grotius notes that over time the name Jesus was largely dropped, and Christ, which had never been used before as a proper name, became a better identifier; in fact, among Gentiles, our Lord became more recognized by the latter than by the former. This practice seems to have started soon after his ascension. During his lifetime, it appears that the word was never used this way; in fact, this is supported by several passages in the Gospels. The evangelists wrote years after the mentioned period; hence, they adopted the common practice among Christians at the time, which was to use the word as a surname for clarity. See Matt. i, 1, 18; Mark i, 1.
CHRISTIAN, a follower of the religion of Christ. It is probable that the name Christian, like that of Nazarenes and Galileans, was given to the disciples of our Lord in reproach or contempt. What confirms this opinion is, that the people of Antioch in Syria, Acts xi, 26, where they were first called Christians, are observed by Zosimus, Procopius, and Zonaras, to have been remarkable for their scurrilous jesting. Some have indeed thought that this name was given by the disciples to themselves; others, that it was imposed on them by divine authority; in either of which cases surely we should have met with it in the subsequent history of the Acts, and in the Apostolic Epistles, all of which were written some years after; whereas it is found but in two more places in the New Testament, Acts xxvi, 28, where a Jew is the speaker, and in 1 Pet. iv, 16, where reference appears to be made to the name as imposed upon them by their enemies. The word used, Acts xi, 26, signifies simply to be called or named, and when Doddridge and a few others take it to imply a divine appointment, they disregard the usus loquendi [established acceptation of the term] which gives no support to that opinion. The words of Tacitus, when speaking of the Christians persecuted by Nero, are remarkable, “vulgus Christianos appellabat,” “the vulgar called them Christians.” Epiphanius says, that they were called Jesseans, either from Jesse, the father of David, or, which is much more probable, from the name of Jesus, whose disciples they were. They were denominated Christians, A. D. 42 or 43; and though the name was first given reproachfully, they gloried in it, as expressing their adherence to Christ, and they soon generally assumed it.
CHRISTIAN, a follower of the religion of Christ. It's likely that the name Christian, similar to Nazarenes and Galileans, was originally used to mock or insult the disciples of our Lord. What supports this idea is the observation that the people of Antioch in Syria, Acts xi, 26, where they were first called Christians, were noted by Zosimus, Procopius, and Zonaras for their harsh and mocking humor. Some have thought that the disciples adopted the name for themselves; others believe it was given by divine authority. In either case, we would expect to see it mentioned in the later history of the Acts and in the Apostolic Epistles, all of which were written years later; however, it only appears in two other places in the New Testament, Acts xxvi, 28, where a Jew speaks, and in 1 Pet. iv, 16, where it seems to refer to the name being assigned by their enemies. The term used in Acts xi, 26, simply means to be called or named, and when Doddridge and a few others suggest it implies a divine appointment, they overlook the established usage of the term that does not support that view. Tacitus's words about Christians persecuted by Nero are noteworthy: “the vulgar called them Christians.” Epiphanius mentions that they were called Jesseans, either from Jesse, the father of David, or, more likely, from the name of Jesus, whose disciples they were. They were called Christians around A.D. 42 or 43; and although the name was initially given as an insult, they took pride in it as a reflection of their loyalty to Christ, and it was soon widely embraced.
CHRISTIANITY, the religion of Christians. By Christianity is here meant, not that religious system as it may be understood and set forth in any particular society calling itself Christian; but as it is contained in the sacred books acknowledged by all these societies, or churches, and which contained the only authorized rule of faith and practice.
CHRISTIANITY, the religion of Christians. By Christianity, we mean not the religious system as it may be interpreted and presented in any specific society that identifies as Christian; but rather as it is found in the sacred texts recognized by all these societies or churches, which contain the only official guide for faith and practice.
2. The lofty profession which Christianity makes as a religion, and the promises it holds forth to mankind, entitle it to the most serious consideration of all. For it may in truth be said, that no other religion presents itself under aspects so sublime, or such as are calculated to awaken desires and hopes so enlarged and magnificent. It not only professes to be from God, but to have been taught to men by the Son of God incarnate in our nature, the Second Person in the adorable trinity of divine Persons, “the same in substance, equal in power and glory.” It declares that this divine personage is the appointed Redeemer of mankind from sin, death, and misery; that he was announced as such to our first parents upon their lapse from the innocence and blessedness of their primeval state; that he was exhibited to the faith and hope of the patriarchs in express promises; and, by the institution of sacrifices, as a propitiatory sacrifice for the sins of the whole world, so that man might be reconciled to God through Him, and restored to his forfeited inheritance of eternal life. It represents all former dispensations of true religion, all revelations of God’s will, and all promises of grace from God to man, as emanating from the anticipated sacrifice and sacerdotal intercession of its Author, and as all preparatory to 234the introduction of his perfect religion; and that as to the great political movements among the nations of antiquity, the rise and fall of empires were all either remotely or proximately connected with the designs of his advent among men. It professes to have completed the former revelations of God’s will and purposes; to have accomplished ancient prophecies; fulfilled ancient types; and taken up the glory of the Mosaic religion into its own “glory that excelleth;” and to contain within itself a perfect system of faith, morals, and acceptable worship. It not only exhibits so effectual a sacrifice for sin, that remission of all offences against God flows from its merits to all who heartily confide in it; but it proclaims itself to be a remedy for all the moral disorders of our fallen nature; it casts out every vice, implants every virtue, and restores man to “the image of God in which he was created,” even to “righteousness and true holiness.”
2. The high calling of Christianity as a religion and the promises it offers to humanity deserve our utmost attention. It can truly be said that no other religion presents itself in such uplifting ways or is designed to inspire such grand hopes and desires. It claims not only to be from God but also to have been taught to humanity by the Son of God, who took on human form, the Second Person in the blessed Trinity—“the same in substance, equal in power and glory.” It declares that this divine figure is the chosen Redeemer of humanity from sin, death, and suffering; that he was announced to our first parents after their fall from innocence and bliss; that he was made known to the patriarchs through clear promises; and, through the establishment of sacrifices, served as a propitiatory sacrifice for the sins of the entire world, enabling humanity to be reconciled with God through Him and reclaim the lost inheritance of eternal life. It portrays all prior expressions of true religion, all revelations of God’s will, and all promises of grace from God to humanity as stemming from the anticipated sacrifice and priestly intercession of its Author, all paving the way for the introduction of its complete religion. Regarding the significant political movements of ancient nations, the rise and fall of empires were all either indirectly or directly related to the plans of His coming among humanity. It claims to have fulfilled previous revelations of God’s will and intentions, accomplished ancient prophecies, realized ancient symbols, and absorbed the glory of the Mosaic religion into its own “glory that surpasses.” It contains a perfect system of faith, morals, and acceptable worship. It not only provides such a powerful sacrifice for sin that forgiveness for all offenses against God flows from its merits to anyone who truly believes in it, but it also declares itself a solution to all the moral failings of our fallen nature; it eliminates every vice, instills every virtue, and restores humanity to "the image of God in which he was created," specifically to "righteousness and true holiness."
3. Its promises both to individuals and to society are of the largest kind. It represents its Founder as now exercising the office of the High Priest of the human race before God, and as having sat down at his right hand, a mediatorial and reconciling government being committed to him, until he shall come to judge all nations, and distribute the rewards of eternity to his followers, and inflict its never-terminating punishments upon those who reject him. By virtue of this constitution of things, it promises pardon to the guilty, of every age and country, who seek it in penitence and prayer, comfort to the afflicted and troubled, victory over the fear of death, a happy intermediate state to the disembodied spirit, and finally the resurrection of the body from the dead, and honour and immortality to be conferred upon the whole man glorified in the immediate presence of God. It holds out the loftiest hopes also as to the world at large. It promises to introduce harmony among families and nations, to terminate all wars and all oppressions, and ultimately to fill the world with truth, order, and purity. It represents the present and past state of society, as in contest with its own principles of justice, mercy, and truth; but teaches the final triumph of the latter over every thing contrary to itself. It exhibits the ambition, the policy, and the restlessness of statesmen and warriors, as but the overruled instruments by which it is working out its own purposes of wisdom and benevolence; and it not only defies the proudest array of human power, but professes to subordinate it by a secret and irresistible working to its own designs. Finally, it exhibits itself as enlarging its plans, and completing its designs, by moral suasion, the evidence of its truth, and the secret divine influence which accompanies it. Such are the professions and promises of Christianity, a religion which enters into no compromise with other systems; which represents itself as the only religion now in the world having God for its author; and in his name; and by the hope of his mercy, and the terrors of his frown, it commands the obedience of faith to all people to whom it is published upon the solemn sanction, “He that believeth shall be saved, and he that believeth not shall be damned.”
3. Its promises to individuals and society are monumental. It presents its Founder as currently serving as the High Priest of humanity before God and as having taken a seat at His right hand, with a role of mediation and reconciliation entrusted to Him until He returns to judge all nations, rewarding His followers with eternal life and delivering unending punishment to those who reject Him. Because of this arrangement, it offers forgiveness to the guilty from all ages and places, who seek it with sincere regret and prayer, comfort to those who are hurting and troubled, victory over the fear of death, a joyful interim state for disembodied spirits, and ultimately, the resurrection of the body from the dead, along with glory and immortality for the whole person in the immediate presence of God. It also promises high hopes for the world at large, pledging to bring harmony among families and nations, to end all wars and oppression, and eventually to fill the world with truth, order, and purity. It portrays the current and past state of society as being in conflict with its own principles of justice, mercy, and truth, but teaches that the latter will ultimately prevail over everything opposed to it. It shows the ambition, strategy, and restlessness of politicians and warriors as mere tools through which it is fulfilling its own purposes of wisdom and kindness; it not only challenges the mightiest human power but claims to subordinate it through a secret and unstoppable force guiding its designs. Finally, it positions itself as expanding its plans and fulfilling its goals through moral persuasion, the evidence of its truth, and a hidden divine influence that accompanies it. Such are the claims and promises of Christianity, a religion that makes no compromises with other beliefs; it presents itself as the only true religion in the world authored by God; and in His name, through the hope of His mercy and the fear of His displeasure, it commands the faith and obedience of everyone to whom it is proclaimed under the serious warning, "Whoever believes will be saved, but whoever does not believe will be condemned."
4. Corresponding with these professions, which throw every other religion that pretends to offer hope to man into utter insignificance, it is allowed that the evidences of its truth ought to be adequate to sustain the weight of so vast a fabric, and that men have a right to know that they are not deluded with a grand and impressive theory, but are receiving from this professed system of truth and salvation “the true sayings of God.” Such evidence it has afforded in its splendid train of miracles; in its numerous appeals to the fulfilment of ancient PROPHECIES; in its own powerful INTERNAL EVIDENCE; in the INFLUENCE which it has always exercised, and continues to exert, upon the happiness of mankind; and in various collateral circumstances. Under the heads of Miracles and Prophecy, those important branches of evidence will be discussed, and to them the reader is referred. It is only necessary here to say, that the miracles to which Christianity appeals as proofs of its divine authority, are not only those which were wrought by Christ and his Apostles, but also those which took place among the patriarchs, under the law of Moses, and by the ministry of the Prophets; for the religion of those ancient times was but Christianity in its antecedent revelations. All these miracles, therefore, must be taken collectively, and present attestations of the loftiest kind, as being manifestly the work of the “finger of God,” wrought under circumstances which precluded mistake, and exhibiting an immense variety, from the staying of the very wheels of the planetary system,--as when the sun and moon paused in their course, and the shadow on the dial of Ahaz went backward,--to the supernatural changes wrought upon the elements of matter, the healing of incurable diseases, the expulsion of tormenting demons, and the raising of the dead. Magnificent as this array of miracles is, it is equalled by the prophetic evidence, founded upon the acknowledged principle, that future and distant contingencies can only be known to that Being, one of whose attributes is an absolute prescience. And here, too, the variety and the grandeur presented by the prophetic scheme exhibit attestations to the truth of Christianity suited to its great claims and its elevated character. Within the range of prophetic vision all time is included, to the final consummation of all things; and the greatest as well as the smallest events are seen with equal distinctness, from the subversion of mighty empires and gigantic cities, to the parting of the raiment of our Lord, and the casting of the lot for his robe by the Roman guard stationed at his cross.
4. In line with these professions, which make every other religion claiming to offer hope to humanity seem insignificant, it's reasonable to expect that the evidence supporting its truth should be strong enough to support such a vast structure. People have the right to know that they aren't being misled by an impressive theory but are receiving “the true sayings of God” from this supposed system of truth and salvation. It has provided evidence through its impressive array of miracles; through its many references to the fulfillment of ancient PREDICTIONS; through its own compelling INTERNAL EVIDENCE; through the IMPACT it has consistently had, and continues to have, on human happiness; and through various other supporting details. The important aspects of this evidence will be discussed under Miracles and Prophecy, to which the reader is referred. It’s important to mention here that the miracles Christianity cites as proof of its divine authority are not only those performed by Christ and his Apostles but also those that occurred during the times of the patriarchs, under Moses’ law, and through the ministries of the Prophets; for the religion of those ancient times was essentially Christianity revealed beforehand. All these miracles should therefore be considered together, providing the highest level of affirmation, as they clearly demonstrate the work of the “finger of God.” They happened under circumstances that allowed no room for error, showcasing a vast variety, ranging from stopping the very wheels of the planetary system—like when the sun and moon paused in their paths, and the shadow on Ahaz's dial went backward—to supernatural transformations of matter, healing of incurable diseases, driving out tormenting demons, and resurrecting the dead. While this array of miracles is impressive, it is matched by the prophetic evidence, based on the acknowledged principle that only a Being with absolute foreknowledge could know future and distant events. Here too, the variety and grandeur of the prophetic scheme provide affirmations of the truth of Christianity, fitting its significant claims and high character. Prophetic vision encompasses all time, leading to the ultimate fulfillment of everything, with both major and minor events seen with equal clarity—from the downfall of massive empires and giant cities to the division of our Lord's garments and the Roman soldiers casting lots for his robe at the cross.
5. These subjects are discussed under the articles assigned to them; as also the INTERNAL EVIDENCE of the truth of Christianity, which arises from the excellence and beneficial tendency of its doctrines. Of its just and sublime conceptions and exhibitions of the divine character; of the truth of that view of the moral 235state of man upon which its disciplinary treatment is founded; of the correspondence that there is between its views of man’s mixed relation to God as a sinful creature, and yet pitied and cared for, and that actual mixture of good and evil, penalty and forbearance, which the condition of the world presents; of the connection of its doctrine of atonement with hope; of the adaptation of its doctrine of divine influence to the moral condition of mankind when rightly understood, and the affecting benevolence and condescension which it implies; and of its noble and sanctifying revelations of the blessedness of a future life, much might be said:--they are subjects indeed on which volumes have been written, and they can never be exhausted. But we confine ourselves to the MORAL TENDENCY, and the consequent BENEFICIAL INFLUENCE, of Christianity. No where except in the Scriptures have we a perfect system of morals; and the deficiencies of Pagan morality only exalt the purity, the comprehensiveness, the practicability of ours. The character of the Being acknowledged as supreme must always impress itself upon moral feeling and practice; the obligation of which rests upon his will. The God of the Bible is “holy,” without spot; “just,” without partiality; “good,” boundlessly benevolent and beneficent; and his law is the image of himself, “holy, just, and good.” These great moral qualities are not made known to us merely in the abstract, so as to be comparatively feeble in their influence: but in the person of Christ, our God, incarnate, they are seen exemplified in action, displaying themselves amidst human relations, and the actual circumstances of human life. With Pagans the authority of moral rules was either the opinion of the wise, or the tradition of the ancient, confirmed, it is true, in some degree, by observation and experience; but to us, they are given as commands immediately issuing from the supreme Governor, and ratified as his by the most solemn and explicit attestations. With them many great moral principles, being indistinctly apprehended, were matters of doubt and debate; to us, the explicit manner in which they are given excludes both: for it cannot be questioned, whether we are commanded to love our neighbour as ourselves; to do to others as we would that they should do to us, a precept which comprehends almost all relative morality in one plain principle; to forgive our enemies; to love all mankind; to live righteously and soberly, as well as godly; that magistrates must be a terror only to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well; that subjects are to render honour to whom honour, and tribute to whom tribute, is due; that masters are to be just and merciful, and servants faithful and obedient. These, and many other familiar precepts, are too explicit to be mistaken, and too authoritative to be disputed; two of the most powerful means of rendering law effectual. Those who never enjoyed the benefit of revelation, never conceived justly and comprehensively of that moral state of the heart from which right and beneficent conduct alone can flow; and therefore when they speak of the same virtues as those enjoined by Christianity, they are to be understood as attaching to them a lower idea. In this the infinite superiority of Christianity displays itself. The principle of obedience is not only a sense of duty to God, and the fear of his displeasure; but a tender love, excited by his infinite compassions to us in the gift of his Son, which shrinks from offending. To this influential motive as a reason of obedience, is added another, drawn from its end: one not less influential, but which Heathen moralists never knew,--the testimony that we please God, manifested in the acceptance of our prayers, and in spiritual and felicitous communion with him. By Christianity, impurity of thought and desire is restrained in an equal degree as are their overt acts in the lips and conduct. Humanity, meekness, gentleness, placability, disinterestedness, and charity are all as clearly and solemnly enjoined as the grosser vices are prohibited; and on the unruly tongue itself is impressed “the law of kindness.” Nor are the injunctions feeble; they are strictly LAW, and not mere advice and recommendations: “Without holiness no man shall see the Lord;” and thus our entrance into heaven, and our escape from perdition, are made to depend upon this preparation of mind. To all this is added possibility, nay certainty, of attainment, if we use the appointed means. A Pagan could draw, though not with lines so perfect, a beau ideal of virtue, which he never thought attainable; but the “full assurance of hope” is given by the religion of Christ to all who are seeking the moral renovation of their nature; because “it is God that worketh in us to will and to do of his good pleasure.”
5. These topics are discussed in the articles assigned to them; as well as the INTERNAL EVIDENCE supporting the truth of Christianity, which comes from the excellence and positive effects of its teachings. This includes its accurate and elevated views of the divine character; the truth of its understanding of human moral status, which underpins its disciplinary approach; the connection between its views of humanity’s mixed relationship with God as sinful yet pitied and cared for, and the real mixture of good and evil, punishment and mercy, present in the world; the link between its doctrine of atonement and hope; the suitability of its teachings about divine influence to the moral condition of humanity when understood correctly, along with the profound kindness and humility it suggests; and its noble and life-changing revelations about the joy of a future life; there’s a lot to say on these subjects: they’re topics that have been extensively covered in countless volumes and can never be fully exhausted. But we will focus on the Moral inclination and the resulting Positive impact of Christianity. Nowhere else, except in the Scriptures, do we find a perfect moral system; the shortcomings of pagan morality only highlight the purity, comprehensiveness, and practicality of ours. The character of the Being acknowledged as supreme will always influence moral feelings and practices, as our obligations come from His will. The God of the Bible is “holy,” without blemish; “just,” without favoritism; “good,” endlessly kind and helpful; and His law reflects His nature, “holy, just, and good.” These significant moral qualities are not just presented in an abstract way, which would make them less impactful; instead, in the person of Christ, our God made flesh, they are shown in action, evident in human relationships and real-life circumstances. For pagans, the authority of moral standards was either based on wise opinion or ancient tradition, which were somewhat supported by observation and experience; but for us, they are given as commands directly from the supreme Ruler, confirmed by the most serious and clear affirmations. While many great moral principles in pagan thought were vaguely understood and subjects of doubt and debate, for us, the clear way in which they are presented leaves no room for confusion: it’s indisputable that we are commanded to love our neighbor as ourselves; to treat others how we would like to be treated, a principle that covers nearly all relative morality in one straightforward rule; to forgive our enemies; to love all of humanity; to live justly, soberly, and godly; that authorities should instill fear only in wrongdoers, and provide praise to those who do good; that people should honor those deserving of honor and pay taxes where taxes are due; that employers should be fair and kind, and employees should be trustworthy and obedient. These, along with many other well-known guidelines, are too clear to be misunderstood and too authoritative to be challenged; they are two powerful means of making law effective. Those who never experienced the benefits of revelation never fully understood the moral state of the heart from which right and beneficial actions can arise, so when they mention virtues similar to those taught by Christianity, they associate them with a lesser understanding. This highlights the vast superiority of Christianity. The principle of obedience is not just about a sense of duty to God or the fear of His anger; it comes from a deep love inspired by His immense compassion for us shown in the gift of His Son, which makes us reluctant to offend Him. To this motivating factor for obedience, another is added from its purpose: one that is just as influential, yet unknown to pagan moralists—the assurance that we please God, shown through the acceptance of our prayers and the spiritual joy of communion with Him. Through Christianity, the impurity of thought and desire is held back just as strongly as their outward expressions in speech and actions. Qualities like humanity, meekness, gentleness, forgiveness, selflessness, and charity are all explicitly and solemnly commanded just as strongly as the more obvious vices are condemned; and the unruly tongue is guided by “the law of kindness.” Moreover, these commands are not weak; they are firmly stated as Legal System, not just advice or suggestions: “Without holiness no man shall see the Lord;” thus, our entrance into heaven and our escape from damnation depend on this preparation of mind. Additionally, there’s the possibility, indeed certainty, of achieving this if we use the means provided. A pagan could sketch, albeit imperfectly, a ideal partner of virtue that he never believed could be reached; but the “full assurance of hope” is offered by the religion of Christ to all who seek the moral transformation of their character, because “it is God that works in us to will and to do of His good pleasure.”
6. When such is the moral nature of Christianity, how obvious is it that its tendency both as to individuals and to society must be in the highest sense beneficial! From every passion which wastes, and burns, and frets, and enfeebles the spirit, the individual is set free, and his inward peace renders his obedience cheerful and voluntary: and we might appeal to infidels themselves, whether, if the moral principles of the Gospel were wrought into the hearts, and embodied in the conduct, of all men, the world would not be happy; whether if governments ruled, and subjects obeyed, by the laws of Christ; whether if the rules of strict justice which are enjoined upon us regulated all the transactions of men, and all that mercy to the distressed which we are taught to feel and to practise came into operation; and whether, if the precepts which delineate and enforce the duties of husbands, wives, masters, servants, parents, children, did, in fact, fully and generally govern all these relations,--whether a better age than that called golden by the poets, would not then be realized, and Virgil’s
6. Given the moral nature of Christianity, it's clear that its impact on both individuals and society must be incredibly positive! Every passion that drains, burns, frustrates, and weakens the spirit is set aside, allowing individuals to find inner peace, making their obedience joyful and voluntary. We could ask even non-believers if the world wouldn’t be happier if everyone truly embraced and lived out the moral principles of the Gospel. If governments ruled and people followed the laws of Christ; if the principles of strict justice we are taught governed all human interactions, and if the compassion for those in need that we are encouraged to feel and practice was truly in effect; and if the guidelines for the responsibilities of husbands, wives, masters, servants, parents, and children actually guided all these relationships—wouldn’t we be living in a time better than that described as golden by poets, fulfilling what Virgil imagined?
be far too weak to express the mighty change? [It was in the reign of Saturn that the Heathen poets fixed the golden age. At that period, according to them, Astraea, (the goddess of justice,) 236and many other deities lived on earth; but being offended with the wickedness of men, they successively fled to heaven. Astraea staid longest, but at last retired to her native seat, and was translated into the sign Virgo, next to Libra, who holds her balance.balance. Such is the tendency of Christianity. On immense numbers of individuals it has superinduced these moral changes; all nations, where it has been fully and faithfully exhibited, bear, amidst their remaining vices, the impress of its hallowing and benevolent influence: it is now in active exertion in many of the darkest and worst parts of the earth, to convey the same blessings; and he who would arrest its progress, were he able, would quench the only hope which remains to our world, and prove himself an enemy, not only to himself, but to all mankind. What then, we ask, does all this prove, but that the Scriptures are worthy of God, and propose the very ends which rendered a revelation necessary? Of the whole system of practical religion which it contains we may say, as of that which is embodied in our Lord’s sermon on the mount, in the words of one, who, in a course of sermons on that divine composition, has entered most deeply into its spirit, and presented a most instructive delineation of the character which it was intended to form: “Behold Christianity in its native form, as delivered by its great Author. See a picture of God, as far as he is imitable by man, drawn by God’s own hand. What beauty appears in the whole! How just a symmetry! What exact proportion in every part! How desirable is the happiness here described! How venerable, how lovely is the holiness!” “If,” says Bishop Taylor, “wisdom, and mercy, and justice, and simplicity, and holiness, and purity, and meekness, and contentedness, and charity, be images of God, and rays of divinity, then that doctrine, in which all these shine so gloriously, and in which nothing else is ingredient, must needs be from God. If the holy Jesus had come into the world with less splendour of power and mighty demonstrations, yet the excellency of what he taught makes him alone fit to be the Master of the world;” and agreeable to all this, has been its actual influence upon mankind. Although, says Bishop Porteus, Christianity has not always been so well understood, or so honestly practised, as it ought to have been; although its spirit has been often mistaken, and its precepts misapplied, yet, under all these disadvantages, it has gradually produced a visible change in those points which most materially concern the peace and quiet of the world. Its beneficent spirit has spread itself through all the different relations and modifications of life, and communicated its kindly influence to almost every public and private concern of mankind. It has insensibly worked itself into the inmost frame and constitution of civil states. It has given a tinge to the complexion of their governments, to the temper and administration of their laws. It has restrained the spirit of the prince, and the madness of the people. It has softened the rigours of despotism, and tamed the insolence of conquest. It has, in some degree, taken away the edge of the sword, and thrown even over the horrors of war a veil of mercy. It has descended into families; has diminished the pressure of private tyranny; improved every domestic endearment; given tenderness to the parent, humanity to the master, respect to superiors, to inferiors ease; so that mankind are, upon the whole, even in a temporal view, under infinite obligations to the mild and pacific temper of the Gospel, and have reaped from it more substantial worldlyworldly benefits than from any other institution upon earth. As one proof of this, among many others, consider only the shocking carnage made in the human species by the exposure of infants, the gladiatorial shows, which sometimes cost Rome twenty or thirty lives in a month; and the exceedingly cruel usage of slaves allowed and practised by the ancient Pagans. These were not the accidental and temporary excesses of a sudden fury, but were legal and established, and constant methods of murdering and tormenting mankind. Had Christianity done nothing more than brought into disuse, as it confessedly has done, the two former of these inhuman customs entirely, and the latter to a very great degree, it has justly merited the title of the benevolent religion. But this is far from being all. Throughout the more enlightened parts of Christendom there prevails a gentleness of manners widely different from the ferocity of the most civilized nations of antiquity; and that liberality with which every species of distress is relieved, is a virtue peculiar to the Christian name. But we may ask farther, What success has it had on the mind of man, as it respects his eternal welfare? How many thousands have felt its power, rejoiced in its benign influence, and under its dictates been constrained to devote themselves to the glory and praise of God! Burdened with guilt, incapable of finding relief from human resources, the mind has here found peace unspeakable in beholding that sacrifice which alone could atone for transgression. Here the hard and impenitent heart has been softened, the impetuous passions restrained, the ferocious temper subdued, powerful prejudices conquered, ignorance dispelled, and the obstacles to real happiness removed. Here the ChristianChristian, looking round on the glories and blandishments of this world, has been enabled, with a noble contempt, to despise all. Here death itself, the king of terrors, has lost his sting; and the soul, with a holy magnanimity, has borne up in the agonies of a dying hour, and sweetly sung itself away to everlasting bliss. In respect to its future spread, we have reason to believe that all nations shall feel its happy effects. The prophecies are pregnant with matter as to this belief. It seems that not only a nation, or a country, but the whole habitable globe, shall become the kingdom of our God, and of his Christ. And who is there that has ever known the excellency of this system; who is there that has ever experienced its happy efficacy; who is there that has ever been convinced of its divine origin, its delightful nature and peaceful tendency, but 237must join the benevolent and royal poet in saying, “Let the whole earth be filled with its glory? Amen and amen!”
be far too weak to express the mighty change? [It was during Saturn's reign that the pagan poets established the golden age. At that time, they believed, Astraea, (the goddess of justice), 236 and many other gods lived on earth; but when they were offended by humanity's wickedness, they gradually left for heaven. Astraea stayed the longest, but eventually returned to her rightful place and was transformed into the sign Virgo, next to Libra, who holds her balance.balance. This shows the influence of Christianity. It has brought moral changes to countless individuals; all nations where it has been fully and genuinely shared exhibit, despite their remaining flaws, its sanctifying and kind influence: it is actively working in many of the darkest and most troubled areas of the world to deliver the same blessings; and anyone who would try to stop its progress, if they could, would extinguish the only hope that remains for our world, proving themselves to be an enemy, not just to themselves, but to all humanity. So we ask, what does all this show except that the Scriptures are worthy of God and aim for the very purposes that make a revelation essential? Regarding the entire system of practical religion it contains, we can say the same about it as we do about what is presented in our Lord's sermon on the mount, in the words of someone who has deeply engaged with its spirit through a series of sermons on that divine composition, providing a highly instructive depiction of the character it was meant to shape: “Look at Christianity in its purest form, as delivered by its great Author. See a picture of God, as much as He can be imitated by man, drawn by God’s own hand. What beauty exists in the whole! What perfect symmetry! What exact proportion in every part! How desirable is the happiness described here! How venerable and lovely is the holiness!” “If,” says Bishop Taylor, “wisdom, mercy, justice, simplicity, holiness, purity, meekness, contentment, and charity are images of God and rays of divinity, then that doctrine, where all these shine so brilliantly and nothing else is included, must certainly come from God. If the holy Jesus had entered the world without the splendor of power and mighty signs, the greatness of what He taught still makes Him uniquely fit to be the Master of the world;” and in line with all this, its actual impact on humanity has been evident. Although, as Bishop Porteus notes, Christianity has not always been understood or practiced as it should; its spirit has often been misinterpreted, and its teachings misapplied, yet, despite all these shortcomings, it has gradually brought about visible changes in areas that significantly affect the peace and tranquility of the world. Its benevolent spirit has permeated all aspects and arrangements of life, impacting nearly every public and private concern of humanity. It has subtly integrated into the very fabric and structure of civil societies. It has influenced the nature of their governments, the attitudes and enforcement of their laws. It has restrained the authority of rulers and calmed the madness of the people. It has softened the harshness of tyranny and subdued the arrogance of conquest. It has somewhat dulled the edge of conflict and cast a veil of mercy even over the horrors of war. It has reached into households; reduced the weight of private oppression; enhanced every domestic bond; instilled tenderness in parents, humanity in employers, respect for superiors, and easiness for those below; so that humanity is generally, even in worldly terms, under immense obligation to the gentle and peaceful spirit of the Gospel and has gained more substantial worldlyworldly benefits from it than from any other institution on earth. As one example of this, among many others, consider the horrific slaughter of humans through the abandonment of infants, the gladiatorial games, which sometimes cost Rome twenty to thirty lives in a month; and the extremely brutal treatment of slaves accepted and practiced by the ancient pagans. These were not random and temporary bursts of rage but were legal and established, ongoing methods of killing and torturing humanity. If Christianity had done nothing else but eliminate, as it undeniably has, the first two of these cruel practices entirely, and significantly reduced the latter, it would rightfully deserve the title of a benevolent religion. But this is far from being all. In the more enlightened areas of Christendom, there exists a gentleness of manners that starkly contrasts with the brutality of the most civilized nations of antiquity; and the generosity with which all kinds of suffering are alleviated is a virtue unique to the Christian name. But we can ask further, what impact has it had on human beings regarding their eternal wellbeing? How many thousands have felt its strength, rejoiced in its kind influence, and under its guidance have committed themselves to glorifying and praising God! Burdened with guilt and unable to find relief through human means, the mind has discovered indescribable peace in witnessing that sacrifice which alone could make amends for wrongdoing. Here, the hard and unrepentant heart has been softened, the impulsive passions restrained, the fierce temperament subdued, strong biases overcome, ignorance cleared away, and the barriers to true happiness removed. Here the ChristianChristian, surveying the glories and temptations of this world, has been able, with a noble disregard, to turn away from all. Here, even death itself, the ultimate fear, has lost its sting; and the soul, with a holy courage, has upheld itself in the pain of dying and sweetly sung itself away to everlasting joy. Regarding its future spread, we have reason to believe that all nations will feel its beneficial effects. The prophecies strongly support this belief. It seems that not just one nation or one land, but the entire inhabitable world, shall become the kingdom of our God and His Christ. And who among those who have ever recognized the greatness of this system; who among those who have ever felt its joyful effectiveness; who among those who have ever been convinced of its divine origin, its delightful nature, and its peaceful purpose, but 237 must join the compassionate and noble poet in saying, “Let the whole earth be filled with its glory? Amen and amen!”
7. Among the collateral proofs of the truth and divine origin of Christianity, its rapid and wonderful success justly holds an important place. Of its early triumphs, the history of the Acts of the Apostles is a splendid record; and in process of time it made a wonderful progress through Europe, Asia, and Africa. In the third century there were Christians in the camp, in the senate, and in the palace; in short, every where, as we are informed, except in the temples and the theatres: they filled the towns, the country, and the islands. Men and women of all ages and ranks, and even those of the first dignity, embraced the Christian faith; insomuch that the Pagans complained that the revenues of their temples were ruined. They were in such great numbers in the empire, that, as Tertullian expresses it, if they had retired into another country, they would have left the Romans only a frightful solitude. (See the next article.) For the illustration of this argument, we may observe, that the Christian religion was introduced every where in opposition to the sword of the magistrate, the craft and interest of the priests, the pride of the philosophers, the passions and prejudices of the people, all closely combined in support of the national worship, and to crush the Christian faith, which aimed at the subversion of Heathenism and idolatry. Moreover, this religion was not propagated in the dark, by persons who tacitly endeavoured to deceive the credulous; nor delivered out by little and little, so that one doctrine might prepare the way for the reception of another; but it was fully and without disguise laid before men all at once, that they might judge of the whole under one view. Consequently mankind were not deluded into the belief of it, but received it upon proper examination and conviction. Beside, the Gospel was first preached and first believed by multitudes in Judea, where Jesus exercised his ministry, and where every individual had the means of knowing whether the things that were told him were matters of fact; and in this country, the scene of the principal transactions on which its credibility depended, the history of Christ could never have been received, unless it had been true, and known to all as truth. Again: the doctrine and history of Jesus were preached and believed in the most noted countries and cities of the world, in the very age when he is said to have lived. On the fiftieth day after our Lord’s crucifixion, three thousand persons were converted in Jerusalem by a single sermon of the Apostles; and a few weeks after this, five thousand who believed were present at another sermon preached also in Jerusalem, Acts ii, 41; iv, 4; vi, 7; viii, 1; ix, 1, 20. About eight or ten years after our Lord’s death, the disciples were become so numerous at Jerusalem and in the adjacent country, that they were objects of jealousy and alarm to Herod himself, Acts xii, 1. In the twenty-second year after the crucifixion, the disciples in Judea are said to have been many myriads, Acts xxi, 20. The age in which Christianity was introduced and received, was famous for men whose faculties were improved by the most perfect state of social life, but who were good judges of the evidence offered in support of the facts recorded in the Gospel history. For it should be recollected, that the success of the Gospel was not restricted to Judea; but it was preached in all the different provinces of the Roman empire. The first triumphs of Christianity were in the heart of Greece itself, the nursery of learning and the polite arts; for churches were planted at a very early period at Corinth, Ephesus, Beræa, Thessalonica, and Philippi. Even Rome herself, the seat of wealth and empire, was not able to resist the force of truth at a time when the facts related were recent, and when they might, if they had been false, have easily been disproved. From Greece and Rome, at a period of cultivation and refinement, of general peace, and extensive intercourse, when one great empire united different nations and distant people, the confutation of these facts would very soon have passed from one country to another, to the utter confusion of the persons who endeavoured to propagate the belief of them. Nor ought it to be forgotten that the religion to which such numbers were proselyted, was an exclusive one. It denied, without reserve, the truth of every article of Heathen mythology, and the existence of every object of their worship. It accepted no compromise; it admitted of no comprehension. If it prevailed at all, it must prevail by the overthrow of every statue, altar, and temple in the world. It pronounced all other gods to be false, and all other worship vain. These are considerations which must have strengthened the opposition to it; augmented the hostility which it must encounter; and enhanced the difficulty of gaining proselytes: and more especially when we recollect, that among the converts to Christianity in the earliest age, a number of persons remarkable for their station, office, genius, education, and fortune, and who were personally interested by their emoluments and honours in either Judaism or Heathenism, appeared among the Christian proselytes. Its evidences approved themselves, not only to the multitude, but to men of the most refined sense and most distinguished abilities; and it dissolved the attachments which all powerful interest and authority created and upheld. Among the proselytes to Christianity we find Nicodemus, and Joseph of Arimathea, members of the senate of Israel; Jairus, a ruler of the synagogue; Zaccheus, the chief of the publicans at Jericho; Apollos, distinguished for eloquence; Paul, learned in the Jewish law; Sergius Paulus, governor of the island of Cyprus; Cornelius, a Roman captain; Dionysius, a judge and senator of the Athenian areopagus; Erastus, treasurer of Corinth; Tyrannus, a teacher of grammar and rhetoric at Corinth; Publius, governor of Malta; Philemon, a person of considerable rank at Colosse; Simon, a noted sophist in Samaria; Zenas, a lawyer; and even the domestics of the emperor himself. These are noticed in the sacred writings; and 238the Heathen historians also mention some persons of great note who were converted at an early period. To all the preceding circumstances we may add a consideration of peculiar moment, which is, that the profession of Christianity led all, without exception, to renounce the pleasures and honours of the world, and to expose themselves to the most ignominious sufferings. And now, without adding any more to this argument, we may ask, How could the Christian religion have thus prevailed had it not been introduced by the power of God and of truth? And it has been supported in the world by the same power through a course of many ages, amidst the treachery of its friends, the opposition of its enemies, the dangers of prosperous periods, and the persecutions and violence of adverse circumstances; all which must have destroyed it, if it had not been founded in truth, and guarded by the protection of an almighty Providence.
7. Among the evidence for the truth and divine origin of Christianity, its rapid and remarkable success undoubtedly plays a significant role. The early victories of Christianity are beautifully documented in the Acts of the Apostles, and over time it made incredible strides across Europe, Asia, and Africa. By the third century, Christians could be found in the army, the senate, and the palace; basically everywhere, except in the temples and theatres, as stated— they populated the towns, countryside, and islands. People of all ages and backgrounds, including those of the highest rank, embraced the Christian faith, leading to complaints from the Pagans about dwindling temple revenues. Their numbers swelled to such an extent in the empire that, as Tertullian put it, if they had moved to another country, they would have left the Romans in a frightening solitude. (See the next article.) To support this argument, it's important to note that the Christian religion was introduced everywhere in defiance of the power of the authorities, the manipulation and interests of the priests, the arrogance of the philosophers, and the biases and passions of the public, all of which were closely aligned in favor of the national worship while trying to suppress the Christian faith that aimed to overturn Paganism and idolatry. Furthermore, this religion was not spread in secrecy by people subtly trying to deceive the gullible; nor was it delivered gradually, where one doctrine would prepare the ground for another. Instead, it was presented clearly and openly for all to see at once, allowing people to evaluate the entirety of it at a glance. Therefore, people were not misled into believing it; they accepted it after careful examination and conviction. Additionally, the Gospel was first preached and widely accepted by many in Judea, where Jesus had conducted his ministry, and where everyone had the opportunity to verify the facts being shared. In this land, the location of the key events that determined its credibility, the story of Christ would never have been received unless it had been true and widely recognized as truth. Moreover, the teachings and history of Jesus were proclaimed and believed in the most prominent countries and cities around the world during the very age he was said to have lived. On the fiftieth day after our Lord's crucifixion, three thousand individuals converted in Jerusalem after just one sermon by the Apostles; and a few weeks later, five thousand who believed attended another sermon, also in Jerusalem, Acts ii, 41; iv, 4; vi, 7; viii, 1; ix, 1, 20. About eight or ten years after our Lord's death, the number of disciples grew so large in Jerusalem and the surrounding regions that they drew jealousy and concern from Herod himself, Acts xii, 1. By the twenty-second year after the crucifixion, the disciples in Judea are said to have numbered many thousands, Acts xxi, 20. The era in which Christianity was introduced and accepted was renowned for individuals whose abilities were enhanced by a highly developed social environment, yet who could also critically assess the evidence supporting the facts recorded in the Gospel history. It's important to remember that the Gospel's success was not limited to Judea; it was preached across all the various provinces of the Roman Empire. The initial successes of Christianity were found right in the heart of Greece, the cradle of learning and the arts, where churches were established very early on in places like Corinth, Ephesus, Berea, Thessalonica, and Philippi. Even Rome, the center of wealth and power, couldn't resist the truth when the events discussed were still recent, and could easily have been disproven if they had been false. From Greece and Rome, during a time of cultural richness, peace, and broad communication—when one great empire united diverse peoples—the refutation of these facts would have quickly spread from one country to another, completely undermining anyone trying to promote them. Additionally, it should be noted that the faith to which so many converted was an exclusive one. It completely denied the validity of every aspect of Pagan mythology and the existence of every object of their worship. It didn’t leave room for compromise or inclusion. If it was to succeed at all, it had to do so by dismantling every statue, altar, and temple around the world. It declared all other gods to be false and all other worship to be meaningless. These factors would have only heightened the resistance it faced; increased the hostility it had to contend with; and made it all the more challenging to gain converts, especially considering that among the earliest converts to Christianity were a number of individuals distinguished by their status, position, intelligence, education, and wealth, who were personally invested in either Judaism or Paganism. Its evidence appealed not only to the masses but also to highly discerning individuals with notable abilities, breaking the bonds that powerful interests and authorities had formed. Among the earliest Christian converts, we find Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, members of the Israeli senate; Jairus, a leader of the synagogue; Zaccheus, the chief tax collector in Jericho; Apollos, known for his eloquence; Paul, skilled in Jewish law; Sergius Paulus, governor of Cyprus; Cornelius, a Roman centurion; Dionysius, a judge and senator from the Athenian areopagus; Erastus, the treasurer of Corinth; Tyrannus, a teacher of grammar and rhetoric at Corinth; Publius, governor of Malta; Philemon, a person of high rank in Colosse; Simon, a well-known philosopher in Samaria; Zenas, a lawyer; and even the servants of the emperor himself. These figures are mentioned in religious texts; and pagan historians also refer to several notable individuals who converted early on. To all these previous points, we must add an important consideration: that the practice of Christianity compelled everyone, without exception, to abandon the worldly pleasures and honors and to risk facing the most disgraceful sufferings. Now, without adding anything further to this argument, we can ask, how could the Christian religion have spread so widely if it were not introduced by divine power and truth? It has been sustained through many ages by the same power amid betrayals from its allies, opposition from enemies, the hazards of prosperous times, and the persecution and violence from opposing forces; all of which would have obliterated it if it had not been rooted in truth and watched over by an all-powerful Providence.
CHRISTIANITY: Sketch of its History. The Christian religion was published by its great Author in Judea, a short time before the death of Herod the Great, and toward the conclusion of the long reign of Augustus. While other religions had been accommodated to the peculiar countries in which they had taken their origin, and had indeed generally grown out of incidents connected with the history of those to whom they were addressed, Christianity was so framed as to be adapted to the whole human race; and although, for the wisest reasons, it was first announced to the Jews, who had peculiar advantages for forming an accurate judgment with regard to it, it was early declared that, in conformity to predictions which had long been known, and long interpreted, as referring to a new communication of the divine will, it was to be a light to lighten the Gentiles, and was to carry salvation to the ends of the earth. Although Christianity originated in Judea, it was not long confined within the narrow limits of the Holy Land. The open manner in which it was announced, the length of time during which its Author publicly addressed his countrymen, the innumerable miracles which he performed, and, above all, the report of the resurrection under circumstances which must have been communicated to the imperial government at Rome, excited the deep attention of the numerous Jews and proselytes who, from surrounding nations, regularly went up to Jerusalem, and of whom vast numbers were actually in that city when the resurrection must have been the subject of universal discussion. They very naturally carried to the different countries in which they usually resided, the astonishing intelligence with which they had been furnished; and provision was soon made for fulfilling the prediction which Jesus had uttered, that his Gospel would, before the destruction of Jerusalem, be circulated and embraced by many through the wide extent of the Roman empire. The Apostle Peter, in consequence of what he knew to be a solemn injunction from Heaven, communicated to a Gentile the truths of Christianity. St. Paul, who had distinguished himself by his enmity to the Christians, and by the cruelty with which he had persecuted them, having been converted, devoted himself to lay the foundations of the Gospel through a large portion of the most enlightened part of the world; and the miraculous gift of tongues, by which humble and illiterate men found themselves at once able to speak the languages of different nations, left no doubt that they were bound to preach their faith as extensively as had been marked out to them by the last instructions which they had received from their Master. They had to struggle with the most formidable difficulties in prosecuting this undertaking; for which, had they trusted merely to their own strength, and their own natural endowments, they were wholly unqualified.
CHRISTIANITY: Sketch of its History. The Christian religion was introduced by its great Author in Judea, shortly before the death of Herod the Great, and toward the end of Augustus’s long reign. While other religions were shaped by the unique circumstances of their regions and often grew out of the historical experiences of their followers, Christianity was designed to be relevant to all of humanity. Although it was first presented to the Jews—who had unique insights to form a proper understanding of it—it was clearly stated early on, in line with long-known predictions, that it was meant to be a light for the Gentiles and to bring salvation to the farthest corners of the earth. Even though Christianity started in Judea, it didn’t stay confined to the Holy Land for long. The way it was announced, the duration during which its Author publicly taught, the countless miracles he performed, and especially the reports of the resurrection—known to have reached the imperial government in Rome—captured the attention of many Jews and converts who traveled regularly to Jerusalem, many of whom were in the city when the resurrection became a major topic of conversation. They naturally took the incredible news back to their home countries, making provisions to fulfill Jesus's prediction that his Gospel would be spread and accepted widely across the Roman Empire before Jerusalem's destruction. The Apostle Peter, responding to what he understood to be a serious command from Heaven, shared Christian truths with a Gentile. St. Paul, who had previously distinguished himself through his opposition to Christians and his brutal persecution of them, was converted and dedicated himself to establishing the Gospel in much of the most advanced parts of the world. The miraculous gift of tongues enabled simple and uneducated individuals to suddenly speak different languages, leaving no doubt that they were meant to preach their faith as broadly as indicated by the last instructions they received from their Master. They faced tremendous challenges in pursuing this mission; without relying solely on their own strength or natural abilities, they were entirely unprepared.
2. The Roman empire at the period of their commencing the attempt, comprehended almost the whole of the civilized world, and thus included within it nations whose habits, customs, and sentiments essentially differed, and whom it required the most dexterous policy to unite in one community, or to subject to one government. The most effectual method by which, during the commonwealth, and at the rise of the empire, this had been accomplished, was a politic respect to the religious opinions which all these nations entertained. Not only were their modes of worship treated with scrupulous reverence, but their gods, in conformity with the genius of Paganism, were incorporated or associated with the deities of Rome, and they were thus joined to their conquerors by the strongest ties by which the affections can be secured. At all times religion had been an object of prominent interest with the Romans: at the foundation of the city, Romulus had professed to be directed by Heaven: during the whole period of the republic, the most sacred attention had been paid to the rites and ceremonies sanctioned by the prevailing superstition, the prosperity of the state was invariably ascribed to the protection of the gods, and the most impressive solemnities, combined with the richest splendour and magnificence, cast around polytheism a mysterious sanctity, which even the philosophers affected to revere. Precautions accordingly had been early taken to prevent innovations upon the established ritual; foreign rites were prohibited till they had obtained the sanction of the senate; and when the solicitation of this sanction was neglected, the persons guilty of the neglect were frequently punished. From the nature of Paganism, it was perfectly consistent with its spirit to conjoin, with any particular mode of it, the forms which elsewhere prevailed. These additions left all which had been previously honoured in unimpaired vigour and influence, and, in fact, only increased the appearance of profound regard for religion, which the Romans so long assumed. But this part of the political constitution, lightly as it affected other religions, at once struck at the root of Christianity, which, unlike the prevailing modifications of idolatry, prohibited the worship of all the deities before whose altars mankind had for ages bent, and required, as essential for obtaining the divine favour, that they who believed in it 239should pay undivided homage to the one God, whose existence it revealed. The extension of the Gospel thus necessarily carried with it opposition to the most ancient and most revered law of the empire, and it was impossible for those who judged of it merely from this circumstance, without investigating its nature and tendency, to hesitate in directing against it the statutes which the zeal of their fathers had provided, to prevent such a revolution as would be produced by so thorough and so alarming a change in their religious principles. No sooner, however, had the message of salvation been addressed indiscriminately to all men, and, from the evidence by which it was accompanied, had brought numbers to acknowledge the heavenly source from which it is derived, than the detestation of it previously entertained burst forth in all its violence; and it is apparent that this had been widely and openly expressed before any imperial edicts were directed against the Christians. Tacitus, in the celebrated passage in which he mentions the disciples of Jesus, and which refers to a period not more than thirty years distant from the ascension, represents it as notorious in Rome, that Christ, during the reign of Tiberius, had been put to death as a criminal; he asserts that his adherents had long been odious on account of their enormities; he laments that their destructive superstition had found its way to the capital of the empire; and he attributes the melancholy fate to which they were condemned to the general persuasion, that they were actuated by hatred to the whole human race. It is necessary to keep this fact steadily in view, to form an accurate idea of that opposition which Christianity had to encounter. This opposition is not to be estimated merely by reference to particular statutes, or even to be considered as fully exhibited when we have gathered together the public proceedings which have been recorded in history, or deplored in the writings of those who sought to avert them. It is to be remembered that even when the laws which the frantic zeal of some of the emperors had enacted were repealed, the general law of the empire was still in force; that it was competent for every one who had the cruelty to do so, to turn it against the Christians; and that the firm, though mistaken, conviction that the Christian profession involved in it the most revolting impiety, the most tremendous guilt, and the most dangerous hostility to the best interests of the state, would lead numbers to indulge their antipathy, when little notice was taken of the sufferers, and would keep the disciples of the hated faith in a state of unceasing alarm. (See Persecution.) What was the effect of this depressing situation? Did it check the dissemination of the Gospel, or confine it to the men by whom it was preached? So far was this from being the case, that from the period of the death, and, as it must here he termed, the alleged resurrection of Jesus, it was embraced by immense numbers in all the countries to which it was conveyed; and even while they were contemplating the sacrifices and the trials to which, by attaching themselves to it, they would be exposed, they did not hesitate to relinquish the religion in which they had been educated, and to exchange for misery and death all the comforts which the strongest feelings and propensities of our nature lead men to value and to pursue. Finally, imperial Rome bowed to the religion it had persecuted, and the emperor Constantine became a Christian.
2. At the time the Roman Empire started its efforts, it included nearly all of the civilized world, encompassing nations that had significantly different habits, customs, and beliefs. It required a very skillful approach to bring these diverse groups together under one community or government. The most effective way to achieve this during the Republic and the early Empire was through a careful respect for the religious beliefs of these nations. Their worship practices were treated with great reverence, and in line with the nature of Paganism, their gods were incorporated or associated with Roman deities, thereby creating strong emotional ties between the conquerors and the conquered. Religion had always been of great importance to the Romans: at the city's founding, Romulus claimed to be guided by divine will; throughout the Republic, utmost attention was devoted to the rituals and ceremonies sanctioned by the dominant superstition. The state's success was consistently attributed to the protection of the gods, and the most grand and splendid ceremonies surrounded polytheism with a mysterious reverence that even philosophers respected. Early precautions were taken to prevent changes to established rituals; foreign practices were banned unless approved by the Senate, and those who ignored this requirement often faced punishments. Given the nature of Paganism, it was consistent with its spirit to blend different practices. These additions did not weaken what was already honored; instead, they seemingly intensified the Romans' professed reverence for religion. However, this aspect of the political structure, while mildly affecting other religions, directly challenged Christianity. Unlike idolatry, which tolerated many deities, Christianity demanded exclusive worship of the one God it revealed. The spread of the Gospel inevitably brought conflict with traditional laws of the empire, making it understandable for those who viewed it solely in this light, without assessing its true nature, to apply the strict legal measures their ancestors had established to prevent such a significant and troubling shift in religious beliefs. Once the message of salvation was offered to everyone, and many accepted the divine origin of it supported by evidence, the strong opposition re-emerged fully; this objection had already been publicly expressed before any imperial laws targeted Christians. Tacitus, in a famous reference to Jesus's followers, highlights that it was widely known in Rome that Christ had been executed as a criminal during Tiberius's reign; he noted that Christians had long been despised due to their alleged crimes, lamenting the arrival of their "dangerous superstition" in the empire's capital; he attributed their tragic fate to the general belief that they harbored hostility towards all mankind. This fact must be acknowledged to grasp the nature of the opposition faced by Christianity. The opposition should not be measured solely by specific laws or public records of actions against Christians, nor can it be fully understood simply by reviewing the writings of those who tried to prevent such measures. Even when the extreme laws enacted by some emperors were repealed, the general law of the empire remained in effect; everyone who wished to could use those laws against Christians out of cruelty, and the strong yet misguided belief that Christianity involved the greatest impiety, guilt, and threat to the state’s interests would motivate people to actively oppose it. This would leave Christians in a perpetual state of fear. (See Persecution.) What was the outcome of this oppressive situation? Did it stop the spread of the Gospel or limit its reach to those who preached it? On the contrary, starting from the time of Jesus’s death, and the claimed resurrection, the faith was accepted by vast numbers in all the regions it reached. Even as they considered the sacrifices and hardships they'd face by following this faith, many chose to abandon the religion they were raised in, trading comfort for suffering and death. Ultimately, imperial Rome surrendered to the faith it had persecuted, and Emperor Constantine embraced Christianity.
3. The propagation of Christianity assumes a new aspect after it became the religion of the empire, and was guarded by the protection and surrounded by the munificence of imperial power. The causes which, in the first stage of its existence, had most powerfully acted against it, were now turned to its support; and all the motives by which men are usually guided led them to enter with, at least, apparent conviction into its sanctuaries. Not only was persecution, after the reign of Constantine, at an end, but with the exception of the short reign of Julian, who, having apostatized from Christianity, and become intoxicated with the fascinating speculations of the Platonic philosophy, was eager to raise the temples which his predecessor had laid in ruins, promotion and wealth and honour could be most effectually secured by transferring to the Gospel the zeal which had been in vain exhausted to preserve the sinking fabric of Paganism and idolatry. The emperors, who had displayed their zeal and their attachment to the religion of Jesus, by forcing their own subjects to profess it, conceived it to be their duty to communicate so great a blessing to all the nations which they could influence; and when they found it necessary to declare war against the savage tribes which pressed upon the frontiers, or forced themselves within the precincts of the empire, they carried on hostilities with the view of rendering these instrumental no less to the diffusion of their religious tenets, than to the vindication of their authority, and the security of their dominions. The vanquished invaders felt little reluctance to purchase the forbearance or the clemency of their conquerors, by submitting to receive their religion; and this species of conversion, so little connected with the great objects which revelation was designed to accomplish, leaving, in fact, all the gross superstitious practices and all the immoral abominations which had previously existed, was boastfully held forth as a decisive proof of the triumph of the Gospel.
3. The spread of Christianity took on a new shape after it became the official religion of the empire, supported and surrounded by the generosity of imperial power. The reasons that had originally worked against it were now turned in its favor, and all the typical motives that guide people led them to enter its places of worship with at least a show of genuine belief. Not only did persecution end after Constantine's reign, but except for the brief reign of Julian—who turned away from Christianity and became fascinated with Platonic philosophy—resources, wealth, and status could be more effectively gained by channeling the zeal that had previously been wasted trying to maintain the crumbling structures of Paganism and idolatry into the Gospel. The emperors, showing their commitment to Christianity by forcing their subjects to adopt it, believed it was their duty to share such a great blessing with all the nations they could influence. When they deemed it necessary to wage war against the savage tribes threatening their borders or invading the empire, they pursued military action to ensure these tribes would not only support their authority but also help spread their religious beliefs. The conquered invaders were often willing to gain their conquerors' mercy by converting to their religion; however, this type of conversion—so disconnected from the core purposes of revelation—left in place all the superstitious practices and immoral behaviors that had existed before, and it was boastfully presented as clear proof of the triumph of the Gospel.
4. The foundation of the empire, not long after the days of Constantine, began to be shaken: and it experienced numberless assaults and convulsions, till it was finally divided into the eastern and western empires. The luxury and wealth which had enervated their possessors, and destroyed the heroism and intrepidity by which their ancestors had been distinguished, presented the most powerful temptations to the lawless bands which, driven from the sterile regions of the north of Europe, had pressed forward to seek for new and more favoured habitations. The feeble attempts to turn aside, by bribery, these ferocious barbarians increased the danger which they were intended to remove; 240and the history of Europe presents, for several ages, the disgusting spectacle of war, conducted with an atrocity eclipsing the stern virtues which sometimes were strikingly displayed. But although the insubordination of this turbulent and sanguinary period was little favourable to the mild influence of genuine Christianity, it did not prove so fatal to it as might have been apprehended; and it was even instrumental in extending its nominal dominion. Mankind, when scarcely emerged from barbarism, and attached to no particular country, but seeking wherever it can be found the food necessary for themselves and the flocks upon which they in a great measure depend, although they entertain those sentiments with regard to religion which seem almost interwoven with our nature, feel little attachment to any one system of superstition, and are open to the reception of new doctrines, which an association with what they value may have led them to venerate. When, accordingly, the tribes which finally overran the Roman empire had ceased from the destructive contests by which they got possession of the regions that had long been blessed with civilization and enlightened by science, they surveyed with amazement and with admiration the people whom they had conquered; they were delighted with the luxuries which abounded among them; they were charmed with their manners and customs; and they eagerly conformed to institutions from which they hoped that they should reap what the original inhabitants of their settlement had enjoyed. The religion of the vanquished they contemplated with reverence; they connected it with the wealth, the refinement, and the power which they saw spread around them; and they easily exchanged the rude and careless worship of their native deities, for the polished and splendid devotional rites, which, with the most imposing solemnity, were celebrated by the Christians. Hence, they soon embraced the religion by which it was believed that these rites were prescribed; and they communicated it to the nations with whom they still maintained an alliance. There is no doubt that motives very little connected with the conviction of the understanding led to the progress of Christianity now described; and, in fact, that progress was occasioned by causes so different from those which should have produced it, that, had circumstances been changed, and had the religion of Jesus been continued to be persecuted by the most powerful states, multitudes who affected to revere it would, upon the same ground on which their veneration rested, have exerted themselves to deride its tenets, and to exterminate its professors.
4. The foundation of the empire, not long after Constantine’s time, began to tremble: it faced countless attacks and upheavals until it was eventually split into the Eastern and Western empires. The luxury and wealth that had weakened their owners and destroyed the bravery and courage that characterized their ancestors presented a strong temptation to the lawless groups, driven from the barren lands of northern Europe, who pushed forward to find new and better homes. The weak attempts to divert these fierce barbarians with bribes only increased the danger they were meant to eliminate; 240 and for several ages, the history of Europe shows a disturbing display of war, marked by brutality that overshadowed the stern virtues sometimes displayed. However, although the chaos of this tumultuous and bloody period was not very conducive to the gentle influence of true Christianity, it did not prove as disastrous to it as might have been feared; in fact, it even helped to extend its nominal reach. Humanity, barely emerging from barbarism and not tied to any particular country, instead seeking wherever they could find the necessary food for themselves and the livestock they largely depended on, while holding sentiments about religion that seem almost woven into our nature, felt little allegiance to any one system of superstition and were open to accepting new doctrines, especially those associated with what they valued. Therefore, once the tribes that ultimately invaded the Roman Empire had stopped the destructive battles that allowed them to take possession of the areas long blessed with civilization and enlightened by knowledge, they looked upon the people they had conquered with amazement and admiration; they delighted in the luxuries that surrounded them; they were charmed by their ways and customs; and they hurried to adopt institutions from which they hoped to gain what the original inhabitants had enjoyed. They viewed the religion of the defeated with respect; they connected it to the wealth, refinement, and power they observed all around them; and they readily traded their rough and careless worship of their native gods for the refined and splendid religious ceremonies that were celebrated by Christians with great solemnity. Thus, they soon embraced the religion they believed inspired these ceremonies; and they spread it to the nations with whom they still had ties. There is no doubt that motivations not closely linked to understanding played a large role in the spread of Christianity as described; in fact, this spread was driven by reasons so different from those that should have led to it that had circumstances shifted and had Jesus's religion continued to be persecuted by the most powerful states, many who feigned respect for it would, for the same reasons behind their reverence, have sought to ridicule its teachings and destroy its followers.
5. But it was not the secular arm alone that was stretched forth to lead men to the reception of Christianity. The church, after it had been firmly established, and had, amidst the riches and honours with which it was endowed, forgotten that it should not have been of this world, conceived it incumbent, as an evidence of its zeal, or, as was too often the case, for extending its power and its influence, to make attempts to substitute the cross of Christ for the emblems of Paganism. In accomplishing this object, it employed different means. But although the conversions which took place, from the establishment of Christianity till the restoration of learning, or the reformation, which forms a new æra in the dissemination of the Gospel, were often unfortunately very far from planting the word of life in the hearts of those to whom it was conveyed, they were very extensive. They reached to almost every country in Europe; to Arabia, China, Judea, and many other parts of Asia; and the obscure tribes, to whom no missionaries were despatched, gradually conformed to the religion of those more powerful states upon which they depended, or to which they looked with respect or veneration.
5. But it wasn't just the secular power that worked to bring people to embrace Christianity. After the church had been firmly established and, amid the riches and honors it had received, forgotten that it shouldn't be focused on worldly matters, it felt it was necessary—as a sign of its zeal or, more often than not, for expanding its power and influence—to replace the symbols of paganism with the cross of Christ. To achieve this, it used various methods. Although the conversions that occurred from the establishment of Christianity until the revival of learning and the Reformation—a pivotal moment in spreading the Gospel—often failed to truly instill the word of life in the hearts of those who received it, they were widespread. They reached almost every country in Europe, as well as Arabia, China, Judea, and many other parts of Asia. The lesser-known tribes, to whom no missionaries were sent, gradually adopted the religion of the more powerful nations they depended on or admired.
6. Mohammedanism, however, arrested the progress of Christianity in some of these countries, and humbled it and oppressed it in others; but since the reformation, and especially within the last century, it has been extended, not so much by conquest, as by the legitimate means of colonization, and by missions and education, to the most distant and important parts of the world, to China, India, Africa, the American Islands, and those of the Pacific Ocean. The zeal, self-denial, and successes, of those missionaries, who have been sent forth within a few years by various Protestant societies, and their great successes form, indeed, a splendid section in the modern history of the church. They have sown the seed in almost every land, and the fruit has spread itself throughout the world.
6. However, Islam halted the growth of Christianity in some of these countries, and diminished and oppressed it in others; but since the Reformation, and especially in the last century, it has spread, not so much through conquest, but through legitimate means like colonization, missions, and education, reaching the farthest and most significant parts of the world, including China, India, Africa, the American Islands, and those in the Pacific Ocean. The dedication, selflessness, and achievements of the missionaries sent out in recent years by various Protestant organizations, along with their significant successes, indeed create a remarkable chapter in the modern history of the church. They have planted seeds in almost every land, and the impact has spread globally.
CHRONICLES, Books of. This name is given to two historical books of Scripture, which the Hebrews call Dibri-Jamim, “Words of Days,” that is, “Diaries,” or “Journals.” They are called in the LXX, Paralipomena, which signifies, “things omitted;” as if these books were a supplement of what had been omitted, or too much abridged, in the books of Kings, and other historical books of Scripture. And, indeed, we find in them many particulars which are not extant elsewhere: but it must not be thought that these are the records, or books of the acts, of the kings of Judah and Israel, so often referred to. Those ancient registers were much more extensive than these are; and the books of Chronicles themselves refer to those original memoirs, and make long extracts from them. They were compiled, and probably by Ezra, from the ancient chronicles of the kings of Judah and Israel just now mentioned, and they may be considered as a kind of supplement to the preceding books of Scripture. The former part of the first book of Chronicles contains a great variety of genealogical tables, beginning with Adam; and in particular gives a circumstantial account of the twelve tribes, which must have been very valuable to the Jews after their return from captivity. The descendants of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and David, from all of whom it was predicted that the Saviour of the world should be born, are here marked with precision. These genealogies occupy the first nine chapters, and in the tenth is recorded the death of Saul 241From the eleventh chapter to the end of the book, we have a history of the reign of David, with a detailed statement of his preparation for the building of the temple, of his regulations respecting the priests and Levites, and his appointment of musicians for the public service of religion. The second book of Chronicles contains a brief sketch of the Jewish history, from the accession of Solomon to the return from the Babylonian captivity, being a period of four hundred and eighty years; and in both these books we find many particulars not noticed in the other historical books of Scripture.
CHRONICLES, Books of. This name refers to two historical books of Scripture, which the Hebrews call Dibri-Jamim, meaning “Words of Days,” or “Diaries,” or “Journals.” In the LXX, they are called Paralipomena, which means “things omitted,” suggesting that these books are a supplement to what was left out or overly condensed in the books of Kings and other historical books of Scripture. Indeed, we find many details in them that are not found elsewhere. However, it shouldn't be assumed that these are the complete records of the activities of the kings of Judah and Israel often referenced. Those ancient records were much more extensive than what we have here; and the books of Chronicles themselves refer to those original accounts and include lengthy excerpts from them. They were compiled, probably by Ezra, from the ancient chronicles of the kings of Judah and Israel just mentioned, and they can be seen as somewhat of a supplement to the previous books of Scripture. The first part of the first book of Chronicles includes a wide variety of genealogical tables starting with Adam, and in particular, it provides a detailed account of the twelve tribes, which would have been very valuable to the Jews after their return from captivity. The descendants of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and David, all of whom it was foretold that the Saviour of the world would be born from, are detailed here with precision. These genealogies take up the first nine chapters, and in the tenth chapter, the death of Saul is recorded. From the eleventh chapter to the end of the book, we have a history of David's reign, including a detailed account of his preparations for building the temple, his regulations concerning the priests and Levites, and his appointment of musicians for public religious service. The second book of Chronicles offers a brief overview of Jewish history, from Solomon's accession to the return from Babylonian captivity, covering a period of four hundred and eighty years; and in both of these books, we discover many details not mentioned in other historical books of Scripture.
CHRYSOLITE, Rev. xxi, 20, a precious stone of a golden colour. Schroder says it is the gem now called the Indian topaz, which is of a yellowish green colour, and very beautiful.
CHRYSOLITE, Rev. xxi, 20, a precious stone that is golden in color. Schroder suggests it is the gem now known as Indian topaz, which has a yellowish-green hue and is quite beautiful.
CHRYSOPRASUS, Rev. xxi, 20, a precious stone, which Pliny classes among the beryls; the best of which, he says, are of a sea-green colour; after these he mentions the chrysoberyls, which are a little paler, inclining to golden colour; and next, a sort still paler, and by some reckoned a distinct species, and called chrysoprasus.
CHRYSOPRASUS, Rev. xxi, 20, a precious stone that Pliny classifies among the beryls; he says the best ones are a sea-green color. After that, he mentions chrysoberyls, which are a bit paler and have a golden hue. Then, he refers to a type that is even paler, which some consider a separate species and call chrysoprasus.
CHURCH. The Greek word ἐκκλησία, so rendered, denotes an assembly met about business, whether spiritual or temporal, Acts xix, 32, 39. It is understood also of the collective body of Christians, or all those over the face of the earth who profess to believe in Christ, and acknowledge him to be the Saviour of mankind; this is called the visible church. But by the word church, we are more strictly to understand the whole body of God’s true people, in every period of time: this is the invisible or spiritual church. The people of God on earth are called the church militant, and those in heaven the church triumphant. It has been remarked by Dr. John Owen, that sin having entered into the world, God was pleased to found his church (the catholic or universal church) in the promise of the Messiah given to Adam; that this promise contained in it something of the nature of a covenant, including the grace which God designed to show to sinners in the Messiah, and the obedience which he required from them; and that consequently, from its first promulgation, that promise became the sole foundation of the church and of the whole worship of God therein. Prior to the days of Abraham, this church, though scattered up and down the world, and subject to many changes in its worship through the addition of new revelations, was still but one and the same, because founded in the same covenant, and interested thereby in all the benefits or privileges that God had granted, or would at any time grant. In process of time, God was pleased to restrict his church, as far as visible acknowledgment went, in a great measure, to the seed of Abraham. With the latter he renewed his covenant, requiring that he should walk before him and be upright. He also constituted him the father of the faithful, or of all them that believe, and the “heir of the world.” So that since the days of Abraham, the church has, in every age, been founded upon the covenant made with that patriarch, and on the work of redemption which was to be performedperformed according to that covenant. Now wheresoever this covenant made with Abraham is, and with whomsoever it is established, with them is the church of God, and to them all the promises and privileges of the church really belong. Hence we may learn that at the coming of the Messiah, there was not one church taken away and another set up in its room; but the church continued the same, in those that were the children of Abraham, according to the faith. It is common with divines to speak of the Jewish and the Christian churches, as though they were two distinct and totally different things; but that is not a correct view of the matter. The Christian church is not another church, but the very same that was before the coming of Christ, having the same faith with it, and interested in the same covenant. Great alterations indeed were made in the outward state and condition of the church, by the coming of the Messiah. The carnal privilege of the Jews, in their separation from other nations to give birth to the Messiah, then failed, and with that also their claim on that account to be the children of Abraham. The ordinances of worship suited to that state of things then expired, and came to an end. New ordinances of worship were appointed, suitable to the new light and grace which were then bestowed upon the church. The Gentiles came into the faith of Abraham along with the Jews, being made joint partakers with them in his blessing. But none of these things, nor the whole collectively, did make such an alteration in the church, but that it was still one and the same. The olive tree was still the same, only some branches were broken off, and others grafted into it. The Jews fell, and the Gentiles came in their room. And this may enable us to determine the difference between the Jews and Christians relative to the Old Testament promises. They are all made to the church. No individual has any interest in them except by virtue of his membership with the church. The church is, and always was, one and the same. The Jewish plea, is, that the church is with them, because they are the children of Abraham according to the flesh. Christians reply, that their privilege on that ground was of another nature, and ended with the coming of the Messiah: that the church of God, unto whom all the promises belong, are only those who are heirs of the faith of Abraham, believing as he did, and are consequently interested in his covenant. These are Zion, Jerusalem, Israel, Jacob, the temple, or church of God.
CHURCH. The Greek word ἐκκλησία refers to a gathering convened for a purpose, whether spiritual or temporal, as seen in Acts 19:32, 39. It also represents the collective body of Christians, or everyone around the world who claims to believe in Christ and acknowledges him as the Savior of humanity; this is known as the visible church. However, when we refer to the term church, we should more accurately understand it as the entire body of God’s true people throughout all times: this is the invisible or spiritual church. The people of God on earth are called the church militant, while those in heaven are called the church triumphant. Dr. John Owen noted that after sin entered the world, God chose to establish his church (the universal church) through the promise of the Messiah given to Adam. This promise contained elements of a covenant, including the grace God intended to show to sinners through the Messiah and the obedience He required from them; therefore, from its initial announcement, that promise became the sole foundation of the church and the entirety of God's worship within it. Before Abraham's time, this church, while scattered across the globe and subject to various changes in worship due to new revelations, remained one and the same because it was based on the same covenant and shared in all the benefits or privileges that God had provided or would later provide. Over time, God chose to limit his church, at least in terms of visible acknowledgment, mostly to Abraham's descendants. With him, He renewed the covenant, requiring that he walk before Him and be blameless. He also established him as the father of the faithful, or all who believe, and the “heir of the world.” Since Abraham’s time, the church has been founded on the covenant made with him and the work of redemption that was to be performedperformed according to that covenant. Wherever this covenant made with Abraham exists, and with whoever it is made, there lies the church of God, and to those individuals belong all the promises and privileges of the church. Thus, we learn that at the coming of the Messiah, one church was not replaced by another; rather, the church remained the same among the children of Abraham, according to faith. It is common among theologians to distinguish between the Jewish and Christian churches as if they are two completely different entities; however, this is not an accurate perspective. The Christian church is not a separate church but the same one that existed before Christ's arrival, sharing the same faith and included in the same covenant. Significant changes did occur in the church’s external status and condition with the coming of the Messiah. The Jews' carnal privilege, rooted in their separation from other nations to give birth to the Messiah, ceased, and with it, their claim to be the children of Abraham based on that. The forms of worship suited to that situation ended. New forms of worship were instituted, appropriate for the new understanding and grace then given to the church. Gentiles joined the faith of Abraham alongside the Jews, becoming joint participants in his blessings. However, none of these changes, individually or collectively, altered the fact that the church remained one and the same. The olive tree remained consistent; only some branches were removed while others were grafted in. The Jews fell away, and the Gentiles took their place. This understanding helps us distinguish between Jews and Christians in relation to the Old Testament promises. All those promises are made to the church. No one has any claim to them, except through their membership in the church. The church is, and has always been, one and the same. The Jewish argument is that the church is present with them, as they are the physical descendants of Abraham. Christians contend that their privilege based on this was of a different nature and ended with the coming of the Messiah: that the church of God, to whom all the promises belong, consists only of those who are heirs of Abraham's faith, believing as he did, and are therefore part of his covenant. These are Zion, Jerusalem, Israel, Jacob, the temple, or church of God.
2. By a particular church we understand an assembly of Christians united together, and meeting in one place, for the solemn worship of God. To this agrees the definition given by the compilers of the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England: “A congregation of faithful men, in which the true word of God is preached, and the sacraments duly administered according to Christ’s ordinances, in all 242those things that of necessity are requisite to the same,” Acts ix, 31; xx, 17; Gal. i, 2, 22; 1 Cor. xiv, 34; Col. iv, 15. The word is now also used to denote any particular denomination of Christians, distinguished by particular doctrines, ceremonies, &c, as the Romish church, the Greek church, the English church, &c.
2. By a particular church, we mean a group of Christians who are united and gather in one place for the formal worship of God. This aligns with the definition provided by the creators of the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England: “A congregation of faithful men, where the true word of God is preached, and the sacraments are properly administered according to Christ’s rules, in all those essential elements required for the same,” Acts ix, 31; xx, 17; Gal. i, 2, 22; 1 Cor. xiv, 34; Col. iv, 15. The term is now also used to refer to any specific denomination of Christians, characterized by unique beliefs, rituals, etc., such as the Roman Catholic Church, the Greek Orthodox Church, the Church of England, etc.
3. On the subject of the church, opinions as opposite or varying as possible have been held, from that of the Papists, who contend for its visible unity throughout the world under a visible head, down to that of the Independents, who consider the universal church as composed of congregational churches, each perfect in itself, and entirely independent of every other. The first opinion is manifestly contradicted by the language of the Apostles, who, while they teach that there is but one church, composed of believers throughout the world, think it not at all inconsistent with this to speak of “the churches of Judea,” “of Achaia,” “the seven churches of Asia,” “the church at Ephesus,” &c. Among themselves the Apostles had no common head; but planted churches and gave directions for their government, in most cases without any apparent correspondence with each other. The Popish doctrine is certainly not found in their writings; and so far were they from making provision for the government of this one supposed church, by the appointment of one visible and exclusive head, that they provide for the future government of the respective churches raised up by them in a totally different manner, that is, by the ordination of ministers for each church, who are indifferently called bishops, and presbyters, and pastors. The only unity of which they speak is the unity of the whole church in Christ, the invisible head, by faith; and the unity produced by “fervent love toward each other.” Nor has the Popish doctrine of the visible unity of the church any countenance from early antiquity. The best ecclesiastical historians have showed, that, through the greater part of the second century, the Christian churches were independent of each other. “Each Christian assembly,” says Mosheim, “was a little state governed by its own laws, which were either enacted, or at least approved, by the society. But in process of time, all the churches of a province were formed into one large ecclesiastical body, which, like confederate states, assembled at certain times in order to deliberate about the common interests of the whole.” So far indeed this union of churches appears to have been a wise and useful arrangement, although afterward it was carried to an injurious extreme, until finally it gave birth to the assumptions of the bishop of Rome, as universal bishop; a claim, however, which, when most successful, was but partially submitted to, the eastern churches having, for the most part, always maintained their independence. No very large association of churches of any kind existed till toward the close of the second century, which sufficiently refutes the papal argument from antiquity. The independence of the early Christian churches does not, however, appear to have resembled that of the churches which, in modern times, are called Independent. During the lives of the Apostles and Evangelists they were certainly subject to their counsel and control, which proves that the independency of separate societies was not the first form of the church. It may, indeed, be allowed, that some of the smaller and more insulated churches might, after the death of the Apostles and Evangelists, retain this form for some considerable time; but the larger churches, in the chief cities, and those planted in populous neighbourhoods, had many presbyters, and, as the members multiplied, they had several separate assemblies or congregations, yet all under the same common government. And when churches were raised up in the neighbourhood of cities, the appointment of chorepiscopi, or country bishops, and of visiting presbyters, both acting under the presbytery of the city, with the bishop at its head, is sufficiently in proof, that the ancient churches, especially the larger and more prosperous of them, existed in that form which, in modern times, we should call a religious connection, subject to a common government. This appears to have arisen out of the very circumstance of the increase of the church, through the zeal of the first Christians; and it was doubtless much more in the spirit of the very first discipline exercised by the Apostles and Evangelists, (when none of the churches were independent, but remained under the government of those who had been chiefly instrumental in raising them up,) to place themselves under a common inspection, and to unite the weak with the strong, and the newly converted with those who were “in Christ before them.” There was also in this, greater security afforded both for the continuance of wholesome doctrine, and of godly discipline.
3. When it comes to the church, opinions have varied widely, from the Catholics, who argue for a visible unity of the church worldwide under a single visible leader, to the Independents, who view the universal church as made up of individual congregational churches, each complete in itself and fully autonomous from one another. The first viewpoint is clearly contradicted by the words of the Apostles, who, while teaching that there is only one church made up of believers around the world, still refer to “the churches of Judea,” “of Achaia,” “the seven churches of Asia,” “the church at Ephesus,” etc. Among themselves, the Apostles did not have a single leader; they established churches and provided guidance for their management, often without any noticeable communication with each other. The Catholic doctrine is certainly not found in their writings; in fact, they were far from making arrangements for the governance of this supposed one church by appointing one visible and exclusive head. Instead, they set up the governance for the specific churches they founded in a completely different way, that is, by ordaining ministers for each church, who are randomly referred to as bishops, presbyters, and pastors. The only unity they mention is the unity of the whole church in Christ, the invisible head, through faith; and the unity created by “fervent love toward each other.” Moreover, the Catholic notion of visible unity in the church has no support from early history. Leading church historians have shown that for most of the second century, Christian churches operated independently from one another. “Each Christian assembly,” says Mosheim, “was like a small state governed by its own rules, which were either established or at least agreed upon by the community. However, over time, all the churches in a region united into one large ecclesiastical body, which, like confederated states, met at certain times to discuss the common interests of all.” Indeed, this unity of churches was beneficial and sensible initially, though it eventually became excessive, leading to the claims of the bishop of Rome as the universal bishop; a claim that, even when most accepted, was only partially acknowledged, as the eastern churches largely maintained their independence. No significant grouping of churches existed until toward the end of the second century, which effectively disproves the papal argument from history. The independence of the early Christian churches, however, does not seem to have mirrored that of the churches now referred to as Independent. During the time of the Apostles and Evangelists, these churches were clearly under their guidance and authority, which shows that the independence of separate groups was not the initial structure of the church. It can indeed be accepted that some smaller and more isolated churches might have maintained this structure for a considerable time after the deaths of the Apostles and Evangelists. However, larger churches in major cities and those established in populous areas had many presbyters, and as their membership grew, they developed several distinct assemblies or congregations, all still governed by a common authority. And when churches were established near cities, the appointment of *chorepiscopi*, or country bishops, as well as visiting presbyters, both operating under the city presbytery, led by the bishop, clearly indicates that the early churches, especially the larger and more successful ones, functioned in a way that we would today call a religious connection subjected to a common governance. This structure seems to have arisen from the very growth of the church due to the enthusiasm of the original Christians. It likely aligned much more with the spirit of the early discipline practiced by the Apostles and Evangelists (when none of the churches were independent but remained under the authority of those who had primarily established them), promoting a common oversight and connecting the weaker with the stronger, and the newly converted with those who were “in Christ before them.” This approach also provided greater security for the preservation of sound doctrine and godly discipline.
4. Church members are those who compose or belong to the visible church. As to the real church, the true members of it are such as come out from the world, 2 Cor. vi, 17; who are born again, 1 Peter i, 23; or made new creatures, 2 Cor. v, 17; whose faith works by love to God and all mankind, Gal. v, 6; James ii, 14, 26; who walk in all the ordinances of the Lord blameless. None but such are members of the true church; nor should any be admitted into any particular church without some evidence of their earnestly seeking this state of salvation.
4. Church members are those who make up or belong to the visible church. As for the real church, the true members are those who come out from the world, 2 Cor. vi, 17; who are born again, 1 Peter i, 23; or are made new creations, 2 Cor. v, 17; whose faith expresses itself through love for God and all people, Gal. v, 6; James ii, 14, 26; who live according to all the ordinances of the Lord blamelessly. Only such individuals are members of the true church; nor should anyone be accepted into any specific church without some proof of their sincere pursuit of this state of salvation.
5. Church fellowship is the communion that the members enjoy one with another. The ends of church fellowship are, the maintenance and exhibition of a system of sound doctrine; the support of the ordinances of evangelical worship in their purity and simplicity; the impartial exercise of church government and discipline; the promotion of holiness in all manner of conversation. The more particular duties are, earnest study to keep peace and unity; bearing of one another’s burdens, Gal. vi, 1, 2; earnest endeavours to prevent each other’s stumbling, 1 Cor. x, 23–33; Heb. x, 24–27; Rom. xiv, 13; steadfast continuance in the faith and worship of the Gospel, Acts ii, 42; 243praying for and sympathizing with each other, 1 Sam. xii, 23; Eph. vi, 18. The advantages are, peculiar incitement to holiness; the right to some promises applicable to none but those who attend the ordinances of God, and hold communion with the saints, Psalm xcii, 13; cxxxii, 13, 16; xxxvi, 8; Jer. xxxi, 12; the being placed under the watchful eye of pastors, Heb. xiii, 7; that they may restore each other if they fall, Gal. vi, 1; and the more effectually promote the cause of true religion.
5. Church fellowship is the connection that members enjoy with each other. The purposes of church fellowship are to maintain and showcase a system of sound doctrine; support the practices of worship in their purity and simplicity; fairly exercise church governance and discipline; and encourage holiness in all aspects of life. The more specific duties include actively working to keep peace and unity; supporting one another through challenges, Gal. vi, 1, 2; making genuine efforts to help each other avoid falling into sin, 1 Cor. x, 23–33; Heb. x, 24–27; Rom. xiv, 13; remaining committed to the faith and worship of the Gospel, Acts ii, 42; 243praying for and empathizing with one another, 1 Sam. xii, 23; Eph. vi, 18. The benefits are a special encouragement towards holiness; the right to certain promises that are only for those who participate in God’s ordinances and share in the fellowship of saints, Psalm xcii, 13; cxxxii, 13, 16; xxxvi, 8; Jer. xxxi, 12; being under the attentive care of pastors, Heb. xiii, 7; the ability to help restore one another if they fall, Gal. vi, 1; and more effectively advancing the cause of true religion.
6. As to church order and discipline, without entering into the discussion of the many questions which have been raised on this subject, and argued in so many distinct treatises, it may be sufficient generally to observe, that the church of Christ being a visible and permanent society, bound to observe certain rites, and to obey certain rules, the existence of government in it is necessarily supposed. All religious rites suppose order, all order direction and control, and these a directive and controlling power. Again: all laws are nugatory without enforcement, in the present mixed and imperfect state of society; and all enforcement supposes an executive. If baptism be the door of admission into the church, some must judge of the fitness of candidates, and administrators of the rite must be appointed; if the Lord’s Supper must be partaken of, the times and the mode are to be determined, the qualifications of communicants judged of, and the administration placed in suitable hands; if worship must be social and public, here again there must be an appointment of times, an order, and an administration; if the word of God is to be read and preached, then readers and preachers are necessary; if the continuance of any one in the fellowship of Christians be conditional upon good conduct, so that the purity and credit of the church may be guarded, then the power of enforcing discipline must be lodged some where. Thus government flows necessarily from the very nature of the institution of the Christian church; and since this institution has the authority of Christ and his Apostles, it is not to be supposed, that its government was left unprovided for; and if they have in fact made such a provision, it is no more a matter of mere option with Christians whether they will be subject to government in the church, than it is optional with them to confess Christ by becoming its members. The nature of this government, and the persons to whom it is committed, are both points which we must briefly examine by the light of the Holy Scriptures. As to the first, it is wholly spiritual:--“My kingdom,” says our Lord, “is not of this world.” The church is a society founded upon faith, and united by mutual love, for the personal edification of its members in holiness, and for the religious benefit of the world. The nature of its government is thus determined; it is concerned only with spiritual objects. It cannot employ force to compel men into its pale; for the only door of the church is faith; to which there can be no compulsion;--“he that believeth and is baptized” becomes a member. It cannot inflict pains and penalties upon the disobedient and refractory, like civil governments; for the only punitive discipline authorized in the New Testament, is comprised in “admonition,” “reproof,” “sharp rebukes,” and, finally, “excision from the society.” The last will be better understood, if we consider the special relations in which true Christians stand to each other, and the duties resulting from them. They are members of one body, and are therefore bound to tenderness and sympathy; they are the conjoint instructers of others, and are therefore to strive to be of “one judgment;” they are brethren, and they are to love one another as such, that is, with an affection more special than that general good will which they are commanded to bear to all mankind; they are therefore to seek the intimacy of friendly society among themselves, and, except in the ordinary and courteous intercourse of life, they are bound to keep themselves separate from the world; they are enjoined to do good unto all men, but “especially to them that are of the household of faith;” and they are forbidden “to eat” at the Lord’s table with immoral persons, that is, with those who, although they continue their Christian profession, dishonour it by their practice. With these relations of Christians to each other and to the world, and their correspondent duties, before our minds, we may easily interpret the nature of that extreme discipline which is vested in the church. “Persons who will not hear the church” are to be held “as Heathen men and publicans,” as those who are not members of it; that is, they are to be separated from it, and regarded as of “the world,” quite out of the range of the above mentioned relations of Christians to each other, and their correspondent duties; but still, like “Heathen men and publicans” they are to be the objects of pity, and general benevolence. Nor is this extreme discipline to be hastily inflicted before “a first and second admonition,” nor before those who are “spiritual” have attempted “to restore a brother overtaken by a fault;” and when the “wicked person” is “put away,” still the door is to be kept open for his reception again upon repentance. The true excommunication of the Christian church is therefore a merciful and considerate separation of an incorrigible offender from the body of Christians, without any infliction of civil pains or penalties. “Now we command you, brethren, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh disorderly, and not after the tradition which ye have received from us,” 2 Thess. iii, 6. “Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump,” 1 Cor. v, 7. “But now I have written to you not to keep company, if any man that is called a brother be a fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a railer, or a drunkard, or an extortioner, with such a one, no not to eat,” 1 Cor. v, 11. This then is the moral discipline which is imperative upon the church of Christ, and its government is criminally defective whenever it is not enforced. On the other hand, the disabilities and penalties which established churches in different 244places have connected with these sentences of excommunication, have no countenance at all in Scripture, and are wholly inconsistent with the spiritual character and ends of the Christian association.
6. When it comes to church order and discipline, without diving into the many questions that have been discussed on this topic in various treatises, it’s enough to generally note that the church of Christ, being a visible and lasting community, is required to follow certain rites and rules, which implies the need for governance. All religious rites rely on order, and all order requires direction and control, which in turn require a governing authority. Moreover, laws are ineffective without enforcement, especially in our current imperfect society; and enforcement requires an executive body. If baptism is the doorway to membership in the church, someone must evaluate the suitability of candidates, and administrators of the rite need to be appointed. If the Lord’s Supper is to be shared, the times and method must be established, the qualifications of participants assessed, and the administration entrusted to responsible individuals. If worship is meant to be social and public, there must again be a set schedule, a structure, and an administration in place. If the word of God is to be read and preached, then we need readers and preachers. If a person’s membership in the fellowship of Christians relies on good behavior to maintain the church's integrity, then the authority to enforce discipline has to be assigned somewhere. Thus, governance is essential to the very nature of the Christian church; and since this institution carries the authority of Christ and His Apostles, we cannot assume that its governance was overlooked. If they indeed made such provision, Christians have no more choice about being governed by the church than they do about confessing Christ when they join. We must briefly examine both the nature of this governance and the individuals entrusted with it through the teachings of the Holy Scriptures. Regarding the first, it is entirely spiritual: “My kingdom,” says our Lord, “is not of this world.” The church is a community built on faith and connected through mutual love, aimed at the personal growth of its members in holiness, and for the religious benefit of the world. This determines the spiritual focus of its governance. It cannot use force to compel people to join; the only doorway to the church is faith, which cannot be coerced—“he who believes and is baptized” becomes a member. It cannot impose punishments on the disobedient like civil governments do; the only disciplinary actions authorized in the New Testament consist of “admonition,” “reproof,” “sharp rebukes,” and ultimately “removal from the community.” The last point will be clearer when we consider the special relationships true Christians have with one another and the responsibilities that arise from them. They are members of one body, bound to show care and compassion; they are collective teachers of each other and should strive to be “of one mind;” they are siblings and should love one another with a special affection greater than the general goodwill they owe to all humanity; therefore, they should seek close fellowship among themselves. Except for the usual and polite interactions of life, they must keep themselves separate from the world; they are instructed to do good to everyone, but “especially to those of the household of faith;” they are also instructed not to commune at the Lord’s table with immoral people, meaning those who, even while professing Christianity, dishonor it through their actions. With these relationships and duties in mind, we can easily understand the nature of the strict discipline vested in the church. “Those who refuse to listen to the church” should be treated “as outsiders,” as people not part of it; this means they are to be separated from it and regarded as being “of the world,” completely outside the relationships and obligations of Christians to each other; however, like “outsiders,” they should still be the recipients of compassion and goodwill. This strict discipline should not be applied hastily, but only after “a first and second admonition,” and not before those who are “spiritual” attempt “to restore a brother who has fallen.” When a “wicked person” is “removed,” there must still be an open door for their return upon repentance. Therefore, true excommunication in the Christian church is a merciful and thoughtful separation of an unrepentant offender from the community of believers, without inflicting any civil punishments. “Now we command you, brothers, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to withdraw from every brother who walks disorderly and not according to the tradition you received from us,” 2 Thess. iii, 6. “Purge out the old leaven, that you may be a new lump,” 1 Cor. v, 7. “But now I have written to you not to associate with anyone who is called a brother if he is sexually immoral, greedy, an idolater, a slanderer, a drunkard, or an extortioner; with such a person, do not even eat,” 1 Cor. v, 11. This is the moral discipline that is required of the church of Christ, and its governance is seriously lacking whenever it is not enforced. On the other hand, the disabilities and penalties that established churches in various places have associated with these excommunication sentences are not supported by Scripture and are completely inconsistent with the spiritual nature and purposes of the Christian community.
7. As to the persons to whom the government of the church is committed, it is necessary to consider the composition, so to speak, of the primitive church, as stated in the New Testament. A full enunciation of these offices we find in Ephesians iv, 11: “And he gave some, Apostles; and some, Prophets; and some, Evangelists; and some, pastors and teachers; for the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ.” Of these, the office of Apostle is allowed by all to have been confined to those immediately commissioned by Christ to witness the fact of his miracles, and of his resurrection from the dead, and to reveal the complete system of Christian doctrine and duty; confirming their extraordinary mission by miracles wrought by themselves. If by “prophets” we are to understand persons who foretold future events, then the office was from its very nature extraordinary, and the gift of prophecy has passed away with the other miraculous endowments of the first age of Christianity. If, with others, we understand that these prophets were extraordinary teachers raised up until the churches were settled under permanent qualified instructors; still the office was temporary. The “Evangelists” are generally understood to be assistants of the Apostles, who acted under their especial authority and direction. Of this number were Timothy and Titus; and as the Apostle Paul directed them to ordain bishops or presbyters in the several churches, but gave them no authority to ordain successors to themselves in their particular office as Evangelists, it is clear that the Evangelists must also be reckoned among the number of extraordinary and temporary ministers suited to the first age of Christianity. Whether by “pastors and teachers” two offices be meant, or one, has been disputed. The change in the mode of expression seems to favour the latter view, and so the text is interpreted by St. Jerom, and St. Augustine; but the point is of little consequence. A pastor was a teacher, although every teacher might not be a pastor; but in many cases his office might be one of subordinate instruction, whether as an expounder of doctrine, a catechist, or even a more private instructer of those who as yet were unacquainted with the first principles of the Gospel of Christ. The term pastor implies the duties both of instruction and of government, of feeding and of ruling the flock of Christ; and, as the presbyters or bishops were ordained in the several churches, both by the Apostles and Evangelists, and rules are left by St. Paul as to their appointment, there can be no doubt but that these are the “pastors” spoken of in the Epistle to the Ephesians, and that they were designed to be the permanent ministers of the church; and that with them both the government of the church and the performance of its leading religious services were deposited. Deacons had the charge of the gifts and offerings for charitable purposes, although, it appears from Justin Martyr, not in every instance; for he speaks of the weekly oblations as being deposited with the chief minister, and distributed by him. These pastors appear to have been indifferently called Bishops and Presbyters, and with them the regulation of the churches was, doubtless, deposited; not without checks and guards, the principal of which, however, was, in the primitive church, and continues to be in all modern churches which have no supportsupport from the magistracy, or are made independent of the people by endowments, the voluntariness of the association. A perfect religious liberty is always supposed by the Apostles to exist among Christians; no compulsion of the civil power is any where assumed by them as the basis of their advices or directions; no binding of the members to one church, without liberty to join another, by any ties but those involved in moral considerations, of sufficient weight, however, to prevent the evils of faction and schism. It was this which created a natural and competent check upon the ministers of the church; for being only sustained by the opinion of the churches, they could not but have respect to it; and it was this which gave to the sound part of a fallen church the advantage of renouncing, upon sufficient and well-weighed grounds, their communion with it, and of kindling up the light of a pure ministry and a holy discipline, by forming a separate association, bearing its testimony against errors in doctrine, and failures in practice. Nor is it to be conceived, that, had this simple principle of perfect religious liberty been left unviolated through subsequent ages, the church could ever have become so corrupt, or with such difficulty and slowness have been recovered from its fall. This ancient Christian liberty has happily been restored in a few parts of Christendom. See Episcopacy and Presbyterianism.
7. Regarding the people to whom the governance of the church is entrusted, it's important to consider the structure of the early church as described in the New Testament. A comprehensive listing of these roles can be found in Ephesians 4:11: “And he gave some as Apostles; and some as Prophets; and some as Evangelists; and some as pastors and teachers; for the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the growth of the body of Christ.” Among these, the role of Apostle is universally recognized as restricted to those directly commissioned by Christ to witness his miracles and resurrection, and to communicate the complete system of Christian doctrine and responsibilities, supported by miracles performed by themselves. If we take “prophets” to mean individuals who foretold future events, then this role was inherently extraordinary, and the gift of prophecy has ceased along with other miraculous gifts from the early days of Christianity. If, as some suggest, we see these prophets as exceptional teachers established until churches were settled under permanent qualified leaders, the role was still temporary. The “Evangelists” are generally understood to be assistants to the Apostles, acting under their specific authority and direction. Timothy and Titus were examples of this group; Paul instructed them to appoint bishops or presbyters in various churches but did not grant them authority to ordain successors in their role as Evangelists, indicating that Evangelists were also extraordinary and temporary ministers suited to the early church. Whether “pastors and teachers” refers to two distinct offices or one has been debated. The change in wording tends to support the idea of one role, as interpreted by St. Jerome and St. Augustine, but this point is not crucial. A pastor was a teacher, although not all teachers were pastors; in many instances, their role might have been one of subordinate instruction, whether as an interpreter of doctrine, a catechist, or even as a private instructor for those unfamiliar with the basics of the Gospel. The term pastor encompasses duties of both teaching and governance, of nurturing and leading Christ’s flock. Since presbyters or bishops were appointed in various churches by the Apostles and Evangelists, and there are guidelines from St. Paul about their selection, it is clear that these are the “pastors” referred to in the Epistle to the Ephesians, meant to be the permanent ministers of the church, tasked with overseeing its governance and leading its main religious activities. Deacons managed the gifts and offerings for charitable causes, although, as noted by Justin Martyr, not in every case; he mentions that weekly offerings were placed with the chief minister and distributed by him. These pastors were often called Bishops and Elders, and they certainly bore responsibility for regulating the churches, albeit with checks and balances. The main safeguard in the early church, which still applies to modern churches without government support or independence from the people due to endowments, was the voluntary nature of the congregation. The Apostles assumed that perfect religious freedom existed among Christians; they did not expect civil power to compel adherence to their guidance; nor did they bind members to one church, allowing the freedom to join another based solely on moral considerations, strong enough to prevent factionalism and schism. This principle naturally provided a check on church ministers; since their support was dependent on the opinion of the churches, they had to be mindful of it. This also allowed the faithful part of a fallen church to rightfully dissociate on solid, well-considered grounds, igniting the revival of a pure ministry and holy discipline by forming a separate community, standing against errors in doctrine and shortcomings in practice. It's hard to imagine that if this principle of complete religious liberty had been upheld through the ages, the church could have become so corrupt or faced such slow recovery from its downfall. Thankfully, this ancient Christian liberty has been restored in some areas of Christendom. See Bishopric and Presbyterian Church.
1. When and by whom Christianity was first introduced into Britain, cannot at this distance of time be exactly ascertained. Eusebius, indeed, positively declares that it was by the Apostles and their disciples; Bishops Jewel and Stillingfleet, Dr. Cave, and others, insist that it was by St. Paul; and Baronius affirms, on the authority of an ancient manuscript in the Vatican Library, that the Gospel was planted in Britain by Simon Zelotes, the Apostle, and Joseph of Arimathea; and that the latter came over A. D. 35, or about the twenty-first year of Tiberius, and died in this country. According to Archbishop Usher, the British churches had a school of learning in the year 182, to provide them with proper teachers; and it would appear that they flourished, without dependence on any foreign church, till the arrival of Austin the monk, in the latter part of the sixth century.
1. It's hard to pinpoint when and by whom Christianity was first brought to Britain. Eusebius firmly states that it was the Apostles and their followers; Bishops Jewel and Stillingfleet, Dr. Cave, and others argue that it was St. Paul; and Baronius claims, based on an old manuscript in the Vatican Library, that the Gospel was introduced to Britain by Simon Zelotes, the Apostle, and Joseph of Arimathea. He says Joseph came over around A.D. 35, or about the twenty-first year of Tiberius, and died in this country. According to Archbishop Usher, the British churches had a school for learning in the year 182 to train proper teachers; and it seems they thrived independently until the arrival of Austin the monk in the late sixth century.
2. Episcopacy was early established in this 245country; and it ought to be remembered, to the honour of the British bishops and clergy, that during several centuries they withstood the encroachments of the see of Rome. Popery, however, was at length introduced into England, and, as some say, by Austin, the monk; and we find its errors every where prevalent during several ages preceding the reformation, till they were refuted by Wickliffe. The seed which Wickliffe had sown ripened after his death, and produced a glorious harvest. However, it was not till the reign of Henry VIII, that the reformation in England in reality commenced. When Luther declared war against the pope, Henry wrote his treatise on the seven sacraments against Luther’s book, “Of the Captivity of Babylon,” and was repaid by the pontiff with the title of “Defender of the Faith.” This title, in a sense diametrically opposite, and by a claim of higher desert, was transmitted by Henry with his crown, and now belongs to his successors. Henry’s affections being estranged from his queen Catharine, and fixed on Anne Boleyn, he requested a divorce from his wife; but the pope hesitating, the archbishop of Canterbury annulled his former marriage. The sentence of the archbishop was condemned by the pope, whose authority Henry therefore shook off, and was declared by parliament “supreme head of the church.” In the year 1800, when the kingdoms of Britain and Ireland were united, the churches of England and Ireland, which had always been the same in government, faith, and worship, became one united church.
2. Episcopacy was established early in this 245country, and it should be acknowledged, to the credit of the British bishops and clergy, that for several centuries they resisted the encroachments of the Catholic Church. However, Popery was eventually introduced into England, allegedly by Augustine, the monk; and we see its errors widely spread during the several centuries leading up to the Reformation, until they were challenged by Wycliffe. The ideas that Wycliffe planted flourished after his death, resulting in a significant outcome. However, it was not until the reign of Henry VIII that the Reformation in England truly began. When Luther declared war against the pope, Henry wrote his treatise on the seven sacraments in response to Luther’s work, “Of the Captivity of Babylon,” and was rewarded by the pope with the title “Defender of the Faith.” This title, in a completely opposite sense, was passed down by Henry with his crown and now belongs to his successors. After Henry became estranged from his wife, Catherine, and focused his affections on Anne Boleyn, he requested a divorce; but when the pope hesitated, the archbishop of Canterbury annulled his previous marriage. The archbishop’s ruling was condemned by the pope, whose authority Henry then rejected, leading to his declaration by parliament as the “supreme head of the church.” In 1800, when the kingdoms of Britain and Ireland united, the churches of England and Ireland, which had always shared the same governance, faith, and worship, became one united church.
3. The acknowledged standards of the faith and doctrines of the united church are, after the Scriptures, the Book of Homilies and the Thirty-nine Articles. Her liturgy is also doctrinal, as well as devotional. The homilies were composed by Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley, men of unexceptionable learning and orthodoxy; or, according to others, the first book was written principally by Cranmer, and the second by Jewel. They were appointed to be read in churches at the beginning of the reformation, when, by reason of the scarcity of learned divines, few ministers were found who could safely be trusted to preach their own compositions. The first draught of the Articles was composed by Archbishop Cranmer, assisted by Bishop Ridley, in the year 1551; and after being corrected by the other bishops, and approved by the convocation, they were published in Latin and English in 1553, and amounted to forty-two in number. In 1562 they were revised and corrected. Being then reduced to thirty-nine, they were drawn up in Latin only; but in 1571 they were subscribed by the members of the two houses of convocation, both in Latin and English; and therefore the Latin and English copies are to be considered as equally authentic. The original manuscripts, subscribed by the houses of convocation, were burned in the fire of London; but Dr. Bennet has collated the oldest copies now extant, in which it appears that there are no variations of any importance. During the last century, disputes arose among the clergy respecting the propriety of subscribing to any human formulary of religious sentiments. Parliament, in 1772, was applied to for the abolition of the subscription, by certain clergymen and others, whose petition received the most ample discussion, but was rejected by a large majority. It has been generally held by most, if not all, Calvinists, both in and out of the church, that the doctrinal parts of our Articles are Calvinistic. This opinion, however, has been warmly controverted. It is no doubt nearer the truth to conclude that the Articles are framed with comprehensive latitude; and that neither Calvinism nor Arminianism was intended to be exclusively established. In this view such liberal sentiments as the following, from the Apology of the Church of England, in 1732, are not of uncommon occurrence: “This, I know, I am myself an Anti-Calvinian; and yet, were I to compile articles for the church, I would abhor the thoughts of forming them so fully according to my own scheme of thinking, or of descending so minutely into all the particular branches of it, that none but Arminians should be able to subscribe, or that the church should lose the credit and service of such valuable men as the Abbots, Davenant, Usher, and other Calvinists undoubtedly were. And since our reformers were men of temper and moderation, it seems but justice, I am sure it is but reasonable, to think they intended such a latitude as I contend for, so that both parties, the followers of Arminius as well as of Calvin, might subscribe.” In a subsequent page, however, the same author says, “But what, if there was not so entire a harmony among the compilers or imposers, as was before supposed? What if several of them were Anti-Calvinian? This will incline the balance still more in our favour, and enlarge the probability of the articles being drawn up in a moderate, indefinite way. The divines who fled for refuge, in Queen Mary’s reign, to Geneva, Zurich, and other places beyond sea, (where, by conceiving a great veneration for Calvin, they were mightily changed in their sentiments and ways of thinking,) began to propagate his notions soon after their return in the next reign: and this seems to have been the prime occasion of Calvinism taking any considerable root in this kingdom. In King Edward’s time it doth not appear to have prevailed, except among a few ‘gospelers,’ and how they were reflected on by Bishop Latimer and Hooper has been already observed. When the articles were formed in 1552, I do not find that any deference was paid to Calvin’s judgment or authority: instead of that, the assistance he offered was, to his no little grief and dissatisfaction, refused. Next to the Scriptures and the doctrine of the primitive church, the compilers had an eye to the Augustan Confession, as appears from the identity of many of the articles; to the writings of Melancthon, whose assistance they desired, and whom King Edward invited over hither; the works of Erasmus; and the Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man. This last book was published by King Henry’s authority in 1543; and because it then had the 246approbation of most of those who compiled the Articles nine years afterward, it will be of consequence to see how it stands affected toward Calvinism. It teaches the cardinal point of universal redemption in several places; which strikes directly at the root of the Calvinian system, and, as Dr. Whitby expresses it, ‘draws all the rest after it, on which side soever the truth lies.’” This judicious amplitude has received much elucidation in Dr. Puller’s Moderation of the Church of England considered, 1679; and in other works of more recent date.
3. The established standards of belief and doctrines of the united church are, after the Scriptures, the Book of Homilies and the Thirty-nine Articles. Its liturgy is both doctrinal and devotional. The homilies were written by Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley, who were highly regarded for their learning and orthodoxy; according to some, the first book was mainly authored by Cranmer and the second by Jewel. These were designated for reading in churches at the start of the Reformation, when, due to a shortage of educated clergy, few ministers could be trusted to preach their own writings. The initial draft of the Articles was created by Archbishop Cranmer, with support from Bishop Ridley, in 1551. After being revised by other bishops and officially approved by the convocation, they were published in Latin and English in 1553, totaling forty-two articles. In 1562, they were reviewed and edited, reducing the count to thirty-nine, and then they were compiled in Latin only. However, in 1571, they were signed by the members of both houses of convocation in both Latin and English; thus, the Latin and English versions are considered equally authentic. The original manuscripts signed by the houses of convocation were lost in the Great Fire of London, but Dr. Bennet has compared the oldest existing copies, showing no significant differences. In the last century, there were disagreements among clergy about whether subscribing to any human-made statement of faith was appropriate. In 1772, Parliament was approached to abolish the subscription by certain clergymen and others; the petition was thoroughly debated but rejected by a large majority. Most, if not all, Calvinists, inside and outside the church, have generally believed that the doctrinal aspects of our Articles lean towards Calvinism. However, this view has been vigorously challenged. It is likely more accurate to say that the Articles are designed with a wide scope, not exclusively favoring Calvinism or Arminianism. In this light, views like the one below from the Apology of the Church of England in 1732 are quite common: “I know I am an Anti-Calvinian myself; yet, if I were to create articles for the church, I would strongly oppose the idea of crafting them so rigidly according to my own beliefs or getting into such detail that only Arminians could agree, or that the church would lose the support of valuable individuals like the Abbots, Davenant, Usher, and other undoubtedly Calvinists. Since our reformers were known for their moderation and temperance, it seems fair—indeed, it is reasonable—to think they meant for such a broad approach that followers of both Arminius and Calvin could subscribe.” In a later section, the same author states, “But what if there wasn’t as much agreement among the compilers or enforcers as previously thought? What if some of them were Anti-Calvinian? This would further tilt the balance in our favor and increase the likelihood that the articles were created in a moderate, undefined manner. The theologians who fled to Geneva, Zurich, and other places abroad during Queen Mary’s reign, where they developed a high regard for Calvin, began to spread his ideas soon after returning in the next reign; this seems to be the main reason Calvinism took hold in this country. During King Edward’s time, it doesn’t seem to have been widespread, except among a few ‘gospelers,’ and their reputation among Bishop Latimer and Hooper has been noted. When the articles were formulated in 1552, it appears they did not take into account Calvin’s opinions or authority; instead, the help he offered was, to his dismay, declined. In addition to the Scriptures and the teachings of the early church, the compilers also considered the Augsburg Confession, as evidenced by the similarities in many of the articles; the writings of Melancthon, whose help they sought, and whom King Edward invited over; the works of Erasmus; and the Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man. This last book was published by King Henry’s authority in 1543, and since it had the approval of most of those who compiled the Articles nine years later, it is significant to see how it relates to Calvinism. It promotes the essential idea of universal redemption in several sections, which directly challenges the foundation of Calvinism, and as Dr. Whitby puts it, ‘pulls everything else along with it, no matter which side the truth lies on.’” This thoughtful inclusiveness has been further explained in Dr. Puller’s Moderation of the Church of England considered, 1679; and in other more recent works.
4. In this church, divine service is conducted by a liturgy, which was composed in 1547, and has undergone several alterations, the last of which took place in 1661, in the reign of Charles II. Many applications have been since made for a review; and particular alterations were proposed in 1689, by several learned and excellent divines, in the number of whom were Archbishops Tillotson and Tenison, and Bishops Patrick, Burnet, Stillingfleet, Kidder, &c. This subject has been recently revived; and it is believed that some changes are under consideration. To this liturgy every clergyman promises at his ordination to conform in his public ministrations.
4. In this church, worship is conducted using a liturgy that was created in 1547 and has gone through several changes, the most recent of which occurred in 1661 during Charles II's reign. Since then, many requests have been made for a review, and specific changes were suggested in 1689 by several learned and respected theologians, including Archbishops Tillotson and Tenison, and Bishops Patrick, Burnet, Stillingfleet, Kidder, etc. This topic has recently come up again, and it is believed that some changes are being considered. Every clergyman promises to adhere to this liturgy during his public ministry at the time of his ordination.
5. Ever since the reign of Henry VIII, the sovereigns of England have been styled “supreme heads of the church,” as well as “defenders of the faith;” but this title is said to convey no spiritual meaning; or, in other words, it only substitutes the king in place of the pope, with respect to temporalities, and the external economy of the church. The church of England is governed by two archbishops and twenty-four bishops, beside the bishop of Sodor and Man. The benefices of the bishops were converted by William the Conqueror into temporal baronies; and, therefore, all of them, except the bishop of Man, are barons or lords of parliament, and sit and vote in the house of lords, where they represent the clergy. The bishops’ representatives and assistants are the archdeacons, of whom there are sixty in England. The other dignitaries of the church are the deans, prebendaries, canons, &c; and the inferior clergy are the rectors, vicars, and curates. The united church knows only three orders of ministers; bishops, priests, and deacons: but in these orders are comprehended archbishops, bishops, deans, archdeacons, rectors, vicars, and curates. The church of Ireland is governed by four archbishops and eighteen bishops. Since the union of Britain and Ireland, one archbishop and three bishops sit alternately in the house of peers, by rotation of sessions.
5. Since the reign of Henry VIII, the rulers of England have been called “supreme heads of the church” as well as “defenders of the faith,” but this title is said to hold no spiritual significance; in other words, it simply replaces the pope with the king in matters of worldly affairs and the church's external management. The Church of England is led by two archbishops and twenty-four bishops, along with the bishop of Sodor and Man. William the Conqueror turned the bishops' benefices into temporal baronies; therefore, all of them, except the bishop of Man, are barons or lords of parliament and sit and vote in the House of Lords, representing the clergy. The bishops’ representatives and assistants are the archdeacons, of which there are sixty in England. Other church officials include the deans, prebendaries, canons, etc., while the lower clergy consists of rectors, vicars, and curates. The united church recognizes only three orders of ministers: bishops, priests, and deacons; however, these orders include archbishops, bishops, deans, archdeacons, rectors, vicars, and curates. The Church of Ireland is governed by four archbishops and eighteen bishops. Since the union of Britain and Ireland, one archbishop and three bishops take turns sitting in the House of Peers by rotation of sessions.
CILICIA, a country in the south-east of Asia Minor, and lying on the northern coast, at the east end of the Mediterranean Sea: the capital city thereof was Tarsus, the native city of St. Paul, Acts xxi, 39.
CILICIA, a region in the southeast of Asia Minor, located on the northern coast at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea: its capital city was Tarsus, the birthplace of St. Paul, Acts xxi, 39.
CINNAMON, קינמון, an agreeable aromatic; the inward bark of the canella, a small tree of the height of the willow. It is mentioned, Exodus xxx, 23, among the materials in the composition of the holy anointing oil; and in Proverbs vii, 17; Canticles iv, 14; Ecclesiasticus xxiv, 15; and Revelation xviii, 13, among the richest perfumes. This spice is now brought from the east Indies; but as there was no traffic with India in the days of Moses, it was then brought, probably, from Arabia, or some neighbouring country. We learn, however, from Pliny, that a species of it grew in Syria.
CINNAMON, Cinnamon, a pleasant aromatic spice; it comes from the inner bark of the canella, a small tree that grows to the height of a willow. It's mentioned in Exodus 30:23 as one of the ingredients in the holy anointing oil, and in Proverbs 7:17, Song of Solomon 4:14, Ecclesiasticus 24:15, and Revelation 18:13, as one of the most luxurious perfumes. Today, this spice is sourced from the East Indies; however, since there was no trade with India in Moses's time, it likely came from Arabia or a nearby region. Nonetheless, we learn from Pliny that a type of it grew in Syria.
CINNEROTH, or CINNERETH, a city on the north-western side of the sea of Galilee; which, from it, is frequently called in the Old Testament the sea of Cinneroth: from which word, that of Genesaret, in the New Testament, is conjectured by Dr. Wells to have been framed.
CINNEROTH, or CINNERETH, a city on the northwest side of the Sea of Galilee; which is often referred to in the Old Testament as the Sea of Cinneroth: from this word, the name Genesaret in the New Testament is thought by Dr. Wells to have originated.
CIRCUMCISION is from the Latin, circumcidere, “to cut all round,” because the Jews, in circumcising their children, cut off after this manner the skin which covers the prepuce. God enjoined Abraham to use circumcision, as a sign of his covenant. In obedience to this order, Abraham, at ninety-nine years of age, was circumcised: also his son Ishmael, and all the males of his property, Gen. xvii, 10. God repeated the precept of circumcision to Moses: he ordered that all who were to partake of the paschal sacrifice should receive circumcision; and that this rite should be performed on children, on the eighth day after their birth. The Jews have always been very exact in observing this ceremony, and it appears that they did not neglect it when in Egypt. But Moses, while in Midian with Jethro his father-in-law, did not circumcise his two sons born in that country; and during the journey of the Israelites in the wilderness, their children were not circumcised. Circumcision was practised among the Arabians, Saracens, and Ishmaelites. These people, as well as the Israelites, sprung from Abraham. Circumcision was introduced with the law of Moses among the Samaritans and Cutheans. The Idumeans, though descended from Abraham and Isaac, were not circumcised till subdued by John Hircanus. Those who assert that the Phenicians were circumcised, mean, probably, the Samaritans; for we know, from other authority, that the Phenicians did not observe this ceremony. As to the Egyptians, circumcision never was of general and indispensable obligation on the whole nation; certain priests only, and particular professions, were obliged to it. Circumcision is likewise the ceremony of initiation into the Mohammedan religion. There is, indeed, no law in the Koran which enjoins it, and they have the precept only in tradition. They say that Mohammed commanded it out of respect to Abraham, the head of his race. They have no fixed day for the performance of this rite, and generally wait till the child is five or six years of age.
CIRCUMCISION comes from the Latin, circumcision, which means “to cut all around.” This refers to how Jews cut off the skin that covers the prepuce when circumcising their children. God commanded Abraham to perform circumcision as a symbol of his covenant. In obedience to this command, Abraham was circumcised at ninety-nine years old, along with his son Ishmael and all the males in his household, as noted in Gen. xvii, 10. God reiterated the command of circumcision to Moses, instructing that anyone who wanted to partake in the Passover sacrifice should be circumcised. This rite was to be performed on children on the eighth day after their birth. The Jews have consistently adhered to this ceremony and appear to have continued it even during their time in Egypt. However, while Moses was in Midian with his father-in-law Jethro, he did not circumcise his two sons born there, and during the Israelites' journey in the wilderness, their children were not circumcised. Circumcision was also practiced among Arabs, Saracens, and Ishmaelites, who, like the Israelites, are descendants of Abraham. This practice was introduced among the Samaritans and Cutheans along with the Mosaic law. The Idumeans, although descendants of Abraham and Isaac, were not circumcised until they were conquered by John Hyrcanus. Those who claim that the Phoenicians practiced circumcision likely refer to the Samaritans, since other sources indicate that the Phoenicians did not observe this rite. As for the Egyptians, circumcision was not a widespread requirement for the entire nation; it was only mandatory for certain priests and specific professions. Circumcision is also part of the initiation ceremony into the Islamic faith. While there is no law in the Koran mandating it, the practice is based on tradition. They assert that Mohammed commanded it in honor of Abraham, the forefather of their lineage. They do not have a designated day for performing this rite, typically waiting until the child is five or six years old.
Circumcision, Covenant of. That the covenant with Abraham, of which circumcision was made the sign and seal, Genesis xvii, 7–14, was the general covenant of grace, and not wholly, or even chiefly, a political and national covenant, may be satisfactorily established. The first engagement in it was, that God would “greatly bless” Abraham; which promise, although it comprehended temporal blessings, referred, as we learn from St. Paul, more fully 247to the blessing of his justification by the imputation of his faith for righteousness, with all the spiritual advantages consequent upon the relation which was thus established between him and God, in time and eternity. The second promise in the covenant was, that he should be “the father of many nations;” which we are also taught by St. Paul to interpret more with reference to his spiritual seed, the followers of that faith whereof cometh justification, than to his natural descendants. “That the promise might be sure to all the seed, not only to that which is by the law, but to that also which is by the faith of Abraham, who is the father of us all,”--of all believing Gentiles as well as Jews. The third stipulation in God’s covenant with the patriarch, was the gift to Abraham and to his seed of “the land of Canaan,” in which the temporal promise was manifestly but the type of the higher promise of a heavenly inheritance. Hence St. Paul says, “By faith he sojourned in the land of promise, dwelling in tabernacles with Isaac and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same promise;” but this “faith” did not respect the fulfilment of the temporal promise; for St. Paul adds, “they looked for a city which had foundations, whose builder and maker is God,” Heb. xi, 19. The next promise was, that God would always be “a God to Abraham and to his seed after him,” a promise which is connected with the highest spiritual blessings, such as the remission of sins, and the sanctification of our nature, as well as with a visible church state. It is even used to express the felicitous state of the church in heaven, Rev. xxi, 3. The final engagement in the Abrahamic covenant was, that in Abraham’s “seed, all nations of the earth should be blessed;” and this blessing, we are expressly taught by St. Paul, was nothing less than the justification of all nations, that is, of all believers in all nations, by faith in Christ: “And the Scripture, foreseeing that God would justify the Heathen by faith, preached before the Gospel to Abraham, saying, In thee shall all nations be blessed. So then they who are of faith are blessed with believing Abraham;” they receive the same blessing, justification, by the same means, faith, Gal. iii, 8, 9. This covenant with Abraham, therefore, although it respected a natural seed, Isaac, from whom a numerous progeny was to spring; and an earthly inheritance provided for this issue, the land of Canaan; and a special covenant relation with the descendants of Isaac, through the line of Jacob, to whom Jehovah was to be “a God,” visibly and specially, and they a visible and “peculiar people;” yet was, under all these temporal, earthly, and external advantages, but a higher and spiritual grace embodying itself under these circumstances, as types of a dispensation of salvation and eternal life, to all who should follow the faith of Abraham, whose justification before God was the pattern of the justification of every man, whether Jew or Gentile, in all ages. Now, of this covenant, in its spiritual as well as in its temporal provisions, circumcision was most certainly the sacrament, that is the “sign” and the “seal;” for St. Paul thus explains the case: “And he received the SIGN of circumcision, a SEAL of the righteousness of the faith which he had yet being uncircumcised.” And as this rite was enjoined upon Abraham’s posterity, so that every “uncircumcised man-child whose flesh of his foreskin was not circumcised on the eighth day,” was to be “cut off from his people,” by the special judgment of God, and that because “he had broken God’s covenant,” Gen. xvii, 14; it therefore follows that this rite was a constant publication of God’s covenant of grace among the descendants of Abraham, and its repetition a continual confirmation of that covenant, on the part of God, to all practising it in that faith of which it was the ostensible expression.
Circumcision, Covenant of. The covenant with Abraham, of which circumcision was the sign and seal, as mentioned in Genesis 17:7–14, was the overarching covenant of grace and not primarily a political or national agreement. This can be clearly demonstrated. The first commitment in this covenant was that God would “greatly bless” Abraham; while this promise included material blessings, it ultimately pointed to the blessing of his justification, as St. Paul shows, through the crediting of his faith as righteousness, bringing all the spiritual benefits that came from the relationship established between him and God, both in this life and the next. The second promise was that he would be “the father of many nations;” St. Paul teaches us to interpret this more with regard to his spiritual descendants, the followers of the faith that leads to justification, rather than his physical offspring. “So that the promise would be secure for all of his descendants, not just those under the law, but also for those who have the faith of Abraham, who is the father of us all,” meaning all believing Gentiles as well as Jews. The third provision in God’s covenant with the patriarch was the gift of “the land of Canaan” to Abraham and his descendants, where the temporal promise was clearly a type of the greater promise of a heavenly inheritance. Thus, St. Paul states, “By faith, he lived in the land of promise, dwelling in tents with Isaac and Jacob, who were heirs with him of the same promise;” but this “faith” wasn’t focused on the fulfillment of the earthly promise; St. Paul adds, “they were looking for a city that has foundations, whose builder and maker is God,” Hebrews 11:19. The next promise was that God would always be “a God to Abraham and his descendants after him,” a promise connected to the highest spiritual blessings, like the forgiveness of sins and the sanctification of our nature, along with a visible church state. This promise even symbolizes the blessed state of the church in heaven, Revelation 21:3. The final commitment in the Abrahamic covenant was that through Abraham’s “seed, all nations of the earth would be blessed;” and this blessing, as St. Paul explicitly teaches, was nothing less than the justification of all nations, meaning all believers in every nation, through faith in Christ: “And the Scripture, foreseeing that God would justify the Gentiles by faith, preached the Gospel to Abraham beforehand, saying, In you shall all nations be blessed. So then those who are of faith are blessed with believing Abraham;” they receive the same blessing, justification, through the same means, faith, Galatians 3:8, 9. This covenant with Abraham, though it pertained to a natural seed, Isaac, from whom a large offspring was to come; and an earthly inheritance provided for this lineage, the land of Canaan; and a special covenant relationship with Isaac's descendants, via Jacob, to whom Jehovah was to be “a God,” in a visible and special way, making them a visible and “peculiar people;” still represented, amid all these temporary, earthly, and external advantages, a higher and spiritual grace unfolding itself under these conditions, as symbols of a divine arrangement for salvation and eternal life, for all who would follow the faith of Abraham, whose justification before God became the example for the justification of every person, whether Jew or Gentile, throughout all time. Now, within this covenant, both in its spiritual and temporal aspects, circumcision was certainly the sacrament, meaning the “sign” and the “seal;” for St. Paul explains, “And he received the SIGN of circumcision, a Seal of the righteousness of the faith which he had while still uncircumcised.” And since this rite was commanded for Abraham’s descendants, every “uncircumcised male child whose foreskin was not circumcised on the eighth day,” was to be “cut off from his people,” by the specific judgment of God, because “he had broken God’s covenant,” Genesis 17:14; it follows that this rite was a continual declaration of God’s covenant of grace among Abraham's descendants, and its repetition was an ongoing affirmation of that covenant by God to all who practiced it in the faith it visibly represented.
2. As the covenant of grace made with Abraham was bound up with temporal promises and privileges, so circumcision was a sign and seal of the covenant in both its parts,--its spiritual and its temporal, its superior and inferior provisions. The spiritual promises of the covenant continued unrestricted to all the descendants of Abraham, whether by Isaac or by Ishmael; and still lower down, to the descendants of Esau as well as to those of Jacob. Circumcision was practised among them all by virtue of its divine institution at first; and was extended to their foreign servants, and to proselytes, as well as to their children; and where-ever the sign of the covenant of grace was by divine appointment, there it was as a seal of that covenant, to all who believingly used it; for we read of no restriction of its spiritual blessings, that is, its saving engagements, to one line of descent from Abraham only. But over the temporal branch of the covenant, and the external religious privileges arising out of it, God exercised a rightful sovereignty, and expressly restricted them first to the line of Isaac, and then to that of Jacob, with whose descendants he entered into special covenant by the ministry of Moses. The temporal blessings and external privileges comprised under general expressions in the covenant with Abraham, were explained and enlarged under that of Moses, while the spiritual blessings remained unrestricted as before. This was probably the reason why circumcision was reënacted under the law of Moses. It was a confirmation of the temporal blessings of the Abrahamic covenant, now, by a covenant of peculiarity, made over to them, while it was still recognized as a consuetudinary rite which had descended to them from their fathers, and as the sign and seal of the covenant of grace, made with Abraham and with all his descendants without exception. This double reference of circumcision, both to the authority of Moses and to that of the patriarchs, is found in the words of our Lord, John vii, 22: “Moses therefore gave unto you circumcision, not because it is of Moses, but of the fathers;” or, as it is better translated by Campbell, “Moses instituted circumcision among you, (not that it is from Moses, but from the patriarchs,) and ye circumcise on the Sabbath. If on the Sabbath a child receive circumcision, that the law of Moses may not be violated,” &c.
2. Just as the covenant of grace made with Abraham was tied to earthly promises and privileges, circumcision served as a sign and seal of that covenant in both its spiritual and earthly aspects. The spiritual promises of the covenant extended freely to all of Abraham's descendants, whether through Isaac or Ishmael; and further down, to the descendants of Esau as well as those of Jacob. Circumcision was practiced among all of them because it was originally instituted by God; it was also extended to their foreign servants and converts, as well as to their children. Wherever the sign of the covenant of grace was established by divine order, it served as a seal of that covenant for everyone who used it in faith, as there were no limitations on its spiritual blessings—meaning its salvific commitments—to just one line of descent from Abraham. However, regarding the temporal aspect of the covenant and the external religious privileges that came from it, God exercised authority and specifically limited them first to Isaac's line, and then to Jacob's, with whom He formed a special covenant through Moses. The earthly blessings and external privileges outlined in general terms in the covenant with Abraham were detailed and expanded under Moses, while the spiritual blessings continued to remain unlimited as before. This was likely why circumcision was reaffirmed under the law of Moses. It confirmed the earthly blessings of the Abrahamic covenant, which were now uniquely conferred upon them, while still being seen as a customary rite passed down from their ancestors and as the sign and seal of the covenant of grace made with Abraham and all his descendants without exception. This dual significance of circumcision, linking both to Moses' authority and that of the patriarchs, is captured in the words of our Lord, John 7:22: “Moses therefore gave you circumcision, not because it is from Moses, but from the fathers;” or, as Campbell better translates it, “Moses instituted circumcision among you, (not that it originated with Moses, but with the patriarchs,) and you circumcise on the Sabbath. If on the Sabbath a child receives circumcision, that the law of Moses may not be violated,” &c.
2483. From these observations, the controversy in the Apostolic churches respecting circumcision will derive much elucidation. The covenant with Abraham prescribed circumcision as an act of faith in its promises, and as a pledge to perform its conditions on the part of his descendants. But the object on which this faith rested, was “the Seed of Abraham,” in whom the nations of the earth were to be blessed: which Seed, says St. Paul, “is Christ,”--Christ as promised, not yet come. When the Christ had come, so as fully to enter upon his redeeming offices, he could no longer be the object of faith, as still to come; and this leading promise of the covenant being accomplished, the sign and seal of it vanished away. Nor could circumcision be continued in this view by any, without an implied denial that Jesus was the Christ, the expected Seed of Abraham. Circumcision also as an institution of Moses, who continued it as the sign and seal of the Abrahamic covenant both in its spiritual and temporal provisions, but with respect to the latter made it also a sign and seal of the restriction of its temporal blessings and peculiar religious privileges to the descendants of Israel, was terminated by the entrance of our Lord upon his office of Mediator, in which office all nations were to be blessed in him. The Mosaic edition of the covenant not only guaranteed the land of Canaan, but the peculiarity of the Israelites, as the people and visible church of God to the exclusion of others, except by proselytism. But when our Lord commanded the Gospel to be preached to “all nations,” and opened the gates of the “common salvation” to all, whether Gentiles or Jews, circumcision, as the sign of a covenant of peculiarity and religious distinction, was also done away. It had not only no reason remaining, but the continuance of the rite involved the recognition of exclusive privileges which had been terminated by Christ. This will explain the views of the Apostle Paul on this great question. He declares that in Christ there is neither circumcision nor uncircumcision; that neither circumcision availeth any thing, nor uncircumcision, but “faith that worketh by love;” faith in the Seed of Abraham already come and already engaged in his mediatorial and redeeming work; faith, by virtue of which the Gentiles came into the church of Christ on the same terms as the Jews themselves, and were justified and saved. The doctrine of the non-necessity of circumcision, he applies to the Jews as well as to the Gentiles, although he specially resists the attempts of the Judaizers to impose this rite upon the Gentile converts; in which he was supported by the decision of the Holy Spirit when the appeal upon this question was made to “the Apostles and elders at Jerusalem,” from the church at Antioch. At the same time it is clear that he takes two different views of the practice of circumcision, as it was continued among many of the first Christians. The first is that strong one which is expressed in Gal. v, 2–4, “Behold, I Paul say unto you, that if ye be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing; for I testify again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to do the whole law. Christ is made of no effect unto you, whosoever of you are justified by the law, ye are fallen from grace.” The second is that milder view which he himself must have had when he circumcised Timothy to render him more acceptable to the Jews; and which also appears to have led him to abstain from all allusion to this practice when writing his epistle to the believing Hebrews, although many, perhaps most of them, continue to circumcise their children, as did the Jewish Christians for a long time afterward. These different views of circumcision, held by the same person, may be explained by considering the different principles on which circumcision might be practised after it had become an obsolete ordinance.
2483. From these observations, the debate in the early Christian churches about circumcision will become much clearer. The covenant with Abraham required circumcision as a sign of faith in its promises and as a commitment from his descendants to uphold its conditions. However, this faith was based on “the Seed of Abraham,” through whom all nations would be blessed: this Seed, according to St. Paul, “is Christ,” who was promised but not yet arrived. When Christ did arrive and took on his redeeming role, he could no longer be the object of faith as someone who was yet to come; with the main promise of the covenant fulfilled, its sign and seal disappeared. Furthermore, continuing circumcision in this context would implicitly deny that Jesus was the Christ, the anticipated Seed of Abraham. Circumcision, as established by Moses, who maintained it as the sign and seal of the Abrahamic covenant—including both its spiritual and material aspects—also became a sign and seal of the limitation of its temporal blessings and special religious privileges to the descendants of Israel, but was ended when our Lord began his role as Mediator, in which all nations would be blessed through him. The Mosaic version of the covenant ensured not just ownership of the land of Canaan, but also established the Israelites as God's chosen people and visible church, excluding others unless they converted. Yet, when our Lord commanded that the Gospel should be shared with “all nations” and opened the doors of “common salvation” to everyone, whether Gentiles or Jews, circumcision, as a sign of a special covenant and religious difference, was also abolished. It not only had no justification left, but continuing the practice implied a recognition of exclusive privileges that had ended with Christ. This clarifies the Apostle Paul’s perspective on this major issue. He states that in Christ, there is no distinction between circumcision and uncircumcision; that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision matters, but rather “faith that works through love;” faith in the Seed of Abraham who had already come and was actively engaged in his mediatorial and redemptive work; faith that allowed Gentiles to join the church of Christ on the same basis as Jews and receive justification and salvation. The doctrine that circumcision was unnecessary applied to both Jews and Gentiles, although Paul particularly opposed the Judaizers’ attempts to impose this rite on Gentile converts; he was also supported by the decision of the Holy Spirit when this issue was brought before “the Apostles and elders at Jerusalem” from the church at Antioch. At the same time, it’s evident that he had two different perspectives on the practice of circumcision as it continued among many early Christians. The first is a strong stance expressed in Galatians 5:2–4, where he says, “Behold, I Paul say unto you, that if you are circumcised, Christ will profit you nothing; for I testify again to every man who is circumcised, that he is obligated to keep the whole law. Christ has no effect for you, whoever of you are justified by the law; you have fallen from grace.” The second is a softer view that he must have held when he circumcised Timothy to make him more acceptable to the Jews; this perspective also seems to have led him to avoid mentioning this practice in his letter to the believing Hebrews, even though many, perhaps most of them, continued to circumcise their children, as did the Jewish Christians for a long time afterward. These varying views on circumcision, held by the same person, can be understood by considering the different principles on which circumcision might be observed after it had become an outdated requirement.
(1.) It might be taken in the simple view of its first institution, as the sign and seal of the Abrahamic covenant; and then it was to be condemned as involving a denial that Abraham’s Seed, the Christ, had already come, since, upon his coming, every old covenant gave place to the new covenant introduced by him.
(1.) It could be understood in the straightforward sense of its initial establishment as a symbol of the Abrahamic covenant; and then it would be criticized for implying a rejection of the idea that Abraham’s Descendant, Christ, had already arrived, since, with his arrival, all previous covenants were replaced by the new covenant he introduced.
(2.) It might be practised and enjoined as the sign and seal of the Mosaic covenant, which was still the Abrahamic covenant with its spiritual blessings, but with restriction of its temporal promises and special ecclesiastical privileges to the line of Jacob, with a law of observances which was obligatory upon all entering that covenant by circumcision. In that case it involved, in like manner, the notion of the continuance of an old covenant, after the establishment of the new; for thus St. Paul states the case in Galatians iii, 19: “Wherefore then serveth the law? It was added because of transgressions until the Seed should come.” After that therefore it had no effect:--it had waxed old, and had vanished away.
(2.) It could be practiced and required as the sign and symbol of the Mosaic covenant, which was still the Abrahamic covenant with its spiritual blessings but limited its temporal promises and special church privileges to the line of Jacob, along with a set of rules that everyone entering that covenant through circumcision had to follow. In this way, it also suggested that an old covenant continued to exist after the new one was established; as St. Paul explains in Galatians 3:19: “Why was the law then given? It was added because of transgressions until the Seed should come.” Therefore, after that, it had no impact—it had become outdated and disappeared.
(3.) Again: circumcision might imply an obligation to observe all the ceremonial usages and the moral precepts of the Mosaic law, along with a general belief in the mission of Christ, as necessary to justification before God. This appears to have been the view of those among the Galatian Christians who submitted to circumcision, and of the Jewish teachers who enjoined it upon them; for St. Paul in that epistle constantly joins circumcision with legal observances, and as involving an obligation to do “the whole law,” in order to justification.--“I testify again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to do the whole law; whosoever of you are justified by the law, ye are fallen from grace.” “Knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law, but by the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ,” Gal. ii, 16. To all persons therefore practising circumcision in this view it was obvious, that “Christ was become of none effect,” the very principle of justification by faith alone in him was renounced even while his divine mission was still admitted.
(3.) Once again: circumcision could suggest a requirement to follow all the ceremonial practices and moral teachings of the Mosaic law, along with a general belief in Christ’s mission, as essential for being justified before God. This seemed to be the perspective of those among the Galatian Christians who accepted circumcision, as well as the Jewish leaders who urged them to do so; because St. Paul in that letter consistently links circumcision with legal observances, indicating an obligation to adhere to “the whole law” for justification. --“I testify again to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor to do the whole law; if you seek justification through the law, you have fallen from grace.” “Knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law, but by the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ,” Gal. ii, 16. To everyone therefore practicing circumcision with this understanding, it was clear that “Christ had become of no effect,” as the very principle of justification by faith alone in him was rejected even while his divine mission was still acknowledged.
(4.) But there are two grounds on which circumcision maybe conceived to have been innocently, though not wisely, practised, among 249the Christian Jews. The first was that of preserving an ancient national distinction on which they valued themselves; and were a converted Jew in the present day disposed to perform that rite upon his children for this purpose only, renouncing in the act all consideration of it as a sign and seal of the old covenants, or as obliging to ceremonial acts in order to justification, no one would censure him with severity. It appears clear that it was under some such view that St. Paul circumcised Timothy, whose mother was a Jewess; he did it because of “the Jews which were in those quarters,” that is, because of their national prejudices, “for they knew that his father was a Greek.” The second was a lingering notion, that, even in the Christian church, the Jews who believed would still retain some degree of eminence, some superior relation to God; a notion which, however unfounded, was not one which demanded direct rebuke, when it did not proudly refuse spiritual communion with the converted Gentiles, but was held by men who “rejoiced that God had granted to the Gentiles repentance unto life.” These considerations may account for the silence of St. Paul on the subject of circumcision in his Epistle to the Hebrews. Some of them continued to practise that rite, but they were probably believers of the class just mentioned; for had he thought that the rite was continued among them on any principle which affected the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, he would no doubt have been equally prompt and fearless in pointing out that apostasy from Christ which was implied in it, as when he wrote to the Galatians.
(4.) However, there are two reasons why circumcision may have been practiced among the Christian Jews innocently, though not wisely. The first was to maintain an ancient national identity that they valued. If a converted Jew today were to perform this rite on his children solely for this reason, renouncing its significance as a sign of the old covenants or its requirement for ceremonial acts related to justification, no one would harshly judge him. It seems clear that St. Paul circumcised Timothy for similar reasons; Timothy's mother was a Jewess, and he did it because of “the Jews who were in those areas,” meaning their national biases, “for they knew that his father was a Greek.” The second reason was the lingering belief that, even within the Christian church, Jewish believers held some level of distinction, some superior relationship with God; a belief that, although unfounded, did not necessitate a direct rebuke, especially when it did not lead to prideful rejection of spiritual fellowship with converted Gentiles, but was held by people who “rejoiced that God had granted to the Gentiles repentance unto life.” These points may explain St. Paul's silence on circumcision in his Epistle to the Hebrews. Some of them continued to practice that rite, but they were likely the believers mentioned earlier; because if he believed that it was being observed among them on any principle that impacted the core doctrines of Christianity, he would undoubtedly have been just as quick and bold in addressing that apostasy from Christ as he was when writing to the Galatians.
Not only might circumcision be practised with views so opposite that one might be wholly innocent, although an infirmity of prejudice; the other such as would involve a rejection of the doctrine of justification by faith in Christ; but some other Jewish observances also stood in the same circumstances. St. Paul in his Epistle to the Galatians, a part of his writings from which we obtain the most information on these questions, grounds his “doubts” whether the members of that church were not seeking to be “justified by the law” upon their observing “days, and months, and times, and years.” Had he done more than “doubt,” he would have expressed himself more positively. He saw their danger on this point; he saw that they were taking steps to this fatal result, by such an observance of these “days,” &c, as had a strong leaning and dangerous approach to that dependence upon them for justification, which would destroy their faith in Christ’s solely sufficient sacrifice; but his very doubting, not of the fact of their being addicted to these observances, but of the animus with which they regarded them, supposes it possible, however dangerous this Jewish conformity might be, that they might be observed for reasons which would still consist with their entire reliance upon the merits of Christ for salvation. Even he himself, strongly as he resisted the imposition of this conformity to Jewish customs upon the converts to Christianity as a matter of necessity, yet in practice must have conformed to many of them, when no sacrifice of principle was understood; for, in order to gain the Jews, he became “as a Jew.” See Abraham, and Baptism.
Not only could circumcision be practiced with such differing views that one might be completely innocent, even if it stemmed from a prejudice, while the other view would involve rejecting the doctrine of justification by faith in Christ; but some other Jewish practices were also in the same situation. St. Paul, in his letter to the Galatians, which gives us the most insight into these issues, questions whether the members of that church were seeking to be “justified by the law” because they were observing “days, and months, and times, and years.” If he had been more certain, he would have stated it more clearly. He recognized the danger in this matter; he saw that they were moving toward this harmful outcome by observing these “days,” etc., which leaned dangerously towards relying on them for justification, potentially undermining their faith in Christ’s totally sufficient sacrifice. However, his doubt—not about the fact that they were engaged in these practices, but about the hostility with which they viewed them—implies that, despite how risky this Jewish conformity might be, they could be observing these practices for reasons that did not contradict their full reliance on Christ’s merits for salvation. Even he, while strongly opposing the requirement for converts to Christianity to conform to Jewish customs as essential, must have complied with many of them in practice when there was no perceived compromise of principle; for the sake of reaching the Jews, he became “as a Jew.” See Abraham, and Baptism.
CISLEU, the ninth month of the ecclesiastical, and the third of the civil, year among the Hebrews. It answers nearly to our November.
CISLEU, the ninth month of the religious calendar and the third of the civil year among the Hebrews. It roughly corresponds to our November.
CISTERN, a reservoir chiefly for rain water. Numbers of these are still to be seen in Palestine, some of which are a hundred and fifty paces long, and sixty broad. The reason of their being so large was, that their cities were many of them built in elevated situations; and the rain falling only twice in the year, namely, spring and autumn, it became necessary for them to collect a quantity of water, as well for the cattle as for the people. A broken cistern would of course be a great calamity to a family, or in some cases even to a town; and with reference to this we may see the force of the reproof, Jer. ii, 13.
CISTERN, a reservoir mainly for rainwater. There are still many of these found in Palestine, with some measuring a hundred and fifty paces long and sixty paces wide. They are so large because many cities were built in higher locations, and since it only rains twice a year—in spring and autumn—it was essential for them to gather enough water for both the people and their livestock. A broken cistern would be a significant disaster for a family, or in some cases, even for an entire town; in light of this, we can understand the severity of the criticism in Jer. ii, 13.
CITIES. By referring to some peculiarities in the building, fortifying, &c, of eastern cities we shall the better understand several allusions and expressions of the Old Testament. It is evident that the walls of fortified cities were sometimes partly constructed of combustible materials; for the Prophet, denouncing the judgments of God upon Syria and other countries, declares, “I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza, which shall devour the palaces thereof,” Amos i, 7. The walls of Tyre and Rabbah seem to have been of the same perishable materials; for the Prophet adds, “I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyrus, which shall devour the palaces thereof;” and again, “I will kindle a fire in the walls of Rabbah, and it shall devour the palaces thereof with shouting in the day of battle,” verses 10, 14. One method of securing the gates of fortified places, among the ancients, was to cover them with thick plates of iron; a custom which is still used in the east, and seems to be of great antiquity. We learn from Pitts, that Algiers has five gates, and some of these have two, some three, other gates within them; and some of them are plated all over with thick iron. The place where the Apostle was imprisoned seems to have been secured in the same manner; for, says the inspired historian, “When they were past the first and second ward, they came unto the iron gate that leadeth unto the city; which opened to them of its own accord,” Acts xii, 10. Pococke, speaking of a bridge not far from Antioch, called the iron bridge, says, there are two towers belonging to it, the gates of which are covered with iron plates; which he supposes is the reason of the name it bears. Some of their gates are plated over with brass; such are the enormous gates of the principal mosque at Damascus, formerly the church of John the Baptist. To gates like these, the Psalmist probably refers in these words: “He hath broken the gates of brass,” Psalm cvii, 16; and the Prophet, in that remarkable passage, where God promises to go before Cyrus his anointed, and “break in pieces the gates of 250brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron,” Isa. xlv, 2. But, conscious that all these precautions were insufficient for their security, the orientals employed watchmen to patrol the city during the night, to suppress any disorders in the streets, or to guard the walls against the attempts of a foreign enemy. To this custom Solomon refers in these words: “The watchmen that went about the city found me, they smote me, they wounded me; the keepers of the wall took away my veil from me,” Song v, 7. This custom may be traced to a very remote antiquity; so early as the departure of Israel from the land of Egypt, the morning watch is mentioned, certainly indicating the time when the watchmen were commonly relieved. In Persia, the watchmen were obliged to indemnify those who were robbed in the streets; which accounts for the vigilance and severity which they display in the discharge of their office, and illustrates the character of watchman given to Ezekiel, and the duties he was required to perform. If the wicked perished in his iniquities without warning, the Prophet was to be accountable for his blood; but if he duly pointed out his danger, he delivered his own soul, Ezek. xxxiii, 2. They were also charged, as with us, to announce the progress of the night to the slumbering city: “The burden of Dumah; he calls to me out of Seir, Watchman, what of the night? watchman, what of the night? The watchman said, The morning cometh, and also the night,” Isa. xxi, 11. This is confirmed by an observation of Chardin upon these words of Moses: “For a thousand years in thy sight are but as yesterday when it is past, and as a watch in the night:” that “as“as the people of the east have no clocks, the several parts of the day and of the night, which are eight in all, are announced. In the Indies, the parts of the night are made known, as well by instruments of music, in great cities, as by the rounds of the watchmen, who, with cries and small drums, give them notice that a fourth part of the night is past. Now, as these cries awaked those who had slept all that quarter part of the night, it appeared to them but as a moment.” It is evident the ancient Jews knew, by some public notice, how the night watches passed away; but, whether they simply announced the termination of the watch, or made use of trumpets, or other sonorous instruments, in making the proclamation, it may not be easy to determine; and still less what kind of chronometers the watchmen used. The probability is, that the watches were announced with the sound of a trumpet; for the Prophet Ezekiel makes it a part of the watchman’s duty, at least in time of war, to blow the trumpet, and warn the people. The watchman, in a time of danger, seems to have taken his station in a tower, which was built over the gate of the city.
CITIES. By looking at some unique features of the construction and fortification of eastern cities, we will better understand various references and phrases in the Old Testament. It's clear that the walls of fortified cities were sometimes made of flammable materials. The Prophet, calling down God's judgment on Syria and other areas, states, “I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza, which will consume its palaces,” Amos 1:7. The walls of Tyre and Rabbah also appear to have been made of similar fragile materials, as the Prophet further states, “I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre, which will devour its palaces;” and again, “I will kindle a fire in the walls of Rabbah, and it shall consume its palaces with loud cries on the day of battle,” verses 10, 14. One way ancient peoples secured the gates of fortified places was by covering them with thick iron plates, a practice still seen in the East and believed to be very old. From Pitts, we learn that Algiers has five gates, some containing two or three additional gates inside them, and many are fully plated with heavy iron. The place where the Apostle was imprisoned seems to have been similarly secured; the inspired writer notes, “When they had passed the first and second guards, they came to the iron gate that leads to the city; which opened for them on its own,” Acts 12:10. Pococke, discussing a bridge not far from Antioch called the iron bridge, mentions that it features two towers with gates covered in iron plates, which he believes is why it has that name. Some gates are covered in brass, such as the massive gates of the main mosque in Damascus, formerly John the Baptist's church. The Psalmist likely refers to gates like these with the words: “He has broken the gates of brass,” Psalm 107:16; and the Prophet, in that significant passage where God promises to go before Cyrus, His anointed, to “break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut through the bars of iron,” Isaiah 45:2. Understanding that these precautions were not enough for their safety, the people of the East employed watchmen to patrol the city at night, preventing disturbances in the streets and guarding the walls against foreign attacks. Solomon refers to this practice in the words: “The watchmen who went about the city found me, they struck me, and wounded me; the keepers of the wall took away my veil from me,” Song 5:7. This tradition goes back to very ancient times; as early as Israel’s departure from Egypt, the morning watch is mentioned, surely indicating when watchmen were typically relieved. In Persia, watchmen were required to compensate those who were robbed in the streets, which explains their vigilance and strictness in their duties, and provides insight into the role of watchmen as described for Ezekiel and the responsibilities he had. If the wicked died in their sins without warning, the Prophet was responsible for their blood; but if he warned them about their danger, he saved his own life, Ezekiel 33:2. They were also tasked, as we are, with notifying the sleeping city about the night’s progress: “The burden of Dumah; he calls to me out of Seir, Watchman, what of the night? Watchman, what of the night? The watchman said, The morning comes, and also the night,” Isaiah 21:11. This is supported by Chardin’s comment on these words of Moses: “For a thousand years in your sight are like yesterday when it is past, and like a watch in the night:” “as“as since the people of the East have no clocks, the parts of the day and night, which total eight, are announced. In the Indies, the segments of the night are indicated, both by musical instruments in large cities and by the rounds of the watchmen, who, with shouts and small drums, inform them that a quarter of the night has passed. As these calls awaken those who had slept through that quarter, it seems like it was just a moment for them. It is clear that the ancient Jews used some public signals to mark the passing of the night watches; however, whether they just announced the end of the watch, or used trumpets or other loud instruments for the announcement, is not easy to determine; and even less so what type of timekeeping devices the watchmen had. The likely scenario is that the watches were signaled with the sound of a trumpet; for the Prophet Ezekiel includes blowing the trumpet as part of the watchman’s duty, particularly in times of war, to warn the people. During dangerous times, the watchman seems to have taken his post in a tower built above the gate of the city.
The fortified cities in Canaan, as in some other countries, were commonly strengthened with a citadel, to which the inhabitants fled when they found it impossible to defend the place. The whole inhabitants of Thebez, unable to resist the repeated and furious assaults of Abimelech, retired into one of these towers, and bid defiance to his rage: “But there was a strong tower within the city, and thither fled all the men and women, and all they of the city, and shut it to them, and gat them up to the top of the tower.” The extraordinary strength of this tower, and the various means of defence which were accumulated within its narrow walls, may be inferred from the violence of Abimelech’s attack, and its fatal issue: “And Abimelech came unto the tower, and fought against it, and went hard unto the door of the tower, to burn it with fire. And a certain woman cast a piece of a millstone upon Abimelech’s head, and all to break his skull,” Judges ix, 52. The city of Shechem had a tower of the same kind, into which the people retired, when the same usurper took it and sowed it with salt, Judges ix, 46. These strong towers which were built within a fortified city, were commonly placed on an eminence, to which they ascended by a flight of steps. Such was the situation of the city of David, a strong tower upon a high eminence at Jerusalem; and the manner of entrance, as described by the sacred writer: “But the gate of the fountain repaired Shallum, unto the stairs that go down from the city of David,” Nehemiah iii, 15.
The fortified cities in Canaan, like in some other countries, were usually reinforced with a citadel where the residents would flee when they couldn't defend their home. The entire population of Thebez, unable to withstand the repeated and fierce attacks from Abimelech, took refuge in one of these towers, boldly facing his fury: “But there was a strong tower within the city, and all the men and women, and everyone from the city ran there, shut the doors, and climbed to the top of the tower.” The incredible strength of this tower and the various means of defense stored within its narrow walls can be inferred from the intensity of Abimelech's assault and its deadly outcome: “And Abimelech came unto the tower, and fought against it, and went hard unto the door of the tower, to burn it with fire. And a certain woman cast a piece of a millstone upon Abimelech’s head, and all to break his skull,” Judges ix, 52. The city of Shechem also had a similar tower, where the people sought refuge when the same usurper captured it and covered it with salt, Judges ix, 46. These strong towers built within a fortified city were typically situated on a raised area, accessible by a set of steps. Such was the case for the city of David, a strong tower on a high hill at Jerusalem; and the entrance method, as described by the sacred writer: “But the gate of the fountain repaired Shallum, unto the stairs that go down from the city of David,” Nehemiah iii, 15.
Cities of Refuge. See Refuge.
Safe Havens. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
CLAUDIUS, a Roman emperor; he succeeded Caius Caligula, A. D. 41, and reigned thirteen years, eight months, and nineteen days, dying A. D. 54. King Agrippa was the principal means of persuading Claudius to accept the empire, which was tendered him by the soldiers. As an acknowledgment for this service, he gave Agrippa all Judea, and the kingdom of Chalcis to his brother Herod. He put an end to the dispute which had for some time existed between the Jews of Alexandria and the other freemen of that city, and confirmed the Jews in the possession of their right of freedom, which they had enjoyed from the beginning, and every where maintained them in the free exercise of their religion. But he would not permit them to hold any assemblies at Rome. King Agrippa dying A. D. 44, the emperor again reduced Judea into a province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be governor. About the same time the famine happened which is mentioned Acts xi, 28–30, and was foretold by the Prophet Agabus. Claudius, in the ninth year of his reign, published an edict for expelling all Jews out of Rome, Acts xviii, 2. It is very probable that the Christians, who were at that time confounded with the Jews, were banished likewise.
CLAUDIUS, a Roman emperor; he took over from Caius Caligula in A.D. 41 and ruled for thirteen years, eight months, and nineteen days, dying in A.D. 54. King Agrippa was the main reason Claudius agreed to take on the empire, which was offered to him by the soldiers. To thank him for this, he gave Agrippa all of Judea and the kingdom of Chalcis to his brother Herod. He resolved the ongoing conflict between the Jews of Alexandria and the other citizens of that city, confirming the Jews' right to freedom, which they had held since the beginning, and supported their right to practice their religion freely everywhere. However, he would not allow them to hold any meetings in Rome. After King Agrippa died in A.D. 44, the emperor once again made Judea a province and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its governor. Around the same time, a famine occurred, as mentioned in Acts xi, 28–30, which was predicted by the Prophet Agabus. In the ninth year of his reign, Claudius issued an edict expelling all Jews from Rome, as noted in Acts xviii, 2. It is very likely that Christians, who were then seen as part of the Jewish community, were expelled as well.
2. Claudius Felix, successor of Cumanus in the government of Judea. Felix found means to solicit and engage Drusilla, sister of Agrippa the Younger, to leave her husband Azizus, king of the Emessenians, and to marry him, A. D. 53. Felix sent to Rome Eleazar, son of Dinæus, captain of a band of robbers, who had committed great ravages in Palestine; he procured the death of Jonathan, the high priest, who sometimes freely represented to him his duty; he defeated a body of three 251thousand men, whom an Egyptian, a false prophet, had assembled upon the Mount of Olives. St. Paul being brought to Cesarea, where Felix usually resided, was well treated by this governor, who permitted his friends to see him, and render him services, hoping the Apostle would procure his redemption by a sum of money. He however neither condemned Paul, nor set him at liberty, when the Jews accused him; but adjourned the determination of this affair till the arrival of Lysias, who commanded the troops at Jerusalem, where he had taken Paul into custody, and who was expected at Cesarea, Acts xxiii, 26, 27, &c; xxiv, 1–3, &c.
2. Claudius Felix succeeded Cumanus as the governor of Judea. Felix managed to persuade Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa the Younger, to leave her husband Azizus, the king of the Emessenians, and marry him in A.D. 53. Felix sent Eleazar, the son of Dinæus, a leader of a group of robbers who had caused significant destruction in Palestine, to Rome. Eleazar arranged for the death of Jonathan, the high priest, who had occasionally reminded Felix of his duties. Felix also defeated a group of three thousand men, assembled by an Egyptian, a false prophet, on the Mount of Olives. When St. Paul was brought to Caesarea, where Felix usually lived, the governor treated him well, allowing his friends to visit and help him, hoping that Paul would secure his release through a bribe. However, Felix neither condemned Paul nor freed him when the Jews accused him; he postponed the decision until Lysias, who was in charge of the troops in Jerusalem and had arrested Paul, arrived in Caesarea, as mentioned in Acts xxiii, 26, 27, &c; xxiv, 1–3, &c.
While the Apostle was thus detained, Felix, with his wife Drusilla, who was a Jewess, sent for him, and desired him to explain the religion of Jesus Christ. The Apostle spoke with his usual boldness, and discoursed to them on justice, temperance, and the last judgment. Felix trembled before this powerful exhibition of truths so arousing to his conscience; but he remanded St. Paul to his confinement. He farther detained him two years at Cesarea, in compliance with the wishes of the Jews, and in order to do something to propitiate them, because they were extremely dissatisfied with his government. Being recalled to Rome, A. D. 60; and many Jews going thither to complain of the extortions and violence committed by him in Judea, he would have been put to death, if his brother Pallas, who had been Claudius’s slave, and was now his freedman, had not preserved him. Felix was succeeded in the government of Judea by Porcius Festus.
While the Apostle was being held, Felix, along with his wife Drusilla, who was a Jewish woman, called for him and asked him to explain the religion of Jesus Christ. The Apostle spoke with his usual confidence, discussing justice, self-control, and the final judgment. Felix was shaken by this powerful display of truths that deeply affected his conscience, but he still sent St. Paul back to prison. He kept him there for another two years in Caesarea, following the wishes of the Jews and trying to appease them, as they were very unhappy with his rule. When he was called back to Rome in A.D. 60, many Jews traveled there to complain about the corruption and violence he had committed in Judea. He would have been executed if not for his brother Pallas, who had been a slave of Claudius and was now a freedman, saving him. Felix was succeeded in governing Judea by Porcius Festus.
CLAY, חמר, is often mentioned in Scripture, nor is it necessary to explain the various references to what is so well known. It may be remarked, however, that clay was used for scaling doors. Norden and Pococke observe, that the inspectors of the granaries in Egypt, after closing the door, put their seal upon a handful of clay, with which they cover the lock. This may help to explain Job xxxviii, 14, in which the earth is represented as assuming form and imagery from the brightness of the rising sun, as rude clay receives a figure from the impression of a seal or signet.
CLAY, חמר, is frequently mentioned in the Scriptures, and it's not necessary to explain the various references to something so well-known. However, it's worth noting that clay was used to seal doors. Norden and Pococke point out that the inspectors of granaries in Egypt, after closing the door, would place their seal on a handful of clay to cover the lock. This may help clarify Job xxxviii, 14, where the earth is described as taking shape and form from the brightness of the rising sun, just as unrefined clay takes on a shape from the impression of a seal or signet.
CLEOPAS, according to Eusebius and Epiphanius, was brother of Joseph, both being sons of Jacob. He was the father of Simeon, of James the Less, of Jude, and Joseph or Joses. Cleopas married Mary, sister to the blessed virgin. He was therefore uncle to Jesus Christ, and his sons were first cousins to him. Cleopas, his wife, and sons, were disciples of Christ. Having beheld our Saviour expire upon the cross, he, like the other disciples, appears to have lost all hopes of seeing the kingdom of God established by him on earth. The third day after our Saviour’s death, on the day of his resurrection, Cleopas, with another disciple, departed from Jerusalem to Emmaus; and in the way discoursed on what had lately happened. Our Saviour joined them, appearing as a traveller; and, taking up their discourse, he reasoned with them, convincing them out of the Scriptures, that it was necessary the Messiah should suffer death, previously to his being glorified. At Emmaus, Jesus seemed as if inclined to go farther; but Cleopas and his companion detained him, and made him sup with them. While they were at table, Jesus took bread, blessed it, brake, and gave it to them, and by this action their eyes were opened, and they knew him. Upon his disappearing they instantly returned to Jerusalem, to announce the fact to the Apostles, who in their turn declared that “the Lord was risen indeed and had appeared to Peter.” In our translation of Luke xxiv, 31, it is said that Jesus “vanished out of their sight;” but the original is more properly rendered, “He suddenly went away from them,” the word being often applied by the Greek writers to those who in any way, but especially suddenly and abruptly, withdraw from any one’s company. No other actions of Cleopas are known. It is the opinion of Jerom, that his residence was at Emmaus, and that he invited our Saviour into his own house. Supposing Cleopas to have been the brother of Joseph, and father of James, &c, Calmet thinks it more probable that as he was a Galilean, he dwelt in some city of Galilee.
CLEOPAS, as noted by Eusebius and Epiphanius, was the brother of Joseph, both being sons of Jacob. He was the father of Simeon, James the Less, Jude, and Joseph (or Joses). Cleopas married Mary, the sister of the blessed virgin. This made him the uncle of Jesus Christ, and his sons were first cousins to him. Cleopas, along with his wife and sons, was a disciple of Christ. After witnessing our Savior die on the cross, he, like the other disciples, seemed to lose all hope of seeing the kingdom of God established on earth through Him. On the third day after our Savior’s death, the day of His resurrection, Cleopas and another disciple left Jerusalem for Emmaus and discussed the recent events along the way. Our Savior joined them, appearing as a traveler, and engaged in their conversation, using the Scriptures to convince them that it was necessary for the Messiah to suffer death before being glorified. When they arrived in Emmaus, Jesus pretended he was going further, but Cleopas and his companion urged him to stay and have dinner with them. While they were at the table, Jesus took bread, blessed it, broke it, and gave it to them. Through this action, their eyes were opened, and they recognized him. After he disappeared, they immediately returned to Jerusalem to report to the Apostles, who confirmed that “the Lord has truly risen and has appeared to Peter.” In our translation of Luke 24:31, it states that Jesus “vanished out of their sight,” but the original wording is more accurately translated as “He suddenly went away from them,” a term often used by Greek writers to describe someone who abruptly leaves another’s company. No other actions of Cleopas are recorded. Jerom believed that he lived in Emmaus and invited our Savior to his home. Assuming Cleopas was the brother of Joseph and father of James, Calmet thinks it’s more likely that, being a Galilean, he resided in a city in Galilee.
CLOUD, a collection of vapours suspended in the atmosphere. When the Israelites had left Egypt, God gave them a pillar of cloud to direct their march, Exod. xiii, 21, 22. According to Jerom, in his Epistle to Fabiola, this cloud attended them from Succoth; or, according to others, from Rameses; or, as the Hebrews say, only from Ethan, till the death of Aaron; or, as the generality of commentators are of opinion, to the passage of Jordan. This pillar was commonly in front of the Israelites; but at Pihahiroth, when the Egyptian army approached behind them, it placed itself between Israel and the Egyptians, so that the Egyptians could not come near the Israelites all night, Exod. xiv, 19, 20. In the morning, the cloud moving on over the sea, and following the Israelites who had passed through it, the Egyptians pressing after were drowned. From that time, this cloud attended the Israelites; it was clear and bright during night, in order to afford them light; but in the day it was thick and gloomy, to defend them from the excessive heats of the deserts. “The angel of God which went before the camp of Israel, removed and went behind them; and the pillar of the cloud went from before their face, and stood behind them,” Exod. xiv, 19. Here we may observe, that the angel and the cloud made the same motion, as it would seem, in company. The cloud by its motions gave the signal to the Israelites to encamp or to decamp. Where, therefore, it stayed, the people stayed till it rose again; then they broke up their camp, and followed it till it stopped. It was called a pillar, by reason of its form, which was high and elevated. Some interpreters suppose that there were two clouds, one to enlighten, the other to shade, the camp.
CLOUD, a collection of vapor suspended in the atmosphere. When the Israelites left Egypt, God provided them with a pillar of cloud to guide their journey, Exod. xiii, 21, 22. According to Jerom, in his letter to Fabiola, this cloud followed them from Succoth; others say it was from Rameses; or, as the Hebrews claim, only from Ethan, until Aaron's death; or, as most commentators believe, until they crossed the Jordan. This pillar was usually in front of the Israelites, but at Pihahiroth, when the Egyptian army approached from behind, it moved between Israel and the Egyptians, preventing the Egyptians from getting near the Israelites all night, Exod. xiv, 19, 20. In the morning, the cloud moved over the sea, following the Israelites who had crossed through it, and the pursuing Egyptians were drowned. From that point on, this cloud continued to accompany the Israelites; it was clear and bright at night to provide light, but during the day, it was thick and gloomy to protect them from the harsh desert heat. “The angel of God who went before the camp of Israel, removed and went behind them; and the pillar of the cloud moved from in front of them and stood behind them,” Exod. xiv, 19. Here we can see that the angel and the cloud seemed to move together. The cloud gave signals to the Israelites to set up camp or break it down. Wherever it stopped, the people stayed until it rose again; then they would pack up their camp and follow it until it stopped again. It was called a pillar because of its tall and elevated shape. Some interpreters suggest that there were two clouds, one for illumination and the other for shade over the camp.
The Lord appeared at Sinai in the midst of a cloud, Exod. xix, 9; xxiv, 5; and after Moses 252had built and consecrated the tabernacle, the cloud filled the court around it, so that neither Moses nor the priests could enter, Exodus xl, 34, 35. The same happened at the dedication of the temple of Jerusalem by Solomon, 2 Chronicles v, 13; 1 Kings viii, 10. When the cloud appeared upon the tent, in front of which were held the assemblies of the people in the desert, it was then indicated that God was present; for the tent was a sign of God’s presence. The angel descended in the cloud, and thence spoke to Moses, without being seen by the people, Exod. xvi, 10; Num. xi, 25; xvi, 5. It is common in Scripture, when mentioning God’s appearing, to represent him as encompassed with clouds, which serve as a chariot, and contribute to veil his dreadful majesty, Job xxii, 14; Isaiah xix, 1; Matt. xvii, 5; xxiv, 30, &c; Psalm xviii, 11, 12; xcvii, 2; civ, 3. Cloud is also used for morning mists: “Your goodness is as a morning cloud; and as the early dew it goeth away,” Hosea vi, 4; xiii, 3. Job, speaking of the chaos, says, that God had confined the sea or the water, as it were with a cloud, and covered it with darkness, as a child is wrapped in its blankets. The author of Ecclesiasticus, xxiv, 6, used the same expression. The Son of God, at his second advent, is described as descending upon clouds, Matt. xxiv, 30; Luke xi, 27; Rev. xiv, 14–16.
The Lord appeared at Sinai in a cloud, Exod. xix, 9; xxiv, 5; and after Moses 252 had built and consecrated the tabernacle, the cloud filled the area around it, making it impossible for either Moses or the priests to enter, Exodus xl, 34, 35. The same thing happened when Solomon dedicated the temple in Jerusalem, 2 Chronicles v, 13; 1 Kings viii, 10. When the cloud came over the tent, where the people gathered in the desert, it signified that God was present; the tent was a symbol of His presence. The angel came down in the cloud and spoke to Moses without being seen by the people, Exod. xvi, 10; Num. xi, 25; xvi, 5. In Scripture, whenever God appears, He is often described as surrounded by clouds, which act as a chariot and help to cover His overwhelming majesty, Job xxii, 14; Isaiah xix, 1; Matt. xvii, 5; xxiv, 30, & c; Psalm xviii, 11, 12; xcvii, 2; civ, 3. "Cloud" can also refer to morning mists: “Your goodness is like a morning cloud; and like early dew, it disappears,” Hosea vi, 4; xiii, 3. Job talks about chaos, saying that God contained the sea or the water with a cloud and covered it with darkness, like a child wrapped in its blankets. The author of Ecclesiasticus, xxiv, 6, used the same idea. The Son of God, at His second coming, is described as coming down on clouds, Matt. xxiv, 30; Luke xi, 27; Rev. xiv, 14–16.
COCCEIANS, the disciples of John Cocceius, a celebrated Dutch divine, born at Bremen, in 1608, where he was appointed professor of Hebrew, at the age of twenty-seven, and afterward filled the theological chair at Leyden, where he died in 1669. His works make ten volumes in folio. He was a man of good learning, and a vivid imagination. He considered the Old Testament as a mirror, which held forth figuratively the transactions and events that were to happen in the church under the dispensation of the New Testament, and unto the end of the world. He maintained, that by far the greater part of the ancient prophecies related to Christ’s ministry and mediation, and the rise, progress, and revolutions of the church; not only under the figure of typical persons and transactions, but in a more direct manner; and that Christ was, indeed, as much the substance of the Old Testament as of the New. Cocceius also taught, that the covenant made between God and the Jews was of the same nature as the new covenant by Jesus Christ; that the law was promulgated by Moses, not merely as a rule of obedience, but also as a representation of the covenant of grace; that when the Jews had provoked the Deity by their various transgressions, particularly by the worship of the golden calf, the severe yoke of the ceremonial law was added as a punishment; that this yoke, which was painful in itself, became doubly so on account of its typical signification; since it admonished the Israelites from day to day of the imperfection of their state, filled them with anxiety, and was a perpetual proof that they had merited the righteous judgment of God, and could not expect, before the coming of the Messiah, the entire remission of their iniquities; that indeed good men, under the Mosaic dispensation, were, after death, made partakers of glory; but that, nevertheless, during the whole course of their lives they were far removed from that assurance of salvation, which rejoices the believer under the dispensation of the Gospel; and that their anxiety flowed from this consideration, that their sins, though they remained unpunished, were not yet pardoned; because Christ had not as yet offered himself up to make an atonement for them. Cocceius was also a millennarian, and expected a personal reign of Christ on earth in the last days. Many of his opinions were afterward adopted by the Hutchinsonians.
COCCEIANS, the followers of John Cocceius, a renowned Dutch theologian born in Bremen in 1608, was appointed professor of Hebrew at just twenty-seven and later held the theological chair at Leyden, where he passed away in 1669. His writings amount to ten volumes in folio. He was well-educated and had a vivid imagination. He viewed the Old Testament as a mirror that symbolically reflected the events and happenings of the church under the New Testament until the end of the world. He asserted that the majority of ancient prophecies pertained to Christ’s ministry and mediation, as well as the growth, development, and changes in the church; not only through typical figures and events but also in a more direct way; and that Christ was as much the essence of the Old Testament as He was of the New. Cocceius also taught that the covenant made between God and the Jews was similar to the new covenant established by Jesus Christ; that the law given by Moses was not only a standard for obedience but also a representation of the covenant of grace; that when the Jews provoked God through their numerous transgressions, particularly the worship of the golden calf, the harsh burden of the ceremonial law was imposed as punishment; that this burden, which was painful in itself, became even more so due to its symbolic meaning; as it reminded the Israelites daily of their imperfect state, filled them with anxiety, and served as a constant reminder that they had earned God’s righteous judgment and could not hope for full forgiveness of their sins before the Messiah’s arrival; that indeed, good people under the Mosaic dispensation shared in glory after death; but that throughout their lives they were far from the assurance of salvation that brings joy to believers in the Gospel; and that their anxiety stemmed from the fact that although their sins remained unpunished, they were not yet forgiven because Christ had not yet offered Himself to make atonement for them. Cocceius was also a millenarian, expecting a personal reign of Christ on earth in the final days. Many of his views were later adopted by the Hutchinsonians.
COCK, ἀλέκτωρ, a well known domestic fowl. Some derive the Greek name from α, and λέκτρον, a bed, because the crowing of cocks rouses men from their beds; but Mr. Parkhurst asks, “May not this name be as properly deduced from the Hebrew אור הלכת, the coming of the light, of which this ‘bird of dawning,’ as Shakspeare calls him, gives such remarkable notice, and for doing which he was, among the Heathen, sacred to the sun, who in Homer is himself called ἀλέκτωρ?” In Matt. xxvi, 34, our Lord is represented as saying, that before cock-crow Peter should deny him thrice; so Luke xxii, 34, and John xiii, 39. But according to Mark xiv, 30, he says, “Before the cock crow twice thou shalt deny me thrice.” These texts may be very satisfactorily reconciled, by observing, that ancient authors, both Greek and Latin, mention two cock-crowings, the one of which was soon after midnight, the other about three o’clock in the morning; and this latter being most noticed by men as the signal of their approaching labours, was called by way of eminence, the cock-crowing; and to this alone, Matthew, giving the general sense of our Saviour’s warning to Peter, refers; but Mark, recording his very words, mentions the two cock-crowings.
COCK, ἀλέκτωρ, a well-known domestic bird. Some believe the Greek name comes from α and λέκτρον, a bed, because roosters crow to wake people from their sleep. However, Mr. Parkhurst asks, “Could this name also be derived from the Hebrew Light you walked, the coming of the light, which this ‘bird of dawning,’ as Shakespeare calls it, signals so notably? In fact, among the Pagans, it was sacred to the sun, who is referred to as ἀλέκτωρ in Homer.” In Matthew 26:34, our Lord states that before the rooster crows, Peter will deny him three times; this is also found in Luke 22:34 and John 13:39. But in Mark 14:30, he says, “Before the rooster crows twice, you will deny me three times.” These scriptures can be reconciled by noting that ancient writers, both Greek and Latin, mention two rooster crowings: one shortly after midnight and the other around three in the morning. The latter was more commonly recognized by people as the signal for their impending work, and was thus referred to as the cock-crowing; Matthew refers to this predominantly as a general summary of our Savior’s warning to Peter, while Mark, quoting his exact words, includes both instances of the rooster crowing.
The rabbies tell us that cocks were not permitted to be kept in Jerusalem on account of the holiness of the place; and that for this reason some modern Jews cavil against this declaration of the Evangelists; but the cock is not among the birds prohibited in the law of Moses. If there was any restraint in the use and domestication of the animal, it must have been an arbitrary practice of the Jews, and could not have been binding on foreigners, of whom many resided at Jerusalem as officers or traders. Strangers would not be willing to forego an innocent kind of food in compliance with a conquered people; and the trafficking spirit of the Jews would induce them to supply aliens, if it did not expressly contradict the letter of their law. This is sufficient to account for fowl of this kind being there, even admitting a customary restraint. The celebrated Reland admits that it was not allowed to breed cocks in the city, but that the Jews were not prohibited from buying them to eat, and that therefore the cock mentioned in the Gospel might be in the house of a Jew who designed to kill it for his own table; or may 253have been kept in the precincts of Pilate, or of a Roman officer or soldier.
The rabbis tell us that roosters weren’t allowed to be kept in Jerusalem because of the place’s holiness; this is why some modern Jews criticize the Evangelists’ statement. However, the rooster isn’t among the birds banned in the law of Moses. If there were any restrictions on using and domesticating the animal, they must have been a random practice of the Jews and wouldn’t have applied to foreigners, many of whom lived in Jerusalem as officials or traders. Outsiders wouldn’t give up an innocent source of food just to comply with a conquered group, and the trading nature of the Jews would lead them to supply others if it didn’t directly contradict their law. This explains why roosters were there, even if there was a common restriction. The well-known Reland acknowledges that breeding roosters in the city wasn’t allowed, but Jews were not prohibited from buying them to eat; therefore, the rooster mentioned in the Gospel could have been in the house of a Jew planning to kill it for his own meal, or it might have been kept in the vicinity of Pilate, or by a Roman official or soldier.
During the time of our Saviour, the night was divided into four watches, a fourth watch having been introduced among the Jews from the Romans, who derived it from the Greeks. The second and third watches are mentioned in Luke xii, 38; the fourth, in Matthew xiv, 25; and the four are all distinctly mentioned in Mark xiii, 35: “Watch, therefore; for ye know not when the master of the house cometh; at even,” ὀψὲ, or the late watch, “or at midnight,” μεσονυκτίου, “or at the cock-crowing,” ἀλεκτοροφωνίας, “or in the morning,” ϖρωΐ, the early watch. Here, the first watch was at even, and continued from six till nine; the second commenced at nine, and ended at twelve, or midnight; the third watch, called by the Romans gallicinium, lasted from twelve to three; and the morning watch closed at six.
During the time of our Savior, the night was divided into four shifts, with the fourth shift being introduced among the Jews by the Romans, who got it from the Greeks. The second and third shifts are mentioned in Luke 12:38; the fourth is in Matthew 14:25; and all four are clearly mentioned in Mark 13:35: “Stay awake, because you don't know when the master of the house will return; at even,” ὀψὲ, or the late shift, “or at midnight,” μεσονυκτίου, “or at the cock-crowing,” ἀλεκτοροφωνίας, “or in the morning,” ϖρωΐ, the early shift. Here, the first shift was at evening, running from six to nine; the second started at nine and ended at twelve, or midnight; the third shift, called by the Romans gallicinium, lasted from twelve to three; and the morning shift ended at six.
COCKATRICE, צפען, or צפעי, Proverbs xxiii, 32; Isaiah xi, 8; xiv, 29; lix, 5; Jer. viii, 17. A venomous serpent. The original Hebrew word has been variously rendered, the aspic, the regulus, the hydra, the hemorhoos, the viper, and the cerastes. In Isaiah xi, 8, this serpent is evidently intended for a proportionate advance in malignity beyond the peten which precedes it; and in xiv, 29, it must mean a worse kind of serpent than the nahash. In lix, 5, it is referred to as oviparous. In Jer. viii, 17, Dr. Blayney, after Aquila, retains the rendering of basilisk. Bochart, who thinks it to be the regulus or basilisk, says that it may be so denominated by an onomatopœia from its hissing; and accordingly it is hence called in Latin sibilus, “the hisser.” So the Arabic saphaa signifies “flatu adurere,” [to scorch with a blast.] The Chaldee paraphrast, the Syriac, and the Arabic, render it the hurman or horman; which rabbi Selomo on Gen. xlix, 17, declares to be the tziphoni of the Hebrews: “Hurman vocatur species, cujus morsus est insanabilis. Is est Hebræis tziphoni, et Chaldaicè dicitur hurman, quia omnia facit חרם vastationem; id est, quia omnia vastat, et ad internecionem destruit.” [The species is called hurman, whose bite is incurable. It is the tziphoni of the Hebrews, and is called in Chaldee hurman, because it makes all things חרם--a waste; that is, because it lays waste and utterly destroys every thing.]
COCKATRICE, צפאן, or צפעי, Proverbs xxiii, 32; Isaiah xi, 8; xiv, 29; lix, 5; Jer. viii, 17. A venomous snake. The original Hebrew word has been translated in various ways, including aspic, regulus, hydra, hemorrhoids, viper, and cerastes. In Isaiah xi, 8, this serpent clearly represents a significant increase in malice beyond the peten that comes before it; and in xiv, 29, it must indicate a more dangerous kind of snake than the nahash. In lix, 5, it is described as being oviparous. In Jer. viii, 17, Dr. Blayney, following Aquila, keeps the translation of basilisk. Bochart, who believes it refers to the regulus or basilisk, suggests it may be named from the sound it makes when hissing; in Latin, it is therefore called sibilus, meaning “the hisser.” The Arabic saphaa means “to scorch with a blast.” The Chaldee paraphrast, the Syriac, and the Arabic translate it as hurman or horman; Rabbi Selomo on Gen. xlix, 17, states it is the tziphoni of the Hebrews: “The Hurman is called a species, whose bite is incurable. It is known among the Hebrews tziphoni, et Chaldaicè dicitur hurman, because it does everything Sanction "Devastation; that is, it destroys everything and leads to complete annihilation." [The species is called hurman, whose bite is incurable. It is the tziphoni of the Hebrews, and is called in Chaldee hurman, because it makes all things Boycott--a waste; that is, because it lays waste and utterly destroys everything.]
COCKLE, באשה. This word occurs only in Job xxxi, 40. By the Chaldee it is rendered noxious herbs; by Symmachus, ἀτελεσφόρητα, plants of imperfect fruit; by the Septuagint, βάτος, the blackberry bush; by Castelio, ebulus, “dwarf elder;” by Celsius, aconite; and by Bishop Stock and Dr. Good, the night-shade. M. Michaëlis maintains, after Celsius, that both this word and ֻּבאשִים, Isaiah v, 2, 4, denote the aconite, a poisonous plant, growing spontaneously and luxuriantly on sunny hills, such as are used for vineyards. He says that this interpretation is certain, because, as Celsius had observed, ביש, in Arabic, denotes the aconite; and he intimates that it best suits Job xxxi, 40, where it is mentioned as growing instead of barley. The word appears to import a weed not only noxious, but of a fetid smell.
COCKLE, אישה. This word only appears in Job xxxi, 40. In Chaldee, it's translated as noxious herbs; Symmachus translates it as ἀτελεσφόρητα, plants of imperfect fruit; the Septuagint calls it βάτος, the blackberry bush; Castelio refers to it as ebulus, “dwarf elder;” Celsius translates it as aconite; and Bishop Stock and Dr. Good refer to it as the nightshade. M. Michaëlis argues, following Celsius, that both this word and ֻּבאשִים in Isaiah v, 2, 4 refer to the aconite, a toxic plant that grows abundantly and thrives on sunny hills, similar to those used for vineyards. He believes this interpretation is certain because, as Celsius noted, ביש means aconite in Arabic; he suggests it fits well with Job xxxi, 40, where it's mentioned as growing instead of barley. The word seems to indicate a weed that is not only harmful but also has a foul smell.
CŒLO-SYRIA, hollow or depressed Syria, Syria in the vale, 1 Macc. xiii, 10. This name imports the hollow land, or region, situated between two long ridges of mountains; and those mountains have been always understood to be Libanus and Anti-libanus. As these ridges run parallel for many leagues, they contain between them a long, extensive, and extremely fruitful valley.
CŒLO-SYRIA, hollow or depressed Syria, Syria in the valley, 1 Macc. xiii, 10. This name refers to the hollow land or area located between two long mountain ranges; these mountains are traditionally known as Libanus and Anti-libanus. Since these ridges run parallel for many miles, they create a long, wide, and incredibly fertile valley between them.
COLOSSE, a city of Phrygia Minor, which stood on the river Lyceus, at an equal distance between Laodicea and Hierapolis. These three cities, says Eusebius, were destroyed by an earthquake, in the tenth of Nero, or about two years after the date of St. Paul’s Epistle to the Colossians. Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse were at no great distance from each other; which accounts for the Apostle Paul, when writing to his Christian brethren in the latter of these places, mentioning them all in connection with each other, Col. iv, 13. Of these cities, however, Laodicea was the greatest, for it was the metropolis of Phrygia, though Colosse is said to have been a great and wealthy place. The inhabitants of Phrygia, says Dr. Macknight, were famous for the worship of Bacchus, and of Cybele the mother of the gods; whence the latter was called Phrygia mater, by way of eminence. In her worship, as well as in that of Bacchus, both sexes practised every species of debauchery in speech and action, with a frantic rage which they pretended was occasioned by the inspiration of the deities whom they worshipped. These were the orgies, from ὀργὴ, rage, of Bacchus and Cybele, so famed in antiquity, the lascivious rites of which being perfectly adapted to the corruptions of the human heart, were performed by both sexes without shame or remorse. Hence as the Son of God came into the world to destroy the works of the devil, it appeared, in the eye of his Apostle, a matter of great importance to carry the light of the Gospel into countries where these abominable impurities were not only practised, but even dignified with the honourable appellation of religious worship; especially as nothing but the heaven-descended light of the Gospel could dispel such a pernicious infatuation. That this salutary purpose might be effectually accomplished, Paul, accompanied by Silas and Timothy, went at different times into Phrygia, and preached the Gospel in many cities of that country with great success; but it is thought by many persons, that the Epistle to the Colossians contains internal marks of his never having been at Colosse when he wrote it. This opinion rests principally upon the following passage: “For I would that ye knew what great conflict I have for you, and for them at Laodicea, and for as many as have not seen my face in the flesh,” Col. ii, 1: but these words, if they prove any thing upon this question, prove that St. Paul had never been either at Laodicea or Colosse; but surely it is very improbable that he should have travelled twice into Phrygia for the purpose of preaching the Gospel, and not 254have gone either to Laodicea or Colosse, which were the two principal cities of that country; especially as in the second journey into those parts it is said, that he “went over all the country of Galatia and Phrygia, strengthening all the disciples;” and moreover, we know that it was the Apostle’s practice to preach at the most considerable places of every district into which he went. Dr. Lardner, after arguing this point, says, “From all these considerations, it appears to me very probable that the church at Colosse had been planted by the Apostle Paul, and that the Christians there were his friends, disciples, and converts.”
COLOSSE, a city in Phrygia Minor, was located on the Lyceus River, roughly equidistant between Laodicea and Hierapolis. Eusebius mentions that these three cities were destroyed by an earthquake during Nero's reign, around two years after St. Paul wrote his Epistle to the Colossians. Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse were close to one another; this explains why the Apostle Paul, when addressing his Christian brethren in Colosse, referred to them all together in Col. iv, 13. Among these cities, Laodicea was the largest, being the capital of Phrygia, although Colosse was noted to be a significant and wealthy location. According to Dr. Macknight, the people of Phrygia were well-known for their worship of Bacchus and Cybele, the mother of the gods, who was often called Phrygia mater. In the worship of both deities, both men and women engaged in all kinds of debauchery in speech and action, expressing a wild frenzy they claimed was inspired by the gods they venerated. These rituals, known as the orgies, drawn from the word ὀργὴ, rage, associated with Bacchus and Cybele, were notorious in ancient times, and their lewd ceremonies were fully suited to the corrupt nature of humanity, practiced by both genders without shame or regret. Thus, as the Son of God came into the world to eradicate the works of the devil, it was crucial, in the eyes of his Apostle, to bring the light of the Gospel to regions where these despicable acts were not only performed but also honored as religious worship; especially since only the divine light of the Gospel could shatter such a detrimental delusion. To fulfill this important mission, Paul, along with Silas and Timothy, traveled to Phrygia multiple times, successfully preaching the Gospel in many cities throughout the area. However, many believe that the Epistle to the Colossians contains indications that Paul had never visited Colosse when he wrote it. This view is mainly based on the verse: “For I would that ye knew what great conflict I have for you, and for them at Laodicea, and for as many as have not seen my face in the flesh,” Col. ii, 1. This passage, if it proves anything in this debate, suggests that St. Paul had never been to Laodicea or Colosse; nevertheless, it seems very unlikely that he would have traveled to Phrygia twice to preach the Gospel without visiting Laodicea or Colosse, which were the two main cities in that region. Especially since, during his second visit to those areas, it is noted that he “went over all the country of Galatia and Phrygia, strengthening all the disciples;” furthermore, it is known that the Apostle typically preached at the most significant locations in each district he visited. Dr. Lardner, after discussing this matter, concludes, “From all these considerations, it appears to me very probable that the church at Colosse had been planted by the Apostle Paul, and that the Christians there were his friends, disciples, and converts.”
The Epistle greatly resembles that to the Ephesians, both in sentiment and expression. After saluting the Colossian Christians in his own name, and that of Timothy, St. Paul assures them, that since he had heard of their faith in Christ Jesus, and of their love to all Christians, he had not ceased to return thanks to God for them, and to pray that they might increase in spiritual knowledge, and abound in every good work; he describes the dignity of Christ, and declares the universality of the Gospel dispensation, which was a mystery formerly hidden, but now made manifest; and he mentions his own appointment, through the grace of God, to be the Apostle of the Gentiles; he expresses a tender concern for the Colossians and other Christians of Phrygia, and cautions them against being seduced from the simplicity of the Gospel, by the subtlety of Pagan philosophers, or the superstition of Judaizing Christians; he directs them to set their affections on things above, and forbids every species of licentiousness; he exhorts to a variety of Christian virtues, to meekness, veracity, humility, charity, and devotion; he enforces the duties of wives, husbands, children, fathers, servants, and masters; he inculcates the duty of prayer, and of prudent behaviour toward unbelievers; and after adding the salutations of several persons then at Rome, and desiring that this epistle might be read in the church of their neighbours the Laodiceans, he concludes with a salutation from himself, written, as usual, with his own hand.
The letter is very similar to the one sent to the Ephesians, both in feeling and wording. After greeting the Colossian Christians in his own name and that of Timothy, St. Paul tells them that, since he has heard about their faith in Christ Jesus and their love for all believers, he has not stopped thanking God for them and praying that they grow in spiritual knowledge and excel in good works. He describes the greatness of Christ and emphasizes the universal nature of the Gospel, which was a mystery previously kept hidden but is now revealed. He mentions his own appointment by God’s grace to be the Apostle to the Gentiles; he shows deep concern for the Colossians and other Christians in Phrygia and warns them against being led away from the simplicity of the Gospel by the cleverness of Pagan philosophers or the superstitions of Judaizing Christians. He encourages them to focus on things above and prohibits all forms of immorality. He urges them to embrace various Christian virtues, including kindness, honesty, humility, love, and devotion. He stresses the responsibilities of wives, husbands, children, fathers, servants, and masters. He highlights the importance of prayer and wise conduct toward non-believers; after sending greetings from several people who are in Rome and requesting that this letter be read in the church of their neighbors in Laodicea, he concludes with a personal greeting, written in his own hand, as usual.
COMFORTER, one of the titles by which the Holy Spirit is designated in the New Testament, John xiv, 16, 26; xv, 26. The name has no doubt a reference to his peculiar office in the economy of redemption; namely, that of imparting consolation to the hearts of Christ’s disciples, which he effects by “taking of the things that are Christ’s,” and explaining them; or, in other words, by illuminating their minds as to the meaning of the Scriptures, assuring them of the Saviour’s love, bringing to their recollection his consolatory sayings, and filling their souls with peace and joy in believing them.--The word has also been rendered Advocate, Helper, Monitor, Teacher, &c. The first does not apply to the office of the Spirit; and the others are not so well supported by the connection of our Lord’s discourse, which favours the translation, Comforter; because whatever gracious offices the Holy Spirit was to perform for the disciples, the great end of all was to remove that sorrow which the approach of the departure of Christ had produced, and to render their joy full and complete.
COMFORTER is one of the names used for the Holy Spirit in the New Testament, specifically in John 14:16, 26; 15:26. This name clearly refers to His unique role in the process of redemption, which is to provide comfort to the hearts of Christ’s disciples. He does this by “taking of the things that are Christ’s” and explaining them; in other words, by enlightening their minds about the meaning of the Scriptures, assuring them of the Savior’s love, reminding them of His comforting words, and filling their souls with peace and joy in believing them. The term has also been translated as Advocate, Helper, Monitor, Teacher, etc. However, the first translation does not accurately reflect the Spirit's role, and the others aren’t as strongly supported by the context of our Lord’s message, which favors the translation Comforter. This is because the main purpose of all the gracious acts the Holy Spirit would perform for the disciples was to alleviate the sorrow caused by Christ’s impending departure and to make their joy complete.
COMMERCE. Merchandise, in its various branches, was carried on in the east at the earliest period of which we have any account; and it was not long before the traffic between nations, both by sea and land, was very considerable. Accordingly, frequent mention is made of public roads, fords, bridges, and beasts of burden; also of ships for the transportation of property, of weights, measures, and coin, both in the oldest books of the Bible, and in the most ancient profane histories. The Phenicians anciently held the first rank as a commercial nation. They were in the habit of purchasing goods of various kinds throughout all the east. They then carried them in ships down the Mediterranean, as far as the shores of Africa and Europe, brought back in return merchandise and silver, and disposed of these again in the more eastern countries. The first metropolis of the Phenicians was Sidon: afterward Tyre became the principal city. Tyre was built two hundred and forty years before the temple of Solomon, or twelve hundred and fifty-one before Christ. The Phenicians had ports of their own in almost every country; the most distinguished of which were Carthage and Tarshish, or Tartessus, in Spain. The ships from the latter place undertook very distant voyages: hence, any vessels that performed distant voyages were called “ships of Tarshish,” אנות תרשיש. Something is said of the commerce of the Phenicians in the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth chapters of Ezekiel, and the twenty-third chapter of Isaiah. The inhabitants of Arabia Felix carried on a commerce with India. They carried some of the articles which they brought from India through the straits of Babelmandel into Abyssinia and Egypt; some they transported to Babylon through the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates; and some by the way of the Red Sea to the port of Eziongeber. They thus became rich; though it is possible their wealth may have been too much magnified by the ancients. The eminence of the Egyptians, as a commercial nation, commences with the reign of Necho. Their commerce, nevertheless, was not great, till Alexander had destroyed Tyre and built Alexandria.
COMMERCE. Merchandise, in its various forms, was traded in the east from the earliest times we know of; and it didn't take long for international trade, both by sea and land, to become significant. Hence, there are many references to public roads, fords, bridges, and pack animals; also to ships for transporting goods, as well as weights, measures, and currency, found in the oldest books of the Bible and in the earliest secular histories. The Phoenicians were the leading commercial nation in ancient times. They routinely bought various goods from across the east and transported them by ship down the Mediterranean to the coasts of Africa and Europe, bringing back merchandise and silver in return, which they then sold in the more eastern countries. The first major city of the Phoenicians was Sidon, followed by Tyre, which became the main city. Tyre was established two hundred and forty years before the temple of Solomon, or one thousand two hundred and fifty-one years before Christ. The Phoenicians had their own ports in nearly every country, the most notable being Carthage and Tarshish, located in Spain. The ships from Tarshish undertook very long voyages; thus, any vessels that made distant journeys were referred to as “ships of Tarshish,” Anecdotes about Tarshish. The commerce of the Phoenicians is mentioned in the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth chapters of Ezekiel and the twenty-third chapter of Isaiah. The people of Arabia Felix engaged in trade with India. They transported some goods from India through the straits of Babelmandel to Abyssinia and Egypt; others they moved to Babylon via the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates; and some went through the Red Sea to the port of Eziongeber. This made them wealthy, although it’s possible their riches were exaggerated by ancient accounts. The prominence of the Egyptians as a trading nation began with the reign of Necho. However, their commerce wasn't significant until Alexander destroyed Tyre and established Alexandria.
2. The Phenicians sometimes received the goods of India by way of the Persian Gulf, where they had colonies in the islands of Dedan, Arad, and Tyre. Sometimes they received them from the Arabians, who either brought them by land through Arabia, or up the Red Sea to Eziongeber. In the latter case, having landed them at the port mentioned, they transported them through the country by the way of Gaza to Phenicia. The Phenicians increased the amount of their foreign goods by the addition of those which they themselves fabricated; and were thus enabled to supply all parts of the Mediterranean. The Egyptians at first received their goods from the Phenicians, Arabians, Africans, and Abyssinians; in all of which countries there are still the remains 255of large trading towns; but in a subsequent age, they imported goods from India in their own vessels; and eventually carried on an export trade with various ports on the Mediterranean. Oriental commerce, however, was chiefly carried on by land: accordingly, vessels are hardly mentioned in the Bible, except in Psalm cvii, 23–30, and in passages where the discourse turns upon the Phenicians, or upon the naval affairs of Solomon and Jehoshaphat. The two principal routes from Palestine into Egypt were, the one along the shores of the Mediterranean from Gaza to Pelusium, and the other from Gaza by the way of Mount Sinai and the Elanitic branch of the Red Sea.
2. The Phoenicians sometimes got goods from India via the Persian Gulf, where they had colonies in the islands of Dedan, Arad, and Tyre. Other times, they received these goods from the Arabians, who either brought them overland through Arabia or up the Red Sea to Eziongeber. In the latter case, after landing the goods at that port, they transported them across the country via Gaza to Phoenicia. The Phoenicians increased their supply of foreign goods by adding items they made themselves, allowing them to provide for all areas of the Mediterranean. Initially, the Egyptians sourced their goods from the Phoenicians, Arabians, Africans, and Abyssinians; in all these regions, remnants of large trading towns still exist. However, later on, they started importing goods from India using their own ships, eventually establishing an export trade with various Mediterranean ports. Eastern trade was mainly conducted overland; consequently, ships are rarely mentioned in the Bible, except in Psalm 107:23–30 and in sections discussing the Phoenicians or the naval matters of Solomon and Jehoshaphat. The two main routes from Palestine to Egypt were one along the Mediterranean coast from Gaza to Pelusium, and the other from Gaza through Mount Sinai and the Elanitic branch of the Red Sea.
3. The merchants transported their goods upon camels; animals which are patient of thirst, and are easily supported in the deserts. For the common purpose of security against depredations, the oriental merchants travelled in company, as is common in the east at the present day. A large travelling company of this kind is called a caravan or carvan, a smaller one was called kafile or kafle, Job vi, 18–20; Gen. xxxvii, 25; Isa. xxi, 13; Jer. ix, 2; Judges v, 6; Luke ii, 44. The furniture carried by the individuals of a caravan consisted of a mattress, a coverlet, a carpet for sitting upon, a round piece of leather, which answered the purpose of a table, a few pots and kettles of copper covered with tin; also a tin-plated cup, which was suspended before the breast under the outer garment, and was used for drinking, 1 Sam. xxvi, 11, 12, 16: leathern bags for holding water, tents, lights, and provisions in quality and abundance as each one could afford. Every caravan had a leader to conduct it through the desert, who was acquainted with the direction of its route, and with the cisterns and fountains. These he was able to ascertain, sometimes from heaps of stones, sometimes by the character of the soil, and, when other helps failed him, by the stars, Num. x, 29–32; Jer. xxxi, 21; Isa. xxi, 14. When all things are in readiness, the individuals who compose the caravan assemble at a distance from the city. The commander of the caravan, who is a different person from the conductor or leader, and is chosen from the wealthiest of its members, appoints the day of their departure. A similar arrangement was adopted among the Jews, whenever they travelled in large numbers to the city of Jerusalem. The caravans start very early, sometimes before day. They endeavour to find a stopping place or station to remain at during the night, which shall afford them a supply of water, Job vi, 15–20. They arrive at their stopping place before the close of the day; and, while it is yet light, prepare every thing that is necessary for the recommencement of their journey. In order to prevent any one from wandering away from the caravan, and getting lost during the night, lamps or torches are elevated upon poles and carried before it. The pillar of fire answered this purpose for the Israelites, when wandering in the wilderness. Sometimes the caravans lodge in cities; but when they do not, they pitch their tents so as to form an encampment; and during the night keep watch alternately for the sake of security. In the cities there are public inns, called Chan and Carvanserai, in which the caravans are lodged without expense. They are large square buildings, in the centre of which is an area, or open court. Carvanserais are denominated in the Greek of the New Testament, ϖανδοχεῖον, κατάλυσις and κατάλυμα, Luke ii, 7; x, 34. The first mention of one in the Old Testament is in Jer. xli, 17, גרות כמהם. It was situated near the city of Bethlehem.
3. The merchants transported their goods on camels, which are able to tolerate thirst and can thrive in the deserts. For safety from thieves, the merchants in the East traveled together, just like they do today. A large group like this is called a caravan or carvan, while a smaller one is known as a kafile or kafle, as referenced in Job vi, 18–20; Gen. xxxvii, 25; Isa. xxi, 13; Jer. ix, 2; Judges v
4. Moses enacted no laws in favour of commerce, although there is no question that he saw the situation of Palestine to be very favourable for it. The reason of this was, that the Hebrews, who were designedly set apart to preserve the true religion, could not mingle with foreign idolatrous nations without injury. He therefore merely inculcated good faith and honesty in buying and selling, Lev. xix, 36, 37; Deut. xxv, 13–16; and left all the other interests of commerce to a future age. By the establishment, however, of the three great festivals, he gave occasion for some mercantile intercourse. At these festivals all the adult males of the nation were yearly assembled at one place. The consequence was, that those who had any thing to sell brought it; while those who wished to buy articles came with the expectation of having an opportunity. As Moses, though he did not encourage, did not interdict foreign commerce, Solomon, at a later period, not only carried on a traffic in horses, as already stated, but sent ships from the port of Eziongeber through the Red Sea to Ophir, probably the coast of Africa, 1 Kings ix, 26; 2 Chron. ix, 21. This traffic, although a source of emolument, appears to have been neglected after the death of Solomon. The attempt made by Jehoshaphat to restore it was frustrated, by his ships being dashed upon the rocks and destroyed, 1 Kings xxii, 48, 49; 2 Chron. xx, 36. Joppa, though not a very convenient one, was properly the port of Jerusalem; and some of the large vessels which went to Spain sailed from it, Jonah i, 3. In the age of Ezekiel, the commerce of Jerusalem was so great, that it gave an occasion of envy even to the Tyrians themselves, Ezek. xxvi, 2. After the captivity, a great number of Jews became merchants, and travelled for the purpose of traffic into all countries. About the year 150 B. C. prince Simon rendered the port at Joppa more convenient than it had hitherto been. In the time of Pompey the Great, there were so many Jews abroad on the ocean, even in the character of pirates, that King Antigonus was accused before him of having sent them out on purpose. A new port was built by Herod at Cesarea.
4. Moses did not create any laws to support trade, even though he clearly recognized that Palestine had great potential for it. The reason was that the Hebrews, meant to uphold the true religion, could not mix with foreign idol-worshiping nations without harm. So, he only emphasized the importance of honesty and integrity in buying and selling, as seen in Lev. xix, 36, 37; Deut. xxv, 13–16; and left other commercial issues to future generations. However, by establishing three major festivals, he allowed for some trade interactions. During these festivals, all the adult males of the nation gathered at one location each year. As a result, those looking to sell brought their goods, while those wanting to buy came hoping for opportunities. While Moses didn’t promote foreign trade, he didn’t prohibit it either; and later on, Solomon not only engaged in horse trading but also sent ships from the port of Eziongeber across the Red Sea to Ophir, likely located on the African coast, as noted in 1 Kings ix, 26; 2 Chron. ix, 21. This trade, although profitable, seems to have been overlooked after Solomon's death. Jehoshaphat's attempt to revive it was unsuccessful, as his ships were wrecked on the rocks, 1 Kings xxii, 48, 49; 2 Chron. xx, 36. Joppa, despite not being very convenient, was effectively the port for Jerusalem; some large vessels heading to Spain set sail from there, as mentioned in Jonah i, 3. During Ezekiel's time, Jerusalem’s trade was so significant that it even made the Tyrians envious, Ezek. xxvi, 2. After the exile, many Jews became merchants and traveled for trade to various countries. Around 150 B.C., Prince Simon made the port at Joppa more accessible than before. In the time of Pompey the Great, there were so many Jews at sea, even acting as pirates, that King Antigonus was accused before him of sending them out intentionally. Herod also built a new port at Caesarea.
COMMUNION, in a religious sense, refers chiefly to the admission of persons to the Lord’s Supper. This is said to be open, when all are admitted who apply, as in the Church of England; to be strict, when confined to the members of a single society, or, at least, to members of the same denomination; and it is mixed, when persons are admitted from societies of 256different denominations, on the profession of their faith, and evidence of their piety. The principal difficulty on this point arises between the strict Baptists and Pædo-Baptists.
COMMUNION, in a religious context, mainly refers to the inclusion of people in the Lord’s Supper. This is considered open when anyone who wants to participate is allowed, as is the case in the Church of England; strict when it is limited to members of a specific group, or at least the same denomination; and mixed when people from different denominations can join based on their faith declaration and evidence of their devotion. The main disagreement on this issue exists between strict Baptists and Pædo-Baptists.
CONCUBINE, פילגש. This term, in western authors, commonly signifies, a woman, who, without being married to a man, yet lives with him as his wife; but, in the sacred writers, the word concubine is understood in another sense; meaning a lawful wife, but one not wedded with all the ceremonies and solemnities of matrimony; a wife of the second rank, inferior to the first wife, or mistress of the house. Children of concubines did not inherit their father’s fortune; but he might provide for, and make presents to, them. Thus Abraham, by Sarah his wife, had Isaac, his heir; but, by his two concubines, Hagar and Keturah, he had other children, whom he did not make equal to Isaac. As polygamy was tolerated in the east, it was common to see in every family, beside lawful wives, several concubines. Since the abrogation of polygamy by Jesus Christ, and the restoration of marriage to its primitive institution, concubinage is ranked with adultery or fornication.
CONCUBINE, Concubine. This term, in Western literature, usually refers to a woman who lives with a man as his wife without being married to him. However, in sacred texts, the word concubine has a different meaning; it refers to a lawful wife who isn't married with all the formalities and ceremonies of matrimony—a secondary wife, lower in status than the primary wife or head of the household. Children of concubines did not inherit their father's wealth, but he could provide for them and give them gifts. For instance, Abraham had Isaac with his wife Sarah, who was his heir; but with his two concubines, Hagar and Keturah, he had other children whom he did not treat as equals to Isaac. Since polygamy was accepted in the East, it was common to have multiple wives and several concubines in a household. After Jesus Christ abolished polygamy and returned marriage to its original form, concubinage is now considered on par with adultery or fornication.
CONEY, שפן, Levit. xi, 5; Deut. xiv, 7; Psalm civ, 8; and Prov. xxx, 26. Bochart and others have supposed the shaphan of the Scriptures to be the jerboa; but Mr. Bruce proves that the ashkoko is intended. This curious animal is found in Ethiopia, and in great numbers on Mount Lebanon, &c. Instead of holes, they seem to delight in more airy places, in the mouths of caves, or clefts in the rock. They are gregarious, and frequently several dozens of them sit upon the great stones at the mouths of caves, and warm themselves in the sun, or come out and enjoy the freshness of the summer evening. They do not stand upright upon their feet, but seem to steal along as in fear, their belly being nearly close to the ground; advancing a few steps at a time, and then pausing. They have something very mild, feeble-like, and timid, in their deportment; are gentle and easily tamed, though, when roughly handled at the first, they bite very severely. Many are the reasons to believe this to be the animal called saphan in Hebrew, and erroneously by our translators, “the coney,” or rabbit. The latter are gregarious indeed, and so far resemble the other, as also in size; but they seek not the same place of retreat; for the rabbit burrows most generally in the sand. Nor is there any thing in the character of rabbits that denotes excellent wisdom, or that they supply the want of strength by any remarkable sagacity. The saphan, then, is not the rabbit; which last, unless it was brought to him by his ships from Europe, Solomon never saw.
CONEY, שפן, Lev. 11:5; Deut. 14:7; Psalm 104:8; and Prov. 30:26. Bochart and others have suggested that the shaphan mentioned in the Scriptures refers to the jerboa; however, Mr. Bruce demonstrates that it actually points to the ashkoko. This interesting animal is found in Ethiopia and in large numbers on Mount Lebanon, etc. Instead of digging holes, they seem to prefer breezy spots, like the entrances of caves or cracks in the rocks. They are social creatures, often seen sitting together on large stones at cave entrances, basking in the sun, or emerging to enjoy the coolness of summer evenings. They don’t stand up on their hind legs but seem to move cautiously, with their bellies nearly touching the ground, taking a few steps at a time before stopping. Their behavior appears very gentle, timid, and somewhat weak; they're friendly and can be easily tamed, though they can bite hard if handled roughly at first. There are many reasons to believe this is the animal referred to as saphan in Hebrew, which has been mistakenly translated as “the coney” or rabbit. Rabbits are indeed social and similar in size, but they don’t seek the same kind of refuge; rabbits typically dig in the sand. Furthermore, rabbits don’t display any particular signs of great intelligence or compensate for a lack of strength with notable cleverness. Therefore, the saphan is not the rabbit, which, unless it was brought to him by his ships from Europe, Solomon never encountered.
Let us now apply the characters of the ashkoko to the saphan. “He is above all other animals so much attached to the rocks, that I never once,” says Mr. Bruce, “saw him on the ground, or from among large stones in the mouth of caves, where is his constant residence. He lives in families or flocks. He is in Judea, Palestine, and Arabia, and consequently must have been familiar to Solomon. David describes him very pertinently, and joins him to other animals perfectly known: ‘The hills are a refuge for the wild goats, and the rocks for the saphan:’ and Solomon says that ‘they are exceeding wise,’ that they are ‘but a feeble folk, yet make their houses in the rocks.’ Now this, I think, very obviously fixes the ashkoko to be the saphan; for his weakness seems to allude to his feet, and how inadequate these are to dig holes in the rock, where yet, however, he lodges. From their tenderness these are very liable to be excoriated or hurt; notwithstanding which, they build houses in the rocks more inaccessible than those of the rabbit, and in which they abide in greater safety, not by exertion of strength, for they have it not, but are truly, as Solomon says, ‘a feeble folk,’ but by their own sagacity and judgment; and are therefore justly described as wise. Lastly, what leaves the thing without doubt is, that some of the Arabs, particularly Damir, say that the saphan has no tail, that it is less than a cat, that it lives in houses or nests, which it builds of straw, in contradistinction to the rabbit and the rat, and those animals that burrow in the ground.”
Let’s now apply the characteristics of the ashkoko to the saphan. “He is so attached to the rocks that I never once,” says Mr. Bruce, “saw him on the ground or among large stones in the mouth of caves, which is where he constantly lives. He lives in families or flocks. He is found in Judea, Palestine, and Arabia, and so he must have been known to Solomon. David describes him very aptly and mentions him with other well-known animals: ‘The hills are a refuge for the wild goats, and the rocks for the saphan.’ Solomon states that ‘they are extremely wise,’ that they are ‘a feeble folk, yet make their homes in the rocks.’ This clearly identifies the ashkoko as the saphan; for his weakness seems to refer to his feet, and how insufficient they are for digging holes in the rock, where, nevertheless, he resides. Due to their tenderness, their feet are often raw or injured; still, they build homes in the rocks that are more inaccessible than those of rabbits, allowing them to stay safe, not through strength, which they lack, but through their own intelligence and judgment; and thus, they are accurately described as wise. Finally, what solidifies this identification is that some Arabs, particularly those from Damir, claim that the saphan has no tail, that it is smaller than a cat, and that it lives in houses or nests made of straw, unlike rabbits and rats, which dig into the ground.”
CONFESSION signifies a public acknowledgment of any thing as our own: thus Christ will confess the faithful in the day of judgment, Luke xii, 8. 2. To own and profess the truths of Christ, and to obey his commandments, in spite of opposition and danger from enemies, Matt. x, 32. 3. To utter or speak the praises of God, or to give him thanks. 4. To acknowledge our sins and offences to God, either by private or public confession; or to our neighbour whom we have wronged; or to some pious persons from whom we expect to receive comfort and spiritual instruction; or to the whole congregation when our fault is published, Psalm xxxii, 5; Matt. iii, 6; James v, 16; 1 John i, 9. 5. To acknowledge a crime before a judge, Josh. vii, 19.
CONFESSION means openly recognizing something as our own: Jesus will acknowledge the faithful on the day of judgment, Luke 12:8. 2. To accept and proclaim the truths of Jesus, and to follow his commands, despite opposition and danger from adversaries, Matt. 10:32. 3. To express or speak the praises of God, or to give thanks to Him. 4. To admit our sins and wrongdoings to God, either through private or public confession; or to our neighbor whom we’ve harmed; or to some devout individuals from whom we seek comfort and spiritual guidance; or to the entire congregation when our wrongdoing is made known, Psalm 32:5; Matt. 3:6; James 5:16; 1 John 1:9. 5. To confess a crime before a judge, Josh. 7:19.
2. In the Jewish ceremony of annual expiation, the high priest confessed in general his own sins, the sins of other ministers of the temple, and those of all the people. When an Israelite offered a sacrifice for sin, he put his hand on the head of the victim, and confessed his faults, Lev. iv. On the day of atonement, the Jews still make a private confession of their sins, which is called by them cippur, and which is said to be done in the following manner: Two Jews retire into a corner of the synagogue. One of them bows very low before the other, with his face turned toward the north. He who performs the office of confessor gives the penitent nine-and-thirty blows on the back with a leathern strap, repeating these words, “God, being full of compassion, forgave their iniquity, and destroyed them not; yea, many a time turned he his anger away, and did not stir up all his wrath.” As there are only thirteen words in this verse recited in the Hebrew, he repeats it three times, and at every word strikes one blow; which makes nine-and-thirty words, and as many lashes. In the meantime, the penitent declares his sins, and at the 257confession of every one beats himself on his breast. This being finished, he who has performed the office of confessor prostrates himself on the ground, and receives in turn from his penitent nine-and-thirty lashes.
2. In the Jewish annual atonement ceremony, the high priest confessed generally to his own sins, the sins of other temple ministers, and those of all the people. When an Israelite made a sin offering, he placed his hand on the head of the animal and confessed his faults, Lev. iv. On the Day of Atonement, Jews still make a private confession of their sins, which they call cippur, and it's said to be done as follows: Two Jews step into a corner of the synagogue. One bows low before the other, facing north. The confessor then gives the penitent thirty-nine hits on the back with a leather strap while repeating the words, “God, being full of compassion, forgave their iniquity, and destroyed them not; yes, many times he turned his anger away, and did not stir up all his wrath.” Since there are only thirteen words in this verse recited in Hebrew, he repeats it three times, striking once for each word; which adds up to thirty-nine hits, and the same number of lashes. Meanwhile, the penitent admits his sins and strikes his breast with each confession. Once completed, the confessor then prostrates himself on the ground and receives in return from the penitent thirty-nine lashes.
3. The Romish church not only requires confession as a duty, but has advanced it to the dignity of a sacrament. These confessions are made in private to the priest, who is not to reveal them under pain of the highest punishment. The council of Trent requires “secret confession to the priest alone, of all and every mortal sin, which, upon the most diligent search and examination of our consciences, we can remember ourselves to be guilty of since our baptism; together with all the circumstances of those sins, which may change the nature of them; because, without the perfect knowledge of these, the priest cannot make a judgment of the nature and quality of men’s sins, nor impose fitting penance for them.” This is the confession of sins which the same council confidently affirms “to have been instituted by our Lord, and by the law of God, to be necessary to salvation, and to have been always practised in the catholic church.” It is, however, evident, that such confession is unscriptural. St. James, indeed, says, “Confess your faults one to another,” James v, 16; but priests are not here mentioned, and the word faults seems to confine the precept to a mutual confession among Christians, of those offences by which they may have injured each other. Certain it is, that from this passage the necessity of auricular confession, and the power of priestly absolution, cannot be inferred. Though many of the early ecclesiastical writers earnestly recommend confession to the clergy, yet they never recommend it as essential to the pardon of sin, or as having connection with a sacrament. They only urge it as entitling a person to the prayers of the congregation; and as useful for supporting the authority of wholesome discipline, and for maintaining the purity of the Christian church. Chrysostom condemns all secret confession to men, as being obviously liable to great abuses; and Basil, Hilary, and Augustine, all advise confession of sins to God only. It has been proved by M. Daillé, that private, auricular, sacramental confession of sins was unknown in the primitive church. But, though private auricular confession is not of divine authority, yet, as Archbishop Tillotson properly observes, there are many cases in which men, under the guilt and trouble of their sins, can neither appease their own minds, nor sufficiently direct themselves, without recourse to some pious and prudent guide. In these cases, men certainly do very well, and many times prevent a great deal of trouble and perplexity to themselves, by a timely discovery of their condition to some faithful minister, in order to their direction and satisfaction. To this purpose a general confession is for the most part sufficient; and where there is occasion for a more particular discovery, there is no need of raking into the minute and foul circumstances of men’s sins to give that advice which is necessary for the cure and ease of the penitent. Auricular confession is unquestionably one of the greatest corruptions of the Romish church. It goes upon the ground that the priest has power to forgive sins; it establishes the tyrannical influence of the priesthood; it turns the penitent from God who only can forgive sins, to man who is himself a sinner; and it tends to corrupt both the confessors and the confessed by a foul and particular disclosure of sinful thoughts and actions of every kind without exception.
3. The Roman Catholic Church not only requires confession as a duty, but has elevated it to the status of a sacrament. These confessions are made privately to a priest, who is not allowed to reveal them under the threat of severe punishment. The Council of Trent demands “secret confession to the priest alone, of all and any mortal sin that, after thorough reflection and examination of our consciences, we can recall having committed since our baptism; along with all the circumstances of those sins, which may alter their nature; because without a complete understanding of these, the priest cannot assess the nature and severity of people’s sins, nor impose appropriate penance for them.” This is the confession of sins which the same council confidently asserts “was instituted by our Lord, and is necessary for salvation by the law of God, and has always been practiced in the Catholic Church.” However, it is clear that such confession is not found in Scripture. St. James does say, “Confess your faults to one another,” James 5:16; but priests are not mentioned here, and the term faults seems to limit the instruction to mutual confession among Christians for offenses that have harmed one another. It is certain that from this passage, the necessity for confessional confession, and the authority of priestly absolution, cannot be inferred. While many early church writers strongly advocate for confession to the clergy, they never suggest it as essential for the forgiveness of sin, or as being connected with a sacrament. They only recommend it for qualifying a person to receive the congregation's prayers; and for supporting the authority of sound discipline and maintaining the purity of the Christian church. Chrysostom condemns all secret confession to men, as it is clearly prone to significant abuses; and Basil, Hilary, and Augustine all advise confession of sins only to God. M. Daillé has demonstrated that private, verbal, sacramental confession of sins was unknown in the early church. Yet, while private confession is not of divine authority, Archbishop Tillotson aptly notes that there are many situations where individuals, burdened by their sins, cannot find peace of mind or adequate direction without seeking a wise and spiritual guide. In such cases, individuals do well to alleviate much trouble and confusion by timely sharing their state with a faithful minister for advice and reassurance. For this purpose, a general confession is usually sufficient; where more specific disclosure is necessary, there is no need to delve into the detailed and sordid specifics of people’s sins to provide the necessary guidance for healing and comfort for the penitent. Auricular confession is undeniably one of the greatest corruptions of the Roman Catholic Church. It rests on the premise that the priest has the authority to forgive sins; it reinforces the oppressive power of the priesthood; it diverts the penitent from God, who alone can forgive sins, to a fellow sinner; and it tends to corrupt both the confessors and the confessed with the filthy and detailed revelations of sinful thoughts and actions of every kind.
Confessions of Faith, simply considered, is the same with creed, and signifies a summary of the principal articles of belief adopted by any individual or society. In its more common acceptation, it is restricted to the summaries of doctrine published by particular Christian churches, with the view of preventing their religious sentiments from being misunderstood or misrepresented, or, by requiring subscription to them, of securing uniformity of opinion among those who join their communion. Except a single sentence in one of the Ignatian Epistles, (A. D. 180,) which relates exclusively to the reality of Christ’s personality and sufferings in opposition to the Docetæ, the earliest document of this kind is to be found in the writings of Irenæus, who flourished toward the end of the second century of the Christian æra. In his treatise against heresies, this father affirms that “the faith of the church planted throughout the whole world,” consisted in the belief of “one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth and sea, and all that are in them; and one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who became incarnate for our salvation; and one Holy Spirit, who foretold, through the Prophets, the dispensations and advents, and the generation by the virgin, and the passion, and the resurrection from the dead, and the ascension in the flesh into heaven, of Jesus Christ our beloved Lord, and his appearing from heaven in the glory of the Father, to unite together all things under one head, and to raise every individual of the human race; that unto Christ Jesus, our Lord and God, and Saviour and King, every knee may bow, and every tongue confess; that he may pronounce just sentence upon all.” In various parts of Tertullian’s writings similar statements occur, (A. D. 200,) which it is unnecessary particularly to quote. We shall only remark, that in one of them, the miraculous conception of Christ by the power of the Holy Ghost is distinctly mentioned; that in another, he declares it to have been the uniform doctrine from the beginning of the Gospel, that Christ was born of the virgin, both man and God, ex eâ natum hominem et Deum; and that in each of these, faith in the Father, Son, and Spirit, is recognised as essential to Christianity. The following passage we cite, for the purpose of marking its coincidence with the Apostles’ Creed, to which we shall have occasion soon to advert: “This,” says he, “is the sole, immovable, irreformable rule of faith; namely, to believe in the only God Almighty, maker of the world; 258and his Son Jesus Christ, born of the virgin Mary, crucified under Pontius Pilate, the third day raised from the dead, received into heaven, now sitting at the right hand of the Father, about to come and judge the quick and the dead, by the resurrection also of the flesh.” The summaries contained in the works of Origen (A. D. 520) nearly resemble the preceding; any difference between them being easily accounted for, from the tenets of the particular heresies against which they were directed. In his “Commentary on St. John’s Gospel,” he thus writes: “We believe that there is one God, who created all things, and framed and made all things to exist out of nothing. We must also believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and in all the truth concerning his Deity and humanity; and we must likewise believe in the Holy Spirit; and that, being free agents, we shall be punished for the things in which we sin, and rewarded for those in which we do well.” According to Cyprian, the formula, to which assent was required from adults at their baptism, was in these terms: “Dost thou believe in God the Father, Christ the Son, the Holy Spirit, the remission of sins, and eternal life, through the holy church?” This was called by him symboli lex, “the law of the creed;” and by Novatian, regula veritatis, “the rule of truth.”
Faith Confessions is essentially the same as creed, and refers to a summary of the main articles of belief that any individual or group adopts. More commonly, it pertains to the doctrinal summaries published by specific Christian churches, intending to prevent misunderstandings or misrepresentations of their beliefs, or to ensure uniformity of opinion among those who join their community by requiring subscribing to them. Apart from a single sentence in one of the Ignatian Epistles (A.D. 180), which focuses solely on the reality of Christ’s personality and suffering counter to the Docetæ, the earliest document of this kind can be found in the writings of Irenæus, who lived in the late second century of the Christian era. In his treatise against heresies, this father states that “the faith of the church spread across the whole world” includes the belief in “one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven, earth, and sea, and all that is in them; and one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who became incarnate for our salvation; and one Holy Spirit, who foretold, through the Prophets, the plan of salvation, the birth from the virgin, the suffering, the resurrection from the dead, and the ascension in the flesh into heaven of Jesus Christ our beloved Lord, and his return from heaven in the glory of the Father to unite all things under one head and to raise every individual in the human race; that every knee may bow and every tongue confess to Christ Jesus, our Lord and God, Savior, and King; so that he may deliver just judgment on all.” Similar statements appear in Tertullian’s writings (A.D. 200), which do not need to be quoted in detail. We’ll just note that in one of them, the miraculous conception of Christ by the Holy Spirit is specifically mentioned; in another, he asserts that it has been the consistent teaching from the start of the Gospel that Christ was born of the virgin, both man and God, born of man and God; and that in each of these, belief in the Father, Son, and Spirit is recognized as crucial to Christianity. The following passage illustrates its alignment with the Apostles’ Creed, which we will discuss soon: “This,” he states, “is the sole, unchanging, and unalterable rule of faith; namely, to believe in the only Almighty God, creator of the world; 258 and his Son Jesus Christ, born of the virgin Mary, crucified under Pontius Pilate, rising from the dead on the third day, received into heaven, now sitting at the right hand of the Father, about to return and judge the living and the dead, by the resurrection of the flesh.” The summaries in Origen’s works (A.D. 520) are quite similar to the previous ones; any differences can easily be explained by the specific heresies they were addressing. In his “Commentary on St. John’s Gospel,” he writes: “We believe that there is one God, who created everything and brought all things into existence from nothing. We must also have faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, and in the complete truth about his divinity and humanity; and we must believe in the Holy Spirit; and that as free agents, we will be punished for our sins and rewarded for our good deeds.” According to Cyprian, the formula that adults were required to affirm at their baptism was: “Do you believe in God the Father, Christ the Son, the Holy Spirit, the forgiveness of sins, and eternal life through the holy church?” He referred to it as symbolic law, “the law of the creed;” and Novatian called it rule of truth, “the rule of truth.”
2. From these and similar sources, the different clauses of what is commonly called the Apostles’ Creed appear to have sprung. For, though it was long believed to be the composition of the Apostles, its claims to such an inspired origin are now universally rejected. Of its great antiquity, however, there can be no doubt; the whole of it, as it stands in the English liturgy, having been generally received as an authoritative confession in the fourth century. Toward the end of that century, Rufinus wrote a commentary on it, which is still extant, in which he acknowledges that the clause respecting Christ’s descent into hell was not admitted into the creeds either of the western or the eastern churches. We learn also that the epithet catholic was not at that time applied in it to the church. Its great simplicity and conciseness, beside, prove it to have been considerably earlier than the council of Nice, when the heretical speculations of various sects led the defenders of the orthodox faith to fence the interests of religion with more complicated and cumbrous barriers.
2. From these and similar sources, the different parts of what we commonly call the Apostles’ Creed seem to have originated. Although it was long thought to be created by the Apostles, its claim to such an inspired origin is now widely rejected. However, there’s no doubt about its ancient roots; the entire text, as it appears in the English liturgy, was generally accepted as an authoritative statement of faith in the fourth century. Toward the end of that century, Rufinus wrote a commentary on it, which still exists, in which he acknowledges that the phrase about Christ’s descent into hell was not included in the creeds of either the western or eastern churches. We also learn that the term catholic was not used at that time to refer to the church. Its simplicity and brevity suggest it predated the Council of Nice, when the heretical ideas of various groups prompted the defenders of orthodox faith to fortify religious interests with more complex and cumbersome barriers.
This confession of faith was then preëminently named symbolum; which might be understood in the general acceptation of sign, as the characteristic, representative sign of the Christian faith; or, in a more restricted sense, in reference to the σύμϐολον ϛρατιωτικὸν, or tessera militaris, the watch word of the Christian soldier, communicated to each man at his first entrance into the service of Christ. Perhaps this word, at first, only denoted the formula of baptism, and was afterward transferred to the confession of faith.
This statement of belief was primarily called symbolum; which could be understood broadly as sign, representing the essence of the Christian faith; or, more specifically, in relation to the σύμϐολον ϛρατιωτικὸν, or military token, the password of the Christian soldier, given to each person when they first joined the service of Christ. Initially, this term may have only referred to the baptismal formula before it was later used for the statement of faith.
3. In the celebrated council of Nice, (A. D. 325,) in which Arianism was not only condemned, but proscribed, the confession established as the universal standard of truth and orthodoxy runs thus: “I believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father, before all worlds, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten not made, being of one substance with the Father; by whom all things were made; who for us men, and for our salvation, descended from heaven, and became incarnate by the Holy Ghost, of the virgin Mary; and was made man, was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate. He suffered and was buried; and the third day he rose again according to the Scriptures, and ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father; and he shall come again with glory to judge both the quick and the dead, of whose kingdom there will be no end. And I believe in the Holy Ghost who spake by the Prophets; and one catholic, and Apostolical church. I acknowledge one baptism for the remission of sins, and I look for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come.”
3. In the famous council of Nice, (A.D. 325), where Arianism was not just condemned but also banned, the confession established as the universal standard of truth and orthodoxy states: “I believe in one God, the Father Almighty, creator of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father before all worlds, God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten, not made, of one substance with the Father; through whom all things were made; who for us humans, and for our salvation, came down from heaven and became incarnate by the Holy Spirit, of the virgin Mary; and was made man, was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate. He suffered and was buried; and on the third day He rose again, according to the Scriptures, and ascended into heaven, and sits at the right hand of the Father; and He will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead, and His kingdom will have no end. And I believe in the Holy Spirit, who spoke through the Prophets; and in one universal and Apostolic church. I acknowledge one baptism for the forgiveness of sins, and I look forward to the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come.”
It were endless to specify the particular shades of difference by which the Arian confessions (the number of which amounted nearly to twenty in the space of a very few years) were distinguished from each other: suffice it to say, that while they agreed generally in substance, especially in rejecting the Nicene term, ὁμοούσιος, as applied to the Son, their variations of expression concerning the nature of his subordination to the Father were so astonishingly minute, as almost to bid defiance to any attempt which might be made, at this distance of time, to determine in what their real and essential differences consisted.
It would take forever to specify the exact differences that set the Arian confessions apart from one another (there were nearly twenty of them in just a few years). It's enough to say that while they generally agreed on the main ideas, especially in rejecting the Nicene term, ὁμοούσιος, in reference to the Son, their variations in how they expressed the nature of his relationship to the Father were so incredibly subtle that it's nearly impossible to determine their real and essential differences from this distance in time.
4. “The Book of Armagh,” a very ancient collection of interesting national documents, which have recently been published by Sir William Betham in the second part of his curious “Irish Antiquarian Researches,” contains the Confession of St. Patrick; who has been supposed, from several collateral circumstances, to have flourished some years prior to the time of St. Jerom, or about the commencement of the fourth century. The subjoined are the first two paragraphs in it, and will be admired for the orthodoxy, artlessness, and Christian experience which they exhibit:--“I, Patrick, a sinner, the rudest, the least, and the most insignificant of the faithful, had Calphurnius, a deacon, for my father, who was the son of Potitus, heretofore a priest, the son of Odissus, who lived in the village of Banavem Taberniæ. For he had a little farm adjacent, where I was captured. I was then almost sixteen years of age; but I knew not God, and was led into captivity by the Irish, with many thousand men, as we deserved, because we estranged ourselves from God, and did not keep his laws, and were disobedient to our pastors, who admonished us with respect to our salvation: and the Lord brought down upon us the anger of his Spirit, and dispersed us among many nations, even to the extremity of the earth, where my meanness was conspicuous among foreigners, 259and where the Lord discovered to me a sense of my unbelief; that late I should remember my transgressions, and that I should be converted with my whole heart to the Lord my God, who had respect to my humiliation, and pitied my youth and ignorance, even before I knew him, and before I was wise, or could distinguish between right and wrong, and strengthened me, and cherished me, as a father would a son. From which time I could not remain silent; nor, indeed, did he cease to bless me with many acts of kindness; and so great was the favour of which he thought me worthy in the land of my captivity. For this is my retribution, that, after my rebuking, punishment, and acknowledgment of God, I should exalt him, and confess his wonderful acts before every nation which is under the whole heaven; because there is no other God, nor ever was before, nor will be after him, except God, the unbegotten Father, without beginning, possessing all things, as we have said, and his Son Jesus Christ, who, we bear witness, was always with the Father, before the formation of the world, in spirit (or spiritually) with the Father, inexpressibly begotten before all beginning, through whom visible things were made: he became man, having overcome death, and was received into heaven. And God has given to him all power ‘above every name, as well of the inhabitants of heaven as of the earth and of the powers below, that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord and God;’ whom we believe, and whose coming we expect, as presently about to be Judge of the living and dead, who will render unto every man according to his actions, and has poured upon us abundantly the gift of his Holy Spirit, and the pledge of immortality; who makes us that believe and are obedient to be the sons of God and joint heirs of Christ; whom we believe and adore, one God in the Trinity of the sacred name. For he spoke by the Prophet, ‘Call upon me in the day of tribulation, and I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me.’ And again he says, ‘It is an honourable thing to reveal and confess the works of God.’”
4. “The Book of Armagh,” a very old collection of interesting national documents, has recently been published by Sir William Betham in the second part of his intriguing “Irish Antiquarian Researches.” It includes the Confession of St. Patrick, who is believed, based on various supporting circumstances, to have lived a few years before St. Jerome, around the beginning of the fourth century. Below are the first two paragraphs, which will be appreciated for their orthodoxy, sincerity, and Christian experience: “I, Patrick, a sinner, the least of the faithful and the most insignificant, had Calphurnius, a deacon, for my father, who was the son of Potitus, a priest, the son of Odissus, who lived in the village of Banavem Taberniæ. He had a small farm nearby, where I was captured. I was then nearly sixteen years old; but I did not know God, and I was taken captive by the Irish, along with many thousands of men, as we deserved, because we had turned away from God, did not keep his laws, and were disobedient to our pastors, who warned us about our salvation. The Lord allowed his anger to come upon us, and scattered us among many nations, even to the ends of the earth, where my insignificance was evident among foreigners, and where the Lord made me aware of my unbelief; that later I would remember my wrongdoings, and turn with my whole heart to the Lord my God, who looked upon my humility, and had compassion for my youth and ignorance, even before I knew him, and before I was wise enough to tell right from wrong, and he strengthened me and cared for me, like a father would for a son. From that moment, I couldn’t keep silent; nor did he ever stop blessing me with countless acts of kindness; and the favor he showed me in the land of my captivity was immense. For this is my reward: that after my rebuke, punishment, and acknowledgment of God, I should praise him and declare his wonderful deeds before all nations under heaven; because there is no other God, nor was there ever one before him, nor will there be one after him, except for God, the unbegotten Father, who exists without beginning and possesses all things, as we have said, and his Son Jesus Christ, who we testify was always with the Father, before the creation of the world, spiritually with the Father, inexpressibly begotten before all beginnings, through whom visible things were made: he became man, overcame death, and was received into heaven. And God has given him all authority ‘above every name, of those who dwell in heaven, on earth, and the powers below, that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord and God;’ whom we believe in, and whose return we await, expecting him to be the Judge of the living and the dead, who will reward each person according to their actions, and has abundantly poured out upon us the gift of his Holy Spirit, and the assurance of immortality; who makes us, those who believe and are obedient, the children of God and co-heirs with Christ; whom we believe in and worship, one God in the Trinity of the sacred name. For he spoke through the Prophet, ‘Call upon me in the day of trouble, and I will deliver you, and you will glorify me.’ And again he says, ‘It is a commendable thing to reveal and confess the works of God.’”
5. Macedonius having denied not only the divinity but the personality of the Holy Spirit, maintaining that he is only a divine energy diffused throughout the universe, a general council was called at Constantinople, A. D. 381, in order to crush this rising heresy. The confession promulgated on this occasion, and which “gave the finishing touch to what the council of Nice had left imperfect, and fixed, in a full and determinate manner, the doctrine of the Trinity, as it is still received among the generality of Christians,” exactly coincides with the Nicene confession, except in the article respecting the Spirit, which it thus extends: “And I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Lord, and Giver of life, who proceedeth from the Father and the Son, who, together with the Father and the Son, is worshipped and glorified.”
5. Macedonius denied not only the divinity but also the personal existence of the Holy Spirit, claiming that He is merely a divine energy spread throughout the universe. As a result, a general council was convened in Constantinople in A.D. 381 to combat this emerging heresy. The statement issued during this council "completed what the council of Nice had left incomplete and clearly defined the doctrine of the Trinity, which is still accepted by most Christians." It aligns closely with the Nicene confession, except for the section about the Spirit, which is expanded to read: "And I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son, who, together with the Father and the Son, is worshipped and glorified."
6. Subsequent to this, and probably toward the middle of the fifth century, the creed which bears the name of Athanasius appears to have been composed. That it was not the work of this distinguished opposer of Arianism is established by the most satisfactory evidence. No traces of it are to be found in any of his writings, though they relate chiefly to the very subject of which it is an exposition; and so far from its being ascribed to him, not the least notice is taken of it by any of his contemporaries. Its language, beside, concerning the Spirit is so similar to that of the council of Constantinople, but still more precise and explicit, that there can be no doubt of its having been written posterior to the time of that assembly. Yet Athanasius died in the year 373. Accordingly, it has been, with great probability of truth, attributed, particularly by Dr. Waterland, to Hilary, bishop of Arles, who is said by one of his biographers to have composed an Exposition of the Creed: a title which certainly is more appropriate and characteristic of it than that of Creed simply, by which it is now so universally known. The damnatory clauses in this creed have frequently been made subjects of reprehension; and some clergymen of the church of England have scrupled to read them as directed by the Rubric. The following is an apology for those clauses, by the late venerable Archdeacon Dodwell, who seems to have felt none of those misgivings which troubled his doubting brethren:--“The form, as well as the substance, of this creed, and the very introduction to the main article, has been objected to: ‘Whosoever will be saved, before all things it is necessary that he hold the catholic faith;’ to which is added, ‘Which faith, except every one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.’ This, with a like condemnatory sentence in the conclusion of the creed, wherein a possibility of salvation is denied to him who does not cordially embrace this doctrine, is pronounced unreasonable, uncharitable, unchristian, with every other aggravating appellation that can be used. But the ground of this charge, and the whole of the difficulty suggested in it, from the variety of the circumstances of different persons, depends upon the interpretation of the phrase of ‘being saved.’ The meaning of this term in its primary signification, and as it is applied to common subjects in common discourse, means a preservation from threatening perils, or from threatened punishment. But, in an evangelical sense, and as it occurs in the NewNew Testament, it includes much more: it means the whole Christian scheme of redemption and justification by the Son of God, with all the glorious privileges and promises contained in that scheme. It means not merely a hope of deliverance from danger or from vengeance, but a federal title to positive happiness, purchased by the merits, and declared to mankind by the Gospel of Christ Jesus our Lord. St. Paul calls it ‘the obtaining the salvation which is in Christ Jesus with eternal glory,’ 2 Tim. ii, 10. ‘Whosoever,’ then, says the creed, ‘will’ thus ‘be saved,’ will be desirous to secure the glorious promises of the 260Gospel, must pursue it upon the terms which that Gospel proposes, and particularly must embrace the doctrines which it reveals. The creed speaks of those only to whom the evidence of the Gospel has been fully set forth, and the importance of it fully explained. We are to justify it only to professed believers, and of them only. The state and lot of the Heathen world are quite out of the question. Neither common sense nor Scripture will permit us to interpret it of those who still ‘sit in darkness and the shadow of death,’ and never had the means of grace and the hope of glory proposed to them. Even with respect to those to whom the Gospel is preached, there is no necessity of interpreting the words here used in the harshest and strictest sense. There are many distinctions and limitations, which are always understood and supposed in such cases, though they are not expressly mentioned. General rules are laid down as such, are true as such; while excepted cases are referred to the judgment of those who are qualified to judge of them, and are not particularly pointed out; as for other reasons, so lest they should be extended too far, and defeat the general rule. Sufficient capacity in the persons to whom it is applied, and sufficient means of information and conviction, are always presupposed, where faith is spoken of as necessary. Where either of these is wanting, the case is (where it should be) in the hands of God. The creed is laid down as a rule of judgment to men, not to their Maker. We may learn from thence on what terms alone we can claim a title to the promises of the Gospel; but we do not learn from thence how far uncovenanted favour may be extended to particular persons. It is not intended to exclude the mercy of God to Heathens or heretics; it being his prerogative, and his alone, to judge how far the error or ignorance of any one is his wilful fault, or his unavoidable infirmity. But it is intended to establish the terms on which WE may now claim acceptance, and, in consequence of his gracious promise, may say, that ‘God is faithful and just to forgive us our sins.’ The creed relates only to the covenant of salvation; and any expression which, used separately without this view and connection, might be thought to bear a stronger and more absolute sense, yet is limited by this relative coherence, and is to be interpreted by it. ‘Perishing everlastingly,’ in other discourses, may sometimes be understood of everlasting damnation; but here it means the being for ever excluded from the only stated claim of promised mercy. And ‘without doubt,’ he who does not embrace the truths proposed by revelation, has no title to those hopes which that revelation, and that only, offers to mankind. And even when such expressions of terror are used in the strongest sense, and threatened to unbelief or disobedience, they universally imply such exceptions as these,--‘Unless personal disabilities lessen the guilt, or repentance intervene to prevent the punishment.’ In short, no objection can be made against this assertion in the creed, but what would hold as strongly against that declaration of our blessed Lord, ‘He that believeth, and is baptized, shall be saved; but he that believeth not shall be damned,’ Mark xvi, 15. Indeed, this condemnatory sentence in this form by human authority is plainly founded on and borrowed from that divine authority in the Gospel; and whatever distinctions and limitations are allowed in that case are equally applicable to this, and will fully justify both. The necessity of a true belief in all whom Providence has blessed with the means and opportunities of learning it, in order to entitle them federally to eternal salvation, being thus established upon Scripture proof, the creed goes on very regularly to declare what is that true belief so indispensably necessary.” This is, perhaps, all that can be said in favour of these comminations; but few will think it quite satisfactory. The effect of them has doubtless been, to induce many to fly to the opposite extreme of laxity on the subject of fundamental doctrines.
6. After this, likely around the middle of the fifth century, the creed known as Athanasius seems to have been created. The most reliable evidence shows that it was not authored by this prominent opponent of Arianism. There are no signs of it in any of his writings, which mainly address the same topic it discusses; moreover, none of his contemporaries mention it at all. Its wording regarding the Spirit closely resembles that of the Council of Constantinople, and is even more precise and clear, reinforcing that it was written after that assembly. Yet, Athanasius passed away in 373. Consequently, it has been credibly attributed, especially by Dr. Waterland, to Hilary, the bishop of Arles, who, according to one of his biographers, wrote an Exposition of the Creed—a title that is certainly more appropriate and accurate than simply calling it a Creed, as it is now widely recognized. The condemning phrases in this creed have often faced criticism, and some clergy in the Church of England have hesitated to read them as required by the Rubric. The following is a defense of those clauses by the late respected Archdeacon Dodwell, who seems to have felt none of the uncertainties that troubled his questioning peers: “People have raised objections to the wording and the essence of this creed, especially the introduction to the main article, which states, ‘Whosoever will be saved, before all things it is necessary that he hold the catholic faith,’ followed by, ‘Which faith, except every one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.’ This, along with a similar condemnatory statement at the end of the creed, denying the possibility of salvation to anyone who does not wholeheartedly accept this doctrine, is declared unreasonable, uncharitable, unchristian, and any other negative label that can be thought of. However, the basis of this accusation and the entire difficulty it raises, due to the diverse situations of different individuals, relies on interpreting the phrase ‘being saved.’ In its basic meaning, as used in everyday language, this term refers to being kept safe from imminent dangers or anticipated punishment. But in a spiritual context, as it appears in the NewNew Testament, it encompasses so much more: it refers to the complete Christian doctrine of redemption and justification through the Son of God, along with all the wonderful privileges and promises associated with that doctrine. It signifies not just hope for escape from danger or punishment, but a right to true happiness purchased by the merits, and proclaimed to humanity by the Gospel of Christ Jesus our Lord. St. Paul refers to it as ‘the obtaining the salvation which is in Christ Jesus with eternal glory,’ 2 Tim. ii, 10. So, the creed states that ‘Whosoever’ wishes to ‘be saved’ and desires to secure the glorious promises of the 260 Gospel must pursue it on the terms that the Gospel outlines, particularly embracing the doctrines it reveals. The creed addresses only those to whom the evidence of the Gospel has been fully presented, and its significance thoroughly explained. We are to justify it only to professed believers, and only of them. The fate of the Heathen world is completely outside this discussion. Neither common sense nor Scripture allows us to interpret it in relation to those who are still ‘sit in darkness and the shadow of death,’ and who have never had the grace or the hope of glory offered to them. Even regarding those to whom the Gospel is proclaimed, there is no need to interpret the used words in the harshest and most rigid sense. There are many distinctions and limitations that are always assumed in such cases, even if they are not specifically mentioned. General principles are established as such, are correct as such; while exceptional situations are left to the judgment of those qualified to assess them, and are not pointed out specifically; this is to prevent them being overly generalized and thus undermining the overarching principle. Sufficient ability in the individuals to whom it applies, along with adequate means of understanding and conviction, is always assumed where faith is deemed necessary. If either of these is lacking, the situation rightfully belongs to God’s judgment. The creed serves as a standard for human judgment, not for that of the Creator. We can learn from it the conditions under which we can claim the promises of the Gospel; however, it does not reveal the extent to which unreserved favor may be given to specific individuals. It does not intend to exclude God’s mercy toward Heathens or heretics; it is His prerogative alone to determine how much an individual’s error or ignorance is genuinely their fault or simply their unavoidable weakness. But it is meant to clarify the conditions under which WE can now claim acceptance, and as a result of His gracious promise, can affirm that ‘God is faithful and just to forgive us our sins.’ The creed pertains solely to the covenant of salvation; and any phrase that, when used separately from this context, might seem to carry a stronger or more absolute meaning, is nonetheless restricted by this relational coherence, and should be interpreted in light of it. ‘Perishing everlastingly’ might sometimes, in other contexts, refer to eternal damnation; but here it signifies being forever excluded from the only assured claim to promised mercy. And ‘without doubt,’ anyone who does not accept the truths revealed has no claim to those hopes that revelation, and only that, extends to humanity. Even when such severe expressions are employed in the most intense sense, and threatened against disbelief or disobedience, they universally imply exceptions such as, 'Unless personal limitations reduce the guilt, or repentance intervenes to avert the punishment.' In summary, there can be no objection to this statement in the creed that wouldn’t apply equally to the declaration of our blessed Lord, ‘He that believeth, and is baptized, shall be saved; but he that believeth not shall be damned,’ Mark xvi, 15. Indeed, this condemning statement made by human authority is clearly based on and derived from that divine authority found in the Gospel; and whatever distinctions and limitations are accepted in that case apply equally here and fully justify both. The requirement for a genuine belief in all those whom Providence has granted the means and opportunities to learn it, to rightfully claim eternal salvation, is thus established on Scriptural evidence, and the creed proceeds to clearly declare what that essential belief is.” This is perhaps all that can be said in support of these condemnatory statements; however, few would find it entirely satisfactory. The impact of these statements has undoubtedly prompted many to swing to the opposite extreme of leniency regarding fundamental doctrines.
Before leaving the ancient formulas of Christian doctrine, it may be stated, that both in the council of Ephesus against the Nestorians, held A. D. 431; and in that of Chalcedon, against the Eutychians, in 451; it was solemnly declared and decreed, that “Christ was one divine person, in whom two natures, the human and the divine, were most closely united, but without being mixed or confounded together.”
Before moving on from the historical teachings of Christian doctrine, it's important to note that both in the Council of Ephesus against the Nestorians, held in A.D. 431, and in the Council of Chalcedon against the Eutychians in 451, it was officially stated and decided that “Christ was one divine person, in whom two natures, the human and the divine, were most closely united, but without being mixed or confused together.”
7. Amid the variance and opposition of council to council, and pope to pope, (A. D. 1553,) which prevailed for centuries in the Romish church, it would be no easy task to ascertain the real articles of its confession. The decrees of the council of Trent, however, together with the creed of Pope Pius IV, are now commonly understood to be the authoritative standards of its faith and worship. These, beside recognising the authority of the Apostles’ and the Nicene Creeds, embrace a multitude of dogmas which it is unnecessary particularly to specify, relating to traditions, the sacraments of baptism, confirmation, eucharist, penance, extreme unction, order, and matrimony, transubstantiation, the sacrifice of the mass, worshipping of images, purgatory, indulgences, &c, &c.
7. With the disagreements and conflicts among councils and popes that lasted for centuries in the Catholic Church (A.D. 1553), figuring out the true articles of its confession is no simple task. However, the decrees of the Council of Trent, along with the creed of Pope Pius IV, are now generally accepted as the official standards of its beliefs and practices. These not only acknowledge the authority of the Apostles’ and the Nicene Creeds but also include a wide range of doctrines related to traditions, the sacraments of baptism, confirmation, Eucharist, penance, extreme unction, ordination, and matrimony, as well as transubstantiation, the sacrifice of the mass, veneration of images, purgatory, indulgences, etc.
8. The Greek church has no public or established confession; but its creed, so far as can be gathered from its authorized catechisms, admits the doctrines of the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds, with the exception of the article in each concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit, which it affirms to be “from the Father only, and not from the Father and the Son.” It disowns the supremacy and infallibility of the pope, purgatory by fire, graven images, and the restriction of the sacrament to one kind; but acknowledges the seven sacraments of the catholics, the religious use of pictures, invocation of saints, transubstantiation, and masses and prayers for the dead.
8. The Greek church doesn’t have a public or established confession; however, its beliefs, based on its official catechisms, accept the doctrines laid out in the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds, except for the part in each about the Holy Spirit's procession, which it asserts is “from the Father only, and not from the Father and the Son.” It rejects the supremacy and infallibility of the pope, the idea of purgatory by fire, carved images, and limiting the sacrament to one form; but it recognizes the seven sacraments of Catholicism, the religious use of icons, praying to saints, transubstantiation, and masses and prayers for the dead.
9. Though the Romish church early appropriated to itself the exclusive title of catholic, or universal; and though, for many centuries, its unscriptural tenets pervaded the far greater 261part of Europe; not only were there always some individuals who adhered to the doctrines of genuine Christianity, but, long before the Protestant reformation, there appear to have been whole congregations who maintained, in considerable purity, the substance of the faith contained in Scripture. Such were the churches of the Waldenses in the valleys of Piedmont, whose confession, of so early a date as the beginning of the twelfth century, is still preserved. It consists of fourteen articles, of which the following is a copy, taken from the Cambridge MSS, and bearing date A. D. 1120:--“(1.) We believe and firmly hold all that which is contained in the twelve articles of the symbol, which is called the Apostles’ Creed, accounting for heresy whatsoever is disagreeing, and not consonant to the said twelve articles. (2.) We do believe that there is one God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. (3.) We acknowledge for the holy canonical Scriptures the books of the Holy Bible. [Here follows a list of the books of the Old and New Testament, exactly the same as those we have in our English authorized version. Then follows a list of “the books apocryphal, which,” with admirable simplicity they say, “are not received of the Hebrews. But we read them, as saith St. Jerom in his Prologue to the Proverbs, ‘for the instruction of the people, not to confirm the authority of the doctrine of the church.’”] (4.) The books above-said teach this, that there is one God, almighty, all-wise, and all-good, who has made all things by his goodness; for he formed Adam in his own image and likeness, but that by the envy of the devil, and the disobedience of the said Adam, sin has entered into the world, and that we are sinners in Adam and by Adam. (5.) That Christ was promised to our fathers who received the law, that so knowing by the law their sin, unrighteousness, and insufficiency, they might desire the coming of Christ, to satisfy for their sins, and accomplish the law by himself. (6.) That Christ was born in the time appointed by God the Father; that is to say, in the time when all iniquity abounded, and not for the cause of good works, for all were sinners; but that he might show us grace and mercy, as being faithful. (7.) That Christ is our life, truth, peace, and righteousness; also our pastor, advocate, sacrifice, and priest; who died for the salvation of all those that believe, and is risen for our justification. (8.) In like manner, we firmly hold that there is no other Mediator and Advocate with God the Father, save only Jesus Christ. And as for the virgin Mary, that she was holy, humble, and full of grace. And in like manner do we believe concerning all the other saints; namely, that, being in heaven, they wait for the resurrection of their bodies at the day of judgment. (9.) Item, We believe that, after this life, there are only two places, the one for the saved, and the other for the damned; the which two places we call paradise and hell, absolutely denying that purgatory invented by antichrist, and forged contrary to the truth. (10.) Item, We have always accounted as an unspeakable abomination before God all those inventions of men; namely, the feasts and the vigils of saints, the water which they call holy: as likewise to abstain from flesh upon certain days, and the like; but especially their masses. (11.) We esteem for an abomination, and as antichristian, all those human inventions which are a trouble or prejudice to the liberty of the spirit. (12.) We do believe that the sacraments are signs of the holy thing, or visible forms of the invisible grace; accounting it good that the faithful sometimes use the said signs or visible forms, if it may be done. However, we believe and hold, that the above-said faithful may be saved without receiving the signs aforesaid, in case they have no place nor any means to use them. (13.) We acknowledge no other sacrament than baptism and the Lord’s Supper. (14.) We ought to honour the secular powers by submission, ready obedience, and paying of tributes.” These churches had, in modern times, another confession imposed upon them, after they began to receive pastors from Geneva, which is strongly tinged with Calvinism. It bears date A. D. 1655.
9. Although the Roman church quickly claimed the exclusive title of "catholic" or "universal," and for many centuries its unscriptural beliefs spread throughout most of Europe, there were always some individuals who stuck to the teachings of true Christianity. Long before the Protestant Reformation, there were entire congregations that upheld, with significant purity, the core of the faith found in Scripture. One such group was the Waldensian churches in the valleys of Piedmont, whose confession, dating back to the early twelfth century, is still preserved. It consists of fourteen articles, and one copy, taken from the Cambridge manuscripts and dated A.D. 1120, includes the following: “(1.) We believe and firmly hold all that is contained in the twelve articles of the symbol known as the Apostles’ Creed, considering any belief that disagrees with these twelve articles as heresy. (2.) We believe that there is one God: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. (3.) We acknowledge the books of the Holy Bible as the holy canonical Scriptures. [Here follows a list of the books of the Old and New Testament, exactly the same as those found in our English authorized version. Then follows a list of “the apocryphal books,” which, with admirable simplicity, they say, “are not accepted by the Hebrews. But we read them, as St. Jerome says in his Prologue to the Proverbs, ‘for the instruction of the people, not to affirm the authority of the doctrine of the church.’”] (4.) The aforementioned books teach that there is one almighty, all-wise, and all-good God who created everything out of His goodness; He made Adam in His own image and likeness, but through the devil’s envy and Adam’s disobedience, sin entered the world, meaning we are all sinners because of Adam. (5.) Christ was promised to our ancestors who received the law, so that, knowing their sin, unrighteousness, and inadequacy through the law, they would long for Christ’s arrival to atone for their sins and fulfill the law Himself. (6.) Christ was born at the appointed time by God the Father, during a period when all wickedness prevailed, not due to good works, as everyone was a sinner, but to show us grace and mercy, demonstrating His faithfulness. (7.) Christ is our life, truth, peace, and righteousness; He is also our shepherd, advocate, sacrifice, and priest who died for the salvation of all who believe and rose for our justification. (8.) Likewise, we firmly believe there is no other mediator and advocate with God the Father except Jesus Christ. As for the Virgin Mary, we believe she was holy, humble, and full of grace. Similarly, we believe about all the other saints that, being in heaven, they await the resurrection of their bodies on the day of judgment. (9.) Item, We believe that after this life, there are only two places: one for the saved and the other for the damned; these two places we call paradise and hell, completely denying the purgatory invented by the Antichrist, which contradicts the truth. (10.) Item, We have always regarded as an unspeakable abomination before God all those human inventions; namely, the feasts and vigils of saints, the water they call holy, as well as abstaining from meat on certain days, and similar things; but especially their masses. (11.) We consider all those human inventions that trouble or harm the liberty of the spirit as abominable and antichristian. (12.) We believe that the sacraments are signs of sacred things, or visible forms of invisible grace; we consider it good for the faithful to occasionally use these signs or visible forms when possible. However, we believe that faithful individuals can be saved without receiving these signs if they have no means to use them. (13.) We acknowledge no other sacraments apart from baptism and the Lord’s Supper. (14.) We ought to honor secular authorities through submission, readiness to obey, and paying taxes.” These churches later had another confession imposed on them when they began to receive pastors from Geneva, which is heavily influenced by Calvinism. This confession is dated A.D. 1655.
10. The first Protestant confession was that presented in 1530, to the diet of Augsburg, by the suggestion and under the direction of John, elector of Saxony. This wise and prudent prince, with the view of having the principal grounds on which the Protestants had separated from the Romish communion, distinctly submitted to that assembly, entrusted the duty of preparing a summary of them to the divines of Wittemberg. Nor was that task a difficult one; for the reformed doctrines had already been digested into seventeen articles, which had been proposed at the conferences both at Sultzbach and Smalcald, as the confession of faith to be adopted by the Protestant confederates. These, accordingly, were delivered to the elector by Luther, and served as the basis of the celebrated Augsburg confession, written “by the elegant and accurate pen of Melancthon:” a work which has been admired by many even of its enemies, for its perspicuity, piety, and erudition. It contains twenty-eight chapters, the leading topics of which are, the true and essential divinity of Christ; his substitution and vicarious sacrifice; original sin; human inability; the necessity, freedom, and efficacy of divine grace; consubstantiation; and particularly justification by faith, to establish the truth and importance of which was one of its chief objects. The last seven articles condemn and confute the Popish tenets of communion in one kind, clerical celibacy, private masses, auricular confession, legendary traditions, monastic vows, and the exorbitant power of the church. This confession is silent on the doctrine of predestination. This is the universal standard of orthodox doctrine among those who profess to be Lutherans, in which no authoritative alteration has ever been made.
10. The first Protestant confession was presented in 1530 at the Diet of Augsburg, at the suggestion and under the direction of John, Elector of Saxony. This wise and careful ruler aimed to clearly outline the main reasons why the Protestants had separated from the Roman Catholic Church, so he assigned the task of creating a summary to the theologians of Wittenberg. This task was straightforward, as the reformed doctrines had already been summarized into seventeen articles, which had been put forward at the conferences in Sultzbach and Smalcald as the confession of faith for the Protestant coalition. These articles were given to the elector by Luther and served as the foundation of the famous Augsburg Confession, written "by the elegant and precise hand of Melanchthon," a work admired even by some of its critics for its clarity, piety, and scholarship. It contains twenty-eight chapters, covering key topics such as the true and essential divinity of Christ; his substitutionary and sacrificial role; original sin; human inability; the necessity, freedom, and effectiveness of divine grace; consubstantiation; and particularly justification by faith, which was one of its main goals. The last seven articles reject and counter the Catholic views on communion in one kind, clerical celibacy, private masses, confession to a priest, legendary traditions, monastic vows, and the excessive power of the church. This confession does not address the doctrine of predestination. It serves as the universal standard of orthodox belief for those who identify as Lutherans, with no official changes ever made to it.
11. The confession of Basle, originally presented, like the preceding, to the diet of Augsburg, but not published till 1534, consists of only twelve articles, which, in every essential 262point, agree with those of the Augsburg confession, except that it rejects the doctrine of consubstantiation; affirming that Christ is only spiritually present in the Lord’s Supper, sacramentaliter nimirum, et per memorationem fidei; [that is to say sacramentally, and by faith;] and that it asserts the doctrine of predestination and infant baptism. But the more detailed creed of the whole Swiss Protestant churches is contained in the former and latter Helvetic confessions. The first was drawn up in 1536, by Bullinger, Myconius, and Grynæus, in behalf of the churches of Helvetia, and presented to an assembly of divines at Wittemberg, by whom it was cordially approved. But being deemed too concise, a second was prepared in 1556, by the pastors of Zurich; which was subscribed not only by all the Swiss Protestants, but by the churches of Geneva and Savoy, and by many of those in Hungary and Poland. They fully harmonize with each other, with only this difference, that the doctrine of predestination, and an approbation of the observance of such religious festivals, as the nativity, &c, are to be found in the latter confession only.
11. The confession of Basle, initially presented to the diet of Augsburg like the previous one, wasn't published until 1534. It consists of only twelve articles, which align with the Augsburg confession in every essential aspect, except that it rejects the doctrine of consubstantiation; it affirms that Christ is only spiritually present in the Lord’s Supper,
12. The Bohemic confession was compiled from various ancient confessions of the Waldenses who had settled in Bohemia, and approved of by Luther and Melancthon in 1532; but it was not published till 1535; when it was presented by the barons and other nobles to King Ferdinand. It extends to twenty articles, similar to those of the Waldensian confession, with the addition of others on the divinity of Christ, justification by faith in him, “without any human help or merit,” predestination, and the absolute necessity of sanctification and good works.
12. The Bohemian confession was put together from various ancient confessions of the Waldenses who had settled in Bohemia, and it was approved by Luther and Melancthon in 1532; however, it wasn't published until 1535, when it was presented by the barons and other nobles to King Ferdinand. It consists of twenty articles, similar to those of the Waldensian confession, with additional topics on the divinity of Christ, justification by faith in Him, “without any human help or merit,” predestination, and the essential need for sanctification and good works.
13. The confession of the Saxon churches was composed in 1551 by Melancthon, at the desire of the pastors of Saxony and Misnia met in assembly at Wittemberg, in order to be presented to the council of Trent. It is contained in twenty-two articles; and while, like that of Augsburg, it is silent on the subject of predestination, it lays equal stress on the doctrine of justification by faith; and has a separate article entitled “Rewards,” in which the doctrine of human merit, particularly as connected with future blessedness, is condemned and refuted.
13. The confession of the Saxon churches was written in 1551 by Melancthon, at the request of the pastors of Saxony and Misnia who met in assembly at Wittemberg, to be presented to the Council of Trent. It consists of twenty-two articles; and while, like the one from Augsburg, it doesn’t address predestination, it emphasizes the doctrine of justification by faith. It also includes a separate article titled “Rewards,” which condemns and refutes the idea of human merit, especially in connection with future happiness.
14. Some account of the framing of the English Confession of Faith has been already given under the article Church of England and Ireland. The “Articles of Religion” are there said to have been amended and completed in the year 1571; and the Rev. Henry J. Todd, in his very able work on this subject, has shown their Melancthonian origin and character by extracts from the “Articles of Religion,” “set out by the Convocation, and published by the king’s authority,” in 1536;--from those of 1540;--from Cranmer’s “Necessary Erudition of any Christian Man,” published in 1543;--from the Homilies on Salvation, Faith, and Good Works, in 1547, which three were, according to Bishop Woolton’s unimpeached testimony (in 1576) composed by Archbishop Cranmer;--from the “Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum,” “composed under the superintendence of the same watchful primate, in 1551;”--from the “Articles of Religion” formed in 1552, almost wholly by Cranmer;”--from “Catechismus Brevis, Christianæ Disciplinæ Summam continens,” in 1553, which was published in English, as well as Latin, and commonly called “Edward the Sixth’s Catechism;” and from Bishop Jewel’s celebrated “Apologia Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ,” “published in 1562 by the queen’s authority, thus recognised as a national Confession of Faith, and as such has been printed in the Corpus Confessionum Fidei.” “Such,” says Mr. Todd, “are the several public documents or declarations, produced or made before the establishment of the Thirty-nine Articles of Religion, from which I have given extracts, to which the framers of these Articles directed their attention, with the spirit of which they concur, and the words of which they almost literally adopt. There will also be found, as chronologically preceding these, considerable extracts from the Confession of Augsburg, the whole article from the Saxon Confession, De Remissione Peccatorum, et Justificatione, [respecting the forgiveness of sins, and justification,] and such passages in our Liturgy as concern the points which the Articles and Homilies exhibit.” No one who has perused these documents will require any additional argument to convince him, that, in its very foundations, the English Confession of Faith was most explicitly in favour of general redemption. We cannot therefore be surprised at all the old orthodox divines of the church of England, from 1610 to 1660, refusing to be called Arminians; for they repeatedly declared that their own church openly professed similar doctrines to those promulgated by the Dutch professor, long before his name was known in the world. In this assertion they were perfectly correct; and by every important fact in our ecclesiastical history, as connected with doctrinal matters, their views are confirmed. If the Articles were actually of a Calvinistic complexion, as they are now often represented to be, what could have induced Whitaker and other learned Calvinists to waste so much valuable time and labour in fabricating the Lambeth Articles in 1595? Those worthies avowed, that the original Thirty-nine Articles were not doctrinal enough for their purpose.--When four choice divines, two of them professors of divinity at Cambridge, were sent to the synod of Dort as deputies from the English church, and one from the church of Scotland, though their political instructions went the full length of assisting in the condemnation and oppression of the Arminians, personally considered as a troublesome party in the republic, yet they had different instructions respecting their doctrines. On the second article, discussed in that synod, “the extent of Christ’s redemption,” Balcanqual, the deputy from the church of Scotland, informs the English ambassador at the Hague, that a difference had arisen among the British deputies: “The question among us is, whether the words of Scripture, which are likewise the words of our confession, be to be understood 263of all particular men, or only of the elect who consist of all sorts of men? Dr. Davenant and Dr. Ward are of Martinius of Breme his mind, that it is to be understood of all particular men: the other three [Bishop Carleton, Dr. Goad, and Dr. Balcanqual] take the other exposition, which is that of the writers of the reformed churches.” The ambassador wrote home for instructions, and received orders for the British deputies “to have those conclusions concerning Christ’s death, and the application of it to us, couched in manner and terms as near as possibly may be to those which were used in the primitive church, by the fathers of that time, against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians, and not in any new phrase of the modern age; and that the same may be as agreeable to the confessions of the church of England and other reformed churches, and with as little distaste and umbrage to the Lutheran churches, as may be.” Archbishop Abbott expressed his approbation of their “cautelous moderation” in withholding their “hand from pressing in public any rigorous exclusive propositions in the doctrine of the extent of our Saviour Christ’s oblation.” The history of this affair, which cannot be here detailed, shows, that, however willing the three deputies were to condemn the remonstrants, the resistance of the two more moderate divines was approved by the authorities at home, and their opinions on this subject were recorded in such theses as no true Calvinist could consistently subscribe. During our civil troubles in 1643, the Assembly of Divines at Westminster revised the first fifteen of the Thirty-nine Articles “with a design,” as Neal in his “History of the Puritans” candidly declares, “to render their sense more express and determinate in favour of Calvinism.” This they found to be a hopeless task, as the ancient creed was too incorrigible to be bent to their views; and they found it much easier to frame one after their own hearts, some account of which the reader will find in a subsequent paragraph.--All these facts go to prove, that the best informed Calvinists have always viewed the English articles as not sufficiently high in doctrine, unless, as in the case of the seventeenth, they be allowed to interpret them by interpolations or qualifying epithets.
14. A summary of how the English Confession of Faith was created has already been discussed in the article Church of England and Ireland. The “Articles of Religion” are mentioned as having been modified and finalized in 1571; the Rev. Henry J. Todd, in his thorough work on this topic, has demonstrated their Melancthonian origins and characteristics through excerpts from the “Articles of Religion,” which were “published by the king’s authority” in 1536; from 1540; from Cranmer’s “Necessary Erudition of any Christian Man,” published in 1543; from the Homilies on Salvation, Faith, and Good Works in 1547, which, according to Bishop Woolton’s reliable testimony (in 1576), were written by Archbishop Cranmer; from the “Reform of Ecclesiastical Laws,” “written under the supervision of the same attentive primate, in 1551;” from the “Articles of Religion” formulated in 1552, largely by Cranmer; from “Short Catechism, containing a Summary of Christian Discipline” in 1553, which was published in both English and Latin, often called “Edward the Sixth’s Catechism;” and from Bishop Jewel’s renowned “Apology of the Anglican Church,” “published in 1562 by the queen’s authority, thus recognized as a national Confession of Faith, and has since been included in the Corpora of Confessions of Faith.” “Thus,” says Mr. Todd, “are the various public documents or declarations presented or made prior to the establishment of the Thirty-nine Articles of Religion, from which I've taken excerpts, to which the framers of these Articles paid attention, sharing their spirit, and they mostly adopt the wording literally. There will also be significant extracts from the Confession of Augsburg, the entire article from the Saxon Confession, On Forgiveness of Sins and Justification, [regarding the forgiveness of sins and justification], and relevant passages from our Liturgy concerning the issues presented in the Articles and Homilies.” Anyone who has read these documents will not need further convincing that, fundamentally, the English Confession of Faith strongly supported the idea of general redemption. Therefore, it’s not surprising that all the orthodox divines of the Church of England, from 1610 to 1660, refused to be labeled Arminian Christians; they repeatedly stated that their own church openly taught similar doctrines to those introduced by the Dutch professor long before he was known. They were completely correct in this assertion, and their views are upheld by every significant fact in our ecclesiastical history related to doctrinal matters. If the Articles were indeed Calvinistic, as they are often portrayed today, why would Whitaker and other learned Calvinists have wasted so much valuable time and effort creating the Lambeth Articles in 1595? Those scholars claimed that the original Thirty-nine Articles were not doctrinal enough for their purposes. When four distinguished theologians, two of whom were divinity professors at Cambridge, were sent to the Synod of Dort as representatives from the English Church, and one from the Church of Scotland, although their political instructions aimed to condemn and suppress the Arminians, regarded as a troublesome faction in the republic, they had different guidelines regarding their doctrines. On the second article discussed at that synod, “the extent of Christ’s redemption,” Balcanqual, the representative from the Church of Scotland, informed the English ambassador in The Hague that a disagreement had arisen among the British deputies: “The question among us is whether the words of Scripture, which are also the words of our confession, refer to all individual men or only to the elect who encompass all types of men? Dr. Davenant and Dr. Ward agree with Martinius of Bremen that it refers to all individual men: the other three [Bishop Carleton, Dr. Goad, and Dr. Balcanqual] take the alternative interpretation held by the Reformed churches.” The ambassador asked for instructions and received orders for the British deputies “to formulate those conclusions concerning Christ’s death and our application of it, using language and terms as closely aligned as possible to those used in the early church by the fathers of that era against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians, without employing any modern phrasing; and that the language be as consistent with the confessions of the Church of England and other Reformed churches as possible, and with minimal offense to the Lutheran churches.” Archbishop Abbott expressed his support for their “careful moderation” in refraining from publicly pressing any strict exclusive propositions regarding the doctrine of the extent of Christ’s sacrifice. The history of this matter, which cannot be fully outlined here, shows that while the three deputies were eager to condemn the remonstrants, the resistance of the two more moderate divines was endorsed by the authorities at home, and their opinions on this subject were recorded in theses that no true Calvinist could consistently agree to. During our civil conflicts in 1643, the Assembly of Divines at Westminster reviewed the first fifteen of the Thirty-nine Articles “in an effort,” as Neal notes in his “History of the Puritans,” “to clarify their meaning explicitly in favor of Calvinism.” They found this to be an impossible task since the original creed was too rigid to conform to their views, and they discovered it much easier to create one that reflected their own beliefs, which the reader will find discussed in a later paragraph. All these facts support the conclusion that well-informed Calvinists have always regarded the English Articles as not sufficiently high in doctrine, unless, as in the case of the seventeenth, they are permitted to interpret them through interpolations or qualifying terms.
15. The confession of the reformed Gallican churches was prepared by order of a synod at Paris in 1559; and presented to Charles IX. in 1561, by the celebrated Beza, in a conference with that monarch at Poissy. It was published for the first time in 1566, with a preface by the French clergy to the pastors of all Protestant churches; and afterward, in 1571, it was solemnly ratified and subscribed in the national synod of Rochelle. It is extended to forty articles; but they are in general concise, and embrace the usual topics of the other Protestant confessions, including the doctrines of election, and justification by faith only.
15. The confession of the reformed Gallican churches was prepared by order of a synod in Paris in 1559 and presented to Charles IX. in 1561 by the renowned Beza during a meeting with the king at Poissy. It was published for the first time in 1566, with a preface from the French clergy addressed to the pastors of all Protestant churches; and later, in 1571, it was formally ratified and signed at the national synod of Rochelle. It consists of forty articles; however, they are generally brief and cover the typical subjects found in other Protestant confessions, including the doctrines of election and justification by faith alone.
16. The Protestants in Scotland having presented a petition to parliament in 1560, requesting the public condemnation of Popery, and the legal acknowledgment of the reformed doctrine and worship, they were required to draw up a summary of the doctrines which they could prove to be consonant with Scripture, and which they were anxious to have established. The ministers on whom this duty was devolved, being well acquainted with the subject, prepared the required summary in the course of four days, and laid it before parliament, when, after having been read first before the Lords of the Articles, and afterward twice (the second time article by article) before the whole parliament, it received their sanction as the established system of belief and worship. It consists of twenty-five articles, and coincides with all the other Protestant confessions which affirm the doctrine of election, and reject that of consubstantiation; for although it is not so explicit as some of them respecting the unconditional nature of election, yet a distinct recognition of this doctrine pervades the whole of it; and though it has no separate article on justification, it no less plainly recognises this fundamental principle of the Protestant faith.
16. The Protestants in Scotland submitted a petition to parliament in 1560, asking for a public rejection of Catholicism and for legal recognition of reformed doctrine and worship. They were asked to create a summary of the doctrines they could prove were in line with Scripture, which they wanted to be officially established. The ministers who were assigned this task, being well-versed in the topic, prepared the required summary in just four days and presented it to parliament. After being read first before the Lords of the Articles, and then twice (the second time article by article) before the entire parliament, it was approved as the official system of belief and worship. The summary consists of twenty-five articles and aligns with all other Protestant confessions that affirm the doctrine of election and reject consubstantiation. While it may not be as explicit as some other confessions regarding the unconditional nature of election, the acknowledgment of this doctrine is evident throughout the entire document. Although there is no separate article on justification, it clearly recognizes this fundamental principle of the Protestant faith.
17. The tenets of Arminius having obtained considerable prevalence in Holland toward the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Calvinists, or Gomarists, as they were then called, appealed to a national synod, which was convened at Dort in 1618, by order of the states-general; and attended by ecclesiastical deputies from England, Switzerland, Bremen, Hesse, and the Palatinate, beside the clerical and lay representatives of the reformed churches in the United Provinces. The canons of this synod, contained in five chapters, relate to what are commonly called the five points; namely, particular and unconditional election; particular redemption, or the limitation of the saving effects of Christ’s death to the elect only; the total corruption of human nature, and the total moral inability of man in his fallen state; the irresistibility of divine grace; and the final perseverance of the saints; all of which are declared to be the true and the only doctrines of Scripture.
17. The ideas of Arminius gained significant traction in Holland around the early seventeenth century, prompting the Calvinists, also known as Gomarists, to call for a national synod. This synod was convened in Dort in 1618 by order of the states-general and included church representatives from England, Switzerland, Bremen, Hesse, and the Palatinate, along with clergy and lay representatives from the reformed churches in the United Provinces. The decisions made at this synod, outlined in five chapters, address what are commonly referred to as the five points; specifically, particular and unconditional election; particular redemption, meaning that the saving effects of Christ’s death apply only to the elect; the total corruption of human nature, and humanity's complete moral inability in its fallen state; the irresistibility of divine grace; and the final perseverance of the saints, all of which are affirmed as the true and only teachings of Scripture.
18. The Remonstrants, as the Dutch Arminians are generally called, did not present a confession of faith to the synod of Dort, but only their sentiments on the five points enumerated in the preceding paragraph, with corresponding rejections of errors under each of those points. However, in the first year of their exile, they applied themselves diligently to this task, and soon produced an ample confession, principally composed by the celebrated Episcopius. In the preface they give copious reasons for such a record of their opinions; which Courcelles has thus expressed in a more summary manner:--“They did not publish it for the purpose of making it a standard of schism, by which they might separate themselves from men who held other opinions; nor for the purpose of having it esteemed by those under their pastoral care as a secondary rule of faith;--which is in these days with many persons a most pernicious abuse of this kind of confessions. But it was published solely with the intention to stop the mouths of those who calumniously assert, that the Remonstrants cherish within their bosoms portentous dogmas 264which they dare not divulge. For there is no cause for doubting, whether under such circumstances and for this purpose, it is not lawful for men to publish a confession of their faith, especially as St. Peter admonishes us ‘always to be ready to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us with meekness and fear.’” This confession is of a more practical character than any of the preceding: it inculcates, at great length, all the most important duties of Christianity, and, in the words of the preface, “directs all things to the practice of Christian piety. For we believe that true divinity is merely practical, and not either simply or for its greatest or chief part speculative; and therefore whatever things are delivered therein ought to be referred thither only,--that a man may be the more strongly and fitly inflamed and encouraged to a diligent performance of his duty, and keeping of the commandments of Jesus Christ.” In the English translator’s address to the reader in 1676, it is said, “Touching the worth of this book, as a summary of Christian religion, if Doctor Jeremy Taylor’s judgment be of credit with thee, I am credibly informed he should prefer it to be one of those two or three which, next the Holy Bible, he would have preserved from the supposed total destruction of books. A high encomium from the mouth of so learned and pious a divine!” But though its contents were chiefly practical, one expression in it, respecting the propriety of tolerating in a Christian community a man who denied the eternal generation of Jesus Christ, produced a controversy in Holland, as well as in this country, in which the famous Bishop Bull eminently distinguished himself. See Dort and Remonstrants.
18. The Remonstrants, commonly known as the Dutch Arminians, didn't submit a confession of faith to the synod of Dort; instead, they shared their views on the five points mentioned in the previous paragraph, along with their corresponding rejections of errors for each point. However, during their first year in exile, they worked hard on this task and quickly created a detailed confession, largely written by the well-known Episcopius. In the preface, they offer numerous reasons for documenting their opinions, which Courcelles summarized as follows: “They didn’t publish it to establish a standard of division, allowing them to separate from those with differing views; nor did they intend for it to be regarded by their congregants as a secondary rule of faith—something that has become a harmful misuse of such confessions for many today. Instead, it was published solely to silence those who falsely claim that the Remonstrants harbor dangerous doctrines that they are afraid to reveal. There is no doubt that, under these circumstances and for this reason, it is lawful for people to publish a statement of their faith, especially since St. Peter advises us ‘always to be ready to give an answer to every person who asks you for the reason for your hope, with gentleness and reverence.’” This confession is more practical than those that came before it; it extensively covers all the key duties of Christianity and, as stated in the preface, “aims to guide everything toward the practice of Christian piety. We believe that true divinity is fundamentally practical and not merely speculative; therefore, everything contained within it should be referred here only—to inspire and encourage individuals to diligently perform their duties and adhere to the commandments of Jesus Christ.” In the English translator’s address to the reader in 1676, it says, “Regarding the value of this book as a summary of Christian religion, if you trust Doctor Jeremy Taylor’s opinion, I’ve been reliably informed he would choose it as one of those two or three works that, next to the Holy Bible, he would want saved from a total destruction of books. A great compliment from such a learned and devout theologian!” Yet, despite its mainly practical contents, one statement in it about tolerating someone in a Christian community who denied the eternal generation of Jesus Christ sparked a controversy in both Holland and this country, where the famous Bishop Bull significantly distinguished himself. See Dort and Remonstrators.
19. The only other confession of which we shall take notice is that of the Westminster assembly, which met in 1643, and at which five ministers and three elders as commissioners from the general assembly of the church of Scotland attended, agreeably to engagements between the convention of estates there, and both houses of parliament in England. This confession is contained in thirty-three chapters, and in every point of doctrine, fully accords with the sentiments of the synod of Dort; and on some points going rather beyond it, as with respect to a supposed election of angels. It was approved and adopted by the general assembly in 1647; and two years after, ratified by act of parliament, as “the public and avowed confession of the church of Scotland.” By act of parliament in 1690, it was again declared to be the national standard of faith in Scotland; and subscription to it as “the confession of his faith,” specially required of every person who shall be admitted “a minister or preacher within this church.” Subscription to it was also enjoined by the act of union in 1707, on all “professors, principals, regents, masters, and others bearing office,” in any of the Scottish universities.
19. The only other confession we’ll mention is that of the Westminster assembly, which met in 1643. Five ministers and three elders attended as representatives from the general assembly of the Church of Scotland, in line with agreements made between the convention of estates there and both houses of parliament in England. This confession includes thirty-three chapters and aligns completely with the doctrines of the Synod of Dort in every aspect, and in some areas, it goes even further, particularly regarding the supposed election of angels. It was approved and adopted by the general assembly in 1647, and two years later, it was ratified by an act of parliament as “the public and acknowledged confession of the Church of Scotland.” An act of parliament in 1690 reiterated it as the national standard of faith in Scotland, requiring everyone admitted as “a minister or preacher within this church” to subscribe to it as “the confession of his faith.” The act of union in 1707 also mandated that all “professors, principals, regents, masters, and others holding office” in any of the Scottish universities subscribe to it.
CONFLAGRATION, a general burning of a city, or other considerable place. But the word is more ordinarily restrained to that grand period, or catastrophe of our world, wherein the face of nature is expected to be changed by a deluge of fire, as it was anciently by that of water. The ancient Chaldeans, Pythagoreans, Platonists, Epicureans, Stoics, Celts, and Etrurians, appear to have had a notion of the conflagration; though whence they should derive it, unless from the sacred books, it is difficult to conceive; except, perhaps, from the Phenicians, who themselves had it from the Jews. The Celts, whose opinions resembled those of the eastern nations, held, that after the burning of the world, a new period of existence would commence. The ancient Etrurians, or Tuscans, also concurred with other western and northern nations of Celtic origin, as well as with the Stoics, in asserting the entire renovation of nature after a long period, or great year, when a similar succession of events would again take place. The cosmogony of an ancient Etrurian, preserved by Suidas, limits the duration of the universe to a period of twelve thousand years; six thousand of which passed in the production of the visible world, before the formation of man. The Stoics also maintained that the world is liable to destruction from the prevalence of moisture or of drought; the former producing a universal inundation, and the latter, a universal conflagration. “These,” they say, “succeed each other in nature, as regularly as winter and summer.” The doctrine of conflagration is a natural consequence of the general system of Stoicism; for, since, according to this system, the whole process of nature is carried on in a necessary series of causes and effects, when that operative fire, which at first, bursting from chaos, gave form to all things, and which has since pervaded and animated all nature, shall have consumed its nutriment; that is, when the vapours, which are the food of the celestial fires, shall be exhausted, a deficiency of moisture must produce a universal conflagration. This grand revolution in nature is, after the doctrine of the Stoics, thus elegantly described by Ovid:--
CONFLAGRATION refers to a widespread burning of a city or significant location. However, the term is typically focused on that major event or catastrophe when it’s believed the earth will undergo a transformation due to a flood of fire, just as it was previously by a flood of water. The ancient Chaldeans, Pythagoreans, Platonists, Epicureans, Stoics, Celts, and Etrurians seemed to have had an idea of this conflagration; it is hard to determine the exact source of this belief, unless it came from sacred texts, or possibly from the Phoenicians, who may have derived it from the Jews. The Celts, whose beliefs aligned with those of eastern cultures, believed that after the world burned, a new phase of existence would begin. The ancient Etrurians, or Tuscans, agreed with other western and northern Celtic cultures, as well as the Stoics, asserting that nature would be completely renewed after a long period or great year, at which point similar events would unfold again. An ancient Etrurian cosmogony, preserved by Suidas, claims the universe lasts for twelve thousand years, with six thousand of those years spent creating the visible world before humanity's emergence. The Stoics also believed that the world could be destroyed through an excess of moisture or drought, leading to either a great flood or a massive fire. “These,” they stated, “follow each other in nature just as regularly as winter follows summer.” The idea of conflagration naturally follows the Stoic worldview; since this philosophy holds that nature operates through a necessary chain of causes and effects, when that initial fire, which emerged from chaos and shaped everything, has consumed its fuel—specifically, the vapors that feed the heavenly fires—a shortage of moisture will inevitably lead to a universal conflagration. This grand transformation in nature is beautifully described by Ovid, following Stoic thought:--
or, as Dryden has translated the passage,--
or, as Dryden has translated the passage,--
Seneca, speaking of the same event, says expressly, “Tempus advenerit quo sidera sideribus incurrent, et omni flagrante materia uno igne, quicquid nunc ex deposito lucet, ardebit;” that is, “the time will come when the world will be consumed, that it may be again renewed; when the powers of nature will be turned against herself, when stars will rush upon stars, and the whole material world, which now appears resplendent with beauty and harmony, will be destroyed in one general conflagration.” In this grand catastrophe of nature, all animated beings, (excepting the Universal Intelligence,) 265men, heroes, demons, and gods, shall perish together. Seneca, the tragedian, who was of the same school with the philosopher, writes to the same purpose:--
Seneca, referring to the same event, states clearly, “The time will come when the stars will collide, and with all matter burning in one fire, whatever now shines from the deposit will burn;" which means, “the time will come when the world will be consumed so it can be renewed; when the forces of nature will turn against themselves, when stars will collide with stars, and the entire material world, which now shines with beauty and harmony, will be destroyed in one massive blaze.” In this great catastrophe of nature, all living beings (except for the Universal Intelligence), men, heroes, demons, and gods, will perish together. Seneca, the tragedian, who was from the same school as the philosopher, writes similarly:--
The Pythagoreans also maintained the dogma of conflagration. To this purpose Hippasus, of Metapontum, taught that the universe is finite, is always changing, and undergoes a periodical conflagration. Philolaus, who flourished in the time of Plato, maintained that the world is liable to destruction both by fire and water. Mention of the conflagration is also several times made in the books of the Sibyls, Sophocles, Lucan, &c. Dr. Burnet, after F. Tachard and others, relates that the Siamese believe that the earth will at last be parched up with heat, the mountains melted down, and the earth’s whole surface reduced to a level, and then consumed with fire. And the Bramins of Siam do not only hold that the world shall be destroyed by fire, but also that a new earth shall be made out of the cinders of the old. The sacred Scriptures announce this general destruction of the world by fire in a variety of passages.
The Pythagoreans also believed in the concept of conflagration. To this end, Hippasus from Metapontum taught that the universe is finite, constantly changing, and goes through periodic destruction by fire. Philolaus, who lived during Plato's time, argued that the world could be destroyed by both fire and water. The idea of conflagration is also mentioned several times in the works of the Sibyls, Sophocles, Lucan, and others. Dr. Burnet, following F. Tachard and others, reports that the Siamese believe that the earth will eventually be scorched by heat, the mountains will melt down, and the entire surface of the earth will be flattened and then consumed by fire. The Bramins of Siam not only think that the world will be destroyed by fire but also that a new earth will be created from the ashes of the old one. Various passages in the sacred Scriptures announce this total destruction of the world by fire.
2. Various are the sentiments of authors on the subject of the conflagration; the cause whence it is to arise, and the effects it is to produce. Divines ordinarily account for it metaphysically; and will have it take its rise from a miracle, as a fire from heaven. Philosophers contend for its being produced from natural causes; and will have it effected according to the laws of mechanics: some think an eruption of a central fire sufficient for the purpose; and add, that this may be occasioned several ways; namely, either by having its intensity increased, (which, again, may be effected either by being driven into less space by the encroachments of the superficial cold, or by an increase of the inflammability of the fuel whereon it is fed,) or by having the resistance of imprisoning earth weakened; which may happen either from the diminution of its matter, by the consumption of its central parts, or by weakening the cohesion of the constituent parts of the mass, by the excess or the defect of moisture. Others look for the cause of the conflagration in the atmosphere; and suppose that some of the meteors there engendered in unusual quantities, and exploded with unusual vehemence, from the concurrency of various circumstances, may be made to effect it, without seeking any farther. The astrologers account for it from a conjunction of all the planets in the sign Cancer; “as the deluge,” say they, “was occasioned by their conjunction in Capricorn.” This was an opinion adopted by the ancient Chaldeans. Lastly: others have recourse to a still more effectual and flaming machine; and conclude the world is to undergo its conflagration from the near approach of a comet, in its return from the sun. It is most natural to conclude, that, as the Scriptures represent the catastrophe as the work of a moment, no gradually operating natural cause will be employed to effect it, but that He who spake and the world was created, will again destroy it by the same word of his power; setting loose at once the all-devouring element of fire to absorb all others. Beyond this, all is conjecture.
2. Authors have a variety of opinions about the fire; its cause and the effects it will have. Religious thinkers often explain it in a metaphysical way, believing it will start as a miracle, like fire coming from heaven. Philosophers argue it will come from natural causes and follow the laws of mechanics. Some believe a central fire erupting is enough to cause it, and this could happen in several ways: either by increasing its intensity—either by being squeezed into a smaller space by the surrounding cold or by making the fuel more flammable—or by weakening the earth that traps it. The weakening could occur either from the depletion of its mass due to consumption of its internal parts or from a change in the strength of the material's bonds caused by too much or too little moisture. Others think the cause of the fire is in the atmosphere, suggesting that certain meteors formed there in unusual amounts and exploding with great force due to various circumstances may trigger it without needing further explanation. Astrologers blame it on a conjunction of all the planets in the sign Cancer, saying, "just as the flood was caused by their conjunction in Capricorn." This view was held by the ancient Chaldeans. Finally, some turn to a more dramatic cause, suggesting that the world will face its fire due to the close approach of a comet returning from the sun. It seems reasonable to assume that, since the Scriptures describe the end as happening in an instant, it won’t come from a gradual natural cause but rather by the same powerful word of God who created the world, unleashing the all-consuming fire to engulf everything else. Beyond that, everything is just speculation.
CONFUSION OF TONGUES is a memorable event, which happened in the one hundred and first year, according to the Hebrew chronology, after the flood, B. C. 2247, at the overthrow of Babel; and which was providentially brought about, in order to facilitate the dispersion of mankind, and the population of the earth. Until this period, there had been one common language, which formed a bond of union, that prevented the separation of mankind into distinct nations.
THE CONFUSION OF TONGUES is a significant event that took place in the 101st year, based on the Hebrew timeline, after the flood, around 2247 B.C., during the fall of Babel. This event was intentionally set in motion to help spread humanity across the planet and populate it. Up until this time, everyone spoke the same language, which kept people united and discouraged the formation of separate nations.
2. There has been a considerable difference of opinion as to the nature of this confusion, and the manner in which it was effected. Some learned men, prepossessed with the notion that all the different idioms now in the world did at first arise from one original language, to which they may be reduced, and that the variety among them is no more than must naturally have happened in a long course of time by the mere separation of the builders of Babel, have maintained, that there were no new languages formed at the confusion; but that this event was accomplished by creating a misunderstanding and variance among the builders, without any immediate influence on their language. But this opinion, advanced by Le Clerc, &c, seems to be directly contrary to the obvious meaning of the word שפה, lip, used by the sacred historian; which, in other parts of Scripture signifies speech, Psalm lxxxi, 5; Isaiah xxviii, 11; xxxiii, 19; Ezekiel iii, 5. It has been justly remarked, that unanimity of sentiment, and identity of language, are particularly distinguished from each other, in the history: “The people is one, and they have all one language,” Gen. xi, 6. It has been also suggested, that if disagreement in opinion and counsel were the whole that was intended, it would have had a contrary effect; they would not have desisted from their project, but strenuously have maintained their respective opinions, till the greater number of them had compelled the minority either to fly or to submit. Others have imagined, that this was brought about by a temporary confusion of their speech, or rather of their apprehensions, causing them, while they continued together and spoke the same language, to understand the words differently: Scaliger is of this opinion. Others again account for this event, by the privation of all language, and by supposing that mankind were under a necessity of associating together, and of imposing new names on things by common consent. Another opinion ascribes the confusion to such an indistinct remembrance of the original language which they spoke before, as made them speak it very differently; so that by the various 266inflections, terminations, and pronunciations of divers dialects, they could no more understand one another, than they who understand Latin can understand those who speak French, Italian, or Spanish, though all these languages arise out of it. This opinion is adopted by Casaubon, and by Bishop Patrick in his Commentary, and is certainly much more probable than either of the former: and Mr. Shuckford maintains, that the confusion arose from small beginnings, by the invention of new words in either of the three families of Shem, Ham, and Japhet, which might contribute to separate them from one another; and that in each family new differences of speech might gradually arise, so that each of these families went on to divide and subdivide among themselves. Others, again, as Mr. Joseph Mede and Dr. Wotton, &c, not satisfied with either of the foregoing methods of accounting for the diversity of languages among mankind, have recourse to an extraordinary interposition of divine power, by which new languages were framed and communicated to different families by a supernatural infusion or inspiration; which languages have been the roots and originals from which the several dialects that are, or have been, or will be, spoken, as long as this earth shall last, have arisen, and to which they may with ease be reduced.
2. There has been a significant difference of opinion about the nature of this confusion and how it happened. Some scholars, convinced that all the different languages in the world originated from one original language that they can trace back to, believe that the variety among them is just a natural outcome of the long separation of the builders of Babel. They argue that no new languages were created during the confusion; rather, it was caused by misunderstandings and disagreements among the builders, without any direct impact on their language. However, this view, put forth by Le Clerc and others, seems to contradict the clear meaning of the word Language, lip, used by the biblical author, which in other parts of the Scriptures means speech, as seen in Psalm 81:5; Isaiah 28:11; 33:19; Ezekiel 3:5. It has been rightly noted that unity of opinion and the same language are specifically distinguished in the text: “The people is one, and they have all one language,” Genesis 11:6. It has also been suggested that if the intention was merely disagreement in opinion and counsel, it would have had the opposite effect; they wouldn’t have stopped their project but would have fiercely upheld their views until the larger group forced the smaller one to either leave or concede. Others believe that this confusion was caused by a temporary misinterpretation of their speech or, more accurately, their understanding, making them interpret the same words differently while still speaking the same language: Scaliger supports this view. Some attribute this event to a complete loss of language, compelling humanity to come together and create new names for things by mutual agreement. Another perspective suggests that the confusion arose from a vague recollection of the original language they spoke, causing them to speak it in a very different way; so, due to the various inflections, endings, and pronunciations of different dialects, they could no longer understand each other, much like how those who understand Latin can’t comprehend those who speak French, Italian, or Spanish, even though all these languages stem from Latin. This view is backed by Casaubon and Bishop Patrick in his Commentary, and it certainly seems much more plausible than the previous ones. Mr. Shuckford argues that the confusion started small, with the creation of new words within the three families of Shem, Ham, and Japhet, which could have contributed to their separation. He theorizes that within each family, new differences in speech gradually emerged, leading each group to further divide and subdivide among themselves. Others, like Mr. Joseph Mede and Dr. Wotton, dissatisfied with the previous explanations for the diversity of languages among people, turn to an extraordinary intervention of divine power, which created new languages and communicated them to different families through supernatural influence or inspiration. These languages have been the roots and originals from which all the various dialects spoken now, in the past, or in the future, as long as this Earth exists, have developed, and to which they can easily be traced back.
3. It is, however, unnecessary to suppose, that the primitive language was completely obliterated, and entire new modes of speech at once introduced. It was quite sufficient, if such changes only were effected, as to render the speech of different companies or different tribes unintelligible to one another, that their mutual coöperation in the mad attempt in which they had all engaged might be no longer practicable. The radical stem of the first language might therefore remain in all, though new dialects were formed, bearing among themselves a similar relation with what we find in the languages of modern Europe, derived from the same parent stem, whether Gothic, Latin, or Sclavonian. In the midst of these changes, it is reasonable to suppose that the primitive language itself, unaltered, would still be preserved in some one at least of the tribes or families of the human race. Now in none of these was the transmission so likely to have taken place, as among that branch of the descendants of Shem, from which the patriarch Abraham proceeded. Upon these grounds, therefore, we may probably conclude, that the language spoken by Abraham, and by him transmitted to his posterity, was in fact the primitive language, modified indeed and extended in the course of time, but still retaining its essential parts far more completely than any other of the languages of men. If these conclusions are well founded, they warrant the inference, that, in the ancient Hebrew, there are still to be found the traces of the original speech. Whether this ancient Hebrew more nearly resembled the Chaldean, the Syrian, or what is now termed the Hebrew, it is unnecessary here to inquire; these languages, it has never been denied, were originally and radically the same, though, from subsequent modifications, they appear to have assumed somewhat different aspects.
3. However, it's unnecessary to think that the original language was completely wiped out and entirely new ways of speaking were immediately introduced. It was enough if changes were made that made the speech of different groups or tribes unintelligible to each other, so their joint effort in the crazy endeavor they all engaged in could no longer happen. The core of the first language could have remained in all, even though new dialects formed, similar to what we see in the languages of modern Europe derived from the same parent source, whether Gothic, Latin, or Slavic. Amid these changes, it’s reasonable to suggest that the original language itself, unchanged, would still be preserved in at least one of the tribes or groups of humanity. Among them, the most likely place for this transmission to occur would be among the branch of Shem's descendants, from which the patriarch Abraham came. Therefore, we can likely conclude that the language spoken by Abraham, and passed down to his descendants, was indeed the original language, modified and expanded over time, but still keeping its essential parts much more completely than any other human languages. If these conclusions are valid, they suggest that in ancient Hebrew, we can still find traces of the original speech. Whether this ancient Hebrew resembled more closely the Chaldean, the Syrian, or what we now call Hebrew is not necessary to explore here; it has never been denied that these languages were originally and fundamentally the same, even though they have taken on somewhat different forms due to later changes.
CONGREGATIONALISTS, a denomination of Protestants who reject all church government, except that of a single congregation under the direction of one pastor, with their elders, assistants, or managers. In one particular, the Congregationalists differ from the Independents: the former invite councils, which, however, only tender their advice; but the latter are accustomed to decide all difficulties within themselves. See Independents.
CONGREGATIONALISTS, a group of Protestants who don't accept any church governance except for that of an individual congregation led by a pastor, along with their elders, assistants, or managers. One key difference between Congregationalists and Independents is that Congregationalists invite councils, which only offer advice; whereas Independents typically resolve all issues internally. See Independents.
CONSCIENCE is that principle, power, or faculty within us, which decides on the merit or demerit of our own actions, feelings, or affections, with reference to the rule of God’s law. It has been called the moral sense by Lord Shaftesbury and Dr. Hutcheson. This appellation has been objected to by some, but has been adopted and defended by Dr. Reid, who says, “The testimony of our moral faculty, like that of the external senses, is the testimony of nature, and we have the same reason to rely upon it.” He therefore considers conscience as an original faculty of our nature, which decides clearly, authoritatively, and instantaneously, on every object that falls within its province. “As we rely,” says he, “upon the clear and distinct testimony of our eyes, concerning the colours and figures of the bodies about us, we have the same reason to rely, with security, upon the clear and unbiassed testimony of our conscience, with regard to what we ought and ought not to do.” But Dr. Reid is surely unfortunate in illustrating the power of conscience by the analogy of the external senses. With regard to the intimations received through the organs of sense, there can be no difference of opinion, and there can be no room for argument. They give us at once correct information, which reasoning can neither invalidate nor confirm. But it is surely impossible to say as much for the power of conscience, which sometimes gives the most opposite intimations with regard to the simplest moral facts, and which requires to be corrected by an accurate attention to the established order of nature, or to the known will of God, before we can rely with confidence on its decisions. It does not appear, that conscience can with propriety be considered as a principle distinct from that which enables us to pronounce on the general merit or demerit of moral actions. This principle, or faculty, is attended with peculiar feelings, when we ourselves are the agents; we are then too deeply interested to view the matter as a mere subject of reasoning; and pleasure or pain are excited, with a degree of intensity proportioned to the importance which we always assign to our own interests and feelings. In the case of others, our approbation or disapprobation is generally qualified, sometimes suspended, by our ignorance of the motives by which they have been influenced; but, in our own case, the motives and the actions are both before us, and when they do not correspond, we feel the same disgust with ourselves that we should feel toward another, 267whose motives we knew to be vicious, while his actions are specious and plausible. But in our own case, the uneasy feeling is heightened in a tenfold degree, because self-contempt and disgust are brought into competition with the warmest self-love, and the strongest desire of self-approbation. We have then something of the feelings of a parent, who knows the worthlessness of the child he loves, and contemplates with horror the shame and infamy which might arise from exposure to the world.
CONSCIENCE is the principle, power, or ability within us that evaluates the worth of our own actions, feelings, or emotions based on God’s law. Lord Shaftesbury and Dr. Hutcheson referred to it as the moral sense. Some people have criticized this term, but Dr. Reid has embraced and defended it, claiming, “The testimony of our moral faculty, like that of the external senses, is nature's testimony, and we have just as much reason to trust it.” He views conscience as a fundamental ability of our nature that decisively, authoritatively, and instantly judges everything within its scope. “Just as we trust,” he states, “the clear and distinct evidence of our eyes regarding the colors and shapes of objects around us, we have the same reason to confidently trust in the clear and unbiased testimony of our conscience about what we should and shouldn't do.” However, Dr. Reid makes an unfortunate comparison by likening the power of conscience to the external senses. With sensory impressions, there's no room for disagreement or debate; they provide us with immediate and accurate details that reasoning cannot disprove or validate. Yet, we cannot make the same claim for conscience, which sometimes presents completely contradictory insights about straightforward moral truths and needs to be adjusted by closely observing the established order of nature or God's known will before we can fully trust its judgments. It seems inappropriate to regard conscience as a distinct principle from the one that allows us to assess the general morality of actions. This principle, or ability, comes with specific emotions when we are the ones acting; we are too personally invested to see it as simply a matter of reasoning, and pleasure or pain arise in intensity based on how we value our own interests and feelings. When it comes to others, our approval or disapproval is often tempered, sometimes put on hold, by our lack of knowledge about their motivations; however, in our own case, both the motives and actions are evident, and when they clash, we experience the same disgust for ourselves that we would feel towards another whose motivations we understand to be flawed even if their actions seem commendable. In our own situation, this discomfort is magnified tenfold because self-contempt and revulsion compete with our strongest self-love and desire for self-approval. We then experience emotions similar to a parent who recognizes the shortcomings of a beloved child and dreads the shame and disgrace that could come from exposing those flaws to the world.
2. Conscience, then, cannot be considered as any thing else than the general principle of moral approbation or disapprobation applied to our own feelings or conduct, acting with increased energy from the knowledge which we have of our motives and actions, and from the deep interest which we take in whatever concerns ourselves; nor can we think that they have deserved well of morals or philosophy, who have attempted to deduce our notions of right and wrong from any one principle. Various powers both of the understanding and of the will are concerned in every moral conclusion; and conscience derives its chief and most salutary influence from the consideration of our being continually in the presence of God, and accountable to him for all our thoughts, words, and actions. A conscience well informed, and possessed of sensibility, is the best security for virtue, and the most awful avenger of wicked deeds; an ill-informed conscience is the most powerful instrument of mischief; a squeamish and ticklish conscience generally renders those who are under its influence ridiculous.
2. Conscience cannot be seen as anything other than the overall principle of moral approval or disapproval applied to our own feelings or behavior, operating with greater intensity due to our awareness of our motives and actions, and from the strong interest we have in everything that concerns us. We can't believe that those who tried to base our ideas of right and wrong on a single principle have contributed positively to morals or philosophy. Different aspects of both understanding and will are involved in every moral judgment; and conscience gets its most important and beneficial impact from the fact that we are always in the presence of God and accountable to Him for all our thoughts, words, and actions. A well-informed and sensitive conscience is the best safeguard for virtue and the most serious punisher of wrongful acts; a poorly informed conscience is the most effective tool for causing harm; a overly sensitive and easily disturbed conscience usually makes those influenced by it seem ridiculous.
[Let a consciousness of innocence, and a fearlessness of any accusation, be thy brazen bulwark.]
[Let a sense of innocence, and a confidence against any accusations, be your strong defense.]
3. The rule of conscience is the will of God, so far as it is made known to us, either by the light of nature, or by that of revelation. With respect to the knowledge of this rule, conscience is said to be rightly informed, or mistaken; firm, or wavering, or scrupulous, &c. With respect to the conformity of our actions to this rule when known, conscience is said to be good or evil. In a moral view, it is of the greatest importance that the understanding be well informed, in order to render the judgment or verdict of conscience a safe directory of conduct, and a proper source of satisfaction. Otherwise, the judgment of conscience may be pleaded, and it has actually been pleaded, as an apology for very unwarrantable conduct. Many atrocious acts of persecution have been perpetrated, and afterward justified, under the sanction of an erroneous conscience. It is also of no small importance, that the sensibility of conscience be duly maintained and cherished; for want of which men have often been betrayed into criminal conduct without self-reproach, and have deluded themselves with false notions of their character and state. See Moral Obligation.
3. The rule of conscience is the will of God, as far as it is revealed to us, either through natural understanding or through revelation. When it comes to understanding this rule, conscience can be either well-informed or mistaken; it can be certain, unsure, or overly cautious, etc. Regarding how well our actions align with this rule when we know it, conscience is called good or evil. Morally speaking, it's crucial for our understanding to be well-informed so that the judgment of conscience serves as a reliable guide for our actions and a source of genuine satisfaction. Otherwise, people may use their conscience as an excuse, and this has indeed happened as a justification for highly inappropriate behavior. Many terrible acts of persecution have been committed and later defended under the claim of a misguided conscience. It's also very important to keep the sensitivity of conscience properly nurtured; without this, people can easily get caught up in wrong actions without feeling guilty and can mislead themselves with false ideas about their character and situation. See Ethical Responsibility.
CONSECRATION, a devoting or setting apart any thing to the worship or service of God. The Mosaical law ordained that all the first-born, both of man and beast, should be sanctified or consecrated to God. The whole race of Abraham was in a peculiar manner consecrated to his worship; and the tribe of Levi and family of Aaron were more immediately consecrated to the service of God, Exod. xiii, 2, 12, 15; Num. iii, 12; 1 Peter ii, 9. Beside the consecrations ordained by the sovereign authority of God, there were others which depended on the will of men, and were either to continue for ever or for a time only. David and Solomon devoted the Nethinims to the service of the temple for ever, Ezra viii, 20; ii, 58. Hannah, the mother of Samuel, offered her son to the Lord, to serve all his life-time in the tabernacle, 1 Sam. i, 11; Luke i, 15. The Hebrews sometimes devoted their fields and cattle to the Lord, and the spoils taken in war, Leviticus xxvii, 28, 29; 1 Chron. xviii, 11. The New Testament furnishes us with instances of consecration. Christians in general are consecrated to the Lord, and are a holy race, a chosen people, 1 Peter ii, 9. Ministers of the Gospel are in a peculiar manner set apart for his service; and so are places of worship; the forms of dedication varying according to the views of different bodies of Christians; and by some a series of ceremonies has been introduced, savouring of superstition, or at best of Judaism.
CONSECRATION is the act of dedicating or setting apart anything for the worship or service of God. The Mosaic law required that all firstborns, both human and animal, be sanctified or consecrated to God. The entire lineage of Abraham was uniquely devoted to His worship, and the tribe of Levi and the family of Aaron were specifically set apart for God's service, as noted in Exod. xiii, 2, 12, 15; Num. iii, 12; 1 Peter ii, 9. Besides the consecrations mandated by God's authority, there were other consecrations based on human decisions, which could last forever or only for a specific time. David and Solomon dedicated the Nethinims to serve in the temple permanently, as stated in Ezra viii, 20; ii, 58. Hannah, Samuel's mother, dedicated her son to the Lord, so he could serve in the tabernacle for his entire life, as mentioned in 1 Sam. i, 11; Luke i, 15. The Hebrews would sometimes dedicate their fields, animals, and the spoils of war to the Lord, according to Leviticus xxvii, 28, 29; 1 Chron. xviii, 11. The New Testament also provides examples of consecration. Christians as a whole are dedicated to the Lord and are considered a holy nation, a chosen people, as noted in 1 Peter ii, 9. Ministers of the Gospel are especially set apart for His service, and so are places of worship, with dedication practices differing among various Christian groups; some have adopted a series of ceremonies that lean towards superstition or, at best, resemble Judaism.
CONSUBSTANTIALISTS. This term was applied to the orthodox, or Athanasians, who believed the Son to be of the same substance with the Father; whereas the Arians would only admit the Son to be of like substance with the Father.
CONSUBSTANTIALISTS. This term was used to describe the orthodox, or Athanasians, who believed that the Son is of the same substance as the Father; while the Arians would only accept that the Son is of similar substance to the Father.
CONSUBSTANTIATION, a tenet of the Lutheran church respecting the presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper. Luther denied that the elements were changed after consecration, and therefore taught that the bread and wine indeed remain; but that together with them, there is present the substance of the body of Christ, which is literally received by communicants. As in red-hot iron it may be said two distinct substances, iron and fire, are united, so is the body of Christ joined with the bread. Some of his followers, who acknowledged that similes prove nothing, contented themselves with saying that the body and blood of Christ are really present in the sacrament in an inexplicable manner. See Lord’s Supper.
CONSUBSTANTIATION is a belief in the Lutheran church regarding the presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper. Luther argued that the elements do not change after consecration, meaning the bread and wine stay the same; however, alongside them, the substance of the body of Christ is truly present and is received by communicants. Just as it can be said that red-hot iron combines two distinct substances, iron and fire, the body of Christ is united with the bread. Some of his followers, who recognized that comparisons don’t prove anything, settled for stating that the body and blood of Christ are genuinely present in the sacrament in a way that cannot be fully explained. See Communion.
CONVERSATIONS. These were held by the orientals in the gate of the city. Accordingly, there was an open space near the gate, which was fitted up with seats for the accommodation of the people, Gen. xix, 1; Psalm lxix, 12. Those who were at leisure occupied a position on these seats, and either amused themselves with witnessing those who came in and went out, and with any trifling occurrences that might offer themselves to their notice, or attended to the judicial trials, which were commonly investigated at public places of this kind, namely, the gate of the city, Gen. xix, 1; xxxiv, 20; Psalm xxvi, 4, 5; lxix, 12; 268cxxvii, 5; Ruth iv, 11; Isaiah xiv, 31; or held intercourse by conversation. Promenading, so fashionable and so agreeable in colder latitudes, was wearisome and unpleasant in the warm climates of the east, and this is probably one reason why the inhabitants of those climates preferred holding intercourse with one another, while sitting near the gate of the city, or beneath the shade of the fig tree and the vine, 1 Samuel xxii, 6; Micah iv, 4. The formula of assent in conversation was Σὺ εἶπας, דברתכן, Thou hast said, or Thou hast rightly said. We are informed by the traveller Aryda, that this is the prevailing mode of a person’s expressing his assent or affirmation to this day, in the vicinity of Mount Lebanon, especially where he does not wish to assert any thing in express terms. This explains the answer of the Saviour to the high priest Caiaphas in Matt. xxvi, 64, when he was asked whether he was the Christ, the Son of God, and replied, Σὺ εἶπας, Thou hast said.
CONVERSATIONS. These took place by the city gate. There was an open area near the gate, equipped with seats for people to use, Gen. xix, 1; Psalm lxix, 12. Those who had free time occupied these seats, either entertaining themselves by watching the comings and goings of others or by observing any minor events that caught their attention, or they participated in the legal trials that were often held in public spaces like the city gate, Gen. xix, 1; xxxiv, 20; Psalm xxvi, 4, 5; lxix, 12; 268cxxvii, 5; Ruth iv, 11; Isaiah xiv, 31; or engaged in conversation. Strolling, which is so popular and enjoyable in colder regions, was tiring and uncomfortable in the warmer climates of the East. This is likely why the people in those regions preferred to engage with one another while sitting near the city gate or under the shade of fig trees and vines, 1 Samuel xxii, 6; Micah iv, 4. The phrase used to show agreement in conversation was Σὺ εἶπας, Your Talk, Thou hast said, or Thou hast rightly said. According to the traveler Aryda, this is still the common way to express agreement or affirmation around Mount Lebanon today, especially when one wants to avoid making a direct statement. This sheds light on the response of Jesus to the high priest Caiaphas in Matt. xxvi, 64, when asked if he was the Christ, the Son of God; he replied, Σὺ εἶπας, Thou hast said.
The English word conversation has now a more restricted sense than formerly; and it is to be noted that in several passages of our translation of the Bible it is used to comprehend our whole conduct.
The English word "conversation" now has a more limited meaning than it used to; it’s important to note that in several passages of our translation of the Bible, it is used to refer to our entire behavior.
CONVERSION, a change from one state or character to another. Conversion, considered theologically, consists in a renovation of the heart and life, or a being turned from sin and the power of Satan unto God, Acts xxvi, 18; and is produced by the influence of divine grace upon the soul. This is conversion considered as a state of mind; and is opposed both to a careless and unawakened state, and to that state of conscious guilt and slavish dread, accompanied with struggles after a moral deliverance not yet attained, which precedes our justification and regeneration; both of which are usually understood to be comprised in conversion. But this is not the only Scriptural import of the term; for the first turning of the whole heart to God in penitence and prayer is generally termed conversion. In its stricter sense, as given above, it is, however, now generally used by divines.
CONVERSION is a change from one state or character to another. Theologically, conversion involves a transformation of the heart and life, or turning away from sin and the power of Satan towards God, as mentioned in Acts xxvi, 18; and it happens through the influence of divine grace on the soul. This understanding of conversion refers to a state of mind and contrasts with both a careless and unawakened state, and with a state of conscious guilt and fear, which includes struggles for moral freedom that have not yet been achieved, preceding our justification and regeneration; both of which are typically considered part of conversion. However, this isn't the only biblical meaning of the term; the first act of completely turning one's heart to God in repentance and prayer is also referred to as conversion. In its stricter sense, as described above, it is now generally used by theologians.
CONVICTION, in general, is the assurance of the truth of any proposition. In a religious sense, it is the first degree of repentance, and implies an affecting sense of our guilt before God; and that we deserve and are exposed to his wrath.
CONVICTION, in general, is the certainty of the truth of any statement. In a religious sense, it is the initial step of repentance, and it suggests a deep awareness of our guilt before God; acknowledging that we deserve and are vulnerable to His wrath.
COPPER. נחשת. Anciently, copper was employed for all the purposes for which we now use iron. Arms, and tools for husbandry and the mechanic arts, were all of this metal for many ages. Job speaks of bows of copper, Job xx, 24; and when the Philistines had Samson in their power, they bound him with fetters of copper. Our translators indeed say “brass;” but under that article their mistake is pointed out. In Ezra viii, 27, are mentioned “two vessels of copper, precious as gold.” The Septuagint renders it σκεύη χαλκοῦ ϛίλϐοντος; the Vulgate and Castellio, following the Arabic, “vasa æris fulgentis;” and the Syriac, “vases of Corinthian brass.” It is more probable, however, that this brass was not from Corinth, but a metal from Persia or India, which Aristotle describes in these terms: “It is said that there is in India a brass so shining, so pure, so free from tarnish, that its colour differs nothing from that of gold. It is even said that among the vessels of Darius there were some respecting which the sense of smelling might determine whether they were gold or brass.”brass.” Bochart is of opinion that this is the chasmal of Ezekiel i, 27, the χαλκολίϐανον of Rev. i, 15, and the electrum of the ancients.
COPPER. ניחוש. In ancient times, copper was used for all the purposes for which we now use iron. Weapons, farming tools, and tools for various trades were all made from this metal for many years. Job mentions copper bows in Job xx, 24; and when the Philistines captured Samson, they bound him with copper chains. Our translators do say “brass,” but their error is pointed out in that context. In Ezra viii, 27, "two vessels of copper, precious as gold" are mentioned. The Septuagint translates it as σκεύη χαλκοῦ ϛίλϐοντος; the Vulgate and Castellio, following the Arabic, “vessels of shining copper;” and the Syriac, “vases of Corinthian brass.” However, it’s more likely that this brass didn’t come from Corinth, but was a metal from Persia or India, which Aristotle describes like this: “It is said that in India there is a brass so shiny, so pure, so free from tarnish, that its color is indistinguishable from that of gold. It is even said that among Darius’s vessels, there were some for which the sense of smell could determine whether they were gold or brass.”brass.” Bochart believes this is the chasmal from Ezekiel i, 27, the χαλκολίϐανον from Rev. i, 15, and the electrum of the ancients.
Mr. Harmer quotes from the manuscript notes of Sir John Chardin a reference to a mixed metal in the east, and highly esteemed there; and suggests that this composition might have been as old as the time of Ezra, and be brought from those more remote countries into Persia, where these two basins were given to be conveyed to Jerusalem. Ezekiel, xxvii, 13, speaks of the merchants of Javan, Jubal, and Meshech, as bringing vessels of nehesh (copper) to the markets of Tyre. According to Bochart and Michaëlis, these were people situated toward Mount Caucasus, where copper mines are worked at this day. See Brass.
Mr. Harmer quotes from the manuscript notes of Sir John Chardin a reference to a mixed metal in the East, which is highly valued there. He suggests that this composition might date back to the time of Ezra and could have been brought from those more distant countries into Persia, where these two basins were meant to be transported to Jerusalem. Ezekiel, xxvii, 13, mentions the merchants of Javan, Jubal, and Meshech bringing vessels of nehesh (copper) to the markets of Tyre. According to Bochart and Michaëlis, these were groups located near Mount Caucasus, where copper mines are still in operation today. See Brass.
COPTS, a name given to the Christians of Egypt who do not belong to the Greek church, but are Monophysites, and in most respects Jacobites. Scaliger and Father Simon derive the name from Coptos, once a celebrated town of Egypt, and the metropolis of the Thebaid; but Volney and others are of opinion, that the name Copts is only an abbreviation of the Greek word Aigouptios, “an Egyptian.” The Copts have a patriarch, whose jurisdiction extends over both Egypts, Nubia, and Abyssinia; who resides at Cairo, but who takes his title from Alexandria. He has under him eleven or twelve bishops, beside the abuna, or bishop of the Abyssinians, whom he appoints and consecrates. The rest of the clergy, whether secular or regular, are composed of the orders of St. Anthony, St. Paul, and St. Macarius, who have each their monasteries. Their arch-priests, who are next in degree to bishops, and their deacons, are said to be numerous; and they often confer the order of deacon even on children. Next to the patriarch is the bishop, or titular patriarch, of Jerusalem, who also resides at Cairo, because there are only few Copts at Jerusalem. He is, in reality, little more than bishop of Cairo; except that he goes to Jerusalem every Easter, and visits some other places in Palestine, which own his jurisdiction. To him belongs the government of the Coptic church, during the vacancy of the patriarchal see. The ecclesiastics are said to be, in general, of the lowest ranks of the people; and hence that great degree of ignorance which prevails among them. They have seven sacraments; baptism, the eucharist, confirmation, ordination, faith, fasting, and prayer. They admit only three œcumenical councils; those of Nice, Constantinople, and Ephesus. There are three Coptic liturgies; one attributed to St. Basil, another to St. Gregory, and the third to St. Cyril. At present, however, little 269more than the mere shadow of Christianity can be seen in Egypt; and, in point of numbers, not more than fifty thousand Christians in all can be found in this country. There are not more than three Christian churches at Cairo.
COPTS is the name given to Christians in Egypt who don't belong to the Greek church but are Monophysites and mostly Jacobites. Scaliger and Father Simon say the name comes from Coptos, a once-famous town in Egypt and the capital of Thebaid; however, Volney and others believe the name Copts is just a shortened version of the Greek word Aigouptios, meaning "an Egyptian." The Copts have a patriarch whose authority covers both Egypts, Nubia, and Abyssinia; he lives in Cairo but takes his title from Alexandria. He oversees eleven or twelve bishops, in addition to the abuna, or bishop of the Abyssinians, whom he appoints and consecrates. The rest of the clergy, whether secular or regular, belong to the orders of St. Anthony, St. Paul, and St. Macarius, each with its own monasteries. Their arch-priests, who are next in rank to the bishops, and their deacons are said to be numerous; they often ordain deacons even among children. Next to the patriarch is the bishop, or titular patriarch, of Jerusalem, who also lives in Cairo because there are only a few Copts in Jerusalem. He is essentially just the bishop of Cairo, except that he travels to Jerusalem every Easter and visits other places in Palestine that acknowledge his authority. He oversees the Coptic church when the patriarchal seat is vacant. Generally, the clergy are from the lower ranks of society, which contributes to the significant ignorance among them. They recognize seven sacraments: baptism, the eucharist, confirmation, ordination, faith, fasting, and prayer. They accept only three ecumenical councils: those of Nice, Constantinople, and Ephesus. There are three Coptic liturgies: one attributed to St. Basil, another to St. Gregory, and the third to St. Cyril. However, at present, not much more than a shadow of Christianity is evident in Egypt; there are only about fifty thousand Christians in total in this country. There are no more than three Christian churches in Cairo.
CORAL, ראמות, Job xxviii, 18; Ezek. xxvii, 16; a hard, cretaceous, marine production, resembling in figure the stem of a plant, divided into branches. It is of different colours,--black, white, and red. The latter is the sort emphatically called coral, as being the most valuable, and usually made into ornaments. This, though no gem, is ranked by the author of the book of Job, xxviii, 18, with the onyx and sapphire. Dr. Good observes, “It is by no means certain what the words here rendered ‘corals and pearls,’ and those immediately afterward rendered ‘rubies and topaz,’ really signified. Reiske has given up the inquiry as either hopeless or useless; and Schultens has generally introduced the Hebrew words themselves, and left the reader of the translation to determine as he may. Our common version is, in the main, concurrent with most of the oriental renderings: and I see no reason to deviate from it.”
CORAL, ראמות, Job 28:18; Ezek. 27:16; a tough, chalky, oceanic material that looks like the stem of a plant, split into branches. It comes in various colors—black, white, and red. The red variety is specifically known as coral, being the most valuable and often crafted into jewelry. Although it's not a gemstone, the author of the book of Job (28:18) ranks it alongside onyx and sapphire. Dr. Good points out, “It’s not completely clear what the terms translated as ‘corals and pearls,’ and those that follow as ‘rubies and topaz,’ truly meant. Reiske has abandoned the search as either impossible or pointless; Schultens usually presents the Hebrew words and leaves it to the reader to interpret. Our traditional version aligns closely with most Eastern translations, and I see no reason to stray from it.”
CORBAN, קרבן, Mark vii, 11; from the Hebrew קרב, to offer, to present. It denotes a gift, a present made to God, or to his temple. The Jews sometimes swore by corban, or by gifts offered to God, Matt. xxiii, 18. Theophrastus says that the Tyrians forbad the use of such oaths as were peculiar to foreigners, and particularly of corban, which, Josephus informs us, was used only by the Jews. Jesus Christ reproaches the Jews with cruelty toward their parents, in making a corban of what should have been appropriated to their use. For when a child was asked to relieve the wants of his father or mother, he would often say, “It is a gift,” corban, “by whatsoever thou mightest be profited by me;” that is, I have devoted that to God which you ask of me; and it is no longer mine to give, Mark vii, 11. Thus they violated a precept of the moral law, through a superstitious devotion to Pharisaic observances, and the wretched casuistry by which they were made binding upon the conscience.
CORBAN, sacrifice, Mark 7:11; from the Hebrew Battle, to offer, to present. It refers to a gift, a present given to God or to His temple. The Jews sometimes swore by corban, or by gifts offered to God, Matt. 23:18. Theophrastus mentions that the Tyrians forbade the use of oaths that were particular to foreigners, especially corban, which Josephus tells us was used only by the Jews. Jesus Christ criticizes the Jews for their cruelty toward their parents by making a corban of what should have been used for them. When a child was asked to help his father or mother, he would often say, “It is a gift,” corban, “by whatever I could provide for you;” meaning, I have dedicated that to God which you are asking of me, and it is no longer mine to give, Mark 7:11. In this way, they broke a commandment of the moral law because of a superstitious devotion to Pharisaic traditions and the miserable reasoning that made these traditions binding on their conscience.
CORIANDER, גד, Exod. xvi, 31; Num. xi, 7; a strongly aromatic plant. It bears a small round seed, of a very agreeable smell and taste. The manna might be compared to the coriander seed in respect to its form or shape, as it was to bdellium in its colour. See Manna.
CORIANDER, גד, Exod. xvi, 31; Num. xi, 7; a strongly aromatic plant. It produces small round seeds that have a very pleasant smell and taste. The manna could be likened to coriander seeds in terms of shape, just as it was compared to bdellium in color. See Nourishment.
CORINTH, a celebrated city, the capital of Achaia, situated on the isthmus which separates the Peloponnesus from Attica. This city was one of the best peopled and most wealthy of Greece. Its situation between two seas drew thither the trade of both the east and west. Its riches produced pride, ostentation, effeminacy, and all vices, the consequences of abundance. For its insolence to the Roman legates, it was destroyed by L. Mummius. In the burning of it, so many statues of different metals were melted together, that they produced the famous Corinthian brass. It was afterward restored to its former splendour by Julius Cæsar.
CORINTH, a famous city, the capital of Achaia, located on the isthmus that separates the Peloponnesus from Attica. This city was one of the most populated and wealthiest in Greece. Its location between two seas attracted trade from both the east and west. Its wealth led to pride, showiness, indulgence, and all the vices that come with abundance. Because of its arrogance towards the Roman envoys, it was destroyed by L. Mummius. During its destruction, so many statues made of different metals melted together that they formed the renowned Corinthian brass. It was later restored to its former glory by Julius Caesar.
Christianity was first planted at Corinth by St. Paul, who resided here eighteen months, between the years 51 and 53; during which time he enjoyed the friendship of Aquila and his wife Priscilla, two Jewish Christians, who had been expelled from Italy, with other Jews, by an edict of Claudius. The church consisted both of Jews and of Gentiles; but St. Paul began, as usual, by preaching in the synagogue, until the Jews violently opposed him, and blasphemed the name of Christ; when the Apostle, shaking his garment, and declaring their blood to be upon their own heads, left them, and made use afterward of a house adjoining the synagogue, belonging to a man named Justus. The rage of the Jews, however, did not stop here; but, raising a tumult, they arrested Paul, and hurrying him before the tribunal of the pro-consul Gallio, the brother of the famous Seneca, accused him of persuading men to worship God contrary to the law. But Gallio, who was equally indifferent both to Judaism and Christianity, and finding that Paul had committed no breach of morality, or of the public peace, refused to hear their complaint, and drove them all from the judgment seat. The Jews being thus disappointed in their malicious designs, St. Paul was at liberty to remain some time longer at Corinth; and after his departure, Apollos, a zealous and eloquent Jewish convert of Alexandria, was made a powerful instrument in confirming the church, and in silencing the opposition of the Jews, Acts xviii. How much it stood in need of such support, is evident from the Epistles of St. Paul; who cautions the Corinthians against divisions and party spirit; fornication, incest, partaking of meats offered to idols, thereby giving an occasion of scandal, and encouragement to idolatry; abusing the gifts of the Spirit, litigiousness, &c. The Corinthians, indeed, were in great danger: they lived at ease, free from every kind of persecution, and were exposed to much temptation. The manners of the citizens were particularly corrupt: they were, indeed, infamous to a proverb. In the centre of the city was a celebrated temple of Venus, a part of whose worship consisted in prostitution; for there a thousand priestesses of the goddess ministered to dissoluteness under the patronage of religion: an example which gave the Corinthians very lax ideas on the illicit intercourse of the sexes. Corinth also possessed numerous schools of philosophy and rhetoric; in which, as at Alexandria, the purity of the faith by an easy and natural process, became early corrupted.
Christianity was first established in Corinth by St. Paul, who lived there for eighteen months between 51 and 53 AD. During that time, he formed a close friendship with Aquila and his wife Priscilla, two Jewish Christians who had been expelled from Italy along with other Jews due to an edict from Claudius. The church comprised both Jews and Gentiles; however, St. Paul initially preached in the synagogue until the Jews opposed him violently and spoke disrespectfully of Christ. In response, the Apostle shook out his clothes and declared their blood would be on their own heads, then he left them and used a house next to the synagogue that belonged to a man named Justus. The anger of the Jews didn't end there; they created a disturbance and arrested Paul, rushing him before the pro-consul Gallio, who was the brother of the famous Seneca. They accused him of convincing people to worship God in violation of the law. Gallio, who was indifferent to both Judaism and Christianity, found that Paul hadn’t violated any moral or public laws, so he refused to listen to their complaint and dismissed them from the tribunal. Frustrated in their malicious plans, the Jews failed to stop St. Paul, allowing him to stay in Corinth for a while longer. After his departure, Apollos, a passionate and eloquent Jewish convert from Alexandria, became a strong supporter of the church and silenced the Jewish opposition. The need for such support was clear from St. Paul’s letters, in which he warned the Corinthians against divisions and factions, sexual immorality, eating meat offered to idols (which caused scandal and encouraged idolatry), misusing spiritual gifts, and engaging in lawsuits, among other issues. The Corinthians were indeed in great danger; they lived comfortably, free from persecution, but were exposed to many temptations. The behavior of the citizens was particularly corrupt, and they were notoriously infamous. In the center of the city was a well-known temple dedicated to Venus, where part of the worship involved prostitution, as a thousand priestesses of the goddess engaged in immorality under the guise of religion. This culture led the Corinthians to have very lax views on sexual relationships. Corinth also had many schools of philosophy and rhetoric, which, similar to those in Alexandria, contributed to an early corruption of the faith.
There occurs a chronological difficulty in the visits of St. Paul to Corinth. In 2 Cor. xii, 14, and xiii, 1, 2, the Apostle expresses his design of visiting that city a third time; whereas only one visit before the date of the Second Epistle is noticed in the Acts, xviii, 1, about A. D. 51; and the next time that he visited Greece, Acts xx, 2, about A. D. 57, no mention is made of his going to Corinth. Mr. Horne observes on this subject, “It has been conjectured by Grotius, and Drs. Hammond and Paley, that his First Epistle virtually supplied the place of his 270presence; and that it is so represented by the Apostle in a corresponding passage, 1 Cor. v, 3. Admitting this solution to be probable, it is, however, far-fetched, and is not satisfactory as a matter of fact. Michaëlis has produced another, more simple and natural; namely, that Paul, on his return from Crete, visited Corinth a second time before he went to winter at Nicopolis. This second visit is unnoticed in the Acts, because the voyage itself is unnoticed. The third visit, promised in 2 Cor. xii, 14, and xiii, 1, 2, was actually paid on the Apostle’s second return to Rome, when he took Corinth in his way, 2 Tim. iv, 20. ‘Thus critically,’ says Dr. Hales, ‘does the book of the Acts harmonize, even in its omissions, with the epistles; and these with each other, in the minute incidental circumstances of the third visit.’”
There’s a chronological issue with St. Paul’s visits to Corinth. In 2 Cor. xii, 14, and xiii, 1, 2, the Apostle mentions his intention to visit the city for the third time; however, only one visit before the Second Epistle is recorded in Acts, xviii, 1, around A.D. 51. The next time he visited Greece, as noted in Acts xx, 2, around A.D. 57, there’s no mention of him going to Corinth. Mr. Horne points out that “It has been suggested by Grotius, and Drs. Hammond and Paley, that his First Epistle effectively served as a stand-in for his presence; and that the Apostle refers to this in 1 Cor. v, 3. While this explanation seems plausible, it does feel somewhat forced and isn’t entirely satisfying as a fact. Michaëlis offers another, simpler, and more straightforward explanation: that Paul visited Corinth a second time on his return from Crete before heading to spend the winter in Nicopolis. This second visit isn’t mentioned in Acts because the voyage itself isn’t recorded. The third visit, referred to in 2 Cor. xii, 14, and xiii, 1, 2, actually occurred during the Apostle’s second return to Rome, when he passed through Corinth, as noted in 2 Tim. iv, 20. ‘Thus critically,’ says Dr. Hales, ‘the book of Acts harmonizes, even in its omissions, with the epistles; and these harmonize with each other in the specific incidental details of the third visit.’”
About A. D. 268, the Heruli burned Corinth to ashes. In 525, it was again almost ruined by an earthquake. About 1180, Roger, king of Sicily, took and plundered it. Since 1458, it was till lately under the power of the Turks; and is so decayed, that its inhabitants amount to no more than about fifteen hundred, or two thousand; half Mohammedans, and half Christians. A late French writer, who visited this country, observes, “When the Cæsars rebuilt the walls of Corinth, and the temples of the gods rose from their ruins more magnificent than ever, an obscure architect was rearing in silence an edifice which still remains standing amidst the ruins of Greece. This man, unknown to the great, despised by the multitude, rejected as the offscouring of the world, at first associated himself with only two companions, Crispus and Gaius, and with the family of Stephanas. These were the humble architects of an indestructible temple, and the first believers at Corinth. The traveller surveys the site of this celebrated city; he discovers not a vestige of the altars of Paganism, but perceives some Christian chapels rising from among the cottages of the Greeks. The Apostle might still, from his celestial abode, give the salutation of peace to his children, and address them in the words, ‘Paul to the church of God, which is at Corinth.’”
About A.D. 268, the Heruli completely destroyed Corinth. In 525, it was nearly ruined again by an earthquake. Around 1180, Roger, the king of Sicily, captured and looted it. Since 1458, it remained under Turkish control until recently, and it has declined so much that its population is only about fifteen hundred to two thousand, with half being Muslims and half Christians. A recent French writer who visited this area noted, “When the Caesars rebuilt the walls of Corinth, and the temples of the gods rose from their ruins more magnificent than ever, an unknown architect was quietly constructing a structure that still stands amidst the ruins of Greece. This man, overlooked by the powerful and ignored by the masses, initially teamed up with only two companions, Crispus and Gaius, and with Stephanas's family. These were the humble builders of an everlasting temple and the first believers in Corinth. The traveler explores the site of this famous city; he finds no trace of the altars of Paganism but sees some Christian chapels emerging from among the Greek cottages. The Apostle could still, from his heavenly home, send greetings of peace to his followers, addressing them with the words, ‘Paul to the church of God, which is at Corinth.’”
CORINTHIANS, Epistles to. St. Paul left Corinth A. D. 53 or 54, and went to Jerusalem. From Ephesus he wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians, in the beginning of A. D. 56. In this epistle he reproves some who disturbed the peace of the church, complains of some disorders in their assemblies, of law suits among them, and of a Christian who had committed incest with his mother-in-law, the wife of his father, and had not been separated from the church. This letter produced in the Corinthians great grief, vigilance against the vices reproved, and a very beneficial dread of God’s anger. They repaired the scandal, and expressed abundant zeal against the crime committed, 2 Cor. vii, 9–11.
CORINTHIANS, Epistles to. St. Paul left Corinth around A.D. 53 or 54 and went to Jerusalem. From Ephesus, he wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians at the beginning of A.D. 56. In this letter, he addresses some members who were disrupting the peace of the church, points out issues during their gatherings, mentions lawsuits among them, and discusses a Christian who had an inappropriate relationship with his mother-in-law, who was his father’s wife, and had not been excluded from the church. This letter caused the Corinthians significant sorrow, prompted them to be vigilant against the criticized vices, and instilled a beneficial fear of God’s anger. They addressed the scandal and showed great enthusiasm against the wrongdoing, 2 Cor. vii, 9–11.
To form an idea of the condition of the Corinthian church, we must examine the epistles of the Apostle. The different factions into which they were divided, exalted above all others the chiefs, τοὺς ὑπὲρ λίαν ἀποϛόλους, [the very chiefest Apostles,] 2 Cor. xi, 5; xii, 11, whose notions they adopted, and whose doctrines they professed to follow, and attempted to depreciate those of the opposite party. While, then, some called themselves disciples of Paul, Cephas, or Apollos, others assumed the splendid appellation of Christ’s party. Probably they affected to be the followers of James, the brother of our Lord, and thought thus to enter into a nearer discipleship with Jesus than the other parties. The controversy, as we shall see from the whole, related to the obligation of Judaism. The advocates of it had appealed, even in Galatia, to Cephas and James, for the sake of opposing to Paul, who had banished Jewish ceremonies from Christianity, authorities which were not less admitted than his own. The question itself divided all these various parties into two principal factions: the partisans of Cephas and James were for the law; the friends of Paul adopted his opinion, as well as Apollos, who, with his adherents, was always in heart in favour of Paul, and never wished to take a part in a separation from him, 1 Cor. xvi, 12. The leaders of the party against Paul, these ψευδαπόϛολοι, [false apostles,] as Paul calls them, and μετασχηματιζόμενοι εἰς ἀποϛὸλους Χριϛοῦ, [transformers of themselves into the apostles of Christ,] who declared themselves the promulgators and defenders of the doctrines of Cephas, and James, were, as may be easily conceived, converted Jews, 2 Cor. xi, 22, who had come from different places,--to all appearance from Palestine, ἐρχομένοι, [the comers,] 2 Cor. xi, 4,--and could therefore boast of having had intercourse with the Apostles at Jerusalem, and of an acquaintance with their principles. They were not even of the orthodox Jews, but those who adhered to the doctrines of the Sadducees; and though they were even now converted to Christianity, while they spoke zealously in favour of the law, they were undermining the hopes of the pious, and exciting doubts against the resurrection, 1 Cor. xv, 35; so that Paul, from regard to the teachers, whose disciples they professed to be, was obliged to refute them from the testimony of James and Cephas, 1 Cor. xv, 5, 7. These, proud of their own opinions, 1 Cor. i, 17, not without private views, depreciated Paul’s authority, and extolled their own knowledge, 1 Cor. ii, 12; 2 Cor. xi, 16, 17. Violently as the contest was carried on, they still did not withdraw from the same place of assembly for instruction and mutual edification; this, however, was even the cause of too many scandalous scenes and disorders. At the ἀγάπαι, love feasts, love and benevolence were no where to be seen. Instead of eating together, and refreshing their poor brethren out of that which they had brought with them, each one, as he came, ate his own, without waiting for any one else, and feasted often to excess, while the needy was fasting, 1 Cor. xi, 17. When also some were preparing for prayers or singing, others raised their voices to instruct, and commenced exercises in spiritual gifts, tongues, prophesyings, and interpretations, 1 Cor. xii, xiii, xiv; moreover, the women, to bring confusion to its highest pitch, took their 271part in interlocutions and proposals of questions, 1 Cor. xiv, 34.
To understand the state of the Corinthian church, we need to look at the Apostle’s letters. They were divided into different factions that primarily elevated their leaders, the very chiefest Apostles, 2 Cor. xi, 5; xii, 11, adopting their ideas and claiming to follow their teachings while trying to undermine the opposing side. Some identified themselves as followers of Paul, Cephas, or Apollos, while others took on the grand title of Christ’s group. They likely pretended to follow James, the Lord’s brother, thinking it would bring them closer to Jesus than the other groups. The debate, as we’ll see, centered on the requirement of Judaism. Supporters of this notion had even appealed in Galatia to Cephas and James to oppose Paul, who had discarded Jewish customs from Christianity, citing authorities as valid as his own. This issue split the different groups into two main factions: Cephas and James's supporters favored the law, while Paul’s friends backed his view, along with Apollos, who always aligned himself with Paul and never wanted to separate from him, 1 Cor. xvi, 12. The leaders of the faction against Paul, known as false apostles, as Paul referred to them, and transformers of themselves into the apostles of Christ, claimed to promote and protect the teachings of Cephas and James. They were likely converted Jews, 2 Cor. xi, 22, who came from various places—evidently from Palestine, the comers, 2 Cor. xi, 4—and could therefore claim to have interacted with the Apostles in Jerusalem and to know their principles. They were not even part of the orthodox Jews but followed the Sadducees' doctrines; even now, as they embraced Christianity, they zealously promoted the law while undermining the hopes of the faithful and raising doubts about the resurrection, 1 Cor. xv, 35. Thus, Paul, out of respect for the teachers they claimed to follow, felt compelled to refute them using the testimonies of James and Cephas, 1 Cor. xv, 5, 7. Proud of their own beliefs, 1 Cor. i, 17, and with personal agendas, they belittled Paul’s authority and praised their own understanding, 1 Cor. ii, 12; 2 Cor. xi, 16, 17. Despite the fierce debate, they didn’t leave the same place for teaching and mutual growth; instead, this led to numerous scandalous incidents and disruptions. At the love feasts, love and kindness were completely absent. Instead of sharing and supporting their less fortunate brothers, everyone ate their own food without waiting for others, often indulging excessively while the needy went hungry, 1 Cor. xi, 17. As some prepared for prayers or songs, others spoke over them to teach and started engaging in spiritual gifts, including speaking in tongues, prophecy, and interpretations, 1 Cor. xii, xiii, xiv. Additionally, women added to the chaos by participating in discussions and asking questions, 1 Cor. xiv, 34.
Such was the state of things as to the interior discipline of the assemblies and edification; but the exterior deportment, which the members of this society had maintained in civil life, soon disappeared also. Formerly, when differences arose among the believers, they were adjusted by the intervention of arbitrators from their own communion, and terminated quietly. Now, as their mutual confidence in each other more and more decreased, they brought, to the disgrace of Christianity, their complaints before the Pagan tribunals, 1 Cor. vi, 1. But as to what concerned the main object, namely, the obligation of Judaism, it was so little confined simply to words and reasons, that each party rather strove to display its opposite principles in its conduct. One party gave to the other, as much as possible, motives for ill will and reproach. The Jews required circumcision as an indispensable act of religion; while Paul’s disciples attempted to lay the foundation of a new doctrine respecting it, and to extinguish all traces of circumcision, 1 Cor. vii, 18. As the Jewish party observed and maintained a distinction of meats, that of Paul ate without distinction any thing sold in the markets, and even meats from the Heathen sacrifices, 1 Cor. x, 25, 28; viii, 1. Nor was this enough; they often made no scruple to be present at the sacrificial feasts. Among other things, they also took part in many scandalous practices which were common there, and fell, by means of their imprudence, into still greater crimes, 1 Cor. x, 20, 21; viii, 10. According to the Jewish custom, the women were obliged to appear veiled in the synagogues and public assemblies. The anti-judaists abolished this custom of the synagogue, 1 Cor. xi, 5, 6, 10; and herein imitated the Heathen practices. From despite to Judaism, which considered matrimonial offspring as a particular blessing of God, some embraced celibacy, which they justified by St. Paul’s example, 1 Cor. vii, 7, 8; and this they also recommended to others, 1 Cor. vii, 1–25. Some went even so far, that, although married, they resolved to practise a continual continency, 1 Corinthians, vii, 3–5. These were the evils, both in his own party and in that of his opponents, which St. Paul had to remedy.
Such was the situation regarding the internal discipline of the assemblies and their growth; however, the way members of this society behaved in public soon changed as well. In the past, when disagreements arose among the believers, they were resolved through the help of arbitrators from their own community, and things ended peacefully. Now, as their trust in each other has diminished more and more, they embarrassingly took their issues to the secular courts, 1 Cor. vi, 1. But regarding the main issue—the obligation of Judaism—it wasn't just a matter of words and arguments; each side made a point of demonstrating their opposing views through their actions. One group did everything they could to give the other reasons for resentment and criticism. The Jews insisted that circumcision was a necessary part of their faith, while Paul’s followers tried to establish a new doctrine about it and erase all signs of circumcision, 1 Cor. vii, 18. The Jewish side maintained dietary restrictions, while Paul’s group ate whatever was sold in the markets, even food from pagan sacrifices, 1 Cor. x, 25, 28; viii, 1. That wasn’t enough; they often had no qualms about participating in sacrificial feasts. They also engaged in many scandalous activities that were common there, and through their carelessness, they fell into even greater misdeeds, 1 Cor. x, 20, 21; viii, 10. According to Jewish customs, women were required to wear veils in synagogues and public gatherings. The anti-Jewish groups discarded this synagogue custom, 1 Cor. xi, 5, 6, 10, and copied pagan practices. Out of rejection of Judaism, which viewed having children as a special blessing from God, some chose to remain celibate, justifying it by St. Paul’s example, 1 Cor. vii, 7, 8; and they also encouraged others to do the same, 1 Cor. vii, 1–25. Some went so far as to decide to practice continuous abstinence even while being married, 1 Corinthians, vii, 3–5. These were the issues, both within his own faction and that of his opponents, that St. Paul had to address.
Paul, having understood the good effects of his first letter among the Corinthians, wrote a second to them, A. D. 57, from Macedonia, and probably from Philippi. He expresses his satisfaction at their conduct, justifies himself, and comforts them. He glories in his suffering, and exhorts them to liberality. Near the end of the year 57, he came again to Corinth, where he staid about three months, and whence he went to Jerusalem. Just before his second departure from Corinth, he wrote his Epistle to the Romans, probably in the beginning of A. D. 58.
Paul, realizing the positive impact of his first letter to the Corinthians, wrote a second one in A.D. 57 from Macedonia, likely from Philippi. He shares his happiness about their behavior, defends himself, and offers them encouragement. He takes pride in his hardships and urges them to be generous. Toward the end of 57, he returned to Corinth, where he stayed for about three months before heading to Jerusalem. Just before leaving Corinth for the second time, he wrote his letter to the Romans, probably in early A.D. 58.
CORMORANT, שלך, Levit. xi, 17; Deut. xiv, 17; a large sea bird. It is about three feet four inches in length, and four feet two inches in breadth from the tips of the extended wings. The bill is about five inches long, and of a dusky colour; the base of the lower mandible is covered with a naked yellowish skin, which extends under the throat and forms a kind of pouch. It has a most voracious appetite, and lives chiefly upon fish, which it devours with unceasing gluttony. It darts down very rapidly upon its prey; and the Hebrew, and the Greek name, καταράκτης, [a cataract,] are expressive of its impetuosity. The word קאת, which in our version of Isaiah xxxiv, 11, is rendered cormorant, is the pelican.
CORMORANT, שלך, Lev. 11:17; Deut. 14:17; a large sea bird. It measures about three feet four inches in length and has a wingspan of four feet two inches. Its bill is approximately five inches long and is a dark color; the base of the lower jaw has a bare yellowish skin that extends under the throat, forming a sort of pouch. This bird has an extremely ravenous appetite and primarily feeds on fish, which it eats with unrelenting greed. It dives rapidly to catch its prey, and the Hebrew and Greek names, καταράκτης, (meaning “cataract”), reflect its impetuous nature. The term קאת, which in our translation of Isaiah 34:11 is translated as cormorant, actually refers to the pelican.
CORNER. Amos iii, 12. Sitting in the corner is a stately attitude. The place of honour is the corner of the room, and there the master of the house sits and receives his visitants.
CORNER. Amos iii, 12. Sitting in the corner is a dignified position. The most respected spot in the room is the corner, where the head of the household sits and welcomes guests.
COUNCIL sometimes denotes any kind of assembly; sometimes that of the sanhedrim; and, at other times, a convention of pastors met to regulate ecclesiastical affairs. It may be reasonably supposed that as Christianity spreads, circumstances would arise which would make consultation necessary among those who had embraced the Gospel, or at least among those who were employed in its propagation. A memorable instance of this kind occurred not long after the ascension of our Saviour. In consequence of a dispute which had arisen at Antioch concerning the necessity of circumcising Gentile converts, it was determined that “Paul and Barnabas, and certain others of them, should go up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and elders about this question.”--“And the Apostles and elders came together for to consider of this matter,” Acts xv, 6. After a consultation, they decided the point in question; and they sent their decree, which they declared to be made under the direction of the Holy Ghost, to all the churches, and commanded that it should be the rule of their conduct. This is generally considered as the first council; but it differed from all others in this circumstance, that its members were under the especial guidance of the Spirit of God. The Gospel was soon after conveyed into many parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa; but it does not appear that there was any public meeting of Christians for the purpose of discussing any contested point, till the middle of the second century. From that time councils became frequent; but as they consisted only of those who belonged to particular districts or countries, they were called provincial or national councils. The first general council was that of Nice, convened by the emperor Constantine, A. D. 325; the second general council was held at Constantinople, in the year 381, by order of Theodosius the Great; the third, at Ephesus, by order of Theodosius, Junior, A. D. 431; and the fourth at Chalcedon, by order of the emperor Marcian, A. D. 451. These, as they were the first four general councils, so they were by far the most eminent. They were caused respectively by the Arian, Apollinarian, Nestorian, and Eutychian controversies, and their decrees are in high esteem both among Papists and orthodox Protestants; but the deliberations of most councils were 272disgraced by violence, disorder, and intrigue, and their decisions were usually made under the influence of some ruling party. Authors are not agreed about the number of general councils; Papists usually reckon eighteen, but Protestant writers will not allow that nearly so many had a right to that name. The last general council was that held at Trent, for the purpose of checking the progress of the reformation. It first met by the command of Pope Paul III, A. D. 1545; it was suspended during the latter part of the pontificate of his successor, Julius III, and the whole of the pontificates of Marcellus II, and Paul IV, that is, from 1552 to 1562, in which year it met again by the authority of Pope Pius IV, and it ended, while he was pope, in the year 1563. Provincial councils were very numerous: Baxter enumerates four hundred and eighty-one, and Dufresnoy many more.
COUNCIL can refer to any kind of gathering; sometimes it means the sanhedrim; and at other times, it describes a meeting of pastors coming together to manage church matters. It's reasonable to think that as Christianity spread, situations arose that required discussions among those who accepted the Gospel, or at least among those working to spread it. A notable example of this happened shortly after the ascension of our Savior. Due to a disagreement in Antioch about whether Gentile converts needed to be circumcised, it was decided that “Paul and Barnabas, along with some others, should go to Jerusalem to see the Apostles and elders about this issue.”--“And the Apostles and elders came together to discuss this matter,” Acts xv, 6. After talking it over, they resolved the issue and sent out their decree, declared to be made under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, to all the churches, instructing that it should be the standard for their behavior. This is typically seen as the first council; however, it was different from others in that its members were under the specific guidance of the Spirit of God. The Gospel was soon spread to many parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa; however, there doesn’t seem to be any organized meeting of Christians to debate any controversial issue until the middle of the second century. From then on, councils became more common, but since they were made up of people from specific areas or nations, they were called provincial or national councils. The first general council was the Council of Nicaea, called by Emperor Constantine in A.D. 325; the second general council took place in Constantinople in 381, ordered by Theodosius the Great; the third was at Ephesus, called by Theodosius II in A.D. 431; and the fourth was at Chalcedon, ordered by Emperor Marcian in A.D. 451. These, being the first four general councils, were also the most significant. They were initiated by the Arian, Apollinarian, Nestorian, and Eutychian controversies, and their decisions are highly regarded by both Catholics and orthodox Protestants; however, the proceedings of most councils were often marked by violence, disorder, and intrigue, with decisions typically influenced by a dominant faction. Authors disagree on how many general councils there have been; Catholics usually count eighteen, while Protestant writers contend that far fewer deserved that title. The last general council was held at Trent to curb the progress of the Reformation. It first convened under Pope Paul III in A.D. 1545; it was suspended during the latter part of his successor Julius III's reign and throughout the papacies of Marcellus II and Paul IV, from 1552 to 1562, when it resumed under Pope Pius IV and concluded in 1563 during his papacy. Provincial councils were very numerous: Baxter lists four hundred and eighty-one, and Dufresnoy accounts for many more.
2. Of the eighteen councils denominated “general” by the Papists, four have already been enumerated; and they with the next four constitute the eight eastern councils, which alone, according to the “Body of Civil Law,” each of the popes of Rome, on his elevation to the pontificate, solemnly professes to maintain. The fifth was convened at Constantinople, A. D. 556, by the emperor Justinian; the sixth, also at Constantinople, in 681, in which the emperor Constantine IV, himself presided; the seventh at Nice, in 787, by the empress Irene; and the eighth, at Constantinople, in 870, by the emperor Basilius. It is matter of historical record, and therefore cannot be denied, that the convening of all these councils appertained solely to the respective emperors; that they alone exercised authority on such occasions; that the bishop of Rome was never thought to possess any, although his power may be said to have been set up between the fifth and sixth general councils; nor did the bishop himself, pro tempore, think himself entitled to an authority of the kind. The other councils which the Romish church dignifies with the title of “general,” are the ten western ones, which are here subjoined:--(9.) The first council of Lateran, held under Pope Calixtus, A. D. 1123; (10.) the second of Lateran, under Innocent II, in 1139; (11.) the third of Lateran, under Alexander III, in 1179, the decrees of which were intended to extirpate the Albigenses, as well as the Waldenses, who were variously called Leonists, or poor men of Lyons; (12.) the fourth of Lateran, under Innocent III, in 1215, which incited Christian Europe to engage in a crusade for the recovery of the Holy Land, and whose canons obtruded on the church the monstrous doctrines of transubstantiation and auricular confession, the latter being ranked among the duties prescribed by the law of Christ; (13.) the first of Lyons, under Innocent IV, in 1245; (14.) the second of Lyons, under Gregory X, in 1274; (15.) that of Vienne, under Clement V, in 1311; (16.) that of Florence, under Eugenius IV, in 1439; (17.) the fifth of Lateran, under the infamous Julius II; and (18.) the council of Trent, of which an account is given in the preceding paragraph, and which grounds its fame on its opposition to the progress of the reformation under Luther. Though, according to Bellarmine, these eighteen alone are recognised by the Romish church œcumenical or universal councils, yet some of them did not deserve even the more restricted appellation of “general.” For the council of Trent itself, in some of its sessions, could scarcely number more than forty or fifty ecclesiastics, and, of those, not one eminent for profound theological or classical knowledge. The lawyers who attended, says Father Paul, “knew little of religion, while the few divines were of less than ordinary sufficiency.” Some of the other councils which are not acknowledged by the Papists to be “general” with respect to all their sessions, (as those of Basle and Constance,) are in part received by them, and in part rejected. Bellarmine and other celebrated writers of his church, are dubious about determining whether or not “the fifth of Lateran” was really a general council, and leave it as a thing discretionary with the faithful either to retain or reject it; if it be rejected, the only refuge which they have, is to receive in its place the council of Constance, held under John XXIII, in 1414, which is disclaimed by the Italian clergy but admitted by those of France, and which is rendered infamous in the annals of religion and humanity by its cruel and treacherous conduct toward those two early Protestant martyrs, John Huss and Jerome of Prague; “who went to the stake,” says, Æneas Sylvius, “as if it had been to a banquet, without uttering a complaint that could betray the least weakness of mind. When they began to burn, they sung a hymn, which even the crackling of the flames could not interrupt. Never did any philosopher suffer death with so much courage, as they endured the fire.” But this acknowledgment of Constance as one of the eighteen is resisted vi et armis, by the crafty Cisalpine ecclesiastics, because one of the earliest acts of that council declared the representatives of the church in general council assembled to be superior to the sovereign pontiff, not only when schism prevailed, but at all other times whatsoever.
2. Out of the eighteen councils called "general" by the Catholics, four have already been mentioned; these and the next four make up the eight eastern councils, which, according to the "Body of Civil Law," each pope of Rome, upon his ascension to the papacy, officially states he will uphold. The fifth was held in Constantinople in A.D. 556 by Emperor Justinian; the sixth, also in Constantinople, in 681, which Emperor Constantine IV presided over; the seventh in Nicaea in 787 by Empress Irene; and the eighth in Constantinople in 870 by Emperor Basilius. It's a matter of historical record and cannot be disputed that convening all these councils was solely under the authority of the respective emperors; they alone had the power in these matters; the bishop of Rome was never considered to have any authority, although his influence may have been established between the fifth and sixth general councils; nor did the bishop himself, for now, believe he had such authority. The other councils that the Roman Catholic Church labels as "general" are the ten western ones listed here: (9.) The first Lateran council, held under Pope Calixtus in A.D. 1123; (10.) the second Lateran, under Innocent II in 1139; (11.) the third Lateran, under Alexander III in 1179, whose decrees aimed to eliminate the Albigenses and the Waldenses, also known as Leonists or poor men of Lyons; (12.) the fourth Lateran under Innocent III in 1215, which urged Christian Europe to launch a crusade to reclaim the Holy Land and imposed the extreme doctrines of transubstantiation and auricular confession on the church, the latter being listed among the duties mandated by Christ's law; (13.) the first Lyon council under Innocent IV in 1245; (14.) the second Lyon under Gregory X in 1274; (15.) the Vienne council under Clement V in 1311; (16.) the Florence council under Eugenius IV in 1439; (17.) the fifth Lateran under the notorious Julius II; and (18.) the council of Trent, which is discussed in the previous paragraph and is known for opposing the Reformation movement led by Luther. Although Bellarmine claims that only these eighteen are recognized as ecumenical or universal councils by the Roman Catholic Church, some of them did not even deserve the more limited title of "general." For instance, the Trent council itself, during some of its sessions, could barely count forty or fifty clerics, none of whom were notably distinguished in profound theological or classical knowledge. The lawyers who attended, as Father Paul noted, "knew little about religion, while the few theologians present were far from sufficient." Some other councils not recognized by Catholics as "general" regarding all their sessions (such as those of Basel and Constance) are partially accepted and partially rejected by them. Bellarmine and other notable writers of his church are uncertain about whether "the fifth Lateran" was genuinely a general council, leaving it up to the faithful to either accept or reject it; if rejected, the only alternative for them is to accept the council of Constance, held under John XXIII in 1414, which is disavowed by the Italian clergy but accepted by the French, and which is infamous in religious and humanitarian history for its cruel and treacherous actions against early Protestant martyrs John Huss and Jerome of Prague, "who went to the stake," as Æneas Sylvius described, "as if it were to a banquet, without expressing any complaint that could show even the slightest weakness of spirit. When they began to burn, they sang a hymn that even the crackling flames could not drown out. Never did any philosopher face death with such courage as they endured the fire." However, this acknowledgment of Constance as one of the eighteen is firmly opposed by force and arms by the cunning ecclesiastics of Cisalpine, because one of the first decisions of that council declared that the representatives of the church in a general council held authority over the sovereign pontiff, not just during times of schism but at all times.
3. A general council being composed of men every one of whom is fallible, they must also be liable to error when collected together; and that they actually have erred is sufficiently evident from this fact, that different general councils have made decrees directly opposite to each other, particularly in the Arian and Eutychian controversies, which were upon subjects immediately “pertaining unto God.” Indeed, neither the first general councils themselves, nor those who defended their decisions, ever pretended to infallibility; this was a claim of a much more recent date, suited to the dark ages in which it was asserted and maintained, but now considered equally groundless and absurd in the case of general councils as in that of popes. If God had been pleased to exempt them from a possibility of error, he would have announced that important privilege in his written word; but no such promise or assurance is mentioned in the New Testament 273If infallibility belonged to the whole church collectively, or to any individual part of it, it must be so prominent and conspicuous that no mistake or doubt could exist upon the subject; and above all, it must have prevented those dissensions, contests, heresies, and schisms, which have abounded among Christians from the days of the Apostles to the present time; and of which that very church, which is the asserter and patron of this doctrine, has had its full share.
3. A general council is made up of people who are all fallible, so they are also prone to make mistakes when gathered together; and that they have indeed made errors is clearly shown by the fact that different general councils have made decisions that contradict each other, especially in the Arian and Eutychian disputes, which dealt with matters directly “related to God.” In fact, neither the first general councils nor those who defended their rulings ever claimed infallibility; this was a claim that emerged much later, fitting for the dark ages in which it was made and upheld, but is now regarded as equally baseless and ridiculous concerning general councils as it is with popes. If God had intended to free them from the possibility of error, he would have made that clear in his written word; but there is no such promise or assurance in the New Testament. If infallibility belonged to the entire church collectively or to any part of it, it should be so clear and obvious that no mistake or doubt could arise about it. Moreover, it must have prevented the disagreements, disputes, heresies, and schisms that have been prevalent among Christians from the time of the Apostles to today; and that very church, which claims and supports this doctrine, has certainly experienced its fair share of those. 273
The Scriptures being the only source from which we can learn the terms of salvation, it follows that things ordained by general councils as necessary to salvation, have neither strength nor authority, as the church of England has well said, unless it may be declared that they he taken out of Holy Scripture. It is upon this ground we receive the decisions of the first four general councils, in which we find the truths revealed in the Scriptures, and therefore we believe them. We reverence the councils for the sake of the doctrines which they declared and maintained, but we do not believe the doctrines upon the authority of the councils.
The Scriptures are the only source we can rely on to understand the terms of salvation. Therefore, the things established by general councils as necessary for salvation have no power or authority, as the Church of England has rightly stated, unless it can be shown that they come from Holy Scripture. Based on this principle, we accept the decisions of the first four general councils, where we find the truths revealed in the Scriptures, and that is why we believe them. We respect the councils because of the doctrines they declared and upheld, but we do not accept those doctrines solely based on the councils' authority.
COVENANT. The Greek word διαθήκη occurs often in the Septuagint, as the translation of a Hebrew word, which signifies covenant: it occurs also in the Gospels and the Epistles; and it is rendered in our English Bibles sometimes covenant, sometimes testament. The Greek word, according to its etymology, and according to classical use, may denote a testament, a disposition, as well as a covenant; and the Gospel may be called a testament, because it is a signification of the will of our Saviour ratified by his death, and because it conveys blessings to be enjoyed after his death. These reasons for giving the dispensation of the Gospel the name of a testament appeared to our translators so striking, that they have rendered διαθήκη more frequently by the word testament, than by the word covenant. Yet the train of argument, where διαθήκη occurs, generally appears to proceed upon its meaning a covenant; and therefore, although, when we delineate the nature of the Gospel, the beautiful idea of its being a testament, is not to be lost sight of, yet we are to remember that the word testament, which we read in the Gospels and Epistles, is the translation of a word which the sense requires to be rendered covenant. A covenant implies two parties, and mutual stipulations. The new covenant must derive its name from something in the nature of the stipulations between the parties different from that which existed before; so that we cannot understand the propriety of the name, new, without looking back to what is called the old, or first. On examining the passages in Gal. iii, in 2 Cor. iii, and in Heb. viii-x, where the old and the new covenant are contrasted, it will be found that the old covenant means the dispensation given by Moses to the children of Israel; and the new covenant the dispensation of the Gospel published by Jesus Christ; and that the object of the Apostle is to illustrate the superior excellence of the latter dispensation. But, in order to preserve the consistency of the Apostle’s writings, it is necessary to remember that there are two different lights in which the former dispensation may be viewed. Christians appear to draw the line between the old and the new covenant, according to the light in which they view that dispensation. It may be considered merely as a method of publishing the moral law to a particular nation; and then with whatever solemnity it was delivered, and with whatever cordiality it was accepted, it is not a covenant that could give life. For, being nothing more than what divines call a covenant of works, a directory of conduct requiring by its nature entire personal obedience, promising life to those who yielded that obedience, but making no provision for transgressors, it left under a curse “every one that continued not in all things that were written in the book of the law to do them.” This is the essential imperfection of what is called the covenant of works, the name given in theology to that transaction, in which it is conceived that the supreme Lord of the universe promised to his creature, man, that he would reward that obedience to his law, which, without any such promise, was due to him as the Creator.
COVENANT. The Greek word διαθήκη appears frequently in the Septuagint as a translation of a Hebrew word that means covenant. It’s also found in the Gospels and the Epistles, where it is translated in our English Bibles as either covenant or testament. Depending on its roots and classical usage, the Greek word can signify a testament or a disposition, as well as a covenant. The Gospel can be referred to as a testament because it represents the will of our Savior, confirmed by his death, and because it conveys blessings that are to be enjoyed after his death. This reasoning was compelling enough for our translators that they often rendered διαθήκη as testament more than covenant. However, the context in which διαθήκη appears usually supports its meaning as a covenant. Therefore, while we should appreciate the beautiful concept of the Gospel being a testament, we must remember that the term testament, as it appears in the Gospels and Epistles, translates a word that requires the sense of being rendered as covenant. A covenant requires two parties and mutual agreements. The new covenant must take its name from stipulations between the parties that differ from those that existed before. We cannot fully grasp the significance of the term new without referring back to what is known as the old or first. When we examine the texts in Gal. iii, 2 Cor. iii, and Heb. viii-x, where the old and new covenants are contrasted, we see that the old covenant refers to the teachings given by Moses to the children of Israel, while the new covenant pertains to the Gospel delivered by Jesus Christ. The Apostle’s goal is to highlight the superior quality of the latter. However, to maintain the consistency of the Apostle’s writings, we need to recognize that the first covenant can be viewed in two different ways. Christians tend to differentiate the old and new covenants based on their perspective of that earlier covenant. It can be seen simply as a means of presenting the moral law to a specific nation; in that case, despite its solemn delivery and earnest acceptance, it is not a covenant that offers life. Being merely what theologians term a covenant of works—a guideline for conduct that demands complete personal obedience and promises life to those who comply, but fails to provide for transgressors—it leaves “everyone that continues not in all things that are written in the book of the law to do them” under a curse. This represents the fundamental flaw of what is labeled the covenant of works, which describes the agreement where the supreme Lord of the universe promised his creation, humanity, that he would reward obedience to his law—obedience that was inherently owed to him as the Creator without any such promise.
No sooner had Adam broken the covenant of works, than a promise of a final deliverance from the evils incurred by the breach of it was given. This promise was the foundation of that transaction which Almighty God, in treating with Abraham, condescends to call “my covenant with thee,” and which, upon this authority, has received in theology the name of the Abrahamic covenant. Upon the one part, Abraham, whose faith was counted to him for righteousness, received this charge from God, “Walk before me and be thou perfect;” upon the other part, the God whom he believed, and whose voice he obeyed, beside promising other blessings to him and his seed, uttered these significant words, “In thy seed shall all the families of the earth be blessed.” In this transaction, then, there was the essence of a covenant; for there were mutual stipulations between two parties; and there was superadded, as a seal of the covenant, the rite of circumcision, which, being prescribed by God, was a confirmation of his promise to all who complied with it, and being submitted to by Abraham, was, on his part, an acceptance of the covenant.
No sooner had Adam broken the covenant of works than a promise of ultimate salvation from the consequences of that breach was made. This promise laid the groundwork for what Almighty God referred to in His dealings with Abraham as “my covenant with you,” which in theological terms is known as the Abrahamic covenant. On one side, Abraham, whose faith was credited as righteousness, received this command from God: “Walk before me and be perfect.” On the other side, the God he believed in and followed, besides promising various blessings to him and his descendants, declared these important words: “Through your offspring, all nations on earth will be blessed.” In this agreement, there was the essence of a covenant; for there were mutual commitments between two parties. Additionally, to seal the covenant, God instituted the rite of circumcision, which was a confirmation of His promise to all who accepted it, and by undergoing this rite, Abraham accepted the covenant.
The Abrahamic covenant appears, from the nature of the stipulations, to be more than a covenant of works; and, as it was not confined to Abraham, but extended to his seed, it could not be disannulled by any subsequent transactions, which fell short of a fulfilment of the blessing promised. The law of Moses, which was given to the seed of Abraham four hundred and thirty years after, did not come up to the terms of that covenant even with regard to them, for, in its form it was a covenant of works, and to other nations it did not directly convey any blessing. But although the Mosaic dispensation did not fulfil the Abrahamic covenant, it was so far from setting that covenant aside, that it cherished the expectation of its 274being fulfilled: for it continued the rite of circumcision, which was the seal of the covenant; and in those ceremonies which it enjoined, there was a shadow, a type, an obscure representation, of the promised blessing, Luke i, 72, 73.
The Abrahamic covenant seems, based on its terms, to be more than just a covenant of works; and since it wasn't limited to Abraham but also included his descendants, it couldn't be canceled by any later actions that didn't fulfill the promised blessing. The law of Moses, which was given to Abraham's descendants four hundred and thirty years later, didn't meet the requirements of that covenant, even for them, because it was set up as a covenant of works and didn't directly offer any blessing to other nations. However, even though the Mosaic law didn't fulfill the Abrahamic covenant, it didn't cancel it out; instead, it helped maintain the hope for its fulfillment: it continued the practice of circumcision, which was the sign of the covenant; and in its rituals, there was a hint, a type, a vague representation of the promised blessing, Luke i, 72, 73.
Here, then, is another view of the Mosaic dispensation. “It was added, because of transgressions, till the seed should come to whom the promise was made,” Gal. iii, 19. By delivering a moral law, which men felt themselves unable to obey; by denouncing judgments which it did not of itself provide any effectual method of escaping; and by holding forth, in various oblations, the promised and expected Saviour; “it was a schoolmaster to bring men unto Christ.” The covenant made with Abraham retained its force during the dispensation of the law, and was the end of that dispensation.
Here’s another perspective on the Mosaic law. “It was added because of transgressions, until the seed to whom the promise was made came,” Gal. iii, 19. By presenting a moral law that people felt they couldn’t follow, by proclaiming judgments without offering any effective way to avoid them, and by showcasing the promised and awaited Savior through various offerings; “it was a schoolmaster to lead people to Christ.” The covenant made with Abraham remained valid throughout the law’s period and marked its conclusion.
The views which have been given furnish the ground upon which we defend that established language which is familiar to our ears, that there are only two covenants essentially different, and opposite to one another, the covenant of works, made with the first man, intimated by the constitution of human nature to every one of his posterity, and having for its terms, “Do this and live;”--and the covenant of grace, which was the substance of the Abrahamic covenant, and which entered into the constitution of the Sinaitic covenant, but which is more clearly revealed, and more extensively published in the Gospel. This last covenant, which the Scriptures call new in respect to the mode of its dispensation under the Gospel, although it is not new in respect of its essence, has received, in the language of theology, the name of the covenant of grace, for the two following obvious reasons: because, after man had broken the covenant of works, it was pure grace or favour in the Almighty to enter into a new covenant with him; and, because by the covenant there is conveyed that grace which enables man to comply with the terms of it. It could not be a covenant unless there were terms,--something required, as well as something promised or given,--duties to be performed, as well as blessings to be received. Accordingly, the tenor of the new covenant, founded upon the promise originally made to Abraham, is expressed by Jeremiah in words which the Apostle to the Hebrews has quoted as a description of it: “I will be to them a God, and they shall be to me a people,” Heb. viii, 10:--words which intimate on one part not only entire reconciliation with God, but the continued exercise of all the perfections of the Godhead in promoting the happiness of his people, and the full communication of all the blessings which flow from his unchangeable love; on the other part, the surrender of the heart and affections of his people, the dedication of all the powers of their nature to his service, and the willing uniform obedience of their lives. But, although there are mutual stipulations, the covenant retains its character of a covenant of grace, and must be regarded as having its source purely in the grace of God. For the very circumstances which rendered the new covenant necessary, take away the possibility of there being any merit upon our part: the faith by which the covenant is accepted is the gift of God; and all the good works by which Christians continue to keep the covenant, originate in that change of character which is the fruit of the operation of his Spirit.
The views presented provide the basis for defending the established language we're familiar with. There are essentially two different covenants that oppose each other: the covenant of works, made with the first man, conveyed through the nature of humanity to all his descendants, with the terms being, “Do this and live;” and the covenant of grace, which is the essence of the Abrahamic covenant and is part of the Sinaitic covenant, though it's more clearly revealed and widely published in the Gospel. This last covenant, referred to in the Scriptures as new regarding how it’s dispensed under the Gospel—though not new in its essence—has been termed the covenant of grace for two obvious reasons: first, because after humanity broke the covenant of works, it was pure grace for the Almighty to make a new covenant with us; and second, because this covenant conveys the grace that enables us to meet its terms. It cannot be a covenant without terms—something required as well as something promised or given—duties to perform and blessings to receive. Thus, the essence of the new covenant, based on the promise originally made to Abraham, is expressed by Jeremiah in words that the Apostle to the Hebrews quoted as a description of it: “I will be to them a God, and they shall be to me a people,” Heb. viii, 10. These words indicate, on one side, complete reconciliation with God and the ongoing exercise of all the attributes of divinity in promoting the happiness of His people, along with the full communication of all blessings stemming from His unchanging love; and on the other side, the giving of hearts and affections from His people, dedicating all their abilities to His service, and their faithful, consistent obedience in life. However, even though there are mutual commitments, the covenant remains a covenant of grace and should be seen as purely rooted in God's grace. The very circumstances that made the new covenant necessary eliminate any possibility of merit on our part: the faith by which we accept the covenant is a gift from God, and all the good works by which Christians continue to uphold the covenant come from the change in character that results from the work of His Spirit.
Covenants were anciently confirmed by eating and drinking together; and chiefly by feasting on a sacrifice. In this manner, Abimelech, the Philistine, confirmed the covenant with Isaac, and Jacob with his father Laban, Gen. xxvi, 26–31; xxxi, 44–46, 54. Sometimes they divided the parts of the victim, and passed between them, by which act the parties signified their resolution of fulfilling all the terms of the engagement, on pain of being divided or cut asunder as the sacrifice had been, if they should violate the covenant, Gen. xv, 9, 10, 17, 18; Jer. xxxiv, 18. Hence the Hebrew word charat, which properly signifies to divide, is applied allusively in Scripture to the making of a covenant. When the law of Moses was established, the people feasted in their peace-offerings on a part of the sacrifice, in token of their reconciliation with God, Deut. xii, 6, 7. See Circumcision.
Covenants were historically confirmed by sharing meals and especially by feasting on a sacrifice. This way, Abimelech, the Philistine, confirmed the covenant with Isaac, and Jacob with his father Laban, Gen. xxvi, 26–31; xxxi, 44–46, 54. Sometimes, they would cut the victim in half and walk between the pieces, which signified their commitment to fulfilling all the terms of the agreement, with the warning that they would be divided or cut apart like the sacrifice if they violated the covenant, Gen. xv, 9, 10, 17, 18; Jer. xxxiv, 18. This is why the Hebrew word charat, which means to divide, is used metaphorically in Scripture to refer to making a covenant. When the law of Moses was set up, the people would enjoy their peace-offerings by partaking of a portion of the sacrifice, symbolizing their reconciliation with God, Deut. xii, 6, 7. See Circumcision.
COURT, an entrance into a palace or house. (See House.) The great courts belonging to the temple of Jerusalem were three; the first called the court of the Gentiles, because the Gentiles were allowed to enter so far, and no farther; the second was the court of Israel, because all the Israelites, provided they were purified, had a right of admission into it; the third was that of the priests, where the altar of burnt-offerings stood, where the priests and Levites exercised their ministry. Common Israelites, who were desirous of offering sacrifices, were at liberty to bring their victims as far as the inner part of the court; but they could not pass a certain line of separation, which divided it into two; and they withdrew as soon as they had delivered their sacrifices and offerings to the priests, or had made their confession with the ceremony of laying their hands upon the head of the victim, if it were a sin-offering. Before the temple was built, there was a court belonging to the tabernacle, but not near so large as that of the temple, and encompassed only with pillars, and veils hung with cords.
COURT, an entrance into a palace or house. (See House.) The large courts of the temple in Jerusalem were three: the first was called the court of the Gentiles, because Gentiles were allowed to enter this area but no further; the second was the court of Israel, where all Israelites, as long as they were purified, had the right to enter; the third was the court of the priests, where the altar for burnt offerings was located and where the priests and Levites performed their duties. Common Israelites who wanted to make sacrifices could bring their offerings only up to the inner part of the court; however, they could not cross a specific line that separated the areas, and they would leave as soon as they handed over their sacrifices and offerings to the priests or made their confession by laying their hands on the head of the animal for a sin offering. Before the temple was built, there was a court belonging to the tabernacle, but it was much smaller than the temple's court and was surrounded only by pillars and veils hung with cords.
CRANE. In Isaiah xxxviii, 14, and Jer. viii, 7, two birds are mentioned, the סיססיס and the עגור. The first in our version is translated crane, and the second swallow; but Bochart exactly reverses them, and the reasons he adduces are incontrovertible. Aristophanes curiously observes, that “it is time to sow when the crane migrates clamouring into Africa; she also bids the mariner suspend his rudder and take his rest, and the mountaineer to provide himself with raiment;” and Hesiod, “When thou hearest the voice of the crane, clamouring annually from the clouds on high, recollect that this is the signal for ploughing, and indicates the approach of showery winter.”
CRANE. In Isaiah 38:14 and Jeremiah 8:7, two birds are mentioned, the Sisסיס and the crane. The first is translated as crane in our version, and the second as swallow; however, Bochart reverses them, and his reasoning is compelling. Aristophanes notes that “it is time to sow when the crane migrates, calling out as it goes to Africa; it also tells the sailor to pause and rest his rudder, and the mountain dweller to prepare his clothes;” and Hesiod states, “When you hear the voice of the crane, calling out each year from the high clouds, remember that this is the signal for ploughing and signals the coming of rainy winter.”
The Prophet Jeremiah mentions this bird, thus intelligent of the seasons by an instinctive and invariable observation of their appointed times, as a circumstance of reproach to the chosen people of God, who, although taught by reason and religion, “knew not the judgment of the Lord.”
The Prophet Jeremiah refers to this bird, which is smart about the seasons due to its instinctive and consistent observation of their designated times. He uses this as a point of criticism against the chosen people of God, who, despite being educated by reason and faith, “did not recognize the judgment of the Lord.”
CREATION, in its primary import, signifies the bringing into being something which did not exist before. The term is therefore most generally applied to the original production of the materials whereof the visible world is composed. It is also used in a secondary or subordinate sense, to denote those subsequent operations of the Deity upon the matter so produced, by which the whole system of nature, and all the primitive genera of things, received their forms, qualities, and laws. The accounts of the creation of the world which have existed among different nations, are called Cosmogonies. Moses’s is unquestionably the most ancient; and had it no other circumstance to recommend it, its superior antiquity alone would give it a just claim to our attention. It is evidently Moses’s intention to give a history of man, and of religion, and an account of creation. In the way in which he has detailed it, it would have been foreign to his plan, had it not been necessary to obviate that most ancient and most natural species of idolatry, the worship of the heavenly bodies. His first care, therefore, is to affirm decidedly, that God created the heavens and the earth; and then he proceeds to mention the order in which the various objects of creation were called into existence. First of all, the materials, of which the future universe was to be composed, were created. These were jumbled together in one indigested mass, which the ancients called chaos, and which they conceived to be eternal; but which Moses affirms to have been created by the power of God. The materials of the chaos were either held in solution by the waters, or floated in them, or were sunk under them; and they were reduced into form by the Spirit of God moving upon the face of the waters. Light was the first distinct object of creation: fishes were the first living things; man was last in the order of creation.
CREATION, in its basic meaning, refers to bringing into existence something that didn’t exist before. The term is primarily used to describe the original production of the materials that make up the visible world. It can also have a secondary meaning, indicating the subsequent actions of the Deity upon the produced matter, through which the entire system of nature, and all the fundamental types of things, received their forms, qualities, and laws. The accounts of the creation of the world that have appeared among various nations are called Cosmogonies. Moses's account is undoubtedly the oldest; and even if it had no other reason to attract our attention, its greater age alone warrants it. It’s clear that Moses intended to provide a history of humanity, religion, and the creation itself. Given how he has described it, it would have been irrelevant to his purpose unless it was necessary to counteract the most ancient and natural form of idolatry, which is the worship of celestial bodies. His foremost aim, therefore, is to assert firmly that God created the heavens and the earth; and then he goes on to outline the order in which the various elements of creation were brought into existence. First, the materials that would make up the future universe were created. These materials were mixed together in one formless mass, which the ancients referred to as chaos, and which they believed to be eternal; however, Moses insists that it was created by God's power. The materials of chaos were either dissolved in the waters, floating within them, or submerged beneath them; and they were shaped by the Spirit of God moving over the waters. Light was the first distinct element of creation; fish were the first living beings; and man was the last created.
2. The account given by Moses is distinguished by its simplicity. That it involves difficulties which our faculties cannot comprehend, is only what might be expected from a detail of the operations of the omnipotent mind, which can never be fully understood but by the Being who planned them. Most of the writers who come nearest to Moses in point of antiquity have favoured the world with cosmogonies; and there is a wonderful coincidence in some leading particulars between their accounts and his. They all have his chaos; and they all state water to have been the prevailing principle before the arrangement of the universe began. The systems became gradually more complicated, as the writers receded farther from the age of primitive tradition; and they increased in absurdity in proportion to the degree of philosophy which was applied to the subject. The problem of creation has been said to be, “Matter and motion being given, to form a world;” and the presumption of man has often led him to attempt the solution of this intricate question. But the true problem was, “Neither matter nor motion being given, to form a world.” At first, the cosmogonists contented themselves with reasoning on the traditional or historical accounts they had received; but it is irksome to be shackled by authority; and after they had acquired a smattering of knowledge, they began to think that they could point out a much better way of forming the world than that which had been transmitted to them by the consenting voice of antiquity. Epicurus was most distinguished in this hopeful work of invention; and produced a cosmogony on the principle of a fortuitous concourse of atoms, whose extravagant absurdity has hitherto preserved it from oblivion. From his day to ours, the world has been annoyed with systems; but these are now modified by the theories of chemists and geologists, whose speculations, in so far as they proceed on the principle of induction, have sometimes been attended with useful results; but, when applied to solve the problem of creation, will serve, like the systems of their forerunners, to demonstrate the ignorance and the presumption of man.
2. The account given by Moses stands out because of its simplicity. It’s expected that it presents challenges our understanding can’t fully grasp, considering it's detailing the workings of an all-powerful mind, which only the Being who created it can fully understand. Most of the authors closest to Moses in terms of age have shared their own creation stories, and there are remarkable similarities in some key aspects between their accounts and his. They all start with his chaos and mention that water was the dominant force before the universe was organized. The stories became increasingly complicated as the writers moved further away from the time of original tradition, and they became more absurd as the level of philosophy applied to the topic increased. The question of creation has often been framed as, “If matter and motion are given, how do we create a world?” and human arrogance has frequently led to attempts to solve this complex issue. But the real question was, “If neither matter nor motion is given, how do we create a world?” Initially, the cosmogonists were satisfied with reasoning based on the traditional or historical accounts they had been given; however, it’s frustrating to be restrained by authority. Once they gained a little knowledge, they started to believe they could identify a much better way of creating the world than what had been passed down through the ages. Epicurus was particularly notable in this hopeful endeavor, proposing a cosmogony based on the random interaction of atoms, whose outrageous absurdity has kept it from being forgotten. From his time to now, the world has been troubled by various systems; however, these have now been influenced by the theories of chemists and geologists, whose ideas, when based on induction, have sometimes led to useful outcomes. But when they attempt to address the creation issue, like the theories of their predecessors, they only highlight humanity's ignorance and arrogance.
3. The early cosmogonies are chiefly interesting from their resemblance to that of Moses; which proves that they have either been derived from him, or from some ancient prevailing tradition respecting the true history of creation. The most ancient author next to Moses, of whose writings any fragments remain, is Sanchoniatho, the Phenician. His writings were translated by Philo Byblius; and portions of this version are preserved by Eusebius. These writings come to us rather in an apocryphal form; they contain, however, no internal evidence which can affect their authenticity; they pretty nearly resemble the traditions of the Greeks, and are, perhaps, the parent stock from which these traditions are derived. The notions detailed by Sanchoniatho are almost translated by Hesiod, who mentions the primeval chaos, and states ἔρος, or love, to be its first offspring. Anaxagoras was the first among the Greeks who entertained tolerably accurate notions on the subject of creation: he assumed the agency of an intelligent mind in the arrangement of the chaotic materials. These sentiments gradually prevailed among the Greeks; from whom they passed to the Romans, and were generally adopted, notwithstanding the efforts which were made to establish the doctrines of Epicurus by the nervous poetry of Lucretius. Ovid has collected the orthodox doctrines which prevailed on the subject, both among Greeks and Romans; and has expressed them with uncommon elegance and perspicuity in the first chapter of his “Metamorphoses.” There is so striking a coincidence between his account and that of Moses that one would almost think that he was translating from the first chapter of Genesis; and there can be no doubt that the Mosaic writings were well known at that time, both 276among the Greeks and Romans. Megasthenes, who lived in the time of Seleucus Nicanor, affirms, that all the doctrines of the Greeks respecting the creation, and the constitution of nature, were current among the Bramins in India, and the Jews in Syria. He must, of course, have been acquainted with the writings of the latter, before he could make the comparison. Juvenal talks of the writings of Moses as well known:--
3. The early creation stories are mainly interesting because they resemble Moses's account; this suggests they were either derived from him or from some ancient widespread tradition about the true history of creation. The oldest author after Moses, whose writings still exist in fragments, is Sanchoniatho, the Phoenician. His works were translated by Philo Byblius, and parts of this translation are preserved by Eusebius. These writings come to us in a somewhat apocryphal form; however, they lack any internal evidence that could challenge their authenticity. They closely resemble Greek traditions and may actually be the source from which these traditions came. The ideas laid out by Sanchoniatho are almost mirrored in Hesiod, who mentions the primordial chaos and states that ἔρος, or love, is its first offspring. Anaxagoras was the first among the Greeks to have fairly accurate ideas about creation: he suggested that an intelligent mind played a role in organizing the chaotic elements. These ideas gradually gained popularity among the Greeks, and from there, they were passed on to the Romans, where they were widely accepted, despite attempts to promote Epicurus's teachings through the powerful poetry of Lucretius. Ovid has compiled the accepted views on the subject from both Greeks and Romans, expressing them with uncommon elegance and clarity in the first chapter of his “Metamorphoses.” There is such a striking similarity between his account and that of Moses that one might almost think he was translating from the first chapter of Genesis; and it's clear that the writings of Moses were well known at that time, both among the Greeks and Romans. Megasthenes, who lived during the time of Seleucus Nicanor, asserts that all the Greek doctrines about creation and the nature of the universe were known among the Bramins in India and the Jews in Syria. He must have been familiar with the writings of the latter before he could make this comparison. Juvenal refers to the writings of Moses as being well-known:--
We are therefore inclined to think that Ovid actually copied from the Bible; for he adopts the very order detailed by Moses. Moses mentions the works of creation in the following order: the separation of the sea from the dry land; the creation of the heavenly bodies; of marine animals; of fowls and land animals; of man. Observe now the order of the Roman poet:--
We are therefore inclined to believe that Ovid actually copied from the Bible; because he follows the exact order described by Moses. Moses lists the acts of creation in this sequence: the separation of the sea from the dry land; the creation of the heavenly bodies; marine animals; birds and land animals; and finally, humans. Now, take a look at the order used by the Roman poet:--
“Before the seas, and this terrestrial ball, | |
And heav’n’s high canopy, that covers all, | |
One was the face of nature; if a face: | |
Rather, a rude and indigested mass: | |
A lifeless lump, unfashion’d, and unframed, | |
Of jarring seeds; and justly chaos named. | |
But God, or nature, while they thus contend, | |
To these intestine discords put an end; | |
Then earth from air, and seas from earth were driv’n, | |
And grosser air sunk from ethereal heav’n. | |
Thus when the God, whatever god was he, | |
Had form’d the whole, and made the parts agree, | |
That no unequal portions might be found, | |
He moulded earth into a spacious round. | |
Then, every void of nature to supply, | |
With forms of gods he fills the vacant sky: | |
New herds of beasts he sends, the plains to share: | ![]() |
New colonies of birds, to people air; | |
And to their oozy beds the finny fish repair. | |
A creature of a more exalted kind | |
Was wanting yet, and then was man design’d: | |
Conscious of thought, of more capacious breast, | |
For empire form’d, and fit to rule the rest: | |
Whether with particles of heav’nly fire | |
The God of nature did his soul inspire,” &c. | |
Dryden. |
Here we see all the principal objects of creation mentioned exactly in the same order which Moses had assigned to them in his writings; and when we consider what follows;--the war of the giants; the general corruption of the world; the universal deluge; the preservation of Deucalion and Pyrrha; their sacrifices to the gods on leaving the vessel in which they had been preserved;--there can scarcely remain a doubt that Ovid borrowed, either directly or at second hand, from Moses. What he says, too, is perfectly consistent with the received notions on the subject, though it is probable that they had never before been so regularly methodised. This train of reasoning would lead us to conclude that Ovid, and indeed the whole Heathen world, derived their notions respecting the creation, and the early history of mankind, from the sacred Scriptures: and it shows how deficient their own resources were, when the pride of philosophy was forced to borrow from those whom it affected to despise. With regard to the western mythologists, then, there can be little doubt that their cosmogonies, at least such of them as profess to be historical, and not theoretical, are derived from Moses; and the same may be affirmed with regard to the traditions of the east: as they were the same with those of Greece in the time of Megasthenes, whose testimony to this effect is quoted both by Clemens Alexandrinus and Strabo, we may naturally conclude that they had the same origin.
Here we see all the main elements of creation mentioned in the exact order that Moses assigned to them in his writings. When we consider what follows—the battle of the giants, the widespread corruption of the world, the global flood, and the survival of Deucalion and Pyrrha, along with their sacrifices to the gods after leaving the vessel that kept them safe—it's hard to doubt that Ovid drew from Moses, either directly or indirectly. What he says is also completely in line with common ideas on the subject, though it’s likely they had never been organized so systematically. This reasoning leads us to conclude that Ovid, and essentially the entire pagan world, got their ideas about creation and the early history of humanity from the sacred Scriptures. It highlights how lacking their own resources were when the pride of philosophy had to borrow from those it pretended to look down on. Regarding the Western mythologists, there is little doubt that their cosmogonies, at least those claiming to be historical rather than theoretical, are based on Moses. The same can be said for the traditions of the East; they were similar to those of Greece during the time of Megasthenes, whose testimony on this matter is cited by both Clemens Alexandrinus and Strabo. We can reasonably conclude that they shared the same origin.
4. The Hindoo mythology has grown, in the natural uninterrupted progress of corruption, to such monstrous and complicated absurdity, that in many cases it stands unique in extravagance. In the more ancient Hindoo writings, however, many sublime sentiments occur; and in the “Institutes of Menu,” many passages are found relating to the creation, which bear a strong resemblance to the account given by Moses. They are thus given in an advertisement, prefixed to the fifth volume of the “Asiatic Researches,” and are intended as a supplement to a former treatise on the Hindoo religion:--
4. Hindu mythology has developed, in the natural and uninterrupted process of corruption, into such ridiculous and complicated absurdity that it stands out for its extravagance in many cases. However, in the older Hindu writings, there are many profound ideas; and in the “Institutes of Menu,” there are several passages about creation that closely resemble Moses' account. These are presented in an advertisement at the beginning of the fifth volume of the “Asiatic Researches” and are meant to supplement a previous work on Hindu religion:--
“This universe existed only in the first divine idea, yet unexpanded, as if involved in darkness, imperceptible, undefinable, undiscoverable by reason, and undiscovered by revelation, as if it were wholly immersed in sleep. When the sole self-existing Power, himself undiscerned, but making this world discernible, with five elements and other principles of nature, appeared with undiminished glory, expanding his idea, or dispelling the gloom. He, whom the mind alone can perceive, whose essence eludes the external organs, who has no visible parts, who exists from eternity, even he, the soul of all beings, whom no being can comprehend, shone forth in person. He, having willed to produce various beings from his own divine substance, first with a thought created the waters. The waters are called nara, because they are the production of Nara, or the Spirit of God; and since they were his first ayana, or place of motion, he thence is called Narayana, or moving on the waters. From that which is, the first cause, not the object of sense, existing every where in substance, not existing to our perception, without beginning or end, was produced the divine male. He framed the heaven above, and the earth beneath; in the midst he placed the subtile ether, the eight regions, and the permanent receptacle of waters. He framed all creatures. He, too, first assigned to all creatures distinct names, distinct acts, and distinct occupations. He gave being to time, and the divisions of time; to the stars also, and the planets; to rivers, oceans, and mountains; to level plains, and uneven valleys. For the sake of distinguishing 277actions, he made a total difference between right and wrong. Having divided his own substance, the mighty Power became half male, half female. He whose powers are incomprehensible, having created this universe, was again absorbed in the spirit, changing the time of energy for the time of repose.”
“This universe existed only in the initial divine concept, still undeveloped, like it was wrapped in darkness, unnoticeable, hard to define, and impossible to discover through reason or revelation, as if it were completely asleep. When the one self-existing Power, who was himself unseen but made this world visible, appeared in all his glory, expanding his idea and dispelling the darkness. He, who can only be perceived by the mind, whose essence is beyond the reach of our senses, who has no physical form, who exists eternally, even he, the soul of all beings, whom no being can fully understand, shone forth in person. He, wanting to create various beings from his own divine essence, first created the waters through thought. The waters are called nara, because they are produced by Nara, or the Spirit of God; and since they were his first ayana, or place of movement, he is referred to as Narayana, or the one moving on the waters. From that which is, the first cause, beyond sensory perception, existing everywhere in substance yet unseen by us, without beginning or end, the divine male was born. He formed the heavens above and the earth below; in between, he placed the subtle ether, the eight regions, and the stable storage of waters. He created all living beings. He also assigned each creature distinct names, distinct actions, and distinct purposes. He brought time into being, along with its divisions; he named the stars and planets; he defined rivers, oceans, and mountains; he shaped flat plains and uneven valleys. To differentiate actions, he created a clear distinction between right and wrong. By dividing his own essence, the mighty Power became half male and half female. He, whose abilities are beyond understanding, having created this universe, once again merged into the spirit, shifting from a time of action to a time of rest.”
In these passages we have evidently a philosophical comment on the account of creation given by Moses, or as transmitted from the same source of primitive tradition. We also see in these passages the rudiments of the Platonic philosophy, the eternal ideas in the divine mind, &c; and were any question to arise respecting the original author of these notions, we should have little hesitation in giving it against the Greeks. They were the greatest plagiaries both in literature and philosophy, and they have scarcely an article of literary property which they can call their own, except their poetry. Their sages penetrated into Egypt and India, and on their return stigmatized the natives of these countries as barbarians, lest they should be suspected of stealing their inventions.
In these passages, we clearly see a philosophical commentary on the creation account provided by Moses, or as it has been passed down from the same source of early tradition. We also observe in these passages the beginnings of Platonic philosophy, the eternal ideas in the divine mind, etc.; and if a question were to arise about the original author of these ideas, we would not hesitate to attribute them to sources other than the Greeks. The Greeks were the greatest plagiarists in both literature and philosophy, and they hardly have any literary property they can claim as their own, except for their poetry. Their philosophers explored Egypt and India, and when they returned, they labeled the natives of those countries as barbarians, so they wouldn’t be suspected of taking their ideas.
5. The Chaldean cosmogony, according to Berosus, when divested of allegory, seems to resolve itself into this, that darkness and water existed from eternity; that Belus divided the humid mass, and gave birth to creation; that the human mind is an emanation from the divine nature. The cosmogony of the ancient Persians is very clumsy. They introduce two eternal principles, the one good, called Oromasdes, the other evil, called Arimanius; and they make these two principles contend with each other in the creation and government of the world. Each has his province, which he strives to enlarge; and Mithras is the mediator to moderate their contentions. This is the most inartificial plan that has been devised to account for the existence of evil, and has the least pretensions to a philosophical basis. The Egyptian cosmogony, according to the account given of it by Plutarch, seems to bear a strong resemblance to the Phenician, as detailed by Sanchoniatho. According to the Egyptian account, there was an eternal chaos, and an eternal spirit united with it, whose agency at last arranged the discordant materials, and produced the visible system of the universe. The cosmogony of the northern nations, as may be collected from the Edda, supposes an eternal principle prior to the formation of the world. The Orphic Fragments state every thing to have existed in God, and to proceed from him. The notion implied in this maxim is suspected to be pantheistic, that is, to imply the universe to be God; which, however, might be a more modern perversion. Plato supposed the world to be produced by the Deity, uniting eternal, immutable ideas, or forms, to variable matter. Aristotle had no cosmogony, because he supposed the world to be without beginning and without end. According to the Stoical doctrine, the divine nature, acting on matter, first produced moisture, and then the other elements, which are reciprocally convertible.
5. The Chaldean creation story, according to Berosus, when stripped of allegory, can be summed up as follows: darkness and water existed eternally; Belus separated the watery mass and initiated creation; and the human mind is a reflection of divine nature. The creation story of the ancient Persians is quite awkward. They introduce two eternal principles—one good, called Oromasdes, and one evil, called Arimanius; and they depict these two principles battling for control over creation and the world's governance. Each has their own domain that they seek to expand, with Mithras acting as the mediator to ease their conflicts. This is the simplest explanation created to address the existence of evil and has the least claim to a philosophical foundation. The Egyptian creation story, as told by Plutarch, appears to closely resemble the Phenician account detailed by Sanchoniatho. According to the Egyptian version, there was an eternal chaos and an eternal spirit that was connected to it, whose influence eventually organized the chaotic elements and formed the observable universe. The creation story of the northern nations, as gathered from the Edda, suggests an eternal principle existing before the world was formed. The Orphic Fragments state that everything existed in God and emanates from Him. The idea behind this statement is suspected to be pantheistic, implying that the universe is God; this, however, may be a more modern misinterpretation. Plato believed that the world was created by the Deity, combining eternal, unchanging ideas or forms with mutable matter. Aristotle had no creation story because he believed the world had no beginning and no end. According to Stoic philosophy, the divine nature, acting on matter, first created moisture and then the other elements, which can be transformed into one another.
CRETE, an island in the Mediterranean, now called Candia, Titus i, 5. Nature had endowed this island with all that renders man happy; the inhabitants, likewise, had formerly a constitution which was renowned and frequently compared with that of the Spartans; but at this time, and even long before, all, even laws and morals, had sunk very low. The character of this nation was mutable, prone to quarrelling, to civil disturbances and frays, to robberies and violences. Avaricious and base to a degree of sordid greediness, they considered nothing as ignoble which gratified this inclination. Thence arose their treachery, their false and deceitful disposition, which had passed into a common proverb. Even in the times of purer morals they were decidedly addicted to wine; and their propensity to incontinence was frequently censured and noticed by the ancients. Religion itself was one cause of the many excesses of this nation. Many deities were born among them; they also showed their tombs and catacombs, and celebrated the feasts and mysteries of all. They therefore had continually holydays, diversions, and idle times, and one of their native poets (Diodorus calls him Θεολόγος) gave them the testimony which Paul found to be so true, Titus i, 12. Jews also had established themselves among them, who according to all appearance could have improved here but very little in morality. The Apostle seems to have considered them a more dangerous people than the inhabitants themselves.
CRETE, an island in the Mediterranean, now known as Candia, Titus i, 5. Nature had blessed this island with everything that makes life enjoyable; the people there once had a reputation for a constitution that was famous and often compared to that of the Spartans. However, by this time, and even long before, everything—including laws and morals—had fallen very low. The character of this nation was changeable and prone to fighting, civil disturbances, theft, and violence. Greedy to the point of being miserly, they deemed nothing shameful if it satisfied their cravings. This resulted in their treachery and deceitful nature, which became a common saying. Even in times of better morals, they were known for their love of wine, and their tendency towards promiscuity was often criticized by the ancients. Religion itself contributed to the many excesses of this nation. They had many gods worshipped among them; they showed off their tombs and catacombs and held celebrations and rituals for all of them. As a result, they constantly had holidays, entertainment, and downtime. One of their native poets (Diodorus calls him Θεολόγος) provided testimony that Paul found to be very true, Titus i, 12. Jews had also settled among them, who, it seems, had made little improvement in morality. The Apostle appears to have viewed them as a more dangerous group than the locals themselves.
CRIMSON, כרמיל, 2 Chron. ii, 7, iii, 14, the name of a colour. Bochart supposes it to be the cochlea purpuraria, or purple from a kind of shell-fish taken near Mount Carmel. But as the name of the mount is said to mean a vineyard, one may rather suppose the colour to signify that of grapes; like the redness of the vesture of him who trod the wine-press, Isa. lxiii, 1, 2. What our version renders crimson, Isa. i, 18; Jer. iv, 30, should be scarlet.
CRIMSON, כרמיל, 2 Chron. ii, 7, iii, 14, is the name of a color. Bochart thinks it’s from the purple cochlea, or purple from a type of shellfish found near Mount Carmel. However, since the name of the mount is believed to mean a vineyard, it might be more accurate to say the color refers to that of grapes; similar to the red of the clothing of the one who tread the winepress, Isa. lxiii, 1, 2. What our version calls crimson, Isa. i, 18; Jer. iv, 30, should actually be scarlet.
CROSS, an ancient instrument of capital punishment. The cross was the punishment inflicted by the Romans, on servants who had perpetrated crimes, on robbers, assassins, and rebels; among which last Jesus was reckoned, on the ground of his making himself King or Messiah, Luke xxiii, 1–5, 13–15. The words in which the sentence was given were, “Thou shalt go to the cross.” The person who was subjected to this punishment was then deprived of all his clothes excepting something around the loins. In this state of nudity he was beaten, sometimes with rods, but more generally with whips. Such was the severity of this flagellation, that numbers died under it. Jesus was crowned with thorns, and made the subject of mockery; but insults of this kind were not among the ordinary attendants of crucifixion. They were owing, in this case, merely to the petulant spirit of the Roman soldiers, Matt. xxvii, 29; Mark xv, 17; John xix, 2, 5. The criminal, having been beaten, was subjected to the farther suffering of being obliged to carry the cross himself to the place of punishment, which was commonly a hill, near the public way, and out of the city. The 278place of crucifixion at Jerusalem was a hill to the north-west of the city. The cross, ϛαυρὸς, a post, otherwise called the unpropitious or infamous tree, consisted of a piece of wood erected perpendicularly, and intersected by another at right angles near the top, so as to resemble the letter T. The crime for which the person suffered was inscribed on the transverse piece near the top of the perpendicular one.
CROSS, an old method of execution. The cross was the punishment inflicted by the Romans on servants who committed crimes, as well as on robbers, assassins, and rebels; among these, Jesus was included for claiming to be King or Messiah, as noted in Luke xxiii, 1–5, 13–15. The sentence was pronounced with the words, “You shall go to the cross.” The individual subjected to this punishment was stripped of all clothing except for a piece around the waist. In this state of nudity, they were beaten, sometimes with rods but more often with whips. The severity of this beating was such that many died from it. Jesus was crowned with thorns and mocked; however, such insults were not typical during crucifixion. They were due to the spiteful nature of the Roman soldiers, as seen in Matt. xxvii, 29; Mark xv, 17; John xix, 2, 5. After being beaten, the condemned person was further tortured by having to carry the cross to the place of execution, which was usually a hill near the main road, outside the city. The place of crucifixion in Jerusalem was a hill to the northwest of the city. The cross, ϛαυρὸς, a post, also known as the cursed or infamous tree, consisted of an upright piece of wood crossed by another piece at the top, resembling the letter T. The crime for which the person was being executed was inscribed on the horizontal piece near the top of the vertical piece.
There is no mention made in ancient writers of any thing on which the feet of the person crucified rested. Near the middle, however, of the perpendicular beam, there projected a piece of wood, on which he sat, and which answered as a support to the body, since the weight of the body might otherwise have torn away the hands from the nails driven through them. The cross, which was erected at the place of punishment, being there firmly fixed in the ground, rarely exceeded ten feet in height. The victim, perfectly naked, was elevated to the small projection in the middle: the hands were then bound by a rope round the transverse beam, and nailed through the palm.
There’s no mention in ancient writings of anything for the feet of the person being crucified to rest on. However, near the middle of the vertical beam, there was a projection of wood where he sat, which supported the body since without it, the weight might have pulled the hands off the nails. The cross, set up at the execution site, was usually no taller than ten feet. The victim, completely naked, was lifted to the small projection in the middle: then their hands were tied with a rope around the horizontal beam and nailed through the palm.
The assertion that the persons who suffered crucifixion were not in some instances fastened to the cross by nails through the hands and feet, but were merely bound to it by ropes, cannot be proved by the testimony of any ancient writer whatever. That the feet, as well as the hands, were fastened to the cross by means of nails, is expressly asserted in the play of Plautus, entitled “Mostellaria,” compared with Tertullian against the Jews, and against Marcion. In regard to the nailing of the feet, it may be farthermore observed, that Gregory Nazianzen has asserted, that one nail only was driven through both of them; but Cyprian, (de passione,) who had been a personal witness to crucifixions, and is, consequently, in this case, the better authority, states, on the contrary, that two nails or spikes were driven, one through each foot. The crucified person remained suspended in this way till he died, and the corpse had become putrid. While he exhibited any signs of life, he was watched by a guard; but they left him when it appeared that he was dead. The corpse was not buried, except by express permission, which was sometimes granted by the emperor on his birth day, but only to a very few. An exception, however, to this general practice was made by the Romans in favour of the Jews, on account of Deut. xxi, 22, 23; and in Judea, accordingly, crucified persons were buried on the same day. When, therefore, there was not a prospect that they would die on the day of the crucifixion, the executioners hastened the extinction of life, by kindling a fire under the cross, so as to suffocate them with the smoke, or by letting loose wild beasts upon them, or by breaking their bones upon the cross with a mallet, as upon an anvil. The Jews, in the times of which we are speaking, namely, while they were under the jurisdiction of the Romans, were in the habit of giving the criminal, before the commencement of his sufferings, a medicated drink of wine and myrrh, Prov. xxxi, 6. The object of this was to produce intoxication, and thereby render the pains of the crucifixion less sensible to the sufferer. This beverage was refused by the Saviour for the obvious reason, that he chose to die with the faculties of his mind undisturbed and unclouded, Matt. xxvii, 34; Mark xv, 23. It should be remarked, that this sort of drink, which was probably offered out of kindness, was different from the vinegar which was subsequently offered to the Saviour by the Roman soldiers. The latter was a mixture of vinegar and water, denominated posca, and was a common drink for the soldiers in the Roman army, Luke xxiii, 36; John xix, 29.
The statement that people who were crucified were sometimes tied to the cross with ropes instead of being nailed through their hands and feet cannot be proven by any ancient writer's testimony. It is clearly stated in the play "Mostellaria" by Plautus, along with references from Tertullian against the Jews and against Marcion, that both the feet and hands were nailed to the cross. Regarding the feet, Gregory Nazianzen claimed that only one nail was used for both, but Cyprian, who witnessed crucifixions personally and is therefore a more reliable source, asserts that two nails or spikes were used, one for each foot. The person crucified remained hanging until they died and their body began to decay. While there were any signs of life, they were monitored by guards, who left once it appeared that the person was dead. The body wasn’t buried without special permission, which was rarely granted by the emperor on his birthday and only to a select few. However, the Romans made an exception for the Jews due to Deut. 21:22-23, and in Judea, crucified individuals were buried on the same day. Therefore, if it seemed unlikely that they would die on the day of crucifixion, the executioners expedited the process by lighting a fire under the cross to suffocate them with smoke, releasing wild animals on them, or breaking their bones with a mallet, as if on an anvil. During the period when they were under Roman rule, the Jews typically offered the condemned a medicated drink of wine mixed with myrrh before their suffering began, as stated in Proverbs 31:6. The purpose of this was to induce intoxication and make the pain of crucifixion less bearable. The Savior refused this, clearly wanting to die with a clear and focused mind, as noted in Matthew 27:34 and Mark 15:23. It's important to note that this drink, likely offered out of kindness, was different from the vinegar that the Roman soldiers later offered to the Savior. This latter drink was a mixture of vinegar and water known as posca and was a common drink among soldiers in the Roman army, as referenced in Luke 23:36 and John 19:29.
2. Crucifixion was not only the most ignominious, it was likewise the most cruel, mode of punishment: so very much so, that Cicero is justified in saying, in respect to crucifixion, “Ab oculis, auribusque et omni cogitatione hominum, removendum esse.” [That it ought neither to be seen, heard of, nor even thought of by men.] The sufferings endured by a person on whom this punishment is inflicted are narrated by George Gottlieb Richter, a German physician, in a “Dissertation on the Saviour’s Crucifixion.” The position of the body is unnatural, the arms being extended back, and almost immovable. In case of the least motion, an extremely painful sensation is experienced in the hands and feet, which are pierced with nails, and in the back, which is lacerated with stripes. The nails, being driven through the parts of the hands and feet which abound in nerves and tendons, create the most exquisite anguish. The exposure of so many wounds to the open air brings on an inflammation, which every moment increases the poignancypoignancy of the suffering. In those parts of the body which are distended or pressed, more blood flows through the arteries than can be carried back in the veins. The consequence is, that a greater quantity of blood finds its way from the aorta into the head and stomach, than would be carried there by a natural and undisturbed circulation. The blood vessels of the head become pressed and swollen, which of course causes pain, and a redness of the face. The circumstance of the blood being impelled in more than ordinary quantities into the stomach is an unfavourable one also, because it is that part of the system which not only admits of the blood being stationary, but is peculiarly exposed to mortification. The aorta, not being at liberty to empty, in the free and undisturbed way as formerly, the blood which it receives from the left ventricle of the heart, is unable to receive its usual quantity. The blood of the lungs, therefore, is unable to find a free circulation. This general obstruction extends its effects likewise to the right ventricle, and the consequence is, an internal excitement, and exertion, and anxiety, which are more intolerable than the anguish of death itself. All the large vessels about the heart, and all the veins and arteries in that part of the system, on account of the accumulation and pressure of blood, are the source of inexpressible misery. The degree of anguish is gradual in its increase; and the 279person crucified is able to live under it commonly till the third, and sometimes till the seventh, day. Pilate, therefore, being surprised at the speedy termination of the Saviour’s life, inquired in respect to the truth of it of the centurion himself, who commanded the soldiers, Mark xv, 44. In order to bring their life to a more speedy termination, so that they might be buried on the same day, the bones of the two thieves were broken with mallets, John xix, 31–37; and in order to ascertain this point in respect to Jesus, namely, whether he was really dead, or whether he had merely fallen into a swoon, a soldier thrust his lance into his side; but no signs of life appeared, John xix, 31–37.
2. Crucifixion wasn't just the most disgraceful; it was also the most brutal form of punishment. Cicero is right when he says about crucifixion, “It needs to be removed from the eyes, ears, and all thoughts of people.” [That it ought neither to be seen, heard of, nor even thought of by men.] George Gottlieb Richter, a German doctor, describes the suffering a person endures with this punishment in his “Dissertation on the Saviour’s Crucifixion.” The position of the body is unnatural, with the arms stretched back and almost immobile. The slightest movement causes extreme pain in the nails that pierce the hands and feet, as well as in the back, which is torn apart with stripes. The nails are driven through areas of the hands and feet rich in nerves and tendons, causing intense agony. The exposure of multiple wounds to the open air leads to inflammation, which continuously heightens the poignancypoignancy of the suffering. In areas of the body that are stretched or compressed, more blood flows through the arteries than can return through the veins, leading to an excess of blood from the aorta in the head and stomach, more than what would normally circulate. The blood vessels in the head swell and become painful, causing a flushed face. The increased blood flow to the stomach is also problematic, as that area can become stagnant and is particularly vulnerable to decay. The aorta cannot empty itself freely as it did before, meaning it can't receive its usual amount of blood from the left ventricle of the heart. Consequently, the blood from the lungs struggles to circulate freely. This overall blockage affects the right ventricle too, resulting in internal agitation, strain, and distress that are more unbearable than the pain of death itself. The major vessels around the heart, along with all veins and arteries in that part of the body, suffer from the buildup and pressure of blood, leading to indescribable misery. The level of pain gradually increases, and typically, the person being crucified can endure it until the third day, sometimes even up to the seventh. Pilate, surprised by the Saviour’s quick death, asked the centurion in charge of the soldiers for confirmation, Mark xv, 44. To hasten their deaths so they could be buried the same day, the bones of the two thieves were smashed with mallets, John xix, 31–37; and to check on Jesus—whether he was truly dead or just unconscious—one soldier pierced his side with a lance, but no signs of life were seen, John xix, 31–37.
3. Our Saviour says, that whosoever will be his disciple must take up his cross and follow him, Matt. xvi, 24: by which is meant, that his disciples must be willing to suffer for him, in any way in which God, in the course of his providence, may call them to suffer; even to endure martyrdom, if called to it. The cross is also often put for the whole of Christ’s sufferings, Eph. ii, 16; Heb. xii, 2; and the doctrine of his perfect atonement, Gal. vi, 14.
3. Our Savior says that anyone who wants to be his disciple must take up their cross and follow him, Matt. xvi, 24. This means that his disciples must be willing to suffer for him in whatever way God, through his plan, may call them to suffer, even enduring martyrdom if required. The cross is also often a symbol for all of Christ’s sufferings, Eph. ii, 16; Heb. xii, 2; and the teaching of his perfect atonement, Gal. vi, 14.
CROWN is a term properly taken for a cap of state worn on the heads of sovereign princes, as a mark of regal dignity. In Scripture there is frequent mention made of crowns; and the use of them seems to have been very common among the Hebrews. The high priest wore a crown, which was girt about his mitre, or the lower part of his bonnet, and was tied about his head. On the forepart was a plate of gold, with these words engraven on it: “Holiness to the Lord,” Exod. xxviii, 36; xxix, 6. New-married persons of both sexes wore crowns upon their wedding day, Cant., iii, 11; and, alluding to this custom, it is said that when God entered into covenant with the Jewish nation, he put a beautiful crown upon their head, Ezekiel xvi, 12. The first crowns were no more than a bandelet drawn round the head, and tied behind, as we see it still represented on medals, &c. Afterward, they consisted of two bandelets; by degrees they took branches of trees of divers kinds, &c; at length they added flowers; and Claudius Saturninus says there was not any plant of which crowns had not been made.
CROWN is a term that refers to a cap worn by kings and queens, symbolizing royal authority. The Bible frequently mentions crowns, indicating their common use among the Hebrews. The high priest wore a crown that was tied around his mitre, or the lower part of his hat. On the front was a gold plate engraved with the words: “Holiness to the Lord,” Exod. xxviii, 36; xxix, 6. Newlyweds of both genders wore crowns on their wedding day, Cant., iii, 11; and it's noted that when God made a covenant with the Jewish nation, he placed a beautiful crown on their heads, Ezekiel xvi, 12. The first crowns were simply a band drawn around the head and tied at the back, as still depicted on medals, etc. Over time, they evolved into two bands; gradually they included branches from different types of trees, and eventually flowers; Claudius Saturninus stated that crowns were made from every kind of plant.
There was always a difference, either in matter or form, between the crowns of kings and great men, and those of private persons. The crown of a king was generally a white fillet bound about his forehead, the extremities whereof being tied behind the head, fell back on the neck. Sometimes they were made of gold tissue, adorned with jewels. That of the Jewish high priest, which is the most ancient of which we have any description, was a fillet of gold placed upon his forehead, and tied with a ribbon of a hyacinth colour, or azure blue. The crown, mitre, and diadem, royal fillet and tiara, are frequently confounded. Crowns were bestowed on kings and princes, as the principal marks of their dignity. David took the crown of the king of the Ammonites from off his head: the crown weighed a talent of gold, and was moreover enriched with jewels, 2 Sam. xii, 30; 1 Chron. xx, 2. The Amalekite who valued himself on killing Saul, brought this prince’s crown unto David, 2 Sam. i, 10. The crown was placed upon the head of young King Josiah, when he was presented to the people, in order to be acknowledged by them, 2 Chron. xxiii, 11. Baruch says that the idols of the Babylonians wore golden crowns, Baruch vi, 9. Queens, too, wore diadems among the Persians. King Ahasuerus honoured Vashti with this mark of power; and, after her divorce, the same favour was granted to Esther, chap. ii, 17. The elders, in Rev. iv, 10, are said to “cast their crowns before the throne.” The allusion is here to the tributary kings dependent upon the Roman emperors. Herod took off his diadem in the presence of Augustus, till ordered to replace it. Tiridates did homage to Nero by laying the ensigns of royalty at the foot of his statue.
There was always a distinction, either in substance or appearance, between the crowns of kings and influential figures and those of ordinary people. A king's crown was typically a white band worn around his forehead, with the ends tied behind his head, falling down the back of his neck. Sometimes, they were made of gold fabric and decorated with jewels. The crown of the Jewish high priest, the earliest one we have a description of, was a gold band placed on his forehead, fastened with a ribbon in a hyacinth color or bright blue. The terms crown, mitre, diadem, royal band, and tiara are often mixed up. Crowns were given to kings and princes as the main symbols of their status. David took the crown of the Ammonite king off his head; it weighed a talent of gold and was also embellished with jewels, 2 Sam. xii, 30; 1 Chron. xx, 2. The Amalekite, who bragged about killing Saul, brought this prince’s crown to David, 2 Sam. i, 10. The crown was placed on young King Josiah's head when he was introduced to the people for their acknowledgment, 2 Chron. xxiii, 11. Baruch mentions that the idols of the Babylonians wore golden crowns, Baruch vi, 9. Queens also wore diadems among the Persians. King Ahasuerus honored Vashti with this symbol of authority; and after her banishment, the same privilege was given to Esther, chap. ii, 17. In Rev. iv, 10, the elders are said to “cast their crowns before the throne.” This refers to the tributary kings who were under the Roman emperors. Herod removed his diadem in the presence of Augustus until he was instructed to put it back on. Tiridates showed respect to Nero by laying the royal insignia at the base of his statue.
Pilate’s guard platted a crown of thorns, and placed it on the head of Jesus Christ, Matt. xxvii, 29, with an intention to insult him, under the character of the king of the Jews. See Thorn. In a figurative sense, a crown signifies honour, splendour, or dignity, Lam. v, 16; Phil. iv, 1; and is also used for reward, because conquerors, in the Grecian games, were crowned, 1 Corinthians ix, 25.
Pilate’s guard made a crown of thorns and put it on Jesus Christ's head, Matt. xxvii, 29, intending to insult him as the supposed king of the Jews. See Thorn. Figuratively, a crown represents honor, glory, or dignity, Lam. v, 16; Phil. iv, 1; and it is also associated with reward, since victors in the Greek games were crowned, 1 Corinthians ix, 25.
CRYSTAL, קרח. This word is translated “crystal” in Ezek. i, 22; and “frost,” Gen. xxxi, 40; Job xxxvii, 10; Jeremiah xxxvi, 30; and “ice,” Job vi, 16; xxxviii, 29; Psalm cxlvii, 17; κρυϛαλλος, Rev. iv, 6; xxii, 1. Crystal is supposed to have its name from its resemblance to ice. The Greek word, κρύϛαλλος, is formed from κρύος, ice, and ϛαλάσσομαι, to concrete. The word, זכוכית, is translated crystal, in Job xxviii, 17. Dr. Good observes, “We are not certain of the exact signification, farther than that it denotes some perfectly transparent and hyaline gem.”
CRYSTAL, ice. This word is translated as “crystal” in Ezekiel 1:22; and “frost” in Genesis 31:40; Job 37:10; Jeremiah 36:30; and “ice” in Job 6:16; 38:29; Psalm 147:17; κρυϛαλλος, Revelation 4:6; 22:1. Crystal is thought to get its name from looking like ice. The Greek word, κρύϛαλλος, comes from κρύος, ice, and ϛαλάσσομαι, to solidify. The word, Glass, is translated as crystal in Job 28:17. Dr. Good notes, “We are not certain of the exact meaning, other than that it refers to some perfectly transparent and glassy gem.”
CUBIT, a measure used among the ancients. The Hebrews call it אמא, the mother of other measures: in Greek ϖῆχυς. A cubit originally was the distance from the elbow to the extremity of the middle finger: this is the fourth part of a well proportioned man’s stature. The common cubit is eighteen inches. The Hebrew cubit, according to Bishop Cumberland and M. Pelletier, is twenty-one inches; but others fix it at eighteen inches. The Talmudists observe, that the Hebrew cubit was larger by one quarter than the Roman. Lewis Capellus and others have asserted that there were two sorts of cubits among the Hebrews; one sacred, the other common; the sacred containing three feet, the common containing a foot and a half. Moses assigns to the Levites a thousand sacred cubits of land round about their cities, Num. xxxv, 4; and in the next verse he gives them two thousand common ones. The opinion, however, is very probable, that the cubit varied in different districts and cities, and at different times, &c.
CUBIT, a measurement used in ancient times. The Hebrews call it Mom, the origin of other measurements: in Greek, it's ϖῆχυς. A cubit was originally the distance from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger; this represents a quarter of a well-proportioned person's height. The standard cubit measures eighteen inches. The Hebrew cubit, according to Bishop Cumberland and M. Pelletier, is twenty-one inches, but others say it is eighteen inches. The Talmudists note that the Hebrew cubit was a quarter larger than the Roman cubit. Lewis Capellus and others have claimed there were two types of cubits among the Hebrews: one sacred and one common; the sacred one being three feet and the common one being a foot and a half. Moses designates to the Levites a thousand sacred cubits of land around their cities, Num. xxxv, 4; and in the next verse, he grants them two thousand common cubits. However, it is quite likely that the cubit varied in different regions and cities and at different times, etc.
CUCUMBER, קשאים, σίκυος, cucumis, Num. xi, 5, the fruit of a plant very common in our gardens. Tournefort mentions six kinds, of which the white and green are most esteemed. 280They are very plentiful in the east, especially in Egypt, and much superior to ours. Maillet, in describing the vegetables which the modern Egyptians have for food, tells us, that melons, cucumbers, and onions are the most common; and Celsius and Alpinus describe the Egyptian cucumbers as more agreeable to the taste and of more easy digestion than the European.
CUCUMBER, Kashas, σίκυος, cucumis, Num. xi, 5, the fruit of a plant that is very common in our gardens. Tournefort lists six varieties, with the white and green being the most prized. 280 They are abundant in the east, especially in Egypt, and are much better than ours. Maillet, while describing the vegetables that modern Egyptians eat, mentions that melons, cucumbers, and onions are the most common; and Celsius and Alpinus note that Egyptian cucumbers are tastier and easier to digest than European ones.
CULDEES, a body of religious, who chiefly resided in Scotland, Ireland, and some of the adjacent isles. The name has been also written Keldees and Kyldees. Various etymons have been given of it. Two of these seem to have superior claims to attention. It may be deduced either from Irish ceile, or, gille, a servant, and De, Dia, God; or from cuil, ceal, in Welsh cel, a sequestered corner, a retreat. The latter seems to derive support from the established sense of kil, retained in the names of so many places, which, in an early age, have been consecrated to religion. It is more than probable that Christianity had found its way into Scotland before the close of the second century; and that it continued to be professed by a few scattered individuals even before the arrival of Ninian, in the beginning of the fifth. But we have no proof of the existence of any religious societies observing a particular institute, till the year 563, when Columba landed in Hii, or Iona; which, in honour of him, was afterward called I-colum-kill; that is, the isle of Colum, or Columba, of the cells. He was born in Ireland, A. D. 521; and, after founding many seminaries of religion there, prompted by zeal for the propagation of Christianity, set sail for Scotland with twelve companions. According to Bede, having converted the northern Picts, he received from Brudi, their king, the island of Hii in possession, for the purpose of erecting a monastery. Here he almost constantly resided till the year 597, when he died. He made occasional visits to the mainland, proceeding even as far as to Inverness: also to Ireland, where he was held in high estimation. As he was himself much devoted to the study of the Holy Scriptures, he taught his disciples to confirm their doctrines by testimonies brought from this unpolluted fountain, and declared that only to be the divine counsel which he found there. His followers, faithful to his instructions, “would receive those things only which are contained in the writings of the Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles, diligently observing the works of piety and purity.” They lived, indeed, according to a certain institute, which, it is said, was composed by their venerable instructer. But there was this remarkable distinction between them and those societies properly called monastic, that they were not associated expressly for the purpose of observing this rule. While they seem to have reckoned something of this kind necessary for the preservation of order, and for the attainment of habits of diligence, their great design was, by the instruction of those committed to their charge, to train them up for the work of the ministry. Hence it has been justly observed, that the Culdean fraternities may more properly be viewed as colleges than as monasteries; as being in fact, the seminaries of the church both in North Britain and in Ireland. There were also Culdees in Wales; and, for many ages, the Christians of that country held the same doctrines, and observed the same rites, with their Scottish and Irish brethren. The presbyters not only acted as the ministers of religion to those in their vicinity, but were still instructing others, and sending forth missionaries whenever they had a call, or any prospect of success.
CULDEES were a group of religious individuals who mostly lived in Scotland, Ireland, and some nearby islands. The name has also been spelled Keldees and Kyldees. Several origins have been suggested for it, but two stand out. It might come from the Irish words ceile or gille, meaning servant, combined with De or Dia, meaning God; or from cuil, ceal, and in Welsh, cel, which means a secluded corner or retreat. The latter theory is supported by the established meaning of kil, which is still present in many place names that were dedicated to religion in earlier times. It's likely that Christianity began to spread in Scotland before the end of the second century, and that a few individuals practiced it even before Ninian arrived at the start of the fifth century. However, there is no evidence of any religious communities following a specific rule until 563, when Columba landed on Hii, or Iona; which was later named I-colum-kill, meaning the isle of Colum, or Columba, of the cells. He was born in Ireland in A.D. 521, and after establishing many religious centers there, he sailed to Scotland with twelve companions, motivated by his zeal for spreading Christianity. According to Bede, after converting the northern Picts, he received the island of Hii from their king, Brudi, to build a monastery. He stayed there almost constantly until his death in 597. He made occasional trips to the mainland, even reaching Inverness; he also visited Ireland, where he was greatly respected. Deeply dedicated to studying the Holy Scriptures, he taught his disciples to base their beliefs on teachings from this pure source, insisting that only what he found there was the divine counsel. His followers, loyal to his teachings, “would accept only what is in the writings of the Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles, diligently practicing piety and purity.” They lived by a particular guideline, said to be created by their esteemed teacher. However, a key difference between them and traditional monastic societies was that they were not specifically organized to follow this rule. While they believed such a structure was necessary for maintaining order and developing diligence, their primary goal was to prepare those under their care for ministry work. Thus, it has been rightly noted that the Culdean groups are better seen as colleges than monasteries, serving as the training grounds for the church in both North Britain and Ireland. There were also Culdees in Wales, and for many years, the Christians in that region shared the same beliefs and practices as their Scottish and Irish counterparts. The presbyters not only served as religious ministers to their surrounding communities, but they also continued to educate others and send out missionaries whenever they had a calling or promising opportunity.
2. In each regular establishment of the Culdees, it would appear that there were twelve brethren, with one who presided over them. Their ecclesiastical government has been viewed as materially the same with the Presbyterian. Their president, or abbot, was not a bishop, but a presbyter; to whose authority, as we learn from Bede, even the bishops of the district were subject. In their meetings, all matters were settled by plurality of voices. The members of this council had the general designation of seniores, or elders. To them, collectively, belonged the trial of the gifts of those who had been educated in their seminaries, when they were to be employed in the public ministry; from them they received ordination and mission, and to them they were amenable in the discharge of their office. Those whom they thus employed are, by ancient writers, often denominated bishops. But that they attached to this designation no dignity superior to that of presbyter, appears incontrovertible from their being afterward called to account, and sometimes censured by the fraternity. It has been asserted by the friends of diocesan episcopacy, that a bishop must always have resided at Iona for the purpose of conferring ordination. But there is not the slightest evidence of this. The contrary appears from all the records of these early ages. We learn from the Saxon Chronicle, that “there was always an abbot at Hii, but no bishop.” It is a singular fact, that those who were first acknowledged as bishops in the northern parts of England, and were indeed instrumental in the introduction of Christianity there, were not only trained up at Iona, but received all their authority from the council of seniors in that island. This was the case with respect to Corman, the bishop of the Northumbrians, as well as Aidan, Finan, and Colman, who succeeded each other in this mission. From the testimony of Bede, it is evident that by means of Scottish missionaries, or of those whom they had instructed and ordained, not only the Northumbrians, but the Middle-Angles, the Mercians and East-Saxons, all the way to the river Thames, that is, the inhabitants of by far the greatest part of the country now called England, were converted to Christianity; and for some time acknowledged subjection to the ecclesiastical government of the Scots. The latter lost their influence merely because their missionaries chose rather to give up their charges than to submit to the prevailing influence of the church of Rome, to which the Saxons of the west and of Kent had subjected themselves.
2. In each regular group of the Culdees, it seems there were twelve members, with one person in charge. Their church governance has been seen as largely similar to the Presbyterian model. Their leader, or abbot, was not a bishop but a presbyter; according to Bede, even the bishops in the area were under his authority. In their meetings, decisions were made based on a majority vote. The members of this council were generally referred to as seniores, or elders. They were responsible for evaluating the skills of those trained in their schools when it came time for them to serve in public ministry; from them, they received ordination and mission, and they were accountable to them in their ministry. Those they appointed are often referred to as bishops by ancient writers. However, it is clear that they did not regard this title as superior to that of presbyter, since they could be questioned and sometimes reprimanded by their peers. Supporters of diocesan episcopacy have claimed that a bishop must have always been based at Iona to grant ordination. But there is no evidence to support this. On the contrary, records from those early times suggest otherwise. The Saxon Chronicle states that “there was always an abbot at Hii, but no bishop.” It is notable that those first recognized as bishops in northern England, who played a key role in spreading Christianity there, were trained at Iona and received all their authority from the council of elders on that island. This applies to Corman, the bishop of the Northumbrians, along with Aidan, Finan, and Colman, who succeeded one another in this mission. According to Bede, it is evident that through Scottish missionaries, or those they had taught and ordained, not just the Northumbrians but also the Middle-Angles, Mercians, and East-Saxons up to the river Thames—essentially the majority of what is now called England—were converted to Christianity and for a time recognized the ecclesiastical authority of the Scots. The Scots lost their influence simply because their missionaries preferred to relinquish their duties rather than submit to the growing power of the Roman Church, to which the western Saxons and those of Kent had aligned themselves.
2813. Their doctrines were not less unpalatable than their mode of government to the friends of the church of Rome. In England, in a very early period, the adherents of the Popish missionary Augustine were viewed by the delegates from Iona in the light of heretics. They accordingly refused to hold communion with them. Matters were carried so high in support of the Roman authority in the synod of Stroneschalch, now Whitby, in England, A. D. 662, that Colman, the Scottish bishop of Lindisfarne, left his bishopric, and with his adherents returned to Scotland. Thus, as Bede informs us, “the Catholic institution daily increasing, all the Scots who resided among the Angles, either conformed to them or returned to their own country.” It was decreed in the council of Cealhythe, A. D. 816, that no Scottish priest should be allowed to perform any duty of his function in England. But in Scotland the Culdean doctrine had taken deeper root; and, although equally offensive to the votaries of Rome, kept its ground for several centuries. The Popish writers themselves celebrate the piety, the purity, the humility, and even the learning, of the Culdees; but while they were displeased with the simplicity, or what they deemed the barbarism, of their worship, they charged them with various deviations from the faith of the Catholic church. It was not the least of these, that they did not observe Easter at the proper time. They did not acknowledge auricular confession; they rejected penance and authoritative absolution; they made no use of chrism in baptism; confirmation was unknown; they opposed the doctrine of the real presence; they withstood the idolatrous worship of saints and angels, dedicating all their churches to the Holy Trinity; they denied the doctrine of works of supererogation; they were enemies to the celibacy of the clergy, themselves living in the married state. One sweeping charge brought against them is, that they preferred their own opinions to “the statutes of the holy fathers.”
2813. Their beliefs were just as unappealing as their style of governance to supporters of the Roman Church. In England, very early on, the followers of the Catholic missionary Augustine were regarded as heretics by the representatives from Iona. As a result, they refused to share communion with them. The situation escalated in defense of Roman authority at the synod of Stroneschalch, now known as Whitby, in England, A.D. 662, causing Colman, the Scottish bishop of Lindisfarne, to leave his bishopric and return to Scotland with his followers. Thus, as Bede tells us, “the Catholic institution daily increasing, all the Scots who lived among the Angles either conformed to them or went back to their own country.” It was decided in the council of Cealhythe, A.D. 816, that no Scottish priest could perform any of his functions in England. However, in Scotland, the Culdean beliefs had taken deeper root and, while equally objectionable to the supporters of Rome, persisted for several centuries. Even the Catholic writers acknowledged the piety, purity, humility, and even learning of the Culdees; but while they disapproved of the simplicity, or what they considered the barbarism, of their worship, they accused them of various deviations from the faith of the Catholic Church. One of the main accusations was that they did not celebrate Easter at the correct time. They did not accept auricular confession; they rejected penance and authoritative absolution; they did not use chrism in baptism; confirmation was unheard of; they opposed the doctrine of the real presence; they resisted the idolatrous worship of saints and angels, dedicating all their churches to the Holy Trinity; they denied the doctrine of works of supererogation; they opposed clergy celibacy, living in marriage themselves. One sweeping accusation made against them is that they preferred their own views over “the statutes of the holy fathers.”
4. The Scots, having received the Christian faith by the labours of the Culdees, long withstood the errors and usurpations of Rome. It was not till the twelfth century that their influence began to decline. The difference between the lower classes of society in England and those of the same description in Scotland, both with respect to religious knowledge and moral conduct, is generally considered to be very striking. Some writers, whose attention has been arrested by this singular circumstance, and who could not be influenced by local attachments, have ascribed the disparity to the relative influence, however remote it may seem, of the doctrine and example of the Culdees. Notwithstanding their great disinterestedness and diligence in propagating the Gospel in England, these good men, it has been remarked, within thirty years after the commencement of their mission, were obliged to give way to the adherents of Rome; whereas the Scots, it is certainly known, enjoyed the benefit of their labours for more than seven centuries, and seem to have still retained their predilection for the doctrines and modes which they so early received.
4. The Scots, who embraced Christianity thanks to the efforts of the Culdees, resisted the errors and power grabs of Rome for a long time. It wasn't until the twelfth century that their influence started to fade. The difference between the lower classes in England and those in Scotland, regarding both religious understanding and moral behavior, is often seen as quite pronounced. Some writers, who have taken note of this unusual situation and are not swayed by local biases, attribute the difference to the influence—no matter how distant it may seem—of the teachings and examples of the Culdees. Despite their significant selflessness and hard work in spreading the Gospel in England, it has been noted that within thirty years of starting their mission, these good men had to step aside for the supporters of Rome; meanwhile, it is well-known that the Scots benefited from their efforts for over seven centuries and appear to have maintained their preference for the beliefs and practices they adopted so early on.
CUMMIN, כמון, Isaiah xxviii, 25, 27; κύμινον, Matt. xxiii, 23. This is an umbelliferous plant, in appeara resembling fennel, but smaller. Is seeds have a bitterish warm taste, accompanied with an aromatic flavour, not of the most agreeable kind. An essential oil is obtained from them by distillation. The Jews sowed it in their fields, and when ripe threshed out the seeds with a rod, Isaiah xxviii, 25, 27. The Maltese sow it, and collect the seeds in the same manner.
CUMMIN, בהצלחה, Isaiah 28:25, 27; κύμινον, Matt. 23:23. This is a plant from the umbellifer family, looking somewhat like fennel but smaller. Its seeds have a slightly bitter, warm taste along with an aromatic flavor that's not the most pleasant. An essential oil is extracted from them through distillation. The Jews planted it in their fields and harvested the seeds when ripe using a rod, as noted in Isaiah 28:25, 27. The Maltese also plant it and collect the seeds in the same way.
CUP. This word is taken in a twofold sense; proper, and figurative. In a proper sense, it signifies a vessel, such as people drink out of at meals, Gen. xl, 13. It was anciently the custom, at great entertainments, for the governor of the feast to appoint to each of his guests the kind and proportion of wine which they were to drink, and what he had thus appointed them it was deemed a breach of good manners either to refuse or not to drink up; hence a man’s cup, both in sacred and profane authors, came to signify the portion, whether of good or evil, which happens to him in this world. Thus, to drink “the cup of trembling,” or of “the fury of the Lord,” is to be afflicted with sore and terrible judgments, Isaiah li, 17; Jeremiah xxv, 15–29; Psalm lxxv, 8. What Christ means by the expression, we cannot be at a loss to understand, since in two remarkable passages, Luke xxii, 42, and John xviii, 11, he has been his own interpreter. Lethale poculum bibere, “to drink the deadly cup,” or cup of death, was a common phrase among the Jews; and from them, we have reason to believe, our Lord borrowed it.
CUP. This word has two meanings: literal and figurative. In a literal sense, it refers to a container, like the ones people drink from during meals, Genesis 40:13. In the past, it was common at large gatherings for the host to decide what kind and how much wine each guest would have, and it was considered rude to either refuse or not finish what was served. Therefore, a person's cup, in both religious and secular texts, came to represent the share of good or bad experiences they encounter in life. For example, to drink "the cup of trembling" or "the fury of the Lord" means to suffer from serious and dreadful judgments, as seen in Isaiah 51:17; Jeremiah 25:15–29; Psalm 75:8. The meaning of this expression as used by Christ is clear since He explained it in two significant passages, Luke 22:42 and John 18:11. Drink the lethal poison, "to drink the deadly cup" or cup of death, was a common saying among the Jews, and we have reason to believe that our Lord derived it from them.
Cup of Blessing, 1 Corinth. x, 16, is that which was blessed in entertainments of ceremony, or solemn services; or, rather, a cup over which God was blessed for having furnished its contents; that is, for giving to men the fruit of the vine. Our Saviour, in the Last Supper, blessed the cup, and gave it to each of his Apostles to drink, Luke xxii, 20.
Cup of Blessing, 1 Corinthians 10:16, refers to a cup that was blessed during ceremonial gatherings or solemn services; or more specifically, a cup that God was thanked for providing its contents, which is the fruit of the vine. During the Last Supper, our Savior blessed the cup and shared it with each of his Apostles to drink, as mentioned in Luke 22:20.
Cup of Salvation, Psalm cxvi, 13, a phrase of nearly the same import as the former, a cup of thanksgiving, of blessing the Lord for his saving mercies. We see, in 2 Macc. vi, 27, that the Jews of Egypt, in their festivals for deliverance, offered cups of salvation. The Jews have at this day cups of thanksgiving, which are blessed, in their marriage ceremonies, and in entertainments made at the circumcision of their children. Some commentators think that “the cup of salvation” was a libation of wine poured on the victim sacrificed on thanksgiving occasions, according to the law of Moses, Exod. xxix, 40.
Cup of Salvation, Psalm cxvi, 13, a phrase that means almost the same as the previous one, a cup of gratitude, thanking the Lord for His saving grace. We see in 2 Macc. vi, 27, that the Jews in Egypt, during their festivals celebrating deliverance, offered cups of salvation. Today, Jews have cups of thanksgiving that are blessed during their wedding ceremonies and at celebrations for their children's circumcision. Some commentators believe that “the cup of salvation” referred to a wine libation poured over the sacrifice during thanksgiving rituals, as prescribed by the law of Moses, Exod. xxix, 40.
CURSE. To curse, signifies to imprecate, to call for mischief upon, or wish evil to, any one. Noah cursed his grandson Canaan, Gen. ix, 25: Jacob cursed the fury of his two sons, Gen. xlix, 7: Moses enjoins the people of Israel to denounce curses against the violaters of the law, Deut. xxvii, 15, 16, &c. Joshua pronounced a curse upon him who should undertake to rebuild Jericho. These curses were 282such as were either ordained by God himself, and pronounced by men under the influence of his Spirit; or they were predictions of certain evils which would happen to individuals, or to a people, uttered in the form of imprecations. They were not the effects of passion, impatience, or revenge; and, therefore, were not things condemned by God in his law, like the cursing mentioned, Exodus xxi, 17, xxii, 28, Leviticus xix, 14.
CURSE. To curse means to invoke harm or wish evil upon someone. Noah cursed his grandson Canaan, Gen. ix, 25; Jacob cursed the anger of his two sons, Gen. xlix, 7; Moses instructed the people of Israel to pronounce curses against those who break the law, Deut. xxvii, 15, 16, &c. Joshua placed a curse on anyone who would try to rebuild Jericho. These curses were either established by God himself and proclaimed by individuals under the influence of his Spirit, or they were predictions of specific misfortunes that would befall individuals or a community, expressed as imprecations. They were not the result of anger, impatience, or revenge, and thus were not condemned by God in his law, as seen in Exodus xxi, 17, xxii, 28, Leviticus xix, 14.
CUSH, the eldest son of Ham, and father of Nimrod, Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah, and Sabtecha; and the grandfather of Sheba and Dedan. The posterity of Cush, spread over great part of Asia and Africa, were called Cushim, or Cushites; and by the Greeks and Romans, and in our Bible, Ethiopians.
CUSH was the oldest son of Ham and the father of Nimrod, Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah, and Sabtecha. He was also the grandfather of Sheba and Dedan. The descendants of Cush, who lived in much of Asia and Africa, were known as Cushim or Cushites, and by the Greeks and Romans, as well as in our Bible, as Ethiopians.
Cush, Cutha, Cuthea, Cushan, Ethiopia, Land of Cush, the country or countries peopled by the descendants of Cush; whose first plantations were on the gulf of Persia, in that part which still bears the name of Chuzestan, and from whence they spread over India and great part of Arabia; particularly its western part, on the coast of the Red Sea; invaded Egypt, under the name of Hyc-Sos, or shepherd-kings; and thence passed, as well probably as by the straits of Babelmandel, into Central Africa, and first peopled the countries to the south of Egypt, Nubia, Abyssinia, and parts farther to the south and west. The indiscriminate use of the term Ethiopia in our Bible, for all the countries peopled by the posterity of Cush, and the almost exclusive application of the same term by the Greek and Roman writers to the before mentioned countries of Africa, have involved some portions of both sacred and profane history in almost inextricable confusion. The first country which bore this name, and which was doubtless the original settlement, was that which is described by Moses as encompassed by the river Gihon, or Gyndes; which encircles a great part of the province of Chuzestan in Persia. In process of time, the increasing family spread over the vast territory of India and Arabia: the whole of which tract, from the Ganges to the borders of Egypt, then became the land of Cush, or Asiatic Ethiopia, the Cusha Dweepa within, of Hindoo geography. Until dispossessed of this country, or a great part of it, by the posterity of Abraham, the Ishmaelites and Midianites, they, by a farther dispersion, passed over into Africa; which, in its turn, became the land of Cush, or Ethiopia, the Cusha Dweepa without, of the Hindoos: the only country so understood after the commencement of the Christian æra. Even from this last refuge, they were compelled, by the influx of fresh settlers from Arabia, Egypt, and Canaan, to extend their migrations still farther westward, into the heart of the African continent; where only in the woolly-headed negro, the genuine Cushite is to be found.
Cushion, Cutha, Cuthea, Cushan, Ethiopia, Land of Cush, refers to the country or countries inhabited by the descendants of Cush. Their earliest settlements were along the Persian Gulf, in the area still known as Chuzestan, and from there, they spread across India and much of Arabia, especially the western part along the Red Sea. They invaded Egypt, known then as the Hyc-Sos or shepherd-kings, and likely entered Central Africa through the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, first populating areas south of Egypt, Nubia, Abyssinia, and regions further south and west. The broad use of the term Ethiopia in our Bible for all lands inhabited by Cush's descendants, along with its almost exclusive use by Greek and Roman writers for those African regions, has tangled parts of both sacred and secular history in a confusing blend. The initial country that had this name, and was certainly the original settlement, is described by Moses as being surrounded by the river Gihon, or Gyndes, which encircles much of Chuzestan in Persia. Over time, the growing family expanded across the vast lands of India and Arabia; this entire area, stretching from the Ganges to Egypt, became known as the land of Cush, or Asiatic Ethiopia, referred to in Hindu geography as Cusha Dweepa within. Until they were pushed out of this region, or much of it, by the descendants of Abraham, the Ishmaelites, and Midianites, they further dispersed into Africa, which then became known as the land of Cush, or Ethiopia, the Cusha Dweepa without according to Hindus—the only region understood in this manner after the start of the Christian era. Even from this final refuge, they were forced to move further west into the heart of Africa due to an influx of new settlers from Arabia, Egypt, and Canaan, where the only true Cushite can now be found in the woolly-headed negro.
Herodotus relates that Xerxes had, in the army prepared for his Grecian expedition, both Oriental and African Ethiopians: and adds, that they resembled each other in every outward circumstance except their hair; that of the Asiatic Ethiopians being long and straight, while the hair of those of Africa was curled. This is a very remarkable fact; and leads to the question, How came this singular distinction between people of the same stock? Did it arise from change of climate and of habits? or from some original difference in a particular branch of the great family of Cush? The former appears by far the more probable. It is not likely that a people descended from a common parent should naturally be distinguished by such a peculiar difference; but that it might be acquired by change of soil and condition, we have every reason to believe. We have something exactly analogous to it, in the change which the hair of animals undergoes when removed from their native state. But a modern writer has furnished us with a fact which will go farther than either theory or analogy. Dr. Prichard, in his researches into the Physical History of Man, relates, on the authority of Dr. S. S. Smith, of the negroes settled in the southern districts of the United States of America, that the field-slaves, who live on the plantations, and retain pretty nearly the rude manners of their African progenitors, preserve in the third generation much of their original structure, though their features are not so strongly marked as those of imported slaves. But the domestic servants of the same race, who are treated with lenity, and whose condition is little different from that of the lower class of white people, in the third generation have the nose raised, the mouth and lips of moderate size, the eyes lively and sparkling, and often the whole composition of the features extremely agreeable. “The hair grows sensibly longer in each succeeding race, and extends to three, four, and sometimes to six or eight inches.”
Herodotus tells us that Xerxes had, in the army he prepared for his campaign against Greece, both Asian and African Ethiopians. He adds that they looked alike in every way except for their hair; the hair of the Asian Ethiopians was long and straight, while the hair of the African Ethiopians was curly. This is a significant observation and raises the question: How did this unique distinction arise among people from the same ancestry? Did it come from changes in climate and lifestyle, or did it stem from some original difference within a specific branch of the larger Cushite family? The former seems much more likely. It’s not reasonable to think that people with a common ancestry would be naturally differentiated by such a distinct feature; however, it's entirely possible that this difference developed due to changes in environment and conditions. We see something similar in how the hair of animals changes when they are taken from their native habitats. A modern writer has provided a fact that adds more weight than either theory or analogy. Dr. Prichard, in his studies on human physical history, mentions, based on the research of Dr. S. S. Smith, that among the African American population settled in the southern regions of the United States, field slaves who live on plantations and largely maintain the rough customs of their African ancestors retain much of their original traits by the third generation, though their features aren’t as pronounced as those of imported slaves. In contrast, domestic servants of the same race, who are treated more kindly and whose situation is similar to that of lower-class white people, show different characteristics in the third generation — their noses are more refined, their mouths and lips modest in size, their eyes bright and lively, and overall, their features are often very pleasant. “The hair noticeably becomes longer with each successive generation, reaching lengths of three, four, and sometimes six or eight inches.”
About four hundred years before Christ, Herodotus, in his second book which treats of Egypt, makes frequent mention of Ethiopia; meaning exclusively the Ethiopia above Egypt. In the time of our Saviour, (and indeed from that time forward,) by Ethiopia, was meant, in a general sense, the countries south of Egypt, then but imperfectly known: of one of which, that Candace was queen whose eunuch was baptized by Philip.
About four hundred years before Christ, Herodotus, in his second book about Egypt, often mentioned Ethiopia, specifically referring to the area above Egypt. During the time of our Savior—and really from that point onward—Ethiopia generally referred to the regions south of Egypt, which were then not well understood: of one of these, the queen was Candace, whose eunuch was baptized by Philip.
From a review of the history of this remarkable people, we may see that those writers must necessarily be wrong who would confine the Ethiopians to either Arabia or Africa. Many parts of Scripture history cannot possibly be understood, without supposing them to have settlements in both; which Herodotus expressly asserts was the case. In fine, we may conclude, that in the times of the prophets, and during the transactions recorded in the second books of Kings and Chronicles, the Cushites, still retaining a part of their ancient territories in Arabia, had crossed the Red Sea in great numbers, and obtained extensive possessions in Africa; where, being, in a farther course of time, altogether expelled from the east by the Ishmaelites, &c, their remains are now concentrated. It is to be observed, however, that the Cushites probably at the time of 283their expulsion from Egypt, migrated, or sent colonies into several other parts, particularly to Phenicia, Colchis, and Greece; where, in process of time, they became blended with the other inhabitants of those countries, the families of Javan, Meshek, and Tubal, and their distinctive character totally lost.
From looking at the history of this remarkable people, we can see that those writers are definitely wrong who try to limit the Ethiopians to either Arabia or Africa. Many parts of biblical history can’t be understood without considering that they had settlements in both places, which Herodotus clearly stated was true. In summary, we can conclude that during the times of the prophets, and in the events recorded in the second books of Kings and Chronicles, the Cushites, while still holding onto some of their ancient lands in Arabia, crossed the Red Sea in large numbers and gained significant territory in Africa; where, as time went on, they were completely driven out of the east by the Ishmaelites, etc., and their remnants are now concentrated. However, it should be noted that the Cushites likely migrated or sent colonies to several other areas at the time of their expulsion from Egypt, particularly to Phoenicia, Colchis, and Greece; where, over time, they mixed with the other inhabitants of those regions, such as the families of Javan, Meshek, and Tubal, and their unique identity was entirely lost.
CYPRESS, תרזה, Isa. xliv, 14; and κυπάρισσος, Ecclus. xxiv, 13; l, 10; a large evergreen tree. The wood is fragrant, very compact, and heavy. It scarcely ever rots, decays, or is worm-eaten; for which reason the ancients used to make the statues of their gods with it. The unperishable chests which contain the Egyptian mummies were of cypress. The gates of St. Peter’s church at Rome, which had lasted from the time of Constantine to that of Pope Eugene IV, that is to say eleven hundred years, were of cypress, and had in that time suffered no decay. But Celsius thinks that Isaiah speaks of the ilex, a kind of oak; and Bishop Lowth, that the pine is intended. The cypress, however, was more frequently used, and more fit for the purpose which the prophet mentions, than either of these trees.
CYPRESS, Teresa, Isa. xliv, 14; and κυπάρισσος, Ecclus. xxiv, 13; l, 10; a large evergreen tree. The wood is aromatic, very dense, and heavy. It hardly ever rots, decays, or gets infested with worms; for this reason, ancient people used it to make statues of their gods. The durable chests that hold the Egyptian mummies were made of cypress. The gates of St. Peter’s church in Rome, which lasted from the time of Constantine to that of Pope Eugene IV, or for eleven hundred years, were made of cypress and showed no signs of decay during that time. However, Celsius believes that Isaiah is referring to the ilex, a type of oak; and Bishop Lowth thinks it refers to the pine. Nevertheless, the cypress was used more often and was more suitable for the purpose the prophet mentions than either of these trees.
CYPRUS, a large island in the Mediterranean, situated between Cilicia and Syria. Its inhabitants were plunged in all manner of luxury and debauchery. Their principal deity was Venus. The Apostles Paul and Barnabas landed in the isle of Cyprus, A. D. 44, Acts xiii, 4. While they continued at Salamis, they preached Jesus Christ in the Jewish synagogues; from thence they visited all the cities of the island, preaching the Gospel. At Paphos, they found Bar-Jesus, a false prophet, with Sergius Paulus, the governor: Paul struck Bar-Jesus with blindness; and the proconsul embraced Christianity. Some time after, Barnabas went again into this island with John, surnamed Mark, Acts xv, 39. Barnabas is considered as the principal Apostle, and first bishop, of Cyprus; where it is said he was martyred, being stoned to death by the Jews of Salamis.
CYPRUS, a large island in the Mediterranean, located between Cilicia and Syria, was known for its indulgent lifestyle and excesses. The main deity worshipped by its people was Venus. The Apostles Paul and Barnabas arrived on Cyprus around A.D. 44, as noted in Acts 13:4. While they were in Salamis, they preached about Jesus Christ in the Jewish synagogues. From there, they traveled to various cities across the island, sharing the Gospel. In Paphos, they encountered Bar-Jesus, a false prophet, who was with Sergius Paulus, the governor. Paul struck Bar-Jesus blind, and as a result, the proconsul converted to Christianity. Later, Barnabas returned to the island with John, also known as Mark, as mentioned in Acts 15:39. Barnabas is regarded as the leading Apostle and the first bishop of Cyprus, where it is said he was martyred by being stoned to death by the Jews of Salamis.
CYRENE was a city of Lybia in Africa, which, as it was the principal city of that province, gave to it the name of Cyrenaica. This city was once so powerful as to contend with Carthage for preëminence. In profane writers, it is mentioned as the birthplace of Eratosthenes the mathematician, and Callimachus the poet; and in holy writ, of Simon, whom the Jews compelled to bear our Saviour’s cross, Matt. xxvii, 32; Luke xxiii, 26. At Cyrene resided many Jews, a great part of whom embraced the Christian religion; but others opposed it with much obstinacy. Among the most inveterate enemies of Christianity, Luke reckons those of this province, who had a synagogue at Jerusalem, and excited the people against St. Stephen, Acts xi, 20.
CYRENE was a city in Libya, Africa, which, being the main city of that region, gave it the name of Cyrenaica. This city was
CYRENIUS, governor of Syria, Luke ii, 1, 2. Great difficulties have been raised on the history of the taxing under Cyrenius, for the different solutions of which we must refer to the commentators.
CYRENIUS, governor of Syria, Luke ii, 1, 2. There have been many challenges regarding the history of the taxation under Cyrenius, and for various explanations, we need to look at the commentators.
It may be observed on the passage in Luke ii, 1, 2, That the word οἰκȣμένη, rendered all the world, sometimes signifies the whole of a country, region, or district, as perhaps Acts xi, 28, and certainly Luke xxi, 26. The expression, “all the country,” is peculiarly proper in this place, because Galilee, as well as Judea, was included, and perhaps all other parts in which were Jews. The word ἀπογραφὴ, which is rendered taxing, should have been translated enrolment; as a taxation did not always really follow such enrolment, though such enrolment generally preceded a taxation. The difficulty of the passage is in the word ϖρώτη, first, because, ten or eleven years after, there was actually a taxation, which, as a decisive mark of subjection to the Roman power, was very mortifying to the Jewish nation. To this taxation Gamaliel alludes, “Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the taxing,” Acts v, 37, when mobs and riots were frequent, under pretence of liberty.
It can be observed in the passage in Luke 2:1-2 that the word οἰκȣμένη, translated as all the world, sometimes refers to an entire country, region, or area, as perhaps noted in Acts 11:28, and certainly in Luke 21:26. The phrase “all the country” is particularly fitting here, as it includes both Galilee and Judea, and possibly other regions where Jews lived. The word ἀπογραφὴ, translated as taxing, should have been translated as enrolment; as a taxation did not always follow such enrolment, although enrolment generally preceded a taxation. The challenge of the passage lies in the word ϖρώτη, first, because ten or eleven years later, there was indeed a taxation, which served as a clear sign of submission to Roman authority, and was very humiliating for the Jewish nation. Gamaliel refers to this taxation when he says, “Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the taxing,” in Acts 5:37, during a time when mobs and riots were common under the pretense of seeking freedom.
The narrative of St. Luke may be combined in the following order, which is probably not far from its true import: “In those days Cæsar Augustus,” who was displeased with the conduct of Herod, and wished him to feel his dependence on the Roman empire, “issued a decree that the whole land” of Judea “should be enrolled,” as well persons as possessions, that the true state of the inhabitants, their families, and their property, might be known and recorded. Accordingly, “all were enrolled,” but the taxation did not immediately follow this enrolment, because Augustus was reconciled to Herod; and this accounts for the silence of Josephus on an assessment not carried into effect. “And this was the first assessment (or enrolment) of Cyrenius, governor of Syria. And all went to be enrolled, each to his own city;” and, as the emperor’s order was urgent, and Cyrenius was known to be active in the despatch of business, even Mary, though far advanced “in her pregnancy, went with Joseph, and while they waited” for their turn to be enrolled, “Mary was delivered of Jesus.” It is not, however, improbable, that Mary had some small landed estate, for which her appearance was necessary. Jesus, therefore, was enrolled with Mary and Joseph, as Julian the Apostate expressly says.
The account of St. Luke can be organized in the following way, which is likely close to its actual meaning: “In those days, Caesar Augustus,” who was not happy with Herod's actions and wanted him to recognize his reliance on the Roman Empire, “issued a decree that the entire region” of Judea “should be registered,” including both people and property, to ensure the true status of the residents, their families, and their possessions could be understood and documented. As a result, “everyone was registered,” but the taxation didn’t happen immediately after this registration because Augustus had made peace with Herod; this explains Josephus's silence on an assessment that was never carried out. “And this was the first assessment (or registration) of Quirinius, governor of Syria. And everyone went to be registered, each to their own city;” and since the emperor’s command was urgent, and Quirinius was known for his efficiency in handling tasks, even Mary, despite being very late in her pregnancy, went with Joseph, and while they waited” for their turn to be registered, “Mary gave birth to Jesus.” It’s also possible that Mary had some small piece of land that required her presence. Thus, Jesus was registered alongside Mary and Joseph, as explicitly stated by Julian the Apostate.
An officer being sent from Rome to enrol and assess the subjects of a king, implied that such king was dependent on the Roman emperor, and demonstrates that the sceptre was departed from Judah. This occurrence, added to the alarm of Herod on the inquiry of the Magi respecting the birthplace of the Messiah, might sufficiently exasperate Herod, not merely to slay the infants of Bethlehem, but to every act of cruelty. Hence, after such an occurrence, all Jerusalem might well be alarmed with Herod, Matt. ii, 3; and the priests, &c, study caution in their answers to him. This occurrence would quicken the attention of all who expected temporal redemption in Israel, as it would extremely mortify every Jewish national feeling.
An officer was sent from Rome to enroll and assess the people under a king, which implied that this king was dependent on the Roman emperor and showed that the power had shifted away from Judah. This situation, combined with Herod's fear from the Magi's inquiry about the Messiah's birthplace, could easily anger Herod enough to not just kill the infants of Bethlehem but to commit all kinds of cruelty. As a result, after this event, it was understandable that all of Jerusalem would be alarmed with Herod, Matt. ii, 3; and the priests, etc., would be careful in how they answered him. This event would grab the attention of everyone who hoped for a political savior in Israel, as it would deeply hurt every Jewish national sentiment.
The overruling providence of God appointed, that, at the time of Christ’s birth, there should be a public, authentic, and general production of titles, pedigrees, &c, which should 284prove that Jesus was descended from the house and direct family line of David; and that this should be proved judicially on such a scrutinizing occasion. This occurrence brought about the birth of the Messiah, at the very place appointed by prophecy long before, though the usual residence of Joseph and Mary was at Nazareth.
The guiding hand of God arranged that, at the time of Christ’s birth, there would be a public, official, and widespread registry of titles, family trees, etc., that would demonstrate that Jesus was a descendant of the house and direct lineage of David; and that this should be verified in a formal setting on such a critical occasion. This event led to the birth of the Messiah, exactly at the place foretold by prophecy long before, even though Joseph and Mary usually lived in Nazareth. 284
CYRUS, son of Cambyses the Persian, and of Mandane, daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes. At the age of thirty, Cyrus was made general of the Persian troops, and sent, at the head of thirty thousand men, to assist his uncle, Cyaxares, whom the Babylonians were preparing to attack. Cyaxares and Cyrus gave them battle, and dispersed them. After this, Cyrus carried the war into the countries beyond the river Halys; subdued Cappadocia; marched against Crœsus, king of Lydia, defeated him, and took Sardis, his capital. Having reduced almost all Asia, Cyrus repassed the Euphrates, and turned his arms against the Assyrians: having defeated them, he laid siege to Babylon, which he took on a festival day, after having diverted the course of the river which ran through it. On his return to Persia, he married his cousin, the daughter and heiress of Cyaxares; after which he engaged in several wars, and subdued all the nations between Syria and the Red Sea. He died at the age of seventy, after a reign of thirty years. Authors differ much concerning the manner of his death.
CYRUS, son of Cambyses the Persian, and of Mandane, daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes. At thirty, Cyrus became the general of the Persian troops and was sent, leading thirty thousand men, to assist his uncle, Cyaxares, who was facing an impending attack from the Babylonians. Cyaxares and Cyrus confronted them in battle and scattered their forces. Following this, Cyrus took the war into the regions beyond the Halys River; he conquered Cappadocia; marched against Crœsus, the king of Lydia, defeated him, and captured his capital, Sardis. After bringing almost all of Asia under his control, Cyrus crossed back over the Euphrates and turned his military efforts against the Assyrians. After defeating them, he laid siege to Babylon, which he captured on a festival day, having redirected the river that flowed through the city. Upon returning to Persia, he married his cousin, the daughter and heiress of Cyaxares; afterward, he engaged in several wars and subdued all the nations between Syria and the Red Sea. He died at seventy years old after three decades of reign. Authors greatly disagree about the circumstances of his death.
2. We learn few particulars respecting Cyrus from Scripture; but they are more certain than those derived from other sources. Daniel, in the remarkable vision in which God showed him the ruin of several great empires which preceded the birth of the Messiah, represents Cyrus as “a ram which had two horns, both high, but one rose higher than the other, and the higher came up last. This ram pushed westward, and northward, and southward, so that no beasts might stand before him, neither was there any that could deliver out of his hand; but he did according to his will, and became great,” Daniel viii, 3, 4, 20. The two horns signify the two empires which Cyrus united in his person, that of the Medes and that of the Persians. In another place, Daniel compares Cyrus to a bear, with three ribs in its mouth, to which it was said, “Arise, devour much flesh.” Cyrus succeeded Cambyses in the kingdom of Persia, and Darius the Mede (by Xenophon called Cyaxares, and Astyages in the Greek of Dan. xiii, 65,) also in the kingdom of the Medes, and the empire of Babylon. He was monarch, as he speaks “of all the earth,” Ezra i, 1, 2; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 22, 23, when he permitted the Jews to return into their own country, A. M. 3466, B. C. 538. He had always a particular regard for Daniel, and continued him in his great employments.
2. We learn a few details about Cyrus from the Bible, and they are more reliable than those from other sources. Daniel, in a remarkable vision where God showed him the downfall of several major empires before the Messiah's birth, depicts Cyrus as “a ram with two horns, both tall, but one grew higher than the other, and the higher came up last. This ram charged westward, northward, and southward, so that no animals could stand against him, nor was there anyone who could rescue from his power; he acted according to his own will and became great,” Daniel viii, 3, 4, 20. The two horns represent the two empires that Cyrus united: the Medes and the Persians. In another passage, Daniel compares Cyrus to a bear with three ribs in its mouth, and it was said to him, “Get up, eat a lot of meat.” Cyrus succeeded Cambyses as king of Persia, and Darius the Mede (referred to by Xenophon as Cyaxares, and Astyages in the Greek of Dan. xiii, 65) in the kingdom of the Medes and the Babylonian empire. He ruled “over all the earth,” Ezra i, 1, 2; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 22, 23, when he allowed the Jews to return to their homeland, A. M. 3466, B. C. 538. He always had a special respect for Daniel and kept him in his important positions.
3. The prophets foretold the exploits of Cyrus. Isaiah, xliv, 28, particularly declares his name, above a century before he was born. Josephus says, that the Jews of Babylon showed this passage to Cyrus; and that, in the edict which he granted for their return, he acknowledged that he received the empire of the world from the God of Israel. The peculiar designation by name, which Cyrus received, must be regarded as one of the most remarkable circumstances in the prophetic writings. He was the heir of a monarch who ruled over one of the poorest and most inconsiderable kingdoms of Asia, but whose hardy inhabitants were at that time the bravest of the brave; and the providential circumstances in which he was placed precluded him from all knowledge of this oracular declaration in his favour. He did not become acquainted with the sacred books in which it was contained, nor with the singular people in whose possession it was found, till he had accomplished all the purposes for which he had been raised up, except that of saying to Jerusalem, as the “anointed” vicegerent of Heaven, “Thou shalt be inhabited;” and to the cities of Judah, “Ye shall be built, and I will raise up their ruins.” The national pride of the Jews during the days of their unhallowed prosperity, would hinder them from divulging among other nations such prophecies as this, which contained the most severe yet deserved reflections upon their wicked practices and ungrateful conduct; and it was only when they were captives in Babylon that they submitted to the humiliating expedient of exhibiting, to the mighty monarch whose bondmen they had become, the prophetic record of their own apostasy and punishment, and of his still higher destination, as the rebuilder of Jerusalem. No temptation therefore could be laid before the conqueror in early life to excite his latent ambition to accomplish this very full and explicit prophecy; and the facts of his life, as recorded by historians of very opposite sentiments and feelings, all concur in developing a series of consecutive events, in which he acted no insignificant part; which, though astonishing in their results, differ greatly from those rapid strides perceptible in the hurried career of other mighty men of war in the east; and which, from the unbroken connection in which they are presented to us, appear like the common occurrences of life naturally following each other, and mutually dependent. Yet this consideration does not preclude the presence of a mighty Spirit working within him; which, according to Isaiah, said to him, “I will gird thee, though thou hast not known me.” Concerning the genius, or guardian angel, of Socrates many learned controversies have arisen; but, though a few of the disputants have endeavoured to explain it away, the majority of them have left the Greek philosopher in possession of a greater portion of inspiration than, with marvellous inconsistency, some of them are willing to accord to the Jewish prophets. In this view it is highly interesting to recollect that the elegant historian who first informed his refined countrymen of this moral prodigy, is he who subsequently introduced them to an acquaintance with the noble and heroic Cyrus. The didactic discourses and the comparatively elevated 285morality which Xenophon embodied in his “Memoirs of Socrates,” are generally admitted to have been purposely illustrated in his subsequent admirable production, the Cyropædia, or “Education of Cyrus;” the basis of which is true history adorned and refined by philosophy, and exhibiting for universal imitation the life and actions of a prince who was cradled in the ancient Persian school of the Pischdadians, the parent of the Socratic. Isaiah describes, in fine poetic imagery, the Almighty going before Cyrus to remove every obstruction out of his way:--
3. The prophets predicted the achievements of Cyrus. Isaiah, in chapter 44, verse 28, specifically mentions his name over a hundred years before he was born. Josephus says that the Jews in Babylon showed this passage to Cyrus, and that in the decree he issued for their return, he acknowledged that he received the world empire from the God of Israel. The specific mention of Cyrus by name must be seen as one of the most striking elements in prophetic writings. He was the heir of a king who ruled over one of the poorest and most insignificant kingdoms in Asia, but whose tough inhabitants were then the bravest of the brave. The circumstances that surrounded him prevented him from knowing about this prophetic declaration in his favor. He did not learn about the sacred texts containing it, nor about the unique people who had them, until he fulfilled all the purposes for which he had been raised, except for telling Jerusalem, as the “anointed” representative of Heaven, “You shall be inhabited,” and to the cities of Judah, “You shall be built, and I will restore their ruins.” The national pride of the Jews during their unholy prosperity would have stopped them from sharing such prophecies with other nations, especially those that contained harsh but deserved criticisms of their wicked behaviors and ungrateful actions. It was only when they were captives in Babylon that they reluctantly showed, to the mighty king they had become servants of, the prophetic records of their own downfall and punishment, as well as his even greater role as the rebuilder of Jerusalem. Thus, no temptations could have been presented to the young conqueror to spark his hidden ambition to fulfill this very clear prophecy. The facts of his life, as documented by historians with very different views and emotions, all point to a series of events in which he played a significant role—events that, while amazing in their outcomes, are very different from the swift actions seen in the rushed careers of other great military leaders in the East. These events appear as straightforward instances of life that naturally follow one another and are interdependent. However, this idea does not rule out the influence of a powerful Spirit working within him, which, according to Isaiah, told him, “I will strengthen you, even though you don’t know me.” There have been many learned debates about the genius or guardian spirit of Socrates. While some of the debaters have tried to dismiss it, most of them have left the Greek philosopher with a greater share of inspiration than, ironically, some of them would allow for the Jewish prophets. In this regard, it is very interesting to remember that the elegant historian who first introduced his cultured countrymen to this moral wonder was the one who later introduced them to the noble and heroic Cyrus. The instructive speeches and the comparatively higher moral standards that Xenophon captured in his “Memoirs of Socrates” are widely accepted to have been purposefully reflected in his later work, the Cyropædia, or “Education of Cyrus,” which is based on true history enhanced and refined by philosophy, showcasing for universal admiration the life and actions of a prince raised in the ancient Persian school of the Pischdadians, the forerunner of the Socratic. Isaiah describes, with beautiful poetic imagery, the Almighty going before Cyrus to clear every obstacle from his path:--
According to Herodotus, Babylon was famous for its brazen gates and doors; a hundred were in the city walls, beside those which led to the river, and others which belonged to the temple of Belus. When Sardis and Babylon were taken by Cyrus, they were the wealthiest cities in the world. Crœsus gave an exact inventory of his immense treasures to Cyrus, and they were removed from Sardis in waggons. Pliny gives the following account of the wealth which Cyrus obtained by his conquests in Asia: “He found thirty-four thousand pounds’ weight of gold, beside vessels of gold, and gold wrought into the leaves of a platanus and of a vine; five hundred thousand talents of silver, and the cup of Semiramis, which weighed fifteen talents. The Egyptian talent, according to Varro, was equal to eighty pounds.” Mr. Brerewood estimates the value of the gold and silver in this enumeration at 126,224,000l. sterling. Other particulars relating to him, and the accomplishment of prophecy in his conquest of that large city, will be found under the article Babylon. It is the God of Israel who, in these sublime prophecies, confounds the omens and prognostics of the Babylonian soothsayers or diviners, after they had predicted the stability of that empire; and who announces the restoration of Israel, and the rebuilding of the city and temple of Jerusalem, through Cyrus his “shepherd” and his “anointed” messenger. Chosen thus by God to execute his high behests, he subdued and reigned over many nations,--the Cilicians, Syrians, Paphlagonians, Cappadocians, Phrygians, Lydians, Carians, Phenicians, Arabians, Egyptians, Babylonians, Assyrians, Bactrians, &c.
According to Herodotus, Babylon was known for its grand gates and doors; there were a hundred in the city walls, along with those leading to the river and others that belonged to the temple of Belus. When Cyrus took Sardis and Babylon, they were the richest cities in the world. Crœsus provided Cyrus with a detailed list of his vast treasures, which were transported from Sardis in wagons. Pliny describes the wealth Cyrus gained from his conquests in Asia: “He found thirty-four thousand pounds of gold, as well as gold vessels and gold shaped into the leaves of a platanus and a vine; five hundred thousand talents of silver, and the cup of Semiramis, which weighed fifteen talents. According to Varro, the Egyptian talent was equivalent to eighty pounds.” Mr. Brerewood estimates the value of the gold and silver listed here at £126,224,000. More information about him and the fulfillment of prophecy regarding his conquest of that great city can be found under the article Babylon. It is the God of Israel who, in these profound prophecies, overturns the predictions of the Babylonian soothsayers, who had forecasted the stability of that empire; and who proclaims the restoration of Israel and the rebuilding of the city and temple of Jerusalem through Cyrus, his “shepherd” and “anointed” messenger. Chosen by God to carry out his important tasks, he conquered and ruled over many nations, including the Cilicians, Syrians, Paphlagonians, Cappadocians, Phrygians, Lydians, Carians, Phoenicians, Arabians, Egyptians, Babylonians, Assyrians, Bactrians, and others.
4. Herodotus has painted the portrait of Cyrus in dark colours, and has been followed in many particulars by Ctesias, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plato, Strabo, Justin, and others; in opposition to the contrary accounts of Æschylus, Xenophon, Josephus, the Persian historians, and, apparently, the Holy Scriptures. The motive for this conduct of Herodotus is probably to be found in his aversion to Cyrus, for having been the enslaver of his country. The Greek historian was a man of free and independent spirit, and could never brook the mention of the surrender of his native city, Halicarnassus, to the troops of Cyrus. But, allowing that heartlessness and cruelty are too often the accompaniments of mighty conquerors, and that very few escape their direful contagion; yet, when the worst is told about Cyrus, abundance of authentic facts remain to attest his worth, and to elevate his character above the standard of ordinary mortals. Xenophon informs us, that the seven last years of his full sovereignty this prince spent in peace and tranquillity at home, revered and beloved by all classes of his subjects. In his dying moments he was surrounded by his family, friends, and children; and delivered to them the noblest exhortations to the practice of piety, virtue, and concord. This testimony is in substance confirmed by the Persian historians, who relate, that, after a long and bloody war, Khosru, or Cyrus, subdued the empire of Turan, and made the city of Balk, in Chorasan, a royal residence, to keep in order his new subjects; that he repaid every family in Persia proper the amount of their war-taxes, out of the immense spoils which he had acquired by his conquests; that he endeavoured to promote peace and harmony between the Turanians and Iranians; that he regulated the pay of his soldiery, reformed civil and religious abuses throughout the provinces, and, at length, after a long and glorious reign, resigned the crown to his son Lohorasp, and retired to solitude, confessing that he had lived long enough for his own glory, and that it was then time for him to devote the remainder of his days to God. Saadi, in his Gulistan, copies the wise inscription which Cyrus ordered to be inscribed on his crown: “What avails a long life spent in the enjoyment of worldly grandeur, since others, mortal like ourselves, will one day trample under foot our pride! This crown, handed down to me from my predecessors, must soon pass in succession upon the head of many others.” In the last book of the “Cyropædia” we find the following devout thanksgivings to the gods: “I am abundantly thankful for being truly sensible of your care, and for never being elated by prosperity above my condition. I beseech you to prosper my children, wife, friends, and country. And for myself, I ask, that such as is the life ye have vouchsafed to me, such may be my end.” The reflections of Dr. Hales on this passage are very judicious: “Here, Xenophon, a polytheist himself, represents Cyrus praying to the gods in the plural number; but that he really prayed to one 286only, the patriarchal God, worshipped by his venerable ancestors, the Pischdadians, may appear from the watchword, or signal, which he gave to his soldiers before the great battle, in which Evil Merodach was slain:
4. Herodotus has described Cyrus in a negative light, and many others like Ctesias, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plato, Strabo, Justin, and others have followed his perspective; this stands in contrast to the more positive accounts from Æschylus, Xenophon, Josephus, Persian historians, and seemingly the Holy Scriptures. The reason behind Herodotus's stance likely stems from his hatred for Cyrus, who enslaved his homeland. The Greek historian was a man of free spirit who couldn't tolerate the idea that his hometown, Halicarnassus, surrendered to Cyrus's forces. While it's true that ruthless and cruel behavior often accompanies powerful conquerors, and very few escape that influence, even under a harsh light, many authentic details highlight Cyrus's virtues and lift his character above that of ordinary people. Xenophon tells us that Cyrus spent the last seven years of his rule in peace and harmony at home, admired and loved by all his subjects. In his final moments, he was surrounded by his family, friends, and children, delivering profoundly inspirational messages about piety, virtue, and unity. This account is corroborated by Persian historians, who say that after a long and bloody war, Khosru—or Cyrus—conquered the Turanian empire and set up the city of Balk in Chorasan as his royal residence to manage his new subjects. He compensated every family in Persia for their war taxes from the vast spoils of his conquests, worked to foster peace between the Turanians and Iranians, regulated the pay for his soldiers, and made reforms in civil and religious matters across the provinces. Ultimately, after a long and glorious reign, he handed the crown to his son Lohorasp and withdrew into solitude, admitting that he had lived long enough for his own fame and that it was time to dedicate the rest of his days to God. Saadi, in his Gulistan, notes the wise saying Cyrus had inscribed on his crown: “What good is a long life filled with worldly power, when others, just as mortal as us, will eventually trample our pride! This crown, passed down from my ancestors, will soon rest on the heads of many others.” In the final book of the “Cyropædia,” we see the following thankful prayers to the gods: “I’m very grateful for being aware of your care and for never being overly proud in good times. I ask that you bless my children, wife, friends, and country. And for myself, I desire that the life you have given me may be reflected in my end.” Dr. Hales provides insightful thoughts on this passage: “Here, Xenophon, a polytheist, depicts Cyrus praying to multiple gods but it seems he genuinely prayed to one—the patriarchal God worshiped by his ancient ancestors, the Pischdadians, as suggested by the signal he gave to his soldiers before the major battle in which Evil Merodach was defeated:
Who this god was, we learn from the preamble of his famous proclamation, permitting the Jews to return from the Babylonian captivity: ‘The Lord, the God of heaven, hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he hath charged me to build him a house at Jerusalem,’ &c, Ezra i, 1, 2. But where did the Lord, (Iahoh, or Jove) so charge him?--In that signal prophecy of Isaiah, predicting his name and his actions, about B. C. 712, above a century before his birth; a prophecy which was undoubtedly communicated to him by the venerable Prophet Daniel, the Archimagus, who saw the beginning of the Babylonish captivity, and also its end, here foretold to be effected by the instrumentality of Cyrus.”
Who this god was, we learn from the introduction of his famous proclamation that allowed the Jews to return from the Babylonian captivity: ‘The Lord, the God of heaven, has given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he has commanded me to build him a house in Jerusalem,’ &c, Ezra i, 1, 2. But where did the Lord (Iahoh, or Jove) give him such a command?--In that remarkable prophecy of Isaiah, predicting his name and actions, around 712 B.C., over a century before his birth; a prophecy that was undoubtedly relayed to him by the esteemed Prophet Daniel, the Archimagus, who witnessed the beginning of the Babylonian captivity and also its end, which here is foretold to be accomplished through Cyrus.
5. Pliny notices the tomb of Cyrus at Passagardæ in Persia. Arrian and Strabo describe it; and they agree with Curtius, that Alexander the Great offered funeral honours to his shade there; that he opened the tomb, and found, not the treasures he expected, but a rotten shield, two Scythian bows, and a Persian scymetar. And Plutarch records the following inscription upon it, in his life of Alexander:--“O man, whoever thou art, and whenever thou comest, (for come, I know, thou wilt,) I am Cyrus, the founder of the Persian empire. Envy me not the little earth that covers my body.” Alexander was much affected at this inscription, which set before him, in so striking a light, the uncertainty and vicissitude of worldly things. And he placed the crown of gold which he wore, upon the tomb in which the body lay, wondering that a prince so renowned, and possessed of such immense treasures, had not been buried more sumptuously than if he had been a private person. Cyrus, indeed, in his last instructions to his children, desired that “his body, when he died, might not be deposited in gold or silver, nor in any other sumptuous monument, but committed, as soon as possible, to the ground.”
5. Pliny mentions the tomb of Cyrus at Passagardæ in Persia. Arrian and Strabo describe it, and they agree with Curtius that Alexander the Great paid his respects to him there. He opened the tomb and found not the treasures he expected, but a decayed shield, two Scythian bows, and a Persian scimitar. Plutarch records the following inscription on it in his account of Alexander: “O man, whoever you are, and whenever you come (for I know you will), I am Cyrus, the founder of the Persian empire. Don’t envy me the little earth that covers my body.” Alexander was deeply moved by this inscription, as it highlighted the uncertainty and changes of worldly things. He placed the gold crown he was wearing on the tomb where the body lay, astonished that such a renowned prince with vast treasures hadn't been buried more grandly, as if he were an ordinary person. Indeed, Cyrus, in his final instructions to his children, requested that “his body, when he died, should not be placed in gold or silver, nor in any other extravagant monument, but buried, as soon as possible, in the ground.”
The observation which Dr. Hales here makes, is worthy of record:--“This is a most signal and extraordinary epitaph. It seems to have been designed as a useful memento mori, [memento of death,] for Alexander the Great, in the full pride of conquest, “whose coming” it predicts with a prophetic spirit, “For come I know thou wilt.” But how could Cyrus know of his coming?--Very easily. Daniel the Archimagus, his venerable friend, who warned the haughty Nebuchadnezzar, that “head of gold,” or founder of the Babylonian empire, that it should be subverted by “the breast and arms of silver,” Dan. ii, 37, 39, or “the Mede and the Persian,” Darius and Cyrus, as he more plainly told the impious Belshazzar, Dan. v, 28, we may rest assured, communicated to Cyrus also, the founder of the Persian empire, the symbolical vision of the goat, with the notable horn in his forehead, Alexander of Macedon coming swiftly from the west, to overturn the Persian empire, Daniel viii, 5, 8, under the last king Codomannus, the fourth from Darius Nothus, as afterward more distinctly explained, Dan. xi, 1, 4. Cyrus, therefore, decidedly addresses the short-lived conqueror, O man, whoever thou art, &c.
The observation that Dr. Hales makes here is worth noting: "This is a very remarkable and extraordinary epitaph. It seems to have been made as a useful remember you will die [reminder of death] for Alexander the Great, at the height of his power, 'whose coming' it predicts with a prophetic tone, 'For I know you will come.' But how could Cyrus know about his arrival?—Very easily. Daniel the Archmagus, his respected friend, who warned the arrogant Nebuchadnezzar, 'the head of gold,' or founder of the Babylonian empire, that it would be toppled by 'the breast and arms of silver,' Dan. ii, 37, 39, or 'the Mede and the Persian,' Darius and Cyrus, as he more clearly informed the irreverent Belshazzar, Dan. v, 28, we can be sure, also conveyed to Cyrus, the founder of the Persian empire, the symbolic vision of the goat, with the famous horn on its forehead, representing Alexander of Macedon coming quickly from the west to overthrow the Persian empire, Daniel viii, 5, 8, during the reign of the last king Codomannus, the fourth from Darius Nothus, as later elaborated, Dan. xi, 1, 4. Thus, Cyrus directly addresses the short-lived conqueror, O man, whoever you are, etc.
“Juvenal, in that noble satire, the tenth, verse 168, has a fine reflection on the vanity of Alexander’s wild ambition to conquer worlds, soon destined himself to be confined in a narrow coffin; by a pointed allusion to the epitaph on the tomb of Cyrus:--
“Juvenal, in that great satire, the tenth, verse 168, has a keen insight into the futility of Alexander’s reckless ambition to conquer the world, only to end up confined in a small coffin; with a sharp reference to the epitaph on Cyrus's tomb:--
“The emotion of Alexander, on visiting the tomb, and reading the inscription, is not less remarkable. He evidently applied to himself, as the destroyer, the awful rebuke of the founder of the Persian empire, for violating the sanctity of his tomb, from motives of profane curiosity, and perhaps of avarice. And we may justly consider the significant act of laying down his golden crown upon the tomb itself, as an amende honorable, a homage due to the offended shade of the pious and lowly-minded Cyrus the Great.” These reflections must close our account of one of the most remarkable characters that ever appeared among the eastern conquerors.
“The feelings of Alexander when he visited the tomb and read the inscription are equally striking. He clearly saw himself, as the conqueror, facing the harsh criticism of the founder of the Persian empire for disrespecting the sanctity of his tomb, driven by base curiosity and possibly greed. We can rightly interpret his significant act of placing his golden crown on the tomb itself as an public apology, a gesture of respect to the upset spirit of the humble and devout Cyrus the Great.” These thoughts must conclude our account of one of the most remarkable figures ever to emerge among the eastern conquerors.
DAGON, דגון, corn, from דגן, or דג, a fish, god of the Philistines. It is the opinion of some that Dagon was represented like a woman, with the lower parts of a fish, like a triton or syren. Scripture shows clearly that the statue of Dagon was human, at least, the upper part of it, 1 Sam. v, 4, 5. A temple of Dagon at Gaza was pulled down by Samson, Judges xvi, 23, &c. In another, at Ashdod, the Philistines deposited the ark of God, 1 Sam. v, 1–3. A city in Judah was called Beth-Dagon; that is, the house, or temple, of Dagon, Joshua xv, 41; and another on the frontiers of Asher, Joshua xix, 27.
DAGON, Dagon, corn, from Grain, or Fish, a fish, was the god of the Philistines. Some believe that Dagon was depicted as a woman with the lower half of a fish, similar to a triton or siren. The scripture clearly shows that the statue of Dagon was human, at least in its upper part, 1 Sam. v, 4, 5. Samson destroyed a temple of Dagon in Gaza, Judges xvi, 23, & etc. In another temple at Ashdod, the Philistines placed the ark of God, 1 Sam. v, 1–3. There was a city in Judah called Beth-Dagon; that is, the house or temple of Dagon, Joshua xv, 41; and another on the borders of Asher, Joshua xix, 27.
DALMANUTHA. St. Mark says that Jesus Christ embarked with his disciples on the lake of Tiberias, and came to Dalmanutha, Mark viii, 10, but St. Matthew calls it Magdala, Matt. xv, 39. It seems that Dalmanutha was near to Magdala, on the western side of the lake.
DALMANUTHA. St. Mark says that Jesus Christ got on a boat with his disciples on the lake of Tiberias and arrived at Dalmanutha, Mark viii, 10, but St. Matthew calls it Magdala, Matt. xv, 39. It appears that Dalmanutha was close to Magdala, on the western side of the lake.
DALMATIA, a part of old Illyria, lying along the gulf of Venice. Titus preached here, 2 Tim. iv, 10.
DALMATIA, which is a region of ancient Illyria, situated along the Gulf of Venice. Titus preached here, 2 Tim. iv, 10.
DAMASCUS, a celebrated city of Asia, and anciently the capital of Syria, may be accounted one of the most venerable places in the world for its antiquity. It is supposed to have been founded by Ux, the son of Aram; and is, at 287least, known to have subsisted in the time of Abraham, Gen. xv, 2. It was the residence of the Syrian kings, during the space of three centuries; and experienced a number of vicissitudes in every period of its history. Its sovereign, Hadad, whom Josephus calls the first of its kings, was conquered by David, king of Israel. In the reign of Ahaz, it was taken by Tiglath Pileser, who slew its last king, Rezin, and added its provinces to the Assyrian empire. It was taken and plundered, also, by Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar, the generals of Alexander the Great, Judas Maccabeus, and at length by the Romans in the war conducted by Pompey against Tigranes, in the year before Christ, 65. During the time of the emperors, it was one of their principal arsenals in Asia, and is celebrated by the emperor Julian as, even in his day, “the eye of the whole east.” About the year 634, it was taken by the Saracen princes, who made it the place of their residence, till Bagdad was prepared for their reception; and, after suffering a variety of revolutions, it was taken and destroyed by Tamerlane, A. D. 1400. It was repaired by the Mamelukes, when they gained possession of Syria; but was wrested from them by the Turks, in 1506; and since that period has formed the capital of one of their pachalics. The modern city is delightfully situated about fifty miles from the sea, in a fertile and extensive plain, watered by the river which the Greeks called Chrysorrhoras, or “Golden River,” but which is known by the name of Barrady, and of which the ancient Abana and Pharpar are supposed to have been branches. The city is nearly two miles in length from its north-east to its north-west extremity; but of very inconsiderable breadth, especially near the middle of its extent, where its width is much contracted. It is surrounded by a circular wall, which is strong, though not lofty; but its suburbs are extensive and irregular. Its streets are narrow; and one of them, called Straight, mentioned in Acts ix, 11, still runs through the city about half a mile in length. The houses, and especially those which front the streets, are very indifferently built, chiefly of mud formed into the shape of bricks, and dried in the sun; but those toward the gardens, and in the squares, present a more handsome appearance. In these mud walls, however, the gates and doors are often adorned with marble portals, carved and inlaid with great beauty and variety; and the inside of the habitation, which is generally a large square court, is ornamented with fragrant trees and marble fountains, and surrounded with splendid apartments, furnished and painted in the highest style of luxury. The market places are well constructed, and adorned with a rich colonnade of variegated marble. The principal public buildings are, the castle, which is about three hundred and forty paces in length; the hospital, a charitable establishment for the reception of strangers, composing a large quadrangle lined with a colonnade, and roofed in small domes covered with lead; and the mosque, the entrance of which is supported by four large columns of red granite; the apartments in it are numerous and magnificent, and the top is covered with a cupola ornamented with two minarets.
DAMASCUS, a famous city in Asia and formerly the capital of Syria, is considered one of the oldest places in the world due to its deep history. It is believed to have been founded by Ux, the son of Aram, and is known to have existed during the time of Abraham, as mentioned in Gen. xv, 2. For three centuries, it served as the residence of the Syrian kings and went through many changes in each era of its history. Its ruler, Hadad—whom Josephus refers to as the first king—was defeated by David, the king of Israel. During Ahaz's reign, Tiglath Pileser captured the city, killed its last king, Rezin, and incorporated its provinces into the Assyrian empire. The city was also taken and looted by Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar, the generals of Alexander the Great, Judas Maccabeus, and finally by the Romans during Pompey's campaign against Tigranes in 65 B.C. Under the emperors, it became one of their main military supplies bases in Asia, and the emperor Julian praised it as “the eye of the whole east” in his time. Around 634, it was seized by Saracen princes, who made it their residence until Baghdad was ready for them; it underwent numerous changes before being captured and destroyed by Tamerlane in A.D. 1400. The Mamelukes restored it after they took control of Syria, but it was taken from them by the Turks in 1506, and since then it has been the capital of one of their provinces. The modern city is beautifully situated about fifty miles from the sea in a fertile, expansive plain, watered by the river known to the Greeks as Chrysorrhoras, or “Golden River,” which goes by the name Barrady today; the ancient rivers Abana and Pharpar are thought to be its branches. The city stretches nearly two miles from its northeast to northwest edges but is quite narrow, especially in the middle, where it contracts significantly. It is surrounded by a strong circular wall, though it isn’t very tall; however, its suburbs are wide and irregular. The streets are narrow, with one called Straight, mentioned in Acts ix, 11, still running through the city for about half a mile. The houses, particularly those facing the streets, are poorly constructed, mainly from mud shaped into bricks and sun-dried; but those toward the gardens and in the squares look more attractive. In these mud walls, the gates and doors are often decorated with beautifully carved and inlaid marble portals; inside, the typical dwelling features a large square courtyard adorned with fragrant trees and marble fountains, surrounded by lavish rooms furnished and painted in a high style of luxury. The marketplaces are well built and embellished with a rich colonnade of colorful marble. The main public buildings include the castle, which is approximately three hundred and forty paces long; the hospital, a charitable institution for welcoming guests, which consists of a large courtyard lined with a colonnade and covered with small lead-domed roofs; and the mosque, which has an entrance supported by four large red granite columns. Its numerous and magnificent rooms are crowned with a dome adorned with two minarets.
Damascus is surrounded by a fruitful and delightful country, forming a plain nearly eighty miles in circumference; and the lands, most adjacent to the city, are formed into gardens of great extent, which are stored with fruit trees of every description. “No place in the world,” says Mr. Maundrell “can promise to the beholder at a distance a greater voluptuousness;” and he mentions a tradition of the Turks, that their prophet, when approaching Damascus, took his station upon a certain precipice, in order to view the city; and, after considering its ravishing beauty and delightful aspect, was unwilling to tempt his frailty by going farther; but instantly took his departure with this remark, that there was but one paradise designed for man, and that, for his part, he was resolved not to take his in this world. The air or water of Damascus, or both, are supposed to have a powerful effect in curing the leprosy, or, at least, in arresting its progress, while the patient remains in the place.
Damascus is surrounded by a lush and beautiful area, creating a plain that's almost eighty miles around. The lands closest to the city are turned into extensive gardens filled with all kinds of fruit trees. “No place in the world,” says Mr. Maundrell, “can offer a more enticing view from afar.” He mentions a story from the Turks that their prophet, when approaching Damascus, stood on a certain cliff to look at the city. After taking in its stunning beauty and charming appearance, he decided not to risk temptation by going further; he immediately left with the comment that there is only one paradise meant for man, and he was determined not to claim his in this world. The air or water of Damascus, or maybe both, are believed to have a strong effect in healing leprosy, or at least slowing its progression, while the patient stays there.
The Rev. James Conner visited Damascus in 1820, as an agent of the Church Missionary Society. He had a letter from the archbishop of Cyprus to Seraphim, patriarch of Antioch, the head of the Christian church in the east, who resides at Damascus. This good man received Mr. Conner in the most friendly manner; and expressed himself delighted with the system and operations of the Bible Society. He undertook to encourage and promote, to the utmost of his power, the sale and distribution of the Scriptures throughout the patriarchate; and, as a proof of his earnestness in the cause, he ordered, the next day, a number of letters to be prepared, and sent to his archbishops and bishops, urging them to promote the objects of the Bible Society in their respective stations.
The Rev. James Conner visited Damascus in 1820 as a representative of the Church Missionary Society. He brought a letter from the archbishop of Cyprus to Seraphim, the patriarch of Antioch, who is the leader of the Christian church in the east and resides in Damascus. This kind man welcomed Mr. Conner warmly and expressed his happiness with the goals and work of the Bible Society. He promised to do everything he could to support and encourage the sale and distribution of the Scriptures throughout the patriarchate. To demonstrate his commitment, he had several letters prepared the following day, which were sent to his archbishops and bishops, asking them to promote the mission of the Bible Society in their respective areas.
DAMN, and DAMNATION, are words synonymous with condemn and condemnation. Generally speaking, the words are taken to denote the final and eternal punishment of the ungodly. These terms, however, sometimes occur in the New Testament in what may be termed a less strict, or secondary sense. Thus, when the Apostle says to the Romans, “He that doubteth,” namely, the lawfulness of what he is doing, “is damned if he eat,” Rom. xiv, 23; the meaning is, he stands condemned in his own mind. Again: when St. Paul tells the Corinthians, that “he that eateth and drinketh” of the Lord’s Supper “unworthily, eateth and drinketh damnation to himself,” 1 Cor. xi, 29; the original word, κρίμα, there is thought by many to import no more than temporal judgments, and that the Apostle explains himself in the same sense when he says, “For this cause many among you are weak and sickly, and many sleep,” or die. This is at least one mode of interpreting the “damnation” of which St. Paul here speaks; but probably the true sense is the bringing guilt upon the conscience, and thereby a liability, without remission, to future judgment.
DAMN and Damnation are words that mean to condemn and condemnation. Generally, these words refer to the final and eternal punishment of the wicked. However, they sometimes appear in the New Testament in a less strict or secondary sense. For example, when the Apostle says to the Romans, “He that doubteth,” meaning the lawfulness of what he is doing, “is damned if he eats,” Rom. xiv, 23; it means he feels condemned in his own mind. Similarly, when St. Paul tells the Corinthians that “he that eateth and drinketh” of the Lord’s Supper “unworthily, eateth and drinketh damnation to himself,” 1 Cor. xi, 29; many believe the original word, κρίμα, refers to nothing more than temporary judgments, which the Apostle clarifies when he says, “For this cause many among you are weak and sickly, and many sleep,” or die. This is at least one way to interpret the “damnation” St. Paul is referring to; but likely the true meaning involves bringing guilt upon one’s conscience, leading to an accountability to future judgment without any chance of forgiveness.
288DAN, the fifth son of Jacob, Gen. xxx, 1–6. Dan had but one son, whose name was Hushim, Gen. xlvi, 23; yet he had a numerous posterity; for, on leaving Egypt, this tribe consisted of sixty-two thousand seven hundred men able to bear arms, Num. i, 38. Of Jacob’s blessing Dan, see Gen. xlix, 16, 17. They took Laish, Judges xviii, 1; Joshua xix, 47. They called the city Dan, after their progenitor. The city of Dan was situated at the northern extremity of the land of Israel: hence the phrase, “from Dan to Beersheba,” denoting the whole length of the land of promise. Here Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, set up one of his golden calves, 1 Kings xii, 29; and the other at Bethel.
288 DAN, the fifth son of Jacob, Gen. xxx, 1–6. Dan had only one son, named Hushim, Gen. xlvi, 23; yet he had a large number of descendants because, when leaving Egypt, this tribe had sixty-two thousand seven hundred men capable of fighting, Num. i, 38. For Jacob’s blessing for Dan, see Gen. xlix, 16, 17. They conquered Laish, Judges xviii, 1; Joshua xix, 47. They named the city Dan after their ancestor. The city of Dan was located at the northern edge of the land of Israel; this is where the phrase “from Dan to Beersheba” comes from, referring to the entire length of the promised land. Here, Jeroboam, son of Nebat, set up one of his golden calves, 1 Kings xii, 29; the other was at Bethel.
DANCING. It is still the custom in the east to testify their respect for persons of distinction by music and dancing. When Baron Du Tott, who was sent by the French government to inspect their factories in the Levant, approached an encampment of Turcomans, between Aleppo and Alexandretta, the musicians of the different hordes turned out, playing and dancing before him all the time he and his escort were passing by their camp. Thus, it will be recollected, “the women came out of all the cities of Israel, singing and dancing, to meet King Saul, with tabrets, with joy, and with instruments of music,” when he returned in triumph from the slaughter of the Philistines. In the oriental dances, in which the women engage by themselves, the lady of highest rank in the company takes the lead, and is followed by her companions, who imitate her steps, and if she sings, make up the chorus. The tunes are extremely gay and lively, yet with something in them wonderfully soft. The steps are varied according to the pleasure of her who leads the dance, but always in exact time. This statement may enable us to form a correct idea of the dance, which the women of Israel performed under the direction of Miriam, on the banks of the Red Sea. The prophetess, we are told, “took a timbrel in her hand, and all the women went out after her, with timbrels and dances.” She led the dance, while they imitated her steps, which were not conducted according to a set, well-known form, as in this country, but extemporaneous. The conjecture of Mr. Harmer is extremely probable, that David did not dance alone before the Lord, when he brought up the ark, but, as being the highest in rank, and more skilful than any of the people, he led the religious dance of the males.
DANCING. In the east, it’s still common to show respect for distinguished individuals through music and dance. When Baron Du Tott, sent by the French government to inspect factories in the Levant, approached a camp of Turcomans between Aleppo and Alexandretta, the musicians from various groups came out, playing and dancing as he and his escort passed by their camp. It’s worth remembering that “the women came out of all the cities of Israel, singing and dancing, to meet King Saul, with tambourines, joy, and musical instruments,” when he returned in triumph after defeating the Philistines. In the oriental dances, where women perform separately, the highest-ranking lady takes the lead, with her companions following and imitating her steps; if she sings, they form the chorus. The music is very lively and cheerful, yet has a wonderfully soft quality to it. The dance steps vary according to the pleasure of the leader but always stay in perfect time. This description can help us understand the dance that the women of Israel performed under Miriam's direction by the Red Sea. We are told the prophetess “took a timbrel in her hand, and all the women went out after her, with timbrels and dances.” She led the dance, while they copied her movements, which weren’t performed according to a set, well-known routine like in this country, but were spontaneous. Mr. Harmer’s speculation is quite likely that David did not dance alone before the Lord when he brought up the ark, but as the highest in rank and the most skilled among the people, he led the religious dance of the men.
DANIEL was a descendant of the kings of Judah, and is said to have been born at Upper Bethoron, in the territory of Ephraim. He was carried away captive to Babylon when he was about eighteen or twenty years of age, in the year 606 before the Christian æra. He was placed in the court of Nebuchadnezzar, and was afterward raised to situations of great rank and power, both in the empire of Babylon and of Persia. He lived to the end of the captivity, but being then nearly ninety years old, it is most probable that he did not return to Judea. It is generally believed that he died at Susa, soon after his last vision, which is dated in the third year of the reign of Cyrus. Daniel seems to have been the only prophet who enjoyed a great share of worldly prosperity; but amidst the corruptions of a licentious court he preserved his virtue and integrity inviolate, and no danger or temptation could divert him from the worship of the true God. The book of Daniel is a mixture of history and prophecy: in the first six chapters is recorded a variety of events which occurred in the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, and Darius; and, in particular, the second chapter contains Nebuchadnezzar’s prophetic dream concerning the four great successive monarchies, and the everlasting kingdom of the Messiah, which dream God enabled Daniel to interpret. In the last six chapters we have a series of prophecies, revealed at different times, extending from the days of Daniel to the general resurrection. The Assyrian, the Persian, the Grecian, and the Roman empires, are all particularly described under appropriate characters; and it is expressly declared that the last of them was to be divided into ten lesser kingdoms; the time at which Christ was to appear is precisely fixed; the rise and fall of antichrist, and the duration of his power, are exactly determined; and the future restoration of the Jews, the victory of Christ over all his enemies, and the universal prevalence of true religion, are distinctly foretold, as being to precede the consummation of that stupendous plan of God, which “was laid before the foundation of the world,” and reaches to its dissolution. Part of this book is written in the Chaldaic language, namely, from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh chapter; these chapters relate chiefly to the affairs of Babylon, and it is probable that some passages were taken from the public registers. This book abounds with the most exalted sentiments of piety and devout gratitude; its style is clear, simple, and concise; and many of its prophecies are delivered in terms so plain and circumstantial, that some unbelievers have asserted, in opposition to the strongest evidence, that they were written after the events which they describe had taken place. With respect to the genuineness and authenticity of the hook of Daniel, there is abundance both of external and internal evidence; indeed all that can well be had or desired in a case of this nature: not only the testimony of the whole Jewish church and nation, who have constantly received this book as canonical, but of Josephus particularly, who recommends him as the greatest of the prophets; of the Jewish Targums and Talmuds, which frequently cite and appeal to his authority; of St. Paul and St. John, who have copied many of his prophecies; and of our Saviour himself, who cites his words, and styles him, “Daniel the prophet.” Nor is the internal less powerful and convincing than the external evidence; for the language, the style, the manner of writing, and all other internal marks and characters, are perfectly agreeable to that age; and finally he appears plainly and 289undeniably to have been a prophet by the exact accomplishment of his prophecies.
DANIEL was a descendant of the kings of Judah and is said to have been born in Upper Bethoron, in the territory of Ephraim. He was taken captive to Babylon when he was about eighteen or twenty years old, in the year 606 before Christ. He was placed in the court of Nebuchadnezzar and later promoted to high-ranking positions in both the Babylonian and Persian empires. He lived to the end of the captivity, but since he was nearly ninety years old at that time, it's likely that he did not return to Judea. It is generally believed that he died in Susa, shortly after his last vision, which is dated to the third year of Cyrus's reign. Daniel seems to have been the only prophet who experienced significant worldly success; yet amid the corruption of a debauched court, he managed to keep his virtue and integrity intact, and no threat or temptation could sway him from worshiping the true God. The book of Daniel is a blend of history and prophecy: the first six chapters recount various events during the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, and Darius; notably, the second chapter includes Nebuchadnezzar’s prophetic dream about the four great empires and the eternal kingdom of the Messiah, which God allowed Daniel to interpret. The last six chapters present a series of prophecies revealed at different times, covering events from Daniel’s days to the general resurrection. The Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman empires are all described with distinct characteristics; it specifically mentions that the last empire would be divided into ten smaller kingdoms; the timing of Christ’s appearance is clearly stated; the rise and fall of the antichrist, along with the duration of his power, are precisely outlined; and the future restoration of the Jews, Christ’s victory over all His enemies, and the widespread acceptance of true religion are distinctly prophesied as preconditions for the fulfillment of God’s grand plan, which “was established before the foundation of the world” and extends to its end. Part of this book is written in Chaldaic, specifically from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh chapter; these chapters primarily deal with Babylonian matters, and it’s likely that some passages were taken from public records. This book is filled with the highest expressions of piety and gratitude; its style is clear, simple, and concise; and many prophecies are conveyed in such straightforward and detailed language that some skeptics, despite strong evidence to the contrary, claim they were written after the events they describe. Regarding the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel, there is ample external and internal evidence available, indeed all that can be desired in such matters: not only the testimony of the entire Jewish church and nation, who have consistently accepted this book as canonical, but also the endorsement of Josephus, who regards him as the greatest of the prophets; the Jewish Targums and Talmuds that frequently reference his authority; and the mentions by St. Paul and St. John, who incorporate many of his prophecies; and our Savior Himself, who references his words and calls him “Daniel the prophet.” The internal evidence is just as strong and convincing as the external; the language, style, writing manner, and all other internal markers and characteristics conform perfectly to that era; and ultimately, his role as a prophet is clearly established through the precise fulfillment of his prophecies.
DARIUS was the name of several princes in history, some of whom are mentioned in Scripture.
DARIUS was the name of several princes in history, some of whom are mentioned in Scripture.
1. Darius the Mede, spoken of in Daniel v, 31; ix, 1; xi, 1, &c, was the son of Astyages, king of the Medes, and brother to Mandane, the mother of Cyrus, and to Amyit, the mother of Evil-merodach, and grandmother of Belshazzar. Darius the Mede, therefore, was uncle by the mother’s side to Evil-merodach and Cyrus. The Septuagint, in Daniel vii, give him the name of Artaxerxes; the thirteenth, or apocryphal chapter of Daniel, calls him Astyages; and Xenophon designates him by the name of Cyaxares. He succeeded Belshazzar, king of Babylon, his nephew’s son, or his sister’s grandson, in the year of the world, 3448, according to Calmet, or in 3468, according to Usher. Daniel does not inform us of any previous war between them; but the prophets Isaiah and Jeremiah supply this deficiency. Isa. xiii, xiv, xlv, xlvi, xlvii; Jer. l, li.
1. Darius the Mede, mentioned in Daniel v, 31; ix, 1; xi, 1, etc., was the son of Astyages, king of the Medes, and the brother of Mandane, who was the mother of Cyrus, and Amyit, who was the mother of Evil-merodach, and grandmother of Belshazzar. Therefore, Darius the Mede was the maternal uncle of Evil-merodach and Cyrus. The Septuagint in Daniel vii refers to him as Artaxerxes; the thirteenth, or apocryphal, chapter of Daniel calls him Astyages; and Xenophon names him Cyaxares. He succeeded Belshazzar, king of Babylon, who was the son of his nephew or the grandson of his sister, in the year of the world 3448, according to Calmet, or in 3468, according to Usher. Daniel doesn’t tell us about any previous wars between them; however, the prophets Isaiah and Jeremiah fill in this gap. Isa. xiii, xiv, xlv, xlvi, xlvii; Jer. l, li.
2. Darius, the son of Hystaspes, has been supposed by some, on the authority of Archbishop Usher and Calmet, to be the Ahasuerus of Scripture, and the husband of Esther. But Dr. Prideaux thinks, that Ahasuerus was Artaxerxes Longimanus. This prince recovered Babylon after a siege of twenty months. This city, which had been formerly the capital of the east, revolted from Persia, taking advantage of the revolutions that happened, first at the death of Cambyses, and afterward on the massacre of the Magi. The Babylonians employed four years in preparations, and when they thought that their city was furnished with provisions for a long time, they raised the standard of rebellion. Darius levied an army in great haste, and besieged Babylon. The Babylonians shut themselves up within their walls, whose height and thickness secured them from assault; and as they had nothing to fear but famine, they assembled all their women and children, and strangled them, each reserving only his most beloved wife, and one servant. Thus was fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah, xlvii, 7–9. Some believe that the Jews were either expelled by the Babylonians, as being too much in the interest of Darius; or that, in obedience to the frequent admonitions of the prophets, they quitted that city when they saw the people determined to rebel, Isa. xlviii, 20; Jer. l, 8; li, 6–9; Zech. xi, 6, 7. Darius lay twenty months before Babylon, without making any considerable progress; but, at length, Zopyrus, one of his generals, obtained possession of the city by stratagem. Darius ordered the hundred gates of brass to be taken away, according to the prediction of Jeremiah, li, 58, “Thus saith the Lord, The broad walls of Babylon shall be utterly broken, and her high gates shall be burnt with fire, and the people shall labour in vain.” This is related in Herodotus.
2. Darius, the son of Hystaspes, is thought by some, based on the works of Archbishop Usher and Calmet, to be the Ahasuerus mentioned in Scripture and the husband of Esther. However, Dr. Prideaux argues that Ahasuerus was actually Artaxerxes Longimanus. This ruler re-captured Babylon after a twenty-month siege. The city, which was once the capital of the east, rebelled against Persia, taking advantage of the upheaval that occurred first with Cambyses's death and later with the massacre of the Magi. The Babylonians spent four years preparing, and when they believed their city had enough supplies for a long time, they raised the flag of rebellion. Darius quickly assembled an army and laid siege to Babylon. The Babylonians locked themselves inside their walls, which were high and thick enough to protect them from attacks; fearing nothing but starvation, they gathered all their women and children and killed them, keeping only their most beloved wives and one servant. This fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah, xlvii, 7–9. Some believe that the Jews were either expelled by the Babylonians for being too supportive of Darius or that, following the frequent warnings from the prophets, they left the city when they noticed the people were determined to rebel, as mentioned in Isa. xlviii, 20; Jer. l, 8; li, 6–9; Zech. xi, 6, 7. Darius besieged Babylon for twenty months without making significant progress, but eventually, Zopyrus, one of his generals, captured the city through a clever trick. Darius ordered the removal of the hundred bronze gates, fulfilling Jeremiah's prediction in li, 58, “Thus says the Lord, The broad walls of Babylon shall be utterly broken, and her high gates shall be burned with fire, and the people shall labor in vain.” This is also mentioned by Herodotus.
3. Darius Codomanus was of the royal family of Persia, but very remote from the crown. He was in a low condition, when Bagoas, the eunuch, who had procured the destruction of two kings, Ochus and Arses, placed him on the throne. His true name was Codoman, and he did not take that of Darius till he was king. He was descended from Darius Nothus, whose son, Ostanes, was father to Arsames, that begat Codomanus. He was at first only a courier to the emperor Ochus. But one day when he was at this prince’s army, one of their enemies challenged the bravest of the Persians. Codomanus offered himself for the combat, and overcame the challenger, and was made governor of Armenia. From this situation, Bagoas placed him on the throne of Persia. Alexander the Great invaded the Persian empire, and defeated Darius in three successive battles. After the third battle, Darius fled toward Media, in hopes of raising another army. At Ecbatana, the capital of Media, he gathered the remains of his forces, and some new levies. Alexander having wintered at Babylon and Persepolis, took the field in search of Darius, who quitted Ecbatana, with an intention of retreating into Bactria; but, changing his resolution, Darius stopped short, and determined to hazard a battle, though his army at this time consisted only of forty thousand men. While he was preparing for this conflict, Bessus, governor of Bactria, and Narbazanes, a grandee of Persia, seized him, loaded him with chains, forced him into a covered chariot, and fled, carrying him with them toward Bactria. If Alexander pursued them, they intended to purchase their peace by delivering Darius into his hands; but if not, to kill him, seize the crown, and renew the war. Eight days after their departure, Alexander arrived at Ecbatana, and set out in pursuit of them, which he continued for eleven days: at length he stopped at Rages, in Media, despairing to overtake Darius. Thence he went into Parthia, where he learned what had happened to that unfortunate prince. After a precipitate march of many days, he overtook the traitors, who, seeing themselves pressed, endeavoured to compel Darius to get upon horseback, and save himself with them; but he refusing, they stabbed him in several places, and left him expiring in his chariot. He was dead when Alexander arrived, who could not forbear weeping at so sad a spectacle. Alexander covered Darius with his own cloak, and sent him to Sisygambis his wife, that she might bury him in the tombs of the kings of Persia. Thus were verified the prophecies of Daniel, viii, who had foretold the destruction of the Persian monarchy, under the symbol of a ram, which butted with its horns westward, northward, and southward, and which nothing could resist; but a goat which had a very large horn between his eyes, and which denoted Alexander the Great, came from the west, and overran the world without touching the earth; springing forward with impetuosity, the goat ran against the ram with all his force, attacked him with fury, struck him, broke his two horns, trampled him under foot, and no one could rescue the ram. Nothing can be clearer than these prophecies.
3. Darius III was part of the royal family of Persia, but he was quite distant from the throne. He was in a low position when Bagoas, the eunuch who had arranged the deaths of two kings, Ochus and Arses, put him on the throne. His real name was Codoman, and he didn’t adopt the name Darius until he became king. He was descended from Darius Nothus, whose son, Ostanes, was the father of Arsames, who fathered Codomanus. Initially, he worked as a courier for Emperor Ochus. However, one day, while he was with Ochus’ army, one of their enemies challenged the bravest Persians to a duel. Codomanus stepped forward to fight and defeated the challenger, earning him the position of governor of Armenia. From this role, Bagoas elevated him to the throne of Persia. Alexander the Great invaded the Persian Empire and defeated Darius in three consecutive battles. After the third battle, Darius fled to Media, hoping to rebuild his army. In Ecbatana, the capital of Media, he gathered what was left of his forces along with some new recruits. After spending the winter at Babylon and Persepolis, Alexander set out in pursuit of Darius, who left Ecbatana intending to retreat to Bactria. However, he changed his mind and decided to risk a battle, even though his army was only forty thousand strong at that point. As he prepared for the conflict, Bessus, the governor of Bactria, and Narbazanes, a noble Persian, captured him, shackled him with chains, forced him into a covered chariot, and fled toward Bactria. If Alexander pursued them, they planned to negotiate peace by handing Darius over to him; if not, they intended to kill him, seize the crown, and continue the war. Eight days after their departure, Alexander arrived in Ecbatana and set off after them, continuing for eleven days until he finally stopped in Rages, Media, feeling hopeless about catching Darius. He then moved into Parthia, where he learned what had happened to the unfortunate prince. After a rapid march of several days, he caught up with the traitors, who, seeing they were being pursued, tried to force Darius to ride with them and escape. When he refused, they stabbed him multiple times and left him dying in his chariot. He was already dead when Alexander arrived, who couldn’t help but weep at such a tragic sight. Alexander covered Darius with his own cloak and sent him to his wife, Sisygambis, so she could bury him in the tombs of the Persian kings. Thus, the prophecies of Daniel, chapter 8, were fulfilled, which foretold the downfall of the Persian monarchy symbolized by a ram that charged westward, northward, and southward—a ram that no one could resist. But then a goat with a large horn between its eyes, representing Alexander the Great, came from the west and swept across the world without touching the ground. With tremendous speed, the goat charged the ram with full force, attacked it fiercely, broke its two horns, trampled it underfoot, and no one could save the ram. Nothing could be clearer than these prophecies.
290DARKNESS, the absence of light. “Darkness was upon the face of the deep,” Gen. i, 2; that is, the chaos was immersed in thick darkness, because light was withheld from it. The most terrible darkness was that brought on Egypt as a plague; it was so thick as to be, as it were, palpable; so horrible, that no one durst stir out of his place; and so lasting, that it endured three days and three nights, Exod. x, 21, 22; Wisdom xvii, 2, 3. The darkness at our Saviour’s death began at the sixth hour, or noon, and ended at the third hour, or three o’clock in the afternoon. Thus it lasted almost the whole time he was on the cross; compare Matt. xxvii, 45, with John xix, 14, and Mark xv, 25. Origen, Maldonatus, Erasmus, Vatablus, and others, were of opinion that this darkness covered Judea only; which is sometimes called the whole earth; that is, the whole country. Chrysostom, Euthymius, Theophylact, and others, thought it extended over a hemisphere. Origen says it was caused by a thick mist, which precluded the sight of the sun. That it was preternatural is certain, for, the moon being at full, a natural eclipse of the sun was impossible. Darkness is sometimes used metaphorically for death. “The land of darkness” is the grave, Job x, 22; Psalm cvii, 10. It is also used to denote misfortunes and calamities: “A day of darkness” is a day of affliction, Esther xi, 8. “Let that day be darkness; let darkness stain it,”--let it be reckoned among the unfortunate days, Job iii, 4, 5. The expressions, “I will cover the heavens with darkness;” “The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood,” &c, signify very great political calamities, involving the overthrow of kings, princes, and nobles, represented by the luminaries of heaven. In a moral sense, darkness denotes ignorance and vice; hence “the children of light,” in opposition to “the children of darkness,” are the righteous distinguished from the wicked.
290DARKNESS, the absence of light. “Darkness was upon the face of the deep,” Gen. i, 2; meaning that chaos was submerged in thick darkness because light was kept from it. The most terrifying darkness was that which fell on Egypt as a plague; it was so dense that it felt almost tangible; so dreadful that no one dared to leave their place; and so prolonged that it lasted for three days and three nights, Exod. x, 21, 22; Wisdom xvii, 2, 3. The darkness at our Savior’s death began at noon and lasted until three o’clock in the afternoon. Thus, it covered nearly the entire time he hung on the cross; compare Matt. xxvii, 45, with John xix, 14, and Mark xv, 25. Origen, Maldonatus, Erasmus, Vatablus, and others believed this darkness only covered Judea; which is sometimes referred to as the whole earth; meaning the entire region. Chrysostom, Euthymius, Theophylact, and others thought it spread over a hemisphere. Origen stated it was caused by a thick mist that blocked the sunlight. It is clear that it was unnatural, as the moon was full, making a natural eclipse of the sun impossible. Darkness is sometimes used metaphorically to mean death. “The land of darkness” refers to the grave, Job x, 22; Psalm cvii, 10. It is also used to represent misfortunes and disasters: “A day of darkness” signifies a day of suffering, Esther xi, 8. “Let that day be darkness; let darkness stain it,”—let it be counted among the unfortunate days, Job iii, 4, 5. Phrases like “I will cover the heavens with darkness” and “The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood,” etc., signify significant political disasters, involving the fall of kings, princes, and nobles, represented by the heavenly lights. Morally, darkness signifies ignorance and vice; thus “the children of light,” in contrast to “the children of darkness,” are the righteous distinguished from the wicked.
DAVID, the celebrated king of Israel, was the youngest son of Jesse, of the tribe of Judah, and was born 1085 years before Christ. The following is an abstract of his history: He was chosen of God to be king of Israel, and at his command was anointed to this dignity by the hands of Samuel, a venerable prophet, in the room of Saul; who had been rejected for his disobedience to the divine orders, in feloniously seizing, to his own use the prey of an enemy, which God, the supreme King of Israel, had devoted to destruction. He was introduced to court as a man expert in music, a singularly valiant man, a man of war, prudent in matters, of a comely person, and one favoured of the Lord. By his skill in music, he relieved Saul under a melancholy indisposition that had seized him, was highly beloved by his royal master, and made one of his guards. In a war with the Philistines he accepted the challenge of a gigantic champion, who defied the armies of Israel, and being skilful at the sling, he slew him with a stone, returned safely with his head, and thus secured to his prince an easy victory over his country’s enemies. The reputation he gained, by this glorious action, raised an incurable jealousy and resentment against him, in the mind of the king his master; who made two unsuccessful attempts to murder him. In his exalted station, and amidst the dangers that encompassed him, he behaved with singular prudence, so that he was in high esteem both in the court and camp. The modesty and prudence of his behaviour, and his approved courage and resolution, gained him the confidence and friendship of Jonathan, the king’s eldest son, “who loved him as his own soul,” became his advocate with his father, and obtained from him a promise, confirmed by an oath, that he would no more attempt to destroy him. But Saul’s jealousy returned by a fresh victory David gained over the Philistines; who, finding the king was determined to seek his life, retired from court, and was dismissed in peace by Jonathan, after a solemn renewal of their friendship, to provide for his own safety. In this state of banishment, there resorted to him companies of men, who were uneasy in their circumstances, oppressed by their creditors, or discontented with Saul’s tyrannical government, to the number of six hundred men. These he kept in the most excellent order, and by their valour he gained signal advantages for his country; but never employed them in rebellion against the king, or in a single instance to distress or subvert his government. On the contrary such was the veneration he paid him, and such the generosity of his temper, that though it was thrice in his power to have him cut off, he spared him, and was determined never to destroy him, whom God had constituted the king of Israel. His friendship with Jonathan, the king’s son, was a friendship of strict honour, for he never seduced him from his allegiance and filial duty. Being provoked by a churlish farmer, who evil treated and abused his messengers, he, in the warmth of his temper, swore he would destroy him and his family; but was immediately pacified by the address and prudence of a wife, of whom the wretch was unworthy: her he sent in peace and honour to her family, and blessed for her advice, and keeping him from avenging himself with his own hand. Being forced to banish himself into an enemy’s country, he was faithful to the prince who protected him: and, at the same time, mindful of the interest of his own nation, he cut off many of those who had harassed and plundered his fellow subjects. When pressed by the king, into whose dominions he retired, to join in a war against his own country and father-in-law, he prudently gave him such an answer as his situation required; neither promising the aid demanded of him, nor tying up his hands from serving his own prince, and the army that fought under him; only assuring him in general, that he had never done any thing that could give him just reason to think he would refuse to assist him against his enemies. Upon the death of Saul, he cut off the Amalekite who came to make a merit of having slain him; and by the immediate direction of God, who had promised him the succession, went up to Hebron, where, on a free election, he was 291anointed king over the house of Judah; and after about a seven years’ contest, he was unanimously chosen king by all the tribes of Israel, “according to the word of the Lord by Samuel.” As king of Israel, he administered justice and judgment to all his people, was a prince of courage, and great military prudence and conduct; had frequent wars with the neighbouring nations, to which he was generally forced by their invading his dominions, and plundering his subjects. Against them he never lost a battle; he never besieged a city without taking it; nor, as for any thing that can be proved, used any severities against those he conquered, beyond what the law of arms allowed, his own safety required, or the cruelties of his enemies rendered just, by way of retaliation; enriching his people by the spoils he took, and providing large stores of every thing necessary for the magnificent temple he intended to erect, in honour of the God of Israel. Having rescued Jerusalem out of the hands of the Jebusites, he made it the capital of his kingdom, and the place of his residence; and being willing to honour it with the presence of the ark of God, he brought it to Jerusalem in triumph, and divesting himself of his royal robes, out of reverence to God, he clothed himself in the habit of his ministers, and with them expressed his joy by dancing and music; contemned only by one haughty woman; whom, as a just punishment of her insolence, he seems ever after to have separated from his bed. Though his crimes were henious, and highly aggravated, in the affair of Uriah and Bathsheba, he patiently endured reproof, humbly submitted to the punishment appointed him, deeply repented, and obtained mercy and forgiveness from God, though not without some severe marks of his displeasure, for the grievous offences of which he had been guilty. A rebellion was raised against him by his son Absalom. When forced by it to depart from Jerusalem, a circumstance most pathetically described by the sacred historian, he prevented the just punishment of Shimei, a wretch who cursed and stoned him. When restored to his throne, he spared him upon his submission, and would not permit a single man to be put to death in Israel upon account of this treason. He, with a noble confidence, made the commander of the rebel forces general of his own army, in the room of Joab, whom he intended to call to an account for murder and other crimes. After this, when obliged, by the command of God, to give up some of Saul’s family to justice, for the murder of the Gibeonites, he spared Mephibosheth, Micah, and his family, the male descendants of Saul and Jonathan, who alone could have any pretence to dispute the crown with him, and surrendered only Saul’s bastard children, and those of his daughter by Adriel, who had no right or possible claim to the throne, and could never give him any uneasiness in the possession of it; and thus showed his inviolable regard for his oaths, his tenderness to Saul, and the warmth of his gratitude and friendship to Jonathan. In the close of his life, and in the near prospect of death, to demonstrate his love of justice, he charged Solomon to punish with death Joab, for the base murder of two great men, whom he assassinated under the pretence of peace and friendship. To this catalogue of his noble actions must be added, that he gave the most shining and indisputable proofs of an undissembled reverence for, and sincere piety to, God; ever obeying the direction of his prophets, worshipping him alone, to the exclusion of all idols, throughout the whole of his life, and making the wisest settlement to perpetuate the worship of the same God, through all succeeding generations.
DAVID, the famous king of Israel, was the youngest son of Jesse from the tribe of Judah, born 1085 years before Christ. Here’s a summary of his life: He was chosen by God to be the king of Israel, and was anointed to this position by Samuel, a respected prophet, in place of Saul, who had been rejected for disobeying divine commands by illegally taking what had been designated for destruction. He entered the court as a skilled musician, a remarkably brave man, a warrior, wise in his dealings, attractive in appearance, and favored by the Lord. His musical talent soothed Saul during a bout of deep melancholy, earning him the king's affection and a role as one of his guards. In a war against the Philistines, he faced a giant champion who challenged the armies of Israel. Using his skill with a sling, he killed the giant with a stone, returned safely with the head, and secured an easy victory for his king. However, this glorious act led to intense jealousy and resentment from King Saul, who attempted to kill him twice unsuccessfully. Despite the danger surrounding him, David acted with remarkable wisdom, gaining high regard in both the court and the military. His modesty, prudence, proven courage, and determination earned him the trust and friendship of Jonathan, the king's eldest son, who loved David "as his own soul," acted as his advocate with his father, and secured a promise, confirmed by an oath, from Saul not to harm David anymore. But Saul’s jealousy flared up again after David scored another victory over the Philistines. Realizing the king was intent on taking his life, David left the court, receiving a peaceful farewell from Jonathan after a heartfelt renewal of their friendship to look after his own safety. In exile, he was joined by groups of men who were troubled by their situations, in debt, or unhappy with Saul’s harsh rule, totaling around six hundred men. He kept them organized and, through their bravery, achieved notable victories for his country, but he never turned them against the king or attempted to undermine his rule. On the contrary, his respect for Saul was such that even though he had three chances to kill him, he chose to spare him, resolved never to harm the one whom God had appointed as king of Israel. His friendship with Jonathan was based on strict honor; he never convinced him to betray his loyalty and duty as a son. Once, angered by an unpleasant farmer who mistreated his messengers, David vowed to destroy him and his family, but was quickly calmed by the wise and deserving wife of the farmer. He sent her home peacefully, blessing her for her counsel and for preventing him from taking revenge personally. After having to escape to a hostile territory, he remained loyal to the prince who protected him while also considering his own people's interests by eliminating many of those who had threatened and pillaged his fellow citizens. When pressed by the king in whose land he sought refuge to join in a war against his own nation and father-in-law, he carefully responded in a way suitable for his predicament; he neither promised the demanded assistance nor made any commitments that would prevent him from serving his own king and the army under him, only reassuring the king that he had not done anything to raise doubt about his willingness to support him against enemies. Upon Saul’s death, he executed the Amalekite who claimed to have killed him and, following God’s guidance, went to Hebron, where he was freely anointed king over the house of Judah. After about seven years of conflict, he was unanimously chosen as king by all the tribes of Israel “according to the word of the Lord by Samuel.” As king, he delivered justice and fairness to his people, displayed bravery, and demonstrated great military intelligence; he engaged in frequent wars with neighboring nations usually forced upon him by their invasions of his territory and attacks on his people. He never lost a battle, never besieged a city without successfully capturing it, and, as far as can be proven, did not act with cruelty against those he conquered beyond what was permitted by war law, required for his safety, or justified as retaliation for the brutality of his enemies. He enriched his people with the spoils taken from the defeated and provided ample supplies for the grand temple he planned to build in honor of the God of Israel. After taking Jerusalem from the Jebusites, he established it as the capital of his kingdom and his residence; eager to honor the place with the presence of the ark of God, he triumphantly brought it to Jerusalem, and out of reverence for God, donned the clothing of his ministers, celebrating with joy through dance and music, despite being scorned by one proud woman; as a fitting consequence for her arrogance, he seemed to have permanently distanced himself from her. While he committed serious sins in the matter of Uriah and Bathsheba, he accepted rebuke, humbly accepted the punishment assigned to him, sincerely repented, and received mercy and forgiveness from God, though not without bearing some severe consequences for his serious wrongdoings. A rebellion led by his son Absalom forced him to flee Jerusalem, a moment poignantly captured by the sacred historian, during which he spared Shimei, a man who cursed and stoned him. When he regained his throne, he spared Shimei after he submitted and refused to execute anyone in Israel for this act of treason. In a show of noble confidence, he appointed the commander of the rebel forces as the general of his own army, replacing Joab, whom he intended to hold accountable for murder and other offenses. Later, when commanded by God to punish some of Saul’s family for the murder of the Gibeonites, he spared Mephibosheth, Micah, and their families—the sole male heirs from Saul and Jonathan, who could have claimed a right to the throne—and only surrendered Saul’s illegitimate children and those of his daughter by Adriel, who had no legitimate claims to the crown and could not threaten his reign. In doing this, he demonstrated unwavering respect for his oaths, a tender spirit towards Saul, and gratitude and loyalty towards Jonathan. At the end of his life, facing death, he charged Solomon to execute Joab for the treacherous murder of two great men whom he assassinated under the guise of peace and friendship. To this list of noble deeds, it must be added that he showed shining, indisputable evidence of genuine reverence and sincere devotion to God; he consistently followed the guidance of his prophets, worshipped God alone, excluding all idols throughout his life, and made wise arrangements to ensure the worship of the same God continued through all future generations.
To this abstract a few miscellaneous remarks may be added.
To this abstract, a few random comments can be added.
1. When David is called “the man after God’s own heart,” a phrase which profane persons have often perverted, his general character, and not every particular of it, is to be understood as approved by God; and especially his faithful and undeviating adherence to the true religion, from which he never deviated into any act of idolatry.
1. When David is called “a man after God’s own heart,” a phrase that has often been twisted by disrespectful people, it refers to his overall character, not every detail of it, being approved by God; particularly his consistent and unwavering commitment to the true faith, from which he never strayed into idolatry.
2. He was chosen to accomplish to their full extent the promises made to Abraham to give to his seed, the whole country from the river of Egypt to the great river Euphrates. He had succeeded to a kingdom distracted with civil dissension, environed on every side by powerful and victorious enemies, without a capital, almost without an army, without any bond of union between the tribes. He left a compact and united state, stretching from the frontier of Egypt to the foot of Lebanon, from the Euphrates to the sea. He had crushed the power of the Philistines, subdued or curbed all the adjacent kingdoms: he had formed a lasting and important alliance with the great city of Tyre. He had organized an immense disposable force; for every month 24,000 men, furnished in rotation by the tribes, appeared in arms, and were trained as the standing militia of the country. At the head of his army were officers of consummate experience, and, what was more highly esteemed in the warfare of the time, extraordinary personal activity, strength, and valour. The Hebrew nation owed the long peace of Solomon the son’s reign to the bravery and wisdom of the father.
2. He was chosen to fully realize the promises made to Abraham to give his descendants the entire land from the river of Egypt to the great river Euphrates. He inherited a kingdom that was torn apart by civil strife, surrounded by strong and victorious enemies, and lacked a capital, an army, and any sense of unity among the tribes. He left behind a compact and united state, stretching from the border of Egypt to the base of Lebanon, and from the Euphrates to the sea. He had defeated the Philistines, subdued or controlled all the neighboring kingdoms, and established a lasting and significant alliance with the great city of Tyre. He organized a large, ready-to-deploy force; every month, 24,000 men, provided on a rotating basis by the tribes, took up arms and were trained as the country's standing militia. Leading his army were officers of immense experience, and, even more valued in warfare at the time, exceptional personal agility, strength, and bravery. The Hebrew nation credited the long peace during Solomon's reign to the courage and wisdom of his father.
3. As a conqueror he was a type of Christ, and the country “from the river to the ends of the earth,” was also the prophetic type of Christ’s dominion over the whole earth.
3. As a conqueror, he was a figure of Christ, and the country "from the river to the ends of the earth" was also a prophetic symbol of Christ's rule over the entire earth.
4. His inspired psalms not only place him among the most eminent prophets; but have rendered him the leader of the devotions of good men, in all ages. The hymns of David excel no less in sublimity and tenderness of expression than in loftiness and purity of religious sentiment. In comparison with them the sacred poetry of all other nations sinks into mediocrity. They have embodied so exquisitely the universal language of religious emotion, that they have entered with unquestioned propriety into the ritual of the higher and more perfect religion of Christ. The songs which cheered the solitude of the desert caves of Engedi, or resounded from the voice of the 292Hebrew people as they wound along the glens or the hill sides of Judea, have been repeated for ages in almost every part of the habitable world, in the remotest islands of the ocean, among the forests of America or the sands of Africa. How many human hearts have these inspired songs softened, purified, exalted! Of how many wretched beings have they been the secret consolation! On how many communities have they drawn down the blessings of Divine providence, by bringing the affections into unison with their deep devotional fervour, and leading to a constant and explicit recognition of the government, rights, and mercies of God!
4. His inspired psalms not only place him among the most prominent prophets, but have also made him the leader of the devotions of good people throughout history. The hymns of David are remarkable for their beauty and heartfelt expression, as well as for their high moral and spiritual values. In comparison, the sacred poetry of all other nations seems mediocre. They have captured the universal language of religious emotion so perfectly that they have become an essential part of the rituals of the higher and more perfect religion of Christ. The songs that brought comfort to the solitude of the desert caves of Engedi, or echoed from the voices of the Hebrew people as they traveled through the valleys and hills of Judea, have been sung for centuries in almost every corner of the world, in the farthest islands of the ocean, among the forests of America, or the sands of Africa. How many hearts have these inspired songs softened, purified, and uplifted! For how many troubled souls have they served as a hidden source of comfort! To how many communities have they brought the blessings of Divine providence by aligning their emotions with deep spiritual devotion and encouraging a constant and clear recognition of God's rule, rights, and mercies!
DAY. The Hebrews, in conformity with the Mosaic law, reckoned the day from evening to evening. The natural day, that is, the portion of time from sunrise to sunset, was divided by the Hebrews, as it is now by the Arabians, into six unequal parts. These divisions were as follows:--1. The break of day. This portion of time was, at a recent period, divided into two parts, in imitation of the Persians; the first of which began when the eastern, the second, when the western, division of the horizon was illuminated. The authors of the Jerusalem Talmud divided it into four parts; the first of which was called in Hebrew איּלת השחר, which occurs in Psalm xxii, 1, and corresponds to the phrase, λίαν ϖρωΐ, in the New Testament, Mark xvi, 2; John xx, 1. 2. The morning or sunrise. 3. The heat of the day. This began about nine o’clock, Gen. xviii, 1; 1 Sam. xi, 11. 4. Midday. 5. The cool of the day; literally, the wind of the day. This expression is grounded on the fact, that a wind commences blowing regularly a few hours before sunset, and continues till evening, Gen. iii, 8. 6. The evening. This was divided into two parts, ערבים; the first of which began, according to the Caraites and Samaritans, at sunset, the second, when it began to grow dark. But, according to the rabbins, the first commenced just before sunset, the second, precisely at sunset. The Arabians agree with the Caraites and Samaritans; and in this way the Hebrews appear to have computed, previous to the captivity.
DAY. The Hebrews, following the Mosaic law, calculated the day from evening to evening. The natural day, meaning the time from sunrise to sunset, was divided by the Hebrews, just like it is now by the Arabians, into six unequal parts. These divisions were as follows: 1. The break of day. This time was, not long ago, divided into two parts, imitating the Persians; the first began when the eastern part of the horizon was lit up, while the second started when the western part was illuminated. The authors of the Jerusalem Talmud divided it into four parts; the first was called in Hebrew אילת השחר, which is mentioned in Psalm xxii, 1, and corresponds to the phrase λίαν ϖρωΐ in the New Testament, Mark xvi, 2; John xx, 1. 2. The morning or sunrise. 3. The heat of the day, which began around nine o’clock, as noted in Gen. xviii, 1; 1 Sam. xi, 11. 4. Midday. 5. The cool of the day; literally, the wind of the day. This term comes from the fact that a wind usually starts blowing a few hours before sunset and continues until evening, as stated in Gen. iii, 8. 6. The evening. This was divided into two parts, Arabs; according to the Caraites and Samaritans, the first part began at sunset, while the second began when it started to get dark. However, according to the rabbis, the first part began just before sunset, and the second began exactly at sunset. The Arabians agree with the Caraites and Samaritans, and this is how the Hebrews seemed to have calculated their time before the captivity.
The mention of שעה, hours, occurs first in Daniel iii, 6, 15; v, 5. They were first measured by gnomons, which merely indicated the meridian; afterward, by the hour-watch, σκιαθέρικον; and subsequently still, by the clepsydra, or instrument for measuring time by means of water. The hour-watch or dial, otherwise called the sun-dial, is mentioned in the reign of King Hezekiah, 2 Kings xx, 9, 10; Isaiah xxxviii, 8. Its being called “the sundial of Ahaz” renders it probable that Ahaz first introduced it from Babylon; whence, also, Anaximenes, the Milesian, brought the first skiathericon into Greece. This instrument was of no use during the night, nor indeed during a cloudy day. In consequence of this defect, the clepsydra was invented, which was used in Persia as late as the seventeenth century in its simplest form. The clepsydra was a small circular vessel, constructed of thinly-beaten copper or brass, and having a small perforation through the bottom. It was placed in another vessel, filled with water. The diameter of the hole in the bottom of the clepsydra was such, that it filled with water in three hours, and sunk. It was necessary that there should be a servant to tend it, who should take it up when it had sunk, pour out the water, and place it again empty on the surface of the water in the vase.
The term שעה, hours, is first mentioned in Daniel iii, 6, 15; v, 5. Initially, they were measured by gnomons, which only showed the meridian; later, by the hour-watch, σκιαθέρικον; and even later by the clepsydra, a device for measuring time using water. The hour-watch or dial, also known as the sun-dial, is referenced during King Hezekiah's reign in 2 Kings xx, 9, 10; Isaiah xxxviii, 8. Its designation as “the sundial of Ahaz” suggests that Ahaz likely introduced it from Babylon; Anaximenes of Miletus also brought the first skiathericon to Greece. This device was useless at night and on cloudy days. Due to this limitation, the clepsydra was developed, which was still being used in Persia in its simplest form as late as the seventeenth century. The clepsydra consisted of a small circular vessel made of thinly beaten copper or brass with a small hole in the bottom. It was placed inside another container filled with water. The hole's diameter was designed so that it filled with water in three hours and then sank. A servant was required to monitor it, lift it when it sank, empty the water, and place it back on the surface of the water in the other vessel.
The hours of principal note in the course of the day were the third, the sixth, and the ninth. These hours, it would seem, were consecrated by Daniel to prayer, Dan. vi, 10; Acts ii, 15; iii, 1; x, 9. The day was divided into twelve hours, which, of course, varied in length, being shorter in the winter and longer in the summer, John xi, 9. In the winter, therefore, the clepsydras were so constructed that the water might sink them more rapidly. The hours were numbered from the rising of the sun, so that, at the season of the equinox, the third corresponded to the ninth of our reckoning; the sixth, to our twelfth; and the ninth, to three o’clock in the afternoon. At other seasons of the year, it is necessary to observe the time when the sun rises, and reduce the hours to our time accordingly. We observe, therefore, that the sun in Palestine, at the summer solstice, rises at five of our time, and sets about seven. At the winter solstice, it rises about seven, and sets about five.
The key hours of the day were the third, the sixth, and the ninth. These times were apparently dedicated to prayer by Daniel, as seen in Dan. vi, 10; Acts ii, 15; iii, 1; x, 9. The day was divided into twelve hours, which varied in length—being shorter in winter and longer in summer, as noted in John xi, 9. In winter, the water clocks were designed so that the water would flow faster. The hours were counted from sunrise, so that during the equinox, the third hour matched our ninth hour; the sixth matched our twelfth; and the ninth matched three o’clock in the afternoon. During other times of the year, it’s important to check the time of sunrise and adjust the hours accordingly. In Palestine, during the summer solstice, the sun rises around five in our time and sets around seven. In the winter solstice, it rises around seven and sets around five.
Before the captivity, the night was divided into three watches. The first, which continued till midnight, was denominated the commencing or first watch, Lam. ii, 19. The second was denominated the middle watch, and continued from midnight till the crowing of the cock. The third, called the morning watch, extended from the second to the rising of the sun. These divisions and names appear to have owed their origin to the watches of the Levites in the tabernacle and temple, Exod. xiv, 24; 1 Sam. xi, 11. In the time of Christ, however, the night, in imitation of the Romans, was divided into four watches. According to the English mode of reckoning they were as follows: 1. The evening, from twilight to nine o’clock. 2. The midnight, from nine to twelve. 3. The cock crowing, from twelve to three. 4. From three o’clock till daybreak. A day is used in the prophetic Scripture for a year: “I have appointed thee each day for a year,” Ezek. iv, 6. See Cock.
Before the captivity, the night was divided into three watches. The first, which lasted until midnight, was called the first watch, Lam. ii, 19. The second was called the middle watch and lasted from midnight until the crowing of the rooster. The third, known as the morning watch, extended from the second until sunrise. These divisions and names seem to have originated from the watches of the Levites in the tabernacle and temple, Exod. xiv, 24; 1 Sam. xi, 11. However, during Christ's time, the night was divided into four watches, following the Roman practice. According to the English method of counting, they were as follows: 1. The evening, from twilight to nine o’clock. 2. The midnight, from nine to twelve. 3. The rooster crowing, from twelve to three. 4. From three o’clock until daybreak. In prophetic scripture, a day is used to represent a year: “I have appointed thee each day for a year,” Ezek. iv, 6. See Rooster.
DEACON, from the Greek word διάκονος, in its proper and primitive sense, denotes a servant who attends his master, waits on him at table, and is always near his person to obey his orders, which was accounted a more creditable kind of service than that which is imported by the word δοῦλος a slave; but this distinction is not usually observed in the New Testament. Our Lord makes use of both terms in Matt. xx, 26, 27, though they are not distinctly marked in our translation: “Whosoever will be great among you, let him be your deacon; and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant.” The appointment of deacons in the first Christian church is distinctly recorded, 293Acts vi, 1–16. The number of disciples having greatly increased in Jerusalem, the Greeks, or Hellenistic Jews, began to murmur against the Hebrews, complaining that their widows were neglected in the daily distribution of the church’s bounty. The twelve Apostles, who hitherto had discharged the different offices of Apostle, presbyter, and deacon, upon the principle that the greater office always includes the less, now convened the church, and said unto them, “It is not reasonable that we should leave the ministration of the word of God, and serve tables: look ye out, therefore, among yourselves, seven men of good report, full of the Holy Ghost, and wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business; but we will give ourselves continually to prayer, and to the ministry of the word.” And the saying pleased the whole multitude; and they (the multitude) chose Stephen, and six others, whom they set before the Apostles, &c.
DEACON, from the Greek word διάκονος, originally means a servant who serves his master, waits on him at the table, and is always close by to follow his orders. This type of service was seen as more respectable than that indicated by the word δοῦλος slave; however, this distinction isn’t commonly noted in the New Testament. Jesus uses both terms in Matt. xx, 26, 27, although they aren’t clearly differentiated in our translation: “Whoever wants to be great among you must be your deacon; and whoever wants to be first among you must be your servant.” The appointment of deacons in the first Christian church is specifically documented, 293Acts vi, 1–16. As the number of disciples grew significantly in Jerusalem, the Greeks, or Hellenistic Jews, began to complain against the Hebrews, saying that their widows were being overlooked in the daily distribution of the church’s support. The twelve Apostles, who had been handling the roles of Apostle, presbyter, and deacon based on the idea that the higher role includes the lower, gathered the church and said, “It’s not right for us to stop preaching the word of God to serve tables. So, choose from among yourselves seven men of good repute, full of the Holy Spirit and wisdom, whom we can put in charge of this task; but we will devote ourselves to prayer and to the ministry of the word.” This suggestion pleased the entire community, and they chose Stephen and six others, presenting them to the Apostles, etc.
The qualifications of deacons are stated by the Apostle Paul, 1 Tim. iii, 8–12. There were also, in the primitive churches females invested with this office, who were termed deaconesses. Of this number was Phœbe, a member of the church of Cenchrea, mentioned by St. Paul, Rom. xvi, 1. “They served the church,” says Calmet, “in those offices which the deacons could not themselves exercise, visiting those of their own sex in sickness, or when imprisoned for the faith. They were persons of advanced age, when chosen; and appointed to the office by imposition of hands.” It is probably of these deaconesses that the Apostle speaks, where he describes the ministering widows, 1 Tim. v, 5–10.
The qualifications for deacons are outlined by the Apostle Paul in 1 Timothy 3:8–12. In the early churches, there were also women who held this role, known as deaconesses. One of these was Phoebe, a member of the church at Cenchrea, mentioned by St. Paul in Romans 16:1. “They served the church,” Calmet says, “in those roles that deacons couldn’t perform themselves, visiting others of their gender who were sick or imprisoned for their faith. They were typically older individuals when chosen and were appointed to the role through the laying on of hands.” It’s likely that the Apostle is referring to these deaconesses when he talks about the ministering widows in 1 Timothy 5:5–10.
DEAD. See Burial.
DEAD. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Dead, Mournings for the. The ancient Israelites, in imitation of the Heathen, from whom they borrowed the practice, frequently cut themselves with knives and lancets, scratched their faces, or pricked certain parts of their bodies with needles. These superstitious practices were expressly forbidden in their law: “Ye are the children of the Lord your God: ye shall not cut yourselves, nor make any baldness between your eyes for the dead.” The bereaved Greeks tore, cut off, and sometimes shaved, their hair; they reckoned it a duty which they owed to the dead, to deprive their heads of the greatest part of their honours, or, in the language of Scripture, made a baldness between their eyes. The same custom prevailed among the ancient Persians, and the neighbouring states. When the patriarch Job was informed of the death of his children, and the destruction of his property, he arose and rent his mantle, and shaved his head, and fell down upon the ground and worshipped; and in the prophecies of Jeremiah, we read of eighty men who were going to lament the desolations of Jerusalem, having their beards shaven, and their clothes rent, and having cut themselves, in direct violation of the divine law, with offerings and incense in their hand, to bring them to the house of the Lord, Jer. xii, 5. Shaving, however, was, on some occasions, a sign of joy; and to let the hair grow long, the practice of mourners, or persons in affliction. Joseph shaved himself before he went into the palace, Gen. xli, 14; and Mephibosheth let his hair grow during the time David was banished from Jerusalem, but shaved himself on his return. In ordinary sorrows they only neglected their hair, or suffered it to hang down loose upon their shoulders; in more poignant grief they cut it off; but in a sudden and violent paroxysm, they plucked it off with their hands. Such a violent expression of sorrow is exemplified in the conduct of Ezra, which he thus describes: “And when I heard this thing I rent my garment and my mantle, and plucked off the hair of my head, and of my beard, and sat down astonied,” Ezra ix, 3. The Greeks, and other nations around them, expressed the violence of their sorrow in the same way; for in Homer, Ulysses and his companions, bewailing the death of Elpenor, howled and plucked off their hair. Mourners withdrew as much as possible from the world; they abstained from banquets and entertainments; they banished from their houses as unsuitable to their circumstances, and even painful to their feelings, musical instruments of every kind, and whatever was calculated to excite pleasure, or that wore an air of mirth and gaiety. Thus did the king of Persia testify his sorrow for the decree, into which his wily courtiers had betrayed him, and which, without the miraculous interposition of Heaven, had proved fatal to his favourite minister: “Then the king went to his palace, and spent the night fasting; neither were instruments of music brought before him,” Dan. vi, 18.
Grieving for the Deceased. The ancient Israelites, imitating the pagans from whom they adopted the practice, often cut themselves with knives and sharp tools, scratched their faces, or poked certain parts of their bodies with needles. These superstitious acts were clearly forbidden in their law: “You are the children of the Lord your God: you must not cut yourselves, nor make any baldness between your eyes for the dead.” The grieving Greeks tore their hair, cut it off, and sometimes shaved their heads; they considered it a duty to the dead to remove a significant portion of their hair, or, as the scripture puts it, made a baldness between their eyes. The same custom existed among the ancient Persians and neighboring nations. When the patriarch Job learned of the death of his children and the loss of his property, he tore his robe, shaved his head, and fell to the ground to worship; and in the prophecies of Jeremiah, we read of eighty men who went to mourn the desolation of Jerusalem, having shaven their beards, torn their clothes, and cut themselves, directly disobeying the divine law, with offerings and incense in hand to bring to the house of the Lord, Jer. xii, 5. Shaving, however, sometimes indicated joy, while growing hair long was a practice of mourners or those in distress. Joseph shaved himself before he went into the palace, Gen. xli, 14; and Mephibosheth grew his hair long while David was exiled from Jerusalem but shaved when he returned. In ordinary sorrow, people usually neglected their hair, letting it hang loosely on their shoulders; in deeper grief, they cut it off; but in a sudden and intense outburst, they pulled it out with their hands. A vivid example of such sorrow is shown by Ezra, who described his reaction: “And when I heard this thing I tore my garment and my mantle, and pulled out the hair of my head and beard, and sat down shocked,” Ezra ix, 3. The Greeks and other surrounding nations expressed their intense sorrow in a similar manner; in Homer, Ulysses and his companions, mourning Elpenor's death, howled and tore their hair. Mourners distanced themselves as much as possible from the world; they avoided banquets and celebrations; they removed musical instruments from their homes, as they felt these were inappropriate for their situation and painful to their emotions. The Persian king demonstrated his sorrow for a decree his crafty courtiers had tricked him into, which, without divine intervention, could have been disastrous for his beloved minister: “Then the king went to his palace and spent the night fasting; no musical instruments were brought before him,” Dan. vi, 18.
2. Oriental mourners divested themselves of all ornaments, and laid aside their jewels, gold, and every thing rich and splendid in their dress. This proof of humiliation and submission Jehovah required of his offending people in the wilderness: “Therefore, now put off thy ornaments from thee, that I may know what to do unto thee. And the children of Israel stripped themselves of their ornaments by the Mount Horeb,” Exodus xxxiii, 5, 6. Long after the time of Moses, that rebellious nation again received a command of similar import: “Strip you, and make you bare, and gird sackcloth upon your loins,” Isaiah xxxii, 11. The garments of the mourner were always black. Progne, having notice of Philomela’s death, lays aside her robes, beaming with a profusion of gold, and appears in sable vestments; and Althæa, when her brethren were slain by Meleager, exchanged her glittering robes for black:--
2. Eastern mourners removed all their jewelry and set aside their gems, gold, and everything fancy in their clothing. This sign of humility and surrender is what Jehovah required from his rebellious people in the wilderness: “Therefore, now take off your ornaments so I can decide what to do with you. And the children of Israel took off their ornaments at Mount Horeb,” Exodus xxxiii, 5, 6. Long after Moses’ time, that rebellious nation was given a similar command: “Strip yourselves, make yourselves bare, and put on sackcloth around your waists,” Isaiah xxxii, 11. Mourners always wore black clothing. Progne, upon hearing of Philomela’s death, puts away her robes that shine with gold and shows up in dark garments; and Althæa, when her brothers were killed by Meleager, traded her shining robes for black:--
These sable vestments differed from their ordinary dress, not only in colour, but also in value, being made of cheap and coarse stuff, as appears from these lines of Terence:--
These dark garments were different from their usual clothes, not just in color but also in quality, as they were made of cheap and rough material, as shown in these lines from Terence:--
“We found her busy at the loom, in a cheap mourning habit, which she wore I suppose for the old woman’s death.” In Judea, the mourner was clothed in sackcloth of hair, and by consequence, 294in sable robes; and penitents, by assuming it, seemed to confess that their guilt exposed them to death. Some of the eastern nations, in modern times, bury in linen; but Chardin informs us, that others still retain the use of sackcloth for that purpose. To sit in sackcloth and ashes, was a frequent expression of mourning in the oriental regions; and persons overwhelmed with grief, and unable to sustain the weight of their calamities, often threw themselves upon the earth, and rolled in the dust; and the more dirty the ground was, the better it served to defile them, and to express their sorrow and dejection. In this way Tamar signified her distress, after being dishonoured by Amnon, “She put ashes on her head;” and when Mordecai understood that the doom of his nation was sealed, he “rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth with ashes.” Our Lord alludes to the same custom, in that denunciation: “Wo unto thee, Chorazin! wo unto thee, Bethsaida! for if the mighty works which were done in you, had been done in Tyre and Sidon, they would have repented long ago, in sackcloth and ashes,” Matt. xi, 21. Intimately connected with this, is the custom of putting dust upon the head. When the armies of Israel were defeated before Ai, “Joshua rent his clothes, and fell to the earth upon his face, he and the elders of Israel, and put dust upon their heads.” The mourner sometimes laid his hands upon his head; for the prophet, expostulating with his people, predicts their humiliation in these words: “Yea, thou shalt go forth from him, and thine hands upon thine head; for the Lord hath rejected thy confidences, and thou shalt not prosper in them,” Jer. ii, 37. In both these cases, the head of the mourner was uncovered; but they sometimes adopted the opposite custom, and covered their heads in great distress, or when they were loaded with disgrace and infamy.
“We found her busy at the loom, wearing a simple mourning outfit, which I assume was for the old woman’s death.” In Judea, mourners wore sackcloth made from coarse material, and as a result, in dark robes; and individuals showing penitence seemed to admit that their guilt made them vulnerable to death. Some Eastern nations today bury their dead in linen; however, Chardin tells us that others still use sackcloth for this purpose. Sitting in sackcloth and ashes was a common way to express mourning in the East, and people overwhelmed with sadness, unable to handle their burdens, often threw themselves on the ground and rolled in the dust; the dirtier the ground, the better it was for showing their sorrow and despair. This was how Tamar expressed her grief after being violated by Amnon, as she “put ashes on her head”; and when Mordecai learned that his nation was doomed, he “tore his clothes and put on sackcloth with ashes.” Our Lord refers to the same tradition in His statement: “Woe to you, Chorazin! Woe to you, Bethsaida! For if the powerful acts that were done in you had taken place in Tyre and Sidon, they would have repented long ago, wearing sackcloth and ashes,” Matt. xi, 21. Closely connected to this is the practice of putting dust on the head. After Israel's armies were defeated by Ai, “Joshua tore his clothes, fell to the ground on his face, he and the elders of Israel, and put dust on their heads.” A mourner sometimes laid their hands on their head; the prophet, addressing his people, predicts their humiliation with these words: “Yes, you will go out from him, and your hands upon your head; for the Lord has rejected your trust, and you will not succeed in it,” Jer. ii, 37. In both cases, the mourner's head was uncovered; however, they sometimes did the opposite and covered their heads in deep distress or when burdened with shame and disgrace.
3. To cover the lips was a very ancient sign of mourning; and it continues to be practised among the Jews of Barbary to this day. When they return from the grave to the house of the deceased, the chief mourner receives them with his jaws tied up with a linen cloth, in imitation of the manner in which the face of the dead is covered; and by this the mourner is said to testify that he was ready to die for his friend. Muffled in this way, the mourner goes for seven days, during which the rest of his friends come twice every twenty-four hours to pray with him. This allusion is perhaps involved in the charge which Ezekiel received when his wife died, to abstain from the customary forms of mourning: “Forbear to cry; make no mourning for the dead; bind the tire of thy head upon thee, and put on thy shoes upon thy feet, and cover not thy lips, and eat not the bread of men,” Ezekiel xxiv, 17.
3. Covering the lips has been a very old sign of mourning; and it’s still practiced among the Jews of Barbary today. When they return from the grave to the deceased’s home, the chief mourner welcomes them with his jaw wrapped in a linen cloth, mimicking how the face of the dead is covered; and this signifies that the mourner is willing to die for his friend. Wrapped up like this, the mourner observes seven days of mourning, during which his friends visit twice every twenty-four hours to pray with him. This reference may also relate to the instruction Ezekiel received when his wife died, telling him to refrain from the usual mourning practices: “Forbear to cry; make no mourning for the dead; bind the tire of thy head upon thee, and put on thy shoes upon thy feet, and cover not thy lips, and eat not the bread of men,” Ezekiel xxiv, 17.
4. Sitting on the ground was a posture which denoted severe distress. Thus the prophet represents the elders of Israel, after the destruction of Jerusalem, and the captivity of those whom the sword had spared: “The elders of the daughter of Zion sit upon the ground, and keep silence; they have cast up dust upon their heads; they have girded themselves with sackcloth; the virgins of Jerusalem hang down their heads to the ground,” Lam. ii, 10. Judea is represented on several coins of Vespasian and Titus, as a solitary female in this very posture of sorrow and captivity sitting upon the ground. It is remarkable, that we find Judea represented as a sorrowful woman sitting on the ground, in a passage of the prophet, where the same calamity which was recorded on the medals of these Roman emperors is foretold: “And she being desolate shall sit upon the ground,” Isaiah iii, 26.
4. Sitting on the ground was a sign of extreme distress. So, the prophet depicts the elders of Israel, after the destruction of Jerusalem and the capture of those who survived the sword: “The elders of the daughter of Zion sit on the ground and remain silent; they have thrown dust on their heads; they have dressed in sackcloth; the young women of Jerusalem bow their heads to the ground,” Lam. ii, 10. Judea is shown on several coins of Vespasian and Titus as a lone woman in this exact position of grief and captivity, sitting on the ground. It's notable that we see Judea represented as a sorrowful woman sitting on the ground in a passage from the prophet, where the same disaster that was depicted on the coins of these Roman emperors is predicted: “And she being desolate shall sit upon the ground,” Isaiah iii, 26.
5. Chardin informs us that when the king of Persia dies, his physicians and astrologers lose their places, and are excluded from the court; the first, because they could not cure their sovereign, and the last, because they did not give previous notice of his death. This whimsical custom he supposes has descended to modern times from a very remote antiquity; and to have been the true reason that Daniel was absent when Belshazzar saw the hand writing his doom on the wall. If the conjecture of that intelligent traveller be well founded, the venerable prophet had been forced by the established etiquette of the court to retire from the management of public affairs at the death of Nebuchadnezzar; and had remained in a private station for twenty-three years, neglected or forgotten, till the awful occurrence of that memorable night rendered his assistance necessary, and brought him again into public notice. This accounts in a very satisfactory manner, as well for Belshazzar’s ignorance of Daniel, as for the recollection of Nitocris, the queen-mother, who had long known his character and abilities during the reign of her husband. This solution of the difficulty is at least ingenious.
5. Chardin tells us that when the king of Persia dies, his doctors and astrologers lose their positions and are kicked out of the court; the doctors because they couldn't save their king, and the astrologers because they didn't warn anyone beforehand about his death. He suggests that this strange custom has carried on to modern times from very ancient traditions; and this might explain why Daniel was absent when Belshazzar saw the handwriting on the wall foretelling his doom. If that insightful traveler’s guess is correct, then the respected prophet had to step back from public life following Nebuchadnezzar's death due to the court's rules; and he had stayed out of the spotlight for twenty-three years, overlooked or forgotten, until the terrifying events of that significant night made his assistance essential and brought him back into the public eye. This neatly explains both Belshazzar’s lack of awareness about Daniel and the familiar recollection of Nitocris, the queen-mother, who had known his talents and character during her husband's reign. This solution to the problem is at least clever.
6. It was a custom among the Jews to visit the sepulchres of their deceased friends three days; for so long they supposed their spirits hovered about them; but when once they perceived their visage begin to change, as it would in that time in those warm countries, all hopes of a return to life were then at an end. But it appears from an incident in the narrative of the raising of Lazarus, that in Judea they were accustomed to visit the graves of their deceased relations after the third day, merely to lament their loss, and give vent to their grief. If this had not been a common practice, the people that came to comfort the sisters of Lazarus would not so readily have concluded, when Mary, on the fourth day, went hastily out to meet her Saviour, “She goeth to the grave to weep there.” The Turkish women continue to follow this custom: they go before sunrising on Friday, the stated day of their worship, to the grave of the deceased, where, with many tears and lamentations, they sprinkle their monuments with water and flowers.
6. Among the Jews, it was customary to visit the graves of their deceased friends for three days; they believed that the spirits lingered around them during that time. However, once they noticed the body starting to decay, as would happen in those warm climates, all hope of a return to life faded. An event in the story of Lazarus suggests that in Judea, people would visit the graves of their loved ones after the third day just to mourn and express their sadness. If this hadn’t been a common practice, those who came to comfort Lazarus's sisters wouldn’t have immediately assumed that when Mary rushed out to meet her Savior on the fourth day, “She goes to the grave to weep there.” Turkish women still follow this tradition: they go to the grave of the deceased before sunrise on Friday, their designated day of worship, where they weep and lament while sprinkling the graves with water and flowers.
DEAD SEA. This was anciently called the Sea of the Plain, Deut. iii, 17; iv, 49, from its situation in the great hollow or plain of the Jordan; the Salt Sea, Deut. iii, 17; Joshua xv, 5, from the extreme saltness of its waters; 295and the East Sea, Ezek. xlvii, 18; Joel ii, 20, from its situation relative to Judea, and in contradistinction to the West Sea, or Mediterranean. It is likewise called by Josephus, and by the Greek and Latin writers generally, Lacus Asphaltites, from the bitumen found in it; and the Dead Sea, its more frequent modern appellation, from a tradition, commonly though erroneously received, that no living creature could exist in its saline and sulphureous waters. It is at present known in Syria by the names of Almotanah and Bahar Loth: and occupies what may be considered as the southern extremity of the vale of Jordan; forming, in that direction, the western boundary to the Holy Land. The Dead Sea is about seventy miles in length, and twenty in breadth at its broadest part; having, like the Caspian, no visible communication with the ocean. Its depth seems to be altogether unknown; nor does it appear that a boat has ever navigated its surface. Toward its southern extremity, however, in a contracted part of the lake, is a ford, about six miles over, made use of by the Arabs: in the middle of which they report the water to be warm; indicating the presence of warm springs beneath. In general, toward the shore, it is shallow; and rises and falls with the seasons, and the quantity of water carried into it by seven streams, which fall into this their common receptacle, the chief of which is the Jordan.
DEAD SEA. This was originally called the Sea of the Plain, Deut. iii, 17; iv, 49, due to its location in the large depression or plain of the Jordan; the Salt Sea, Deut. iii, 17; Joshua xv, 5, because of the extreme salinity of its waters; 295 and the East Sea, Ezek. xlvii, 18; Joel ii, 20, based on its position in relation to Judea, contrasting with the West Sea, or Mediterranean. Josephus and many Greek and Latin writers also referred to it as Lacus Asphaltites, due to the bitumen found in it; and the Dead Sea, its more common modern name, comes from a widely held but incorrect belief that no living creature could survive in its salty and sulfuric waters. Today, it is known in Syria as Almotanah and Bahar Loth, and lies at what could be considered the southern end of the Jordan Valley, forming the western boundary of the Holy Land in that direction. The Dead Sea is about seventy miles long and twenty miles wide at its widest point, lacking any visible connection to the ocean, similar to the Caspian Sea. Its depth is completely unknown, and no boat seems to have ever navigated its surface. However, toward its southern end, at a narrow section of the lake, there is a ford, about six miles across, used by the Arabs, who say the water there is warm, suggesting the presence of warm springs below. Generally, the water is shallow near the shore and varies with the seasons, depending on the amount of water from seven streams that flow into this common basin, the biggest of which is the Jordan.
The water now covering these ruins occupies what was formerly the vale of Siddim; a rich and fruitful valley, in which stood the five cities, called the cities of the plain, namely, Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboim, and Bela or Zoar: the four first of which were destroyed, while the latter, being “a little city,” was preserved at the intercession of Lot; to which he fled for refuge from the impending catastrophe, and where he remained in safety during its accomplishment.
The water now covering these ruins occupies what was once the valley of Siddim; a rich and fertile area where the five cities known as the cities of the plain were located: Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboim, and Bela (or Zoar). The first four cities were destroyed, while the last one, being "a small city," was spared because of Lot's plea. He fled there for safety from the disaster and stayed safe while it happened.
The specific gravity of the waters of the Dead Sea is supposed to have been much exaggerated by the ancient writers, but their statements are now proved to be by no means very wide of the truth. Pliny says, that no living bodies would sink in it; and Strabo, that persons who went into it were borne up to their middle. Van Egmont and Heyman state, that, on swimming to some distance from the shore, they found themselves, to their great surprise, lifted up by the water. “When I had swam to some distance,” says the latter, “I endeavoured to sink to the bottom, but could not; for the water kept me continually up, and would certainly have thrown me upon my face, had I not put forth all the strength I was master of, to keep myself in a perpendicular posture; so that I walked in the sea as if I had trod on firm ground, without having occasion to make any of the motions necessary in treading fresh water; and when I was swimming, I was obliged to keep my legs the greatest part of the time out of the water. My fellow traveller was agreeably surprised to find that he could swim here, having never learned. But this proceeded from the gravity of the water, as this certainly does from the extraordinary quantity of salt in it.” Mr. Joliffe says, he found it very little more buoyant than other seas, but he did not go out of his depth. “The descent of the beach,” he says, “is so gently gradual, that I must have waded above a hundred yards to get completely out of my depth, and the impatience of the Arabians would not allow of time sufficient for this.” Captain Mangles says: “The water is as bitter and as buoyant as the people have reported. Those of our party who could not swim, floated on its surface like corks. On dipping the head in, the eyes smarted dreadfully.” With regard to the agents employed in this catastrophe, there might seem reason to suppose that volcanic phenomena had some share in producing it; but Chateaubriand’s remark is deserving of attention. “I cannot,” he says, “coincide in opinion with those who suppose the Dead Sea to be the crater of a volcano. I have seen Vesuvius, Solfatara, Monte Nuovo in the lake of Fusino, the peak of the Azores, the Mamalif opposite to Carthage, the extinguished volcanoes of Auvergne; and remarked in all of them the same characters; that is to say, mountains excavated in the form of a tunnel, lava, and ashes, which exhibited incontestable proofs of the agency of fire.” After noticing the very different shape and position of the Dead Sea, he adds: “Bitumen, warm springs, and phosphoric stones are found, it is true, in the mountains of Arabia; but then, the presence of hot springs, sulphur, and asphaltos is not sufficient to attest the anterior existence of a volcano.” The learned Frenchman inclines to adopt the idea of Professors Michaëlis and Busching, that Sodom and Gomorrah were built upon a mine of bitumen; that lightning kindled the combustible mass, and that the cities sunk in the subterraneous conflagration. M. Malte Brun ingeniously suggests, that the cities might themselves have been built of bituminous stones, and thus have been set in flames by the fire of heaven. We learn from the Mosaic account, that the Vale of Siddim, which is now occupied by the Dead Sea, was full of “slime pits,” or pits of bitumen. Pococke says: “It is observed, that the bitumen floats on the water, and comes ashore after windy weather; the Arabs gather it up, and it serves as pitch for all uses, goes into the composition of medicines, and is thought to have been a very great ingredient in the bitumen used in embalming the bodies in Egypt: it has been much used for cerecloths, and has an ill smell when burnt. It is probable that there are subterraneous fires, that throw up this bitumen at the bottom of the sea, where it may form itself into a mass, which may be broken by the motion of the water occasioned by high winds; and it is very remarkable, that the stone called the stone of Moses, found about two or three leagues from the sea, which burns like a coal, and turns only to a white stone, and not to ashes, has the same smell, when burnt, as this pitch; so that it is probable, a stratum of the stone under the Dead Sea is one part of the matter that feeds the subterraneous fires, and 296that this bitumen boils up out of it.” To give force to this last conjecture, however, it would be requisite to ascertain, whether bitumen is capable of being detached from this stone, in a liquid state, by the action of fire. The stone in question is the black feited limestone, used at Jerusalem in the manufacture of rosaries and amulets, and worn as a charm against the plague. The effluvia which it emits on friction, is owing to a strong impregnation of sulphuretted hydrogen. If the buildings were constructed of materials of this description, with quarries of which the neighbouring mountains abound, they would be easily susceptible of ignition by lightning. The Scriptural account, however, is explicit, that “the Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from heaven;” which we may safely interpret as implying a shower of inflamed sulphur, or nitre. At the same time it is evident, that the whole plain underwent a simultaneous convulsion, which seems referable to the consequences of a bituminous explosion. In perfect accordance with this view of the catastrophe, we find the very materials, as it were, of this awful visitation still at hand in the neighbouring hills; from which they might have been poured down by the agency of thunder storms, directed by the hand of offended Heaven. Captains Irby and Mangles collected, on the southern coast, lumps of nitre and fine sulphur, from the size of a nutmeg up to that of a small hen’s egg, which, it was evident from their situation, had been brought down by the rain: “their great deposit must be sought for,” they say, “in the cliff.” These cliffs then were probably swept by the lightnings, and their flaming masses poured in a deluge of fire upon the plain.
The specific gravity of the waters of the Dead Sea is thought to have been greatly exaggerated by ancient writers, but their claims are now shown to be fairly accurate. Pliny says that no living bodies would sink in it, and Strabo mentions that people who entered it were buoyed up to their waists. Van Egmont and Heyman report that when they swam a distance from the shore, they were, to their amazement, lifted by the water. “When I had swum out a bit,” says the latter, “I tried to sink to the bottom but couldn't; the water kept me afloat, and I would have ended up face down if I hadn't used all my strength to stay upright. I walked in the sea as if I were walking on solid ground, without needing to make any of the usual movements for swimming in fresh water; and when I swam, I had to keep my legs mostly out of the water. My travel companion was pleasantly surprised to find he could swim here, even though he had never learned. But this was due to the density of the water, which comes from the high salt content.” Mr. Joliffe mentions that he found it only slightly more buoyant than other seas, but he didn’t go into deep water. “The beach slopes very gently,” he explains, “so I would have had to wade more than a hundred yards to get completely out of my depth, and the impatience of the Arabs wouldn’t allow enough time for this.” Captain Mangles states: “The water is as bitter and buoyant as people say. Those in our group who couldn’t swim floated on the surface like corks. Dipping my head in made my eyes sting terribly.” Concerning the causes of this disaster, it may seem reasonable to think that volcanic activity played a role; however, Chateaubriand's observation is noteworthy. “I do not agree with those who believe the Dead Sea is the crater of a volcano. I have seen Vesuvius, Solfatara, Monte Nuovo in Lake Fusino, the peak of the Azores, the Mamalif near Carthage, and the extinct volcanoes of Auvergne, and I observed the same characteristics in all of them; that is, mountains with tunnel-like excavations, lava, and ashes, which provide clear evidence of fire’s involvement.” After pointing out the different shape and location of the Dead Sea, he adds: “Bitumen, hot springs, and phosphoric stones are found in the mountains of Arabia, but the presence of hot springs, sulfur, and asphalt is not enough to prove that a volcano once existed there.” The learned Frenchman leans towards the idea proposed by Professors Michaëlis and Busching that Sodom and Gomorrah were built on a reservoir of bitumen, which was ignited by lightning, causing the cities to sink in the underground fire. M. Malte Brun cleverly suggests that the cities could have been constructed from bituminous stones, which could have caught fire from heaven. From the Mosaic account, we learn that the Vale of Siddim, now the location of the Dead Sea, was full of “slime pits,” or pits of bitumen. Pococke notes: “It is remarked that the bitumen floats on the water and washes ashore after windy weather; the Arabs collect it, and it serves as pitch for various uses, is used in medicine, and is believed to have been a significant component in the bitumen used for embalming bodies in Egypt; it has often been used for cerecloths and has an unpleasant smell when burned. It is likely that there are underground fires that push this bitumen up from the sea’s bottom, where it may gather into a mass, which could be broken up by the movements of water caused by strong winds; and it is quite remarkable that a stone known as the stone of Moses, found about two or three leagues from the sea, burns like coal and turns only into white stone rather than ash, has the same smell when burned as this pitch; hence, it’s probable that a layer of stone beneath the Dead Sea contributes to the underground fires, and that this bitumen rises from it.” To support this last theory, however, it would be necessary to determine whether bitumen can be separated from this stone in a liquid state through the action of fire. The stone in question is the black fetid limestone used in Jerusalem to make rosaries and amulets, considered a charm against the plague. The odor it releases when rubbed is due to a strong impregnation with hydrogen sulfide. If the buildings were made from materials like this, common in the nearby mountains, they could easily catch fire from lightning. However, the Scriptural account explicitly states that “the Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from heaven,” which we can safely interpret to mean a rain of burning sulfur or niter. At the same time, it is clear that the entire plain experienced a simultaneous disturbance, likely due to a bituminous explosion. Consistent with this view of the disaster, we find the very materials of this dreadful event still available in the neighboring hills; from which they could have been poured down by thunderstorms, guided by the hand of offended heaven. Captains Irby and Mangles collected lumps of niter and fine sulfur from the southern coast, ranging from the size of a nutmeg to that of a small hen’s egg, which evidently came down with the rain: “their main deposit must be found,” they say, “in the cliff.” These cliffs were probably struck by lightning, and their burning masses poured down in a flood of fire upon the plain.
DEBORAH, a prophetess, wife of Lapidoth, judged the Israelites, and dwelt under a palm tree between Ramah and Bethel, Judges iv, 4, 5. She sent for Barak, directed him to attack Sisera, and, in the name of God, promised him victory; but Barak refusing to go, unless she went with him, she told him, that the honour of this expedition would be given to a woman, and not to him. After the victory, Deborah and Barak sung a fine thanksgiving song, the composition probably of Deborah alone, which is preserved, Judges v.
DEBORAH, a female prophet and the wife of Lapidoth, led the Israelites and lived under a palm tree between Ramah and Bethel, as noted in Judges 4:4-5. She called for Barak, instructed him to confront Sisera, and, speaking for God, assured him of victory. However, Barak refused to go unless she accompanied him. She informed him that the glory of this mission would go to a woman, not to him. After their victory, Deborah and Barak sang a beautiful song of thanks, likely written solely by Deborah, which is recorded in Judges 5.
DEBTS. In nothing, perhaps, do the Israelitish laws deviate so far from our own, as in regard to matters of debt. Imprisonment was unknown among the Hebrews, who were equally free from those long and expensive modes of procedure with which we are acquainted, for the recovery of debts. Their laws in this respect were simple, but efficient. Where pledges were lodged with a creditor for the payment of a debt, which was not discharged, the creditor was allowed to appropriate the pledge to his own benefit, without any interposition of a magistrate, and to keep it as rightfully as if it had been bought with the sum which had been lent for it. But, beside the pledge, every Israelite had various pieces of property, on which execution for debt might readily be made; as (1.) His hereditary land, the produce of which might be attached till the year of jubilee: (2.) His houses, which, with the sole exception of those of the Levites, might be sold in perpetuity, Lev. xxv, 29, 30: (3.) His cattle, household furniture, and ornaments, appear also liable to be taken in execution. See Job xxiv, 3; Proverbs xxii, 27. From Deut. xv, 1–11, we see that no debt could be exacted from a poor man in the seventh year; because the land lying fallow, he had no income whence to pay it: (4.) The person of the debtor, who might be sold, along with his wife and children, if he had any. See Lev. xxv, 39; Job xxiv, 9; 2 Kings iv, 1; Isaiah l, 1; Nehemiah v. We have no intimation, in the writings of Moses, that suretyship was practised among the Hebrews in cases of debt. In the Proverbs of Solomon, however, there are many admonitions respecting it. Where this warranty was given, the surety was treated with the same severity as if he had been the actual debtor; and if he could not pay, his very bed might be taken from under him, Prov. xxii, 27. There is a reference to the custom observed in contracting this obligation in Prov. xvii, 18: “A man void of understanding striketh hands,” &c; and also in Prov. xxii, 26: “Be not thou one of them that strike hands,” &c. It is to be observed that the hand was given, not to the creditor, but to the debtor, in the creditor’s presence. By this act the surety intimated that he became in a legal sense one with the debtor, and rendered himself liable to pay the debt.
DEBTS. The Israelite laws really differ from ours when it comes to debt. Imprisonment wasn’t a thing among the Hebrews, who also avoided those lengthy and costly legal procedures we're familiar with for recovering debts. Their laws in this area were straightforward yet effective. If a debtor left a pledge with a creditor that wasn’t paid off, the creditor could keep the pledge for himself without needing a magistrate's involvement, and he could hold onto it as if he had purchased it with the loaned money. Additionally, every Israelite owned various properties that could easily be seized to pay debts, such as (1.) his hereditary land, the produce of which could be claimed until the year of Jubilee; (2.) his houses, which, except for those belonging to the Levites, could be sold permanently (Lev. xxv, 29, 30); (3.) his cattle, household items, and personal belongings could also be taken. See Job xxiv, 3; Proverbs xxii, 27. According to Deut. xv, 1–11, no debts could be collected from a poor man during the seventh year because the land was fallow, leaving him with no income to pay it. (4.) The debtor himself could be sold, along with his wife and children if he had any. See Lev. xxv, 39; Job xxiv, 9; 2 Kings iv, 1; Isaiah l, 1; Nehemiah v. The writings of Moses don’t mention any practice of suretyship among the Hebrews regarding debts. However, in Solomon’s Proverbs, there are many warnings about it. When a warranty was given, the surety faced the same consequences as the actual debtor; if he couldn’t pay, even his bed could be taken from him (Prov. xxii, 27). Proverbs also references customs involved in entering this obligation in Prov. xvii, 18: “A man lacking understanding shakes hands,” etc., and in Prov. xxii, 26: “Don’t be one of those who shake hands,” etc. It’s noteworthy that the handshake was made with the debtor, not the creditor, while the creditor was present. By doing this, the surety signaled that he was legally joining with the debtor and agreed to be responsible for the debt.
2. We have above noticed the practice of lending on pledge; but as this was liable to considerable abuse, the following judicial regulations were adopted: (1.) The creditor was not allowed to enter the house of the debtor to fetch the pledge, but was obliged to stand without the door, and wait till it was brought to him, Deut. xxiv, 10, 11. This law was wisely designed to restrain avaricious and unprincipled persons from taking advantage of their poor brethren in choosing their own pledges. (2.) The upper garment, which served by night for a blanket, Exod. xxii, 25, 26; Deut. xxiv, 12, 13, and mills and millstones, if taken in pledge, were to be restored to the owner before sunset. The reason of this law was, that these articles were indispensable to the comfortable subsistence of the poor; and for the same reason, it is likely that it extended to all necessary utensils. Such a restoration was no loss to the creditor; for he had it in his power at last, by the aid of summary justice, to lay hold of the whole property of the debtor; and if he had none, of his person: and, in the event of non-payment, as before stated, to take him for a bond slave.
2. We've already discussed the practice of lending with a pledge; however, since this was prone to significant abuse, the following legal regulations were established: (1.) The creditor couldn’t enter the debtor's house to retrieve the pledge but had to wait outside until it was brought to him, Deut. xxiv, 10, 11. This law was wisely intended to prevent greedy and unscrupulous individuals from exploiting their less fortunate neighbors in selecting their own pledges. (2.) The upper garment, which served as a blanket at night, Exod. xxii, 25, 26; Deut. xxiv, 12, 13, as well as mills and millstones, if taken as a pledge, had to be returned to the owner before sunset. The reason behind this law was that these items were essential for the basic comfort of the poor; and likely, it also applied to other necessary tools. Returning these items wasn’t a loss for the creditor; he still had the power, through summary justice, to seize the debtor's entire property; and if the debtor had nothing, he could take him as a bonded servant if they failed to pay.
DECAPOLIS, a country in Palestine, so called, because it contained ten principal cities; some situated on the west, and some on the east side of Jordan, Matt. iv, 25; Mark v, 20.
DECAPOLIS, a region in Palestine, named for its ten main cities; some located on the west side and some on the east side of the Jordan River, Matt. iv, 25; Mark v, 20.
DEDICATION, a religious ceremony, whereby any person or thing was set apart to the service of God, and the purposes of religion. 297Dedications of persons, temples, and houses, were frequent among the Jews. See Consecration.
DEDICATION, a religious ceremony, where any person or thing is set apart for the service of God and the purposes of religion. 297 Dedications of people, temples, and homes were common among the Jews. See Dedication.
DEFILEMENT. Under the law, many were those blemishes of person and conduct, which were considered as defilements: some were voluntary, others involuntary; some were inevitable, and the effect of nature itself, others arose from personal transgression. Under the Gospel, defilements are those of the heart, of the mind, the temper, and conduct. The ceremonial uncleannesses of the law are superseded as religious rites; though many of them claim attention as usages of health, decency, and civility.
DEFILEMENT. According to the law, there were many flaws in a person’s character and behavior that were seen as defilements: some were intentional, others unintentional; some were unavoidable and a result of nature itself, while others came from personal wrongdoing. In the context of the Gospel, defilements refer to issues of the heart, mind, temperament, and behavior. The ceremonial impurities described in the law are no longer relevant as religious practices; however, many of them still hold significance as matters of health, decency, and politeness.
DEGREES. Psalms of Degrees is a name given to fifteen psalms, from the cxx, to the cxxxiv, inclusive. The Hebrew text calls them a song of ascents. Junius and Tremellius translate the Hebrew a song of excellences, or an excellent song, from the excellent matter they contain. Some call them psalms of elevation, because they were sung with an exalted voice, or because at every psalm the voice was raised; but the translation of psalms of degrees has more generally obtained. Some think that they were called psalms of degrees, because they were sung upon the fifteen steps of the temple; but they are not agreed where these steps were. Others are of opinion, that they were so denominated, because sung in a gallery, which was in the court of Israel, where the Levites sometimes read the law. Calmet thinks, that they were called songs of degrees, or of ascent, because they were composed on occasion of the deliverance of the Jews from the captivity of Babylon, either to implore this deliverance from God, or to return thanks for it after it had been obtained; and that the Hebrews used the term to go up, when they spoke of their journeying from Babylon to Jerusalem. Others are of opinion, that these psalms were sung during the time of service, while the flesh, &c, were consuming on the altar, and while the fume and smoke ascended toward heaven; and that the title Psalms of Ascent seems to favour this supposition. The point is involved in entire obscurity; and, after all, the title of these Psalms may be only a musical direction to the temple choir.
DEGREES. Psalms of Degrees is a term used for fifteen psalms, from the 120th to the 134th, inclusive. The Hebrew text refers to them as a song of ascents. Junius and Tremellius translate the Hebrew as a song of excellences, or an excellent song, due to the great content they hold. Some refer to them as psalms of elevation, because they were sung loudly, or because the voice was raised with each psalm; however, the term psalms of degrees is more commonly used. Some believe they are called psalms of degrees because they were sung on the fifteen steps of the temple, though there’s no agreement on where these steps were located. Others think the name comes from them being sung in a gallery in the court of Israel, where the Levites sometimes read the law. Calmet suggests they were called songs of degrees, or of ascent, because they were created in response to the Jewish people's release from Babylonian captivity, either to ask for this deliverance from God or to give thanks after it was granted; the Hebrews used the term to go up when discussing their journey from Babylon to Jerusalem. Some believe these psalms were sung during the service while the flesh, etc., were consumed on the altar, and as the smoke ascended to heaven; the title Psalms of Ascent seems to support this idea. The reasoning is completely unclear; ultimately, the title of these Psalms might just be a musical direction for the temple choir.
DEISTS. This term appears to have had an honourable origin, being of the same import as Theists, designating those who believe in the existence of a supreme intelligent cause, in opposition to the Epicureans, and other Atheistical philosophers. The name, in modern times, is said to have been first assumed about the middle of the sixteenth century, by some persons on the continent, in order to avoid the imputation of Atheism. Peter Viret, a divine of that century, mentions it as a new name assumed by those who rejected Christianity. Lord Edw. Herbert, baron of Cherbury, in the seventeenth century, has been regarded as the first Deistical writer in this country, or at least, the first who reduced Deism to a system; affirming the sufficiency of reason and natural religion, and rejecting divine revelation as unnecessary and superfluous. His system, however, embraced these five articles:--1. The being of God. 2. That he is to be worshipped. 3. That piety and moral virtue are the chief parts of worship. 4. That God will pardon our faults on repentance. And, 5. That there is a future state of rewards and punishment. Some have divided all Deists into two classes--those who admit a future state, and those who deny it. But Dr. S. Clarke, taking the term in the most extensive sense, arranges them under four classes:--1. Those who admit a Supreme Being, but deny that he concerns himself with the conduct or affairs of men; maintaining, with Lucretius, that God
DEISTS. This term seems to have an honorable origin, sharing the same meaning as Theists, referring to those who believe in the existence of a supreme intelligent cause, in contrast to the Epicureans and other atheistic philosophers. In modern times, it is said to have been first adopted around the mid-sixteenth century by some individuals on the continent to avoid being labeled atheists. Peter Viret, a theologian from that century, notes it as a new term used by those who rejected Christianity. Lord Edward Herbert, Baron of Cherbury, in the seventeenth century, is considered the first Deistical writer in this country, or at least the first to systematize Deism; asserting the adequacy of reason and natural religion while dismissing divine revelation as unnecessary and superfluous. His system included these five points: 1. The existence of God. 2. That He deserves worship. 3. That piety and moral virtue are the primary aspects of worship. 4. That God will forgive our faults upon repentance. And 5. That there is a future state of rewards and punishments. Some categorize all Deists into two groups—those who accept a future state and those who deny it. However, Dr. S. Clarke, interpreting the term in the broadest sense, classifies them into four groups: 1. Those who acknowledge a Supreme Being but deny His involvement in human conduct or affairs; maintaining, as Lucretius did, that God
2. Those who admit not only the being but the providence of God, with respect to the natural world; but who allow no difference between moral good and evil, nor that God takes any notice of our moral conduct. 3. Such as believe in the natural attributes of God, and his all-governing providence; yet deny the immortality of the soul, or any future state. 4. Such as admit the existence of God, his providence, and the obligations of natural religion; but so far only as these things are discoverable by the light of nature, without any divine revelation. Some of the Deists have attempted to overthrow the Christian dispensation, by opposing to it what they call the absolute perfection of natural religion. Others, as Blount, Collins, and Morgan, have endeavoured to gain the same purpose, by attacking particular parts of the Christian scheme, by explaining away the literal sense and meaning of certain passages, or by placing one portion of the sacred canon in opposition to the other. A third class, wherein we meet with the names of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke, advancing farther in their progress, expunge from their creed the doctrine of future existence, deny or controvert all the moral perfections of the Deity, and wholly reject the Scriptures.
2. Those who acknowledge not just the existence but also the guidance of God in the natural world; but who see no distinction between moral good and evil, and believe that God does not pay attention to our moral actions. 3. Those who accept the natural attributes of God and his all-controlling guidance; yet deny the immortality of the soul or any kind of afterlife. 4. Those who recognize the existence of God, his guidance, and the responsibilities of natural religion; but only to the extent that these are discoverable through nature, without any divine revelation. Some Deists have tried to undermine Christianity by promoting what they call the absolute perfection of natural religion. Others, like Blount, Collins, and Morgan, have sought the same goal by challenging specific aspects of the Christian system, by reinterpreting the literal meaning of certain passages, or by putting one part of the sacred texts against another. A third group, which includes names like Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke, goes further by removing the belief in an afterlife from their beliefs, denying or disputing all the moral qualities of God, and completely rejecting the Scriptures.
The Deists of the present day are distinguished by their zealous efforts to diffuse the principles of infidelity among the common people. Hume, Bolingbroke, and Gibbon, addressed themselves solely to the more polished classes of the community; but of late the writings of Paine, Carlile, and others, have diffused infidelity among the lower orders of society, and clothed it in the dress of vulgar ridicule, the more effectually to destroy in the common people all reverence for sacred things. Among the disciples of this school, Deism has led to the most disgusting Atheism. Thus “evil men and seducers wax worse and worse.”
The Deists today are known for their passionate efforts to spread disbelief among ordinary people. Hume, Bolingbroke, and Gibbon targeted mainly the more educated classes of society; however, recently, the writings of Paine, Carlile, and others have spread disbelief among the lower classes and presented it in a way that ridicules, effectively undermining any respect for sacred beliefs among the general population. Among the followers of this movement, Deism has resulted in a disturbing form of atheism. Thus, "evil men and seducers wax worse and worse."
DELUGE signifies, in general, any great inundation; but more particularly that universal flood by which the whole inhabitants of this globe were destroyed, except Noah and his family. According to the most approved systems of chronology, this remarkable event happened in the year 1656 after the creation, or about 2348 before the Christian æra. Of so general a calamity, from which only a single family of all who lived then on the face of the 298earth was preserved, we might naturally expect to find some memorials in the traditionary records of Pagan history, as well as in the sacred volume, where its peculiar cause, and the circumstances which attended it, are so distinctly and so fully related. Its magnitude and singularity could scarcely fail to make an indelible impression on the minds of the survivors, which would be communicated from them to their children, and would not be easily effaced from the traditions even of their latest posterity. A deficiency in such traces of this awful event, though perhaps it might not serve entirely to invalidate our belief of its reality, would certainly tend considerably to weaken its claim to credibility; it being scarcely probable that the knowledge of it should be utterly lost to the rest of the world, and confined to the documents of the Jewish nation alone. What we might reasonably expect has, accordingly, been actually and completely realized. The evidence which has been brought from almost every quarter of the world to bear upon the reality of this event, is of the most conclusive and irresistible kind; and every investigation, whether etymological or historical, which has been made concerning Heathen rites and traditions, has constantly added to its force, no less than to its extent.
DELUGE generally refers to any major flood; however, it specifically means the worldwide flood that destroyed all the people on Earth, except for Noah and his family. According to the most accepted timelines, this significant event occurred in the year 1656 after creation, or around 2348 BC. Given such a widespread disaster, from which only one family survived, we would naturally expect to find some records in ancient pagan history, as well as in religious texts, detailing its unique causes and the events surrounding it. The scale and uniqueness of this calamity would have surely left a lasting impression on the minds of those who lived through it, which would then be passed down to future generations, becoming ingrained in their traditions. A lack of evidence about this catastrophic occurrence might not completely undermine our belief in it, but it would certainly weaken its credibility; it seems unlikely that the knowledge of it would have been completely lost to the rest of the world and limited solely to Jewish documentation. What we could reasonably anticipate has actually come to pass. Evidence from nearly every part of the world supporting the reality of this event is both conclusive and compelling; every study, whether about the origins of words or historical practices, has consistently reinforced its impact and scope.
And here, it were injustice to the memory of ingenuity and erudition almost unexampled in modern times, were we not to mention the labours of Bryant, the learned analysist of ancient mythology, whose patience and profoundness of research have thrown such new and convincing light on this subject. Nor must we forget his ardent and successful disciple, Mr. Faber, who, in his “Dissertation on the Mysteries of the Cabiri,” has in travelling over similar ground with his illustrious master at once corrected some of his statements, and greatly strengthened his general conclusions. As the basis of their system, however, rests on a most extensive etymological examination of the names of the deities and other mythological personages worshipped and celebrated by the Heathen, compared with the varied traditions respecting their histories, and the nature of the rites and names of the places that were sacred to them, we cannot do more, in the present article, than shortly state the result of their investigations, referring for the particular details, to the highly original treatises already mentioned. According to them, the memory of the deluge was incorporated with almost every part of the Gentile mythology and worship; Noah, under a vast multitude of characters, being one of their first deities, to whom all the nations of the Heathen world looked up as their founder; and to some circumstance or other in whose history, and that of his sons and the first patriarchs, most, if not all, of their religious ceremonies may be considered as not indistinctly referring. Traces of these, neither vague nor obscure, they conceive to be found in the history and character, not only of Deucalion, but of Atlas, Cronus, or Saturn, Dionusos, Inachus, Janus, Minos, Zeus, and others among the Greeks; of Isis, Osiris, Sesostris, Oannes, Typhon, &c, among the Egyptians; of Dagon, Agruerus, Sydyk, &c, among the Phenicians; of Astarte, Derceto, &c, among the Assyrians; of Buddha, Menu, Vishnu, &c, among the Hindus; of Fohi, and a deity represented as sitting upon the lotos in the midst of waters, among the Chinese; of Budo and Iakusi among the Japanese, &c. They discover allusions to the ark, in many of the ancient mysteries, and traditions with respect to the dove and the rainbow, by which several of these allegorical personages were attended, which are not easily explicable, unless they be supposed to relate to the history of the deluge. By the celebrated Ogdoas of the Egyptians, consisting of eight persons sailing together in the sacred baris or ark, they imagine the family of Noah, which was precisely eight in number, to have been designated; and in the rites of Adonis or Thammuz, in particular, they point out many circumstances which seem to possess a distinct reference to the events recorded in the sixth and seventh chapters of Genesis. With regard to this system, we shall only farther observe, that, after every reasonable deduction is made from it, which the exuberant indulgence of fancy occasionally exhibited by its authors appears to render necessary, it contains so much that is relevant and conclusive, that it induces the conviction that it has a solid foundation in truth and fact; it being scarcely possible to conceive, that a mere hypothesis could be supported by evidence so varied, so extensive, and in many particulars so demonstrative, as that which its framers have produced.
And here, it would be unfair to the memory of ingenuity and scholarly expertise that is almost unmatched in modern times if we didn't mention the work of Bryant, the knowledgeable analyst of ancient mythology, whose patience and depth of research have shed new and convincing light on this topic. We also need to acknowledge his passionate and successful student, Mr. Faber, who, in his “Dissertation on the Mysteries of the Cabiri,” while exploring similar ideas as his illustrious mentor, corrected some of his statements and significantly strengthened his overall conclusions. However, the foundation of their system is based on a thorough etymological examination of the names of the deities and other mythological figures worshipped and celebrated by the Pagans, compared with the various traditions concerning their histories and the nature of the rites and names of the places sacred to them. In this article, we can only briefly summarize the results of their investigations and direct readers to the highly original works already mentioned for more specific details. According to them, the memory of the flood was incorporated into almost every aspect of Pagan mythology and worship; Noah, under numerous names, was one of their primary deities, revered by all nations of the Pagan world as their founder. Various aspects of his history, as well as that of his sons and the first patriarchs, may be seen as the basis for most, if not all, of their religious ceremonies. They believe that clear traces of these can be found in the history and characters of Deucalion, Atlas, Cronus (Saturn), Dionysus, Inachus, Janus, Zeus, and others among the Greeks; in Isis, Osiris, Sesostris, Oannes, Typhon, etc., among the Egyptians; in Dagon, Agruerus, Sydyk, etc., among the Phoenicians; in Astarte, Derceto, etc., among the Assyrians; in Buddha, Menu, Vishnu, etc., among the Hindus; and in Fohi, along with a deity depicted sitting on a lotus amidst waters, among the Chinese; in Budo and Iakusi among the Japanese, etc. They find references to the ark in many ancient mysteries and traditions concerning the dove and the rainbow, which accompanied several of these allegorical figures. These references are hard to explain unless they are connected to the story of the flood. They interpret the celebrated Ogdoas of the Egyptians, consisting of eight individuals sailing together in the sacred baris or ark, as representing Noah's family, which also consisted of precisely eight people. In the rites of Adonis or Thammuz, in particular, they highlight many details that seem to refer directly to the events described in the sixth and seventh chapters of Genesis. Regarding this system, we only further note that, after making all reasonable deductions—which the authors' occasional extravagant imagination makes necessary—it contains so much relevant and conclusive information that it leads to the belief that it has a solid foundation in truth and fact; it is hard to imagine that a mere hypothesis could be backed by such varied, extensive, and, in many aspects, demonstrative evidence as that which its creators have presented.
Beside, however, the allusions to the deluge in the mythology and religious ceremonies of the Heathen, to which we have thus concisely adverted, there is a variety of traditions concerning it still more direct and circumstantial, the coincidence of which, with the narrative of Moses, it will require no common degree of skeptical hardihood to deny. We are informed by one of the circumnavigators of the world, who visited the remote island of Otaheite, that some of the inhabitants being asked concerning their origin, answered, that their supreme God having, a long time ago, been angry, dragged the earth through the sea, when their island was broken off and preserved. In the island of Cuba, the people are said to believe that the world was once destroyed by water by three persons, evidently alluding to the three sons of Noah. It is even related, that they have a tradition among them, that an old man, knowing that the deluge was approaching, built a large ship, and went into it with a great number of animals; and that he sent out from the ship a crow, which did not immediately come back, staying to feed on the carcasses of dead animals, but afterward returned with a green branch in its mouth. The author who gives the above account likewise affirms that it was reported by the inhabitants of Castella del Oro, in Terra Firma, that during a universal deluge, one man, and his children, were the only persons who escaped, by means 299of a canoe, and that from them the world was afterward peopled. According to the Peruvians, in consequence of a general inundation, occasioned by violent and continued rains, a universal destruction of the human species took place, a few persons only excepted, who escaped into caves on the tops of the mountains, into which they had previously conveyed a stock of provisions, and a number of live animals, lest when the waters abated, the whole race should have become extinct. Others of them affirm, that only six persons were saved, by means of a float or raft, and that from them all the inhabitants of the country are descended. They farther believe, that this event took place before there were any incas or kings among them, and when the country was extremely populous. The Brazilians not only preserve the tradition of a deluge, but believe that the whole race of mankind perished in it, except one man and his sister; or, according to others, two brothers with their wives, who were preserved by climbing the highest trees on their loftiest mountains; and who afterward became the heads of two different nations. The memory of this event they are even said to celebrate in some of their religious anthems or songs. Acosta, in his history of the Indies, says, that the Mexicans speak of a deluge in their country, by which all men were drowned; and that it was afterward peopled by viracocha, who came out of the lake Titicaca; and, according to Herrera, the Machoachans, a people comparatively in the neighbourhood of Mexico, had a tradition, that a single family was formerly preserved in an ark amid a deluge of waters; and that along with them, a sufficient number of animals were saved to stock the new world. During the time that they were shut up in the ark, several ravens were sent out, one of which brought back the branch of a tree. Among the Iroquois it is reported that a certain spirit, called by them Otkon, was the creator of the world; and that another being, called Messou, repaired it after a deluge, which happened in consequence of Otkon’s dogs having one day while he was hunting with them lost themselves in a great lake, which, in consequence of this, overflowed its banks, and in a short time covered the whole earth.
Additionally, beyond the references to the flood found in the mythology and religious practices of the pagans we've briefly mentioned, there are numerous traditions about it that are even more detailed and direct. To deny the similarities between these and the account in Moses' narrative would require a substantial level of skepticism. One of the explorers who circumnavigated the globe visited the remote island of Tahiti, where some of the locals, when asked about their origins, said that their supreme God, out of anger long ago, dragged the earth through the sea, causing their island to break off and remain intact. In Cuba, people are said to believe that the world was once destroyed by water through three individuals, clearly referencing Noah's three sons. There's even a story among them about an old man who, knowing the flood was coming, built a large ship and took a great number of animals on board. He sent out a crow from the ship, which didn't return immediately as it stopped to feed on carcasses but eventually came back with a green branch in its beak. The author who reported this also stated that the inhabitants of Castella del Oro in the mainland claimed that during a global flood, only one man and his children survived in a canoe, and from them, the world was repopulated. According to the Peruvians, due to a widespread flood caused by heavy and continuous rains, almost all of humanity was destroyed, except for a few who escaped into caves on mountain tops, where they had previously stored food and live animals to prevent extinction after the waters receded. Some believe that only six individuals were saved on a raft, and all current inhabitants of the country descended from them. They believe this occurred before there were any rulers or kings and when the population was very high. The Brazilians not only hold onto the tradition of a flood but also believe that the entire human race perished in it, except for one man and his sister, or according to some, two brothers and their wives, who survived by climbing to the highest trees on their tallest mountains and later became the leaders of two different nations. They are said to commemorate this event in some of their religious hymns or songs. Acosta, in his history of the Indies, mentions that the Mexicans speak of a flood in their land that drowned all humans, and that it was later populated by Viracocha, who emerged from Lake Titicaca. According to Herrera, the Machoachans, a people relatively close to Mexico, held a tradition that a single family was saved in an ark during a flood and that they also saved enough animals to populate the new world. While they were in the ark, several ravens were sent out, one of which returned with a branch from a tree. Among the Iroquois, it is said that a spirit named Otkon was the creator of the world, and that another being called Messou repaired it after a flood that occurred when Otkon's dogs got lost in a large lake while he was hunting, causing it to overflow and cover the entire earth.
Passing from the more remote western to the eastern continent, nearer to the region where Noah is generally supposed to have lived, we find the traditions respecting the deluge still more particular and minute. According to Josephus, there were a multitude of ancient authors who concurred in asserting that the world had once been destroyed by a flood: “This deluge,” says he, “and the ark are mentioned by all who have written barbaric histories, one of whom is Berosus the Chaldean.” Eusebius informs us, that Melo, a bitter enemy of the Jews, and whose testimony is on this account peculiarly valuable, takes notice of the person who was saved along with his sons from the flood, having been, after his preservation, driven away from Armenia, whence he retired to the mountainous parts of Syria. Abydenus, after giving an account of the deluge from which Xisuthrus, the Chaldean Noah, was saved, concludes with asserting, in exact concurrence with Berosus, that the ark first rested on the mountains of Armenia, and that its remains were used by the natives as a talisman; and Plutarch mentions the Noachic dove being sent out of the ark, and returning to it again, as an intimation to Deucalion that the storm had not yet ceased.
Moving from the more distant western continent to the eastern one, closer to the area where Noah is generally believed to have lived, we find that the stories about the flood are even more detailed and specific. According to Josephus, many ancient writers agreed that the world had once been destroyed by a flood: “This deluge,” he says, “and the ark are mentioned by all who have written barbaric histories, one of whom is Berosus the Chaldean.” Eusebius tells us that Melo, a fierce enemy of the Jews, whose testimony is particularly valuable for this reason, mentions the person who was saved along with his sons from the flood, noting that after his survival, he was driven away from Armenia and retreated to the mountainous regions of Syria. Abydenus, after recounting the flood from which Xisuthrus, the Chaldean Noah, was saved, concludes by asserting, in complete agreement with Berosus, that the ark first came to rest on the mountains of Armenia, and that its remnants were used by the locals as a talisman; Plutarch also mentions the dove sent from the ark, which returned to it again as a sign to Deucalion that the storm had not yet ended.
This, however, is by no means all: Sir W. Jones, speaking of one of the Chinese fables, says, “Although I cannot insist with confidence, that the rainbow mentioned in it alludes to the Mosaic narrative of the flood, nor build any solid argument on the divine person Niuva, of whose character, and even of whose sex the historians of China speak very doubtfully; I may nevertheless assure you, after full inquiry and consideration, that the Chinese believe the earth to have been wholly covered with water, which, in works of undisputed authenticity, they describe as flowing abundantly, then subsiding, and separating the higher from the lower age of mankind.” Still more coincident even than this with the Mosaic account, is the Grecian history of the deluge, as preserved by Lucian, a native of Samosata on the Euphrates; and its authority is the more incontrovertible, on account of his being an avowed derider of all religions. The antediluvians, according to him, had gradually become so hardened and profligate, as to be guilty of every species of injustice. They paid no regard to the obligation of oaths; were insolent, inhospitable, and unmerciful. For this reason they were visited with an awful calamity. Suddenly the earth poured forth a vast quantity of water, the rain descended in torrents, the rivers overflowed their banks, and the sea rose to a prodigious height, so that “all things became water,” and all men were destroyed except Deucalion. He alone, for the sake of his prudence and piety, was reserved to a second generation. In obedience to a divine nomination, he entered, with his sons and their wives, into a large ark, which they had built for their preservation; and immediately swine, and horses, and lions, and serpents, and all other animals which live on earth, came to him by pairs, and were admitted by him into the ark. There they became perfectly mild and innoxious, their natures being changed by the gods, who created such a friendship between them, that they all sailed peaceably together, so long as the waters prevailed over the surface of the globe.
This, however, is far from the whole story: Sir W. Jones, discussing one of the Chinese fables, says, “Although I can’t confidently claim that the rainbow mentioned in it refers to the biblical account of the flood, nor can I create a strong argument around the divine figure Niuva, whose character and even gender are described quite uncertainly by historians in China; I can assure you, after thorough investigation and thought, that the Chinese believe the earth was completely submerged in water, which they describe in reliable texts as flowing abundantly, then receding, thus separating the earlier from the latter generations of humanity.” Even more similar to the biblical account is the Greek story of the flood, as recorded by Lucian, a native of Samosata on the Euphrates; and its credibility is strengthened by the fact that he openly mocked all religions. According to him, the people before the flood had gradually become so hardened and immoral that they were guilty of every kind of injustice. They disregarded the importance of oaths; were rude, unwelcoming, and cruel. For this reason, they faced a terrible disaster. Suddenly the earth released a massive amount of water, rain fell in torrents, rivers overflowed their banks, and the sea rose to an enormous height, so that “everything became water,” and all humans were wiped out except for Deucalion. He alone, because of his wisdom and piety, was spared to continue a new generation. Following a divine command, he entered, along with his sons and their wives, into a large ark they had built for their safety; and right away, swine, horses, lions, serpents, and all other land animals came to him in pairs and were welcomed into the ark. There, they turned completely gentle and harmless, their nature transformed by the gods, who instilled such a bond between them that they all sailed peacefully together as long as the waters covered the surface of the earth.
Scarcely less remarkable is the Hindoo tradition. It is contained in the ancient poem of the Bhavagat; and forms the subject of the first Purana, entitled Matsya, or “The Fish.” The following is Sir William Jones’s abridgment of it; and the identity of the event which it describes, with that of the Hebrew historian, is too obvious to require any particular illustration: “The demon Hayagriva, having purloined the Vedas from the custody of Brahma, while he was reposing at the close of the sixth Manwantara, the whole race of men became corrupt, except the seven Rishis, and Satyavrata, who then reigned in Dravira, a maritime 300region to the south of Carnata. This prince was performing his ablutions in the river Critimala, when Vishnu appeared to him in the shape of a small fish, and after several augmentations of bulk in different waters, was placed by Satyavrata in the ocean, where he thus addressed his amazed votary: ‘In seven days all creatures who have offended me shall be destroyed by a deluge, but thou shalt be secured in a capacious vessel miraculously formed; take therefore all kinds of medicinal herbs, and esculent grain for food, and, together with the seven holy men, your respective wives, and pairs of all animals, enter the ark without fear: then shalt thou know God face to face, and all thy questions shall be answered.’ Saying this, he disappeared; and after seven days the ocean began to overflow the coasts, and the earth to be flooded by constant showers, when Satyavrata, meditating on the deity, saw a large vessel moving on the waters. He entered it, having in all respects conformed to the instructions of Vishnu; who in the form of a vast fish, suffered the vessel to be tied with a great sea serpent, as with a cable, to his measureless horn. When the deluge had ceased, Vishnu slew the demon, and recovered the Vedas, instructed Satyavrata in divine knowledge, and appointed him the seventh Menu, by the name of Vaivaswata.”
Scarcely less remarkable is the Hindu tradition. It’s found in the ancient poem of the Bhavagat and is the subject of the first Purana, called Matsya, or "The Fish." Here’s Sir William Jones's summary of it; the similarity of the event it describes to that of the Hebrew historian is too apparent to need any special explanation: "The demon Hayagriva, having stolen the Vedas from Brahma while he was resting at the end of the sixth Manwantara, caused the entire human race to become corrupt, except for the seven Rishis and Satyavrata, who reigned in Dravira, a coastal region south of Carnata. This prince was performing his ablutions in the river Critimala when Vishnu appeared to him as a small fish. After several transformations in different waters, Satyavrata placed this fish in the ocean, where the fish spoke to him, saying: 'In seven days, all creatures who have offended me will be destroyed by a flood, but you will be safe in a large vessel that will be miraculously made; therefore, gather all kinds of medicinal herbs and edible grains for food, and together with the seven holy men, your wives, and pairs of all animals, enter the ark without fear: then you will know God face to face, and all your questions will be answered.' After saying this, he disappeared; and after seven days, the ocean began to overflow the shores and the earth was flooded with continuous rain when Satyavrata, while meditating on the deity, saw a large vessel moving on the waters. He entered it, having fully followed Vishnu's instructions, who, in the form of a huge fish, allowed the vessel to be tied with a great sea serpent as if it were a cable, to his immense horn. When the flood had ended, Vishnu killed the demon, recovered the Vedas, taught Satyavrata divine knowledge, and appointed him the seventh Manu, known as Vaivaswata."
When we thus meet with some traditions of a deluge in almost every country, though the persons saved from it are said, in those various accounts to have resided in different districts widely separated from each other, we are constrained to allow that such a general concurrence of belief could never have originated merely from accident. While the mind is in this situation, Scripture comes forward, and, presenting a narrative more simple, better connected, and bearing an infinitely greater resemblance to authentic history, than any of those mythological accounts which occur in the traditions of Paganism, immediately flashes the conviction upon the understanding, that this must be the true history of those remarkable facts which other nations have handed down to us, only through the medium of allegory and fable. By the evidence adduced in this article, indeed, the moral certainty of the Mosaic history of the flood appears to be established on a basis sufficiently firm to bid defiance to the cavils of skepticism. “Let the ingenuity of unbelief first account satisfactorily for this universal agreement of the Pagan world; and she may then, with a greater degree of plausibility, impeach the truth of the Scriptural narrative of the deluge.” The fact, however, is not only preserved in the traditions of all nations, as we have already seen; but after all the philosophical arguments which were formerly urged against it, philosophy has at length acknowledged that the present surface of the earth must have been submerged under water. “Not only,” says Kirwan, “in every region of Europe, but also of both the old and new continents, immense quantities of marine shells, either dispersed or collected, have been discovered.” This and several other facts seem to prove, that at least a great part of the present earth was, before the last general convulsion to which it has been subjected, the bed of an ocean which, at that time, was withdrawn from it. Other facts seem also to prove with sufficient evidence, that this was not a gradual retirement of the waters which once covered the parts now inhabited by men; but a violent one, such as may be supposed from the brief but emphatic relation of Moses. The violent action of water has left its traces in various undisputed phenomena. Stratified mountains of various heights exist in different parts of Europe, and of both continents; in and between whose strata, various substances of marine, and some vegetables of terrestrial, origin, repose either in their natural state, or petrified. To overspread the plains of the arctic circle with the shells of Indian seas, and with the bodies of elephants and rhinoceri, surrounded by masses of submarine vegetation; to accumulate on a single spot, as at La Bolca, in promiscuous confusion, the marine productions of the four quarters of the globe; what conceivable instrument would be efficacious but the rush of mighty waters? These facts, about which there is no dispute, and which are acknowledged by the advocates of each of the prevailing geological theories, give a sufficient attestation to the deluge of Noah, in which “the fountains of the great deep were broken up,” and from which precisely such phenomena might be expected to follow. To this may be added, though less decisive in proof, yet certainly strong as presumptive evidence, that the very aspect of the earth’s surface exhibits interesting marks both of the violent action, and the rapid subsidence, of waters; as well as affords a most interesting instance of the divine goodness in converting what was ruin itself into utility and beauty. The great frame-work of the varied surface of the habitable earth was probably laid by a more powerful agency than that of water; either when on the third day the waters under the heavens were gathered into one place, and the crust of the primitive earth was broken down to receive them, so that “the dry land might appear;” by those mighty convulsions which appear to have accompanied the general deluge; but the rounding, so to speak, of what was rugged, where the substance was yielding, and the graceful undulations of hill and dale which so frequently present themselves, were probably effected by the retiring waters. The flood has passed away; but the soils which it deposited remain; and the valleys through which its last streams were drawn off to the ocean, with many an eddy and sinuous course, still exist, exhibiting visible proofs of its agency, and impressed with forms so adapted to the benefit of man, and often so gratifying to the finest taste, that, when the flood “turned,” it may be said to have “left a blessing behind it.”
When we encounter flood traditions in almost every country, despite the fact that the survivors in these various stories are said to come from widely different areas, we have to acknowledge that this widespread belief couldn't have arisen purely by chance. While considering this, Scripture presents a narrative that's simpler, better connected, and bears a far greater resemblance to real history than any of the mythological stories found in pagan traditions. It quickly leads us to believe that this must be the true account of the extraordinary events that other cultures have passed down through allegory and fable. The evidence provided in this article indeed suggests that the reliability of the Mosaic account of the flood is founded on a solid basis that can withstand skepticism. “Let the creativity of disbelief first find a satisfactory explanation for this universal agreement in the pagan world; only then can it more plausibly challenge the truth of the biblical account of the flood.” However, this fact is not only preserved in the traditions of all nations, as we've already seen; after all the philosophical arguments against it, philosophy has finally recognized that Earth's current surface must have been submerged underwater. “Not only,” says Kirwan, “in every region of Europe, but also across both the old and new continents, vast quantities of marine shells, either scattered or collected, have been found.” This and other facts seem to indicate that much of the present Earth was, prior to the last major upheaval it experienced, the bottom of an ocean that has since receded. Other evidence also strongly suggests that this was not a gradual retreat of the waters that once covered areas now inhabited by people, but a rapid one, as can be inferred from Moses's brief but powerful account. The violent force of water has left its marks in various undeniable phenomena. Layered mountains of different heights exist in several parts of Europe and both continents; within and between their layers, various marine substances and some land plants rest, either in their natural state or petrified. To cover the plains of the Arctic Circle with seashells from Indian waters, and with the remains of elephants and rhinoceroses surrounded by large masses of underwater vegetation; to pile up marine life from all four corners of the globe in one location, like at La Bolca, in chaotic confusion—what conceivable force could accomplish this if not the rush of immense waters? These undisputed facts, accepted by supporters of all prevailing geological theories, provide substantial evidence for Noah's flood, during which “the fountains of the great deep were broken up,” and from which such phenomena would likely follow. Additionally, though not as decisive in proof, there is substantial circumstantial evidence that the very shape of the Earth's surface shows intriguing signs of both the violent force and quick retreat of water; it also demonstrates a remarkable example of divine goodness in transforming devastation into utility and beauty. The foundational layout of the diverse surface of the habitable Earth was likely shaped by a power greater than just water; whether when, on the third day, the waters under the heavens were gathered in one place, and the crust of the original Earth was broken down to receive them so that “the dry land might appear”; or due to the significant upheavals that seem to have accompanied the global flood; but the smoothing, so to speak, of rugged terrain where the material was yielding, and the graceful undulations of hills and valleys we often see, were probably caused by the receding waters. The flood has subsided; however, the soils it deposited remain; and the valleys through which its last streams flowed into the ocean, with many twists and turns, still exist, showing clear signs of its influence and shaped in ways that benefit humanity and often appeal to the finest taste—so much so that, when the flood “receded,” it could be said to have “left a blessing behind.”
The objections once made to the fact of a general deluge have, indeed, been greatly weakened by the progress of philosophical knowledge; and may be regarded as nearly given up, like the former notion of the high 301antiquity of the race of men, founded on the Chinese and Egyptian chronologies and pretended histories. Philosophy has even at last found out that there is sufficient water in the ocean, if called forth, to overflow the highest mountains to the height given by Moses,--a conclusion which it once stoutly denied. Keill formerly computed that twenty-eight oceans would be necessary for that purpose; but we are now informed “that a farther progress in mathematical and physical knowledge has shown the different seas and oceans to contain, at least, forty-eight times more water than they were then supposed to do; and that the mere raising of the temperature of the whole body of the ocean to a degree no greater than marine animals live in, in the shallow seas between the tropics, would so expand it as more than to produce the height above the mountains stated in the Mosaic account.” As to the deluge of Noah, therefore, infidelity has almost entirely lost the aid of philosophy in framing objections to the Scriptures.
The objections once raised against the idea of a general flood have, in fact, been significantly weakened by advancements in philosophical knowledge and can be seen as largely abandoned, similar to the outdated belief in the extreme antiquity of the human race based on Chinese and Egyptian chronologies and supposed histories. Philosophy has finally realized that there is enough water in the ocean, if it were to be called forth, to cover the highest mountains to the level stated by Moses—a conclusion it once firmly rejected. Keill previously calculated that twenty-eight oceans would be required for this, but we now know that further advancements in mathematical and physical knowledge have revealed that the various seas and oceans contain at least forty-eight times more water than was previously thought. Moreover, just raising the temperature of the entire ocean to a level suitable for marine life in the shallow seas between the tropics would expand it enough to surpass the height of the mountains mentioned in the biblical account. Therefore, regarding Noah's flood, skepticism has nearly lost the support of philosophy in constructing objections to the Scriptures.
DEMONIAC, a human being possessed with and actuated by some spiritual malignant being of superior power. The word demon is used by Pagan writers often in a good sense, and is applied to their divinities; but the demons of holy writ are malignant spirits. We are not informed very particularly about their origin or destiny; but we find them represented as ϖνεύματα ἀκάθαρτα, and ϖνεύματα ϖονηρὰ, unclean and evil spirits; and we must consider them as in league with the devil, as the subjects of his dominion, and the instruments of his will. They were the immediate agents in all possessions; and to expel or restrain them, or to cure the diseases which they were supposed to occasion, was one of the miraculous gifts of the early times.
DEMONIAC refers to a human being who is possessed and influenced by a powerful evil spirit. The term demon is often used by pagan writers in a positive way, referring to their gods; however, in religious texts, demons are seen as malevolent spirits. We don't have specific details about their origin or fate, but they are depicted as ϖνεύματα ἀκάθαρτα and ϖνεύματα ϖονηρὰ, meaning unclean and evil spirits. We should view them as being aligned with the devil, under his control, and carrying out his will. They played a direct role in all possessions, and the ability to drive them out, hold them back, or heal the ailments they were believed to cause was one of the miraculous powers of earlier times.
2. On this subject an ardent controversy was agitated about the middle and toward the end of the last century, between Dr. Farmer and his opponents. In this controversy, of which we shall attempt to give a short view, it was contended, on the one hand, that the demoniacal cases recorded in the books of the New Testament, were instances of real possession; and, on the other, that they were merely diseases, set forth under the notion of possessions, in conformity with the belief which was prevalent at the time. By the one party, the language of holy writ was interpreted literally; and by the other it was considered as figurative, and used in the way of accommodation to the existing opinions. The leading asseveration of Dr. Farmer, upon the general question, is, that miracles, or works surpassing the power of men, are never performed without a divine interposition; and by a divine interposition he means, either the immediate agency of the Deity himself, or of beings empowered and commissioned by him. And the proof of this asseveration, he tells us, may very easily be found, if we consider that, on any other supposition, it is impossible to show that a religion supported by miracles is really from God. For the miracles in question, or works surpassing the power of human beings, may have been performed by evil spirits, acting independently of the Divinity, thwarting his purposes, and marring the operation of his goodness. Should it be said that, from the tendency of the miracle itself, and a fortiori, from the tendency of the miracle and religion when taken together, we may easily infer the character of the being from whom the whole scheme proceeds,--to this also Dr. Farmer is ready with his answer. “With regard to doctrines,” says he “of a moral or useful tendency, it is not, in all cases, easy for the bulk of mankind, or even for the wise and learned, to form a certain judgment concerning them. What to men appeared to have a tendency to promote virtue and happiness, superior beings, who discerned its remotest effects, might know to be a curse rather than a blessing, and give it countenance from a motive of malevolence. On the other hand, a doctrine really subservient to the cause of piety and virtue, men might judge to be prejudicial to it. And were the sanctity of the doctrine ever so apparent, it would not (on the principles of those with whom we are here arguing) certainly follow from hence, that the miracles recommending it were wrought by God; inasmuch as other beings, from motives unknown to us, might interest themselves in favour of such a doctrine.” In one word, according to this author, we do not know whether the tendency of the miracle, or of the religion, be good or not; and therefore we can form no accurate idea of the character really belonging to the being from whom the revelation proceeds. To our eyes the system may appear well calculated to promote our happiness, but it may have been the contrivance of wicked spirits. According to the sense and discernment of men, the miracle is useful in itself, but we cannot be sure whether it may not have been performed by one of the rebellious angels “who kept not their first estate.” In conformity with these opinions, Dr. Farmer maintains that there is not an instance recorded in sacred Scripture, where a miracle has been wrought, and where there is not sufficient reason to believe that the effect was produced either by the Deity himself, or by agents commissioned and empowered to act in his name. Hence he considers the Egyptian magicians as jugglers; the witch of Endor, as a ventriloquist; and, completing the system, he has written an elaborate dissertation to prove, that when Christ was “tempted of the devil,” as the Evangelist Matthew expresses it, that apostate angel was not really present; and that the whole transaction took place in a vision or a dream.
2. There was a heated debate on this topic around the middle and end of the last century between Dr. Farmer and his opponents. In this debate, which we will summarize briefly, one side argued that the cases of demonic possession described in the New Testament were genuine instances of possession, while the other side claimed they were simply diseases presented as possessions, in line with the beliefs of the time. One group interpreted the language of the scriptures literally, while the other viewed it as figurative and shaped by the prevailing opinions. Dr. Farmer's main assertion regarding the overall issue is that miracles, or acts that exceed human ability, are never performed without divine intervention; by divine intervention, he refers either to the direct action of God or to beings authorized and commissioned by Him. He explains that proof of this assertion is easy to find because, without this assumption, it's impossible to prove that a religion supported by miracles truly comes from God. The miracles in question could have been performed by evil spirits acting independently of God, undermining His intentions and obstructing His goodness. If someone claims that the nature of the miracle, and even more so the combination of the miracle and religion, allows us to infer the character of the being behind it, Dr. Farmer has a response. “Regarding doctrines,” he states, “of a moral or beneficial nature, it’s not always easy for the majority of people, or even the wise and learned, to make certain judgments about them. What may seem beneficial for promoting virtue and happiness to humans may actually be recognized by higher beings, who see the far-reaching consequences, as a curse instead of a blessing, and they might support it out of malice. Conversely, a doctrine that genuinely supports piety and virtue could be perceived by people as harmful. Even if the holiness of the doctrine is obvious, it does not necessarily follow that the miracles supporting it were performed by God; other beings, for unknown reasons, might support such a doctrine.” In short, according to this author, we cannot know whether the miracle or the religion is good or not; thus, we cannot accurately determine the true character of the being from whom the revelation comes. To us, the system may seem perfectly designed to enhance our happiness, but it could have originated from malevolent spirits. While people may see the miracle as beneficial, we cannot be certain that it was not carried out by one of the rebellious angels “who kept not their first estate.” In line with these views, Dr. Farmer maintains that there is no instance recorded in sacred Scripture where a miracle occurred without sufficient reason to believe that the effect was produced either by God Himself or by agents authorized to act in His name. Therefore, he views the Egyptian magicians as tricksters, the witch of Endor as a ventriloquist, and he has written an extensive essay to argue that when Christ was “tempted of the devil,” as Matthew puts it, the fallen angel was not actually present and that the entire episode occurred in a vision or a dream.
With regard to the demoniacs of the New Testament, this writer and his followers contend that, among the Jews, certain diseases, such as madness and epilepsy, were usually ascribed to the agency of evil spirits. This was the current notion and belief of the country. Upon this notion the ordinary phraseology was built. Our Lord and his Apostles adapted their instructions to this prevailing notion, and used the language which had been formed upon it; just as Moses, in his account of the 302creation, adapts himself to the popular astronomy of his time, instead of laying before us the true system of the heavenly bodies. He speaks, not in relation to what is physically correct, but in relation to what was believed. He founds his instructions upon the ideas already entertained by the people to whom the revelation was first communicated: and Christ and his Apostles do the very same thing. They speak of the demoniacs, not according to the real state of the case, but according to the notions which the Jews entertained of it. Not a few of those demoniacs appear to have been persons of a disordered understanding, subject to attacks of mania; some of them were afflicted with the epilepsy, or falling sickness, some were deaf, and others were dumb. When a demon is said to enter into a man, the meaning is, that his madness is about to show itself in a violent paroxysm; when a demon is said to speak, it is only the unhappy victim of the disease himself that speaks; and when a demon or devil is expelled, the exact truth of the case, as well as the whole of the miracle, is nothing more than that the disease is cured. Occasionally, too, say those who contend against the reality of demoniacal possessions, the language of the sacred books confirms the explanation which has just been given. Thus, in the tenth chapter of St. John’s Gospel, we find the Jews saying of Christ, “He hath a devil, and is mad,” as if the expressions were perfectly equivalent; and the person who is represented, in the seventeenth chapter of Matthew, as a lunatic, is spoken of by St. Mark as vexed with a dumb spirit. It is farther argued on this side of the question, that the instances of possession recorded in the books of the New Testament have all the features and appearance of ordinary diseases. The madness shows itself in these cases, just as it shows itself in the cases which occur among ourselves in the present day: it is now melancholy, and the patient is silent and sullen, and now it vents itself in bursts of anger and ferocious resentment. And the epilepsy of the sacred books is the epilepsy of all our systems of nosology: the phenomena of the diseases are precisely the same. Nor does this, say they, detract from the very high character which Christ undoubtedly sustains in the inspired writings, or diminish the value of his miracles as the evidences of our religion; since it must be allowed, that to cure a disease with a word or a touch is an effort of power far beyond the reach of any human being. And let it be remembered, that those who deny the expulsion of demons are ready to admit that diseases were miraculously cured. There is a miracle in either case; and, in either case, it is a sufficient proof of our Saviour’s mission, and an adequate support of the Christian faith.
Regarding the demoniacs in the New Testament, this writer and his followers argue that, among the Jews, certain illnesses, like madness and epilepsy, were typically attributed to evil spirits. This was the common belief in the region. The usual language reflected this idea. Our Lord and his Apostles tailored their teachings to this widespread belief and used the terminology developed from it, just as Moses, in his account of the 302 creation, adapted to the popular astronomy of his time instead of presenting the actual system of celestial bodies. He spoke not about what was scientifically accurate but about what was believed. He based his teachings on the concepts held by the people receiving the revelation: and Christ and his Apostles did the exact same thing. They referred to the demoniacs not according to the true nature of the situation but based on the beliefs of the Jews about it. Many of those demoniacs seem to have been individuals with mental disorders, experiencing episodes of mania; some suffered from epilepsy, or falling sickness; some were deaf, and others were mute. When it’s said that a demon enters a person, it means that their madness is about to manifest in a violent outburst; when a demon is said to speak, it’s simply the unfortunate individual with the illness who is speaking; and when a demon or devil is cast out, the reality of the situation, as well as the entire miracle, is merely that the illness is healed. Those who argue against the reality of demonic possession sometimes point out that the language in the sacred texts supports this explanation. For example, in the tenth chapter of St. John’s Gospel, the Jews say about Christ, “He has a devil and is mad,” suggesting these expressions were seen as identical; and the person depicted as a lunatic in the seventeenth chapter of Matthew is referred to by St. Mark as being troubled by a dumb spirit. Furthermore, it’s argued that the instances of possession documented in the New Testament share characteristics and symptoms of regular diseases. The madness in these cases is evident just as it is in instances we see today: at times it presents as melancholy, with the patient being quiet and withdrawn, and at other times, it erupts in fits of rage and violent resentment. The epilepsy noted in the sacred texts matches the epilepsy described across all our medical classifications: the symptoms of the illnesses are exactly the same. They argue that this does not undermine the very high status that Christ rightly holds in the inspired writings or reduce the significance of his miracles as proof of our faith; since it’s universally acknowledged that to heal an illness with just a word or a touch is an act of power far beyond any human capability. And it should be noted that those who deny the expulsion of demons readily accept that diseases were miraculously healed. There is a miracle in either case; and in both instances, it serves as adequate evidence of our Savior’s mission and a strong foundation for the Christian faith.
3. To these statements and reasonings, the advocates of possessions have not been slow to reply. They call in question the truth of Dr. Farmer’s leading asseveration; namely, “that extraordinary works have never been performed without a divine interposition;” and contend, that as human beings have a certain sphere and agency allotted them, so it is reasonable to believe that malignant spirits have a wider sphere, and an agency less controlled; and that within this sphere, and in the exercise of this agency, they perform actions, the tendency of which is to thwart the purposes of the divine beneficence, and to introduce confusion and misery into the world. They argue, too, that the devil himself, the chief of the apostate spirits, is often represented in holy writ as exerting his malignity in opposition to the designs of infinite goodness; and in the case of our first parents, as a remarkable example, he tempted them to disobedience, and led them to their fall. It was in consequence of his machinations, that they brought down upon themselves the wrath of Heaven, and were driven from the garden in which “the Lord had placed them.” The advocates of possessions contend still farther, that the revelation which is made to us in sacred Scripture is addressed to our understandings; that it is not only in our power, but that it is our indispensable duty, to examine it, and to judge of it; that the tendency of any miracle, or system of doctrine, is a sufficient evidence of the character belonging to him who performs the miracle, or publishes the doctrine; that good actions are demonstrative of the quality of goodness; and, in short, that a religion calculated to make us happy must have proceeded from a Being who has consulted and provided for our happiness. Nor is this a matter so abstruse and remote from human apprehension, that we can form no opinion about it. “For,” say they, “if any thing connected with Christianity be plain, it seems to be that the tendency of the religion is beneficent; and that it is no less pure in its character than blessed in its effects. The very miracles recorded in Scripture are proofs of goodness. They must have been wrought by a good being. And,” they continue, “we think ourselves entitled to hold our religion as true, and to regard it as in the highest degree beneficial, though we must allow, at the same time, that the magicians of Egypt performed many wonderful works by the agency of wicked spirits; that the sorceress of Endor was in league with the powers of darkness, and that Christ was literally tempted ‘of the devil,’ in the wilderness of Judea.”
3. The supporters of possession have been quick to respond to these statements and arguments. They question the truth of Dr. Farmer’s main claim, which is that "extraordinary works have never been performed without divine intervention." They argue that just as humans have a specific range of capabilities and responsibilities, it’s reasonable to think that evil spirits have a broader range and less controlled abilities. Within this range, they carry out actions that aim to disrupt the intentions of divine goodness, bringing confusion and suffering into the world. They also point out that the devil, the leader of the fallen spirits, is often depicted in Scripture as using his malice against the plans of infinite goodness. A clear example of this is when he tempted our first parents, leading them to disobedience and their downfall. As a result of his schemes, they faced divine wrath and were banished from the garden where "the Lord had placed them." The supporters of possession further argue that the revelation given to us in sacred Scripture is meant for our understanding; it’s not only within our power but also our essential duty to examine and judge it. They maintain that the impact of any miracle or belief system provides sufficient evidence of the nature of the one performing the miracle or promoting the doctrine; that good actions inherently demonstrate goodness; and, ultimately, that a religion designed to make us happy must originate from a Being who has considered and planned for our happiness. Furthermore, they assert that this is not a complex or distant issue beyond human understanding, so we can form opinions about it. "For," they say, "if anything about Christianity is clear, it's that the religion aims to do good and is both pure in nature and blessed in its outcomes. The miracles documented in Scripture serve as evidence of goodness. They must have been performed by a good being. And," they add, "we believe we have the right to regard our religion as true and consider it highly beneficial, even though we acknowledge that the magicians of Egypt accomplished many remarkable feats through the power of evil spirits; that the sorceress of Endor partnered with dark forces, and that Christ was literally tempted ‘by the devil’ in the wilderness of Judea."
4. With regard to the more specific question of demoniacal possessions, they answer, that though God has often been pleased to accommodate himself to our apprehension by adopting the current language of the countries, where the revelation was first published; yet the account of the creation given by Moses is not altogether an instance in point. For, say they, while it is granted that the true system of the universe is not laid before us in the first chapter of Genesis, it ought to be remembered that the statements in that chapter are exceedingly general; and that, while the whole truth is not told, it being no part of the revelation to tell it, there is, at the same time, no error directly inculcated. In the demoniacal cases, however, the conduct of the inspired writers, and, indeed, of Christ himself, is widely different. 303They positively and directly inform us, that a demon “enters into” a man, and “comes out” of him; they represent the demons as speaking, and reasoning, and hoping, and fearing, as having inclinations and aversions peculiar to themselves, and distinct from those of the person who is the subject of the possession; they tell us of one unhappy sufferer who was vexed with many devils; and, in the case of the demoniac of Gadara, they assure us that the devils were “cast out” of the man, and were permitted, at their own request, to “enter into” a herd of swine which were feeding in the neighbourhood, and that immediately the herd ran violently down a steep place, and were drowned in the sea. Who ever heard of swine afflicted with madness as a natural disease? Or, when and where has the epilepsy, or falling sickness, been predicable of the sow? For, it must be carefully observed that the disease of the man, the affection of the human sufferer, whatever that affection might have been, was clearly transferred from him to the animals in question. Beside, as various instances are recorded in Scripture, and as several cases are given at considerable length, might we not expect, if possessions were really nothing more than ordinary diseases, that the truth would be somewhere told or hinted at? that, within the compass of the sacred canon, something would be said, or something insinuated, which would lead us to understand that the language, though inaccurate and improper, was used in accommodation to the popular belief? Might we not expect that Christ himself would have declared, in one unequivocal affirmation, or in some intelligible way, the exact truth of the case? Or, at all events, when the Holy Ghost had descended upon the Apostles on the day of pentecost, and when the full disclosure of the revelation appears to have been made, might it not reasonably have been looked for that the popular error would have been rectified, and the language reduced from its figurative character to a state of simple correctness? What conceivable motive could influence our Saviour, or his Apostles, to sanction the delusion of the multitude? And does it not strike at the root of the Christian religion itself, to have it thought, for a single moment, that its “Author and Finisher,” who came to enlighten and to reform the world, should have, on so many occasions, not only countenanced, but confirmed, an opinion which he must have known to be “the reverse of the truth”?
4. Regarding the more specific question of demonic possessions, they respond that while God has often adapted His communication by using the common language of the regions where the revelation was first shared, the account of creation given by Moses isn't entirely applicable in this context. They assert that, even though the true structure of the universe isn't fully explained in the first chapter of Genesis, it's important to remember that the statements in that chapter are very general. While not all the truth is revealed, since that isn't part of the revelation, there are also no outright errors taught. In contrast, the handling of demonic cases by the inspired writers, and indeed by Christ himself, is quite different. They clearly and straightforwardly tell us that a demon "enters into" a person and "comes out" of him; they depict the demons as speaking, reasoning, hoping, and fearing, with their own unique preferences and dislikes separate from those of the person being possessed. They recount a troubled individual who was tormented by many demons, and in the case of the demoniac of Gadara, they confirm that the demons were "cast out" of the man and were allowed, at their own request, to "enter into" a herd of pigs nearby, which then rushed violently down a steep bank and drowned in the sea. Who has ever heard of pigs suffering from madness as a natural condition? Or, when and where has epilepsy or seizures ever been attributed to a sow? It's crucial to note that the affliction of the man, whatever it may have been, was clearly transferred to the animals involved. Furthermore, since various examples are noted in Scripture and several cases are described in detail, shouldn’t we expect that if possessions were merely ordinary illnesses, this fact would be mentioned or hinted at somewhere? Within the sacred canon, wouldn’t there be something stated or suggested that would help us understand that the language, while imprecise and misleading, was used to align with popular belief? Shouldn’t we anticipate that Christ himself would have declared, in a clear statement or in some understandable manner, the exact truth of the situation? Or at the very least, when the Holy Spirit descended upon the Apostles on Pentecost and the full scope of revelation seemed to be unveiled, wouldn't it have been reasonable to expect the popular misconception to be corrected, and the language to be brought down from its figurative form to a state of plain accuracy? What conceivable reason could lead our Savior or His Apostles to endorse the delusion of the masses? And doesn’t it undermine the foundation of the Christian faith itself to think, even for a moment, that its "Author and Finisher," who came to enlighten and reform the world, would so often not only tolerate but also affirm an opinion that He must have known to be "the opposite of the truth"?
Let us then, say they, beware how we relinquish the literal sense of holy writ, in search of allegorical or figurative interpretations. And if, upon any occasion, we think it proper to do so, let us consider well the grounds and reasons upon which our determination is built. It is evident that the devil and his angels, according to all that we can learn of them in the sacred books, are real beings; that the demons of the New Testament are malignant spirits; and that they act upon the same principles, and even under the authority of Satan himself, who is otherwise called Beelzebub, and the prince of the devils. Nay, in these very cases of possession, the chief of the apostate angels is clearly set forth as acting either in his own person, or by means of his infernal agents. And it is on this supposition alone that we can explain the language of Christ in that remarkable declaration which he makes to the Pharisees and rulers of the Jews, and which we find recorded in the twelfth chapter of the Gospel by St. Matthew. “The Pharisees heard it,” observes the Evangelist, “and they said, This fellow doth not cast out devils but by Beelzebub, the prince of the devils. And Jesus knew their thoughts, and said unto them, Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand; and if Satan cast out Satan, he is divided against himself: how shall then his kingdom stand?”
Let us then, they say, be careful about how we give up the literal meaning of holy scripture in pursuit of allegorical or figurative interpretations. And if, on any occasion, we think it’s appropriate to do so, let’s carefully consider the grounds and reasons for our decision. It is clear that the devil and his angels, according to everything we learn about them in the sacred texts, are real beings; that the demons of the New Testament are evil spirits; and that they operate on the same principles, even under the authority of Satan himself, who is also called Beelzebub and the prince of demons. Indeed, in these cases of possession, the leader of the fallen angels is clearly depicted as acting either in his own name or through his hellish agents. And it is only on this basis that we can understand the words of Christ in that notable statement he makes to the Pharisees and Jewish leaders, which is recorded in the twelfth chapter of the Gospel by St. Matthew. “The Pharisees heard it,” the Evangelist notes, “and they said, This man does not cast out demons except by Beelzebub, the prince of demons. And Jesus knew their thoughts and said to them, Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to ruin; and every city or house divided against itself will not stand; and if Satan casts out Satan, he is divided against himself: how then will his kingdom stand?”
5. On this subject of diseases it is also to be observed, that the inspired writers uniformly make a distinction between diseases occurring in the ordinary course of nature, and diseases occasioned by the agency of evil spirits. “There is every where,” says Bishop Porteus, “a plain distinction made between common diseases and demoniacal possessions, which shows that they are totally different things. In the fourth chapter of the Gospel of St. Matthew, where the very first mention is made of these possessions, it is said that our Lord’s fame went throughout all Syria, and that they brought unto him ‘all sick people,people, that were taken with divers diseases and torments,’ and those ‘which were possessed with devils,’ and he healed them. Here those that were taken with divers diseases and torments, and those possessed with devils, are mentioned as distinct and separate persons: a plain proof that the demoniacal possessions were not natural diseases: and the very same distinction is made in several other passages of holy writ. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the demoniacs were persons really possessed with evil spirits; and although it may appear strange to us, yet we find, from Josephus and other historians, that it was in those times no uncommon case.”
5. Regarding the topic of diseases, it should also be noted that the inspired writers consistently differentiate between diseases that occur naturally and those caused by evil spirits. “There is everywhere,” says Bishop Porteus, “a clear distinction made between common diseases and demonic possessions, indicating that they are entirely different things. In the fourth chapter of the Gospel of St. Matthew, where the first mention of these possessions appears, it states that our Lord’s fame spread throughout all Syria, and that they brought to Him ‘all sick people,people, who were afflicted with various diseases and torments,’ and those ‘who were possessed by devils,’ and He healed them. Here, those afflicted with various diseases and torments, and those possessed by devils, are mentioned as distinct and separate individuals: clear evidence that demonic possessions were not natural diseases; and the same distinction is found in several other passages of scripture. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the demoniacs were individuals genuinely possessed by evil spirits; and even though this may seem strange to us, we find, from Josephus and other historians, that it was not uncommon in those times.”
6. We may conclude, from the argument on both sides of the question, that the only reason which can be urged for departing from the obvious sense of Scripture is, that cases of possession involve a philosophical mystery. This, truly, is a very insufficient ground, and especially when we consider that if we better knew the nature of spirits, and of our own frame, the philosophy might appear all on the opposite side, and no doubt would do so. But no one who admits the Scriptures to decide this question, can consistently stand upon that objectionable ground of interpretation to which he is forced by denying the plain and consistent sense of innumerable passages. If he admits this error, he must admit many others; for a Bible, so interpreted, may be made to mean any thing.
6. We can conclude from the arguments on both sides of the issue that the only reason given for straying from the clear meaning of Scripture is that cases of possession involve a philosophical mystery. This really isn't a strong reason, especially when we think about the fact that if we understood the nature of spirits and our own makeup better, the philosophy might actually support the opposite view, and it likely would. However, anyone who relies on Scripture to resolve this issue can't consistently hold onto that problematic interpretation that arises from ignoring the straightforward and consistent meaning of numerous passages. If they accept this error, they have to accept many others, because a Bible interpreted this way could mean anything.
DESTRUCTIONISTS, a denomination of Christians who believe that the final punishment threatened in the Gospel to the wicked and impenitent, consists not in eternal misery, 304but in a total extinction of being; and that the sentence of annihilation shall be executed with more or less previous torment, in proportion to the greater or less guilt of the criminal. This doctrine is largely maintained in the sermons of the late Dr. John Taylor, of Norwich; Mr. S. Bourn, of Birmingham; and many others. In defence of the system, Mr. Bourn argues, that there are many passages of Scripture, in which the ultimate punishment to which wicked men shall be adjudged is defined, in the most precise and intelligible terms, to be an everlasting destruction, proceeding from Him who is equally able to destroy as to create; and who, by our Lord himself, is said to be “able to destroy both soul and body in hell.” By the “everlasting punishment of the wicked,” therefore, Mr. B. understands “everlasting destruction,” literally speaking, “from the presence of the Lord,” which is “the second death;” from which there can be no resurrection, and which is set in opposition to “eternal life.” In speaking of the images used to illustrate this subject, Mr. B. remarks, that the wicked are compared to combustible materials, as brands, tares, &c, which the fire utterly consumes: so Sodom and Gomorrah suffer “the vengeance of eternal fire,” that is, they are destroyed for ever; and the phrases, “the worm that dieth not, and the fire which is not quenched,” are placed in opposition to entering into life, and denote the termination of existence, Mark ix, 43.
DESTRUCTIONISTS, a group of Christians who believe that the final punishment mentioned in the Gospel for the wicked and unrepentant isn't eternal suffering, but a complete end of existence; and that the sentence of annihilation will be carried out with varying degrees of prior torment, depending on the level of guilt of the individual. This belief is extensively discussed in the sermons of the late Dr. John Taylor from Norwich, Mr. S. Bourn from Birmingham, and many others. To support this view, Mr. Bourn argues that there are numerous passages in the Bible where the ultimate punishment for wicked people is clearly defined as everlasting destruction, coming from the One who is equally capable of destroying as He is of creating; and who, according to our Lord, is said to be “able to destroy both soul and body in hell.” Thus, by “everlasting punishment of the wicked,” Mr. B. interprets it as “everlasting destruction,” literally speaking, “from the presence of the Lord,” which is “the second death;” a state from which there’s no resurrection, and which stands in contrast to “eternal life.” While discussing the imagery used to illustrate this topic, Mr. B. points out that the wicked are compared to flammable materials, such as brands, tares, etc., which fire completely consumes: in this way, Sodom and Gomorrah face “the vengeance of eternal fire,” meaning they are destroyed forever; and the phrases “the worm that does not die, and the fire that is not quenched” are contrasted with entering into life, indicating the end of existence, Mark ix, 43.
To all this it may be answered: 1. That annihilation, as a punishment, admits of no degrees. 2. If we connect with this a previous state of torment, (as Mr. Winchester says, “for ages of ages,”) annihilation must be rather a relief from punishment, than the punishment itself. 3. That annihilation is rather a suspension than an exertion of divine power. 4. That the punishment of impenitent men is described as the same with that of the fallen angels, who are not annihilated, Matt. xxv, 41, but remain in expectation of future punishment, “Art thou come to torment us before the time?” Matt. viii, 29. 5. In the state of future punishment, there is said to be “weeping and gnashing of teeth,” Matt. xxiv, 51. 6. As the happiness of saints in the future state consists not merely in being, but in well being, or happiness; so the punishment of the wicked requires the idea of eternal suffering to support the contrast. It might be added, that annihilation, as far as we know, forms no part of the divine economy. One thing is also certain and indisputable: the strong language of Scripture is intended to deter men from sin; and whoever attempts to remove the barrier, offers insult to the divine wisdom, and trifles with his own destiny. But the capital argument is, that it is unscriptural:--“Where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched,” is, like many others, a declaration, to which no dexterity of interpretation can give any other good sense, than the continuance of conscious punishment.
To all this, we can respond: 1. Annihilation, as a form of punishment, has no degrees. 2. If we tie this to a prior state of torment (as Mr. Winchester says, “for ages of ages”), then annihilation must be more of a relief from punishment rather than the punishment itself. 3. Annihilation is more about a suspension of divine power than an exercise of it. 4. The punishment of unrepentant people is described as being the same as that of fallen angels, who are not annihilated (Matt. xxv, 41) but remain awaiting future punishment, “Are you here to torment us before the time?” (Matt. viii, 29). 5. In the state of future punishment, there is said to be “weeping and gnashing of teeth” (Matt. xxiv, 51). 6. Just as the happiness of saints in the future state involves not just existing, but thriving or being happy, the punishment of the wicked requires the concept of eternal suffering to highlight the contrast. It could also be noted that, as far as we know, annihilation isn’t part of the divine plan. One thing is also clear and undeniable: the strong language of Scripture is meant to discourage people from sin; and anyone who tries to remove that barrier insults divine wisdom and plays with their own fate. However, the main argument is that it's unscriptural: “Where their worm does not die, and the fire is not quenched” is, like many other statements, a declaration that no clever interpretation can twist into anything other than the ongoing experience of conscious punishment.
DEVIL, Diabolus, an evil angel. The word is formed from the French diable, of the Latin diabolus, which comes from the Greek διάϐολος, which, in its ordinary acceptation, signifies calumniator, traducer, or false accuser, from the verb διαϐάλλειν, to calumniate, &c; or from the ancient British diafol. Dr. Campbell observes, that, though the word is sometimes, both in the Old Testament and the New, applied to men and women, as traducers, it is, by way of eminence, employed to denote that apostate angel, who is exhibited to us, particularly in the New Testament, as the great enemy of God and man. In the two first chapters of Job, it is the word in the Septuagint by which the Hebrew שטן, Satan, or adversary, is translated. Indeed, the Hebrew word in this application, as well as the Greek, has been naturalized in most modern languages. Thus we say, indifferently, the devil, or Satan; only the latter has more the appearance of a proper name, as it is not attended with the article. There is, however, this difference between the import of such terms, as occurring in their native tongues, and as modernized in translations. In the former, they always retain somewhat of their primitive meaning, and, beside indicating a particular being, or class of beings, they are of the nature of appellatives, and make a special character or note of distinction in such beings. Whereas, when thus Latinized or Englished, they answer solely the first of these uses, as they come nearer the nature of proper names. Διάϐολος is sometimes applied to human beings; but nothing is more easy than to distinguish this application from the more frequent application to the arch-apostate. One mark of distinction is, that, in this last use of the term, it is never found in the plural. When the plural is used, the context always shows that it refers to human beings, and not to fallen angels. It occurs in the plural only thrice, and that only in the epistles of St. Paul, 1 Tim. iii, 11; 2 Tim. iii, 3; Titus ii, 3. Another criterion whereby the application of this word to the prince of darkness may be discovered, is its being attended with the article. The term almost invariably is ὁ διάϐολος. The excepted instances occur in the address of Paul to Elymas the sorcerer, Acts xiii, 10; and that of our Lord to the Pharisees, John viii, 44. The more doubtful cases are those in 1 Peter v, 8, and Rev. xx, 2. These are all the examples in which the word, though used indefinitely or without the article, evidently denotes our spiritual and ancient enemy; and the examples in which it occurs in this sense with the article, are too numerous to be recited.
DEVIL, Devil, an evil angel. The word comes from the French devil, from the Latin devil, which originates from the Greek διάϐολος, meaning calumniator, traducer, or false accuser, derived from the verb διαϐάλλειν, to calumniate, etc., or from the ancient British diafol. Dr. Campbell notes that, although this term is occasionally used in both the Old and New Testaments to refer to people as traducers, it primarily denotes that fallen angel, who is presented to us, especially in the New Testament, as the great enemy of God and humanity. In the first two chapters of Job, it is the term used in the Septuagint to translate the Hebrew Satan, Satan, or adversary. Indeed, the Hebrew word in this context, like the Greek, has become a part of most modern languages. Thus, we say interchangeably, the devil or Satan; however, the latter often feels more like a proper name, as it isn't accompanied by an article. There is, nonetheless, a difference between the meanings of these terms in their original languages and how they are used in modern translations. In their original forms, they maintain some of their original meanings, and in addition to identifying a specific being or class of beings, they serve as common nouns that mark a specific character or distinction among them. When translated into Latin or English, they mostly function as proper names. Διάϐολος is sometimes used for humans; however, it's easy to differentiate this usage from its more common reference to the arch-apostate. A distinguishing characteristic is that, in this latter use, it is never found in the plural. Plural usage always indicates human beings rather than fallen angels, occurring only three times in the epistles of St. Paul: 1 Tim. iii, 11; 2 Tim. iii, 3; Titus ii, 3. Another way to identify the application of this word to the prince of darkness is that it is typically accompanied by the article, almost always appearing as ὁ διάϐολος. The exceptions are when Paul addresses Elymas the sorcerer in Acts xiii, 10, and when our Lord speaks to the Pharisees in John viii, 44. The more ambiguous cases are in 1 Peter v, 8, and Rev. xx, 2. These are the only instances where the word, though used without the article, clearly refers to our spiritual and ancient enemy; there are too many examples where it appears with the article to list here.
2. That there are angels and spirits, good and bad, says an eminent writer; that at the head of these last, there is one more considerable and malignant than the rest, who, in the form, or under the name, of a serpent, was deeply concerned in the fall of man, and whose head, in the language of prophecy, the Son of Man was one day to bruise; that this evil spirit, though that prophecy be in part fulfilled, has not yet received his death’s wound, but is still permitted, for ends to us unsearchable, and in ways which we cannot particularly explain, to have a certain degree of power in this world, 305hostile to its virtue and happiness,--all this is so clear from Scripture, that no believer, unless he be previously “spoiled by philosophy and vain deceit,” can possibly entertain a doubt of it. Certainly, among the numerous refinements of modern times, there is scarcely any thing more extraordinary than the attempt that has been made, and is still making, to persuade us that there really exists no such being in the world as the devil; and that when the inspired writers speak of such a being, all that they mean is, to personify the evil principle! A bold effort unquestionably; and could its advocates succeed in persuading men into the universal belief of it, they would do more to promote his cause and interest in the world than he himself has been able to effect since the seduction of our first parents. But to be armed against this subtle stratagem, let us attend to the plain doctrine of divine revelation respecting this matter. In the Old Testament, particularly in the first two chapters of Job, this evil spirit is called Satan; and in the New Testament, he is spoken of under various titles, which are also descriptive of his power and malignity; as for example, he is called, “the prince of this world,” John xii, 31; “the prince of the power of the air,” Eph. ii, 2; “the god of this world,” 2 Cor. iv, 4; “the dragon, that old serpent, the devil,” Rev. xx, 2; “the wicked one,” 1 John v, 19. He is represented as exercising a sovereign sway over the human race in their natural state, or previous to their being enlightened, regenerated, and sanctified by the Gospel, Eph. ii, 2, 3. His kingdom is described as a kingdom of darkness; and the influence which he exercises over the human mind is called “the power,” or energy, “of darkness,” Col. i, 13. Hence believers are said to be “called out of darkness into marvellous light,” 1 Peter ii, 9. Farther, he is said to go about “as a roaring lion, seeking its prey, that he may destroy men’s souls,” 1 Peter v, 8. Christ says, “He was a murderer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, because there is no truth in him; when he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of that which is his own, for he is a liar, and the father of it,” John viii, 44. We are also taught that this grand adversary of God and man has a numerous band of fallen spirits under his control; and that both he and they are reserved under a sentence of condemnation unto the judgment of the great day, Jude 6; and that “everlasting fire,” or perpetual torment, “is prepared for the devil and his angels,” Matt. xxv, 41. In these various passages of Scripture, and many others which might be added, the existence of the devil is expressly stated; but if, as our modern Sadducees affirm, nothing more is intended in them than a personification of the abstract quality of evil, the Bible, and especially the New Testament, must be eminently calculated to mislead us in matters which intimately concern our eternal interests. If, in inferring from them the existence of evil spirits in this world, we can be mistaken, it will not be an easy matter to show what inference deduced from Scripture premises may safely be relied on. It ought not, however, to surprise Christians that attempts of this kind should be made. St. Paul tells us, that in his day there were “false apostles, deceitful workers, transforming themselves into the apostles of Christ; and no wonder,” says he, “for Satan himself is transformed into an angel of light,” 2 Cor. xi, 13, 14.
2. An accomplished writer states that there are good and bad angels and spirits; at the head of the bad ones is a particularly powerful and malevolent being who, in the form of a serpent, played a significant role in humanity's downfall. Prophecy indicates that the Son of Man will one day crush his head. This evil spirit, although part of that prophecy has been fulfilled, has not yet been utterly defeated and is still allowed, for reasons beyond our understanding and in ways we can’t fully explain, to exert a certain level of influence in this world, opposing its goodness and happiness. This is so clear from Scripture that no believer, unless they have been misled by philosophy and empty deception, can doubt it. Indeed, amidst the many complexities of modern times, there's hardly anything more remarkable than the ongoing effort to convince us that the devil doesn't exist at all and that when inspired authors mention him, they’re just personifying evil itself. This is certainly a bold endeavor, and if its supporters succeed in convincing people to believe it universally, they would further the devil's goals in the world more than he ever could since the corruption of our first ancestors. To guard against this subtle trick, let’s focus on the straightforward teachings of divine revelation regarding this issue. In the Old Testament, particularly in the first two chapters of Job, this evil spirit is referred to as Satan; in the New Testament, he goes by various names that reflect his power and malice, such as “the prince of this world” (John 12:31), “the prince of the power of the air” (Eph. 2:2), “the god of this world” (2 Cor. 4:4), “the dragon, that old serpent, the devil” (Rev. 20:2), and “the wicked one” (1 John 5:19). He is shown to have sovereignty over humanity in their natural state, before they are enlightened, reborn, and sanctified by the Gospel (Eph. 2:2, 3). His realm is characterized as a kingdom of darkness, and the influence he holds over the human mind is called “the power,” or energy, “of darkness” (Col. 1:13). Consequently, believers are said to be “called out of darkness into marvelous light” (1 Peter 2:9). Additionally, he is described as prowling “like a roaring lion, seeking its prey to destroy men's souls” (1 Peter 5:8). Christ states, “He was a murderer from the beginning, and does not abide in the truth because there is no truth in him; when he speaks a lie, he speaks from his own nature, for he is a liar and the father of lies” (John 8:44). We are also informed that this main adversary of God and humanity commands many fallen spirits, and both he and they await a verdict of condemnation at the judgment of the great day (Jude 6); “everlasting fire” or eternal torment “is prepared for the devil and his angels” (Matt. 25:41). In these various Scripture passages, and many others that could be included, the existence of the devil is clearly stated; however, if, as our modern Sadducees assert, only a personification of the abstract nature of evil is intended, then the Bible, especially the New Testament, would be severely misleading in matters that are vital to our eternal interests. If we could be mistaken in inferring from them that evil spirits exist in this world, it would be challenging to determine what conclusions drawn from biblical premises might be reliably trusted. Nevertheless, Christians should not be surprised that such attempts are made. St. Paul tells us that in his time there were “false apostles, deceitful workers, transforming themselves into the apostles of Christ; and no wonder,” he says, “for Satan himself transforms into an angel of light” (2 Cor. 11:13, 14).
3. To the notion, that the Jews derived their opinions on this subject from the oriental philosophy, and that like the Persians they set up a rival god; it may be replied, that the Jewish notion of the devil had no resemblance to what the Persians first, and the Manicheans afterward, called the evil principle; which they made in some sort coördinate with God, and the first source of all evil, as the other is of good. For the devil, in the Jewish system, is a creature as much as any other being in the universe, and is liable to be controlled by omnipotence,--an attribute which they ascribed to God alone.
3. In response to the idea that the Jews based their beliefs on this topic on Eastern philosophy, and that, like the Persians, they established a rival god, it can be argued that the Jewish concept of the devil bears no similarity to what the Persians and later the Manicheans referred to as the evil principle. They considered this evil principle to be somewhat equal to God and the primary source of all evil, just as God is the source of good. In the Jewish worldview, the devil is simply another creature in the universe and is subject to control by omnipotence, which they attributed solely to God.
4. The arguments from philosophy against the existence of evil spirits are as frail as that which is pretended to be grounded upon criticism. For that there is nothing irrational in the notion of superior beings, is plain from this: that if there be other beings below us, there may be others above us. If we have demonstration of one Being at least who is invisible, there may be many other created invisible and spiritual beings. If we see men sometimes so bad as to delight in tempting others to sin and ruin, there may exist a whole order of fallen beings who may have the same business and the same malignant pleasure; and if we see some men furiously bent upon destroying truth and piety, this is precisely what is ascribed to these evil spirits. It is one of the serious circumstances of our probation on earth, that we should be exposed to this influence of Satan, and we are therefore called to “watch and pray that we enter not into temptation.”
4. The arguments from philosophy against the existence of evil spirits are as weak as those based on criticism. It’s clear that there’s nothing irrational in the idea of superior beings because if there are beings below us, there could also be others above us. If we have proof of at least one invisible Being, there could be many other created invisible and spiritual beings. If we see people who are so bad that they enjoy tempting others into sin and destruction, there could very well be an entire order of fallen beings doing the same thing with the same malicious enjoyment; and if we observe some people fiercely intent on destroying truth and righteousness, that’s exactly what is attributed to these evil spirits. One of the serious aspects of our time on earth is that we are exposed to Satan's influence, and we are therefore urged to “watch and pray that we enter not into temptation.”
5. The establishment of the worship of devils so general in some form throughout a great part of the Heathen world, is at once a painful and a curious subject, and deserves a more careful investigation than it has received. In modern times, devil-worship is seen systematized in Ceylon, Burmah, and many parts of the East Indies; and an order of devil-priests exists, though contrary to the Budhist religion, against the temples of which it sets up rival altars.
5. The widespread practice of devil worship found in various forms across much of the pagan world is both a troubling and fascinating topic, warranting more thorough examination than it has gotten. In modern times, devil worship is organized in places like Sri Lanka, Myanmar, and many regions of the East Indies; there is even a group of devil priests, despite being at odds with the Buddhist religion, who erect rival altars against the temples.
Mr. Ives, in his Travels through Persia, gives the following curious account of devil-worship: “These people (the Sanjacks, a nation inhabiting the country about Mosul, the ancient Nineveh) once professed Christianity, then Mohammedanism, and last of all devilism. They say it is true that the devil has at present a quarrel with God; but the time will come when, the pride of his heart being subdued, he will make his submission to the Almighty; and, as the Deity cannot be implacable, the devil will receive a full pardon for all his transgressions, and both he, and all those who paid him attention during his disgrace, will be admitted into the blessed mansions. This is the foundation of their hope, and this chance for heaven 306they esteem to be a better one than that of trusting to their own merits, or the merits of the leader of any other religion whatsoever. The person of the devil they look on as sacred; and when they affirm any thing solemnly, they do it by his name. All disrespectful expressions of him they would punish with death, did not the Turkish power prevent them. Whenever they speak of him, it is with the utmost respect; and they always put before his name a certain title corresponding to that of highness or lord.” The worshippers of the devil mentioned by Ives were also found by Niebuhr in the same country, in a village between Bagdad and Mosul, called Abd-el-asis, on the great Zab, a river which empties itself into the Tigris. This village, says he, is entirely inhabited by people who are called Isidians, and also Dauâsin. As the Turks allow the free exercise of religion only to those who possess sacred books, that is, the Mohammedans, Christians, and Jews, the Isidians are obliged to keep the principles of their religion very secret. They therefore call themselves Mohammedans, Christians, or Jews, according to the party of him who inquires what their religion is. Some accuse them of worshipping the devil under the name of Tschellebi; that is, Lord. Others say that they show great reverence for the sun and fire, that they are unpolished Heathens, and have horrid customs. I have also been assured that the Dauâsins do not worship the devil; but adore God alone as the Creator and Benefactor of all mankind. They will not speak of Satan, nor even have his name mentioned. They say that it is just as improper for men to take a part in the dispute between God and a fallen angel, as for a peasant to ridicule and curse a servant of the pacha who has fallen into disgrace; that God did not require our assistance to punish Satan for his disobedience; it might happen that he might receive him into favour again; and then we must be ashamed before the judgment seat of God, if we had, uncalled for, abused one of his angels: it was therefore the best not to trouble one’s self about the devil; but endeavour not to incur God’s displeasure ourselves. When the Isidians go to Mosul, they are not detained by the magistrates, even if they are known. The vulgar, however, sometimes attempt to extort money from them. When they offer eggs or butter to them for sale, they endeavour first to get the articles into their hands, and then dispute about the price, or for this or other reasons to abuse Satan with all their might; on which the Dauâsin is often polite enough to leave every thing behind, rather than hear the devil abused. But in the countries where they have the upper hand, nobody is allowed to curse him, unless he chooses to be beaten, or perhaps even to lose his life.
Mr. Ives, in his Travels through Persia, provides an interesting account of devil-worship: "These people (the Sanjacks, a group living near Mosul, the ancient Nineveh) once identified as Christians, then as Muslims, and finally as devil-worshippers. They believe it's true that the devil currently has a dispute with God; however, the time will come when his pride will be humbled, and he will submit to the Almighty. Since God cannot remain unforgiving, the devil will be fully pardoned for all his wrongdoings, and both he and all those who paid him respect during his disgrace will be welcomed into the blessed realms. This is the basis of their hope, and they see this opportunity for heaven as better than relying on their own merits or the merits of any other religious leader. They regard the devil's persona as sacred; when they make solemn claims, they do so in his name. Any disrespectful remarks about him would result in a death penalty if it weren't for Turkish authority stopping them. They speak of him with the utmost respect, always prefixing his name with a title that denotes highness or lord." The devil-worshippers mentioned by Ives were also found by Niebuhr in the same region, in a village between Bagdad and Mosul, called Abd-el-asis, by the great Zab River, which flows into the Tigris. He states that this village is entirely populated by people known as Isidians, or Dauâsin. Since the Turks only allow free exercise of religion for those with sacred texts—namely, Muslims, Christians, and Jews—the Isidians must keep their beliefs very private. They claim to be Muslims, Christians, or Jews, depending on who is asking about their faith. Some accuse them of worshipping the devil under the name Tschellebi, which means Lord. Others say they highly respect the sun and fire, describing them as unrefined pagans with appalling customs. I've also been told that the Dauâsins do not worship the devil but instead only adore God as the Creator and Benefactor of all humanity. They refuse to speak of Satan or even let his name be mentioned. They argue that it is as inappropriate for humans to involve themselves in the dispute between God and a fallen angel as it would be for a peasant to mock and curse a disgraced servant of the pacha; that God does not need our help to punish Satan for his rebellion; it’s possible that he could be reinstated; and then we would feel ashamed before God's judgment if we had undeservedly insulted one of His angels. Therefore, it’s best not to concern oneself with the devil but to focus on avoiding God's wrath. When Isidians go to Mosul, they aren’t stopped by the authorities, even if recognized. However, the locals sometimes try to extort money from them. When they attempt to offer eggs or butter for sale, the locals first grab the items and then argue over the price, or for other reasons, verbally attack Satan with all their might; the Dauâsin often politely leaves everything behind to avoid hearing the devil insulted. But in areas where they hold power, no one is allowed to curse him without facing potential beating or even death.
DEUTERONOMY, from δέυτερος, second, and νομὸς, law; the last book of the Pentateuch or five books of Moses. As its name imports, it contains a repetition of the civil and moral law, which was a second time delivered by Moses, with some additions and explanations, as well to impress it more forcibly upon the Israelites in general, as in particular for the benefit of those who, being born in the wilderness, were not present at the first promulgation of the law. It contains also a recapitulation of the several events which had befallen the Israelites since their departure from Egypt, with severe reproaches for their past misconduct, and earnest exhortations to future obedience. The Messiah is explicitly foretold in this book; and there are many remarkable predictions interspersed in it, particularly in the twenty-eighth, thirtieth, thirty-second, and thirty-third chapters, relative to the future condition of the Jews. The book of Deuteronomy finishes with an account of the death of Moses, which is supposed to have been added by his successor, Joshua.
DEUTERONOMY, from the Greek word δέυτερος, second, and νομὸς, law; is the last book of the Pentateuch, also known as the five books of Moses. As its name suggests, it includes a repetition of the civil and moral law that Moses delivered a second time, along with some additions and explanations, to make a stronger impression on the Israelites. This was particularly for those born in the wilderness who were not there when the law was first given. It also summarizes the events that happened to the Israelites since they left Egypt, featuring strong criticisms of their past behavior and encouraging them to obey in the future. The book clearly predicts the coming of the Messiah, and it contains many significant prophecies, especially in chapters twenty-eight, thirty, thirty-two, and thirty-three, regarding the future of the Jews. Deuteronomy concludes with an account of Moses' death, which is believed to have been added by his successor, Joshua.
DEW. Dews in Palestine are very plentiful, like a small shower of rain every morning. Gideon filled a basin with the dew which fell on a fleece of wool, Judges vi, 38. Isaac, blessing Jacob, wished him the dew of heaven, which fattens the fields, Gen. xxvii, 28. In those warm countries where it seldom rains, the night dews supply the want of showers. Isaiah speaks of rain as if it were a dew, Isaiah xviii, 4. Some of the most beautiful and illustrative of the images of the Hebrew poets are taken from the dews of their country. The reviving influence of the Gospel, the copiousness of its blessings, and the multitude of its converts, are thus set forth.
DEW. Dews in Palestine are very abundant, like a light rain every morning. Gideon filled a basin with the dew that fell on a fleece of wool, Judges vi, 38. Isaac, when blessing Jacob, wished him the dew of heaven, which nourishes the fields, Gen. xxvii, 28. In those warm regions where it rarely rains, the night dews make up for the lack of showers. Isaiah refers to rain as if it were dew, Isaiah xviii, 4. Some of the most beautiful and illustrative images from Hebrew poets are taken from the dews of their land. The revitalizing influence of the Gospel, its generous blessings, and the large number of its followers are portrayed in this way.
DIADEM. See Crown.
Crown. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
DIAL is not mentioned in Scripture before the reign of Ahaz. Interpreters differ concerning the form of the dial of Ahaz, 2 Kings xx. The generality of expositors think that it was a staircase so disposed, that the sun showed the hours upon it by the shadow. Others suppose that it was a pillar erected in the middle of a very level and smooth pavement, on which the hours were engraven. According to these authors, the lines marked in this pavement are what the Scripture calls degrees. Grotius describes it as follows: “It was a concave hemisphere, and in the midst was a globe, the shadow of which fell on the different lines engraven in the concavity of the hemisphere; these lines were twenty-eight in number.” This description answers pretty nearly to that kind of dial, which the Greeks called scapha, a boat or hemisphere, the invention (rather introduction) of which, Vitruvius ascribes to Berosus the Chaldean. It would seem, indeed, that the most ancient sun dial known is in the form of a half circle, hollowed into the stone, and the stone cut down to an angle. This kind of dial was invented in Babylon, and was very probably the same as that of Ahaz.
DIAL is not mentioned in Scripture until the reign of Ahaz. Interpretations differ regarding the design of Ahaz's dial, as seen in 2 Kings xx. Most scholars believe it was a staircase set up so that the sun cast shadows on it to indicate the hours. Others think it was a pillar placed in the center of a flat and smooth surface, with the hours engraved on it. According to these sources, the lines marked on this surface are what the Scripture refers to as degrees. Grotius describes it like this: “It was a concave hemisphere, with a globe in the middle, whose shadow fell on the various lines engraved in the concave surface; these lines were twenty-eight in total.” This description closely resembles the type of dial that the Greeks called scapha, meaning a boat or hemisphere, which Vitruvius credits to Berosus the Chaldean. It seems that the oldest known sundial is in the shape of a half circle, carved into the stone, with the stone sloped at an angle. This type of dial was invented in Babylon and was likely the same as Ahaz's.
DIAMOND, יהלם. Exod. xxviii, 18; xxix, 11; Ezek. xxviii, 13. This has from remote antiquity been considered as the most valuable, or, more properly, the most costly substance in nature. The reason of the high estimation in which it was held by the ancients was its rarity and its extreme hardness and brilliancy. It filled the sixth place in the high priest’s breastplate, and on it was engraven the name of Naphtali.
DIAMOND, יהלם. Exod. xxviii, 18; xxix, 11; Ezek. xxviii, 13. Since ancient times, this has been regarded as the most valuable, or more accurately, the most expensive material in nature. The ancients valued it highly due to its rarity, incredible hardness, and brilliance. It occupied the sixth position in the high priest’s breastplate, and the name of Naphtali was engraved on it.
307DIANA, a celebrated goddess of the Heathens, who was honoured principally at Ephesus, Acts xix. She was one of the number of the twelve superior deities, and was called by the several names of Hebe, Trivia, and Hecate. In the heavens she was the moon, upon earth she was called Diana, and in hell Hecate. She was worshipped in Palestine, Jeremiah vii, 18; xliv, 17, 18.
307DIANA, a renowned goddess of the pagans, who was mainly venerated at Ephesus, Acts xix. She was one of the twelve primary deities and was known by various names such as Hebe, Trivia, and Hecate. In the sky, she represented the moon; on earth, she was called Diana; and in the underworld, she was known as Hecate. She was worshipped in Palestine, Jeremiah vii, 18; xliv, 17, 18.
DIONYSIUS, the Areopagite, a convert of St. Paul, Acts xvii, 34. Chrysostom declares Dionysius to have been a citizen of Athens; which is credible, because the judges of the Areopagus generally were so. After his conversion, Dionysius was made the first bishop of Athens; having laboured, and suffered much in the Gospel, he is said to have been burnt at Athens, A. D. 95. The works attributed to Dionysius are generally reputed spurious.
DIONYSIUS, the Areopagite, was a convert of St. Paul, as noted in Acts 17:34. Chrysostom states that Dionysius was a citizen of Athens, which makes sense since the judges of the Areopagus usually came from there. After his conversion, Dionysius became the first bishop of Athens; he worked hard and endured a lot for the Gospel, and it is said that he was burned in Athens around A.D. 95. The writings attributed to Dionysius are typically considered to be inauthentic.
DIRECTORY, an ecclesiastical instrument, containing directions for the conduct of religious worship, drawn up by the assembly of divines, by order of parliament, in 1645. It was intended to supply the use of the Common Prayer Book, which had been abolished. It orders the reverent observation of public worship, prayer, singing of psalms, the reading and exposition of the Scriptures, &c. It enjoins no forms, but recommends the Lord’s prayer as a model of devotion; directs that the Lord’s Supper may be received sitting; that the Sabbath day be strictly observed; but puts down all saints’ days, consecrations of churches, and private or lay baptisms. This Directory, which was formerly bound with the Westminster confession of faith, is still, in effect, the plan of worship among the Dissenters, and especially the Presbyterians.
DIRECTORY, an ecclesiastical tool, containing guidelines for religious worship, created by an assembly of theologians under orders from parliament in 1645. It was designed to replace the Common Prayer Book, which had been abolished. It mandates a respectful practice of public worship, prayer, singing psalms, reading and explaining the Scriptures, etc. It doesn't impose specific liturgies but suggests the Lord’s Prayer as a model for devotion; it instructs that the Lord’s Supper can be taken while seated; that the Sabbath should be strictly observed; but eliminates all saints’ days, church consecrations, and private or lay baptisms. This Directory, which was previously combined with the Westminster Confession of Faith, continues to serve as the worship framework among Dissenters, particularly the Presbyterians.
DISCIPLE. The proper signification of this word is a learner; but it signifies in the New Testament, a believer, a Christian, a follower of Jesus Christ. Disciple is often used instead of Apostle in the Gospels; but, subsequently, Apostles were distinguished from disciples. The seventy-two who followed our Saviour from the beginning, are called disciples; as are others who were of the body of believers and bore no office. In subsequent times, the name disciple, in the sense of learner, was sometimes given to the κατηχουμενοι, “auditores,” persons who, in the primitive church, were receiving a preparatory instruction in Christianity. They were divided into two classes, those who received private instruction, and those who were admitted to the congregations, and were under immediate preparation for baptism. The church readers were, in some places, appointed to instruct the catechumens; and at Alexandria, where often learned men presented themselves for instruction, the office of catechist was filled by learned laymen, and these catechists laid the foundation of an important theological school.
DISCIPLE. The basic meaning of this word is a learner; however, in the New Testament, it refers to a believer, a Christian, or a follower of Jesus Christ. The term disciple is often used instead of Apostle in the Gospels, but later on, Apostles were recognized as distinct from disciples. The seventy-two who followed our Savior from the beginning are called disciples, as are others who were part of the community of believers and held no official position. Later on, the term disciple, in the context of learner, was sometimes used for the κατηχουμενοι, “auditores,” individuals in the early Church who were receiving initial instruction in Christianity. They were divided into two groups: those who received private instruction and those who were allowed to join the congregations and were being prepared for baptism. In some places, church readers were designated to teach the catechumens; and in Alexandria, where many educated individuals sought instruction, the role of catechist was filled by knowledgeable laypeople, and these catechists established the groundwork for an important theological school.
DISEASES. In the primitive ages of the world, diseases, in consequence of the great simplicity in the mode of living, were but few in number. At a subsequent period the number was increased by the accession of diseases that had been previously unknown. Epidemics also, diseases somewhat peculiar in their character, and still more fearful in their consequences, soon made their appearance, some infesting one period of life, and some another; some limiting their ravages to one country, and some to another. Prosper Alpinus mentions the diseases which are prevalent in Egypt, and in other countries in the same climate: they are ophthalmies, leprosies, inflammations of the brain, pains in the joints, the hernia, the stone in the reins and bladder, the phthisic, hectic, pestilential and tertian fevers, weakness of the stomach, obstructions in the liver, and the spleen. Of these diseases, ophthalmies, pestilential fevers, and inflammations of the brain, are epidemics; the others are of a different character. The leprosy prevails in Egypt, in the southern part of Upper Asia, and in fact may be considered a disease endemic in warm climates generally. Accordingly, it is not at all surprising, if many of the Hebrews, when they left Egypt, were infected with it; but the assertion of Manetho, that they were all thus infected, and were in consequence of the infection, driven out by force, in which he is precipitately and carelessly followed by Strabo, Tacitus, by Justin Trogus, and others more recent, is a mere dream without any foundation. The appearance of the disease externally is not always the same. The spot is commonly small, and resembling in its appearance the small red spot that would be the consequence of a puncture from a needle, or the pustules of a ringworm. The spots for the most part make their appearance very suddenly, especially if the infected person, at the period when the disease shows itself externally, happens to be in great fear, or to be moved with anger, Num. xii, 10; 2 Chron. xxvi, 19. They commonly exhibit themselves in the first instance on the face, about the nose and eyes; and gradually increase in size for a number of years, till they become, as respects the extent of surface which they embrace on the skin, as large as a pea or bean; they are then called שאת. The white spot or pustule, בהרת, morphea alba, and also the dark spot, ספחת, morphea nigra, are indications of the existence of the real leprosy, Lev. xiii, 2, 39; xiv, 56. From these it is necessary to distinguish the spot, which, whatever resemblance there may be in form, is so different in its effects, called בהק, and also the harmless sort of scab, which occurs under the word, מספחתמספחת, Lev. xiii, 6–8, 29. Moses, in the thirteenth chapter of Leviticus, lays down very explicit rules for the purpose of distinguishing between those spots which are proofs of the actual existence of the leprosy, and those spots which are harmless and result from some other cause. Those spots which are the genuine effects and marks of the leprosy gradually dilate themselves, till at length they cover the whole body. Not only the skin is subject to a total destruction, but the body is affected in every part. The pain, it is true, is not very great, but there is a great debility of the system, and great uneasiness and grief, so much so, as almost to drive the victim of the disease to self-destruction.
DISEASES. In the early ages of the world, diseases were relatively few due to the simplicity of living. Later on, the number increased with the emergence of previously unknown diseases. Epidemics, which were distinctive in nature and even more terrifying in their effects, also began to appear, affecting different stages of life and varying by region. Prosper Alpinus mentions the diseases common in Egypt and similar climates: they include eye diseases, leprosy, brain inflammation, joint pain, hernias, kidney and bladder stones, consumption, hectic fevers, plague, and intermittent fevers, along with stomach weaknesses and liver and spleen obstructions. Among these, eye diseases, plague fevers, and brain inflammation are epidemics; the others are different types of illnesses. Leprosy is prevalent in Egypt, southern Upper Asia, and generally in warm climates. It's not surprising that many Hebrews who left Egypt were infected with it; however, Manetho's claim that they were all infected and forcibly expelled because of it—a point that Strabo, Tacitus, Justin Trogus, and other later writers recklessly support—is completely unfounded. The external appearance of the disease isn't always the same. The spot usually starts small, resembling a small red mark from a needle prick or ringworm pustules. They often appear very suddenly, especially if the infected person is extremely fearful or angry at the time the disease manifests, Num. xii, 10; 2 Chron. xxvi, 19. They typically show up first on the face, around the nose and eyes, and gradually grow over several years until they reach the size of a pea or bean, at which point they are referred to as שאת. The white spot or pustule, בהרת, morphea alba, along with the dark spot, skin condition, morphea nigra, indicate the presence of genuine leprosy, Lev. xiii, 2, 39; xiv, 56. It's important to distinguish these from other spots that may look similar but have entirely different effects, called בהק, and also the harmless scab referred to as symphathמספחת, Lev. xiii, 6–8, 29. In the thirteenth chapter of Leviticus, Moses provides clear guidelines for differentiating between spots that are genuine indicators of leprosy and those that are harmless, arising from other causes. Genuine leprosy spots gradually expand until they cover the entire body. Not only is the skin completely destroyed, but every part of the body is affected. While the pain is generally not intense, there is significant weakness in the system, along with great discomfort and distress, often driving the afflicted individual to contemplate self-destruction.
3082. Moses acted the part of a wise legislator in making those laws which have come down to us concerning the inspection and separation of leprous persons. The object of these laws will appear peculiarly worthy, when it is considered, that they were designed, not wantonly to fix the charge of being a leper upon an innocent person, and thus to impose upon him those restraints and inconveniences which the truth of such a charge naturally implies, but to ascertain, in the fairest and most satisfactory manner, and to separate those, and those only, who were truly and really leprous. As this was the prominent object of his laws that have come down to us on this subject, namely, to secure a fair and impartial decision on a question of this kind, he has not mentioned those signs of leprosy which admitted of no doubt, but those only which might be the subject of contention; and left it to the priests, who also fulfilled the office of physicians, to distinguish between the really leprous, and those who had only the appearance of being such. We find mention, in the rules laid down by Moses for the purpose of ascertaining the true tokens of leprosy, of a cutaneous disorder which is denominated by him bohak. The words of Moses, which may be found in Lev. xiii, 38, 39, are as follows: “If a man or woman have white spots on the skin, and the priest see that the colour of these spots is faint and pale, it is, in this case, the bohak that has broken out on the skin, and they are clean.” A person, accordingly, who was attacked with this disease, the bohak, was not declared unclean; and the reason of it was, that it is not only harmless in itself, but is free from that infectious and hereditary character which belongs to the true leprosy. “The bohak” says Mr. Niebuhr, “is neither infectious nor dangerous. A black boy at Mocha, who was attacked with this sort of leprosy, had white spots here and there on his body. It was said that the use of sulphur had for some time been of service to this boy, but had not altogether removed the disease.” He then adds the following extract from the papers of a Dr. Foster: “May 15th, 1763, I myself saw a case of the bohak in a Jew at Mocha. The spots in this disease are of unequal size. They have no shining appearance, nor are they perceptibly elevated above the skin; and they do not change the colour of the hair. Their colour is an obscure white or somewhat reddish. The rest of the skin of this patient was blacker than that of the people of the country was in general, but the spots were not so white as the skin of an European when not sunburnt. The spots, in this species of leprosy, do not appear on the hands, nor about the navel, but on the neck and face; not, however, on that part of the head where the hair grows very thick. They gradually spread, and continue sometimes only about two months; but in some cases, indeed, as long as two years, and then disappear, by degrees, of themselves. This disorder is neither infectious nor hereditary, nor does it occasion any inconvenience.” “That all this,” remarks Michaëlis, “should still be found exactly to hold at the distance of three thousand five hundred years from the time of Moses, ought certainly to gain some credit to his laws, even with those who will not allow them to be of divine authority.” The pestilence, in its effects, is equally terrible with the leprosy, and is much more rapid in its progress; for it terminates the existence of those who are infected with it almost immediately, and at the farthest within three or four days. The Gentiles were in the habit of referring back the pestilence to the agency and interference of that being, whatever it might be, whether idol or spirit, whom they regarded as the divinity. The Hebrews, also, every where attribute it to the agency either of God himself, or of that legate or angel, whom they denominate מלאך.
3082. Moses acted as a wise lawmaker in creating laws regarding the inspection and separation of people with leprosy. The purpose of these laws becomes particularly important when you realize that they were not meant to falsely label someone as a leper, putting them through the restrictions and difficulties that such a label entails. Instead, the aim was to fairly and thoroughly identify and separate only those who were genuinely leprous. Since the primary goal of these laws was to ensure a fair and unbiased decision on this matter, Moses did not mention the indisputable signs of leprosy but focused on those that could be disputed. He left it up to the priests, who also acted as doctors, to differentiate between those who were truly leprous and those who merely appeared to be so. In the rules laid out by Moses for identifying the true signs of leprosy, he mentions a skin condition called bohak. The words of Moses, found in Lev. xiii, 38, 39, state: “If a man or woman has white spots on the skin, and the priest sees that the color of these spots is faint and pale, it is, in this case, the bohak that has appeared on the skin, and they are clean.” Therefore, a person with this disease, bohak, was not deemed unclean; the reason being that it is not only harmless, but it does not possess the contagious or hereditary traits that define true leprosy. “The bohak,” Mr. Niebuhr says, “is neither contagious nor dangerous. A black boy in Mocha had this type of leprosy, with white spots scattered across his body. It was said that using sulfur had helped him for a while but hadn’t completely removed the condition.” He then includes the following note from Dr. Foster's writings: “On May 15th, 1763, I personally witnessed a case of bohak in a Jewish man in Mocha. The spots from this condition vary in size. They do not have a shiny appearance, nor are they noticeably raised above the skin, and they do not change the color of the hair. They are a dull white or slightly reddish. The rest of this patient's skin was darker than that of most local people, but the spots were not as white as the skin of a European who hasn’t been tanned. These spots do not appear on the hands or around the navel, but rather on the neck and face; however, not on the part of the head where the hair is very thick. They gradually spread and sometimes last only about two months; in some cases, they can last as long as two years before gradually disappearing on their own. This condition is neither contagious nor hereditary, and it does not cause any discomfort.” “That all this,” Michaëlis notes, “should still be valid after three thousand five hundred years since Moses’s time should definitely lend some credibility to his laws, even for those who do not consider them divinely inspired.” The effects of a plague are just as devastating as leprosy and progress much more quickly; it typically leads to death within a few days. The Gentiles often attributed plagues to the influence of whatever deity they believed in, be it an idol or spirit. The Hebrews also attributed it to the direct involvement of God or to a messenger or angel, whom they refer to as angel.
3. The palsy of the New Testament is a disease of very wide import. Many infirmities, as Richter has demonstrated, were comprehended under the word which is rendered palsy in the New Testament. 1. The apoplexy, a paralytic shock, which affected the whole body. 2. The hemiplegy, which affects and paralyzes only one side of the body. 3. The paraplegy, which paralyzes all the parts of the system below the neck. 4. The catalepsy, which is caused by a contraction of the muscles in the whole or a part of the body, for example, in the hands, and is very dangerous. The effects upon the parts seized are very violent and deadly. For instance: when a person is struck with it, if his hand happens to be extended, he is unable to draw it back. If the hand is not extended when he is struck with the disease, he is unable to extend it: it appears diminished in size, and dried up in appearance. Hence the Hebrews were in the habit of calling it “a withered hand,” 1 Kings xiii, 4–6; Zech. xi, 17; Matt. xii, 10–13; John v, 3. 5. The cramp, in oriental countries, is a fearful malady, and by no means unfrequent. It originates from the chills of the night. The limbs, when seized with it, remain immovable, sometimes turned in, and sometimes out, in the same position as when they were first seized. The person afflicted resembles those undergoing the torture βασανιζομένοι, and experiences nearly the same exquisite sufferings. Death follows the disease in a few days, Matt. viii, 6, 8; Luke vii, 2; 1 Macc. ix, 55–58.
3. The palsy mentioned in the New Testament refers to a disease with a broad significance. Many conditions, as Richter has shown, were included under the term translated as palsy in the New Testament. 1. Apoplexy, a type of paralysis that affects the entire body. 2. Hemiplegia, which impacts and paralyzes only one side of the body. 3. Paraplegia, which paralyzes all parts of the body below the neck. 4. Catalepsy, caused by muscle contraction in all or part of the body, such as in the hands, and is very dangerous. The effects on the affected parts are intense and potentially fatal. For instance, if someone is struck by it with their hand extended, they are unable to pull it back. If their hand is not extended when they are affected, they cannot extend it; it looks smaller and shriveled. Therefore, the Hebrews often referred to it as “a withered hand,” as seen in 1 Kings xiii, 4–6; Zech. xi, 17; Matt. xii, 10–13; John v, 3. 5. Cramp, in eastern countries, is a terrible condition that occurs quite frequently. It results from the night’s cold. When the limbs are affected, they become immobile, sometimes turned inwards, other times outwards, staying in the same position as when first affected. The person suffering appears as if they are undergoing torture βασανιζομένοι and experiences similar intense pain. Death can follow the disease within a few days, as noted in Matt. viii, 6, 8; Luke vii, 2; 1 Macc. ix, 55–58.
DISPENSATIONS, Divine. These are otherwise called “the ways of God,” and denote those schemes or methods which are devised and pursued by the wisdom and goodness of God, in order to manifest his perfections and will to mankind, for the purpose of their instruction, discipline, reformation, and advancement in rectitude of temper and conduct, in order to promote their happiness. These are the grand ends of the divine dispensations; and in their aptitude to promote these ends consist their excellence and glory. The works or constitutions of nature are, in a general sense, divine dispensations, by which God condescends to display to us his being and attributes, and thus to lead us to the acknowledgment, adoration, and love, of our Creator, Father, and Benefactor. The sacred Scriptures 309reveal and record other dispensations of divine providence, which have been directed to the promotion of the religious principles, moral conduct, and true happiness of mankind. These have varied in several ages of the world, and have been adapted by the wisdom and goodness of God to the circumstances of his intelligent and accountable creatures. In this sense the various revelations which God has communicated to mankind at different periods, and the means he has used, as occasion has required, for their discipline and improvement, have been justly denominated divine dispensations. Accordingly, we read in the works of theological writers of the various dispensations of religion; that of the patriarchs, that of Moses, and that of Christ, called the dispensation of grace, the perfection and ultimate object of every other. All these were adapted to the conditions of the human race at these several periods; all, in regular succession, were mutually connected and rendered preparatory one to the other; and all were subservient to the design of saving the world, and promoting the perfection and happiness of its rational and moral inhabitants. See Covenant.
DIVINE DISPENSATIONS. These are also referred to as “the ways of God” and represent the strategies or methods devised and pursued by God's wisdom and goodness to show His qualities and will to humanity. This is for the purpose of teaching, guiding, reforming, and helping people improve their character and behavior, ultimately to enhance their happiness. These are the main purposes of divine dispensations; their effectiveness in achieving these purposes is what makes them exceptional and glorious. The natural world works or systems can be generally seen as divine dispensations through which God reveals His existence and attributes, guiding us to recognize, worship, and love our Creator, Father, and Benefactor. The sacred Scriptures 309 reveal and document other acts of divine providence aimed at promoting the religious values, moral behavior, and genuine happiness of humanity. These have changed throughout different eras of the world, tailored by God's wisdom and goodness to the circumstances of His intelligent and responsible beings. In this sense, the various revelations God has shared with humanity at different times, along with the methods He has employed as needed for their guidance and growth, have rightfully been called divine dispensations. Therefore, we see in theological writings references to the various dispensations of religion: that of the patriarchs, that of Moses, and that of Christ, known as the dispensation of grace, which is the culmination and ultimate goal of all others. Each of these was suited to the conditions of humanity during their respective times; all are sequentially connected and preparatory for one another; and all serve the purpose of saving the world and promoting the perfection and happiness of its rational and moral inhabitants. See Agreement.
DISPERSION OF MANKIND. See Division of the Earth.
DISPERSION OF HUMANKIND. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
DIVINATION, a conjecture or surmise, formed concerning future events, from things which are supposed to presage them. The eastern people were always fond of divination, magic, the curious arts of interpreting dreams, and of obtaining a knowledge of future events. When Moses published the law, this disposition had long been common in Egypt and the neighbouring countries. To prevent the Israelites from consulting diviners, fortune tellers, interpreters of dreams, &c, he forbade them, under very severe penalties, to consult persons of this description, and promised to them the true spirit of prophecy as infinitely superior. He commanded those to be stoned who pretended to have a familiar spirit, or the spirit of divination, Deut. xviii, 9, 10, 15. The writings of the prophets are full of invectives against the Israelites who consulted diviners, and against false prophets who by such means seduced the people.
DIVINATION is a guess or assumption about future events based on things that are believed to signal them. People in the East have always been interested in divination, magic, the fascinating arts of interpreting dreams, and gaining knowledge about future happenings. When Moses delivered the law, this practice had already been widespread in Egypt and the surrounding regions. To prevent the Israelites from seeking advice from diviners, fortune tellers, and dream interpreters, he strictly prohibited it under harsh penalties and promised them the true spirit of prophecy as far better. He ordered that anyone who claimed to have a familiar spirit or the spirit of divination should be stoned, as stated in Deut. xviii, 9, 10, 15. The writings of the prophets are filled with strong criticisms against the Israelites for consulting diviners and against false prophets who misled the people through such practices.
2. Different kinds of divination have passed for sciences, as 1. Aëromancy, divining by the air. 2. Astrology, by the heavens. 3. Augury, by the flight and singing of birds, &c. 4. Cheiromancy, by inspecting the lines of the hand. 5. Geomancy, by observing cracks or clefts in the earth. 6. Haruspicy, by inspecting the bowels of animals. 7. Horoscopy, a branch of astrology, marking the position of the heavens when a person is born. 8. Hydromancy, by water. 9. Physiognomy, by the countenance. 10. Pyromancy, a divination made by fire.
2. Different types of divination have been considered sciences, such as 1. Aëromancy, which involves divining through the air. 2. Astrology, which is based on the heavens. 3. Augury, which looks at the flight and singing of birds, etc. 4. Cheiromancy, which involves examining the lines of the hand. 5. Geomancy, which observes cracks or splits in the earth. 6. Haruspicy, which inspects the entrails of animals. 7. Horoscopy, a branch of astrology that marks the position of the heavens at the time of a person's birth. 8. Hydromancy, which is done through water. 9. Physiognomy, which is based on facial features. 10. Pyromancy, which uses fire for divination.
3. The kinds of divination, to which superstition in modern times has given belief, are not less numerous, or less ridiculous, than those which were practised in the days of profound ignorance. The divining rod, which is mentioned in Scripture, is still in some repute in the north of England, though its application is now confined principally to the discovery of veins of lead ore, seams of coal, or springs. In order that it may possess the full virtue for this purpose, it should be made of hazel. Divination by Virgilian, Horatian, or Bible lots, was formerly very common; and the last kind is still practised. The works are opened by chance, and the words noticed which are covered by the thumb: if they can be interpreted in any respect relating to the person, they are reckoned prophetic. Charles I. is said to have used this kind of divination to ascertain his fate. The ancient Christians were so much addicted to the sortes sanctorum, or divining by the Bible, that it was expressly forbidden by a council. Divination by the speal, or blade bone of a sheep, is used in Scotland. In the Highlands it is called sleina-reached, or reading the speal bone. It was very common in England in the time of Drayton, particularly among the colony of Flemings settled in Pembrokeshire. Camden relates of the Irish, that they looked through the bare blade bone of a sheep; and if they saw any spot in it darker than ordinary, they believed that somebody would be buried out of the house. The Persians used this mode of divination.
3. The types of divination that modern superstition believes in are just as numerous and ridiculous as those practiced in times of deep ignorance. The divining rod mentioned in the Bible is still somewhat popular in northern England, mainly used for finding lead ore, coal seams, or springs. For it to be effective, it should be made from hazel wood. Divination using Virgilian, Horatian, or Bible lots was once very common, and the last type is still practiced today. The works are opened at random, and the words under the thumb are noted; if these can be interpreted in any way related to the person, they are considered prophetic. Charles I is said to have used this method to predict his fate. Early Christians were so inclined towards the sortes sanctorum, or divining by the Bible, that a council explicitly forbade it. In Scotland, divination by the sheep's blade bone, known as sleina-reached or reading the speal bone, is used. This practice was quite common in England during Drayton's time, especially among the Flemish settlers in Pembrokeshire. Camden notes that the Irish would look through the bare blade bone of a sheep; if they saw any spot darker than usual, they believed that someone would be buried from that house. The Persians also used this method of divination.
4. Of all attempts to look into futurity by such means, as well as resorting to charms and other methods of curing diseases, and discovering secrets, we may say, that they are relics of Paganism, and argue an ignorance, folly, or superstition, dishonourable to the Christian name; and are therefore to be reproved and discouraged.
4. Among all attempts to predict the future through such methods, as well as using charms and other ways to heal diseases and uncover secrets, we can say that they are remnants of Paganism, reflecting ignorance, foolishness, or superstition that disgrace the Christian name; therefore, they should be criticized and discouraged.
DIVISION OF THE EARTH. The prophecy of Noah, says Dr. Hales, was uttered long after the deluge. It evidently alludes to a divine decree for the orderly division of the earth among the three primitive families of his sons, because it notices the “tents of Shem” and the “enlargement of Japheth,” Genesis ix, 20–27. This decree was probably promulgated about the same time by the venerable patriarch. The prevailing tradition of such a decree for this threefold division of the earth, is intimated both in the Old and New Testament. Moses refers to it, as handed down to the Israelites, “from the days of old, and the years of many generations; as they might learn from their fathers and their elders,” and farther, as conveying a special grant of the land of Palestine, to be the lot of the twelve tribes of Israel:--
DIVISION OF THE EARTH. According to Dr. Hales, Noah's prophecy was given long after the flood. It clearly refers to a divine order for the organized division of the earth among the three original families of his sons, as it mentions the “tents of Shem” and the “enlargement of Japheth,” Genesis ix, 20–27. This order was likely announced around the same time by the respected patriarch. The common belief in such an order for this threefold division of the earth is suggested in both the Old and New Testaments. Moses mentions it, stating that it was passed down to the Israelites, “from the days of old, and the years of many generations; as they might learn from their fathers and their elders,” and further, it conveys a specific allocation of the land of Palestine, to be designated for the twelve tribes of Israel:--
And this furnishes an additional proof of the justice of the expulsion of the Canaanites, as usurpers, by the Israelites, the rightful possessors of the land of Palestine, under Moses, Joshua, and their successors, when the original grant was renewed to Abraham, Gen. xv, 13–21. And the knowledge of this divine decree may satisfactorily account for the panic terror with which the devoted nations of Canaan were struck at the miraculous passage of the Red 310Sea by the Israelites, and approach to their confines, so finely described by Moses:--
And this provides further proof of the fairness of the Israelites expelling the Canaanites, who were intruders, as the rightful owners of the land of Palestine, led by Moses, Joshua, and their successors, when the original promise was reaffirmed to Abraham, Gen. xv, 13–21. Understanding this divine command can explain the overwhelming fear felt by the doomed nations of Canaan at the Israelites’ miraculous crossing of the Red Sea and their approach to their borders, which Moses described so well:--
St. Paul, also, addressing the Athenians, refers to the same decree, as a well-known tradition in the Heathen world: “God made of one blood every nation of men to dwell upon the whole face of the earth; having appointed the predetermined seasons and boundaries of their dwellings,” Acts xvii, 26. Here he represents mankind as all of “one blood,” race, or stock, “the sons of Adam” and of Noah in succession; and the seasons and the boundaries of their respective settlements, as previously regulated by the divine appointment. And this was conformable to their own geographical allegory; that Chronus, the god of time, or Saturn, divided the universe among his three sons, allotting the heaven to Jupiter, the sea to Neptune, and hell to Pluto. But Chronus represented Noah, who divided the world among his three sons, allotting the upper regions of the north to Japheth, the maritime or middle regions to Shem, and the lower regions of the south to Ham. According to the Armenian tradition recorded by Abulfaragi, Noah distributed the habitable earth from north to south between his sons, and gave to Ham the region of the blacks, to Shem the region of the tawny, fuscorum, and to Japheth the region of the ruddy, rubrorum: and he dates the actual division of the earth in the hundred and fortieth year of Peleg, B. C. 2614, or five hundred and forty-one years after the deluge, and one hundred and ninety-one years after the death of Noah, in the following order:--“To the sons of Shem was allotted the middle of the earth, namely, Palestine, Syria, Assyria, Samaria, Singar, [or Shinar,] Babel, [or Babylonia,] Persia, and Hegiaz; [Arabia;] to the sons of Ham, Teimen, [or Idumea, Jer. xlix, 7,] Africa, Nigritia, Egypt, Nubia, Ethiopia, Scindia, and India; [or India west and east of the river Indus;] to the sons of Japheth, also, Garbia, [the north,] Spain, France, the countries of the Greeks, Sclavonians, Bulgarians, Turks, and Armenians.” In this curious and valuable geographical chart, Armenia, the cradle of the human race, was allotted to Japheth, by right of primogeniture; and Samaria and Babel to the sons of Shem; the usurpation of these regions, therefore, by Nimrod, and of Palestine by Canaan, was in violation of the divine decree. Though the migration of the primitive families began at this time, B. C. 2614, or about five hundred and forty-one years after the deluge, it was a length of time before they all reached their respective destinations. The “seasons,” as well as the “boundaries” of their respective settlements were equally the appointment of God; the nearer countries to the original settlement being planted first, and the remoter in succession. These primitive settlements seem to have been scattered and detached from each other according to local convenience. Even so late as the tenth generation after the flood in Abraham’s days, there were considerable tracts of land in Palestine unappropriated, on which he and his nephew, Lot, freely pastured their cattle without hinderance or molestation. That country was not fully peopled till the fourth generation after, at the exode of the Israelites from Egypt. And Herodotus represents Scythia as an uninhabited desert, until Targitorus planted the first colony there, about a thousand years, at most, before Darius Hystaspes invaded Scythia, or about B. C. 1508. The orderly settlements of the three primitive families are recorded in that most venerable and valuable geographical chart, the tenth chapter of Genesis, in which it is curious to observe how long the names of the first settlers have been preserved among their descendants, even down to the present day:--
St. Paul, while speaking to the Athenians, mentions the same decree as a well-known tradition in the non-Jewish world: “God made every nation of people from one blood to live all over the earth; having set the times and places where they would live,” Acts xvii, 26. Here he describes humanity as all of “one blood,” race, or lineage, “the sons of Adam” and Noah in succession; and the times and areas of their settlements as previously determined by divine will. This aligns with their own geographical story; that Chronus, the god of time, or Saturn, divided the universe among his three sons, giving heaven to Jupiter, the sea to Neptune, and hell to Pluto. But Chronus symbolizes Noah, who divided the world among his three sons, assigning the northern regions to Japheth, the middle regions to Shem, and the southern regions to Ham. According to the Armenian tradition recorded by Abulfaragi, Noah distributed the habitable earth from north to south between his sons, giving Ham the region of the blacks, Shem the region of the tawny, fuscorum, and Japheth the region of the ruddy, red ones: and he dates this division of the earth in the one hundred fortieth year of Peleg, B. C. 2614, or five hundred forty-one years after the flood, and one hundred ninety-one years after Noah's death, in the following order:--“To the sons of Shem was given the middle of the earth, specifically Palestine, Syria, Assyria, Samaria, Singar, [or Shinar,] Babel, [or Babylonia,] Persia, and Hegiaz; [Arabia;] to the sons of Ham, Teimen, [or Idumea, Jer. xlix, 7,] Africa, Nigritia, Egypt, Nubia, Ethiopia, Scindia, and India; [or India west and east of the river Indus;] to the sons of Japheth, Garbia, [the north,] Spain, France, the lands of the Greeks, Sclavonians, Bulgarians, Turks, and Armenians.” In this interesting and valuable geographical chart, Armenia, the birthplace of the human race, was assigned to Japheth, by right of being the firstborn; and Samaria and Babel to the sons of Shem; therefore, the takeover of these areas by Nimrod, and of Palestine by Canaan, was against the divine decree. Although the migration of the initial families started at this time, B.C. 2614, or about five hundred forty-one years after the flood, it took a while before they all reached their designated places. The “seasons,” as well as the “boundaries” of their respective settlements, were equally God's decision; the closer lands to the original settlement being settled first, followed by the farther ones. These early settlements seemed to have been scattered and separate from each other based on local needs. Even as late as the tenth generation after the flood in Abraham’s time, there were significant areas of land in Palestine that weren’t claimed, where he and his nephew, Lot, could graze their cattle freely without any obstacles. That region was not fully populated until the fourth generation later, at the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Herodotus describes Scythia as an uninhabited wasteland until Targitorus established the first colony there, about a thousand years, at most, before Darius Hystaspes invaded Scythia, or around B.C. 1508. The orderly settlements of the three early families are documented in the highly respected and valuable geographical account, the tenth chapter of Genesis, where it’s interesting to note how long the names of the first settlers have been kept alive among their descendants, even to this day:--
1. Japheth, the eldest son of Noah, Gen. x, 21, and his family, are first noticed, Gen. x, 2–5. The name of the patriarch himself was preserved among his Grecian descendants, in the proverb, τοῦ Ἰάπετου ϖρεσβύτερος, older than Japetus, denoting the remotest antiquity. The radical part of the word Ἰάπετ, evidently expresses Japheth. (1.) Gomer, his eldest son, was the father of the Gomerians. These, spreading from the regions north of Armenia and Bactriana, Ezek. xxxviii, 6, extended themselves westward over nearly the whole continent of Europe; still retaining their paternal denomination, with some slight variation, as Cimmerians, in Asia; Cimbri and Umbri, in Gaul and Italy; and Cymri, Cambri, and Cumbri, in Wales and Cumberland at the present day. They are also identified by ancient authors with the Galatæ of Asia Minor, the Gaels, Gauls, and Celtæ, of Europe, who likewise spread from the Euxine Sea, to the Western Ocean; and from the Baltic to Italy southward, and first planted the British Isles. Josephus remarks, that the Galatæ were called Γομαρείς, Gomariani, from their ancestor Gomar. See the numerous authorities adduced in support of the identity of the Gomerians and Celts, by that learned and ingenious antiquary, Faber, in his “Origin of Pagan Idolatry.” Of Gomer’s sons, Ashkenaz appears to have settled on the coasts of the Euxine Sea, which from him seems to have received its primary denomination of Ἄξενος, Axenus, nearly resembling Ashkenaz; but forgetting its etymology in process of time, the Greeks considered it as a compound term in their own language, Α-ξένος, signifying inhospitable; and thence metamorphosed it into Εὖ-ξένος, Eu-xenus, “very hospitable.” His precise settlement is represented in Scripture as contiguous to Armenia, westward; for the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and Ashkenaz, are noticed together, Jer. li, 27. Riphat, the second son of Gomer, seems to have given name to the Riphean mountains of the north of Asia; and Togarmah, the third son, may be traced 311in the Trocmi of Strabo, the Trogmi of Cicero, and Trogmades of the council of Chalcedon, inhabiting the confines of Pontus and Cappadocia. (2.) Magog, Tubal, and Mesech, sons of Japhet, are noticed together by Ezekiel, as settled in the north, Ezek. xxxviii, 2, 14, 15. And as the ancestors of the numerous Sclavonic and Tartar tribes, the first may be traced in the Mongogians, Monguls, and Moguls; the second, in the Tobolski, of Siberia; and the third, Mesech, or Mosoc, in the Moschici, Moscow, and Muscovites. (3.) Madai was the father of the Medes, who are repeatedly so denominated in Scripture, 2 Kings xvii, 6; Isa. xiii, 17; Jer. li, 11; Dan. v, 28, &c. (4.) From Javan was descended the Javanians, or Ἰάονες of the Greeks, and the Yavanas of the Hindus. Greece itself is called Javan by Daniel, xi, 2; and the people Ἰάονες by Homer in his “Iliad.” These aboriginal Ἰάονες of Greece are not to be confounded, as is usually the case, with the later Ἴωνες, who invaded and subdued the Javanian territories, and were of a different stock. The accurate Pausanias states, that the name of Ἴωνες, was comparatively modern, while that of Ἰάονες is acknowledged to have been the primitive title of the barbarians who were subdued by the Ἴωνες. Strabo remarks that Attica was formerly called both Ionia and Ias, or Ian; while Herodotus asserts, that the Athenians were not willing to be called Ἴωνες; and he derives the name from Ἴων, the son of Zuth, descended from Deucalion or Noah. And this Ion is said by Eusebius to have been the ringleader in the building of the tower of Babel, and the first introducer of idol worship, and Sabianism, or adoration of the sun, moon, and stars. This would identify Ion with Nimrod. And the Ionians appear to have been composed of the later colonists, the Palli, Pelasgi, or roving tribes from Asia, Phenicia, and Egypt, who, according to Herodotus, first corrupted the simplicity of the primitive religion of Greece, and who, by the Hindus, were called Yonigas, or worshippers of the yoni or dove. This critical distinction between the Iaones and the Iones, the Yavanas, and the Yonigas, we owe to the sagacity of Faber. Of Javan’s sons, Elishah and Dodon, may be recognized in Elis and Dodona, the oldest settlements of Greece; Kittim, in the Citium of Macedonia, and Chittim, or maritime coasts of Greece and Italy, Num. xxiv, 24; and Tarshish, in the Tarsus of Cilicia, and Tartessus of Spain.
1. Japheth, Noah's oldest son, is first mentioned in Gen. x, 21, along with his family in Gen. x, 2–5. The name of the patriarch has been preserved among his Greek descendants in the saying, τοῦ Ἰάπετου ϖρεσβύτερος, older than Japetus, which signifies ancient times. The core of the word Ἰάπετ clearly points to Japheth. (1.) His oldest son, Gomer, was the father of the Gomerians. They spread from the areas north of Armenia and Bactriana, Ezek. xxxviii, 6, moving west across almost all of Europe, still keeping their paternal name with slight variations, like Cimmerians in Asia; Cimbri and Umbri in Gaul and Italy; and Cymri, Cambri, and Cumbri in Wales and Cumberland today. Ancient authors also connect them with the Galatæ of Asia Minor and the Gaels, Gauls, and Celtæ of Europe, who expanded from the Black Sea to the Atlantic Ocean; from the Baltic to southern Italy, and were the first to populate the British Isles. Josephus notes that the Galatæ were called Γομαρείς, Gomariani, after their ancestor Gomar. Numerous references supporting the identity of the Gomerians and Celts can be found in Faber's “Origin of Pagan Idolatry.” Of Gomer’s sons, Ashkenaz is thought to have settled on the shores of the Black Sea, which seems to have gotten its original name Ἄξενος, Axenus, closely resembling Ashkenaz. However, over time, the Greeks misunderstood its etymology and thought it was a compound word from their language, Α-ξένος, meaning inhospitable, and transformed it into Εὖ-ξένος, Eu-xenus, “very hospitable.” His exact settlement is shown in Scripture as adjacent to Armenia, to the west; for the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and Ashkenaz are mentioned together in Jer. li, 27. Riphat, Gomer's second son, seems to have given his name to the Riphean mountains in northern Asia; and Togarmah, the third son, can be traced in the Trocmi of Strabo, the Trogmi of Cicero, and Trogmades of the council of Chalcedon, living on the borders of Pontus and Cappadocia. (2.) Magog, Tubal, and Mesech, sons of Japhet, are mentioned together by Ezekiel, as settled in the north, Ezek. xxxviii, 2, 14, 15. They are likely the ancestors of many Slavic and Tartar tribes; the first can be seen in the Mongogians, Monguls, and Moguls; the second in the Tobolski of Siberia; and the third, Mesech, or Mosoc, in the Moschici, Moscow, and Muscovites. (3.) Madai was the father of the Medes, who are often referred to in Scripture, 2 Kings xvii, 6; Isa. xiii, 17; Jer. li, 11; Dan. v, 28, etc. (4.) Javan was the origin of the Javanians, or Ἰάονες of the Greeks, and the Yavanas of the Hindus. Greece itself is called Javan by Daniel, xi, 2; and the people Ἰάονες by Homer in his “Iliad.” These original Ἰάονες of Greece should not be confused, as is often done, with the later Ἴωνες, who invaded and took over the Javanian lands and were of a different lineage. The exact Pausanias mentions that the name Ἴωνες was comparatively modern, while Ἰάονες is accepted as the original term for the people who were conquered by the Ἴωνες. Strabo notes that Attica was previously known as both Ionia and Ias, or Ian; while Herodotus claims that the Athenians did not want to be called Ἴωνες; he connects the name to Ἴων, the son of Zuth, descended from Deucalion or Noah. Eusebius states that this Ion led the construction of the tower of Babel and was the first to introduce idolatry and the worship of the sun, moon, and stars, linking Ion with Nimrod. The Ionians appear to have included the later settlers, the Palli, Pelasgi, or wandering tribes from Asia, Phoenicia, and Egypt, who, according to Herodotus, first corrupted the original simplicity of Greece's religion and who were called Yonigas by the Hindus, meaning worshippers of the yoni or dove. This important distinction between the Iaones and the Iones, the Yavanas and the Yonigas, is credited to the insight of Faber. Among Javan’s sons, Elishah and Dodon can be identified with Elis and Dodona, the ancient settlements of Greece; Kittim with the Citium of Macedonia and Chittim, or the coastal regions of Greece and Italy, Num. xxiv, 24; and Tarshish with Tarsus in Cilicia and Tartessus in Spain.
2. Ham and his family are next noticed, Gen. x, 6–20. The name of the patriarch is recorded in the title frequently given to Egypt, “The land of Ham,” Psalm cv, 23, &c. (1.) Of his sons, the first and most celebrated appears to have been Cush, who gave name to the land of Cush, both in Asia and Africa; the former still called Chusistan by the Arabian geographers, and Susiana by the Greeks, and Cusha Dwipa Within, by the Hindus; the other, called Cusha Dwipa Without. And the enterprising Cushim or Cuthim, of Scripture, in Asia and Europe, assumed the title of Getæ, Guiths, and Goths; and of Scuths, Scuits, and Scots; and of Sacas, Sacasenas, and Saxons. The original family settlement of Abraham was “Ur of the Chasdim,” or Chaldees, Gen. xi, 28, who are repeatedly mentioned in Scripture, Isa. xiii, 9; Dan. ix, 1, &c. According to Faber’s ingenious remark, it may more properly be pronounced Chus-dim, signifying Godlike Cushites. It is highly improbable that they were so named from Chesed, Abraham’s nephew, Gen. xxii, 22, who was a mere boy, if born at all, when Abraham left Ur, and was an obscure individual, never noticed afterward. Of Cush’s sons, Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, Sabtacha, and Raamah; and the sons of Raamah, Sheba, and Dedan, seem to have settled in Idumea and Arabia, from the similar names of places there; and of his descendants, Nimrod, the mighty hunter, first founded the kingdom of Babylon, and afterward of Assyria, invading the settlements of the Shemites, contrary to the divine decree. His posterity were probably distinguished by the title of Chusdim, Isaiah xxiii, 13. (2.) The second son of Ham was Misr, or Mizraim. He settled in Egypt, whence the Egyptians were universally styled in Scripture, Mizraim, or Mizraites, in the plural form. But the country is denominated in the east, to this day, “the land of Misr;” which, therefore, seems to have been the name of the patriarch himself. The children of Misr, like their father, are denominated in Scripture by the plural number. Of these, the Ludim and Lehabim were probably the Copto-Libyans, Ezek. xxx, 5; the Naphtuhim occupied the sea coast, which by the Egyptians was called Nephthus; whence, probably, originated the name of the maritime god Neptune. The Pathrusim occupied a part of Lower Egypt, called from them Pathros, Isa. xi, 11. The Caphtorim and the Casluhim, whose descendants were the Philistim of Palestine, occupied the district which lies between the delta of the Nile and the southern extremity of Palestine, Deut. ii, 23; Amos ix, 7. (3.) Phut is merely noticed, without any mention of his family. But the tribes of Phut and Lud are mentioned together, with Cush, or Ethiopia, Jer. xlvi, 9; Ezek. xxx, 5; and Jerom notices a district in Libya, called Regio Phutensis, or the land of Phut. (4.) Canaan has been noticed already; and the original extent of the land of Canaan is carefully marked by Moses. Its western border, along the Mediterranean Sea, extended from Sidon, southward, to Gaza; its southern border from thence, eastward, to Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah and Zeboim, the cities of the plain, afterward covered by the Dead Sea, or Asphaltite Lake; its eastern border extending from thence northward, to Laish, Dan, or the springs of the Jordan; and its northern border, from thence to Sidon, westward. Of Canaan’s sons, Sidon, the eldest, occupied the north-west corner, and built the town of that name, so early celebrated for her luxury and commerce in Scripture, Judges xviii, 7; 1 Kings v, 6; and by Homer, who calls the Sidonians, πολυδαίδαλοι, skilled in many arts. And Tyre, so flourishing afterward, though boasting of her own antiquity, Isa. xxiii, 7, is styled, “a daughter of Sidon,” or a colony from thence, 312Isa. v, 12. Heth, his second son, and the Hittites, his descendants appear to have settled in the south, near Hebron, Gen. xxiii, 3–7; and next to them, at Jerusalem, the Jebusites, or descendants of Jebus, both remaining in their original settlements till David’s days; 2 Sam. xi, 3; v, 6–9. Beyond the Jebusites, were settled the Emorites, or Amorites, Num. xiii, 29, who extended themselves beyond Jordan, and were the most powerful of the Canaanite tribes, Gen. xv, 16; Num. xxi, 21, until they were destroyed by Moses and Joshua, with the rest of the devoted nations of Canaan’s family.
2. Ham and his family are next mentioned, Gen. x, 6–20. The patriarch’s name is recorded in the frequently used title for Egypt, “The land of Ham,” Psalm cv, 23, &c. (1.) Of his sons, the first and most notable appears to be Cush, who gave his name to the region of Cush, both in Asia and Africa; the former is still referred to as Chusistan by Arabian geographers and Susiana by the Greeks, while Hindus call it Cusha Dwipa Within; the latter is called Cusha Dwipa Without. The enterprising Cushim or Cuthim mentioned in Scripture in Asia and Europe adopted the names Getæ, Guiths, and Goths; Scuths, Scuits, and Scots; and Sacas, Sacasenas, and Saxons. The original family settlement of Abraham was “Ur of the Chasdim,” or Chaldees, Gen. xi, 28, who are repeatedly mentioned in Scripture, Isa. xiii, 9; Dan. ix, 1, &c. According to Faber’s clever observation, it may more accurately be pronounced Chus-dim, meaning Godlike Cushites. It’s highly unlikely that they were named after Chesed, Abraham’s nephew, Gen. xxii, 22, who was just a boy, if born at all, when Abraham left Ur and was an inconspicuous figure, never mentioned afterward. Of Cush’s sons, Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, Sabtacha, and Raamah; and the sons of Raamah, Sheba and Dedan, seem to have settled in Idumea and Arabia, judging by the similar names of places there; and among his descendants, Nimrod, the mighty hunter, first established the kingdom of Babylon and later of Assyria, invading the settlements of the Shemites, defying the divine decree. His descendants were likely known by the title of Chusdim, Isaiah xxiii, 13. (2.) Ham’s second son was Misr, or Mizraim. He settled in Egypt, hence the Egyptians were commonly referred to in Scripture as Mizraim, or Mizraites, in the plural. But the region is still called in the east “the land of Misr;” which seems to have been the name of the patriarch himself. The children of Misr, like their father, are referred to in Scripture in the plural. Among these, the Ludim and Lehabim were probably the Copto-Libyans, Ezek. xxx, 5; the Naphtuhim occupied the coastline, which the Egyptians called Nephthus; from this probably comes the name of the sea god Neptune. The Pathrusim occupied part of Lower Egypt, named from them Pathros, Isa. xi, 11. The Caphtorim and the Casluhim, whose descendants were the Philistim of Palestine, lived in the region between the Nile delta and the southern end of Palestine, Deut. ii, 23; Amos ix, 7. (3.) Phut is just mentioned, with no mention of his family. But the tribes of Phut and Lud are mentioned together, along with Cush, or Ethiopia, Jer. xlvi, 9; Ezek. xxx, 5; and Jerom notes a region in Libya called Regio Phutensis, or the land of Phut. (4.) Canaan has already been mentioned; and the original boundaries of the land of Canaan are carefully outlined by Moses. Its western border along the Mediterranean Sea extended from Sidon, south to Gaza; its southern border from there, east to Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah and Zeboim, the cities of the plain, later submerged by the Dead Sea, or Asphaltite Lake; its eastern border stretching north to Laish, Dan, or the springs of the Jordan; and its northern border going from there to Sidon, westward. Of Canaan’s sons, Sidon, the eldest, occupied the north-west corner and built the city that bears his name, famous for its luxury and trade in Scripture, Judges xviii, 7; 1 Kings v, 6; and by Homer, who refers to the Sidonians as πολυδαίδαλοι, skilled in many arts. Tyre, flourishing later, though claiming its own ancient roots, Isa. xxiii, 7, is called “a daughter of Sidon,” or a colony from there, 312 Isa. v, 12. Heth, his second son, and the Hittites, his descendants, appear to have settled in the south, near Hebron, Gen. xxiii, 3–7; and next to them, in Jerusalem, were the Jebusites, or descendants of Jebus, both remaining in their original settlements until the days of David; 2 Sam. xi, 3; v, 6–9. Beyond the Jebusites, the Emorites, or Amorites, Num. xiii, 29, settled, extending their reach beyond the Jordan and were the most powerful of the Canaanite tribes, Gen. xv, 16; Num. xxi, 21, until they were defeated by Moses and Joshua, along with the other doomed nations of Canaan’s family.
3. Shem and his family are noticed last, Gen. x, 21–30. His posterity were confined to middle Asia. (1.) His son Elam appears to have been settled in Elymais, or southern Persia, contiguous to the maritime tract of Chusistan, Dan. viii, 2. (2.) His son Ashur planted the land thence called Assyria, which soon became a province of the Cushite, or Cuthic empire, founded by Nimrod. (3.) Arphaxad, through his grandson, Eber, branched out into the two houses of Peleg and Joktan. Peleg probably remained in Chaldea, or southern Babylonia, at the time of the dispersion; for there we find his grandson, Terah, and his family, settled at “Ur of the Chaldees,” Gen. xi, 31. Of the numerous children of Joktan, it is said by Moses, that “their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the east.” Faber is inclined to believe that they were the ancestors of the great body of the Hindus, who still retain a lively tradition of the patriarch Shem, Shama, or Sharma; and that the land of Ophir, abounding in gold, so called from one of the sons of Joktan, lay beyond the Indus, eastward. (4.) Lud was probably the father of the Ludim or Lydians, of Asia Minor; for this people had a tradition that they were descended from Lud or Lydus, according to Josephus. (5.) The children of Aram planted the fertile country north of Babylonia, called Aram Naharaim, “Aram between the two rivers,” the Euphrates and the Tigris, thence called by the Greeks, Mesopotamis, Gen. xxiv, 10, and Padan Aram, the level country of Aram, Gen. xxv, 20. This country of Aram is frequently rendered Syria in Scripture, Judges x, 6; Hosea xii, 12, &c; which is not to be confounded with Palestine Syria, into which they afterward spread themselves, still retaining their original name of Ἄριμοι, or Arameans, noticed by Homer in his “Iliad.”
3. Shem and his family are mentioned last, Gen. x, 21–30. His descendants were primarily located in central Asia. (1.) His son Elam seems to have settled in Elymais, or southern Persia, near the coastal area of Chusistan, Dan. viii, 2. (2.) His son Ashur established the land known as Assyria, which soon became a province of the Cushite, or Cuthic empire, founded by Nimrod. (3.) Arphaxad, through his grandson Eber, split into two clans: Peleg and Joktan. Peleg likely stayed in Chaldea, or southern Babylonia, during the time of the dispersion; we see his grandson, Terah, and his family settled at “Ur of the Chaldees,” Gen. xi, 31. Of the many children of Joktan, Moses says that “their dwelling was from Mesha, as you go to Sephar, a mountain in the east.” Faber believes they were ancestors of the large population of Hindus, who still have a strong tradition linked to the patriarch Shem, Shama, or Sharma; and that the land of Ophir, rich in gold and named after one of Joktan's sons, was located east of the Indus River. (4.) Lud was probably the father of the Ludim or Lydians, in Asia Minor; this group had a tradition of being descended from Lud or Lydus, according to Josephus. (5.) The children of Aram settled the fertile region north of Babylonia, known as Aram Naharaim, “Aram between the two rivers,” the Euphrates and the Tigris, later referred to by the Greeks as Mesopotamia, Gen. xxiv, 10, and Padan Aram, the flat area of Aram, Gen. xxv, 20. This land of Aram is often translated as Syria in the Bible, Judges x, 6; Hosea xii, 12, etc.; which should not be confused with Palestine Syria, where they later migrated, still keeping their original name of Ἄριμοι, or Arameans, referenced by Homer in his “Iliad.”
4. Upon this distribution of Noah’s posterity we shall only observe, that the Deity presided over all their counsels and deliberations, and that he guided and settled all mankind according to the dictates of his all-comprehending wisdom and benevolence. To this purpose, the ancients themselves, according to Pindar, retained some idea that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the appointment of Providence, Gen. xi, 8, 9; Deut. xxii, 8. This dispersion, and that confusion of languages with which it originated, was intended, by the counsel of an all-wise Providence, to counteract and defeat the scheme which had been projected by the descendants of Noah, for maintaining their union, implied in their proposing to make themselves a name, שם, which Schultens, in Job i, 1, derives from the Arabic verb שמה, or שמש, to be high elevated, or eminent. By this scheme, which seems to have been a project of state policy, for keeping all men together under the present chiefs and their successors, a great part of the earth must, for a long time, have been uninhabited, and overrun with wild beasts. The bad effects which this project would have had upon the minds, the morals, and religion of mankind, was, probably, the chief reason why God interposed to frustrate it as soon as it was formed. It had manifestly a direct tendency to tyranny, oppression, and slavery. Whereas in forming several independent governments by a small body of men, the ends of government, and the security of liberty and property, would be much better attended to, and more firmly established; which, in fact, was really the case; if we may judge of the rest by the constitution of one of the most eminent, the kingdom of Egypt, Gen. xlvii, 15–27. The Egyptians were masters of their persons and property, till they sold them to Pharaoh for bread; and then their servitude amounted to no more than the fifth part of the produce of the country, as an annual tax payable to the king. By this event, considered as a wise dispensation of Providence, bounds were set to the contagion of wickedness; evil example was confined, and could not extend its influence beyond the limits of one country; nor could wicked projects be carried on, with universal concurrence, by many small colonies, separated by the natural boundaries of mountains, rivers, barren deserts, and seas, and hindered from associating together by a variety of languages, unintelligible to each other. Moreover, in this dispersed state, they could, whenever God pleased, be made reciprocal checks upon each other, by invasions and wars, which would weaken the power, and humble the pride, of corrupt and vicious communities. This dispensation was, therefore, properly calculated to prevent a second universal degeneracy; God dealing in it with men as rational agents, and adapting his scheme to their state and circumstances.
4. In looking at the way Noah's descendants spread out, we should note that God oversaw all their decisions and guided humanity according to His infinite wisdom and goodness. The ancients, including Pindar, believed that the scattering of people wasn’t random but was directed by God’s plan, as mentioned in Gen. xi, 8, 9; Deut. xxii, 8. This dispersion, along with the confusion of languages that came with it, was meant by wise Providence to disrupt the intentions of Noah's descendants, who sought to unify themselves by creating a name for themselves, שם, which Schultens relates to the Arabic verb שם, or sun, meaning to be highly elevated or prominent. This plan, which appeared to be a strategy for state control, aimed to keep people under a single leadership, resulting in large parts of the earth being uninhabited and filled with wild animals for a long time. The negative effects this plan would have had on humanity's mindset, morals, and religion were likely the main reasons why God intervened to stop it right from the start. It clearly had a tendency towards tyranny, oppression, and slavery. In contrast, forming several independent governments with a small group of people would better serve the purposes of governance, securing liberty and property. This was indeed the case, as we can see in the example of one of the most prominent kingdoms, Egypt, Gen. xlvii, 15–27. The Egyptians maintained control over themselves and their possessions until they sold everything to Pharaoh for food; then their servitude was simply paying a tax of one-fifth of the land's yield to the king. This outcome, seen as a wise plan from God, limited the spread of wickedness; bad examples were contained, unable to influence beyond the borders of a single country; corrupt ideas couldn’t gain widespread support among various small colonies, separated by natural barriers like mountains, rivers, desolate areas, and oceans, and prevented from connecting by different languages that were unintelligible to each other. Additionally, in this scattered state, they could serve as checks on each other whenever God chose, through invasions and wars, which would weaken the power and humble the pride of corrupt and immoral societies. This arrangement was, therefore, effectively designed to avert another universal decline; God engaged with people as rational beings and tailored His plan to their situation and circumstances.
DIVORCE. As the ancient Hebrews paid a stipulated price for the privilege of marrying, they seemed to consider it the natural consequence of making a payment of that kind, that they should be at liberty to exercise a very arbitrary power over their wives, and to renounce or divorce them whenever they chose. This state of things, as Moses himself very clearly saw, was not equitable as respected the woman, and was very often injurious to both parties. Finding himself, however, unable to overrule feelings and practices of very ancient standing, he merely annexed to the original institution of marriage a very serious admonition to this effect, viz. that it would be less criminal for a man to desert his father and mother, than without adequate cause to desert 313his wife, Gen. ii, 14, compared with Malachi ii, 11–16. He also laid a restriction upon the power of the husband as far as this, that he would not permit him to repudiate the wife without giving her a bill of divorce. He farther enacted in reference to this subject that the husband might receive the repudiated wife back, in case she had not in the meanwhile been married to another person; but if she had been thus married, she could never afterward become the wife of her first husband; a law, which the faith due to the second husband clearly required, Deut. xxiv, 1–4, compare Jer. iii, 1, and Matt. i, 19; xix, 8. The inquiry, “What should be considered an adequate cause of divorce,” was left by Moses to be determined by the husband himself. He had liberty to divorce her, if he saw in her any thing naked, any thing displeasing or improper, any thing so much at war with propriety, and a source of so much dissatisfaction as to be, in the estimation of the husband, sufficient ground for separation. These expressions, however, were sharply contested as to their meaning in the later times of the Jewish nation. The school of Hillel contended, that the husband might lawfully put away the wife for any cause, even the smallest. The mistake committed by the school of Hillel in taking this ground was, that they confounded moral and civil law. It is true, as far as the Mosaic statute or the civil law was concerned, the husband had a right thus to do; but it is equally clear, that the ground of just separation must have been, not a trivial, but a prominent and important one, when it is considered, that he was bound to consult the rights of the woman, and was amenable to his conscience and his God. The school of Shammai explained the phrase, nakedness of a thing, to mean actual adultery. Our Lord agreed with the school of Shammai as far as this, that the ground of divorce should be one of a moral nature, and not less than adultery; but he does not appear to have agreed with them in their opinion in respect to the Mosaic statute. On the contrary, he denied the equity of that statute, and in justification of Moses maintained, that he permitted divorces for causes below adultery, only in consequence of the hardness of the people’s hearts, Matt. v, 31, 32; xviii, 1–9; Mark x, 2–12; Luke xvi, 18. Wives, who were considered the property of their husbands, did not enjoy by the Mosaic statutes a reciprocal right, and were not at liberty to dissolve the matrimonial alliance by giving a bill of divorce to that effect. In the latter periods, however, of the Jewish state, the Jewish matrons, the more powerful of them at least, appear to have imbibed the spirit of the ladies of Rome, and to have exercised in their own behalf the same power that was granted by the Mosaic law only to their husbands, Mark vi, 17–29; x, 12.
DIVORCE. When the ancient Hebrews paid a set price for the right to marry, it seemed they believed it allowed them to have a very arbitrary control over their wives, enabling them to reject or divorce them at will. Moses recognized that this situation was unfair to women and often harmful to both parties. However, feeling unable to change deeply rooted feelings and customs, he simply added a significant warning to the original marriage laws, stating that it would be less wrong for a man to abandon his parents than to abandon his wife without good reason, Gen. ii, 14, compared with Malachi ii, 11–16. He also placed a limit on the husband's authority, requiring him to give his wife a divorce document if he wanted to end the marriage. Furthermore, he established that a husband could take back a rejected wife if she hadn't remarried, but if she had married someone else, she could never return to her first husband, reflecting the obligation the second husband had to his wife, Deut. xxiv, 1–4, compare Jer. iii, 1, and Matt. i, 19; xix, 8. Moses left it up to the husband to define what constituted a valid reason for divorce. He could divorce her if he found anything about her—any flaw, anything he deemed inappropriate or unsatisfactory—that justified separation. Over time, these terms were debated among the Jewish community. The school of Hillel argued that a husband could divorce his wife for any reason, even minor ones. The mistake made by the school of Hillel was confusing moral laws with civil laws. While the Mosaic statute allowed the husband to do this under civil law, it's clear that the reason for divorce should have been significant, given that he was obligated to consider the woman's rights and was accountable to his conscience and God. The school of Shammai interpreted the phrase “nakedness of a thing” to mean “actual adultery.” Jesus agreed with the school of Shammai in that the grounds for divorce should be moral and at least involve adultery; however, he did not seem to concur with their view on the Mosaic law. Instead, he challenged the fairness of that law and argued that Moses allowed divorces for lesser reasons because of the hardness of the people's hearts, Matt. v, 31, 32; xviii, 1–9; Mark x, 2–12; Luke xvi, 18. Wives, regarded as the property of their husbands, did not have mutual rights under the Mosaic laws and couldn't initiate a divorce. However, in the later periods of Jewish society, it seems that the more influential Jewish women adopted the assertiveness of Roman women and began to exercise similar rights that the Mosaic law only granted to their husbands, Mark vi, 17–29; x, 12.
DOCETÆ, the advocates of an early heresy, which taught that Christ acted and suffered, not in reality, but in appearance. They were so denominated from δοκεῖν, to appear. See Gnostics.
DOCETAE, the supporters of an early heresy, taught that Christ acted and suffered, not in reality, but only in appearance. They were named from δοκεῖν, to appear. See Gnostics.
DOCTORS, or Teachers, of the law, a class of men in great repute among the Jews. They had studied the law of Moses in its various branches, and the numerous interpretations which had been grafted upon it in later times; and, on various occasions, they gave their opinion on cases referred to them for advice. Nicodemus, himself a doctor (διδάσκαλος, teacher) of the law, comes to consult Jesus, whom he compliments in the same terms as he was accustomed to receive from his scholars: “Rabbi, we know that thou art διδάσκαλος, a competent teacher from God.” Doctors of the law were chiefly of the sect of the Pharisees; but they are sometimes distinguished from that sect, Luke v, 17.
DOCTORS, or Educators, of the law were a respected group among the Jews. They had studied the law of Moses in its different areas and the many interpretations that had been added over time; they often shared their opinions on cases that were brought to them for advice. Nicodemus, who was also a doctor (διδάσκαλος, teacher) of the law, came to talk to Jesus, complimenting him in the same way his students would address him: “Rabbi, we know that you are a διδάσκαλος, a knowledgeable teacher from God.” The doctors of the law were mainly from the Pharisee sect, although they are sometimes noted as distinct from that group, as mentioned in Luke v, 17.
DOG, כלב, an animal well known. By the law of Moses, the dog was declared unclean, and was held in great contempt among the Jews, 1 Sam. xvii, 43; xxiv, 14; 2 Sam. ix, 8; 2 Kings viii, 13. Yet they had them in considerable numbers in their cities. They were not, however, shut up in their houses or courts, but forced to seek their food where they could find it. The Psalmist compares violent men to dogs, who go about the city in the night, prowl about for their food, and growl, and become clamorous if they be not satisfied, Psalm lix, 6, 14, 15. Mr. Harmer has illustrated this by quotations from travellers into the east. The Turks also reckon the dog a filthyfilthy creature, and therefore drive him from their houses; so that with them dogs guard rather the streets and districts, than particular houses, and live on the offals that are thrown abroad. In 1 Sam. xxv, 3, Nabal is said to have been “churlish and evil in his manners; and he was of the house of Caleb;” but Caleb here is not a proper name. Literally, it is, “He was the son of a dog;” and so the Septuagint, Syriac, and Arabic render it,--he was irritable, snappish, and snarling as a dog. The irritable disposition of the dog is the foundation of that saying, “He that passeth by, and meddleth with strife belonging not to him, is like one that taketh a dog by the ears,” Prov. xxvi, 17; that is, he wantonly exposes himself to danger.
DOG, Dog, an animal that is well known. According to the law of Moses, dogs were considered unclean and were looked down upon by the Jews, as mentioned in 1 Sam. xvii, 43; xxiv, 14; 2 Sam. ix, 8; 2 Kings viii, 13. Yet, they had many of them in their cities. However, they weren’t kept inside homes or yards but had to scavenge for food wherever they could find it. The Psalmist compares violent men to dogs that roam the city at night, searching for food, growling, and becoming noisy if their hunger isn't satisfied, as seen in Psalm lix, 6, 14, 15. Mr. Harmer has supported this with quotes from travelers in the East. The Turks also consider dogs to be a filthyfilthy creature, hence they keep them out of their homes; thus, dogs tend to roam the streets and neighborhoods rather than guarding specific houses, living off the scraps that are thrown away. In 1 Sam. xxv, 3, Nabal is described as “churlish and evil in his manners; and he was of the house of Caleb;” but here, Caleb is not a proper name. Literally, it means, “He was the son of a dog;” and that is how the Septuagint, Syriac, and Arabic interpret it—he was irritable, snappy, and snarl-like as a dog. The dog’s irritable nature is the basis of the saying, “He that passeth by, and meddleth with strife belonging not to him, is like one that taketh a dog by the ears,” Prov. xxvi, 17; meaning he foolishly puts himself in danger.
In 1 Kings xxi, 23, it is said, “The dogs shall eat Jezebel.” Mr. Bruce, when at Gondar, was witness to a scene in a great measure similar to the devouring of Jezebel by dogs. He says, “The bodies of those killed by the sword were hewn to pieces, and scattered about the streets, being denied burial. I was miserable, and almost driven to despair, at seeing my hunting dogs, twice let loose by the carelessness of my servants, bringing into the court yard the heads and arms of slaughtered men, and which I could no way prevent but by the destruction of the dogs themselves.” He also adds, that upon being asked by the king the reason of his dejected and sickly appearance, among other reasons, he informed him, “it was occasioned by an execution of three men, which he had lately seen; because the hyænas, allured into the streets by the quantity of carrion, would not let him pass by night in safety from the palace; and because the dogs fled into his house, to eat 314pieces of human carcasses at their leisure.” This account illustrates also the readiness of the dogs to lick the blood of Ahab, 1 Kings xxii, 38; in conformity to which is the expression of the Prophet Jeremiah, xv, 3, “I will appoint over them the sword to slay, and the dogs to tear.”
In 1 Kings 21:23, it says, “The dogs will eat Jezebel.” Mr. Bruce, when he was in Gondar, witnessed a scene somewhat similar to the dogs consuming Jezebel. He recounts, “The bodies of those killed by the sword were chopped into pieces and scattered throughout the streets, denied a proper burial. I was miserable and nearly driven to despair when I saw my hunting dogs, twice let loose due to my servants' carelessness, bringing the heads and arms of slain men into the courtyard, and I could only stop it by getting rid of the dogs themselves.” He also mentions that when the king asked him why he looked so down and ill, he explained that one reason was “the execution of three men I had recently witnessed; because the hyenas, drawn into the streets by the abundance of carcasses, wouldn’t let me walk safely by night from the palace; and because the dogs had come into my house to eat pieces of human remains at their leisure.” This account also highlights how ready the dogs were to lick the blood of Ahab, as stated in 1 Kings 22:38; supporting the statement from the Prophet Jeremiah, 15:3, “I will appoint the sword to slay them and the dogs to tear them apart.”
2. The dog was held sacred by the Egyptians. This fact we learn from Juvenal, who complains, in his fifteenth satire,
2. The Egyptians held dogs in high regard. We learn this from Juvenal, who complains in his fifteenth satire,
The testimony of the Latin poet is confirmed by Diodorus, who, in his first book, assures us that the Egyptians highly venerate some animals, both during their life and after their death; and expressly mentions the dog as one object of this absurd adoration. To these witnesses may be added Herodotus, who says, that when a dog expires, all the members of the family to which he belonged worship the carcass; and that, in every part of the kingdom, the carcasses of their dogs are embalmed, and deposited in consecrated ground. The idolatrous veneration of the dog by the Egyptians is shown in the worship of their dog-god Anubis, to whom temples and priests were consecrated, and whose image was borne in all religious ceremonies. Cynopolis, the present Minieh, situated in the lower Thebais, was built in honour of Anubis. The priests celebrated his festivals there with great pomp. “Anubis,” says Strabo, “is the city of dogs, the capital of the Cynopolitan prefecture. These animals are fed there on sacred aliments, and religion has decreed them a worship.” An event, however, related by Plutarch, brought them into considerable discredit with the people. Cambyses, having slain the god Apis, and thrown his body into the field, all animals respected it except the dogs, which alone ate of his flesh. This impiety diminished the popular veneration. Cynopolis was not the only city where incense was burned on the altars of Anubis. He had chapels in almost all the temples. On solemnities, his image always accompanied those of Isis and Osiris. Rome, having adopted the ceremonies of Egypt, the emperor Commodus, to celebrate the Isiac feasts, shaved his head, and himself carried the dog Anubis.
The testimony of the Latin poet is backed up by Diodorus, who, in his first book, tells us that the Egyptians hold some animals in great reverence, both in life and death, specifically mentioning the dog as a key object of this strange worship. We can also include Herodotus, who states that when a dog dies, all the family members it belonged to honor the body, and that throughout the kingdom, the bodies of their dogs are embalmed and placed in sacred ground. The Egyptians' idolatrous reverence for dogs is evident in the worship of their dog-god Anubis, to whom temples and priests were dedicated, and whose image was featured in all religious ceremonies. Cynopolis, now known as Minieh, located in the lower Thebais, was established in honor of Anubis, where the priests held his festivals with great grandeur. “Anubis,” says Strabo, “is the city of dogs, the capital of the Cynopolitan prefecture. These animals are fed sacred food, and religion has mandated their worship.” However, an incident noted by Plutarch damaged their reputation with the public. Cambyses killed the god Apis and discarded his body in the field; all animals honored it except the dogs, which were the only ones that ate his flesh. This sacrilege reduced their public veneration. Cynopolis was not the only city where incense was burned at Anubis's altars; he had chapels in nearly every temple. During major religious events, his image was always displayed alongside those of Isis and Osiris. When Rome embraced the ceremonies of Egypt, Emperor Commodus celebrated the Isiac festivals by shaving his head and personally carrying the dog Anubis.
3. In Matt. vii, 6, we have this direction of our Saviour: “Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine, lest they,” the swine, “trample them under their feet, and,” the dogs, “turn again and tear you.” It was customary, not only with the writers of Greece and Rome, but also with the eastern sages, to denote certain classes of men by animals supposed to resemble them among the brutes. Our Saviour was naturally led to adopt the same concise and energetic method. By dogs, which were held in great detestation by the Jews, he intends men of odious character and violent temper; by swine, the usual emblem of moral filth, he means the sensual and profligate; and the purport of his admonition is, that as it is a maxim with the priests not to give any part of the sacrifices to dogs, so it should be a maxim with you not to impart the holy instruction with which you are favoured, to those who are likely to blaspheme and to be only excited by it to rage and persecution. It is, however, a maxim of prudence not of cowardice; and is to be taken along with other precepts of our Lord, which enjoin the publication of truth, at the expense of ease and even life.
3. In Matt. 7:6, we have this advice from our Savior: “Don’t give what is holy to dogs, and don’t cast your pearls before pigs, or else they,” the pigs, “will trample them underfoot, and,” the dogs, “will turn around and attack you.” It was typical not only for the writers of Greece and Rome but also for Eastern sages to describe certain groups of people using animals that were thought to resemble them. Our Savior naturally used the same clear and powerful approach. By dogs, which the Jews regarded with great disgust, he means people of bad character and violent nature; by pigs, the usual symbol of moral impurity, he refers to the sensual and immoral; and the essence of his warning is that just as priests never give any part of the sacrifices to dogs, you should not share the holy knowledge you’ve received with those who are likely to blaspheme and are only stirred to anger and persecution by it. However, this is a principle of wisdom, not of cowardice; and it should be understood alongside other teachings from our Lord, which urge the sharing of truth, even at the cost of comfort and life.
DORT, Synod of. See Synods.
DORT, Synod of. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
DOVE, יונה. This beautiful genus of birds is very numerous in the east. In the wild state they generally build their nests in the holes or clefts of rocks, or in excavated trees; but they are easily taught submission and familiarity with mankind; and, when domesticated, build in structures erected for their accommodation, called “dove-cotes.” They are classed by Moses among the clean birds; and it appears from the sacred as well as other writers, that doves were always held in the highest estimation among the eastern nations. Rosenmuller, in a note upon Bochart, derives the name from the Arabic, where it signifies mildness, gentleness, &c. The dove is mentioned in Scripture as the symbol of simplicity, innocence, gentleness, and fidelity, Hosea vii, 11; Matt. x, 16.
DOVE, Dove. This beautiful group of birds is quite common in the east. In nature, they usually make their nests in the crevices of rocks or in hollow trees; however, they can easily be trained to be friendly and accustomed to humans. When domesticated, they nest in structures made for them, known as “dove-cotes.” Moses classified them as clean birds, and both sacred and other writers show that doves were always highly valued among eastern cultures. Rosenmuller, in a note on Bochart, traces the name back to Arabic, where it means mildness, gentleness, etc. The dove is mentioned in Scripture as a symbol of simplicity, innocence, gentleness, and loyalty, as seen in Hosea vii, 11; Matt. x, 16.
The following extract from Morier’s Persian Travels illustrates a passage in Isaiah: “In the environs of the city, to the westward, near the Zainderood, are many pigeon houses, erected at a distance from habitations, for the sole purpose of collecting pigeons’ dung for manure. They are large round towers, rather broader at the bottom than the top, and crowned by conical spiracles, through which the pigeons descend. Their interior resembles a honey-comb, pierced with a thousand holes, each of which forms a snug retreat for a nest. More care appears to have been bestowed upon their outside than upon that of the generality of the dwelling houses; for they are painted and ornamented. The extraordinary flights of pigeons which I have seen alight upon one of these buildings afford, perhaps, a good illustration for the passage in Isaiah lx, 8: ‘Who are these that fly as a cloud, and as the doves to their windows?’ Their great numbers, and the compactness of their mass, literally look like a cloud at a distance, and obscure the sun in their passage.”
The following extract from Morier’s Persian Travels illustrates a passage in Isaiah: “In the outskirts of the city, to the west, near the Zainderood, there are many pigeon houses built away from homes, specifically for collecting pigeons’ droppings for fertilizer. They are large round towers, wider at the bottom than at the top, topped with conical openings where the pigeons come down. Inside, they look like a honeycomb, filled with thousands of holes, each providing a cozy spot for a nest. More attention seems to have been given to their exterior than to most homes, as they are painted and decorated. The impressive flocks of pigeons I’ve seen landing on one of these towers could be a good example for the passage in Isaiah 60:8: ‘Who are these that fly like a cloud, and like doves to their windows?’ Their large numbers and dense formation really look like a cloud from a distance, and they block out the sun as they pass by.”
The first mention of the dove in the Scripture is Genesis viii, 8, 10–12, where Noah sent one from the ark to ascertain if the waters of the deluge had assuaged. She was sent forth thrice. The first time she speedily returned; having, in all probability, gone but a little way from the ark, as she must naturally be terrified at the appearance of the waters. After seven days, being sent out a second time, she returned with an olive leaf plucked off, whereby it became evident that the flood was considerably abated, and had sank below the tops of the trees; and thus relieved the fears and cheered the heart of Noah and his family. And hence the olive branch has ever been among the forerunners 315of peace, and chief of those emblems by which a happy state of renovation and restoration to prosperity has been signified to mankind. At the end of other seven days, the dove, being sent out a third time, returned no more; from which Noah conjectured that the earth was so far drained as to afford sustenance for the birds and fowls; and he therefore removed the covering of the ark, which probably gave liberty to many of the fowls to fly off; and these circumstances afforded him the greater facility for making arrangements for disembarking the other animals. Doves might be offered in sacrifice, when those who were poor could not bring a more costly offering.
The first mention of the dove in the Bible is Genesis 8:8, 10–12, where Noah sent one from the ark to see if the waters from the flood had gone down. She was sent out three times. The first time she quickly returned, likely having not gone far from the ark, as she must have been scared by the sight of the waters. After seven days, when sent out a second time, she came back with an olive leaf she had picked, which showed that the flood was significantly lower and had receded below the tops of the trees; this eased the worries and lifted the spirits of Noah and his family. Since then, the olive branch has been a symbol of peace and one of the main signs of a happy renewal and restoration to prosperity for humankind. After another seven days, when the dove was sent out a third time, she did not return; Noah then guessed that the land was dry enough to support birds and other animals. He then removed the covering of the ark, likely allowing many birds to fly away; these events made it easier for him to prepare for unloading the other animals. Doves could be offered as sacrifices by those who were poor and couldn't provide a more expensive offering.
DOWRY. See Bride.
BRIDE PRICE. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
DRACHMA. The value of a common drachma was sevenpence, English. A didrachma, or double drachma, made very near half a shekel; and four drachmas made nearly a shekel.
DRACHMA. The value of a common drachma was about seven pence, in English currency. A didrachma, or double drachma, was almost half a shekel; and four drachmas were close to a shekel.
DRAGON. This word is frequently to be met with in our English translation of the Bible. It answers generally to the Hebrew תן, תנין, תנים; and these words are variously rendered dragons, serpents, sea-monsters, and whales. The Rev. James Hurdis, in a dissertation relative to this subject, observes, that the word translated “whales,” in Gen. i, 21, occurs twenty-seven times in Scripture; and he attempts, with much ingenuity, to prove that it every where signifies the crocodile. That it sometimes has this meaning, he thinks is clear from Ezekiel xxix, 3: “Behold, I am against thee, Pharaoh king of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers.” For, to what could a king of Egypt be more properly compared than the crocodile? The same argument he draws from Isaiah li, 9: “Art thou not he that hath cut Rahab, [Egypt,] and wounded the dragon?” Among the ancients the crocodile was the symbol of Egypt, and appears so on Roman coins. Some however have thought the hippopotamus intended; others, one of the larger species of serpents.
DRAGON. This word often shows up in our English translation of the Bible. It generally corresponds to the Hebrew Give, Crocodile, תנאים; and these words are translated variously as dragons, serpents, sea monsters, and whales. The Rev. James Hurdis, in an essay on this topic, points out that the word translated as “whales” in Gen. i, 21, appears twenty-seven times in Scripture; he cleverly argues that it consistently refers to the crocodile. He believes this is evident from Ezekiel xxix, 3: “Behold, I am against you, Pharaoh king of Egypt, the great dragon that lies in the midst of his rivers.” After all, what else could a king of Egypt be better compared to than a crocodile? He makes a similar point from Isaiah li, 9: “Are you not the one who cut Rahab, [Egypt,] and wounded the dragon?” Among the ancients, the crocodile symbolized Egypt and was depicted on Roman coins. Some, however, have suggested that the hippopotamus was meant; others think it refers to one of the larger species of snakes.
DRAUGHTS, stupifying potions. At the time of execution, they gave the malefactor a grain of frankincense in a cup of wine, in order to stupify and render him less sensible of pain. This custom is traced to the charge of the wise man: “Give strong drink to him that is ready to perish, and wine to those that be of heavy hearts,” Prov. xxxiv, 6. The prophet makes an allusion to the powerful effects of this stupifying draught, in that prediction which announces the judgments of God upon the empire of Babylon: “Take the wine cup of this fury at my hand, and cause all the nations to whom I send thee to drink it. And they shall drink, and be moved, and be mad, because of the sword that I will send among them,” Jer. xxv, 15, 16. The Jews, according to the custom of their country, gave our Lord wine mingled with myrrh at his crucifixion. See Cross.
DRAUGHTS, numbing potions. At the time of execution, they gave the criminal a grain of frankincense in a cup of wine to dull their senses and lessen their pain. This practice comes from the wise man's saying: “Give strong drink to those who are about to perish, and wine to those who are heavy-hearted,” Prov. xxxiv, 6. The prophet refers to the strong effects of this numbing drink in his prophecy about God's judgments on the Babylonian empire: “Take this wine cup of fury from my hand and make all the nations I send you to drink it. They will drink, and be disturbed, and become crazy because of the sword I will send among them,” Jer. xxv, 15, 16. The Jews, following their customs, offered our Lord wine mixed with myrrh at his crucifixion. See Crossfit.
DREAMS. The easterns, in particular the Jews, greatly regarded dreams, and applied for their interpretation to those who undertook to explain them. The ancient Greeks and Romans had the same opinion of them, as appears from their most eminent writers. We see the antiquity of this attention to dreams in the history of Pharaoh’s butler and baker, Gen. xl. Pharaoh himself, and Nebuchadnezzar, are instances. God expressly condemned to death all who pretended to have prophetic dreams, and to foretel futurities, even though what they foretold came to pass, if they had any tendency to promote idolatry, Deut. xiii, 1–3. But the people were not forbidden, when they thought they had a significative dream, to address the prophets of the Lord, or the high priest in his ephod, to have it explained. Saul, before the battle of Gilboa, consulted a woman who had a familiar spirit, “because the Lord would not answer him by dreams, nor by prophets,” 1 Sam. xxviii, 6, 7. The Lord himself sometimes discovered his will in dreams, and enabled persons to explain them. He informed Abimelech in a dream, that Sarah was the wife of Abraham, Gen. xx, 3, 6. He showed Jacob the mysterious ladder in a dream, Gen. xxviii, 12, 13; and in a dream an angel suggested to him a means of multiplying his flocks, Genesis xxxi, 11, 12, &c. Joseph was favoured very early with prophetic dreams, whose signification was easily discovered by Jacob, Gen. xxxvii, 5. God said, that he spake to other prophets in dreams, but to Moses face to face. The Midianites gave credit to dreams, as appears from that which a Midianite related to his companion; and from whose interpretation Gideon took a happy omen, Judges vii, 13, 15. The Prophet Jeremiah exclaims against impostors who pretended to have had dreams, and abused the credulity of the people: “They prophesy lies in my name, saying, I have dreamed, I have dreamed. The prophet that hath a dream, let him tell a dream; and he that hath my word, let him tell it faithfully, saith the Lord,” Jer. xxiii, 25, 28, 29. The Prophet Joel promises from God, that in the reign of the Messiah, the effusion of the Holy Spirit should be so copious, that the old men should have prophetic dreams, and the young men should receive visions, Joel ii, 28.
DREAMS. The Eastern cultures, especially the Jews, highly valued dreams and sought interpretations from those who specialized in explaining them. The ancient Greeks and Romans shared this belief, as noted by their most prominent writers. This fascination with dreams dates back to the story of Pharaoh’s butler and baker in Gen. xl. Pharaoh himself, along with Nebuchadnezzar, also serves as examples. God specifically condemned to death anyone who claimed to have prophetic dreams or foretold the future, even if their predictions came true, especially if they had the potential to encourage idolatry, as stated in Deut. xiii, 1–3. However, people were not prohibited from approaching the prophets of the Lord or the high priest in his ephod for explanations when they believed they had significant dreams. Before the battle of Gilboa, Saul consulted a woman with a familiar spirit “because the Lord would not answer him through dreams or prophets,” 1 Sam. xxviii, 6, 7. The Lord himself occasionally revealed his will in dreams and enabled some people to interpret them. For example, he informed Abimelech in a dream that Sarah was Abraham’s wife, Gen. xx, 3, 6. He showed Jacob the mysterious ladder in a dream, Gen. xxviii, 12, 13; and in another dream, an angel suggested a way for him to increase his flocks, Genesis xxxi, 11, 12, & c. Joseph experienced prophetic dreams from a young age, whose meanings were easily recognized by Jacob, Gen. xxxvii, 5. God stated that he spoke to other prophets in dreams, but to Moses face to face. The Midianites believed in dreams, as seen in the account of a Midianite sharing with his companion; from this interpretation, Gideon took a positive sign, Judges vii, 13, 15. The Prophet Jeremiah condemned impostors who falsely claimed to have had dreams and exploited the faith of the people: “They prophesy lies in my name, saying, I have dreamed, I have dreamed. The prophet who has a dream should tell the dream; and the one who has my word should share it faithfully,” Jer. xxiii, 25, 28, 29. The Prophet Joel promises from God that during the reign of the Messiah, the outpouring of the Holy Spirit will be so abundant that old men will have prophetic dreams, and young men will receive visions, Joel ii, 28.
DRESS. See Habits.
DRESS. Check __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
DROMEDARY. This name answers to two words in the original, בכר, and feminine בכרה, Isa. lx, 6; Jer. ii, 24; and אחשתרנים, Esther viii, 10, “young dromedaries;” probably the name in Persian. The dromedary is a race of camels chiefly remarkable for its prodigious swiftness. The most observable difference between it and the camel is, that it has but one protuberance on the back; and instead of the slow solemn walk to which that animal is accustomed, it will go as far in one day as the camel in three. For this reason it is used to carry messengers where haste is required. The animal is governed by a bridle, which, being usually fastened to a ring fixed in the nose, may very well illustrate the expression, 2 Kings xix, 28, of turning back Sennacherib by putting a hook into his nose; and may farther indicate his swift retreat.
DROMEDARY. This name corresponds to two words in the original, Below, and the feminine form בכרה, Isa. lx, 6; Jer. ii, 24; and אחשתרנים, Esther viii, 10, meaning “young dromedaries;” likely from Persian. The dromedary is a type of camel especially known for its incredible speed. The main difference between it and the camel is that it has only one hump on its back; and instead of the slow, steady pace typical of camels, it can travel as far in one day as a camel does in three. For this reason, it is used to carry messages when speed is essential. The animal is steered with a bridle, which is usually attached to a ring in the nose, effectively illustrating the phrase in 2 Kings xix, 28, about turning back Sennacherib by putting a hook in his nose; it may also suggest a quick retreat.
DUST, or ashes, cast on the head was a sign of mourning, Josh. vii, 6: sitting in the 316dust, a sign of affliction, Lam. iii, 29; Isaiah xlvii, 1. The dust also denotes the grave, Gen. iii, 19; Job vii, 21; Psalm xxii, 15. It is put for a great multitude, Gen. xiii, 16; Numbers xxiii, 10. It signifies a low or mean condition, 1 Sam. ii, 8; Nahum iii, 18. To shake or wipe off the dust of a place from one’s feet, marks the renouncing of all intercourse with it in future. God threatens the Jews with rain of dust, &c; Deut. xxviii, 24. An extract from Sir T. Roe’s embassy may cast light on this: “Sometimes, in India, the wind blows very high in hot and dry seasons, raising up into the air a very great height, thick clouds of dust and sand. These dry showers most grievously annoy all those among whom they fall; enough to smite them all with present blindness; filling their eyes, ears, nostrils, and mouths too, if not well guarded; searching every place, as well within as without, so that there is not a little key-hole of any trunk or cabinet, if it be not covered, but receives this dust; add to this, that the fields, brooks, and gardens, suffer extremely from these terrible showers.”
DUST, or ashes, thrown on the head was a sign of mourning, Josh. vii, 6: sitting in the dust was a sign of suffering, Lam. iii, 29; Isaiah xlvii, 1. Dust also represents the grave, Gen. iii, 19; Job vii, 21; Psalm xxii, 15. It can stand for a large number of people, Gen. xiii, 16; Numbers xxiii, 10. It indicates a low or humble state, 1 Sam. ii, 8; Nahum iii, 18. Shaking or wiping off the dust of a place from one’s feet signifies the decision to sever all connections with it in the future. God warns the Jews of rain made of dust, etc.; Deut. xxviii, 24. A passage from Sir T. Roe’s embassy sheds light on this: “Sometimes, in India, the wind blows very strongly in hot and dry seasons, lifting thick clouds of dust and sand high into the air. These dry showers annoy those who encounter them immensely; they can blind people instantly and fill their eyes, ears, nostrils, and mouths unless they take precautions; every area, both inside and outside, is affected, so that even the smallest opening of a trunk or cabinet, if not covered, gets dust; additionally, fields, streams, and gardens suffer greatly from these dreadful showers.”
2. In almost every part of Asia, those who demand justice against a criminal throw dust upon him, signifying that he deserves to lose his life, and be cast into the grave; and that this is the true interpretation of the action, is evident from an imprecation in common use among the Turks and Persians, “Be covered with earth!” “Earth be upon thy head.” We have two remarkable instances of casting dust recorded in Scripture: the first is that of Shimei, who gave vent to his secret hostility to David, when he fled before his rebellious son, by throwing stones at him, and casting dust, 2 Sam. xvi, 13. It was an ancient custom, in those warm and arid countries, to lay the dust before a person of distinction, and particularly before kings and princes, by sprinkling the ground with water. To throw dust into the air while a person was passing, was therefore an act of great disrespect; to do so before a sovereign prince, an indecent outrage. But it is clear that Shimei meant more than disrespect and outrage to an afflicted king, whose subject he was: he intended to signify by that action, that David was unfit to live, and that the time was at last arrived to offer him a sacrifice to the ambition and vengeance of the house of Saul. This view of his conduct is confirmed by the behaviour of the Jews to the Apostle Paul, when they seized him in the temple, and had nearly succeeded in putting him to death: they cried out, “Away with such a fellow from the earth, for it is not fit that he should live; and as they cried out and cast off their clothes, and threw dust into the air, the chief captain commanded him to be brought into the castle,” Acts xxii, 23. A great similarity appears between the conduct of the Jews on this occasion, and the behaviour of the peasants in Persia, when they go to court to complain of the governors, whose oppressions they can no longer endure. They carry their complaints against their governors by companies, consisting of several hundreds, and sometimes of a thousand; they repair to that gate of the palace nearest to which their prince is most likely to be, where they set themselves to make the most horrid cries, tearing their garments, and throwing dust into the air, and demanding justice. The king, upon hearing these cries, sends to know the occasion of them: the people deliver their complaints in writing, upon which he informs them that he will commit the cognizance of the affair to such a one as he names; and in consequence of this, justice is usually obtained.
2. In nearly every part of Asia, people who seek justice against a criminal throw dust on him, indicating that he deserves to die and be buried. This meaning is clear from a common expression among the Turks and Persians, “Be covered with earth!” “Earth be upon your head.” There are two notable examples of throwing dust recorded in the Bible: the first is Shimei, who expressed his hidden resentment towards David when he fled from his rebellious son by throwing stones at him and casting dust, 2 Sam. xvi, 13. In those hot and dry regions, it was an old custom to lay dust before a distinguished person, especially kings and princes, by sprinkling the ground with water. So, throwing dust into the air while someone was passing by was a significant act of disrespect; doing this before a royal was a serious insult. However, it's clear that Shimei intended more than just disrespect and insult to a troubled king, who was his ruler: he meant to convey that David was unfit to live, and that the time had finally come to offer him as a sacrifice to the ambition and revenge of the house of Saul. This interpretation of his actions is supported by the behavior of the Jews towards the Apostle Paul when they seized him in the temple, nearly killing him: they shouted, “Away with such a person from the earth, for he does not deserve to live;” and as they cried out, cast off their clothes, and threw dust into the air, the chief captain ordered him to be brought into the castle, Acts xxii, 23. There is a striking similarity between what the Jews did in this situation and the actions of peasants in Persia when they go to court to complain about governors whose oppression they can no longer tolerate. They bring their complaints in groups of hundreds or sometimes as many as a thousand; they gather at the gate of the palace closest to where their prince is most likely to be, where they start making terrible cries, tearing their clothes, and throwing dust into the air, demanding justice. When the king hears these cries, he sends someone to find out why they are making such a commotion: the people then present their complaints in writing, after which he informs them that he will assign someone to handle the matter; as a result, justice is usually achieved.
EAGLE, נשר, Exod. xix, 4; Lev. xi, 13. The name is derived from a verb which signifies to lacerate, or tear in pieces. The eagle has always been considered as the king of birds, on account of its great strength, rapidity and elevation of flight, natural ferocity, and the terror it inspires into its fellows of the air. Its voracity is so great that a large extent of territory is requisite for the supply of proper sustenance; and providence has therefore constituted it a solitary animal: two pair of eagles are never found in the same neighbourhood, though the genus is dispersed through every quarter of the world. Its sight is quick, strong, and piercing, to a proverb. In Job xxxix, 27, the natural history of the eagle is finely drawn up:--
EAGLE, נשר, Exod. xix, 4; Lev. xi, 13. The name comes from a verb that means to rip apart or tear into pieces. The eagle has always been seen as the king of birds due to its incredible strength, speed, high-flying ability, natural aggression, and the fear it instills in other birds. Its appetite is so fierce that it needs a large territory to find enough food, which is why it tends to live alone: you rarely find two pairs of eagles in the same area, despite them being spread throughout every part of the world. Its eyesight is exceptionally sharp and powerful, to the point of being proverbial. In Job xxxix, 27, the eagle's natural history is beautifully described:--
Alluding to the popular opinion that the eagle assists its feeble young in their flight, by bearing them up on its own pinions, Moses represents Jehovah as saying, “Ye have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and how I bore you on eagles’ wings, and brought you unto myself,” Exod. xix, 4. Scheuchzer has quoted from an ancient poet, the following beautiful paraphrase on this passage:--
Alluding to the common belief that the eagle helps its weak young ones fly by carrying them on its wings, Moses has God saying, “You have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and how I carried you on eagles’ wings, and brought you to me,” Exod. xix, 4. Scheuchzer quoted a beautiful paraphrase on this passage from an ancient poet:--
[And as the king of birds, and tawny armour-bearer of the Thunderer, cherishes with anxious care his unfledged, and as yet feeble young, and gratifies their appetite with rich prey: presently when their downy wings have increased in strength, a milder air calls them forth, with expanded plumage he invites them, and receives them hesitating on his back, and sustains them on his shoulders, and with easy 317flight is borne over the fields, fearing for his burden, and yet with a moderated effort trying the rowing of their wings, and furling with his pinions his curved sails, he glides through the low regions beneath the clouds. Hence by degrees he soars aloft, and now he mounts to the starry heaven, and swiftly urges his rapid flight through the air, sweeping widely over space, and in his gyrations bearing his offspring to and fro, teaches them the art of flying:--but they, taught by long practice, gradually begin to trust themselves fearlessly on their wings: So much does it avail to train the young with care.]
[And just like the king of birds, the majestic protector of the Thunderer, carefully looks after his unskilled, weak young ones and feeds them with rich prey: soon, when their feathered wings grow stronger, a gentler breeze calls them out, and he spreads his wings wide to invite them. He supports them as they hesitate to hop onto his back and carries them on his shoulders. With a smooth flight, he glides over the fields, worried about his young ones, but still puts in a moderate effort as they begin to test their own wings. Drawn by his feathers, he glides through the low skies beneath the clouds. Gradually, he rises higher and now ascends to the starry heaven, swiftly driving his fast flight through the air, sweeping widely over the open space, and while circling around, he carries his young ones back and forth, teaching them how to fly: -- but they, through practice, slowly start to trust their wings fearlessly. Such is the benefit of carefully training the young.]
2. When Balaam delivered his predictions respecting the fate that awaited the nations which he then particularized, he said of the Kenites, “Strong is thy dwelling, and thou puttest thy nest in a rock,” Num. xxiv, 21; alluding to that princely bird, the eagle, which not only delights in soaring to the loftiest heights, but chooses the highest rocks, and most elevated mountains, as desirable situations for erecting its nest, Hab. ii, 9; Obad. 4. What Job says concerning the eagle, which is to be understood in a literal sense, “Where the slain are, there is he,” our Saviour turns into a fine parable: “Wheresoever the carcass is, there will the eagles be gathered together,” Matt. xxiv, 28; that is, Wherever the Jews are, who have corruptly fallen from God, there will be the Romans, who bore the eagle as their standard, to execute vengeance upon them, Luke xvii, 37.
2. When Balaam shared his predictions about the fate awaiting the nations he mentioned, he spoke of the Kenites, saying, “Strong is your dwelling, and you set your nest in a rock,” Num. xxiv, 21; referring to the majestic bird, the eagle, which not only enjoys soaring to great heights but also chooses the highest rocks and tallest mountains as ideal locations for its nest, Hab. ii, 9; Obad. 4. What Job mentions about the eagle, which is to be taken literally, “Where the slain are, there is he,” our Savior transforms into a poignant parable: “Wherever the carcass is, there will the eagles be gathered together,” Matt. xxiv, 28; meaning that wherever the Jews are, who have strayed away from God, there will be the Romans, who carried the eagle as their standard, to bring judgment upon them, Luke xvii, 37.
3. The swiftness of the flight of the eagle is alluded to in several passages of Scripture; as, “The Lord shall bring a nation against thee from afar, from the end of the earth, as swift as the eagle flieth,” Deut. xxviii, 49. In the affecting lamentation of David over Saul and Jonathan, their impetuous and rapid career is described in forcible terms: “They were swifter than eagles; they were stronger than lions,” 2 Sam. i, 23. Jeremiah when he beheld in vision the march of Nebuchadnezzar, cried, “Behold, he shall come up as clouds, and his chariots shall be as a whirlwind. His horses are swifter than eagles. Wo unto us, for we are spoiled,” Jer. iv, 13. To the wide-expanded wings of the eagle, and the rapidity of his flight, the same prophet beautifully alludes in a subsequent chapter, where he describes the subversion of Moab by the same ruthless conqueror: “Behold, he shall fly as an eagle, and spread his wings over Moab,” Jer. xlviii, 40. In the same manner he describes the sudden desolations of Ammon in the next chapter; but, when he turns his eye to the ruins of his own country, he exclaims, in still more energetic language, “Our persecutors are swifter than the eagles of the heavens,” Lament. iv, 19. Under the same comparison the patriarch Job describes the rapid flight of time: “My days are passed away, as the eagle that hasteth to the prey,” Job ix, 26. The surprising rapidity with which the blessings of common providence sometimes vanish from the grasp of the possessor is thus described by Solomon: “Riches certainly make themselves wings: they fly away as an eagle toward heaven,” Prov. xxiii, 5. The flight of this bird is as sublime as it is rapid and impetuous. None of the feathered race soar so high. In his daring excursions he is said to leave the clouds of heaven, and regions of thunder, and lightning, and tempest, far beneath him, and to approach the very limits of ether. There is an allusion to this lofty soaring in the prophecy of Obadiah, concerning the pride of Moab: “Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee down, saith the Lord,” Obad. 4. The prophet Jeremiah pronounces the doom of Edom in similar terms: “O thou that dwellest in the clefts of the rock, that holdest the height of the hill; though thou shouldest make thy nest high as the eagle, I will bring thee down from thence, saith the Lord,” Jer. xlix, 16. The eagle lives and retains its vigour to a great age; and, after moulting, renews its vigour so surprisingly, as to be said, hyperbolically, to become young again, Psalm ciii, 5, and Isaiah xl, 31. It is remarkable that Cyrus, compared, in Isaiah xlvi, 11, to an eagle, (so the word translated “ravenous bird” should be rendered,) had an eagle for his ensign according to Xenophon, who uses, without knowing it, the identical word of the prophet, with only a Greek termination to it: so exact is the correspondence between the prophet and the historian, the prediction and the event. Xenophon and other ancient historians inform us that the golden eagle with extended wings was the ensign of the Persian monarchs long before it was adopted by the Romans; and it is very probable that the Persians borrowed the symbol from the ancient Assyrians, in whose banners it waved, till imperial Babylon bowed her head to the yoke of Cyrus. If this conjecture be well founded, it discovers the reason why the sacred writers, in describing the victorious march of the Assyrian armies, allude so frequently to the expanded eagle. Referring to the Babylonian monarch, the prophet Hosea proclaimed in the ears of all Israel, the measure of whose iniquities was nearly full, “He shall come as an eagle against the house of the Lord,” Hosea viii, 1. Jeremiah predicted a similar calamity: “Thus saith the Lord, Behold, he shall fly as an eagle, and spread his wings over Moab,” Jer. xlviii, 40; and the same figure was employed to denote the destruction that overtook the house of Esau: “Behold, he shall come up and fly as the eagle, and spread his wings over Bozrah,” xlix, 22. The words of these prophets received a full accomplishment in the irresistible impetuosity and complete success with which the Babylonian monarchs, and particularly Nebuchadnezzar, pursued their plans of conquest. Ezekiel denominates him, with great propriety, “a great eagle with great wings,” because he was the most powerful monarch of his time, and led into the field more numerous and better appointed armies, (which the prophet calls, by a beautiful figure, “his wings,” the wings of his army,) than perhaps the world had ever 318seen. The Prophet Isaiah, referring to the same monarch, predicted the subjugation of Judea in these terms: “He shall pass through Judah. He shall overflow, and go over. He shall reach even to the neck; and the stretching out of his wings” (the array of his army) “shall fill the breadth of thy land, O Immanuel,” Isaiah viii, 8. The king of Egypt is also styled by Ezekiel, “a great eagle, with great wings, and many feathers;” but he manifestly gives the preference to the king of Babylon, by adding, that he had “long wings, full of feathers, which had divers colours;” that is, greater wealth, and a more numerous army.
3. The speed of the eagle's flight is mentioned in several passages of the Bible; for example, “The Lord will bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as swift as the eagle flies,” Deut. xxviii, 49. In the heartfelt lament of David for Saul and Jonathan, their fierce and quick path is described forcefully: “They were quicker than eagles; they were stronger than lions,” 2 Sam. i, 23. When Jeremiah envisioned the march of Nebuchadnezzar, he cried, “Look, he will come up like clouds, and his chariots will be like a whirlwind. His horses are swifter than eagles. Woe to us, for we are ruined,” Jer. iv, 13. The same prophet beautifully refers to the eagle's expansive wings and rapid flight in another chapter, describing the destruction of Moab by the same ruthless conqueror: “Look, he will fly like an eagle and spread his wings over Moab,” Jer. xlviii, 40. Similarly, he describes the sudden devastation of Ammon in the next chapter; but when he looks at the ruins of his own country, he exclaims, in even more forceful terms, “Our persecutors are faster than the eagles of the sky,” Lament. iv, 19. Using the same comparison, the patriarch Job describes the swift passage of time: “My days have passed away like the eagle that hastens to prey,” Job ix, 26. Solomon describes how rapidly the blessings of daily life can slip away from the grasp of their owner: “Riches certainly make themselves wings; they fly away like an eagle toward heaven,” Prov. xxiii, 5. The flight of this bird is as majestic as it is swift and forceful. None of the birds soar as high. In its daring flights, it is said to leave the clouds of heaven, along with storms, lightning, and thunder, far below, and approach the very edges of the sky. This lofty flying is alluded to in the prophecy of Obadiah regarding the pride of Moab: “Though you exalt yourself like the eagle and set your nest among the stars, I will bring you down from there, says the Lord,” Obad. 4. The prophet Jeremiah declares the fate of Edom in a similar way: “O you who dwell in the clefts of the rock and hold the heights of the hill; even if you make your nest as high as the eagle, I will bring you down from there, says the Lord,” Jer. xlix, 16. The eagle lives and retains its strength for many years; and after moulting, it revives so remarkably that it is said, exaggeratedly, to become young again, Psalm ciii, 5, and Isaiah xl, 31. It’s interesting that Cyrus, who is compared, in Isaiah xlvi, 11, to an eagle (the term translated as “ravenous bird” should be interpreted as such), had an eagle as his standard according to Xenophon, who unknowingly uses the same word as the prophet but with a Greek ending: thus revealing an exact correspondence between the prophet and the historian, the prophecy and the reality. Xenophon and other ancient historians tell us that the golden eagle with outstretched wings was the standard of the Persian kings long before it was taken on by the Romans; and it is very likely that the Persians borrowed this symbol from the ancient Assyrians, whose banners displayed it until imperial Babylon submitted to Cyrus. If this assumption holds true, it explains why sacred writers frequently refer to the expanded eagle when describing the victorious march of the Assyrian armies. Referring to the Babylonian king, the prophet Hosea proclaimed to all Israel, whose sins were nearly full, “He will come like an eagle against the house of the Lord,” Hosea viii, 1. Jeremiah made a similar prediction: “Thus says the Lord, Look, he will fly like an eagle and spread his wings over Moab,” Jer. xlviii, 40; and the same imagery was used to illustrate the destruction that fell upon the house of Esau: “Look, he will come up and fly like the eagle and spread his wings over Bozrah,” Jer. xlix, 22. The words of these prophets were fully fulfilled in the overwhelming force and complete success with which the Babylonian kings, especially Nebuchadnezzar, executed their plans of conquest. Ezekiel fittingly refers to him as “a great eagle with great wings,” because he was the most powerful king of his time and commanded larger and better-equipped armies (which the prophet poetically calls “his wings,” referring to his army) than perhaps the world had ever seen. The Prophet Isaiah, referring to the same king, foretells the conquest of Judea in these words: “He will pass through Judah. He will overflow and go over. He will reach even to the neck; and the stretching out of his wings” (the arrangement of his army) “will fill the width of your land, O Immanuel,” Isaiah viii, 8. The king of Egypt is also called by Ezekiel, “a great eagle, with great wings and many feathers;” but he clearly favors the king of Babylon by stating that he had “long wings, full of feathers, which had many colors;” that is, greater wealth and a larger army.
EAR, the organ of hearing. The Scripture uses the term figuratively. Uncircumcised ears are ears inattentive to the word of God. To signify God’s regard to the prayers of his people, the Psalmist says, “His ears are open to their cry,” Psalm xxxiv, 15. Among the Jews, the slave, who renounced the privilege of being made free from servitude in the sabbatical year, submitted to have his ear bored through with an awl; which was done in the presence of some judge, or magistrate, that it might appear a voluntary act. The ceremony took place at his master’s door, and was the mark of servitude and bondage. The Psalmist says, in the person of the Messiah, “Sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire; mine ears hast thou opened.” Heb. “Thou hast digged my ears.” This either means, Thou hast opened them, removed impediments, and made them attentive; or, thou hast pierced them, as those of such servants were pierced, who chose to remain with their masters; and therefore imports the absolute and voluntary submission of Messiah to the will of the Father. “Make the ears of this people heavy,” Isaiah vi, 10; that is, render their minds inattentive and disobedient; the prophets being said often to do that of which they were the innocent occasion.
EAR, the organ of hearing. The Scripture uses the term figuratively. Uncircumcised ears refer to ears that aren't paying attention to the word of God. To show God's attention to the prayers of His people, the Psalmist says, “His ears are open to their cry,” Psalm xxxiv, 15. Among the Jews, a slave who gave up the chance to be freed from servitude in the sabbatical year had his ear pierced with an awl; this was done in front of a judge or magistrate to show it was a voluntary act. The ceremony happened at his master’s door and was a sign of servitude and bondage. The Psalmist says, speaking as the Messiah, “Sacrifice and offering you did not desire; you have opened my ears.” Heb. “You have dug my ears.” This can mean that you have opened them, removed obstacles, and made them attentive; or, you have pierced them, like the ears of those servants who chose to stay with their masters; and therefore indicates the absolute and voluntary submission of the Messiah to the will of the Father. “Make the ears of this people heavy,” Isaiah vi, 10; that is, make their minds inattentive and disobedient; the prophets are often said to do what they merely caused to happen.
EAR-RINGS and nose-jewels were favourite ornaments among the eastern females. Both are frequently mentioned in Scripture. Thus the Prophet Ezekiel: “And I put a jewel on thy forehead,” or, as it should have been rendered, on thy nose. This ornament was one of the presents which the servant of Abraham gave to Rebecca, in the name of his master: “I put,” said he, “the ear-ring upon her face;” more literally, I put the ring on her nose. They wore ear-rings beside; for the household of Jacob, at his request, when they were preparing to go up to Bethel, gave him all the ear-rings which were in their ears, and he hid them under the oak which was by Shechem. Sir John Chardin says, “It is the custom in almost all the east for the women to wear rings in their noses, in the left nostril, which is bored low down in the middle. These rings are of gold, and have commonly two pearls and one ruby between them, placed in the ring; I never saw a girl, or young woman in Arabia, or in all Persia, who did not wear a ring after this manner in her nostril.” Some writers contend, that by the nose-jewel, we are to understand rings, which women attached to their forehead, and let them fall down upon their nose; but Chardin, who certainly was a diligent observer of eastern customs, no where saw this frontal ring in the east, but every where the ring in the nose. His testimony is supported by Dr. Russel, who describes the women in some of the villages about Aleppo, and all the Arabs and Chinganas, (a sort of gipsies,) as wearing a large ring of silver or gold, through the external cartilage of their right nostril. It is worn, by the testimony of Egmont, in the same manner by the women of Egypt. Two words are used in the Scriptures to denote these ornamental rings, נזם and עגיל. Mr. Harmer seems to think they properly signified ear-rings; but this is a mistake; the sacred writers use them promiscuously for the rings both of the nose and of the ears. That writer, however, is probably right in supposing that nezem is the name of a much smaller ring than agil. Chardin observed two sorts of rings in the east; one so small and close to the ear, that there is no vacuity between them; the other so large, as to admit the fore finger between it and the ear; these last are adorned with a ruby and a pearl on each side, strung on the ring. Some of these ear-rings had figures upon them, and strange characters, which he believed were talismans or charms; but which were probably the names and symbols of their false gods. We know from the testimony of Pliny, that rings with the images of their gods were worn by the Romans. The Indians say, they are preservatives against enchantment; upon which Chardin hazards a very probable conjecture, that the ear-rings of Jacob’s family were perhaps of this kind, which might be the reason of his demanding them, that he might bury them under the oak before they went up to Bethel.
Earrings and nose rings were popular adornments among women in the East. Both are often mentioned in the Bible. The Prophet Ezekiel says, “And I put a jewel on your forehead,” which should have been translated as “on your nose.” This ornament was one of the gifts that Abraham's servant gave to Rebecca on behalf of his master: “I put,” he said, “the earring on her face,” or more literally, “I put the ring on her nose.” They also wore earrings; when Jacob asked his household to prepare to go to Bethel, they gave him all the earrings they had, and he buried them under the oak near Shechem. Sir John Chardin notes, “It is common in almost all the East for women to wear rings in their noses, typically in the left nostril, which is pierced low down in the middle. These rings are made of gold and usually have two pearls and one ruby placed between them; I have never seen a girl or young woman in Arabia or Persia who did not wear a nose ring.” Some writers argue that nose jewelry refers to rings worn on the forehead and dangling down to the nose; however, Chardin, a keen observer of Eastern customs, never saw such a forehead ring but frequently observed the nose ring. His account is backed by Dr. Russel, who describes women in some villages near Aleppo, as well as all Arabs and Chinganas (a type of gypsies), wearing a large ring of silver or gold through the cartilage of their right nostril. According to Egmont, this is also how women in Egypt wear them. Two Hebrew words are used in the Scriptures to refer to these decorative rings: nose ring and Earring. Mr. Harmer believes they specifically mean earrings, but this is incorrect; the biblical authors use them interchangeably for both nose and ear rings. However, he is likely correct in suggesting that nezem refers to a smaller ring compared to agil. Chardin noted two types of rings in the East: one small and close to the ear, leaving no gap between them, and the other large enough to fit a finger between the ring and the ear; the latter often features a ruby and a pearl on each side, threaded onto the ring. Some of these earrings had designs and strange symbols, which he thought might be talismans or charms; likely, they were names and symbols of their false gods. According to Pliny, Romans also wore rings with images of their gods. Indians believe these are protections against enchantment, which leads Chardin to propose that the earrings belonging to Jacob’s family may have been similar, possibly explaining why he asked for them before burying them under the oak before heading to Bethel.
EARTH is used for that gross element which sustains and nourishes us by producing plants and fruits; for the continent as distinguished from the sea, “God called the dry land earth,” Gen. i, 10; for the terraqueous globe, and its contents, men, animals, plants, metals, waters, &c. “The earth is the Lord’s, and the fulness thereof”,thereof”, Psalm xxiv, 1; for the inhabitants of the earth, or continent, “The whole earth was of one language,” Genesis xi, 1; for Judea, or the whole empire of Chaldea and Assyria. Thus Cyrus says, Ezra i, 2, “The Lord God of heaven hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth.” The restriction of the term “earth” to Judea is more common in Scripture than is usually supposed; and this acceptation of it has great effect on several passages, in which it ought to be so understood.
EARTH refers to the fundamental element that supports and feeds us by growing plants and fruits; it also means the land in contrast to the sea, as in, “God called the dry land earth,” Gen. i, 10; for the earth as a globe, along with its contents like people, animals, plants, metals, water, etc. “The earth is the Lord’s, and the fullness thereof,thereof”, Psalm xxiv, 1; for the people living on the earth, or land, “The whole earth was of one language,” Genesis xi, 1; and for Judea or the entire empires of Chaldea and Assyria. Thus Cyrus states in Ezra i, 2, “The Lord God of heaven has given me all the kingdoms of the earth.” The use of the term “earth” to mean Judea is more common in Scripture than people usually think; and understanding it this way significantly impacts several passages.
Earth in a moral sense is opposed to heaven, and to what is spiritual. “He that is of the earth is earthy, and speaketh of the earth; he that cometh from above is above all,” John iii, 31. “If ye then be risen with Christ, set your affections on things above, not on things on the earth,” Col. iii, 1, 2.
Earth, in a moral sense, contrasts with heaven and the spiritual. “The one who is earthly speaks from an earthly perspective; the one who comes from above is above all,” John 3:31. “So if you have been raised with Christ, focus on what’s above, not on what’s on the earth,” Colossians 3:1-2.
EARTHQUAKE. The Scripture speaks of several earthquakes. One happened in the twenty-seventh year of Uzziah, king of Judah, in the year of the world 3221. This is mentioned in Amos i, 1, and in Zechariah xiv, 5. 319Josephus says that its violence divided a mountain, which lay west of Jerusalem, and drove one part of it four furlongs. A very memorable earthquake is that which happened at our Saviour’s death, Matt. xxvii, 51. Many have thought that this was perceived throughout the world. Others are of opinion that it was felt only in Judea, or even in the temple at Jerusalem. St. Cyril of Jerusalem says, that the rocks upon mount Calvary were shown in his time, which had been rent asunder by this earthquake. Maundrell and Sandys testify the same, and say that they examined the breaches in the rock, and were convinced that they were the effects of an earthquake. It must have been terrible, since the centurion and those with him were so affected by it, as to acknowledge the innocence of our Saviour, Luke xxiii, 47. Phlegon, Adrian’s freedman, relates that, together with the eclipse, which happened at noon day, in the fourth year of the two hundred and second Olympiad, or A. D. 33, a very great earthquake was also felt, principally in Bythynia. The effects of God’s power, wrath, and vengeance are compared to earthquakes, Psalm xviii, 7; xlvi, 2; cxiv, 4. An earthquake signifies also, in prophetic language, the dissolution of governments and the overthrow of states.
EARTHQUAKE. The Scriptures mention several earthquakes. One occurred in the twenty-seventh year of Uzziah, king of Judah, in the year 3221 of the world. This is noted in Amos 1:1 and Zechariah 14:5. 319Josephus states that its force split a mountain west of Jerusalem and pushed one part of it four furlongs away. A particularly significant earthquake happened at the time of our Savior’s death, as mentioned in Matthew 27:51. Many believe this earthquake was felt worldwide, while others think it was only noticeable in Judea, or even just in the temple in Jerusalem. St. Cyril of Jerusalem mentions that, in his time, the rocks on Mount Calvary were shown to have been split apart by this earthquake. Maundrell and Sandys confirm this and note that they inspected the fissures in the rock and were convinced they resulted from an earthquake. It must have been devastating, as the centurion and those with him were so moved by it that they acknowledged our Savior's innocence, as seen in Luke 23:47. Phlegon, a freedman of Adrian, reports that along with the eclipse that occurred at noon in the fourth year of the 202nd Olympiad, or A.D. 33, a significant earthquake was also felt, primarily in Bithynia. The effects of God’s power, anger, and wrath are compared to earthquakes, as seen in Psalms 18:7; 46:2; and 114:4. In prophetic language, an earthquake also symbolizes the collapse of governments and the downfall of nations.
EAST, one of the four cardinal points of the world; namely, that particular point of the horizon in which the sun is seen to rise. The Hebrews express the east, west, north, and south by words which signify before, behind, left, and right, according to the situation of a man who has his face turned toward the east. By the east, they frequently describe, not only Arabia Deserta, and the lands of Moab and Ammon, which lay to the east of Palestine, but also Assyria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Chaldea, though they are situated rather to the north than to the east of Judea. Balaam, Cyrus, and the wise men who visited Bethlehem at the time Christ was born, are said to come from the east, Num. xxiii, 7; Isaiah xlvi, 11; Matt. ii, 1.
EAST, one of the four main directions in the world; specifically, the point on the horizon where the sun rises. The Hebrews refer to east, west, north, and south with terms that mean before, behind, left, and right, based on a person facing east. They often use "east" to describe not only Arabia Deserta and the regions of Moab and Ammon, which are east of Palestine, but also Assyria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Chaldea, even though these places are more to the north than the east of Judea. Balaam, Cyrus, and the wise men who came to Bethlehem when Christ was born are said to have come from the east, Num. xxiii, 7; Isaiah xlvi, 11; Matt. ii, 1.
EASTER, the day on which the Christian church commemorates our Saviour’s resurrection. Easter is a word of Saxon origin, and imports a goddess of the east. This goddess was Astarte, in honour of whom sacrifices were annually offered about the passover time of the year, the spring; and hence the Saxon name “æaster” became attached by association of ideas to the Christian festival of the resurrection.
EASTER, the day when the Christian church celebrates our Savior's resurrection. Easter is a term of Saxon origin, named after a goddess of the east. This goddess was Astarte, in whose honor sacrifices were offered each year around the time of Passover in spring; thus, the Saxon name "æaster" became associated with the Christian festival of the resurrection.
EATING. The ancient Hebrews did not eat indifferently with all persons: they would have esteemed themselves polluted and dishonoured by eating with people of another religion, or of an odious profession. In Joseph’s day they neither ate with the Egyptians, nor the Egyptians with them, Gen. xliii, 32; nor, in our Saviour’s time, with the Samaritans, John iv, 9. The Jews were scandalized at Christ’s eating with publicans and sinners, Matt. ix, 11. As there were several sorts of meats, the use of which was prohibited, they could not conveniently eat with those who partook of them, fearing to receive pollution by touching such food, or if by accident any particles of it should fall on them. The ancient Hebrews, at their meals, had each his separate table. Joseph, entertaining his brethren in Egypt, seated them separately, each at his particular table; and he himself sat down separately from the Egyptians, who ate with him; but he sent to his brethren portions out of the provisions which were before him, Gen. xliii, 31, &c. Elkanah, Samuel’s father, who had two wives, distributed their portions to them separately, 1 Sam. i, 4, 5. In Homer, each guest has his little table apart; and the master of the feast distributes meat to each. We are assured that this is still practised in China; and that many in India never eat out of the same dish, nor on the same table, with another person, believing that they cannot do so without sin; and this, not only in their own country, but when travelling, and in foreign lands.
EATING. The ancient Hebrews were selective about whom they shared meals with; they believed that eating with people of different religions or undesirable professions would pollute and dishonor them. In Joseph’s time, they didn’t eat with the Egyptians, nor did the Egyptians eat with them, Gen. xliii, 32; likewise, in our Savior’s time, the Jews did not eat with Samaritans, John iv, 9. The Jews were shocked at Christ's choice to dine with tax collectors and sinners, Matt. ix, 11. Because there were many types of prohibited foods, they couldn't easily share meals with those who consumed them, fearing they would be contaminated by touching such foods or by accidental contact with any leftovers. At their meals, ancient Hebrews had their own separate tables. When Joseph hosted his brothers in Egypt, he seated them separately at their own tables, while he himself sat apart from the Egyptians dining with him; however, he sent portions from his meal to his brothers, Gen. xliii, 31, & c. Elkanah, Samuel’s father, who had two wives, distributed their portions to each separately, 1 Sam. i, 4, 5. In Homer’s works, each guest has their own small table, and the host serves food to everyone. It’s said that this practice is still followed in China, and many in India never eat from the same dish or at the same table as anyone else, believing it to be a sin; this belief holds true both in their homeland as well as when they are traveling abroad.
The ancient manners which we see in Homer we see likewise in Scripture, with regard to eating, drinking, and entertainments: we find great plenty, but little delicacy; and great respect and honour paid to the guests by serving them plentifully. Joseph sent his brother Benjamin a portion five times larger than those of his other brethren. Samuel set a whole quarter of a calf before Saul. The women did not appear at table in entertainments with the men: this would have been an indecency; as it is at this day throughout the east. The present Jews, before they sit down to table, carefully wash their hands: they speak of this ceremony as essential and obligatory. After meals they wash them again. When they sit down to table, the master of the house, or the chief person in the company, taking bread, breaks it, but does not wholly separate it; then, putting his hand on it, he recites this blessing: “Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, who producest the bread of the earth.” Those present answer, “Amen.” Having distributed the bread among the guests, he takes the vessel of wine in his right hand, saying, “Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, King of the world, who hast produced the fruit of the vine.” They then repeat the twenty-third Psalm. Buxtorf, and Leo of Modena, who have given particular accounts of the Jewish ceremonies, differ in some circumstances: the reason is, Buxtorf wrote principally the ceremonies of the German Jews, and Leo, those of the Italian Jews. They take care that, after meals, there shall be a piece of bread remaining on the table; the master of the house orders a glass to be washed, fills it with wine, and, elevating it, says, “Let us bless Him of whose benefits we have been partaking:” the rest answer, “Blessed be He who has heaped his favours on us, and by his goodness has now fed us.” Then he recites a pretty long prayer, wherein he thanks God for his many benefits vouchsafed to Israel; beseeches him to pity Jerusalem and his temple, to restore the throne of David, to send Elias and the Messiah, to deliver them out of their long captivity, &c. All present answer, “Amen;” and then recite Psalm xxxiv, 9, 10. Then, giving the glass 320with the little wine in it to be drunk round, he drinks what is left, and the table is cleared. See Banquets.
The ancient customs we see in Homer are also present in Scripture, particularly regarding eating, drinking, and hospitality: there's a lot of food, but not much refinement; and guests are treated with great respect and honor through generous servings. Joseph sent his brother Benjamin a portion five times larger than those of his other brothers. Samuel presented a whole quarter of a calf to Saul. Women did not join the men at the table during meals; this would have been considered improper, as it still is today throughout the East. Present-day Jews carefully wash their hands before sitting down to eat, viewing this ritual as essential and mandatory. They wash their hands again after meals. When they sit down, the head of the household or the main person in the group takes bread, breaks it but doesn’t fully separate it, places his hand on it, and recites this blessing: “Blessed be You, O Lord our God, King of the universe, who brings forth bread from the earth.” The others respond, “Amen.” After distributing the bread to the guests, he takes a vessel of wine in his right hand, saying, “Blessed are You, O Lord our God, King of the universe, who creates the fruit of the vine.” They then recite the twenty-third Psalm. Buxtorf and Leo of Modena, who have provided detailed accounts of Jewish rituals, differ in some details: Buxtorf focused mainly on the practices of German Jews, while Leo described those of Italian Jews. They ensure that a piece of bread remains on the table after the meal; the head of the household instructs someone to wash a glass, fills it with wine, and, raising it, says, “Let us bless Him from whose bounties we have received.” The others reply, “Blessed be He who has showered His blessings upon us and has now provided for us.” He then says a fairly long prayer, thanking God for His many blessings to Israel; he asks for mercy on Jerusalem and the temple, restoration of the throne of David, the coming of Elijah and the Messiah, and deliverance from their long captivity, etc. Everyone responds with “Amen,” and then they recite Psalm 34:9-10. Finally, passing around the glass with the remaining wine, he drinks what is left, and the table is cleared. See Feasts.
Partaking of the benefits of Christ’s passion by faith is also called eating, because this is the support of our spiritual life, John vi, 53, 56. Hosea reproaches the priests of his time with eating the sins of the people, Hosea iv, 8; that is, feasting on their sin offerings, rather than reforming their manners. John the Baptist is said to have come “neither eating nor drinking,” Matt. xi, 18; that is, as other men did; for he lived in the wilderness, on locusts, wild honey, and water, Matt. iii, 4; Luke i, 15. This is expressed, in Luke vii, 33, by his neither eating “bread,” nor drinking “wine.” On the other hand, the Son of Man is said, in Matt. xi, 19, to have come “eating and drinking;” that is, as others did; and that too with all sorts of persons, Pharisees, publicans, and sinners.
Partaking in the benefits of Christ’s suffering through faith is also referred to as eating because it sustains our spiritual life, John 6:53, 56. Hosea criticizes the priests of his time for consuming the sins of the people, Hosea 4:8; meaning they were indulging in their sin offerings instead of helping to change their behavior. John the Baptist is said to have come "neither eating nor drinking," Matt. 11:18; meaning he lived differently than others; he resided in the wilderness, surviving on locusts, wild honey, and water, Matt. 3:4; Luke 1:15. This is also stated in Luke 7:33, where it mentions he neither ate "bread" nor drank "wine." In contrast, the Son of Man is described in Matt. 11:19 as having come "eating and drinking;" meaning he lived like others, and interacted with all kinds of people, including Pharisees, tax collectors, and sinners.
EBAL, a celebrated mountain in the tribe of Ephraim, near Shechem, over against Mount Gerizim. These two mountains are within two hundred paces of each other, and separated by a deep valley, in which stood the town of Shechem. The two mountains are much alike in magnitude and form, being of a semi-circular figure, about half a league in length, and, on the sides nearest Shechem, nearly perpendicular. One of them is barren; the other, covered with a beautiful verdure. Moses commanded the Israelites, as soon as they should have passed the river Jordan, to go directly to Shechem, and divide the whole multitude into two bodies, each composed of six tribes; one company to be placed on Ebal, and the other on Gerizim. The six tribes that were on Gerizim were to pronounce blessings on those who should faithfully observe the law of the Lord, and the six others on Mount Ebal were to pronounce curses against those who should violate it, Deut. xi, 29, &c; xxvii, and xxviii; Joshua viii, 30, 31.
EBAL is a well-known mountain in the tribe of Ephraim, located near Shechem, across from Mount Gerizim. These two mountains are about two hundred paces apart, separated by a deep valley where the town of Shechem sits. The mountains are similar in size and shape, both being semi-circular, roughly half a league long, and almost vertical on the sides closest to Shechem. One mountain is barren, while the other is lush and green. Moses instructed the Israelites that as soon as they crossed the Jordan River, they should go directly to Shechem and split the entire group into two parts, each made up of six tribes; one group would stand on Ebal and the other on Gerizim. The six tribes on Gerizim were to declare blessings for those who followed the law of the Lord, while the six tribes on Mount Ebal would pronounce curses against those who broke it, Deut. xi, 29, &c; xxvii, and xxviii; Joshua viii, 30, 31.
This consecration of the Hebrew commonwealth is thought to have been performed in the following manner: The heads of the first six tribes went up to the top of Mount Gerizim, and the heads of the other six tribes to the top of Mount Ebal. The priests, with the ark, and Joshua at the head of the elders of Israel, took their station in the middle of the valley which lies between the two mountains. The Levites ranged themselves in a circle about the ark; and the elders, with the people, placed themselves at the foot of the mountain, six tribes on a side. When they were thus disposed in order, the priests turned toward Mount Gerizim, on the top of which were the six heads of the six tribes who were at the foot of the same mountain, and pronounced, for example, these words:--“Blessed be the man that maketh not any graven images.” The six princes who were upon the top of the mountain, and the six tribes who were below at its foot, answered, “Amen.” Afterward, the priests, turning toward Mount Ebal, upon which were the princes of the other six tribes, cried, with a loud voice, “Cursed be the man that maketh any graven image;” and were answered by the princes opposite to them and their tribes, “Amen.” The Scripture, at first view, seems to intimate that there were six tribes upon one mountain, and six on the other; but beside that it is by no means probable that the tribes of the Israelites, who were so numerous, should be able to stand on the summits of these two mountains, it would not have been possible for them to have seen the ceremony, nor to have heard the blessings and curses in order to answer them. Moreover, the Hebrew particle, in the original, signifies, near, over against, as well as at the top, Joshua viii, 33. Accordingly, we may say, that neither Joshua, nor the priests or tribes, went up to the top of the mountains, but the heads only, who in their persons might represent all the tribes.
This dedication of the Hebrew commonwealth is believed to have taken place like this: The leaders of the first six tribes went up to the top of Mount Gerizim, while the leaders of the other six tribes went to the top of Mount Ebal. The priests, with the ark, and Joshua leading the elders of Israel, stood in the valley between the two mountains. The Levites formed a circle around the ark, and the elders along with the people positioned themselves at the base of the mountain, with six tribes on each side. Once they were arranged, the priests faced Mount Gerizim, where the six leaders of the tribes situated at the foot of that mountain were, and proclaimed, for example, these words: “Blessed be the one who makes no graven images.” The six leaders on top of the mountain and the six tribes below responded, “Amen.” Then, the priests turned towards Mount Ebal, where the leaders of the other six tribes were, and shouted loudly, “Cursed be the one who makes any graven image,” to which the leaders opposite them and their tribes answered, “Amen.” The Scripture initially suggests that there were six tribes on one mountain and six on the other; however, it seems unlikely that the numerous tribes of the Israelites could all have stood on the tops of these mountains, and they wouldn't have been able to see the ceremony or hear the blessings and curses to respond appropriately. Additionally, the Hebrew word in the original text means both “near” and “opposite,” as well as “at the top” (Joshua viii, 33). Therefore, we can conclude that neither Joshua, nor the priests, nor the tribes ascended to the tops of the mountains, but only the leaders, who acted as representatives for all the tribes.
EBENEZER, the name of that field wherein the Israelites were defeated by the Philistines, when the ark of the Lord was taken, 1 Sam. iv, 1; also a memorial stone set up by Samuel to commemorate a victory over the Philistines. The word signifies the stone of help; and it was erected by the prophet, saying, “Hitherto the Lord hath helped us.”
EBENEZER, the name of the place where the Israelites were defeated by the Philistines when the ark of the Lord was captured, 1 Sam. iv, 1; also a memorial stone set up by Samuel to remember a victory over the Philistines. The word means the stone of help; and it was erected by the prophet, saying, “So far the Lord has helped us.”
EBIONITES, a sect of the first two or three centuries; but it is not certain whether they received their name from a leader of the name of Ebion, (whom Dr. Lardner considers as a disciple of Cerinthus,) or from the meaning of the Hebrew word ebion, which implies poverty; and if the latter, whether they assumed the name, as affecting to be poor, like the Founder of Christianity; or whether it was conferred on them by way of reproach, as being of the lower orders. The use of the term, also, according to Dr. Horsley, was various and indefinite. Sometimes it was the peculiar name of those sects that denied both the divinity of our Lord, and his miraculous conception. Then its meaning was extended, to take in another party; who admitted the miraculous conception of Jesus, but still denied his divinity, and questioned his previous existence. At last, it seems, the Nazarites, whose error was rather a superstitious severity in their practice, than any deficiency in their faith, were included by Origen in the infamy of the appellation. Dr. Priestley, claiming the Ebionites as Jewish Unitarians, considers the ancient Nazarenes, that is, the first Jewish converts, as the true Ebionites; these, he thinks, were called Nazarenes, from their attachment to Jesus of Nazareth; and Ebionites, from their poor and mean condition, just as some of the reformers were called Beghards, or beggars. The Doctor cites the authorities of Origen and Epiphanius, to prove that both these denominations related to the same people, differing only, like the Socinians, in receiving or rejecting the fact of the miraculous conception; and neither, as he assures us, were reckoned heretics by any writers of the two first centuries. To this Dr. Horsley replies, that both Jews and Heathens called the first Christians Nazarenes, in allusion to the mean and obscure birthplace of their Master, Jesus of Nazareth, Matthew ii, 23; Acts x, 38; but insists, and answers every pretended proof to the contrary, that the 321term Nazarenes was never applied to any distinct sect of Christians before the final destruction of Jerusalem by Adrian. Dr. Semler, a German writer, gives the following opinion: “Those who more rigidly maintained the Mosaic observances, and who were numerous in Palestine, are usually called Ebionites and Nasaræans. Some believe that they ought not to be reckoned heretics; others think that they were united in doctrine, differing only in name; others place them in the second century. It is of little consequence whether we distinguish or not the Nazarenes, or Nazaræans from the Ebionites. It is certain that both these classes were tenacious of the Mosaic ceremonies, and more inclined to the Jews than to the Gentiles, though they admitted the Messiahship of Jesus in a very low and Judaizing manner. The Ebionites held in execration the doctrine of the Apostle Paul.” Dr. J. Pye Smith, who quotes this passage from Dr. Semler, adds, “Such, it is apprehended, on grounds of reasonable probability, was the origin of Unitarianism; the child of Judaism misunderstood, and of Christianity imperfectly received.”
EBIONITES, a sect from the first two or three centuries; it is unclear whether they got their name from a leader named Ebion, (whom Dr. Lardner thinks was a disciple of Cerinthus), or from the Hebrew word ebion, which means poverty; and if it’s the latter, whether they chose the name to reflect their supposed poverty, like the Founder of Christianity; or whether it was given to them as a term of derision for being of lower status. According to Dr. Horsley, the term was used in various and uncertain ways. Sometimes it specifically referred to those sects that denied both the divinity of our Lord and his miraculous conception. The meaning later expanded to include another group that accepted the miraculous conception of Jesus but still denied his divinity and questioned his preexistence. Ultimately, it seems that the Nazarites, whose issue was more about a superstitious strictness in their practices than a lack of faith, were included by Origen in the negative association of the term. Dr. Priestley considers the Ebionites as Jewish Unitarians and views the ancient Nazarenes, the first Jewish converts, as the true Ebionites; he believes they were called Nazarenes because of their connection to Jesus of Nazareth, and Ebionites due to their poor and humble status, similar to how some reformers were called Beghards, or beggars. The Doctor cites Origen and Epiphanius to demonstrate that both names referred to the same people, differing only, like the Socinians, in whether they accepted or rejected the miraculous conception; and neither group, he assures us, was considered heretical by writers in the first two centuries. Dr. Horsley responds that both Jews and Gentiles referred to the first Christians as Nazarenes, relating to the humble and obscure birthplace of their Master, Jesus of Nazareth, according to Matthew ii, 23; Acts x, 38; but insists, and counters every supposed evidence to the contrary, that the 321 term Nazarenes was never used to describe any distinct Christian sect before the final destruction of Jerusalem by Adrian. Dr. Semler, a German writer, shares this perspective: “Those who strictly adhered to the Mosaic laws, and who were numerous in Palestine, are generally called Ebionites and Nasaræans. Some believe they shouldn't be classified as heretics; others think they were doctrinally united, differing only in name; others place them in the second century. It matters little whether we differentiate between the Nazarenes or Nazaræans and the Ebionites. It is clear that both groups were adamant about adhering to Mosaic ceremonies and were more aligned with Jews than Gentiles, although they acknowledged Jesus' Messiahship in a very low and Judaizing way. The Ebionites held the doctrine of the Apostle Paul in disdain.” Dr. J. Pye Smith, who quotes this passage from Dr. Semler, adds, “It is believed, based on reasonable grounds, that this was the origin of Unitarianism; a product of misunderstood Judaism and imperfectly received Christianity.”
2. On this controversy great light has, however, been since thrown by Dr. Burton. It is well known to those who have studied the Unitarian controversy, that it has been often asserted that the Cerinthians and Ebionites were the teachers of genuine Christianity, and that the doctrine of Christ’s divinity, and of universal redemption through his blood, were the inventions of those who corrupted the preaching of the Apostles. If this were so, we must convict all the fathers, not merely of ignorance and mistake, but of deliberate and wilful falsehood. To suppose that the fathers of the second century were ignorant of what was genuine and what was false in Christianity, would be a bold hypothesis; but if Irenæus, the disciple of Polycarp, asserted, as a matter of fact, that St. John wrote his Gospel to refute the errors of Cerinthus, it is idle, or something worse, to say that Irenæus did not know for certain if the fact was really so. As far, then, as the testimony of the fathers is concerned, the Cerinthians and Ebionites were decidedly heretics. The Unitarians, on the other hand, maintain that the Ebionites were the true and genuine believers; and it is easy to see that the preference was given to these teachers, because they held that Jesus was born of human parents. Never, I conceive, was there a more unfortunate and fatal alliance formed than that between the Ebionites and modern Unitarians. We find the Ebionites referred to, as if they agreed in every point with the Socinian or Unitarian creed; and yet it may almost be asserted, that in not one single point do their sentiments exactly coincide. If a real Ebionite will declare himself, we are not afraid to meet him. Let him avow his faith; let him believe of Christ as Ebion or Cerinthus taught; let him adopt the ravings of the Gnostics; we shall then know with whom we have to combat; we may gird on the sword of Irenæus, and meet him in the field. But let him not select a few ingredients only from the poison; let him not take a part only of their infatuated system. If he will lean on that broken reed, let him talk no more of Ebion or Cerinthus only; but let him say boldly, either that the Gnostics agreed with the Apostles, or that the Gnostics preached the true Gospel, while the Apostles were in error.
2. Dr. Burton has shed significant light on this controversy. Those familiar with the Unitarian debate know it's often been claimed that the Cerinthians and Ebionites represented true Christianity, while the belief in Christ’s divinity and universal salvation through his blood are said to be inventions by those who distorted the Apostles' teachings. If this were true, we would need to accuse all the early Church Fathers, not just of ignorance and mistake, but of intentional deceit. To claim that the fathers of the second century didn’t know what was genuine or false in Christianity would be a bold assumption; however, if Irenæus, a disciple of Polycarp, stated that St. John wrote his Gospel to challenge Cerinthus's errors, it’s foolish, or worse, to argue that Irenæus was uncertain about this fact. Regarding the testimony of the fathers, the Cerinthians and Ebionites were clearly heretics. In contrast, Unitarians argue that the Ebionites were the true believers, and it's clear this preference arises because they taught that Jesus was born of human parents. I believe there has never been a more unfortunate and disastrous alliance than that between the Ebionites and modern Unitarians. The Ebionites are often referenced as if they agreed fully with the Socinian or Unitarian beliefs, yet it can almost be said that there’s not a single point where their views truly align. If a real Ebionite chooses to express their beliefs, we are ready to confront them. Let them openly declare their faith; let them accept what Ebion or Cerinthus taught about Christ; let them embrace the ideas of the Gnostics; then we will know who we are up against, and we can take up Irenæus's sword and meet them in battle. But they shouldn’t pick just a few aspects of the poison; they shouldn’t only adopt part of their misguided system. If they want to rely on that weak support, they should not merely reference Ebion or Cerinthus; instead, they should clearly say either that the Gnostics aligned with the Apostles or that the Gnostics preached the true Gospel while the Apostles were mistaken.
3. We can hardly suppose the Unitarians to be ignorant that the Ebionites and Cerinthians were a branch of the Gnostics. If the fact be denied, the whole of this discussion might as well at once be closed. We know nothing of Cerinthus and Ebion, but from the writings of the fathers. If it had not been for them, we should never have known that these persons believed Jesus to be born of human parents: the same fathers unanimously add, that in this point they differed from the preceding Gnostics, though agreeing with them on other points. If we are to receive the testimony of the fathers in one particular, but to reject it in every other, I need not say that argument is useless. But the fact can never be denied nor evaded. The Cerinthians, to whom some Unitarians have appealed, did not ascribe the creation of the world to God, but to an inferior being. Like the rest of the Gnostics, who engrafted that philosophy on Judaism, the Cerinthians and Ebionites retained some of the Jewish ceremonies, though they rejected some of the Jewish Scriptures. Many of them taught that the restraints of morality were useless; and the Cerinthians, it is well known, promised to their followers a millennium of sensual indulgence. With respect to their notions concerning Christ, it is true that they believed Jesus to be born of human parents; and this fact is referred to, as if it proved the falsehood of what is called the miraculous conception of Jesus. But it is plain that this tenet is mentioned by the fathers, as being opposed to that of the other Gnostics, who held that the body of Jesus was an illusive phantom. Such had hitherto been the belief of all the Gnostics. But Cerinthus and Ebion, who were perhaps more rational in their speculations, and who lived after the publication of the three first Gospels, could not resist the evidence that Jesus was actually born, and that he had a real, substantial body. This is the meaning of the statement, that Cerinthus and Ebion believed Jesus to be born of human parents. It shows that they were not Docetæ. But because there were other Gnostics who were more irrational and visionary than themselves, we are not immediately to infer that their own notion concerning the birth of Christ was the true one. They believed, at least, many of them believed, that Jesus was born in the ordinary way; that Joseph was his parent as well as Mary. But they could hardly help believing so; for they agreed with all the Gnostics in thinking (though it might seem as if this point had been forgotten) that Jesus and Christ were separate persons: they believed, as I have already stated, that Christ descended upon Jesus at his baptism, and quitted him before his crucifixion. They were therefore almost compelled to believe that Jesus, who was wholly distinct 322from Christ, had nothing divine in his nature, and nothing miraculous in his birth; in the same manner that they believed that the death of Jesus, from whom Christ had then departed, was like the death of any ordinary mortal, and that no atonement was made by it. But are we on these grounds to reject the miraculous conception and the atonement of Christ? Or are the Unitarians to quote these Gnostics as holding the human nature of Jesus, and to forget that by Jesus they meant a person wholly different from Christ?
3. We can hardly believe that the Unitarians are unaware that the Ebionites and Cerinthians were part of the Gnostics. If this fact is denied, this entire discussion might as well come to a close immediately. We know nothing about Cerinthus and Ebion except from the writings of the church fathers. If it weren’t for them, we wouldn’t have known that these individuals believed Jesus was born to human parents: the same fathers unanimously state that in this regard they differed from earlier Gnostics, even though they agreed on other issues. If we accept the testimony of the fathers on one point but dismiss it elsewhere, I shouldn’t have to say that any argument becomes pointless. But the fact can never be denied or ignored. The Cerinthians, whom some Unitarians have referenced, did not attribute the creation of the world to God, but to a lesser being. Like other Gnostics, who mixed that philosophy with Judaism, the Cerinthians and Ebionites kept some Jewish ceremonies while rejecting some of the Jewish Scriptures. Many of them taught that moral constraints were unnecessary; and the Cerinthians are well-known for promising their followers a millennium of pleasure-seeking. Regarding their beliefs about Christ, they did indeed believe Jesus had human parents; and this fact is mentioned as if it disproves what is called the miraculous conception of Jesus. However, it’s clear that this belief is noted by the fathers as being different from that of other Gnostics, who claimed that Jesus's body was an illusion. This had been the common belief among all the Gnostics until then. But Cerinthus and Ebion, who were perhaps more rational in their ideas and lived after the first three Gospels were published, couldn’t deny the evidence that Jesus was indeed born and had a real, physical body. This is what is meant by the statement that Cerinthus and Ebion believed Jesus was born to human parents. It indicates that they were not Docetæ. However, just because there were other Gnostics who were more irrational and fanciful than they were, we shouldn’t immediately assume that their own views on the birth of Christ were necessarily correct. They believed, at least many of them believed, that Jesus was born the usual way; that Joseph was as much his parent as Mary. But it would have been hard for them not to believe this; for they agreed with all the Gnostics in thinking (even if it might seem like this point had been overlooked) that Jesus and Christ were separate beings: they believed, as I mentioned before, that Christ descended upon Jesus at his baptism and left him before his crucifixion. They were therefore almost forced to think that Jesus, who was entirely distinct from Christ, had nothing divine about him and nothing miraculous about his birth; likewise, they believed that the death of Jesus, from whom Christ had then departed, was just like the death of any ordinary person, and that no atonement came from it. But should we reject the miraculous conception and atonement of Christ on these grounds? Or are the Unitarians going to cite these Gnostics as affirming Jesus's human nature while ignoring that for them, Jesus was a completely different person from Christ?
4. We are told, indeed, that the first part of St. Matthew’s Gospel is spurious, because the Ebionites rejected it. Undoubtedly they did. They read in it that Jesus Christ was born, not Jesus only; and that he was born of a virgin. They therefore rejected this part of St. Matthew’s Gospel; or rather, by mutilating and altering the whole of it, they composed a new gospel of their own to suit their purpose; and yet this is the only authority which is quoted for rejecting the commencement of St. Matthew’s Gospel. The fact, that some even of the Ebionites believed the miraculous conception, speaks infinitely more in favour of the genuineness of that part of the Gospel, and of the truth of the doctrine itself, than can be inferred on the contrary side from those who denied the doctrine, and mutilated the Gospel. Those other Ebionites appear in this respect to have agreed with the first Socinians, and to have held that Jesus was born of a virgin, though they did not believe in his preëxistence or divinity. But the miraculous conception was so entirely contrary to all preconceived opinions, and the more simple doctrine of the other Ebionites and Cerinthians was so much more suited to the Gnostic system, which separated Jesus from Christ, that the evidence must have been almost irresistible, which led one part of the Ebionites to embrace a doctrine contrary to all experience, contrary to the sentiments of their brethren, and hardly reconcilable with other parts of their own creed. The testimony, therefore, of these Ebionites, in favour of the miraculous conception, is stronger, perhaps, than even that of persons who received the whole of the Gospel, and departed in no points from the doctrine of the Apostles. If the Apostles had preached, according to the statement of the Unitarians, that Jesus Christ was a mere human being, born in the ordinary way, what could possibly have led the Gnostics to rank him immediately with their Æons, whom they believed to have been produced by God, and to have dwelt with him from endless ages in the pleroma? There literally was not one single heretic in the first century, who did not believe that Christ came down from heaven: they invented, it is true, various absurdities to account for his union with the man Jesus; but the fair and legitimate inference from this fact would be, that the Apostles preached that in some way or other the human nature was united to the divine. So far from the Socinian or Unitarian doctrine being supported by that of the Cerinthians and Ebionites, I have no hesitation in saying, that not one single person is recorded in the whole of the first century who ever imagined that Christ was a mere man. It has been observed, that one branch of the Ebionites resembled the first Socinians, that is, they believed in the miraculous conception of Jesus, though they denied his preëxistence; but this was because they held the common notion of the Gnostics, that Jesus and Christ were two separate persons; and they believed in the preëxistence and divine nature of Christ, which Socinus and his followers uniformly denied.
4. We hear that the first part of St. Matthew’s Gospel is fake because the Ebionites rejected it. They certainly did. They read that Jesus Christ was born, not just Jesus, and that he was born of a virgin. So, they rejected this part of St. Matthew’s Gospel; or rather, by cutting and changing the whole thing, they created their own gospel to fit their agenda. And yet, this is the only source used to argue against the beginning of St. Matthew’s Gospel. The fact that some of the Ebionites believed in the miraculous conception actually supports the authenticity of that part of the Gospel and the truth of the doctrine itself far more than what can be inferred from those who denied it and altered the Gospel. These other Ebionites seem to have agreed with the early Socinians and believed that Jesus was born of a virgin, even though they didn’t accept his preexistence or divinity. However, the miraculous conception was completely opposed to all preconceived ideas, and the simpler doctrine of the other Ebionites and Cerinthians fit much better with the Gnostic system, which distinguished between Jesus and Christ. Therefore, the evidence must have been almost undeniable, prompting one group of the Ebionites to adopt a belief that contradicted all experience, opposed the views of their fellow believers, and was hard to reconcile with other parts of their own beliefs. So, the testimony of these Ebionites in favor of the miraculous conception is possibly stronger than that of those who accepted the entire Gospel and didn’t stray from the Apostles' teachings. If the Apostles preached, according to the Unitarians’ view, that Jesus Christ was just a plain human being born in the usual way, what could have possibly led the Gnostics to place him among their Æons, whom they believed were created by God and had existed with him for eons in the pleroma? There wasn't a single heretic in the first century who didn't believe that Christ came down from heaven; they indeed made up different ridiculous stories to explain his connection with the man Jesus, but the reasonable conclusion from this fact would be that the Apostles preached that the human nature was somehow united with the divine. Far from supporting the Socinian or Unitarian belief, the views of the Cerinthians and Ebionites actually contradict it, as I firmly assert that there isn't a single person recorded from the entire first century who ever thought that Christ was just a man. It has been noted that one group of the Ebionites resembled the early Socinians in that they believed in the miraculous conception of Jesus, even though they denied his preexistence; this was because they shared the Gnostics' common belief that Jesus and Christ were two separate beings, and they upheld the preexistence and divine nature of Christ, which Socinus and his followers consistently denied.
ECBATANA, a city of Media, which, according to Herodotus, was built by Dejoces, king of the Medes. It was situated on a gentle declivity, distant twelve stadia from Mount Orontes, and was in compass one hundred and fifty stadia, and, next to Nineveh and Babylon, was one of the strongest and most beautiful cities of the east. After the union of Media with Persia, it was the summer residence of the Persian kings. Sir R. K. Porter, in his Travels, says, “Having for a few moments gazed at the venerable mountain, (Orontes, at the foot of which Ecbatana was built,) and at the sad vacuum at its base; what had been Ecbatana, being now shrunk to comparative nothingness; I turned my eye on the still busy scene of life which occupied the adjacent country; the extensive plain of Hamadan, and its widely extending hills. On our right, the receding vale was varied, at short distances, with numberless castellated villages rising from amidst groves of the noblest trees; while the great plain itself stretched northward and eastward to such far remoteness, that its mountain boundaries appeared like clouds upon the horizon. This whole tract seemed one carpet of luxuriant verdure, studded with hamlets, and watered by beautiful rivulets. On the south-west, Orontes, or Elwund, (by whichever name we may designate this most towering division of the mountain,) presents itself, in all the stupendous grandeur of its fame and form. Near to its base, appear the dark coloured dwellings of Hamadan, crowded thickly on each other; while the gardens of the inhabitants with their connecting orchards and woods, fringe the entire slope of that part of the mountain.” “The site of the modern town, like that of the ancient, is on a gradual ascent, terminating near the foot of the eastern side of the mountain; but there all trace of its past appearance would cease, were it not for two or three considerable elevations, and overgrown irregularities on and near them, which may have been the walls of the royal fortress, with those of the palaces, temples, and theatres, seen no more. I passed one of these heights, standing to the south-west, as I entered the city, and observed that it bore many vestiges of having been strongly fortified. The sides and summit are covered with large remnants of ruined walls of a great thickness, and also of towers, the materials of which were sun-dried bricks. It has the name of the Inner Fortress, and certainly holds the most commanding station near the plain.” Of the interior of the city, the same author says, “The mud alleys, which now occupy 323the site of the ancient streets or squares, are narrow, interrupted by large holes or hollows in the way, and heaps of the fallen crumbled walls of deserted dwellings. A miserable bazaar or two are passed through in traversing the town; and large lonely spots are met with, marked by broken low mounds over older ruins; with here and there a few poplars, or willow trees, shadowing the border of a dirty stream, abandoned to the meanest uses; which, probably, flowed pellucid and admired, when these places were gardens, and the grass-grown heap some stately dwelling of Ecbatana. In one or two spots I observed square platforms, composed of large stones; the faces of many of which were chiselled all over into the finest arabesque fretwork, while others had, in addition, long inscriptions in the Arabic character. They had evidently been tomb-stones of the inhabitants, during the caliph rule in Persia. But when we compare relics of the seventh century, with the deep antiquity of the ruins on which they lie, these monumental remains seem but the register of yesterday.” Here is shown the tomb of Mordecai and Esther; as well as that of Avicenna, the celebrated Arabian physician. The sepulchre of the former stands near the centre of the city of Hamadan: the tombs are covered by a dome, on which is the following inscription in Hebrew: “This day, 15th of the month Adar, in the year 4474 from the creation of the world, was finished the building of this temple over the graves of Mordecai and Esther, by the hands of the good-hearted brothers, Elias and Samuel, the sons of the deceased Ismael of Kashan.” This inscription, the date of which proves the dome to have been built eleven hundred years, was sent by Sir Gore Ouseley to Sir John Malcolm, who has given it in his History of Persia; who also says that the tombs, which are of a black coloured wood, are evidently of very great antiquity, but in good preservation, as the wood has not perished, and the inscriptions are still very legible. Sir R. K. Porter has given a more particular description of this tomb. He says, “I accompanied the priest through the town, over much ruin and rubbish, to an enclosed piece of ground, rather more elevated than any in its immediate vicinity. In the centre was the Jewish tomb; a square building of brick, of a mosque-like form, with a rather elongated dome at the top. The whole seems in a very decaying state, falling fast to the mouldering condition of some wall fragments around, which, in former times, had been connected with, and extended the consequence of, the sacred enclosure. The door that admitted us into the tomb, is in the ancient sepulchral fashion of the country, very small; consisting of a small stone of great thickness, and turning on its own pivots from one side. Its key is always in possession of the head of the Jews resident at Hamadan.” “On passing through the little portal, which we did in an almost doubled position, we entered a small arched chamber, in which are seen the graves of several rabbies: probably, one may cover the remains of the pious Ismael; and, not unlikely, the others may contain the bodies of the first rebuilders after the sacrilegious destruction by Timour. Having ‘trod lightly by their graves,’ a second door of such very confined dimensions presented itself at the end of this vestibule, we were constrained to enter it on our hands and knees, and then standing up, we found ourselves in a larger chamber, to which appertained the dome. Immediately under its concave, stand two sarcophagi, made of a very dark wood, carved with great intricacy of pattern, and richness of twisted ornament, with a line of inscription in Hebrew running round the upper ledge of each. Many other inscriptions, in the same language, are cut on the walls; while one of the oldest antiquity, engraved on a slab of white marble, is let into the wall itself.” This inscription is as follows: “Mordecai, beloved and honoured by a king, was great and good. His garments were as those of a sovereign. Ahasuerus covered him with this rich dress, and also placed a golden chain around his neck. The city of Susa rejoiced at his honours, and his high fortune became the glory of the Jews.” The inscription which encompasses the sarcophagus of Mordecai, is to this effect: “It is said by David, Preserve me, O God! I am now in thy presence. I have cried at the gate of heaven, that thou art my God; and what goodness I have received from thee, O Lord! Those whose bodies are now beneath in this earth, when animated by thy mercy were great; and whatever happiness was bestowed upon them in this world, came from thee, O God! Their grief and sufferings were many, at the first; but they became happy, because they always called upon thy holy name in their miseries. Thou liftedst me up, and I became powerful. Thine enemies sought to destroy me, in the early times of my life; but the shadow of thy hand was upon me, and covered me, as a tent, from their wicked purposes!--Mordecai.” The following is the corresponding inscription on the sarcophagus of Esther: “I praise thee, O God, that thou hast created me! I know that my sins merit punishment, yet I hope for mercy at thy hands; for whenever I call upon thee, thou art with me; thy holy presence secures me from all evil. My heart is at ease, and my fear of thee increases. My life became, through thy goodness, at the last, full of peace. O God, do not shut my soul out from thy divine presence! Those whom thou lovest, never feel the torments of hell. Lead me, O merciful Father, to the life of life; that I may be filled with the heavenly fruits of paradise!--Esther.” The Jews at Hamadan have no tradition of the cause of Esther and Mordecai having been interred at that place; but however that might be, there are sufficient reasons for believing the validity of their interment in this spot. The strongest evidence we can have of the truth of any historical fact, is, its commemoration by an annual festival. It is well known, that several important events in Jewish history are thus celebrated; and among the rest, the feast of Purim is kept on the 13th and 14th of the month Adar, to commemorate the deliverance 324obtained by the Jews, at the intercession of Esther, from the general massacre ordered by Ahasuerus, and the slaughter they were permitted to make of their enemies. Now on this same festival, in the same day and month, Jewish pilgrims resort from all quarters to the sepulchre of Mordecai and Esther; and have done so for centuries,--a strong presumptive proof that the tradition of their burial in this place rests on some authentic foundation.
ECBATANA, a city in Media, was said by Herodotus to have been founded by Dejoces, king of the Medes. It was located on a gentle slope, about twelve stadia from Mount Orontes, and measured one hundred and fifty stadia around. After Nineveh and Babylon, it was one of the strongest and most beautiful cities in the east. Once Media united with Persia, it became the summer residence of the Persian kings. Sir R. K. Porter, in his Travels, wrote, “After a brief gaze at the ancient mountain (Orontes, on which Ecbatana was built) and the emptiness at its base; what had once been Ecbatana now reduced to almost nothing; I directed my gaze to the lively scene of life in the neighboring areas; the broad plain of Hamadan and the surrounding hills. To our right, the retreating valley was dotted with countless castle-like villages emerging from groves of magnificent trees; while the great plain extended north and east so far that its mountain boundaries appeared like clouds on the horizon. This entire area resembled a vibrant carpet of lush greenery, sprinkled with hamlets and fed by beautiful streams. In the southwest, Orontes, or Elwund (whichever name we choose for this towering section of the mountain), presented itself in all its monumental grandeur. Near its base, the dark dwellings of Hamadan were densely packed together; while the residents’ gardens, intertwined with orchards and woods, lined the entire slope of that part of the mountain.” “The current town’s site, much like that of the ancient city, is on a gradual slope that ends near the eastern foot of the mountain; however, all traces of its past glory would vanish if not for a few significant elevations and irregularities in the landscape that may have been the walls of the royal fortress, along with those of palaces, temples, and theaters long gone. As I entered the city, I passed one of these heights to the southwest, noting that it displayed clear signs of having been heavily fortified. The sides and peak are covered with large remnants of thick crumbling walls and towers made of sun-dried bricks. It is known as the Inner Fortress and certainly occupies the most commanding position near the plain.” Of the city's interior, the same author mentions, “The muddy alleys currently occupying the site of the ancient streets or squares are narrow and disrupted by large holes or depressions, and heaps of crumbled walls from abandoned homes. One passes through a couple of shabby bazaars while traversing the town, and encounters large empty areas marked by broken low mounds of older ruins; every so often, a few poplars or willow trees provide shade along the banks of a dirty creek, now used for the most menial purposes; this stream likely flowed clear and admired when these places were gardens, and the grass-covered lumps were the grand residences of Ecbatana. In a few areas, I observed square platforms made of large stones; many of these stones were intricately carved with beautiful arabesque designs, while others had long inscriptions in Arabic. They were clearly tombstones of the inhabitants during the caliphate rule in Persia. But when we compare relics from the seventh century with the ancient ruins they lie upon, these monumental remnants seem like a record of yesterday.” Here lies the tomb of Mordecai and Esther, as well as that of Avicenna, the famous Arabian physician. The former's tomb is located near the center of Hamadan: these tombs are covered by a dome, with the following inscription in Hebrew: “This day, the 15th of the month Adar, in the year 4474 from the creation of the world, was completed the construction of this temple over the graves of Mordecai and Esther, by the hands of the good-hearted brothers, Elias and Samuel, the sons of the deceased Ismael of Kashan.” This inscription, dated to indicate that the dome was built eleven hundred years ago, was sent by Sir Gore Ouseley to Sir John Malcolm, who recorded it in his History of Persia; he also noted that the tombs, which are made from black wood, are evidently very old but well-preserved, as the wood has not decayed and the inscriptions remain quite legible. Sir R. K. Porter provided a more detailed description of this tomb. He writes, “I followed the priest through the town, navigating through much ruin and debris, to an enclosed area somewhat higher than the surrounding land. At the center stood the Jewish tomb; a square brick structure resembling a mosque, crowned with a somewhat elongated dome on top. The whole appears to be in a state of decay, rapidly falling apart like some wall fragments around it that once connected with and enhanced the value of the sacred space. The door leading into the tomb is fashioned in the ancient sepulchral style of the country, quite small; consisting of a thick stone that pivots on its axis from one side. Its key is always kept by the head of the Jewish community in Hamadan.” “Upon passing through the small entrance, which required us to bend down, we entered a small arched chamber where the graves of several rabbis are visible: one likely holds the remains of the devout Ismael; and perhaps the others contain the bodies of the first rebuilders after the sacrilegious destruction by Timour. Having respectfully walked past their graves, a second very small door appeared at the end of this vestibule, compelling us to crawl through it, and then, standing up, we found ourselves in a larger chamber beneath the dome. Directly under the dome are two sarcophagi made from very dark wood, intricately carved with elaborate patterns and adorned with a line of Hebrew inscription encircling the upper ledge of each. Numerous other inscriptions in the same language are engraved on the walls; among them is one of ancient origin, etched on a slab of white marble, placed in the wall itself.” This inscription reads: “Mordecai, beloved and honored by a king, was great and good. His garments were royal. Ahasuerus clothed him in this rich attire and adorned him with a golden chain. The city of Susa rejoiced at his honor, and his elevation became a source of pride for the Jews.” The inscription surrounding Mordecai’s sarcophagus states: “It is said by David, Preserve me, O God! I am now in your presence. I have cried out at the gate of heaven, that you are my God; and whatever goodness I have received from you, O Lord! Those whose bodies now lie beneath this earth, when filled with your mercy were great; and whatever happiness they experienced in this world, came from you, O God! Their grief and suffering were many at first; but they found joy, because they always called upon your holy name in their times of misery. You lifted me up, and I became strong. Your enemies sought to destroy me during the early days of my life; but your protective hand was upon me, shielding me like a tent from their evil plans!--Mordecai.” The following is the related inscription on Esther’s sarcophagus: “I praise you, O God, for creating me! I know that my sins deserve punishment, yet I hope for your mercy; for whenever I call upon you, you are with me; your holy presence protects me from all harm. My heart is at peace, and my fear of you grows. My life, through your goodness, has finally been filled with peace. O God, do not exclude my soul from your divine presence! Those you love never endure the torments of hell. Lead me, O merciful Father, to the life of life, so that I may be filled with the heavenly fruits of paradise!--Esther.” The Jews in Hamadan have no tradition explaining why Esther and Mordecai are buried there; however, there are enough reasons to believe in the authenticity of their burial at this site. The strongest evidence we have for the truth of any historical fact is its commemoration through an annual festival. It is well known that several significant events in Jewish history are celebrated in this manner; among these, the feast of Purim is observed on the 13th and 14th of the month Adar, to commemorate the salvation of the Jews, through Esther's intercession, from the mass slaughter ordered by Ahasuerus, and the retaliation they were permitted against their enemies. On this same festival, on the same day and month, Jewish pilgrims travel from all over to the tomb of Mordecai and Esther; they have been doing this for centuries—a strong indication that the tradition of their burial at this site is based on some authentic foundation.
ECCLESIASTES, a canonical book of the Old Testament, of which Solomon was the author, as appears from the first sentence. The design of this book is to show the vanity of all sublunary things; and from a review of the whole, the author draws this pertinent conclusion, “Fear God, and keep his commandments, for this is the whole of man;”--his whole wisdom, interest, and happiness, as well as his whole duty. Ecclesiastes, according to a modern author, is a dialogue, in which a man of piety disputes with a libertine who favoured the opinion of the Sadducees. His reason is, that there are passages in it which seem to contradict each other, and could not, he thinks, proceed from the same person. But this may be accounted for by supposing that it was Solomon’s method to propose the objections of infidels and sensualists, and then to reply to them.
ECCLESIASTES, a canonical book of the Old Testament, which Solomon wrote, as indicated by the first sentence. The purpose of this book is to show the futility of all earthly things; and from a review of the whole, the author reaches this important conclusion, “Fear God, and keep his commandments, for this is the whole of man;”--his entire wisdom, interest, and happiness, as well as his complete duty. Ecclesiastes, according to a modern author, is a dialogue in which a devout person debates with a libertine who supported the views of the Sadducees. His reasoning is that there are passages in it that seem to contradict each other and could not, in his view, come from the same person. But this can be explained by suggesting that Solomon's approach was to present the objections of non-believers and indulgent people, and then to respond to them.
ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY, the rules by which churches are governed, as to their spiritual concerns. The reformers having renounced the pope as antichrist, and having laid it down as their fundamental principle, that Scripture is the only rule of faith, and that it is the privilege of every man to interpret it according to his own judgment, had to consider in what manner the churches which they had formed were to be regulated; and there soon arose among them upon this point diversity of sentiment. Melancthon and the earliest reformers viewed with veneration the hierarchy which had so long subsisted, as also many of the ceremonies which for ages had been observed; and they expressed their readiness to continue that distinction of pastors which their researches into the history of the church had enabled them to trace back to the early ages of Christianity. But while they declared in favour of this form of ecclesiastical polity, they did so, not upon the ground that it was of divine institution, or positively required by the author of Christianity as inseparable from a church; but on the ground, that taking into estimation every thing connected with it, it appeared to them eminently adapted to carry into effect that renovation of piety, and that religious influence, which they were so eager to promote. They thus made ecclesiastical polity a matter of expediency, or of prudential regulation; the one thing in their view, binding upon all Christians, being to strengthen the practical power of religion. That this is a just representation of the state of opinion among the first Protestants, will be placed beyond a doubt by a few quotations from the confession of Augsburg, and from the works of some of the most eminent divines who then flourished. Speaking of this subject, the compilers of the confession declare, “that they were most desirous to preserve the ecclesiastical polity, and those degrees in the church which had been introduced by human authority, knowing that, for wise and good purposes, the discipline, as described in the canons, had been introduced by the fathers.” “We wish,” they add, “to testify that we would willingly preserve the ecclesiastical and canonical polity, if the bishops would cease to act with cruelty against our churches.” And once again they remark, that they had often declared that they venerated not only the ecclesiastical power which was instituted in the Gospel, but that they approved of the ecclesiastical polity which had subsisted, and wished, as much as was in their power, to preserve it. It is quite plain from these passages, that the framers of that confession, and those who adhered to it as the standard of their faith, viewed ecclesiastical polity as a matter of human appointment; and that, although they venerated that form of it which had long existed, they looked upon themselves as at liberty, under peculiar circumstances, to depart from it. The truth, accordingly, is, that a great part of the Lutheran churches, as we shall afterward find, did introduce many deviations from that model for which their founders had expressed respect and admiration; although episcopacy was in several places continued.
ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY refers to the rules governing how churches manage their spiritual affairs. The reformers, having rejected the pope as the antichrist and established the principle that Scripture is the sole rule of faith—along with the belief that every person has the right to interpret it according to their own judgment—had to figure out how to regulate the churches they had formed. This led to differing opinions among them. Melancthon and the earliest reformers held the hierarchy that had long existed in high regard, as well as many ceremonies that had been practiced for ages. They expressed their willingness to maintain the distinction between pastors that their historical research traced back to the early days of Christianity. However, when they endorsed this type of ecclesiastical polity, they did not argue that it was divinely mandated or that it was required by the founder of Christianity as essential to a church. Instead, they believed that, considering everything involved, it was particularly suited to achieving the revival of piety and the religious influence they were eager to promote. Thus, they made ecclesiastical polity a matter of practicality or wise regulation, seeing the primary obligation for all Christians as strengthening the practical power of religion. This accurately represents the views of the early Protestants, a claim supported by several quotes from the Augsburg Confession and the works of prominent theologians of that time. Addressing this topic, the authors of the confession state, “that they were very eager to maintain the ecclesiastical polity and the positions in the church that had been introduced by human authority, knowing that, for wise and good reasons, the discipline outlined in the canons had been established by the fathers.” They further add, “We want to express that we would gladly preserve the ecclesiastical and canonical polity if the bishops would stop treating our churches with cruelty.” Once again, they note that they have often declared their reverence not just for the ecclesiastical power established in the Gospel but also for the existing ecclesiastical polity, and they wish, to the best of their ability, to preserve it. It is clear from these statements that the creators of the confession and those who accepted it as their standard of faith regarded ecclesiastical polity as a human arrangement. Although they respected the existing form, they considered themselves free, given the unusual circumstances, to deviate from it. Consequently, as we will see later, many Lutheran churches did adopt several deviations from the model that their founders had respected and admired, though episcopacy remained in place in some areas.
2. In consequence, however, of the exertions of Calvin, what were denominated the reformed churches deemed it expedient wholly to change this form of polity, and to introduce again the equality among pastors which had existed in the primitive times. That celebrated theologian, resting upon the undisputed fact, that in the Apostolic age no distinction subsisted between bishops and presbyters, thought himself at liberty to frame a system of polity upon this principle, persuaded that, by doing so, he would most effectually guard against those abuses that had given rise to the Papal tyranny which Protestants had abjured. He accordingly introduced his scheme where he had influence to do so; and he employed all the vigour of his talents in pressing upon distant churches the propriety of regulating, in conformity with his sentiments, their ecclesiastical government. But, while he was firmly persuaded that an equality among pastors was agreeable to the Apostolic practice, he has shown that he did not conceive this equality to be so absolutely required by Scripture, that there could in no case be a departure from it. He was, in fact, convinced that all the purposes of religion might be accomplished under a form of polity in which it was not recognised: “Wherever,” he says, “the preaching of the Gospel is heard with reverence, and the sacraments are not neglected, there at that time there is a church.” Speaking of faithful pastors, he describes them to be “those who by the doctrine of Christ lead men to true piety, who properly administer the sacred mysteries, and who preserve and exercise right discipline.” In tracing the progress of the 325hierarchy, he observes, that “those to whom the office of teaching was assigned were denominated presbyters; that to avoid the dissensions often arising among equals, they chose one of their number to preside, to whom the title of bishop was exclusively given; and that the practice, as the ancients admitted, was introduced by human consent, from the necessity of the times.” That this exaltation of the bishop, and, of course, this departure from parity, did not, in his estimation, render the church unchristian, is apparent from what he says of it after the change was introduced: “Such was the severity of these times, that all the ministers were led to discharge their duty as the Lord required of them.” Even after archbishops and patriarchs had arisen, he merely says, in recording their introduction, “This arrangement was calculated to preserve discipline.”
2. As a result of Calvin's efforts, what were called the reformed churches found it necessary to completely change their form of governance and to bring back the equality among pastors that had existed in the early days. That well-known theologian, relying on the undeniable fact that in the Apostolic age there was no distinction between bishops and presbyters, believed he could create a governance system based on this principle, convinced that this would effectively prevent the abuses that had led to the Papal tyranny that Protestants had rejected. He implemented his plan wherever he had the influence to do so and fully utilized his talents to encourage distant churches to organize their ecclesiastical government in line with his views. However, while he firmly believed that equality among pastors was in line with Apostolic practice, he demonstrated that he didn’t think this equality was absolutely mandated by Scripture, meaning there could be exceptions. He was actually convinced that all religious purposes could be fulfilled under a governance system that didn't acknowledge this equality: “Wherever,” he says, “the preaching of the Gospel is received with respect, and the sacraments are not neglected, there at that time there is a church.” Regarding faithful pastors, he describes them as “those who lead people to true piety through the doctrine of Christ, who properly administer the sacred mysteries, and who maintain and exercise proper discipline.” In discussing the development of the hierarchy, he notes that “those assigned to teach were called presbyters; to avoid conflicts often arising among equals, they chose one of their own to lead, who was exclusively given the title of bishop; and that this practice, as the ancients acknowledged, was introduced by human agreement in response to the needs of the times.” It is evident from his comments after the change was made that he did not see this elevation of bishops, and the resulting departure from equality, as making the church unchristian: “Such was the severity of these times that all the ministers were led to fulfill their duties as the Lord required of them.” Even after the rise of archbishops and patriarchs, he simply recorded their introduction by saying, “This arrangement was designed to maintain discipline.”
3. What Calvin thus taught in his “InstitutesInstitutes,” he confirmed in many of the interesting letters which he wrote to various eminent persons. In these letters he speaks with the highest respect of the church of England, where the distinction of clerical orders was preserved. He corresponds with the highest dignitaries of that church in a style which he assuredly would not have adopted, had he considered them as upholding an antichristian polity; and he repeatedly avows the principle, that, in regulating the government of the church, attention must be paid to the circumstances in which its members were placed. Beza, who was warmly attached to presbytery, and who upon every occasion, strenuously defended it, still admits that the human order of episcopacy was useful, as long as the bishops were good; and he professes all reverence for those modern bishops who strive to imitate the primitive ones in the reformation of the church according to the word of God: adding that it was a calumny against him, and those who entertained his sentiments, to affirm, as some had done, that they wished to prescribe their form of government to all other churches. In the excellent letter which he addressed to Grindal, bishop of London, and in which he pleads the cause of those ministers who scrupled to use the ceremonies which their brethren approved, he bears his testimony to the conformity of the church of England in doctrine with his church, expresses himself with the highest respect of the prelate to whom he was writing, and concludes by asking his prayers in his own behalf, and in that of the church of Geneva; all of which is quite inconsistent with the tenet, that presbytery is absolutely prescribed by divine authority.
3. What Calvin taught in his “InstitutesInstitutes,” he confirmed in many of the interesting letters he wrote to various prominent individuals. In these letters, he speaks very highly of the Church of England, where the distinction between clerical orders was maintained. He corresponds with the highest church leaders in a way that he definitely wouldn’t have used if he thought they were supporting an anti-Christian system; and he repeatedly states that when managing the church's governance, attention should be given to the specific situations of its members. Beza, who strongly supported presbytery and defended it at every opportunity, still acknowledges that the human structure of episcopacy was valuable as long as the bishops were good. He shows great respect for those modern bishops who strive to emulate the early ones in reforming the church according to the Word of God, adding that it was slanderous to claim that he and those who shared his views wanted to impose their form of governance on all other churches. In the excellent letter he wrote to Grindal, the Bishop of London, advocating for ministers who hesitated to use the ceremonies that their peers approved, he affirms that the Church of England's doctrine aligns with his own, speaks very respectfully of the bishop he was addressing, and ends by asking for his prayers for himself and the Church of Geneva; all of which is quite inconsistent with the belief that presbytery is absolutely mandated by divine authority.
4. The same general principle was avowed by the most eminent English divines. Cranmer explicitly declared, that bishops and priests were of the same order at the commencement of Christianity; and this was the opinion of several of his distinguished contemporaries. Holding this maxim, their support of episcopacy must have proceeded from views of expediency, or, in some instances, from a conviction which prevailed very generally at this early period, that it belonged to the supreme civil magistrate to regulate the spiritual no less than the political government; an idea involving in it that no one form of ecclesiastical polity is of divine institution. At a later period, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, we find the same conviction, that it was no violation of Christianity to choose different modes of administering the church. Archbishop Whitgift, who distinguished himself by the zeal with which he supported the English hierarchy, frequently maintains, that the form of discipline is not particularly, and by name, set down in Scripture; and he also plainly asserts, “that no form of church government is, by the Scriptures, prescribed or commanded to the church of God.” This principle is admirably illustrated and confirmed by the venerable Hooker, in the third book of his work on ecclesiastical polity; and another divine of the English church, who lived about the same period, has laid down what he conceives to be an unquestionable position, “that all churches have not the same form of discipline; neither is it necessary that they should, because it cannot be proved that any particular form of church government is enjoined by the word of God.” We have, indeed, a succession of testimonies from the introduction of the reformation down through the reign of Elizabeth,--testimonies given by the primates, and bishops, and theologians, who have been venerated as the luminaries of the church of England, that the divine right or institution of episcopacy constituted no part of their faith; and this is confirmed by their correspondence with reformed divines, who did not live under the episcopal model, but who, notwithstanding, were often consulted as to the ecclesiastical arrangements which the convocation should adopt. The same general sentiment is to be traced in those churches which had reverted to the primitive equality among the ministers of Christ. In the second Helvetic confession, which was approved by many churches, it is taught, that bishops and presbyters in the beginning governed the church with equal power, none exalting himself above another; the inequality which soon was introduced originating from the desire of preserving order. Various passages from Cyprian and Jerom are quoted in confirmation of this; and the article thus concludes: “Wherefore no one can be lawfully hindered from returning to the ancient constitution of the church of God, and to adopt it in preference to what custom has introduced.” Had the compilers believed that this ancient constitution was of divine obligation, they would have expressed themselves much more strongly with respect to it; and instead of representing the return to it as what ought not to be hindered, they would have enjoined it, as what it was a violation of the law of God to neglect.
4. The same basic idea was expressed by the most prominent English church leaders. Cranmer clearly stated that bishops and priests were of the same order at the beginning of Christianity, which was also the view of several of his notable contemporaries. Given this belief, their support for bishops likely stemmed from practical considerations or, in some cases, from a widely held conviction at that early time that the highest civil authority should manage both spiritual and political matters; this idea implies that no specific form of church governance is divinely mandated. Later, during Queen Elizabeth's reign, the same belief persisted, that varying methods of church administration did not conflict with Christianity. Archbishop Whitgift, known for his strong defense of the English hierarchy, often argued that the specific governance structure isn’t explicitly stated in the Bible, and he clearly asserted that “no form of church government is, by the Scriptures, prescribed or commanded to the church of God.” This principle is superbly illustrated and supported by the respected Hooker in the third book of his work on church governance, and another church leader from roughly the same time asserted what he believes is an indisputable fact: “that all churches do not have the same form of governance; nor is it necessary for them to, since it cannot be shown that any specific form of church government is mandated by the word of God.” Indeed, we have a continuous stream of affirmations from the beginning of the Reformation through Elizabeth's reign—statements given by archbishops, bishops, and theologians, who are revered as key figures in the Church of England—indicating that the divine right or institution of bishops was not part of their belief system; this is supported by their correspondence with reformed theologians who were not under the episcopal system but were often consulted regarding the church governance decisions the convocation should make. The same general sentiment can be found in those churches that returned to the initial equality among Christ’s ministers. In the Second Helvetic Confession, which was approved by many churches, it teaches that bishops and presbyters initially governed the church with equal authority, none elevating themselves above others; the inequality that was soon introduced arose from the need to maintain order. Various quotes from Cyprian and Jerome are cited in support of this; the article then concludes: “Therefore, no one can be lawfully prevented from returning to the ancient structure of the church of God and choosing it over what tradition has established.” If the authors believed that this ancient structure was of divine obligation, they would have expressed that much more forcefully; instead of stating that returning to it should not be hindered, they would have required it, asserting that neglecting it would be against God’s law.
5. The reformation in Scotland, conducted by Knox, who had spent a considerable part of his life at Geneva, and who had imbibed the opinions of Calvin, proceeded upon those views of polity which that reformer had adopted. Still, however, he authorized a modification 326of these opinions, accommodated to the state of his native country; for although the title of bishop was not used, superintendents, with powers little inferior to those committed to prelates in England, were sanctioned by the first Book of Discipline; and these superintendents were classed, in the acts of different general assemblies, among the necessary ministers of the church. The necessity must have arisen out of the circumstances of the period when the book was framed; for the polity which it prescribed was said to be only for a time; and the office of superintendent, as has been strenuously urged by some of the most zealous defenders of presbytery, was not intended to be permanent. The Lutheran church, with the exception of those branches of it established in Denmark and Sweden, has adopted a kind of intermediate constitution between episcopacy and presbytery. While it holds that there is no divine law creating a distinction among ministers, it yet contends that such a distinction is on many accounts expedient; and accordingly a diversity in point of rank and privileges has been universally introduced, approaching in different places, more or less, to the hierarchy which subsisted before the reformation. But, although it has thus regulated its own practice, it unambiguously admits, that as the Gospel is silent as to any particular form of polity, different forms may be chosen, without any breach of Christian union.
5. The reformation in Scotland, led by Knox, who spent a large part of his life in Geneva and adopted Calvin's views, was based on the political ideas that Calvin had established. However, he did allow for some adjustments to these ideas to suit the conditions of his homeland. While the title of bishop wasn't used, superintendents were allowed, with powers that were not much less than those held by bishops in England, as endorsed by the first Book of Discipline. These superintendents were recognized in various general assembly acts as essential ministers of the church. The need for this role emerged from the circumstances during the time the book was written, as the governance it outlined was stated to be temporary; the position of superintendent, as strongly argued by some of the most passionate advocates of presbytery, was not meant to be a permanent fixture. The Lutheran church, except for its branches in Denmark and Sweden, has adopted a kind of middle ground between episcopacy and presbytery. While it believes that there is no divine law that establishes a difference among ministers, it argues that such distinctions are beneficial for various reasons; hence, a range of ranks and privileges has been introduced, varying in different regions, closer to the hierarchy that existed before the reformation. Nevertheless, while it has established its own practices, it clearly states that since the Gospel does not specify any particular form of governance, different structures can be adopted without violating Christian unity.
6. It appears from the statement which has now been given, that all Protestants immediately after the reformation, while they abjured the papal supremacy, were united in holding that the mode of administering the church might be varied, some of them being attached to episcopacy, others to presbytery; but all founding this attachment upon the judgment which they had formed as to the tendency or utility of either of these modes of government. An idea soon was avowed by some of the reformers, that the whole regulation of the church pertained to the magistrate; this branch of power being vested in him no less than that of administering the civil government; and to this opinion the name of Erastianism, from Erastus, who first defended it, was given. Cranmer, in an official reply which he made to certain questions that had been submitted for his consideration, declared, “that the civil ministers under the king’s majesty be those that shall please his highness for the time to put in authority under him; as, for example, the lord chancellor, lord great master, &c; the ministers of God’s word under his majesty be the bishops, parsons, vicars, and such other priests as be appointed by his highness to that ministration; as, for example, the bishop of Canterbury, &c. All the said officers and ministers, as well of the one sort as the other, be appointed, assigned, and elected in every place by the laws and orders of kings and princes.” By the great majority of Protestants, however, the tenets of Erastus were condemned; for they maintained that the Lord Jesus had conveyed to his church a spiritual power quite distinct from the temporal; and that it belonged to the ministers of religion to exercise it, for promoting the spiritual welfare of the Christian community. But, while they disputed as to this point, they agreed in admitting there was no model prescribed in the New Testament for a Christian church, as there had been in the Mosaical economy for the Jewish church; and that it was a branch of the liberty of the disciples of Christ, or one of their privileges, to choose the polity which seemed to them best adapted for extending the power and influence of religion.
6. It seems from the statement that's just been made that all Protestants right after the Reformation, while rejecting the authority of the pope, were united in believing that the way the church was run could vary. Some favored episcopacy, while others preferred presbytery, but all based their preference on their judgments about the effects or benefits of these forms of governance. Soon, some reformers openly expressed the idea that regulating the church was the responsibility of the magistrate; this power was held by him just as much as that of managing civil governance. This view came to be known as Erastianism, named after Erastus, who first defended it. Cranmer, in an official response to some questions put to him, stated, “The civil ministers under the king's majesty are those whom his highness chooses to be in authority under him; for example, the lord chancellor, lord great master, etc.; the ministers of God's word under his majesty are the bishops, parsons, vicars, and other priests appointed by his highness for that ministry; for example, the bishop of Canterbury, etc. All these officers and ministers, both kinds, are appointed, assigned, and elected in every place by the laws and orders of kings and princes.” However, the vast majority of Protestants rejected Erastian's teachings, asserting that the Lord Jesus had granted his church a spiritual power that was completely separate from secular authority, and that it was the duty of religious ministers to exercise this power for the spiritual benefit of the Christian community. But while they debated this point, they agreed that there was no specific model laid out in the New Testament for a Christian church, as there had been in the Mosaic law for the Jewish church; and that it was a matter of the freedom of Christ's disciples, or one of their privileges, to choose the church structure that appeared to them most suitable for promoting the power and influence of religion.
ECLECTICS, a sect of ancient philosophers, who professed to select whatever was good and true from all the other philosophical sects. The Eclectic philosophy was in a flourishing state at Alexandria when our Saviour was upon earth. Its founders formed the design of selecting from the doctrines of all former philosophers such opinions as seemed to approach nearest the truth, and of combining them into one system. They held Plato in the highest esteem; but did not scruple to join with his doctrines whatever they thought conformable to reason in the tenets of other philosophers. Potamon, a Platonist, appears to have been the projector of this plan. The Eclectic system was brought to perfection by Ammonius Saccas, who blended Christianity with his philosophy, and founded the sect of the Ammonians, or New Platonists, in the second century. The moral doctrine of the Alexandrian school was as follows:--The mind of man, originally a portion of the Divine Being, having fallen into a state of darkness and defilement, by its union with the body, is to be gradually emancipated from the chains of matter, and rise by contemplation to the knowledge and vision of God. The end of philosophy, therefore, is the liberation of the soul from its corporeal imprisonment. For this purpose, the Eclectic philosophy recommends abstinence, with other voluntary mortifications, and religious exercises. In the infancy of the Alexandrian school, not a few of the professors of Christianity were led, by the pretensions of the Eclectic sect, to imagine that a coalition might, with great advantage, be formed between its system and that of Christianity. This union appeared the more desirable, when several philosophers of this sect became converts to the Christian faith. The consequence was, that Pagan ideas and opinions were by degrees mixed with the pure and simple doctrines of the Gospel. See Platonism.
ECLECTICS, a group of ancient philosophers, aimed to pick out whatever was good and true from all the other schools of philosophy. The Eclectic philosophy was thriving in Alexandria when our Savior was on earth. Its founders intended to gather the ideas of all earlier philosophers that seemed closest to the truth and combine them into one system. They highly regarded Plato but were also open to integrating other philosophical teachings that aligned with reason. Potamon, a Platonist, appears to have initiated this plan. The Eclectic system was perfected by Ammonius Saccas, who blended Christianity with his philosophy and founded the sect of the Ammonians, or New Platonists, in the second century. The moral teachings of the Alexandrian school were as follows: the human mind, originally a part of the Divine Being, has fallen into darkness and impurity due to its connection with the body. It is to be gradually freed from the material chains and raised through contemplation to the knowledge and vision of God. Therefore, the aim of philosophy is to liberate the soul from its physical confinement. To achieve this, Eclectic philosophy advocates for abstinence, voluntary self-denial, and religious practices. In the early days of the Alexandrian school, many Christian scholars were led by the claims of the Eclectic sect to believe that a beneficial alliance could be formed between its system and Christianity. This union seemed even more appealing when several philosophers from this sect converted to the Christian faith. As a result, pagan ideas and beliefs gradually mixed with the pure and simple teachings of the Gospel. See Platonic philosophy.
ECLIPSE. The word eclipse, ἔκλειψις, signifies failure, namely, of light. An eclipse of the sun is caused by the intervention of the moon, at new, or in conjunction with the sun, intercepting his light from the earth, either totally or partially. An eclipse of the moon is caused by the intervention of the earth, intercepting the sun’s light from the moon, when full, or in opposition to the sun, either totally or partially. The reason why the sun is not eclipsed every new moon, nor the moon at every full, is owing to the inclination of the moon’s orbit to the plane of the ecliptic, or 327earth’s orbit, in an angle of about five degrees and a half; in consequence of which, the moon is generally too much elevated above the plane of the ecliptic, or too much depressed below it, for her disk to touch the earth’s shadow at full, or for her shadow, or her penumbra, to touch the earth’s disk at new. An eclipse, therefore, of either luminary can only take place when they are within their proper limits, or distances, from the nodes or intersections of both orbits. And because the limits of solar eclipses are wider than those of lunar, in general there will be more eclipses of the sun than of the moon. In any year, the number of eclipses of both luminaries cannot be less than two, and these will both be of the sun, nor more than seven: the usual number is four; and it is very rare to have more than six. But though solar eclipses happen oftener, lunar are more frequently observed in any particular place. For an eclipse of the moon is visible to the inhabitants of half the globe at the same instant; whereas, an eclipse of the sun is visible only within that part of the earth’s surface, traversed by the moon’s total shadow, and by her penumbra, or partial shadow. But her total shadow, when she is nearest to the earth, cannot cover a space of more than a hundred and fifty-eight geographical miles in diameter, nor at her mean distance more than seventy-nine, and at her greatest distance may not touch the earth at all. In the two former cases, the sun will be eclipsed in the places covered by the shadow totally, or by the penumbra partially: in the last it may be annular, but not total. Without the reach of the shadow, and within the limits of the penumbra, which cannot cover more than four thousand five hundred and fifty-two miles of the earth’s surface, there will be a partial eclipse of the sun, and without these limits no eclipse at all. Hence lunar eclipses are more frequently noticed by historians than solar; and Diogenes Laertius may be credited when he relates, that, during the period in which the Egyptians had observed eight hundred and thirty-two eclipses of the moon, they had only observed three hundred and seventy-three of the sun. In the midst of a total lunar eclipse, the moon’s disk is frequently visible, and of a deep red or copperish colour. This, in the poetic language of sacred prophecy, is expressed by “the moon’s being turned into blood,” Joel ii, 31. This remarkable phenomenon is caused by the sun’s lateral rays in their passage through the dense atmosphere of the earth, being inflected into the shadow by refraction, and falling pretty copiously upon the moon’s disk, are reflected from thence to the eye of the spectator. If the earth had no atmosphere, the moon’s disk would then be as black as in a solar eclipse. A total eclipse of the moon may occasion a privation of her light for an hour and a half, during her total immersion in the shadow; whereas, a total eclipse of the sun can never last in any particular place above four minutes, when the moon is nearest to the earth, and her shadow thickest. Hence it appears, that the darkness which “overspread the whole land of Judea,” at the time of our Lord’s crucifixion, was preternatural, “from the sixth until the ninth hour,” or from noon till three in the afternoon, in its duration, and also in its time, about full moon, when the moon could not possibly eclipse the sun. It was accompanied by an earthquake, which altogether struck the spectators, and among them the centurion and Roman guard, with great fear, and a conviction, that Jesus was the Son of God, Matt, xxvii, 51–54.
ECLIPSE. The word eclipse, ἔκλειψις, means failure, specifically, of light. A solar eclipse happens when the moon comes between the earth and the sun during the new moon phase, blocking the sun's light either completely or partially. A lunar eclipse occurs when the earth is in between the sun and the moon during the full moon phase, blocking the sun's light from reaching the moon, either fully or partially. The reason we don’t see a solar eclipse every new moon or a lunar eclipse every full moon is because the moon's orbit is tilted about five and a half degrees relative to the earth's orbit. Because of this tilt, the moon is usually too high above or too low below the ecliptic plane, preventing it from being in line with the earth's shadow during a full moon, or from casting its shadow on the earth during a new moon. Consequently, an eclipse of either celestial body can only occur when they are close to their respective points of intersection—known as nodes—in their orbits. Solar eclipses generally have a wider range than lunar eclipses, so there are typically more solar eclipses than lunar ones. In any given year, there will be at least two eclipses, both of which could be solar, and no more than seven: the common occurrence is four, and it's very uncommon to have more than six. However, while solar eclipses occur more frequently, lunar eclipses are more often witnessed from any specific location. A lunar eclipse can be seen by anyone in half the world at the same time, while a solar eclipse is only visible in the areas covered by the moon’s shadow. The moon’s total shadow, when it’s closest to earth, can cover a maximum area of about 158 geographical miles in diameter. At an average distance, it can cover up to 79 miles, and at its farthest distance, it might not touch the earth at all. In the first two scenarios, the sun will be completely or partially obscured in the areas experiencing the shadow, while in the last case, it may result in an annular eclipse rather than a total one. Anywhere outside the shadow but within the penumbra area, which cannot cover more than 4,552 miles of the earth’s surface, results in a partial solar eclipse, and outside these limits, no eclipse occurs. This is why historians often note lunar eclipses more than solar ones; Diogenes Laertius mentions that the Egyptians recorded 832 lunar eclipses while only noting 373 solar ones. During a total lunar eclipse, the moon often appears visible and takes on a deep red or copper color. This phenomenon is poetically described in sacred texts as “the moon being turned into blood,” as referenced in Joel 2:31. This striking effect happens because the sun's rays bend as they pass through the earth's dense atmosphere, casting some light into the earth's shadow and reflecting onto the moon, making it visible to observers. If the earth did not have an atmosphere, the moon would appear as black as it does during a solar eclipse. A total lunar eclipse can result in a loss of the moon's light for up to an hour and a half while it's fully immersed in shadow, whereas a total solar eclipse can last no longer than four minutes in any one location when the moon is closest to the earth and its shadow is thickest. Therefore, it seems that the darkness that “overspread the whole land of Judea” during the crucifixion of our Lord was supernatural, lasting “from the sixth until the ninth hour,” or from noon until three in the afternoon, coinciding with the full moon phase, when the moon could not have caused a solar eclipse. This event was accompanied by an earthquake that filled the witnesses, including the centurion and Roman soldiers, with great fear and led them to believe that Jesus was indeed the Son of God, as noted in Matthew 27:51–54.
Eclipses, says Dr. Hales, are justly reckoned among the surest and most unerring characters of chronology; for they can be calculated with great exactness backward as well as forward; and there is such a variety of distinct circumstances of the time when, and the place where, they were seen; of the duration, or beginning, middle, or end of every eclipse, and of the quantity, or number of digits eclipsed; that there is no danger of confounding any two eclipses together, when the circumstances attending each are noticed with any tolerable degree of precision. Thus, to an eclipse of the moon incidentally noticed by the great Jewish chronologer, Josephus, shortly before the death of Herod the Great, we owe the determination of the true year of our Saviour’s nativity. During Herod’s last illness, and not many days before his death, there happened an eclipse of the moon on the very night that he burned alive Matthias, and the ringleaders of a sedition, in which the golden eagle, which he had consecrated and set up over the gate of the temple, was pulled down and broken to pieces by these zealots. This eclipse happened, by calculation, March 13, U. C. 750, B. C. 4. But it is certain from Scripture, that Christ was born during Herod’s reign; and from the visit of the magi to Jerusalem “from the east,” ἀπὸ ἀνατολῶν, from the Parthian empire, to inquire for the true “born King of the Jews,” whose star they had seen “at its rising,” ἐν τῇ ἀνατολῇ, and also from the age of the infants massacred at Bethlehem, “from two years old and under,” Matt, ii, 1–16. It is no less certain, that Jesus could not have been born later than B. C. 5, which is the year assigned to the nativity by Chrysostom, Petavius and Prideaux.
Eclipses, according to Dr. Hales, are rightly considered among the most reliable markers of time; they can be calculated accurately both backward and forward. There are so many distinct details about when and where they were observed, the duration, and whether they were at the beginning, middle, or end of the event, as well as the number of digits covered, that it's nearly impossible to confuse two eclipses if you pay attention to the circumstances surrounding each one with reasonable accuracy. For instance, we can determine the exact year of Jesus’ birth thanks to a lunar eclipse mentioned by the notable Jewish historian Josephus, which occurred shortly before Herod the Great died. During Herod's final illness, just days before his death, there was a lunar eclipse on the night he executed Matthias and the leaders of a rebellion, where the golden eagle he had dedicated and placed above the temple gate was torn down and destroyed by these extremists. This eclipse is calculated to have happened on March 13, U.C. 750, B.C. 4. However, according to the Bible, Christ was born during Herod's reign; when the magi traveled “from the east,” meaning from the Parthian empire, to look for the true “born King of the Jews,” they had seen his star “at its rising,” and the massacre of infants in Bethlehem was said to be “from two years old and under” (Matt, ii, 1–16). It's also clear that Jesus could not have been born later than B.C. 5, which is the year noted for the nativity by Chrysostom, Petavius, and Prideaux.
EDEN, Garden of, the residence of our first parents in their state of purity and blessedness. The word Eden in the Hebrew denotes “pleasure” or “delight:” whence the name has been given to several places which, from their situation, were pleasant or delightful. Thus the Prophet Amos, i, 5, speaks of an Eden in Syria, which is generally considered to have been in the valley of Damascus, where a town called Eden is mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy, and where the tomb of Abel is pretended to be shown. This has in consequence been selected by some as the site of the garden of Eden. By others, the garden has been placed on the eastern side of mount Libanus; and by others again, in Arabia Felix, where traces of the word Eden are found. But the opinion which has been most generally received on this subject is that which places the garden on the Lower Euphrates; between the junction of 328that river with the Tigris and the gulf of Persia. This is Dr. Well’s opinion; in which he is supported by Huetius, Grotius, Marinus, and Bochart. To this it is replied, that, according to this scheme, the garden was intersected by a great branch of the Euphrates, in the lower and broadest part of its course; which will give it an extent absolutely irreconcilable with the idea of Adam’s “dressing” it by his own manual labour, or even of overlooking it: beside that all communication would be cut off between its different parts by a stream half a mile in width. Its local features, too, if in this situation, must have been of the most uninteresting kind; the whole of that region, as far as the sight can reach, being a dead, monotonous, sandy, or marshy flat, without a single undulation to relieve the eye, or give any of the beauties which the imagination involuntarily paints to itself as attendant on a spot finished by the hand of God as the residence of his creatures in a state of innocence; whose minds may be supposed to be tuned to the full enjoyment of the grand and beautiful in nature. How different will be the aspect and arrangement of this favoured spot, if it be placed where only, according to the words of Moses, it can be placed; namely, at the heads or fountains of the rivers described, instead of their mouths.
EDEN, Garden of, the home of our first parents in their state of purity and bliss. The word Eden in Hebrew means “pleasure” or “delight,” which is why it has been used to name several locations that were considered pleasant or delightful due to their setting. For example, the Prophet Amos, in 1:5, mentions an Eden in Syria, thought to be in the valley of Damascus, where a town named Eden is referenced by Pliny and Ptolemy, and where the tomb of Abel is claimed to be located. As a result, some have proposed this as the site of the Garden of Eden. Others place the garden on the eastern side of Mount Lebanon, while still others suggest Arabia Felix, where traces of the word Eden can be found. The most widely accepted opinion, however, is that the garden was located along the Lower Euphrates, between where that river meets the Tigris and the Persian Gulf. This view is held by Dr. Well and supported by Huetius, Grotius, Marinus, and Bochart. However, critics argue that according to this theory, the garden would be divided by a major branch of the Euphrates in its lower and widest section, making it too large for Adam to cultivate by hand or even to oversee. Additionally, all parts would be separated by a river half a mile wide. If situated there, the local scenery would also be quite dull; the entire area, as far as the eye can see, would be a lifeless, flat, sandy, or marshy expanse, lacking any variation to delight the eye or provide the beauty one might expect from a place crafted by God for his creatures in a state of innocence, who would naturally appreciate the grand and beautiful aspects of nature. The look and layout of this favored spot would be vastly different if it were positioned where it can logically be placed according to Moses' description—at the sources or fountains of the rivers mentioned, rather than their mouths.
The country of Eden, therefore, according to others, was some where in Media, Armenia, or the north of Mesopotamia; all mountainous tracts, and affording, instead of the sickening plains of Babylonia, some of the grandest, as well as the richest scenery in the world. A river or stream rising in some part of this country, entered the garden; where it was parted into four others, in all probability, by first falling into a basin or lake, from which the other streams issued at different points, taking different directions, and growing into mighty rivers; although at their sources in the garden, they would be like all other rivers, mere brooks, and forming no barrier to a free communication between the parts of the garden. Dr. Wells, in order to support his hypothesis of the situation of Eden on the lower parts of the Euphrates and Tigris, after giving these rivers a distribution which has now no existence, makes the Pison and Gihon to be parts of the Tigris and Euphrates themselves: an arrangement at perfect disagreement with the particular description of Moses; beside, that the Gihon thus called, instead of compassing the whole land of Cush, can only be said to skirt an extreme corner of it. It appears, indeed, that in the time of Alexander, the Euphrates pursued a separate course to the sea; or, at least, that a navigable branch of it was carried in that direction: in the mouth of which, at Diridotis, Nearchus anchored with his fleet. But what reliance can be placed on the ever shifting channels of a river flowing through an alluvial soil, and over a perfect level divertible at the pleasure of the people inhabiting its banks? Or, what theory can be founded on their distribution, which will not be as unstable as the streams themselves? This very channel, so essential to the hypothesis which places Eden in this situation, was annihilated by the Orcheni, a neighbouring people; who directed the stream to water their own land, and thus gave it a shorter course into the Tigris, which it has ever since preserved. But it is only the lower parts of the Euphrates and Tigris, as they creep through the plains of Babylonia, which are thus inconstant: higher up in their courses, they flow over more solid strata, and in deeper valleys, unchanged by time. It is here that their conformity with the Mosaic account is to be sought; and it is here that they may be found, in the exact condition in which they were left by the deluge, and, indeed, according to Moses, in which they existed before that event. It is true, that the heads of the four rivers, above described, cannot now be found sufficiently near, to recognise thence the exact situation of paradise; but they all arise from the same mountainous region; and the springs of the Euphrates and Tigris, as already mentioned, are even now nearly interwoven. Mr. Faber supposes the lake Arsissa to cover the site of Eden; and that the change which carried the heads of the rivers to a greater distance from it, was occasioned by the deluge. But it is far more probable that this change, if we may infer from the account given by Moses that the courses of all the streams remained unaltered by the flood, may have taken place at man’s expulsion from the garden: when God might choose to obliterate this fair portion of his works, unfitted for any thing but the residence of innocence; and to blot at once from the face of the earth, like the guilty cities of the plain, both the site and the memorial of man’s transgression,--an awful event, which would add tenfold horrors to the punishment.
The country of Eden, according to some, was situated somewhere in Media, Armenia, or northern Mesopotamia; all mountainous areas that offered, instead of the unpleasant plains of Babylonia, some of the most magnificent and richest landscapes in the world. A river or stream originating in this region entered the garden, where it split into four others, likely by first flowing into a basin or lake, from which the other streams emerged at different points, taking various directions and growing into mighty rivers; although at their sources in the garden, they would resemble all other rivers, mere brooks, forming no barrier to easy communication between different parts of the garden. Dr. Wells, to support his theory of Eden being located in the lower parts of the Euphrates and Tigris, after describing these rivers in a way that no longer exists, claims that the Pison and Gihon are parts of the Tigris and Euphrates themselves: a claim that completely contradicts Moses’s specific description; moreover, the Gihon, so named, can only be said to border the extreme corner of Cush rather than encompass the entire land. Indeed, it appears that during Alexander’s time, the Euphrates pursued a different route to the sea; or at least, a navigable branch of it was directed that way: at its mouth, in Diridotis, Nearchus anchored with his fleet. But how much trust can we place on the ever-changing channels of a river flowing through alluvial soil and across a perfect level that can be altered at the will of the people living along its banks? Or what theory can be based on their layout that won't be just as unstable as the streams themselves? This very channel, crucial to the hypothesis that places Eden in this location, was destroyed by the Orcheni, a neighboring people, who redirected the stream to irrigate their own land, thus giving it a shorter route to the Tigris, which it has maintained ever since. However, it's only the lower parts of the Euphrates and Tigris, as they flow through the plains of Babylonia, that are so variable: higher up, they flow over more solid foundations and in deeper valleys, unchanged by time. It is here that their alignment with the Mosaic account should be sought; and it’s here that they can be found, in the exact state in which they were left by the flood, and indeed, according to Moses, in which they existed before that event. It is true that the sources of the four rivers mentioned earlier cannot now be found close enough to identify the exact location of paradise; but they all originate from the same mountainous region; and the springs of the Euphrates and Tigris, as previously mentioned, are still nearly intertwined. Mr. Faber suggests that Lake Arsissa covers the site of Eden, and that the change that moved the heads of the rivers further away was caused by the flood. However, it is much more likely that this change, if we can infer from Moses’s account that the courses of all the streams remained unchanged by the flood, occurred when man was expelled from the garden: when God might have chosen to erase this beautiful part of His creation, unsuitable for anything but the home of innocence; and to remove from the earth, like the guilty cities of the plain, both the location and the memory of man’s transgression—an event so severe that it would add tenfold to the horror of the punishment.
EDOM, a province of Arabia, which derives its name from Edom, or Esau, who there settled in the mountains of Seir, in the land of the Horites, south-east of the Dead Sea. His descendants afterward extended themselves throughout Arabia Petrea, and south of Palestine, between the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean. During the Babylonish captivity, and when Judea was almost deserted, they seized the south of Judah, and advanced to Hebron. Hence that tract of Judea, which they inhabited, retained the name of Idumea in the time of our Saviour, Mark iii, 8. Under Moses and Joshua, and even under the kings of Judah, the Idumeans were confined to the east and south of the Dead Sea, in the land of Seir; but afterward they extended their territories more to the south of Judah. The capital of east Edom was Bozrah; and that of south Edom, Petra, or Jectael. The Edomites, or Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, had kings long before the Jews. They were first governed by dukes or princes, and afterward by kings, Gen. xxxvi, 31. They continued independent till the time of David, who subdued them, in completion of Isaac’s prophecy, that Jacob should rule Esau, Gen. xxvii, 29, 30. The Idumeans bore this subjection with great impatience; and at the end of Solomon’s reign, Hadad, the Edomite, who had been carried 329into Egypt during his childhood, returned into his own country, where he procured himself to be acknowledged king, 1 Kings xi, 22. It is probable, however, that he reigned only in east Edom; for Edom south of Judea continued subject to the kings of Judah, till the reign of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, against whom it rebelled, 2 Chron. xxi, 8. Jehoram attacked Edom, but did not subdue it. Amaziah king of Judah, took Petra, killed a thousand men, and compelled ten thousand more to leap from the rock, upon which stood the city of Petra, 2 Chron. xxv, 11, 12. But these conquests were not permanent. Uzziah took Elath on the Red Sea, 2 Kings xiv, 22; but Rezin, king of Syria, retook it. Some think that Esarhaddon, king of Syria, ravaged this country, Isaiah xxi, 11–17; xxxiv, 6. Holofernes subdued it, as well as other nations around Judea, Judith iii, 14. When Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem, the Idumeans joined him, and encouraged him to rase the very foundations of that city. This cruelty did not long continue unpunished. Five years after the taking of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar humbled all the states around Judea, and in particular Idumea. John Hyrcanus entirely conquered the Idumeans, whom he obliged to receive circumcision and the law. They continued subject to the later kings of Judea till the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. They even came to assist that city when besieged, and entered it in order to defend it. However, they did not continue there till it was taken, but returned into Idumea loaded with booty. The prophecies respecting Edom are numerous and striking; and the present state of the country as described by modern travellers has given so remarkable an attestation to the accuracy of their fulfilment, that a few extracts from Mr. Keith’s work, in which this is pointed out, may be fitly introduced:--
EDOM, a region in Arabia, gets its name from Edom, or Esau, who settled in the mountains of Seir, in the land of the Horites, southeast of the Dead Sea. His descendants later spread throughout Arabia Petrea and south of Palestine, between the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean. During the Babylonian captivity, when Judea was nearly deserted, they took control of the southern part of Judah and advanced to Hebron. That area of Judea they inhabited continued to be called Idumea in the time of our Savior, Mark iii, 8. Under Moses and Joshua, and even during the reigns of the kings of Judah, the Idumeans were limited to the east and south of the Dead Sea, in the land of Seir; but eventually, they expanded their territory further south of Judah. The capital of east Edom was Bozrah, and that of south Edom was Petra, or Jectael. The Edomites or Idumeans, descendants of Esau, had kings long before the Jews. They were initially ruled by dukes or princes, and later by kings, Gen. xxxvi, 31. They remained independent until the reign of David, who defeated them, fulfilling Isaac’s prophecy that Jacob would rule over Esau, Gen. xxv, 29, 30. The Idumeans bore this subjugation with great discontent; and at the end of Solomon’s reign, Hadad, the Edomite, who had been taken to Egypt as a child, returned to his homeland and was declared king, 1 Kings xi, 22. However, it’s likely he only ruled over east Edom; south Edom remained under the kings of Judah until the reign of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, when it rebelled against him, 2 Chron. xxi, 8. Jehoram attacked Edom but did not subdue it. Amaziah, king of Judah, captured Petra, killed a thousand men, and forced ten thousand more to jump from the rock on which the city of Petra stood, 2 Chron. xxv, 11, 12. But these victories were not lasting. Uzziah captured Elath on the Red Sea, 2 Kings xiv, 22; but Rezin, king of Syria, retook it. Some believe that Esarhaddon, king of Syria, devastated this land, Isaiah xxi, 11–17; xxxiv, 6. Holofernes conquered it, along with other nations around Judea, Judith iii, 14. When Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem, the Idumeans joined him and urged him to destroy the very foundations of the city. This cruelty did not go unpunished for long. Five years after Jerusalem was taken, Nebuchadnezzar subdued all the surrounding states, particularly Idumea. John Hyrcanus completely conquered the Idumeans, forcing them to accept circumcision and the law. They remained subjects of the later kings of Judah until the Romans destroyed Jerusalem. They even came to the city’s aid when it was besieged, entering it to defend it. However, they did not stay until it was captured, instead returning to Idumea with a lot of loot. The prophecies about Edom are numerous and striking, and the current state of the region as described by modern travelers has provided remarkable confirmation of their fulfillment, so a few excerpts from Mr. Keith’s work, where this is discussed, may be appropriately included:--
2. There are numerous prophecies respecting Idumea, that bear a literal interpretation, however hyperbolical they may appear. “My sword shall come down upon Idumea, and upon the people of my curse, to judgment. From generation to generation it shall lie waste, none shall pass through it for ever and ever. But the cormorant and the bittern shall possess it; the owl also and the raven shall dwell in it: and he shall stretch out upon it the line of confusion, and the stones of emptiness. They shall call the nobles thereof to the kingdom; but none shall be there, and all her princes shall be nothing. And thorns shall come up in her palaces, nettles and brambles in the fortresses thereof; and it shall be a habitation of dragons, and a court for owls. Seek ye out of the book of the Lord and read; no one of these shall fail, none shall want her mate; for my mouth it hath commanded, and his Spirit it hath gathered them. And he hath cast the lot for them, and his hand hath divided it unto them by line; they shall possess it for ever, from generation to generation shall they dwell therein,” Isa. xxxiv, 5, 10–17. “I have sworn by myself, saith the Lord, that Bozrah” (the strong or fortified city) “shall become a desolation, a reproach, a waste, and a curse; and all the cities thereof shall be perpetual wastes. Lo, I will make thee small among the Heathen, and despised among men. Thy terribleness hath deceived thee, and the pride of thine heart, O thou that dwellest in the clefts of the rock, that holdest the height of the hill: though thou shouldest make thy nest as high as the eagle, I will bring thee down from thence, saith the Lord. Also Edom shall be a desolation; every one that goeth by shall be astonished, and shall hiss at all the plagues thereof. As in the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the neighbour cities thereof, saith the Lord, no man shall abide there, neither shall a son of man dwell in it,” Jer. xlix, 13–18. “Thus saith the Lord God, I will stretch out mine hand upon Edom, and will cut off man and beast from it, and I will make it desolate from Teman.” “I laid the mountains of Esau and his heritage waste for the dragons of the wilderness. Whereas Edom saith, We are impoverished, but we will return and build the desolate places; thus saith the Lord of hosts, They shall build, but I will throw down; and they shall call them, The border of wickedness,” Malachi i, 3, 4.
2. There are many prophecies about Idumea that should be taken literally, no matter how exaggerated they might seem. "My sword will come down on Idumea and on the people I've cursed, for judgment. From generation to generation, it will remain desolate; no one will ever pass through it. Only the cormorant and the bittern will take it over; the owl and the raven will live there too. He will stretch out the measuring line of confusion and the stones of emptiness over it. They will summon its nobles to the kingdom, but there will be no one there, and all its princes will amount to nothing. Thorns will grow in its palaces, nettles and brambles in its fortresses; it will become a home for dragons and a place for owls. Search the book of the Lord and read; none of these things will fail, and none will miss their mate; for my mouth has commanded it, and his Spirit has gathered them. He has cast a lot for them, and his hand has divided it among them by line; they will own it forever, and from generation to generation, they will live there," Isa. xxxiv, 5, 10–17. “I have sworn by myself,” says the Lord, “that Bozrah” (the strong or fortified city) “will become a desolation, a disgrace, a wasteland, and a curse; and all its cities will be permanent ruins. Look, I will make you small among the nations and despised by men. Your fearsome reputation has deceived you and the pride of your heart, O you who live in the rocky cliffs and hold the heights of the hill: even if you make your nest as high as an eagle's, I will bring you down,” says the Lord. “Edom will also be a desolation; everyone who passes by will be shocked and will hiss at all its plagues. Just as in the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah and the neighboring cities,” says the Lord, “no one will live there, and no human will dwell in it,” Jer. xlix, 13–18. “Thus says the Lord God, I will stretch out my hand against Edom and cut off both man and beast from it, and I will make it desolate from Teman.” “I made the mountains of Esau and his heritage desolate for the dragons of the wilderness. While Edom says, ‘We are impoverished, but we will return and rebuild the desolate places,’ thus says the Lord of hosts, ‘They will build, but I will tear down; and they will be called, The border of wickedness,’” Malachi i, 3, 4.
Is there any country once inhabited and opulent, so utterly desolate? There is, and that land is Idumea. The territory of the descendants of Esau affords as miraculous a demonstration of the inspiration of the Scriptures as the fate of the children of Israel. A single extract from the Travels of Volney will be found to be equally illustrative of the prophecy and of the fact: “This country has not been visited by any traveller, but it well merits such an attention; for, from the report of the Arabs of Bakir, and the inhabitants of Gaza, who frequently go to Maan and Karak, on the road of the pilgrims, there are, to the south-east of the lake Asphaltites, (Dead Sea,) within three days’ journey, upward of thirty ruined towns absolutely deserted. Several of them have large edifices, with columns that may have belonged to the ancient temples, or at least to Greek churches. The Arabs sometimes make use of them to fold their cattle in; but in general avoid them on account of the enormous scorpions with which they swarm. We cannot be surprised at these traces of ancient population, when we recollect that this was the country of the Nabatheans, the most powerful of the Arabs, and of the Idumeans, who, at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, were almost as numerous as the Jews, as appears from Josephus, who informs us, that on the first rumour of the march of Titus against Jerusalem, thirty thousand Idumeans instantly assembled, and threw themselves into that city for its defence. It appears that, beside the advantages of being under a tolerably good government, these districts enjoyed a considerable share of the commerce of Arabia and India, which increased their industry and population. We know that as far back as the time of Solomon, the cities of Astioum Gaber (Ezion Geber) and Ailah (Eloth) were highly frequented marts. These towns were situated 330on the adjacent gulf of the Red Sea, where we still find the latter yet retaining its name, and perhaps the former in that of El Akaba, or ‘the end of the sea.’ These two places are in the hands of the Bedouins, who, being destitute of a navy and commerce, do not inhabit them. But the pilgrims report that there is at El Akaba a wretched fort. The Idumeans, from whom the Jews only took their ports at intervals, must have found in them a great source of wealth and population. It even appears that the Idumeans rivalled the Tyrians, who also possessed a town, the name of which is unknown, on the coast of Hedjaz, in the desert of Tih, and the city of Faran, and, without doubt, El-Tor, which served it by way of port. From this place the caravans might reach Palestine and Judea, (through Idumea,) in eight or ten days. This route, which is longer than that from Suez to Cairo, is infinitely shorter than that from Aleppo to Bassorah.” Evidence, which must have been undesigned, which cannot be suspected of partiality, and which no illustration can strengthen, and no ingenuity pervert, is thus borne to the truth of the most wonderful prophecies. That the Idumeans were a populous and powerful nation long posterior to the delivery of the prophecies; that they possessed a tolerably good government, even in the estimation of Volney; that Idumea contained many cities; that these cities are now absolutely deserted; and that their ruins swarm with enormous scorpions; that it was a commercial nation, and possessed highly frequented marts; that it forms a shorter route than the ordinary one to India; and yet that it had not been visited by any traveller; are facts all recorded, and proved by this able but unconscious commentator.
Is there any country that was once thriving and wealthy, but is now completely desolate? There is, and that land is Idumea. The area where Esau's descendants lived provides as miraculous a testament to the inspiration of the Scriptures as the fate of the children of Israel. A single excerpt from Volney’s Travels illustrates both the prophecy and the reality: “This country has not been visited by any traveler, but it certainly deserves attention; for, according to the Arabs of Bakir and the residents of Gaza, who often travel to Maan and Karak along the pilgrimage route, there are over thirty completely abandoned ruined towns to the southeast of the Dead Sea, within a three-day journey. Several of these towns have large structures with columns that may have belonged to ancient temples, or at least to Greek churches. The Arabs sometimes use them to shelter their cattle; however, they generally avoid these areas due to the numerous enormous scorpions that infest them. We cannot be surprised by these signs of past habitation, considering this was the land of the Nabataeans, the most powerful Arabs, and the Idumeans, who, at the time of Jerusalem's destruction, were almost as numerous as the Jews. Josephus tells us that when the first news of Titus's march against Jerusalem reached them, thirty thousand Idumeans quickly assembled and rushed into the city to help defend it. It seems that, in addition to having a reasonably good government, these regions enjoyed a significant share of the trade from Arabia and India, which boosted their industry and population. We know that as far back as the time of Solomon, the cities of Astioum Gaber (Ezion Geber) and Ailah (Eloth) were busy trading hubs. These towns were located by the nearby gulf of the Red Sea, where the latter still keeps its name, and perhaps the former is reflected in El Akaba, or ‘the end of the sea.’ These two places are controlled by the Bedouins, who, lacking a navy and trade, do not reside there. However, pilgrims report a dismal fort at El Akaba. The Idumeans, from whom the Jews periodically took their ports, must have found these places to be significant sources of wealth and population. It even seems that the Idumeans rivaled the Tyrians, who also had a town, the name of which is unknown, on the coast of Hedjaz, in the Tih desert, and the city of Faran, and probably El-Tor, which served as its port. From there, caravans could reach Palestine and Judea (through Idumea) in eight to ten days. This route, while longer than that from Suez to Cairo, is much shorter than the distance from Aleppo to Basra.” Evidence that is undoubtedly unintentional, free from bias, and resistant to misinterpretation supports the truth of the most astonishing prophecies. The Idumeans were a populous and powerful nation long after the prophecies were made; they had a reasonably good government, even according to Volney; Idumea contained many cities; these cities are now completely deserted; their ruins are infested with large scorpions; it was a trading nation with heavily frequented markets; it provided a shorter route to India than the typical paths; and yet no traveler had visited it — these facts are all recorded and confirmed by this insightful but oblivious commentator.
3. A greater contrast cannot be imagined than the ancient and present state of Idumea. It was a kingdom previous to Israel, having been governed first by dukes or princes, afterward by eight successive kings, and again by dukes, before there reigned any king over the children of Israel, Gen. xxxvi, 31, &c. Its fertility and early cultivation are implied not only in the blessings of Esau, whose dwelling was to be the fatness of the earth, and of the dew of heaven from above; but also in the condition proposed by Moses to the Edomites, when he solicited a passage for the Israelites through their borders, that “they would not pass through the fields nor through the vineyards;” and also in the great wealth, especially in the multitudes of flocks and herds, recorded as possessed by an individual inhabitant of that country, at a period, in all probability even more remote, Gen. xxvii, 39; Num. xx, 17; Job xlii, 12. The Idumeans were, without doubt, both an opulent and a powerful people. They often contended with the Israelites, and entered into a league with their other enemies against them. In the reign of David they were indeed subdued and greatly oppressed, and many of them even dispersed throughout the neighbouring countries, particularly Phenicia and Egypt. But during the decline of the kingdom of Judah, and for many years previous to its extinction, they encroached upon the territories of the Jews, and extended their dominion over the south-western part of Judea.
3. A greater contrast can't be imagined than the ancient and current state of Idumea. It was a kingdom before Israel, initially ruled by dukes or princes, then by eight successive kings, and again by dukes, before any king ruled over the children of Israel, Gen. xxxvi, 31, &c. Its fertility and early cultivation are suggested not only in the blessings of Esau, whose home was meant to be the richness of the earth and the dew of heaven from above, but also in the condition proposed by Moses to the Edomites when he asked for passage for the Israelites through their land, that "they would not pass through the fields nor through the vineyards;" and also in the great wealth, especially in the many flocks and herds, recorded as owned by an individual inhabitant of that land, probably at an even earlier time, Gen. xxvii, 39; Num. xx, 17; Job xlii, 12. The Idumeans were without a doubt both a wealthy and a powerful people. They often clashed with the Israelites and formed alliances with their other enemies against them. During David's reign, they were indeed subdued and heavily oppressed, with many of them even scattered throughout the neighboring countries, particularly Phoenicia and Egypt. However, during the decline of the kingdom of Judah, and for many years before its end, they encroached upon the territories of the Jews, expanding their control over the southwestern part of Judea.
4. There is a prediction which, being peculiarly remarkable as applicable to Idumea, and bearing reference to a circumstance explanatory of the difficulty of access to any knowledge respecting it, is entitled, in the first instance, to notice: “None shall pass through it for ever and ever. I will cut off from Mount Seir him that passeth out, and him that returneth,” Isa. xxxiv, 10; Ezek. xxxv, 7. The ancient greatness of Idumea must, in no small degree, have resulted from its commerce. Bordering with Arabia on the east, and Egypt on the southwest, and forming from north to south the most direct and most commodious channel of communication between Jerusalem and her dependencies on the Red Sea, as well as between Syria and India, through the continuous valleys of El Ghor, and El Araba, which terminated on the one extremity at the borders of Judea, and on the other at Elath and Ezion Geber on the Elanitic gulf of the Red Sea, Idumea may be said to have formed the emporium of the commerce of the east. A Roman road passed directly through Idumea, from Jerusalem to Akaba, and another from Akaba to Moab; and when these roads were made, at a time long posterior to the date of the predictions, the conception could not have been formed, or held credible by man, that the period would ever arrive when none would pass through it. Above seven hundred years after the date of the prophecy, Strabo relates that many Romans and other foreigners were found at Petra by his friend Athenodorus, the philosopher, who visited it. The prediction is yet more surprising when viewed in conjunction with another, which implies that travellers would “pass by” Idumea: “Every one that goeth by shall be astonished.” And the Hadj routes (routes of the pilgrims) from Damascus and from Cairo to Mecca, the one on the east and the other toward the south of Idumea, along the whole of its extent, go by it, or touch partially on its borders, without passing through it. The truth of the prophecy, though hemmed in thus by apparent impossibilities and contradictions, and with extreme probability of its fallacy in every view that could have been visible to man, may yet be tried.
4. There’s a prediction that is particularly striking when it comes to Idumea and addresses the difficulty of gaining knowledge about it. It deserves attention: “None shall pass through it forever and ever. I will cut off from Mount Seir anyone who goes out and anyone who comes back,” Isa. xxxiv, 10; Ezek. xxxv, 7. The ancient significance of Idumea likely came largely from its trade. Located next to Arabia to the east and Egypt to the southwest, it served as the most direct and convenient route for communication between Jerusalem and its territories on the Red Sea, as well as between Syria and India, via the continuous valleys of El Ghor and El Araba, which extended from the borders of Judea to Elath and Ezion Geber on the Elanitic Gulf of the Red Sea. This makes Idumea a hub of eastern commerce. A Roman road ran straight through Idumea from Jerusalem to Akaba, and another from Akaba to Moab. When these roads were built, long after the predictions, it would have seemed inconceivable to people that there would come a time when no one would pass through. Over seven hundred years after the prophecy, Strabo mentioned that many Romans and other foreigners were found at Petra by his friend Athenodorus, the philosopher, who visited it. The prediction is even more astonishing when considered alongside another, which suggests that travelers would “pass by” Idumea: “Everyone who goes by will be astonished.” The Hadj routes (the pilgrimage routes) from Damascus and Cairo to Mecca—one to the east and the other to the south of Idumea—run along its borders or touch them, without actually going through it. The truth of the prophecy, despite appearing to be surrounded by obvious impossibilities and contradictions, and the extreme likelihood of its inaccuracy from every perspective visible to people, can still be tested.
5. “Edom shall be a desolation. From generation to generation it shall lie waste,” &c. Judea, Ammon, and Moab, exhibit so abundantly the remains and the means of an exuberant fertility, that the wonder arises in the reflecting mind, how the barbarity of man could have so effectually counteracted for so many generations the prodigality of nature. But such is Edom’s desolation, that the first sentiment of astonishment on the contemplation of it is, how a wide extended region, now diversified by the strongest features of desert wildness, could ever have been adorned with cities, or tenanted for ages by a powerful and opulent people. Its present aspect would belie its ancient history, were not that history corroborated by “the many vestiges of former cultivation,” 331by the remains of walls and paved roads, and by the ruins of cities still existing in this ruined country. The total cessation of its commerce; the artificial irrigation of its valleys wholly neglected; the destruction of all the cities, and the continued spoliation of the country by the Arabs, while aught remained that they could destroy; the permanent exposure, for ages, of the soil unsheltered by its ancient groves, and unprotected by any covering from the scorching rays of the sun; the unobstructed encroachments of the desert, and of the drifted sands from the borders of the Red Sea; the consequent absorption of the water of the springs and streamlets during summer,--are causes which have all combined their baneful operation in rendering Edom “most desolate, the desolation of desolations.” Volney’s account is sufficientlysufficiently descriptive of the desolation which now reigns over Idumea; and the information which Seetzen derived at Jerusalem respecting it is of similar import. He was told, that at the distance of two days’ journey and a half from Hebron, he would find considerable ruins of the ancient city of Abde, and that for all the rest of the journey he would see no place of habitation; he would meet only with a few tribes of wandering Arabs. From the borders of Edom, Captains Irby and Mangles beheld a boundless extent of desert view, which they had hardly ever seen equalled for singularity and grandeur. And the following extract, descriptive of what Burckhardt actually witnessed in the different parts of Edom, cannot be more graphically abbreviated than in the words of the prophet. Of its eastern boundary, and of the adjoining part of Arabia Petrea, strictly so called, Burckhardt writes: “It might, with truth, be called Petrea, not only on account of its rocky mountains, but also of the elevated plain already described, which is so much covered with stones, especially flints, that it may with great propriety be called a stony desert, although susceptible of culture; in many places it is overgrown with wild herbs, and must once have been thickly inhabited; for the traces of many towns and villages are met with on both sides of the Hadj road between Maan and Akaba, as well as between Maan and the plains of the Hauran, in which direction are also many springs. At present all this country is a desert, and Maan (Teman) is the only inhabited place in it: ‘I will stretch out my hand against thee, O Mount Seir, and will make thee most desolate. I will stretch out my hand upon Edom, and will make it desolate from Teman.’” In the interior of Idumea, where the ruins of some of its ancient cities are still visible, and in the extensive valley which reaches from the Red to the Dead Sea, the appearance of which must now be totally and sadly changed from what it was, “the whole plain presented to the view an expanse of shifting sands, whose surface was broken by innumerable undulations and low hills. The sand appears to have been brought from the shores of the Red Sea, by the southern winds; and the Arabs told me that the valleys continue to present the same appearance beyond the latitude of Wady Mousa. In some parts of the valley the sand is very deep, and there is not the slightest appearance of a road, or of any work of human art. A few trees grow among the sand hills, but the depth of sand precludes all vegetation of herbage.” “If grape gatherers come to thee, would not they leave some gleaning grapes? If thieves by night, they will destroy till they have enough; but I have made Esau bare. Edom shall be a desolate wilderness.” “On ascending the western plain,” continues Mr. Burckhardt, “on a higher level than that of Arabia, we had before us an immense expanse of dreary country, entirely covered with black flints, with here and there some hilly chain rising from the plain.” “I will stretch out upon Idumea the line of confusion, and the stones of emptiness.” Such is the present desolate aspect of one of the most fertile countries of ancient times! So visibly even now does the withering curse of an offended God rest upon it!
5. “Edom will be a wasteland. From generation to generation, it will remain desolate,” etc. Judea, Ammon, and Moab show so clearly the remnants and potential for rich fertility that it makes one wonder how humanity's barbarism could have so effectively counteracted nature's abundance for so many generations. But Edom's desolation is such that the first reaction upon seeing it is to marvel at how this vast area, now marked by stark desert wilderness, could have once been home to cities or populated for centuries by a powerful and wealthy people. Its current appearance seems to contradict its ancient history, were it not for “the many vestiges of former cultivation,” by the remains of walls and paved roads, and by the ruins of cities still visible in this devastated land. The complete end of its trade; the neglected artificial irrigation of its valleys; the destruction of all its cities and the ongoing plundering of the land by Arabs, while anything remained for them to destroy; the long exposure of the soil without the shelter of its ancient groves, and unprotected from the scorching sun; the unimpeded advance of the desert and the drifting sands from the borders of the Red Sea; the resulting loss of water from springs and streams during summer—these factors have all combined their harmful effects, making Edom “most desolate, the desolation of desolations.” Volney’s account is sufficiently descriptive of the desolation that now prevails over Idumea; and the information Seetzen gathered in Jerusalem about it is similarly revealing. He was informed that two and a half days’ journey from Hebron, he would find significant ruins of the ancient city of Abde, and that for the rest of the journey he would see no signs of habitation; he would encounter only a few tribes of wandering Arabs. From the edges of Edom, Captains Irby and Mangles witnessed an infinite stretch of desolate landscape, which they could hardly recall ever seeing matched for its uniqueness and grandeur. And the following excerpt, depicting what Burckhardt actually observed in different parts of Edom, cannot be summed up more vividly than in the prophet's words. Concerning its eastern border and the adjacent part of Arabia Petrea, Burckhardt writes: “It might truthfully be called Petrea, not only for its rocky mountains, but also for the elevated plain already described, which is so covered with stones, especially flints, that it can rightly be called a stony desert, though capable of being cultivated; in many places it is overgrown with wild herbs, and must have once been densely populated, for the remnants of many towns and villages can be found on both sides of the Hadj road between Maan and Akaba, as well as between Maan and the plains of the Hauran, where numerous springs are also located. Currently, all this land is a desert, and Maan (Teman) is the only populated place in it: ‘I will stretch out my hand against you, O Mount Seir, and will make you utterly desolate. I will stretch out my hand upon Edom, and will make it desolate from Teman.’” In the heart of Idumea, where the ruins of some of its ancient cities are still visible, and in the extensive valley that stretches from the Red Sea to the Dead Sea, the landscape must now be completely and sadly transformed from what it once was. “The entire plain presented an expanse of shifting sands, whose surface was disrupted by countless undulations and small hills. The sand seems to have been carried from the shores of the Red Sea by southern winds; and the Arabs told me that the valleys continue to bear this appearance beyond the latitude of Wady Mousa. In some areas of the valley, the sand is very deep, and there is not the slightest sign of a road or any work of human creation. A few trees grow among the sand dunes, but the depth of the sand prevents any growth of grass.” “If grape gatherers come to you, wouldn’t they leave some gleaning grapes? If thieves come by night, they will destroy until they have had enough; but I have made Esau bare. Edom will be a desolate wilderness.” “Upon ascending the western plain,” continues Mr. Burckhardt, “at a higher level than Arabia, we faced an immense expanse of dreary land, completely covered with black flints, with occasional hilly chains rising from the plain.” “I will stretch out upon Idumea the line of confusion, and the stones of emptiness.” Such is the current desolate appearance of one of the most fertile regions of ancient times! So clearly even now does the withering curse of an offended God linger over it!
EGG, ביצים, Deut. xxii, 6; Job xxxix, 14; Isaiah x, 14; lix, 5; ὠὸν, Luke xi, 12. Eggs are considered as a very great delicacy in the east, and are served up with fish and honey at their entertainments. As a desirable article of food, the egg is mentioned, Luke xi, 12: “If a son ask for an egg, will his father offer him a scorpion?” It has been remarked that the body of the scorpion is very like an egg, as its head can scarcely be distinguished, especially if it be of the white kind, which is the first species mentioned by Ælian, Avicenna, and others. Bochart has produced testimonies to prove that the scorpions in Judea were about the bigness of an egg. So the similitude is preserved between the thing asked, and the thing given.
EGG, Eggs, Deut. xxii, 6; Job xxxix, 14; Isaiah x, 14; lix, 5; ὠὸν, Luke xi, 12. Eggs are regarded as a great delicacy in the East and are served with fish and honey at their gatherings. As a desirable food item, the egg is mentioned in Luke xi, 12: “If a son asks for an egg, will his father offer him a scorpion?” It has been pointed out that the body of a scorpion closely resembles an egg, as its head is hard to distinguish, especially if it is one of the white types, which is the first kind noted by Ælian, Avicenna, and others. Bochart has provided evidence that the scorpions in Judea were about the size of an egg. Thus, the similarity is maintained between what is requested and what is given.
EGLON, a king of Moab, who oppressed the Israelites, and was slain by Ehud, Judges iii, 14, 21. It is thought to have been a common name of the kings of Moab, as Abimelech was of the Philistines.
EGLON, a king of Moab, who oppressed the Israelites, and was killed by Ehud, Judges iii, 14, 21. It is believed to have been a common name for the kings of Moab, similar to how Abimelech was for the Philistines.
EGYPT, a country of Africa, called also in the Hebrew Scriptures the land of Mizraim, and the land of Ham; by the Turks and Arabs, Masr and Misr; and by the native Egyptians, Chemi, or the land of Ham. Mr. Faber derives the name from Ai-Capht, or the land of the Caphtorim; from which, also, the modern Egyptians derive their name of Cophts. Egypt was first peopled after the deluge by Mizraim, or Mizr, the son of Ham, who is supposed to be the same with Menes, recorded in Egyptian history as the first king. Every thing relating to the subsequent history and condition of this country, for many ages, is involved in fable. Nor have we any clear information from Heathen writers, until the time of Cyrus, and his son Cambyses, when the line of Egyptian princes ceased in agreement with prophecies to that effect. Manetho, the Egyptian historian, has given a list of thirty dynasties, which, if successive, make a period of five thousand three hundred years to the time of Alexander, or three thousand two hundred and eighty-two years more than the real time, according to the Mosaic chronology. But this is a manifest forgery, which has, nevertheless, been appealed 332to by infidel writers, as authority against the veracity of the Mosaic history. The truth is, that this pretended succession of princes, if all of them can be supposed to have existed at all, constituted several distinct dynasties, ruling in different cities at the same time: thus these were the kingdoms of Thebes, Thin, Memphis, and Tanis. See Writing.
EGYPT, a country in Africa, is also known in the Hebrew Scriptures as the land of Mizraim and the land of Ham; by the Turks and Arabs, it’s called Masr and Misr; and by the native Egyptians, it’s referred to as Chemi, or the land of Ham. Mr. Faber traces the name back to Ai-Capht, or the land of the Caphtorim; from this, the modern Egyptians get their name Cophts. Egypt was first settled after the flood by Mizraim, or Mizr, the son of Ham, who is believed to be the same as Menes, noted in Egyptian history as the first king. Everything concerning the later history and situation of this country for many ages is steeped in legend. We don’t have clear information from pagan writers until the time of Cyrus and his son Cambyses, when the line of Egyptian kings ended, aligning with prophecies about that. Manetho, the Egyptian historian, provided a list of thirty dynasties, which, if they were successive, would represent a period of five thousand three hundred years up to the time of Alexander, or three thousand two hundred and eighty-two years more than the actual time according to the Mosaic chronology. However, this is clearly a forgery that has nonetheless been cited by skeptical writers as evidence against the truth of Mosaic history. The reality is that this supposed succession of kings, if they can be considered to have existed at all, comprised several distinct dynasties ruling in different cities simultaneously: thus, these included the kingdoms of Thebes, Thin, Memphis, and Tanis. See Writing.
2. In the time of Moses we find Egypt renowned for learning; for he was instructed “in all its wisdom;” and it is one of the commendations of Solomon, at a later period, that he excelled in knowledge “all the wisdom of the children of the east country, and all the wisdom of Egypt.” Astronomy, which probably, like that of the Chaldeans, comprehended also judicial astrology, physics, agriculture, jurisprudence, medicine, architecture, painting, and sculpture, were the principal sciences and arts; to which were added, and that by their wisest men, the study of divination, magic, and enchantments. They had also their consulters with familiar spirits, and necromancers, those who had, or pretended to have, intercourse with the infernal deities, and the spirits of the dead, and delivered responses to inquirers. Of all this knowledge, good and evil, and of a monstrous system of idolatry, Egypt was the polluted fountain to the surrounding nations; but in that country itself it appears to have degenerated into the most absurd and debased forms. Among nations who are not blessed by divine revelation, the luminaries of heaven are the first objects of worship. Diodorus Siculus, mentioning the Egyptians, informs us, that “the first men, looking up to the world above them, and, struck with admiration at the nature of the universe, supposed the sun and moon to be the principal and eternal gods.” This, which may be called the natural superstition of mankind, we can trace in the annals of the west, as well as of the east; among the inhabitants of the new world, as well as of the old. The sun and moon, under the names of Isis and Osiris, were the chief objects of adoration among the Egyptians. But the earliest times had a purer faith. The following inscription, engraven in hieroglyphics in the temple of Neith, the Egyptian Minerva, conveys the most sublime idea of the Deity which unenlightened reason could form: “I am that which is, was, and shall be: no mortal hath lifted up my veil: the offspring of my power is the sun.” A similar inscription still remains at Capua, on the temple of Isis: “Thou art one, and from thee all things proceed.” Plutarch also informs us, that the inhabitants of Thebais worshipped only the immortal and supreme God, whom they called Eneph. According to the Egyptian cosmogony, all things sprung from athor, or night, by which they denoted the darkness of chaos before the creation. Sanchoniathon relates, that, “from the breath of gods and the void were mortals created.” This theology differs little from that of Moses, who says, “The earth was without form, and void; darkness was upon the face of the deep; and the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.”
2. In Moses's time, Egypt was famous for its knowledge; he was educated “in all its wisdom;” and one of the praises of Solomon later on is that he surpassed “all the wisdom of the children of the east country, and all the wisdom of Egypt.” Astronomy, which likely included judicial astrology similar to that of the Chaldeans, physics, agriculture, law, medicine, architecture, painting, and sculpture, were the main sciences and arts; added to these were pursuits like divination, magic, and enchantments, as studied by their wisest men. They also had practitioners of necromancy, those who claimed to communicate with the dead and deliver messages to those seeking answers. This mix of knowledge, both good and evil, along with a bizarre system of idolatry, made Egypt a corrupt source for surrounding nations; however, in Egypt itself, it seemed to have deteriorated into the most ridiculous and degraded forms. Among nations lacking divine revelation, the celestial bodies are the first things worshipped. Diodorus Siculus notes that “the first men, looking up at the sky, were awestruck by the nature of the universe and believed the sun and moon to be the main and eternal gods.” This natural superstition of humanity can be seen in the histories of both the west and east, among both the new and old world inhabitants. The sun and moon, known as Isis and Osiris, were the primary objects of worship for the Egyptians. But earlier times held a purer faith. The following inscription, carved in hieroglyphics in the temple of Neith, the Egyptian Minerva, expresses an elevated concept of the Deity that uneducated reason could conceive: “I am that which is, was, and will be: no mortal has lifted my veil: the offspring of my power is the sun.” A similar inscription still exists at Capua, in the temple of Isis: “You are one, and from you all things come.” Plutarch also tells us that the people of Thebais worshipped only the immortal and supreme God, whom they called Eneph. According to Egyptian cosmology, everything originated from athor, or night, symbolizing the chaos before creation. Sanchoniathon states that “mortals were created from the breath of gods and the void.” This theology is very similar to that of Moses, who says, “The earth was without form, and void; darkness was upon the face of the deep; and the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.”
3. A superstitious reverence for certain animals, as propitious or hurtful to the human race, was not peculiar to the Egyptians. The cow has been venerated in India from the most remote antiquity. The serpent has been the object of religious respect to one half of the nations of the known world. The Romans had sacred animals, which they kept in their temples, and distinguished with peculiar honours. We need not therefore be surprised that a nation so superstitious as the Egyptians should honour, with peculiar marks of respect, the ichneumon, the ibis, the dog, the falcon, the wolf, and the crocodile. These they entertained at great expense, and with much magnificence. Lands were set apart for their maintenance; persons of the highest rank were employed in feeding and attending them; rich carpets were spread in their apartments; and the pomp at their funerals corresponded to the profusion and luxury which attended them while alive. What chiefly tended to favour the progress of animal worship in Egypt, was the language of hieroglyphics. In the hieroglyphic inscriptions on their temples, and public edifices, animals, and even vegetables, were the symbols of the gods whom they worshipped. In the midst of innumerable superstitions, the theology of Egypt contained the two great principles of religion, the existence of a supreme Being, and the immortality of the soul. The first is proved by the inscription on the temple of Minerva; the second, by the care with which dead bodies were embalmed, and the prayer recited at the hour of death, by an Egyptian, expressing his desire to be received to the presence of the deities.
3. A superstitious respect for certain animals, seen as either beneficial or harmful to humans, wasn’t unique to the Egyptians. The cow has been revered in India since ancient times. The serpent has been worshipped by many nations around the world. The Romans had sacred animals that they kept in their temples and honored in special ways. So, it’s no surprise that a superstitious nation like the Egyptians would show special respect for the ichneumon, the ibis, the dog, the falcon, the wolf, and the crocodile. They cared for these animals at great expense and with great ceremony. Lands were designated for their upkeep; high-ranking individuals were responsible for feeding and serving them; luxurious carpets were placed in their living areas; and the lavishness of their funerals matched the opulence they experienced while alive. What significantly contributed to the rise of animal worship in Egypt was the hieroglyphic language. In the hieroglyphic inscriptions on their temples and public buildings, animals, and even plants, symbolized the gods they worshipped. Despite countless superstitions, Egyptian theology included the two main principles of religion: the existence of a supreme Being and the immortality of the soul. The first is evidenced by the inscription on the temple of Minerva; the second is shown by the careful embalming of dead bodies and the prayer recited at the time of death by an Egyptian, expressing a desire to be welcomed into the presence of the gods.
4. The opulence of Egypt was for ages increased by the large share it had in the commerce with the east; by its own favourable position, making it the connecting link of intercourse between the eastern and western nations; and especially by its own remarkable fertility, particularly in corn, so that it was, in times of scarcity, the granary of the world. Its extraordinary fertility was owing to the periodical inundation of the Nile; and sufficient proofs of the ancient accounts which we have of its productiveness are afforded to this day. The Rev. Mr. Jowett has given a striking example of the extraordinary fertility of the soil of Egypt, which is alluded to in Genesis xli, 47: “The earth brought forth by handfuls.” “I picked up at random,” says Mr. Jowett, “a few stalks out of the thick corn fields. We counted the number of stalks which sprouted from single grains of seed; carefully pulling to pieces each root, in order to see that it was but one plant. The first had seven stalks, the next three, the next nine, then eighteen, then fourteen. Each stalk would have been an ear.”
4. For a long time, Egypt's wealth grew due to its significant role in trade with the east, its advantageous location that linked the eastern and western nations, and especially its incredible fertility, particularly in grain, making it the world's granary during times of scarcity. This remarkable fertility was caused by the regular flooding of the Nile, and we still have ample evidence from ancient accounts of its productivity. The Rev. Mr. Jowett provides a compelling example of Egypt's exceptional soil fertility, as mentioned in Genesis xli, 47: “The earth brought forth by handfuls.” “I randomly picked,” Mr. Jowett says, “a few stalks from the dense corn fields. We counted the number of stalks that came from single grains of seed, carefully separating each root to ensure it was just one plant. The first had seven stalks, the next three, the next nine, then eighteen, then fourteen. Each stalk would have produced an ear.”
5. The architecture of the early Egyptians, at least that of their cities and dwellings, was rude and simple: they could indeed boast of little in either external elegance or internal comfort, since Herodotus informs us that men and beasts lived together. The materials of their structure were bricks of clay, bound together 333with chopped straw, and baked in the sun. Such were the bricks which the Israelites were employed in making, and of which the cities of Pithom and Rameses were built. Their composition was necessarily perishable, and explains why it is that no remains of the ancient cities of Egypt are to be found. They would indeed last longer in the dry climate of this country than in any other; but even here they must gradually decay and crumble to dust, and the cities so constructed become heaps. Of precisely the same materials are the villages of Egypt built at this day. “Village after village,” says Mr. Jowett, speaking of Tentyra, “built of unburnt brick, crumbling into ruins, and giving place to new habitations, have raised the earth, in some parts, nearly to the level of the summit of the temple. In every part of Egypt, we find the towns built in this manner, upon the ruins, or rather the rubbish, of the former habitations. The expression in Jeremiah xxx, 18, literally applies to Egypt, in the meanest sense: ‘The city shall be builded upon her own heap.’ And the expression in Job xv, 28, might be illustrated by many of these deserted hovels: ‘He dwelleth in desolate cities, and in houses which no man inhabiteth, which are ready to become heaps.’ Still more touching is the allusion, in Job iv, 19, where the perishing generations of men are fitly compared to habitations of the frailest materials, built upon the heap of similar dwelling-places, now reduced to rubbish: ‘How much less in them that dwell in houses of clay, whose foundation is in the dust!’”
5. The architecture of the early Egyptians, at least their cities and homes, was rough and basic: they didn’t have much to show in terms of outside beauty or inside comfort, since Herodotus tells us that people and animals shared the same space. They built with clay bricks, mixed with chopped straw, which were dried in the sun. These were the same bricks the Israelites made and used to build the cities of Pithom and Rameses. Their materials were bound to break down, which explains why there are no remains of the ancient cities of Egypt. They would last longer in the dry climate of this country than elsewhere, but even here they would slowly decay and turn to dust, leaving their cities as piles of rubble. The villages in Egypt today are built with the same materials. “Village after village,” says Mr. Jowett, referring to Tentyra, “made of unburnt brick, crumbling into ruins and replaced by new homes, have raised the ground in some areas almost to the level of the top of the temple. Throughout Egypt, we see towns built this way, on the ruins, or rather the debris, of former homes. The phrase in Jeremiah 30:18 applies perfectly to Egypt, in the most literal sense: ‘The city shall be built upon her own heap.’ And the phrase in Job 15:28 could be illustrated by many of these abandoned shacks: ‘He dwells in desolate cities, and in houses which no man inhabits, which are ready to become heaps.’ Even more poignant is the reference in Job 4:19, where the fading generations of people are aptly compared to homes made of the frailest materials, built on top of the remnants of similar homes, now turned to rubble: ‘How much less in them that dwell in houses of clay, whose foundation is in the dust!’”
6. The splendid temples of Egypt were not built, in all probability, till after the time of Solomon; for the recent progress made in the decyphering of hieroglyphics has disappointed the antiquaries as to the antiquity of these stupendous fabrics. It is well observed by Dr. Shuckford, that temples made no great figure in Homer’s time. If they had, he would not have lost such an opportunity of exerting his genius on so grand a subject, as Virgil has done in his description of the temple built by Dido at Carthage. The first Heathen temples were probably nothing more than mean buildings, which served merely as a shelter from the weather: of which kind was, probably, the house of the Philistine god Dagon. But when the fame of Solomon’s temple had reached other countries, it excited them to imitate its splendour; and nation vied with nation in the structures erected to their several deities. All were, however, outdone, at least in massiveness and durability, by the Egyptians; the architectural design of whose temples, as well as that of the Grecian edifices, was borrowed from the stems and branches of the grove temples.
6. The magnificent temples of Egypt were likely not built until after Solomon's time; recent advancements in deciphering hieroglyphics have surprised historians regarding the age of these incredible structures. Dr. Shuckford pointed out that temples weren't prominent in Homer's time. If they had been, he wouldn't have missed such a chance to showcase his talent on a grand topic, like Virgil did with his description of the temple built by Dido in Carthage. The earliest pagan temples were probably just simple buildings that provided basic shelter from the elements, like the house of the Philistine god Dagon. However, once news of Solomon’s temple spread to other regions, it inspired them to try to replicate its grandeur; nations competed with each other in constructing impressive buildings for their various gods. Still, the Egyptians surpassed everyone in terms of size and durability; the architectural design of their temples, like the Greek buildings, was influenced by the trunks and branches of temple groves.
7. It appears to be an unfounded notion, that the pyramids were built by the Israelites: they were, probably, Mr. Faber thinks, the work of the “Shepherds,” or Cushite invaders, who, at an early period, held possession of Egypt for two hundred and sixty years, and reduced the Egyptians to bondage, so that “a shepherd was an abomination to the Egyptians” in Joseph’s time. The Israelites laboured in making bricks, not in forming stones such as the pyramids are constructed with; and a passage in Mr. Jowett’s “Researches,” before referred to, will throw light upon this part of their history. Mr. Jowett saw at one place the people making bricks, with straw cut into small pieces, and mingled with the clay, to bind it. Hence it is, that when villages built of these bricks fall into rubbish, which is often the case, the roads are full of small particles of straws, extremely offensive to the eyes in a high wind. They were, in fact, engaged exactly as the Israelites used to be, making bricks with straw; and for a similar purpose, to build extensive granaries for the bashaw; “treasure-cities for Pharaoh.” The same intelligent missionary also observes: “The mollems transact business between the bashaw and the peasants. He punishes them if the peasants prove that they oppress; and yet he requires from them that the work of those who are under them shall be fulfilled. They strikingly illustrate the case of the officers placed by the EgyptianEgyptian task-masters over the children of Israel; and, like theirs, the mollems often find their case is evil, Exodus v.”
7. It seems to be a baseless idea that the pyramids were built by the Israelites. Mr. Faber believes they were likely constructed by the "Shepherds," or Cushite invaders, who controlled Egypt for about two hundred and sixty years early on and enslaved the Egyptians, so much so that "a shepherd was an abomination to the Egyptians" during Joseph's time. The Israelites worked on making bricks, not in shaping stones like those used in the pyramids. A passage in Mr. Jowett's "Researches," mentioned earlier, sheds light on this part of their history. Mr. Jowett observed people at one location making bricks by mixing small pieces of straw with clay to bind it. Consequently, when villages made of these bricks collapse, which often happens, the roads are littered with tiny bits of straw that can be quite irritating to the eyes in strong winds. They were indeed engaged in the same activity as the Israelites, making bricks with straw, for a similar purpose: to build large granaries for the bashaw, "treasure-cities for Pharaoh." The same insightful missionary also notes: "The mollems conduct business between the bashaw and the peasants. He punishes them if the peasants show that they are being oppressed; yet he demands that the work of those beneath them is completed. They clearly illustrate the situation of the officers assigned by the EgyptianEgyptian taskmasters over the children of Israel; and, like them, the mollems often find themselves in difficult situations, Exodus v.”
8. It is not necessary to go over those parts of the Egyptian history which occur in the Old Testament. The prophecies respecting this haughty and idolatrous kingdom, uttered by Jeremiah and Ezekiel when it was in the height of its splendour and prosperity, were fulfilled in the terrible invasions of Nebuchadnezzar, Cambyses, and the Persian monarchs. It comes, however, again into an interesting connection with the Jewish history under Alexander the Great, who invaded it as a Persian dependence. So great, indeed, was the hatred of the Egyptians toward their oppressors, that they hailed the approach of the Macedonians, and threw open their cities to receive them. Alexander, merciless as he was to those who opposed his progress or authority, knew how to requite those who were devoted to his interests; and the Egyptians, for many centuries afterward, had reason to recollect with gratitude his protection and foresight. It was he who discerned the local advantages of the spot on which the city bearing his name afterward stood, who projected the plan of the town, superintended its erection, endowed it with many privileges, and peopled it with colonies drawn from other places for the purpose, chiefly Greeks. But, together with these, and the most favoured of all, were the Jews, who enjoyed the free exercise of their religion, and the same civil rights and liberties as the Macedonians themselves. Kindness shown to the people of Israel has never, in the providence of God, brought evil on any country; and there can be no doubt but that the encouragement given to this enterprising and commercial people, assisted very much to promote the interests of the new city, which soon became the capital of the kingdom, the centre of commerce, of science, and the arts, and one of the most flourishing and considerable cities in the world. Egypt, indeed, was about to see 334better days; and, during the reigns of the Ptolemies, enjoyed again, for nearly three hundred years, something of its former renown for learning and power. It formed, during this period, and before the rapid extension of the Roman empire toward the termination of these years, one of the only two ancient kingdoms which had survived the Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, and Macedonian empires: the other was the Syrian, where the Seleucidæ, another family of one of the successors of Alexander, reigned; who, having subdued Macedonia and Thrace, annexed them to the kingdom of Syria, and there remained out of the four kingdoms into which the empire of Alexander was divided these two only; distinguished, in the prophetic writings of Daniel, by the titles of the kings or kingdoms of the north and the south.
8. There's no need to revisit the parts of Egyptian history mentioned in the Old Testament. The prophecies about this proud and idol-worshipping kingdom, spoken by Jeremiah and Ezekiel during its peak of glory and prosperity, were fulfilled in the devastating invasions by Nebuchadnezzar, Cambyses, and the Persian kings. However, it connects interestingly with Jewish history during Alexander the Great's invasion, as it was under Persian rule at the time. The Egyptians hated their oppressors so much that they welcomed the Macedonians and opened their cities to them. Alexander, ruthless to those who resisted him, knew how to reward those who supported him; and for many centuries, the Egyptians remembered his protection and insight with gratitude. He recognized the advantages of the location where the city named after him would eventually be built, planned the layout of the town, oversaw its construction, granted it multiple privileges, and populated it with colonies, mainly Greeks. Among these, the Jews were given special status and enjoyed the freedom to practice their religion, along with the same civil rights and liberties as the Macedonians. In God's providence, kindness shown to the people of Israel has never caused harm to any nation; and there's no doubt that the support given to this ambitious and trade-minded people greatly helped advance the new city's interests, which quickly became the capital of the kingdom, the hub of commerce, science, and the arts, and one of the most prosperous and significant cities in the world. Egypt was about to experience better days; and during the reigns of the Ptolemies, it regained much of its former glory in learning and power for nearly three hundred years. During this time and before the rapid expansion of the Roman Empire toward the end of these years, it was one of only two ancient kingdoms that survived the Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, and Macedonian empires: the other was Syria, where the Seleucids, another dynasty from Alexander's successors, ruled. They conquered Macedonia and Thrace, adding them to the kingdom of Syria, leaving these two as the only remnants of the four kingdoms into which Alexander's empire was divided, identified in the prophetic writings of Daniel as the kingdoms of the north and the south.
9. Under the reign of the three first Ptolemies, the state of the Jews was exceedingly prosperous. They were in high favour, and continued to enjoy all the advantages conferred upon them by Alexander. Judea was, in fact, at this time, a privileged province of Egypt; the Jews being governed by their own high priest, on paying a tribute to the kings of Egypt. But in the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, the fifth of the race, it was taken by Antiochus, king of Syria; which was the beginning of fresh sufferings and persecutions; for although this Antiochus, who was the one surnamed the Great, was a mild and generous prince, and behaved favourably toward them, their troubles began at his death; his successor, Seleucus, oppressing them with taxes; and the next was the monster, Antiochus Epiphanes, whose impieties and cruelties are recorded in the two books of Maccabees. But still, in Egypt, the Jews continued in the enjoyment of their privileges, so late as the reign of the sixth Ptolemy, called Philometor, who committed the charge of his affairs to two Jews, Onias and Dositheus; the former of whom obtained permission to build a temple at Heliopolis. The introduction of Christianity into Egypt is mentioned under the article Alexandria.
9. During the rule of the first three Ptolemies, the situation for the Jews was very prosperous. They were highly favored and continued to benefit from the advantages granted to them by Alexander. Judea was essentially a special province of Egypt at this time; the Jews were governed by their own high priest and paid tribute to the kings of Egypt. However, during the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, the fifth of his line, Judea was taken by Antiochus, the king of Syria, marking the start of new sufferings and persecutions. Although this Antiochus, known as the Great, was a kind and generous ruler and treated them well, their troubles began after his death; his successor, Seleucus, burdened them with heavy taxes; and then came the tyrant, Antiochus Epiphanes, whose atrocities and brutalities are recorded in the two books of Maccabees. Nevertheless, in Egypt, the Jews still enjoyed their privileges even into the reign of the sixth Ptolemy, known as Philometor, who entrusted the management of his affairs to two Jews, Onias and Dositheus; the former was granted permission to build a temple at Heliopolis. The introduction of Christianity into Egypt is mentioned under the article Alexandria.
10. The prophecies respecting Egypt in the Old Testament have had a wonderful fulfilment. The knowledge of all its greatness and glory deterred not the Jewish prophets from declaring, that Egypt would become “a base kingdom, and never exalt itself any more among the nations.” And the literal fulfilment of every prophecy affords as clear a demonstration as can possibly be given, that each and all of them are the dictates of inspiration. Egypt was the theme of many prophecies, which were fulfilled in ancient times; and it bears to the present day, as it has borne throughout many ages, every mark with which prophecy had stamped its destiny: “They shall be a base kingdom. It shall be the basest of kingdoms. Neither shall it exalt itself any more among the nations: for I will diminish them, that they shall no more rule over the nations. The pride of her power shall come down; and they shall be desolate in the midst of the countries that are desolate; and her cities shall be in the midst of the cities that are wasted. I will make the land of Egypt desolate, and the country shall be desolate of that whereof it was full. I will sell the land into the hand of the wicked. I will make the land waste and all that is therein, by the hand of strangers. I the Lord have spoken it. And there shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt,” Ezek. xxx, 5, 7, 12, 13. “The sceptre of Egypt shall depart away,” Zech. x, 11.
10. The prophecies about Egypt in the Old Testament have come true in remarkable ways. Despite knowing all about its greatness and glory, the Jewish prophets declared that Egypt would become “a lowly kingdom, and would never rise again among the nations.” The exact fulfillment of each prophecy clearly demonstrates that they were all inspired. Egypt was the subject of many prophecies that were fulfilled in ancient times, and it still shows today, as it has for many ages, every sign indicating its fate: “They will be a lowly kingdom. It will be the lowest of kingdoms. It will not lift itself up among the nations anymore; for I will reduce them, so they will no longer rule over the nations. The pride of its power will fall; and they will be desolate among the desolate countries; and its cities will be among the cities that are ruined. I will make the land of Egypt desolate, and the country will be void of what it once was full of. I will hand the land over to the wicked. I will make the land waste and everything in it, by the hand of foreigners. I, the Lord, have said it. And there will no longer be a prince in the land of Egypt,” Ezek. xxx, 5, 7, 12, 13. “The scepter of Egypt will be taken away,” Zech. x, 11.
11. Egypt became entirely subject to the Persians about three hundred and fifty years previous to the Christian æra. It was afterward subdued by the Macedonians, and was governed by the Ptolemies for the space of two hundred and ninety-four years; until, about B. C. 30, it became a province of the Roman empire. It continued long in subjection to the Romans,--tributary first to Rome, and afterward to Constantinople. It was transferred, A. D. 641, to the dominion of the Saracens. In 1250 the Mamelukes deposed their rulers, and usurped the command of Egypt. A mode of government, the most singular and surprising that ever existed on earth, was established and maintained. Each successive ruler was raised to supreme authority, from being a stranger and a slave. No son of the former ruler, no native of Egypt, succeeded to the sovereignty; but a chief was chosen from among a new race of imported slaves. When Egypt became tributary to the Turks in 1517, the Mamelukes retained much of their power; and every pasha was an oppressor and a stranger. During all these ages, every attempt to emancipate the country, or to create a prince of the land of Egypt, has proved abortive, and has often been fatal to the aspirant. Though the facts relative to Egypt form too prominent a feature in the history of the world to admit of contradiction or doubt, yet the description of the fate of that country, and of the form of its government, may be left, says Keith, to the testimony of those whose authority no infidel will question, and whom no man can accuse of adapting their descriptions to the predictions of the event. Volney and Gibbon are our witnesses of the facts: “Such is the state of Egypt. Deprived, twenty-three centuries ago, of her natural proprietors, she has seen her fertile fields successively a prey to the Persians, the Macedonians, the Romans, the Greeks, the Arabs, the Georgians, and, at length, the race of Tartars distinguished by the name of Ottoman Turks. The Mamelukes, purchased as slaves, and introduced as soldiers, soon usurped the power and elected a leader. If their first establishment was a singular event, their continuance is not less extraordinary. They are replaced by slaves brought from their original country. The system of oppression is methodical. Every thing the traveller sees or hears reminds him he is in the country of slavery and tyranny.” “A more unjust and absurd constitution cannot be devised than that which condemns the natives of a country to perpetual servitude, under the arbitrary dominion of strangers and slaves. 335Yet such has been the state of Egypt above five hundred years. The most illustrious sultans of the Baharite and Borgite dynasties were themselves promoted from the Tartar and Circassian bands; and the four-and-twenty beys, or military chiefs, have ever been succeeded, not by their sons, but by their servants.” These are the words of Volney and of Gibbon; and what did the ancient prophets foretel?--“I will lay the land waste, and all that is therein, by the hands of strangers. I the Lord have spoken it. And there shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt. The sceptre of Egypt shall depart away.” The prophecy adds: “They shall be a base kingdom: it shall be the basest of kingdoms.” After the lapse of two thousand and four hundred years from the date of this prophecy, a scoffer at religion, but an eye witness of the facts, thus describes the self-same spot: “In Egypt,” says Volney, “there is no middle class, neither nobility, clergy, merchants, landholders. A universal air of misery, manifest in all the traveller meets, points out to him the rapacity of oppression, and the distrust attendant upon slavery. The profound ignorance of the inhabitants equally prevents them from perceiving the causes of their evils, or applying the necessary remedies. Ignorance, diffused through every class, extends its effects to every species of moral and physical knowledge. Nothing is talked of but intestine troubles, the public misery, pecuniary extortions, bastinadoes, and murders. Justice herself puts to death without formality.” Other travellers describe the most execrable vices as common, and represent the moral character of the people as corrupted to the core. As a token of the desolation of the country, mud-walled cottages are now the only habitations where the ruins of temples and palaces abound. Egypt is surrounded by the dominions of the Turks and of the Arabs; and the prophecy is literally true which marked it in the midst of desolation: “They shall be desolate in the midst of the countries that are desolate, and her cities shall be in the midst of the cities that are wasted.” The systematic oppression, extortion, and plunder, which have so long prevailed, and the price paid for his authority and power by every Turkish pasha, have rendered the country “desolate of that whereof it was full,” and still show both how it has been “wasted by the hands of strangers,” and how it has been “sold into the hand of the wicked.”
11. Egypt became fully controlled by the Persians about three hundred and fifty years before the birth of Christ. It was later conquered by the Macedonians and ruled by the Ptolemies for two hundred and ninety-four years, until around 30 B.C. when it became a province of the Roman Empire. It stayed under Roman rule for a long time, first as a tributary to Rome, and later to Constantinople. In A.D. 641, it came under the control of the Saracens. In 1250, the Mamelukes overthrew their leaders and took charge of Egypt. They established a government that was the most unusual and surprising ever seen. Each new ruler was chosen from among strangers and slaves. No son of the previous ruler, nor any native Egyptian, inherited the throne; instead, a leader was picked from a new group of imported slaves. When Egypt became a tributary to the Turks in 1517, the Mamelukes kept a lot of their power, and every pasha became an oppressor and outsider. Throughout all these years, every attempt to free the country, or to create a native prince of Egypt, has failed, often with deadly consequences for the hopeful leaders. While the facts about Egypt are too significant in world history to be disputed, the account of the country's fate and its government can be left, as Keith says, to those whose authority cannot be challenged and whose descriptions cannot be accused of aligning with future events. Volney and Gibbon testify to these facts: “Such is the state of Egypt. Deprived, twenty-three centuries ago, of her natural owners, she has witnessed her fertile land being successively taken by the Persians, the Macedonians, the Romans, the Greeks, the Arabs, the Georgians, and finally the Tartars, known as the Ottoman Turks. The Mamelukes, bought as slaves and brought in as soldiers, soon seized power and elected a leader. While their initial rise was a unique event, their persistence is no less remarkable. They replace themselves with slaves brought from their native lands. The oppression is systematic. Everything the traveler sees or hears reminds them they are in a land of slavery and tyranny.” “No more unjust and absurd system can be created than one that condemns the natives of a country to lifelong servitude under the arbitrary rule of strangers and slaves. 335 Yet this has been the condition of Egypt for over five hundred years. The most notable sultans from the Baharite and Borgite dynasties also came from the Tartar and Circassian ranks; and the twenty-four beys, or military leaders, have always been succeeded, not by their sons, but by their servants.” These are the words of Volney and Gibbon; and what did the ancient prophets predict? -- “I will lay the land waste, and all that is therein, by the hands of strangers. I the Lord have spoken it. And there shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt. The sceptre of Egypt shall depart away.” The prophecy adds: “They shall be a base kingdom: it shall be the basest of kingdoms.” After two thousand four hundred years since this prophecy, a skeptic of religion, yet an eyewitness to the facts, describes the same area: “In Egypt,” says Volney, “there is no middle class, no nobility, clergy, merchants, or landowners. A universal air of misery, evident in everyone the traveler meets, highlights the greed of oppression and the distrust that comes with slavery. The deep ignorance of the inhabitants keeps them from understanding the causes of their suffering or finding the necessary solutions. Ignorance, widespread across all classes, affects every aspect of moral and physical knowledge. The only discussions are about internal strife, public suffering, financial extortion, beatings, and murders. Even justice is meted out without formality.” Other travelers describe the most disgusting vices as commonplace, portraying the moral fabric of the people as thoroughly corrupt. As evidence of the country’s desolation, mud-walled cottages are now the only dwellings amid the ruins of temples and palaces. Egypt is surrounded by the territories of the Turks and Arabs; and the prophecy that marks it in the heart of desolation is literally true: “They shall be desolate in the midst of the countries that are desolate, and her cities shall be in the midst of the cities that are wasted.” The ongoing oppression, extortion, and plunder that have persisted for so long, and the price every Turkish pasha pays for his authority and power, have made the country “void of that which it was full,” and continue to illustrate how it has been “wasted by the hands of strangers,” and how it has been “sold into the hands of the wicked.”
12. Egypt has, indeed, lately somewhat risen, under its present spirited but despotic pasha, to a degree of importance and commerce. But this pasha is still a stranger, and the dominion is foreign. Nor is there any thing like a general advancement of the people to order, intelligence and happiness. Yet this fact, instead of militating against the truth of prophecy, may, possibly at no distant period, serve to illustrate other predictions. “The Lord shall smite Egypt: he shall smite and heal it; and they shall return to the Lord, and he shall be entreated of them, and shall heal them. In that day shall Israel be the third with Egypt and with Assyria, even a blessing in the midst of the land,” &c, Isaiah xix, 22–25.
12. Egypt has recently gained some importance and trade under its current energetic but dictatorial leader. However, this leader is still an outsider, and the rule is foreign. There’s no real progress for the people toward order, knowledge, or happiness. Yet, instead of contradicting the truth of prophecy, this situation might soon help to demonstrate other predictions. “The Lord will strike Egypt: He will strike and heal it; they will return to the Lord, and He will listen to them and heal them. On that day, Israel will be a third alongside Egypt and Assyria, even a blessing in the midst of the land,” & c, Isaiah xix, 22–25.
ELAM, the eldest son of Shem, who settled in a country to which he gave his name, Gen. x, 22. It is frequently mentioned in Scripture, as lying to the south-east of Shinar. Susiana, in later times, seems to have been a part of this country, Daniel viii, 2; and before the captivity the Jews seem always to have intended Persia by the name of Elam. Stephanus takes it to be a part of Assyria, but Pliny and Josephus, more properly, of Persia, whose inhabitants, this latter tells us, sprung from the Elamites.
ELAM, the oldest son of Shem, settled in a region that he named after himself, Gen. x, 22. It's mentioned multiple times in Scripture, located to the southeast of Shinar. Susiana, in later times, appears to have been part of this area, Daniel viii, 2; and before the captivity, the Jews seem to have always referred to Persia by the name of Elam. Stephanus believed it was part of Assyria, but Pliny and Josephus more accurately identified it as part of Persia, whose inhabitants, according to Josephus, descended from the Elamites.
ELATH, or ELOTH, a part of Idumea, situate upon the Red Sea, the emporium of Syria in Asia. It was taken by David, 2 Sam. viii, 14, who there established an extensive trade. There Solomon built ships, 2 Chron. viii, 17, 18. The Israelites held possession of Elath one hundred and fifty years, when the Edomites, in the reign of Joram, recovered it, 2 Kings viii, 20. It was again taken from them by Azariah, and by him left to his son, 2 Kings xiv, 22. The king of Syria took it from his grandson, 2 Kings xvi, 6. In process of time it fell to the Ptolemies, and lastly to the Romans. The branch of the Red Sea on which this city stood, obtained among Heathen writers the name of Sinus Elaniticus or Elanitic Gulf, from a town built on its site called Elana, and subsequently Ala; which, as we are informed by Eusebius and Jerom, was used as a port in their time. The modern Arabian town of Akaba stands upon or near the site either of Elath or Ezion-Geber; which of the two it is impossible to determine, as both ports, standing at the head of the gulf, were probably separated from each other by a creek or small bay only.
ELATH, or ELOTH, is part of Idumea, located on the Red Sea, serving as the trading hub for Syria in Asia. David captured it, as noted in 2 Sam. viii, 14, and established a thriving trade there. Solomon built ships there, according to 2 Chron. viii, 17, 18. The Israelites controlled Elath for one hundred and fifty years until the Edomites reclaimed it during Joram's reign, as mentioned in 2 Kings viii, 20. Azariah took it back from them and passed it on to his son, referenced in 2 Kings xiv, 22. The king of Syria later seized it from his grandson, noted in 2 Kings xvi, 6. Over time, it fell into the hands of the Ptolemies and eventually the Romans. The section of the Red Sea where this city was located became known among ancient writers as Sinus Elaniticus or Elanitic Gulf, named after a town built on its site called Elana, later Ala; Eusebius and Jerome noted that it was used as a port in their time. The modern Arabian town of Akaba is located on or near the site of either Elath or Ezion-Geber; it's unclear which one it is, as both ports, located at the head of the gulf, were likely only separated by a creek or small bay.
ELDAD and Medad were appointed by Moses among the seventy elders of Israel who were to assist in the government. Though not present in the general assembly, they were, notwithstanding, filled with the Spirit of God, equally with those who were in that assembly, and they began to prophesy in the camp. Joshua would have had Moses forbid them, but Moses replied, “Enviest thou for my sake? Would God that all the Lord’s people were prophets, and that God would pour forth his Spirit upon them!” Numbers xi, 24–29.
ELDAD and Medad were chosen by Moses to be among the seventy elders of Israel who would help govern. Even though they weren't present at the main gathering, they were still filled with the Spirit of God, just like those who were there, and they started to prophesy in the camp. Joshua wanted Moses to stop them, but Moses answered, “Are you jealous for my sake? I wish that all the Lord's people were prophets and that God would pour out His Spirit on them!” Numbers xi, 24–29.
ELDERS, a name given to certain laymen in the Presbyterian discipline, who are ecclesiastical officers, and in conjunction with the ministers and deacons compose the kirk sessions in Scotland. The number of elders is proportioned to the extent and population of the parish, and is seldom less than two or three, but sometimes exceeds fifty. They are laymen in this respect, that they have no right to teach, or to dispense the sacraments; and on this account they form an office in the Presbyterian church inferior in rank and power to that of pastors. They generally discharge the office which originally belonged to the deacons, of attending to the interests of the poor. But their peculiar business is expressed by the name ruling elders; for in every jurisdiction 336within the parish they are the spiritual court, of which the minister is officially moderator; and in the presbytery, of which the pastors of all the parishes within its bounds are officially members, lay elders sit as the representatives of the several sessions or consistories.
ELDERS are a term used for certain laypeople in the Presbyterian tradition who serve as church officers. Along with ministers and deacons, they make up the kirk sessions in Scotland. The number of elders is based on the size and population of the parish, typically being no less than two or three but sometimes exceeding fifty. They are considered laypeople because they do not have the authority to teach or administer the sacraments, which places them in a role that is subordinate to pastors within the Presbyterian church. Generally, they take on responsibilities that originally belonged to deacons, focusing on the needs of the poor. However, their specific role is reflected in their title of ruling elders; within each parish, they make up the spiritual court, with the minister serving as the official moderator. In the presbytery, which includes the pastors from all the parishes, lay elders act as representatives of the various sessions or consistories.
Elders of Israel. By this name we understand the heads of tribes, or rather of the great families in Israel, who, before the settlement of the Hebrew commonwealth, had a government and authority over their own families, and the people. When Moses was sent into Egypt to deliver Israel, he assembled the elders of Israel, and told them that the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, had appeared to him, Exod. iii, 15; iv, 29, &c. Moses and Aaron treat the elders of Israel as the representatives of the nation. When God gave the law to Moses, he said, “Take Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, his sons, and the seventy elders of Israel, and worship ye afar off,” Exod. xxiv, 1, 9, 10. They advanced only to the foot of the mountain. On all occasions afterward, we find this number of seventy elders. But it is credible, that as there were twelve tribes, there were seventy-two elders, six from each tribe, and that seventy is set down, instead of seventy-two; or rather, that Moses and Aaron should be added to the number seventy, and that, exclusive of them, there were but four elders from the tribe of Levi. After Jethro’s arrival in the camp of Israel, Moses made a considerable change in the governors of the people. He established over Israel heads of thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, that justice might be readily administered to applicants; only difficult cases were referred to himself, Exod. xviii, 24, 25, &c. But this constitution did not continue long; for on the murmuring of the people at the encampment called the Graves of Lust, Num. xi, 24–35, Moses appointed seventy elders of Israel, to whom God communicated part of that legislator’s spirit; they began to prophesy, and ceased not afterward. This, according to the generality of interpreters, was the beginning of the sanhedrim; but, to support this opinion, many things must be supposed, whereby to infer, that this court of justice was constantly in being during the Scripture history. It seems that the establishment of the seventy elders by Moses continued, not only during his life, but under Joshua likewise, and under the judges. The elders of the people and Joshua swore to the treaty with the Gibeonites, Josh, ix, 15. A little before his death, Joshua renewed the covenant with the Lord, in company with the elders, the princes, the heads, and officers of Israel, Joshua xxiii; xxiv, 1, 28. After the death of Joshua, and the elders who survived him, the people were several times brought into bondage, and were delivered by their judges. We do not see distinctly what authority the elders had during this time, and still less under the kings who succeeded the judges.
Elders of Israel. By this term, we refer to the leaders of the tribes, or rather, the main families in Israel, who, before the establishment of the Hebrew commonwealth, held governance and authority over their own families and the people. When Moses was sent to Egypt to free Israel, he gathered the elders of Israel and informed them that the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob had appeared to him, Exod. iii, 15; iv, 29, &c. Moses and Aaron treated the elders of Israel as the representatives of the nation. When God gave the law to Moses, He instructed, “Take Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, his sons, and the seventy elders of Israel, and worship from a distance,” Exod. xxiv, 1, 9, 10. They only approached the foot of the mountain. On all subsequent occasions, we find this number of seventy elders. However, it is likely that with twelve tribes, there were actually seventy-two elders, with six from each tribe, and that seventy is noted instead of seventy-two; or more accurately, that Moses and Aaron should be included in the total of seventy, meaning there were only four elders from the tribe of Levi. After Jethro arrived in the camp of Israel, Moses made a significant shift in the leadership of the people. He appointed heads over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, so that justice could be quickly administered to those requesting it; only difficult cases were brought to him, Exod. xviii, 24, 25, &c. However, this arrangement did not last long; due to the complaints of the people at the encampment known as the Graves of Lust, Num. xi, 24–35, Moses appointed seventy elders of Israel, to whom God shared part of his spirit; they began to prophesy and continued thereafter. This, according to most interpreters, marked the beginning of the sanhedrim; but to support this view, many assumptions must be made to imply that this court of justice was consistently active throughout the biblical narrative. It seems that the establishment of the seventy elders by Moses lasted not only during his life but also under Joshua and the judges. The elders and Joshua swore an oath to the treaty with the Gibeonites, Josh, ix, 15. Shortly before his death, Joshua renewed the covenant with the Lord alongside the elders, the princes, the heads, and officers of Israel, Joshua xxiii; xxiv, 1, 28. After Joshua’s death and that of the elders who outlived him, the people were repeatedly subjected to bondage and were freed by their judges. It is unclear what authority the elders held during this time, and even less so under the kings who followed the judges.
ELEAZAR, the third son of Aaron, and his successor in the dignity of high priest, Exod. vi, 23. He entered into the land of Canaan with Joshua, and is supposed to have lived there upward of twenty years. The high priesthood continued in his family till the time of Eli. He was buried in a hill that belonged to the son of Phineas, Joshua xxiv.
ELEAZAR, the third son of Aaron, and his successor as high priest (Exod. vi, 23), entered the land of Canaan with Joshua. He is believed to have lived there for over twenty years. The high priesthood remained within his family until the time of Eli. He was buried in a hill that belonged to the son of Phineas (Joshua xxiv).
2. Eleazar, the son of Aminadab, to whose care the ark was committed when it was sent back by the Philistines, 1 Samuel vii. He is thought to have been a priest, or at least a Levite, though he is not mentioned in the catalogue of the sons of Levi.
2. Eleazar, the son of Aminadab, was entrusted with the care of the ark when it was returned by the Philistines, as noted in 1 Samuel 7. It is believed that he was a priest or at least a Levite, although he is not listed among the sons of Levi.
ELECTION. Of a divine election, a choosing and separating from others, we have three kinds mentioned in the Scriptures. The first is the election of individuals to perform some particular and special service. Cyrus was “elected” to rebuild the temple; the twelve Apostles were “chosen,” elected, to their office by Christ; St. Paul was a “chosen,” or elected “vessel,” to be the Apostle of the Gentiles. The second kind of election which we find in Scripture, is the election of nations, or bodies of people, to eminent religious privileges, and in order to accomplish, by their superior illumination, the merciful purposes of God, in benefiting other nations or bodies of people. Thus the descendants of Abraham, the Jews, were chosen to receive special revelations of truth; and to be “the people of God,” that is, his visible church, publicly to observe and uphold his worship. “The Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a peculiar people unto himself, above all people that are upon the face of the earth.” “The Lord had a delight in thy fathers to love them, and he chose their seed after them, even you, above all people.” It was especially on account of the application of the terms elect, chosen, and peculiar, to the Jewish people, that they were so familiarly used by the Apostles in their epistles addressed to the believing Jews and Gentiles, then constituting the church of Christ in various places. For Christians were the subjects, also, of this second kind of election; the election of bodies of men to be the visible people and church of God in the world, and to be endowed with peculiar privileges. Thus they became, though in a more special and exalted sense, the chosen people, the elect of God. We say “in a more special sense,” because as the entrance into the Jewish church was by natural birth, and the entrance into the Christian church, properly so called, is by faith and a spiritual birth, these terms, although many became Christians by mere profession, and enjoyed various privileges in consequence of their people or nation being chosen to receive the Gospel, have generally respect, in the New Testament, to bodies of true believers, or to the whole body of true believers as such. They are not, therefore, to be interpreted according to the scheme of Dr. Taylor of Norwich, by the constitution of the Jewish, but by the constitution of the Christian, church.
ELECTION. In terms of a divine election, which means choosing and separating from others, there are three types mentioned in the Scriptures. The first is the election of individuals to perform specific and special services. Cyrus was “elected” to rebuild the temple; the twelve Apostles were “chosen” and elected by Christ for their role; St. Paul was a “chosen” or elected “vessel” to be the Apostle to the Gentiles. The second type of election found in Scripture is the election of nations or groups of people to have significant religious privileges, allowing them, through their greater understanding, to fulfill God's merciful purposes in benefiting other nations or groups. For example, the descendants of Abraham, the Jews, were chosen to receive special truths and to be “the people of God,” meaning his visible church, publicly observing and upholding his worship. “The Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a special people unto himself, above all people that are on the earth.” “The Lord delighted in your ancestors to love them and chose their descendants after them, you, above all people.” It was particularly due to the use of terms like elect, chosen, and peculiar when referring to the Jewish people that those terms were frequently used by the Apostles in their letters addressed to believing Jews and Gentiles who together formed the church of Christ in different locations. Christians also fell under this second type of election; they were elected as a visible people and church of God in the world, endowed with unique privileges. Thus, they became, in a more special and elevated sense, the chosen people, the elect of God. We say “in a more special sense” because while entry into the Jewish church was through natural birth, entry into the Christian church, properly speaking, is through faith and spiritual rebirth. While many became Christians merely by profession and enjoyed various privileges from being part of a chosen people or nation, these terms, in the New Testament, usually refer to bodies of true believers or the entire group of genuine believers. Therefore, they should not be interpreted according to Dr. Taylor of Norwich's scheme based on the constitution of the Jewish church but by that of the Christian church.
2. To understand the nature of this “election,” as applied sometimes to particular bodies of Christians, as when St. Peter says, “The church which is at Babylon, elected together with you,” and sometimes to the whole body of believers every where; and also the reason 337of the frequent use of the term election, and of the occurrence of allusions to the fact; it is to be remembered, that a great religious revolution, so to speak, had occurred in the age of the Apostles; with the full import of which we cannot, without calling in the aid of a little reflection, be adequately impressed. This change was no other than the abrogation of the church state of the Jews, which had continued for so many ages. They had been the only visibly acknowledged people of God in all the nations of the earth; for whatever pious people might have existed in other nations, they were not, in the sight of men, and collectively, acknowledged as “the people of Jehovah.” They had no written revelations, no appointed ministry, no forms of authorized initiation into his church and covenant, no appointed holy days, or sanctioned ritual. All these were peculiar to the Jews, who were, therefore, an elected and peculiar people. This distinguished honour they were about to lose. They might have retained it as Christians, had they been willing to admit the believing Gentiles of all nations to share it with them; but the great reason of their peculiarity and election, as a nation, was terminated by the coming of the Messiah, who was to be “a light to lighten the Gentiles,” as well as “the glory of his people Israel.” Their pride and consequent unbelief resented this, which will explain their enmity to the believing part of the Gentiles, who, when that which St. Paul calls “the fellowship of the mystery” was fully explained, chiefly by the glorious ministry of that Apostle himself, were called into that church relation and visible acknowledgment as the people of God, which the Jews had formerly enjoyed, and that with even a higher degree of glory, in proportion to the superior spirituality of the new dispensation. It was this doctrine which excited that strong irritation in the minds of the unbelieving Jews, and in some partially Christianized ones, to which so many references are made in the New Testament. They were “provoked,” were made “jealous;” and were often roused to the madness of persecuting opposition by it. There was then a new election of a new people of God, to be composed of Jews, not by virtue of their natural descent, but through their faith in Christ, and of Gentiles of all nations, also believing, and put as believers, on an equal ground with the believing Jews: and there was also a rejection, a reprobation, but not an absolute one; for the election was offered to the Jews first, in every place, by offering them the Gospel. Some embraced it, and submitted to be the elect people of God, on the new ground of faith, instead of the old one of natural descent; and therefore the Apostle, Rom. xi, 7, calls the believing part of the Jews, “the election,” in opposition to those who opposed this “election of grace,” and still clung to their former and now repealed election as Jews and the descendants of Abraham: “But the election hath obtained it, and the rest were blinded.” The offer had been made to the whole nation; all might have joined the one body of believing Jews and believing Gentiles; but the major part of them refused: they would not “come into the supper;” they made “light of it;” light of an election founded on faith, and which placed the relation of “the people of God” upon spiritual attainments, and offered to them only spiritual blessings. They were, therefore, deprived of election and church relationship of every kind: their temple was burned; their political state abolished; their genealogies confounded; their worship annihilated and all visible acknowledgmentacknowledgment of them; by God as a church withdrawn, and transferred to a church henceforward to be composed chiefly of Gentiles: and thus, says St. Paul, “were fulfilled the words of Moses, I will provoke you to jealousy by them that are no people, and by a foolish,” ignorant and idolatrous, “people I will anger you.” It is easy, therefore, to see what is the import of the “calling” and “election” of the Christian church, as spoken of in the New Testament. It was not the calling and the electing of one nation in particular to succeed the Jews; but it was the calling and the electing of believers in all nations, wherever the Gospel should be preached, to be in reality what the Jews typically, and therefore in an inferior degree, had been,--the visible church of God, “his people,” under Christ “the Head;” with an authenticated revelation; with an appointed ministry, never to be lost; with authorized worship; with holy days and festivals; with instituted forms of initiation; and with special protection and favour.
2. To understand what this "election" means, sometimes referring to specific groups of Christians—like when St. Peter mentions, “The church that is at Babylon, elected together with you”—and sometimes to all believers everywhere; and also why the term election is used so often and referenced so frequently, it’s important to remember that a significant religious shift happened during the Apostles' time. To grasp its full significance, we need a bit of reflection. This change was nothing less than the ending of the church state of the Jews, which had been in place for many ages. They had been the only visibly recognized people of God among all the nations; any righteous individuals in other nations weren’t collectively acknowledged as “the people of Jehovah.” They had no written revelations, no designated ministry, no approved initiation into His church and covenant, no set holy days, or authorized rituals. All these were unique to the Jews, making them an elected and special people. This distinguished honor was something they were about to lose. They could have retained it as Christians if they had been willing to let the believing Gentiles from all nations share it with them; but the main reason behind their uniqueness and election, as a nation, ended with the arrival of the Messiah, who was meant to be “a light to the Gentiles” as well as “the glory of His people Israel.” Their pride and resulting disbelief resented this, which explains their hostility toward the believing Gentiles, who, when what St. Paul calls “the fellowship of the mystery” was fully revealed—mainly through the glorious ministry of that very Apostle—were invited into that church relationship and visible recognition as the people of God that the Jews once had enjoyed, and with an even greater degree of glory, due to the superior spirituality of the new covenant. This doctrine fueled strong resentment among the unbelieving Jews and some who were partially Christianized, to which many references are made in the New Testament. They were “provoked,” became “jealous,” and were often stirred to irrational persecution by it. There was then a new election of a new people of God, consisting of Jews, not through their natural descent, but through their faith in Christ, and of Gentiles from all nations, also believing, and placed as believers on equal footing with the believing Jews: and there was also a rejection, a disapproval, but not an absolute one; for the election was first offered to the Jews everywhere by presenting them the Gospel. Some accepted it and agreed to be the elect people of God on the new basis of faith, instead of the old basis of natural descent; and therefore the Apostle, Rom. xi, 7, refers to the believing part of the Jews as “the election,” in contrast to those who resisted this “election of grace” and still clung to their previous and now repealed election as Jews and descendants of Abraham: “But the election hath obtained it, and the rest were blinded.” The offer was made to the entire nation; everyone could have joined the one body of believing Jews and believing Gentiles; but the majority of them refused: they would not “come into the supper;” they made “light of it;” disregarded an election based on faith, which defined the relationship of “the people of God” on spiritual achievements, and offered them only spiritual blessings. Consequently, they were stripped of any form of election and church relationship: their temple was destroyed; their political state dissolved; their genealogies confused; their worship erased; and all visible acknowledgmentacknowledgment of them by God as a church was withdrawn, and transferred to a church that would mainly consist of Gentiles: and thus, says St. Paul, “were fulfilled the words of Moses, I will provoke you to jealousy by them that are no people, and by a foolish,” ignorant and idolatrous, “people I will anger you.” It’s clear, then, what the significance of the “calling” and “election” of the Christian church is, as mentioned in the New Testament. It wasn’t about calling and electing one nation in particular to take the place of the Jews; it was about calling and electing believers from all nations, wherever the Gospel would be preached, to become what the Jews symbolically, and in a lesser way, had been—the visible church of God, “His people,” under Christ “the Head;” with an authentic revelation; with a dedicated ministry that would never be lost; with authorized worship; with holy days and festivals; with established forms of initiation; and with special protection and favor.
3. The third kind of election is personal election; or the election of individuals to be the children of God, and the heirs of eternal life. This is not a choosing to particular offices and service, which is the first kind of election we have mentioned; nor is it that collective election to religious privileges and a visible church state, of which we have spoken. For although “the elect” have an individual interest in such an election as parts of the collective body, thus placed in possession of the ordinances of Christianity; yet many others have the same advantages, who still remain under the guilt and condemnation of sin and practical unbelief. The individuals properly called “the elect,” are they who have been made partakers of the grace and saving efficacy of the Gospel. “Many,” says our Lord, “are called, but few chosen.” What true personal election is, we shall find explained in two clear passages of Scripture. It is explained by our Lord, where he says to his disciples, “I have chosen you out of the world:” and by St. Peter, when he addresses his First Epistle to the “elect according to the foreknowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the Spirit, unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus.” To be elected, therefore, is to be separated from “the world,” and to be sanctified by the Spirit, and by the blood of Christ. It follows, then, not only that election is an act of God done in time, but also that it is subsequent to the administration of the means of salvation. The “calling” goes before the “election;” the publication of the doctrine of “the Spirit,” and the atonement, 338called by Peter “the sprinkling of the blood of Christ,” before that “sanctification” through which they become “the elect” of God. In a word, “the elect” are the body of true believers; and personal election into the family of God is through personal faith. All who truly believe are elected; and all to whom the Gospel is sent have, through the grace that accompanies it, the power to believe placed within their reach; and all such might, therefore, attain to the grace of personal election.
3. The third type of election is personal election; or the election of individuals to become the children of God and heirs of eternal life. This isn’t about choosing specific roles or services, which is the first type of election we mentioned, nor is it about a collective election for religious privileges and a visible church community, which we’ve discussed. Although “the elect” have an individual stake in this kind of election as members of the collective body, benefiting from the ordinances of Christianity, many others also have the same advantages but still remain guilty and condemned because of sin and practical unbelief. The individuals truly called “the elect” are those who have experienced the grace and saving power of the Gospel. “Many,” says our Lord, “are called, but few chosen.” The true meaning of personal election is clearly explained in two passages from Scripture. It is defined by our Lord when he tells his disciples, “I have chosen you out of the world,” and by St. Peter when he writes his First Epistle to the “elect according to the foreknowledge of God the Father, through the sanctification of the Spirit, unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus.” Therefore, to be elected means to be set apart from “the world,” and to be sanctified by the Spirit and the blood of Christ. This implies that election is an act of God that occurs in time, and it follows the administration of the means of salvation. The “calling” happens before the “election;” the announcement of the doctrine of “the Spirit” and the atonement, referred to by Peter as “the sprinkling of the blood of Christ,” comes before that “sanctification” that makes them “the elect” of God. In summary, “the elect” are the true body of believers; and personal election into the family of God comes through personal faith. Everyone who truly believes is elected; and everyone to whom the Gospel is sent has, through the accompanying grace, the ability to believe within their reach; thus, they all could achieve the grace of personal election.
ELEMENTS, ϛοιχεῖα, the elements or first principles of any art, whence the subsequent parts proceed. The elements or first principles of the Christian doctrine, Heb, v, 12. St. Paul calls the ceremonial ordinances of the Mosaic law, “worldly elements,” Gal. iv, 3; Col. ii, 8, 20; “weak and beggarly elements,” Gal. iv, 9. Elements, as containing the rudiments of the knowledge of Christ, to which knowledge the law, as a pedagogue, Gal. iii, 24, was intended, by means of those ordinances, to bring the Jews; worldly, as consisting in outward worldlyworldly institutions, Heb. ix, 1; weak and beggarly, when considered in themselves, and set up in opposition to the great realities to which they were designed to lead. But, in Col. ii, 8, the elements or rudiments of the world are so closely connected with philosophy and vain deceit, or an empty and deceitful philosophy, that they must be understood there to include the dogmas of Pagan philosophy; to which, no doubt, many of the Colossians were in their unconverted state attached, and of which the Judaizing teachers, who also were probably themselves infected with them, took advantage to withdraw the Colossian converts from the purity of the Gospel, and from Christ their living head. And from the general tenor of this chapter, and particularly from verses 18–23, it appears, that these philosophical dogmas, against which the Apostle cautioned his converts, were partly Platonic, and partly Pythagorean; the former teaching the worship of angels, or demons, as mediators between God and man; the latter enjoining such abstinence from particular kinds of meats and drinks, and such severe mortifications of the body, as God had not commanded.
ELEMENTS, στοιχεῖα, the basic components or first principles of any art, from which the later parts come. The first principles of Christian doctrine are referenced in Heb, v, 12. St. Paul refers to the ceremonial laws of the Mosaic law as “worldly elements,” Gal. iv, 3; Col. ii, 8, 20; “weak and insignificant elements,” Gal. iv, 9. Elements are seen as containing the basics of the knowledge of Christ, which the law was meant to guide the Jews toward, as a teacher, Gal. iii, 24, through those ordinances; worldly, as consisting of external worldlyworldly institutions, Heb. ix, 1; weak and insignificant when seen on their own and in contrast to the important truths they were meant to lead to. But, in Col. ii, 8, the elements or basics of the world are so closely linked with philosophy and vain deceit, or a hollow and deceptive philosophy, that they must be understood to include the teachings of Pagan philosophy; to which, no doubt, many of the Colossians were attached before converting, and which the Judaizing teachers, likely also influenced by them, exploited to steer the Colossian converts away from the purity of the Gospel and from Christ, their living head. From the overall theme of this chapter, especially in verses 18–23, it is clear that these philosophical teachings, against which the Apostle warned his converts, were partly Platonic and partly Pythagorean; the former advocating the worship of angels or demons as mediators between God and man, and the latter imposing restrictions on certain foods and drinks and demanding severe self-denial of the body, which God had not commanded.
ELI, a high priest of the Hebrews, of the race of Ithamar, who succeeded Abdon, and governed the Hebrews, both as priest and judge, during forty years. How Eli came to the high priesthood, and how this dignity was transferred from Eleazar’s family to that of Ithamar, who was Aaron’s youngest son, we know not. This much, however, is certain, that it was not done without an express declaration of God’s will, 1 Sam. ii, 27, &c. In the reign of Solomon, the predictions in relation to Eli’s family were fulfilled; for the high priesthood was taken from Abiathar, a descendant of Eli, and given to Zadok, who was of the race of Eleazar, 1 Kings ii, 26. Eli appears to have been a pious, but indolent man, blinded by paternal affection, who suffered his sons to gain the ascendancy over him; and for want either of personal courage, or zeal for the glory of God sufficient to restrain their licentious conduct, he permitted them to go on to their own and his ruin. Thus he carried his indulgence to cruelty; while a more dignified and austere conduct on his part might have rendered them wise and virtuous, and thereby have preserved himself and family. A striking lesson for parents! God admonished him by Samuel, then a child; and Eli received those awful admonitions with a mind fully resigned to the divine will. “It is the Lord,” said he, “let him do what seemeth him good.” God deferred the execution of his vengeance many years. At length, however, Hophni and Phineas, the sons of Eli, were slain by the Philistines, the ark of the Lord was taken, and Eli himself, hearing this melancholy news, fell backward from his chair and broke his neck, in the ninety-eighth year of his age, 1 Sam. iv, 12, 18.
ELI was a high priest of the Hebrews, from the lineage of Ithamar, who took over from Abdon and led the Hebrews as both priest and judge for forty years. We don’t know how Eli achieved the high priesthood or how this honor was passed from Eleazar's family to Ithamar, Aaron's youngest son. What we do know for sure is that it happened only after a clear declaration of God's will, 1 Sam. ii, 27, &c. During Solomon’s reign, the predictions regarding Eli's family came true; the high priesthood was taken from Abiathar, a descendant of Eli, and given to Zadok, who came from Eleazar's line, 1 Kings ii, 26. Eli seemed to be a devout but lazy man, blinded by his love for his sons, allowing them to dominate him. Due to his lack of personal courage or zeal for God’s glory, he let them continue their reckless behavior, leading to their destruction and his own. His indulgence turned into cruelty; a more dignified and strict approach could have guided them to be wise and virtuous, ultimately saving himself and his family. It serves as a powerful lesson for parents! God warned him through Samuel, who was still a child at the time; Eli accepted these serious warnings with a heart fully resigned to God’s will. “It is the Lord,” he said, “let him do what seems good to him.” God delayed his punishment for many years. Eventually, however, Hophni and Phineas, Eli's sons, were killed by the Philistines, the ark of the Lord was captured, and when Eli heard this tragic news, he fell back from his chair and broke his neck at the age of ninety-eight, 1 Sam. iv, 12, 18.
ELIEZER, a native of Damascus, and the steward of Abraham’s house. It seems that Abraham, before the birth of Isaac, intended to make him his heir:--“One born in my house,” a domestic slave, “is mine heir,” Gen. xv, 1–3. He was afterward sent into Mesopotamia, to procure a wife for Isaac, Gen. xxiv, 2, 3, &c; which business he accomplished with fidelity and expedition. “It is still the custom in India,” says Forbes, “especially among the Mohammedans, that in default of children, and sometimes where there are lineal descendants, the master of a family adopts a slave, frequently a Haffshee Abyssinian, of the darkest hue, for his heir. He educates him agreeably to his wishes, and marries him to one of his daughters. As the reward of superior merit, or to suit the caprice of an arbitrary despot, this honour is also conferred on a slave recently purchased, or already grown up in the family; and to him he bequeaths his wealth, in preference to his nephews, or any collateral branches. This is a custom of great antiquity in the east, and prevalent among the most refined and civilized nations. In the earliest period of the patriarchal history, we find Abraham complaining for want of children; and declaring that either Eliezer of Damascus, or probably one born from him in his house, was his heir, to the exclusion of Lot, his favourite nephew, and all the other collateral branches of his family.”
ELIEZER, a native of Damascus, was the steward of Abraham’s household. Before Isaac was born, Abraham intended to make him his heir: “A servant born in my house is my heir,” Gen. xv, 1–3. He was later sent to Mesopotamia to find a wife for Isaac, Gen. xxiv, 2, 3, etc. He carried out this task with loyalty and speed. “It is still the custom in India,” says Forbes, “especially among Muslims, that when there are no children, and sometimes even when there are direct descendants, the head of a family adopts a slave, often a dark-skinned Haffshee Abyssinian, as his heir. He raises him according to his preferences and marries him to one of his daughters. As a reward for exceptional merit, or to satisfy the whims of a powerful ruler, this honor can also be given to a recently purchased slave or one who has grown up in the family; he leaves his wealth to him instead of his nephews or any other relatives. This is a tradition with deep roots in the East and is common among the most cultured and advanced societies. In the earliest times of patriarchal history, we see Abraham lamenting his lack of children and stating that either Eliezer of Damascus or possibly a child born to him in his house would be his heir, leaving out Lot, his favorite nephew, and all other branches of his family.”
ELIHU, one of Job’s friends, a descendant of Nahor, Job xxxii, 2. See Job.
ELIHU, one of Job’s friends, a descendant of Nahor, Job 32:2. See Job.
ELIJAH. Elijah or Elias, a prophet, was a native of Tishbe beyond Jordan in Gilead. Some think that he was a priest descended from Aaron, and say that one Sabaca was his father; but this has no authority. He was raised up by God, to be set like a wall of brass, in opposition to idolatry, and particularly to the worship of Baal, which Jezebel and Ahab supported in Israel. The Scripture introduces Elijah saying to Ahab, 1 Kings xvii, 1, 2, A. M. 3092, “As the Lord God of Israel liveth, before whom I stand, there shall not be dew nor rain these years, but according to my word.” It is remarkable, that the number of years is not here specified; but in the New Testament we are informed that it was three years and six 339months. By the prohibition of dew as well as rain, the whole vegetable kingdom was deprived of that moisture, without which neither the more hardy, nor more delicate kinds of plants could shoot into herbage, or bring that herbage to maturity. The Lord commanded Elijah to conceal himself beyond Jordan, near the brook Cherith. He obeyed, and God sent ravens to him morning and evening, which brought him flesh and bread. Scheuzer observes, that he cannot think that the orebim of the Hebrew, rendered “ravens,” means, as some have thought, the inhabitants of a town called Oreb, nor a troop of Arabs called orbhim; and contends that the bird called the raven, or one of the same genus is intended. Suppose that Elijah was concealed from Ahab in some rocky or mountainous spot, where travellers never came; and that here a number of voracious birds had built their nests upon the trees which grew around it, or upon a projecting rock, &c. These flying every day to procure food for their young, the prophet availed himself of a part of what they brought; and while they, obeying the dictates of nature, designed only to provide for their offspring, Divine providence directed them to provide at the same time for the wants of Elijah. What, therefore, he collected, whether from their nests, from what they dropped, or under a supernatural influence, brought to him, or occasionally from all these means, was enough for his daily support. “And the orebim furnished him bread or flesh in the morning, and bread or flesh in the evening.” But as there were probably several of them, some might furnish bread and others flesh, as it happened; so that a little from each formed his solitary but satisfactory meal. To such straits was the exiled prophet driven! perhaps these orebim were not strictly ravens, but rooks. The word rendered raven, includes the whole genus, among which are some less impure than the raven, as the rook. Rooks living in numerous societies are supposed by some to be the kind of birds employed on this occasion rather than ravens, which fly only in pairs. But upon all these explanations we may observe, that when an event is evidently miraculous, it is quite superfluous, and often absurd, to invent hypotheses to make it appear more easy. After a time the brook dried up, and God sent Elijah to Zarephath, a city of the Sidonians. At the city gate he met with a widow woman gathering sticks, from whom he desired a little water, adding, “Bring me, I pray thee, also a morsel of bread.” She answered, “As the Lord liveth, I have no bread, but only a handful of meal, and a little oil in a cruse; and I am gathering some sticks, that I may dress it for me and my son, that we may eat it, and die.” Elijah said, “Make first a little cake, and bring it me, and afterward make for thee and thy son: for thus saith the Lord, the barrel of meal shall not waste, neither shall the cruse of oil fail, until the day the Lord sendeth rain upon the earth.” His prediction was fully accomplished, and he dwelt at the house of this widow. Some time after, the son of this woman fell sick, and died. The mother, overwhelmed with grief, intreated the assistance and interposition of Elijah, who taking the child in his arms laid him on his own bed, and cried to the Lord for the restoration of the child’s life. The Lord heard the prophet’s petition, and restored the child.
ELIJAH. Elijah, also known as Elias, was a prophet from Tishbe beyond the Jordan in Gilead. Some believe he was a priest descended from Aaron, claiming that a man named Sabaca was his father; however, there isn't any solid evidence for this. He was raised by God to stand firm against idolatry, specifically the worship of Baal that Jezebel and Ahab promoted in Israel. The Scripture introduces Elijah confronting Ahab, as stated in 1 Kings xvii, 1, 2, A.M. 3092: “As the Lord God of Israel lives, whom I serve, there will be neither dew nor rain in the next few years except at my word.” It's interesting to note that the exact number of years isn't mentioned here, but the New Testament tells us it lasted for three years and six months. By banning dew as well as rain, all plant life was deprived of the moisture necessary for growth, affecting both hardy and delicate plants. The Lord instructed Elijah to hide himself beyond the Jordan, near the brook Cherith. He obeyed, and God sent ravens to him every morning and evening with food. Scheuzer points out that he doesn’t believe the Hebrew word orebim, translated as "ravens," refers to either the residents of a town called Oreb or a group of Arabs named orbhim; he argues that it refers to the raven or a related bird. Imagine that Elijah was hiding in a rocky or mountainous area where travelers rarely ventured, and there, voracious birds built their nests in the trees or on a ledge. These birds would fly off daily to feed their young, and the prophet would take part of what they brought back. While the birds acted on instinct to care for their offspring, Divine providence led them to also provide for Elijah. Thus, what he gathered—whether from their nests, what they dropped, or through some supernatural influence—was enough to sustain him each day. “And the orebim brought him bread or flesh in the morning, and bread or flesh in the evening.” Since there were likely several birds, some may have brought bread while others brought meat, contributing to his modest but fulfilling meals. The exiled prophet faced such dire circumstances! Perhaps these orebim weren’t strictly ravens but rooks. The term for raven encompasses the whole genus, including some less harmful types like rooks. Rooks, which live in large groups, are thought by some to be the birds referred to in this story, rather than the pair-flying ravens. However, regardless of these theories, it's evident that when an event is clearly miraculous, trying to devise simpler explanations often seems unnecessary and absurd. After a while, the brook dried up, and God directed Elijah to Zarephath, a city of the Sidonians. At the city gate, he encountered a widow gathering sticks and asked her for a little water, adding, “Please bring me a bit of bread too.” She replied, “As the Lord lives, I have no bread, just a handful of flour and a bit of oil in a jar. I'm gathering a few sticks to prepare it for my son and me, so we can eat it and die.” Elijah said, “First, make a small cake for me and bring it to me, and then make some for you and your son. For this is what the Lord says: The flour jar will not be empty, and the oil jug will not run dry until the day the Lord sends rain on the earth.” His prediction came true, and he stayed with the widow. Some time later, her son fell ill and died. The mother, overwhelmed with sorrow, begged Elijah for help. He took the child in his arms, laid him on his bed, and cried out to the Lord to restore the child's life. The Lord heard Elijah's plea and brought the child back to life.
2. After three years of drought the Lord commanded Elijah to show himself to Ahab. The famine being great in Samaria, Ahab sent the people throughout the country, to inquire after places where they might find forage for the cattle. Obadiah, an officer of the king’s household, being thus employed, Elijah presented himself, and directed him to tell Ahab, “Behold, Elijah is here!” Ahab came to meet the prophet, and reproached him as the cause of the famine. Elijah retorted the charge upon the king, and his iniquities, and challenged Ahab to gather the people together, and the prophets of Baal, that it might be determined by a sign from heaven, the falling of fire upon the sacrifice, who was the true God. In this the prophet obeyed the impulse of the Spirit of God; and Ahab, either under an influence of which he was not conscious, or blindly confident in the cause of idolatry, followed Elijah’s direction, and convened the people of Israel, and four hundred prophets of Baal. The prophets of Baal prepared their altar, sacrificed their bullock, placed it on the altar, and called upon their gods. They leaped upon the altar, and cut themselves after their manner, crying with all their might. Elijah ridiculed them, and said, “Cry aloud, for he is god; either he is talking, or he is pursuing, or he is on a journey, or peradventure he sleepeth, and must be awaked.” When midday was past, Elijah repaired the altar of the Lord; and with twelve stones, in allusion to the twelve tribes of Israel, he built a new altar. He then laid his bullock upon the wood, poured a great quantity of water three times upon the sacrifice and the wood, so that the water filled the trench which was dug round the altar. After this he prayed, and, in answer to his prayer, the Lord sent fire from heaven, and consumed the wood, the burnt sacrifice, the stones, and dust of the place, and even dried up the water in the trench. Upon this, all the people fell on their faces, and exclaimed, “The Lord, he is the God.” Elijah then, having excited the people to slay the false prophets of Baal, said to Ahab, “Go home, eat and drink, for I hear the sound of abundance of rain;” which long-expected blessing descended from heaven according to his prediction, and gave additional proof to the truth of his mission from the only living and true God.
2. After three years of drought, the Lord told Elijah to present himself to Ahab. With the famine severe in Samaria, Ahab sent people throughout the land to look for places where they could find feed for the livestock. Obadiah, one of the king’s officials, was doing this when Elijah came to him and told him to inform Ahab, “Elijah is here!” Ahab went to meet the prophet and blamed him for the famine. Elijah shot back, blaming the king and his wrongdoings, and challenged Ahab to gather the people and the prophets of Baal to see who the true God was, by having fire come down from heaven to consume the sacrifice. The prophet acted on the prompting of the Spirit of God; and Ahab, either unaware of the influence or blindly confident in idolatry, followed Elijah’s instructions and gathered the people of Israel along with four hundred prophets of Baal. The prophets of Baal set up their altar, sacrificed their bull, placed it on the altar, and called out to their gods. They jumped around the altar and cut themselves as was their custom, shouting as loudly as they could. Elijah mocked them, saying, “Shout louder, for he is a god; maybe he's deep in thought, or busy, or traveling, or perhaps he’s sleeping and needs to be awakened.” After midday passed, Elijah repaired the altar of the Lord and built a new altar using twelve stones, representing the twelve tribes of Israel. He then placed his bull on the wood, drenched the sacrifice and wood with a large amount of water three times, filling the trench he dug around the altar. After that, he prayed, and in response, the Lord sent fire from heaven that consumed the wood, the burning sacrifice, the stones, the dust, and evaporated the water in the trench. When the people saw this, they fell on their faces and declared, “The Lord, He is God.” Then Elijah, urging the people to kill the false prophets of Baal, said to Ahab, “Go home, eat and drink, for I hear the sound of heavy rain,” and the long-awaited blessing fell from heaven just as he predicted, further confirming his mission from the one true God.
3. Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, threatened Elijah for having slain her prophets. He therefore fled to Beersheba, in the south of Judah, and thence into Arabia Petrea. In the evening, being exhausted with fatigue, he laid himself down under a juniper tree, and prayed God to take him out of the world. An angel touched him, and he arose, and saw a cake baked on the coals, and a cruse of water; and he ate and drank, and slept again. The angel again awakened him, and said, “Rise and eat, for the 340journey is too great for thee;” and he ate and drank, and went in the strength of that meat forty days and forty nights, unto Horeb, the mount of God. Here he had visions of the glory and majesty of God, and conversed with him; and was commanded to return to the wilderness of Damascus, to anoint Hazael king over Syria, and Jehu king over Israel, and to appoint Elisha his successor in the prophetic office. Some years after, Ahab having seized Naboth’s vineyard, the Lord commanded Elijah to reprove Ahab for the crime he had committed. Elijah met him going to Naboth’s vineyard to take possession of it, and said, “In the place where dogs licked the blood of Naboth, shall they lick thy blood, even thine. And the dogs shall eat Jezebel by the wall of Jezreel.” Both of which predictions were fulfilled in the presence of the people. Ahaziah, king of Israel, being hurt by a fall from the platform of his house, sent to consult Baalzebub, the god of Ekron, whether he should recover. Elijah met the messengers, and said to them, “Is it because there is no God in Israel that ye go to inquire of Baalzebub, the god of Ekron? Now, therefore, saith the Lord, Thou shalt surely die.” The messengers of Ahaziah returned, and informed the king, that a stranger had told them he should certainly die; and Ahaziah knew that this was the Prophet Elijah. The king, therefore, sent a captain with his company of fifty men, to apprehend him; and when the officer was come to Elijah, who was sitting upon a hill, he said, “Thou man of God, the king commands thee to come down.” Elijah answered, “If I be a man of God, let fire come down from heaven, and consume thee and thy fifty.” The prophet’s words were followed with the effect predicted. The king sent another captain, who was also consumed; but a third captain going to Elijah intreated him to save him and his people’s lives, and Elijah accompanied him to the king. By these fearful miracles he was accredited to this successor of Ahab as a prophet of the true God, and the destruction of these companies of armed men was a demonstration of God’s anger against the people at large. Elijah could not in this case act from any other impulse than that of the Spirit of God.
3. Jezebel, Ahab's wife, threatened Elijah for killing her prophets. So, he fled to Beersheba in southern Judah and then went into Arabian Petra. In the evening, worn out from exhaustion, he lay down under a juniper tree and prayed to God to take him out of the world. An angel touched him, and he got up and saw a cake baked on the coals and a jar of water; he ate, drank, and then fell asleep again. The angel woke him up again and said, “Get up and eat, for the journey is too much for you;” and he ate and drank, then went on in the strength of that food for forty days and forty nights to Horeb, the mountain of God. There, he had visions of God’s glory and majesty and spoke with Him; he was instructed to return to the wilderness of Damascus to anoint Hazael as king over Syria, Jehu as king over Israel, and to appoint Elisha as his successor in the prophetic role. Years later, after Ahab took Naboth’s vineyard, the Lord told Elijah to confront Ahab for his wrongdoing. Elijah met Ahab as he was heading to Naboth’s vineyard to take possession of it and said, “In the spot where dogs licked the blood of Naboth, they will lick your blood, your own. And dogs will eat Jezebel by the wall of Jezreel.” Both predictions were fulfilled before the people. Ahaziah, the king of Israel, was injured from a fall off his house and sent to ask Baalzebub, the god of Ekron, whether he would recover. Elijah intercepted the messengers and said, “Is it because there is no God in Israel that you go to ask Baalzebub, the god of Ekron? Therefore, the Lord says, you will surely die.” The messengers returned and told the king that a stranger had said he would definitely die, and Ahaziah realized this was the prophet Elijah. So, the king sent a captain with fifty men to capture him; when the officer found Elijah sitting on a hill, he said, “Man of God, the king commands you to come down.” Elijah replied, “If I am a man of God, let fire come down from heaven and consume you and your fifty.” The prophet’s words were immediately followed with the foretold outcome. The king sent another captain, who met the same fate, but a third captain approached Elijah and begged him to spare his life and the lives of his men, and Elijah went with him to the king. Through these terrifying miracles, he proved to the successor of Ahab that he was a true prophet of God, and the destruction of those armed groups demonstrated God’s anger against the people as a whole. Elijah could only act in this situation under the influence of the Spirit of God.
4. Elijah, understanding by revelation that God would soon translate him out of this world, was desirous of concealing this fact from Elisha, his inseparable companion. He therefore said to Elisha, “Tarry thou here, for the Lord hath sent me to Bethel.” But Elisha answered, “I will not leave thee.” At Bethel, Elijah said, “Tarry thou here, the Lord hath sent me to Jericho;” but Elisha replied, he would not forsake him. At Jericho Elijah desired him to stay; but Elisha would not leave him. They went therefore together to Jordan, and fifty of the sons of the prophets followed them at a distance. When they were come to the Jordan, Elijah took his mantle, and with it struck the waters, which divided, and they went over on dry ground. Elijah then said to Elisha, “Ask what I shall do for thee before I be taken away from thee.” “I pray thee,” said Elisha, “let a double portion of thy spirit be upon me;” that is, obtain the gift of prophecy from God for me, in the same measure that thou possessest it. Double may signify like; or the gift of prophecy, and of miracles, in a degree double to what thou dost possess, or to what I now possess. Elijah answered, “Thou hast asked me a very hard thing; yet, if thou see me when I am taken from thee, it shall be so unto thee; but if not, it shall not be so.” As they journeyed, a fiery chariot, with horses of fire, suddenly separated them, and Elijah was carried in a whirlwind to heaven; while Elisha exclaimed, “My father, my father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof!”
4. Elijah, having learned through revelation that God was about to take him out of this world, wanted to keep this information from Elisha, his close companion. He said to Elisha, "Stay here, for the Lord has sent me to Bethel." But Elisha replied, "I won’t leave you." In Bethel, Elijah told him, "Stay here, the Lord has sent me to Jericho;" yet Elisha insisted he wouldn’t abandon him. When they reached Jericho, Elijah asked him to stay behind, but Elisha refused to leave. So they went together to Jordan, with fifty of the prophets' sons following them at a distance. Once they arrived at the Jordan, Elijah took his cloak and struck the water with it, making it part, and they crossed on dry ground. Elijah then said to Elisha, "Ask what I should do for you before I’m taken away from you." Elisha responded, "I ask you to let a double portion of your spirit be upon me;" meaning, he wanted the gift of prophecy from God in the same measure that Elijah had it. "Double" could mean similar, or the gift of prophecy and miracles at a level twice what Elijah possessed, or what Elisha currently had. Elijah replied, "You’ve asked a very difficult thing; however, if you see me when I'm taken from you, it will happen; but if not, it won't happen." While they were traveling, a fiery chariot with horses of fire suddenly separated them, and Elijah was taken up in a whirlwind to heaven; Elisha shouted, "My father, my father, the chariots of Israel and their horsemen!"
5. Elijah was one of the most eminent of that illustrious and singular race of men, the Jewish prophets. Every part of his character is marked by a moral grandeur, which is heightened by the obscurity thrown around his connections, and his private history. He often wears the air of a supernatural messenger suddenly issuing from another world, to declare the commands of heaven, and to awe the proudest mortals by the menace of fearful judgments. His boldness in reproof; his lofty zeal for the honour of God; his superiority to softness, ease, and suffering, are the characters of a man filled with the Holy Spirit; and he was admitted to great intimacy with God, and enabled to work miracles of a very extraordinary and unequivocal character. These were called for by the stupid idolatry of the age, and were in some instances equally calculated to demonstrate the being and power of Jehovah, and to punish those who had forsaken him for idols. The author of Ecclesiasticus has an encomium to his memory, and justly describes him as a prophet “who stood up as fire, and whose word burned as a lamp.” In the sternness and power of his reproofs he was a striking type of John the Baptist, and the latter is therefore prophesied of, under his name. Malachi, iv, 5, 6, has this passage: “Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet, before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord.” Our Saviour also declares that Elijah had already come in spirit, in the person of John the Baptist. At the transfiguration of our Saviour, Elijah and Moses both appeared and conversed with him respecting his future passion, Matt. xvii, 3, 4; Mark ix, 4; Luke ix, 30. Many of the Jews in our Lord’s time believed him to be Elijah, or that the soul of Elijah had passed into his body, Matt. xvi, 14; Mark vi, 15; Luke ix, 8. In conclusion, we may observe, that to assure the world of the future existence of good men in a state of glory and felicity, and that in bodies changed from mortality to immortality, each of the three grand dispensations of religion had its instance of translation into heaven; the patriarchal in the person of Enoch, the Jewish in the person of Elijah, and the Christian in the person of Christ.
5. Elijah was one of the most prominent figures in that remarkable and unique group of people, the Jewish prophets. Every aspect of his character is marked by moral greatness, which is enhanced by the mystery surrounding his relationships and personal history. He often gives off the vibe of a supernatural messenger suddenly appearing from another realm to announce the commands of heaven and to instill fear in the proudest people with warnings of dire judgments. His courage in delivering reproof, his passionate commitment to God's honor, and his resilience against comfort, ease, and suffering are traits of a man filled with the Holy Spirit. He enjoyed a close relationship with God and was enabled to perform remarkable and unmistakable miracles. These miracles were called for by the rampant idolatry of the time and often served to demonstrate the existence and power of Jehovah while punishing those who had abandoned Him for idols. The author of Ecclesiasticus honors him, rightly describing him as a prophet “who stood up as fire, and whose word burned like a lamp.” In the severity and strength of his rebukes, he is a clear precursor to John the Baptist, and thus John is prophesied about using his name. Malachi 4:5-6 says: “Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord.” Our Savior also states that Elijah had already come in spirit through John the Baptist. During the transfiguration of our Savior, both Elijah and Moses appeared and talked with him about his upcoming suffering (Matt. 17:3-4; Mark 9:4; Luke 9:30). Many Jews at the time of our Lord believed him to be Elijah, or thought that Elijah's spirit had come into him (Matt. 16:14; Mark 6:15; Luke 9:8). In conclusion, we can note that to assure the world of the future existence of righteous individuals in a state of glory and happiness, in bodies transformed from mortal to immortal, each of the three major religious dispensations featured an instance of ascension to heaven: the patriarchal through Enoch, the Jewish through Elijah, and the Christian through Christ.
ELISHA, the son of Shaphat, Elijah’s disciple and successor in the prophetic office, was of the city of Abelmeholah, 1 Kings xix, 34116, &c. Elijah having received God’s command to anoint Elisha as a prophet, came to Abelmeholah; and finding him ploughing with oxen, he threw his mantle over the shoulders of Elisha, who left the oxen, and accompanied him. Under the article Elijah, it has been observed that Elisha was following his master, when he was taken up to heaven; and that he inherited Elijah’s mantle, with a double portion of his spirit. Elisha smote the waters of Jordan, and divided them; and he rendered wholesome the waters of a rivulet near Jericho. The kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom, having taken the field against the king of Moab, who had revolted from Israel, were in danger of perishing for want of water. Elisha was at that time in the camp; and seeing Jehoram, the king of Israel, he said, “What have I to do with thee? get thee to the prophets of thy father, and to the prophets of thy mother. As the Lord liveth, were it not out of respect to Jehoshaphat, the king of Judah, who is here present, I would not so much as look on thee. But now send for a minstrel; and while this man played, the Spirit of the Lord fell upon Elisha, and he said, Thus saith the Lord, Make several ditches along this valley; for ye shall see neither wind nor rain, yet this valley shall be filled with water, and you and your cattle shall drink of it.” The widow of one of the prophets having told Elisha, that her husband’s creditor was determined to take her two sons and sell them for slaves, Elisha multiplied the oil in the widow’s house, in such quantity that she was enabled to sell it and to discharge the debt. Elisha went frequently to Shunem, a city of Manasseh, on this side Jordan, and was entertained by a certain matron at her house. As she had no children, Elisha promised her a son; and his prediction was accomplished. Some years after, the child died. Elisha, who was then at Mount Carmel, was solicited by the mother to come to her house. The prophet went, and restored the child. At Gilgal, during a great famine, one of the sons of the prophets gathered wild gourds, which he put into the pot, and they were served up to Elisha and the other prophets. It was soon found that they were mortal poison; but Elisha ordering meal to be thrown into the pot, corrected the quality of the pottage. Naaman, general of the king of Syria’s forces, having a leprosy, was advised to visit Elisha in order to be cured. Elisha appointed him to wash himself seven times in the Jordan; and by this means Naaman was perfectly healed. He returned to Elisha, and offered him large presents, which the man of God resolutely refused. But Gehazi, Elisha’s servant, did not imitate the disinterestedness of his master. He ran after Naaman, and in Elisha’s name begged a talent of silver, and two changes of garments. Naaman gave him two talents. Elisha, to whom God had discovered Gehazi’s action, reproached him with it, and declared, that the leprosy of Naaman should cleave to him and his family for ever. This is a striking instance of the disinterestedness of the Jewish prophets. Elisha, like his master Elijah, had learned to contemn the world. The king of Syria being at war with the king of Israel, could not imagine how all his designs were discovered by the enemy. He was told, that Elisha revealed them to the king of Israel. He therefore sent troops to seize the prophet at Dothan; but Elisha struck them with blindness, and led them in that condition into Samaria. When they were in the city, he prayed to God to open their eyes; and after he had made them eat and drink, he sent them back unhurt to their master. Some time after, Benhadad, king of Syria, having besieged Samaria, the famine became so extreme, that a certain woman ate her own child. Jehoram, king of Israel, imputing to Elisha these calamities, sent a messenger to cut off his head. Elisha, who was informed of this design against his life, ordered the door to be shut. The messenger was scarcely arrived, when the king himself followed, and made great complaints of the condition to which the town was reduced. Elisha answered, “To-morrow about this time shall a measure of fine flour be sold for a shekel, and two measures of barley for a shekel, in the gate of Samaria.” Upon this, one of the king’s officers said, “Were the Lord to open windows in heaven, might this thing be.” This unbelief was punished; for the prophet answered, “Thou shalt see it with thine eyes, but shalt not eat thereof,” which happened according to Elisha’s prediction, for he was trodden to death by the crowd in the gate. At the end of the seven years’ famine, which the prophet had foretold, he went to Damascus, to execute the command which God had given to Elijah many years before, of declaring Hazael king of Syria. Benhadad being at that time indisposed, and hearing that Elisha was come into his territories, sent Hazael, one of his principal officers, to the prophet to consult him, and inquire of him whether it were possible for him to recover. The prophet told Hazael, that he might recover, but that he was very well assured that he should not; and then looking steadfastly upon him, he broke out into tears upon the prospect, as he told him, of the many barbarous calamities which he would bring upon Israel, when once he was advanced to power, as he would soon be, because he was assured by divine revelation that he was to be king of Syria. Hazael, though offended at the time at being thought capable of such atrocities, did but too clearly verify these predictions; for at his return, having murdered Benhadad, and procured himself to be declared king, he inflicted the greatest miseries upon the Israelites.
ELISHA, the son of Shaphat, was Elijah’s disciple and successor as a prophet from the city of Abelmeholah, 1 Kings xix, 341. After receiving God’s command to anoint Elisha as a prophet, Elijah went to Abelmeholah and found him plowing with oxen. He threw his mantle over Elisha’s shoulders, and Elisha left the oxen to follow him. It has been noted that Elisha was with his master when he was taken up to heaven, and he inherited Elijah’s mantle along with a double portion of his spirit. Elisha struck the waters of Jordan, parting them, and purified the waters of a stream near Jericho. The kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom were in a dangerous situation, facing drought while assaulting the king of Moab, who had rebelled against Israel. Elisha happened to be in the camp, and when he saw Jehoram, king of Israel, he said, “What do I have to do with you? Go to the prophets of your father and your mother. As the Lord lives, if it weren't for Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, who is here, I wouldn’t even look at you. But now, bring me a musician.” When the musician played, the Spirit of the Lord came upon Elisha, and he said, “This is what the Lord says: Dig ditches in this valley, for you won't see wind or rain, yet the valley will be filled with water, and you and your cattle will drink from it.” After the widow of one of the prophets told Elisha that her husband’s creditor was going to take her two sons as slaves, Elisha multiplied the oil in her house so that she could sell it and pay off the debt. Elisha frequently visited Shunem, a city of Manasseh, and a wealthy woman there invited him to stay at her home. Since she had no children, Elisha promised her a son, and she eventually gave birth. Years later, the child died. While Elisha was at Mount Carmel, the mother asked him to come to her home. When he arrived, he restored her child to life. During a severe famine at Gilgal, one of the prophets gathered wild gourds and added them to a pot, which was served to Elisha and the other prophets. They soon discovered that the gourds were poisonous, but Elisha told them to put in some flour, which purified the stew. Naaman, a general of the king of Syria’s army, had leprosy and was directed to visit Elisha for healing. Elisha instructed him to wash seven times in the Jordan, and Naaman was completely healed. He returned to Elisha and offered him substantial gifts, which the prophet declined. However, Elisha’s servant Gehazi did not share his master’s integrity. Gehazi pursued Naaman, asking for a talent of silver and two changes of clothes in Elisha’s name. Naaman generously gave him two talents. Elisha, having been informed by God about Gehazi’s actions, reproached him and declared that Naaman’s leprosy would cling to Gehazi and his family forever. This event underscores the selflessness of the Jewish prophets, as Elisha, like his mentor Elijah, had learned to disregard worldly possessions. While the king of Syria was at war with Israel, he couldn’t understand how his strategies were being revealed to the enemy. He learned that Elisha was informing the king of Israel. Consequently, he sent troops to capture the prophet at Dothan, but Elisha struck the soldiers with blindness and led them into Samaria. Once inside the city, he prayed for their eyes to be opened; after providing them with food and drink, he sent them back unharmed to their master. Later, during a siege of Samaria by Benhadad, king of Syria, the famine became so severe that a woman resorted to eating her own child. Jehoram, king of Israel, blamed Elisha for the disaster and sent a messenger to kill him. When the messenger arrived, Elisha, foreseeing the threat, had the door shut. Just then, the king followed and expressed his distress about the town’s desperate situation. Elisha replied, “Tomorrow at this time, a measure of fine flour will sell for a shekel, and two measures of barley for a shekel at the gate of Samaria.” One of the king’s officers skeptically remarked, “Even if the Lord opened the windows of heaven, could this happen?” Elisha responded, “You will see it with your own eyes, but you won’t eat any of it.” This prophecy came true, and the officer was trampled to death by the crowd at the gate. After seven years of famine, which Elisha had predicted, he went to Damascus to fulfill God’s command given to Elijah years before to anoint Hazael as king of Syria. At that time, Benhadad was ill and, hearing that Elisha was in the area, sent Hazael, one of his chief officers, to the prophet to ask if he would recover. Elisha told Hazael that he might recover, but he was certain he would not. Then, looking intently at Hazael, he wept, foreseeing the many horrific acts Hazael would commit against Israel when he became king, which was revealed to him by divine revelation. Although Hazael was offended at being seen as capable of such cruelty, he later fulfilled the prophet’s predictions by murdering Benhadad and seizing the throne, bringing great suffering to the Israelites.
2. Elisha sent one of the sons of the prophets to anoint Jehu, the son of Jehoshaphat, and grandson of Nimshi, to be king, in pursuance of an order given to Elijah some years before; and Jehu having received the royal unction, executed every thing that had been foretold by Elijah against Ahab’s family, and against Jezebel. Elisha falling sick, Joash, king of Israel, came to visit him, and said, “O my father, my father, the chariot of Israel, and the horsemen thereof.” Elisha desired the 342king to bring him a bow and arrows. Joash having brought them, Elisha requested him to put his hands on the bow, and at the same time the prophet put his own hand upon the king’s, and said, Open the window which looks east, and let fly an arrow. The king having done this, Elisha said, This is the arrow of the Lord’s deliverance: thou shalt be successful against Syria at Aphek. Elisha desired him again to shoot, which he did three times, and then stopped. But Elisha with vehemence said, “If thou hadst smitten five or six times, then thou hadst smitten Syria until thou hadst consumed it; whereas now thou shalt smite Syria only thrice.” This is the last prediction of Elisha of which we read in Scripture, for soon after he died; but it was not his last miracle: for, some time after his interment, a company of Israelites, as they were going to bury a dead person, perceiving a band of Moabites making toward them, put the corpse for haste into Elisha’s tomb, and, as soon as it had touched the prophet’s body, it immediately revived; so that the man stood upon his feet: a striking emblem of the life-giving effect of the labours of the servants of God, after they themselves are gathered to their fathers.
2. Elisha sent one of the prophets’ sons to anoint Jehu, the son of Jehoshaphat and grandson of Nimshi, to be king, following an instruction given to Elijah some years earlier. After Jehu received the royal anointing, he carried out everything that had been prophesied by Elijah against Ahab’s family and Jezebel. When Elisha fell ill, Joash, king of Israel, came to visit him and said, “O my father, my father, the chariot of Israel and its horsemen!” Elisha asked the king to bring him a bow and arrows. Once Joash brought them, Elisha instructed him to place his hands on the bow, while the prophet placed his hand over the king's. He said, “Open the window facing east and shoot an arrow.” When the king did this, Elisha said, “This is the arrow of the Lord’s deliverance: you will defeat Syria at Aphek.” Elisha asked him to shoot again, and he shot three more times before stopping. But Elisha strongly said, “If you had struck the ground five or six times, you would have defeated Syria completely; now you will only defeat Syria three times.” This was the last prediction of Elisha recorded in Scripture, as he died shortly after; however, it was not his final miracle. Some time after his burial, a group of Israelites, while going to bury a deceased person, saw a band of Moabites approaching. In their haste, they placed the corpse in Elisha’s tomb, and as soon as it touched the prophet’s body, it came back to life, and the man stood up. This serves as a powerful symbol of the life-giving impact of the work of God's servants, even after they have passed away.
ELUL, the sixth month of the Hebrew ecclesiastical year, and the twelfth of the civil year, answering to our August and part of September, containing twenty-nine days.
ELUL, the sixth month of the Hebrew religious calendar and the twelfth of the civil calendar, corresponds to our August and part of September, consisting of twenty-nine days.
EMBALMING, the art of preserving dead bodies from putrefaction. It was much practised by the Egyptians of ancient times, and from them seems to have been borrowed by the Hebrews. It consisted in opening the body, taking out the intestines, and filling the place with odoriferous drugs and spices of a desiccative quality. Joseph gave orders for the embalming of the body of his father Jacob, Gen. l, 1, 2; and Moses informs us that the process took up forty days. Joseph himself also was embalmed, Gen. l, 26. Asa, king of Israel, seems to have been embalmed, 2 Chron. xvi, 13, 14. See Burial.
EMBALMING, the practice of preserving dead bodies from decay. It was commonly practiced by the ancient Egyptians and seems to have been adopted by the Hebrews. The process involved opening the body, removing the intestines, and filling the cavity with fragrant drugs and drying spices. Joseph instructed that his father Jacob's body be embalmed, Gen. l, 1, 2; and Moses tells us that the process took forty days. Joseph himself was also embalmed, Gen. l, 26. Asa, the king of Israel, appears to have been embalmed as well, 2 Chron. xvi, 13, 14. See Burial.
EMERALD, נפך, Exod. xxviii, 19; Ezek. xxvii, 16; xxviii, 13; σμάραγδος, Rev. xxi, 19; Eccles. xxxii, 6; Tobit xiii, 16; Judith x, 21. This is generally supposed to be the same with the ancient smaragdus. It is one of the most beautiful of all the gems, and is of a bright green colour, without the admixture of any other. Pliny thus speaks of it: “The sight of no colour is more pleasant than green; for we love to view green fields and green leaves; and are still more fond of looking at the emerald, because all other greens are dull in comparison with this. Beside, these stones seem larger at a distance, by tinging the circumambient air. Their lustre is not changed by the sun, by the shade, nor by the light of lamps; but they have always a sensible moderate brilliancy.” From the passage in Ezekiel we learn that the Tyrians traded in these jewels in the marts of Syria. They probably had them from India, or the south of Persia. The true oriental emerald is very scarce, and is only found at present in the kingdom of Cambay.
EMERALD, נפך, Exod. xxviii, 19; Ezek. xxvii, 16; xxviii, 13; σμάραγδος, Rev. xxi, 19; Eccles. xxxii, 6; Tobit xiii, 16; Judith x, 21. This is generally believed to be the same as the ancient smaragdus. It’s one of the most beautiful gemstones, characterized by a bright green color that has no other hues mixed in. Pliny noted, “There’s no color more pleasing to the eye than green; we enjoy looking at green fields and leaves, and we especially love the emerald because all other greens appear dull next to it. Additionally, these stones seem larger from a distance as they tint the surrounding air. Their shine is unaffected by sunlight, shade, or lamp light; they consistently have a noticeable, moderate brilliance.” From Ezekiel, we learn that the Tyrians traded these jewels in the markets of Syria. They likely sourced them from India or southern Persia. The true oriental emerald is extremely rare and is currently found only in the kingdom of Cambay.
EMERODS. The disease of the Philistines, which is mentioned in 1 Sam. v, 6, 12; vi, 17, is denominated, in the Hebrew, עפלים. This word occurs, likewise, in Deut. xxviii, 27; and it is worthy of remark, that it is every where explained in the keri, or marginal readings, by the Aramæan word, טחרים; an expression which, in the Syriac dialect, where it occurs under the forms, טהרא and טהורא, means the fundament, and likewise the effort which is made in an evacuation of the system. The authors, therefore, of the reading in the keri appear to have assented to the opinion of Josephus, and to have understood by this word the dysentery. The corresponding Arabic words mean a swelling, answering somewhat in its nature to the hernia in men: a disease, consequently, very different from the hemorrhoids, which some persons understand to be meant by the word עפלים. Among other objections, it may also be observed, that the mice, which are mentioned, not only in the Hebrew text, 1 Sam. vi, 5, 12; xvi, 18, but also in the Alexandrine and Vulgate versions, 1 Sam. v, 6; vi, 5, 11, 18, are an objection to understanding the hemorrhoids by the word under consideration, since if that were in fact the disease, we see no reason why mice should have been presented as an offering to avert the anger of the God of Israel. Lichtenstein has given this solution: The word, עכפרים, which is rendered mice, he supposes to mean venomous solpugas, which belong to the spider class, and yet are so large, and so similar in their form to mice, as to admit of their being denominated by the same word. These venomous animals destroy and live upon scorpions. They also bite men, whenever they can have an opportunity, particularly in the fundament and the verenda. Their bite causes swellings, which are fatal in their consequences, called, in Hebrew, עפלים. The probable supposition, then, is, that solpugas were at this time multiplied among the Philistines by the special providence of God; and that, being very venomous, they were the means of destroying many individuals.
EMERODS. The condition afflicting the Philistines, referenced in 1 Sam. v, 6, 12; vi, 17, is referred to in Hebrew as עפלים. This term also appears in Deut. xxviii, 27, and it's noteworthy that it is consistently explained in the keri, or marginal readings, by the Aramaic term טכנים; in the Syriac dialect, where it appears as טהרא and טהורא, it means the fundamental, as well as the effort made during an evacuation of the body. The authors of the reading in the keri seem to have agreed with Josephus's view, interpreting this term to mean dysentery. The equivalent Arabic terms refer to a swelling, somewhat akin to a hernia in men; thus, this condition is quite different from hemorrhoids, which some interpret the word עפלים to signify. Among other points of contention, it should also be noted that the mice referred to in the Hebrew text, 1 Sam. vi, 5, 12; xvi, 18, as well as in the Alexandrine and Vulgate versions, 1 Sam. v, 6; vi, 5, 11, 18, pose an argument against interpreting the word as referring to hemorrhoids, since if that were the case, there would be no clear reason why mice should be offered as a sacrifice to placate the God of Israel. Lichtenstein offers this explanation: he suggests that the word עכברים, translated as mice, actually refers to venomous solpugas, which belong to the spider family and are so large and similar in appearance to mice that they could be called by the same name. These venomous creatures prey on and live off scorpions, and they also bite humans whenever they get the chance, particularly around sensitive areas. Their bite results in serious swellings, which are termed עפלים in Hebrew. Therefore, it is likely that solpugas had become overly abundant among the Philistines due to God's special providence at that time; being very venomous, they probably contributed to the deaths of many people.
EMIMS, ancient inhabitants of the land of Canaan, beyond Jordan, who were defeated by Chedorlaomer and his allies, Gen. xiv, 5. Moses tells us that they were beaten at Shaveh-Kirjathaim, which was in the country of Sihon, conquered from the Moabites, Josh. xiii, 19–21. The Emims were a warlike people, of a gigantic stature, great and numerous, tall as the Anakims, and were accounted giants as well as they, Deut. ii, 10, 11.
EMIMS, the ancient people of the Canaan land, beyond the Jordan River, were defeated by Chedorlaomer and his allies, as mentioned in Gen. xiv, 5. Moses tells us that they were defeated at Shaveh-Kirjathaim, which was in the territory of Sihon, taken from the Moabites, according to Josh. xiii, 19–21. The Emims were a fierce group, known for their giant size, being as tall and numerous as the Anakims, and were considered giants as well, as stated in Deut. ii, 10, 11.
EMMANUEL, or IMMANUEL, “God with us.” It answers both in the LXX, and Matt. i, 23, to the Hebrew עמנואל, from עם, with, נו, us, and אל, God, Isa. vii, 14; viii, 8.
EMMANUEL, or IMMANUEL, “God with us.” It corresponds to both in the LXX and Matt. i, 23, to the Hebrew Emmanuel, from עם, with, No, us, and אל, God, Isa. vii, 14; viii, 8.
EMMAUS, a village about eight miles north-west of Jerusalem; on the road to which, two of the disciples were travelling in sorrow and disappointment after the resurrection, when our Lord appeared to them, and held that memorable conversation with them which is recorded by St. Luke, xxiv.
EMMAUS, a village about eight miles northwest of Jerusalem; on the road to which, two of the disciples were traveling in sorrow and disappointment after the resurrection, when our Lord appeared to them and had that memorable conversation with them that is recorded by St. Luke, xxiv.
ENDOR, a city in the tribe of Manasseh, where the witch resided whom Saul consulted a little before the battle of Gilboa, Joshua xvii, 34311; 1 Sam. xxviii, 13. Mr. Bryant derives Endor from En-Ador, signifying fons pythonis, “the fountain of light,” or oracle of the god Ador: which oracle was probably founded by the Canaanites, and had never been totally suppressed. The ancient world had many such oracles: the most famous of which were that of Jupiter-Ammon in Lybia, and that of Delphi in Greece: and in all of them, the answers to those who consulted them were given from the mouth of a female; who, from the priestess of Apollo at Delphi, has generally received the name of Pythia. That many such oracles existed in Canaan, is evident from the number which Saul himself is said to have suppressed; and such a one, with its Pythia, was this at Endor. At these shrines, either as mock oracles, contrived by a crafty and avaricious priesthood, to impose on the credulity and superstition of its followers; or, otherwise, as is more generally supposed, as the real instruments of infernal power, mankind, having altogether departed from the true God, were permitted to be deluded. That, in this case, the real Samuel appeared is plain both from the affright of the woman herself, and from the fulfilment of his prophecy. It was an instance of God’s overruling the wickedness of men, to manifest his own supremacy and justice.
ENDOR, a city in the tribe of Manasseh, where the witch whom Saul consulted lived just before the battle of Gilboa, Joshua 17:11; 1 Sam. 28:13. Mr. Bryant suggests that Endor comes from En-Ador, meaning fountain of the python, “the fountain of light,” or oracle of the god Ador: this oracle was likely established by the Canaanites and had never been completely shut down. The ancient world had many such oracles, the most famous being that of Jupiter-Ammon in Libya and that of Delphi in Greece; in all these oracles, the answers given to those who consulted were delivered by a woman, who, as in the case of the priestess of Apollo at Delphi, is generally known as Pythia. That many such oracles existed in Canaan is evident from the number that Saul is said to have suppressed; and this one at Endor, with its Pythia, was among them. At these shrines, whether as fake oracles created by a clever and greedy priesthood to trick the gullible and superstitious followers, or as is more widely believed, as true instruments of infernal power, people, having completely strayed from the true God, were allowed to be misled. It's clear that in this instance, the real Samuel appeared, evident from the woman's fear and the fulfillment of his prophecy. It was an example of God overriding the wickedness of men to show His own supremacy and justice.
ENGEDI. It is also called Hazazon-Tamar, or city of palm trees, 2 Chron. xx, 2, because there was a great quantity of palm trees in the territory belonging to it. It abounded with Cyprus vines, and trees that produced balm. Solomon speaks of the “vineyards of Engedi,” Cant. i, 14. This city, according to Josephus, stood near the lake of Sodom, three hundred furlongs from Jerusalem, not far from Jericho, and the mouth of the river Jordan, through which it discharged itself into the Dead Sea. There is frequent mention of Engedi in the Scriptures. It was in the cave of Engedi that David had it in his power to kill Saul, 1 Sam. xxiv. The spot where this transaction took place, was a cavern in the rock, sufficiently large to contain in its recesses the whole of David’s men, six hundred in number, unperceived by Saul when he entered. Many similar caves existed in the Holy Land. Such were those at Adullam and Makkedah, and that in which Lot and his daughters dwelt after the destruction of Sodom. Such also is that described by Mr. Maundrell, near Sidon, which contained two hundred smaller caverns. Many of these were natural cavities in the limestone rock, similar to those in Yorkshire and Derbyshire, and in the Mendip hills in Somersetshire; and others, excavations made by the primeval inhabitants, for defence, or for shelter from the sun; and which subsequently served as retreats for robbers, as they are at this day. Josephus has given an interesting account of these caves, and the manner in which the robbers were taken by Herod. And Dr. E. D. Clarke has described similar retreats in the rocks near Bethlehem; others, between Jerusalem and Jericho, are mentioned by Mr. Wilson. Into such caves the Israelites frequently retired for shelter from their enemies, Judg. vi, 2; 1 Sam. xiii, 6; xiv, 11; a circumstance which has afforded some striking and terrific images to the prophets, Isaiah ii, 19; Hosea x, 8; Rev. vi, 15, 16.
ENGEDI. It's also known as Hazazon-Tamar, or city of palm trees, as mentioned in 2 Chronicles 20:2, because there were many palm trees in the area. It was rich in Cyprus vines and trees that produced balm. Solomon refers to the “vineyards of Engedi” in Song of Solomon 1:14. According to Josephus, this city was located near the lake of Sodom, about three hundred furlongs from Jerusalem, not far from Jericho and the river Jordan, which flowed into the Dead Sea. Engedi is frequently mentioned in the Scriptures. It was in the cave of Engedi where David had the chance to kill Saul, as noted in 1 Samuel 24. The event occurred in a large cavern that could hide all of David's six hundred men without Saul noticing them when he entered. Many similar caves were found in the Holy Land, such as those at Adullam and Makkedah, and the cave where Lot and his daughters stayed after Sodom's destruction. Mr. Maundrell described another cave near Sidon, which had two hundred smaller caverns. Many of these were natural hollows in the limestone rock, similar to those in Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and the Mendip Hills in Somersetshire, while others were excavated by early inhabitants for defense or shade from the sun, which later became hideouts for robbers, as they still are today. Josephus provides an interesting account of these caves and how Herod captured the robbers. Dr. E. D. Clarke described similar hideouts in the rocks near Bethlehem, and Mr. Wilson mentions others between Jerusalem and Jericho. The Israelites often sought refuge in such caves from their enemies, as noted in Judges 6:2; 1 Samuel 13:6; 14:11, which has inspired some striking and terrifying imagery for the prophets, as seen in Isaiah 2:19; Hosea 10:8; Revelation 6:15, 16.
ENOCH, the son of Cain, Gen. iv, 17, in honour of whom the first city noticed in Scripture was called Enoch, by his father Cain, who was the builder. It was situated on the east of the province of Eden.
ENOCH, the son of Cain, Gen. iv, 17, in honor of whom the first city mentioned in Scripture was named Enoch, by his father Cain, who built it. It was located to the east of the region of Eden.
2. Enoch, the son of Jared, and father of Methuselah. He was born A. M. 622, and being contemporary with Adam, he had every opportunity of learning from him the story of the creation, the circumstance of the fall, the terms of the promise, and other important truths. An ancient author affirms, that he was the father of astronomy; and Eusebius hence infers, that he is the same with the Atlas of the Grecian mythology. Enoch’s fame rests upon a better basis than his skill in science. The encomium of Enoch is, that he “walked with God.” While mankind were living in open rebellion against Heaven, and provoking the divine vengeance daily by their ungodly deeds, he obtained the exalted testimony, “that he pleased God.” This he did, not only by the exemplary tenor of his life, and by the attention which he paid to the outward duties of religion, but by the soundness of his faith, and the purity of his heart and life: see Heb. xi, 5, 6. The intent of the Apostle, in the discourse containing this passage, is, to show that there has been but one way of obtaining the divine favour ever since the fall, and that is, by faith, or a firm persuasion and confidence in the atonement to be made for human transgressions by the obedience, sufferings, death, and resurrection of the promised Messiah. The cloud of witnesses which the Apostle has produced of Old Testament worthies, all bore, in their respective generations, their testimony to this great doctrine, in opposition to the atheism or theism, and gross idolatry, which prevailed around them. All the patriarchs are celebrated for their faith in this great truth, and for preserving this principle of religion in the midst of a corrupt generation. Enoch, therefore, is said, by another evangelical writer, to have spoken of the coming of Christ to judgment unto the antediluvian sinners. See Jude 14, 15. This prophecy is a clear, and it is also an awful, description of the day of judgment, when the Messiah shall sit upon his throne of justice, to determine the final condition of mankind, according to their works; and it indicates that the different offices of Messiah both to save and to judge, or as Prophet, Priest, and King, were known to the holy patriarchs. On what the Apostle founded this prediction has been matter of much speculation and inquiry. Some, indeed, have produced a treatise, called “The Book of Enoch,” which, as they pretend, contains the cited passage; but its authority is not proved, and internal evidence sufficiently marks its spurious origin. It is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that the prophecy cited by St. Jude was either traditionally handed down, or had been specially communicated to 344that Apostle. In the departure of Enoch from this world of sin and sorrow, the Almighty altered the ordinary course of things, and gave him a dismissal as glorious to himself, as it was instructive to mankind. To convince them how acceptable holiness is to him, and to show that he had prepared for those that love him a heavenly inheritance, he caused Enoch to be taken from the earth without passing through death. See Elijah.
2. Enoch was the son of Jared and the father of Methuselah. He was born A.M. 622 and lived around the same time as Adam, which gave him every chance to learn from him about the story of creation, the circumstances of the fall, the conditions of the promise, and other important truths. An ancient writer claims that he was the father of astronomy, and Eusebius suggests that he is the same as the Atlas from Greek mythology. Enoch’s reputation stands on more than his scientific skills. The commendation of Enoch is that he “walked with God.” While humanity was openly rebelling against Heaven and provoking divine anger daily with their ungodly actions, he received the high praise that “he pleased God.” He achieved this not only through the exemplary way he lived and his commitment to the outward practices of religion, but also through the strength of his faith and the purity of his heart and life: see Heb. xi, 5, 6. The point the Apostle makes in this discussion is to show that there has only been one way to gain divine favor since the fall, which is through faith, or a firm belief and trust in the atonement made for human sins by the obedience, suffering, death, and resurrection of the promised Messiah. The Apostle cites a cloud of witnesses from the Old Testament, each of whom testified to this significant doctrine against the atheism and gross idolatry prevalent around them. All the patriarchs are honored for their faith in this great truth and for maintaining this principle of religion in a corrupt generation. Therefore, another evangelical writer claims that Enoch spoke about the coming of Christ for judgment to the sinners before the flood. See Jude 14, 15. This prophecy clearly and awfully describes the day of judgment when the Messiah will sit on his throne of justice to determine the final fate of humanity based on their actions; it indicates that the different roles of the Messiah—both to save and to judge, or as Prophet, Priest, and King—were known to the holy patriarchs. There has been much speculation and inquiry about the basis of the Apostle's prediction. Some have even produced a work called “The Book of Enoch,” which they argue contains the cited passage; however, its authority is unproven, and its internal evidence clearly indicates it is not authentic. Thus, it is reasonable to believe that the prophecy mentioned by St. Jude was either passed down through tradition or was specifically revealed to 344 that Apostle. In Enoch’s departure from this world filled with sin and sorrow, the Almighty changed the usual course of events and gave him an exit as glorious for Himself as it was instructive for humanity. To show them how pleasing holiness is to Him and to demonstrate that He has prepared a heavenly inheritance for those who love Him, He allowed Enoch to be taken from the earth without experiencing death. See Elijah.
ENOS, or ENOSH, the son of Seth, and father of Cainan. He was born A. M. 235. Moses tells us that then “men began to call upon the name of the Lord,” Gen iv, 26; that is, such as abhorred the impiety and immorality which prevailed among the progeny of Cain, began to worship God in public, and to assemble together at stated times for that purpose. Good men, to distinguish themselves from the wicked, began to take the name of sons or servants of God; for which reason Moses, Gen. vi, 1, 2, says that “the sons of God,” or the descendants of Enos, “seeing the daughters of men,” &c. The eastern people make the following additions to his history:--that Seth, his father, declared him sovereign prince and high priest of mankind, next after himself; that Enos was the first who ordained public alms for the poor, established public tribunals for the administration of justice, and planted, or rather cultivated, the palm tree.
ENOS, or ENOSH, the son of Seth and father of Cainan, was born in the year 235 A.M. Moses tells us that at that time, “men began to call upon the name of the Lord,” (Gen 4:26); in other words, those who rejected the wickedness and immorality that existed among Cain's descendants started to worship God publicly and gather together regularly for that purpose. Good people, to set themselves apart from the wicked, began to be known as sons or servants of God. This is why Moses, in Gen. 6:1-2, mentions that “the sons of God,” or the descendants of Enos, “saw the daughters of men,” and so on. Eastern traditions add the following details to his story: Seth, his father, appointed him as the sovereign prince and high priest of humanity after himself; Enos was the first to establish public charity for the poor, set up public courts for justice, and cultivated the palm tree.
EPHAH, the eldest son of Midian, who gave his name to a city and small extent of land in the country of Midian, situated on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea, Genesis xxv, 4. This country abounded with camels and dromedaries, Isaiah lx, 6, &c.
EPHAH, the oldest son of Midian, who gave his name to a city and a small area of land in Midian, located on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea, Genesis xxv, 4. This area had plenty of camels and dromedaries, Isaiah lx, 6, & c.
2. Ephah, a measure both for things dry and liquid, in use among the Hebrews. The ephah for the former contained three pecks and three pints. In liquid measure it was of the same capacity as the bath.
2. Ephah, a measurement used for both dry and liquid items among the Hebrews. The ephah for dry goods held three pecks and three pints. In liquid measurement, it had the same capacity as the bath.
EPHESUS, a much celebrated city of Ionia, in Asia Minor, situated upon the river Cayster, and on the side of a hill. It was the metropolis of the Proconsular Asia, and formerly in great renown among Heathen authors on account of its famous temple of Diana. This temple was seven times set on fire: one of the principal conflagrations happened on the very day that Socrates was poisoned, four hundred years before Christ; the other, on the same night in which Alexander the Great was born, when a person of the name of Erostratus set it on fire, according to his own confession, to get himself a name! It was, however, rebuilt and beautified by the Ephesians, toward which the female inhabitants of the city contributed liberally. In the times of the Apostles it retained much of its former grandeur; but, so addicted were the inhabitants of the city to idolatry and the arts of magic, that the prince of darkness would seem to have, at that time, fixed his throne in it. Ephesus is supposed to have first invented those obscure mystical spells and charms by means of which the people pretended to heal diseases and drive away evil spirits; whence originated the Ἐφέσια γράμματα, or Ephesian letters, so often mentioned by the ancients.
Ephesus, a highly praised city in Ionia, in Asia Minor, is located by the river Cayster and on the side of a hill. It was the capital of Proconsular Asia and was once well-known among ancient writers for its famous temple of Diana. This temple was set on fire seven times: one of the major fires occurred on the very day Socrates was poisoned, four hundred years before Christ; another happened on the same night Alexander the Great was born, when a man named Erostratus confessed to setting it ablaze to make a name for himself! It was rebuilt and adorned by the Ephesians, with generous contributions from the women of the city. During the time of the Apostles, it still held much of its former glory; however, the locals were so deeply involved in idol worship and magic practices that it seemed like the prince of darkness had made it his stronghold. Ephesus is believed to have first created those mysterious spells and charms that people claimed could heal illnesses and ward off evil spirits; hence the origin of the Ἐφέσια γράμματα, or Ephesian letters, mentioned frequently by ancient sources.
2. The Apostle Paul first visited this city, A. D. 54; but being then on his way to Jerusalem, he abode there only a few weeks, Acts xviii, 19–21. During his short stay, he found a synagogue of the Jews, into which he went, and reasoned with them upon the interesting topics of his ministry, with which they were so pleased that they wished him to prolong his visit. He however declined that, for he had determined, God willing, to be at Jerusalem at an approaching festival; but he promised to return, which he did a few months afterward, and continued there three years, Acts xix, 10; xx, 31. While the Apostle abode in Ephesus and its neighbourhood, he gathered a numerous Christian church, to which, at a subsequent period, he wrote that epistle, which forms so important a part of the Apostolic writings. He was then a prisoner at Rome, and the year in which he wrote it must have been 60 or 61 of the Christian æra. It appears to have been transmitted to them by the hands of Tychicus, one of his companions in travel, Ephesians vi, 21. The critics have remarked that the style of the Epistle to the Ephesians is exceedingly elevated; and that it corresponds to the state of the Apostle’s mind at the time of writing. Overjoyed with the account which their messenger brought him of the steadfastness of their faith, and the ardency of their love to all the saints, Eph. i, 15; and, transported with the consideration of the unsearchable wisdom of God displayed in the work of man’s redemption, and of his amazing love toward the Gentiles, in introducing them, as fellow-heirs with the Jews, into the kingdom of Christ, he soars into the most exalted contemplation of those sublime topics, and gives utterance to his thoughts in language at once rich and varied. The epistle, says Macknight, is written as it were in a rapture. Grotius remarks that it expresses the sublime matters contained in it in terms more sublime than are to be found in any human language; to which Macknight subjoins this singular but striking observation, that no real Christian can read the doctrinal part of the Epistle to the Ephesians, without being impressed and roused by it, as by the sound of a trumpet.
2. The Apostle Paul first visited this city in A.D. 54, but since he was on his way to Jerusalem, he only stayed there for a few weeks, as noted in Acts xviii, 19–21. During his brief visit, he found a Jewish synagogue, where he engaged in discussions about the interesting topics of his ministry. The people were so pleased that they wanted him to stay longer. However, he declined because he had decided, God willing, to be in Jerusalem for an upcoming festival. He promised to return, which he did a few months later and stayed for three years, as mentioned in Acts xix, 10; xx, 31. While the Apostle was in Ephesus and the surrounding area, he built a large Christian church, to which he later wrote the important epistle that is part of the Apostolic writings. At that time, he was a prisoner in Rome, and he likely wrote it in 60 or 61 A.D. It seems that he sent it through Tychicus, one of his travel companions, as noted in Ephesians vi, 21. Critics have pointed out that the style of the Epistle to the Ephesians is very elevated, reflecting the Apostle’s mindset when he wrote it. He was overjoyed by the report from their messenger about their strong faith and deep love for all the saints, as found in Eph. i, 15. He was uplifted by the incredible wisdom of God shown in mankind's redemption and His amazing love for the Gentiles, including them as co-heirs with the Jews in the kingdom of Christ. He reaches the most profound reflections on these grand topics and expresses his thoughts in rich and varied language. The epistle is described by Macknight as being written as if in a state of rapture. Grotius notes that it conveys the lofty matters contained within in a manner more elevated than any human language can achieve. Macknight adds a unique but powerful observation that no true Christian can read the doctrinal section of the Epistle to the Ephesians without being moved and stirred, like the sound of a trumpet.
3. Ephesus was one of the seven churches to which special messages were addressed in the book of Revelation. After a commendation of their first works, to which they were commanded to return, they were accused of having left their first love, and threatened with the removal of their candlestick out of its place, except they should repent, Rev. ii, 5. The contrast which its present state presents to its former glory, is a striking fulfilment of this prophecy. Ephesus was the metropolis of Lydia, a great and opulent city, and, according to Strabo, the greatest emporium of Asia Minor. Its temple of Diana, “whom all Asia worshipped,” was adorned with one hundred and twenty-seven columns of Parian marble, each of a single shaft, and sixty feet high, and which formed one of the seven wonders of the world. The remains of its magnificent theatre, in which it is said that twenty thousand people 345could easily have been seated, are yet to be seen. But a few heaps of stones, and some miserable mud cottages, occasionally tenanted by Turks, without one Christian residing there, are all the remains of ancient Ephesus. It is, as described by different travellers, a solemn and most forlorn spot. The Epistle to the Ephesians is read throughout the world; but there is none in Ephesus to read it now. They left their first love, they returned not to their first works. Their “candlestick has been removed out of its place;” and the great city of Ephesus is no more. Dr. Chandler says, “The inhabitants are a few Greek peasants, living in extreme wretchedness, dependence, and insensibility; the representatives of an illustrious people, and inhabiting the wreck of their greatness; some, in the substructions of the glorious edifices which they raised; some, beneath the vaults of the stadium, once the crowded scene of their diversions; and some, by the abrupt precipice, in the sepulchres which received their ashes. Its streets are obscured and overgrown. A herd of goats was driven to it for shelter from the sun at noon; and a noisy flight of crows from the quarries seemed to insult its silence. We heard the partridge call in the area of the theatre and the stadium. The glorious pomp of its Heathen worship is no longer remembered; and Christianity, which was here nursed by Apostles, and fostered by general councils, until it increased to fulness of stature, barely lingers on in an existence hardly visible.” “I was at Ephesus,” says Mr. Arundell, “in January, 1824; the desolation was then complete: a Turk, whose shed we occupied, his Arab servant, and a single Greek, composed the entire population; some Turcomans excepted, whose black tents were pitched among the ruins. The Greek revolution, and the predatory excursions of the Samiotes, in great measure accounted for this total desertion. There is still, however, a village near, probably the same which Chishull and Van Egmont mention, having four hundred Greek houses.”
3. Ephesus was one of the seven churches that received special messages in the book of Revelation. After being praised for their early works, which they were told to return to, they were accused of abandoning their first love and warned they would lose their light unless they repented, Rev. ii, 5. The stark contrast between its current state and its former glory is a striking fulfillment of this prophecy. Ephesus was the capital of Lydia, a grand and wealthy city, and, according to Strabo, the largest trading center in Asia Minor. Its temple of Diana, “whom all Asia worshipped,” was decorated with one hundred and twenty-seven columns made of Parian marble, each a single shaft sixty feet high, and it was one of the seven wonders of the world. The remains of its magnificent theater, where it is said that twenty thousand people could easily be seated, can still be seen today. But now, only a few piles of stones and some rundown mud cottages, occasionally occupied by Turks, with no Christians living there, are all that’s left of ancient Ephesus. It is, as described by various travelers, a solemn and desolate place. The Epistle to the Ephesians is read around the world; however, there is no one in Ephesus to read it now. They abandoned their first love and did not return to their early works. Their “candlestick has been removed out of its place,” and the great city of Ephesus is gone. Dr. Chandler states, “The inhabitants are a few Greek peasants, living in extreme poverty, dependence, and insensitivity; the remnants of a once-great people, now living in the ruins of their glory; some among the foundations of the magnificent buildings they built; some beneath the arches of the stadium, once a crowded scene of their entertainment; and some, by the steep cliff, in the tombs that held their ashes. Its streets are hidden and overgrown. A herd of goats was driven there seeking shade from the noon sun, and a noisy flock of crows from the quarries seemed to mock its silence. We heard the partridge calling in the area of the theater and the stadium. The glorious spectacle of its pagan worship is long forgotten; and Christianity, which was nurtured by Apostles and supported by general councils until it grew strong, barely survives in a barely noticeable existence.” “When I was in Ephesus,” says Mr. Arundell, “in January 1824, the desolation was complete: a Turk, whose shed we occupied, his Arab servant, and a single Greek made up the population, not counting some Turcomans whose black tents were pitched among the ruins. The Greek revolution and the predatory raids of the Samiotes largely explain this total abandonment. However, there is still a nearby village, probably the same one mentioned by Chishull and Van Egmont, with four hundred Greek houses.”
St. John passed the latter part of his life in Asia Minor, and principally at Ephesus, where he died.
St. John spent the later part of his life in Asia Minor, mainly in Ephesus, where he passed away.
EPHOD, אפוד. This article of dress was worn by laymen as well as by the high priest. The sacred ephod, the one made for the high priest, differed from the others, in being fabricated of cotton, which was coloured with crimson, purple, and blue, and in being ornamented with gold. In the time of Josephus, it was a cubit of the larger size in length, and was furnished with sleeves. The high priest’s ephod had a very rich button upon each shoulder, made of a large onyx stone set in gold. This stone was so large, that the names of the twelve tribes of Israel were engraven, six on each stone, Exod. xxviii, 9–12. The word shoham, which we render onyx, is translated, by the Septuagint smaragdos, an emerald; but as we have no certain knowledge either of this, or of any of the twelve stones of the breastplate, we may as well be satisfied with our translation as with any other. To the ephod belonged a curious girdle, of the same rich fabric as the ephod itself. This girdle is said to be upon the ephod, Exod. xxviii, 8; that is, woven with the ephod, as Maimonides understands; and, coming out from the ephod on each side, it was brought under the arms like a sash, and tied upon the breast. Samuel, though a Levite only, and a child, wore a linen ephod, 1 Sam. ii, 18. And David, in the ceremony of removing the ark from the house of Obed-edom to Jerusalem, was girt with a linen ephod, 2 Sam. vi, 14. The Levites were not generally allowed to wear the ephod; but in the time of Agrippa, as we are told by Josephus, a little before the taking of Jerusalem by the Romans, they obtained of that prince permission to wear the linen stole as well as the priests. Spencer and Cunæus are of opinion, that the Jewish kings had a right to wear the ephod, because David, coming to Ziklag, and finding that the Amalekites had plundered the city, and carried away his and the people’s wives, ordered Abiathar, the high priest, to bring him the ephod, which being done, David inquired of the Lord, saying, “Shall I pursue after this troop?” 1 Sam. xxx, 8. Whence they infer, that David consulted God by urim and thummim, and consequently put on the ephod. But it is probable the text only means that he ordered the priest to do what he is himself said to have done. The ephod of Gideon is remarkable for having become the occasion of a new kind of idolatry to the Israelites, Judges viii, 27. What this consisted in, is matter of dispute among the learned. Some authors are of opinion that this ephod, as it is called, was an idol; others, that it was only a trophy in memory of the signal victory obtained by Gideon, and that the Israelites paid a kind of divine worship to it; so that Gideon was the innocent cause of their idolatry, in like manner as Moses had been in making the brazen serpent, which was afterward worshipped.
EPHOD, Vest. This item of clothing was worn by both regular people and the high priest. The sacred ephod, specifically made for the high priest, was distinct from the others because it was made of cotton dyed crimson, purple, and blue, and adorned with gold. In Josephus's time, it measured a larger cubit in length and had sleeves. The high priest's ephod featured a luxurious button on each shoulder, crafted from a large onyx stone set in gold. This stone was so big that the names of the twelve tribes of Israel were engraved on it, six on each stone, as mentioned in Exod. xxviii, 9–12. The word shoham, translated as onyx, is referred to in the Septuagint as smaragdos, meaning emerald; however, since we lack definite knowledge about this or any of the twelve stones of the breastplate, we might just accept our translation as valid as any other. Attached to the ephod was an intricate girdle, made from the same luxurious fabric as the ephod itself. This girdle is described as being on the ephod in Exod. xxviii, 8, meaning it was woven into the ephod, according to Maimonides; it came out from the ephod on each side, wrapped under the arms like a sash, and tied at the chest. Although Samuel was only a Levite and a child, he wore a linen ephod, as noted in 1 Sam. ii, 18. Likewise, during the ceremony of moving the ark from Obed-edom's house to Jerusalem, David was dressed in a linen ephod, as recorded in 2 Sam. vi, 14. Generally, the Levites weren't allowed to wear the ephod, but during Agrippa's reign, according to Josephus, shortly before Jerusalem was taken by the Romans, they were permitted by that prince to wear the linen stole just like the priests. Spencer and Cunæus believe that Jewish kings had the right to wear the ephod since, when David arrived at Ziklag and discovered that the Amalekites had raided the city and taken the wives of him and his people, he instructed Abiathar, the high priest, to bring him the ephod. Once this was done, David asked the Lord, “Should I pursue this group?” 1 Sam. xxx, 8. They deduce that David consulted God through urim and thummim and thus wore the ephod. However, it's likely that the text only suggests he told the priest to do as he himself is said to have done. Gideon's ephod is noteworthy because it became the basis for a new form of idolatry among the Israelites, as mentioned in Judges viii, 27. The nature of this idolatry is debated among scholars. Some believe that this ephod was an idol; others argue that it was merely a trophy commemorating Gideon's significant victory and that the Israelites gave it a sort of divine worship, thus making Gideon an unwitting contributor to their idolatry, similar to how Moses had unintentionally caused worship of the bronze serpent he made.
EPHRAIM was the name of Joseph’s second son, by Asenath, Potiphar’s daughter. He was born in Egypt, A. M. 2294. Ephraim, with his brother Manasseh, was presented by his father Joseph to Jacob on his death bed, Gen. xlviii, 8, &c. Jacob laid his right hand on Ephraim the younger, and his left on Manasseh the elder. Joseph was desirous to change his hands, but Jacob answered, “I know it, my son; Manasseh shall be multiplied, but Ephraim shall be greater.” The sons of Ephraim having made an inroad into Palestine, the inhabitants of Gath killed them. Ephraim their father mourned many days for them, and his brethren came to comfort him, 1 Chron. vii, 20, 21. Afterward, he had a son named Beriah, and a daughter Sherah. He had also other sons, Rephah, Resheph, Tela, &c. His posterity multiplied in Egypt to the number of forty thousand five hundred men capable of bearing arms. In the land of promise, Joshua, who was of this tribe, gave them their portion between the Mediterranean west, and the river Jordan east. The ark and tabernacle remained long in this tribe at Shiloh; 346and after the separation of the ten tribes, the seat of the kingdom was in Ephraim, and hence Ephraim is frequently used to denote the whole kingdom. The district belonging to this tribe is called Ephratah, Psalm cxxxii, 6. Ephraim was led captive beyond the Euphrates, with all Israel, by Salmaneser, king of Assyria, A. M. 3283.
EPHRAIM was the name of Joseph’s second son, born to Asenath, Potiphar’s daughter. He was born in Egypt, A. M. 2294. Ephraim, along with his brother Manasseh, was presented by their father Joseph to Jacob on his deathbed, Gen. xlviii, 8, &c. Jacob placed his right hand on Ephraim, the younger, and his left on Manasseh, the elder. Joseph wanted to switch his hands, but Jacob said, “I know, my son; Manasseh will become great, but Ephraim will be even greater.” The sons of Ephraim attacked Palestine, and the people of Gath killed them. Their father Ephraim mourned for many days and his relatives came to comfort him, 1 Chron. vii, 20, 21. Later, he had a son named Beriah and a daughter named Sherah. He also had other sons: Rephah, Resheph, Tela, etc. His descendants grew in Egypt to around forty thousand five hundred men able to fight. In the Promised Land, Joshua, who was from this tribe, allocated their territory between the Mediterranean to the west and the river Jordan to the east. The ark and tabernacle stayed in this tribe at Shiloh for a long time; after the split of the ten tribes, the center of the kingdom was in Ephraim, and that's why Ephraim often refers to the whole kingdom. The area belonging to this tribe is called Ephratah, Psalm cxxxii, 6. Ephraim was taken captive beyond the Euphrates, along with all Israel, by Salmaneser, king of Assyria, A. M. 3283.
2. Ephraim was also the name of a city, into which Christ retired with his disciples a little before his passion, John xi, 54. It was situated in the tribe of Ephraim near the river Jordan. There was also the wood or forest of Ephraim, situated on the other side Jordan, in which Absalom’s army was routed and himself killed, 2 Sam. xviii, 6.
2. Ephraim was also the name of a city where Christ went with his disciples shortly before his suffering, John xi, 54. It was located in the tribe of Ephraim near the Jordan River. There was also the forest of Ephraim, located on the other side of the Jordan, where Absalom's army was defeated and he was killed, 2 Sam. xviii, 6.
EPHRATH, Caleb’s second wife, who was the mother of Hur, 1 Chron. ii, 19. From her, it is believed that the city of Ephratah, otherwise called Bethlehem, where our Lord was born, had its name; and this city is more than once known in Scripture by the name of Ephrath, Gen. xxxv, 16.
EPHRATH, Caleb’s second wife, who was the mother of Hur, 1 Chron. ii, 19. It is believed that the city of Ephratah, also known as Bethlehem, where our Lord was born, got its name from her; and this city is referred to in Scripture more than once by the name of Ephrath, Gen. xxxv, 16.
EPICUREANS, a sect of philosophers in Greece and Rome. Epicurus was their founder, who lived about B. C. 300. The physical doctrine of Epicurus was as follows: Nothing can ever spring from nothing, nor can any thing ever return to nothing. The universe always existed, and will always remain; for there is nothing into which it can be changed. There is nothing in nature, nor can any thing be conceived, beside body and space. Body is that which possesses the properties of bulk, figure, resistance, and gravity; it is this alone which can touch and be touched. Space, or vacuum, destitute of the properties of body, incapable of action or passion, is the region which is or may be occupied by body, and which affords it an opportunity of moving freely. The existence of bodies is attested by the senses. Space must also exist, in order to allow bodies place in which to move and exist; and of their existence and motion we have the certain proof of perception. Beside body and space, no third nature can be conceived. But the existence of qualities is not precluded, because these have no subsistence except in the body to which they belong. The universe, consisting of body and space, is infinite. Bodies are infinite in multitude; space is infinite in magnitude. The universe is immovable, because there is no place beyond it into which it can move. It is also eternal and immutable, since it is liable to neither increase nor decrease, to production nor decay. Nevertheless, the parts of the universe are in motion, and are subject to change. All bodies consist of parts which are either themselves simple principles, or may be resolved into such. These first principles, or simple atoms, are divisible by no force, and therefore must be immutable.
EPICUREANS, a group of philosophers in Greece and Rome, were founded by Epicurus, who lived around 300 B.C. Epicurus's physical doctrine was as follows: Nothing can come from nothing, nor can anything return to nothing. The universe has always existed and will always remain because there is nothing it can change into. In nature, there is nothing, nor can anything be imagined, except for body and space. Body is what has the traits of mass, shape, resistance, and gravity; it is the only thing that can touch and be touched. Space, or vacuum, which lacks the properties of body and cannot act or be acted upon, is the area that can be occupied by body and allows it to move freely. The senses confirm the existence of bodies. Space must also exist to give bodies a place to move and exist, and we have solid proof of their existence and motion through perception. Beyond body and space, no third nature can be imagined. However, the existence of qualities isn't excluded, as they only exist in the body to which they belong. The universe, made up of body and space, is infinite. Bodies are infinite in number, and space is infinite in size. The universe is immovable because there is no place beyond it to move into. It is also eternal and unchanging because it cannot increase or decrease, nor can it be created or destroyed. Nonetheless, parts of the universe are in motion and can change. All bodies consist of parts that are either simple principles themselves or can be broken down into such. These first principles, or simple atoms, cannot be divided by any force, so they must be unchanging.
2. The formation of the world he conceived to have happened in the following manner: A finite number of that infinite multitude of atoms, which, with infinite space, constitute the universe, falling fortuitously into the region of the world, were, in consequence of their innate motion, collected into one rude and indigested mass. In this chaos, the heaviest and largest atoms, or collections of atoms, first subsided, while the smaller, and those which from their form would move most freely, were driven upwards. These latter, after several reverberations, rose into the outer region of the world, and formed the heavens. Those atoms which, by their size and figure, were suited to form fiery bodies, collected themselves into stars; those which were not capable of rising so high in the sphere of the world, being disturbed by the fiery particles, formed themselves into air. At length, from those which subsided, was produced the earth. By the action of air, agitated by heat from the heavenly bodies, upon the mixed mass of the earth, its smoother and lighter particles were separated from the rest, and water was produced, which naturally flowed into the lowest places. In the first combination of atoms, which formed the chaos, various seeds arose, which, being preserved and nourished by moisture and heat, afterward sprung forth in organized bodies of different kinds. The soul is a subtle corporeal substance, composed of the finest atoms, which, by the extreme tenuity of its particles, is able to penetrate the whole body, and to adhere to all its parts. It is composed of four distinct parts: fire, which causes animal heat; an ethereal principle which is moist vapour; air; and a fourth principle, which is the cause of sensation. These four parts are so perfectly combined as to form one subtle substance, which, while it remains in the body, is the cause of all its faculties, motions, and passions, and which cannot be separated from it, without producing the entire dissolution of the animal system.
2. He believed the world was formed in the following way: A finite number of the infinite variety of atoms, which along with infinite space make up the universe, randomly fell into the region of the world and, due to their natural motion, grouped together into a chaotic, unrefined mass. In this chaos, the heaviest and largest atoms, or groups of atoms, settled first, while the smaller ones, which could move more freely, were pushed upwards. These smaller atoms, after bouncing around a bit, rose into the outer part of the world and became the heavens. Atoms that were big enough and shaped right to form fiery bodies came together to create stars; the ones that couldn't rise as high, disturbed by the fiery particles, formed into air. Eventually, from the atoms that settled, the earth was created. As the air, heated by the heavenly bodies, acted on the mixed mass of the earth, it separated the smoother and lighter particles, producing water that naturally flowed into lower areas. From the initial combination of atoms that created chaos, various seeds emerged, which, when preserved and nurtured by moisture and heat, developed into organized bodies of different types. The soul is a subtle physical substance made of the finest atoms that, because of the extreme thinness of its particles, can permeate the entire body and connect to all its parts. It consists of four distinct elements: fire, which generates animal heat; an ethereal principle that is moist vapor; air; and a fourth element that is responsible for sensation. These four components are combined so perfectly that they form one subtle substance, which, while it exists in the body, is responsible for all its functions, movements, and emotions, and cannot be separated from it without causing the complete breakdown of the animal system.
3. In the universe there are, according to Epicurus, without contradiction, divine natures; because nature itself has impressed the idea of divinity upon the minds of men. The notion is universal; nor is it established by custom, law, or any human institution; but it is the effect of an innate principle, producing universal consent, and therefore it must be true. This universal notion has probably arisen from images of the gods, which have casually made their way into the minds of men in sleep, and have afterward been recollected. But it is inconsistent with our natural notions of the gods, as happy and immortal beings, to suppose that they encumber themselves with the management of the world, or are subject to the cares and passions which must attend so great a charge. Hence it is inferred, that the gods have no intercourse with mankind, nor any concern with the affairs of the world. Nevertheless, on account of their excellent nature, they are objects of reverence and worship. In their external shape the gods resemble men; and though the place of their residence is unknown to mortals; it is without doubt the mansion of perfect purity, tranquillity, and happiness. Thus he attempted to account for all the appearances of nature, even those which respect animated and intelligent beings, upon the simple principles of matter and motion, without introducing the agency of a supreme 347intelligence, or admitting any other idea of fate, than that of blind necessity inherent in every atom, by which it moves in a certain direction.
3. According to Epicurus, there are undeniably divine entities in the universe; nature itself has instilled the concept of divinity in the minds of people. This idea is universal and isn't established by custom, law, or any human-made systems; rather, it stems from an inherent principle that leads to widespread agreement, and so it must be true. This universal concept likely originates from visions of the gods that have randomly entered people's minds while they sleep and have been remembered afterward. However, it doesn’t align with our natural understanding of the gods as happy and immortal beings to think that they burden themselves with running the world or are affected by the worries and emotions that come with such a heavy responsibility. Therefore, it’s concluded that the gods don’t interact with humanity or concern themselves with worldly affairs. Still, due to their superior nature, they are worthy of respect and worship. The gods take on a human-like form, and even though their home remains unknown to mortals, it is undoubtedly a place of complete purity, peace, and happiness. Thus, he tried to explain all the phenomena of nature, including those related to living and conscious beings, through the straightforward principles of matter and motion, without invoking the influence of a supreme intelligence or accepting any other concept of fate than the blind necessity inherent in every atom that drives it in a specific direction.
4. The ethics of Epicurus are much less exceptionable than his physics; of which we may judge from the following summary: The end of living, or the ultimate good, which is to be sought for its own sake, according to the universal opinion of mankind, is happiness; which men generally fail of attaining, because they form wrong notions of the nature of happiness, or do not use proper means for attaining it. The happiness which belongs to man, is that state in which he enjoys as many of the good things, and suffers as few of the evils incident to human nature as possible, passing his days in a smooth course of permanent tranquillity. Perfect happiness cannot possibly be possessed without the pleasure that attends freedom from pain, and the enjoyment of the good things of life. Pleasure is in its nature good, and ought to be pursued; and pain is in its nature evil, and should be avoided. Beside, pleasure or pain is the measure of what is good or evil in every object of desire or aversion. However, pleasure ought not in every instance to be pursued, nor pain to be avoided; but reason is to distinguish and compare the nature and degrees of each, that the result may be a wise choice of that which shall appear to be, upon the whole, good. That pleasure is the first good, appears from the inclination which every animal, from its first birth, discovers to pursue pleasure and avoid pain; and is confirmed by the universal experience of mankind, who are incited to action by no other principle, than the desire of avoiding pain, or obtaining pleasure. Of pleasures there are two kinds; one consisting in a state of rest, in which both body and mind are free from pain; the other arising from an agreeable agitation of the senses, producing a correspondent emotion in the soul. Upon the former of these, the enjoyment of life chiefly depends. Happiness may, therefore, be said to consist in bodily ease and mental tranquillity. It is the office of reason to confine the pursuit of pleasure within the limits of nature, so as to attain this happy state; which neither resembles a rapid torrent, nor a standing pool, but is like a gentle stream, that glides smoothly and silently along. This happy state can only be attained by a prudent care of the body, and a steady government of the mind. The diseases of the body are to be prevented by temperance, or cured by medicine, or endured tolerably by patience. Against the diseases of the mind philosophy provides sufficient antidotes; the virtues are its instruments for this purpose; the radical spring of which is prudence, or wisdom, and this instructs men to free their understanding from the clouds of prejudice; to exercise temperance and fortitude in the government of themselves; and to practise justice toward all others. In a happy life, pleasure can never be separated from virtue. The followers of Epicurus, however, degenerated into mere sensualists,--an effect which could only result from a system which denied a supreme God, and excluded from all concern with the affairs of men even those divine natures which it allowed to exist. This sect is mentioned Acts xvii, 18.
4. The ethics of Epicurus are much less problematic than his physics; we can see this from the following summary: The ultimate goal of life, which should be pursued for its own sake, according to the general opinion of people, is happiness. Most people fail to achieve happiness because they have misguided ideas about what happiness really is, or they don’t use the right methods to attain it. The happiness that belongs to humans is that state where they enjoy as many good things and suffer as few misfortunes as possible, living their lives in a smooth flow of lasting peace. Perfect happiness cannot be achieved without the pleasure that comes from being free from pain and enjoying life’s good things. Pleasure is inherently good and should be pursued, while pain is inherently bad and should be avoided. Additionally, pleasure or pain serves as the measure of what is good or bad in everything we desire or reject. However, pleasure shouldn’t always be pursued, nor should pain always be avoided; instead, reason should distinguish and compare the nature and intensity of each, so that people can make wise choices about what is ultimately good. That pleasure is the primary good is evident from the instinct every animal shows from birth to seek pleasure and avoid pain, which is supported by the universal experiences of humanity, who are motivated to act by the desire to avoid pain or obtain pleasure. There are two kinds of pleasures: one comes from a state of rest, where both body and mind are free from pain; the other comes from an enjoyable stimulation of the senses, which triggers a corresponding feeling in the soul. The enjoyment of life mainly depends on the first type of pleasure. Happiness can, therefore, be described as physical comfort and mental peace. It is the role of reason to keep the pursuit of pleasure within natural limits to achieve this happy state, which is neither like a rushing torrent nor a stagnant pool, but resembles a gentle stream that flows smoothly and quietly. This happy state can only be reached through careful attention to the body and steady control of the mind. Physical ailments should be prevented through moderation, treated with medicine, or endured patiently. Philosophy provides enough remedies for mental ailments; virtues are its tools for this purpose, with the fundamental source being prudence or wisdom, which teaches people to clear their minds of prejudices, exercise self-control and courage, and practice justice towards others. In a happy life, pleasure cannot be separated from virtue. However, Epicurus’s followers degenerated into mere hedonists—this outcome was inevitable for a system that denied a supreme God and excluded even the divine beings it acknowledged from involvement in human affairs. This sect is mentioned in Acts xvii, 18.
EPISCOPACY, Diocesan. The number of Christians in most of the primitive churches was at first small: they could easily, when not prevented by persecution, assemble together; and they thus formed one church or congregation; for, in Scripture, the term church is never used in the more modern acceptation of the word, but is employed to denote either the whole church of Christ, or a number of disciples meeting for the celebration of divine worship. The converts, however, rapidly increased; and when they could no longer meet in one place, other places would be prepared for them. But, connected as they still were with the parent church, they would choose from its presbyters their own pastors, and view themselves as under the inspection of the president and the presbytery, by whom the affairs of the church had been previously conducted. The pastors would thus remain members of the presbytery, as they had formerly been, and would look up to that one of their number who had been accustomed to preside among them. They were, in fact, for a considerable time, considered as one with the original church: the bishop sent to them the elements of the Lord’s Supper as the pledge of unity; and we find it asserted by ancient writers, that there was one altar and one bishop. There were in this way gradually established, first in the towns or cities in which the Apostles had called men to the truth, and then in the contiguous district of country, several congregations: in these pastors officiated, who were authorized by the bishop and presbytery, whose superintendence was extended, so that parochial episcopacy was insensibly but naturally changed into diocesan episcopacy; many of the presbyters sent out by the bishop residing at their churches, but nevertheless composing part of his council, and being summoned to meet with him upon important occasions. This enlargement of the field of inspection rendered the particular superintendence of the bishop more requisite; and was the means both of adding to his influence, and of his being regarded as permanently raised above his brethren.
EPISCOPACY, Diocesan. The number of Christians in most early churches was initially small; they could easily gather together when not hindered by persecution, forming one church or congregation. In Scripture, the term church is not used in the modern sense but to refer to either the entire church of Christ or a group of disciples meeting for worship. However, the number of converts quickly grew, and when they could no longer meet in one location, new places would be set up for them. Still connected with the parent church, they would select pastors from its presbyters and see themselves as being under the oversight of the president and presbytery, who had previously handled the church’s affairs. The pastors would remain members of the presbytery, as before, and would look up to one of their own who was accustomed to lead them. For quite some time, they were considered one with the original church: the bishop sent them the elements of the Lord’s Supper as a sign of unity, and ancient writers asserted that there was one altar and one bishop. Gradually, several congregations were established first in the towns or cities where the Apostles had called people to the truth and later in the surrounding areas. In these, pastors served who were authorized by the bishop and presbytery, with oversight that naturally evolved from particular supervision into diocesan episcopacy; many of the presbyters sent by the bishop resided at their churches while still being part of his council and being called to meet with him for important matters. This expansion of the scope of oversight made the bishop's specific supervision more necessary, enhancing his influence and establishing him as a figure raised above his peers.
2. The ministers who were sent to the recently erected churches had probably different powers, according to the numbers to whom they were to officiate, the situation of the churches in respect of the original church, and the tranquillity or persecution which was their lot. In the immediate neighbourhood of the bishop, and where one person was sufficient, he would merely perform the duties that had been assigned to him previous to his mission; but the same reasons that led the Apostles to plant several presbyters in the churches which they founded might render it expedient that more than one, sometimes that a considerable number, should be attached to the newly-formed congregations; more particularly when the number attending was large, and 348when there was the prospect of their still farther increasing. In such cases, it appears that the bishop gave to one of the presbyters sent, and did so for the same reasons that had at first created inequality among the pastors, more extensive powers than were entrusted to the rest, and made him his representative authorizing him to preside over the others, and to discharge those parts of the ministerial office which, in his own church, he reserved for himself. When this happened, the person so distinguished was termed choro-episcopus: he was more than a presbyter, but he was inferior to the bishop, acted by his directions, and could be controlled by him in the exercise of the privileges which had been granted. Such subordinate bishops continued for a considerable time; but it might, from the beginning, have been foreseen that they would soon aspire to an equality with the original bishops; and they were at length suppressed, under the pretence that, by multiplying the higher order in places of little consequence, the church would detract from the respectability of that order, and lessen the reverence with which it should be regarded.
2. The ministers sent to the newly established churches likely had different responsibilities based on the number of people they were serving, the churches’ relationship to the original church, and whether they were facing peace or persecution. Near the bishop, where one person was enough, he would simply carry out the tasks assigned to him before his mission. However, just as the Apostles appointed multiple presbyters in the churches they started, it might have been necessary to attach more than one, sometimes even a significant number, to the newly formed congregations, especially when attendance was large and there was potential for further growth. In those instances, it seems the bishop would appoint one of the presbyters sent, granting him broader responsibilities than the others for reasons that initially created differences among the pastors. This appointed individual would act as the bishop’s representative, overseeing the others and fulfilling certain aspects of the ministerial role that the bishop reserved for himself in his own church. When this occurred, the person chosen was called choro-episcopus: he was more than a presbyter but still subordinate to the bishop, acted under his guidance, and could be directed by him in the use of the privileges given. Such subordinate bishops existed for a considerable time, but it was foreseeable from the start that they would eventually seek to be equal to the original bishops. Ultimately, they were abolished under the pretext that increasing the higher order in less significant locations would undermine the respect due to that order and diminish the reverence it should inspire.
3. The different congregations or churches which were established in various cities and the adjoining districts were in so far independent of each other, that the bishops and presbyters of each had the rule of their particular church, and of the churches which had sprung from it, and were entitled, by their own authority, to make such regulations as appeared to them to be requisite; and this species of independence continued for a considerable time, every bishop presiding in his congregation, and afterward in his diocess. There was, however, always a common tie by which they were united. Neighbouring churches, actuated by ardent zeal for the interests of divine truth, consulted together upon the best mode of promoting it. We know that the Apostolic churches were enjoined to communicate to other bodies the epistles which they had received; and while persecution continued, it was natural for all who were exposed to it to consider by what means its fury could be avoided.
3. The various congregations or churches that were set up in different cities and surrounding areas were fairly independent from one another. The bishops and presbyters of each church had authority over their specific congregations and any churches that branched out from them. They had the right to establish regulations that they deemed necessary. This independence lasted for a significant period, with each bishop leading his own congregation and later his diocese. However, there was always a common bond that kept them united. Nearby churches, driven by a strong commitment to the principles of divine truth, met to discuss the best ways to promote it. We know that the Apostolic churches were instructed to share the letters they had received with other groups. During times of persecution, it was only natural for those affected to consider how they could protect themselves from its wrath.
4. After the bishops were established as superior to presbyters, when any meeting was held respecting religion, or the administration of the church, it was chiefly composed of this higher order, and the president of the synod or council was elected from their number. These meetings were generally assembled in the metropolis, or principal city of the district; and hence the bishop of this city, being frequently called to preside, came, at length, to be regarded as entitled to do so: thus acquiring a superiority over the other bishops, just as they had acquired superiority over the inferior clergy. He was, in consequence, distinguished by a particular name, being denominated, from the city in which he presided, a metropolitan.
4. Once bishops were recognized as being above presbyters, any meetings regarding religion or church management mainly included this higher rank, and the president of the synod or council was chosen from among them. These gatherings usually took place in the main city of the area; therefore, the bishop of that city often presided and eventually came to be seen as having the right to do so, gaining superiority over the other bishops, just as they had over the lower clergy. As a result, he was given a special title, being referred to as a metropolitan, based on the city he governed.
EPISCOPALIANS, those who maintain that bishops, presbyters, or priests, and deacons, are three distinct orders in the church; and that the bishops have a superiority over both the others. The episcopal form of church government professes to find in the days of the Apostles the model upon which it is framed. While our Lord remained upon earth, he acted as the immediate governor of his church. Having himself called the Apostles, he kept them constantly about his person, except at one time, when he sent them forth upon a short progress through the cities of Judea, and gave them particular directions how they should conduct themselves. The seventy disciples, whom he sent forth at another time, are never mentioned again in the New Testament. But the Apostles received from him many intimations that their office was to continue after his departure; and as one great object of his ministry was to qualify them for the execution of this office, so, in the interval between his resurrection and his ascension, he explained to them the duties of it, and he invested them with the authority which the discharge of those duties implied. “Go,” said he, “make disciples of all nations, baptizing them, teaching them; and lo, I am with you alwaysalways, even unto the end of the world. As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you. Receive ye the Holy Ghost,” Matt. xxviii, 19, 20; John xx, 21, 22. Soon after the ascension of Jesus, his Apostles received those extraordinary gifts of which his promise had given them assurance; and immediately they began to execute their commission, not only as the witnesses of his resurrection, and the teachers of his religion, but as the rulers of that society which was gathered by their preaching. In Acts vi, we find the Apostles ordering the Christians at Jerusalem to “look out seven men of honest report,” who might take charge of the daily ministrations to the poor, and to bring the men so chosen to them, that “we,” said the Apostles, “may appoint them over this business.” The men accordingly were “set before the Apostles; and when they had prayed, they laid their hands on them.” Here are the Apostles ordaining deacons. Afterward, we find St. Paul, in his progress through Asia Minor, ordaining in every church elders, ϖρεσϐυτέρȣς; the name properly expressive of age being transferred, after the practice of the Jews, as a mark of respect, to ecclesiastical rulers, Acts xiv, 23. The men thus ordained by St. Paul appear, from the book of Acts and the Epistles, to have been teachers, pastors, overseers, of the flock of Christ; and to Timothy, who was a minister of the word, the Apostle speaks of “the gift which is in thee by the putting on of my hands,” 2 Tim. i, 6. Over the persons to whom he thus conveyed the office of teaching, he exercised jurisdiction; for he sent to Ephesus, to the elders of the church to meet him at Miletus; and there, in a long discourse, gave them a solemn charge, Acts xx, 17–35; and to Timothy and Titus he writes epistles in the style of a superior.
EPISCOPALIANS believe that bishops, presbyters or priests, and deacons are three distinct roles within the church, with bishops holding a higher position than the others. The episcopal form of church governance claims to follow the model established during the days of the Apostles. While Jesus was on earth, he served as the direct leader of his church. He called the Apostles to him and kept them close, except for one occasion when he sent them out briefly through the cities of Judea with specific instructions on how to act. The seventy disciples he sent out another time are not mentioned again in the New Testament. However, the Apostles received multiple indications from him that their role would continue after he left. Since one of the main purposes of his ministry was to prepare them for this role, he explained their responsibilities to them between his resurrection and ascension, and granted them the authority needed to fulfill those responsibilities. “Go,” he said, “make disciples of all nations, baptizing them, teaching them; and behold, I am with you alwaysalways, even to the end of the age. As my Father has sent me, so I send you. Receive the Holy Spirit,” Matt. xxviii, 19, 20; John xx, 21, 22. Shortly after Jesus ascended, his Apostles received the extraordinary gifts he had promised them, and they immediately began to carry out their mission, not only as witnesses of his resurrection and teachers of his faith but also as leaders of the community formed by their preaching. In Acts vi, we see the Apostles directing the Christians in Jerusalem to “select seven men of good reputation” to handle daily services for the poor and to bring these men to them so that “we,” said the Apostles, “may appoint them for this task.” The chosen men were then “presented to the Apostles; and after they prayed, they laid their hands on them.” Here we witness the Apostles ordaining deacons. Later, we find St. Paul, during his travels in Asia Minor, ordaining elders in every church, ϖρεσϐυτέρȣς; a term originally denoting age that was adapted from Jewish practice as a sign of respect for ecclesiastical leaders, Acts xiv, 23. The men ordained by St. Paul, as seen in Acts and the Epistles, served as teachers, pastors, and overseers of Christ's congregation; to Timothy, who was a minister of the word, the Apostle refers to “the gift that is in you through the laying on of my hands,” 2 Tim. i, 6. He exercised authority over those he appointed to teach, as he sent a message to the elders of the church in Ephesus to meet him at Miletus, where he delivered a lengthy address with a serious charge, Acts xx, 17–35; and he wrote letters to Timothy and Titus in a manner that indicates a position of authority.
2. As St. Paul unquestionably conceived that there belonged to him, as an Apostle, an authority over other office-bearers of the church, so his epistles contain two examples 349of a delegation of that authority. He not only directs Timothy, whom he had besought to abide at Ephesus, how to behave himself in the house of God as a minister, but he sets him over other ministers. He empowers him to ordain men to the work of the ministry: “The things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also,” 2 Tim. ii, 2. He gives him directions about the ordination of bishops and deacons; he places both these kinds of office-bearers in Ephesus under his inspection, instructing him in what manner to receive an accusation against an elder who laboured in word and doctrine; and he commands him to charge some that they teach no other doctrine but the form of sound words. In like manner he says to Titus, “For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders in every city, as I had appointed thee,” Titus i, 5. He describes to Titus the qualifications of a bishop or elder, making him the judge how far any person in Crete was possessed of these qualifications; he gives him authority over all orders of Christians there; and he empowers him to reject heretics. Here, then, is that Apostle, with whose actions we are best acquainted, seemingly aware that there would be continual occasion in the Christian church for the exercise of that authority over pastors and teachers, which the Apostles had derived from the Lord Jesus; and by these two examples of a delegation, given during his life time, preparing the world for beholding that authority exercised by the successors of the Apostles in all ages. Accordingly, the earliest Christian writers tell us that the Apostles, to prevent contention, appointed bishops and deacons; giving orders, too, that, upon their death, other approved men should succeed in their ministry. We are told that the other Apostles constituted their first-fruits, that is, their first disciples, after they had proved them by the Spirit, bishops and deacons of those who were to believe; and that the Apostle John, who survived the rest, after returning from Patmos, the place of his banishment, went about the neighbouring nations, ordaining bishops, establishing whole churches, and setting apart particular persons for the ministry, as they were pointed out to him by the Spirit.
2. Just as St. Paul clearly believed that, as an Apostle, he had authority over other leaders in the church, his letters provide two examples of how that authority was delegated. He not only instructs Timothy, whom he asked to stay in Ephesus, on how to conduct himself as a minister in the house of God, but he also places him in charge of other ministers. He gives him the authority to appoint people to the ministry: “The things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also,” 2 Tim. ii, 2. He provides guidance on the ordination of bishops and deacons, placing both of these roles in Ephesus under Timothy's supervision, and instructs him on how to handle accusations against an elder who works in word and doctrine. He tells him to ensure that some people teach no doctrine other than the one based on sound principles. Similarly, he says to Titus, “For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders in every city, as I had appointed thee,” Titus i, 5. He outlines the qualifications for a bishop or elder for Titus, giving him the authority to judge whether anyone in Crete meets these qualifications; he also gives him authority over all groups of Christians there and empowers him to dismiss heretics. Thus, the Apostle, whose actions we know best, seems to understand that there would be ongoing needs in the Christian church for the exercise of authority over pastors and teachers, which the Apostles had received from the Lord Jesus. Through these two examples of delegation during his lifetime, he was preparing the world to witness that authority exercised by the successors of the Apostles throughout the ages. Consequently, early Christian writers inform us that the Apostles, to avoid disputes, appointed bishops and deacons, issuing orders that other qualified individuals should take over their ministry upon their death. We learn that the other Apostles designated their first disciples, after testing them by the Spirit, as bishops and deacons for new believers; and that the Apostle John, who outlived the others, after returning from Patmos, where he had been exiled, traveled to neighboring regions, ordaining bishops, establishing entire churches, and setting apart individuals for ministry as the Spirit directed him.
3. As bishops are mentioned in the earliest times, so ecclesiastical history records the succession of bishops through many ages; and even during the first three centuries, before Christianity was incorporated with the state, every city, where the multitude of Christians required a number of pastors to perform the stated offices, presents to us, as far as we can gather from contemporary writers, an appearance very much the same with that of the church of Jerusalem in the days of the Apostles. The Apostle James seems to have resided in that city. But there is also mention of the elders of the church, who, according to the Scripture representation of elders, must have discharged the ministerial office, but over whom the Apostle James presided. So, in Carthage, where Cyprian was bishop, and in every other Christian city of which we have particular accounts, there was a college of presbyters; and there was one person who had not only presidency, but jurisdiction and authority, over the rest. They were his council in matters relating to the church, and they were qualified to preach, to baptize, and to administer the Lord’s Supper; but they could do nothing without his permission and authority. It is a principle in Christian antiquity, εἶς ἐπίσκοπος, μία ἐκκλησία, “one bishop, and one church.” The one bishop had the care of all the Christians, who, although they met in separate congregations, constituted one church; and he had the inspection of the pastors, who, having received ordination from the bishop, officiated in the separate congregations, performed the several parts of duty which he prescribed to them, and were accountable to him for their conduct. In continuation of this primitive institution, we find episcopacy in all corners of the church of Christ. Until the time of the reformation, there were, in every Christian state, persons with the name, the rank, and the authority of bishops; and the existence of such persons was not considered as an innovation, but as an establishment, which, by means of catalogues preserved in ecclesiastical writers, may be traced back to the days of the Apostles.
3. Just as bishops are mentioned in the earliest times, ecclesiastical history notes the succession of bishops throughout many ages. Even during the first three centuries, before Christianity became part of the state, every city with a significant number of Christians needed several pastors to carry out their roles. From what we can gather from contemporary writers, the structure looked very similar to the church in Jerusalem during the Apostles’ time. The Apostle James seems to have lived in that city. However, there is also mention of the elders of the church, who, according to the biblical view of elders, must have performed ministerial duties under the leadership of the Apostle James. Likewise, in Carthage where Cyprian was the bishop, and in every other Christian city we have detailed accounts of, there was a group of presbyters. One person had not only leadership but also jurisdiction and authority over the others. They acted as his council on church matters and were qualified to preach, baptize, and administer the Lord’s Supper; however, they couldn't do anything without his permission and authority. A principle in early Christianity was εἶς ἐπίσκοπος, μία ἐκκλησία, “one bishop, and one church.” The one bishop was responsible for all Christians, who, despite meeting in different congregations, formed one church. He oversaw the pastors, who, after being ordained by the bishop, served in their separate congregations, carried out the duties he assigned to them, and were accountable to him for their actions. Continuing this foundational model, we find episcopacy throughout the church of Christ. Up until the Reformation, in every Christian state, there were individuals holding the title, rank, and authority of bishops; their existence was seen not as a new idea but as an established practice, traceable back to the time of the Apostles through lists maintained by ecclesiastical writers.
4. Upon the principles which have now been stated, it is understood, according to the episcopal form of government, that there is in the church a superior order of office-bearers, the successors of the Apostles, who possess in their own persons the right of ordination and jurisdiction, and who are called ἐπισκόποι, as being the overseers not only of the people, but also of the clergy; and an inferior order of ministers, called presbyters, the literal translation of the word ϖρεσϐυτέροι, which is rendered in our English Bibles elders, persons who receive, from the ordination of the bishop, power to preach and to administer the sacraments, who are set over the people, but are themselves under the government of the bishop, and have no right to convey to others the sacred office, which he gives them authority to exercise under him. According to a phrase used by Charles I, who was by no means an unlearned defender of that form of government to which he was a martyr, the presbyters are episcopi gregis; [bishops of the flock;] but the bishops are episcopi gregis et pastorum, [bishops of the flock and of the pastors.]
4. Based on the principles that have just been outlined, it is understood, according to the episcopal form of governance, that within the church there is a higher order of office-bearers, the successors of the Apostles, who hold the authority of ordination and jurisdiction. They are called ἐπισκόποι, meaning overseers not only of the people but also of the clergy; and there is a lower order of ministers, called presbyters, which is the literal translation of the word ϖρεσϐυτέροι, translated in our English Bibles as elders. These individuals receive the power to preach and administer the sacraments through the ordination of the bishop, who oversees the people but is themselves under the bishop's authority and cannot pass on the sacred office without the bishop's permission. According to a phrase used by Charles I, who was definitely a knowledgeable supporter of the form of government to which he became a martyr, the presbyters are shepherd bishops; [bishops of the flock;] but the bishops are bishops of the flock and shepherds, [bishops of the flock and of the pastors.]
5. The liberal writers on that side, however, do not contend that this form of government is made so binding in the church as not to be departed from, and varied according to circumstances. It cannot be proved, says Dr. Paley, that any form of church government was laid down in the Christian, as it had been in the Jewish, Scriptures, with a view of fixing a constitution for succeeding ages. The truth seems to have been, that such offices were at first erected in the Christian church as the good order, the instruction, and the exigencies of the society at that time required; without any 350intention, at least without any declared design, of regulating the appointment, authority, or the distinction, of Christian ministers under future circumstances. To the same effect, also, Bishop Tomline says, “It is not contended that the bishops, priests, and deacons of England are at present precisely the same that bishops, presbyters, and deacons were in Asia Minor, seventeen hundred years ago. We only maintain that there have always been bishops, priests, and deacons, in the Christian church, since the days of the Apostles, with different powers and functions, it is allowed, in different countries and at different periods; but the general principles and duties which have respectively characterized these clerical orders have been essentially the same at all times, and in all places; and the variations which they have undergone have only been such as have ever belonged to all persons in public situations, whether civil or ecclesiastical, and which are indeed inseparable from every thing in which mankind are concerned in this transitory and fluctuating world. I have thought it right to take this general view of the ministerial office, and to make these observations upon the clerical orders subsisting in this kingdom, for the purpose of pointing out the foundation and principles of church authority, and of showing that our ecclesiastical establishment is as nearly conformable, as change of circumstances will permit, to the practice of the primitive church. But, though I flatter myself that I have proved episcopacy to be an Apostolical institution, yet I readily acknowledge that there is no precept in the New Testament which commands that every church should be governed by bishops. No church can exist without some government; but though there must be rules and orders for the proper discharge of the offices of public worship, though there must be fixed regulations concerning the appointment of ministers, and though a subordination among them is expedient in the highest degree, yet it does not follow that all these things must be precisely the same in every Christian country; they may vary with the other varying circumstances of human society, with the extent of a country, the manners of its inhabitants, the nature of its civil government, and many other peculiarities which might be specified. As it has not pleased our almighty Father to prescribe any particular form of civil government for the security of temporal comforts to his rational creatures, so neither has he prescribed any particular form of ecclesiastical polity as absolutely necessary to the attainment of eternal happiness. But he has, in the most explicit terms, enjoined obedience to all governors, whether civil or ecclesiastical, and whatever may be their denomination, as essential to the character of a true Christian. Thus the Gospel only lays down general principles, and leaves the application of them to men as free agents.” Bishop Tomline, however, and the high Episcopalians of the church of England, contend for an original distinction in the office and order of bishops and presbyters; which notion is controverted by the Presbyterians, and is, indeed, contradicted by one who may be truly called the founder of the church of England, Archbishop Cranmer, who says, “The bishops and priests were at one time, and were not two things; but both one office in the beginning of Christ’s religion.” The more rigid Episcopalians admit of no ordination as valid in the church but by the hands of bishops, and those derived in a right line from the Apostles. See Presbyterians.
5. The liberal writers on that side, however, do not argue that this form of government in the church is so binding that it can't change according to circumstances. Dr. Paley says it can't be proven that any particular church government was established in Christian Scriptures, as it was in the Jewish Scriptures, to create a constitution for future generations. It seems that such positions were originally established in the Christian church as needed for good order, teaching, and the needs of society at that time, without any intention—or at least without any clear plan—of deciding the appointment, authority, or distinctions among Christian ministers for future situations. In the same vein, Bishop Tomline states, “It's not argued that the bishops, priests, and deacons in England today are exactly the same as the bishops, presbyters, and deacons in Asia Minor seventeen hundred years ago. We only maintain that there have always been bishops, priests, and deacons in the Christian church since the time of the Apostles, with different powers and functions, as allowed, in different countries and at different times; but the core principles and responsibilities that have defined these clerical orders have largely remained the same throughout time and in all places. The variations they have undergone are similar to those experienced by anyone in public roles, whether in civil or religious contexts, and are indeed inseparable from anything that involves humanity in this changing and unpredictable world. I believed it was important to share this broad view of the ministerial office and to make these comments about the clerical orders in this country to highlight the foundation and principles of church authority, and to show that our church establishment closely aligns, as circumstances allow, with the practices of the early church. While I believe I have demonstrated that episcopacy is an Apostolic institution, I also acknowledge that there is no command in the New Testament stating that every church must be governed by bishops. No church can operate without some form of governance; however, while there need to be rules and orders for the proper conduct of public worship, as well as established norms for appointing ministers and a hierarchy among them, it doesn’t mean that all these things must be exactly the same in every Christian nation; they can vary with other shifting aspects of human society, such as the country's size, the culture of its people, its civil government structure, and many other unique factors that can be identified. Just as our Almighty Father has not designated any specific form of civil government for the security of the well-being of His rational creatures, He also has not established any specific form of church governance as absolutely necessary for achieving eternal happiness. However, He has clearly commanded obedience to all authorities, whether civil or ecclesiastical, regardless of their titles, as vital to the identity of a true Christian. Thus, the Gospel only outlines general principles, leaving their application to humans as free agents.” Bishop Tomline and the high Episcopalians of the Church of England assert an original distinction between the offices of bishops and presbyters; a claim that the Presbyterians dispute and that is, in fact, contradicted by someone who could be rightfully called the founder of the Church of England, Archbishop Cranmer, who stated, “The bishops and priests were once the same and not two separate roles; they were both one office at the beginning of Christ’s religion.” The stricter Episcopalians maintain that no ordination is valid in the church except by bishops, and those in a direct line from the Apostles. See Presbyterians.
6. The churches of Rome and of England are the principal Episcopalian churches in the west of Europe; and those of the Greeks and Arminians in the east; but, beside these, there are Episcopalians in Scotland, and in other countries, where, Presbyterianism being the establishment, they are, of course, Dissenters. Thus a Presbyterian is a Dissenter in England, and an Episcopalian a Dissenter in Scotland. There is also an Episcopalian church in the United States of America; but there being no established religion, there are, of course, no Dissenters. The Episcopal church in America is organized very differently from that in England. The following particulars are from the best authorities:--The general convention was formed in 1789, by a delegation from the different states, and meets triennially. They have eleven diocesesdioceses, two of which are without bishops, and are at liberty to form more in other states. The above convention consists of an upper and lower house; the former consisting of bishops, in which the senior bishop presides: they have no archbishop: and the lower, of the other clergy, and laymen mingled with them. There are also diocesan conventions annually, in which the bishop presides. The bishops have no salaries as such, but are allowed to hold parishes as other ministers; but it has lately been found more convenient in many states to raise a fund for the support of the bishop, that his time may be more at liberty for visiting the clergy. They have neither patronage nor palaces, and some of their incomes are extremely small. The English Common Prayer Book is adopted, with the omission of the Athanasian Creed, and some other slight alterations. Subscription to the articles is not required by candidates for holy orders. The Methodists in America, also, form an episcopal church; but founded upon the primitive principle that bishops and presbyters are of the same order, although the oversight of presbyters may be committed to those who are, by virtue of their office, also called bishops.
6. The churches in Rome and England are the main Episcopalian churches in Western Europe, while those in Greece and among Arminians are in the East. Additionally, there are Episcopalians in Scotland and other countries where Presbyterianism is the established religion, making them Dissenters. In England, a Presbyterian is a Dissenter, while in Scotland, an Episcopalian is a Dissenter. There’s also an Episcopalian church in the United States, but since there’s no established religion there, there are no Dissenters. The Episcopal Church in America is organized quite differently from its English counterpart. The following details come from reputable sources: The General Convention was established in 1789 by representatives from various states and meets every three years. They have eleven diocesesdioceses, two of which do not have bishops and can create more in other states. The convention has an upper and lower house; the upper house consists of bishops, led by the senior bishop, without an archbishop; the lower house includes other clergy and laypeople. There are also annual diocesan conventions led by the bishop. Bishops don’t receive salaries as such but can hold parishes like other ministers. Recently, it has become more practical in many states to create a fund to support the bishop so he can spend more time visiting clergy. They have no patronage or palaces, and some of their incomes are quite small. They use the English Book of Common Prayer, omitting the Athanasian Creed and making a few other minor changes. Candidates for holy orders are not required to subscribe to the articles. The Methodists in America also have an episcopal structure, based on the original principle that bishops and presbyters are of the same order, although the oversight of presbyters may be assigned to those who are also called bishops by virtue of their office.
[The Methodist Episcopal Church was organized in December, 1784. The fundamental principle on which the episcopacy of this church rests, is here correctly stated. It is proper to add to Mr. Watson’s enumeration, that the Roman and Moravian churches in the United States are also episcopal; and that the statement that the bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church receive no salaries as bishops, is not at present (1832) without exception. Their incomes, too, though doubtless extremely small compared with those of the bishops of the establishment in England, are not so, compared with those of other ministers generally in the United States.
[The Methodist Episcopal Church was established in December 1784. The key principle that underpins the episcopacy of this church is accurately conveyed here. It's worth mentioning alongside Mr. Watson’s list that the Roman and Moravian churches in the United States are also episcopal; and that the claim that bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church receive no salaries as bishops is not completely true at this time (1832). Their incomes, while certainly quite low compared to the bishops of the established church in England, are not so low compared to those of other ministers in the United States.]
351EPISTLES, which occur under the same Hebrew word with books, namely, ספר, are mentioned the more rarely, the farther we go back into antiquity. An epistle is first mentioned, 2 Sam. xi, 14, &c. Afterward, there is more frequent mention of them; and sometimes an epistle is meant, when literally a messenger is spoken of, as in Ezra iv, 15–17. In the east, letters are commonly sent unsealed. In case, however, they are sent to persons of distinction, they are placed in a valuable purse, which is tied, closed over with wax or clay, and then stamped with a signet, Isaiah xxix, 11; Job xxxviii, 14. The most ancient epistles begin and end without either salutation or farewell; but under the Persian monarchy the salutation was very prolix. It is given in an abridged form in Ezra iv, 7–10; v, 7. The Apostles, in their epistles, used the salutation customary among the Greeks; but they omitted the usual farewell at the close, namely, χαίρειν, and adopted a benediction more conformable to the spirit of the Christian religion. St. Paul, when he dictated his letters, wrote the benediction at the close with his own hand, 2 Thess. iii, 17. He was more accustomed to dictate his letters than to write them himself.
351Letters, which share the same Hebrew term for books, namely, Book, are mentioned less frequently the further back we go in history. A letter is first mentioned in 2 Samuel 11:14, and afterward, they are referenced more often; sometimes a letter is indicated even when a messenger is being discussed, as in Ezra 4:15–17. In the East, letters are usually sent unsealed. However, if they are sent to important people, they are placed in a valuable pouch, which is tied shut and secured with wax or clay, then stamped with a seal, as noted in Isaiah 29:11 and Job 38:14. The earliest letters start and end without any greeting or closing; but during the Persian Empire, greetings became quite elaborate. A shorter form is found in Ezra 4:7–10 and 5:7. The Apostles, in their letters, used the common Greek greeting but left out the usual closing, χαίρειν, opting instead for a blessing that aligns better with Christian values. St. Paul, when he dictated his letters, wrote the blessing at the end himself, as indicated in 2 Thessalonians 3:17. He was more accustomed to dictating his letters than writing them on his own.
The name Epistles is given, by way of eminence, to the letters written by the Apostles, or first preachers of Christianity, to particular churches or persons, on particular occasions or subjects. Of these the Apostle Paul wrote fourteen. St. James wrote one general epistle; St. Peter two; St. John three; and St. Jude one.
The term Epistles refers, notably, to the letters penned by the Apostles, or the early preachers of Christianity, addressed to specific churches or individuals for particular reasons or topics. Among these, the Apostle Paul authored fourteen. St. James wrote one general epistle; St. Peter wrote two; St. John wrote three; and St. Jude wrote one.
An epistle has its Hebrew name from its being rolled or folded together. The modern Arabs roll up their letters, and then flatten them to the breadth of an inch, and paste up the end of them, instead of sealing them. The Persians make up their letters in a roll about six inches long, and a bit of paper is fastened round it with gum, and sealed with an impression of ink, which resembles our printers’ ink, but is not so thick. Letters, as stated above, were generally sent to persons of distinction in a bag or purse; but to inferiors, or those who were held in contempt, they were sent open, that is, unenclosed. Lady M. W. Montagu says, the bassa of Belgrade’s answer to the English ambassador going to Constantinople was brought to him in a purse of scarlet satin. But, in the case of Nehemiah, an insult was designed to be offered to him by Sanballat, in refusing him the mark of respect usually paid to persons of his station, and treating him contemptuously, by sending the letter open, that is, without the customary appendages when presented to persons of respectability. “Futty Sihng,” says Mr. Forbes, “sent a chopdar to me at Dhuboy, with a letter of invitation to the wedding, then celebrating at Brodera at a great expense, and of long continuance. The letter, as usual, from oriental princes, was written on silver paper, flowered with gold, with an additional sprinkling of saffron, enclosed under a cover of gold brocade. The letter was accompanied with a bag of crimson and gold keem-caub, filled with sweet-scented seeds, as a mark of favour and good omen.”
An epistle gets its Hebrew name from being rolled or folded up. Modern Arabs roll their letters and then flatten them to about an inch wide, gluing the end instead of sealing it. Persians make their letters into a roll about six inches long, attaching a piece of paper around it with gum and sealing it with ink, which looks like our printer's ink but isn't as thick. As mentioned earlier, letters were usually sent to important people in a bag or purse, but for those of lower status or whom they looked down on, they were sent open, meaning unenclosed. Lady M. W. Montagu notes that the bassa of Belgrade's response to the English ambassador heading to Constantinople was delivered in a scarlet satin purse. However, in Nehemiah's case, Sanballat intended to insult him by not showing the usual respect for someone of his position and treating him poorly by sending the letter open, without the usual formalities for respected individuals. “Futty Sihng,” Mr. Forbes says, “sent a chopdar to me at Dhuboy with an invitation letter to the wedding being celebrated at Brodera, which was extravagant and lasted a long time. The letter, as is customary from oriental princes, was written on silver paper decorated with gold, and sprinkled with saffron, enclosed in a cover of gold brocade. The letter came with a bag of crimson and gold keem-caub filled with sweet-scented seeds as a sign of favor and good fortune.”
EPOCH, a term in chronology signifying a fixed point of time, from which the succeeding years are numbered. Scaliger says it means “a stop,” because “in epochs stop and terminate the measures of times.” It now usually denotes a remarkable date; as, the epoch of the destruction of Troy, B. C. 1183, &c. The first epoch is the creation of the world, which, according to the Vulgate Bible, Archbishop Usher fixes in the year 710 of the Julian period, and 4004 years before Jesus Christ. The second is the deluge, which, according to the Hebrew text, happened in the year of the world 1656. Six other epochs are commonly reckoned in sacred history: the building of the tower of Babel, which was, according to Dr. Hales, B. C. 2554; the calling of Abraham, B. C. 2153; the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt, B. C. 1648; the dedication of the temple, B. C. 1027; the end of the Babylonish captivity, B. C. 536; and the birth of Jesus Christ, A. D. 1. In profane history are reckoned five epochs: the founding of the Assyrian empire, B. C. 1267; the era of Nabonassar, or death of Sardanapalus, B. C. 747; the reign of Cyrus at Babylon, B. C. 556; the reign of Alexander the Great over the Persians, B. C. 330; and the beginning of the reign of Augustus, in which our Saviour was born, B. C. 44.
EPOCH is a term in chronology that refers to a specific point in time from which subsequent years are counted. Scaliger describes it as meaning "a stop," because "in epochs, the measures of time stop and terminate." Today, it typically signifies a significant date, like the epoch of the destruction of Troy, 1183 B.C., etc. The first epoch is the creation of the world, which, according to the Vulgate Bible, Archbishop Usher places in the year 710 of the Julian period, or 4004 years before Jesus Christ. The second is the flood, which, according to the Hebrew text, occurred in the year of the world 1656. There are six other commonly acknowledged epochs in sacred history: the construction of the Tower of Babel, which Dr. Hales dates to 2554 B.C.; the calling of Abraham in 2153 B.C.; the Israelites' departure from Egypt in 1648 B.C.; the dedication of the temple in 1027 B.C.; the end of the Babylonian captivity in 536 B.C.; and the birth of Jesus Christ in A.D. 1. In secular history, five epochs are recognized: the founding of the Assyrian empire in 1267 B.C.; the era of Nabonassar or the death of Sardanapalus in 747 B.C.; the reign of Cyrus in Babylon in 556 B.C.; the reign of Alexander the Great over the Persians in 330 B.C.; and the beginning of Augustus' reign, during which our Savior was born, in 44 B.C.
ERA. The term era (not æra, as incorrectly written) is Spanish, signifying time, as in the phrase, de era en era, “from time to time.” It was first used in the Era Hispanica, instituted B. C. 38, in honour of Augustus, when Spain was allotted to him in the distribution of the provinces among the second triumvirate, Augustus, Anthony, and Lepidus. It now usually denotes an indefinite series of years, beginning from some known epoch; and so differs from a period which is a definite series: as the era of the foundation of Rome, the era of the Olympiads, the era of Nabonassar, &c. See Epoch.
ERA. The term era (not æra, as it's incorrectly written) is Spanish, meaning time, as in the phrase from age to age, “from time to time.” It was first used in the Hispanic Era, established B.C. 38, in honor of Augustus, when Spain was assigned to him in the distribution of provinces among the second triumvirate: Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus. It typically refers to an indefinite series of years starting from a known point; this is different from a period, which is a specific series: like the era of the founding of Rome, the era of the Olympiads, the era of Nabonassar, etc. See Era.
ESAR-HADDON, son of Sennacherib, and his successor in the kingdom of Assyria: called Sargon, or Saragon, Isa. xx, 1. He reigned twenty-nine years. He made war with the Philistines, and took Azoth, by Tartan, his general: he attacked Egypt, Cush, and Edom, Isa. xx, xxxiv; designing, probably, to avenge the affront Sennacherib his father had received from Tirhakah, king of Cush, and the king of Egypt, who had been Hezekiah’s confederates. He sent priests to the Cuthæans, whom Salmaneser, king of Assyria, had planted in Samaria, instead of the Israelites: he took Jerusalem, and carried King Manasseh to Babylon, of which he had become master, perhaps, because there was no heir to Belesis, king of Bayblon. He is said to have reigned twenty-nine or thirty years at Nineveh, and thirteen years at Babylon; in all forty-two years. He died A. M. 3336.
ESAR-HADDON, son of Sennacherib, and his successor in the kingdom of Assyria, is also referred to as Sargon or Saragon, according to Isa. xx, 1. His reign lasted twenty-nine years. He waged war against the Philistines and captured Azoth with the help of his general, Tartan. He also attacked Egypt, Cush, and Edom, likely intending to avenge the insult his father Sennacherib faced from Tirhakah, the king of Cush, and the king of Egypt, who had allied with Hezekiah. He sent priests to the Cuthæans, whom Salmaneser, king of Assyria, had resettled in Samaria in place of the Israelites. He took Jerusalem and brought King Manasseh to Babylon, a city he had conquered, perhaps due to the lack of an heir to Belesis, the king of Babylon. He is said to have reigned twenty-nine or thirty years in Nineveh and thirteen years in Babylon, totaling forty-two years. He died in A.M. 3336.
ESAU, son of Isaac and Rebekah, born A. M. 2168, B. C. 1836. When the time of Rebekah’s delivery came, she had twins, Gen. xxv, 24–26: the first-born was hairy, therefore 352called Esau; that is, a man full grown or of perfect age; but some derive Esau from the Arabic gescha or gencheva, which signifies a hair cloth. Esau delighted in hunting, and his father Isaac had a particular affection for him. On one occasion, Esau, returning from the fields greatly fatigued, desired Jacob to give him some red pottage, which he was then preparing. Jacob consented, provided Esau would sell him his birthright. Esau complied, and by oath resigned it to him, Gen. xxv, 29–34. Esau, when aged forty, married two Canaanitish women, Judith, daughter of Beeri, the Hittite; and Bashemath, daughter of Elon, Gen. xxvi, 34. These marriages were very displeasing to Isaac and Rebekah, because they intermingled the blood of Abraham with that of Canaanite aliens. Isaac being old, and his sight decayed, directed Esau to procure him delicate venison by hunting, that he might give him his chief blessing, Gen. xxvii. The artifice of his mother, however, counteracted his purpose; and she contrived to impose upon Isaac, and to obtain the father’s principal blessing for her son Jacob. Esau was indignant on account of this treachery and determined to kill Jacob as soon as their father should die. Rebekah again interposed, and sent Jacob away to her brother Laban, with whom he might be secure. During the period of separation, which lasted several years, Esau married a wife of the family of Ishmael; and, removing to Mount Seir, acquired great power and wealth. When Jacob returned, after long absence, to his father’s country, with a numerous family, and large flocks and herds, he dreaded his brother’s displeasure; but they had an amicable and affectionate interview. After their father’s death, they lived in peace and amity; but, as their possessions enlarged, and there was not sufficient room for them in the land in which they were strangers, Esau returned to Mount Seir, where his posterity multiplied under the denomination of Edomites. (See Edom.) The time of his death is not mentioned; but Bishop Cumberland thinks it probable that he died about the same time with his brother Jacob, at the age of about one hundred and forty-seven years, Gen. xxv-xxxvi.
ESAU, son of Isaac and Rebekah, was born in A. M. 2168, B. C. 1836. When Rebekah went into labor, she had twins, Gen. xxv, 24–26: the firstborn was hairy, so he was named Esau, which means a fully grown man or someone of perfect age; however, some believe Esau comes from the Arabic gescha or gencheva, meaning a hair cloth. Esau loved hunting, and his father Isaac had a special affection for him. One time, when Esau came back from the fields exhausted, he asked Jacob for some red stew that Jacob was making. Jacob agreed to give him some if Esau would sell him his birthright. Esau agreed and swore to hand it over, Gen. xxv, 29–34. When he was forty, Esau married two Canaanite women, Judith, the daughter of Beeri the Hittite, and Bashemath, the daughter of Elon, Gen. xxvi, 34. These marriages upset Isaac and Rebekah because they mixed Abraham's bloodline with that of Canaanite outsiders. As Isaac grew old and his eyesight faded, he instructed Esau to hunt for him some tasty game so he could bless him, Gen. xxvii. However, his mother’s scheme thwarted his plans, and she tricked Isaac to get the primary blessing for her son Jacob. Esau was furious about this betrayal and decided to kill Jacob once their father died. Rebekah intervened again and sent Jacob to her brother Laban for safety. During the years apart, which lasted several years, Esau married a woman from Ishmael's family and moved to Mount Seir, where he gained significant power and wealth. When Jacob eventually returned to his father’s land after a long absence, with a large family and many flocks and herds, he was worried about Esau's anger; however, they had a warm and friendly reunion. After their father passed away, they lived in peace, but as their wealth increased and there wasn’t enough room for both of them in the land where they were foreigners, Esau went back to Mount Seir, where his descendants thrived as the Edomites. (See Edom.) The time of his death isn’t mentioned, but Bishop Cumberland believes he likely died around the same time as his brother Jacob, at about one hundred and forty-seven years old, Gen. xxv-xxxvi.
2. On the most important part of this history, the selling of the birthright, we may observe, (1.) That although it was always the design of God that the blessing connected with primogeniture in the family of Abraham should be enjoyed by Jacob, and to exercise his sovereignty in changing the succession in which the promises of the Abrahamic covenant might descend; yet the conduct of Rebekah and Jacob was reprehensible in endeavouring to bring about the divine design by the unworthy means of contrivance and deceit; and they were punishedpunished for their presumption by their sufferings. (2.) That the conduct of Esau in selling his birthright was both wanton and profane. It was wanton, because he, though faint, could be in no danger of not obtaining a supply of food in his father’s house; and was therefore wholly influenced by his appetite, excited by the delicacy of Jacob’s pottage. It was profane, because the blessings of the birthright were spiritual as well as civil. The church of God was to be established in the line of the first-born; and in that line the Messiah was to appear. These high privileges were despised by Esau, who is therefore made by St. Paul a type of all apostates from Christ, who, like him, profanely despise their birthright as the sons of God. See Birthright.
2. Regarding the most critical part of this story, the selling of the birthright, we can observe: (1.) Although it was always God's plan for Jacob to inherit the blessing associated with being the firstborn in Abraham's family, and He exercised His authority to change the order in which the promises of the Abrahamic covenant would be passed down, Rebekah and Jacob's actions were wrong. They tried to fulfill God's plan through deceitful means, and they faced consequences for their arrogance through their suffering. (2.) Esau's choice to sell his birthright was both reckless and disrespectful. It was reckless because, despite being hungry, he was not in immediate danger of lacking food in his father's house, and he was solely driven by his desire, stirred up by the appeal of Jacob's stew. It was disrespectful because the blessings of the birthright included both spiritual and material aspects. God’s church was meant to be established through the line of the firstborn, and within that line, the Messiah was to come. Esau disregarded these tremendous privileges, which is why St. Paul uses him as an example of all those who turn away from Christ and, like him, carelessly reject their rights as the children of God. See Right of citizenship.
ESDRAELON, Plain of, in the tribe of Issachar, extends east and west from Scythopolis to Mount Carmel; called, likewise, the Great Plain, the Valley of Jezreel, the Plain of Esdrela. Dr. E. D. Clarke observes, it is by far the largest plain in the Holy Land; extending quite across the country from Mount Carmel and the Mediterranean Sea to the southern extremity of the Sea of Galilee; about thirty miles in length, and twenty in breadth. It is also a very fertile district, abounding in pasture; on which account it has been selected for the purposes of encampment by almost every army that has traversed the Holy Land. Here Barak, descending with his ten thousand men from Mount Tabor, which rises like a cone in the centre of the plain, defeated Sisera, with his “nine hundred chariots of iron, and all the people that were with him, gathered from Harosheth of the Gentiles unto the river of Kishon; and pursued after the chariots and after the host unto Harosheth of the Gentiles; and all the host of Sisera fell upon the edge of the sword; and there was not a man left,” Judges iv. Here Josiah, king of Judah, fell, fighting against Necho, king of Egypt, 2 Kings xxiii, 29. And here the Midianites and the Amalekites, who were “like grasshoppers for multitude, and their camels without number as the sand of the sea,” encamped, when they were defeated by Gideon, Judges vi. This plain has likewise been used for the same purpose by the armies of every conqueror or invader, from Nabuchodonosor, king of Assyria, to his imitator, Napoleon Buonaparte, who, in the spring of 1799, with a small body of French, defeated an army of several thousand Turks and Mamelukes. Jews, Gentiles, Saracens, Christians, crusaders, and antichristian Frenchmen, Egyptians, Persians, Druses, Turks, and Arabs, warriors out of every nation which is under heaven, have pitched their tents in the Plain of Esdraelon; and have beheld the various banners of their nations wet with the dews of Tabor and of Hermon. And it is to this day generally found to be the place of encampment of large parties of Arabs.
ESDRAELON, Plain of, located in the tribe of Issachar, stretches east and west from Scythopolis to Mount Carmel. It is also known as the Great Plain, the Valley of Jezreel, and the Plain of Esdraelon. Dr. E. D. Clarke notes that it is by far the largest plain in the Holy Land, spanning the country from Mount Carmel and the Mediterranean Sea to the southern edge of the Sea of Galilee; about thirty miles long and twenty miles wide. This area is very fertile, rich in pasture, which is why it has been chosen for encampment by nearly every army that has moved through the Holy Land. Here, Barak descended with his ten thousand men from Mount Tabor, which rises like a cone in the center of the plain, and defeated Sisera, who had “nine hundred iron chariots, and all the people that were with him, gathered from Harosheth of the Gentiles to the Kishon River; they pursued the chariots and the army all the way back to Harosheth of the Gentiles; and all the army of Sisera fell by the sword; not a single man was left,” Judges iv. This is also where Josiah, king of Judah, fell while battling Necho, king of Egypt, 2 Kings xxiii, 29. Additionally, the Midianites and Amalekites, who were “as numerous as locusts, and their camels were as countless as the sand along the seashore,” camped here before being defeated by Gideon, Judges vi. This plain has also been used for the same purpose by the armies of various conquerors and invaders, from Nebuchadnezzar, king of Assyria, to his follower, Napoleon Bonaparte, who in the spring of 1799, with a small group of French troops, defeated an army of several thousand Turks and Mamelukes. Jews, Gentiles, Saracens, Christians, crusaders, and the French are anti-Christian, Egyptians, Persians, Druses, Turks, and Arabs—warriors from every nation on earth—have pitched their tents in the Plain of Esdraelon; witnessing the various banners of their nations glistening with the dews of Tabor and Hermon. Even today, this area is often found to be a campsite for large groups of Arabs.
ESDRAS, the name of two apocryphal books which were always excluded the Jewish canon, and are too absurd to be admitted as canonical by the Papists themselves. They are supposed to have been originally written in Greek by some Hellenistical Jews; though some imagine that they were first written in Chaldee, and afterward translated into Greek. It is uncertain when they were composed, though it is generally agreed that the author wrote before Josephus.
ESDRAS refers to two apocryphal books that were consistently excluded from the Jewish canon and are considered too absurd to be recognized as canonical even by Catholics. They are believed to have originally been written in Greek by some Hellenistic Jews, although some think they were first written in Chaldea and later translated into Greek. The exact date of their composition is unclear, but it is commonly accepted that the author wrote before Josephus.
ESHBAAL, or ISHBOSHETH, the fourth 353son of Saul. The Hebrews, to avoid pronouncing the word baal, “lord,” used bosheth, “confusion.” Instead of Mephi-baal, they said Mephi-bosheth; and, instead of Esh-baal, they said Ish-bosheth, 2 Sam. ii, 8.
ESHBAAL, or ISHBOSHETH, the fourth 353 son of Saul. The Hebrews, to avoid saying the word baal, “lord,” used bosheth, “confusion.” Instead of Mephi-baal, they said Mephi-bosheth; and instead of Esh-baal, they said Ish-bosheth, 2 Sam. ii, 8.
ESHCOL, one of Abraham’s allies, who dwelt with him in the valley of Mamre, and accompanied him in the pursuit of Chedorlaomer, and the other confederated kings, who pillaged Sodom and Gomorrah, and carried away Lot, Abraham’s nephew, Gen. xiv, 24. Also the valley or brook of Eshcol was that in which the Hebrew messengers, who went to spy the land of Canaan, cut a bunch of grapes so large that it was as much as two men could carry. It was situated in the south part of Judah, Num. xiii, 24; xxxii, 9.
ESHCOL, one of Abraham’s allies, who lived with him in the valley of Mamre, joined him in chasing after Chedorlaomer and the other allied kings who looted Sodom and Gomorrah and took Lot, Abraham’s nephew, Gen. xiv, 24. The valley or brook of Eshcol is where the Hebrew scouts, sent to explore the land of Canaan, cut a bunch of grapes so large that it took two men to carry it. It was located in the southern part of Judah, Num. xiii, 24; xxxii, 9.
ESSENES, or ESSENIANS, one of the three ancient sects of the Jews. They appear to have been an enthusiastic sect, never numerous, and but little known; directly opposite to the Pharisees with respect to their reliance upon tradition, and their scrupulous regard to the ceremonial law, but pretending, like them, to superior sanctity of manners. They existed in the time of our Saviour; and though they are not mentioned in the New Testament, they are supposed to be alluded to by St. Paul in his Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians, and in his first Epistle to Timothy. From the account given of the doctrines and institutions of this sect by Philo and Josephus, we learn that they believed in the immortality of the soul; that they were absolute predestinarians; that they observed the seventh day with peculiar strictness; that they held the Scriptures in the highest reverence, but considered them as mystic writings, and expounded them allegorically; that they sent gifts to the temple, but offered no sacrifices; that they admitted no one into their society till after a probation of three years; that they lived in a state of perfect equality, except that they paid respect to the aged, and to their priests; that they considered all secular employment as unlawful, except that of agriculture; that they had all things in common, and were industrious, quiet, and free from every species of vice; that they held celibacy and solitude in high esteem; that they allowed no change of raiment till necessity required it; that they abstained from wine; that they were not permitted to eat but with their own sect; and that a certain portion of food was allotted to each person, of which they partook together, after solemn ablutions. The austere and retired life of the Essenes is supposed to have given rise to monkish superstition.
ESSENES, or ESSENIANS, were one of the three ancient Jewish sects. They seemed to be an enthusiastic group, not many in number and not very well-known; they were completely different from the Pharisees regarding their reliance on tradition and strict adherence to ceremonial law, but they also claimed to be more morally upright. They existed during the time of Jesus; although they are not mentioned in the New Testament, it is believed that St. Paul refers to them in his letters to the Ephesians and Colossians, as well as in his first letter to Timothy. According to accounts by Philo and Josephus about the beliefs and practices of this sect, we know that they believed in the immortality of the soul; they were strict predestinarians; they observed the Sabbath with particular care; they held the Scriptures in the highest regard but viewed them as mystical texts, interpreting them allegorically; they sent gifts to the temple but did not offer sacrifices; they allowed no one into their community without a three-year probation period; they lived in complete equality, except for giving respect to the elderly and their priests; they considered all secular work unlawful, except for farming; they shared everything in common, were hardworking, peaceful, and free from all kinds of vice; they highly valued celibacy and solitude; they did not change their clothing until necessary; they abstained from wine; they were only permitted to eat with members of their own sect; and a specific portion of food was allocated to each person, which they shared after performing ritual washings. The strict and secluded lifestyle of the Essenes is thought to have contributed to the development of monastic superstitions.
The Therapeutæ were a distinct branch of the Essenes. Jahn has thus described the difference between them: The principal ground of difference between the Essenes or Essaëi, and Therapeutæ consisted in this; the former were Jews, who spoke the Aramean; the latter were Greek Jews, as the names themselves intimate, namely, אסיא and Θεραπευταὶ. The Essenes lived chiefly in Palestine; the Therapeutæ, in Egypt. The Therapeutæ were more rigid than the Essenes, since the latter, although they made it a practice to keep at a distance from large cities, lived, nevertheless, in towns and villages, and practised agriculture and the arts, with the exception of those arts which were made more directly subservient to the purposes of war. The Therapeutæ, on the contrary, fled from all inhabited places, dwelt in fields and deserts and gardens, and gave themselves up to contemplation. Both the Essenes and the Therapeutæ held their property in common, and those things which they stood in need of for the support and the comforts of life, were distributed to them from the common stock. The candidates for admission among the Essenes gave their property to the society; but those who were destined for a membership with the Therapeutæ, left theirs to their friends; and both, after a number of years of probation, made a profession which bound them to the exercise of the strictest uprightness. The Romanists pretend, as Dr. Prideaux observes, without any foundation, that the Essenes were Christian monks, formed into a society by St. Mark, who founded the first church at Alexandria. But it is evident, from the accounts of Josephus and Philo, that the Essenes were not Christians, but Jews.
The Therapeutæ were a separate group of the Essenes. Jahn explained the difference between them: the main distinction was that the Essenes, or Essaëi, were Jews who spoke Aramaic, while the Therapeutæ were Greek-speaking Jews, as their names suggest, namely, אסיא and Θεραπευταὶ. The Essenes primarily lived in Palestine, while the Therapeutæ settled in Egypt. The Therapeutæ were stricter than the Essenes; the latter avoided large cities but still lived in towns and villages and practiced agriculture and crafts, except for those related to war. In contrast, the Therapeutæ shunned all populated areas, living in fields, deserts, and gardens, focusing on contemplation. Both the Essenes and the Therapeutæ shared their possessions, and what they needed for life’s essentials was distributed from a common pool. Those wanting to join the Essenes had to donate their property to the community, while those who aimed to join the Therapeutæ left their belongings with friends. After several years of testing, both groups pledged to uphold the highest standards of integrity. The Romanists, as Dr. Prideaux notes, baselessly claim that the Essenes were Christian monks established by St. Mark, who founded the first church in Alexandria. However, accounts from Josephus and Philo clearly show that the Essenes were not Christians but Jews.
Dr. Neander’s account of the Essenes is as follows:--A company of pious men, much experienced in the trials of the outward and of the inward life, had withdrawn themselves out of the strife of theological and political parties, at first apparently (according to Pliny the elder) to the western side of the Dead Sea; where they lived together in intimate connection, partly in the same sort of society as the monks of later days, and partly as mystical orders in all periods have done. From this society, other smaller ones afterward proceeded, and spread themselves over all Palestine. They were called Essenes, Ἐσσηνοὶ or Ἐσσαιοὶ. They employed themselves in the arts of peace, agriculture, pasture, handicraft works, and especially in the art of healing, while they took great delight in investigating the healing powers of nature. It is probable, also, that they imagined themselves under the guidance of a supernatural illumination in their search into nature, and their use of her powers. Their natural knowledge, and their art of healing, appear also to have had a religious, theosophic character, as they professed also to have peculiar prophetical gifts. The Essenes were, no doubt, distinguished from the mass of ordinary Jews by this, that they knew and loved something higher than the outward ceremonial and a dead faith, that they did really strive after holiness of heart, and inward communion with God. Their quiet, pious habits also rendered them remarkable, and by means of these they remained quiet amidst all the political changes, respected by all parties, even by the Heathens; and by their laborious habits and kindness, their obedience toward the higher powers, as ordained of God, their fidelity and love of truth, they were enabled to extend themselves in all directions. In their society every yea and nay had the force of an oath; for every oath, said they, pre-supposes a mutual distrust, which 354ought not to be the case among a society of honest men. Only in one case was an oath suffered among them, namely, as a pledge for those who after a three years’ noviciate were to be received into the number of the initiated. According to the portraiture of them, given by Philo, the Alexandrian, in his separate treatise concerning the “True Freedom of the Virtuous,” we should take the Essenes for men of an entirely practical religious turn, far removed from all theosophy and all idle speculation; and we should ascribe to them an inward religious habit of mind, free from all mixture of superstition and reliance on outward things. But the account of Philo does not at all accord with that of Josephus; and the more historical Josephus deserves in general more credit than Philo, who was too apt to indulge in philosophizing and idealism. Beside, Josephus had more opportunity of knowing this sect thoroughly, than Philo; for Philo lived in Egypt, and the Essenes did not extend beyond Palestine. Josephus had here passed the greater part of his life, and had certainly taken all necessary pains to inform himself accurately of the nature of the different sects, among which he was determined, as a youth of sixteen years of age, to make choice, although he can hardly have completely passed through a noviciate in the sect of the Essenes, because he made the round of all the three Jewish sects, in a period of from three to four years. Josephus, also, shows himself completely unprejudiced in this description; while Philo, on the contrary, wished to represent the Essenes to the more cultivated Greeks as models of practical wisdom, and, therefore, he allowed himself to represent much, not as it really was, but as it suited his purpose. We must conclude that the Essenes did also busy themselves with theosophy, and pretended to impart to those of their order disclosures relating to the supernatural world of spirits, because those who were about to be initiated, were obliged to swear that they would never make known to any one the names of the angels then to be communicated to them. The manner in which they kept secret the ancient books of their sect is also a proof of this. And, indeed, Philo himself makes it probable, when he says, that they employed themselves with a φιλοσοφία διά συμβολῶν, a philosophy which was supported by an allegorical interpretation of Scripture, for this kind of allegorizing interpretation was usually the accompaniment of a certain speculative system. According to Philo, they rejected the sacrifice of victims, because they considered, that to consecrate and offer up themselves wholly to God, was the only true sacrifice, the only sacrifice worthy of God. But according to Josephus they certainly considered sacrifice as something peculiarly holy, but they thought that from its peculiar holiness it must have been desecrated by the profane Jews in the temple of Jerusalem, and that it could be worthily celebrated only in their holy community, just as mystic sects of this nature are constantly accustomed to make the objective acts of religion dependent on the subjective condition of those who perform or take part in them. In the troublesome and superstitious observance of the rest of the Sabbath, according to the letter, and not according to the spirit, they went even farther than the other Jews, only with this difference, that they were in good earnest in the matter, while the Pharisees by their casuistry relaxed their rules, or drew them tighter, just as it suited their purpose. The Essenes, not only strenuously abhorred, like the other Jews, contact with the uncircumcised, but, having divided themselves into four classes, the Essenes of a higher grade were averse from contact with those of a lower, as if they were rendered unclean by it, and when any thing of this kind did happen, they purified themselves after it. Like many other Jews, they attributed great value, in general, to lustration by bathing in cold water. To their ascetic notions, the constant and healthy practice in the east of anointing with oil seemed unholy, and if it befel any one of them, he was obliged to purify himself. It was also a great abomination to them to eat any food except such as had been prepared by persons of their own sect. They would die rather than eat of any other. This is a sufficient proof that although the Essenes might possess a certain inward religious life, and a certain practical piety, yet that these qualities with them, as well as with many other mystical sects, as for example, those of the middle ages, were connected with a theosophy, which desired to know things hidden from human reason, ἐμβατευειν εἰς ἁ τις μη ἑωρακεν, and therefore lost itself in idle imaginations and dreams, and were also mixed up with an outward asceticism, a proud spirit of separation from the rest of mankind, and superstitious observances and demeanours totally at variance with the true spirit of inward religion.
Dr. Neander’s account of the Essenes goes like this: A group of devout individuals, experienced in the challenges of both external and internal life, withdrew from the conflicts of theological and political parties. Initially, they settled on the western shore of the Dead Sea (according to Pliny the Elder), where they lived closely together, somewhat similar to later monks, and partly like mystical groups throughout history. From this community, smaller groups emerged and spread throughout Palestine. They were called Essenes, Ἐσσηνοὶ or Ἐσσαιοὶ. They focused on peaceful pursuits like agriculture, herding, craftsmanship, and especially healing, while taking great joy in exploring nature’s healing abilities. They likely believed they were guided by a supernatural illumination in their studies of nature and its powers. Their knowledge of nature and healing arts seemed to carry a religious and theosophic quality, as they claimed to have special prophetic gifts. The Essenes were undoubtedly distinguished from regular Jews by their deeper understanding and love for something beyond external rituals and hollow faith; they genuinely sought holiness of heart and a personal connection with God. Their tranquil and devout lifestyle made them stand out, allowing them to remain calm amid political turmoil, respected by all factions, including non-Jews. Their hard work, kindness, obedience to higher authorities as divinely ordained, loyalty, and love for truth helped them spread far and wide. In their community, every yes and no carried the weight of an oath, as they believed that an oath implies mutual distrust, which shouldn't exist among honest individuals. An oath was only allowed in one situation: as a pledge for those about to be accepted into their ranks after a three-year period of initiation. According to Philo, the Alexandrian, in his essay on the “True Freedom of the Virtuous,” we should see the Essenes as individuals with a practical approach to religion, distant from theosophy and idle speculation, possessing a sincere religious mindset free from superstition and dependence on external things. However, Philo’s account doesn’t align at all with Josephus’s, and Josephus generally deserves more credit as he was more historical, while Philo tended to indulge in philosophical and idealistic tendencies. Furthermore, Josephus had greater opportunities to thoroughly understand this sect than Philo, who lived in Egypt, while the Essenes were only found in Palestine. Josephus spent most of his life there and clearly made an effort to learn about the various sects, among which he intended to choose while still a sixteen-year-old, although he hardly completed the initiation process in the Essenes, as he explored all three major Jewish sects within a span of three to four years. Josephus’s description appears quite impartial, whereas Philo aimed to portray the Essenes to more educated Greeks as examples of practical wisdom, leading him to depict many things not as they truly were but as aligned with his intentions. We must conclude that the Essenes also engaged in theosophy and claimed to offer initiates insights about the supernatural realm, as those about to be admitted were required to vow never to reveal the names of the angels imparted to them. The way they kept their sect’s ancient texts secret is further proof of this. Indeed, Philo himself suggests this when he states that they practiced a φιλοσοφία διά συμβολῶν, a philosophy relying on allegorical interpretations of Scripture, as this form of interpretation often accompanies a speculative system. According to Philo, they rejected animal sacrifices, believing that wholly dedicating oneself to God was the only true sacrifice worthy of Him. However, Josephus indicated that they considered sacrifice to be very holy but believed it had been desecrated by the irreverent Jews in the Jerusalem temple, and that it could only be appropriately celebrated within their sacred community, much like how mystical sects often view religious acts as dependent on the personal state of those who partake in them. In their strict and superstitious observance of the Sabbath, they adhered to the letter of the law more than other Jews, though unlike them, they were genuinely serious about the rules, while the Pharisees manipulated their regulations to fit their own interests. The Essenes not only vehemently avoided contact with the uncircumcised, as the other Jews did, but also divided themselves into four classes, with higher-ranked Essenes shunning lower-ranked ones as if they were made unclean by association, and they would purify themselves afterward should such contact occur. Like many other Jews, they placed great importance on ritual purification by immersing in cold water. Their ascetic beliefs made them view the common eastern practice of anointing with oil as unholy, and if any Essene were to find himself in such a situation, he was required to purify himself. It was also a significant abomination to them to consume food unless it had been prepared by members of their own sect. They would rather die than eat from anyone else's kitchen. This demonstrates that, although the Essenes may have had a certain inner religious life and practical piety, these traits were, like those in many other mystical groups, also tied to a desire for hidden knowledge beyond human reason, leading them into unproductive fantasies and dreams. Their beliefs were also mingled with an outward asceticism, a proud separation from the rest of humanity, and superstitions that were entirely at odds with the true essence of inward spirituality.
ESTHER. The book of Esther is so called, because it contains the history of Esther a Jewish captive, who by her remarkable accomplishments gained the affection of King Ahasuerus, and by marriage with him was raised to the throne of Persia; and it relates the origin and ceremonies of the feast of Purim, instituted in commemoration of the great deliverance, which she, by her interest, procured for the Jews, whose general destruction had been concerted by the offended pride of Haman. There is great diversity of opinion concerning the author of this book; it has been ascribed to Ezra, to Mordecai, to Joachim, and to the joint labours of the great synagogue; and it is impossible to decide which of these opinions is the most probable. We are told, that the facts here recorded happened in the reign of Ahasuerus king of Persia, “who reigned from India even unto Ethiopia, over a hundred and twenty-seven provinces,” Esther i, 1; and this extent of dominion plainly proves that he was one of the successors of Cyrus. That point is indeed allowed by all; but learned men differ concerning the person meant by Ahasuerus, whose name does not occur in profane history; and consequently they are not agreed concerning the precise period to which we are to assign 355this history. Archbishop Usher supposed, that by Ahasuerus was meant Darius Hystaspes, and Joseph Scaliger contended that Xerxes was meant; but Dean Prideaux has very satisfactorily shown, that by Ahasuerus we are to understand Artaxerxes Longimanus. Josephus also considered Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes as the same person; and we may observe, that Ahasuerus is always translated Artaxerxes in the Septuagint version; and he is called by that name in the apocryphal part of the book of Esther. See Ecbatana, and Ahasuerus.
ESTHER. The book of Esther is named after its main character, Esther, a Jewish woman who, through her remarkable actions, won the love of King Ahasuerus and became his wife, rising to the throne of Persia. It also tells the story of the origins and rituals of the feast of Purim, which was established to celebrate the great rescue she arranged for the Jews, who were facing destruction due to the pride of Haman. There is a lot of debate about who wrote this book; some attribute it to Ezra, Mordecai, Joachim, or the combined efforts of the great synagogue. It’s impossible to determine which theory is the most likely. The events described in this book took place during the reign of Ahasuerus, king of Persia, "who reigned from India to Ethiopia, over a hundred and twenty-seven provinces," Esther i, 1; this vast empire indicates he was a successor of Cyrus. Scholars agree on that point, but they disagree on who Ahasuerus refers to, since his name doesn’t appear in secular history, and as a result, they can’t agree on the exact time period for this story. Archbishop Usher thought Ahasuerus referred to Darius Hystaspes, while Joseph Scaliger argued it was Xerxes; however, Dean Prideaux has convincingly argued that Ahasuerus refers to Artaxerxes Longimanus. Josephus also viewed Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes as the same individual; furthermore, Ahasuerus is consistently translated as Artaxerxes in the Septuagint version and is called by that name in the apocryphal section of the book of Esther. See Ecbatana, and Ahasuerus.
ETERNITY is an attribute of God. (See God.) The self-existent being, says the learned Dr. Clarke, must of necessity be eternal. The ideas of eternity and self-existence are so closely connected, that because something must of necessity be eternal, independently and without any outward cause of its being, therefore it must necessarily be self-existent; and because it is impossible but something must be self-existent, therefore it is necessary that it must likewise be eternal. To be self-existent, is to exist by an absolute necessity in the nature of the thing itself. Now this necessity being absolute, and not depending upon any thing external, must be always unalterably the same; nothing being alterable but what is capable of being affected by somewhat without itself. That being therefore which has no other cause of its existence but the absolute necessity of its own nature, must of necessity have existed from everlasting, without beginning; and must of necessity exist to everlasting, without end.
ETERNITY is a quality of God. (See God.) The self-existent being, as the knowledgeable Dr. Clarke says, must necessarily be eternal. The concepts of eternity and self-existence are so closely linked that since something must necessarily be eternal, independent of any outside cause for its existence, it must also be self-existent; and because it is undeniable that something must be self-existent, it follows that it must also be eternal. To be self-existent means to exist out of absolute necessity in the nature of that thing itself. Now, since this necessity is absolute and doesn’t depend on anything external, it must always remain exactly the same; nothing can change unless it can be influenced by something outside itself. Therefore, that being which has no cause for its existence other than the absolute necessity of its own nature must necessarily have existed from forever, without beginning, and must necessarily exist forever, without end.
On the eternal duration of the divine Being, many have held a metaphysical refinement. “The eternal existence of God,” it is said, “is not to be considered as successive; the ideas we gain from time are not to be allowed in our conceptions of his duration. As he fills all space with his immensity, he fills all duration with his eternity; and with him eternity is nunc stans, a permanent now, incapable of the relations of past, present, and future.” Such, certainly, is not the view given us of this mysterious subject in the Scriptures; and if it should be said that they speak popularly, and are accommodated to the infirmity of the reason of the body of mankind, we may reply, that philosophy has not, with all its boasting of superior light, carried our views on this attribute of the divine nature at all beyond revelation; and, in attempting it, has only obscured the conceptions of its admirers. “Filling duration with his eternity,” is a phrase without any meaning: for how can any man conceive a permanent instant, which coëxists with a perpetually flowing duration? One might as well apprehend a mathematical point coëxtended with a line, a surface, and all dimensions. As this notion has, however, been made the basis of some theological opinions, it may be proper to examine it.
On the eternal nature of the divine Being, many have offered complex philosophical ideas. "The eternal existence of God," it’s commonly said, "should not be viewed as something sequential; the ideas we have about time shouldn't influence our understanding of His existence. Just as He fills all space with His vastness, He fills all time with His eternity; for Him, eternity is now standing, a constant now, beyond the ideas of past, present, and future." This perspective definitely does not align with what the Scriptures teach about this mysterious topic; and if one argues that they speak in simpler terms to accommodate the limitations of human understanding, we can respond that philosophy, despite its claims of offering greater insight, hasn't really advanced our understanding of this divine attribute beyond what was revealed; and in its attempts, it has only muddled the ideas of its followers. Saying He "fills time with His eternity" is a concept that makes no sense: how can anyone imagine a permanent moment existing simultaneously with an ever-flowing timeline? One might as well try to grasp a single mathematical point being the same as a line, a surface, or any dimension. However, since this idea has formed the foundation of some theological beliefs, it may be worthwhile to explore it further.
2. Whether we get our idea of time from the motion of bodies without us, or from the consciousness of the succession of our own ideas, or both, is not important to this inquiry. Time, in our conceptions, is divisible. The artificial divisions are years, months, days, minutes, seconds, &c. We can conceive of yet smaller portions of duration; and, whether we have given to them artificial names or not, we can conceive no otherwise of duration, than continuance of being, estimated as to degree, by this artificial admeasurement, and therefore as substantially answering to it. It is not denied but that duration is something distinct from these its artificial measures; yet of this every man’s consciousness will assure him, that we can form no idea of duration except in this successive manner. But we are told that the eternity of God is a fixed eternal now, from which all ideas of succession, of past and future, are to be excluded; and we are called upon to conceive of eternal duration without reference to past or future, and to the exclusion of the idea of that flow under which we conceive of time. The proper abstract idea of duration is, however, simple continuance of being, without any reference to the exact degree or extent of it, because in no other way can it be equally applicable to all the substances of which it is the attribute. It may be finite or infinite, momentary or eternal; but that depends upon the substance of which it is the quality, and not upon its own nature. Our own observation and experience teach us how to apply it to ourselves. As to us, duration is dependent and finite; as to God, it is infinite; but in both cases the originality or dependence, the finiteness or infinity of it, arises, not out of the nature of duration itself, but out of other qualities of the subjects respectively.
2. Whether we get our understanding of time from the movement of objects around us, from the awareness of how our own thoughts follow one another, or from both, isn't important for this discussion. In our understanding, time is divisible. The artificial divisions are years, months, days, minutes, seconds, etc. We can imagine even smaller units of time; whether we have given them specific names or not, we can only understand duration as a continuous state of being, measured by these artificial divisions, and thus it aligns with them. It's acknowledged that duration is something separate from these artificial measures; however, everyone's awareness will confirm that we can only grasp duration in this sequential way. We are told that God's eternity is a fixed eternal now, excluding all ideas of succession, the past, and the future; we are asked to think of eternal duration without any reference to past or future, and to discard the concept of that flow through which we perceive time. The true abstract idea of duration, however, is simply the continuous state of being, without considering the exact degree or length of it, because that's the only way it can apply to all substances of which it is an attribute. It might be finite or infinite, momentary or eternal; but that depends on the substance it characterizes, not on its own nature. Our own observation and experience teach us how to apply it to ourselves. For us, duration is dependent and finite; for God, it's infinite; but in both cases, whether it is original or dependent, finite or infinite, comes not from the nature of duration itself, but from other qualities of the respective subjects.
3. Duration, then, as applied to God, is no more than an extension of the idea as applied to ourselves; and to exhort us to conceive of it as something essentially different, is to require us to conceive what is inconceivable. It is to demand of us to think without ideas. Duration is continuance of existence; continuance of existence is capable of being longer or shorter; and hence necessarily arises the idea of the succession of the minutest points of duration into which we can conceive it divided. Beyond this the mind cannot go, it forms the idea of duration no other way: and if what we call duration be any thing different from this in God, it is not duration, properly so called, according to human ideas; it is something else, for which there is no name among men, because there is no idea, and therefore it is impossible to reason about it. As long as meta-physicians use the term, they must take the idea: if they spurn the idea, they have no right to the term, and ought at once to confess that they can go no farther. Dr. Cudworth defines infinity of duration to be nothing else but perfection, as including in it necessary existence and immutability. This, it is true, is as much a definition of the moon, as of infinity of duration; but it is valuable, as it shows that, in the view of this great man, though an advocate of the nunc stans, “the standing now,” of eternity, we must abandon the term duration, if we give up the only idea under which it can be conceived.
3. Duration, when applied to God, is just an extension of the idea as it applies to us; and to encourage us to think of it as something essentially different is to ask us to conceive the inconceivable. It demands that we think without any ideas. Duration is the continuation of existence; this continuation can be longer or shorter; and thus arises the idea of the succession of the tiniest points of duration that we can imagine dividing it into. The mind cannot go beyond this; it forms the idea of duration no other way: and if what we call duration is anything different in God, it isn't duration, in the proper sense, according to human ideas; it's something else, for which there is no name among people because there is no idea, making it impossible to reason about it. As long as metaphysicians use the term, they must accept the idea: if they reject the idea, they have no right to the term and should admit that they cannot go any further. Dr. Cudworth defines infinity of duration as nothing but perfection, which includes necessary existence and immutability. This, true as it is, is as much a definition of the moon as it is of infinity of duration; but it's valuable because it shows that, in the view of this great thinker, even while advocating for the standing now, “the standing now,” of eternity, we must abandon the term duration if we discard the only idea under which it can be understood.
4. It follows from this, therefore, that either 356we must apply the term duration to the divine Being in the same sense in which we apply it to creatures, with the extension of the idea to a duration which has no bounds and limits; or blot it out of our creeds, as a word to which our minds, with all the aid they may derive from the labours of metaphysicians, can attach no meaning. The only objection to successive duration as applied to God, which has any plausibility, is, that it seems to imply change; but this wholly arises from confounding two very distinct things; succession in the duration, and change in the substance. Dr. Cudworth appears to have fallen into this error. He speaks of the duration of an imperfect nature, as sliding from the present to the future, expecting something of itself which is not yet in being; and of a perfect nature being essentially immutable, having a permanent and unchanging duration, never losing any thing of itself once present, nor yet running forward to meet something of itself which is not yet in being. Now, though this is a good description of a perfect and immutable nature, it is no description at all of an eternally-enduring nature. Duration implies no loss in the substance of any being, nor addition to it. A perfect nature never loses any thing of itself, nor expects more of itself than is possessed; but this does not arise from the attribute of its duration, however that attribute may be conceived of, but from its perfection and consequent immutability. These attributes do not flow from the duration, but the continuance of the duration from them. The argument is clearly good for nothing, unless it could be proved that successive duration necessarily implies a change in the nature; but that is contradicted by the experience of finite beings,--their natures are not at all determined by their duration, but their duration by their natures; and they exist for a moment, or for ages, according to the nature which their Maker has impressed upon them. If it be said that, at least, successive duration imports that a being loses past duration, and expects the arrival of future existence, we reply, that this is no imperfection at all. Even finite creatures do not feel it to be an imperfection to have existed, and to look for continued and interminable being. It is true, with the past we lose knowledge and pleasure; and expecting in all future periods increase of knowledge and happiness, we are reminded by that of our present imperfection; but this imperfection does not arise from our successive and flowing duration, and we never refer it to that. It is not the past which takes away our knowledge and pleasure; nor future duration, simply considered, which will confer the increase of both. Our imperfections arise out of the essential nature of our being, not out of the manner in which our being is continued. It is not the flow of our duration, but the flow of our nature, which produces these effects. On the contrary, we think that the idea of our successive duration, that is of continuance, is an advantage, and not a defect. Let all ideas of continuance be banished from the mind, let there be to us a nunc semper stans, during the whole of our being, and we appear to gain nothing,--our pleasures surely are not diminished by the idea of successive duration being added to present enjoyment: that they have been, and still remain, and will continue, on the contrary, greatly heightens them. Without the idea of a flowing duration, we could have no such measure of the continuance of our pleasures; and this we should consider an abatement of our happiness. What is so obvious an excellency in the spirit of man, and in angelic natures, can never be thought an imperfection in God, when joined with a nature essentially perfect and immutable.
4. Therefore, it follows that we must either 356 use the term duration for the divine Being in the same way we use it for creatures, extending the idea to a duration without limits; or remove it from our beliefs, as a term that our minds, despite all the insights from philosophers, can’t attach any meaning to. The only objection to the idea of successive duration when applied to God that seems valid is that it suggests change; however, this confusion comes from mixing up two very different concepts: succession in duration and change in essence. Dr. Cudworth appears to have made this mistake. He describes the duration of an imperfect nature as moving from the present into the future, anticipating something that isn’t yet real; and he characterizes a perfect nature as being inherently unchangeable, possessing a permanent and unchanging duration, never losing anything it once had, nor rushing forward to something that doesn't yet exist. While this does accurately describe a perfect and immutable nature, it doesn’t capture the essence of an eternally enduring nature at all. Duration doesn't imply any loss or addition to the essence of any being. A perfect nature doesn't lose anything it possesses, nor looks forward to acquiring more than it already has; but this isn't due to the attribute of duration itself, however one may interpret that attribute, but instead arises from its perfection and resulting immutability. These traits come from the perfection, not from the duration, which continues because of them. The argument holds no weight unless it can be shown that successive duration implies a change in essence; however, this is contradicted by the experiences of finite beings— their essences aren't determined by their duration, but rather their duration is defined by their essences; they exist for a moment or for ages according to the nature their Creator has instilled in them. If it’s argued that successive duration means a being loses past duration and anticipates the arrival of future existence, we respond that this isn't an imperfection at all. Even finite creatures don’t perceive it as a fault to have existed and to seek ongoing and endless existence. It's true that with the past we lose knowledge and joy; and in looking forward to future moments filled with increased knowledge and happiness, we are reminded of our current limitations; but this limitation doesn’t stem from our ongoing and flowing duration, and we never attribute it to that. It's not the past that removes our knowledge and joy; nor is future duration, in itself, what will increase both. Our limitations arise from the fundamental nature of our being, not from how our being is sustained. It's not the flow of our duration, but the flow of our essence, that leads to these effects. Conversely, we believe that the notion of our successive duration, or continuity, is an asset, not a flaw. If all ideas of continuity were to be erased from our minds, leaving us with a now always standing, during our entire existence, it would seem we gain nothing—our pleasures certainly aren’t diminished by adding the idea of successive duration to present enjoyment: rather, the fact that they have existed, still exist, and will continue, actually enhances them. Without the concept of a flowing duration, we wouldn't have any measure of how long our pleasures last; and we would see this as a loss of our happiness. An evident excellence found in the human spirit and in angelic natures can never be viewed as a flaw in God when associated with a nature that is entirely perfect and unchangeable.
5. But it may be said, that “eternal duration, considered as successive, is only an artificial manner of measuring and conceiving of duration; and is no more eternal duration itself than minutes and moments, the artificial measures of time, are time itself.” Were this granted, the question would still be, whether there is any thing in duration considered generally, or in time considered specially, which corresponds to these artificial methods of measuring and conceiving of them. The ocean is measured by leagues; and the extension of the ocean, and the measure of it, are distinct; they, nevertheless, answer to each other. Leagues are the nominal divisions of an extended surface; but there is a real extension, which answers to the artificialartificial conception and admeasurement of it. In like manner, days, and hours, and moments, are the measures of time: but there is either something in time which answers to these measures; or not only the measure, but the thing itself, is artificial--an imaginary creation. If any man will contend, that the period of duration which we call time is nothing, no farther dispute can be held with him; and he may be left to deny also the existence of matter, and to enjoy his philosophic revel in an ideal world. We apply the same argument to duration generally, whether finite or infinite. Minutes and moments, or smaller portions, for which we have no name, may be artificial things, adopted to aid our conceptions; but conceptions of what? Not of any thing standing still, but of something going on. Of duration we have no other conception; and if there be nothing in nature which answers to this conception, then is duration itself imaginary, and we discourse about nothing. If the duration of the divine Being admits not of past, present, and future, one of these two consequences must follow,--that no such attribute as that of eternity belongs to him,--or that there is no power in the human mind to conceive of it. In either case, the Scriptures are greatly impugned; for “He who was, and is, and is to come,” is a revelation of the eternity of God, which is then in no sense true. It is not true, if used literally: and it is as little so, if the language be figurative; for the figure rests on no basis, it illustrates nothing, it misleads. It is, however, to be remembered, that the eternal, supreme cause, must of necessity have such a perfect, independent, unchangeable comprehension of all things, that there can be no one point or instant of his eternal duration, 357wherein all things that are past, present, and to come, will not be as entirely known and represented to him in one single thought or view, and all things present and future be equally entirely in his power and direction; as if there was really no succession at all, but all things were actually present at once.
5. But one might argue that “eternal duration, viewed as a series of moments, is just an artificial way of measuring and understanding duration; it is no more true eternal duration than minutes and moments, which are artificial measurements of time, are time itself.” If this were accepted, the question would still be whether there is anything in duration considered generally, or in time viewed specifically, that corresponds to these artificial methods of measuring and understanding them. The ocean is measured in leagues; the actual extent of the ocean and its measurement are different, yet they correspond to each other. Leagues are named divisions of a vast area, but there is a real extension that matches the artificialartificial concept and measurement of it. Similarly, days, hours, and moments are measurements of time: but there is either something in time that corresponds to these measurements, or both the measure and the thing itself are artificial—an imaginary creation. If anyone insists that the duration we call time is nothing, there can be no further debate; he may as well deny the existence of matter and enjoy his philosophical fantasy in an ideal world. We apply the same reasoning to duration in general, whether finite or infinite. Minutes, moments, or smaller segments for which we have no name may be artificial things created to help our understanding; but understandings of what? Not of anything stationary, but of something in motion. We have no other idea of duration; and if there’s nothing in nature that corresponds to this understanding, then duration itself is imaginary, and we are talking about nothing. If the duration of the divine Being does not encompass past, present, and future, one of two things must be true—either no attribute like eternity applies to him, or there’s no ability in the human mind to conceive it. In either case, the Scriptures are significantly challenged; for “He who was, and is, and is to come,” is a declaration of God’s eternity, which then isn’t true in any sense. It isn’t true if taken literally; and it’s equally untrue if the language is metaphorical; as the figure has no foundation, illustrates nothing, and misleads. However, it should be noted that the eternal, supreme cause must necessarily have such a complete, independent, unchanging understanding of everything, that there cannot be a single point or instant of his eternal duration, 357 where all things that are past, present, and future would not be entirely known and represented to him in one single thought or view, and all present and future things would equally be entirely within his power and direction; as if there were genuinely no succession at all, but all things were actually present at once.
6. The Hebrew word for eternity is שלם. This is its proper sense; but, as Gesenius observes, as with us in common life, it is often used in an inaccurate or loose manner to express a very long space of time. So it is applied to the Jewish priesthood; to the Mosaic ordinances; to the possession of the land of Canaan; to the hills and mountains; to the earth, &c. These must, however, be considered as exceptions to predominant and certain usage.
6. The Hebrew word for eternity is Complete. This is its true meaning; however, as Gesenius notes, similar to how we use it in everyday life, it is often used inaccurately or loosely to refer to a very long period of time. It's used in connection with the Jewish priesthood, the Mosaic laws, the ownership of the land of Canaan, the hills and mountains, the earth, etc. These should, however, be viewed as exceptions to the more common and definitive usage.
ETHAN, the Ezrahite, one of the wisest men of his time; nevertheless, Solomon was wiser than he, 1 Kings iv, 31. The eighty-ninth psalm bears the name of Ethan the Ezrahite. This Ethan, and Ethan son of Kishi, of the tribe of Levi, and of the family of Merari, are the same person, 1 Chron. vi, 44. He was called likewise Idithun, and appears under this name in the titles to several psalms. He was a principal master of the temple music, 1 Chron. xv, 17, &c.
ETHAN, the Ezrahite, was one of the wisest men of his time; however, Solomon was wiser than he, 1 Kings iv, 31. The eighty-ninth psalm is credited to Ethan the Ezrahite. This Ethan is the same as Ethan, son of Kishi, from the tribe of Levi and the family of Merari, 1 Chron. vi, 44. He was also known as Idithun and appears under this name in the titles of several psalms. He was a leading master of temple music, 1 Chron. xv, 17, & c.
ETHANIM, one of the Hebrew months, 1 Kings viii, 2. In this month the temple of Solomon was dedicated. After the Jews returned from the captivity, the month Ethanim was called Tisri, which answers to our September.
ETHANIM, one of the Hebrew months, 1 Kings viii, 2. In this month, the temple of Solomon was dedicated. After the Jews came back from captivity, the month Ethanim was called Tisri, which corresponds to our September.
ETHIOPIA. See Cush.
ETHIOPIA. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
EUCHARIST, the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. The word, in its original Greek, εὐχαρίϛια, properly signifies giving thanks; from the hymns and thanksgivings which accompanied that holy service in the primitive church. See Lord’s Supper.
EUCHARIST, the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. The word, in its original Greek, εὐχαρίϛια, properly means giving thanks; derived from the hymns and thanksgiving that accompanied that holy service in the early church. See Communion.
EUNICE, the mother of Timothy, who was a Jewess by birth, but married to a Greek, Timothy’s father, 2 Tim. i, 5. Eunice had been converted to Christianity by some other preacher, Acts xvi, 1, 2, and not by St. Paul; for when that Apostle came to Lystra, he found there Eunice and Timothy, already far advanced in grace and virtue.
EUNICE, Timothy's mother, was Jewish by birth but married to a Greek, Timothy's father, 2 Tim. i, 5. Eunice had become a Christian through the preaching of someone else, Acts xvi, 1, 2, and not through St. Paul; when the Apostle arrived in Lystra, he found Eunice and Timothy already well on their way in grace and virtue.
EUNUCH. The word signifies, one who guards the bed. In the courts of eastern kings, the care of the beds and apartments belonging to princes and princesses, was generally committed to eunuchs; but they had the charge chiefly of the princesses, who lived secluded. The Hebrew saris signifies a real eunuch, whether naturally born such, or rendered such. But in Scripture this word often denotes an officer belonging to a prince, attending his court, and employed in the interior of his palace, as a name of office and dignity. In the Persian and Turkish courts, the principal employments are at this day possessed by real eunuchs. Our Saviour speaks of men who “made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven,” Matt. xix, 12; that is, who, from a religious motive, renounced marriage or carnal pleasures.
EUNUCH. The term refers to someone who guards the bed. In the courts of eastern kings, the responsibility for the beds and living quarters of princes and princesses was usually given to eunuchs; however, they mainly looked after the princesses, who lived in seclusion. The Hebrew saris specifically means a true eunuch, whether born that way or made so. In the Scriptures, this word often indicates an officer who serves a prince, attending his court and working within his palace, denoting a position of authority and respect. In the Persian and Turkish courts today, the key roles are still filled by actual eunuchs. Our Savior mentions men who “made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven,” Matt. xix, 12; that is, those who, for religious reasons, chose to give up marriage or sexual pleasures.
EUPHRATES, a river of Asiatic Turkey, which rises from the mountains of Armenia, as some have said, in two streams, a few miles to the north-east of Erzeron, the streams uniting to the south-west near that city; and chiefly pursuing a south-west direction to Semisat, where it would fall into the Mediterranean, if not prevented by a high range of mountains. In this part of its course the Euphrates is joined by the Morad, a stream almost doubling in length that of the Euphrates, so that the latter river might more justly be said to spring from Mount Ararat, about one hundred and sixty British miles to the east of the imputed source. At Semisat, the ancient Samosata, this noble river assumes a southerly direction, then runs an extensive course to the south-east, and after receiving the Tigris, falls by two or three mouths into the gulf of Persia, about fifty miles south-east of Bassora; north latitude 29° 50´; east longitude 66° 55´. The comparative course of the Euphrates may be estimated at about one thousand four hundred British miles. This river is navigable for a considerable distance from the sea. In its course it separates Aladulia from Armenia, Syria from Diarbekir, and Diarbekir from Arabia, and passing through the Arabian Irak, joins the Tigris. The Euphrates and Tigris, the most considerable as well as the most renowned rivers of western Asia, are remarkable for their rising within a few miles of each other, running the same course, never being more than one hundred and fifty miles asunder, and sometimes, before their final junction, approaching within fifteen miles of each other, as in the latitude of Bagdad. The space included between the two is the ancient country of Mesopotamia. But the Euphrates is by far the more noble river of the two. Sir R. K. Porter, describing this river in its course through the ruins of Babylon, observes, “The whole view was particularly solemn. The majestic stream of the Euphrates wandering in solitude, like a pilgrim monarch through the silent ruins of his devastated kingdom, still appeared a noble river, even under all the disadvantages of its desert-tracked course. Its banks were hoary with reeds; and the grey osier willows were yet there, on which the captives of Israel hung up their harps, and, while Jerusalem was not, refused to be comforted.” The Scripture calls it “the great river,” and assigns it for the eastern boundary of that land which God promised to the Israelites, Deut. i, 7; Joshua i, 4.
EUPHRATES, a river in Asian Turkey, begins in the mountains of Armenia, reportedly from two streams a few miles northeast of Erzeron. These streams merge to the southwest near that city and primarily flow southwest to Semisat, where it would empty into the Mediterranean if it weren't blocked by a high mountain range. Along this stretch, the Euphrates is joined by the Morad, a stream that is nearly twice as long as the Euphrates, indicating that the latter river could more accurately be said to originate from Mount Ararat, about one hundred sixty British miles to the east of its claimed source. At Semisat, the ancient Samosata, this great river takes a southerly course, continues an extensive path southeast, and after meeting the Tigris, drains into the Persian Gulf through two or three mouths, about fifty miles southeast of Bassora; north latitude 29° 50′; east longitude 66° 55′. The overall length of the Euphrates is approximately one thousand four hundred British miles. This river is navigable for a significant distance from the sea. Throughout its journey, it divides Aladulia from Armenia, Syria from Diarbekir, and Diarbekir from Arabia, and as it flows through Arabian Irak, it connects with the Tigris. The Euphrates and Tigris, the two most important and famous rivers of western Asia, are notable for rising just a few miles apart, following the same route, never being more than one hundred fifty miles apart, and sometimes coming within fifteen miles of each other before they finally meet, as is the case near Baghdad. The land between them is the ancient region of Mesopotamia. However, the Euphrates is by far the more impressive of the two rivers. Sir R. K. Porter, describing the Euphrates as it flows through the ruins of Babylon, notes, “The whole view was particularly solemn. The majestic stream of the Euphrates wandered in solitude, like a pilgrim king through the silent ruins of his devastated kingdom, still appearing as a noble river, even with the challenges of its desert-trodden path. Its banks were thick with reeds, and the grey willows were still there, where the captives of Israel hung their harps and, while Jerusalem was in ruins, refused to be comforted.” The Scriptures refer to it as “the great river,” marking it as the eastern border of the land promised to the Israelites, Deut. i, 7; Joshua i, 4.
EUROCLYDON, the Greek name for the north-east wind, very dangerous at sea, of the nature of a whirlwind, which falls of a sudden upon ships, Acts xxvii, 14. The same wind is now called a Levanter.
EUROCLYDON, the Greek name for the northeast wind, which is very dangerous at sea and resembles a whirlwind, suddenly striking ships, Acts xxvii, 14. This same wind is now referred to as a Levanter.
EUTYCHIANS, a denomination which arose in the fifth century, and were so called from Eutyches, abbot of a certain convent of monks at Constantinople. The Nestorians having explained the two natures in Christ in such a manner as, in the opinion of many, to make them equivalent to two persons, which was an evident absurdity, Eutyches, to avoid this error, 358fell into the opposite extreme, and maintained that there was only one nature in Jesus Christ, the divine nature, which, according to him, had so entirely swallowed up the human, that the latter could not be distinguished. Hence it was inferred that according to this system our Lord had nothing of humanity but the appearance.
EUTYCHIANS, a group that emerged in the fifth century, got their name from Eutyches, the head of a monastery in Constantinople. The Nestorians had described the two natures in Christ in a way that many believed suggested He was essentially two persons, which was clearly absurd. To counter this mistake, Eutyches swung to the opposite extreme and argued that there was only one nature in Jesus Christ: the divine nature. He claimed that this divine nature had completely consumed the human nature, making it indistinguishable. As a result, it was concluded that, according to this view, our Lord possessed nothing of humanity except for the appearance. 358
EVANGELISTS, the inspired authors of the Gospels. The word is derived from the Greek, εὐαγτελιον, formed of εὖ, bene, “well,” and ἄγτελος, angel, messenger. The name of evangelists is said by some to have been given in the ancient church to such as preached the Gospel without being attached to any particular church, being either commissioned by the Apostles to instruct the nations, or, of their own accord, abandoning every worldly attachment, consecrated themselves to the sacred office of preaching the Gospel. In which sense these interpreters think it is that St. Philip, who was one of the seven deacons, is called “the evangelist” in Acts xxi, 8; and that St. Paul, writing to Timothy, bids him do the work of an evangelist, 2 Tim. iv, 5. It is, however, to be remarked, that the office in which the evangelists chiefly present themselves to our notice in the New Testament, is that of assistants to the Apostles; or, as they might be termed vice apostles, who acted under their authority and direction. As they were directed to ordain pastors or bishops in the churches, but had no authority given them to ordain successors to themselves in their particular office as evangelists, whatever it might be, they must be considered as but temporary officers in the church, like the Apostles and prophets. The term evangelist is, at present, confined to the writers of the four Gospels.
EVANGELISTS, the inspired authors of the Gospels. The word comes from the Greek, εὐαγγελιον, which is made up of εὖ, well, and ἄγγελος, angel, messenger. Some say the title of evangelists was given in the early church to those who preached the Gospel without being part of any particular church, either sent by the Apostles to teach the nations or, on their own, giving up all worldly ties to dedicate themselves to the sacred task of preaching the Gospel. In this sense, these interpreters believe St. Philip, one of the seven deacons, is called “the evangelist” in Acts 21:8; and that St. Paul, writing to Timothy, instructs him to do the work of an evangelist, 2 Timothy 4:5. However, it's worth noting that the role of evangelists is mainly seen in the New Testament as assistants to the Apostles, or what could be called vice apostles, who operated under their authority and guidance. They were instructed to appoint pastors or bishops in the churches but were not given the authority to appoint successors to themselves in their specific role as evangelists. Therefore, they should be considered temporary officers in the church, like the Apostles and prophets. Today, the term evangelist is limited to the writers of the four Gospels.
EVE, the first woman. She was called הוה, Gen. iii, 20, a word that signifies life, because she was to be the mother of all that live. Our translators, therefore, might have called her Life, as the Septuagint, who render the Hebrew word by Ζωὴ. Soon after the expulsion of the first pair from paradise, Eve conceived and bare a son; and imagining, as is probable, that she had given birth to the promised seed, she called his name Cain, which signifies possession, saying, “I have gotten a man from the Lord.” She afterward had Abel, and some daughters, and then Seth. The Scriptures name only these three sons of Adam and Eve, but sufficiently inform us, Gen. v, 4, that they had many more, saying, that “Adam lived, after he had begotten Seth, eight hundred years, and begat sons and daughters.” See Adam.
EVE, the first woman. She was called היה, Gen. iii, 20, a word that means life, because she was to be the mother of all living things. Our translators could have referred to her as Life, like the Septuagint, which translates the Hebrew word as Ζωὴ. Shortly after the first couple was sent out of paradise, Eve became pregnant and gave birth to a son; she likely thought she had given birth to the promised offspring, so she named him Cain, which means possession, saying, “I have gotten a man from the Lord.” Later, she had Abel, some daughters, and then Seth. The Scriptures only mention these three sons of Adam and Eve, but they make it clear in Gen. v, 4, that they had many more, stating that “Adam lived, after he had begotten Seth, eight hundred years, and begat sons and daughters.” See Adam.
EVIL is distinguished into natural and moral. Natural evil is whatever destroys or any way disturbs the perfection of natural beings, such as blindness, diseases, death, &c. Moral evil is the disagreement between the actions of a moral agent, and the rule of those actions, whatever it be. Applied to choice, or acting contrary to the moral or revealed laws of the Deity, it is termed wickedness, or sin. Applied to an act contrary to a mere rule of fitness, it is called a fault. The question concerning the origin of evil has very much perplexed philosophers and divines, both ancient and modern. Plato, for the solution of this question, maintained, that matter, from its nature, possesses a blind and refractory force, from which arises in it a propensity to disorder and deformity; and that this is the cause of all the imperfection which appears in the works of God, and the origin of evil. Matter, he conceives, resists the will of the supreme Artificer, so that he cannot possibly execute his designs; and this is the cause of the mixture of good and evil, which is found in the material world. “It cannot be,” says he, “that evil should be destroyed, for there must always be something contrary to good;” and again, “God wills, as far as it is possible, every thing good, and nothing evil.” What that property of matter is which opposes the wise and benevolent intentions of the first Intelligence, Plato has not clearly explained; but he speaks of it as ξύμφυτος ἐπιθυμία, an innate propensity to disorder, and says, that before nature was adorned with its present beautiful forms, it was inclined to confusion and deformity, and that from this habitude arises all the evil which happens in the world. Plutarch supposes the Platonic notion to be, that there is in matter an unconscious, irrational soul; and this supposition has been adopted by several modern writers. But the writings of Plato afford no evidence that he conceived the imperfection of matter to arise from any cause distinct from its nature. Such a notion is incongruous with Plato’s general system, and is contrary to the doctrine of the Pythagorean school, to which he was probably indebted for his notions on this subject; for the philosophers of that sect held that motion is the effect of a power essential to matter. Some of the Stoics adopted the notion of the Platonists concerning the origin of evil, and ascribed it to the defective nature of matter, which it is not in the power of the great Artificer to change; asserting, that imperfections appear in the world, not through any defect of skill in its author, but because matter will not admit of the accomplishment of his designs. But it was perceived by others, that this hypothesis was inconsistent with the fundamental doctrine of the Stoics concerning nature. For since, according to their system, matter itself receives all its qualities from God, if its defects be the cause of evil, these defects must be ultimately ascribed to him. No other way of relieving this difficulty remained, than to have recourse to fate, and say, that evil was the necessary consequence of that eternal necessity to which the great whole, comprehending both God and matter, is subject. Thus, when Chrysippus was asked whether diseases were to be ascribed to Divine providence, he replied that it was not the intention of nature that these things should happen; nor were they conformable to the will of the Author of nature and Parent of all good things; but that, in framing the world, some inconveniences had adhered by necessary consequence, to his wise and useful plan. To others the question concerning the origin of evil appeared so intricate 359and difficult, that, finding themselves unequal to the solution of it, they denied either that there is any God at all, or, at least, any author or governor of the world. The Epicureans belonged to this class; nor does Lucretius allege any other reason for denying the system of the world to be the production of a Deity beside its being so very faulty. Others again judged it to be more rational to assign a double cause of visible effects, than to assign no cause at all; as nothing, indeed, can be more absurd than to admit actions and effects without any agent and cause. These persons perceiving a mixture of good and evil, and being persuaded that so many inconsistencies and disorders could not proceed from a good being, supposed the existence of a malevolent principle, or god, directly contrary to the good one; hence they derived corruption and death, diseases, griefs, mischiefs, frauds, and villanies, while from the good being they deduced nothing but good. This opinion was held by many of the ancients; by the Persian magi, Manicheans, Paulicians, &c.
EVIL is divided into natural and moral. Natural evil includes anything that destroys or disrupts the perfection of natural beings, like blindness, diseases, death, etc. Moral evil is the conflict between a moral agent's actions and the rules governing those actions, whatever those rules may be. When it comes to choosing or acting against the moral or revealed laws of God, it's referred to as wickedness or sin. When applied to an action that goes against simply a rule of what is appropriate, it's called a fault. The question about the source of evil has greatly puzzled philosophers and theologians, both ancient and modern. Plato, in trying to answer this question, argued that matter, by its very nature, has a blind and stubborn force that leads to disorder and ugliness; this is the source of all the imperfections seen in God's creations and the origin of evil. He believes that matter resists the will of the supreme Creator, preventing Him from fully executing His designs; thus, we find a mix of good and evil in the material world. “It cannot be,” he says, “that evil should be eliminated, for there must always be something opposing good;” and again, “God wills everything good to the extent possible, and nothing evil.” However, Plato does not clearly explain what aspect of matter opposes the wise and benevolent intentions of the supreme Intelligence, but he refers to it as ξύμφυτος ἐπιθυμία, an innate desire for disorder. He claims that before nature was beautified with its current forms, it was inclined towards chaos and ugliness, and from this tendency comes all the evil that exists in the world. Plutarch suggests that the Platonic view sees matter as having an unconscious, irrational soul; and this idea has been taken up by several modern writers. But Plato's writings do not provide any evidence that he thought the imperfection of matter came from any cause separate from its nature. This idea goes against Plato's overall philosophy and contrasts with the teachings of the Pythagorean school, which he likely drew from; the philosophers of that sect argued that motion is a result of a power inherent to matter. Some Stoics accepted the Platonic view about the origin of evil, attributing it to the flawed nature of matter, which the great Creator cannot change; they argued that imperfections exist in the world, not due to any lack of skill on the part of its creator, but because matter itself does not allow His designs to be fully realized. Others noted that this theory was inconsistent with the Stoic fundamental doctrine about nature. According to their system, since matter receives all its qualities from God, if its flaws are the source of evil, then those flaws must ultimately be attributed to Him. The only way to resolve this issue was to refer to fate and claim that evil is a necessary result of the eternal necessity to which the whole, including God and matter, is subjected. Thus, when Chrysippus was asked whether diseases should be seen as part of Divine providence, he replied that it was not nature's intention for such things to occur; nor were they in line with the will of the Creator and Parent of all good things; rather, in creating the world, some inconveniences were necessarily attached to His wise and beneficial plan. Others found the question of the origin of evil so complicated that, feeling unable to solve it, they denied the existence of any God whatsoever or, at the very least, any author or governor of the world. The Epicureans fell into this category; Lucretius does not cite any other reason for denying that the world is a creation of God other than its apparent faults. Others believed it was more logical to assign a dual cause for observable effects rather than not assign any cause at all; for nothing is more absurd than to accept actions and effects without any agent or source. These individuals, seeing a mix of good and evil and convinced that so many inconsistencies and disorders could not originate from a good being, proposed the existence of a malevolent principle or deity that is directly opposed to the good one; from this, they attributed corruption, death, diseases, sorrows, misfortunes, deceit, and wickedness, while deriving only good from the benevolent being. This belief was held by many ancients, including the Persian magi, Manicheans, Paulicians, etc.
2. Dr. Samuel Clarke, in his “Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God,” deduces from the possibility and real existence of human liberty an answer to the question, What is the cause and original of evil? For liberty, he says, implying a natural power of doing evil, as well as good; and the imperfect nature of finite beings making it possible for them to abuse this their liberty to an actual commission of evil; and it being necessary to the order and beauty of the whole, and for displaying the infinite wisdom of the Creator, that there should be different and various degrees of creatures, whereof, consequently, some must be less perfect than others; hence there necessarily arises a possibility of evil, notwithstanding that the Creator is infinitely good. In short thus: all that we call evil is either an evil of imperfection, as the want of certain faculties and excellencies which other creatures have; or natural evil, as pain, death, and the like; or moral evil, as all kinds of vice. The first of these is not properly an evil: for every power, faculty, or perfection, which any creature enjoys, being the free gift of God, which he was no more obliged to bestow, than he was to confer being or existence itself, it is plain the want of any certain faculty or perfection in any kind of creatures which never belonged to their nature, is no more an evil to them than their never having been created, or brought into being at all, could properly have been called an evil. The second kind of evil, which we call natural evil, is either a necessary consequence of the former; as death, to a creature on whose nature immortality was never conferred; and then it is no more properly an evil than the former; or else it is counterpoised, in the whole, with as great or greater good, as the afflictions and sufferings of good men, and then also it is not properly an evil; or else, lastly, it is a punishment; and then it is a necessary consequent of the third and last sort of evil, namely, moral evil. And this arises wholly from the abuse of liberty, which God gave to his creatures for other purposes, and which it was reasonable and fit to give them for the perfection and order of the whole creation; only they, contrary to God’s intention and command, have abused what was necessary for the perfection of the whole, to the corruption and depravation of themselves. And thus all sorts of evils have entered into the world, without any diminution to the infinite goodness of its Creator and Governor.
2. Dr. Samuel Clarke, in his “Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God,” explains that the possibility and reality of human freedom provide an answer to the question, What is the cause and origin of evil? He argues that freedom implies a natural ability to do both good and evil, and the imperfect nature of finite beings allows them to misuse this freedom to actually commit evil. It is necessary for the order and beauty of the whole creation, and to display the infinite wisdom of the Creator, that there are different levels of creatures, with some being less perfect than others. This creates a possibility for evil, even though the Creator is infinitely good. In summary: all that we consider evil falls into three categories: imperfections, such as lacking certain abilities and qualities that other creatures possess; natural evils, such as pain, death, and similar experiences; or moral evils, which include all types of vice. The first category isn’t truly an evil; every ability, quality, or perfection that any creature has is a free gift from God, which He was not obligated to give, just as He wasn’t obligated to give them existence itself. Therefore, lacking any specific ability or quality that was never part of their nature isn’t more of an evil than having never been created in the first place. The second type of evil, which we refer to as natural evil, is either a necessary result of the first type, like death for a creature that was never meant to be immortal; in that case, it isn’t really an evil either. Or, it might be balanced out by equal or greater goods, such as the hardships and sufferings that good people endure, and again, it wouldn’t be considered a true evil. Lastly, it could be a punishment, which results from the third type of evil: moral evil. This originates entirely from the misuse of freedom that God gave to His creatures for different purposes, which was reasonable and appropriate for the perfection and order of the entire creation. However, they have misused what was necessary for the perfection of the whole, leading to their own corruption and depravity. Thus, all kinds of evil have entered the world without diminishing the infinite goodness of its Creator and Governor.
3. This is obviously all the answer which the question respecting the origin of evil is capable of receiving. It brings us to the point to which the Scriptures themselves lead us. And though many questions may yet be asked, respecting a subject so mysterious as the permission of evil by the Supreme Being, this is a part of his counsels of which we can have no cognizance, unless he is pleased to reveal them; and as revelation is silent upon this subject, except generally, that all his acts, his permissive ones as well as others, are “wise, and just, and good,” we may rest assured, that beyond what is revealed, human wisdom in the present state can never penetrate.
3. This is clearly all the answer the question about the origin of evil can provide. It takes us to the conclusion that the Scriptures themselves guide us toward. And while there may still be many questions about such a mysterious topic as the allowance of evil by the Supreme Being, this is part of His counsels that we can’t understand unless He chooses to reveal it to us; and since revelation is silent on this matter, except to generally state that all His actions, whether permissive or not, are “wise, and just, and good,” we can be sure that beyond what has been revealed, human understanding can never go further.
EXCOMMUNICATION, is the judicial exclusion of offenders from the religious rites and other privileges of the particular community to which they belong. Founded in the natural right which every society possesses to guard its laws and privileges from violation and abuse by the infliction of salutary discipline, proportioned to the nature of the offences committed against them, it has found a place, in one form or another, under every system of religion, whether human or divine. That it has been made an engine for the gratification of private malice and revenge, and been perverted to purposes the most unjustifiable and even diabolical, the history of the world but too lamentably proves; yet this, though unquestionably a consideration which ought to inculcate the necessity of prudence, as well as impartiality and temperance in the use of it, affords no valid argument against its legitimate exercise. From St. Paul’s writings we learn that the early excommunication was effected by the offender not being allowed to “eat” with the church, that is, to partake of the Lord’s Supper, the sign of communion. In the early ages of the primitive church also, this branch of discipline was exercised with moderation, which, however, gradually gave place to an undue severity. From Tertullian’s “Apology” we learn, that the crimes which in his time subjected to exclusion from Christian privileges, were murder, idolatry, theft, fraud, lying, blasphemy, adultery, fornication, and the like: and in Origen’s treatise against Celsus, we are informed that such persons were expelled from the communion of the church, and lamented as lost and dead unto God; [ut perditos Deoque mortuos;] but that on making confession and giving evidence of penitence, they were received back as restored to life. It was at the same time specially ordained, that no such delinquent, however suitably qualified in other respects, could be afterward admitted 360to any ecclesiastical office. But it does not appear that the infliction of this discipline was accompanied with any of those forms of excommunication, of delivering over to Satan, or of solemn execration, which were usual among the Jews, and subsequently introduced into them by the Romish church. The authors and followers of heretical opinions which had been condemned, were also subject to this penalty; and it was sometimes inflicted on whole congregations when they were judged to have departed from the faith. In this latter case, however, the sentence seldom went farther than the interdiction of correspondence with these churches, or of spiritual communication between their respective pastors. To the same exclusion from religious privileges, those unhappy persons were doomed, who, whether from choice or from compulsion, had polluted themselves, after their baptism, by any act of idolatrous worship; and the penance enjoined on such persons, before they could be restored to communion, was often peculiarly severe. The consequences of excommunication, even then, were of a temporal as well as a spiritual nature. The person against whom it was pronounced, was denied all share in the oblations of his brethren; the ties both of religious and of private friendship were dissolved; he found himself an object of abhorrence to those whom he most esteemed, and by whom he had been most tenderly beloved; and, as far as expulsion from a society held in universal veneration could imprint on his character a mark of disgrace, he was shunned or suspected by the generality of mankind.
EXCOMMUNICATION is the judicial exclusion of offenders from the religious rites and other privileges of the community they belong to. It’s based on the natural right that every society has to protect its laws and privileges from violation and abuse through appropriate discipline that fits the nature of the offenses committed. This practice has been present, in one form or another, in every religion, whether human or divine. While it has often been misused for personal malice and revenge, leading to unjust and even evil outcomes, history shows this misuse should not negate its valid application. From St. Paul’s writings, we learn that early excommunication meant that the offender was not allowed to “eat” with the church, which refers to not being able to participate in the Lord’s Supper, the sign of fellowship. In the early church, this form of discipline was used moderately, although over time it became unreasonably harsh. Tertullian’s "Apology" reveals that during his time, the offenses that led to exclusion from Christian privileges included murder, idolatry, theft, fraud, lying, blasphemy, adultery, fornication, and similar acts. Origen’s treatise against Celsus informs us that such individuals were expelled from the church and mourned as lost and dead to God; however, upon confessing and showing evidence of repentance, they could be welcomed back as if brought back to life. At the same time, it was specifically mandated that no delinquent, regardless of their qualifications in other areas, could be later admitted to any ecclesiastical office. It appears that this discipline was not accompanied by the types of excommunication, such as delivering one to Satan or solemn curses, that were common among the Jews and later adopted by the Catholic church. Those who promoted heretical opinions that had been condemned were also subject to this penalty, and it was sometimes enforced on entire congregations if they were seen to have strayed from the faith. In such cases, however, the penalty usually only involved a ban on communication with these churches or on spiritual interaction between their pastors. Unfortunate individuals who, whether by choice or under pressure, defiled themselves after baptism through acts of idolatrous worship also faced the same exclusion from religious privileges, with the penance imposed on them before they could return to fellowship often being particularly severe. The effects of excommunication were both temporal and spiritual. The person who was excommunicated was cut off from sharing in the offerings of the community; the bonds of both religious and personal friendship were severed; they became objects of disdain to those they admired and who had cherished them; and, as far as being expelled from a widely respected society could stain one’s character, they were avoided or viewed with suspicion by most people.
2. It was not, however, till churchmen began to unite temporal with spiritual power, that any penal effects of a civil kind became consequent on their sentences of excommunication; and that this ghostly artillery was not less frequently employed for the purposes of lawless ambition and ecclesiastical domination, than for the just punishment of impenitent delinquents, and the general edification of the faithful. But as soon as this union took place, and in exact proportion to the degree in which the papal system rose to its predominance over the civil rights as well as the consciences of men, the list of offences which subjected their perpetrators to excommunication, was multiplied; and the severity of its inflictions, with their penal effects, increased in the same ratio. The slightest injury, or even insult, sustained by an ecclesiastic, was deemed a sufficient cause for the promulgation of an anathema. Whole families, and even provinces, were prohibited from engaging in any religious exercise, and cursed with the most tremendous denunciations of divine vengeance. Nor were kings and emperors secure against these thunders of the church; their subjects were, on many occasions, declared, by a papal bull, to be absolved from allegiance to them; and all who should dare to support them, menaced with a similar judgment. These terrors have passed away; the true Scriptural excommunication ought to be maintained in every church; which is the prohibition of immoral and apostate persons from the use of those religious rites which indicate “the communion of saints,” but without any temporal penalty.
2. It wasn't until church leaders started combining their spiritual and worldly power that any civil consequences arose from their excommunication sentences. This spiritual tool was just as often used for selfish ambitions and church control as it was for fairly punishing unrepentant sinners and encouraging the faithful. However, once this merger happened, and as the papal system gained more power over people's civil rights and consciences, the number of offenses that could lead to excommunication grew. The harshness of these punishments, along with their civil consequences, also increased. Even the slightest offense or insult towards a church official was seen as enough reason to issue an anathema. Entire families and even regions were banned from participating in any religious activities and faced severe threats of divine punishment. Kings and emperors weren't safe from these church condemnations either; often, a papal decree would declare their subjects free from loyalty to them, and anyone who dared to support them was threatened with the same fate. These fears have faded; the true Scriptural excommunication should still be upheld in every church, which involves barring immoral and apostate individuals from participating in the religious rites that symbolize “the communion of saints,” but without any civil penalties.
EXODUS, from ἐξ, out, and ὁδὸς, a way, the name of the second book of Moses, and is so called in the Greek version because it relates to the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt. It comprehends the history of about a hundred and forty-five years; and the principal events contained in it are, the bondage of the Israelites in Egypt, and their miraculous deliverance by the hand of Moses; their entrance into the wilderness of Sinai; the promulgation of the law, and the building of the tabernacle. See Pentateuch.
EXODUS, from ἐξ, out, and ὁδὸς, a way, is the name of the second book of Moses, called this in the Greek version because it tells the story of the Israelites’ escape from Egypt. It covers the history of about one hundred and forty-five years, and the main events included are the Israelites' slavery in Egypt, their miraculous rescue by Moses, their journey into the Sinai wilderness, the giving of the law, and the construction of the tabernacle. See Genesis to Deuteronomy.
EXPIATION, a religious act, by which satisfaction or atonement is made for the commission of some crime, the guilt done away, and the obligation to punishment cancelled. The chief methods of expiation among the Jews were by sacrifices; and it is important always to recollect that the Levitical sacrifices were of an expiatory character; because as among the Jews sacrifices were unquestionably of divine original, and as the terms taken from them are found applied so frequently to Christ and to his sufferings in the New Testament, they serve to explain that peculiarity under which the Apostles regarded the death of Christ, and afford additional proof that it was considered by them as a sacrifice of expiation, as the grand universal sin-offering for the whole world. For our Lord is announced by John as “the Lamb of God;” and that not with reference to meekness or any other moral virtue; but with an accompanying phrase, which would communicate to a Jew the full sacrificial sense of the term employed, “the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world.” He is called “our Passover, sacrificed for us.” He is said to have given “himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to God, for a sweet-smelling savour.” As a priest, it was necessary “he should have somewhat to offer;” and he offered “himself,” “his own blood,” to which is ascribed the washing away of sin, and our eternal redemption. He is declared to have “put away sin by the sacrifice of himself,” to have “by himself purged our sins,” to have “sanctified the people by his own blood,” to have “offered to God one sacrifice for sins.” Add to these, and to innumerable other similar expressions and allusions, the argument of the Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrews, in which, by proving at length, that the sacrifice of Christ was superior in efficacy to the sacrifices of the law, he most unequivocally assumes, that the death of Christ was a sacrifice and sin-offering; for without that it would no more have been capable of comparison with the sacrifices of the law, than the death of John the Baptist, St. Stephen, or St. James, all martyrs and sufferers for the truth, who had recently sealed their testimony with their blood. This very comparison, we may affirm, is utterly unaccountable and absurd on any hypothesis which denies the sacrifice of Christ; for what relation could his death 361have to the Levitical immolations and offerings, if it had no sacrificial character? Nothing could, in fact, be more misleading, and even absurd, than to apply those terms which, both among Jews and Gentiles, were in use to express the various processes and means of atonement and piacular propitiation, if the Apostles and Christ himself did not intend to represent his death strictly as an expiation for sin:--misleading, because such would be the natural and necessary inference from the terms themselves, which had acquired this as their established meaning:--and absurd, because if, as Socinians say, they used them metaphorically, there was not even an ideal resemblance between the figure and that which it was intended to illustrate. So totally irrelevant, indeed, will those terms appear to any notion entertained of the death of Christ which excludes its expiatory character, that to assume that our Lord and his Apostles used them as metaphors, is profanely to assume them to be such writers as would not in any other case be tolerated; writers wholly unacquainted with the commonest rules of language, and therefore wholly unfit to be teachers of others, and that not only in religion but in things of inferior importance.
EXPIATION is a religious act through which satisfaction or atonement is made for committing a crime, the guilt is removed, and the obligation for punishment is cancelled. The primary ways of expiation among the Jews were through sacrifices, and it's crucial to remember that the Levitical sacrifices had an expiatory purpose. Among the Jews, sacrifices were undoubtedly of divine origin, and because the terms derived from them are often applied to Christ and his sufferings in the New Testament, they help clarify how the Apostles viewed Christ's death. They further demonstrate that they saw it as a sacrifice of expiation, the ultimate universal sin-offering for the entire world. Our Lord is introduced by John as “the Lamb of God,” not just in reference to meekness or any moral virtue, but with a phrase that would convey to a Jew the complete sacrificial meaning of the term: “the Lamb of God, which takes away the sin of the world.” He is referred to as “our Passover, sacrificed for us.” It is said that he gave “himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to God, for a sweet-smelling savour.” As a priest, it was necessary that “he should have somewhat to offer,” and he offered “himself,” “his own blood,” which is attributed to the washing away of sin and our eternal redemption. He is declared to have “put away sin by the sacrifice of himself,” to have “by himself purged our sins,” to have “sanctified the people by his own blood,” to have “offered to God one sacrifice for sins.” Additionally, the Apostle's argument in the Epistle to the Hebrews shows that the sacrifice of Christ was superior in effectiveness to the sacrifices of the law; he unequivocally assumes that Christ's death was a sacrifice and sin-offering. Without that, it wouldn’t even be comparable to the sacrifices of the law, much like the deaths of John the Baptist, St. Stephen, or St. James—who were all martyrs and have recently sealed their testimony with blood. This comparison is completely unreasonable and absurd if one denies the sacrifice of Christ, as what link could his death have to the Levitical offerings if it had no sacrificial nature? It would be misleading and absurd to use terms that, among Jews and Gentiles, expressed various processes and means of atonement and piacular propitiation if the Apostles and Christ himself did not intend to clearly represent his death as an expiation for sin. It would be misleading because that would be the natural conclusion drawn from the terms, which had established meanings. Absurd because, if, as Socinians claim, they used them metaphorically, there would be no ideal resemblance between the metaphor and what it was supposed to illustrate. Those terms would seem totally irrelevant to any understanding of Christ's death that excludes its expiatory character. To assume that our Lord and his Apostles used them as metaphors would be to unfairly portray them as writers who would not be tolerated in any other context—entirely unacquainted with the basic rules of language and therefore unfit to teach others, not just in matters of religion but also in less significant matters.
2. The use of such terms, we have said, would not only be wholly absurd, but criminally misleading to the Gentiles, as well as to the Jews, who were first converted to Christianity. To them the notion of propitiatory offerings, offerings to avert the displeasure of the gods, and which expiated the crimes of offenders, was most familiar, and terms corresponding to it were in constant use. The bold denial of this by Dr. Priestley might well bring upon him the reproof of Archbishop Magee, who, after establishing this point from the Greek and Latin writers, observes, “So clearly does their language announce the notion of a propitiatory atonement, that if we would avoid an imputation on Dr. Priestley’s fairness, we are driven, of necessity, to question the extent of his acquaintance with those writers.” The reader may consult the instances given by this writer, in No. 5 of his “Illustrations,” appended to his “Discourses on the Atonement;” and also the tenth chapter of Grotius “De Satisfactione,” whose learning has most amply illustrated and firmly settled this view of the Heathen sacrifices. The use to be made of this in the argument is, that as the Apostles found the very terms they used with reference to the nature and efficacy of the death of Christ, fixed in an expiatory signification among the Greeks, they could not, in honesty, use them in a distant figurative sense, much less in a contrary one, without giving their readers due notice of their having invested them with a new import. From ἄγος, a pollution, an impurity, which was to be expiated by sacrifice, are derived ἁγνίζω and ἁγιάζω, which denote the act of expiation; καθαίρω, too, to purify, cleanse, is applied to the effect of expiation; and ἱλάσκομαι denotes the method of propitiating the gods by sacrifice. These, and other words of similar import, are used by the authors of the Septuagint, and by the Evangelists and Apostles; but they give no premonition of using them in any strange and altered sense; and when they apply them to the death of Christ, they must, therefore, be understood to use them in their received meaning. In like manner the Jews had their expiatory sacrifices, and the terms and phrases used in them are, in like manner, employed by the Apostles to characterize the death of their Lord; and they would have been as guilty of misleading their Jewish as their Gentile readers, had they employed them in a new sense, and without warning, which, unquestionably, they never gave.
2. The use of such terms, as we have mentioned, would not only be completely absurd but also misleading to both Gentiles and Jews, who were the first to embrace Christianity. For them, the idea of propitiatory offerings—sacrifices meant to appease the gods and atone for the sins of wrongdoers—was well understood, and similar terms were always in use. Dr. Priestley's outright denial of this could justly invite criticism from Archbishop Magee, who, after proving this point using Greek and Latin writers, comments, “Their language clearly conveys the idea of a propitiatory atonement, and if we want to avoid questioning Dr. Priestley's fairness, we must inevitably question how well he knows those writers.” Readers can look at the examples provided by this writer in No. 5 of his “Illustrations,” linked to his “Discourses on the Atonement;” and also in the tenth chapter of Grotius' “De Satisfactione,” which thoroughly explains and solidifies this view of pagan sacrifices. The relevance of this in the argument is that the Apostles encountered the very terms they used regarding the nature and effectiveness of Christ's death with an expiatory meaning among the Greeks; they could not, honestly, use them in a distant figurative sense, let alone an opposite one, without informing their readers that they had given these terms a new meaning. From ἄγος, a pollution, an impurity, which was to be cleansed through sacrifice, come ἁγνίζω and ἁγιάζω, which denote the act of atonement; καθαίρω, meaning to purify, cleanse, refers to the result of expiation; and ἱλάσκομαι indicates the way of appeasing the gods through sacrifice. These and other similar terms are used by the authors of the Septuagint and by the Evangelists and Apostles; yet they do not suggest using them in any unusual or altered way; thus, when they apply these terms to Christ’s death, they should be understood as using them in their established meaning. Similarly, the Jews had their atoning sacrifices, and the terms and phrases used in those contexts are likewise employed by the Apostles to describe the death of their Lord; they would have misled their Jewish readers just as much as their Gentile readers if they had used them in a new sense without prior notice, which they certainly did not provide.
3. As to the expiatory nature of the sacrifices of the law, it is not required by the argument to show that all the Levitical offerings were of this character. There were also offerings for persons and for things prescribed for purification, which were incidental; but even they grew out of the leading notion of expiatory sacrifice, and that legal purification which resulted from the forgiveness of sins. It is enough to prove, that the grand and eminent sacrifices of the Jews were strictly expiatory, and that by them the offerers were released from punishment and death, for which ends they were appointed by the Lawgiver. When we speak, too, of vicarious sacrifice, we do not mean either, on the one hand, such a substitution as that the victim should bear the same quantum of pain and suffering as the offender himself; or, on the other, that it was put in the place of the offender as a mere symbolical act, by which he confessed his desert of punishment; but a substitution made by divine appointment, by which the victim was exposed to sufferings and death instead of the offender, in virtue of which the offender himself was released. With this view, one can scarcely conceive why so able a writer as Archbishop Magee should prefer to use the term, “vicarious import,” rather than the simple and established term, “vicarious;” since the Antinomian notion of substitution may be otherwise sufficiently guarded against, and the phrase “vicarious import” is certainly capable of being resolved into that figurative notion of mere symbolical action, which, however plausible, does in fact deprive the ancient sacrifices of their typical, and the oblation of Christ of its real, efficacy. Vicarious acting, is acting for another; vicarious suffering, is suffering for another; but the nature and circumstances of that suffering in the case of Christ are to be determined by the doctrine of Scripture at large, and not wholly by the term itself, which is, however, useful for this purpose, (and therefore to be preserved,) that it indicates the sense in which those who use it understand the declaration of Scripture, “Christ died for us,” so as that he died not merely for our benefit, but in our stead; in other words, that, but for his having died, those who believe in him would personally have suffered that death which is the penalty of every violation of the law of God.
3. Regarding the atoning nature of the sacrifices from the law, we don't need to show that all Levitical offerings had this purpose. There were also offerings made for individuals and things related to purification that were incidental; however, even these stemmed from the main idea of atoning sacrifice, and the legal purification that came from being forgiven of sins. It’s enough to demonstrate that the major and significant sacrifices of the Jews were strictly atoning, and through them, the offerers were freed from punishment and death, as intended by the Lawgiver. When we talk about vicarious sacrifice, we don't mean that the victim should suffer the same amount of pain as the offender; nor do we mean it was just a symbolic replacement where the offender admitted deserving punishment. Rather, it is a substitution made by divine appointment, where the victim suffers and dies instead of the offender, which allows the offender to be released. With this understanding, it’s hard to see why such a respected writer as Archbishop Magee would choose to use the term “vicarious import” instead of the clear and established term “vicarious.” The Antinomian idea of substitution can be sufficiently addressed in other ways, and the term “vicarious import” can easily lead back to that figurative idea of mere symbolic action, which, while seemingly reasonable, actually takes away from the typical nature of ancient sacrifices and the true effectiveness of Christ's offering. Vicarious acting means acting for someone else; vicarious suffering means suffering for someone else; but the nature and circumstances of Christ's suffering should be determined by the broader teachings of Scripture, not solely by the term itself, which, however, is useful for showing the meaning behind those who use it in the context of Scripture’s statement, “Christ died for us,” indicating that he died not just for our benefit, but in our place; in other words, without his death, those who believe in him would have personally faced the death that is the penalty for every breach of God’s law.
4. That sacrifices under the law were expiatory and vicarious, admits of abundant proof.
4. It's clear that sacrifices under the law were made for atonement and on behalf of others, which is supported by plenty of evidence.
The chief objections made to this doctrine 362are, (1.) That under the law in all capital cases, the offender, upon legal proof or conviction, was doomed to die, and that no sacrifice could exempt him from the penalty. (2.) That in all lower cases to which the law had not attached capital punishment, but pecuniary mulcts, or personal labour or servitude upon their nonpayment, this penalty was to be strictly executed, and none could plead any privilege or exemption on account of sacrifice; and that when sacrifices were ordained with a pecuniary mulct, they are to be regarded in the light of fine, one part of which was paid to the state, the other to the church. This was the mode of argument adopted by the author of “the Moral Philosopher;” and nothing of weight has been added to these objections since his day. Now, much of this may be granted, without any prejudice to the argument; and, indeed, is no more than the most orthodox writers on this subject have often remarked. The law, under which the Jews were placed, was at once, as to them, both a moral and a political law; and the Lawgiver excepted certain offences from the benefit of pardon, because that would have been exemption from temporal death, which was the state penalty. He therefore would accept no atonement for such transgressions. Blasphemy, idolatry, murder, and adultery, were the “presumptuous sins” which were thus exempted; and the reason will be seen in the political relation of the people to God; for in refusing to exempt them from punishment in this world, respect was had to the order and benefit of society. Running parallel, however, with this political application of the law to the Jews as subjects of the theocracy, we see the authority of the moral law kept over them as men and creatures; and if these “presumptuous sins,” of blasphemy and idolatry, of murder and adultery, and a few others, were the only capital crimes considered politically, they were not the only capital crimes considered morally; that is, there were other crimes which would have subjected the offender to death, but for this provision of expiatory oblations. The true question then is, whether such sacrifices were appointed by God, and accepted instead of the personal punishment or life of the offender, which otherwise would have been forfeited, as in the other cases; and if so, if the life of animal sacrifices was accepted instead of the life of man, then the notion that “they were mere mulcts and pecuniary penalties” falls to the ground, and the vicarious nature of most of the Levitical oblations is established. That other offences, beside those above mentioned, were capital, that is, exposed the offender to death, is clear from this, that all offences against the law had this capital character. As death was the sanction of the commandment given to Adam, so every one who transgressed any part of the law of Moses became guilty of death; every man was “accursed,” that is, devoted to die, who “continued not in all things written in the book of the law.” “The man only that doeth these things shall live by them,” was the rule; and it was, therefore, to redeem the offenders from this penalty that sacrifices were appointed. So with reference to the great day of expiation, we read, “For on that day shall the priest make an atonement for you, to cleanse you, that you may be clean from all your sins; and this shall be an everlasting statute unto you, to make an atonement for the children of Israel, for all their sins, once a year,” Lev. xvi, 30–34.
The main objections to this idea are: (1) That under the law in all capital cases, the offender, upon legal proof or conviction, was sentenced to die, and no sacrifice could exempt him from the penalty. (2) That in all lesser cases to which the law had not attached capital punishment, but rather fines or personal labor or servitude upon nonpayment, this penalty was to be strictly enforced, and no one could claim any privilege or exemption based on sacrifice; and that when sacrifices were mandated with a financial penalty, they should be viewed as a fine, part of which went to the state and the other part to the church. This argument was used by the author of “The Moral Philosopher,” and since then, nothing substantial has been added to these objections. Much of this can be accepted without harming the argument and is really just what many traditional writers on this subject have often pointed out. The law under which the Jews lived was both a moral and a political law; and the Lawgiver excluded certain offenses from the opportunity for forgiveness because that would have been an exemption from temporal death, which was the state’s punishment. Therefore, He would not accept any atonement for such offenses. Blasphemy, idolatry, murder, and adultery were the “presumptuous sins” that were excluded; the reasoning behind this relates to the people's political relationship with God; for by not exempting them from punishment in this life, the order and benefit of society was considered. However, alongside this political application of the law to the Jews as subjects of the theocracy, we see the authority of the moral law upheld over them as people and beings; and if these “presumptuous sins” of blasphemy and idolatry, murder and adultery, and a few others were the only capital crimes considered politically, they weren’t the only ones considered morally; that is, there were other offenses that would have led to death for the offender, but for this provision of atoning sacrifices. So the real question is whether such sacrifices were established by God and accepted in place of the offender's personal punishment or life, which would otherwise have been forfeited, as in other cases; and if so, if the life of animal sacrifices was accepted instead of a man's life, then the idea that “they were just fines and financial penalties” falls apart, and the vicarious nature of most of the Levitical sacrifices is confirmed. It is clear that other offenses besides those mentioned were capital, meaning they could lead to death, because all offenses against the law carried this capital nature. Just as death was the consequence of the commandment given to Adam, anyone who transgressed any part of the law of Moses became guilty of death; everyone was “accursed,” meaning destined to die, who “did not continue in all things written in the book of the law.” “Only the person who does these things will live by them,” was the rule; therefore, sacrifices were instituted to redeem offenders from this penalty. Similarly, regarding the great day of atonement, we read, “For on that day the priest will atone for you, to purify you, so that you may be clean from all your sins; and this will be an everlasting statute for you, to atone for the children of Israel for all their sins, once a year,” Lev. xvi, 30–34.
5. To prove that this was the intention and effect of the annual sacrifices of the Jews, we need do little more than refer to Lev. xvii, 10, 11: “I will set my face against that soul that eateth blood, and will cut him off from among his people. For the life of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it to you upon the altar to make an atonement for your souls: for it is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul.” Here the blood which is said to make an atonement for the soul, is the blood of the victims; and to make an atonement for the soul is the same as to be a ransom for the soul, as will appear by referring to Exodus xxx, 12–16; and to be a ransom for the soul is to avert death. “They shall give every man a ransom for his soul unto the Lord, that there be no plague among them,” by which their lives might be suddenly taken away. The “soul” is also here used obviously for the life; the blood, or the life of the victims in all sacrifices, was substituted for the life of man, to preserve him from death, and the victims were therefore vicarious.
5. To show that this was the intention and effect of the annual sacrifices of the Jews, we only need to look at Lev. xvii, 10, 11: “I will turn against anyone who eats blood, and will cut them off from their people. For the life of the body is in the blood; and I have given it to you on the altar to make atonement for your souls: for it is the blood that makes atonement for the soul.” Here, the blood that is said to make atonement for the soul is the blood of the sacrifices; and to make atonement for the soul means to serve as a ransom for the soul, as shown in Exodus xxx, 12–16; and to be a ransom for the soul is to prevent death. “They shall give every man a ransom for his soul to the Lord, so that there be no plague among them,” by which their lives could be suddenly taken away. The “soul” is clearly used here to mean life; the blood, or the life of the animals in all sacrifices, was taken as a substitute for the life of a person, to protect them from death, making the sacrifices vicarious.
6. The Hebrew word כפר, rendered atonement, signifying primarily to cover, to overspread, has been the subject of some evasive criticisms. It comes, however, in the secondary sense to signify atonement or propitiation, because the effect of that is to cover, or, in Scripture meaning, to remit offences. The Septuagint also renders it by ἐξιλάσκομαι, to appease, to make propitious. It is used, indeed, where the means of atonement are not of the sacrificial kind, but these instances equally serve to evince the Scripture sense of the term, in cases of transgression, to be that of reconciling the offended Deity, by averting his displeasure; so that when the atonement for sin is said to be made by sacrifice, no doubt can remain that the sacrifice was strictly a sacrifice of propitiation. Agreeably to this conclusion we find it expressly declared, in the several cases of piacular oblations for transgression of the divine commands, that the sin for which atonement was made by those oblations should be forgiven.
6. The Hebrew word Village, translated as atonement, primarily means to cover or to overspread. It has faced some unclear criticisms. However, in a secondary sense, it signifies atonement or propitiation because the effect of that is to cover, or in Scriptural terms, to forgive offenses. The Septuagint translates it as ἐξιλάσκομαι, which means to appease or to make propitious. It is used in cases where atonement is not achieved through sacrifice, but these instances also demonstrate that the Scriptural meaning of the term, in cases of transgression, involves reconciling the offended Deity by averting His displeasure. Therefore, when the atonement for sin is said to be made by sacrifice, there should be no doubt that the sacrifice was truly a sacrifice of propitiation. Consistent with this conclusion, we find it clearly stated in the various cases of sin offerings for violating divine commands that the sin for which atonement was made through those offerings should be forgiven.
7. As the notion that the sacrifices of the law were not vicarious, but mere mulcts and fines, is overturned by the general appointment of the blood to be an atonement for the souls, the forfeited lives, of men, so also is it contradicted by particular instances. Let us refer to Leviticus v, 15,16: “If a soul commit a trespass, and sin through ignorance in the holy things of the Lord, he shall make amends for the harm that he hath done in the holy thing, and shall add a fifth part thereto, and shall give it to the priest.” Here, indeed, is 363the proper fine for the trespass; but it is added, “He shall bring for his trespass unto the Lord a ram without blemish, and the priest shall make atonement for him with the ram of the trespass offering, and it shall be forgiven him.” Thus, then, so far from the sacrifice being the fine, the fine is distinguished from it, and with the ram only was the atonement made to the Lord for his trespass. Nor can the ceremonies with which the trespass and sin offerings were accompanied agree with any notion but that of their vicarious character. The worshipper, conscious of his trespass, brought an animal, his own property, to the door of the tabernacle. This was not a eucharistical act; not a memorial of mercies received, but of sins committed. He laid his hands upon the head of the animal, the symbolical act of transferring punishment; then slew it with his own hand, and delivered it to the priest, who burned the fat and part of the animal upon the altar; and, having sprinkled part of the blood upon the altar, and, in some cases, upon the offerer himself, poured the rest at the bottom of the altar. And thus, we are told, “The priest shall make an atonement for him, as concerning his sin, and it shall be forgiven him.” So clearly is it made manifest by these actions, and by the description of their nature and end, that the animal bore the punishment of the offender, and that by this appointment he was reconciled to God, and obtained the forgiveness of his offences.
7. The idea that the sacrifices of the law were not substitutes, but just fines and penalties, is disproven by the overall designation of blood as atonement for the lives of people. This is also contradicted by specific examples. Let’s look at Leviticus 5:15-16: “If someone commits a trespass and sins unintentionally regarding the holy things of the Lord, he must make restitution for the damage he has done to the holy thing, and add a fifth to it, and give it to the priest.” Here, we see the appropriate penalty for the trespass, but it also states, “He shall bring a ram without blemish for his trespass to the Lord, and the priest shall make atonement for him with the ram of the trespass offering, and it will be forgiven.” Therefore, the sacrifice isn't just the fine; the fine is separate from it, and atonement is made to the Lord solely through the ram. The rituals surrounding the trespass and sin offerings only align with the idea of their vicarious nature. The worshiper, aware of his guilt, would bring an animal, his own possession, to the entrance of the tabernacle. This was not a thanksgiving gesture or a remembrance of blessings received, but rather a recognition of sins committed. He would lay his hands on the animal’s head, symbolically transferring the punishment, then kill it himself and hand it over to the priest, who would burn the fat and part of the animal on the altar. After sprinkling some of the blood on the altar, and sometimes on the offerer, he would pour the remaining blood at the base of the altar. Then, it is said, “The priest shall make atonement for him concerning his sin, and it shall be forgiven.” It is made abundantly clear through these actions and their defined purpose that the animal bore the punishment of the wrongdoer, allowing him to be reconciled with God and receive forgiveness for his offenses.
8. An equally strong proof that the life of the animal sacrifice was accepted in place of the life of man, is afforded by the fact, that atonement was required by the law to be made, by sin offerings and burnt offerings, for even bodily distempers and disorders. It is not necessary to the argument to explain the distinctions between these various oblations; nor yet to inquire into the reason for requiring propitiation to be made for corporal infirmities which, in many cases, could not be avoided. They were, however, thus connected with sin as the cause of all these disorders; and God, who had placed his residence among the Israelites, insisted upon a perfect ceremonial purity, to impress upon them a sense of his moral purity, and the necessity of purification of mind. Whether these were the reasons, or some others not at all discoverable by us, all such unclean persons were liable to death, and were exempted from it only by animal sacrifices. This appears from the conclusion to all the Levitical directions concerning the ceremonial to be observed in all such cases: “Thus shall ye separate the children of Israel from their uncleanness; that they die not in,” or by, “their uncleanness, when they defile my tabernacle which is among them,” Lev. xv, 31. So that, by virtue of the sin offerings, the children of Israel were saved from a death which otherwise they would have suffered from their uncleanness, and that by substituting the life of the animal for the life of the offerer. Nor can it be urged that death is, in these instances, threatened only as the punishment of not observing these laws of purification; for the reason given in the passage just quoted shows that the threatening of death was not hypothetical upon their not bringing the prescribed purification, but is grounded upon the fact of “defiling the tabernacle of the Lord which was among them,” which is supposed to be done by all uncleanness, as such, in the first instance.
8. A strong argument that the life of the animal sacrifice was accepted instead of the life of a human is the requirement by law for atonement to be made through sin offerings and burnt offerings, even for physical ailments and disorders. It's not necessary to delve into the distinctions between these different offerings or to question why propitiation was required for bodily issues that often couldn't be avoided. However, these were linked to sin as the cause of all such disorders; and God, who resided among the Israelites, demanded complete ceremonial purity to instill in them an understanding of his moral purity and the need for mental purification. Whether this was the reasoning or if there were other reasons beyond our understanding, all such unclean individuals faced death, which could only be avoided through animal sacrifices. This is evident from the conclusion of all the Levitical instructions regarding the ceremony to be observed in these cases: “Thus shall ye separate the children of Israel from their uncleanness; that they die not in,” or because of, “their uncleanness, when they defile my tabernacle which is among them,” Lev. xv, 31. Therefore, through the sin offerings, the children of Israel were spared from a death that they would otherwise have faced due to their uncleanness, substituting the life of the animal for the life of the offerer. It cannot be argued that death is only threatened as a punishment for failing to observe these purification laws; the reasoning in the quoted passage indicates that the death threat was not hypothetical upon their failure to bring the required purification, but was based on the fact of “defiling the tabernacle of the Lord which was among them,” which was assumed to occur through all forms of uncleanness from the outset.
9. As a farther proof of the vicarious character of the principal sacrifices of the Mosaic economy, we may instance those statedly offered for the whole congregation. Every day were offered two lambs, one in the morning, and the other in the evening, “for a continual burnt offering.” To these daily victims were to be added, weekly, two other lambs for the burnt offering of every Sabbath. None of these could be considered in the light of fines for offences, since they were offered for no particular persons, and must be considered, therefore, unless resolved into an unmeaning ceremony, piacular and vicarious. To pass over, however, the monthly sacrifices, and those offered at the great feasts, it is sufficient to fix upon those, so often alluded to in the Epistle to the Hebrews, offered on the solemn anniversary of expiation. On that day, to other prescribed sacrifices were to be added another ram for a burnt offering, and another goat, the most eminent of the sacrifices for a sin offering, whose blood was to be carried by the high priest into the inner sanctuary, which was not done by the blood of any other victim, except the bullock, which was offered the same day as a sin offering for the family of Aaron. The circumstances of this ceremony, whereby atonement was to be made “for all the sins” of the whole Jewish people, are so strikingly significant, that they deserve a particular detail. On the day appointed for this general expiation, the priest is commanded to offer a bullock and a goat, as sin offerings, the one for himself, and the other for the people; and, having sprinkled the blood of these in due form before the mercy seat, to lead forth a second goat, denominated “the scape-goat;” and, after laying both his hands upon the head of the scape-goat, and confessing over him all the iniquities of the people, to put them upon the head of the goat, and to send the animal, thus bearing the sins of the people, away into the wilderness; in this manner expressing, by an action which cannot be misunderstood, that the atonement, which, it is affirmed, was to be effected by the sacrifice of the sin offering, consisted in removing from the people their iniquities by this translation of them to the animal. For it is to be remarked, that the ceremony of the scape-goat is not a distinct one: it is a continuation of the process, and is evidently the concluding part and symbolical consummation of the sin offering: so that the transfer of the iniquities of the people upon the head of the scape-goat, and the bearing them away into the wilderness, manifestly imply, that the atonement effected by the sacrifice of the sin offering consisted in the transfer and consequent removal of those iniquities.
9. To further demonstrate the vicarious nature of the main sacrifices in the Mosaic tradition, we can point to those regularly offered for the entire congregation. Each day, two lambs were sacrificed—one in the morning and the other in the evening—for a "continual burnt offering." Additionally, each week, two more lambs were sacrificed for the burnt offering every Sabbath. None of these could be seen as penalties for specific offenses since they were offered for no particular individuals. Therefore, unless we reduce them to meaningless rituals, they must be viewed as piacular and vicarious. Skipping over the monthly sacrifices and those offered during major feasts, it suffices to focus on those frequently referenced in the Epistle to the Hebrews, which were offered on the solemn anniversary of atonement. On that day, alongside other mandated sacrifices, a ram for a burnt offering and a prominent goat for a sin offering were to be added. The high priest carried the blood of the latter into the inner sanctuary, which was not done with the blood of any other sacrifice except for the bullock, which was also offered that day as a sin offering for Aaron's family. The details of this ceremony, which was meant to atone "for all the sins" of the entire Jewish community, are so remarkably significant that they deserve special mention. On the appointed day for this general atonement, the priest is instructed to offer a bullock and a goat as sin offerings—one for himself and the other for the people. After properly sprinkling the blood of these before the mercy seat, he is to bring forward a second goat, known as "the scape-goat;" and after placing both hands on the head of the scape-goat and confessing all the people's iniquities over it, he transfers their sins to the goat and sends it off into the wilderness. This action powerfully communicates that the atonement, which is said to occur through the sacrifice of the sin offering, actually involves removing the people’s iniquities by transferring them to the animal. It is important to note that the scape-goat ceremony is not a separate act; it is a continuation of the process and clearly represents the final part and symbolic completion of the sin offering. Thus, transferring the people's iniquities to the scape-goat and sending it away into the wilderness clearly suggests that the atonement achieved by the sin offering involved the transfer and subsequent removal of those iniquities.
10. How, then, is this impressive and singular 364ceremonial to be explained? Shall we resort to the notion of mulcts and fines? If so, then this and other stated sacrifices must be considered in the light of penal enactments. But this cannot agree with the appointment of such sacrifices annually in succeeding generations: “This shall be a statute for ever unto you.” The law appoints a certain day in the year for expiating the sins both of the high priest himself and of the whole congregation, and that for all high priests and all generations of the congregation. Now, could a law be enacted, inflicting a certain penalty, at a certain time, upon a whole people, as well as upon their high priest, thus presuming upon their actual transgression of it? The sacrifice was also for sins in general; and yet the penalty, if it were one, is not greater than individual persons were often obliged to undergo for single trespasses. Nothing, certainly, can be more absurd than this hypothesis. Shall we account for it by saying that sacrifices were offered for the benefit of the worshipper, but exclude the notion of expiation? But here we are obliged to confine the benefit to reconciliation and the taking away of sins, and that by the appointed means of the shedding of blood, and the presentation of blood in the holy place, accompanied by the expressive ceremony of imposition of hands upon the head of the victim; the import of which act is fixed, beyond all controversy, by the priest’s confessing over that victim the sins of all the people, and at the same time imprecating upon its head the vengeance due to them, Lev. xvi, 21. Shall we content ourselves with merely saying that this was a symbol? But the question remains, Of what was it the symbol? To determine this, let the several parts of the symbolic action be enumerated. Here is confession of sin; confession before God at the door of the tabernacle; the substitution of a victim; the figurative transfer of sins to that victim; the shedding of blood, which God appointed to make atonement for the soul; the carrying the blood into the holiest place, the very permission of which clearly marked the divine acceptance; the bearing away of iniquity; and the actual reconciliation of the people to God. If, then, this is symbolical, it has nothing correspondent with it, it never had or can have any thing correspondent to it but the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ, and the communication of the benefits of his passion in the forgiveness of sins to those that believe in him, and in their reconciliation with God. Shall we, finally, say that those sacrifices had respect, not to God to obtain pardon by expiation, but to the offerer, teaching him moral lessons, and calling forth moral dispositions? We answer, that this hypothesis leaves many of the essential circumstances of the ceremonial wholly unaccounted for. The tabernacle and temple were erected for the residence of God, by his own command. There it was his will to be approached, and to these sacred places the victims were required to be brought. Any where else they might as well have been offered, if they had had respect only to the offerer; but they were required to be brought to God, to be offered according to a prescribed ritual, and by an order of men appointed for that purpose. Now truly there is no reason why they should be offered in the sanctuary rather than in any other place, except that they were offered to the Inhabitant of the sanctuary; nor could they be offered in his presence without having respect to him. There were some victims whose blood, on the day of atonement, was to be carried into the inner sanctuary; but for what purpose can we suppose the blood to have been carried into the most secret place of the divine residence, except to obtain the favour of Him in whose presence it was sprinkled? To this we may add, that the reason given for these sacred services is not in any case a mere moral effect to be produced upon the minds of the worshippers: they were “to make atonement,” that is, to avert God’s displeasure, that the people might not “die.”
10. So, how do we explain this impressive and unique 364ceremony? Should we think about it in terms of fines and penalties? If that's the case, then these and other sacrifices should be viewed through the lens of legal consequences. But that doesn't fit with the requirement for these sacrifices to be made every year by future generations: “This will be a lasting ordinance for you.” The law sets a specific day each year for atoning for the sins of both the high priest and the entire community, and this applies to all high priests and all generations. Now, could there be a law that imposes a specific penalty at a certain time on an entire population, including their high priest, assuming they are actually guilty of it? The sacrifice was also meant for sins in general; yet, if it were a penalty, it wouldn't be greater than what individual persons often had to face for single offenses. Nothing could be more absurd than this idea. Should we say that sacrifices were made for the benefit of the worshipper while ignoring the idea of atonement? However, we must restrict the benefit to reconciliation and the removal of sins, done through the designated means of bloodshed and the presentation of blood in the holy place, along with the significant act of laying hands on the victim's head; the meaning of which is clearly established by the priest’s confession of the people's sins over that victim, while simultaneously calling down the punishment they deserve, Lev. xvi, 21. Should we just say this was a symbol? But that raises the question: What was it a symbol of? To figure this out, let’s list the parts of the symbolic action. There is confession of sin; confession before God at the entrance of the tabernacle; the choice of a victim; the symbolic transfer of sins to that victim; the shedding of blood, which God designated to atone for the soul; the taking of the blood into the most sacred place, which obviously indicated divine acceptance; the removal of guilt; and the actual reconciliation of the people with God. If this is symbolic, there’s nothing else it relates to, and it only connects to the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ and the sharing of the benefits of his suffering through the forgiveness of sins for those who believe in him, and their reconciliation with God. Finally, should we claim those sacrifices were not aimed at God to gain forgiveness but rather instructed the offerer, teaching moral lessons and encouraging good behavior? We reply that this idea fails to account for many essential aspects of the ceremony. The tabernacle and temple were built for God's dwelling, as he commanded. There, it was his will to be approached, and the victims were required to be brought to these sacred places. They could have been offered anywhere else if they only concerned the offerer; but they had to be brought to God, offered according to a prescribed ritual, and by a designated order of priests. There's truly no reason for them to be offered in the sanctuary rather than anywhere else unless they were made to the Inhabitant of the sanctuary; nor could they be offered in his presence without considering him. Some victims had their blood taken into the inner sanctuary on the Day of Atonement; but why would we suppose the blood was carried into the innermost part of God’s dwelling, except to seek the favor of Him in whose presence it was sprinkled? Additionally, the reason given for these sacred services is never merely a moral effect on the worshippers’ minds: they were “to make atonement,” which means to turn away God’s anger so that the people wouldn’t “die.”
11. We may find, also, another more explicit illustration in the sacrifice of the passover. The sacrificial character of this offering is strongly marked; for it was an offering brought to the tabernacle; it was slain in the sanctuary; and the blood was sprinkled upon the altar by the priests. It derives its name from the passing over and sparing of the houses of the Israelites, on the door posts of which the blood of the immolated lamb was sprinkled, when the first-born in the houses of the Egyptians were slain; and thus we have another instance of life being spared by the instituted means of animal sacrifice. Nor need we confine ourselves to particular instances. “Almost all things,” says an Apostle, who surely knew his subject, “are by the law purged with blood; and without shedding of blood there is no remission.” Thus, by their very law, and by constant usage, were the Jews familiarized to the notion of expiatory sacrifice, as well as by the history contained in their sacred books, especially in Genesis, which speaks of the vicarious sacrifices offered by the patriarchs; and in the book of Job, in which that patriarch is said to have offered sacrifices for the supposed sins of his sons; and where Eliphaz is commanded, by a divine oracle, to offer a burnt offering for himself and his friends, “lest God should deal with them after their folly.”
11. We can also find a clearer example in the Passover sacrifice. The sacrificial nature of this offering is very evident; it was brought to the tabernacle, killed in the sanctuary, and the blood was sprinkled on the altar by the priests. It's named after the passing over and sparing of the Israelite homes, where the blood of the sacrificed lamb was put on the doorposts, while the firstborn in the Egyptian homes were killed; thus, we have another case of life being spared through the established method of animal sacrifice. We shouldn't limit ourselves to specific examples. “Almost all things,” says an Apostle who clearly understood his topic, “are purified by the law using blood; and without the shedding of blood, there is no forgiveness.” So, through their very law and their regular practices, the Jews became accustomed to the idea of expiatory sacrifice, as well as through the history in their sacred texts, especially in Genesis, which discusses the substitute sacrifices made by the patriarchs; and in the book of Job, where Job is noted to have made sacrifices for the supposed sins of his sons; and where Eliphaz is instructed by a divine message to offer a burnt offering for himself and his friends “so that God wouldn’t treat them according to their foolishness.”
12. On the sentiments of the uninspired Jewish writers on this point, the substitution of the life of the animal for that of the offerer, and, consequently, the expiatory nature of their sacrifices, Outram has given many quotations from their writings, which the reader may consult in his work on Sacrifices. Two or three only may be adduced by way of specimen. R. Levi Ben Gerson says, “The imposition of the hands of the offerers was designed to indicate that their sins were removed from themselves, and transferred to the animal.” Isaac Ben Arama: “He transfers his sins from himself, and lays them upon the head of the victim.” R. Moses Ben Nachman says, with respect to a sinner offering a victim, “It was just that his blood should be shed, and that his body should be burned; but the Creator, of his mercy, accepted the victim from him, as his substitute 365and ransom; that the blood of the animal might be shed instead of his blood; that is, that the blood of the animal might be given for his life.”
12. Regarding the views of uninspired Jewish writers on this topic, the replacement of the life of the animal for that of the offerer, and thus the atoning nature of their sacrifices, Outram has provided many quotes from their writings, which the reader can check in his work on Sacrifices. Just a couple can be mentioned as examples. R. Levi Ben Gerson states, “The placement of the hands of the offerers was meant to show that their sins were taken away from them and placed onto the animal.” Isaac Ben Arama says, “He transfers his sins from himself and lays them on the head of the victim.” R. Moses Ben Nachman mentions, regarding a sinner offering a victim, “It was fair that his blood should be shed, and that his body should be burned; but the Creator, in His mercy, accepted the victim from him as his substitute and ransom; so that the blood of the animal could be shed in place of his blood; in other words, the blood of the animal could be given for his life.” 365 days
13. Full of these ideas of vicarious expiation, then, the Apostles wrote and spoke, and the Jews of their time heard and read, the books of the New Testament. The Socinian pretence is, that the inspired penmen used the sacrificial terms which occur in their writings figuratively; but we not only reply, as before, that they could not do this honestly, unless they had given notice of this new application of the established terms of the Jewish theology; but, if this be assumed, it leaves us wholly at a loss to discover what that really was which they intended to teach by these sacrificial terms and allusions. They are themselves utterly silent as to this point; and the varying theories of those who reject the doctrine of atonement, in fact, confess that their writings afford no solution of the difficulty. If, therefore, it is blasphemous to suppose, on the one hand, that inspired men should write on purpose to mislead; so, on the other, it is utterly inconceivable that, had they only been ordinary writers, they should construct a figurative language out of terms which had a definite and established sense, without giving any intimation at all that they employed them otherwise than in their received meaning, or telling us why they adopted them at all, and more especially when they knew that they must be interpreted, both by Jews and Greeks, in a sense which, if the Socinians are right, was in direct opposition to that which they intended to convey. See Type, Sacrifice, Propitiation.
13. Full of these ideas of vicarious atonement, the Apostles wrote and spoke, and the Jews of their time heard and read the books of the New Testament. The Socinian claim is that the inspired authors used the sacrificial terms in their writings metaphorically; however, we respond, as before, that they couldn't do this honestly unless they had indicated this new usage of the established terms from Jewish theology. Furthermore, if we accept this assumption, it leaves us completely puzzled about what they actually intended to teach with these sacrificial terms and references. They are completely silent on this issue, and the varying theories of those who reject the doctrine of atonement essentially acknowledge that their writings provide no answer to the problem. Therefore, while it is blasphemous to think, on one hand, that inspired individuals would write to intentionally mislead, it is equally unimaginable that if they were just ordinary writers, they would create figurative language using terms that had a clear and established meaning, without indicating at all that they were using them differently or explaining why they chose them, especially when they knew these terms would be interpreted by Jews and Greeks in a way that directly opposed what they actually intended to communicate. See Type, Give up, Appeasement.
Expiation, or Atonement, Great Day of, was the tenth of Tizri, which nearly answers to our September, O. S. The Hebrews call it KIPPUR, or CHIPPUR, “pardon,” or “expiation,” because the faults of the year were then expiated. The principal ceremonies of this day have been noticed in the preceding article; but a more particular detail may be useful. The high priest, after he had washed, not only his hands and his feet, as usual at common sacrifices, but his whole body, dressed himself in plain linen, like the other priests, wearing neither his purple robe, nor the ephod, nor the pectoral, because he was to expiate his own sins, together with those of the people. He first offered a bullock and a ram for his own sins, and those of the priests: putting his hands on the heads of these victims, he confessed his own sins and the sins of his house. Afterward, he received from the princes of the people two goats for a sin offering, and a ram for a burnt offering, to be offered in the name of the whole nation. The lot determined which of the two goats should be sacrificed, and which set at liberty. After this, the high priest put some of the sacred fire of the altar of burnt offerings into a censer, threw incense upon it, and entered with it, thus smoking, into the sanctuary. After he had perfumed the sanctuary with this incense, he came out, took some of the blood of the young bullock he had sacrificed, carried that also into the sanctuary, and, dipping his fingers in it, sprinkled it seven times between the ark and the vail, which separated the holy from the sanctuary, or most holy. Then he came out a second time, and, beside the altar of burnt offerings, killed the goat which the lot had determined to be the sacrifice. The blood of this goat he carried into the most holy sanctuary, and sprinkled it seven times between the ark and the vail, which separated the holy from the sanctuary: from thence he returned into the court of the tabernacle, and sprinkled both sides of it with the blood of the goat. During all this, none of the priests or people were admitted into the tabernacle, or into the court. After this, the high priest came to the altar of burnt offerings, wetted the four horns of it with the blood of the goat and young bullock, and sprinkled it seven times with the same blood. The sanctuary, the court, and the altar, being thus purified, the high priest directed the goat which was set at liberty by the lot to be brought to him. He put his hand on the goat’s head, confessed his own sins and the sins of the people, and then delivered the goat to a person appointed, who was to carry it to some desert place, and let it loose, or, as others say, throw it down some precipice. This being done, the high priest washed himself all over in the tabernacle; and, putting on other clothes, his pontifical dress, that is, his robe of purple, the ephod, and the pectoral, he sacrificed two rams for burnt offering, one for himself, the other for the people. The great day of expiation was a principal solemnity of the Hebrews, a day of rest and strict fasting.
Making amends, or Atonement, Great Day of, was the tenth of Tizri, which roughly corresponds to our September, O. S. The Hebrews call it Yom Kippur, or CHIPPUR, meaning “pardon” or “expiation,” because the faults of the year were then atoned for. The main ceremonies of this day have been covered in the previous article, but a more detailed explanation might be helpful. The high priest, after washing not just his hands and feet as he would at regular sacrifices, but his entire body, dressed in plain linen like the other priests, avoiding his purple robe, the ephod, or the pectoral, because he was to atone for both his own sins and those of the people. He first offered a bull and a ram for his own sins and those of the priests: he placed his hands on the heads of these animals, confessing his own sins and the sins of his household. Afterwards, he received from the leaders of the people two goats for a sin offering, and a ram for a burnt offering, to be sacrificed on behalf of the entire nation. A lot was cast to decide which goat would be sacrificed and which would be set free. Then, the high priest took some sacred fire from the altar of burnt offerings, added incense, and entered the sanctuary while smoking the incense. After he had perfumed the sanctuary, he came out, took some blood from the young bull he had sacrificed, brought it into the sanctuary, and sprinkled it seven times between the ark and the veil that separated the holy from the most holy. He then came out again and, next to the altar of burnt offerings, killed the goat that had been chosen for sacrifice. The blood of this goat was carried into the most holy sanctuary, and he sprinkled it seven times between the ark and the veil separating the holy from the most holy: then he returned to the tabernacle court and sprinkled both sides with the goat's blood. Throughout all this, no priests or people were allowed into the tabernacle or the court. After this, the high priest approached the altar of burnt offerings, wetted its four horns with the blood of the goat and the young bull, and sprinkled the altar seven times with the same blood. With the sanctuary, the court, and the altar purified, the high priest called for the goat that had been set free by lot. He placed his hand on its head, confessed his own sins and the sins of the people, and then handed the goat to someone assigned to take it to an uninhabited area and release it, or, according to others, push it off a cliff. Once this was done, the high priest washed himself completely in the tabernacle; and, putting on new clothing, his ceremonial robes, which included his purple robe, the ephod, and the pectoral, he sacrificed two rams for burnt offerings—one for himself and the other for the people. The great day of expiation was a major holy observance for the Hebrews, a day of rest and strict fasting.
2. There have been various disputes among the learned respecting the meaning of the word azazel, the name of the scape-goat on which the lot fell; but the most prevailing opinion is, that it is derived from gnez, “a goat,” and azel, “to go away.” So Buxtorf and many others explain it; and so it was understood by our translators, who have therefore rendered it “a scape-goat.” Both goats were typical of Christ: that which was sacrificed is understood to have denoted his death, by means of which sin was expiated; the other, which was to have the sins of the people confessed over him, and, as it were, put upon him, and then to be sent alive into some desert place, where they could see him no more, was intended to signify the effect of the expiation, namely, the removing of guilt, indicating that it should never more be charged on the pardoned sinner.
2. Scholars have had various disagreements about the meaning of the word azazel, the name of the scapegoat chosen by lot; however, the most common interpretation is that it comes from gnez, meaning “a goat,” and azel, meaning “to go away.” This is how Buxtorf and many others explain it, and it’s the understanding our translators used, which is why they translated it as “scapegoat.” Both goats symbolized Christ: the one that was sacrificed is understood to represent his death, through which sin was atoned; the other, over which the people's sins were confessed and placed, and then sent alive into the wilderness where they could no longer see him, was meant to symbolize the effect of the atonement—specifically, the removal of guilt, indicating that it would no longer be held against the forgiven sinner.
3. The rites attending the public service of the day of expiation were chiefly performed by the high priest, whose duties were on this day more arduous than on any other day in the year, or perhaps on all the rest united. He was to kill and offer the sacrifices, and sprinkle their blood with his own hands, Lev. xvi, 11–15; and he was to enter with it into the holy of holies, which he was not permitted to do at any other time, Lev. xvi, 2, &c; Heb. ix, 7. It was thus his peculiar privilege to draw nearer to God, or to the tokens of his special presence, to the ark of the covenant, to the mercy seat, and to the Shekinah, than was allowed to 366any other mortal. The services which he performed in the inmost sanctuary were, the burning of incense, and sprinkling the blood of the sacrifices before the mercy seat, which he was to do with his finger seven times, Lev. xvi, 14.
3. The rituals for the public service on the Day of Atonement were mainly carried out by the high priest, whose responsibilities on this day were more demanding than any other day of the year, or even all the other days combined. He was to kill and offer the sacrifices and sprinkle their blood with his own hands, Lev. xvi, 11–15; and he was to enter the Holy of Holies, which he was not allowed to do at any other time, Lev. xvi, 2, &c Heb. ix, 7. This was his unique privilege to get closer to God, or to the signs of His special presence, to the ark of the covenant, to the mercy seat, and to the Shekinah, more than any other person could. The tasks he performed in the innermost sanctuary included burning incense and sprinkling the blood of the sacrifices before the mercy seat, which he had to do with his finger seven times, Lev. xvi, 14.
4. The spiritual meaning of all these rites has been particularly explained by the Apostle Paul in Hebrews ix. As the high priest was a type of Christ, his laying aside those vestments which were made “for glory and beauty,” Exodus xxviii, 2, and appearing in his common garments, which he did on that day, probably signified our Lord’s humiliation, when he emptied himself of the glory which he had with the Father before the world was, and “was made in fashion as a man,” Phil. ii, 6, 7. The expiatory sacrifices, offered by the high priest, were typical of the true expiation which Christ made for the sins of his people, when he gave himself for them, that he might redeem them from all iniquity, Titus ii, 14; Heb. i, 3; and the priest’s confessing the sins of the people over them, and putting them upon the head of the scape-goat, Lev. xvi, 21, was a lively emblem of the imputation of sin to Christ, who “was made sin for us,” 2 Cor. v, 21; for “the Lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us all,” Isaiah liii, 6. Farther, the goat’s “bearing upon him all the iniquities of the Jews into a land not inhabited,” Lev. xvi, 22, represents the effect of Christ’s sacrifice in delivering his people from guilt and punishment; and the priest’s entering into the holy of holies with the blood of the sacrifice is explained by the Apostle to be typical of Christ’s ascension into heaven itself, and his making intercession for his people in virtue of the sacrifice of his death.
4. The spiritual meaning of all these rites has been particularly explained by the Apostle Paul in Hebrews 9. As the high priest was a symbol of Christ, his taking off the vestments that were made “for glory and beauty,” Exodus 28:2, and appearing in his everyday clothes, which he did that day, likely represented our Lord’s humility when he set aside the glory he had with the Father before the world existed, and “was made in the likeness of man,” Philippians 2:6, 7. The atoning sacrifices made by the high priest were foreshadowing the true atonement that Christ accomplished for the sins of his people when he gave himself for them to redeem them from all wrongdoing, Titus 2:14; Hebrews 1:3; and the priest’s confession of the people's sins over the scapegoat, Leviticus 16:21, was a vivid symbol of the transfer of sin to Christ, who “was made sin for us,” 2 Corinthians 5:21; for “the Lord has laid on him the iniquity of us all,” Isaiah 53:6. Furthermore, the goat “carrying all the iniquities of the Jews to an uninhabited place,” Leviticus 16:22, represents the effect of Christ’s sacrifice in freeing his people from guilt and punishment; and the priest’s entering the Holy of Holies with the blood of the sacrifice is explained by the Apostle as a symbol of Christ’s ascension into heaven itself, and his intercession for his people based on the sacrifice of his death.
EYE, the organ of sight. The Hebrews by a curious and bold metaphor call fountains eyes; and they also give the same name to colours: “And the eye,” or colour, “of the manna was as the eye,” or colour, “of bdellium,” Num. xi, 7. By an “evil eye” is meant, envy, jealousy, grudging, ill-judged parsimony; to turn the eyes on any one, is to regard him and his interests; to find grace in any one’s eyes, Ruth ii, 10, is to win his friendship and good will. “The eyes of servants look unto the hands of their masters,” Psalm cxxiii, 2, to observe the least motion, and obey the least signal. “Their eyes were opened,” Gen. iii, 7, they began to comprehend in a new manner. “The wise man’s eyes are in his head,” Eccles. ii, 14, he does not act by chance. The eye of the soul, in a moral sense, is the intention, the desire. God threatens to set his eyes on the Israelites for evil, and not for good, Amos ix, 4. Nebuchadnezzar recommends to Nebuzaradan that he would “set his eyes” on Jeremiah, and permit him to go where he pleased, Jer. xxxix, 12; xl, 4. Sometimes expressions of this kind are taken in a quite opposite sense: “Behold, the eyes of the Lord are on the sinful kingdom; and I will destroy it,” Amos ix, 8. To be eyes to the blind, or to serve them instead of eyes, is sufficiently intelligible, Job xxix, 15. The Persians called those officers of the crown who had the care of the king’s interests and the management of his finances, the king’s eyes. Eye service is peculiar to slaves, who are governed by fear only; and is to be carefully guarded against by Christians, who ought to serve from a principle of duty and affection, Eph. vi, 6; Col. iii, 22. The lust of the eyes, or the desire of the eyes, comprehends every thing that curiosity, vanity, &c, seek after; every thing that the eyes can present to men given up to their passions, 1 John ii, 16. “Cast ye away every man the abomination of his eyes,” Ezek. xx, 7, 8; let not the idols of the Egyptians seduce you. The height or elevation of the eyes is taken for pride, Eccles. xxiii, 5. St. Paul says that the Galatians would willingly have “plucked out their eyes” for him, Gal. iv, 15; expressing the intensity of their zeal, affection, and devotion to him. The Hebrews call the apple of the eye the black daughter of the eye. To keep any thing as the apple of the eye, is to preserve it with particular care, Deut. xxxii, 10: “He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye,” Zech. ii, 8; attempts to injure me in the tenderest part, which men instinctively defend. The eye and its actions are occasionally transferred to God: “The eyes of the Lord run to and fro through the whole earth,” Zech. iv, 10; 2 Chron. xvi, 9; Psalm xi, 4. “The eyes of the Lord are in every place, beholding the evil and the good,” Proverbs xv, 3. “The Lord looked down from heaven,” &c. We read, Matthew vi, 22, “The light,” or lamp, “of the body is the eye; if therefore thine eye be single,” simple, clear, ἁπλοῦς, “thy whole body shall be full of light; but if thine eye be evil,” distempered, diseased, “thy whole body shall be darkened.” The direct allusion may hold to a lantern, or lamp, λύχνος; if the glass of it be clear, the light will shine through it strongly; but if the glass be soiled, dirty, foul, but little light will pass through it: for if they had not glass lanterns, such as we use, they had others in the east made of thin linen, &c: these were very liable to receive spots, stains, and foulnesses, which impeded the passage of the rays of light from the luminary within. So, in the natural eye, if the cornea be single, and the humours clear, the light will act correctly; but if there be a film over the cornea, or a cataract, or a skin between any of the humours, the rays of light will never make any impression on the internal seat of sight, the retina. By analogy, therefore, if the mental eye, the judgment, be honest, virtuous, sincere, well-meaning, pious, it may be considered as enlightening and directing the whole of a person’s actions; but if it be perverse, malign, biassed by undue prejudices, or drawn aside by improper views, it darkens the understanding, perverts the conduct, and suffers a man to be misled by his unwise and unruly passions.
EYE, the organ of sight. The Hebrews, through a curious and bold metaphor, refer to fountains as eyes; they also apply the term to colors: “And the eye,” or color, “of the manna was like the eye,” or color, “of bdellium,” Num. xi, 7. An “evil eye” signifies envy, jealousy, grudging, or ill-timed stinginess; to turn your eyes towards someone means to pay attention to them and their interests; to find grace in someone’s eyes, Ruth ii, 10, is to gain their friendship and goodwill. “The eyes of servants look to the hands of their masters,” Psalm cxxiii, 2, to watch for the slightest motion and obey even the smallest sign. “Their eyes were opened,” Gen. iii, 7, they began to understand in a new way. “The wise man’s eyes are in his head,” Eccles. ii, 14, he doesn’t act randomly. The eye of the soul, in a moral sense, refers to intention and desire. God warns He will set His eyes on the Israelites for evil, not for good, Amos ix, 4. Nebuchadnezzar advises Nebuzaradan to “set his eyes” on Jeremiah and let him go wherever he wants, Jer. xxxix, 12; xl, 4. Sometimes, phrases like this are understood in the opposite way: “Behold, the eyes of the Lord are on the sinful kingdom; and I will destroy it,” Amos ix, 8. To be eyes for the blind, or to serve them as eyes, is pretty clear, Job xxix, 15. The Persians named those crown officials responsible for the king’s interests and finances as the king’s eyes. Eye service is typical of slaves, who are motivated only by fear; Christians should avoid such behavior and serve out of duty and affection, Eph. vi, 6; Col. iii, 22. The lust of the eyes, or desire of the eyes, includes everything that curiosity, vanity, etc., seek after; everything that pulls in those who give in to their passions, 1 John ii, 16. “Cast away every man the abomination of his eyes,” Ezek. xx, 7, 8; don’t let the idols of the Egyptians mislead you. The height or elevation of the eyes stands for pride, Eccles. xxiii, 5. St. Paul states that the Galatians would have gladly “plucked out their eyes” for him, Gal. iv, 15; expressing their deep zeal, affection, and devotion to him. The Hebrews refer to the apple of the eye as the black part of the eye. To keep something as the apple of the eye means to protect it with special care, Deut. xxxii, 10: “He that touches you, touches the apple of mine eye,” Zech. ii, 8; any attempt to harm me in my most vulnerable spot, which people instinctively defend. The eye and its actions are sometimes attributed to God: “The eyes of the Lord run to and fro throughout the whole earth,” Zech. iv, 10; 2 Chron. xvi, 9; Psalm xi, 4. “The eyes of the Lord are in every place, seeing the evil and the good,” Proverbs xv, 3. “The Lord looked down from heaven,” etc. We read in Matthew vi, 22, “The light,” or lamp, “of the body is the eye; if therefore your eye is clear,” simple, clear, ἁπλοῦς, “your whole body will be full of light; but if your eye is evil,” unhealthy, diseased, “your whole body will be dark.” The direct reference may relate to a lantern or lamp, λύχνος; if its glass is clear, the light will shine through strongly; but if the glass is dirty or foul, little light will get through: for if they didn’t have glass lanterns like we use, they had others in the east made of thin linen, etc.: these were very prone to spots and stains, blocking the light from shining through. Similarly, in the natural eye, if the cornea is clear and the humors are clear, the light will work properly; but if there is a film over the cornea, or a cataract, or a membrane between any of the humors, the light rays will never reach the interior sight seat, the retina. By analogy, if the mental eye, the judgment, is honest, virtuous, sincere, well-meaning, and pious, it can be seen as enlightening and guiding all of a person’s actions; but if it is twisted, harmful, biased by unfair prejudices, or misled by inappropriate views, it darkens the mind, distorts conduct, and allows a person to be led astray by their unwise and unruly passions.
2. The orientals, in some cases, deprive the criminal of the light of day, by sealing up his eyes. A son of the great Mogul was actually suffering this punishment when Sir Thomas Roe visited the court of Delhi. The hapless youth was cast into prison, and deprived of the light by some adhesive plaster put upon his eyes, for the space of three years; after which 367the seal was taken away, that he might with freedom enjoy the light; but he was still detained in prison. Other princes have been treated in a different manner, to prevent them from conspiring against the reigning monarch, or meddling with affairs of state: they have been compelled to swallow opium and other stupifying drugs, to weaken or benumb their faculties, and render them unfit for business. Influenced by such absurd and cruel policy, Shah Abbas, the celebrated Persian monarch, who died in 1629, ordered a certain quantity of opium to be given every day to his grandson, who was to be his successor, to stupify him, and prevent him from disturbing his government. Such are probably the circumstances alluded to by the prophet: “They have not known nor understood; for he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see; and their hearts that they cannot understand,” Isaiah xliv, 18. The verb טוח, rendered in our version, to shut, signifies “to overlay,” “to cover over the surface;” thus, the king of Israel prepared three thousand talents of gold, and seven thousand talents of refined silver, to overlay the walls of the temple, 1 Chron. xxix, 4. But it generally signifies to overspread, or daub over, as with mortar or plaster, of which Parkhurst quotes a number of examples; a sense which entirely corresponds with the manner in which the eyes of a criminal are sealed up in some parts of the east. The practice of sealing up the eyes, and stupifying a criminal with drugs, seems to have been contemplated by the same prophet in another passage of his book: “Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes, lest they see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and convert and be healed.”
2. In some cases, people in the East deprive criminals of sight by sealing their eyes. A son of the great Mogul was actually undergoing this punishment when Sir Thomas Roe visited the court of Delhi. The unfortunate young man was imprisoned and had his eyes covered with adhesive plaster for three years; after that, the seal was removed so he could freely enjoy the light, but he was still kept in prison. Other princes have been treated differently to stop them from plotting against the current ruler or interfering with state matters: they were forced to take opium and other mind-numbing drugs to dull their senses and make them incapable of handling business. Following this cruel and unreasonable policy, Shah Abbas, the famous Persian ruler who died in 1629, ordered a certain amount of opium to be given daily to his grandson, who was to be his successor, to incapacitate him and prevent him from challenging his rule. These are likely the circumstances referred to by the prophet: “They have not known nor understood; for he hath shut their eyes that they cannot see; and their hearts that they cannot understand,” Isaiah xliv, 18. The verb טוח, translated in our version as to shut, means “to overlay,” “to cover over the surface;” thus, the king of Israel prepared three thousand talents of gold and seven thousand talents of refined silver to overlay the walls of the temple, 1 Chron. xxix, 4. But it generally means to overspread, or coat over, as with mortar or plaster, as cited in several examples by Parkhurst; this meaning aligns perfectly with how a criminal's eyes are sealed in some parts of the east. The practice of sealing eyes and drugging criminals appears to have been contemplated by the same prophet in another part of his book: “Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes, lest they see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and convert and be healed.”
3. Deprivation of sight was a very common punishment in the east. It was at first the practice to sear the eyes with a hot iron; but a discovery that this was not effectual, led to the cruel method of taking them out altogether with a sharp-pointed instrument. The objects of this barbarity were usually persons who aspired to the throne, or who were considered likely to make such an attempt. It was also inflicted on chieftains, whom it was desirable to deprive of power without putting them to death. For this reason the hapless Zedekiah was punished with the loss of sight, because he had rebelled against the king of Babylon, and endeavoured to recover the independence of his throne: “Then he put out the eyes of Zedekiah; and the king of Babylon bound him in chains, and carried him to Babylon, and put him in prison till the day of his death,” Jer. lii, 11.
3. Losing one's sight was a very common punishment in the East. Initially, the method involved searing the eyes with a hot iron, but when it was discovered that this wasn’t effective, a cruel practice emerged where the eyes were completely removed with a sharp instrument. The victims of this brutality were often people who sought the throne or were seen as potential threats. It was also used against chieftains who needed to be stripped of power without being killed. For this reason, the unfortunate Zedekiah was punished by having his sight taken away because he rebelled against the king of Babylon and tried to regain the independence of his throne: “Then he put out the eyes of Zedekiah; and the king of Babylon bound him in chains, and carried him to Babylon, and put him in prison till the day of his death,” Jer. lii, 11.
4. Females used to paint their eyes. The substance used for this purpose is called in Chaldee כהל, cohol; by the LXX, ϛίβι. Thus we read of Jezebel, 2 Kings ix, 30, that, understanding that Jehu was to enter Samaria, she decked herself for his reception, and (as in the original Hebrew) “put her eyes in paint.” This was in conformity to a custom which prevailed in the earliest ages. As large black eyes were thought the finest, the women, to increase their lustre, and to make them appear larger, tinged the corner of their eyelids with the impalpable powder of antimony or of black lead. This was supposed also to give the eyes a brilliancy and humidity, which rendered them either sparkling or languishing, as suited the various passions. The method of performing this among the women in the eastern countries at the present day, as described by Russel, is by a cylindrical piece of silver or ivory, about two inches long, made very smooth, and about the size of a common probe; this is wet with water, and then dipped into a powder finely levigated, made from what appears to be a rich lead ore, and applied to the eye; the lids are closed upon it while it is drawn through between them. This blacks the inside, and leaves a narrow black rim all round the edge. That this was the method practised by the Hebrew women, we infer from Isaiah iii, 22, where the prophet, in his enumeration of the articles which composed the toilets of the delicate and luxurious daughters of Zion, mentions “the wimples and the crisping pins,” or bodkins for painting the eyes. The satirist Juvenal describes the same practice:--
4. Women used to apply makeup to their eyes. The substance used for this is called in Chaldean כהל, cohol; by the LXX, ϛίβι. For example, in 2 Kings 9:30, we read about Jezebel, who, realizing that Jehu was about to enter Samaria, prepared herself for his arrival and “put on eye makeup,” as stated in the original Hebrew. This followed a custom that existed in ancient times. Since large, dark eyes were considered the most beautiful, women would enhance their brightness and make them look bigger by applying a fine powder made from antimony or black lead to the corners of their eyelids. This was believed to give the eyes a shiny and moist appearance, making them look either sparkling or seductive, depending on the emotions. Today, in eastern countries, as described by Russel, women usually use a small cylindrical tool made of silver or ivory, about two inches long and very smooth, similar in size to a regular probe. They wet it with water, dip it into a finely ground powder made from what looks like rich lead ore, and apply it to the eye. The eyelids close around it as it is drawn between them, which blacks the inner eyelid and leaves a thin black line around the edge. We can assume this was the method used by Hebrew women, as inferred from Isaiah 3:22, where the prophet lists items that made up the beauty routines of the delicate and luxurious daughters of Zion, including “the wimples and the curling pins” or tools for eye makeup. The satirist Juvenal also describes the same practice:--
This custom is referred to by Jeremiah, iv, 30:--
This custom is mentioned by Jeremiah, iv, 30:--
And Ezekiel, describing the irregularities of the Jewish nation, under the idea of a debauched woman, says, כחלת עיניך, “Thou didst dress thine eyes with cohol;” which the Septuagint render, Ἐϛιϐίζȣ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς σου, “Thou didst dress thine eyes with stibium,” Ezek. xxiii, 40.
And Ezekiel, describing the flaws of the Jewish nation by comparing it to a shameless woman, says, הצבע של העיניים שלך, “You dressed your eyes with eyeliner;” which the Septuagint translates as Ἐϛιϐίζȣ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς σου, “You dressed your eyes with stibium,” Ezek. xxiii, 40.
5. The passage, Psalm cxxiii, 2, derives a striking illustration from the customs of the east. The servants or slaves in eastern countries attend their masters or mistresses with the profoundest respect. Maundrell observes, that the servants in Turkey stand round their master and his guests in deep silence and perfect order, watching every motion. Pococke says, that at a visit in Egypt every thing is done with the greatest decency and the most profound silence, the slaves or servants standing at the bottom of the room, with their hands joined before them, watching with the utmost attention every motion of their master, who commands them by signs. De la Motraye says, that the eastern ladies are waited on even at the least wink of the eye, or motion of the fingers, and that in a manner not perceptible to strangers.
5. The passage, Psalm cxxiii, 2, provides a striking example from Eastern customs. In Eastern countries, servants or slaves show their masters or mistresses deep respect. Maundrell notes that in Turkey, servants stand around their master and guests in complete silence and perfect order, observing every movement. Pococke mentions that during a visit in Egypt, everything is handled with great decency and profound silence, with servants standing at the back of the room, hands joined in front of them, attentively watching every movement of their master, who communicates with them through gestures. De la Motraye states that Eastern ladies are attended to at the slightest blink or finger movement, in a way that isn't noticeable to outsiders.
EZEKIEL, like his contemporary Jeremiah, was of the sacerdotal race. He was carried away captive to Babylon with Jehoiachim, king of Judah, B. C. 598, and was placed with 368many others of his countrymen upon the river Chebar, in Mesopotamia, where he was favoured with the divine revelations contained in his book. He began to prophesy in the fifth year of his captivity, and is supposed to have prophesied about twenty-one years. The boldness with which he censured the idolatry and wickedness of his countrymen is said to have cost him his life; but his memory was greatly revered, not only by the Jews, but also by the Medes and Persians. The book which bears his name may be considered under the five following divisions: the first three chapters contain the glorious appearance of God to the prophet, and his solemn appointment to his office, with instructions and encouragements for the discharge of it. From the fourth to the twenty-fourth chapter inclusive, he describes, under a variety of visions and similitudes, the calamities impending over Judea, and the total destruction of the temple and city of Jerusalem, by Nebuchadnezzar, occasionally predicting another period of yet greater desolation, and more general dispersion. From the beginning of the twenty-fifth to the end of the thirty-second chapter, the prophet foretels the conquest and ruin of many nations and cities, which had insulted the Jews in their affliction; of the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Edomites, and Philistines; of Tyre, of Sidon, and Egypt; all of which were to be punished by the same mighty instrument of God’s wrath against the wickedness of man; and in these prophecies he not only predicts events which were soon to take place, but he also describes the condition of these several countries in the remote periods of the world. From the thirty-second to the fortieth chapter, he inveighs against the accumulated sins of the Jews collectively, and the murmuring spirit of his captive brethren; exhorts them earnestly to repent of their hypocrisy and wickedness, upon the assurance that God will accept sincere repentance; and comforts them with promises of approaching deliverance under Cyrus; subjoining intimations of some far more glorious, but distant, redemption under the Messiah, though the manner in which it is to be effected is deeply involved in mystery. The last nine chapters contain a remarkable vision of the structure of a new temple and a new polity, applicable in the first instance to the return from the Babylonian captivity, but in its ultimate sense referring to the glory and prosperity of the universal church of Christ. Jerom observes that the visions of Ezekiel are among the things in Scripture hard to be understood. This obscurity arises, in part at least, from the nature and design of the prophecies themselves; they were delivered amidst the gloom of captivity; and though calculated to cheer the drooping spirits of the Jews, and to keep alive a watchful and submissive confidence in the mercy of God, yet they were intended to communicate only such a degree of encouragement as was consistent with a state of punishment, and to excite an indistinct expectation of future blessings, upon condition of repentance and amendment. It ought also to be observed, that the last twelve chapters of this book bear a very strong resemblance to the concluding chapters of the Revelation. The style of this prophet is characterized by Bishop Lowth as bold, vehement, and tragical; as often worked up to a kind of tremendous dignity. He is highly parabolical, and abounds in figures and metaphorical expressions. He may be compared to the Grecian Æschylus; he displays a rough but majestic dignity; an unpolished though noble simplicity; inferior perhaps in originality and elegance to others of the prophets, but unequalled in that force and grandeur for which he is particularly celebrated. He sometimes emphatically and indignantly repeats his sentiments, fully dilates his pictures, and describes the idolatrous manners of his countrymen under the strongest and most exaggerated representations that the license of eastern style would admit. The middle part of the book is in some measure poetical, and contains even some perfect elegies, though his thoughts are in general too irregular and uncontrolled to be chained down to rule, or fettered by language.
EZEKIEL, like his contemporary Jeremiah, was from a priestly family. He was taken captive to Babylon with Jehoiachim, king of Judah, in 598 B.C., and was settled along with many of his fellow countrymen by the river Chebar in Mesopotamia, where he received the divine revelations that make up his book. He began to prophesy in the fifth year of his captivity and is believed to have prophesied for about twenty-one years. His bold criticism of the idolatry and wickedness of his fellow Jews is said to have cost him his life, but he was greatly honored, not just by the Jews, but also by the Medes and Persians. The book that bears his name can be divided into five sections: the first three chapters depict the glorious appearance of God to the prophet and his serious appointment to his role, including instructions and encouragement for carrying it out. From chapters four to twenty-four, he describes, through various visions and symbols, the disasters that were about to befall Judea and the complete destruction of the temple and city of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, occasionally predicting an even greater period of desolation and wider dispersion. From the beginning of chapter twenty-five to the end of chapter thirty-two, the prophet foretells the conquest and downfall of several nations and cities that had taunted the Jews during their suffering, including the Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, and Philistines; as well as Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt—all of which were to face punishment from the same powerful source of God's anger towards human wickedness. In these prophecies, he not only predicts imminent events but also describes the conditions of these various nations in future times. From chapters thirty-two to forty, he criticizes the combined sins of the Jews as a whole and the complaining attitude of his fellow captives; he earnestly urges them to repent of their hypocrisy and wrongdoing, assuring them that God will accept genuine repentance; and comforts them with promises of impending deliverance under Cyrus, while hinting at an even more glorious but distant redemption through the Messiah, though the way it will happen remains mysterious. The last nine chapters present a significant vision of the design of a new temple and a new governance, initially relevant to the return from Babylonian captivity, but ultimately referring to the glory and prosperity of the universal church of Christ. Jerom notes that Ezekiel's visions are among those in Scripture that are hard to understand. This complexity arises partly from the nature and purpose of the prophecies themselves; they were given during the dark time of captivity; and while they were meant to encourage the discouraged spirits of the Jews and maintain a vigilant and submissive hope in God's mercy, they provided only enough encouragement to be in line with a state of punishment, and stirred up a vague expectation of future blessings, contingent on repentance and improvement. It's also worth mentioning that the last twelve chapters of this book closely resemble the concluding chapters of Revelation. Bishop Lowth characterizes the style of this prophet as bold, intense, and dramatic; often reaching a kind of awe-inspiring dignity. He is highly metaphorical and rich in imagery and figurative language. He can be compared to the Greek playwright Æschylus; he exhibits a rough yet majestic dignity, an unrefined but noble simplicity; perhaps lacking in originality and elegance compared to some other prophets, but unmatched in the power and grandeur for which he is especially known. He sometimes emphatically and passionately reiterates his views, fully elaborates his imagery, and depicts the idolatrous customs of his countrymen in the strongest and most exaggerated terms that Eastern style allows. The central part of the book is somewhat poetic and includes some complete elegies, although his ideas are generally too irregular and uncontrolled to be confined to strict rules or limited by language.
EZION-GEBER. See Elath.
EZION-GEBER. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
EZRA, the author of the book which bears his name, was of the sacerdotal family, being a direct descendant from Aaron, and succeeded Zerubbabel in the government of Judea. This book begins with the repetition of the last two verses of the second book of Chronicles, and carries the Jewish history through a period of seventy-nine years, commencing from the edict of Cyrus. The first six chapters contain an account of the return of the Jews under Zerubbabel, after the captivity of seventy years; of their reëstablishment in Judea; and of the building and dedication of the temple at Jerusalem. In the last four chapters, Ezra relates his own appointment to the government of Judea by Artaxerxes Longimanus, his journey thither from Babylon, the disobedience of the Jews, and the reform which he immediately effected among them. It is to be observed, that between the dedication of the temple and the departure of Ezra, that is, between the sixth and seventh chapters of this book, there was an interval of about fifty-eight years, during which nothing is here related concerning the Jews, except that, contrary to God’s command, they intermarried with Gentiles. This book is written in Chaldee from the eighth verse of the fourth chapter to the twenty-seventh verse of the seventh chapter. It is probable that the sacred historian used the Chaldean language in this part of his work, because it contains chiefly letters and decrees written in that language, the original words of which he might think it right to record; and indeed the people, who were recently returned from the Babylonian captivity, were at least as familiar with the Chaldee as they were with the Hebrew tongue.
EZRA, the author of the book that bears his name, was from a priestly family, being a direct descendant of Aaron, and took over the leadership of Judea after Zerubbabel. This book starts by repeating the last two verses of the second book of Chronicles and covers Jewish history over a period of seventy-nine years, beginning with Cyrus's edict. The first six chapters detail the return of the Jews under Zerubbabel after seventy years in captivity, their re-establishment in Judea, and the construction and dedication of the temple in Jerusalem. In the last four chapters, Ezra describes his appointment by Artaxerxes Longimanus to govern Judea, his journey from Babylon, the disobedience of the Jews, and the reforms he implemented among them. It’s important to note that there was an interval of about fifty-eight years between the dedication of the temple and Ezra’s arrival—between the sixth and seventh chapters of this book—during which it is mentioned that, against God’s command, the Jews intermarried with Gentiles. This book is written in Chaldee from the eighth verse of the fourth chapter to the twenty-seventh verse of the seventh chapter. It’s likely that the author chose to use Chaldean in this section because it mostly includes letters and decrees written in that language, the original wording of which he probably felt was important to include. Moreover, the people who had recently returned from Babylonian captivity were at least as familiar with Chaldee as they were with Hebrew.
Till the arrival of Nehemiah, Ezra had the principal authority in Jerusalem. In the second year of Nehemiah’s government, the people being assembled in the temple, at the feast of tabernacles, Ezra was desired to read the law. He read it from morning till noon, 369and was accompanied by Levites who stood beside him, and kept silence. The next day they desired to know of Ezra how they were to celebrate the feast of tabernacles. This he explained, and continued eight days reading the law in the temple. All this was followed by a solemn renewal of the covenant with the Lord. Josephus says that Ezra was buried at Jerusalem; but the Jews believe that he died in Persia, in a second journey to Artaxerxes. His tomb is shown there in the city of Zamuza. He is said to have lived nearly one hundred and twenty years.
Until Nehemiah arrived, Ezra had the main authority in Jerusalem. In the second year of Nehemiah’s rule, the people gathered in the temple during the Feast of Tabernacles, and Ezra was asked to read the law. He read from morning until noon, and was accompanied by Levites who stood beside him in silence. The next day, they asked Ezra how they should celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles. He explained it and continued reading the law in the temple for eight days. This was followed by a formal renewal of the covenant with the Lord. Josephus mentions that Ezra was buried in Jerusalem, but the Jews believe he died in Persia during a second trip to Artaxerxes. His tomb is said to be located in the city of Zamuza. He is believed to have lived nearly one hundred twenty years.
Ezra was the restorer and publisher of the Holy Scriptures, after the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity. 1. He corrected the errors which had crept into the existing copies of the sacred writings by the negligence or mistake of transcribers. 2. He collected all the books of which the Holy Scriptures then consisted, disposed them in their proper order, and settled the canon of Scripture for his time. 3. He added throughout the books of his edition what appeared necessary for illustrating, connecting, or completing them; and of this we have an instance in the account of the death and burial of Moses, in the last chapter of Deuteronomy. In this work he was assisted by the same Spirit by which they were at first written. 4. He changed the ancient names of several places become obsolete, and substituted for them new names, by which they were at that time called. 5. He wrote out the whole in the Chaldee character; that language having grown into use after the Babylonish captivity. The Jews have an extraordinary esteem for Ezra, and say that if the law had not been given by Moses, Ezra deserved to have been the legislator of the Hebrews.
Ezra was the restorer and publisher of the Holy Scriptures after the Jews returned from Babylonian captivity. 1. He corrected the mistakes that had slipped into existing copies of the sacred texts due to the negligence or errors of scribes. 2. He gathered all the books that made up the Holy Scriptures at that time, organized them properly, and established the canon of Scripture for his era. 3. He added whatever was necessary throughout his edition to clarify, connect, or complete the texts; an example of this is found in the account of Moses' death and burial in the last chapter of Deuteronomy. He was aided by the same Spirit that inspired the original writings. 4. He updated the outdated names of several places and replaced them with the current names used at that time. 5. He wrote everything in Chaldean script, as that language had become common after the Babylonian captivity. The Jews hold Ezra in high regard and say that if the law hadn’t been given by Moses, Ezra would have deserved to be the legislator of the Hebrews.
FABLE, a fiction destitute of truth. St. Paul exhorts Timothy and Titus to shun profane and Jewish fables, 1 Tim. iv, 7; Titus i, 14; as having a tendency to seduce men from the truth. By these fables some understand the reveries of the Gnostics; but the fathers generally, and after them most of the modern commentators, interpret them of the vain traditions of the Jews; especially concerning meats, and other things, to be abstained from as unclean, which our Lord also styles “the doctrines of men,” Matt. xv, 9. This sense of the passages is confirmed by their contexts. In another sense, the word is taken to signify an apologue, or instructive tale, intended to convey truth under the concealment of fiction; as Jotham’s fable of the trees, Judges ix, 7–15, no doubt by far the oldest fable extant.
FABLE, a story lacking truth. St. Paul encourages Timothy and Titus to avoid profane and Jewish fables, 1 Tim. iv, 7; Titus i, 14; as they lead people away from the truth. Some interpret these fables as the fantasies of the Gnostics; however, the early church fathers, and most modern commentators after them, usually refer to the empty traditions of the Jews, particularly those regarding foods and other things considered unclean, which our Lord also refers to as “the teachings of men,” Matt. xv, 9. This interpretation of the passages is backed by their contexts. In another sense, the term is understood to mean an allegory or instructive story meant to convey truth while hiding behind a façade of fiction; for instance, Jotham’s fable of the trees, Judges ix, 7–15, is undoubtedly the oldest fable still known.
FACE. Moses begs of God to show him his face, or to manifest his glory; he replies, “I will make all my goodness pass before thee,” and I will proclaim my name; “but my face thou canst not see; for there shall no man see it and live!” The persuasion was very prevalent in the world, that no man could support the sight of Deity, Genesis xvi, 13; xxxii, 30; Exod. xx, 19; xxiv, 11; Judges vi, 22, 23. We read that God spake mouth to mouth with Moses, even apparently, and not in dark speeches, Numbers xii, 8; “The Canaanites have heard that thou art among thy people, and seen face to face,” Numbers xiv, 14. God talked with the Hebrews “face to face out of the midst of the fire,” Deut. v, 4. All these places are to be understood simply, that God so manifested himself to the Israelites, that he made them hear his voice as distinctly as if he had appeared to them face to face; but not that they actually saw more than the cloud of glory which marked his presence. The face of God denotes sometimes his anger: “The face of the Lord is against them that do evil.” “As wax melteth before the fire, so let the wicked perish before the face of God,” Psalm lxviii, 2. To turn the face upon any one, especially when connected with the light or shining of the countenance, are beautiful representations of the divine kindness and condescension. To regard the face of any one, is to have respect of persons, Proverbs xxviii, 21. The Apostle, speaking of the difference between our knowledge of God here and in heaven, says, “Now we see through a glass darkly; but then face to face,” 1 Cor. xiii, 12; by which he shows the vast difference between our seeing or knowing God and divine things by an imperfect revelation to faith, and by direct vision. This observation of the Apostle is rendered the more striking, when it is recollected that the Roman glass was not fully transparent as ours, but dull and clouded. Of this, specimens may be seen in the glass vessels taken out of Pompeii.
FACE. Moses asks God to show him His face, or to reveal His glory; God responds, “I will make all my goodness pass before you,” and I will declare My name; “but you cannot see My face, for no one can see it and live!” There was a widespread belief that no one could withstand the sight of God, as noted in Genesis 16:13; 32:30; Exodus 20:19; 24:11; Judges 6:22, 23. We read that God spoke to Moses directly, clearly, and not in hidden words, Numbers 12:8; “The Canaanites have heard that You are among Your people and seen face to face,” Numbers 14:14. God communicated with the Hebrews “face to face out of the midst of the fire,” Deuteronomy 5:4. All these references mean that God revealed Himself to the Israelites in such a way that they heard His voice as clearly as if He had appeared to them face to face; but they did not actually see more than the cloud of glory indicating His presence. The face of God sometimes represents His anger: “The face of the Lord is against those who do evil.” “As wax melts before the fire, so let the wicked perish before the face of God,” Psalm 68:2. To turn one’s face towards someone, especially when associated with light or a shining expression, beautifully symbolizes divine kindness and grace. To regard someone’s face is to show favoritism, Proverbs 28:21. The Apostle, discussing the difference between our knowledge of God here and in heaven, states, “Now we see through a glass darkly; but then face to face,” 1 Corinthians 13:12; which highlights the significant difference between our limited understanding of God and divine matters through imperfect revelation to faith, and direct vision. This remark by the Apostle is even more striking when we remember that Roman glass was not fully transparent like ours, but dull and cloudy. Examples of this can be seen in the glass artifacts recovered from Pompeii.
FAITH, in Scripture, is presented to us under two leading views: the first is that of assent or persuasion; the second, that of confidence or reliance. The former may be separate from the latter, but the latter cannot exist without the former. Faith, in the sense of an intellectual assent to truth, is, by St. James, allowed to devils. A dead, inoperative faith is also supposed, or declared, to be possessed by wicked men, professing Christianity; for our Lord represents persons coming to him at the last day, saying, “Lord, have we not prophesied in thy name” &c, to whom he will say, “Depart from me, I never knew you.” And yet the charge in this place does not lie against the sincerity of their belief, but against their conduct as “workers of iniquity.” As this distinction is taught in Scripture, so it is also observed in experience: assent to the truths of revealed religion may result from examination and conviction, while yet the spirit and conduct may remain unrenewed and sinful.
FAITH, in Scripture, is presented to us under two main ideas: the first is that of agreement or persuasion; the second is that of trust or dependence. The first can exist separately from the second, but the second cannot exist without the first. Faith, in the sense of an intellectual agreement to truth, is acknowledged by St. James to be held by devils. A dead, ineffective faith is also said to be held by wicked people who claim to be Christians; because our Lord describes individuals coming to Him on the last day, saying, “Lord, have we not prophesied in your name,” to whom He will respond, “Depart from me, I never knew you.” Yet, the accusation here does not concern the sincerity of their belief, but their behavior as “workers of iniquity.” Just as this distinction is taught in Scripture, it is also seen in real life: agreeing with the truths of revealed religion may come from examination and conviction, while the spirit and behavior may still remain unrenewed and sinful.
2. The faith which is required of us as a condition of salvation always includes confidence or reliance, as well as assent or persuasion. That faith by which “the elders obtained a good report,” was of this character; it united assent to the truth of God’s revelations with a noble confidence in his promise. “Our fathers trusted in thee, and were not confounded.” We have a farther illustration in our Lord’s address to his disciples upon the withering away of the fig tree: “Have faith in God.” He did not question whether they believed the 370existence of God, but exhorted them to confidence in his promises, when called by him to contend with mountainous difficulties: “Have faith in God; for verily I say unto you, that whosoever shall say unto this mountain, Be thou removed, and be thou cast into the sea, and shall not doubt in his heart, but shall believe (trust) that these things which he saith shall come to pass, he shall have whatsoever he saith.” It was in reference to his simple confidence in Christ’s power that our Lord so highly commended the centurion, and said, “I have not found so great faith, no, not in Israel,” Matt. viii, 10. And all the instances of faith in the persons miraculously healed by Christ, were also of this kind: their faith was belief in his claims, and also confidence in his goodness and power.
2. The faith required of us for salvation always involves both trust and agreement. The faith that “the elders obtained a good report” had this quality; it combined agreement with the truth of God’s revelations and a strong trust in his promise. “Our ancestors trusted in you and were not disappointed.” We see another example in Jesus’ words to his disciples about the fig tree that had withered: “Have faith in God.” He didn’t question whether they believed in God’s existence but encouraged them to have confidence in his promises when faced with huge challenges: “Have faith in God; for truly I tell you, whoever says to this mountain, ‘Be removed and thrown into the sea,’ and doesn’t doubt in their heart but believes (trusts) that what they say will happen, it will be done for them.” Jesus praised the centurion for his straightforward trust in Christ’s power when he said, “I have not found such great faith, even in Israel,” Matt. viii, 10. All the instances of faith from those miraculously healed by Christ also shared this quality: their faith was rooted in his claims and their trust in his goodness and power.
3. That faith in Christ which in the New Testament is connected with salvation, is clearly of this nature; that is, it combines assent with reliance, belief with trust. “Whatsoever ye ask the Father in my name,” that is, in dependence upon my interest and merits, “he shall give it you.” Christ was preached both to Jews and Gentiles as the object of their trust, because he was preached as the only true sacrifice for sin; and they were required to renounce their dependence upon their own accustomed sacrifices, and to transfer that dependence to his death and mediation,--and “in his name shall the Gentiles trust.” He is said to be set forth as a propitiation, “through faith in his blood;” which faith can neither merely mean assent to the historical fact that his blood was shed by a violent death; nor mere assent to the general doctrine that his blood had an atoning quality; but as all expiatory offerings were trusted in as the means of propitiation both among Jews and Gentiles, faith or trust was now to be exclusively rendered to the blood of Christ, as the divinely appointed sacrifice for sin, and the only refuge of the true penitent.
3. The faith in Christ that the New Testament links to salvation clearly involves both agreement and reliance, belief and trust. “Whatever you ask the Father in my name,” meaning based on my merit and intercession, “he will give it to you.” Christ was preached to both Jews and Gentiles as the focus of their trust because he was presented as the only true sacrifice for sin. They were asked to let go of their reliance on their usual sacrifices and shift that reliance to his death and mediation,—and “in his name shall the Gentiles trust.” He is described as being offered as a means of atonement, “through faith in his blood;” which faith does not simply mean agreeing that his blood was shed through a violent death or only accepting the general idea that his blood had an atoning power. Instead, just as all sacrificial offerings were trusted in as the means of atonement among both Jews and Gentiles, faith or trust must now be exclusively directed toward the blood of Christ as the divinely appointed sacrifice for sin and the only refuge for true repentance.
4. To the most unlettered Christian this then will be very obvious, that true and saving faith in Christ consists both of assent and trust; but this is not a blind and superstitious trust in the sacrifice of Christ, like that of the Heathens in their sacrifices; nor the presumptuous trust of wicked and impenitent men, who depend on Christ to save them in their sins; but such a trust as is exercised according to the authority and direction of the word of God; so that to know the Gospel in its leading principles, and to have a cordial belief in it, is necessary to that more specific act of faith which is called reliance, or in systematic language, fiducial assent. The Gospel, as the scheme of man’s salvation, declares that he is under the law; that this law of God has been violated by all; and that every man is under sentence of death. Serious consideration of our ways, confession of the fact, and sorrowful conviction of the evil and danger of sin, will, under the influence of divine grace, follow the cordial belief of the testimony of God; and we shall then turn to God with contrite hearts, and earnest prayers, and supplications for his mercy. This is called “repentance toward God;” and repentance being the first subject of evangelical preaching, and then the injunction to believe the Gospel, it is plain, that Christ is only immediately held out, in this divine plan of our redemption, as the object of trust in order to forgiveness to persons in this state of penitence and under this sense of danger. The degree of sorrow for sin, and alarm upon this discovery of our danger as sinners, is no where fixed to a precise standard in Scripture; only it is supposed every where, that it is such as to lead men to inquire earnestly, “What shall I do to be saved?” and with earnest seriousness to use all the appointed means of grace, as those who feel that their salvation is at issue, that they are in a lost condition, and must be pardoned or perish. To all such persons, Christ, as the only atonement for sin, is exhibited as the object of their trust, with the promise of God, “that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish, but have everlasting life.” Nothing is required of such but this actual trust in, and personal apprehension or taking hold of, the merits of Christ’s death as a sacrifice for sin; and upon their thus believing they are justified, their “faith is counted for righteousness,” or, in other words, they are forgiven.
4. For even the simplest Christian, it’s clear that true and saving faith in Christ involves both agreement and trust. However, this isn’t a blind and superstitious trust in Christ’s sacrifice, like the pagans had in their sacrifices; nor is it the presumptuous trust of wicked and unrepentant people who expect Christ to save them while remaining in their sins. Instead, it’s a trust that aligns with the authority and guidance of the Word of God. Therefore, to understand the Gospel in its fundamental aspects and to genuinely believe in it is essential for that more specific act of faith called reliance, or in technical terms, fiducial assent. The Gospel, as the plan for humanity's salvation, states that everyone is under the law; that this law of God has been broken by all; and that everyone is under a sentence of death. Serious reflection on our actions, acknowledgment of this fact, and a deep conviction of the evil and danger of sin will, with the help of divine grace, come after strongly believing the testimony of God. We will then turn to God with contrite hearts and sincere prayers, asking for His mercy. This is known as “repentance toward God,” and since repentance is the first topic of evangelical preaching, followed by the call to believe the Gospel, it’s clear that Christ is presented only as the immediate object of trust for forgiveness to those in a state of repentance who feel this danger. The level of sorrow for sin and the alarm upon realizing our peril as sinners isn’t defined by an exact standard in Scripture; it’s simply assumed that it should lead people to earnestly ask, “What must I do to be saved?” and to seriously engage in all the means of grace, as those who feel their salvation is at stake, who know they are in a lost condition and must either be pardoned or perish. To everyone in such a situation, Christ, as the only solution for sin, is presented as the object of their trust, accompanied by the promise of God: “Whoever believes in Him will not perish but have everlasting life.” All that is required of them is this real trust in and personal acceptance of the merits of Christ’s death as a sacrifice for sin; and by believing in this way, they are justified, their “faith is counted as righteousness,” or in other words, they are forgiven.
5. This appears to be the plain Scriptural representation of this doctrine; and we may infer from it, (1.) That the faith by which we are justified is not a mere assent to the doctrines of the Gospel, which leaves the heart unmoved and unaffected by a sense of the evil and danger of sin and the desire of salvation, although it supposes this assent; nor, (2.) Is it that more lively and cordial assent to, and belief in, the doctrine of the Gospel, touching our sinful and lost condition, which is wrought in the heart by the Spirit of God, and from which springeth repentance, although this must precede it; nor, (3.) Is it only the assent of the mind to the method by which God justifies the ungodly by faith in the sacrifice of his Son, although this is an element of it; but it is a hearty concurrence of the will and affections with this plan of salvation, which implies a renunciation of every other refuge, and an actual trust in the Saviour, and personal apprehension of his merits: such a belief of the Gospel by the power of the Spirit of God as leads us to come to Christ, to receive Christ, to trust in Christ, and to commit the keeping of our souls into his hands, in humble confidence of his ability and his willingness to save us.
5. This seems to be the straightforward Scriptural explanation of this doctrine; and we can conclude from it that (1.) the faith that justifies us isn’t just a simple agreement with the teachings of the Gospel, which leaves the heart untouched by the awareness of the seriousness and risk of sin and the longing for salvation, even though this agreement is assumed; nor (2.) is it merely a more enthusiastic and heartfelt acknowledgment of the Gospel's message about our sinful and lost state, which is created in us by the Spirit of God and from which repentance arises, even though this must come first; nor (3.) is it only the mental acceptance of how God justifies the ungodly through faith in His Son's sacrifice, although that is a part of it; rather, it is a genuine alignment of the will and feelings with this plan of salvation, which involves rejecting all other sources of hope, actively trusting in the Savior, and personally recognizing His merits. It’s a kind of belief in the Gospel empowered by the Spirit of God that leads us to approach Christ, accept Christ, rely on Christ, and entrust the care of our souls to Him, confidently relying on His ability and willingness to save us.
6. This is that qualifying condition to which the promise of God annexes justification; that without which justification would not take place; and in this sense it is that we are justified by faith; not by the merit of faith, but by faith instrumentally as this condition: for its connection with the benefit arises from the merits of Christ and the promise of God. If Christ had not merited, God had not promised; if God had not promised, justification had never followed upon this faith; so that the indissoluble connection of faith and justification is from God’s institution, whereby he hath bound himself to give the benefit upon performance of 371the condition. Yet there is an aptitude in this faith to be made a condition; for no other act can receive Christ as a Priest propitiating and pleading the propitiation and the promise of God for his sake to give the benefit. As receiving Christ and the gracious promise in this manner, it acknowledgeth man’s guilt, and so man renounceth all righteousness in himself, and honoureth God the Father, and Christ the Son, the only Redeemer. It glorifies God’s mercy and free grace in the highest degree. It acknowledges on earth, as it will be perpetually acknowledged in heaven, that the whole salvation of sinful man, from the beginning to the last degree thereof, whereof there shall be no end, is from God’s freest love, Christ’s merit and intercession, his own gracious promise, and the power of his own Holy Spirit.
6. This is the qualifying condition that God’s promise attaches to justification; without it, justification wouldn’t happen. In this sense, we are justified by faith—not by the merit of faith itself, but by faith as the instrumental condition: its connection to the benefit comes from Christ’s merits and God’s promise. If Christ hadn’t earned it, God wouldn’t have promised it; if God hadn’t promised, justification would never have followed this faith. Therefore, the unbreakable link between faith and justification is based on God’s arrangement, through which He has committed Himself to grant the benefit upon fulfilling the condition. However, this faith is suited to be a condition, as no other act can accept Christ as a Priest who makes amends and advocates for the promise of God on His behalf to grant the benefit. By receiving Christ and the gracious promise in this way, it acknowledges human guilt, leading individuals to give up any self-righteousness and honor God the Father and Christ the Son, the only Redeemer. It glorifies God’s mercy and free grace to the highest level. It recognizes on earth, as it will eternally be recognized in heaven, that the entire salvation of sinful humanity, from beginning to the very end, which will have no conclusion, comes from God’s ultimate love, Christ’s merit and intercession, His own gracious promise, and the power of His Holy Spirit.
7. Faith, in Scripture, sometimes is taken for the truth and faithfulness of God, Rom. iii, 3; and it is also taken for the persuasion of the mind as to the lawfulness of things indifferent, Rom. xiv, 22, 23; and it is likewise put for the doctrine of the Gospel, which is the object of faith, Acts xxiv, 24; Phil. i, 27; Jude 3; for the belief and profession of the Gospel, Rom. i, 8; and for fidelity in the performance of promises.
7. In Scripture, faith is sometimes understood as the truth and faithfulness of God, Rom. iii, 3; it can also refer to the conviction of the mind regarding the acceptability of neutral matters, Rom. xiv, 22, 23; and it's also used to describe the teachings of the Gospel, which are the focus of faith, Acts xxiv, 24; Phil. i, 27; Jude 3; for the belief and declaration of the Gospel, Rom. i, 8; and for loyalty in keeping promises.
FALL OF MAN. In addition to what is stated on this subject under the article Adam, it may be necessary to establish the literal sense of the account given of man’s fall in the book of Genesis. This account is, that a garden having been planted by the Creator, for the use of man, he was placed in it, “to dress it, and to keep it;”--that in this garden two trees were specially distinguished, one as “the tree of life,” the other as “the tree of the knowledge of good and evil;”--that from eating of the latter Adam was restrained by positive interdict, and by the penalty, “In the day thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die;”--that the serpent, who was more subtle than any beast of the field, tempted the woman to eat, by denying that death would be the consequence, and by assuring her, that her eyes and her husband’s eyes “would be opened,” and that they would “be as gods, knowing good and evil;”--that the woman took of the fruit, gave of it to her husband, who also ate;--that for this act of disobedience they were expelled from the garden, made subject to death, and laid under other maledictions.
FALL OF MAN. In addition to what is mentioned in the article Adam, it may be necessary to clarify the literal meaning of the account of man’s fall in the book of Genesis. This account states that a garden was planted by the Creator for man’s use, and he was placed in it “to tend it and to take care of it;”--that in this garden, two trees were particularly significant, one called “the tree of life” and the other “the tree of the knowledge of good and evil;”--that Adam was commanded not to eat from the latter, with the penalty being, “In the day you eat from it, you shall surely die;”--that the serpent, who was more cunning than any other creature, tempted the woman to eat by denying that death would be the result, and assuring her that her eyes and her husband’s eyes “would be opened,” and that they would “be like gods, knowing good and evil;”--that the woman took the fruit, gave it to her husband, who also ate;--that as a consequence of this act of disobedience, they were expelled from the garden, subjected to death, and faced other curses.
2. That this history should be the subject of much criticism, not only by infidels, but by those who hold false and perverted views of the Christian system, was to be expected. Taken in its natural and obvious sense, along with the comments of the subsequent Scriptures, it teaches the doctrines of the existence of an evil, tempting, invisible spirit, going about seeking whom he may deceive and devour; of the introduction of moral corruptness into human nature, which has been transmitted to all men; and is connected also with the doctrine of a vicarious atonement for sin; and wherever the fundamental truths of the Christian system are denied, attempts will be made so to interpret this part of the Mosaic history as to obscure the testimony which it gives to them, either explicitly, or by just induction. Interpreters have adopted various and often strange theories; but those whose opinions it seems necessary to notice may be divided into such as deny the literal sense of the relation entirely; such as take the account to be in part literal and in part allegorical; and those who, while they contend earnestly for the literal interpretation of every part of the history, consider some of the terms used, and some of the persons introduced, as conveying a meaning more extensive than the letter, and as constituting several symbols of spiritual things and of spiritual beings.
2. It was expected that this history would face a lot of criticism, not just from non-believers, but also from those who have incorrect and distorted views of Christianity. When taken in its straightforward and clear sense, along with the insights from later Scriptures, it teaches about the existence of an evil, tempting, invisible spirit that roams around looking for people to deceive and destroy; about the introduction of moral corruption into human nature, which has been passed down to everyone; and it’s also linked to the idea of a vicarious atonement for sin. Wherever the core truths of Christianity are rejected, there will be attempts to interpret this part of the Mosaic history in a way that obscures the testimony it provides, either directly or through reasonable inference. Interpreters have come up with various and often unusual theories; however, those whose opinions seem important to address can be grouped into three categories: those who completely deny the literal meaning of the account; those who see the narrative as partly literal and partly allegorical; and those who, while strongly advocating for the literal interpretation of every part of the history, believe that some terms used and some characters introduced convey a broader meaning beyond the literal text, serving as symbols for spiritual matters and beings.
3. Those who have denied the literal sense entirely, and regarded the whole relation as an instructive mythos, or fable, have, as might be expected, when all restraint of authority was thus thrown off from the imagination, themselves adopted very different theories. Thus we have been taught, that this account was intended to teach the evil of yielding to the violence of appetite and to its control over reason; or the introduction of vice in conjunction with knowledge and the artificial refinements of society; or the necessity of keeping the great mass of mankind from acquiring too great a degree of knowledge, as being hurtful to society; or to consider it as another version of the story of the golden age, and its being succeeded by times more vicious and miserable; or as designed, enigmatically, to account for the origin of evil, or of mankind. This catalogue of opinions might be much enlarged: some of them have been held by mere visionaries; others by men of learning, especially by several of the semi-infidel theologians and Biblical critics of Germany; nor has our own country been exempt from this class of bold expositors. How to fix upon the moral of “the fable” is, however, the difficulty; and the great variety of opinion is a sufficient refutation of the general notion assumed by the whole class, since scarcely can two of them be found who adopt the same views, after they have discarded the literal acceptation.
3. Those who completely deny the literal meaning and see the entire story as an instructive mythos or fable have, not surprisingly, adopted very different theories now that they have cast off the restraints of authority on their imagination. We have been taught that this account is meant to illustrate the danger of giving in to the power of desires over reason; or the introduction of vice alongside knowledge and the superficial complexities of society; or the need to prevent most people from gaining too much knowledge, as it can harm society; or to view it as another version of the golden age story, followed by more corrupt and miserable times; or as meant, in a roundabout way, to explain the origin of evil or humanity. This list of opinions could be significantly expanded: some have been proposed by mere dreamers; others by scholars, especially various semi-skeptical theologians and Biblical critics from Germany; our own country has not been free from this group of bold interpreters either. However, figuring out the moral of “the fable” is the challenge; and the wide range of opinions is a clear challenge to the general idea assumed by the whole group, since hardly two of them can be found who share the same views after rejecting the literal interpretation.
4. But that the account of Moses is to be taken as a matter of real history, and according to its literal import, is established by two considerations, against which, as being facts, nothing can successfully be urged. The first is, that the account of the fall of the first pair is a part of a continuous history. The creation of the world, of man, of woman; the planting of the garden of Eden, and the placing of man there; the duties and prohibitions laid upon him; his disobedience; his expulsion from the garden; the subsequent birth of his children, their lives, and actions, and those of their posterity, down to the flood; and, from that event, to the life of Abraham, are given in the same plain and unadorned narrative; brief, but yet simple; and with no intimation at all, either from the elevation of the style or otherwise, that a fable or allegory is in any part introduced. As this, then, is the case, and the evidence of it lies upon the very face of the history, it is clear, that if the account of the fall be excerpted 372from the whole narrative as allegorical, any subsequent part, from Abel to Noah, from Noah to Abraham, from Abraham to Moses, may be excerpted for the same reason, which reason is merely this, that it does not agree with the theological opinions of the interpreter; and thus the whole of the Pentateuch may be rejected history, and converted into fable. Either then the account of the fall must be taken as history, or the historical character of the whole five books of Moses must be unsettled; and if none but infidels will go to the latter consequence, then no one who admits the Pentateuch to be a true history generally, can consistentlyconsistently refuse to admit the story of the fall of the first pair to be a narrative of real events, because it is written in the same style, and presents the same character of a continuous record of events. So conclusive has this argument been felt, that the anti-literal interpreters have endeavoured to evade it, by asserting that the part of the history of Moses in question bears marks of being a separate fragment, more ancient than the Pentateuch itself, and transcribed into it by Moses, the author and compiler of the whole. This point is examined and satisfactorily refuted in Holden’s learned and excellent work, entitled, “Dissertation on the Fall of Man;” but it is easy to show, that it would amount to nothing, if granted, in the mind of any who is satisfied on the previous question of the inspiration of the Holy Scriptures. For let it be admitted that Moses, in writing the pentateuchal history, availed himself of the traditions of the patriarchal ages, a supposition not in the least inconsistent with his inspiration or with the absolute truth of his history, since the traditions so introduced have been authenticated by the Holy Spirit; or let it be supposed, which is wholly gratuitous, that he made use of previously existing documents; and that some differences of style in his books may be traced which serve to point out his quotations, which is a position that some of the best Hebraists have denied; yet two things are to be noted: first, that the inspired character of the books of Moses is authenticated by our Lord and his Apostles, so that they must necessarily be wholly true, and free from real contradictions; and, secondly, that to make it any thing to their purpose who contend that the account of the fall is an older document, introduced by Moses, it ought to be shown that it is not written as truly in the narrative style, even if it could be proved to be, in some respects, a different style, as that which precedes and follows it. Now the very literal character of our translation will enable even the unlearned reader to discover this. Whether it be an embodied tradition, or the insertion of a more ancient document, (though there is no foundation at all for the latter supposition,) it is obviously a narrative, and a narrative as simple as any which precedes or follows it.
4. The story of Moses should be understood as real history, taken literally, based on two key points that are indisputable facts. The first is that the account of the first couple's fall is part of an ongoing narrative. The creation of the world, the creation of man and woman, the planting of the Garden of Eden, the placement of man there, the commands given to him, his disobedience, his banishment from the garden, the birth of his children, their lives and actions, and those of their descendants, leading up to the flood, and then from that event to Abraham's life, all of this is presented in a straightforward narrative; it’s brief yet clear and shows no signs—either through elevated language or other means—that it includes a fable or an allegory. Since this is the case, and the evidence is evident in the account itself, it becomes clear that if the story of the fall is taken out of the narrative as allegorical, then any later part—from Abel to Noah, from Noah to Abraham, and from Abraham to Moses—could be dismissed for the same reason. That reason being solely that it doesn’t align with the theological beliefs of the reader; thus, the entire Pentateuch could be rejected as history and be turned into myth. So, either we accept the story of the fall as history, or we call into question the historical nature of all five books of Moses; and since only non-believers would support the latter conclusion, anyone who acknowledges the Pentateuch as genuine history cannot consistently deny the story of the first couple's fall as an account of real events, because it is written in the same style and maintains the same continuous record of happenings. This argument has been so compelling that those who interpret it non-literally have tried to sidestep it by claiming that the part of Moses' history in question appears to be a separate fragment, older than the Pentateuch itself, that Moses copied into his works as the author and compiler. This claim is addressed and thoroughly disproven in Holden's insightful and scholarly book titled, “Dissertation on the Fall of Man;” however, it’s easy to show that granting this claim would still mean nothing to anyone convinced of the earlier point regarding the inspiration of the Holy Scriptures. For even if we accept that Moses, while writing the Pentateuch, used traditions from the patriarchal age—which is entirely compatible with both his inspiration and the absolute truth of his records since the traditions have been validated by the Holy Spirit—or that he drew from previously existing documents, and that some stylistic differences in his writings may indicate his quotations (a position some prominent Hebrew scholars dispute); two things must be emphasized: first, the inspired nature of Moses’ books is confirmed by our Lord and His Apostles, meaning they are entirely true and free from real contradictions; and second, for those who argue that the fall account is an older document included by Moses, it must be demonstrated that it does not match the narrative style, even if it could be shown to have some stylistic differences from what comes before and after it. The very straightforward nature of our translation allows even an uneducated reader to see this. Whether it’s a codified tradition or a more ancient document being inserted (though there’s no basis for the latter), it’s clearly a narrative, and a narrative as simple as any that precedes or follows it.
5. The other indisputable fact to which I just now adverted, as establishing the literal sense of the history, is that, as such, it is referred to and reasoned upon in various parts of Scripture: “Knowest thou not this of old, since man (Adam) was placed upon earth, that the triumphing of the wicked is short, and the joy of the hypocrite but for a moment?” Job xx, 4, 5. There is no reason to doubt but that this passage refers to the fall and the first sin of man. The date agrees; for the knowledge here taught is said to arise from facts as old as the first placing of man upon earth, and the sudden punishment of the iniquity corresponds to the Mosaic account: “The triumphing of the wicked is short, his joy but for a moment.” “If I covered my transgressions as Adam, by hiding mine iniquity in my bosom,” Job xxxi, 33. Magee renders the verse,
5. Another undeniable fact that I just mentioned, which supports the literal meaning of the history, is that it is referenced and reasoned about in various parts of Scripture: “Don’t you know this from long ago, since man (Adam) was put on earth, that the triumph of the wicked is short, and the joy of the hypocrite lasts only for a moment?” Job xx, 4, 5. There’s no reason to believe that this passage doesn’t refer to the fall and the first sin of mankind. The timing lines up; the knowledge presented here is said to come from events as old as the first creation of man on earth, and the immediate punishment for wrongdoing matches the account in Genesis: “The triumph of the wicked is short, his joy only lasts a moment.” “If I hid my sins like Adam, by concealing my guilt in my heart,” Job xxxi, 33. Magee interprets the verse,
and adds, “I agree with Peters, that this contains a reference to the history of the first man, and his endeavours to hide himself after his transgression.” Our margin reads, “after the manner of men;” and also the old versions; but the Chaldee paraphrase agrees with our translation, which is also satisfactorily defended by numerous critics. “What is man, that he should be clean? and he which is born of a woman, that he should be righteous?” Job xv, 14. Why not clean? Did God make woman or man unclean at the beginning? If he did, the expostulation would have been more apposite, and much stronger, had the true cause been assigned, and Job had said, “How canst thou expect cleanness in man, whom thou createdst unclean?” But, as the case now stands, the expostulation has a plain reference to the introduction of vanity and corruption by the sin of the woman, and is an evidence that this ancient writer was sensible of the evil consequences of the fall upon the whole race of man. “Eden” and “the garden of the Lord” are also frequently referred to in the prophets. We have the “tree of life” mentioned several times in the Proverbs and in the Revelation. “God,” says Solomon, “made man upright.” The enemies of Christ and his church are spoken of, both in the Old and New Testaments, under the names of “the serpent,” and “the dragon;” and the habit of the serpent to lick the dust is also referred to by Isaiah.
and adds, “I agree with Peters that this refers to the history of the first man and his attempts to hide after his wrongdoing.” Our margin notes, “after the manner of men;” and the old versions also say this; however, the Chaldee paraphrase aligns with our translation, which is supported by many critics. “What is man that he should be clean? And he who is born of a woman, that he should be righteous?” Job xv, 14. Why not clean? Did God create woman or man unclean at the start? If that were the case, the argument would have been more relevant and stronger if the real reason had been given, and Job had said, “How can you expect cleanliness in man, whom you created unclean?” But, as things stand now, the argument clearly refers to the introduction of vanity and corruption through the sin of the woman and shows that this ancient writer recognized the negative effects of the fall on all of humanity. “Eden” and “the garden of the Lord” are also often mentioned in the prophets. We see the “tree of life” referenced multiple times in Proverbs and in Revelation. “God,” says Solomon, “made man upright.” The enemies of Christ and his church are referred to, both in the Old and New Testaments, as “the serpent” and “the dragon;” and Isaiah also mentions the serpent’s habit of licking the dust.
6. If the history of the fall, as recorded by Moses, were an allegory, or any thing but a literal history, several of the above allusions would have no meaning; but the matter is put beyond all possible doubt in the New Testament, unless the same culpable liberties be taken with the interpretation of the words of our Lord and of St. Paul as with those of the Jewish lawgiver. Our Lord says, “Have ye not read, that he which made them at the beginning, made them male and female; and said, For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife; and they twain shall be one flesh?” Matt. xix, 4, 5. This is an argument on the subject of divorces, and its foundation rests upon two of the facts recorded by Moses: (1.) That God made at first but two human beings, from whom all the rest have sprung. (2.) That the intimacy and indissolubility of the marriage relation rests upon 373the formation of the woman from the man; for our Lord quotes the words in Genesis, where the obligation of man to cleave to his wife is immediately connected with that circumstance: “And Adam said, This is now bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh: she shall be called woman, because she was taken out of man. Therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife; and they shall be one flesh.” This is sufficiently in proof that both our Lord and the Pharisees considered this early part of the history of Moses as a narrative; for, otherwise, it would neither have been a reason, on his part, for the doctrine which he was inculcating, nor have had any force of conviction as to them. “In Adam,” says the Apostle Paul, “all die;” “by one man sin entered into the world.” “But I fear lest by any means, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his subtlety, so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ.” In the last passage, the instrument of the temptation is said to be a serpent, ὄφις, which is a sufficient answer to those who would make it any other animal; and Eve is represented as being first seduced, according to the account in Genesis. This St. Paul repeats in 1 Tim. ii, 13, 14: “Adam was first formed, then Eve. And Adam was not deceived,” first or immediately, “but the woman being deceived was in the transgression.” And he offers this as the reason of an injunction, “Let the woman learn in silence with all subjection.” When, therefore, it is considered, that these passages are introduced, not for rhetorical illustration, or in the way of classical quotation, but are made the basis of grave and important reasonings, which embody some of the most important doctrines of the Christian revelation, and of important social duties and points of Christian order and decorum; it would be to charge the writers of the New Testament with the grossest absurdity, nay, with even culpable and unworthy trifling, to suppose them to argue from the history of the fall as a narrative, when they knew it to be an allegory. And if we are, therefore, compelled to allow that it was understood as a real history by our Lord and his inspired Apostles, those speculations of modern critics, which convert it into a parable, stand branded with their true character of infidel and semi-infidel temerity.
6. If the story of the fall, as recorded by Moses, was just an allegory or anything other than a literal account, many of the references above wouldn’t make sense. However, this is made completely clear in the New Testament, unless the same questionable liberties are taken with interpreting the words of our Lord and St. Paul as have been with those of the Jewish lawgiver. Our Lord says, “Haven’t you read that the Creator made them at the beginning male and female and said, ‘For this reason a man will leave his father and mother and be joined to his wife, and the two will become one flesh’?” Matt. xix, 4, 5. This is an argument about divorce, and it’s based on two facts recorded by Moses: (1) That God initially created only two human beings, from whom all others descended. (2) That the closeness and permanence of marriage is founded on the woman being formed from the man; for our Lord quotes Genesis, where the obligation for a man to stick with his wife is directly tied to this fact: “And Adam said, ‘This is now bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh; she shall be called woman, because she was taken out of man. Therefore, a man shall leave his father and mother and be joined to his wife, and they shall become one flesh.’” This clearly shows that both our Lord and the Pharisees viewed this early part of Moses’ story as a narrative; otherwise, it wouldn’t have been a valid reason for the doctrine he was teaching, nor would it have carried any convincing power for them. “In Adam,” says the Apostle Paul, “all die;” “by one man sin entered the world.” “But I fear that, just as the serpent deceived Eve with his cunning, your minds may also be led astray from your sincere and pure devotion to Christ.” In the last quote, the one tempting is referred to as a serpent, ὄφις, which sufficiently answers any attempts to claim it was any other animal; and Eve is portrayed as being the first to be deceived, as stated in Genesis. St. Paul reiterates this in 1 Tim. ii, 13, 14: “Adam was formed first, then Eve. And Adam was not deceived, but the woman was deceived and fell into transgression.” He uses this as the basis for the instruction, “Let the woman learn in silence with all submission.” Therefore, when considering that these passages are included not for rhetorical effect or as classical quotes, but are the foundation of serious and pivotal arguments that encompass some of the most important doctrines of the Christian faith and significant social responsibilities and standards of Christian order and propriety, it would be to accuse the authors of the New Testament of the most ridiculous absurdity, or even of being guilty of unworthy triviality, to suggest that they were arguing from the story of the fall as a narrative if they knew it to be an allegory. If we must therefore accept that it was regarded as real history by our Lord and his inspired Apostles, then the modern critics’ theories that turn it into a parable are rightfully marked with their true nature of infidel and semi-infidel recklessness.
7. The effect of the sin or lapse of Adam was to bring him under the wrath of God; to render him liable to pain, disease, and death; to deprive him of primeval holiness; to separate him from communion with God and that spiritual life which was before imparted by God, and on which his holiness alone depended, from the loss of which a total moral disorder and depravation of his soul resulted; and finally to render him liable to everlasting misery. See Original Sin. For the effect of the fall of Adam upon his posterity, see Justification.
7. The impact of Adam's sin or mistake was to put him under God's anger; to make him subject to pain, illness, and death; to take away his original holiness; to cut him off from his relationship with God and the spiritual life that God initially gave him, which was the foundation of his holiness. This loss led to complete moral chaos and corruption of his soul; and ultimately, it made him subject to eternal suffering. See Original Sin. For the effect of Adam's fall on his descendants, see Reasoning.
FASTING has been practised in all ages, and among all nations, in times of mourning, sorrow, and affliction. We see no example of fasting, properly so called, before Moses. Since the time of Moses, examples of fasting have been very common among the Jews. Joshua and the elders of Israel remained prostrate before the ark from morning till evening, without eating, after Israel was defeated at Ai, Joshua vii, 6. The eleven tribes which fought against that of Benjamin, fell down on their faces before the ark, and so continued till evening without eating, Judges xx, 26. David fasted while the first child he had by Bathsheba was sick, 2 Sam. xii, 16. The Heathens sometimes fasted: the king of Nineveh, terrified by Jonah’s preaching, ordered that not only men, but also beasts, should continue without eating or drinking; should be covered with sackcloth, and each after their manner should cry to the Lord, Jonah iii, 5, 6. The Jews, in times of public calamity, appointed extraordinary fasts, and made even the children at the breast fast, Joel ii, 16. Moses fasted forty days upon Mount Horeb, Exod. xxiv, 18. Elijah passed as many days without eating, 1 Kings xix, 8. Our Saviour fasted forty days and forty nights in the wilderness, Matt. iv, 2. These fasts were miraculous, and out of the common rules of nature.
FASTING has been practiced throughout history and across all cultures, especially during times of mourning, sorrow, and hardship. There are no clear examples of fasting, in the stricter sense, before Moses. After Moses, fasting became quite common among the Jews. Joshua and the elders of Israel lay face down before the ark from morning until evening, not eating, after Israel was defeated at Ai, Joshua vii, 6. The eleven tribes that fought against Benjamin also fell on their faces before the ark and remained there until evening without food, Judges xx, 26. David fasted while his first child with Bathsheba was sick, 2 Sam. xii, 16. Even the Gentiles sometimes fasted: the king of Nineveh, frightened by Jonah’s message, commanded that not only humans but also animals should go without food or drink, be covered in sackcloth, and each in their own way cry out to the Lord, Jonah iii, 5, 6. During times of public crisis, the Jews declared special fasts and even made breastfeeding infants fast, Joel ii, 16. Moses fasted for forty days on Mount Horeb, Exod. xxiv, 18. Elijah went without food for as many days, 1 Kings xix, 8. Our Savior fasted for forty days and forty nights in the wilderness, Matt. iv, 2. These fasts were miraculous and went beyond the normal limits of nature.
2. Beside the solemn fast of expiation instituted by divine authority, the Jews appointed certain days of humiliation, called the fasts of the congregation. The calamities for which these were enjoined, were a siege, pestilence, diseases, famine, &c. They were observed on the second and fifth days of the week: they began at sunset, and continued till midnight of the following day. On these days they wore sackcloth next the skin, and rent their clothes; they sprinkled ashes on their heads, and neither washed their hands, nor anointed their heads with oil. The synagogues were filled with suppliants, whose prayers were long and mournful, and their countenances dejected with all the marks of sorrow and repentance.
2. Besides the serious fast for atonement set by divine command, the Jews established certain days of humility, known as the fasts of the congregation. These were called for in times of disaster, like sieges, plagues, diseases, famine, etc. They were observed on the second and fifth days of the week: starting at sunset and lasting until midnight of the next day. On these days, they wore sackcloth next to their skin and tore their clothes; they sprinkled ashes on their heads and didn’t wash their hands or apply oil to their heads. The synagogues were filled with people praying, their prayers long and sorrowful, their faces showing all the signs of grief and repentance.
3. As to the fasts observed by Christians, it does not appear by his own practice, or by his commands to his disciples, that our Lord instituted any particular fast. But when the Pharisees reproached him, that his disciples did not fast so often as theirs, or as John the Baptist’s, he replied, “Can ye make the children of the bride-chamber fast while the bride-groombride-groom is with them? But the days will come when the bride-groom shall be taken away from them, and then shall they fast in those days,” Luke v, 34, 35. Fasting is also recommended by our Saviour in his sermon on the mount; not as a stated, but as an occasional, duty of Christians, for the purpose of humbling their minds under the afflicting hand of God; and he requires that this duty be performed in sincerity, and not for the sake of ostentation, Matt. vi, 16.
3. Regarding the fasts observed by Christians, it doesn't seem that our Lord established any specific fasts based on his own actions or the instructions he gave to his disciples. But when the Pharisees criticized him for his disciples not fasting as frequently as theirs or as John the Baptist's did, he responded, “Can you make the guests of the bridegroom fast while the bride and groombride-groom is with them? But the days will come when the bridegroom will be taken away from them, and then they will fast in those days,” Luke 5:34-35. Fasting is also encouraged by our Savior in his sermon on the mount; not as a regular practice, but as an occasional duty for Christians, meant to humble themselves under God's discipline. He insists that this should be done sincerely, not for show, Matt. 6:16.
4. Although Christians, says Dr. Neander, did not by any means retire from the business of life, yet they were accustomed to devote many separate days entirely to examining their own hearts, and pouring them out before God, while they dedicated their life anew to him with uninterrupted prayers, in order that they might again return to their ordinary occupations with a renovated spirit of zeal and seriousness, 374and with renewed powers of sanctification. These days of holy devotion, days of prayer and penitence, which individual Christians appointed for themselves, according to their individual necessities, were often a kind of fast-days. In order that their sensual feelings might less distract and impede the occupation of their heart with its holy contemplations, they were accustomed on these days to limit their corporeal wants more than usual, or to fast entirely. In the consideration of this, we must not overlook the peculiar nature of that hot climate in which Christianity was first promulgated. That which was spared by their abstinence on these days was applied to the support of the poorer brethren.
4. Although Christians, according to Dr. Neander, didn't completely withdraw from daily life, they often set aside several days to reflect on their own hearts and lay them bare before God. During these times, they renewed their commitment to Him with constant prayers so they could return to their regular activities with a fresh spirit of enthusiasm and seriousness, 374 and with enhanced abilities for holiness. These days of spiritual focus, prayer, and repentance, which individual Christians chose for themselves based on their personal needs, often resembled fasting days. To minimize distractions from their spiritual reflections, they typically limited their physical needs more than usual or fasted completely. It's important to consider the unique nature of the hot climate where Christianity first spread. What they saved by fasting on these days was given to support their less fortunate brothers.
FAT. God forbade the Hebrews to eat the fat of beasts: “All the fat is the Lord’s. It shall be a perpetual statute for your generations, throughout all your dwellings, that ye eat neither fat nor blood,” Lev. iii, 17. Some interpreters understand these words literally, and suppose fat as well as blood to be forbidden. Josephus says Moses forbids only the fat of oxen, goats, sheep, and their species. This agrees with Lev. vii, 23: “Ye shall eat no manner of fat, of ox, or of sheep, or of goat.” This is observed by the modern Jews, who think that the fat of other sorts of clean creatures is allowed them, even that of beasts which have died of themselves, conformably to Lev. vii, 24: “And the fat of the beast that dieth of itself, and the fat of that which is torn with beasts, may be used in any other use; but ye shall in nowise eat of it.” Others maintain that the law which forbids the use of fat, should be restrained to fat separated from the flesh, such as that which covers the kidneys and the intestines; and this only in the case of its being offered in sacrifice. This is confirmed by Lev. vii, 25: “Whosoever eateth of the fat of the beast of which men offer an offering made by fire unto the Lord, even the soul that eateth it shall be cut off from his people.” In the Hebrew style, fat signifies not only that of beasts, but also the richer or prime part of other things: “He should have fed them with the finest” (in Hebrew the fat) “of the wheat.” Fat denotes abundance of good things: “I will satiate the souls of the priests with fatness,” Jer. xxxi, 14. “My soul shall be satisfied with marrow and fatness,” Psalm lxiii, 5. The fat of the earth implies its fruitfulness: “God give thee of the dew of heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine,” Gen. xxvii, 28.
FAT. God commanded the Hebrews not to eat the fat of animals: “All the fat is the Lord’s. This is to be a lasting rule for your generations, in all your homes: you must not eat any fat or blood,” Lev. iii, 17. Some interpreters take this literally and believe that both fat and blood are prohibited. Josephus mentions that Moses only forbids the fat from oxen, goats, sheep, and their relatives. This aligns with Lev. vii, 23: “You must not eat any fat from oxen, sheep, or goats.” Modern Jews follow this guideline, thinking that fat from other clean animals is permitted, even from those that died naturally, in accordance with Lev. vii, 24: “And the fat of a beast that dies of itself, and the fat of an animal torn by beasts, can be used in any other way; but you must not eat it.” Some argue that the law against using fat applies only to fat that is separated from the flesh, such as that covering the kidneys and intestines, and this only when offered as a sacrifice. This is supported by Lev. vii, 25: “Anyone who eats the fat of an animal brought as an offering made by fire to the Lord will be cut off from his people.” In Hebrew, fat refers not only to that of animals but also to the richest or best parts of other things: “He should have fed them with the finest” (in Hebrew, the fat) “of the wheat.” Fat symbolizes abundance: “I will satisfy the souls of the priests with fatness,” Jer. xxxi, 14. “My soul will be satisfied with marrow and fatness,” Psalm lxiii, 5. The fat of the earth denotes its fertility: “God give you the dew of heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine,” Gen. xxvii, 28.
FATHER. This word, beside its common acceptation, is taken in Scripture for grandfather, great-grandfather, or the founder of a family, how remote soever. So the Jews in our Saviour’s time called Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, their fathers. Jesus Christ is called the Son of David, though David was many generations distant from him. By father is likewise understood the institutor of a certain profession. Jabal “was father of such as dwell in tents, and such as have cattle.” Jubal “was father of all such as handle the harp and organ,” or flute, &c, Gen. iv, 20, 21. Huram is called father of the king of Tyre, 2 Chron. ii, 13; and, 2 Chron. iv, 16, even of Solomon, because he was the principal workman, and chief director of their undertakings. The principal prophets were considered as fathers of the younger, who were their disciples, and are called sons of the prophets, 2 Kings ii, 12. Father is a term of respect given by inferiors to superiors. “My father,” said Naaman’s attendants to him, “if the prophet had bid thee do some great thing,” 2 Kings v, 13; and so the king of Israel addresses the prophet Elisha, 2 Kings vi, 21. Rechab, the founder of the Rechabites, is called their father, Jer. xxxv, 6. A man is said to be a father to the poor and orphans, when he supplies their necessities, and sympathizes with their miseries, as a father would do toward them: “I was a father to the poor,” says Job, xxix, 16. God declares himself to be the “Father of the fatherless, and Judge of the widow,” Psalm lxviii, 5. God is frequently called our heavenly Father, and simply our Father; eminently the Father, Preserver, and Protector of all, especially of those who invoke him, and serve him: “Is he not thy Father that bought thee?” says Moses, Deut. xxxii, 6. Since the coming of Jesus Christ, we have a new right to call God our Father, by reason of the adoption which our Saviour has merited for us, by clothing himself in our humanity, and purchasing us by his death: “Ye have received the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God,” Romans viii, 15. Job entitles God “the Father of rain,” Job xxxviii, 28; he produces it, and causes it to fall. The devil is called the father of the wicked and the father of lies, John viii, 44. He deceived Eve and Adam; he introduced sin and falsehood; he inspires his followers with his spirit and sentiments. The father of Sichem, the father of Tekoah, the father of Bethlehem, &c, signify the chief persons who inhabited these cities; he who built or rebuilt them. Adam is the first father, the father of the living; Abraham is the father of the faithful, the father of the circumcision; called also the “father of many nations,” because many people sprung from him; as the Jews, Ishmaelites, Arabs, &c. God is called “the Father of spirits,” Heb. xii, 9. He not only creates them, but he justifies, sanctifies, and glorifies them, and thus confers upon them eternal happiness.
FATHER. This word, in addition to its usual meaning, is used in the Bible to refer to a grandfather, great-grandfather, or the founder of a family, regardless of how far back that goes. So, during the time of our Savior, the Jews referred to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as their fathers. Jesus Christ is called the Son of David, even though David lived many generations before him. The term father also refers to someone who establishes a certain profession. Jabal “was the father of those who live in tents and raise livestock.” Jubal “was the father of everyone who plays the harp and lyre,” or flute, etc., Gen. iv, 20, 21. Huram is referred to as the father of the king of Tyre, 2 Chron. ii, 13; and, in 2 Chron. iv, 16, even of Solomon, because he was the main craftsman and chief leader of their projects. The main prophets were viewed as fathers to the younger ones, who were their disciples, and are called sons of the prophets, 2 Kings ii, 12. Father is a term of respect used by those of lower status toward those of higher status. “My father,” said Naaman’s servants to him, “if the prophet had asked you to do something really difficult,” 2 Kings v, 13; and so the king of Israel speaks to the prophet Elisha, 2 Kings vi, 21. Rechab, the founder of the Rechabites, is called their father, Jer. xxxv, 6. A person is said to be a father to the poor and orphans when he meets their needs and shares in their hardships, just like a father would: “I was a father to the poor,” says Job, xxix, 16. God claims to be the “Father of the fatherless and Judge of the widow,” Psalm lxviii, 5. God is often called our heavenly Father, or simply our Father; he is particularly the Father, Preserver, and Protector of everyone, especially those who call on him and serve him: “Is he not your Father who created you?” says Moses, Deut. xxxii, 6. Since the arrival of Jesus Christ, we have a new right to call God our Father because of the adoption that our Savior has achieved for us by taking on our humanity and redeeming us through his death: “You have received the Spirit of adoption, by which we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit itself gives testimony along with our spirit that we are the children of God,” Romans viii, 15. Job calls God “the Father of rain,” Job xxxviii, 28; he brings it about and makes it fall. The devil is called the father of the wicked and the father of lies, John viii, 44. He deceived Eve and Adam; he introduced sin and falsehood; he influences his followers with his spirit and thoughts. The father of Sichem, the father of Tekoah, the father of Bethlehem, etc., refer to the key individuals who lived in these cities; those who built or rebuilt them. Adam is the first father, the father of the living; Abraham is the father of the faithful, the father of the circumcision; also called the “father of many nations,” because many people came from him; such as the Jews, Ishmaelites, Arabs, etc. God is called “the Father of spirits,” Heb. xii, 9. He not only creates them, but also justifies, sanctifies, and glorifies them, thus granting them eternal happiness.
FATHERS, a term of honour applied to the first and most eminent writers of the Christian church. Those of the first century are called Apostolical fathers; those of the first three centuries, and till the council of Nice, Ante-Nicene; and those later than that council, Post-Nicene. Learned men are not unanimous concerning the degree of esteem which is due to these ancient fathers. Some represent them as the most excellent guides, while others place them in the very lowest rank of moral writers, and treat their precepts and decisions as perfectly insipid, and, in many respects, pernicious. It appears, however, 375incontestable, that, in the writings of the primitive fathers are many sublime sentiments, judicious thoughts, and several things well adapted to form a religious temper, and to excite pious and virtuous affections. At the same time, it must be confessed, that, after the earliest age, they abound still more with precepts of an excessive and unreasonable austerity, with stoical and academical dictates, with vague and indeterminate notions, and, what is still worse, with decisions absolutely false, and in evident opposition to the commands of Christ. Though the judgment of antiquity in some disputable points may certainly be useful, yet we ought never to consider the writings of the fathers as of equal authority with the Scriptures. In many cases they may be deemed competent witnesses, but we must not confide in their verdict as judges. As Biblical critics they are often fanciful and injudicious, and their principal value consists in this, that the succession of their writings enables us to prove the existence and authenticity of the sacred books, up to the age of the Apostles.
FATHERS, a title of respect given to the first and most notable writers of the Christian church. Those from the first century are called Apostolical fathers; those from the first three centuries, up to the Council of Nice, are known as Ante-Nicene; and those after that council are referred to as Post-Nicene. Scholars do not agree on how much respect these ancient fathers deserve. Some view them as excellent guides, while others rank them very low among moral writers, finding their teachings and decisions dull and, in many ways, harmful. However, it's clear that the writings of the early fathers contain many profound ideas, thoughtful insights, and various elements that can nurture a religious mindset and inspire pious and virtuous feelings. At the same time, it's important to acknowledge that, after the earliest period, their works are often filled with excessive and unreasonable strictness, stoic and academic concepts, vague and unclear ideas, and, worse yet, outright false conclusions that contradict the commands of Christ. While the judgments of antiquity on some debatable issues can be helpful, we should never consider the writings of the fathers to hold equal authority with the Scriptures. In many instances, they may be seen as reliable witnesses, but we shouldn’t trust their opinions as judges. As Biblical critics, they are often imaginative and misguided, and their main value lies in the fact that the continuity of their writings allows us to confirm the existence and authenticity of the sacred texts, dating back to the age of the Apostles.
The following is a list of the entire fathers: Contemporaries of the Apostles, Barnabas, Clement of Rome, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp. Papias, A. D. 116; Justin Martyr, 140; Dionysius of Corinth, 170; Tatian, 172; Hegesippus, 173; Melito, 177; Irenæus, 178; Athenagoras, 178; Miltiades, 180; Theophilus, 181; Clement of Alexandria, 194; Tertullian, 200; Minutius Felix, 210; Ammonius, 220; Origen, 230; Firmilian, 233; Dionysius of Alexandria, 247; Cyprian, 248; Novatus, or Novatian, 251; Arnobius, 306; Lactantius, 306; Alexander of Alexandria, 313; Eusebius, 315; Athanasius, 326; Cyril of Jerusalem, 348; Hilary, 354; Epiphanius, 368; Basil, 370; Gregory of Nazianzum, 370; Gregory of Nyssa, 370; Optatus, 370; Ambrose, 374; Philaster, 380; Jerome, 392; Theodore of Mopsuestia, 394; Ruffin, 397; Augustine, 398; Chrysostom, 398; Sulpitius Severus, 401; Cyril of Alexandria, 412; Theodoret, 423; and Gennadius, 494.
The following is a list of all the early church fathers: Contemporaries of the Apostles, Barnabas, Clement of Rome, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp. Papias, A.D. 116; Justin Martyr, 140; Dionysius of Corinth, 170; Tatian, 172; Hegesippus, 173; Melito, 177; Irenæus, 178; Athenagoras, 178; Miltiades, 180; Theophilus, 181; Clement of Alexandria, 194; Tertullian, 200; Minutius Felix, 210; Ammonius, 220; Origen, 230; Firmilian, 233; Dionysius of Alexandria, 247; Cyprian, 248; Novatus, or Novatian, 251; Arnobius, 306; Lactantius, 306; Alexander of Alexandria, 313; Eusebius, 315; Athanasius, 326; Cyril of Jerusalem, 348; Hilary, 354; Epiphanius, 368; Basil, 370; Gregory of Nazianzus, 370; Gregory of Nyssa, 370; Optatus, 370; Ambrose, 374; Philaster, 380; Jerome, 392; Theodore of Mopsuestia, 394; Ruffin, 397; Augustine, 398; Chrysostom, 398; Sulpitius Severus, 401; Cyril of Alexandria, 412; Theodoret, 423; and Gennadius, 494.
Archbishop Wake, in his Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England has very satisfactorily shown, that the deference paid by Protestants to the Christian fathers of the first three ages, is neither of such an idolatrous description as is generally represented, nor is their authority ever extolled to an equality with that of the Holy Scriptures. “Though we have appealed,” he says, “to the churches of the first ages for new proofs of the truth of our doctrine, it is not that we think that the doctors of those times had more right to judge of our faith than those had that followed them; but it is because after a serious examination we have found, that, as for what concerns the common belief that is among us, they have believed and practised the same things without adding other opinions or superstitions that destroy them,--wherein they have acted conformably to their and our rule, the Word of God: notwithstanding, it cannot be denied, but that they effectually fell into some wrong opinions, as that of the Millenaries and infant communion,” &c. The usefulness and necessity of studying the ancient fathers have been defended by many persons eminent for their learning and piety. Archbishop Usher was one who beyond all men then living knew the vast importance of these studies, and had derived the greatest benefits from them. The following brief advice, in the language of Dr. Parr, his erudite biographer, will convey his sentiments on this very interesting subject: “Indeed he had so great an esteem of the ANCIENT AUTHORS, for the acquiring any solid learning, whether sacred or profane, that his advice to young students, either in divinity or antiquity, was, not to spend too much time in epitomes, but to set themselves to read the ancient authors themselves; as, to begin with the FATHERS, and to read them according to the ages in which they lived, (which was the method he had taken himself,) and, together with them, carefully to peruse the CHURCH HISTORIANS that treated of that age in which those fathers lived: by which means the student would be better able to perceive the reason and meaning of divers passages in their writings, (which otherwise would be obscure,) when he knew the original and growth of those heresies and heterodox opinions against which they wrote, and may also better judge what doctrines, ceremonies, and opinions prevailed in the church in every age, and by what means introduced.”
Archbishop Wake, in his Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England, has effectively shown that the respect Protestants have for the Christian leaders of the first three centuries is not as idolatrous as often claimed, nor is their authority ever placed on the same level as that of the Holy Scriptures. “Although we have turned to the churches of the early days for additional proof of our beliefs,” he says, “it’s not because we believe that the theologians of that time had more authority to judge our faith than those who came after them; rather, it’s because, after careful examination, we found that regarding the common belief we share, they believed and practiced the same things without adding different opinions or superstitions that undermine them—acting in line with their and our guide, God's Word. However, it cannot be denied that they did fall into some incorrect views, such as those of the Millenarians and infant communion,” etc. The value and necessity of studying the early church fathers have been supported by many knowledgeable and devout individuals. Archbishop Usher was one who, more than anyone else at the time, understood the immense importance of these studies and benefited greatly from them. The following brief advice, in the words of Dr. Parr, his learned biographer, conveys his views on this significant topic: “Indeed, he held the CLASSIC WRITERS in such high regard for obtaining solid knowledge, whether sacred or secular, that he advised young students in theology or history not to spend too much time on summaries, but to engage directly with the ancient authors themselves; starting with the DADS and reading them in the order of the ages they lived in (which was the approach he had taken himself), and, along with that, to carefully study the CHURCH HISTORIANS who wrote about the era in which these fathers lived. This way, the student would be better able to understand the reasoning and meaning of various passages in their writings (which would otherwise be unclear) once they knew the origins and development of the heresies and differing opinions they opposed, and could also better assess what doctrines, rites, and beliefs were prominent in the church during each period and how they were introduced.”
FEAR, a painful apprehension of danger. It is sometimes used for the object of fear; as, “the fear of Isaac,” that is, the God whom Isaac feared, Gen. xxxi, 42. God says that he will send his fear before his people, to terrify and destroy the inhabitants of Canaan. Job speaks of the terrors of God, as set in array against him, Job vi, 4; the Psalmist, that he had suffered the terrors of the Lord with a troubled mind, Psalm lxxxviii, 15. Fear is used, also, for reverence: “God is greatly to be feared” in the assembly of his saints. This kind of fear, being compatible with confidence and love, is sometimes called filial fear; while “the fear which hath torment,” being the result of conscious guilt, and the anticipation of punishment, is removed by that “love” to God which results from a consciousness of our reconciliation to him.
FEAR, an intense feeling of danger. It can sometimes refer to the object of fear; for example, “the fear of Isaac,” meaning the God whom Isaac feared, Gen. xxxi, 42. God says He will send His fear ahead of His people to frighten and destroy the inhabitants of Canaan. Job mentions the terrors of God as being directed against him, Job vi, 4; the Psalmist notes that he has endured the terrors of the Lord with a troubled mind, Psalm lxxxviii, 15. Fear is also used to mean reverence: “God is greatly to be feared” in the assembly of His saints. This type of fear, which can coexist with trust and love, is sometimes called filial fear; on the other hand, “the fear that brings torment,” stemming from guilt and the fear of punishment, is alleviated by the “love” for God that comes from being aware of our reconciliation with Him.
The filial fear of God is a holy affection, or gracious habit, wrought in the soul by God, Jer. xxxii, 40, whereby it is inclined and enabled to obey all God’s commandments, even the most difficult, Gen. xxii, 12; Eccl. xii, 13; and to hate and avoid evil, Nehemiah v, 15; Prov. viii, 13; xv, 6. Slavish fear is the consequence of guilt; it is a judicial impression from the sad thoughts of the provoked majesty of the heaven; it is an alarm within that disturbs the rest of a sinner. Fear is put for the whole worship of God: “I will teach you the fear of the Lord,” Psalm xxxiv, 11; I will teach you the true way of worshipping and serving God. It is likewise put for the law and word of God: “The fear of the Lord is clean, enduring for ever,” Psalm xix, 9. The law is so 376called, because it is the object, the cause, and the rule of the grace of holy fear.
The respectful fear of God is a holy feeling or a gracious habit created in the soul by God, Jer. xxxii, 40, which inclines and enables it to follow all of God’s commandments, even the toughest ones, Gen. xxii, 12; Eccl. xii, 13; and to dislike and avoid evil, Nehemiah v, 15; Prov. viii, 13; xv, 6. Servile fear is a result of guilt; it’s a distressing reminder of the anger of the heavenly majesty; it’s an internal alarm that disrupts a sinner's peace. Fear represents the entire worship of God: “I will teach you the fear of the Lord,” Psalm xxxiv, 11; I will show you the genuine way to worship and serve God. It also refers to the law and word of God: “The fear of the Lord is clean, enduring forever,” Psalm xix, 9. The law is referred to as such because it is the object, the cause, and the standard of the grace of holy fear. 376
FEASTS. God appointed several festivals among the Jews. 1. To perpetuate the memory of great events; so, the Sabbath commemorated the creation of the world; the passover, the departure out of Egypt; the pentecost, the law given at Sinai, &c. 2. To keep them under the influence of religion, and by the majesty of that service which he instituted among them, and which abounded in mystical symbols or types of evangelical things, to convey spiritual instruction, and to keep alive the expectation of the Messiah, and his more perfect dispensation. 3. To secure to them certain times of rest and rejoicings. 4. To render them familiar with the law; for, in their religious assemblies, the law of God was read and explained. 5. To renew the acquaintance, correspondence, and friendship of their tribes and families, coming from the several towns in the country, and meeting three times a year in the holy city.
FEASTS. God established several festivals for the Jews. 1. To celebrate significant events; for instance, the Sabbath honored the creation of the world, Passover marked the exodus from Egypt, and Pentecost celebrated the giving of the law at Sinai, etc. 2. To keep them engaged with their faith, using the importance of the rituals He instituted among them, filled with mystical symbols or representations of spiritual truths, to provide spiritual guidance and maintain their hope for the Messiah and his more complete revelation. 3. To ensure they had specific times for rest and celebration. 4. To familiarize them with the law; during their religious gatherings, God's law was read and explained. 5. To strengthen the bonds, connections, and relationships of their tribes and families, who came from various towns throughout the region, meeting three times a year in the holy city.
The first and most ancient festival, the Sabbath, or seventh day, commemorated the creation. “The Lord blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it,” says Moses, “because that in it he had rested from all his work,” Gen. ii, 3. See Sabbath.
The first and oldest festival, the Sabbath, or seventh day, celebrates creation. “The Lord blessed the seventh day and made it holy,” says Moses, “because on it he rested from all his work,” Gen. ii, 3. See Day of rest.
The passover was instituted in memory of the Israelites’ departure out of Egypt, and of the favour which God showed his people in sparing their first-born, when he destroyed the first-born of the Egyptians, Exod. xii, 14, &c. See Passover.
The Passover was established to commemorate the Israelites’ escape from Egypt and the favor God showed his people by sparing their firstborn when He struck down the firstborn of the Egyptians, Exod. xii, 14, &c. See Passover.
The feast of pentecost was celebrated on the fiftieth day after the passover, in memory of the law being given to Moses on Mount Sinai, fifty days after the departure out of Egypt. They reckoned seven weeks from the passover to pentecost, beginning at the day after the passover. The Hebrews call it the feast of weeks, and the Christians, pentecost, which signifies the fiftieth day.
The Feast of Pentecost was celebrated fifty days after Passover, in remembrance of the law being given to Moses on Mount Sinai, fifty days after leaving Egypt. They counted seven weeks from Passover to Pentecost, starting the day after Passover. The Hebrews call it the Feast of Weeks, while Christians refer to it as Pentecost, which means the fiftieth day.
The feast of trumpets was celebrated on the first day of the civil year; on which the trumpets sounded, proclaiming the beginning of the year, which was in the month Tisri, answering to our September, O. S. We know no religious cause of its establishment. Moses commands it to be observed as a day of rest, and that particular sacrifices should be offered at that time.
The Feast of Trumpets was celebrated on the first day of the civil year, when the trumpets sounded to announce the start of the year, which was in the month of Tisri, corresponding to our September. We don't know the religious reason for its establishment. Moses instructs that it be observed as a day of rest, and specific sacrifices should be offered at that time.
The new moons, or first days of every month, were, in some sort, a consequence of the feasts of trumpets. The law did not oblige people to rest upon this day, but ordained only some particular sacrifices. It appears that, on these days, also, the trumpet was sounded, and entertainments were made, 1 Sam. xx, 5–18.
The new moons, or the first days of every month, were somewhat a result of the feasts of trumpets. The law didn’t require people to rest on this day, but specified certain sacrifices. It seems that on these days, the trumpet was sounded and festivities were held, 1 Sam. xx, 5–18.
The feast of expiation or atonement was celebrated on the tenth day of Tisri, which was the first day of the civil year. It was instituted for a general expiation of sins, irreverences, and pollutions of all the Israelites, from the high priest to the lowest of the people, committed by them throughout the year, Lev. xxiii, 27, 28; Num. xxix, 7. See Expiation, Day of.
The Day of Atonement was celebrated on the tenth day of Tisri, marking the start of the civil year. It was established for a collective atonement of sins, disrespect, and impurities of all the Israelites, from the high priest to the least among the people, committed during the year, Lev. xxiii, 27, 28; Num. xxix, 7. See Atonement, Day of.
The feast of tents, or tabernacles, on which all Israel were obliged to attend the temple, and to dwell eight days under tents of branches, in memory of their fathers dwelling forty years in tents, as travellers in the wilderness. It was kept on the fifteenth of the month Tisri, the first of the civil year. The first and seventh day of this feast were very solemn. But during the other days of the octave they might work, Lev. xxiii, 34, 35; Num. xxix, 12, 13. At the beginning of the feast, two vessels of silver were carried in a ceremonious manner to the temple, one full of water, the other of wine, which were poured at the foot of the altar of burnt offerings, always on the seventh day of this festival.
The Feast of Tents, or Tabernacles, was a time when all of Israel had to go to the temple and spend eight days living in temporary shelters made of branches. This was to remember how their ancestors lived in tents for forty years while wandering in the wilderness. It took place on the fifteenth day of the month Tisri, which is the first month of the civil year. The first and seventh days of this feast were very special. However, during the other days of the festival, people could work, as mentioned in Lev. xxiii, 34, 35; Num. xxix, 12, 13. At the start of the feast, two silver vessels were ceremoniously brought to the temple—one filled with water and the other with wine. These were poured at the base of the altar for burnt offerings, always on the seventh day of the festival.
Of the three great feasts of the year, the passover, pentecost, and that of the tabernacles, the octave, or seventh day after these feasts, was a day of rest as much as the festival itself; and all the males of the nation were obliged to visit the temple at these three feasts. But the law did not require them to continue there during the whole octave, except in the feast of tabernacles, when they seem obliged to be present for the whole seven days.
Of the three major festivals of the year—the Passover, Pentecost, and the Feast of Tabernacles—the eighth day, or the seventh day after these festivals, was a day of rest just like the festival itself. All the men in the nation were required to attend the temple during these three festivals. However, the law did not require them to stay there for the entire eight days, except during the Feast of Tabernacles, when they were expected to be present for all seven days.
Beside these feasts, we find the feast of lots, or purim, instituted on occasion of the deliverance of the Jews from Haman’s plot, in the reign of Ahasuerus. See Purim.
Beside these celebrations, we see the feast of lots, or Purim, established to commemorate the rescue of the Jews from Haman’s conspiracy during the reign of Ahasuerus. See Purim.
The feast of the dedication of the temple, or rather of the restoration of the temple, which had been profaned by Antiochus Epiphanes, 1 Mac. iv, 52, &c, was celebrated in winter, and is supposed to be the feast of dedication mentioned in John x, 22. Josephus says, that it was called the feast of lights, probably because this happiness befel them when least expected, and they considered it as a new light risen on them.
The celebration of the temple's dedication, or rather its restoration after it was desecrated by Antiochus Epiphanes, 1 Mac. iv, 52, &c, took place in winter and is believed to be the dedication feast mentioned in John x, 22. Josephus notes that it was called the Feast of Lights, likely because this joy came upon them when they least expected it, and they viewed it as a new light shining upon them.
In the Christian church, no festival appears to have been expressly instituted by Jesus Christ, or his Apostles. Yet, as we commemorate the passion of Christ as often as we celebrate his Supper, he seems by this to have instituted a perpetual feast. Christians have always celebrated the memory of his resurrection, and observe this feast on every Sunday, which was commonly called the Lord’s day, Rev. i, 10. By inference we may conclude this festival to have been instituted by Apostolic authority.
In the Christian church, it doesn’t seem like any festival was specifically established by Jesus Christ or his Apostles. However, since we remember the suffering of Christ as frequently as we celebrate his Supper, it seems he has set up a lasting feast. Christians have always honored the memory of his resurrection and celebrate this feast every Sunday, which is often referred to as the Lord’s day, Rev. i, 10. From this, we can infer that this festival was established by Apostolic authority.
The birth-day of Christ, commonly called Christmas-day, has been generally observed by his disciples with gratitude and joy. His birth was the greatest blessing ever bestowed on mankind. The angels from heaven celebrated it with a joyful hymn; and every man, who has any feeling of his own lost state without a Redeemer, must rejoice and be glad in it. “Unto us a Child is born, unto us a Son is given; and his name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, the mighty God, the everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace,” Isaiah ix, 6. For this festival, however, there is no authority in Scripture, nor do we know that it was observed in the age of the Apostles.
The birthday of Christ, commonly known as Christmas Day, has been celebrated by his followers with gratitude and joy. His birth was the greatest blessing ever given to humanity. The angels from heaven marked it with a joyful hymn; and anyone who understands their own lost state without a Redeemer must rejoice and be glad about it. “For unto us a Child is born, unto us a Son is given; and his name shall be called Wonderful, Counselor, the Mighty God, the Everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace,” Isaiah 9:6. However, there is no scriptural authority for this festival, nor do we know if it was celebrated during the time of the Apostles.
On Easter Sunday we celebrate our Saviour’s victory over death and hell, when, having on the cross made an atonement for the sin of the 377world, he rose again from the grave, brought life and immortality to light, and opened to all his faithful servants the way to heaven. On this great event rest all our hopes. “If Christ be not risen,” says St. Paul, “then is our preaching vain, and your faith is also vain. But now is Christ risen from the dead, and become the first-fruits of them that slept,” 1 Cor. xv, 14, 20.
On Easter Sunday, we celebrate our Savior’s victory over death and hell. After making atonement for the sins of the world on the cross, he rose again from the grave, bringing life and immortality to light, and opened the way to heaven for all his faithful servants. All our hopes rest on this great event. “If Christ hasn’t risen,” says St. Paul, “then our preaching is useless, and your faith is also useless. But now Christ has risen from the dead and is the first to rise from the dead,” 1 Cor. xv, 14, 20.
Forty days after his resurrection, our Lord ascended into heaven, in the sight of his disciples. This is celebrated on what is called Ascension-day, or Holy Thursday. Ten days after his ascension, our Lord sent the Holy Spirit to be the comforter and guide of his disciples. This blessing is commemorated on Whit-Sunday, which is a very great festival, and may be profitably observed; for the assistance of the Holy Spirit can alone support us through all temptations, and guide us into all truth.
Forty days after his resurrection, our Lord ascended into heaven, in front of his disciples. This event is celebrated on what is known as Ascension Day, or Holy Thursday. Ten days after his ascension, our Lord sent the Holy Spirit to be the comforter and guide of his disciples. This blessing is remembered on Whit Sunday, which is a significant festival and can be meaningfully observed; because the assistance of the Holy Spirit is what can support us through all temptations and lead us into all truth.
The pretended success of some in discovering the remains of certain holy men, called “relics,” multiplied in the fourth century of the Christian church the festivals and commemorations of the martyrs in a most extravagant manner. These days, instead of being set apart for pious exercises, were spent in indolence, voluptuousness, and criminal pursuits; and were less consecrated to the service of God, than employed in the indulgence of sinful passions. Many of these festivals were instituted on a Pagan model, and perverted to similar purposes.
The supposed success of some in finding the remains of certain holy people, known as “relics,” led to a massive increase in the festivals and commemorations of martyrs during the fourth century of the Christian church. These days, rather than being reserved for religious activities, were spent in laziness, indulgence, and illegal activities; they were dedicated less to the service of God and more to the satisfaction of sinful desires. Many of these festivals were created based on Pagan traditions and twisted for similar ends.
FELIX, CLAUDIUS. See Claudius.
FELIX, CLAUDIUS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
FERRET, אנקה, from אנק, or cry out, Lev. xi, 30. The ferret is a species of the weasel; but Bochart will have the anakah to be the spotted lizard, called by Pliny stellio. Dr. James takes it for the frog, in allusion to the name, which literally signifies the crier, befitting the croaking of that animal; but we shall find the frog mentioned under another name. Dr. Geddes renders it the newt, or rather the lizard of the Nile; and it evidently must be of the lizard species. Pliny mentions “the galleotes, covered with red spots, whose cries are sharp,” which may be the gekko, which is probably the animal here intended. As its name, in the Indies tockai, and in Egypt gekko, is formed from its voice, so the Hebrew name anakah, or perhaps anakkah, seems to be formed in like manner; the double k being equally observable in all these appellations. If these remarks are admissible, this lizard is sufficiently identified.
FERRET, אוי, from אנק, or cry out, Lev. xi, 30. The ferret is a type of weasel; however, Bochart suggests that the anakah refers to the spotted lizard, which Pliny called stellio. Dr. James believes it is the frog, relating to the name that literally means the crier, which fits the croaking of that animal; but we will see the frog mentioned under a different name. Dr. Geddes translates it as the newt, or more accurately, the lizard of the Nile; and it clearly has to be a type of lizard. Pliny describes “the galleotes, covered with red spots, whose cries are sharp,” which could refer to the gekko, likely the animal in question here. Its name in the Indies is tockai, and in Egypt, gekko, derived from its sound, while the Hebrew name anakah, or possibly anakkah, appears to be derived similarly; the double k can be seen in all these names. If these observations are valid, this lizard can be properly identified.
FESTUS. Portius Festus succeeded Felix in the government of Judea, A. D. 60. Felix his predecessor, to oblige the Jews, when he resigned his government, left St. Paul in bonds at Cæsarea, in Palestine, Acts xxiv, 27. Festus, at his first coming to Jerusalem, was entreated by the principal Jews to condemn St. Paul, or to order him up to Jerusalem, they having conspired to assassinate him in the way. Festus answered, that it was not customary with the Romans to condemn any man without hearing him; but said that he would hear their accusations against St. Paul at Cæsarea. From these accusations St. Paul appealed to Cæsar, and by this means secured himself from the prosecution of the Jews, and the wicked intentions of Festus, whom they had corrupted.
FESTUS. Portius Festus took over from Felix as the governor of Judea in A.D. 60. Felix, wanting to please the Jews, kept St. Paul imprisoned in Cæsarea, Palestine, when he stepped down from his position, as mentioned in Acts xxiv, 27. When Festus arrived in Jerusalem, the leading Jews urged him to condemn St. Paul or send him to Jerusalem, as they had plotted to kill him on the way. Festus replied that it wasn't the Roman way to condemn anyone without hearing their case first, but he would listen to their accusations against St. Paul in Cæsarea. In response to these accusations, St. Paul appealed to Caesar, thereby protecting himself from the Jews’ prosecution and the malicious plans of Festus, who had been bribed by them.
FIG TREE, תאגה, Gen. iii, 7; Num. xiii, 23; συκῆ, Matthew vii, 16; xxi, 19; xxiv, 32; Mark xi, 13, 20, 21; xiii, 28; Luke vi, 44; xiii, 6, 7; xxi, 29; John i, 48; James iii, 12; Rev. vi, 13. This tree was very common in Palestine. It becomes large, dividing into many branches, which are furnished with leaves shaped like those of the mulberry, and affords a friendly shade. Accordingly, we read, in the Old Testament, of Juda and Israel dwelling, or sitting securely, every man under his fig tree, 1 Kings iv, 25; Micah iv, 4; Zech. iii, 10; 1 Mac. xiv, 12. And, in the New Testament, we find Nathanael under a fig tree, probably for the purposes of devotional retirement, John i, 49–51. Hasselquist, in his journey from Nazareth to Tiberias, says, “We refreshed ourselves under the shade of a fig tree, where a shepherd and his herd had their rendezvous; but without either house or hut.” The fruit which it bears is produced from the trunk and large branches, and not from the smaller shoots, as in most other trees. It is soft, sweet, and very nourishing. Milton is of opinion that the banian tree was that with the leaves of which our first parents made themselves aprons. But his account, as to the matter of fact, wants even probability to countenance it; for the leaves of this are so far from being, as he has described them, of the bigness of an Amazonian target, that they seldom or never exceed five inches in length, and three in breadth. Therefore, we must look for another of the fig kind, that better answers the purpose referred to by Moses, Gen. iii, 7; and as the fruit of the banana tree, is often, by the most ancient authors, called a fig, may we not suppose this to have been the fig tree of paradise? Pliny, describing this tree, says that its leaves were the greatest and most shady of all others; and as the leaves of these are often six feet long, and about two broad, are thin, smooth, and very flexible, they may be deemed more proper than any other for the covering spoken of, especially since they may be easily joined together with the numerous threadlike filaments, which may, without labour, be peeled from the body of the tree. The first ripe fig is still called boccôre in the Levant, which is nearly its Hebrew name, בכורה, Jer. xxiv, 2. Thus Dr. Shaw, in giving an account of the fruits in Barbary, mentions “the black and white boccôre, or ‘early fig,’ which is produced in June, though the kermes, or kermouse, the ‘fig,’ probably so called, which they preserve and make up into cakes, is rarely ripe before August.” And on Nahum iii, 12, he observes, that “the boccôres drop as soon as they are ripe, and, according to the beautiful allusion of the prophet, fall into the mouth of the eater upon being shaken.” Farther, “It frequently falls out in Barbary,” says he; “and we need not doubt of the like in this hotter climate of Judea, that, according to the quality of the preceding season, some of the more forward and vigorous trees will now and then yield a few ripe figs six weeks or more before the full 378season. Something like this may be alluded to by the Prophet Hosea, when he says, ‘I saw your fathers as בכורה, the first ripe, in the fig tree, at her first time,’ Hosea ix, 10. Such figs were reckoned a great dainty.” See Isaiah xxviii, 4. The Prophet Isaiah gave orders to apply a lump of figs to Hezekiah’s boil; and immediately after it was cured. God, in effecting this miraculous cure, was pleased to order the use of means not improper for that end.
FIG TREE, תאגיד, Gen. iii, 7; Num. xiii, 23; συκῆ, Matthew vii, 16; xxi, 19; xxiv, 32; Mark xi, 13, 20, 21; xiii, 28; Luke vi, 44; xiii, 6, 7; xxi, 29; John i, 48; James iii, 12; Rev. vi, 13. This tree was very common in Palestine. It grows large, branching out with many limbs that have leaves similar to those of the mulberry and provides a pleasant shade. Consequently, we read in the Old Testament about Judah and Israel living securely, with each person sitting under his fig tree, 1 Kings iv, 25; Micah iv, 4; Zech. iii, 10; 1 Mac. xiv, 12. In the New Testament, we find Nathanael sitting under a fig tree, likely for a time of prayer or reflection, John i, 49–51. Hasselquist, on his journey from Nazareth to Tiberias, mentions, “We took a break under the shade of a fig tree, where a shepherd and his flock gathered; but without any house or shelter.” The fruit grows directly from the trunk and large branches, not from the smaller shoots like most other trees. It is soft, sweet, and very nutritious. Milton thinks that the banyan tree had the leaves with which our first parents made themselves aprons. However, his description lacks even the slightest credibility; the leaves of this tree are far from being the size of an Amazonian shield, often measuring just five inches long and three inches wide. Therefore, we should look for another type of fig tree that fits the purpose mentioned by Moses, Gen. iii, 7; and since the fruit of the banana tree is often referred to as a fig by ancient authors, could this not be the fig tree of paradise? Pliny, while describing this tree, notes that its leaves are the largest and shadiest of all others; these leaves can often reach six feet in length and two feet in width, being thin, smooth, and very flexible, making them more suitable than any other for the covering described, especially since they can be easily joined with the numerous threadlike filaments that can be effortlessly peeled from the trunk. The first ripe fig is still called boccôre in the Levant, which is very similar to its Hebrew name, Premiere, Jer. xxiv, 2. Dr. Shaw, in his account of fruits in Barbary, refers to “the black and white boccôre, or ‘early fig,’ which appears in June, although the kermes, or kermouse, the ‘fig,’ likely named so for preserving and making into cakes, is seldom ripe before August.” Additionally, regarding Nahum iii, 12, he notes that “the boccôres drop as soon as they are ripe, and following the beautiful imagery of the prophet, fall into the mouth of the eater when shaken.” Furthermore, “It often happens in Barbary,” he says, “and we can assume it would occur similarly in this hotter climate of Judea that, depending on the previous season's conditions, some of the more advanced and vigorous trees might occasionally produce a few ripe figs six weeks or more before the main season.” This might be what the Prophet Hosea is referring to when he says, ‘I saw your fathers as Premiere, the first ripe, in the fig tree, at her first time,’ Hosea ix, 10. Such figs were considered a great delicacy.” See Isaiah xxviii, 4. The Prophet Isaiah instructed that a lump of figs be applied to Hezekiah’s boil, which was immediately healed. God, in performing this miraculous healing, chose to use means that were appropriate for that purpose.
2. The account of our Saviour’s denunciation against the barren fig tree, Matt. xxi, 19; Mark xi, 13, has occasioned some of the boldest cavils of infidelity; and the vindication of it has exercised the ingenuity of several of the most learned critics and commentators. The whole difficulty arises from the circumstance of his disappointment in not finding fruit on the tree, when it is expressly said, that “the time of figs was not yet.” While it was supposed that this expression signified, that the time for such trees to bring forth fruit was not yet come, it looked very unaccountable that Christ should reckon a tree barren, though it had leaves, and curse it as such, when he knew that the time of bearing figs was not come; and that he should come to seek figs on this tree, when he knew that figs were not used to be ripe so soon in the year. But the expression does not signify the time of the coming forth of figs, but the time of the gathering in of ripe figs, as is plain from the parallel expressions. Thus, “the time of the fruit,” Matt. xxi, 34, most plainly signifies the time of gathering in ripe fruits, since the servants were sent to receive those fruits for their master’s use. St. Mark and St. Luke express the same by the word time, or season: “At the season he sent a servant,” &c; that is, at the season or time of gathering in ripe fruit, Mark xii, 2; Luke xx, 10. In like manner, if any one should say in our language, the season of fruit, the season of apples, the season of figs, every one would understand him to speak of the season or time of gathering in these fruits. When, therefore, St. Mark says, that “the time or season of figs was not yet,” he evidently means that the time of gathering ripe figs was not yet past; and, if so, it was natural to expect figs upon all those trees that were not barren; whereas, after the time of gathering figs, no one would expect to find them on a fig tree, and its having none then would be no sign of barrenness. St. Mark, by saying, “For the time of figs was not yet,” does not design to give a reason for “his finding nothing but leaves;” but he gives a reason for what he said in the clause before: “He came, if haply he might find any thereon;” and it was a good reason for our Saviour’s coming and seeking figs on the tree, because the time for their being gathered was not come. We have other like instances in the Gospels, and, indeed, in the writings of all mankind, of another clause coming in between the assertion and the proof. Thus, in this very evangelist: “They said among themselves, Who shall roll away the stone from the door of the sepulchre? and when they looked, they saw the stone was rolled away; for it was very great,” Mark xvi, 3, 4; where its being very great is not assigned as a reason of its being rolled away, but of the women’s wishing for some one to roll it away for them. St. Matthew informs us that the tree was “in the way,” that is, in the common road, and therefore, probably, no particular person’s property; but if it was, being barren, the timber might be as serviceable to the owner as before. So that here was no real injury; but Jesus was pleased to make use of this innocent miracle to prefigure the speedy ruin of the Jewish nation on account of its unfruitfulness under greater advantages than any other people enjoyed at that day; and, like all the rest of his miracles, it was done with a gracious intention, namely, to alarm his countrymen, and induce them to repent. In the blasting of this barren fig tree, the distant appearance of which was so fair and promising, he delivered one more awful lesson to a degenerate nation, of whose hypocritical exterior and flattering but delusive pretensions it was a just and striking emblem.
2. The story of our Savior’s condemnation of the barren fig tree, Matt. xxi, 19; Mark xi, 13, has sparked some of the most serious doubts of infidelity; and defending it has challenged the creativity of several of the most knowledgeable critics and commentators. The entire issue comes from his disappointment in not finding fruit on the tree when it is clearly stated that “the time of figs was not yet.” While it was thought that this phrase meant the time for such trees to bear fruit hadn’t come, it seemed very strange that Christ would consider a tree barren if it had leaves and curse it as such when he knew that the time for figs wasn't here yet; and that he would come to look for figs on this tree, knowing that figs typically aren’t ripe this early in the year. But the phrase doesn’t mean the time for the figs to come out, but rather the time for gathering ripe figs, as is clear from similar phrases. Thus, “the time of the fruit,” Matt. xxi, 34, clearly indicates the time for collecting ripe fruits since the servants were sent to gather those fruits for their master’s use. St. Mark and St. Luke express the same idea using the word time or season: “At the season he sent a servant,” etc.; that is, at the time to gather ripe fruit, Mark xii, 2; Luke xx, 10. Similarly, if someone were to say in our language, the season for fruit, the season for apples, the season for figs, everyone would understand that they are talking about the time for gathering those fruits. Therefore, when St. Mark says that “the time or season of figs was not yet,” he clearly means that the time for collecting ripe figs hadn’t passed; and if that’s the case, it was reasonable to expect figs on all the trees that weren’t barren; however, after the time for harvesting figs, no one would expect to find them on a fig tree, and if it had none then, it wouldn't indicate barrenness. St. Mark, by saying, “For the time of figs was not yet,” doesn’t intend to explain why “he found nothing but leaves;” instead, he provides a reason for what he said in the previous clause: “He came, hoping he might find any thereon;” and it was a good reason for our Savior’s visit and search for figs on the tree, because the time for them to be harvested wasn’t here yet. We see other similar cases in the Gospels, and indeed, in the writings of everyone, of another clause appearing between the claim and the proof. For example, in this very gospel: “They said among themselves, Who will roll away the stone from the entrance of the tomb? And when they looked, they saw the stone had been rolled away; for it was very large,” Mark xvi, 3, 4; where the size of the stone isn’t given as a reason for it being rolled away, but for the women’s desire for someone to roll it away for them. St. Matthew tells us that the tree was “in the way,” meaning it was on the public road, and likely, not a particular person's property; but if it was, being barren, the wood might still be as useful to the owner as before. So there was no real harm done; but Jesus chose to use this innocent miracle to symbolize the imminent destruction of the Jewish nation for its unfruitfulness despite having greater opportunities than any other people had at that time; and, like all his other miracles, it was done with a kind intention, to awaken his countrymen and encourage them to repent. By withering this barren fig tree, which looked so fair and promising from a distance, he delivered one more dire lesson to a corrupt nation, representing its hypocritical exterior and misleading yet flattering claims.
FINGER. The finger of God signifies his power, his operation. Pharaoh’s magicians discovered the finger of God in the miracle which Moses wrought, Exodus viii, 19. This legislator gave the law written by the finger of God to the Hebrews, Exodus xxxi, 18. Our Saviour says he cast out devils by the finger and Spirit of God, which he intimates was a sign that the kingdom of God was come; that God’s spiritual government of his church was begun to be exercised among the Jews, by the Messiah, Luke xi, 20. To put forth one’s finger, is a bantering, insulting gesture. “If thou take away from the midst of thee the yoke, and the putting out of the finger,” Isaiah lviii, 9; if thou take away from the midst of thee the chain, or yoke, wherewith thou loadest thy debtors; and forbear pointing at them, and using jeering or menacing gestures.
FINGER. The finger of God represents his power and action. Pharaoh’s magicians recognized the finger of God in the miracle performed by Moses, Exodus viii, 19. This lawgiver delivered the law written by the finger of God to the Hebrews, Exodus xxxi, 18. Our Savior says he drove out demons by the finger and Spirit of God, which indicates that the kingdom of God had arrived; that God’s spiritual leadership of his church was starting to operate among the Jews, through the Messiah, Luke xi, 20. Pointing one’s finger is a mocking, insulting gesture. “If you remove the yoke from among you, and the pointing of the finger,” Isaiah lviii, 9; if you take away the burden you place on your debtors, and stop pointing at them and using teasing or threatening gestures.
FIRE. God hath often appeared in fire, and encompassed with fire, as when he showed himself in the burning bush; and descended on Mount Sinai, in the midst of flames, thunderings, and lightning, Exodus iii, 2; xix, 18. Hence fire is a symbol of the Deity: “The Lord thy God is a consuming fire,” Deut. iv, 24. The Holy Ghost is compared to fire: “He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire,” Matt. iii, 11. To verify this prediction, he sent the Holy Ghost, which descended upon his disciples, in the form of tongues, or like flames of fire, Acts ii, 3. It is the work of the Holy Spirit to enlighten, purify, and sanctify the soul; and to inflame it with love to God, and zeal for his glory. Fire from heaven fell frequently on the victims sacrificed to the Lord, as a mark of his presence and approbation. It is thought, that God in this manner expressed his acceptance of Abel’s sacrifices, Gen. iv, 4. When the Lord made a covenant with Abraham, a fire like that of a furnace passed through the divided pieces of the sacrifices, and consumed them, Gen. xv, 17. Fire fell upon the sacrifices which Moses offered at the dedication of the tabernacle, Lev. ix, 24; 379and upon those of Manoah, Samson’s father, Judges xiii, 19, 20; upon Solomon’s, at the dedication of the temple, 2 Chron. vii, 1; and on Elijah’s, at Mount Carmel, 1 Kings xviii, 38. The fire which came down from heaven, first upon the altar in the tabernacle, and afterward descended anew upon the altar in the temple of Solomon, at its consecration, was there constantly fed and maintained by the priests, day and night, in the same manner as it had been in the tabernacle. The Jews have a tradition, that Jeremiah, foreseeing the destruction of the temple, took this fire and hid it in a pit; but that at the rebuilding of the temple, being brought again from thence, it revived upon the altar. But this is a fiction: and the generality of them allow, that, at the destruction of the temple, it was extinguished: and in the time of the second temple, nothing was made use of for all their burnt offerings but common fire only. The ancient Chaldeans adored the fire, as well as the old Persians, and some other people of the east. The torments of hell are described by fire, both in the Old and New Testament. Our Saviour makes use of this similitude, to represent the punishment of the damned, Mark ix, 44. He likewise speaks frequently of the eternal fire prepared for the devil, his angels, and reprobates, Matt. xxv, 41. The sting and remorse of conscience is the worm that will never die; and the wrath of God upon their souls and bodies, the fire that shall never go out. There are writers who maintain, that by the worm is to be understood a living and sensible, not an allegorical and figurative, worm; and by fire, a real elementary and material fire. Among the abettors of this opinion are Austin, Cyprian, Chrysostom, Jerom, &c. The word of God is compared to fire: “Is not my word like a fire?” Jer. xxiii, 20. It is full of life and efficacy; like a fire it warms, melts, and heats; and is powerful to consume the dross, and burn up the chaff and stubble. Fire is likewise taken for persecution, dissension, and division: “I am come to send fire on earth,” Luke xii, 49; as if it was said, upon my coming and publishing the Gospel, there will follow, through the devil’s malice and corruption of men, much persecution to the professors thereof, and manifold divisions in the world, whereby men will be tried, whether they will be faithful or not.
FIRE. God has often appeared in fire and surrounded by fire, just like when He showed Himself in the burning bush and descended on Mount Sinai amidst flames, thunder, and lightning, Exodus iii, 2; xix, 18. Because of this, fire symbolizes the Divine: “The Lord your God is a consuming fire,” Deut. iv, 24. The Holy Spirit is likened to fire: “He will baptize you with the Holy Spirit and with fire,” Matt. iii, 11. To fulfill this promise, He sent the Holy Spirit, which descended upon His disciples in the form of tongues or flames of fire, Acts ii, 3. The Holy Spirit’s role is to enlighten, purify, and sanctify the soul, igniting it with love for God and zeal for His glory. Fire from heaven frequently fell on the offerings made to the Lord as a sign of His presence and approval. It is believed that God expressed His acceptance of Abel’s offerings this way, Gen. iv, 4. When the Lord made a covenant with Abraham, a fire like that of a furnace passed through the divided sacrifices and consumed them, Gen. xv, 17. Fire fell upon the sacrifices that Moses offered at the dedication of the tabernacle, Lev. ix, 24; and upon those of Manoah, Samson’s father, Judges xiii, 19, 20; upon Solomon’s at the temple’s dedication, 2 Chron. vii, 1; and on Elijah’s at Mount Carmel, 1 Kings xviii, 38. The fire that came down from heaven first on the altar in the tabernacle and later descended again on the altar in Solomon’s temple at its consecration was constantly fed and maintained by the priests both day and night, just as it had been in the tabernacle. There’s a Jewish tradition that Jeremiah, foreseeing the temple's destruction, took this fire and hid it in a pit, but upon the temple's rebuilding, it was recovered and revived on the altar. However, this is a fiction: most agree that when the temple was destroyed, the fire went out; and during the time of the second temple, only common fire was used for all their burnt offerings. The ancient Chaldeans worshipped fire, as did the old Persians and some other eastern peoples. The torments of hell are described with fire in both the Old and New Testaments. Our Savior uses this imagery to describe the punishment of the damned, Mark ix, 44. He also frequently speaks of the eternal fire prepared for the devil, his angels, and the rejected, Matt. xxv, 41. The sting and remorse of conscience is the worm that never dies, and the wrath of God on their souls and bodies, the fire that never goes out. Some writers argue that the worm refers to a living and sentient being, not just an allegorical one; and that fire represents real, physical fire. Among the supporters of this view are Augustine, Cyprian, Chrysostom, Jerome, etc. The word of God is compared to fire: “Is not my word like a fire?” Jer. xxiii, 20. It is full of life and power; like fire, it warms, melts, and heats; and is capable of consuming the dross and burning up the chaff and stubble. Fire can also symbolize persecution, conflict, and division: “I have come to bring fire to the earth,” Luke xii, 49; suggesting that with my coming and the preaching of the Gospel, there will be much persecution from the devil’s malice and human corruption, leading to various divisions in the world, which will test whether people will remain faithful or not.
FIRMAMENT. It is said, Gen. i, 7, that God made the firmament in the midst of the waters, to separate the inferior from the superior. The word used on this occasion properly signifies expansion, or something expanded. This expansion is properly the atmosphere, which encompasses the globe on all sides, and separates the water in the clouds from that on the earth.
FIRMAMENT. It is said in Genesis 1:7 that God created the firmament in the middle of the waters to separate the lower from the upper. The term used here actually means expansion or something that has been expanded. This expansion refers to the atmosphere, which surrounds the Earth on all sides and separates the water in the clouds from the water on the ground.
FIRST-BORN. The first-born, who was the object of special affection to his parents, was denominated by way of eminence, רחם פטר, the opening of the womb. In case a man married with a widow, who by a previous marriage had become the mother of children, the first-born as respected the second husband was the eldest child by the second marriage. Before the time of Moses, the father might, if he chose, transfer the right of primogeniture to a younger child, but the practice occasioned much contention, Gen. xxv, 31, 32; and a law was enacted, overruling it, Deut. xxi, 15–17. The first-born inherited peculiar rights and privileges. (1.) He received a double portion of the estate. Jacob, in the case of Reuben, his first-born, bestowed his additional portion upon Joseph, by adopting his two sons, Gen. xlviii, 5–8; Deut. xxi, 17. This was done as a reprimand, and a punishment of his incestuous conduct, Genesis xxxv, 22; but Reuben, notwithstanding, was enrolled as the first-born in the genealogical registers, 1 Chron. v, 1. (2.) The first-born was the priest of the whole family. The honour of exercising the priesthood was transferred, by the command of God communicated through Moses, from the tribe of Reuben, to whom it belonged by right of primogeniture, to that of Levi, Num. iii, 12–18; viii, 18. In consequence of God having taken the Levites from among the children of Israel instead of all the first-born to serve him as priests, the first-born of the other tribes were to be redeemed, at a valuation made by the priest not exceeding five shekels, from serving God in that capacity, Numbers xviii, 15, 16; Luke ii, 22, &c. (3.) The first-born enjoyed an authority over those who were younger, similar to that possessed by a father, Gen. xxv, 23, &c; 2 Chron. xxi, 3; Gen. xxvii, 29; Exod. xii, 29: which was transferred in the case of Reuben by Jacob their father to Judah, Gen. xlix, 8–10. The tribe of Judah, accordingly, even before it gave kings to the Hebrews, was every where distinguished from the other tribes. In consequence of the authority which was thus attached to the first-born, he was also made the successor in the kingdom. There was an exception to this rule in the case of Solomon, who, though a younger brother, was made his successor by David at the special appointment of God. It is very easy to see in view of these facts, how the word “first-born” came to express sometimes a great, and sometimes the highest, dignity.
FIRST-BORN. The first-born, who was the favorite of his parents, was referred to as רחם פטר, the opening of the womb. If a man married a widow who already had children from a previous marriage, the first-born in relation to the second husband was the oldest child of that second marriage. Before Moses' time, a father could choose to give the right of being the first-born to a younger child, but this practice led to a lot of disputes, Gen. xxv, 31, 32; and a law was established to put a stop to it, Deut. xxi, 15–17. The first-born had specific rights and privileges. (1.) He received a double portion of the inheritance. Jacob, concerning Reuben, his first-born, gave his extra portion to Joseph by adopting Joseph's two sons, Gen. xlviii, 5–8; Deut. xxi, 17. This was a reprimand and punishment for Reuben’s incestuous behavior, Genesis xxxv, 22; yet, Reuben was still listed as the first-born in the genealogical records, 1 Chron. v, 1. (2.) The first-born served as the priest of the entire family. The honor of the priesthood was given, by God's command through Moses, from the tribe of Reuben, which had the right of primogeniture, to the tribe of Levi, Num. iii, 12–18; viii, 18. Because God took the Levites from among the Israelites instead of all the first-born to serve Him as priests, the first-born from other tribes were to be redeemed, at a price set by the priest not exceeding five shekels, from their priestly duties, Numbers xviii, 15, 16; Luke ii, 22, &c. (3.) The first-born held authority over younger siblings, similar to a father’s role, Gen. xxv, 23, &c; 2 Chron. xxi, 3; Gen. xxvii, 29; Exod. xii, 29: which was transferred from Reuben to Judah by their father Jacob, Gen. xlix, 8–10. The tribe of Judah, even before it produced kings for the Hebrews, was always recognized as distinct from the other tribes. Because of the power associated with the first-born, he became the successor to the kingdom. An exception to this was Solomon, who, even though he was a younger brother, was chosen by David to be his successor at God’s specific instruction. It's clear from these facts how the term "first-born" came to signify varying degrees of greatness, sometimes even the highest dignity.
2. First-born is not always to be understood literally; it is sometimes taken for the prime, most excellent, most distinguished of any thing. “The first-born of the poor,” Isaiah xiv, 30, signifies the most miserable of the poor; and “the first-born of death,” Job xviii, 13, the most terrible of deaths.
2. First-born doesn't always mean the literal first child; it can also refer to the best, most excellent, or most distinguished of anything. “The first-born of the poor,” Isaiah xiv, 30, refers to the most miserable among the poor; and “the first-born of death,” Job xviii, 13, means the most dreadful of deaths.
3. God ordained that all the Jewish first-born both of men and beasts, for service, should be consecrated to him. The male children only were subject to this law. If a woman’s first child were a girl, the father was not obliged to offer any thing for her, or for the children after her, though they were males. If a man had many wives, he was obliged to offer the first-born of each of them to the Lord. The first-born were offered in the temple, and were redeemed for the sum of five shekels. The firstling of a clean beast was offered at the temple, not to be redeemed, but to be killed. An unclean beast, a horse, an ass, or a camel, was 380either redeemed or exchanged. An ass was redeemed by a lamb, or five shekels; if not redeemed, it was killed.
3. God commanded that all Jewish firstborns, both of people and animals, should be dedicated to Him for service. This law applied only to male children. If a woman's first child was a girl, the father didn’t have to make any offering for her or for any subsequent male children. If a man had multiple wives, he had to offer the firstborn of each of them to the Lord. The firstborn were offered at the temple and could be redeemed for five shekels. A firstborn clean animal was offered at the temple and was not redeemed, but instead was sacrificed. An unclean animal, like a horse, donkey, or camel, could either be redeemed or exchanged. A donkey could be redeemed with a lamb or five shekels; if it wasn't redeemed, it was sacrificed.
FIRST-FRUITS, among the Hebrews, were presents made to God of part of the fruits of the harvest, to express the submission, dependence, and thankfulness of the offerers. They were offered at the temple, before the crop was touched; and when the harvest was over, before any private persons used their corn. The first of these first-fruits, offered in the name of the nation, was a sheaf of barley, gathered on the fifteenth of Nisan in the evening, and threshed in a court of the temple. After it was well cleaned, about three pints of it were roasted and pounded in a mortar. Over this was thrown a portion of oil, and a handful of incense. Then the priest took this offering, waved it before the Lord toward the four parts of the world, threw a handful of it into the fire upon the altar, and kept the rest. After this, every one was at liberty to get in his harvest. Beside these first-fruits, every private person was obliged to bring his first-fruits to the temple. The Scripture prescribes neither the time nor the quantity. The rabbins say, that they were obliged to bring at least the sixtieth part of their fruits and harvest. These first-fruits consisted of wheat, barley, grapes, figs, apricots, olives, and dates. They met in companies of four-and-twenty persons to carry their first-fruits in a ceremonious manner. The company was preceded by an ox appointed for the sacrifice, with a crown of olives on his head, and his horns gilded. There was also another sort of first-fruits paid to God, Num. xv, 19, 20, when the bread in every family was kneaded, a portion of it was set apart, and given to the priest or Levite of the place. If there was no priest or Levite, it was cast into the oven, and consumed by the fire. This is one of the three precepts peculiar to the women; because they generally made the bread. The first-fruits and tenths were the most substantial revenue of the priests and Levites. St. Paul says, Christians have the first-fruits of the Spirit, Rom. viii, 23, that is, a greater abundance of God’s Spirit, more perfect and more excellent gifts than the Jews. Christ is called the first-fruits of them that slept; for as the first-fruits were earnests to the Jews of the succeeding harvest, so Christ is the first-fruits or the earnest of the general resurrection.
FIRST-FRUITS, among the Hebrews, were gifts made to God from the harvest's fruits, meant to show the submitter's reliance and gratitude. They were offered at the temple before anyone touched the crop, and after the harvest was done, before anyone else could use their grain. The first of these first-fruits, offered on behalf of the nation, was a sheaf of barley, gathered on the evening of the fifteenth of Nisan and threshed in the temple courtyard. After it was cleaned, about three pints were roasted and ground in a mortar. A portion of oil and a handful of incense were added. The priest then took this offering, waved it before the Lord toward all four directions, threw a handful into the fire on the altar, and kept the rest. After this, everyone could freely begin their harvest. In addition to these first-fruits, each person was required to bring their own first-fruits to the temple. The Scripture doesn't specify the time or amount for this. The rabbis say that at least one-sixtieth of their produce should be brought. These first-fruits included wheat, barley, grapes, figs, apricots, olives, and dates. They would gather in groups of twenty-four to carry their first-fruits ceremonially. This group was led by an ox designated for sacrifice, wearing a crown of olives on its head with gilded horns. There was also another type of first-fruits offered to God, as mentioned in Num. xv, 19, 20, where a portion was set aside from every family's kneaded bread, given to the local priest or Levite. If no priest or Levite was present, it was thrown into the oven and burned. This practice is one of three precepts unique to women, as they usually baked the bread. The first-fruits and tithes made up the main income for the priests and Levites. St. Paul mentions that Christians have the first-fruits of the Spirit, in Rom. viii, 23, meaning they have a richer abundance of God’s Spirit, with better and greater gifts than the Jews. Christ is referred to as the first-fruits of those who have died; just as the first-fruits were a promise to the Jews of the upcoming harvest, Christ is the first-fruits or promise of the general resurrection.
FIR TREE, ברוש, occurs 2 Sam. vi, 5; 1 Kings v, 8, 10; vi, 15, 34; ix, 11; 2 Kings xix, 23; 2 Chron. ii, 8; iii, 5; Psalm civ, 17; Isaiah xiv, 8; xxxvii, 24; xli, 19; lv, 13; lx, 13; Ezek. xxvii, 5; xxxi, 8; Hosea xiv, 8; Nahum ii, 3; Zech. xi, 2. The LXX render it so variously as to show that they knew not what particular tree is meant; the Vulgate, generally by abietes, the “fir tree.” Celsius asserts that it is the cedar; but Millar maintains that it is the fir. The fir tree is an evergreen, of beautiful appearance, whose lofty height, and dense foliage, afford a spacious shelter and shade. The trunk of the tree is very straight. The wood was anciently used for spears, musical instruments, furniture for houses, rafters in building, and for ships. In 2 Sam. vi, 5, it is mentioned that David played on instruments of fir wood; and Dr. Burney, in his “History of Music,” observes, “This species of wood, so soft in its nature, and sonorous in its effects, seems to have been preferred by the ancients, as well as moderns, to every other kind for the construction of musical instruments, particularly the bellies of them, on which the tone of them chiefly depends. Those of the harp, lute, guitar, harpsichord, and violin, in present use, are always made of this wood.”
FIR TREE, ברוש, appears in 2 Sam. 6:5; 1 Kings 5:8, 10; 6:15, 34; 9:11; 2 Kings 19:23; 2 Chron. 2:8; 3:5; Psalm 104:17; Isaiah 14:8; 37:24; 41:19; 55:13; 60:13; Ezekiel 27:5; 31:8; Hosea 14:8; Nahum 2:3; Zechariah 11:2. The LXX translates it so differently that they didn’t seem to know exactly which tree is being referred to; the Vulgate generally uses abietes, meaning “fir tree.” Celsius argues that it is the cedar, but Millar insists it is the fir. The fir tree is an evergreen with a beautiful appearance, characterized by its tall height and dense foliage, which provide ample shelter and shade. The trunk is very straight. The wood was used in ancient times for making spears, musical instruments, furniture, rafters in construction, and ships. In 2 Sam. 6:5, it mentions that David played on instruments made of fir wood; Dr. Burney, in his “History of Music,” notes, “This type of wood, soft by nature and resonant in sound, seems to have been favored by both ancient and modern cultures for making musical instruments, especially in the parts that affect their tone. The bodies of harps, lutes, guitars, harpsichords, and violins we use today are always made from this wood.”
FISH, דג, ἰχθὺς, Matt. vii, 10; xvii, 27; Luke v, 6; John xxi, 6, 8, 11, occurs very frequently. This appears to be the general name in Scripture of aquatic animals. Boothroyd, in the note upon Num. xi, 4, says, “I am inclined to think that the word בשר, here rendered flesh, denotes only the flesh of fish, as it certainly does in Lev. xi, 11; and indeed the next verse seems to support this explication: ‘We remember how freely we ate fish.’ It was then, particularly, the flesh of fish, for which they longed, which was more relishing than either the beef or mutton of those regions, which, unless when young, is dry and unpalatable. Of the great abundance and deliciousness of the fish of Egypt, all authors, ancient and modern, are agreed.” We have few Hebrew names, if any, for particular fishes. Moses says in general, Lev. xi, 9–12, that all sorts of river, lake, and sea fish, might be eaten, if they had scales and fins; others were unclean. St. Barnabas, in his epistle, cites, as from ancient authority, “You shall not eat of the lamprey, the many-feet, [polypes,] nor the cuttle fish.” Though fish was the common food of the Egyptians, yet we learn from Herodotus and Chæremon, as quoted by Porphyry, that their priests abstained from fish of all sorts. Hence we may see how distressing to the Egyptians was the infliction which turned the waters of the river into blood, and occasioned the death of the fish, Exod. vii, 18–21. Their sacred stream became so polluted as to be unfit for drink, for bathing, and for other uses of water to which they were superstitiously devoted, and themselves obliged to nauseate what was the usual food of the common people, and held sacred by the priests, Exod. ii, 5; vii, 15; viii, 20.
FISH, Fish, ἰχθὺς, Matt. vii, 10; xvii, 27; Luke v, 6; John xxi, 6, 8, 11, is mentioned very often. This seems to be the general term in the Scriptures for aquatic animals. Boothroyd, in a note on Num. xi, 4, says, “I think the word meat, translated as flesh, here refers specifically to fish flesh, as it certainly does in Lev. xi, 11; and indeed the next verse seems to back this up: ‘We remember how freely we ate fish.’ It was particularly the flesh of fish that they craved, which was more flavorful than either the beef or mutton of those regions, which, unless it was young, is dry and unappetizing. Both ancient and modern authors agree on the great abundance and tastiness of fish in Egypt.” We have few Hebrew names, if any, for specific fish. Moses states generally in Lev. xi, 9–12 that all types of river, lake, and sea fish can be eaten if they have scales and fins; others are unclean. St. Barnabas, in his letter, cites ancient authority, saying, “You shall not eat the lamprey, the many-footed ones, [polypes,] or the cuttlefish.” Although fish was a staple food for the Egyptians, we learn from Herodotus and Chæremon, as quoted by Porphyry, that their priests avoided all kinds of fish. Thus, we can see how distressing it was for the Egyptians when the water turned to blood, causing the death of the fish, Exod. vii, 18–21. Their sacred river became so contaminated that it was unsuitable for drinking, bathing, and other water uses they were superstitiously attached to, forcing them to reject what was the usual food for the common people and held sacred by the priests, Exod. ii, 5; vii, 15; viii, 20.
In Ezekiel xxix, 4, the king of Egypt is compared to the crocodile: “I am against thee, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers in Egypt. I will put hooks in thy jaws, and I will cause the fish in thy rivers to stick to thy scales, and I will bring thee out of the midst of thy rivers, and all the fish of thy rivers shall stick to thy scales.” If the remora is as troublesome to the crocodile as it is to some other tenants of the water, it may here be referred to. Forskal mentions the echeneis neucrates [remora] at Gidda, there called kaml el kersh, “the louse of the shark,” because it often adheres very strongly to this fish; and Hasselquist says that it is found at Alexandria.
In Ezekiel 29:4, the king of Egypt is likened to a crocodile: “I am against you, the great dragon that lies in the midst of his rivers in Egypt. I will put hooks in your jaws, and I will cause the fish in your rivers to stick to your scales, and I will bring you out of the midst of your rivers, and all the fish of your rivers shall stick to your scales.” If the remora is as much of a nuisance to the crocodile as it is to some other aquatic residents, it can be mentioned here. Forskal mentions the echeneis neucrates [remora] at Gidda, referred to there as kaml el kersh, “the louse of the shark,” because it often clings very tightly to this fish; and Hasselquist states that it is found at Alexandria.
The term, ἰχθὺς, a fish, was, at an early 381period of the Christian era, adopted as a symbolical word. It was formed from the initial letters of the Greek words, Ἰησοῦς Χριϛὸς, Θεοῦ Ὑιὸς, Σωτὴρ, “Jesus Christ, the Son of God, our Saviour.” From the use of symbolical terms, the transition was easy to the adoption of symbolical representations, and it therefore soon became common for the Christians to have the letters of the word ιχθυς, or the figures of fishes, sculptured on their monuments for the dead, struck on their medals, engraved on their rings and seals, and even formed on the articles of domestic use.
The term, ἰχθὺς, a fish, was adopted as a symbolic word early in the Christian era. It was created from the first letters of the Greek words, Ἰησοῦς Χριϛὸς, Θεοῦ Ὑιὸς, Σωτὴρ, meaning “Jesus Christ, the Son of God, our Saviour.” Moving from symbolic terms to symbolic representations was a natural shift, so it soon became common for Christians to have the letters of the word ιχθυς, or fish images, carved on their monuments for the dead, stamped on their coins, engraved on their rings and seals, and even formed on household items.
FITCHES, or VETCHES, a kind of tare. There are two words in Hebrew which our translators have rendered fitches, קצח and כסמת: the first occurs only in Isaiah xxviii, 25, 27, and must be the name of some kind of seed; but the interpreters differ much in explaining it. Jerom, Maimonides, R. David Kimchi, and the rabbins understand it of the gith; and rabbi Obdias de Bartenora expressly says that its barbarous or vulgar name is ניילי. The gith was called by the Greeks μελάνθιον, and by the Latins nigella; and is thus described by Ballester: “It is a plant commonly met with in gardens, and grows to a cubit in height, and sometimes more, according to the richness of the soil. The leaves are small like those of fennel, the flower blue, which disappearing, the ovary shows itself on the top, like that of a poppy, furnished with little horns, oblong, divided by membranes into several partitions, or cells, in which are enclosed seeds of a very black colour, not unlike those of the leek, but of a very fragrant smell.” And Ausonius observes, that its pungency is equal to that of pepper:--
FITCHES, or VETCHES, a type of tare. There are two words in Hebrew that our translators have rendered as fitches, Black seed and כסמת: the first appears only in Isaiah 28:25, 27, and must refer to some kind of seed; however, interpreters have different opinions on its meaning. Jerome, Maimonides, R. David Kimchi, and the rabbis believe it refers to gith; and Rabbi Obdias de Bartenora specifically states that its common or vulgar name is Nail polish. The gith was called by the Greeks μελάνθιον, and by the Latins nigella; and Ballester describes it as follows: “It is a plant commonly found in gardens, growing to about a cubic foot in height, and sometimes more, depending on the richness of the soil. The leaves are small like those of fennel, and the flower is blue. After it disappears, the ovary appears on top, similar to that of a poppy, and has little horns, elongated, divided by membranes into several partitions or cells, which contain very black seeds that are somewhat like those of leeks but have a very fragrant smell.” Ausonius notes that its pungency is comparable to that of pepper:--
Pliny says it is of use in bakehouses, pistrinis, and that it affords a grateful seasoning to the bread. The Jewish rabbins also mention the seeds among condiments, and mixed with bread. For this purpose it was probably used in the time of Isaiah; since the inhabitants of those countries, to this day, have a variety of rusks and biscuits, most of which are strewed on the top with the seeds of sesamum, coriander, and wild garden saffron.
Pliny says it's useful in bakeries, pistrinis, and that it adds a pleasant flavor to the bread. The Jewish rabbis also mention the seeds as condiments and mixed with bread. For this reason, it was probably used during the time of Isaiah; since the people in those regions today have a variety of rusks and biscuits, most of which are sprinkled on top with sesame seeds, coriander, and wild garden saffron.
The other word rendered fitches in our translation of Ezek. iv, 9, is כסמת; but in Exod. ix, 32, and Isaiah xxviii, 25, “rye.” In the latter place the Septuagint has ξέα, and in the two former ὀλύρα; and the Vulgate in Exodus, far, and in Isaiah and Ezekiel, vicia. Saadias, likewise, took it to be something of the leguminous kind, גלנאן, cicircula, (misprinted circula in the Polyglott version,) or, “a chickling.” Aquila has ζέα, and Theodotion, ὀλύρα. Onkelos and Targum have כונהיא and Syriac, כונחא, which are supposed to be the millet, or a species of it called panicum; Persian, כורכדם, the spelt; and this seems to be the most probable meaning of the Hebrew word; at least it has the greatest number of interpreters from Jerom to Celsius. There are not, however, wanting, who think it was rye; among whom R. D. Kimchi, followed by Luther, and our English translators: Dr. Geddes, too, has retained it, though he says that he is inclined to think that the spelt is preferable.
The other word translated as fitches in our version of Ezek. iv, 9, is קציר; but in Exod. ix, 32, and Isaiah xxviii, 25, it means “rye.” In the latter instance, the Septuagint uses ξέα, and in the two earlier ones, it uses ὀλύρα; the Vulgate translates it as far in Exodus, and vicia in Isaiah and Ezekiel. Saadias also identified it as something leguminous, גלנן, cicircula (misspelled as circula in the Polyglott version), or “a chickling.” Aquila uses ζέα, and Theodotion uses ὀλύρα. Onkelos and the Targum have כונהיא and in Syriac, כונחא, which are thought to be millet, or a type related to it called panicum; in Persian, כורכדם, the spelt; and this seems to be the most likely meaning of the Hebrew word; at least it has the most interpreters ranging from Jerom to Celsius. However, some argue that it was rye, including R. D. Kimchi, followed by Luther and our English translators. Dr. Geddes has also kept it, although he mentions that he leans toward the idea that spelt is the better choice.
Dr. Shaw thinks that this word may signify rice. Hasselquist, on the contrary, affirms that rice was brought into cultivation in Egypt under the Caliphs. This, however, may be doubted. One would think from the intercourse of ancient Egypt with Babylon and with India, that this country could not be ignorant of a grain so well suited to its climate.
Dr. Shaw believes that this word might mean rice. Hasselquist, on the other hand, insists that rice was cultivated in Egypt during the Caliphs' time. However, this is questionable. Given the interactions between ancient Egypt, Babylon, and India, one would assume that this region couldn't have been unaware of a grain so well-suited to its climate.
FLAG, אחו, occurs Gen. xli, 2, 18; Job viii, 11; and סוף, weeds, Exod. ii, 3, 5; Isa. xix, 6; John ii, 5. The word achu in the first two instances is translated “meadows,” and in the latter, “flag.” It probably denotes the sedge, or long grass, which grows in the meadows of the Nile, very grateful to the cattle. It is retained in the Septuagint in Genesis, ἐν τῷ ἄχει; and is used by the son of Sirach, Ecclesiasticus xl, 16, ἄχι and ἄχει; for the copies vary.
FLAG, אחווה, appears in Gen. xli, 2, 18; Job viii, 11; and End, weeds, Exod. ii, 3, 5; Isa. xix, 6; John ii, 5. The word achu in the first two instances is translated as “meadows,” and in the latter, as “flag.” It likely refers to the sedge or long grass found in the Nile's meadows, which is very beneficial for cattle. It is kept in the Septuagint in Genesis as ἐν τῷ ἄχει; and is referenced by the son of Sirach, Ecclesiasticus xl, 16, as ἄχι and ἄχει; since the manuscripts vary.
“We have no radix,” says the learned Chapelow, “for אחו, unless we derive it, as Schultens does, from the Arabic achi, ‘to bind or join together.’” Thus, Parkhurst defines it “a species of plant, sedge, or reed, so called from its fitness for making ropes, or the like, to connect or join things together; as the Latin juncus, a ‘bulrush,’ a jungendo, from ‘joining,’ for the same reason;” and he supposes that it is the plant, or reed, growing near the Nile, which Hasselquist describes as having numerous narrow leaves, and growing about eleven feet high, of the leaves of which the Egyptians make ropes.
“We have no root,” says the knowledgeable Chapelow, “for אני, unless we take it from the Arabic achi, meaning ‘to bind or join together.’” Parkhurst defines it as “a type of plant, sedge, or reed, named for its use in making ropes, or similar items, to connect or join things together; just like the Latin juncus, a ‘bulrush,’ which comes from jungendo, meaning ‘joining,’ for the same reason;” and he thinks it refers to the plant or reed that grows near the Nile, which Hasselquist describes as having many narrow leaves and growing about eleven feet tall, from which the Egyptians make ropes.
The word סוף is called by Eben Ezra, “a reed growing on the borders of the river.” Bochart, Fuller, Rivetus, Ludolphus, and Junius and Tremellius, render it by juncus, carex, or alga; and Celsius thinks it the fucus or alga, “sea weed.” Dr. Geddes says there is little doubt of its being the sedge called sari, which, as we learn from Theophrastus and Pliny, grows on the marshy banks of the Nile, and rises to the height of almost two cubits. This, indeed, agrees very well with Exod. ii, 3, 5, and the thickets of arundinaceous plants, at some small distances from the Red Sea, observed by Dr. Shaw; but the place in Jonah seems to require some submarine plant.
The word End is referred to by Eben Ezra as “a reed that grows along the edges of the river.” Bochart, Fuller, Rivetus, Ludolphus, and Junius and Tremellius translate it as juncus, carex, or algae; and Celsius believes it to be fucus or algae, meaning “seaweed.” Dr. Geddes suggests it is likely the sedge called sari, which, as noted by Theophrastus and Pliny, grows on the marshy banks of the Nile and can reach almost two cubits in height. This aligns well with Exodus 2:3, 5, as well as the thickets of reed-like plants observed at some distance from the Red Sea by Dr. Shaw; however, the mention in Jonah seems to indicate the need for some underwater plant.
FLAX, פשתה, Exod. ix, 31; Lev. xiii, 47, 48, 52, 59; Deut. xxii, 11; Joshua ii, 6; Judg. xv, 14; Prov. xxxi, 13; Isaiah xix, 9; xlii, 3; xliii, 17; Jer. xiii, 1; Ezek. xl, 3; xliv, 17, 18; Hosea ii, 5, 9; λῖνον Matt. xii, 20; Rev. xv, 6; a plant very common, and too well known to need a description. It is a vegetable upon which the industry of mankind has been exercised with the greatest success and utility. On passing a field of it, one is struck with astonishment when he considers that this apparently insignificant plant may, by the labour and ingenuity of man, be made to assume an entirely new form and appearance, and to contribute to pleasure and health, by furnishing us with agreeable and ornamental apparel. This word Mr. Parkhurst thinks is derived from the verb פשט, to strip, because the substance which we term flax is properly the bark or fibrous part of the vegetable, pilled or stripped off the 382stalks. From time immemorial Egypt was celebrated for the production or manufacture of flax. Wrought into garments, it constituted the principal dress of the inhabitants, and the priests never put on any other kind of clothing. The fine linen of Egypt is celebrated in all ancient authors, and its superior excellence mentioned in the sacred Scriptures. The manufacture of flax is still carried on in that country, and many writers take notice of it. Rabbi Benjamin Tudela mentions the manufactory at Damiata; and Egmont and Heyman describe the article as being of a beautiful colour, and so finely spun that the threads are hardly discernible.
FLAX, אין דבר כזה., Exod. ix, 31; Lev. xiii, 47, 48, 52, 59; Deut. xxii, 11; Joshua ii, 6; Judg. xv, 14; Prov. xxxi, 13; Isaiah xix, 9; xlii, 3; xliii, 17; Jer. xiii, 1; Ezek. xl, 3; xliv, 17, 18; Hosea ii, 5, 9; λῖνον Matt. xii, 20; Rev. xv, 6; a plant that is very common and too well known to require a description. It’s a vegetable that has been cultivated by humans with great success and usefulness. When you pass by a field of it, you can’t help but marvel at how this seemingly insignificant plant can, through human effort and creativity, be transformed into something entirely different that brings us joy and health by providing us with nice and decorative clothing. Mr. Parkhurst believes this word comes from the verb Simple, to strip, because what we call flax is actually the bark or fibrous part of the plant that has been peeled or stripped from the stalks. For ages, Egypt has been famous for the production and manufacturing of flax. Made into garments, it was the primary clothing of the people, and the priests only wore this type of clothing. The fine linen from Egypt is renowned in ancient literature, and its superior quality is noted in the sacred Scriptures. The production of flax still continues in that country, and many writers comment on it. Rabbi Benjamin Tudela mentions a factory in Damiata; Egmont and Heyman describe the product as beautifully colored and so finely spun that the threads are barely visible.
FLEA, פרעש, 1 Sam. xxiv, 14; xxvi, 20. The LXX, and another Greek version in the Hexapla, render it ψύλλον, and the Vulgate pulex. It seems, says Mr. Parkhurst, an evident derivative from פרע free, and רעש to leap, bound, or skip, on account of its agility in leaping or skipping. The flea is a little wingless insect, equally contemptible and troublesome. It is thus described by an Arabian author: “A black, nimble, extenuated, hunch-backed animal, which being sensible when any one looks on it, jumps incessantly, now on one side, now on the other, till it gets out of sight.” David likens himself to this insect; importing that while it would cost Saul much pains to catch him, he would obtain but very little advantage from it.
FLEA, נזלת, 1 Sam. xxiv, 14; xxvi, 20. The LXX and another Greek version in the Hexapla translate it as ψύλλον, and the Vulgate as pulex. Mr. Parkhurst suggests that it clearly comes from פרע free and Noise to leap, bound, or skip, because of its agility in jumping or skipping. The flea is a tiny wingless insect, equally looked down upon and annoying. An Arabian author describes it this way: “A small, quick, skinny, hunch-backed creature, which, aware of being watched, jumps around constantly, first to one side and then the other, until it can vanish from sight.” David compares himself to this insect, suggesting that while it would be difficult for Saul to catch him, the effort would yield very little benefit.
FLESH, a term of very ambiguous import in the Scriptures. An eminent critic has enumerated no less than six different meanings which it bears in the sacred writings, and for which, he affirms, there will not be found a single authority in any profane writer: 1. It sometimes denotes the whole body considered as animated, as in Matt. xxvi, 41, “The spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak.” 2. It sometimes means a human being, as in Luke iii, 6, “All flesh shall see the salvation of God.” 3. Sometimes a person’s kindred collectively considered, as in Rom. xi, 14, “If by any means I may provoke them which are my flesh.” 4. Sometimes any thing of an external or ceremonial nature, as opposed to that which is internal and moral, as in Gal. iii, 3, “Having begun in the Spirit, are ye now made perfect in the flesh?” 5. The sensitive part of our nature, or that which is the seat of appetite, as in 2 Cor. vii, 1, “Let us cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit;” where there can be no doubt that the pollutions of the flesh must be those of the appetites, being opposed to the pollutions of the spirit, or those of the passions. 6. It is employed to denote any principle of vice and moral pravity of whatever kind. Thus among the works of the flesh, Gal. v, 19–21, are numbered not only adultery, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, drunkenness, and revellings, which all relate to criminal indulgence of appetite, but idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions, heresies, envyings, and murders, which are manifestly vices of a different kind, and partake more of the diabolical nature than of the beastly.
FLESH is a term with a very confusing meaning in the Scriptures. A prominent critic has identified at least six different meanings it has in the sacred texts, and he claims there isn’t a single reference in any secular writing that matches these definitions: 1. It sometimes refers to the entire body seen as alive, as in Matt. xxvi, 41, “The spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak.” 2. It can refer to a human being, as in Luke iii, 6, “All flesh shall see the salvation of God.” 3. Sometimes it means a person’s relatives considered together, as in Rom. xi, 14, “If by any means I may provoke them which are my flesh.” 4. It can refer to anything external or ceremonial, as opposed to what is internal and moral, as in Gal. iii, 3, “Having begun in the Spirit, are you now made perfect in the flesh?” 5. It can refer to the sensitive part of our nature, or that which drives our desires, as in 2 Cor. vii, 1, “Let us cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit;” where it’s clear that the pollutions of the flesh are those related to desires, contrasted with the pollutions of the spirit, or emotional issues. 6. It is also used to indicate any principle of vice and moral corruption of any kind. Thus, among the works of the flesh, Gal. v, 19–21, are listed not only adultery, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, drunkenness, and revelries, all of which relate to the wrongful indulgence of desires, but also idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, discord, jealousy, anger, conflict, division, heresies, envy, and murder, which are clearly vices of a different nature, leaning more towards the diabolical than the beastly.
FLIES. The kinds of flies are exceedingly numerous; some with two, and some with four, wings. They abound in warm and moist regions, as in Egypt, Chaldea, Palestine, and in the middle regions of Africa; and during the rainy seasons are very troublesome. In the Hebrew Scriptures, or in the ancient versions, are seven kinds of insects, which Bochart classes among muscæ, or flies. These are, 1. ערב, Exod. viii, 20; Psa. lxxviii, 45; cv, 31, which those interpreters who, by residing on the spot, have had the best means of identifying, have rendered the dog-fly, κυνόμυια, and it is supposed to be the same which in Abyssinia is called the zimb. 2. זבוב, 2 Kings i, 2, 3, 6, 16; Eccles. x, 1; Isa. vii, 18. Whether this denotes absolutely a distinct species of fly, or swarms of all sorts, may be difficult to determine. 3. ידברה Judges xiv, 18; Psa. cxviii, 12, rendered bee. 4. צרעה, σφὴξ, Exodus xxiii, 28; Joshua xxiv, 12; Deut. vii, 20, hornet. 5. סרבים, οἶϛρος, Ezek. ii, 6; Hosea iv, 16. 6. כק, κώνωψ, Matt. xxiii, 24, the gnat. 7. כנים, σκνίφες, Exod. viii, 16; Psa. cv, 31, lice.
FLIES. There are many types of flies; some have two wings and some have four. They are common in warm and humid areas, like Egypt, Chaldea, Palestine, and central Africa; and they can be very bothersome during the rainy seasons. In the Hebrew Scriptures or ancient versions, there are seven types of insects that Bochart categorizes as muscæ, or flies. These are: 1. Evening, Exod. viii, 20; Psa. lxxviii, 45; cv, 31, which interpreters who have lived in the area have identified as the dog-fly, κυνόμυια, and it is thought to be the same insect known as zimb in Abyssinia. 2. fly, 2 Kings i, 2, 3, 6, 16; Eccles. x, 1; Isa. vii, 18. It's unclear if this refers to a specific type of fly or to swarms of various kinds. 3. ידברה, Judges xiv, 18; Psa. cxviii, 12, which is translated as bee. 4. Wasp, σφὴξ, Exodus xxiii, 28; Joshua xxiv, 12; Deut. vii, 20, meaning hornet. 5. Serbs, οἶϛρος, Ezek. ii, 6; Hosea iv, 16. 6. כק, κώνωψ, Matt. xxiii, 24, which means the gnat. 7. כנים, σκνίφες, Exod. viii, 16; Psa. cv, 31, which translates to lice.
2. M. Sonnini, speaking of Egypt, says, “Of insects there the most troublesome are the flies. Both man and beast are cruelly tormented with them. No idea can be formed of their obstinate rapacity when they wish to fix upon some part of the body. It is in vain to drive them away; they return again in the self-same moment; and their perseverance wearies out the most patient spirit. They like to fasten themselves in preference on the corners of the eye, and on the edge of the eyelid; tender parts, toward which a gentle moisture attracts them.” The Egyptians paid a superstitious worship to several sorts of flies and insects. If, then, such was thethe superstitious homage of this people, nothing could be more determinate than the judgment brought upon them by Moses. They were punished by the very things they revered; and though they boasted of spells and charms, yet they could not ward off the evil.
2. M. Sonnini, talking about Egypt, says, “The most bothersome insects there are the flies. Both people and animals are relentlessly tormented by them. You can’t even imagine how stubbornly they cling when they decide to land on some part of the body. It’s pointless to try to get rid of them; they come back at that very moment; and their persistence wears down even the most patient person. They prefer to settle on the corners of the eye and the edges of the eyelid; delicate areas that are drawn to them by a hint of moisture.” The Egyptians had a superstitious reverence for various flies and insects. Given that this was the thethe superstitious worship of this people, nothing could be clearer than the judgment brought upon them by Moses. They were punished by the very things they held sacred; and although they prided themselves on their spells and charms, they could not protect themselves from the harm.
3. “The word zimb,” says Bruce, “is Arabic, and signifies the fly in general.”general.” The Chaldee paraphrase is content with calling it simply zebub, which has the same general signification. The Ethiopic version calls it tsaltsalya, which is the true name of this particular fly in Geez. It is in size very little larger than a bee, of a thicker proportion; and its wings, which are broader, are placed separate like those of a fly. Its head is large; the upper jaw or lip is sharp, and has at the end of it a strong pointed hair, of about a quarter of an inch in length; the lower jaw has two of these hairs: and this pencil of hairs, joined together, makes a resistance to the finger, nearly equal to a strong bristle of a hog. Its legs are serrated on the inside, and the whole covered with brown hair, or down. It has no sting, though it appears to be of the bee kind. As soon as this winged assassin appears, and its buzzing is heard, the cattle forsake their food, and run wildly about the plain till they die, worn out with affright, fatigue, and pain. The inhabitants of Melinda down to Cape Gardefan, to Saba, and the south coast of the Red Sea, are obliged to put themselves in motion, and remove 383to the next sand in the beginning of the rainy season. This is not a partial emigration; the inhabitants of all the countries, from the mountains of Abyssinia northward, to the confluence of the Nile and Astaboras, are, once in a year, obliged to change their abode, and seek protection in the sands of Beja, till the danger of the insect is over. The elephant and the rhinoceros, which by reason of their enormous bulk, and the vast quantity of food and water they daily need, cannot shift to desert and dry places, are obliged, in order to resist the zimb, to roll themselves in mud and mire, which, when dry, coats them over like armour. It was no trifling judgment, then, with which the prophet threatened the refractory Israelites: “The Lord shall hiss for the fly that is in the uttermost parts of the rivers of Egypt, and for the bee that is in the land of Assyria,” Isaiah vii, 18. If the prediction be understood in the literal sense, it represents the œstra or cincinellæ, as the armies of Jehovah, summoned by him to battle against his offending people; or, if it be taken metaphorically, which is perhaps the proper way of expounding it, the prophet compares the numerous and destructive armies of Babylon to the countless swarms of these flies, whose distant hum is said to strike the quadrupeds with consternation, and whose bite inflicts, on man and beast, a torment almost insupportable. How intolerable a plague of flies can prove, is evident from the fact, that whole districts have been laid waste by them. Such was the fate of Myuns in Ionia, and of Alarnæ. The inhabitants were forced to quit these cities, not being able to stand against the flies and gnats with which they were pestered. Trajan was obliged to raise the siege of a city in Arabia, before which he had sat down, being driven away by the swarms of these insects. Hence different people had deities whose office it was to defend them against flies. Among these may be reckoned Baalzebub, the fly-god of Ekron: Hercules muscarum abactor, “Hercules, the expeller of flies;” and hence Jupiter had the titles of ἀπόμυιος, μυΐαγρος, μυϊόχορος, because he was supposed to expel flies, and especially to clear his temples of these insects.
3. “The word zimb,” Bruce says, “comes from Arabic and means the fly in general.general.” The Chaldean version simply calls it zebub, which means the same thing. The Ethiopic version refers to it as tsaltsalya, the true name for this particular fly in Geez. It is slightly larger than a bee, but thicker; its wings, which are broader, are separated like those of a fly. It has a large head; the upper jaw or lip is sharp, ending in a strong pointed hair about a quarter of an inch long; the lower jaw has two of these hairs. This cluster of hairs creates resistance to the finger similar to that of a strong hog bristle. Its legs are serrated on the inside, and the entire body is covered in brown hair or down. It doesn’t sting, even though it resembles a bee. As soon as this winged menace shows up and its buzzing is heard, cattle abandon their food and run frantically until they collapse from fear, exhaustion, and pain. The people living from Melinda down to Cape Gardefan, Saba, and along the southern Red Sea coast have to move and find shelter in the sands at the start of the rainy season. This isn’t just a local exodus; people from all regions, from the mountains of Abyssinia northward to where the Nile and Astaboras converge, must annually relocate to the sands of Beja for safety until the threat from the insect passes. The elephant and rhinoceros, due to their massive size and the immense amount of food and water they need daily, cannot move to dry desert areas, so they have to roll in mud to protect themselves from the zimb; when the mud dries, it acts like armor. The judgment implied by the prophet against the defiant Israelites was significant: “The Lord shall hiss for the fly that is in the uttermost parts of the rivers of Egypt, and for the bee that is in the land of Assyria,” Isaiah 7:18. If taken literally, this prediction refers to the œstra or cincinella as armies summoned by God to fight against His unfaithful people; or, if read metaphorically—which might be the more fitting interpretation—the prophet compares the massive, destructive Babylonian armies to the countless swarms of these flies, whose distant buzzing can terrify animals, and whose bites inflict excruciating pain on both humans and beasts. The devastating impact of a fly plague is evident as entire regions have been destroyed by them. Such was the plight of Myuns in Ionia and Alarnæ, where the inhabitants had to leave their cities because they couldn’t withstand the swarm of flies and gnats. Trajan had to lift the siege of a city in Arabia he had targeted, repelled by swarms of these pests. Consequently, different cultures had gods tasked with protecting them from flies. Among these were Baalzebub, the fly-god of Ekron; Hercules fly catcher, “Hercules, the expeller of flies;” and Jupiter, who held titles like ἀπόμυιος, μυΐαγρος, μυϊόχορος because he was thought to drive away flies, particularly from his temples.
4. Solomon observes, “Dead flies cause the apothecary’s ointment to stink,” Eccles. x, 1. “A fact well known,” says Scheuchzer; “wherefore apothecaries take care to prevent flies from coming to their syrups and other fermentable preparations. For in all insects there is an acrid volatile salt, which, mixed with sweet or even alkaline substances, excites them to a brisk intestine motion, disposes them to fermentation, and to putrescence itself; by which the more volatile principles fly off, leaving the grosser behind: at the same time, the taste and odour are changed, the agreeable to fetid, the sweet to insipid.” This verse is an illustration, by a very appropriate similitude, of the concluding assertion in the preceding chapter, that “one sinner destroyeth much good,” as one dead fly spoils a whole vessel of precious ointment, which, in eastern countries, was considered as very valuable, 2 Kings xx, 13. The application of this proverbial expression to a person’s good name, which is elsewhere compared to sweet ointment, Eccles. vii, 1; Cant. i, 3, is remarkably significant. As a fly, though a diminutive creature, can taint and corrupt much precious perfume; so a small mixture of folly and indiscretion will tarnish the reputation of one who, in other respects, is very wise and honourable; and so much the more, because of the malignity and ingratitude of mankind, who are disposed rather to censure one error, than to commend many excellencies, and from whose minds one small miscarriage is sufficient to blot out the memory of all other deserts. It concerns us, therefore, to conduct ourselves unblamably, that we may not by the least oversight or folly blemish our profession, or cause it to be offensive to others.
4. Solomon notes, “Dead flies make the apothecary’s ointment smell bad,” Eccles. x, 1. “This is a well-known fact,” says Scheuchzer; “which is why apothecaries are careful to keep flies away from their syrups and other fermentable products. All insects contain a sharp volatile salt that, when mixed with sweet or even alkaline substances, triggers a rapid internal motion, leading to fermentation and even decay; as a result, the lighter components evaporate, leaving the heavier ones behind. At the same time, the taste and smell change, turning pleasant into foul and sweet into tasteless.” This verse serves as a fitting illustration of the previous chapter's conclusion that “one sinner destroys much good,” just like one dead fly can ruin an entire jar of valuable ointment, which was considered very precious in Eastern cultures, 2 Kings xx, 13. The use of this saying regarding a person’s good name, which is also likened to sweet ointment, Eccles. vii, 1; Cant. i, 3, is particularly meaningful. Just as a tiny fly can spoil a lot of fine perfume, a small dose of foolishness or carelessness can tarnish the reputation of someone who is otherwise very wise and honorable; this is especially true because of the malice and ingratitude of people, who tend to focus more on one mistake than to praise many strengths, and for whom one minor slip is enough to erase the memory of all the other merits. Therefore, we should strive to conduct ourselves impeccably, so that we do not blemish our reputation or make it offensive to others through even the slightest oversight or folly.
FLOCK. See Shepherd.
FLOCK. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
FLOOR, for threshing corn, or threshing floor, is frequently mentioned in Scripture. This was a place in the open air, in which corn was threshed, by means of a cart or sledge, or some other instrument drawn by oxen. The threshing floors among the Jews were only, as they are to this day in the east, round level plats of ground in the open air, where the corn was trodden out by oxen. Thus Gideon’s floor appears to have been in the open air, Judges vi, 37; and also that of Araunah the Jebusite, 2 Sam. xxiv, otherwise it would not have been a proper place for erecting an altar, and offering sacrifices. In Hosea xiii, 3, we read of the chaff which is driven by the whirlwind from the floor. This circumstance of the threshing floor’s being exposed to the agitation of the wind seems to be the principal reason of its Hebrew name. It appears, therefore, that a threshing floor, which is rendered in our textual translation, “a void place,” might well be near the entrance of the gate of Samaria, and a proper situation in which the kings of Israel and Judah might hear the prophets, 1 Kings xxii, 10; 2 Chron. xviii, 9. An instrument sometimes used in Palestine and the east, to force the corn out of the ear, and bruise the straw, was a heavy kind of sledge made of thick boards, and furnished beneath with teeth of stone or iron, Isa. xli, 15. The sheaves being laid in order, the sledge was drawn over the straw by oxen, and at the same time threshed out the corn, and cut or broke the straw into a kind of chaff. An instrument in the east is still used for the same purpose. This sledge is alluded to in 2 Sam. xii, 31; Isa. xxviii, 27; xli, 15; Amos i, 3. Dr. Lowth, in his notes on Isaiah xxviii, 27, 28, observes, that four methods of threshing are mentioned in this passage, by different instruments, the flail, the drag, the wain, and the treading of the cattle. The staff, or flail, was used for the infirmiora semina, the grain that was too tender to be treated in the other methods. The drag consisted of a sort of frame of strong planks, made rough at the bottom with hard stones or iron; it was drawn by horses or oxen over the corn sheaves on the floor, the driver sitting upon it. The wain was nearly similar to this instrument, but had wheels with iron teeth, or 384edges like a saw. The last method is well known from the law of Moses, which forbids the ox to be muzzled when he treadeth out the corn. Niebuhr, in his Travels, gives the following description of a machine which the people of Egypt use at this day for threshing out their corn: “This machine,” says he, “is called nauridsj. It has three rollers which turn on their axles; and each of them is furnished with some irons round and flat. At the beginning of June, Mr. Forskall and I several times saw, in the environs of Dsjise, how corn was threshed in Egypt. Every peasant chose for himself, in the open field, a smooth plat of ground from eighty to a hundred paces in circumference. Hither was brought on camels or asses the corn in sheaves, of which was formed a ring of six or eight feet wide, and two high. Two oxen were made to draw over it again and again the sledge, traineau, above mentioned; and this was done with the greatest convenience to the driver; for he was seated in a chair fixed on the sledge. Two such parcels or layers of corn are threshed out in a day, and they move each of them as many as eight times, with a wooden fork of five prongs, which they call meddre. Afterward they throw the straw into the middle of the ring, where it forms a heap, which grows bigger and bigger. When the first layer is threshed they replace the straw in the ring, and thresh it as before. Thus the straw becomes every time smaller, till at last it resembles chopped straw. After this, with the fork just described, they cast the whole some yards from thence, and against the wind; which driving back the straw, the corn and the ears not threshed out fall apart from it, and make another heap. A man collects the clods of dirt, and other impurities to which any corn adheres, and throws them into a sieve. They afterward place in a ring the heaps, in which a good many entire ears are still found, and drive over them for four or five hours together ten couple of oxen joined two and two, till by absolute trampling they have separated the grains, which they throw into the air with a shovel to cleanse them.”
FLOOR, for threshing corn, or threshing floor, is frequently mentioned in Scripture. This was an open-air place where corn was threshed using a cart, sledge, or some other tool pulled by oxen. The threshing floors among the Jews were, like they still are in the east, round, flat areas outdoors where oxen trampled the corn. For instance, Gideon’s floor seems to have been outdoors, Judges vi, 37; and also that of Araunah the Jebusite, 2 Sam. xxiv, otherwise it wouldn’t have been a suitable place for building an altar and making sacrifices. In Hosea xiii, 3, we read about the chaff that the whirlwind drives away from the floor. This aspect of the threshing floor being exposed to the wind seems to be the main reason for its Hebrew name. Therefore, a threshing floor, which is translated in our text as “a void place,” could well be near the entrance of the gate of Samaria, a suitable location for the kings of Israel and Judah to hear the prophets, 1 Kings xxii, 10; 2 Chron. xviii, 9. One tool sometimes used in Palestine and the east, to separate the grain from the ear and crush the straw, was a heavy sledge made of thick boards, equipped underneath with sharp stones or iron, Isa. xli, 15. The sheaves were arranged in a row, the sledge was pulled over the straw by oxen, and it simultaneously threshed the corn and chopped or shredded the straw into chaff. A similar tool is still used in the east today. This sledge is mentioned in 2 Sam. xii, 31; Isa. xxviii, 27; xli, 15; Amos i, 3. Dr. Lowth, in his notes on Isaiah xxviii, 27, 28, points out that four methods of threshing are cited in this passage using different tools: the flail, the drag, the wain, and the trampling by animals. The staff, or flail, was used for the infirm seeds, the more delicate grain. The drag was a kind of strong frame with roughened bottoms made of hard stones or iron; it was dragged by horses or oxen over the corn sheaves on the floor, with the driver seated on top. The wain was similar but had wheels with iron teeth, or 384 saw-like edges. The final method is well known from Moses' law, which prohibits muzzling the ox while it threshed the corn. Niebuhr, in his Travels, describes a machine still used in Egypt for threshing corn: "This machine," he says, "is called nauridsj. It has three rollers that rotate on their axles, each fitted with flat round irons. At the beginning of June, Mr. Forskall and I saw multiple times how they threshed corn in the fields around Dsjise. Each farmer selected a smooth area from eighty to a hundred paces in circumference in the open field. Here, corn in sheaves was brought on camels or donkeys, creating a ring that was six to eight feet wide and two feet high. Two oxen were made to repeatedly pull the previously mentioned sledge, traineau; and this was done for the convenience of the driver, who sat in a chair attached to the sledge. They typically thresh two such piles or layers of corn in a day, and each is worked as many as eight times with a five-pronged wooden fork called meddre. After that, they pile the straw in the center of the ring, where it accumulates. When the first layer is threshed, they return the straw to the ring and thresh it again. This process continues until the straw is reduced to a form similar to chopped straw. Afterward, using the fork mentioned earlier, they throw everything a few yards away, against the wind; this blows the straw back while the unthreshed corn and ears fall apart to form another pile. One person gathers any clumps of dirt and other impurities attached to the corn and places them in a sieve. They then arrange the remaining piles in a ring, where quite a few whole ears can still be found, and drive ten pairs of oxen in teams of two over them for four or five hours until the trampling separates the grains, which they then toss into the air with a shovel to clean them."
FO, or FUH, as the Chinese now call him, was an Indian prince, who was made a god at thirty years of age, and died at seventy-five. His worshippers form one of the three great sects of China, and it is said to be far the most numerous. The worship of this idol, they pretend, was observed a thousand years before the Christian era, and was introduced from India into China within the first century after. Many temples are reared to this deity, some of which are magnificent; and a number of bonzes, or priests, are consecrated to his service. He is represented shining in light, with his hands hid under his robes, to show that he does all things invisibly. The doctors of this sect, like those of Egypt, Greece, and India, teach a double doctrine; the one public, the other private. According to the former, they say, all the good are recompensed, and the wicked punished, in places destined for each. They enjoin all works of charity; and forbid cheating, impurity, murder, and even the taking of life from any creature whatever. For they believe that the souls of their ancestors transmigrate into irrational creatures; either into such as they liked best, or resembled most in their behaviour; for which reason they never kill any such animals; but, while they live, feed them well, and when they die bury them with respect. As they build temples for Fuh, which are filled with images, so also monasteries for his priests, providing for their maintenance, as the most effectual means to partake of their prayers. These priests pretend to know into what bodies the dead are transmigrated; and seldom fail of representing their case to the surviving friends as miserable, or uncomfortable; that they may extort money from them to procure for the deceased a passage into a better state, or pray them out of purgatory, which forms a part of their system.
FO, or FUH, as the Chinese now refer to him, was an Indian prince who was declared a god at thirty and died at seventy-five. His followers make up one of the three major sects in China, and it’s said to be the largest. They claim that the worship of this deity began a thousand years before the Christian era and was brought from India to China within the first century after. Numerous temples have been built in his honor, some quite magnificent, and a number of bonzes, or priests, are dedicated to his service. He is depicted radiating light, with his hands hidden under his robes to signify that he does everything invisibly. The scholars of this sect, similar to those in Egypt, Greece, and India, promote a dual doctrine; one that is public and another that is private. The public doctrine states that the good are rewarded, and the wicked punished, in designated places for each. They advocate for charitable acts and prohibit cheating, impurity, murder, and even harming any living creature. They believe that the souls of their ancestors are reincarnated in animals, either in those they favored or that resembled them most in behavior; thus, they never harm such animals, instead ensuring they are well-fed during their lives and given a respectful burial when they die. Just as they build temples for Fuh filled with images, they also establish monasteries for his priests, supporting their needs as a way to benefit from their prayers. These priests claim to know into which bodies the deceased are reincarnated and often depict their situation to living relatives as unfortunate or distressing, in order to extract money from them to help the deceased achieve a better state or to pray them out of purgatory, which is part of their beliefs.
The interior doctrine of this sect, which is kept secret from the common people, teaches a philosophical atheism, which admits neither rewards nor punishments after death; and believes not in a providence, or the immortality of the soul; acknowledges no other God than the void, or nothing; and which makes the supreme happiness of mankind to consist in a total inaction, an entire insensibility, and a perfect quietude. Fuh, though the idol of the common people, is considered as a foreign deity in China, imported by the Boudhists from India: great effects are, however, attached to the perpetual reiteration of his name, and even to meditation upon it. It is supposed to render fate favourable, and life secure; to prevent migration into the bodies of inferior animals; and, in fine, to secure a place in the paradise of Fuh, whose land is yellow gold, whose towers are composed of gems, the bridges of pearls, &c.
The beliefs of this sect, which are kept hidden from the general public, promote a philosophical atheism that denies any rewards or punishments after death. They don’t believe in a divine plan or the immortality of the soul; they recognize no other God except the void or nothing. They claim that true happiness for humanity lies in complete inactivity, total insensitivity, and perfect tranquility. Fuh, while worshipped by the masses, is regarded as a foreign god in China, brought in by Buddhists from India. Nonetheless, significant importance is placed on the regular repetition of his name and meditating on it. It is believed to bring good fortune and security in life, to prevent rebirth in lower forms, and ultimately to ensure a place in Fuh's paradise, a land of yellow gold, with towers made of gems, bridges of pearls, etc.
FOOL, FOLLY, or FOOLISHNESS. The term fool is to be understood sometimes according to its plain, literal meaning, as denoting a person void of understanding; but it is often used figuratively, Psalm xxxviii, 5; lxix, 5. “The fool,” that is, the impious sinner, “hath said in his heart, There is no God,” Psalm xiv, 1. “I have sinned: do away the iniquity of thy servant; for I have done very foolishly,” 1 Chron. xxi, 8. “Fools make a mock at sin,” Prov. xiv, 9. See also the language of Tamar to her brother Amnon: “Do not this folly; for whither shall I cause my shame to go? And as for thee, thou shalt be as one of the fools in Israel,” 2 Sam. xiii, 13; that is, Thou wilt be accounted a very wicked person. Our Lord seems to have used the term in a sense somewhat peculiar in Matthew v, 22: “Whosoever shall say to his brother, Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell fire.” But the whole verse shows the meaning to be, that when any one of his professed disciples indulges a temper and disposition of mind contrary to charity, or that peculiar love which the brethren of Christ are bound by his law to have toward each other, John xiii, 34, not only showing anger against another without a cause, but also treating him with contemptuous language, and that with 385malicious intent, he shall be in danger of eternal destruction.
FOOL, FOLLY, or FOOLISHNESS. The term "fool" can sometimes be taken literally to mean someone lacking understanding; however, it’s often used in a figurative sense, as seen in Psalm 38:5; 69:5. “The fool,” referring to the impious sinner, “has said in his heart, There is no God,” Psalm 14:1. “I have sinned: remove the guilt of your servant, for I have acted very foolishly,” 1 Chronicles 21:8. “Fools mock at sin,” Proverbs 14:9. Also, consider Tamar’s words to her brother Amnon: “Do not do this foolish thing; where can I carry my shame? And you will be like one of the fools in Israel,” 2 Samuel 13:13; meaning, you will be seen as a very wicked person. Our Lord appears to use the term in a somewhat unique way in Matthew 5:22: “Anyone who says to his brother, You fool, will be in danger of hell fire.” The entire verse indicates that if any of his professed disciples harbor a mindset contrary to love—specifically, the special love that Christ’s followers are commanded to have for one another, as stated in John 13:34—by showing unjust anger and using contemptuous language with malicious intent, they will be in danger of eternal destruction.
FOOT. Anciently it was customary to wash the feet of strangers coming off a journey, because generally they travelled barefoot, or wore sandals only, which did not secure them from dust or dirt. Jesus Christ washed the feet of his Apostles, and thereby taught them to perform the humblest services for one another. Feet, in the sacred writers, often mean inclinations, affections, propensities, actions, motions: “Guide my feet in thy paths.” “Keep thy feet at a distance from evil.” “The feet of the debauched woman go down to death.” “Let not the foot of pride come against me.” To be at any one’s feet, signifies obeying him, listening to his instructions and commands. Moses says that “the Lord loved his people; all his saints are in thy hand: and they sat down at his feet,” Deut. xxxiii, 3. St. Paul was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel. Mary sat at our Saviour’s feet, and heard his word, Luke x, 39.
FOOT. In ancient times, it was common to wash the feet of travelers who had just arrived on a journey, since they usually traveled barefoot or only wore sandals, which didn't protect them from dust or dirt. Jesus Christ washed the feet of his Apostles, teaching them to perform the humblest services for each other. In sacred texts, feet often represent inclinations, feelings, tendencies, actions, and movements: “Guide my feet in your paths.” “Keep your feet away from evil.” “The feet of the immoral woman lead to death.” “Let not the foot of pride come against me.” To be at someone’s feet means obeying them and listening to their instructions and commands. Moses says that “the Lord loved his people; all his saints are in your hand: and they sat down at his feet,” Deut. xxxiii, 3. St. Paul was educated at the feet of Gamaliel. Mary sat at our Savior’s feet and listened to his word, Luke x, 39.
It is said that the land of Canaan is not like Egypt, “where thou sowedst thy seed, and wateredst it with thy foot,” Deut. xi, 10. Palestine is a country which has rains, plentiful dews, springs, rivulets, brooks, &c, that supply the earth with the moisture necessary to its fruitfulness. On the contrary, Egypt has no river except the Nile: there it seldom rains, and the lands which are not within reach of the inundation continue parched and barren. To supply this want, ditches are dug from the river, and water is distributed throughout the several villages and cantons: there are great struggles who shall first obtain it; and, in this dispute, they frequently come to blows. Notwithstanding these precautions, many places have no water; and, in the course of the year, those places which are nearest the Nile require to be watered again by means of art and labour. This was formerly done by the help of machines, one of which is thus described by Philo: It is a wheel which a man turns by the motion of his feet, by ascending successively the several steps that are within it. This is what Moses means in this place by saying, that, in Egypt, they water the earth with their feet. The water is thus conveyed to cisterns; and when the gardens want refreshment, water is conducted by trenches to the beds in little rills, which are stopped by the foot, and turned at pleasure into different directions.
It’s said that the land of Canaan isn’t like Egypt, “where you planted your seed and watered it with your foot,” Deut. xi, 10. Palestine is a region that gets rain, abundant dew, springs, streams, brooks, etc., which provide the earth with the moisture needed for its fertility. In contrast, Egypt has no river other than the Nile: it seldom rains there, and the areas not covered by the flood remain dry and barren. To address this issue, they dig ditches from the river to distribute water across various villages and regions: conflicts often occur over who gets to access it first, and these disputes sometimes escalate to violence. Despite these efforts, many areas still lack water; throughout the year, the regions closest to the Nile need to be irrigated through manual effort. This was once done with machines, one of which is described by Philo: it's a wheel that a person turns by stepping on its rungs. This is what Moses refers to when he says that, in Egypt, they water the land with their feet. The water is then directed to cisterns; when gardens need to be refreshed, water flows through channels to the beds in small streams, which can be controlled by the foot and redirected as needed.
2. To be under any one’s feet, to be a footstool to him, signifies the subjection of a subject to his sovereign, of a slave to his master. To lick the dust of one’s feet, is an abject manner of doing homage. In Mr. Hugh Boyd’s account of his embassy to the king of Candy, in Ceylon, there is a paragraph which singularly illustrates this, and shows the adulation and obsequious reverence with which an eastern monarch is approached. Describing his introduction to the king, he says, “The removal of the curtain was the signal of our obeisances. Mine, by stipulation, was to be only kneeling. My companions immediately began the performance of theirs, which were in the most perfect degree of eastern humiliation. They almost literally licked the dust; prostrating themselves with their faces almost close to the stone floor, and throwing out their arms and legs; then, rising on their knees, they repeated, in a very loud voice, a certain form of words of the most extravagant meaning that can be conceived, that the head of the king of kings might reach beyond the sun; that he might live a thousand years,” &c. Nakedness of feet was a sign of mourning. God says to Ezekiel, “Make no mourning for the dead, and put on thy shoes upon thy feet,” &c. It was also a mark of respect: “Put off thy shoes from off thy feet; for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground,” Exodus iii, 5. The rabbins say that the priests went barefoot in the temple. “If thou turn away thy foot from the Sabbath, from doing thy pleasure on my holy day,” Isaiah lviii, 13; if thou forbear walking and travelling on the Sabbath day, and do not then thine own will. We know that journeys were forbidden on the Sabbath day, Matt. xxiv, 20; Acts i, 12. Kissing the feet was often practised as a mark of affection and reverence.
2. To be beneath someone, to be a footstool to them, represents the subjugation of a subject to their ruler, or a slave to their master. To kiss the dust from someone's feet is a degrading way of showing respect. In Mr. Hugh Boyd’s account of his mission to the king of Candy in Ceylon, there’s a section that clearly illustrates this and shows the flattery and extreme respect with which an eastern monarch is approached. When describing his introduction to the king, he states, “The removal of the curtain was the signal for our bows. Mine, by agreement, was to simply kneel. My companions immediately began their displays, which were in complete alignment with eastern practices of humiliation. They practically licked the dust; prostrating themselves with their faces nearly touching the stone floor, and stretching out their arms and legs; then, rising on their knees, they loudly recited an exaggerated form of words, claiming that the head of the king of kings might extend beyond the sun; that he might live a thousand years,” etc. Bare feet were a sign of mourning. God tells Ezekiel, “Make no mourning for the dead, and put your shoes on your feet,” etc. It was also a sign of respect: “Remove your shoes from your feet, for the place where you stand is holy ground,” Exodus iii, 5. The rabbis say that the priests were barefoot in the temple. “If you turn away your foot from the Sabbath, from doing your own pleasure on my holy day,” Isaiah lviii, 13; meaning if you refrain from walking and traveling on the Sabbath and do not follow your own desires. We know that journeys were prohibited on the Sabbath day, Matt. xxiv, 20; Acts i, 12. Kissing the feet was often practiced as a sign of affection and respect.
FORNICATION, whoredom, or the act of incontinency between single persons; for if either of the parties be married, the sin is adultery.
FORNICATION, promiscuity, or the act of sexual immorality between unmarried individuals; because if either party is married, it is considered adultery.
FOREHEAD, Mark on the, Ezekiel ix, 4. Mr. Maurice, speaking of the religious rites of the Hindoos, says, Before they can enter the great pagoda, an indispensable ceremony takes place, which can only be performed by the hand of a brahmin; and that is, the impression of their foreheads with the tiluk, or mark of different colours, as they may belong either to the sect of Veeshnu, or Seeva. If the temple be that of Veeshnu, their foreheads are marked with a longitudinal line, and the colour used is vermilion. If it be the temple of Seeva, they are marked with a parallel line, and the colour used is turmeric, or saffron. But these two grand sects being again subdivided into numerous classes, both the size and the shape of the tiluk are varied, in proportion to their superior or inferior rank. In regard to the tiluk, I must observe, that it was a custom of very ancient date in Asia to mark their servants in the forehead. It is alluded to in these words of Ezekiel, where the Almighty commands his angels to “go through the midst of the city, and set a mark on the foreheads of the men who sigh for the abominations committed in the midst thereof.” The same idea occurs also in Rev. vii, 3. The divers sects of the Hindoos have a distinguishing mark of the sect, by which they are known, on the forehead, of powdered sandal wood, or of the slime of the Ganges. The mark of the Wischnites consists of two nearly oval lines down the nose, which runs from two straight lines on the forehead. The mark of the Schivites consists of two curved lines, like a half moon with a point on the nose. It is made either with the slime of the Ganges, with sandal wood, or the ashes of cow dung.
FOREHEAD, Mark on the, Ezekiel ix, 4. Mr. Maurice, talking about the religious practices of the Hindoos, states that before entering the great pagoda, there is a necessary ceremony that can only be performed by a brahmin. This involves marking their foreheads with the tiluk, or a symbol of different colors, depending on whether they belong to the sect of Veeshnu or Seeva. If it's the temple of Veeshnu, they are marked with a vertical line in vermilion. If it's the temple of Seeva, they are marked with a parallel line in turmeric or saffron. However, since these two major sects are further divided into many classes, both the size and shape of the tiluk vary according to their rank. I should note that marking servants on the forehead has been a custom in Asia for a very long time. This is referenced in Ezekiel’s words, where God instructs his angels to “go through the midst of the city, and set a mark on the foreheads of the men who sigh for the abominations committed in it.” The same concept appears in Rev. vii, 3. The various sects of the Hindoos have a distinctive mark specific to their sect, made with powdered sandalwood or the slime of the Ganges. The mark of the Veeshnites features two nearly oval lines down the nose, stemming from two straight lines on the forehead. The mark of the Shivites consists of two curved lines, resembling a crescent shape with a point on the nose. This is made with either the slime of the Ganges, sandalwood, or cow dung ashes.
FOUNTAIN is properly the source or springhead 386of waters. There were several celebrated fountains in Judea, such as that of Rogel, of Gihon, of Siloam, of Nazareth, &c; and allusions to them are often to be met with in both the Old and New Testament. Dr. Chandler, in his travels in Asia Minor, says, “The reader, as we proceed, will find frequent mention of fountains. Their number is owing to the nature of the country and the climate. The soil, parched and thirsty, demands moisture to aid vegetation; and a cloudless sun, which inflames the air, requires for the people the verdure, with shade and air, its agreeable attendants. Hence fountains are met with, not only in the towns and villages, but in the fields and gardens, and by the sides of the roads, and of the beaten tracks on the mountains. Many of them are the useful donations of humane persons while living, or have been bequeathed as legacies on their decease.” As fountains of water were so extremely valuable to the inhabitants of the eastern countries, it is easy to understand why the inspired writers so frequently allude to them, and thence deduce some of their most beautiful and striking similitudes, when they would set forth the choicest spiritual blessings. Thus Jeremiah calls the blessed God, “the fountain of living waters,” Jer. ii, 13. As those springs or fountains of water are the most valuable and highly prized which never intermit or cease to flow, but are always sending forth their streams; such is Jehovah to his people: he is a perennial source of felicity. Zechariah, pointing in his days to the atonement which was to be made in the fulness of time, by the shedding of the blood of Christ, describes it as a fountain that was to be opened in which the inhabitants of Jerusalem might wash away all their impurities: “In that day there shall be a fountain opened to the house of David, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, for sin and for uncleanness,” Zech. xiii, 1. Joel predicted the salvation which was to come out of Zion, under the beautiful figure of “a fountain which should come forth out of the house of the Lord, and water the plain of Shittim,” Joel iii, 18. The Psalmist, expatiating on the excellency of the loving-kindness of God, not only as affording a ground of hope to the children of men, but also as the source of consolation and happiness, adds, “Thou shalt make them drink of the river of thy pleasures; for with thee is the fountain of life,” Psalm xxxvi, 7–9. In short, the blessedness of the heavenly state is shadowed forth under this beautiful figure; for as “in the divine presence there is fulness of joy, and at God’s right hand, pleasures for evermore,” Psalm xvi, 11; so it is said of those who came out of great tribulation, that “the Lamb that was in the midst of the throne shall lead them unto living fountains of water, and God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes,” Rev. vii, 17.
FOUNTAIN is essentially the source or spring of water. There were several famous fountains in Judea, like those at Rogel, Gihon, Siloam, Nazareth, and others; references to these fountains can often be found in both the Old and New Testaments. Dr. Chandler, during his travels in Asia Minor, notes, “As we move forward, the reader will see frequent mentions of fountains. Their abundance is due to the landscape and climate. The dry and thirsty soil needs moisture to support vegetation; a clear sun, which heats the air, necessitates shade and fresh air for the people. Therefore, fountains can be found not just in towns and villages, but also in fields and gardens, and alongside roads and paths in the mountains. Many of these fountains are generous gifts from kind individuals during their lives or have been left as legacies after their death.” Since fountains of water were incredibly valuable to the people in eastern regions, it’s easy to see why the inspired writers often reference them and draw some of their most beautiful and impactful comparisons when describing the best spiritual blessings. For example, Jeremiah refers to God as “the fountain of living waters,” Jer. ii, 13. Just as the most treasured springs or fountains of water are those that flow continuously without interruption, so is Jehovah to His people: He is an everlasting source of happiness. Zechariah, in his time, points to the atonement that would come at the right moment through Christ's bloodshed, describing it as a fountain opened for the residents of Jerusalem to cleanse all their impurities: “In that day there shall be a fountain opened to the house of David and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem for sin and for uncleanness,” Zech. xiii, 1. Joel foretold the salvation that would emerge from Zion, using the beautiful image of “a fountain that shall come forth from the house of the Lord, watering the plain of Shittim,” Joel iii, 18. The Psalmist, expanding on the greatness of God’s loving-kindness, which provides hope to humanity but also serves as a source of comfort and joy, adds, “You shall make them drink from the river of your pleasures; for with you is the fountain of life,” Psalm xxxvi, 7–9. In summary, the joy of the heavenly realm is illustrated through this beautiful image; as “in the divine presence there is fullness of joy, and at God’s right hand, pleasures forevermore,” Psalm xvi, 11; it is also said of those who have endured great tribulation that “the Lamb who is in the midst of the throne will guide them to living fountains of water, and God will wipe away all tears from their eyes,” Rev. vii, 17.
FOX, שועל, Judges xv, 4; Nehemiah iv, 3; xi, 27; Psalm lxiii, 10; Cant. ii, 15; Lam. v, 11; Ezek. xiii, 4; Matt. viii, 20; Luke ix, 58; xiii, 32. Parkhurst observes that this is the name of an animal, probably so called from its burrowing, or making holes in the earth to hide himself or dwell in. The LXX render it by ἀλώπηξ, the Vulgate, vulpes, and our English version, fox. It is recorded, in Judges xv, 4, 5, that “Samson went and caught three hundred foxes, and took firebrands, and turned tail to tail, and put a firebrand in the midst between two tails; and when he had set the brands on fire, he let them go into the standing corn of the Philistines, and burnt up both the shocks, and also the standing corn, with the vineyards and olives.” Dr. Shaw thinks jackals to be the animals here intended; observing, that “as these are creatures by far the most common and familiar, as well as the most numerous of any in the eastern countries, we may well perceive the great possibility there was for Samson to take, or cause to be taken, three hundred of them. The fox, properly so called,” he adds, “is rarely to be met with, neither is it gregarious.” So Hasselquist remarks: “Jackals are found in great numbers about Gaza; and, from their gregarious nature, it is much more probable that Samson should have caught three hundred of them, than of the solitary quadruped, the fox.”
FOX, שועל, Judges 15:4; Nehemiah 4:3; 11:27; Psalm 63:10; Cant. 2:15; Lam. 5:11; Ezek. 13:4; Matt. 8:20; Luke 9:58; 13:32. Parkhurst notes that this is the name of an animal, likely named for its burrowing habits or for making holes in the ground to hide or live in. The LXX translates it as ἀλώπηξ, the Vulgate as vulpes, and our English version as fox. In Judges 15:4-5, it is recorded, “Samson went and caught three hundred foxes, and took torches, and tied them tail to tail, putting a torch between each pair; and when he had set the torches on fire, he let them go into the standing grain of the Philistines, and burned up both the shocks and the standing grain, as well as the vineyards and olives.” Dr. Shaw believes that jackals are the animals intended here, stating that “since these are by far the most common and familiar, as well as the most numerous in the eastern regions, we can see how likely it was for Samson to catch, or have caught, three hundred of them. The fox, in the strict sense,” he adds, “is rarely seen and does not live in groups.” Hasselquist also comments: “Jackals are found in great numbers around Gaza; and given their social nature, it’s much more plausible that Samson would have caught three hundred of them than of the solitary creature, the fox.”
2. At the feast of Ceres, the goddess of corn, celebrated annually at Rome about the middle of April, there was the observance of this custom, to fix burning torches to the tails of a number of foxes, and to let them run through the circus till they were burnt to death. This was done in revenge upon that species of animals, for having once burnt up the fields of corn. The reason, indeed, assigned by Ovid, is too frivolous an origin for so solemn a rite; and the time of its celebration, the seventeenth of April, it seems, was not harvest time, when the fields were covered with corn, vestitos messibus agros; for the middle of April was seed time in Italy, as appears from Virgil’s Georgics. Hence we must infer that this rite must have taken its rise from some other event than that by which Ovid accounted for it; and Samson’s foxes are a probable origin of it. The time agrees exactly, as may be collected from several passages of Scripture. For instance: from the book of Exodus we learn, that before the passover, that is, before the fourteenth day of the month Abib, or March, barley in Egypt was in the ear, Exod. xii, 18; xiii, 4. And in chapter ix, 31, 32, it is said, that the wheat at that time was not grown up. Barley harvest, then, in Egypt, and so in the country of the Philistines, which bordered upon it, must have fallen about the middle of March. Wheat harvest, according to Pliny, was a month later: “In Egypto hordeum sexto a satu mense, frumenta septimo metuntur.” [In Egypt barley is reaped in the sixth month from the time of its being sown, wheat in the seventh.] Therefore wheat harvest happened about the middle of April; the very time in which the burning of foxes was observed at Rome. It is certain that the Romans borrowed many of their rites and ceremonies, both serious and ludicrous, from foreign nations; and Egypt and Phenicia furnished them with more perhaps than any other country. From one of these the Romans might either receive 387this rite immediately, or through the hands of their neighbours, the Carthaginians, who were a colony of Phenicians; and so its true origin may be referred back to the story which we have been considering.
2. At the feast of Ceres, the corn goddess, celebrated every year in Rome around mid-April, people followed this tradition: they would attach burning torches to the tails of several foxes and let them run through the circus until they burned to death. This was done as revenge against these animals for once destroying the cornfields. The explanation given by Ovid seems too trivial for such a serious ritual; besides, the date of the celebration, April 17th, doesn't align with harvest season, when the fields would be filled with crops, dresses for the fields; mid-April is actually planting season in Italy, as noted in Virgil’s Georgics. Therefore, it suggests that this rite originated from some other event besides what Ovid suggested, and the story of Samson’s foxes might be a likely source. The timing fits exactly, as we can gather from various passages in Scripture. For example, in the book of Exodus, we see that before Passover, which is before the fourteenth day of the month Abib, or March, barley in Egypt was already ripe, Exod. xii, 18; xiii, 4. In chapter nine, verses 31 and 32, it states that the wheat at that time had not yet matured. So, the barley harvest in Egypt, and consequently in the neighboring Philistine region, likely occurred around mid-March. According to Pliny, the wheat harvest took place a month later: “In Egypt, barley is sown in the sixth month, and the grains are harvested in the seventh.” [In Egypt barley is harvested six months after sowing, wheat in the seventh.] Therefore, the wheat harvest would have occurred around mid-April—the same time that the burning of foxes was observed in Rome. It’s clear that the Romans took many of their rituals and ceremonies, both serious and playful, from other cultures; and Egypt and Phoenicia probably contributed more than any other region. The Romans might have adopted this rite directly from one of these cultures, or through their neighbors, the Carthaginians, who were a Phoenician colony; thus its true origin might trace back to the story we’ve been discussing.
Bochart has made it probable that the איים spoken of in Isaiah xiii, 22; xxxiv, 14; and Jer. 1, 39, rendered by our translators “the beasts of the islands,” an appellation very vague and indeterminate, are jackals; and that the θωὲς of the Greeks, and the beni ani of the Arabians are the same animal; and though he takes that to have been their specific name, yet he thinks, that, from their great resemblance to a fox, they might be comprehended under the Hebrew name of a fox, shual; which is indeed almost the same with sciagal sciugal, the Persian names of the jackal. Scaliger and Olearius, quoted by Bochart, expressly call the jackal a fox; and Mr. Sandys speaks of it in the same manner: “The jackals, in my opinion, are no other than foxes, whereof an infinite number,” &c. Hasselquist calls it the little eastern fox; and Kæmpfer says that it might not be improperly called the wolf-fox. It is therefore very conceivable that the ancients might comprehend this animal under the general name of fox.
Bochart has suggested that the islands mentioned in Isaiah xiii, 22; xxxiv, 14; and Jer. 1, 39, translated by our translators as “the beasts of the islands,” which is a very vague and unclear term, actually refers to jackals; and that the Greek θωὲς and the Arabian beni ani are the same animal. Although he considers that to be their specific name, he believes that, because they closely resemble a fox, they could also be included under the Hebrew word for fox, shual; which is indeed almost identical to sciagal sciugal, the Persian names for jackal. Scaliger and Olearius, referenced by Bochart, specifically call the jackal a fox; and Mr. Sandys discusses it similarly: “The jackals, in my opinion, are no other than foxes, of which there are countless numbers,” etc. Hasselquist refers to it as the little eastern fox; and Kæmpfer notes that it could also be appropriately called the wolf-fox. Therefore, it's quite possible that the ancients might have classified this animal under the general term for fox.
3. To give an idea of his own extreme poverty, the Lord Jesus says, Luke ix, 58, “Foxes have holes, and birds of the air have nests; but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head.” And he calls Herod, the tetrarch of Galilee, a fox, Luke xiii, 32; thereby signifying his craft, and the refinements of his policy. In illustration of the pertinency of this allusion, we may quote a remark of Busbequius: “I heard a mighty noise, as if it had been of men who jeered and mocked us. I asked what was the matter; and was answered, ‘Only the howlings of certain beasts which the Turks call, ciagals, or jackals.’ They are a sort of wolves, somewhat bigger than foxes, but less than common wolves, yet as greedy and devouring. They go in flocks, and seldom hurt man or beast; but get their food more by craft and stealth than by open force. Thence it is that the Turks call subtle and crafty persons by the metaphorical name of ciagals.”
3. To illustrate his own extreme poverty, the Lord Jesus says in Luke 9:58, “Foxes have dens, and birds of the air have nests, but the Son of Man has no place to lay his head.” He refers to Herod, the tetrarch of Galilee, as a fox in Luke 13:32, which signifies his cunning and the tricks of his governance. To highlight the relevance of this comparison, we can quote a remark from Busbequius: “I heard a loud noise, as if it came from men who were jeering and mocking us. I asked what was happening and was told, ‘It’s just the howling of certain beasts the Turks call ciagals, or jackals.’ They are a type of wolf, a bit larger than foxes but smaller than regular wolves, yet just as greedy and destructive. They travel in packs and rarely harm humans or livestock; instead, they get their food more through cunning and stealth rather than through direct confrontation. That’s why the Turks use the metaphorical term ciagals to describe subtle and crafty people.”
FRANKINCENSE, לבונה, Exod. xxx, 34, &c. λίϐανος, Matt. ii, 11; Rev. xviii, 13, a dry, resinous substance, of a yellowish white colour, a strong fragrant smell, and bitter, acrid taste. The tree which produces it is not known. Dioscorides mentions it as procured from India. What is here called the pure frankincense is, no doubt, the same with the mascula thura of Virgil, and signifies what is first obtained from the tree.
FRANKINCENSE, לְבַנָה, Exod. xxx, 34, &c. λίϐανος, Matt. ii, 11; Rev. xviii, 13, is a dry, resinous substance that has a yellowish-white color, a strong fragrant smell, and a bitter, acrid taste. The tree that produces it is unknown. Dioscorides notes that it comes from India. What is referred to as pure frankincense here is clearly the same as the mascula thura mentioned by Virgil, meaning what is first harvested from the tree.
FRIEND is taken for one whom we love and esteem above others, to whom we impart our minds more familiarly than to others, and that from a confidence of his integrity and good will toward us: thus Jonathan and David were mutually friends. Solomon, in his book of Proverbs, gives the qualities of a true friend. “A friend loveth at all times:” not only in prosperity, but also in adversity; and, “there is a friend that sticketh closer than a brother.” He is more hearty in the performance of all friendly offices; he reproves and rebukes when he sees any thing amiss. “Faithful are the wounds of a friend.” His sharpest reproofs proceed from an upright, and truly loving and faithful soul. He is known by his good and faithful counsel, as well as by his seasonable rebukes. “Ointment and perfume rejoice the heart, so does the sweetness of a man’s friend by hearty counsel:” by such counsel as comes from his very heart and soul, and is the language of his inward and most serious thoughts. The company and conversation of a friend is refreshing and reviving to a person, who, when alone, is sad, dull, and inactive. “Iron sharpeneth iron, so a man sharpeneth the countenance of his friend.” The title, “the friend of God,” is principally given to Abraham: “Art not thou our God, who gavest this land to the seed of Abraham, thy friend, for ever?” And in Isaiah xli, 8, “But thou Israel art the seed of Abraham, my friend.” “And the Scripture was fulfilled, which saith, Abraham believed God, and it was imputed to him for righteousness; and he was called the friend of God,” James ii, 23. This title was given him, not only because God frequently appeared to him, conversed familiarly with him, and revealed his secrets to him, “Shall I hide from Abraham that thing which I do?” Gen. xviii, 17; but also because he entered into a covenant of perpetual friendship both with him and his seed. Our Saviour calls his Apostles “friends:” “But I have called you friends;” and he adds the reason of it, “for all things that I have heard of my Father, I have made known unto you,” John xv, 15. As men use to communicate their counsels and their whole mind to their friends, especially in things which are of any concern, or may be of any advantage for them to know and understand, so I have revealed to you whatever is necessary for your instruction, office, comfort, and salvation. And this title is not peculiar to the Apostles only, but is common with them to all true believers. The friend of the bridegroom is the brideman; he who does the honours of the wedding, and leads his friend’s spouse to the nuptial chamber. John the Baptist, with respect to Christ and his church, was the friend of the bridegroom; by his preaching he prepared the people of the Jews for Christ, John iii, 29. Friend is a word of ordinary salutation, whether to a friend or foe: he is called friend who had not on a wedding garment, Matt. xxii, 12. And our Saviour calls Judas the traitor friend. Some are of opinion that this title is given to the guest by an irony, or antiphrasis; meaning the contrary to what the word importeth; or that he is called so, because he appeared to others to be Christ’s friend; or was so in his own esteem and account, though falsely, being a hypocrite. However, this being spoken in the person of him who made the feast, it is generally taken for a usual compellation, and that Christ, following the like courteous custom of appellation and friendly greeting, did so salute Judas, which yet left a sting behind it in his conscience, 388who knew himself to be the reverse of what he was called. The name of friend is likewise given to a neighbour. “Which of you shall have a friend, and shall go to him at midnight, and say, Friend, lend me three loaves?” Luke xi, 3.
A FRIEND is someone we love and hold in high regard, someone we share our thoughts with more openly than with others, based on our trust in their integrity and goodwill towards us. Jonathan and David exemplified this kind of friendship. In his book of Proverbs, Solomon outlines the qualities of a true friend. “A friend loves at all times”: not just during good times, but also in difficult times; and, “there is a friend who sticks closer than a brother.” This friend is more committed in all acts of kindness; they offer constructive criticism when they see something wrong. “Faithful are the wounds of a friend.” Their harshest feedback comes from a genuine, loving, and loyal heart. A true friend is recognized for their wise and trustworthy advice, as well as their timely rebukes. “Ointment and perfume make the heart glad, just like the sweetness of a friend’s heartfelt advice,” from deep, sincere thoughts. The company and conversation of a friend is refreshing and energizing for someone who feels sad, dull, or inactive when alone. “Iron sharpens iron, so a person sharpens the face of their friend.” The title "friend of God" is primarily attributed to Abraham: “Are you not our God, who gave this land to the descendants of Abraham, your friend, forever?” And in Isaiah 41:8, “But you, Israel, are the descendants of Abraham, my friend.” “And the Scripture was fulfilled, which says, Abraham believed God, and it was counted to him for righteousness; and he was called the friend of God,” James 2:23. This title was bestowed on him not only because God often appeared to him, spoke with him intimately, and shared His secrets, asking, “Shall I hide from Abraham what I am about to do?” (Genesis 18:17), but also because He made a lasting covenant of friendship with him and his descendants. Our Savior refers to his Apostles as “friends”: “But I have called you friends;” and he explains why, “for everything I learned from my Father, I have made known to you,” John 15:15. Just as people typically share their thoughts and plans with friends, especially regarding matters of importance or potential benefit, I have revealed to you all that you need to know for your guidance, work, comfort, and salvation. This title is not exclusive to the Apostles; it applies to all true believers. The friend of the bridegroom is the best man, who hosts the wedding and brings his friend’s bride to the marriage chamber. John the Baptist was the friend of the bridegroom in relation to Christ and His church; through his preaching, he prepared the Jewish people for Christ, John 3:29. “Friend” is a term used as a casual greeting, whether directed at a friend or an enemy. For example, the individual who lacked a wedding garment is referred to as friend (Matthew 22:12), and our Savior refers to Judas the traitor as friend. Some believe this title is used ironically, implying the opposite of its literal meaning; suggesting he seemed to others to be Christ’s friend, or believed himself to be, though falsely, as he was a hypocrite. Nevertheless, since this was spoken by the host of the feast, it is often viewed as a customary form of address, with Christ greeting Judas in the same courteous manner, which ultimately left a mark on his conscience since he knew he was the opposite of what he was called. The term friend is also used to refer to a neighbor: “Which of you has a friend and goes to him at midnight, saying, Friend, lend me three loaves?” Luke 11:3.
FRIENDS, or QUAKERS, a religious society which began to be distinguished about the middle of the seventeenth century. Their doctrines were first promulgated in England, by George Fox, about the year 1647; for which he was imprisoned at Nottingham, in the year 1649, and the year following at Derby. Fox evidently considered himself as acting under a divine commission, and went, not only to fairs and markets, but into courts of justice and “steeple houses,” as he called the churches, warning all to obey the Holy Spirit, speaking by him. It is said, that the appellation of Quakers was given them in reproach by one of the magistrates, who, in 1650, committed Fox to prison, on account of his bidding him, and those about him, to quake at the word of the Lord. But they adopted among themselves, and still retain, the kind appellation of Friends.
FRIENDS, or QUAKERS, is a religious group that started to gain recognition around the mid-17th century. Their beliefs were first shared in England by George Fox around 1647, which led to his imprisonment in Nottingham in 1649 and again in Derby the following year. Fox clearly saw himself as acting on a divine mission and went not only to fairs and markets but also to courts and what he called "steeple houses," urging everyone to listen to the Holy Spirit speaking through him. It's said that the term Quakers was initially used mockingly by one of the magistrates who jailed Fox in 1650 because he told him and those around him to quake at the word of the Lord. However, they embraced and continue to use the friendly name Friends.
From their first appearance, they suffered much persecution. In New-England they were treated with peculiar severity, imprisoned, scourged, (women as well as men,) and at Boston four of them were even hanged, among whom was one woman; and this was the more extraordinary and inexcusable, as the settlers themselves had but lately fled from persecution in the parent country! During these sufferings, they applied to King Charles II, for relief; who, in 1661, granted a mandamus, to put a stop to them. Neither were the good offices of this prince in their favour confined to the colonies; for in 1672, he released, under the great seal, four hundred of these suffering people who were imprisoned in Great Britain. To what has been alleged against them, on account of James Naylor and his associates, they answer that their extravagancies and blasphemies were disapproved at the time, and the parties disowned; nor was Naylor restored till he had given signs of a sincere repentance, and publicly condemned his errors.
From their first appearance, they faced a lot of persecution. In New England, they were treated with particular harshness, imprisoned, whipped (women as well as men), and in Boston, four of them were even hanged, including one woman; this was especially shocking and inexcusable since the settlers had only recently escaped persecution in the mother country! During these hardships, they reached out to King Charles II for help; in 1661, he issued a mandate to stop the mistreatment. The king’s support didn’t just extend to the colonies; in 1672, he used the royal seal to release four hundred of these suffering individuals who were imprisoned in Great Britain. In response to the accusations against them related to James Naylor and his associates, they argued that their extreme actions and blasphemy were disapproved of at the time, and the individuals involved were disowned; Naylor wasn’t restored until he showed signs of genuine repentance and publicly condemned his mistakes.
In 1681, Charles II, granted to W. Penn the province of Pennsylvania. Penn’s treaty with the Indians, and the liberty of conscience which he granted to all denominations, even those which had persecuted his own, do honour to his memory. In the reign of James II, the Friends, in common with other English Dissenters, were relieved by the suspension of the penal laws. But it was not till the reign of William and Mary that they obtained any thing like a proper legal protection. An act was passed in the year 1696, which, with a few exceptions, allowed to their affirmation the legal force of an oath, and provided a less oppressive mode for recovering tithes under a certain amount; which provisions, under the reign of George I, were made perpetual. For refusing to pay tithes, &c, however, they are still liable to suffer in the exchequer and ecclesiastical court, both in Great Britain and Ireland.
In 1681, Charles II granted W. Penn the province of Pennsylvania. Penn’s treaty with the Indigenous people and the freedom of conscience he offered to all faiths, even those that had persecuted him, honor his memory. During James II’s reign, the Quakers, along with other English Dissenters, benefited from the suspension of the penal laws. However, it wasn't until the reign of William and Mary that they received any form of proper legal protection. In 1696, an act was passed that, with a few exceptions, gave their affirmations the same legal standing as oaths and provided a less burdensome way to recover tithes under a certain amount; these provisions were made permanent during George I's reign. Nevertheless, for refusing to pay tithes, they could still face penalties in the exchequer and ecclesiastical courts in both Great Britain and Ireland.
The true Friends are orthodox, as to the leading doctrines of Christianity, but express themselves in peculiar phrases. They hold special revelations of the Holy Spirit, yet not to the disparagement of the written word, which they regard as the infallible rule of faith and practice. They reject a salaried ministry, and interpret the sacraments mystically. They are advocates of the interior spiritual life of religion, to which, indeed, they have borne constant testimony; and they are distinguished by probity, philanthropy, and a public spirit. [In the United States, the Friends are divided into the Orthodox, (so called,) and Hicksites, or followers of the late Elias Hicks. The latter are considered as having departed from the original doctrines of the Friends, and very far from the leading doctrines of Christianity, as held by Protestant Christians in general.]
The true Friends are orthodox regarding the main beliefs of Christianity, but they express themselves in unique ways. They believe in special revelations from the Holy Spirit, without undermining the written word, which they see as the absolute guide for faith and practice. They do not support a paid ministry and interpret the sacraments in a mystical way. They promote a deep inner spiritual life in religion, to which they have always remained committed; they are also known for their integrity, charity, and sense of community. [In the United States, the Friends are split into the Orthodox (so-called) and Hicksites, or followers of the late Elias Hicks. The latter are viewed as having strayed from the original beliefs of the Friends and are considered quite distant from the main beliefs of Christianity as understood by Protestant Christians in general.]
FROG, צפרדע; Arabic, akurrak; Greek, βάτραχος; Exod. viii, 2–14; Psalm lxxviii, 45; cv, 30; Rev. xvi, 13. When God plagued Pharaoh and his people, the river Nile, which was the object of great admiration to the Egyptians, was made to contribute to their punishment. “The river brought forth frogs abundantly;” but the circumstance of their coming up into the bed chambers, and into the ovens and kneading troughs, needs explanation to us, whose domestic apartments and economy are so different from those of the ancient nations. Their lodgings were not in upper stories, but in recesses on the ground floor; and their ovens were not like ours, built on the side of a chimney, and adjacent to a fireplace, where the glowing heat would frighten away the frogs, but they dug a hole in the ground, in which they placed an earthen pot, which having sufficiently heated, they stuck their cakes to the inside to be baked. To find such places full of frogs when they came to heat them in order to bake their bread, and to see frogs in the beds where they sought repose, must have been both disgusting and distressing in the extreme. Frogs were reckoned unclean by the Hebrews.
FROG, Frog; Arabic, akurrak; Greek, βάτραχος; Exod. viii, 2–14; Psalm lxxviii, 45; cv, 30; Rev. xvi, 13. When God punished Pharaoh and his people, the Nile River, which the Egyptians greatly admired, was turned into a source of their suffering. “The river brought forth frogs abundantly;” but the fact that these frogs entered their bedrooms, ovens, and kneading areas needs some clarification for us, whose homes and ways of living are so different from those of ancient peoples. Their living spaces weren’t on upper floors but in ground-level recesses; their ovens weren’t built alongside a chimney like ours, where the heat would keep the frogs away. Instead, they dug a hole in the ground and placed a clay pot inside it. Once it was heated enough, they stuck their dough to the inside to bake. To find these spots filled with frogs when they tried to heat them for baking, and to discover frogs in the beds where they sought rest, must have been incredibly disgusting and distressing. Frogs were considered unclean by the Hebrews.
FRONTLETS. Leo of Modena thus describes them: The Jews take four pieces of parchment, and write, with an ink made on purpose, and in square letters, these four passages, one on each piece: 1. “Sanctify unto me all the first-born,” &c, Exodus xiii, 1–10. 2. “And when the Lord shall bring thee into the land of the Canaanites,” &c, verses 11–16. 3. “Hear, O Israel: the Lord our God is one Lord,” &c, Deut. vi, 4–9. 4. “If you shall hearken diligently unto my commandments,” &c, Deut. xi, 13–21. This they do in obedience to these words of Moses: “These commandments shall be for a sign unto thee upon thine hand, and for a memorial between thine eyes.” These four little pieces of parchment are fastened together, and a square formed of them, on which the letter ש is written; then a little square of hard calf’s skin is put upon the top, out of which come two leathern strings an inch wide, and a cubit and a half, or thereabouts, in length. This square is put on the middle of the forehead, and the strings being girt about the head, make a knot in the form 389of the letter ד: they then are brought before, and fall on the breast. It is called teffila-schel-rosch, or the tephila of the head. The most devout Jews put it on both at morning and noon-day prayer; but the generality of the Jews wear it only at morning prayer. Only the chanter of the synagogue is obliged to put it on at noon as well as morning.
FRONTLETS. Leo of Modena describes them this way: The Jews use four pieces of parchment, write on them with specially made ink in square letters, and inscribe four passages, one on each piece: 1. “Sanctify unto me all the first-born,” etc., Exodus 13:1–10. 2. “And when the Lord shall bring you into the land of the Canaanites,” etc., verses 11–16. 3. “Hear, O Israel: the Lord our God is one Lord,” etc., Deut. 6:4–9. 4. “If you will diligently listen to my commandments,” etc., Deut. 11:13–21. They do this in obedience to these words of Moses: “These commandments shall be for a sign upon your hand and a reminder between your eyes.” These four small pieces of parchment are attached together to form a square, on which the letter ש is written; then a small square made of tough calfskin is placed on top, from which two leather straps, each about an inch wide and a cubit and a half long, hang down. This square is placed on the center of the forehead, and the straps are wrapped around the head, tied in a knot shaped like the letter ד: then they are brought down in front and hang on the chest. It is called teffila-schel-rosch, or the tephila of the head. The most devout Jews wear it during morning and noon prayers; however, most Jews only wear it during morning prayer. Only the synagogue cantor is required to wear it for both morning and noon prayers.
It is a question, whether the use of frontlets, and other phylacteries, was literally ordained by Moses. They who believe their use to be binding, observe, that the text of Moses speaks as positively of this as of other precepts; he requires the commandments of God to be written on the doors of houses, as a sign on their hands, and as an ornament on their foreheads, Exod. xiii, 16. If there be any obligation to write these commandments on their doors, as the text intimates, there is the same for writing them on their hands and foreheads. On the contrary, others maintain that these precepts should be taken figuratively and allegorically, as denoting that the Jews should very carefully preserve the remembrance of God’s law, and observe his commands; that they should always have them before them, and never forget them. Prior to the Babylonish captivity, no traces of them appear in the history of the Jews. The prophets never inveigh against the omission or neglect of them, nor was there any question concerning them in the reformation of manners at any time among the Hebrews. The almost general custom in the east of wearing phylacteries and frontlets, determines nothing for the antiquity or usefulness of this practice. The Caraite Jews, who adhere to the letter of the law, and despise traditions, call the rabbinical Jews bridled asses, because they wear these tephilim and frontlets. See Phylactery.
It’s a question whether the use of frontlets and other phylacteries was literally commanded by Moses. Those who believe it is mandatory point out that Moses’s text speaks just as clearly about this as it does about other commandments; he requires the commandments of God to be written on the doors of houses, as a sign on their hands, and as an ornament on their foreheads, Exod. xiii, 16. If there’s an obligation to write these commandments on their doors, as the text suggests, there’s the same obligation for writing them on their hands and foreheads. On the other hand, some argue that these commandments should be understood figuratively and allegorically, meaning that the Jews should carefully maintain the memory of God’s law and follow his commands; they should always keep them in mind and never forget them. Before the Babylonian captivity, there’s no evidence of these practices in Jewish history. The prophets never criticized the omission or neglect of them, nor was there ever any discussion about them during moral reforms among the Hebrews. The almost universal practice in the East of wearing phylacteries and frontlets does not prove the age or usefulness of this practice. The Karaite Jews, who stick to the literal interpretation of the law and reject traditions, call the rabbinical Jews bridled donkeys because they wear these tephilim and frontlets. See Phylactery.
FRUIT, the product of the earth, as trees, plants, &c. “Blessed shall be the fruit of thy ground and cattle.” The fruit of the body signifies children: “Blessed shall be the fruit of thy body.” By fruit is sometimes meant reward: “They shall eat of the fruit of their own ways,” Prov. i, 31; they shall receive the reward of their bad conduct, and punishment answerable to their sins. The fruit of the lips is the sacrifice of praise or thanksgiving, Heb. xiii, 15. The fruit of the righteous, that is, the counsel, example, instruction, and reproof of the righteous, is a tree of life, is a means of much good, both temporal and eternal; and that not only to himself, but to others also, Prov. xi, 30. Solomon says, in Prov. xii, 14, “A man shall be satisfied with good by the fruit of his mouth;” that is, he shall receive abundant blessings from God as the reward of that good he has done, by his pious and profitable discourses. “Fruits meet for repentance,” Matt. iii, 8, is such a conduct as befits the profession of penitence.
FRUIT, the produce of the earth, like trees, plants, etc. “Blessed will be the fruit of your ground and livestock.” The fruit of the body refers to children: “Blessed will be the fruit of your body.” Sometimes, fruit means reward: “They will eat the fruit of their own ways,” Prov. i, 31; they will reap the consequences of their bad actions and receive punishment that matches their sins. The fruit of the lips is the sacrifice of praise or thanksgiving, Heb. xiii, 15. The fruit of the righteous—like their counsel, example, instruction, and correction—is a tree of life, serving as a source of great good, both temporary and eternal; and this benefits not only themselves but also others, Prov. xi, 30. Solomon states in Prov. xii, 14, “A man will be satisfied with good by the fruit of his mouth;” that is, he will receive abundant blessings from God as a reward for the good he has done through his uplifting and beneficial words. “Fruits meet for repentance,” Matt. iii, 8, refers to actions that are appropriate to someone who is genuinely repentant.
2. The fruits of the Spirit are those gracious habits which the Holy Spirit of God produces in those in whom he dwelleth and worketh, with those acts which flow from them, as naturally as the tree produces its fruit. The Apostle enumerates these fruits in Galatians v, 22, 23. The same Apostle, in Eph. v, 9, comprehends the fruits of the sanctifying Spirit in these three things; namely, goodness, righteousness, and truth. The fruits of righteousness are such good works and holy actions as spring from a gracious frame of heart: “Being filled with the fruits of righteousness,” Phil. i, 11. Fruit is taken for a charitable contribution, which is the fruit or effect of faith and love: “When I have sealed unto them this fruit,” Rom. xv, 28; when I have safely delivered this contribution. When fruit is spoken of good men, then it is to be understood of the fruits or works of holiness and righteousness; but when of evil men, then are meant the fruits of sin, immorality, and wickedness. This is our Saviour’s doctrine, Matt. vii, 16–18.
2. The fruits of the Spirit are the positive traits that the Holy Spirit produces in people where He lives and works, with actions that flow from them just as naturally as a tree produces fruit. The Apostle lists these fruits in Galatians 5:22-23. In Ephesians 5:9, the same Apostle summarizes the fruits of the sanctifying Spirit as goodness, righteousness, and truth. The fruits of righteousness are the good deeds and holy actions that come from a gracious heart: “Being filled with the fruits of righteousness,” Philippians 1:11. The term “fruit” also refers to a charitable contribution, which is the outcome of faith and love: “When I have sealed unto them this fruit,” Romans 15:28; when I have safely delivered this contribution. When the word "fruit" refers to good people, it means the fruits or works of holiness and righteousness; but when it refers to evil people, it signifies the fruits of sin, immorality, and wickedness. This is our Savior’s teaching, Matthew 7:16-18.
3. Uncircumcised fruit, or impure, of which there is mention in Lev. xix, 23, is the fruit for the first three years of a tree newly planted; it was reputed unclean, and no one was permitted to eat of it in all that time. In the fourth year it was offered to the Lord; after which it was common, and generally eaten. Various reasons are assigned for this precept. As (1.) Because the first-fruits were to be offered to God, who required the best: but in this time the fruit was not come to perfection. (2.) It was serviceable to the trees themselves, which grew the better and faster; being early stripped of those fruits which otherwise would have derived to themselves, and drawn away, much of the strength from the root and tree. (3.) It tended to the advantage of men, both because the fruit was then waterish, undigestible, and unwholesome; and because hereby men were taught to bridle their appetites, a lesson of great use and absolute necessity in a godly life.
3. Uncircumcised fruit, or impure, mentioned in Lev. xix, 23, refers to the fruit produced in the first three years of a newly planted tree; it was considered unclean, and no one was allowed to eat it during that time. In the fourth year, it was offered to the Lord; after that, it became common and generally eaten. Several reasons are given for this rule. (1.) Because the first fruits were to be offered to God, who required the best: but during this period, the fruit was not fully developed. (2.) It benefited the trees themselves, as they grew better and faster when relieved of those fruits that would otherwise drain strength from the roots and the tree. (3.) It was advantageous for people, as the fruit was often watery, indigestible, and unhealthy; and this practice taught individuals to control their desires, a crucial lesson for leading a godly life.
FUEL. In preparing their victuals, the orientals are, from the extreme scarcity of wood in many countries, reduced to use cow dung for fuel. At Aleppo, the inhabitants use wood and charcoal in their rooms, but heat their baths with cow dung, the parings of fruit, and other things of a similar kind, which they employ people to gather for that purpose. In Egypt, according to Pitts, the scarcity of wood is so great, that at Cairo they commonly heat their ovens with horse or cow dung, or dirt of the streets; what wood they have, being brought from the shores of the Black Sea, and sold by weight. Chardin attests the same fact: “The eastern people always used cow dung for baking, boiling a pot, and dressing all kinds of victuals that are easily cooked, especially in countries that have but little wood;” and Dr. Russel remarks, in a note, that “the Arabs carefully collect the dung of the sheep and camel, as well as that of the cow; and that the dung, offals, and other matters, used in the bagnios, after having been new gathered in the streets, are carried out of the city, and laid in great heaps to dry, where they become very offensive. They are intolerably disagreeable, while drying, in the town, adjoining to the bagnios; and are so at all times when it rains, though they be stacked, pressed hard together, and thatched at top.” These statements exhibit, in a very strong light, the extreme misery 390of the Jews, who escaped from the devouring sword of Nebuchadnezzar: “They that did feed delicately are desolate in the streets; they that were brought up in scarlet embrace dunghills,” Lam. iv, 5. To embrace dunghills, is a species of wretchedness, perhaps unknown to us in the history of modern warfare; but it presents a dreadful and appalling image, when the circumstances to which it alludes are recollected. What can be imagined more distressing to those who lived delicately, than to wander without food in the streets? What more disgusting and terrible to those who had been clothed in rich and splendid garments, than to be forced, by the destruction of their palaces, to seek shelter among stacks of dung, the filth and stench of which it is almost impossible to endure? The dunghill, it appears from Holy Writ, is one of the common retreats of the mendicant. This imparts great force and beauty to a passage in the song of Hannah: “He raiseth up the poor out of the dust, and lifteth the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among princes, and to make them inherit the throne of glory,” 1 Sam. ii, 8. The change in the circumstances of that excellent woman, she reckoned as great, (and it was to her as unexpected,) as the elevation of a poor despised beggar from a nauseous and polluting dunghill, rendered tenfold more fetid by the intense heat of an oriental sun, to one of the highest and most splendid stations on earth.
FUEL. When preparing their meals, people in many Eastern countries often have to use cow dung for fuel due to the extreme scarcity of wood. In Aleppo, residents use wood and charcoal for heating their rooms, but they rely on cow dung, fruit scraps, and similar materials to heat their baths, which they hire people to gather. In Egypt, as noted by Pitts, the lack of wood is so severe that in Cairo they usually heat their ovens with horse or cow dung, or even dirt from the streets; the wood they do have is transported from the Black Sea shores and sold by weight. Chardin confirms this practice: “Eastern people consistently use cow dung for baking, boiling pots, and cooking various easily prepared foods, especially in areas with very little wood.” Dr. Russel adds in a note that “Arabs carefully collect dung from sheep and camels, as well as from cows, and that dung, scraps, and other materials used in the baths are gathered fresh from the streets and then taken outside the city to dry in huge piles, where they become very unpleasant. They smell terrible while drying in town, particularly near the baths; and they remain foul at all times during rain, even when packed tightly and covered.” These observations highlight the extreme suffering of the Jews who fled from the deadly sword of Nebuchadnezzar: “Those who once feasted delicately now lie desolate in the streets; those raised in luxury now embrace piles of dung,” Lam. iv, 5. To embrace dung heaps signifies a level of misery perhaps unknown to us in today's warfare; yet it paints a horrifying image when one considers the conditions it refers to. What could be more distressing for those who lived in comfort than to wander the streets without food? What could be more repulsive and dreadful for those once adorned in rich clothing than to be forced, after their palaces were destroyed, to find refuge among heaps of dung, whose filth and stench are nearly unbearable? As revealed in scripture, dung heaps are a common refuge for beggars. This adds depth and beauty to a line from Hannah’s song: “He lifts the poor out of the dust, and raises the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among princes and make them inherit the throne of glory,” 1 Sam. ii, 8. The transformation in the life of that remarkable woman was as significant (and as surprising) to her as the rise of a poor, disregarded beggar from a vile and contaminating dung heap, intensified by the scorching heat of the Eastern sun, to one of the most prestigious and magnificent positions on earth.
2. Dung is used as fuel in the east only when wood cannot be had; for the latter, and even any other combustible substance, is preferred when it can be obtained. The inhabitants of Aleppo, according to Russel, use thorns and fuel of a similar kind for those culinary purposes which require haste, particularly for boiling, which seems to be the reason that Solomon mentions the “crackling of thorns under a pot,” rather than in any other way. The same allusion to the use of thorns for boiling occurs in other parts of the sacred volume: thus, the Psalmist speaks of the wicked, “Before your pots can feel the thorns, he shall take them away as with a whirlwind, both living, and in his wrath.” The Jews are sometimes compared in the prophets to “a brand plucked out of the burning,” Amos iv, 11; Zech. iii, 2; a figure which Chardin considers as referring to vine twigs, and other brushwood which the orientals frequently use for fuel, and which, in a few minutes, must be consumed if they are not snatched out of the fire; and not to those battens, or large branches, which will lie a long time in the fire before they are reduced to ashes. If this idea be correct, it displays in a stronger and more lively manner the seasonable interposition of God’s mercy, than is furnished by any other view of the phrase. The same remark applies to the figure by which the Prophet Isaiah describes the sudden and complete destruction of Rezin, and the son of Remaliah; only in this passage, the firebrands are supposed to be smoking; that is, in the opinion of Harmer, having the steam issuing with force from one end, in consequence of the fire burning violently at the other. The words of the prophet are: “Take heed and be quiet; fear not, neither be faint-hearted, for the two tails of these smoking firebrands, for the fierce anger of Rezin with Syria, and of the son of Remaliah,” Isaiah vii, 4. It is not easy to conceive an image more striking than this; the remains of two small twigs burning with violence at one end, as appears by the steaming of the other, are soon reduced to ashes; so shall the kingdoms of Syria and Israel sink into ruin and disappear.
2. Dung is only used as fuel in the east when wood isn't available; wood, or any other combustible material, is preferred when it's accessible. The people of Aleppo, according to Russel, use thorns and similar kinds of fuel for quick cooking, especially for boiling. This seems to be why Solomon mentions the “crackling of thorns under a pot,” rather than in some other context. The same reference to using thorns for boiling shows up in other parts of the sacred text: for example, the Psalmist talks about the wicked, “Before your pots can feel the thorns, he shall take them away as with a whirlwind, both living, and in his wrath.” The Jews are sometimes compared in the prophets to “a brand plucked out of the burning,” Amos iv, 11; Zech. iii, 2; a metaphor that Chardin thinks relates to vine twigs and other brushwood commonly used for fuel by people in the east, which must be consumed in a matter of minutes if not removed from the fire; unlike larger branches, which can burn for a long time before turning to ashes. If this interpretation is correct, it highlights God's mercy more vividly than any other understanding of the phrase. The same observation applies to the image used by the Prophet Isaiah to describe the sudden and total destruction of Rezin and the son of Remaliah; in this case, the firebrands are thought to be smoking, meaning, according to Harmer, that steam is forcefully escaping from one end because the fire is raging at the other. The prophet says: “Take heed and be quiet; fear not, neither be faint-hearted, for the two tails of these smoking firebrands, for the fierce anger of Rezin with Syria, and of the son of Remaliah,” Isaiah vii, 4. It's hard to imagine a more striking image than this; the remnants of two small twigs burning fiercely at one end, as shown by the steaming at the other, will quickly turn to ashes; similarly, the kingdoms of Syria and Israel will fall into ruin and vanish.
3. The scarcity of fuel in the east obliges the inhabitants to use, by turns, every kind of combustible matter. The withered stalks of herbs and flowers, the tendrils of the vine, the small branches of myrtle, rosemary, and other plants, are all used in heating their ovens and bagnios. We can easily recognise this practice in these words of our Lord: “Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow; they toil not, neither do they spin: and yet I say unto you, that Solomon, in all his glory, was not arrayed like one of these. Wherefore, if God so clothe the grass of the field, which today is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe you, O ye of little faith?” Matt. vi, 28–30. The grass of the field, in this passage, evidently includes the lilies of which our Lord had just been speaking, and, by consequence, herbs in general; and in this extensive sense the word χόρτος is not unfrequently taken. These beautiful productions of nature, so richly arrayed, and so exquisitely perfumed, that the splendour even of Solomon is not to be compared with theirs, shall soon wither and decay, and be used as fuel to heat the oven and the bagnio. Has God so adorned these flowers and plants of the field, which retain their beauty and vigour but for a few days, and are then applied to some of the meanest purposes of life; and will he not much more clothe you who are the disciples of his own Son, who are capable of immortality, and destined to the enjoyment of eternal happiness?
3. The lack of fuel in the east forces the locals to use every kind of combustible material in turns. The dried stems of herbs and flowers, the tendrils of the vine, and the small branches of myrtle, rosemary, and other plants are all used to heat their ovens and bathhouses. We can easily recognize this practice in the words of our Lord: “Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow; they don’t labor or spin. Yet I tell you that not even Solomon in all his splendor was dressed like one of these. If that is how God clothes the grass of the field, which is here today and tomorrow is thrown into the oven, will he not much more clothe you, you of little faith?” Matt. vi, 28–30. The grass of the field in this passage clearly includes the lilies that our Lord was just talking about, and by extension, herbs in general; and in this broad sense, the word χόρτος is often used. These beautiful creations of nature, so richly adorned and exquisitely scented, that even Solomon’s splendor can’t compare, will soon wither and decay, becoming fuel to heat the oven and the bathhouse. Has God adorned these flowers and plants of the field, which maintain their beauty and vitality for just a few days, only to have them serve the lowest purposes of life; and will he not much more clothe you, his disciples, who are capable of immortality and destined for eternal happiness?
FULNESS. “The fulness of time” is the time when the Messiah appeared, which was appointed by God, promised to the fathers, foretold by the prophets, expected by the Jews themselves, and earnestly longed for by all the faithful: “When the fulness of the time was come, God sent his Son,” Gal. iv, 4. The fulness of Christ is the superabundance of grace with which he was filled: “Of his fulness have all we received,” John i, 16. And whereas men are said to be filled with the Holy Ghost, as John the Baptist, Luke i, 15; and Stephen, Acts vi, 5; this differs from the fulness of Christ in these three respects: (1.) Grace in others is by participation, as the moon hath her light from the sun, rivers their waters from the fountain: but in Christ all that perfection and influence which we include in that term is originally, naturally, and of himself. (2.) The Spirit is in Christ infinitely and above measure, John iii, 34; but in the saints by measure according to the gift of God, Eph. iv, 16. The saints cannot communicate their graces to others, whereas the gifts of the Spirit are in Christ as a head and fountain, to impart them 391to his members. “We have received of his fulness,” John i, 16. It is said, that “the fulness of the Godhead dwells in Christ bodily,” Col. ii, 2; that is, the whole nature and attributes of God are in Christ, and that really, essentially, or substantially; and also personally, by nearest union; as the soul dwells in the body, so that the same person who is man is God also. The church is called the fulness of Christ, Eph. i, 23. It is the church which makes him a complete and perfect head; for though he has a natural and personal fulness as God, yet, as Mediator, he is not full and complete, without his mystical body, (as a king is not complete without his subjects,) but receives an outward, relative, and mystical fulness from his members.
FULNESS. “The fullness of time” is the time when the Messiah appeared, appointed by God, promised to the fathers, foretold by the prophets, expected by the Jews themselves, and eagerly awaited by all the faithful: “When the fullness of the time had come, God sent his Son,” Gal. iv, 4. The fullness of Christ is the overflowing grace with which he was filled: “Of his fullness have all we received,” John i, 16. While people are said to be filled with the Holy Spirit, like John the Baptist, Luke i, 15; and Stephen, Acts vi, 5; this is different from the fullness of Christ in three ways: (1.) Grace in others is shared, like how the moon gets its light from the sun and rivers get their water from the fountain: but in Christ, all that perfection and influence included in that term is original, natural, and from himself. (2.) The Spirit is in Christ infinitely and without limits, John iii, 34; but in the saints, it’s by measure according to God’s gift, Eph. iv, 16. The saints cannot pass on their graces to others, while the gifts of the Spirit are in Christ as a head and fountain, ready to give them to his members. “We have received of his fullness,” John i, 16. It is said that “the fullness of the Godhead dwells in Christ bodily,” Col. ii, 2; meaning the entire nature and attributes of God are in Christ, really and substantially; also personally, by the closest union; just as the soul resides in the body, so that the same person who is man is also God. The church is called the fullness of Christ, Eph. i, 23. It is the church that completes him as a head; for while he has a natural and personal fullness as God, as Mediator, he is not full and complete without his mystical body (like a king is not complete without his subjects), but receives an outward, relative, and mystical fullness from his members.
FUNERAL RITES. See Burial.
FUNERAL SERVICES. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
FURNACE, a fireplace for melting gold and other metals. “The fining pot is for silver, the furnace for gold,” Prov. xvii, 3. It signifies also a place of cruel bondage and oppression, such as Egypt was to the Israelites, who there met with much hardship, rigour, and severity, to try and purge them, Deut. iv, 20; Jer. xi, 4; the sharp and grievous afflictions and judgments, wherewith God tries his people, Ezek. xxii, 18; xx, 22; also a place of torment, as Nebuchadnezzar’s fiery furnace, Dan. iii, 6, 11. On the last we may remark, that this mode of putting to death is not unusual in the east in modern times. After speaking of the common modes of punishing with death in Persia, Chardin says, “But there is still a particular way of putting to death such as have transgressed in civil affairs, either by causing a dearth, or by selling above the tax by a false weight, or who have committed themselves in any other manner: they are put upon a spit and roasted over a slow fire, Jer. xxix, 22. Bakers, when they offend, are thrown into a hot oven. During the dearth in 1668, I saw such ovens heated in the royal square in Ispahan, to terrify the bakers, and deter them from deriving advantage from the general distress.”
FURNACE, a fireplace used for melting gold and other metals. “The fining pot is for silver, the furnace for gold,” Prov. xvii, 3. It also represents a place of cruel slavery and oppression, like Egypt was for the Israelites, who faced a lot of hardship, strictness, and severity there, Deut. iv, 20; Jer. xi, 4; the sharp and severe sufferings and judgments that God uses to test his people, Ezek. xxii, 18; xx, 22; and a place of torment, such as Nebuchadnezzar’s fiery furnace, Dan. iii, 6, 11. It's worth noting that this method of execution is still not uncommon in the East today. After discussing the usual methods of capital punishment in Persia, Chardin mentions, “But there is still a specific way of executing those who have transgressed in civil matters, either by causing a famine, or by selling above the tax with false weights, or who have committed other offenses: they are placed on a spit and roasted over a slow fire, Jer. xxix, 22. Bakers who offend are thrown into a hot oven. During the famine in 1668, I saw such ovens heated in the royal square in Ispahan to intimidate the bakers and prevent them from profiting from the widespread suffering.”
GABBATHA, a place in Pilate’s palace, from whence he pronounced sentence of death upon Jesus Christ, John xix, 13. This was probably an eminence, or terrace, paved with marble, for the Hebrew means elevated.
GABBATHA, a location in Pilate’s palace, where he declared the death sentence on Jesus Christ, John xix, 13. This was likely a raised area or terrace paved with marble, as the Hebrew means elevated.
GABRIEL, one of the principal angels of heaven. He was sent to the Prophet Daniel, to explain to him the visions of the ram and goat, and the mystery of the seventy weeks, which had been revealed to him, Dan. viii, 15; ix, 21; xi, 1, &c. The same angel was sent to Zechariah, to declare to him the future birth of John the Baptist, Luke i, 11, &c. Six months after this he appeared to a virgin, whose name was Mary, of the city of Nazareth, as related Luke i, 26, &c.
GABRIEL, one of the main angels in heaven, was sent to the Prophet Daniel to explain the visions of the ram and the goat, as well as the mystery of the seventy weeks that had been revealed to him, Dan. viii, 15; ix, 21; xi, 1, &c. The same angel was sent to Zechariah to announce the future birth of John the Baptist, Luke i, 11, &c. Six months later, he appeared to a young woman named Mary from the city of Nazareth, as mentioned in Luke i, 26, &c.
GAD was the name of the son of Jacob and Zilpah, Leah’s servant, Gen. xxx, 9–11. Leah, Jacob’s wife, gave him also Zilpah, that by her she might have children. Zilpah brought a son, whom Leah called Gad, saying, “A troop cometh.” Gad had seven sons, Ziphion, Haggi, Shuni, Ezbon, Eri, Arodi, and Areli, Genesis xlvi, 16. Jacob, blessing Gad, said, “A troop shall overcome him, but he shall overcome at the last,” Gen. xlix, 19; and Moses, in his last song, mentions Gad as “a lion which teareth the arm with the crown of the head,” &c, Deut. xxxiii, 20, 21. The tribe of Gad came out of Egypt in number forty-five thousand six hundred and fifty. After the defeat of the kings Og and Sihon, Gad and Reuben desired to have their lot in the conquered country, and alleged their great number of cattle. Moses granted their request, on condition that they would accompany their brethren, and assist in the conquest of the land beyond Jordan. Gad had his inheritance between Reuben south, and Manasseh north, with the mountains of Gilead east, and Jordan west.
GAD was the name of Jacob and Zilpah's son, Zilpah being Leah’s servant, Gen. xxx, 9–11. Leah, Jacob’s wife, gave Zilpah to him so she could have children. Zilpah had a son whom Leah named Gad, saying, “A troop comes.” Gad had seven sons: Ziphion, Haggi, Shuni, Ezbon, Eri, Arodi, and Areli, Genesis xlvi, 16. Jacob blessed Gad, saying, “A troop shall overcome him, but he shall overcome in the end,” Gen. xlix, 19; and Moses, in his last song, referred to Gad as “a lion that tears the arm with the crown of the head,” etc., Deut. xxxiii, 20, 21. The tribe of Gad left Egypt with a population of forty-five thousand six hundred and fifty. After defeating the kings Og and Sihon, Gad and Reuben wanted their share of the conquered land and pointed out their large number of cattle. Moses agreed to their request on the condition that they would join their fellow Israelites and help conquer the land beyond the Jordan. Gad received his territory between Reuben to the south and Manasseh to the north, with the mountains of Gilead to the east and the Jordan River to the west.
2. Gad, a prophet, David’s friend, who followed him when persecuted by Saul. The Scripture calls him a prophet and David’s seer, 2 Sam. xxiv, 11. The first time we find him with this prince is when he fled into the land of Moab, 1 Sam. xxii, 5, to secure his father and mother in the first year of Saul’s persecution. The Prophet Gad warned him to return into the land of Judah. After David had determined to number his people, the Lord sent to him the Prophet Gad, to offer him his choice of three scourges: seven years’ famine, or three months’ flight before his enemies, or three days’ pestilence. Gad also directed David to erect an altar to the Lord, in the threshing floor of Ornan or Araunah, the Jebusite, 2 Sam. xxiv, 13–19; and he wrote a history of David’s life, cited in 1 Chron. xxix, 29.
2. Gad! was a prophet and a friend of David who stood by him when he was being chased by Saul. The Scriptures refer to him as a prophet and David's seer, 2 Sam. xxiv, 11. The first time we see him with David is when David fled to the land of Moab, 1 Sam. xxii, 5, to protect his father and mother during the early days of Saul’s persecution. The Prophet Gad advised him to return to Judah. After David decided to count his people, the Lord sent the Prophet Gad to present him with a choice of three punishments: seven years of famine, three months of fleeing from his enemies, or three days of plague. Gad also instructed David to build an altar to the Lord at the threshing floor of Ornan or Araunah, the Jebusite, 2 Sam. xxiv, 13–19; and he wrote a history of David’s life, mentioned in 1 Chron. xxix, 29.
GADARA, a city which gave name to the country of the Gadarenes; situated on a steep rocky hill on the river Hieromax, or Yermuck, about five miles from its junction with the Jordan. It was a place of considerable note in the time of Josephus, and the metropolis of Peræa, or the country beyond Jordan. It was also celebrated for its hot baths. The vicinity was likewise called the country of the Gergesenes, from Gerasa, or Gergesa, another considerable city in the same neighbourhood. Thus the miracle of our Lord performed here is represented by St. Mark to have been done in the country of the Gadarenes, Mark v, 1; and by St. Matthew, in that of the Gergesenes, Matt. viii, 28.
GADARA, a city that gave its name to the country of the Gadarenes, is located on a steep rocky hill along the river Hieromax, or Yermuck, about five miles from where it meets the Jordan. It was well-known during the time of Josephus and served as the capital of Peræa, or the area beyond the Jordan. It was also famous for its hot baths. The surrounding area was referred to as the country of the Gergesenes, named after Gerasa, or Gergesa, another notable city in the vicinity. Thus, the miracle performed by our Lord here is mentioned by St. Mark as occurring in the country of the Gadarenes, Mark 5:1; and by St. Matthew, as taking place in that of the Gergesenes, Matt. 8:28.
GALATIA, a province of the Lesser Asia, bounded on the west by Phrygia, on the east by the river Haylys, on the north by Paphlagonia, and on the south by Lycaonia. The Galatians are said to have been descended from those Gauls, who, finding their own country too strait for them, left it, after the death of Alexander the Great, in quest of new settlements. Quitting their own country, they migrated eastward along the Danube till they came where the Saave joins that river; then dividing themselves into three bodies, under the conduct of different leaders, one of these bodies entered Pannonia; another marched into Thrace; a third into Illyricum and Macedonia. The party which proceeded into Thrace, crossed the Bosphorus into the Lesser Asia, and hiring themselves to Nicomedes, king of 392Bithynia, assisted him to subdue his brother Zipetes, with whom he was then at war; and as a reward of their services they received from him a country in the middle of Asia Minor, which from them was afterward called Gallo-Græcia, and, by contraction, Galatia. As their inland situation in a great measure cut them off from all intercourse with more civilized nations, the Galatians long remained a rude and illiterate people. And as a proof of this, it is mentioned by Jerom, that when the Apostle Paul preached the Gospel among them, and for many ages afterward, they continued to speak the language of the country from whence they came out.
GALATIA, a region in Lesser Asia, is bordered on the west by Phrygia, on the east by the Haylys River, on the north by Paphlagonia, and on the south by Lycaonia. The Galatians are said to be descendants of Gauls who, after the death of Alexander the Great, left their homeland in search of new territory. They migrated eastward along the Danube until they reached where the Saave River joins it; then they split into three groups, each led by different leaders. One group entered Pannonia, another moved into Thrace, and a third went into Illyricum and Macedonia. The group that went into Thrace crossed the Bosphorus into Lesser Asia, and, aligning themselves with Nicomedes, the king of Bithynia, they helped him defeat his brother Zipetes, with whom he was at war. As a reward for their services, they were granted land in central Asia Minor, which later became known as Gallo-Græcia, or simply Galatia. Their position largely isolated them from more civilized nations, so the Galatians remained a rough and uneducated society for a long time. As evidence of this, Jerom mentions that when the Apostle Paul preached the Gospel among them, and for many ages afterward, they continued to speak the language of their homeland.
2. Paul and Barnabas carried the light of the Gospel into the regions of Galatia at a very early period; and it appears from the epistle which the former subsequently wrote to the churches in that country, that they had at first received it with great joy, Gal. iv, 15. But some Judaizing teachers getting access among them soon after the Apostle’s departure, their minds became corrupted from the simplicity that was in Christ Jesus; and, though mostly Gentiles, they were beginning to mingle circumcision, and other Jewish observances, with their faith in Christ, in order to render it more available to their salvation. This occasioned Paul’s writing his epistle to those churches; and his object throughout nearly the whole of it is to counteract the pernicious influence of the doctrine of those false teachers particularly as it respected the article of justification, or a sinner’s acceptance with God. And in no part of the Apostle’s writings is that important doctrine handled in a more full and explicit manner; nor does he any where display, such a firm, determined, and inflexible opposition to all who would corrupt the truth from its simplicity. He begins by expressing his astonishment that they were so soon turned aside “unto another gospel,” but instantly checking himself, he recals the word and declares, “it is not another gospel,” but a perversion of the Gospel of Christ. “And though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed.” There are in his epistle several other things equally pointed and severe, particularly his expostulation on the folly and absurdity of their conduct in subjecting themselves to the Jewish yoke of bondage, Gal. iii, 1. “The erroneous doctrines of the Judaizing teachers,” says Dr. Macknight, “and the calumnies they spread for the purpose of discrediting St. Paul’s apostleship, no doubt occasioned great uneasiness of mind to him and to the faithful in that age, and did much hurt, at least for a while, among the Galatians. But in the issue these evils have proved of no small service to the church in general; for by obliging the Apostle to produce the evidences of his apostleship, and to relate the history of his life, especially after his conversion, we have obtained the fullest assurance of his being a real Apostle, called to the office by Jesus Christ himself; consequently we are assured that our faith in the doctrines of the Gospel, as taught by him, (and it is he who hath taught the peculiar doctrines of the Gospel most fully,) is not built on the credit of a man, but on the authority of the Spirit of God, by whom St. Paul was inspired in the whole of the doctrine which he has delivered to the world.”
2. Paul and Barnabas brought the light of the Gospel to the regions of Galatia at a very early time, and it seems from the letter that Paul later wrote to the churches in that area that they initially received it with great joy, Gal. iv, 15. However, some Judaizing teachers gained access to them soon after the Apostle left, and their minds became distorted from the simplicity that was in Christ Jesus. Although they were mostly Gentiles, they started to mix circumcision and other Jewish practices with their faith in Christ to make it more effective for their salvation. This led to Paul writing his letter to those churches; his main aim throughout most of it is to counter the damaging influence of the teachings of those false teachers, especially regarding justification, or a sinner’s acceptance by God. No part of the Apostle’s writings addresses that important doctrine more fully and clearly, nor does he anywhere show such a firm, determined, and unwavering opposition to anyone who would distort the truth from its simplicity. He starts by expressing his shock that they so quickly turned “to another gospel,” but then he corrects himself and states, “it is not another gospel,” but a distortion of the Gospel of Christ. “And even if we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel to you than what we have preached to you, let him be condemned.” There are several other things in his letter that are equally pointed and harsh, especially his appeal to their foolishness and absurdity in placing themselves under the Jewish yoke of bondage, Gal. iii, 1. “The erroneous teachings of the Judaizing teachers,” says Dr. Macknight, “and the slander they spread to undermine St. Paul’s apostleship, undoubtedly caused great distress to him and to the faithful during that time, and did significant damage, at least for a while, among the Galatians. However, in the end, these issues have been quite beneficial to the church in general; for by forcing the Apostle to provide evidence of his apostleship and to recount the history of his life, especially after his conversion, we have gained the strongest assurance of his being a genuine Apostle, called to the role by Jesus Christ himself; consequently, we are assured that our faith in the doctrines of the Gospel, as taught by him (and he is the one who has taught the unique doctrines of the Gospel most thoroughly), is not based on the credibility of a man, but on the authority of the Spirit of God, by whom St. Paul was inspired in all the teachings he has delivered to the world.”
GALBANUM, חלבנה, Exod. xxx, 34. Michaëlis makes the word a compound of חלב, milk or gum, (for the Syriac uses the noun in both senses,) and לבן], white, as being the white milk or gum of a plant. It is the thickened sap of an umbelliferous plant, called metopion, which grows on Mount Amanus, in Syria, and is frequently found in Persia, and in some parts of Africa. It was an ingredient in the holy incense of the Jews.
GALBANUM, חלבנה, Exod. xxx, 34. Michaëlis considers the word to be a combination of Milk, milk or gum, (since the Syriac uses the term in both meanings) and White, white, referring to the white milk or gum from a plant. It is the thickened sap of a plant in the carrot family, known as metopion, which grows on Mount Amanus in Syria and is commonly found in Persia and parts of Africa. It was an ingredient in the holy incense used by the Jews.
GALILEANS. In the twelfth year of Christ, about the time that Archelaus was sent away from his government, a secession was made from the sect of the Pharisees, and a new sect arose, called the Galileans. Not long after this time, Judea, which was a Roman province, was added, for civil purposes, to Syria, over which Quirinus was governor. It happened, when the tax was levied by Quirinus, that one Judas, of Galilee, otherwise called Gaulonites, in company with Zaduk, a Sadducee, publicly taught, that such taxation was repugnant to the law of Moses, according to which the Jews, they maintained, had no king but God. The tumults which this man excited were suppressed, Acts v, 37; but his disciples, who were called Galileans, continued to propagate this doctrine, and, farthermore, required of all proselytes that they should be circumcised. It was in reference to this sect that the captious question was proposed in Matt. xxii, 17, &c; namely, whether it was lawful to give tribute to Cæsar. The Galileans, whom Pilate slew in the temple, Luke xiii, 1, 2, appear to have been of this sect. By degrees, the Galileans swallowed up almost all the other sects; and it is highly probable that the zealots, particularly mentioned at the siege of Jerusalem, were of this faction.
GALILEANS. In the twelfth year of Christ, around the time when Archelaus was removed from his position, a split occurred in the Pharisee sect, leading to the formation of a new group called the Galileans. Shortly after this, Judea, which was a Roman province, was added for administrative reasons to Syria, where Quirinus served as governor. When Quirinus imposed the tax, a man named Judas from Galilee, also known as the Gaulonites, along with Zaduk, a Sadducee, openly taught that such taxation went against the law of Moses, which stated that the Jews had no king but God. The unrest caused by this man was quelled, Acts 5:37; however, his followers, known as Galileans, continued to spread this belief and insisted that all new members be circumcised. It was regarding this group that the tricky question was raised in Matt. 22:17, &c asking whether it was lawful to pay taxes to Caesar. The Galileans, whom Pilate killed in the temple, Luke 13:1, 2, seemed to belong to this group. Over time, the Galileans absorbed nearly all the other sects, and it is very likely that the zealots, especially noted during the siege of Jerusalem, were part of this faction.
GALILEE was one of the most extensive provinces into which the Holy Land was divided. It exceeded Judea in extent, but probably varied in its limits at different times. This province is divided by the rabbins into, 1. The Upper; 2. The Nether; and, 3. The Valley. Josephus divides it into only Upper and Lower; and he says that the limits of Galilee were, on the south, Samaria and Scythopolis, unto the flood of Jordan. Galilee contained four tribes, Issachar, Zebulun, Naphtali, and Asher; a part, also, of Dan, and part of Peræa, that is, beyond the river. Upper Galilee abounded in mountains. Lower Galilee, which contained the tribes of Zebulun and Asher, was sometimes called the Great Field, “the champaign,” Deut. xi, 30. The Valley was adjacent to the sea of Tiberias. Josephus describes Galilee as very populous, and containing two hundred and four cities and towns. It was also very rich, and paid two hundred talents in tribute. The natives were brave and good soldiers; but they were seditious, and prone to insolence and 393rebellion. In the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, the inhabitants of Galilee and Peræa are scarcely mentioned, whether they were Jews returned from Babylon, or a mixture of different nations. The language of these regions differed considerably from that of Judea; as did various customs, in which each followed its own mode. Our Lord so frequently visited Galilee, that he was called a Galilean, Matt. xxvi, 69. The population of Galilee being very great, he had many opportunities of doing good in this country; and, being there out of the power of the priests at Jerusalem, he seems to have preferred it as his abode. Nazareth and Capernaum were in this division. From such a mixture of people, many provincialisms might be expected. Hence, we find Peter detected by his language, probably by his phraseology, as well as his pronunciation, Mark xiv, 70. Upper Galilee had Mount Lebanon and the countries of Tyre and Sidon on the north; the Mediterranean Sea on the west; Abilene, Ituræa, and the country of the Decapolis, on the east; and Lower Galilee on the south. Its principal city was Cæsarea Philippi. This part of Galilee, being less inhabited by Jews, was thence called Galilee of the Nations, or of the Gentiles. Lower Galilee had the upper division of the same country to the north; the Mediterranean on the west; the sea of Galilee. or lake of Gennesareth, on the east; and Samaria on the south. Its principal cities were Tiberias, Chorazin, Bethsaida, Nazareth, Cana, Capernaum, Nain, Cæsarea of Palestine, and Ptolemais. This district was of all others most honoured with the presence of our Saviour. Here he was conceived; here he was brought back by his mother and reputed father, after their return from Egypt; here he lived with them till he was thirty years of age; and, although after his entrance on his public ministry he frequently visited the other provinces, it was here that he chiefly resided. Here, also, he made his first appearance after his resurrection to his Apostles, who were themselves natives of the same country, and were thence called men of Galilee.
GALILEE was one of the largest provinces in the Holy Land. It was bigger than Judea but probably had different boundaries at various times. This province is divided by the rabbis into: 1. The Upper; 2. The Nether; and 3. The Valley. Josephus splits it into just Upper and Lower, stating that Galilee's borders were Samaria and Scythopolis to the south, all the way to the Jordan River. Galilee included four tribes: Issachar, Zebulun, Naphtali, and Asher; also part of Dan, and part of Peræa, which is beyond the river. Upper Galilee was full of mountains. Lower Galilee, which contained the tribes of Zebulun and Asher, was sometimes referred to as the Great Field, “the champaign,” as mentioned in Deut. xi, 30. The Valley was next to the Sea of Tiberias. Josephus described Galilee as very populated, with around two hundred and four cities and towns. It was quite wealthy, paying two hundred talents in tribute. The locals were known to be brave and good soldiers, but they were also rebellious and often insolent. In the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, the residents of Galilee and Peræa are hardly mentioned, whether they were Jews returning from Babylon or a mix of various nations. The language spoken in these regions differed a lot from that of Judea, as did the customs, which each followed in its own way. Our Lord visited Galilee so often that he was called a Galilean, Matt. xxvi, 69. Given Galilee's large population, he had many chances to do good there, and since he was away from the power of the priests in Jerusalem, he seemed to prefer it as his home. Nazareth and Capernaum were in this area. With such a mix of people, many regional dialects would be expected. This is why Peter was identified by his speech, likely due to his choice of words and accent, Mark xiv, 70. Upper Galilee was bordered by Mount Lebanon and the regions of Tyre and Sidon to the north; the Mediterranean Sea to the west; Abilene, Ituræa, and the regions of the Decapolis to the east; and Lower Galilee to the south. Its main city was Cæsarea Philippi. This part of Galilee, having fewer Jewish inhabitants, was known as Galilee of the Nations or Gentiles. Lower Galilee was bordered by the upper part of the same region to the north; the Mediterranean Sea to the west; the Sea of Galilee, or Lake of Gennesareth, to the east; and Samaria to the south. Its main cities included Tiberias, Chorazin, Bethsaida, Nazareth, Cana, Capernaum, Nain, Cæsarea of Palestine, and Ptolemais. This area was most blessed with the presence of our Savior. He was conceived here; brought back with his mother and guardian after their return from Egypt; and lived with them until he was thirty. Even though he traveled to other provinces often after starting his public ministry, he primarily resided here. It was also here that he first appeared to his Apostles after his resurrection, who were also from the same region and were thus called men of Galilee.
Galilee, Sea of. This inland sea, or more properly lake, which derives its several names, the lake of Tiberias, the sea of Galilee, and the lake of Gennesareth, from the territory which forms its western and south-western border, is computed to be between seventeen and eighteen miles in length, and from five to six in breadth. The mountains on the east come close to its shore, and the country on that side has not a very agreeable aspect: on the west, it has the plain of Tiberias, the high ground of the plain of Hutin, or Hottein, the plain of Gennesareth, and the foot of those hills by which you ascend to the high mountain of Saphet. To the north and south it has a plain country, or valley. There is a current throughout the whole breadth of the lake, even to the shore; and the passage of the Jordan through it is discernible by the smoothness of the surface in that part. Various travellers have given different accounts of its general aspect. According to Captain Mangles, the land about it has no striking features, and the scenery is altogether devoid of character. “It appeared,” he says, “to particular disadvantage to us, after those beautiful lakes we had seen in Switzerland; but it becomes a very interesting object when you consider the frequent allusions to it in the Gospel narrative.” Dr. Clarke, on the contrary, speaks of the uncommon grandeur of this memorable scenery. “The lake of Gennesareth,” he says, “is surrounded by objects well calculated to heighten the solemn impressions made by such recollections, and affords one of the most striking prospects in the Holy Land. Speaking of it comparatively, it may be described as longer and finer than any of our Cumberland and Westmoreland lakes, although perhaps inferior to Loch Lomond. It does not possess the vastness of the lake of Geneva, although it much resembles it in certain points of view. In picturesque beauty, it comes nearest to the lake of Locarno, in Italy, although it is destitute of any thing similar to the islands by which that majestic piece of water is adorned. It is inferior in magnitude, and in the height of its surrounding mountains, to the Lake Asphaltites.” Mr. Buckingham may perhaps be considered as having given the most accurate account, and one which reconciles, in some degree, the differing statements above cited, when, speaking of the lake as seen from Tel Hoom, he says, that its appearance is grand, but that the barren aspect of the mountains on each side, and the total absence of wood, give a cast of dulness to the picture: this is increased to melancholy by the dead calm of its waters, and the silence which reigns throughout its whole extent, where not a boat or vessel of any kind is to be found. The situation of the lake, lying, as it were, in a deep basin between the hills which enclose it on all sides, excepting only the narrow entrance and outlets of the Jordan at either end, protects its waters from long-continued tempests: its surface is in general as smooth as that of the Dead Sea. But the same local features render it occasionally subject to whirlwinds, squalls, and sudden gusts from the mountains, of short duration; especially when the strong current formed by the Jordan is opposed by a wind of this description from the south-east, sweeping from the mountains with the force of a hurricane, it may easily be conceived that a boisterous sea must be instantly raised, which the small vessels of the country would be unable to resist. A storm of this description is plainly denoted by the language of the evangelist, in recounting one of our Lord’s miracles: “There came down a storm of wind on the lake, and they were filled with water, and were in jeopardy. Then he arose, and rebuked the wind and the raging of the water; and they ceased, and there was a calm,” Luke viii, 23, 24. There were fleets of some force on this lake during the wars of the Jews with the Romans, and very bloody battles were fought between them. Josephus gives a particular account of a naval engagement between the Romans under Vespasian, and the Jews who had revolted during the administration of Agrippa. Titus and Trajan 394were both present, and Vespasian himself was on board the Roman fleet. The rebel force consisted of an immense multitude, who, as fugitives after the capture of Tarichæa by Titus, had sought refuge on the water. The vessels in which the Romans defeated them were built for the occasion, and yet were larger than the Jewish ships. The victory was followed by so terrible a slaughter of the Jews, that nothing was to be seen, either on the lake or its shores, but the blood and mangled corses of the slain; and the air was infected by the number of dead bodies. Six thousand five hundred persons are stated to have perished in this naval engagement, and in the battle of Tarichæa, beside twelve hundred who were afterward massacred in cold blood, by order of Vespasian, in the amphitheatreamphitheatre at Tiberias, and a vast number who were given to Agrippa as slaves.
Galilee, Sea of. This inland sea, or more accurately, lake, has several names: the lake of Tiberias, the sea of Galilee, and the lake of Gennesareth, which come from the regions that make up its western and southwestern borders. It is estimated to be between seventeen and eighteen miles long and five to six miles wide. The mountains to the east get very close to its shore, and that side of the area isn't very pleasant to look at. To the west, there’s the plain of Tiberias, the high ground of the plain of Hutin, the plain of Gennesareth, and the foot of the hills that you climb to reach the high mountain of Saphet. To the north and south, there are valleys or flat lands. There is a current that runs throughout the entire lake, even to the shore, and you can see the passage of the Jordan through it by the smoothness of the water in that section. Various travelers have provided different descriptions of its general appearance. According to Captain Mangles, the land surrounding it has no remarkable features, and the scenery lacks character. "It seemed," he says, "to look particularly unimpressive to us after seeing those beautiful lakes in Switzerland; but it becomes a very interesting sight when you think about the many references to it in the Gospel narrative." Dr. Clarke, on the other hand, talks about the exceptional grandeur of this memorable scenery. "The lake of Gennesareth," he says, "is surrounded by sights that enhance the solemn impressions made by such memories, providing one of the most striking views in the Holy Land. In comparison, it can be described as longer and more beautiful than any of our lakes in Cumberland and Westmoreland, although perhaps not as impressive as Loch Lomond. It does not have the vastness of Lake Geneva, although it resembles it in certain views. In terms of picturesque beauty, it comes closest to Lake Locarno in Italy, although it lacks the islands that adorn that magnificent body of water. It is smaller and lower than the mountains surrounding Lake Asphaltites." Mr. Buckingham might be considered to have provided the most accurate account, one that somewhat reconciles the differing views mentioned, when, speaking of the lake as seen from Tel Hoom, he says that its appearance is grand, but the barren look of the mountains on both sides, along with the complete lack of trees, adds a sense of dullness to the picture; this dullness is deepened by the dead calm of its waters and the silence that dominates the entire area, where no boats or vessels can be found. The lake’s location, sitting like a deep basin between the hills that surround it on all sides except for the narrow entrance and exits of the Jordan at either end, protects its waters from prolonged storms: its surface is generally as smooth as that of the Dead Sea. However, these local features occasionally make it prone to whirlwinds, squalls, and short-lived gusts from the mountains; especially when the strong current from the Jordan clashes with a wind from the southeast sweeping down from the mountains like a hurricane, it’s easy to imagine that a tumultuous sea would quickly form, which the small local vessels could not withstand. Such a storm is clearly indicated by the words of the evangelist when recounting one of our Lord’s miracles: “There came down a storm of wind on the lake, and they were filled with water, and were in jeopardy. Then he arose, and rebuked the wind and the raging of the water; and they ceased, and there was a calm,” Luke viii, 23, 24. Fleets of some size were present on this lake during the Jewish wars against the Romans, and fierce battles were fought between them. Josephus provides a detailed account of a naval battle between the Romans under Vespasian and the Jews who had revolted during Agrippa's administration. Titus and Trajan were both there, and Vespasian himself was on board the Roman fleet. The rebel side consisted of a huge number of people, who sought refuge on the water after the capture of Tarichæa by Titus. The vessels used by the Romans to defeat them were built specifically for the occasion but were still larger than the Jewish ships. The victory resulted in such a horrific slaughter of the Jews that nothing could be seen, either on the lake or its shores, but the blood and mangled bodies of the slain; and the air was tainted by the number of dead. It is reported that six thousand five hundred people perished in this naval battle and in the battle of Tarichæa, in addition to twelve hundred who were later massacred in cold blood by Vespasian's orders in the amphitheateramphitheatre in Tiberias, along with many others who were given to Agrippa as slaves.
GALL, ראש, something excessively bitter, and supposed to be poisonous, Deut. xxix, 18; xxxii, 32; Psalm lxix, 21; Jer. viii, 14; ix, 15; xxiii, 15; Lam. iii, 19; Hosea x, 4; Amos vi, 12. It is evident, from the first-mentioned place, that some herb or plant is meant of a malignant or nauseous kind. It is joined with wormwood, and, in the margin of our Bibles, explained to be “a very poisonful herb.” In Psalm lxix, 21, which is justly considered as a prophecy of our Saviour’s sufferings, it is said, “They gave me ראש to eat”;eat”; which the LXX have rendered χολὴν, gall. And, accordingly, it is recorded in the history, “They gave him vinegar to drink, mingled with gall,” ὄξος μετὰ χολῆς, Matt. xxvii, 34. But, in the parallel passage, it is said to be, ἐσμυρνισμένον οἶνον, “wine mingled with myrrh,” Mark xv, 23, a very bitter ingredient. From whence it is probable that χολὴ, and perhaps ראש, may be used as a general name for whatever is exceedingly bitter; and, consequently, where the sense requires it, may be put specially for any bitter herb or plant, the infusion of which may be called מי־ראש.
GALL, ראש, something extremely bitter, and thought to be toxic, Deut. xxix, 18; xxxii, 32; Psalm lxix, 21; Jer. viii, 14; ix, 15; xxiii, 15; Lam. iii, 19; Hosea x, 4; Amos vi, 12. It's clear from the first mentioned source that it refers to a herb or plant of a harmful or unpleasant kind. It's associated with wormwood and is noted in the margins of our Bibles as “a very poisonous herb.” In Psalm lxix, 21, which is rightly seen as a prophecy of our Savior’s suffering, it says, “They gave me Head to eat;eat”;, which the LXX translated as χολὴν, gall. Accordingly, it’s recorded in the account, “They gave him vinegar to drink, mixed with gall,” ὄξος μετὰ χολῆς, Matt. xxvii, 34. However, in the parallel account, it states that it was ἐσμυρνισμένον οἶνον, “wine mixed with myrrh,” a very bitter substance. Therefore, it’s likely that χολὴ, and possibly Head, can be used as a general term for anything that is extremely bitter; and consequently, when necessary, may specifically refer to any bitter herb or plant, the infusion of which might be called who's in charge.
GALLIO was the name of the brother of Seneca, the philosopher. He was at first named Marcus Annæus Novatus; but, being adopted by Lucius Junius Gallio, he took the name of his adoptive father. The Emperor Claudius made him proconsul of Achaia. He was of a mild and agreeable temper. To him his brother Seneca dedicated his books, “Of Anger.” He shared in the fortunes of his brothers, as well when out of favour as in their prosperity at court. At length, Nero put him, as well as them, to death. The Jews were enraged at St. Paul for converting many Gentiles, and dragged him to the tribunal of Gallio, who, as proconsul, generally resided at Corinth, Acts xviii, 12, 13. They accused him of teaching “men to worship God contrary to the law.” St. Paul being about to speak, Gallio told the Jews, that if the matter in question were a breach of justice, or an action of a criminal nature, he should think himself obliged to hear them; but, as the dispute was only concerning their law, he would not determine such differences, nor judge them. Sosthenes, the chief ruler of the synagogue, was beaten by the Greeks before Gallio’s seat of justice; but this governor did not concern himself about it. His abstaining from interfering in a religious controversy did credit to his prudence; nevertheless, his name has oddly passed into a reproachful proverb; and a man regardless of all piety is called “a Gallio,” and is said “Gallio-like to care for none of these things.” Little did this Roman anticipate that his name would be so immortalized.
GALLIO was the name of Seneca’s brother, the philosopher. He was originally named Marcus Annæus Novatus, but after being adopted by Lucius Junius Gallio, he took on the name of his adoptive father. The Emperor Claudius appointed him proconsul of Achaia. He had a gentle and approachable personality. His brother Seneca dedicated his books, “Of Anger,” to him. He shared in the ups and downs of his brothers, both when they were out of favor and during their moments of success at court. Eventually, Nero had him, along with his brothers, put to death. The Jews were angry with St. Paul for converting many Gentiles and brought him before Gallio's tribunal, who generally lived in Corinth, as mentioned in Acts xviii, 12, 13. They accused him of teaching "men to worship God in violation of the law." When St. Paul was about to speak, Gallio told the Jews that if the issue were a matter of injustice or a criminal case, he would feel obligated to hear them; however, since the dispute was only about their law, he wouldn’t resolve such differences or judge them. Sosthenes, the chief ruler of the synagogue, was beaten by the Greeks in front of Gallio's court, but the governor didn’t involve himself in it. His decision to stay out of a religious dispute was a sign of his wisdom; yet, strangely, his name has become a term of reproach, and a man who disregards all piety is called “a Gallio,” and is said to be “Gallio-like, caring for none of these things.” Little did this Roman know that his name would become so famous.
GAMALIEL, a celebrated rabbi, and doctor of the Jewish law, under whose tuition the great Apostle of the Gentiles was brought up, Acts xxii, 3. Barnabas and Stephen are also supposed to have been among the number of his pupils. Soon after the day of pentecost, when the Jewish sanhedrim began to be alarmed at the progress the Gospel was making in Jerusalem, and consequently wished to put to death the Apostles, in the hope of checking its farther progress, they were apprehended and brought before the national council, of which Gamaliel seems to have been a leading member. It is very probable that many zealots among them would have despatched the affair in a very summary manner, but their impetuosity was checked by the cool and prudent advice of Gamaliel; for, having requested the Apostles to withdraw for a while, he represented to the sanhedrim that, if the Apostles were no better than impostors, their fallacy would quickly be discovered; but on the other hand, if what they were engaged in was from God, it was vain for them to attempt to frustrate it, since it was the height of folly to contend with the Almighty. The assembly saw the wisdom of his counsel, and very prudently changed the sentence, upon which they were originally bent against the Apostles’ lives, into that of corporal punishment.
GAMALIEL, a renowned rabbi and expert in Jewish law, under whose guidance the great Apostle to the Gentiles was raised, Acts xxii, 3. Barnabas and Stephen are also thought to have been among his students. Shortly after Pentecost, when the Jewish Sanhedrin became concerned about the Gospel's growth in Jerusalem and wanted to execute the Apostles to stop its spread, they were arrested and presented before the national council, where Gamaliel appeared to be a key member. It's likely that some zealous members of the council would have dealt with the situation very quickly, but their rashness was tempered by Gamaliel's calm and wise advice; after asking the Apostles to step out for a moment, he explained to the Sanhedrin that if the Apostles were merely frauds, their deception would soon be exposed. However, if what they were doing was from God, it would be pointless for them to try to stop it, as it would be foolish to fight against the Almighty. The assembly recognized the wisdom in his counsel and wisely changed their initial intent to execute the Apostles to imposing corporal punishment instead.
2. It may here also be remarked, that the sanhedrim could not themselves believe that tale which they had diligently circulated among the people, that the disciples had stolen away the body of Jesus, and then pretended that he had arisen from the dead. If the Jewish council had thought this, it would have been very absurd in Gamaliel to exhort them to wait to see whether “the counsel and work” was of God, that is, whether the Apostles related a fact when they preached the resurrection, and grounded the divine authority of their religion upon that fact. Gamaliel’s advice was wholly based upon the admission, that an extraordinary, and to them an inexplicable, event had happened.
2. It should also be noted that the Sanhedrin themselves couldn’t truly believe the story they had diligently spread among the people—that the disciples had stolen Jesus’ body and then pretended he had risen from the dead. If the Jewish council had believed this, it would have been completely foolish for Gamaliel to suggest they wait to see whether “the counsel and work” was from God, meaning whether the Apostles were telling the truth when they preached the resurrection and based the divine authority of their religion on that truth. Gamaliel’s advice was entirely based on acknowledging that an extraordinary and, to them, inexplicable event had occurred.
GAMES. Games and combats were instituted by the ancients in honour of their gods; and were celebrated with that view by the most polished and enlightened nations of antiquity. The most renowned heroes, legislators, and statesmen, did not think it unbecoming their character and dignity, to mingle with the combatants, or contend in the race; they even reckoned it glorious to share in the exercises, and meritorious to carry away the prize. The victors were crowned with a wreath of laurel in presence of their country; they were celebrated 395in the rapturous effusions of their poets; they were admired, and almost adored, by the innumerable multitudes which flocked to the games, from every part of Greece, and many of the adjacent countries. They returned to their own homes in a triumphal chariot, and made their entrance into their native city, not through the gates which admitted the vulgar throng, but through a breach in the walls, which were broken down to give them admission; and at the same time to express the persuasion of their fellow citizens, that walls are of small use to a city defended by men of such tried courage and ability. Hence the surprising ardour which animated all the states of Greece to imitate the ancient heroes, and encircle their brows with wreaths, which rendered them still more the objects of admiration or envy to succeeding times, than the victories they had gained, or the laws they had enacted.
GAMES. Games and competitions were established by the ancients to honor their gods and were celebrated in that spirit by the most cultured and civilized nations of the past. The most famous heroes, lawmakers, and statesmen didn’t consider it beneath their dignity to participate in the contests or races; they even viewed it as an honor to take part in the events and to win the prize. The winners were crowned with laurel wreaths in front of their fellow citizens; they were celebrated in the enthusiastic verses of poets and admired—almost revered—by the countless crowds that came to the games from all over Greece and nearby regions. They returned home in a triumphal chariot and entered their hometown not through the gates for ordinary people, but through a breach in the walls that had been broken down to let them in, symbolizing the belief of their fellow citizens that walls mean little for a city defended by such brave and capable men. This sparked incredible enthusiasm among all the city-states of Greece to emulate the ancient heroes and adorn their heads with wreaths that made them even more admired or envied by future generations than their victories or the laws they had established.
2. But the institutors of those games and combats had higher and nobler objects in view than veneration for the mighty dead, or the gratification of ambition or vanity; it was their design to prepare the youth for the profession of arms; to confirm their health; to improve their strength, their vigour, and activity; to inure them to fatigue; and to render them intrepid in close fight, where, in the infancy of the art of war, muscular force commonly decided the victory. This statement accounts for the striking allusions which the Apostle Paul makes in his epistles to these celebrated exercises. Such references were calculated to touch the heart of a Greek, and of every one familiarly acquainted with them, in the liveliest manner, as well as to place before the eye of his mind the most glowing and correct images of spiritual and divine things. No passages in the nervous and eloquent epistles from the pen of St. Paul, have been more admired by the critics and expositors of all times, than those into which some allusion to these agonistic exercises is introduced; and, perhaps, none are calculated to leave a deeper impression on the Christian’s mind, or excite a stronger and more salutary influence on his actions. Certain persons were appointed to take care that all things were done according to custom, to decide controversies that happened among the antagonists, and to adjudge the prize to the victor. Some eminent writers are of opinion that Christ is called the “Author and Finisher of faith,” in allusion to these judges. Those who were designed for the profession of athletæ, or combatants, frequented from their earliest years the academies maintained for that purpose at the public expense. In these places they were exercised under the direction of different masters, who employed the most effectual methods to inure their bodies for the fatigues of the public games, and to form them for the combats. The regimen to which they submitted was very hard and severe. At first, they had no other nourishment than dried figs, nuts, soft cheese, and a gross heavy sort of bread called μάζα; they were absolutely forbidden the use of wine, and enjoined continence. When they proposed to contend in the Olympian games, they were obliged to repair to the public gymnasium at Elis, ten months before the solemnity, where they prepared themselves by continual exercises. No man that had omitted to present himself at the appointed time, was allowed to be a candidate for the prizes; nor were the accustomed rewards of victory given to such persons, if by any means they insinuated themselves, and overcame their antagonists; nor would any apology, though seemingly ever so reasonable, serve to excuse their absence. No person that was himself a notorious criminal, or nearly related to one, was permitted to contend. Farther, to prevent underhand dealings, if any person was convicted of bribing his adversary, a severe fine was laid upon him; nor was this alone thought a sufficient guard against unfair contracts, and unjust practices, but the contenders were obliged to swear they had spent ten whole months in preparatory exercises; and, beside all this, they, their fathers, and their brethren, took a solemn oath, that they would not, by any sinister or unlawful means, endeavour to stop the fair and just proceedings of the games.
2. But the founders of those games and contests had higher and nobler goals in mind than just honoring the great dead or satisfying ambition or vanity; their aim was to prepare young people for a career in the military; to strengthen their health; to enhance their strength, vigor, and agility; to toughen them for physical challenges; and to make them fearless in close combat, where, in the early days of warfare, physical strength often determined the outcome. This explains the powerful references that the Apostle Paul makes in his letters to these renowned activities. Such references were designed to resonate deeply with a Greek audience and everyone familiar with them, while vividly illustrating spiritual and divine concepts. No passages in the strong and eloquent letters written by St. Paul have been more praised by critics and scholars throughout history than those that mention these competitive exercises; and perhaps none make a deeper impact on a Christian’s mind or inspire a stronger, more beneficial influence on their actions. Certain individuals were designated to ensure that everything was done according to tradition, to settle disputes that arose among competitors, and to award the prize to the winner. Some notable writers believe that Christ being referred to as the “Author and Finisher of faith” is a nod to these judges. Those training to be athletes or fighters attended academies funded by the state from a young age. In these places, they trained under various coaches who used the most effective methods to prepare their bodies for the demands of public games and combat. The regimen they followed was very tough and strict. Initially, their only food consisted of dried figs, nuts, soft cheese, and a coarse type of bread called μάζα; they were completely banned from drinking wine and required to practice self-control. When they planned to compete in the Olympic games, they had to go to the public gymnasium at Elis ten months before the event, where they prepared through continuous training. Anyone who failed to show up at the designated time was not allowed to compete for the prizes; nor would the usual rewards for victory be given to anyone who managed, through any means, to participate and beat their opponents; nor would any excuse, however reasonable it seemed, absolve their absence. No one with a serious criminal background, or closely related to someone who had one, was allowed to compete. Moreover, to prevent cheating, anyone found bribing an opponent faced a heavy fine; and this alone was not considered enough to guard against unfair agreements and unjust actions, so competitors had to swear that they had spent ten whole months in preparatory training; in addition to this, they, their fathers, and their brothers took a solemn oath not to use any dishonest or illegal means to disrupt the fair and just conduct of the games.
3. The spiritual contest, in which all true Christians aim at obtaining a heavenly crown, has its rules also, devised and enacted by infinite wisdom and goodness, which require implicit and exact submission, which yield neither to times nor circumstances, but maintain their supreme authority, from age to age, uninterrupted and unimpaired. The combatant who violates these rules forfeits the prize, and is driven from the field with indelible disgrace, and consigned to everlasting wo. Hence the great Apostle of the Gentiles exhorts his son Timothy strictly to observe the precepts of the Gospel, without which, he can no more hope to obtain the approbation of God, and the possession of the heavenly crown, than a combatant in the public games of Greece, who disregarded the established rules, could hope to receive from the hands of his judge the promised reward: “And if a man also strive for masteries, yet is he not crowned except he strive lawfully,” 2 Tim. ii, 5, or according to the established laws of the games. Like the Grecian combatants, the Christian must “abstain from fleshly lusts,” and “walk in all the statutes and commandments of the Lord, blameless.” Such was St. Paul; and in this manner he endeavoured to act: “But I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection: lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself should be a cast-away,” 1 Cor. ix, 27. The latter part of this verse Doddridge renders, “lest after having served as a herald I should be disapproved;” and says in a note, “I thought it of importance to retain the primitive sense of these gymnastic expressions.” It is well known to those who are at all acquainted with the original, that the word used means to discharge the office of a herald, whose business it was to proclaim the conditions of the games, and display the prizes, to awaken the emulation and resolution of those who were to contend in 396them. But the Apostle intimates, that there was this peculiar circumstance attending the Christian contest, that the person who proclaimed its laws and rewards to others, was also to engage in it himself; and that there would be a peculiar infamy and misery in his miscarrying. Ἀδόκιμος, which we render cast-away, signifies one who is disapproved by the judge of the games, as not having fairly deserved the prize: he therefore loses it; even the prize of eternal life. The rule which the Apostle applies to himself he extends in another passage to all the members of the Christian church: “Those who strive for the mastery are temperate in all things; now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown, but we an incorruptible.” Tertullian uses the same thought to encourage the martyrs. He urges constancy upon them, from what the hopes of victory made the athletæ endure; and repeats the severe and painful exercises they were obliged to undergo, the continual anguish and constraint in which they passed the best years of their lives, and the voluntary privation which they imposed on themselves, of all that was most grateful to their appetites and passions.
3. The spiritual contest that all true Christians strive to win for a heavenly crown has its own rules, created by infinite wisdom and goodness. These rules require total and precise obedience, not influenced by time or circumstances, and maintain their highest authority, unchanged and unbroken, throughout the ages. The fighter who breaks these rules loses the prize and is expelled from the field in lasting disgrace, destined for eternal misery. So, the great Apostle to the Gentiles urges his son Timothy to strictly follow the teachings of the Gospel, emphasizing that without them, he has no hope of receiving God's approval or the heavenly crown, just like an athlete in the public games of Greece who ignores the established rules can’t expect to be rewarded by the judge: “And if a man also strives for masteries, yet is he not crowned except he strives lawfully,” 2 Tim. ii, 5, or according to the established rules of the games. Like the Greek competitors, Christians must “abstain from fleshly lusts” and “walk in all the statutes and commandments of the Lord, blameless.” St. Paul exemplified this and strove to live accordingly: “But I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection: lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself should be a cast-away,” 1 Cor. ix, 27. In a later translation, Doddridge renders this part as “lest after having served as a herald I should be disapproved,” noting, “I thought it of importance to retain the primitive sense of these gymnastic expressions.” Those familiar with the original text know that the term used refers to the role of a herald, responsible for announcing the conditions of the games and showcasing the prizes to inspire the competitors' determination and ambition. The Apostle highlights that in the Christian contest, the individual proclaiming the laws and rewards must also participate themselves; failing to do so brings unique shame and suffering. Ἀδόκιμος, translated as cast-away, means someone disapproved by the judge of the games for not having fairly earned the prize, thereby losing even the prize of eternal life. The rule that Paul applies to himself he extends to all members of the Christian church: “Those who strive for mastery are temperate in all things; now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown, but we an incorruptible.” Tertullian echoes this sentiment to motivate the martyrs. He encourages them to remain steadfast, drawing on the determination that hopes of victory inspired in the athletes, recounting the severe and painful training they endured, the constant suffering and constraints they faced during the best years of their lives, and the voluntary denial of all that was most enjoyable to their desires and passions.
4. The athletæ took care to disencumber their bodies of every article of clothing which could in any manner hinder or incommode them. In the race, they were anxious to carry as little weight as possible, and uniformly stripped themselves of all such clothes as, by their weight, length, or otherwise, might entangle or retard them in the course. The Christian also must “lay aside every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset” him, Heb. xii, 1. In the exercise of faith and self-denial, he must “cast off the works of darkness,” lay aside all malice and guile, hypocrisies, and envyings, and evil speakings, inordinate affections, and worldly cares, and whatever else might obstruct his holy profession, damp his spirits, and hinder his progress in the paths of righteousness.
4. The athletæ made sure to remove any clothing that could hinder or discomfort them. In the race, they aimed to carry as little weight as possible and consistently stripped off any clothes that could, due to their weight, length, or other reasons, tangle them up or slow them down. The Christian must also "lay aside every weight, and the sin which so easily entangles" him, Heb. xii, 1. In exercising faith and self-denial, he must "cast off the works of darkness," putting aside all malice, deceit, hypocrisy, envy, and negative talk, as well as excessive desires, worldly worries, and anything else that could obstruct his holy calling, dampen his enthusiasm, and slow his progress in the pursuit of righteousness.
5. The foot race seems to have been placed in the first rank of public games, and cultivated with a care and industry proportioned to the estimation in which it was held. The Olympic games generally opened with races, and were celebrated at first with no other exercise. The lists or course where the athletæ exercised themselves in running, was at first but one stadium in length, or about six hundred feet; and from this measure it took its name, and was called the stadium, whatever might be its extent. This, in the language of St. Paul, speaking of the Christian’s course, was “the race which was set before them,” determined by public authority, and carefully measured. On each side of the stadium and its extremity, ran an ascent or kind of terrace, covered with seats and benches, upon which the spectators were seated, an innumerable multitude collected from all parts of Greece, to which the Apostle thus alludes in his figurative description of the Christian life: “Seeing we are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight,” Heb. xii, 1.
5. The foot race was considered one of the top events in public games, receiving careful attention and effort based on its significance. The Olympic games typically began with races and were initially celebrated without any other activities. The track where the athletes ran was originally just one stadium long, which is about six hundred feet; from this distance, it got its name, and was called the stadium, regardless of additional lengths. In the words of St. Paul, referring to the Christian’s journey, this was “the race that was set before them,” defined by public authority and precisely measured. Along each side of the stadium and at its end, there was a slope or terrace lined with seats and benches where spectators sat, a vast crowd gathered from all over Greece, which the Apostle refers to in his metaphorical description of the Christian life: “Seeing we are surrounded by such a great cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight,” Heb. xii, 1.
The most remarkable parts of the stadium were its entrance, middle, and extremity. The entrance was marked at first only by a line drawn on the sand, from side to side of the stadium. To prevent any unfair advantage being taken by the more vigilant or alert candidates, a cord was at length stretched in front of the horses or men that were to run; and sometimes the space was railed in with wood. The opening of this barrier, was the signal for the racers to start. The middle of the stadium was remarkable, only by the circumstance of having the prizes allotted to the victors set up there. From this custom, Crysostom draws a fine comparison: “As the judges in the races and other games, expose in the midst of the stadium, to the view of the champions, the crowns which they were to receive; in like manner, the Lord, by the mouth of his prophets, has placed the prizes in the midst of the course, which he designs for those who have the courage to contend for them.” At the extremity of the stadium was a goal, where the foot races ended; but in those of chariots and horses, they were to run several times round it without stopping, and afterward conclude the race by regaining the other extremity of the lists from whence they started. It is therefore to the foot race the Apostle alludes, when he speaks of the race set before the Christian, which was a straight course, to be run only once, and not, as in the other, several times without stopping.
The most notable features of the stadium were its entrance, middle, and end. The entrance was initially marked only by a line drawn in the sand, stretching from one side of the stadium to the other. To prevent any unfair advantage for the more alert competitors, a rope was eventually stretched in front of the horses or runners. Sometimes, a wooden railing was used to define the space. The opening of this barrier signaled the racers to start. The middle of the stadium was significant because it was where the prizes for the victors were displayed. From this tradition, Crysostom makes a great comparison: “Just as the judges in races and other contests display the crowns for the champions in the center of the stadium, the Lord, through His prophets, has placed the rewards in the middle of the course for those who are brave enough to compete for them.” At the end of the stadium was a finish line, where foot races ended; however, in the chariot and horse races, competitors would run several laps around it without stopping and then finish the race by returning to the other end of the track from where they started. Therefore, it’s to the foot race that the Apostle refers when he speaks of the race set before Christians, which is a straight course to be run only once, unlike the others which require multiple laps without stopping.
6. According to some writers, it was at the goal, and not in the middle of the course, that the prizes were exhibited; and they were placed in a very conspicuous situation, that the competitors might be animated by having them always in their sight. This accords with the view which the Apostle gives of the Christian life: “Brethren, I count not myself to have apprehended; but this one thing I do, forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things, which are before, I press toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus,” Phil. iii, 13, 14. L’Enfant thinks, the Apostle here alludes to those who stood at the elevated place at the end of the course, calling the racers by their names, and encouraging them by holding out the crown, to exert themselves with vigour. Within the measured and determinate limits of the stadium, the athletæ were bound to contend for the prize, which they forfeited without hope of recovery, if they deviated ever so little from the appointed course.
6. Some writers say that the prizes were displayed at the finish line, not in the middle of the race, and they were positioned in a very visible spot so that the competitors could always see them and be motivated by their presence. This aligns with the perspective the Apostle shares about the Christian life: “Brothers, I do not consider myself to have taken hold of it; but one thing I do: forgetting what is behind and straining toward what is ahead, I press on toward the goal to win the prize for which God has called me heavenward in Christ Jesus,” Phil. iii, 13, 14. L’Enfant suggests that the Apostle refers to those who stood at a high place at the end of the track, calling out the names of the racers and encouraging them by holding out the crown, inspiring them to give it their all. Within the specific and defined boundaries of the stadium, the athletes had to compete for the prize, which they would lose without any chance of getting back if they strayed even slightly from the designated path.
7. The honours and rewards granted to the victors were of several kinds. They were animated in their course by the rapturous applauses of the countless multitudes that lined the stadium, and waited the issue of the contest with eager anxiety; and their success was instantly followed by reiterated and long continued plaudits; but these were only a prelude to the appointed rewards, which, though of little value in themselves, were accounted the highest honour to which a mortal could aspire. These consisted of different wreaths of wild olive, pine, parsley, or laurel, according to the different places where the games were celebrated. 397After the judges had passed sentence, a public herald proclaimed the name of the victor; one of the judges put the crown upon his head, and a branch of palm into his right hand, which he carried as a token of victorious courage and perseverance. As he might be victor more than once in the same games, and sometimes on the same day, he might also receive several crowns and palms. When the victor had received his reward, a herald, preceded by a trumpet, conducted him through the stadium, and proclaimed aloud his name and country; while the delighted multitudes, at the sight of him, redoubled their acclamations and applauses.
7. The honors and rewards given to the winners came in various forms. They were energized by the enthusiastic cheers of the countless crowds that filled the stadium, anxiously waiting for the outcome of the competition. Their success was immediately met with loud and prolonged applause; however, this was just the beginning of the official rewards, which, although not highly valuable by themselves, were seen as the highest honor a person could achieve. These rewards included different wreaths made of wild olive, pine, parsley, or laurel, depending on where the games took place. 397 Once the judges made their decision, a public herald announced the winner's name; one of the judges placed the crown on his head and handed him a palm branch for his right hand, which he held as a symbol of his victorious bravery and perseverance. Since he could win more than once in the same games, and sometimes on the same day, he could also receive several crowns and palm branches. After receiving his reward, a herald, accompanied by a trumpet, led him through the stadium while loudly announcing his name and country; the delighted crowd responded by intensifying their cheers and applause at the sight of him.
8. The crown in the Olympic games was of wild olive; in the Pythian, of laurel; in the Isthmian or Corinthian, of pine tree; and in the Nemæan, of smallage or parsley. Now, most of these were evergreens; yet they would soon grow dry, and crumble into dust. Elsner produces many passages in which the contenders in these exercises are rallied by the Grecian wits, on account of the extraordinary pains they took for such trifling rewards; and Plato has a celebrated passage, which greatly resembles that of the Apostle, but by no means equals it in force and beauty: “Now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown, but we an incorruptible.” The Christian is thus called to fight the good fight of faith, and to lay hold of eternal life; and to this he is more powerfully stimulated by considering that the ancient athletæ took all their care and pains only for the sake of obtaining a garland of flowers, or a wreath of laurel, which quickly fades and perishes, possessed little intrinsic value, and only served to nourish their pride and vanity, without imparting any solid advantage to themselves or others; but that which is placed in the view of the spiritual combatants, to animate their exertions, and reward their labours, is no less than a crown of glory which never decays; “an inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved in heaven for them,” 1 Pet. i, 4; v, 4. But the victory sometimes remained doubtful, in consequence of which a number of competitors appeared before the judges, and claimed the prize. The candidates who were rejected on such occasions by the judge of the games, as not having fairly merited the prize, were called by the Greeks ἀδοκιμοί, or disapproved, which we render cast away, in a passage already quoted from St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians: “But I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection, lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself should be, ἀδόκιμος, cast away,” rejected by the Judge of all the earth, and disappointed of my expected crown. What has been observed concerning the spirit and ardour with which the competitors engaged in the race, and concerning the prize they had in view to reward their arduous contention, will illustrate the following sublime passage of the same sacred writer in his Epistle to the Philippians: “Not as though I had already attained, either were already perfect; but I follow after, if that I may apprehend that for which also I am apprehended of Christ Jesus. Brethren, I count not myself to have apprehended: but this one thing I do, forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things which are before, I press toward the mark, for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus,” Phil. iii, 12–14. The affecting passage, also, of the same Apostle, in the Second Epistle of Timothy, written a little before his martyrdom, is beautifully allusive to the above-mentioned race, to the crown that awaited the victory, and to the Hellanodics or judges who bestowed it: “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but to all them also that love his appearing,” 2 Tim. iv, 8.
8. The crown in the Olympic games was made of wild olive; in the Pythian games, it was made of laurel; in the Isthmian or Corinthian games, it was of pine tree; and in the Nemean games, it was of smallage or parsley. Most of these plants were evergreens, but they would quickly dry out and turn to dust. Elsner highlights many instances where Greek thinkers joked about the lengths competitors went to for such insignificant rewards; and Plato has a well-known quote that echoes a similar sentiment by the Apostle, although it doesn't match its strength and beauty: “Now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown, but we an incorruptible.” The Christian is called to fight the good fight of faith and to strive for eternal life; this is further encouraged by the example of ancient athletes, who put in so much effort just to win a garland of flowers or a laurel wreath that withered and faded, had little real value, and only served to feed their pride, without offering any real benefit to themselves or others. In contrast, what is promised to spiritual warriors to inspire their efforts and reward their toil is a glorious crown that never fades; “an inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved in heaven for them,” 1 Pet. i, 4; v, 4. However, sometimes the outcome of the competition was uncertain, leading to multiple contestants presenting themselves before the judges claiming the prize. Those candidates who were rejected by the judge for not having rightly earned the prize were known by the Greeks as ἀδοκιμοί, or disapproved, which we translate as cast away in a previously mentioned passage from St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians: “But I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection, lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself should be, ἀδόκιμος, cast away,” rejected by the Judge of all the earth, and missing out on my expected crown. The enthusiasm and determination with which the competitors engaged in the race, as well as the prize they sought to reward their hard struggle, will shed light on the following powerful passage from the same sacred writer in his Epistle to the Philippians: “Not as though I had already attained, either were already perfect; but I follow after, if that I may apprehend that for which also I am apprehended of Christ Jesus. Brethren, I count not myself to have apprehended: but this one thing I do, forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things which are before, I press toward the mark, for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus,” Phil. iii, 12–14. The moving passage from the same Apostle, in the Second Epistle of Timothy, written shortly before his martyrdom, artfully relates to the race discussed earlier, the crown that awaited victory, and the judges who awarded it: “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but to all them also that love his appearing,” 2 Tim. iv, 8.
GARDENS. In the language of the Hebrews, every place where plants and trees were cultivated with greater care than in the open field, was called a garden. The idea of such an enclosure was certainly borrowed from the garden of Eden, which the bountiful Creator planted for the reception of our first parents. Beside, the gardens of primitive nations were commonly, if not in every instance, devoted to religious purposes. In these shady retreats were celebrated, for a long succession of ages, the rites of Pagan superstition. Thus Jehovah calls the apostate Jews, “a people that provoketh me continually to anger to my face, that sacrificeth in gardens,” Isa. lxv, 3. And in a preceding chapter, the prophet threatens them in the name of the Lord: “They shall be ashamed of the oaks which ye have desired, and ye shall be confounded for the gardens which ye have chosen.” The oriental gardens were either open plantations, or enclosures defended by walls or hedges. Some fences in the Holy Land, in later times, are not less beautiful than our living fences of white thorn; and perfectly answer the description of ancient Jewish prophets, who inform us that the hedges in their times consisted of thorns, and that the spikes of these thorny plants were exceedingly sharp. Doubdan found a very fruitful vineyard, full of olives, fig trees, and vines, about eight miles south-west from Bethlehem, enclosed with a hedge; and that part of it adjoining to the road, strongly formed of thorns and rose bushes, intermingled with pomegranate trees of surpassing beauty and fragrance. A hedge composed of rose bushes and wild pomegranate shrubs, then in full flower, mingled with other thorny plants, adorned in the varied livery of spring, must have made at once a strong and beautiful fence. The wild pomegranate tree, the species probably used in fencing, is much more prickly than the other variety; and when mingled with other thorny bushes, of which they have several kinds in Palestine, some of whose prickles are very long and sharp, must form a hedge very difficult to penetrate. These facts illustrate the beauty and force of several passages in the sacred volume: thus, in the Proverbs of Solomon, “The way of the slothful man is as a hedge of 398thorns,” Prov. xv, 19; it is obstructed with difficulties, which the sloth and indolence of his temper represent as galling or insuperable; but which a moderate share of resolution and perseverance would easily remove or surmount. In the prophecies of Hosea, God threatens his treacherous and idolatrous people with many painful embarrassments and perplexities, which would as effectually retard or obstruct their progress in the paths of wickedness, as a hedge of thorny plants stretching across the traveller’s way, the prosecution of his journey: “Therefore, behold, I will hedge up thy way with thorns, and make a wall, that she shall not find her paths,” Hosea ii, 6. In the days of Micah, the magistrates of Judah had become exceedingly corrupt: “The best of them is a brier; the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge;” to appear before their tribunal, or to have any dealings with them, was to involve one’s self in endless perplexities, and to be exposed to galling disappointments, if not to certain destruction. They resembled those thorny plants which are twisted together, whose spines point in every direction, and are so sharp and strong that they cannot be touched without danger, and so entangling that when the traveller has with much pain and exertion freed himself from one, he is instantly seized by another. “But the sons of Belial,” said the king of Israel, “shall be all of them as thorns thrust away, because they cannot be taken with hands: but the man that shall touch them must be fenced with iron, and the staff of a spear; and they shall be utterly burned with fire in the same place,” 2 Sam. xxiii, 6, 7. Other enclosures had fences of loose stones, or mud walls, some of them very low, which often furnished a retreat to venomous reptiles. To this circumstance the royal preacher alludes, in his observations of wisdom and folly: “He that diggeth a pit, shall fall into it: and whoso breaketh a hedge, a serpent shall bite him,” Eccles. x, 8. The term which our translators render hedge in this passage, they might with more propriety have rendered wall, as they had done in another part of the writings of Solomon: “I went by the field of the slothful, and by the vineyard of the man void of understanding; and lo, it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof was broken down,” Proverbs xxiv, 30.
GARDENS. In Hebrew, any place where plants and trees were tended more carefully than in an open field was called a garden. The concept of such an enclosure likely came from the Garden of Eden, which the generous Creator planted for our first parents. Additionally, the gardens of ancient peoples were often dedicated to religious purposes. In these shady spots, the rites of pagan worship were celebrated for many ages. Thus, Jehovah refers to the rebellious Jews as “a people that provokes me continually to anger to my face, that sacrifices in gardens,” Isa. lxv, 3. In a previous chapter, the prophet warns them in the name of the Lord: “They shall be ashamed of the oaks which you have desired, and you shall be confounded for the gardens which you have chosen.” The eastern gardens were either open areas or enclosed by walls or hedges. Some fences in the Holy Land, in later times, are just as beautiful as our living hedges of hawthorn, confirming the descriptions from ancient Jewish prophets, who noted that the hedges of their times were made of thorny plants with very sharp spikes. Doubdan discovered a very fruitful vineyard filled with olives, fig trees, and vines about eight miles south-west of Bethlehem, enclosed by a hedge; that part of it next to the road was made of thorns and rose bushes mixed with outstandingly beautiful and fragrant pomegranate trees. A hedge composed of rose bushes and wild pomegranate shrubs, then in full bloom, intertwined with other thorny plants adorned in the bright colors of spring, must have created a strong and beautiful fence. The wild pomegranate tree, which was likely used in fencing, is much thornier than the other variety; and when mixed with other thorny bushes, some of which have very long and sharp spikes, it must form a hedge that is very hard to get through. These facts illustrate the beauty and strength of several passages in the sacred text: thus, in the Proverbs of Solomon, “The way of the slothful man is as a hedge of thorns,” Prov. xv, 19; it is obstructed by difficulties that the laziness and inaction of his character make seem unbearable; but which a moderate amount of determination and persistence could easily overcome. In the prophecies of Hosea, God warns his treacherous and idolatrous people about many painful obstacles and complications that would effectively hinder their progress in the paths of wrongdoing, much like a hedge of thorns blocking a traveler’s way: “Therefore, behold, I will hedge up thy way with thorns, and make a wall, that she shall not find her paths,” Hosea ii, 6. In Micah's days, the judges of Judah had become extremely corrupt: “The best of them is a brier; the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge;” to appear before their court or to interact with them was to invite endless complications and galling disappointments, if not certain peril. They were like those thorny plants that are twisted together, with spines pointing in every direction, so sharp and strong that they can't be touched without risk, and so entangling that when a traveler has painfully freed himself from one, he is immediately caught by another. “But the sons of Belial,” said the king of Israel, “shall all be like thorns thrust away, because they cannot be taken with hands: but the man that shall touch them must be fenced with iron, and the staff of a spear; and they shall be utterly burned with fire in the same place,” 2 Sam. xxiii, 6, 7. Other enclosures had fences made of loose stones or mud walls, some of which were very low and often provided a hiding place for venomous reptiles. To this, the royal preacher refers in his reflections on wisdom and folly: “He that diggeth a pit, shall fall into it: and whoso breaketh a hedge, a serpent shall bite him,” Eccles. x, 8. The term our translators render as hedge in this passage could more appropriately have been rendered as wall, as they had done elsewhere in the writings of Solomon: “I went by the field of the slothful, and by the vineyard of the man void of understanding; and lo, it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered its surface, and its stone wall was broken down,” Proverbs xxiv, 30.
2. The land of promise has been, from the earliest ages, an unenclosed country, with a few spots defended by a hedge of thorny plants, or a stone wall built without any cement. At Aleppo, most of the vineyards are fenced with stone walls; for in many parts of Syria a hedge would not grow for want of moisture. But, as their various esculent vegetables are now not unfrequently planted in the open fields, both in Syria and Palestine, so Chardin seems to suppose they were often unfenced in ancient times; and, on this account, those lodges and booths, to which Isaiah refers, in the first chapter of his prophecy, were built. In Hindostan they follow the same custom. At the commencement of the rainy season, the peasants plant abundance of melons, cucumbers, and gourds, which are then the principal food of the inhabitants. They are planted in the open fields and extensive plains, and are therefore liable to the depredations of men and beasts. In the centre of the field is an artificial mount, with a hut on the top, sufficiently large to shelter a single person from the inclemency of the weather. There, amid heavy rains and tempestuous winds, a poor solitary being is stationed day and night to protect the crop. From thence he gives an alarm to the nearest village. Few situations can be more unpleasant than a hovel of this kind, exposed for three or four months to wind, lightning, and rain. To such a cheerless station the prophet no doubt alludes, in that passage where he declares the desolations of Judah: “The daughter of Zion is left as a cottage in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers,” Isa. i, 8. If such watch houses were necessary in those gardens which were defended by walls or hedges, some of which, indeed, it was not difficult to get over, they must have been still more necessary in those which were perfectly open.
2. The land of promise has been, since ancient times, an open country, with just a few areas protected by thorny hedges or stone walls built without cement. At Aleppo, many vineyards are surrounded by stone walls; in many parts of Syria, a hedge wouldn’t thrive due to lack of moisture. However, as various vegetables are often grown in open fields in both Syria and Palestine today, Chardin suggests they were likely unfenced in ancient times as well. This is why those shelters and booths that Isaiah mentions in the first chapter of his prophecy were built. The same practice is observed in Hindostan. At the start of the rainy season, farmers plant lots of melons, cucumbers, and gourds, which then become the main food source for the locals. These are planted in open fields and large plains, making them vulnerable to theft by people and animals. In the middle of the field is a man-made mound with a hut on top, big enough to shelter one person from bad weather. There, through heavy rains and strong winds, a poor solitary individual stays day and night to guard the crop. From there, he alerts the nearest village. Few places could be more uncomfortable than such a hovel, exposed for three or four months to wind, lightning, and rain. The prophet surely references this bleak situation in his statement about the desolation of Judah: “The daughter of Zion is left as a cottage in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers,” Isa. i, 8. If such watchhouses were needed in gardens protected by walls or hedges, some of which were easy to climb over, they must have been even more necessary in open areas.
3. The oriental garden displays little method, or design; the whole being commonly no more than a confused medley of fruit trees, with beds of esculent plants, and even plots of wheat and barley sometimes interspersed. The garden belonging to the governor of Eleus, a Turkish town on the western border of the Hellespont, which Dr. Chandler visited, consisted only of a very small spot of ground, walled in, and containing only two vines, a fig and a pomegranate tree, and a well of excellent water. And, it would seem, the garden of an ancient Israelite could not boast of greater variety; for the grape, the fig, and the pomegranate, are almost the only fruits which it produced. This fact may perhaps give us some insight into the reason of the sudden and irresistible conviction which flashed on the mind of Nathanael, when our Saviour said to him, “When thou wast under the fig tree, I saw thee.” The good man seems to have been engaged in devotional exercises in a small retired garden, walled in, and concealed from the scrutinizing eyes of men. The place was so small, that he was perfectly certain no man but himself was there; and so completely defended, that none could break through, or look over, the fence; and, by consequence, that no eye was upon him, but the all-seeing eye of God; and, therefore, since Christ saw him there, Nathanael knew he could be no other than the Son of God, and the promised Messiah.
3. The oriental garden lacks much method or design; it’s usually just a jumbled mix of fruit trees, edible plants, and even patches of wheat and barley scattered throughout. The garden of the governor of Eleus, a Turkish town on the western edge of the Hellespont that Dr. Chandler visited, was just a tiny enclosed space with only two vines, a fig tree, a pomegranate tree, and a well of excellent water. It seems the garden of an ancient Israelite didn’t offer much more variety; the grape, the fig, and the pomegranate were about all it produced. This might help explain the sudden and undeniable realization that struck Nathanael when our Savior said to him, “When you were under the fig tree, I saw you.” The good man was likely engaged in prayer in a small secluded garden, walled off and hidden from prying eyes. The space was so small that he was sure no one else was there, and so well-protected that no one could break in or look over the fence; therefore, no one was watching him except for the all-seeing eye of God. So, since Christ saw him there, Nathanael knew He could only be the Son of God and the promised Messiah.
GARLICK, שום. As this word occurs only in Numbers xi, 5, some doubts have arisen respecting the plant intended. From its being coupled with leeks and onions, there can be but little doubt that the garlick is meant. The Talmudists frequently mention the use of this plant among the Jews, and their fondness for it. That garlicks grew plenteously in Egypt, is asserted by Dioscorides: there they were much esteemed, and were both eaten and worshipped:--
GARLIC, None. Since this word only appears in Numbers xi, 5, there has been some uncertainty about which plant it refers to. Given that it's mentioned alongside leeks and onions, it's pretty clear that garlic is the intended plant. The Talmud often discusses the use of this plant among the Jews and their affection for it. Dioscorides claims that garlic grew abundantly in Egypt, where it was highly valued, consumed, and even worshipped:--
GARMENT. See Habits.
GARMENT. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
GATE is often used in Scripture to denote a place of public assembly, where justice was administered, Deut. xvii, 5, 8; xxi, 19; xxii, 15; xxv, 6, 7, &c. One instance of these judgments appears in that given at the gate of Bethlehem, between Boaz and a relation of Naomi, on the subject of Ruth, chap. iv, 2; another in Abraham’s purchase of a field to bury Sarah, Gen. xxiii, 10, 18. The gate of judgment is a term still common to the Arabians to express a court of justice, and even introduced by the Saracens into Spain. “I had several times,” says Jacob, “visited the Alhambra, the ancient palace and fortress of the Moorish kings: it is situated on the top of a hill, overlooking the city, and is surrounded by a wall of great height and thickness. The entrance is through an archway, over which is carved a key, the symbol of the Mohammedan monarchs. This gate, called the gate of judgment, according to eastern forms, was the place where the kings administered justice.” In Morocco, the gate is still the place where judgment is held. “All complaints,” says Host, “are brought, in the first instance, to the cadi, or governor, who, for that purpose, passes certain hours of the day in the gate of the city, partly for the sake of the fresh air, and partly to see all those who go out; and, lastly, to observe a custom which has long prevailed, of holding judgment there. The gate is contrived accordingly, being built like a square chamber, with two doors, which are not directly opposite to each other, but on two adjoining sides, with seats on the other sides. In this manner David sat between two gates,” 2 Sam. xviii, 24. Gate sometimes signifies power, dominion, almost in the same sense as the Turkish emperor’s palace is called the Porte. God promises Abraham that his posterity shall possess the gates of their enemies, their towns, their fortresses, Genesis xxii, 17. Jesus Christ says to Peter, “Thou art Peter; and on this rock will I build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it,” Matt. xvi, 18. This may mean either the powers of hell, or invisible spirits; or simply death,--the church shall be replenished by living members from generation to generation, so that death shall never annihilate it.
GATE is often used in Scripture to refer to a public meeting place where justice was administered, as seen in Deut. xvii, 5, 8; xxi, 19; xxii, 15; xxv, 6, 7, etc. One example of these judgments can be found at the gate of Bethlehem, where Boaz spoke with a relative of Naomi regarding Ruth, as mentioned in chap. iv, 2; another example is Abraham's purchase of a field to bury Sarah, Gen. xxiii, 10, 18. The term "gate of judgment" is still commonly used by Arabs to signify a court of justice and was also adopted by the Saracens in Spain. “I had several times,” says Jacob, “visited the Alhambra, the ancient palace and fortress of the Moorish kings: it is located on top of a hill, overlooking the city, and is surrounded by thick, tall walls. The entrance is through an archway, over which is carved a key, representing the Mohammedan monarchs. This gate, called the gate of judgment according to eastern traditions, was where the kings administered justice.” In Morocco, the gate continues to be the place for legal proceedings. “All complaints,” says Host, “are initially brought to the cadi, or governor, who spends certain hours of the day at the city gate, partly for the fresh air and partly to see everyone coming in and out; and, last but not least, to maintain the long-standing custom of holding court there. The gate is designed accordingly, built like a square room with two doors that aren't directly opposite each other, but on two adjacent sides, with seating on the other sides. In this way, David sat between two gates,” 2 Sam. xviii, 24. Gate can also signify power or dominion, much like how the Turkish emperor’s palace is referred to as the Porte. God promises Abraham that his descendants will possess the gates of their enemies, their towns, and their fortresses, Genesis xxii, 17. Jesus Christ tells Peter, “You are Peter; and on this rock, I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it,” Matt. xvi, 18. This can refer to either the powers of hell, invisible spirits, or simply death—the church will be filled with living members from generation to generation, ensuring that death will never extinguish it.
Solomon says, “He that exalteth his gate seeketh destruction.” The Arabs are accustomed to ride into the houses of those they design to harass. To prevent this, Thevenot tells us that the door of the house in which the French merchants live at Rama was not three feet high, and that all the doors of that town are equally low. Agreeably to this account, the Abbé Mariti, speaking of his admission into a monastery near Jerusalem, says, “The passage is so low, that it will scarcely admit a horse; and it is shut by a gate of iron, strongly secured in the inside. As soon as we entered, it was again made fast with various bolts and bars of iron: a precaution extremely necessary in a desert place, exposed to the incursions, and insolent attacks of the Arabs.” Mr. Drummond says, that in the country about Roudge, in Syria, “the poor miserable Arabs are under the necessity of hewing their houses out of the rock, and cutting very small doors or openings to them, that they may not be made stables for the Turkish horse, as they pass and repass.” And thus, long before him, Sandys, at Gaza, in Palestine: “We lodged under an arch in a little court, together with our asses; the door exceeding low, as are all that belong unto Christians, to withstand the sudden entrance of the insolent Turks.” “To exalt the gate,” would consequently be to court destruction. Morier says, “A poor man’s door is scarcely three feet in height; and this is a precautionary measure to hinder the servants of the great from entering it on horseback; which, when any act of oppression is intended, they would make no scruple to do. But the habitation of a man in power is known by his gate, which is generally elevated in proportion to the vanity of its owner. A lofty gate is one of the insignia of royalty: such is the Allan Capi, at Ispahan, and Bob Homayan, or the Sublime Porte, at Constantinople. It must have been the same in ancient days; the gates of Jerusalem, Zion, &c, are often mentioned in the Scripture, with the same notion of grandeur annexed to them.”
Solomon says, “Those who raise their gates are inviting destruction.” The Arabs are known to ride into the homes of those they intend to trouble. To address this, Thevenot mentions that the entrance of the house where the French merchants stay in Rama was less than three feet high, and all the doors in that town are similarly short. In line with this, Abbé Mariti, reflecting on his entrance into a monastery near Jerusalem, notes, “The entrance is so low that it can barely fit a horse, and it’s secured by a heavily bolted iron gate. As soon as we entered, it was fastened again with multiple bolts and bars: a necessary measure in a remote area vulnerable to the raids and brazen attacks of the Arabs.” Mr. Drummond describes the area around Roudge in Syria, stating, “The poor, unfortunate Arabs have to carve their homes out of rock and create very small doors or openings so they aren’t used as stables for Turkish horses passing through.” Similarly, Sandys, in Gaza, Palestine, noted, “We stayed under an arch in a small courtyard, along with our donkeys; the door was extremely low, as are all those belonging to Christians, to prevent the sudden entry of the arrogant Turks.” “To raise the gate” would therefore invite disaster. Morier remarks, “A poor man's door is barely three feet tall; this serves as a precaution to keep the servants of the wealthy from entering on horseback, which they would do without hesitation if they intended to oppress. However, the residence of a powerful man is signified by his gate, which is usually elevated in accordance with the vanity of its owner. A tall gate is a symbol of royalty, like the Allan Capi in Ispahan or Bob Homayan, or the Sublime Porte in Constantinople. It must have been similar in ancient times; the gates of Jerusalem, Zion, etc., are frequently mentioned in the Scriptures, alluding to the same sense of grandeur.”
GATH, the fifth of the Philistine cities. It was a place of strength in the time of the prophets Amos and Micah, and is placed by Jerom on the road between Eleutheropolis and Gaza. It appears to have been the extreme boundary of the Philistine territory in one direction, as Ekron was on the other. Hence the expression, “from Ekron even unto Gath,” 1 Sam. vii, 14.
Gath, the fifth city of the Philistines, was a stronghold during the time of the prophets Amos and Micah. Jerome placed it on the road between Eleutheropolis and Gaza. It seems to have been the farthest edge of Philistine territory in one direction, just as Ekron was on the opposite side. This is why we see the phrase, “from Ekron even unto Gath,” in 1 Samuel 7:14.
GAULAN, or GOLAN, a city beyond Jordan, from which the small province called Gaulonitis took its name. It was given to the half tribe of Manasseh, on the other side Jordan, Deut. iv, 43; and became a city of refuge, Joshua xxi, 27.
GAULAN, or GOLAN, a city across the Jordan River, gave its name to the small province known as Gaulonitis. It was assigned to the half tribe of Manasseh, on the other side of the Jordan, Deut. iv, 43; and it became a city of refuge, Joshua xxi, 27.
GAZA, a city of the Philistines, made by Joshua part of the tribe of Judah. It was one of the five principalities of the Philistines, situated toward the southern extremity of the promised land, 1 Sam. vi, 17, between Raphia and Askelon. The advantageous situation of Gaza was the cause of the numerous revolutions which it underwent. It first of all belonged to the Philistines, and then to the Hebrews. It recovered its liberty in the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz, and was reconquered by Hezekiah, 2 Kings xviii, 8. It was subject to the Chaldeans, who conquered Syria and Phenicia. Afterward, it fell into the hands of the Persians. It must have been a place of considerable strength. For two months it baffled all the efforts of Alexander the Great, who was repeatedly repulsed, and wounded in the siege; which he afterward revenged in a most infamous manner on the person of the gallant defender Betis, whom, while yet alive, having ordered his ankles to be bored, he dragged round the walls, tied to his chariot wheels, in the barbarous parade of imitating the less 400savage treatment of the corpse of Hector by Achilles.
GAZA, a city of the Philistines, was made part of the tribe of Judah by Joshua. It was one of the five main regions of the Philistines, located towards the southern end of the promised land, 1 Sam. vi, 17, between Raphia and Askelon. The advantageous location of Gaza led to numerous changes in control over the years. It first belonged to the Philistines and then to the Hebrews. It regained its independence during the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz, only to be reconquered by Hezekiah, 2 Kings xviii, 8. It was under the rule of the Chaldeans, who conquered Syria and Phoenicia. Later, it came under Persian control. It must have been a stronghold, as it withstood all of Alexander the Great's efforts for two months. He was repeatedly pushed back and wounded during the siege; he later took revenge in a notorious way on the brave defender Betis, who, while still alive, he ordered to have his ankles pierced and then dragged around the walls tied to his chariot wheels, mimicking the less savage treatment of Hector’s corpse by Achilles.
Dr. Wittman gives the following description of his visit to Gaza: “In pursuing our route toward this place, the view became still more interesting and agreeable: the groves of olive trees extending from the place where we had halted to the town, in front of which a fine avenue of these trees was planted. Gaza is situated on an eminence, and is rendered picturesque by the number of fine minarets which rise majestically above the buildings, and by the beautiful date trees which are interspersed. The suburbs of Gaza are composed of wretched mud huts; but within side the town the buildings make a much better appearance than those we had generally met with in Syria. The streets are of a moderate breadth. Many fragments of statues, columns, &c, of marble were seen in the walls and buildings in different parts of the town. The suburbs and environs of Gaza are rendered infinitely agreeable by a number of large gardens, cultivated with the nicest care, which lie in a direction north and south of the town; while others of the same description run to a considerable distance westward. These gardens are filled with a great variety of choice fruit trees, such as the fig, the mulberry, the pomegranate, the apricot, the peach, and the almond; together with a few lemon and orange trees. The numerous plantations of olive and date trees which are interspersed contribute greatly to the picturesque effect of the scene exhibited by the surrounding plains. These, on our arrival, were overspread with flowers, the variegated colours of which displayed every tint and every hue. Among these were the chrysanthemum, scarlet ranunculus, lupin, pheasant-eye, tulip, china-aster, dwarf-iris, lintel, daisy, &c, all of them growing wild and abundantly, with the exception of the lupin, which was cultivated in patches, regularly ploughed and sowed, with a view to collect the seeds, which the inhabitants employ at their meals, more especially to thicken their ragouts. The few corn fields, which lay at a distance, displayed the promise of a rich golden harvest; and the view of the sea, distant about a league, tended to diversify still more the animated features of this luxuriant scene.” This and similar descriptions of modern travellers, which are occasionally introduced into this work, are given both as interesting in themselves, and to show that relics of the ancient beauty and fertility of the Holy Land are still to be found in many parts of it.
Dr. Wittman provides this description of his visit to Gaza: “As we traveled toward this place, the view became even more interesting and pleasant: the olive tree groves stretched from where we had stopped to the town, where a lovely avenue of these trees was planted. Gaza is located on a hill and is picturesque, thanks to the many stunning minarets that rise gracefully above the buildings, along with the beautiful date palms scattered throughout. The outskirts of Gaza consist of shabby mud huts, but inside the town, the buildings look much better than those we typically encountered in Syria. The streets are reasonably wide. We observed many fragments of marble statues, columns, and other items embedded in the walls and buildings in various parts of the town. The suburbs and surrounding areas of Gaza are incredibly pleasant due to a number of large gardens, meticulously cared for, that stretch north and south of the town; others of a similar nature extend a considerable distance to the west. These gardens are filled with a variety of fruit trees, like figs, mulberries, pomegranates, apricots, peaches, and almonds, along with a few lemon and orange trees. The numerous olive and date tree plantations scattered throughout greatly enhance the picturesque nature of the scene presented by the surrounding plains. Upon our arrival, these plains were covered in flowers, presenting every color and shade. Among them were chrysanthemums, scarlet ranunculus, lupins, pheasant's eye, tulips, china asters, dwarf irises, lintels, daisies, and others, all growing wild and abundantly, except for the lupin, which was cultivated in sections, regularly plowed and sown, intended for seed collection, which the locals use in their meals, especially to thicken their stews. The few distant cornfields promised a rich golden harvest, and the view of the sea, about a league away, added to the lively features of this lush scene.” This description and similar ones from modern travelers, which are sometimes included in this work, are presented both for their inherent interest and to demonstrate that remnants of the ancient beauty and fertility of the Holy Land can still be found in many areas.
GEMARA. This word signifies complement, perfection. The rabbins call the Pentateuch the law, without any addition. Next to this they have the Talmud, which is divided into two parts: the first is only an application of the law to particular cases, with the decision of the ancient rabbins, and is called mishnah, or “second law:” the other part, which is a more extensive application of the same law, is a collection of determinations by rabbins, later than the mishnah. This last is termed gemara, “perfection,” “finishing,” because they consider it as a conclusive explanation of the law, to which no farther additions can be made. There are two gemaras, or two Talmuds, that of Jerusalem, and that of Babylon. The former was compiled, according to the Jews, about the end of the second or third century, by a celebrated rabbin, called Jochanan; but father Morinus maintains that the gemara was not finished till about the seventh century. Dr. Prideaux says that it was completed about A. D. 300. The Jews have little value for this Jerusalem Talmud, on account of its obscurity. The Babylonish gemara is, as the rabbins say, more modern. It was begun by a Jewish doctor, named Asa, and continued by Marmar and Mar, his sons or disciples. The Jews believe that the gemara contains nothing but the word of God, preserved in the tradition of the elders, and transmitted, without alteration, from Moses to rabbi Judah, the holy, and the other compilers of the Talmud; who did not reduce it to writing till they were afraid it would be corrupted by the several transmigrations and persecutions to which their nation was subjected.
GEMARA. This word means complement, perfection. The rabbis refer to the Pentateuch as the law, without any additions. Alongside it, they have the Talmud, which has two parts: the first is just an application of the law to specific cases, along with the decisions of the ancient rabbis, and is called mishnah, or “second law.” The second part is a broader application of the same law and is a collection of rulings by rabbis, later than the mishnah. This part is called gemara, “perfection,” “finishing,” because they see it as a final explanation of the law, to which no further additions can be made. There are two gemaras, or two Talmuds: one from Jerusalem, and one from Babylon. The former was compiled, according to the Jews, around the end of the second or third century, by a famous rabbi named Jochanan; however, Father Morinus argues that the gemara was not completed until about the seventh century. Dr. Prideaux states that it was completed around A.D. 300. The Jews do not place much value on this Jerusalem Talmud due to its obscurity. The Babylonian gemara is, as the rabbis say, more modern. It was initiated by a Jewish scholar named Asa and continued by Marmar and Mar, his sons or disciples. The Jews believe that the gemara contains only the word of God, preserved in the tradition of the elders, and passed down, unchanged, from Moses to Rabbi Judah, the holy, and the other compilers of the Talmud, who did not write it down until they feared it would be corrupted by the various exiles and persecutions faced by their nation.
GENEALOGY, γενεαλογία, signifies a list of a person’s ancestors. The common Hebrew expression for it is Sepher-Toledoth, “the Book of Generations.” No nation was ever more careful to preserve their genealogies than the Jews. The sacred writings contain genealogies extended three thousand five hundred years backward. The genealogy of our Saviour is deduced by the evangelists from Adam to Joseph and Mary, through a space of four thousand years and upward. The Jewish priests were obliged to produce an exact genealogy of their families, before they were admitted to exercise their function. Wherever placed, the Jews were particularly careful not to marry below themselves; and to prevent this, they kept tables of genealogy in their several families, the originals of which were lodged at Jerusalem, to be occasionally consulted. These authentic monuments, during all their wars and persecutions, were taken great care of, and from time to time renewed. But, since the last destruction of their city, and the dispersion of the people, their ancient genealogies are lost. But to this the Jews reply, that either Elias, or some other inspired priest or prophet, shall come, and restore their genealogical tables before the Messiah’s appearance; a tradition, which they ground on a passage in Nehemiah vii, 64, 65, to this effect: the genealogical register of the families of certain priests being lost, they were not able to make out their lineal descent from Aaron; and therefore, “as polluted, were put from the priesthood;” the “Tirshatha said unto them, that they should not eat of the most holy things, till there stood up a priest with Urim and Thummim.” From hence the Jews conclude, that such a priest will stand up, and restore and complete the genealogies of their families: though others suppose these words to import, that they should never exercise their priesthood any more; and that, “till there shall stand up a priest with Urim and 401Thummim,” amounts to the same as the Roman proverb, ad Græcas calendas, [never,] since the Urim and Thummim were now absolutely and for ever lost.
GENEALOGY, γενεαλογία, refers to a list of someone's ancestors. The common Hebrew term for it is Sepher-Toledoth, which means “the Book of Generations.” No nation has been more diligent in preserving their genealogies than the Jews. Their sacred writings contain genealogies that go back three thousand five hundred years. The genealogy of our Savior is traced by the evangelists from Adam to Joseph and Mary, covering a span of four thousand years or more. Jewish priests had to provide an accurate genealogy of their families before they could fulfill their duties. Wherever they lived, the Jews were particularly careful not to marry beneath their status, and to prevent this, they kept genealogical records within their families, with the originals stored in Jerusalem for regular reference. These important records were preserved with great care during their wars and persecutions, and were occasionally updated. However, since the last destruction of their city and the dispersal of the people, their ancient genealogies have been lost. The Jews believe that either Elijah or some other inspired priest or prophet will come and restore their genealogical records before the Messiah arrives; this belief is based on a passage in Nehemiah 7:64-65, which states that the genealogical records of certain priestly families were lost, preventing them from proving their lineage from Aaron, and thus they were deemed “polluted” and excluded from the priesthood. The “Tirshatha told them that they should not eat of the most holy things until a priest stands with Urim and Thummim.” From this, the Jews conclude that such a priest will arise to restore and complete their genealogies; however, others believe these words imply that they will never practice their priesthood again, and that “until a priest with Urim and Thummim stands up” is equivalent to the Roman saying, ad Græcas calendas, meaning never, since the Urim and Thummim are entirely and permanently lost.
GENERATION. Beside the common acceptation of this word, as signifying descent, it is used for the history and genealogy of any individual, as “The book of the generations of Adam,” Genesis v, 1, the history of Adam’s creation, and of his posterity. “The generations of the heavens and of the earth,” Genesis ii, 4, is a recital of the creation of heaven and earth. “The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the Son of David,” Matthew i, 1, is the genealogy of Jesus Christ, and the history of his life. The ancients sometimes computed by generations: “In the fourth generation thy descendants shall come hither again,” Genesis xv, 16. “Joseph saw Ephraim’s children of the third generation,” Genesis 1, 23. “A bastard shall not be admitted into the congregation, till the tenth generation,” Deut. xxiii, 2. Among the ancients, when the duration of generations was not exactly described by the age of four men succeeding one another from father to son, it was fixed by some at a hundred years, by others at a hundred and ten, by others at thirty-three, thirty, twenty-five, and even at twenty years; being neither uniform nor settled: only, it is remarked, that a generation is longer as it is more ancient.
GENERATION. Besides the usual meaning of this word, which refers to descent, it is also used to describe the history and genealogy of an individual, like "The book of the generations of Adam," Genesis v, 1, detailing Adam's creation and his descendants. "The generations of the heavens and of the earth," Genesis ii, 4, recounts the creation of heaven and earth. "The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the Son of David," Matthew i, 1, contains the genealogy of Jesus Christ and the account of his life. In ancient times, people sometimes calculated by generations: "In the fourth generation your descendants shall come here again," Genesis xv, 16. "Joseph saw Ephraim’s children of the third generation," Genesis 1, 23. "A bastard shall not be admitted into the congregation until the tenth generation," Deut. xxiii, 2. Among the ancients, when the length of generations wasn't specifically defined by the age of four men succeeding one another from father to son, some defined it as a hundred years, others as a hundred and ten, or thirty-three, thirty, twenty-five, and even twenty years; it was neither uniform nor settled. It is noted, however, that a generation feels longer as it becomes more ancient.
GENESIS, a canonical book of the Old Testament, so called from the Greek γενεσις, genesis, or generation, because it contains an account of the origin of all visible things, and of the genealogy of the first patriarchs. In the Hebrew it is called בראשית, which signifies, in the beginning, because it begins with that word. See Pentateuch.
GENESIS, a key book of the Old Testament, gets its name from the Greek word γενεσις, genesis, or generation, because it tells the story of the origin of all visible things and the family lines of the first patriarchs. In Hebrew, it is called In the beginning, which means in the beginning, since it starts with that word. See Torah.
GENNESARETH, Land of, or GENNESAR, a small district of Galilee, supposed to have been so called from its pleasantness, and extending about four miles along the north-western shore of the sea of Galilee, or Gennesareth, so called from this same region. It is more probable, however, that Gennesareth is nothing more than a word moulded from Cinnereth, the ancient name of a city and adjoining tract in this very situation, as well as of the lake itself. This part of Galilee is described by Josephus as possessing a singular fertility, with a delightful temperature of the air, and abounding in the fruits of different climates.
GENNESARETH, Land of, or GENNESAR, a small area in Galilee, thought to have been named for its pleasantness, stretches about four miles along the north-western shore of the Sea of Galilee, or Gennesareth, which is named after this same region. It’s more likely, though, that Gennesareth is just a term derived from Cinnereth, the ancient name of a city and the surrounding area in this exact location, as well as the lake itself. Josephus describes this part of Galilee as having exceptional fertility, a delightful climate, and an abundance of fruits from various regions.
GENTILE. The Hebrews called the Gentiles גויים, ἔθνη, the nations, that is, those who have not received the faith or law of God. All who are not Jews, and circumcised, are goiim. Those who were converted, and embraced Judaism, they called proselytes. Since the Gospel, the true religion is not confined to any one nation or country, as heretofore, God, who had promised by his prophets to call the Gentiles to the faith, with a superabundance of grace, has fulfilled his promise; so that the Christian church is now composed principally of Gentile converts; and the Jews, too proud of their particular privileges, and abandoned to their reprobate sense of things, have disowned Jesus Christ, their Messiah and Redeemer, for whom, during so many ages, they had looked so impatiently. In the writings of St. Paul, the Gentiles are generally denoted as Greeks, Rom. i, 14, 16; ii, 9, 10; iii; x, 12; 1 Cor. i, 22–24; Gal. iii, 28. St. Luke, in the Acts, expresses himself in the same manner, Acts vi, 1; xi, 20; xviii, &c.
GENTILE. The Hebrews referred to the Gentiles as Non-Jews, ἔθνη, the nations, meaning those who have not accepted the faith or law of God. Anyone who is not Jewish and not circumcised is called goiim. Those who converted to Judaism were called proselytes. Since the Gospel, the true religion is no longer limited to any specific nation or country as it used to be; God, who promised through His prophets to invite the Gentiles to the faith, has graciously fulfilled His promise. Now, the Christian church is mainly made up of Gentile converts; while the Jews, too proud of their unique privileges and lost in their misguided beliefs, have rejected Jesus Christ, their Messiah and Redeemer, for whom they had waited impatiently for so many ages. In the writings of St. Paul, the Gentiles are often referred to as Greeks, Rom. i, 14, 16; ii, 9, 10; iii; x, 12; 1 Cor. i, 22–24; Gal. iii, 28. St. Luke uses similar terminology in the Acts, Acts vi, 1; xi, 20; xviii, &c.
2. St. Paul is commonly called the Apostle of the Gentiles, 1 Tim. ii, 7, or Greeks; because he, principally, preached Jesus Christ to them; whereas Peter, and the other Apostles, preached generally to the Jews, and are called Apostles of the circumcision, Gal. ii, 8. The prophets declared very particularly the calling of the Gentiles. Jacob foretold that the Messiah, he who was to be sent, the Shiloh, should gather the Gentiles to himself. Solomon, at the dedication of his temple, prays for “the stranger” who should there entreat God. The Psalmist says, that the Lord would give the Gentiles to the Messiah for his inheritance; that Egypt and Babylon shall know him; that Ethiopia shall hasten to bring him presents; that the kings of Tarshish, and of the isles, the kings of Arabia and Sheba, shall be tributary to him, Psalm ii, 8; lxvii, 4; lxxii, 9, 10. Isaiah abounds with prophecies of the like nature, on which account he has justly been distinguished by the name of “the prophet of the Gentiles.”
2. St. Paul is often referred to as the Apostle of the Gentiles, 1 Tim. ii, 7, or Greeks, because he primarily preached Jesus Christ to them. In contrast, Peter and the other Apostles primarily preached to the Jews and are known as Apostles of the circumcision, Gal. ii, 8. The prophets specifically highlighted the calling of the Gentiles. Jacob predicted that the Messiah, the one who was to be sent, the Shiloh, would gather the Gentiles to himself. Solomon, during the dedication of his temple, prayed for "the stranger" who would seek God there. The Psalmist states that the Lord would give the Gentiles to the Messiah as his inheritance; that Egypt and Babylon will recognize him; that Ethiopia will hurry to bring him gifts; and that the kings of Tarshish and the islands, as well as the kings of Arabia and Sheba, will bring him tribute, Psalm ii, 8; lxvii, 4; lxxii, 9, 10. Isaiah contains many prophecies of a similar nature, which is why he is appropriately known as "the prophet of the Gentiles."
Gentiles, Court of the. Josephus says there was, in the court of the temple, a wall, or balustrade, breast-high, with pillars at particular distances, and inscriptions on them in Greek and Latin, importing that strangers were forbidden from entering farther; here their offerings were received, and sacrifices were offered for them, they standing at the barrier; but they were not allowed to approach to the altar. Pompey, nevertheless, went even into the sanctuary, but behaved with strict decorum; and the next day he commanded the temple to be purified, and the customary sacrifices to be offered. A little before the last rebellion of the Jews, some mutineers would have persuaded the priests to accept no victim not presented by a Jew; and obliged them to reject those which were offered by command of the emperor, for the Roman people. The wisest in vain remonstrated with them on the danger this would bring on their country; urged that their ancestors had never rejected the presents of Gentiles; and that the temple was mostly adorned with the offerings of such people; at the same time, the most learned priests, who had spent their whole lives in the study of the law, testified that their forefathers had always received the sacrifices of strangers.
Court of Gentiles. Josephus mentions that in the court of the temple, there was a wall, or railing, about chest height, with pillars spaced at intervals, and inscriptions on them in Greek and Latin stating that outsiders were not allowed to go any further. Here, their offerings were collected, and sacrifices were made for them while they stood behind the barrier; however, they couldn't get close to the altar. Pompey, on the other hand, did enter the sanctuary but acted with great respect; the following day, he ordered the temple to be purified and the usual sacrifices to be performed. Shortly before the last Jewish rebellion, some rebels tried to convince the priests to accept sacrifices only from Jews and forced them to turn away those offered by the emperor on behalf of the Roman people. The wise ones futilely warned them about the dangers this would bring to their nation; they pointed out that their ancestors never turned down gifts from Gentiles and noted that the temple was mostly decorated with offerings from such people. At the same time, the most knowledgeable priests, who had dedicated their lives to studying the law, confirmed that their ancestors had always accepted sacrifices from outsiders.
From the above particulars, we learn the meaning of what the Apostle Paul calls “the middle wall of partition,” between Jews and Gentiles broken down by the Gospel.
From the details above, we understand what the Apostle Paul refers to as “the middle wall of partition,” which has been broken down between Jews and Gentiles by the Gospel.
GERAR, a royal city of the Philistines, situate not far from the angle where the south and west sides of Palestine meet.
GERAR, a royal city of the Philistines, located not far from the point where the southern and western parts of Palestine come together.
GERIZIM, a mount near Shechem, in Ephraim, a province of Samaria. Shechem lay at the foot of two mountains, Ebal and 402Gerizim. Gerizim was fruitful, Ebal was barren. God commanded that the Hebrews, after passing the Jordan, should be so divided, that six tribes might be stationed on Mount Gerizim, and six on Mount Ebal. The former was to pronounce blessings on those who observed the law of the Lord; the others, curses against those who should violate it, Deut. xi, 29; xxvii, 12. As to the original of the temple upon Gerizim, we must take Josephus’s relation of it. Manasseh, the grandson of Eliashib, the high priest, and brother to Jaddus, high priest of the Jews, having been driven from Jerusalem in the year of the world 3671, and not enduring patiently to see himself deprived of the honour and advantages of the priesthood, Sanballat, his father-in-law, addressed himself to Alexander the Great, who was then carrying on the siege of Tyre; and having paid him homage for the province of Samaria, whereof he was governor, he farther offered him eight thousand of his best troops, which disposed Alexander to grant what he desired for his son-in-law, and for many other priests, who being married, as well as he, contrary to the law, chose rather to forsake their country than their wives, and had joined Manasseh in Samaria. When Antiochus Epiphanes began to persecute the Jews, A. M. 3836; B. C. 186, the Samaritans entreated him that their temple upon Gerizim, which hitherto had been dedicated to an unknown and nameless god, might be consecrated to Jupiter the Grecian, which was easily consented to by Antiochus. The temple of Gerizim subsisted some time after the worship of Jupiter was introduced into it; but it was destroyed by John Hircanus Maccabæus, and was not rebuilt till Gabinius was governor of Syria; who repaired Samaria, and called it by his own name. It is certain, that, in our Saviour’s time, this temple was in being; and that the true God was worshipped there, since the woman of Samaria, pointing to Gerizim, said to him, “Our fathers worshipped in this mountain, and ye say, that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship,” John iv, 20. We are assured, that Herod the Great, having rebuilt Samaria, and called it Sebaste, in honour of Augustus, would have obliged the Samaritans to worship in the temple which he had erected there, but they constantly refused.
GERIZIM is a mountain near Shechem in Ephraim, a region of Samaria. Shechem is located at the base of two mountains, Ebal and Gerizim. Gerizim is fertile, while Ebal is barren. God commanded that after crossing the Jordan, the Hebrews should be divided so that six tribes would be positioned on Mount Gerizim and six on Mount Ebal. Those on Gerizim would pronounce blessings for those who followed the law of the Lord, while those on Ebal would pronounce curses for those who broke it, Deut. xi, 29; xxvii, 12. Regarding the origin of the temple on Gerizim, we must refer to Josephus’s account. Manasseh, the grandson of Eliashib the high priest and brother of Jaddus, the high priest of the Jews, was expelled from Jerusalem in the year 3671 and, unable to bear the loss of his priestly honor and privileges, his father-in-law Sanballat reached out to Alexander the Great, who was besieging Tyre at the time. He paid homage for the province of Samaria, which he governed, and offered Alexander eight thousand of his best troops, which led Alexander to grant Sanballat's requests for his son-in-law and other priests who, like him, had married contrary to the law and chose to leave their homeland with their wives, joining Manasseh in Samaria. When Antiochus Epiphanes began to persecute the Jews in A.M. 3836; B.C. 186, the Samaritans requested him to consecrate their temple on Gerizim, which had been dedicated to an unknown god, to Jupiter the Greek, a request Antiochus easily accepted. The temple existed for a while even after the worship of Jupiter began, but it was destroyed by John Hircanus Maccabeus and not rebuilt until Gabinius was the governor of Syria, who restored Samaria and named it after himself. It is known that during the time of our Savior, this temple was still standing, and the true God was worshipped there, as the Samaritan woman noted, “Our fathers worshipped on this mountain, and you say that in Jerusalem is the place where we ought to worship,” John iv, 20. It is confirmed that Herod the Great, after rebuilding Samaria and naming it Sebaste in honor of Augustus, tried to compel the Samaritans to worship in the temple he built there, but they consistently refused.
GETHSEMANE. See Olives, Mount of.
GETHSEMANE. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
GIANT, נפל, Greek, γίγας, a monster, a terrible man, a chief who beats and bears down other men. Scripture speaks of giants before the flood: “Nephilim, mighty men who were of old, men of renown,” Gen. vi, 4. Aquila translates nephilim, ἐπιπίπτοντες, men who attack, who fall with impetuosity on their enemies, which renders very well the force of the term. Symmachus translates it βιαίοι, violent men, cruel, whose only rule of action is violence. Scripture sometimes calls giants Rephaim: Chedorlaomer beat the Rephaim at Ashteroth-Karnaim. The Emim, ancient inhabitants of Moab, were of a gigantic stature, that is, Rephaim. The Rephaim and the Perizzites are connected as old inhabitants of Canaan. The Rephaim in some parts of Scripture signify spirits in the invisible world, in a state of misery. Job says that the ancient Rephaim groan under the waters; and Solomon, that the ways of a loose woman lead to the Rephaim; that he who deviates from the ways of wisdom, shall dwell in the assembly of Rephaim, that is, in hell, Prov. ii, 18; iv, 18; xxi, 16, &c; Gen. xiv, 5; Deut. ii, 11, 20; iii, 11, 13; Joshua xii, 4; xiii, 12; Job xxvi, 5. The Anakim, or the sons of Anak, were the most famous giants of Palestine. They dwelt at Hebron and thereabouts. The Israelites sent to view the promised land reported, that, in comparison, they themselves were but grasshoppers, Num. xiii, 33.
GIANT, נפל, Greek, γίγας, a monster, a terrible man, a leader who dominates and oppresses other people. Scripture mentions giants before the flood: “Nephilim, mighty men who were of old, men of renown,” Gen. vi, 4. Aquila translates nephilim as ἐπιπίπτοντες, men who attack, who charge fiercely at their enemies, which captures the meaning of the term well. Symmachus translates it as βιαίοι, violent men, cruel, whose only principle of action is violence. Scripture sometimes refers to giants as Rephaim: Chedorlaomer defeated the Rephaim at Ashteroth-Karnaim. The Emim, ancient inhabitants of Moab, were giants, meaning Rephaim. The Rephaim and the Perizzites are associated as ancient inhabitants of Canaan. In some parts of Scripture, the Rephaim represent spirits in the invisible world, in a state of misery. Job says that the ancient Rephaim groan under the waters; and Solomon mentions that the paths of a loose woman lead to the Rephaim; that anyone who strays from the path of wisdom will dwell in the company of the Rephaim, meaning in hell, Prov. ii, 18; iv, 18; xxi, 16, etc.; Gen. xiv, 5; Deut. ii, 11, 20; iii, 11, 13; Joshua xii, 4; xiii, 12; Job xxvi, 5. The Anakim, or the sons of Anak, were the most well-known giants of Palestine. They lived in Hebron and surrounding areas. The Israelites who explored the promised land reported that, in comparison, they felt like grasshoppers, Num. xiii, 33.
2. As to the existence of giants, several writers, both ancient and modern, have thought that the giants of Scripture were men famous for violence and crime, rather than for strength or stature. But it cannot be denied, that there have been races of men of a stature much above that common at present; although their size has often been absurdly magnified. The ancients considered persons whose stature exceeded seven feet as gigantic. Living giants have certainly been seen who were somewhat taller; but the existence of those who greatly surpassed it, or were double the height, has been inferred only from remains discovered in the earth, but not from the ocular testimony of credible witnesses. Were we to admit what has been reported on the subject, there would be no bounds to the dimensions of giants; the earth would seem unsuitable for them to tread upon. History, however, acquaints us that, in the reign of Claudius, a giant named Galbara, ten feet high was brought to Rome from the coast of Africa. An instance is cited by Goropius, an author with whom we are otherwise unacquainted, of a female of equal stature. A certain Greek sophist, Proæresius, is said to have been nine feet in height. Julius Capitolinus affirms that Maximinian, the Roman emperor was eight feet and a half; there was a Swede, one of the life guards of Frederick the Great, of that size. M. Le Cat speaks of a giant exhibited at Rouen, measuring eight feet and some inches; and we believe some have been seen in this country, within the last thirty years, whose stature was not inferior. In Plott’s “History of Staffordshire,” there is an instance of a man of seven feet and a half high, and another, in Thoresby’s account of Leeds, of seven feet five inches high. Examples may be found elsewhere of several individuals seven feet in height, below which, after the opinion of the ancients, we may cease to consider men gigantic. Entire families sometimes, though rarely, occur of six feet four, or six feet six inches high. From all this we may conclude, that there may have possibly been seen some solitary instances of men who were ten feet in height; that those of eight feet are extremely uncommon, and that even six feet and a half far exceeds the height of men in Europe. We may reasonably understand that the gigantic nations of Canaan were above the average size of other people, with 403instances among them of several families of gigantic stature. This is all that is necessary to suppose, in order to explain the account of Moses; but the notion that men have gradually degenerated in size has no foundation. There is no evidence whatever, that the modern tribes of mankind have thus degenerated. The catacombs of ancient Egypt and Palestine; the cenotaph, if it be truly such, in the great pyramid; the tomb of Alexander the Great, are all calculated for bodies of ordinary dimensions. The truth is still more satisfactorily established from the mummies which are yet withdrawn from their receptacles in Egypt, and the caverns of the Canary Islands. In the most ancient sepulchres of Britain, those apparently anterior to the introduction of Christianity, no remains are discovered which indicate the larger stature of the inhabitants than our own. In every part of the world domestic implements and personal ornaments, many centuries old, are obtained from tombs, from bogs and mosses, or those cities overwhelmed by volcanic eruptions, which would be ill adapted to a gigantic race of ancestors.
2. Regarding the existence of giants, many writers, both ancient and modern, have believed that the giants mentioned in Scripture were people known for their violence and crime, rather than their strength or height. However, it's undeniable that there have been groups of people much taller than the average today, though their size has often been exaggerated. The ancients considered individuals taller than seven feet to be giants. There have certainly been living giants who were a bit taller; however, claims about those greatly exceeding this height, or being twice as tall, are based only on remains found in the ground, not the credible eyewitness accounts. If we accepted all the reports about giants, there would be no limits to their size; the earth would seem unfit for them to walk on. History, though, tells us that during the reign of Claudius, a giant named Galbara, who was ten feet tall, was brought to Rome from the coast of Africa. There’s also a mention by Goropius, an author we don’t know much about, of a woman of the same height. A certain Greek sophist, Proæresius, was said to be nine feet tall. Julius Capitolinus claims that Maximinian, a Roman emperor, was eight and a half feet tall; there was a Swede, a member of Frederick the Great’s life guard, who was that size too. M. Le Cat talks about a giant displayed in Rouen, measuring eight feet and a few inches; we believe some have been seen in this country in the last thirty years who were similarly tall. In Plott’s “History of Staffordshire,” there’s an example of a man who was seven and a half feet tall, and another in Thoresby’s account of Leeds, who was seven feet five inches tall. Across various locations, we can find examples of several individuals who were seven feet tall; below that height, according to ancient opinion, we might stop considering them giants. There are sometimes entire families, though rarely, that reach heights of six feet four or six feet six inches. From all this, we can conclude that there may have been a few exceptional cases of individuals who were ten feet tall; those who are eight feet are very rare, and even six and a half feet exceeds the average height of men in Europe. We can reasonably understand that the giant nations of Canaan were taller than the average person, with several families of large stature among them. This is all that is necessary to explain the account of Moses; however, the idea that men have gradually decreased in size is unfounded. There is no evidence at all that modern human tribes have degenerated in height. The catacombs of ancient Egypt and Palestine; the cenotaph, if it is indeed one, in the great pyramid; the tomb of Alexander the Great, are all designed for bodies of ordinary size. The truth is further supported by the mummies that are still being taken from their resting places in Egypt and the caves of the Canary Islands. In the oldest burial sites in Britain, likely predating the introduction of Christianity, no remains are found that suggest the inhabitants were any taller than we are. In every part of the world, ancient tools and personal items many centuries old have been found in tombs, bogs, and cities buried by volcanic eruptions, which would not suit a giant race of ancestors.
GIBEON, the capital city of the Gibeonites, who took advantage of the oaths of Joshua, and of the elders of Israel, procured by an artful representation of their belonging to a very remote country, Joshua ix. Joshua and the elders had not the precaution to consult God on this affair, but inconsiderately made a league with these people. They soon discovered their mistake, and, without revoking their promise of saving their lives, they condemned them to labour in carrying wood and water for the tabernacle; and to other works, as slaves and captives; in which state of servitude they remained, till the entire dispersion of the Jewish nation, A. M. 2553; B. C. 1451. Three days after the Gibeonites had surrendered to the Hebrews, the kings of Canaan being informed of it, five of them came and besieged the city of Gibeon. The Gibeonites sent to Joshua, and desired speedy help. Joshua attacked the five kings early in the morning, put them to flight, and pursued them to Bethoron, Josh. x, 3, &c. The Gibeonites were descended from the Hivites, the old inhabitants of the country, and possessed four cities: Cephirah, Beeroth, Kirjath-jearim, and Gibeon, their capital; all afterward given to Benjamin, except Kirjath-jearim, which fell to Judah. The Gibeonites continued subject to those burdens which Joshua imposed on them, and were very faithful to the Israelites. Nevertheless, Saul destroyed a great number of them, 2 Sam. xxi, 1; but God, in the reign of David, sent a great famine, which lasted three years, A. M. 2983; B. C. 1021; and the prophets told David that this calamity would continue while Saul’s cruelty remained unavenged. David asked the Gibeonites what satisfaction they desired. They answered, “Seven of Saul’s sons we will put to death, to avenge the blood of our brethren.” The Gibeonites crucified them. From this time there is no mention of the Gibeonites as a distinct people. But they were probably included among the Nethinim, appointed for the service of the temple, 1 Chron. ix, 2. Afterward, those of the Canaanites who were subdued, and had their lives spared, were added to the Gibeonites. We see in Ezra viii, 20; ii, 58; 1 Kings ix, 20, 21, that David, Solomon, and the princes of Judah, gave many such to the Lord; these Nethinim being carried into captivity with Judah and the Levites, many of them returned with Ezra, Zerubbabel, and Nehemiah, and continued, as before, in the service of the temple, under the priests and Levites. We neither know when, nor by whom, nor on what occasion, the tabernacle and altar of burnt sacrifices, made by Moses in the wilderness, were removed to Gibeon; but this we certainly know, that, toward the end of David’s reign, and in the beginning of Solomon’s, they were there, 1 Chron. xxi, 29, 30. David, seeing an angel of the Lord at Araunah’s threshing floor, was so terrified, that he had not time or strength to go so far as Gibeon to offer sacrifice; but Solomon, being seated on the throne, went to sacrifice at Gibeon, 1 Kings iii, 4.
GIBEON, the capital of the Gibeonites, took advantage of the oaths made by Joshua and the elders of Israel through a clever deception about their origins as people from a distant land. Joshua and the elders didn't think to consult God about this deal and foolishly made a pact with them. They quickly realized their mistake, and while they didn't take back their promise to spare their lives, they condemned the Gibeonites to work as laborers, carrying wood and water for the tabernacle and performing other tasks, living as slaves and captives. This state of servitude lasted until the complete dispersion of the Jewish nation, A.M. 2553; B.C. 1451. Three days after the Gibeonites surrendered to the Hebrews, five of the Canaanite kings learned about it and besieged Gibeon. The Gibeonites reached out to Joshua for urgent help. Joshua launched a surprise attack on the five kings early in the morning, defeated them, and chased them to Bethoron, Josh. x, 3, &c. The Gibeonites were descendants of the Hivites, the original inhabitants of the area, and they had four cities: Cephirah, Beeroth, Kirjath-jearim, and Gibeon, their capital; all later given to the tribe of Benjamin, except Kirjath-jearim, which became part of Judah. The Gibeonites remained under the burdens imposed by Joshua and were very loyal to the Israelites. However, Saul killed a large number of them, 2 Sam. xxi, 1; and in the reign of David, God sent a severe famine that lasted three years, A.M. 2983; B.C. 1021. The prophets informed David that this disaster would continue until Saul's injustices were addressed. David asked the Gibeonites what they wanted as restitution. They replied, "We want seven of Saul's sons executed to avenge the deaths of our people." The Gibeonites hanged them. From this point on, there is no record of the Gibeonites as a distinct group. However, they were likely included among the Nethinim, who were designated for temple service, 1 Chron. ix, 2. Later, the Canaanites who had been conquered and spared were added to the Gibeonites. We see in Ezra viii, 20; ii, 58; 1 Kings ix, 20, 21 that David, Solomon, and the leaders of Judah dedicated many such individuals to the Lord; these Nethinim were taken into captivity with Judah and the Levites, and many returned with Ezra, Zerubbabel, and Nehemiah, continuing their service in the temple under the priests and Levites. We don't know exactly when, who moved, or why the tabernacle and altar of burnt sacrifices made by Moses in the wilderness were relocated to Gibeon; however, we do know that by the end of David’s reign and the start of Solomon’s, they were there, 1 Chron. xxi, 29, 30. David, upon seeing an angel of the Lord at Araunah’s threshing floor, was so frightened that he didn't have the time or strength to travel to Gibeon for a sacrifice; but Solomon, once he became king, went to sacrifice at Gibeon, 1 Kings iii, 4.
GIDEON, the son of Joash, of the tribe of Manasseh; the same with Jerubbaal, the seventh judge of Israel. He dwelt in the city of Ophra, and was chosen by God in a very extraordinary manner to deliver the Israelites from the oppression of the Midianites, under which they had laboured for the space of seven years. See Judges vi, 14–27; viii, 1–24, &c.
GIDEON, the son of Joash from the tribe of Manasseh; also known as Jerubbaal, was the seventh judge of Israel. He lived in the city of Ophra and was chosen by God in a remarkable way to rescue the Israelites from the oppression of the Midianites, which they had endured for seven years. See Judges vi, 14–27; viii, 1–24, &c.
GIER EAGLE, רחם, Lev. xi, 18; Deut. xiv, 17. As the root of this word signifies tenderness and affection, it is supposed to refer to some bird remarkable for its attachment to its young; hence some have thought that the pelican is to be understood; and Bochart endeavours to prove that the golden vulture is meant; but there can be no doubt that it is the percnopterus of the ancients, the ach-bobba of the Arabians, particularly described by Bruce under the name of rachamah. He says, “We know from Horus Apollo, that the rachma, or she vulture, was sacred to Isis, and adorned the statue of the goddess; that it was the emblem of parental affection; and that it was the hieroglyphic for an affectionate mother.” He farther says, that “this female vulture, having hatched her young ones, continues with them one hundred and twenty days, providing them with all necessaries; and, when the stock of food fails them, she tears off the fleshy part of her thigh, and feeds them with that and the blood which flows from the wound.”
GIER EAGLE, womb, Lev. xi, 18; Deut. xiv, 17. Since the root of this word means tenderness and affection, it’s thought to refer to a bird known for its strong bond with its young. Some have suggested that it could be the pelican, while Bochart tries to argue that it refers to the golden vulture. However, it's widely accepted that it is the percnopterus known to the ancients, or the ach-bobba of the Arabians, especially described by Bruce as rachamah. He notes, “We know from Horus Apollo that the rachma, or female vulture, was sacred to Isis and adorned the statue of the goddess; it symbolized parental affection and served as the hieroglyph for a loving mother.” He goes on to say, “This female vulture, after hatching her chicks, stays with them for one hundred and twenty days, providing them with everything they need; and when the food supply runs out, she tears off the fleshy part of her thigh to feed them, along with the blood that flows from the wound.”
Hasselquist thus describes the Egyptian vulture: “The appearance of the bird is as horrid as can well be imagined. The face is naked and wrinkled, the eyes are large and black, the beak black and crooked, the talons large, and extended ready for prey, and the whole body polluted with filth. These are qualities enough to make the beholder shudder with horror. Notwithstanding this, the inhabitants of Egypt cannot be enough thankful to Providence for this bird. All the places round Cairo are filled with the dead bodies of asses and camels; and thousands of these birds fly about and devour the carcasses, before they 404putrify and fill the air with noxious exhalations.” No wonder that such an animal should be deemed unclean.
Hasselquist describes the Egyptian vulture like this: “The bird looks as horrifying as you can imagine. Its face is bare and wrinkled, the eyes are big and black, the beak is black and twisted, the talons are large and stretched out, ready to pounce, and its whole body is covered in filth. These features are enough to make anyone shudder in fear. Still, the people of Egypt are incredibly thankful to Providence for this bird. All around Cairo, the ground is littered with dead donkeys and camels, and thousands of these birds soar around, eating the carcasses before they decompose and fill the air with bad smells.” It’s no surprise that such an animal is considered unclean.
GIFT OF TONGUES, an ability given to the Apostles and others of readily and intelligibly speaking a variety of languages which they had never learned. This was a glorious and decisive attestation to the Gospel, as well as a suitable, and, indeed, in their circumstances, a necessary qualification for the mission for which the Apostles and their coadjutors were designed. Nor is there any reason, with Dr. Middleton, to understand it as merely an occasional gift, so that a person might speak a language most fluently one hour, and be entirely ignorant of it the next; which neither agrees with what is said of the abuse of it, nor would it have been sufficient to answer the end proposed, Acts ii. Some appear to have been gifted with one tongue, others with more. To St. Paul this endowment was vouchsafed in a more liberal degree, than to many others; for, as to the Corinthians, who had received the gift of tongues, he says, “that he spake with tongues more than they all.”
GIFT OF TONGUES, an ability given to the Apostles and others to easily and clearly speak various languages that they had never learned. This was a remarkable and definitive confirmation of the Gospel, as well as a fitting and, in their situation, a necessary qualification for the mission intended for the Apostles and their companions. There is no reason, as Dr. Middleton suggests, to see it as just an occasional gift, where someone could speak a language fluently one hour and know nothing of it the next; this interpretation does not align with the discussions about its misuse, nor would it have fulfilled the intended purpose, Acts ii. Some individuals seemed to have the gift for one language, while others had it for multiple languages. St. Paul received this gift in a broader capacity than many others; regarding the Corinthians, who had received the gift of tongues, he states, “that he spoke with tongues more than they all.”
GIFTS. The practice of making presents is very common in oriental countries. The custom probably had its origin among those men who first sustained the office of kings or rulers, and who, from the novelty and perhaps the weakness attached to their situation, chose, rather than make the hazardous attempt of exacting taxes, to content themselves with receiving those presents which might be freely offered, 1 Sam. x, 27. Hence it passed into a custom, that whoever approached the king should come with a gift. This was the practice and the expectation. The custom of presenting gifts was subsequently extended to other great men; to men who were inferior to the king, but who were, nevertheless, men of influence and rank; it was also extended to those who were equals, when they were visited, Proverbs xviii, 16. Kings themselves were in the habit of making presents, probably in reference to the custom in question and the feelings connected with it, to those individuals, their inferiors in point of rank, whom they wished to honour, and also to those who, like themselves, were clothed with the royal authority. These presents, namely, such as were presented by the king as a token of the royal esteem and honour, are almost invariably denominated in the Hebrew, שחד and ברכה, 1 Kings xv, 19; 2 Kings xvi, 8; xviii, 14; Isaiah xxxvi, 16. The more ancient prophets did not deem it discreditable to them to receive presents, nor unbecoming their sacred calling, except when, as was sometimes the case, they refused by way of expressing their dissatisfaction or indignation, 2 Kings v, 15; viii, 9. In later times, when false prophets, in order to obtain money, prophesied without truth and without authority, the true prophets, for the purpose of keeping the line of distinction as broad as possible, rejected every thing that looked like reward. Gifts of this kind, that have now been described, are not to be confounded with those which are called שחד, and which were presented to judges, not as a mark of esteem and honour, but for purposes of bribery and corruption. The former was considered an honour to the giver, but a gift of the latter kind has been justly reprobated in every age, Exod. xxii, 8; Deut. x, 17; xvi, 19; xxvii, 25; Psalm xv, 5; xxvi, 10; Isaiah i, 23; v, 23; xxxiii, 15. The giver was not restricted as to the kind of present which he should make. He might present not only silver and gold, but clothes and arms, also different kinds of food, in a word any thing which could be of benefit to the recipient, Gen. xliii, 11; 1 Sam. ix, 7; xvi, 20; Job xiii, 11. It was the custom anciently, as it is at the present time in the east, for an individual when visiting a person of high rank, to make some presents of small value to the servants or domestics of the person visited, 1 Sam. xxv, 27. It was the usual practice among kings and princes to present to their favourite officers in the government, to ambassadors from foreign courts, to foreigners of distinction, and to men eminent for their learning, garments of greater or less value, Genesis xiv, 22, 23; Esther viii, 15. The royal wardrobe, in which a large number of such garments was kept, is denominated in Hebrew בגדים 2 Chronicles xxxiv, 22. It was considered an honour of the highest kind, if a king or any person in high authority thought it proper, as a manifestation of his favour, to give away to another the garment which he had previously worn himself, 1 Sam. xviii, 4. In the east, at the present day, it is expected, that every one who has received a garment from the king will immediately clothe himself in it, and promptly present himself and render his homage to the giver; otherwise he runs the hazard of exciting the king’s displeasure, Matt. xxii, 11, 12. It was sometimes the case, that the king, when he made a feast, presented vestments to all the guests who were invited, with which they clothed themselves before they sat down to it, 2 Kings x, 22; Gen. xlv, 22; Rev. iii, 5. In oriental countries, the presents which are made to kings and princes are to this day carried on beasts of burden, are attended with a body of men, and are escorted with much pomp. It matters not how light or how small the present may be, it must either be carried on the back of a beast of burden, or by a man, who must support it with both his hands, Judges iii, 18; 2 Kings viii, 9.
GIFTS. The practice of giving gifts is very common in Eastern countries. This custom likely originated with those who first held the position of kings or rulers, who, due to the novelty and perhaps the vulnerability of their role, chose to receive freely offered gifts rather than risk trying to collect taxes, 1 Sam. x, 27. Thus, it became expected that anyone approaching the king should bring a gift. This was the norm and the expectation. The tradition of giving gifts later expanded to include other influential individuals ranking below the king, as well as one’s peers when they were visited, Proverbs xviii, 16. Kings themselves often gave gifts, likely in relation to this custom and the sentiments involved, to those of lower rank whom they wished to honor and to those who, like them, held royal authority. These gifts, which were offered by the king as symbols of royal esteem and respect, are almost always referred to in Hebrew as bribe and Blessing, 1 Kings xv, 19; 2 Kings xvi, 8; xviii, 14; Isaiah xxxvi, 16. The earlier prophets did not see it as dishonorable to accept gifts, nor inappropriate for their sacred role, unless, as sometimes happened, they refused them to express their discontent or anger, 2 Kings v, 15; viii, 9. In later times, when false prophets would prophesy deceitfully to obtain money, true prophets aimed to keep a clear distinction by rejecting anything resembling a reward. The type of gifts described earlier should not be confused with those labeled bribe, which were given to judges not as a sign of respect or honor, but for bribery and corruption. The former was seen as an honor to the giver, while the latter has rightly been condemned throughout history, Exod. xxii, 8; Deut. x, 17; xvi, 19; xxvii, 25; Psalm xv, 5; xxvi, 10; Isaiah i, 23; v, 23; xxxiii, 15. The giver was free to choose the kind of gift they made. They could give not only silver and gold, but also clothing and weapons, along with various types of food—essentially anything that could benefit the recipient, Gen. xliii, 11; 1 Sam. ix, 7; xvi, 20; Job xiii, 11. It was customary, as it is today in the East, for a person visiting someone of high rank to give small gifts to the servants or staff of the host, 1 Sam. xxv, 27. It was also a common practice among kings and princes to present their favored officers, ambassadors from foreign courts, distinguished foreigners, and learned individuals with garments of varying value, Genesis xiv, 22, 23; Esther viii, 15. The royal wardrobe, which contained many such garments, is referred to in Hebrew as Clothes, 2 Chronicles xxxiv, 22. It was regarded as a great honor if a king or any person in authority decided to bestow upon another the garment they had previously worn, 1 Sam. xviii, 4. In the East today, it is expected that anyone receiving a garment from the king will immediately put it on and present themselves to the giver, or they risk displeasing the king, Matt. xxii, 11, 12. Occasionally, when a king held a feast, he would give garments to all invited guests, which they would wear before sitting down, 2 Kings x, 22; Gen. xlv, 22; Rev. iii, 5. In Eastern countries, gifts presented to kings and princes are still transported on pack animals, accompanied by a retinue, and are delivered with much ceremony. Regardless of how light or small a gift may be, it must either be carried on an animal’s back or by a person who supports it with both hands, Judges iii, 18; 2 Kings viii, 9.
GIHON, the name of one of the four rivers the source of which was in paradise, Genesis ii, 13. (See Eden.) Reland, Calmet, &c, think that Gihon is the Araxes, which has its source, as well as the Tigris and Euphrates, in the mountains of Armenia, and, running with almost incredible rapidity, falls into the Caspian Sea. Gihon was also the name of a fountain to the west of Jerusalem, at which Solomon was anointed king by the high priest Zadok, and the Prophet Nathan, 1 Kings i, 33.
GIHON refers to one of the four rivers that originated in paradise, as mentioned in Genesis 2:13. (See Eden.) Reland, Calmet, and others believe that Gihon is the Araxes, which also has its source, along with the Tigris and Euphrates, in the mountains of Armenia. This river flows with remarkable speed and empties into the Caspian Sea. Gihon was also the name of a spring to the west of Jerusalem, where Solomon was anointed king by the high priest Zadok and the Prophet Nathan, as noted in 1 Kings 1:33.
GILBOA, Mount, a ridge of mountains on the north of Bethshan, or Scythopolis, forming in that part the boundary of the plain of Jordan to the west. It is memorable from the defeat of Saul by the Philistines; when his 405three sons were slain, and he himself died by his own hand, his armourbearer refusing to kill him, 1 Sam. xxxi.
GILBOA, Climb, a mountain ridge located north of Bethshan, or Scythopolis, marking the western edge of the Jordan plain. It is significant because of the defeat of Saul by the Philistines; during that event, his 405three sons were killed, and he took his own life after his armor-bearer refused to do it, 1 Sam. xxxi.
GILEAD, the name given to the monument erected by Laban and Jacob, in testimony of a mutual covenant and agreement, Gen. xxxi, 47, 48. Hence the hill upon which it was erected, was called Mount Gilead, Cant. iv, 1; vi, 5; Jer. 1, 19. The mountains of Gilead were part of that ridge of mountains which extend from Mount Lebanon southward, on the east of the Holy land; they gave their name to the whole country which lies on the east of the sea of Galilee, and included the mountainous region called in the New Testament Trachonitis. The Scripture speaks of the balm of Gilead, Jer. viii, 22; xlvi, 11; li, 8. The merchants who bought Joseph came from Gilead, and were carrying balm into Egypt, Gen. xxxvii, 25. See Balm.
GILEAD, the name given to the monument built by Laban and Jacob to signify their mutual covenant and agreement, Gen. xxxi, 47, 48. As a result, the hill where it was built was called Mount Gilead, Cant. iv, 1; vi, 5; Jer. 1, 19. The mountains of Gilead were part of the mountain range that stretches south from Mount Lebanon, on the east side of the Holy Land; they lent their name to the entire region east of the Sea of Galilee, which included the hilly area referred to in the New Testament as Trachonitis. The Scriptures mention the balm of Gilead, Jer. viii, 22; xlvi, 11; li, 8. The merchants who bought Joseph came from Gilead and were bringing balm into Egypt, Gen. xxxvii, 25. See Balm.
GILGAL, a celebrated place situated on the west of Jordan, where the Israelites encamped some time after their passage over that river, and where Joshua pitched twelve stones taken out of Jordan as a memorial. A considerable city was afterward built there, which became renowned for many events recorded in the history of the Jews. Gilgal was about a league from Jordan, and at an equal distance from Jericho. It received its name from the circumstance of the Hebrews being there circumcised; for when by divine command that rite had been performed upon them, the Lord said, “This day have I rolled away from off you the reproach of Egypt,” Joshua v, 2–4, &c.--The word Gilgal signifies rolling. Here the ark was long stationed, and consequently the place was much resorted to by the Israelites. It seems to have been the place in which Jeroboam or some of the kings of Israel instituted idolatrous worship; and hence the allusions to it by the prophets, Hosea iv, 15; Amos iv, 4. It is probable that there were idols at Gilgal as early as the days of Ehud, who was one of the judges; for it is said that, having delivered his presents to the king, “Ehud went away, but returned again from the quarries that were by Gilgal,” Judges iii, 19. The margin of our Bibles reads, “the graven images,” or idols set up by the Moabites, the viewing of which, it is thought, stirred up Ehud to revenge the affront thereby offered to the God of Israel. At this same place, the people met to confirm the kingdom to Saul, 1 Sam. xi, 14, 15. It was at Gilgal, too, that Saul incurred the divine displeasure, in offering sacrifice before Samuel arrived, 1 Sam. xiii; and there also it was that he received the sentence of his rejection for disobeying the divine command, and sparing the king of Amalek with the spoils which he had reserved, 1 Sam. xv.
GILGAL is a well-known location on the west side of the Jordan River, where the Israelites camped after they crossed the river. Joshua set up twelve stones taken from the Jordan there as a memorial. A significant city was later built in this area, which became famous for various events in Jewish history. Gilgal is about a league from the Jordan River and the same distance from Jericho. It got its name because the Hebrews were circumcised there; after this rite was commanded by God, the Lord said, “Today I have removed the disgrace of Egypt from you,” Joshua 5:2–4, etc. The word Gilgal means rolling. The ark was stationed there for a long time, and it became a popular gathering spot for the Israelites. It appears to be the location where Jeroboam or some kings of Israel started idol worship, which is why the prophets mention it, as seen in Hosea 4:15 and Amos 4:4. It’s likely that idols existed at Gilgal as early as the time of Ehud, one of the judges, because it is recorded that after delivering his gifts to the king, “Ehud went away but came back from the quarries near Gilgal,” Judges 3:19. The margins of our Bibles note “the graven images,” or idols set up by the Moabites, and seeing them is thought to have motivated Ehud to take revenge against the offense to the God of Israel. At this location, the people also gathered to confirm Saul as king, 1 Samuel 11:14–15. It was at Gilgal that Saul angered God by offering sacrifices before Samuel arrived, 1 Samuel 13; and it was here that he received the declaration of his rejection for disobeying God’s command and sparing the king of Amalek and the loot he kept, 1 Samuel 15.
It has been supposed that the setting up of stones, as at Gilgal and other places, gave rise to the rude stone circular temples of the Druids, and other Heathens. The idea, however, appears fanciful, and there is an essential difference between stones erected for memorials, and those used to mark sacred, or supposed sacred, places for worship.
It has been assumed that the arrangement of stones, like those at Gilgal and other locations, led to the primitive stone circular temples of the Druids and other pagans. However, this idea seems far-fetched, and there is a significant difference between stones set up as memorials and those used to mark sacred, or believed sacred, sites for worship.
GIRDLE. The girdle is an indispensable article in the dress of an oriental: it has various uses; but the principal one is to tuck up their long flowing vestments, that they may not incommode them in their work, or on a journey. The Jews, according to some writers, wore a double girdle, one of greater breadth, with which they girded their tunic when they prepared for active exertions: the other they wore under their shirt, around their loins. This under girdle they reckon necessary to distinguish between the heart and the less honourable parts of the human frame. The upper girdle was sometimes made of leather, the material of which the girdle of John the Baptist was made; but it was more commonly fabricated of worsted, often very artfully woven into a variety of figures, and made to fold several times about the body; one end of which being doubled back, and sewn along the edges, serves them for a purse, agreeably to the acceptation of ζώνη, in the Scriptures, which is translated purse, in several places of the New Testament, Matt. x, 9; Mark vi, 8. The ancient Romans, in this, as in many other things, imitated the orientals; for their soldiers, and probably all classes of the citizens, used to carry their money in their girdles. Whence, in Horace, qui zonam perdidit, means one who had lost his purse; and Aulus Gellius, C. Gracchus is introduced, saying, “Those girdles which I carried out full of money when I went from Rome, I have, at my return from the province, brought again empty.” The Turks make a farther use of these girdles, by fixing their knives and poinards in them; while the writers and secretaries suspend in them their ink-horns; a custom as old as the Prophet Ezekiel, who mentions “a person clothed in white linen, with an ink-horn upon his loins,” Ezek. ix, 2. That part of the ink-holder which passes between the girdle and the tunic, and receives their pens, is long and flat; but the vessel for the ink, which rests upon the girdle, is square, with a lid to clasp over it.
GIRDLE. The girdle is an essential item in the attire of an Easterner. It serves multiple purposes; however, its main function is to secure their long flowing garments so they don't get in the way during work or travel. According to some writers, the Jews wore a double girdle—one that was wider, which they used to secure their tunics when they were preparing for physical activity, and the other worn under their shirt, around their waist. They consider this under girdle necessary to distinguish between the heart and the less honorable parts of the body. The upper girdle was sometimes made of leather, like the one worn by John the Baptist, but it was more commonly made from worsted, often intricately woven into various patterns and wrapped several times around the body. One end of this girdle was folded back and sewn along the edges to serve as a purse, aligning with the meaning of ζώνη in the Scriptures, which is translated as purse in several passages of the New Testament, Matt. x, 9; Mark vi, 8. The ancient Romans mimicked the Orientals in this aspect, as their soldiers and likely all citizens carried money in their girdles. This is reflected in Horace, where who lost the zone refers to someone who lost their purse. Aulus Gellius recounts that C. Gracchus said, “Those girdles that I took out full of money when I left Rome, I returned with empty from the province.” The Turks use these girdles further by attaching their knives and daggers to them, while writers and secretaries hang their ink-horns from them—a custom as old as the Prophet Ezekiel, who mentions “a person clothed in white linen, with an ink-horn upon his loins,” Ezek. ix, 2. The part of the ink-holder that goes between the girdle and the tunic, which holds their pens, is long and flat, while the ink vessel that rests on the girdle is square and has a lid that clasps over it.
2. To loose the girdle and give it to another was, among the orientals, a token of great confidence and affection. Thus, to ratify the covenant which Jonathan made with David, and to express his cordial regard for his friend, among other things, he gave him his girdle. A girdle curiously and richly wrought was among the ancient Hebrews a mark of honour, and sometimes bestowed as a reward of merit; for this was the recompense which Joab declared he meant to bestow on the man who put Absalom to death: “Why didst thou not smite him there to the ground? and I would have given thee ten shekels of silver, and a girdle,” 2 Samuel xviii, 11. The reward was certainly meant to correspond with the importance of the service which he expected him to perform, and the dignity of his own station as commander in chief: we may, therefore, suppose that the girdle promised was not a common one of leather, or plain worsted, but of costly materials and richly adorned; for people of rank and fashion in the east wear very broad girdles, all of silk, and superbly 406ornamented with gold and silver, and precious stones, of which they are extremely proud, regarding them as the tokens of their superior station and the proof of their riches. “To gird up the loins” is to bring the flowing robe within the girdle, and so to prepare for a journey, or for some vigorous exercise.
2. Loosening the girdle and giving it to someone else was, among people in the East, a sign of deep trust and affection. To solidify the agreement between Jonathan and David, and to show his true feelings for his friend, Jonathan gave David his girdle. A beautifully designed girdle was a mark of honor among the ancient Hebrews and was sometimes given as a reward for merit; this is the reward Joab intended to give to the man who killed Absalom: “Why didn’t you strike him to the ground there? I would have given you ten shekels of silver, and a girdle,” 2 Samuel 18:11. The reward was definitely meant to match the significance of the task he expected him to do, as well as Joab's high position as commander in chief: so we can assume that the girdle he promised was not just an ordinary leather or plain wool one, but rather made of high-quality materials and richly decorated; people of rank and style in the East typically wear wide girdles made entirely of silk, lavishly adorned with gold, silver, and precious stones, which they take great pride in, seeing them as signs of their elevated status and wealth. “To gird up the loins” means to tuck in the flowing robe within the girdle, preparing for a journey or some vigorous activity.
GLASS, ὕαλος. This word occurs Rev. xxi, 18, 21; and the adjective ὑάλινος, Rev. iv, 6; xv, 2. Parkhurst says that in the later Greek writers, and in the New Testament, ὕαλος denotes the artificial substance, glass; and that we may either with Mintert derive it from ἕλη, splendour, or immediately from the Hebrew הל, to shine. There seems to be no reference to glass in the Old Testament. The art of making it was not known. Our translators have rendered the Hebrew word מראת, in Exodus xxxviii, 8, and Job xxxvii, 18, “looking-glass.” But the making mirrors of glass coated with quicksilver, is an invention quite modern. The word looking-glass occurs in our version of Ecclesiasticus xii, 11, “Never trust thine enemy; for like as iron rusteth, so is his wickedness. Though he humble himself, and go crouching, yet take good heed and beware of him, and thou shalt be unto him as if thou hadst washed a looking-glass, and thou shalt know that his rust hath not been altogether wiped away.” This passage proves, by its mention of rust, that mirrors were then made of polished metal. The word ἔσοπτρον, or mirror, occurs in 1 Cor. xiii, 12, and James i, 23. Dr. Pearce thinks that in the former place it signifies any of those transparent substances which the ancients used in their windows, and through which they saw external objects obscurely. But others are of opinion that the word denotes a mirror of polished metal; as this, however, was liable to many imperfections, so that the object before it was not seen clearly or fully, the meaning of the Apostle is, that we see things as it were by images reflected from a mirror, which shows them very obscurely and indistinctly. In the latter place, a mirror undoubtedly is meant; “For if any be a hearer of the word, and not a doer, he is like unto a man beholding his natural face in a glass: for he beholdeth himself, and goeth his way, and straightway he forgetteth what manner of man he was:” but in the former, 1 Cor. xiii, 12, semi-transparent glass such as that which we see in the ancient glass vases of the Romans is obviously intended. Specimens of Roman glass may be seen in collections of antiquities, and some have been dug up at Pompeii; but in all it is cloudy and dull, and objects can only be seen through it with indistinctness. From this we may fully perceive the force of the Apostle’s words, “now we see through a glass darkly.”
GLASS, ὕαλος. This word appears in Rev. xxi, 18, 21; and the adjective ὑάλινος, Rev. iv, 6; xv, 2. Parkhurst notes that in later Greek literature and in the New Testament, ὕαλος refers to the artificial substance, glass; and we can either derive it from ἕλη, splendour, or directly from the Hebrew הל, to shine. There seems to be no reference to glass in the Old Testament, as the technique for making it was not yet known. Our translators have rendered the Hebrew word mirror, in Exodus xxxviii, 8, and Job xxxvii, 18, as “looking-glass.” However, creating mirrors out of glass coated with quicksilver is a relatively modern invention. The term looking-glass appears in our version of Ecclesiasticus xii, 11: “Never trust your enemy; for just as iron rusts, so does his wickedness. Though he humbles himself and slinks around, be careful and watch out for him, and you'll see him as if you had cleaned a looking-glass, and you'll know that his rust hasn’t been entirely wiped away.” This passage demonstrates, by mentioning rust, that mirrors were then made from polished metal. The word ἔσοπτρον, or mirror, is used in 1 Cor. xiii, 12, and James i, 23. Dr. Pearce believes that in the former context it refers to any of those transparent materials that the ancients used in their windows, through which they viewed external objects in a hazy way. However, others think the term indicates a mirror made of polished metal; since this type of mirror was prone to many flaws, the reflected image would not be clear or complete. The Apostle’s meaning is that we perceive things as if they are images reflected in a mirror, which shows them very faintly and indistinctly. In the latter reference, a mirror is clearly intended: “For if someone hears the word but doesn’t do it, he is like a man looking at his natural face in a glass: he observes himself, goes away, and immediately forgets what kind of person he was.” But in the first example, 1 Cor. xiii, 12, semi-transparent glass, like what we see in ancient Roman glass vases, is clearly meant. Examples of Roman glass are found in antique collections, and some have been excavated at Pompeii; however, all of it is cloudy and dull, and objects are only visible through it indistinctly. This fully illustrates the impact of the Apostle’s words, “now we see through a glass darkly.”
GLEAN. To glean is properly to gather ears of corn, or grapes, left by the reapers, &c. The Jews were not allowed to glean their fields, but were to leave this to the poor, Lev. xix, 10; xxiii, 22; Deut. xxiv, 21; Ruth ii, 3.
GLEAN. To glean means to gather leftover ears of corn or grapes that were missed by the harvesters, etc. The Jews weren't permitted to glean their own fields; they were instructed to leave this for the poor, Lev. xix, 10; xxiii, 22; Deut. xxiv, 21; Ruth ii, 3.
GLORIFY, to make glorious or honourable, or to cause to appear so, John xii, 28; xiii, 31, 32; xv, 8; xvii, 4, 5; xxi, 19; Acts iii, 13. In this view it particularly refers to the resurrection of Christ, and his ascension to the right hand of God, John vii, 39; xii, 16. It also expresses that change which shall pass upon believers at the general resurrection, and their admission into heaven.
GLORIFY, to make glorious or honorable, or to cause to seem that way, John xii, 28; xiii, 31, 32; xv, 8; xvii, 4, 5; xxi, 19; Acts iii, 13. In this context, it especially pertains to the resurrection of Christ and his ascension to the right hand of God, John vii, 39; xii, 16. It also indicates the transformation that will happen to believers at the general resurrection, along with their entrance into heaven.
GLORY, splendour, magnificence. The glory of God in the writings of Moses, denotes, generally, the divine presence; as when he appeared on Mount Sinai; or, the bright cloud which declared his presence, and descended on the tabernacle of the congregation, Exod. xxiv, 9, 10, 16, 17. Moses, with Aaron, Nadab, Abihu, and seventy elders of Israel, went up to Mount Sinai, and “saw the glory of the Lord.” Now “the glory of the Lord was, as it were, a burning fire on the mountain; and under his feet was, as it were, the brightness of the sapphire stone, resembling heaven itself in clearness.” The glory of the Lord appeared to Israel in the cloud also, when he gave them manna and quails, Exod. xvi, 7, 10. Moses having earnestly begged of God to show his glory to him, God said, “Thou canst not see my face, for there shall no man see me and live. And the Lord said, There is a place by me, and thou shalt stand upon a rock: and it shall come to pass, while my glory passeth by, that I will put thee in the cleft of the rock, and will cover thee with my hand while I pass by: and I will take away my hand, and thou shalt see my back parts:” (the train, the fainter rays of the glory:) “but my face shall not be seen,” Exod. xxxiii, 18. The ark of God is called the glory of Israel; and the glory of God, 1 Samuel iv, 21, 22; Psalm xxvi, 8. The priestly ornaments are called “garments of glory,” Exod. xxviii, 2, 40; and the sacred vessels, “vessels of glory,” 1 Macc. ii, 9, 12. Solomon “in all his glory,” in all his lustre, in his richest ornaments, was not so beautifully arrayed as a lily, Matt. vi, 29; Luke xii, 27. When the prophets describe the conversion of the Gentiles, they speak of the “glory of the Lord” as filling the earth; that is, his knowledge shall universally prevail, and he shall be every where worshipped and glorified. The term “glory” is used also of the Gospel dispensation by St. Paul; and to express the future felicity of the saints in heaven. When the Hebrews required an oath of any man, they said, “Give glory to God:” confess the truth, give him glory, confess that God knows the most secret thoughts, the very bottom of your hearts, Joshua vii, 19; John ix, 24.
GLORY, splendor, magnificence. The glory of God in the writings of Moses generally represents His divine presence; like when He appeared on Mount Sinai or the bright cloud that indicated His presence and settled on the tabernacle of the congregation, Exod. xxiv, 9, 10, 16, 17. Moses, along with Aaron, Nadab, Abihu, and seventy elders of Israel, ascended Mount Sinai and “saw the glory of the Lord.” The “glory of the Lord was like a consuming fire on the mountain, and beneath His feet was the brightness of sapphire stone, resembling heaven itself in clarity.” The glory of the Lord also appeared to Israel in the cloud when He provided them with manna and quails, Exod. xvi, 7, 10. After Moses earnestly begged God to show His glory to him, God replied, “You cannot see my face, for no one can see me and live. And the Lord said, There is a place near me where you shall stand on a rock: and it will happen that while my glory passes by, I will put you in the cleft of the rock and cover you with my hand as I pass by; then I will take away my hand, and you will see my back;” (the trailing, fainter rays of the glory:) “but my face must not be seen,” Exod. xxxiii, 18. The ark of God is referred to as the glory of Israel; and the glory of God, 1 Samuel iv, 21, 22; Psalm xxvi, 8. The priestly garments are called “garments of glory,” Exod. xxviii, 2, 40; and the sacred vessels, “vessels of glory,” 1 Macc. ii, 9, 12. Solomon “in all his glory,” in all his splendor, adorned in his richest attire, was not as beautifully dressed as a lily, Matt. vi, 29; Luke xii, 27. When the prophets describe the conversion of the Gentiles, they mention the “glory of the Lord” filling the earth; meaning that His knowledge will prevail universally, and He will be worshipped and glorified everywhere. The term “glory” is also used regarding the Gospel dispensation by St. Paul, and to signify the future happiness of the saints in heaven. When the Hebrews needed a man to swear an oath, they would say, “Give glory to God:” confess the truth, give Him glory, acknowledge that God knows the deepest thoughts and the very core of your hearts, Joshua vii, 19; John ix, 24.
GNAT, κώνωψ, Matt. xxiii, 24, a small-winged insect, comprehending a genus of the order of diptera. In those hot countries, as Servius remarks, speaking of the east, gnats and flies are very apt to fall into wine, if it be not carefully covered; and passing the liquor through a strainer, that no gnat or part of one might remain, became a proverb for exactness about little matters. This may help us to understand that passage, Matt. xxiii, 24, where the proverbial expression of carefully straining out a little fly from the liquor to be drunk, 407and yet swallowing a camel, intimates, that the scribes and Pharisees affected to scruple little things, and yet disregarded those of the greatest moment.
GNAT, κώνωψ, Matt. xxiii, 24, a small-winged insect, belonging to a genus in the order of diptera. In those hot regions, as Servius notes while discussing the east, gnats and flies tend to fall into wine if it isn't properly covered; and filtering the drink to ensure no gnat or any part of one remains became a saying about being meticulous with small details. This helps clarify the passage in Matt. xxiii, 24, where the saying about carefully straining out a tiny fly from the drink while still swallowing a camel suggests that the scribes and Pharisees pretended to be concerned about minor issues while completely ignoring the most important matters. 407
GNOSTICS, from γνώσις, “knowledge,” men of science and wisdom, illuminati; men who, from blending the philosophy of the east, or of Greece, with the doctrines of the Gospel, boasted of deeper knowledge in the Scriptures and theology than others. It was, therefore, not so properly a distinct sect as a generic term, comprehending all who, forsaking the simplicity of the Gospel, pretended to be “wise above what is written,” to explain the New Testament by the dogmas of the philosophers, and to derive from the sacred writings mysteries which never were contained in them. The origin of the Gnostic heresy, as it is called, has been variously stated. The principles of this heresy were, however, much older than Christianity; and many of the errors alluded to in the apostolic epistles are doubtless of a character very similar to some branches of the Gnostic system. (See Cabbala.) Cerinthus, against whom St. John wrote his Gospel; the Nicolaitans, mentioned in the Revelation, and the Ebionites, (described under that article,) were all early Gnostics, although the system was not then so completely formed as afterward. Dr. Burton, in his Bampton Lectures, has thus sketched the Gnostic system:--In attempting to give an account of these doctrines, I must begin with observing what we shall see more plainly when we trace the causes of Gnosticism, that it was not by any means a new and distinct philosophy, but made up of selections from almost every system. Thus we find in it the Platonic doctrine of ideas, and the notion that every thing in this lower world has a celestial and immaterial archetype. We find in it evident traces of that mystical and cabalistic jargon which, after their return from captivity, deformed the religion of the Jews; and many Gnostics adopted the oriental notion of two independent coëternal principles, the one the author of good, the other of evil. Lastly, we find the Gnostic theology full of ideas and terms which must have been taken from the Gospel; and Jesus Christ, under some form or other, of æon, emanation, or incorporeal phantom, enters into all their systems, and is the means of communicating to them that knowledge which raised them above all other mortals, and entitled them to their peculiar name. The genius and very soul of Gnosticism was mystery: its end and object was to purify its followers from the corruptions of matter, and to raise them to a higher scale of being, suited only to those who were become perfect by knowledge.
GNOSTICS, from γνώσις, “knowledge,” were intellectuals and wise individuals, illuminati; they blended Eastern or Greek philosophy with Gospel teachings and claimed to have a deeper understanding of the Scriptures and theology than others. Thus, it wasn’t really a distinct sect but more of a broad term for anyone who, moving away from the simplicity of the Gospel, claimed to be “wise beyond what is written,” attempting to explain the New Testament through philosophical dogmas and finding mysteries in the sacred texts that were never actually there. The origins of the so-called Gnostic heresy have been described in various ways. However, the principles of this heresy were much older than Christianity, and many of the errors mentioned in the apostolic letters likely resemble some parts of the Gnostic system. (See Cabbala.) Cerinthus, whom St. John addressed in his Gospel; the Nicolaitans mentioned in Revelation; and the Ebionites (found under that article) were all early Gnostics, even though the system wasn’t fully formed at that time. Dr. Burton, in his Bampton Lectures, outlined the Gnostic system as follows:—To explain these doctrines, I must first point out, as we will see more clearly when we explore the reasons behind Gnosticism, that it was not a new or distinct philosophy but rather a collection from nearly every existing system. We find the Platonic idea of forms and the belief that everything in this material world has a celestial and immaterial prototype. There are clear traces of the mystical and cabalistic language that, after their return from captivity, corrupted Jewish religion; many Gnostics embraced the Eastern idea of two independent, co-eternal principles—one responsible for good and the other for evil. Finally, the Gnostic theology is filled with concepts and terminology likely derived from the Gospel; Jesus Christ, in various forms such as æon, emanation, or incorporeal phantom, plays a role in all their systems, serving as the means of imparting the knowledge that elevated them above other mortals, granting them their unique identity. The essence and core of Gnosticism was mystery: its goal was to cleanse its followers of material corruption and elevate them to a higher state of being, suitable only for those perfected by knowledge.
2. We have a key to many parts of their system, when we know that they held matter to be intrinsically evil, of which, consequently, God could not be the author. Hence arose their fundamental tenet, that the creator of the world, or Demiurgus, was not the same with the supreme God, the Author of good, and the Father of Christ. Their system allowed some of them to call the creator God; but the title most usually given to him was Demiurgus. Those who embraced the doctrine of two principles supposed the world to have been produced by the evil principle; and, in most systems, the creator, though not the father of Christ, was looked upon as the God of the Jews, and the author of the Mosaic law. Some, again, believed that angels were employed in creating the world; but all were agreed in maintaining that matter itself was not created, that it was eternal, and remained inactive, till
2. We have access to many parts of their system, especially knowing that they viewed matter as inherently evil, which meant that it couldn’t have been created by God. This led to their core belief that the creator of the world, or Demiurge, was not the same as the supreme God, the Author of good, and the Father of Christ. Some of them referred to the creator as God, but more commonly he was called Demiurge. Those who followed the idea of two principles believed the world was created by the evil principle, and in most beliefs, the creator, although not the Father of Christ, was seen as the God of the Jews and the author of the Mosaic law. Others thought that angels were involved in creating the world; however, they all agreed that matter itself was not created, that it was eternal, and remained inactive until
[Some God, whoever he was, separated and arranged the mass, and reduced it, when separated, into elements.]
[Some God, whoever he was, divided and organized the mass, and broke it down into its elements.]
The supreme God had dwelt from all eternity in a pleroma of inaccessible light; and beside the name of first Father, or first Principle, they called him also Bythus, as if to denote the unfathomable nature of his perfections. This being, by an operation purely mental, or by acting upon himself, produced two other beings of different sexes, from whom, by a series of descents, more or less numerous according to different schemes, several pairs of beings were formed, who were called æons, from the periods of their existence before time was, or emanations, from the mode of their production. These successive æons or emanations appear to have been inferior each to the preceding; and their existence was indispensable to the Gnostic scheme, that they might account for the creation of the world without making God the author of evil. These æons lived through countless ages with their first father; but the system of emanations seems to have resembled that of concentric circles; and they gradually deteriorated, as they approached nearer and nearer to the extremity of the pleroma. Beyond this pleroma was matter, inert and powerless, though coëternal with the supreme God, and like him without beginning. At length, one of the æons passed the limits of the pleroma, and, meeting with matter, created the world, after the form and model of an ideal world which existed in the pleroma or in the mind of the supreme God. Here it is that inconsistency is added to absurdity in the Gnostic scheme. For, let the intermediate æons be as many as the wildest imagination could devise, still God was the remote, if not the proximate, cause of creation. Added to which, we are to suppose that the Demiurgus formed the world without the knowledge of God; and that, having formed it, he rebelled against him. Here, again, we find a strong resemblance to the oriental doctrine of two principles, good and evil, or light and darkness. The two principles were always at enmity with each other. God must have been conceived to be more powerful than matter, or an emanation from God could not have shaped and moulded it into form: yet God was not able to reduce matter into its primeval chaos, nor to destroy the evil which the Demiurgus had produced. What God could not prevent, he was always endeavouring to cure: and here 408it is that the Gnostics borrowed so largely from the Christian scheme. The names, indeed, of several of their æons were evidently taken from terms which they found in the Gospel. Thus we meet with Logos, Monogenes, Zoe, Ecclesia, all of them successive emanations from the supreme God, and all dwelling in the pleroma. At length, we meet with Christ and the Holy Ghost, as two of the last æons which were put forth. Christ was sent into the world to remedy the evil which the creative æon or Demiurgus had caused. He was to emancipate men from the tyranny of matter, or of the evil principle; and, by revealing to them the true God, who was hitherto unknown, to fit them, by a perfection and sublimity of knowledge, to enter the divine pleroma. To give this knowledge, was the end and object of Christ’s coming upon earth; and hence the inventors and believers of the doctrine assumed to themselves the name of Gnostics. In all their notions concerning Christ, we still find them struggling with the same difficulty of reconciling the author of good with the existence of evil. Christ, as being an emanation from God, could have no real connection with matter: yet, the Christ of the Gnostics was held out to be the same with him who was revealed in the Gospel; and it was notorious that he was revealed as the Son of Mary, who appeared in a human form. The methods which they took to extricate themselves from the difficulty, were principally two: they either denied that Christ had a real body at all, and held that he was an unsubstantial phantom; or, granting that there was a man called Jesus, the son of human parents, they believed that one of the æons, called Christ, quitted the pleroma, and descended upon Jesus at his baptism.
The supreme God has existed forever in a pleroma of unreachable light; besides being called the first Father or first Principle, he was also known as Bythus, which marks the incomprehensible nature of his perfection. This being, through a purely mental action, or by acting upon himself, created two other beings of different sexes. These beings gave rise, through various descents, to several pairs of beings called æons, named for their periods of existence before time began, or emanations, reflecting how they were produced. Each of these successive æons or emanations seemed inferior to the preceding one, and their existence was vital to the Gnostic framework, allowing them to explain the world's creation without implicating God as the source of evil. These æons lived alongside their first father for countless ages, but the system of emanations appeared similar to concentric circles, gradually declining as they moved closer to the edge of the pleroma. Beyond this pleroma lay matter, static and powerless, though coexisting with the supreme God and like him without origin. Eventually, one of the æons ventured beyond the bounds of the pleroma and, encountering matter, created the world, patterned after an ideal world that existed in the pleroma or in the mind of the supreme God. It is here that inconsistency compounds absurdity within the Gnostic framework. No matter how many intermediate æons one might imagine, God remains the distant, if not immediate, source of creation. Furthermore, we are led to believe that the Demiurgus created the world without God's knowledge and then rebelled against him. This again reflects a strong similarity to the Eastern doctrine of two opposing forces, good and evil, or light and darkness, perpetually at war. God had to be envisioned as more powerful than matter, or else an emanation from God wouldn't have been able to shape it: yet God could not force matter back into its original chaos, nor eliminate the evil that the Demiurgus had created. What God could not avert, he continually tried to remedy: and it is here that the Gnostics drew extensively from Christian teachings. Indeed, several of their æons were clearly named after terms found in the Gospel. Thus, we encounter Logos, Monogenes, Zoe, Ecclesia, all of which are successive emanations from the supreme God, residing within the pleroma. Eventually, we find Christ and the Holy Spirit as two of the final æons produced. Christ was sent into the world to address the evil that the creative æon or Demiurgus had caused. He was to free people from the oppression of matter, or the evil principle; and by revealing to them the true God, who had remained unknown, to prepare them, through a higher understanding, to enter the divine pleroma. The purpose of Christ’s coming to earth was to impart this knowledge; hence, the creators and followers of the doctrine called themselves Gnostics. In all their ideas about Christ, they continued to struggle with the challenge of reconciling the source of goodness with the presence of evil. Christ, as an emanation from God, could not have any true connection with matter: yet, the Gnostic view held that he was the same as the one revealed in the Gospel; and it was widely known that he was disclosed as the Son of Mary, who appeared in human form. To navigate this challenge, they mainly adopted one of two approaches: they either denied that Christ had a physical body at all, insisting he was an insubstantial phantom; or, acknowledging the existence of a man named Jesus, son of human parents, they believed that one of the æons, called Christ, left the pleroma and came upon Jesus at his baptism.
3. We have seen that the God who was the father or progenitor of Christ, was not considered to be the creator of the world. Neither was he the God of the Old Testament, and the giver of the Mosaic law. This notion was supported by the same argument which infidels have often urged, that the God of the Jews is represented as a God of vengeance and of cruelty; but it was also a natural consequence of their fundamental principle, that the author of good cannot in any manner be the author of evil. In accordance with this notion, we find all the Gnostics agreed in rejecting the Jewish Scriptures, or, at least, in treating them with contempt. Since they held that the supreme God was revealed for the first time to mankind by Christ, he could not have been the God who inspired the prophets; and yet, with that strange inconsistency which we have already observed in them, they appealed to these very Scriptures in support of their own doctrines. They believed the prophets to have been inspired by the same creative æon, or the same principle of evil, which acted originally upon matter; and if their writings had come down to us, we should perhaps find them arguing, that, though the prophets were not inspired by the supreme God, they still could not help giving utterance to truth.
3. We've seen that the God who was the father or originator of Christ wasn't seen as the creator of the world. He wasn't the God of the Old Testament or the giver of the Mosaic law either. This idea was backed up by the same argument that skeptics have often used, that the God of the Jews is portrayed as a God of vengeance and cruelty; but it was also a natural result of their basic belief that the author of good can't possibly be the author of evil. In line with this belief, we find that all the Gnostics agreed in rejecting the Jewish Scriptures, or at least treating them with disdain. Since they believed that the supreme God was revealed to humanity for the first time through Christ, he couldn't have been the God who inspired the prophets; yet, with that odd inconsistency we've noted before, they still referred to these very Scriptures to support their own beliefs. They thought the prophets were inspired by the same creative æon or the same principle of evil that originally acted upon matter; and if their writings had survived, we might find them arguing that, although the prophets weren't inspired by the supreme God, they still couldn't help but express truth.
4. Their same abhorrence of matter, and their same notion concerning that purity of knowledge which Christ came upon earth to impart, led them to reject the Christian doctrines of a future resurrection and a general judgment. They seem to have understood the Apostles as preaching literally a resurrection of the body; and it is certain that the fathers insisted upon this very strongly as an article of belief. But to imagine that the body, a mass of created and corruptible matter, could ever enter into heaven, into that pleroma which was the dwelling of the supreme God, was a notion which violated the fundamental principle of the Gnostics. According to their scheme, no resurrection was necessary, much less a final judgment. The Gnostic, the man who had attained to perfect knowledge, was gradually emancipated from the grossness of matter; and, by an imperceptible transition, which none but a Gnostic could comprehend, he was raised to be an inhabitant of the divine pleroma. If we would know the effect which the doctrines of the Gnostics had upon their moral conduct, we shall find that the same principle led to two very opposite results. Though the fathers may have exaggerated the errors of their opponents, it seems undeniable, that many Gnostics led profligate lives, and maintained upon principle that such conduct was not unlawful. Others, again, are represented as practising great austerities, and endeavouring, by every means, to mortify the body and its sensual appetites. Both parties were actuated by the same common notion, that matter is inherently evil. The one thought that the body, which is compounded of matter, ought to be kept in subjection; and hence they inculcated self-denial, and the practice of moral virtue: while others, who had persuaded themselves that knowledge was every thing, despised the distinctions of the moral law, which was given, as they said, not by the supreme God, but by an inferior æon, or a principle of evil, who had allied himself with matter.
4. Their shared disdain for matter and their idea about the purity of knowledge that Christ brought to the world led them to dismiss the Christian beliefs in a future resurrection and a final judgment. They seemed to interpret the Apostles as literally preaching a resurrection of the body, and it's clear that the church fathers strongly emphasized this as a core belief. However, the thought that the body, as a collection of created and corruptible matter, could ever enter heaven, the pleroma, where the supreme God resides, was a belief that contradicted the fundamental principle of the Gnostics. According to their view, there was no need for resurrection, let alone a final judgment. The Gnostic, someone who achieved perfect knowledge, was gradually liberated from the material world, and through a subtle process that only a Gnostic could truly understand, he was elevated to be part of the divine pleroma. If we want to understand the impact of Gnostic teachings on their moral behavior, we see that the same principle resulted in two very different outcomes. While the church fathers may have exaggerated their opponents' errors, it seems undeniable that many Gnostics lived reckless lives and argued that such behavior was not sinful. On the other hand, some Gnostics are portrayed as practicing severe self-discipline, striving by every means to suppress the body and its desires. Both groups were driven by the same fundamental idea that matter is inherently evil. One group believed that the body, made of matter, should be kept in check; thus, they promoted self-denial and moral virtue. Meanwhile, others, convinced that knowledge was everything, disregarded the distinctions of moral law, claiming it was not given by the supreme God but by an inferior æon or a principle of evil that had connected itself with matter.
5. With respect to the origin of this system the same author observes: There is no system of philosophy which has been traced to a greater number of sources than that which we are now discussing; and the variety of opinions seems to have arisen from persons either not observing the very different aspects which Gnosticism assumed, or from wishing to derive it from one exclusive quarter. Thus, some have deduced it from the eastern notion of a good and evil principle, some from the Jewish Cabbala, and others from the doctrines of the later Platonists. Each of these systems is able to support itself by alleging very strong resemblances; and those persons have taken the most natural and probably the truest course, who have concluded that all these opinions contributed to build up the monstrous system, which was known by the name of Gnosticism.
5. Regarding the origin of this system, the same author notes: There’s no philosophical system that has been traced back to as many sources as the one we’re discussing now; and the variety of opinions seems to come from people either not recognizing the very different forms Gnosticism took, or wanting to trace it back to just one source. Some have linked it to the Eastern idea of a good and evil principle, some to the Jewish Kabbalah, and others to the teachings of later Platonists. Each of these systems can back itself up by pointing out notable similarities; and the people who have taken the most straightforward and likely the most accurate approach are those who have concluded that all these beliefs contributed to the complex system known as Gnosticism.
GOAT, עו. There are other names or appellations given to the goat, as, 1. השופ, 1 Kings xx, 27, which means the ram-goat, or leader of the flock. 2. עתודים, a word which 409never occurs but in the plural, and means, the best prepared, or choicest of the flock; and metaphorically princes, as, Zech. x, 3, “I will visit the goats, saith the Lord,” that is, I will begin my vengeance with the princes of the people. “Hell from beneath is moved for thee, to meet thee at thy coming; it stirreth up the dead for thee, even all the great goats of the earth,” Isaiah xiv, 9; all the kings, all the great men. And Jeremiah, speaking of the princes of the Jews, says, “Remove out of the midst of Babylon, and be as the he-goats before the flocks,” Jer. 1, 8. 3. צפיר, a name for the goat, of Chaldee origin, and found only in Ezra vi, 17; viii, 35; Daniel viii, 5, 21. 4. עואול, from עו, a goat, and אול, to wander about, Leviticus xvi, 8, “the scape-goat.” 5. שער, hairy, or shaggy, whence שעירים, “the shaggy ones.” In Lev. xvii, 7, it is said, “And they shall no more offer their sacrifices unto devils,” (seirim, “hairy ones,”) “after whom they have gone a whoring.” The word here means idolatrous images of goats, worshipped by the Egyptians. It is the same word that is translated satyrs, in Isaiah xiii, 21; where the LXX render it δαιμόνια, demons. But here they have ματαιοίς, to vain things or idols, which comes to the same sense. What gives light to so obscure a passage is what we read in Maimonides, that the Zabian idolaters worshipped demons under the figure of goats, imagining them to appear in that form, whence they called them by the names of seirim; and that this custom, being spread among other nations, gave occasion to this precept. In like manner we learn from Herodotus, that the Egyptians of Mendes held goats to be sacred animals, and represented the god Pan with the legs and head of that animal. From those ancient idolaters the same notion seems to have been derived by the Greeks and Romans, who represented their Pan, their fauns, satyrs, and other idols, in the form of goats: from all which it is highly probable, that the Israelites had learned in Egypt to worship certain demons, or sylvan deities, under the symbolical figure of goats. Though the phrase, “after whom they have gone a whoring,” is equivalent in Scripture to that of committing idolatry, yet we are not to suppose that it is not to be taken in a literal sense in many places, even where it is used in connection with idolatrous acts of worship. It is well known that Baal-peor and Ashtaroth were worshipped with unclean rites, and that public prostitution formed a grand part of the worship of many deities among the Egyptians, Moabites, Canaanites, &c.
GOAT, עו. There are other names or titles given to the goat, such as, 1. השופ, 1 Kings xx, 27, which means the ram-goat, or leader of the flock. 2. Reserves, a word that only appears in the plural, meaning the best prepared, or the choicest of the flock; metaphorically princes, as in Zech. x, 3, “I will visit the goats, says the Lord,” meaning I will start my vengeance with the princes of the people. “Hell from beneath is stirred up for you, to meet you at your coming; it stirs up the dead for you, even all the great goats of the earth,” Isaiah xiv, 9; referring to all the kings, all the great men. And Jeremiah, talking about the princes of the Jews, says, “Get out of Babylon, and be like the he-goats leading the flocks,” Jer. 1, 8. 3. צפיר, a name for the goat of Chaldean origin, found only in Ezra vi, 17; viii, 35; Daniel viii, 5, 21. 4. עואול, from עו, a goat, and אול, to wander about, Leviticus xvi, 8, “the scape-goat.” 5. שער, hairy, or shaggy, hence Goats, “the shaggy ones.” In Lev. xvii, 7, it says, “And they shall no longer offer their sacrifices to devils,” (seirim, “hairy ones”), “after whom they have gone a whoring.” Here, the word refers to idolatrous images of goats, worshipped by the Egyptians. It is the same term translated as satyrs in Isaiah xiii, 21; where the LXX translates it to δαιμόνια, demons. But here they have ματαιοίς, to vain things or idols, which conveys the same meaning. What clarifies this obscure passage is what we read in Maimonides, that the Zabian idolaters worshipped demons in the form of goats, believing they appeared that way, hence they called them seirim; and this custom, spreading to other nations, led to this command. Similarly, we learn from Herodotus that the Egyptians of Mendes regarded goats as sacred animals and depicted the god Pan with the legs and head of that creature. From those ancient idolaters, the same idea seems to have been adopted by the Greeks and Romans, who represented their Pan, fauns, satyrs, and other idols in goat form: all of which strongly suggests that the Israelites learned in Egypt to worship certain demons or nature deities under the symbolic figure of goats. While the phrase “after whom they have gone a whoring” is equivalent in Scripture to committing idolatry, it should not be assumed that it isn't meant literally in many instances, even when connected to acts of idolatrous worship. It’s well known that Baal-peor and Ashtaroth were worshipped with unclean rites, and that public prostitution was a large part of the worship of many deities among the Egyptians, Moabites, Canaanites, etc.
The goat was one of the clean beasts which the Israelites might both eat and offer in sacrifice. The kid, גרי is often mentioned as a food, in a way that implies that it was considered as a delicacy. The אקו, or wild goat, mentioned Deut. xiv, 5, and no where else in the Hebrew Bible, is supposed to be the tragelaphus, or “goat-deer.” Schultens conjectures that this animal might have its name, ob fugacitatem, from its shyness, or running away. The word יעל, occurs 1 Sam. xxiv, 3; Job xxxix, 1; Psalm civ, 18; Prov. v, 19: and various have been the sentiments of interpreters on the animal intended by it. Bochart insists that it is the ibex, or “rock-goat.” The root whence the name is derived, signifies to ascend, to mount; and the ibex is famous for clambering, climbing, and leaping, on the most craggy precipices. The Arab writers attribute to the jaal very long horns, bending backward; consequently it cannot be the chamois. The horns of the jaal are reckoned among the valuable articles of traffic, Ezek. xxvii, 15. The ibex is finely shaped, graceful in its motions, and gentle in its manners. The female is particularly celebrated by natural historians for tender affection to her young, and the incessant vigilance with which she watches over their safety; and also for ardent attachment and fidelity to her mate.
The goat was one of the clean animals that the Israelites were allowed to eat and use for sacrifice. The kid, גרי, is often mentioned as food in a way that suggests it was considered a delicacy. The אקו, or wild goat, mentioned in Deut. xiv, 5, and not found anywhere else in the Hebrew Bible, is thought to be the tragelaphus, or “goat-deer.” Schultens speculates that this animal might get its name, about fleetingness, from its shyness or tendency to run away. The word Yael appears in 1 Sam. xxiv, 3; Job xxxix, 1; Psalm civ, 18; Prov. v, 19; and various interpretations have been offered about the animal it refers to. Bochart argues it's the ibex, or “rock-goat.” The root of the name means to ascend, to mount; and the ibex is known for climbing and leaping on the steepest cliffs. Arab writers describe the jaal as having very long horns that curve backward, so it could not be the chamois. The horns of the jaal are considered valuable trade items, as noted in Ezek. xxvii, 15. The ibex has an elegant shape, is graceful in its movements, and gentle in its behavior. The female is particularly noted by natural historians for her tender care of her young and her constant vigilance over their safety, as well as her strong bond and loyalty to her mate.
GOD, an immaterial, intelligent, and free Being; of perfect goodness, wisdom, and power; who made the universe, and continues to support it, as well as to govern and direct it, by his providence. Philologists have hitherto considered the word God as being of the same signification with good; and this is not denied by M. Hallenberg. But he thinks that both words originally denoted unity; and that the root is אתד, unus; whence the Syriac Chad and Gada; the Arabic Ahd and Gahd; the Persic Choda and Chuda; the Greek ἀγαθὸς and γάθος; the Teutonic Gud; the German Gott; and our Saxon God. The other names of God, this author thinks, are referable to a similar origin.
GOD is a non-physical, intelligent, and free Being, embodying perfect goodness, wisdom, and power; who created the universe and continues to sustain it, as well as to govern and guide it through his providence. Language scholars have previously viewed the word God as synonymous with good; and M. Hallenberg does not dispute this. However, he argues that both terms originally meant unity; tracing their root to אתד, unus; from which come the Syriac Chad and Gada; the Arabic Ahd and Gahd; the Persian Choda and Chuda; the Greek ἀγαθὸς and γάθος; the Teutonic Gud; the German Gott; and our Saxon God. The author believes that other names for God also stem from a similar origin.
2. By his immateriality, intelligence, and freedom, God is distinguished from Fate, Nature, Destiny, Necessity, Chance, Anima Mundi, and from all the other fictitious beings acknowledged by the Stoics, Pantheists, Spinosists, and other sorts of Atheists. The knowledge of God, his nature, attributes, word, and works, with the relations between him and his creatures, makes the subject of the extensive science called theology. In Scripture God is defined by, “I am that I am; Alpha and Omega; the Beginning and End of all things.” Among philosophers, he is defined a Being of infinite perfection; or in whom there is no defect of any thing which we conceive may raise, improve, or exalt his nature. He is the First Cause, the First Being, who has existed from the beginning, has created the world, or who subsists necessarily, or of himself.
2. God is set apart from Fate, Nature, Destiny, Necessity, Chance, Anima Mundi, and all the other imaginary beings recognized by Stoics, Pantheists, Spinosists, and other kinds of Atheists, through his immateriality, intelligence, and freedom. The understanding of God, his nature, attributes, word, and works, along with his relationships with his creations, makes up the broad field of study known as theology. In Scripture, God is described as, “I am that I am; Alpha and Omega; the Beginning and End of all things.” Among philosophers, he is defined as a Being of infinite perfection, one who lacks any defect that could elevate or enhance his nature. He is the First Cause, the First Being, who has existed from the very start, created the world, or who exists necessarily and independently.
3. The plain argument, says Maclaurin, in his “Account of Sir I. Newton’s Philosophical Discoveries,” for the existence of the Deity, obvious to all, and carrying irresistible conviction with it, is from the evident contrivance and fitness of things for one another, which we meet with throughout all parts of the universe. There is no need of nice or subtle reasonings in this matter; a manifest contrivance immediately suggests a contriver. It strikes us like a sensation; and artful reasonings against it may puzzle us, but it is without shaking our belief. No person, for example, that knows the principles of optics, 410and the structure of the eye, can believe that it was formed without skill in that science; or that the ear was formed without the knowledge of sounds; or that the male and female in animals were not formed for each other, and for continuing the species. All our accounts of nature are full of instances of this kind. The admirable and beautiful structure of things for final causes, exalts our idea of the Contriver; the unity of design shows him to be one. The great motions in the system performed with the same facility as the least, suggest his almighty power, which gave motion to the earth and the celestial bodies with equal ease as to the minutest particles. The subtilty of the motions and actions in the internal parts of bodies, shows that his influence penetrates the inmost recesses of things, and that he is equally active and present every where. The simplicity of the laws that prevail in the world, the excellent disposition of things, in order to obtain the best ends, and the beauty which adorns the works of nature, far superior to any thing in art, suggest his consummate wisdom. The usefulness of the whole scheme, so well contrived for the intelligent beings that enjoy it, with the internal disposition and moral structure of these beings themselves, shows his unbounded goodness. These are arguments which are sufficiently open to the views and capacities of the unlearned, while at the same time they acquire new strength and lustre from the discoveries of the learned. The Deity’s acting and interposing in the universe, show that he governs as well as formed it; and the depth of his counsels, even in conducting the material universe, of which a great part surpasses our knowledge, keeps up an inward veneration and awe of this great Being, and disposes us to receive what may be otherwise revealed to us concerning him. It has been justly observed, that some of the laws of nature now known to us must have escaped us if we had wanted the sense of seeing. It may be in his power to bestow upon us other senses, of which we have at present no idea; without which it may be impossible for us to know all his works, or to have more adequate ideas of himself. In our present state, we know enough to be satisfied of our dependency upon him, and of the duty we owe to him, the Lord and Disposer of all things. He is not the object of sense; his essence, and, indeed, that of all other substances, are beyond the reach of all our discoveries; but his attributes clearly appear in his admirable works. We know that the highest conceptions we are able to form of them, are still beneath his real perfections; but his power and dominion over us, and our duty toward him, are manifest.
3. The straightforward argument, Maclaurin states in his “Account of Sir I. Newton’s Philosophical Discoveries,” for the existence of God, which is clear to everyone and carries undeniable conviction, is based on the evident design and suitability of things for one another, found throughout the universe. There's no need for complex or subtle reasoning here; an obvious design immediately suggests a designer. It resonates with us like a sensation, and while clever arguments against it might confuse us, they don't shake our belief. For instance, anyone who understands the principles of optics and the structure of the eye cannot believe it was formed without knowledge of that science; or that the ear was created without an understanding of sounds; or that male and female animals were not made for each other and for the continuation of the species. Our accounts of nature are filled with such examples. The amazing and beautiful design of things for specific purposes elevates our idea of the Designer; the unity of the design indicates there is only one. The grand motions in the system happen as effortlessly as the smallest, suggesting his omnipotent power, which moves the Earth and celestial bodies just as easily as the tiniest particles. The complexity of the motions and actions within the internal parts of bodies indicates that his influence reaches the innermost depths of things, and that he is equally active and present everywhere. The simplicity of the laws governing the world, the excellent arrangement of things to achieve the best outcomes, and the beauty that enhances nature's works—far surpassing anything in art—highlight his supreme wisdom. The overall usefulness of this well-designed system for the intelligent beings that inhabit it, along with their internal makeup and moral structure, showcases his boundless goodness. These arguments are readily accessible to the uneducated while also gaining additional strength and clarity from the insights of the educated. God's actions and involvement in the universe reveal that he governs as well as created it; and the depth of his plans, even in managing the material universe—a large part of which exceeds our understanding—maintains a lasting sense of reverence and awe toward this great Being and encourages us to accept any further revelations about him. It has been rightly pointed out that some of the laws of nature we know today would have eluded us without the sense of sight. He may have the ability to grant us other senses that we currently can't imagine; without these, we might not be able to fully comprehend all his works or have a clearer understanding of him. In our current situation, we know enough to be aware of our dependence on him and the duty we owe him, the Lord and Manager of all things. He isn't an object of the senses; his essence, like that of all other substances, is beyond the reach of our discoveries; but his attributes are clearly evident in his remarkable works. We understand that our highest concepts of these attributes still fall short of his true perfections; however, his power and dominion over us, and our responsibilities toward him, are clear.
4. Though God has given us no innate ideas of himself, says Mr. Locke, yet, having furnished us with those faculties our minds are endowed with, he hath not left himself without a witness; since we have sense, perception, and reason, and cannot want a clear proof of him as long as we carry ourselves about us. To show, therefore, that we are capable of knowing, that is, of being certain that there is a God, and how we may come by this certainty, I think we need go no farther than ourselves, and that undoubted knowledge we have of our own existence. I think it is beyond question, that man has a clear perception of his own being; he knows certainly that he exists, and that he is something. In the next place, man knows, by an intuitive certainty, that bare nothing can no more produce any real being, than it can be equal to two right angles. If, therefore, we know there is some real Being, it is an evident demonstration, that from eternity there has been something; since what was not from eternity had a beginning; and what had a beginning must be produced by something else. Next it is evident, that what has its being from another must also have all that which is in, and belongs to, its being from another too; all the powers it has must be owing to, and derived from, the same source. This eternal source, then, of all being must be also the source and original of all power; and so this eternal Being must be also the most powerful. Again: man finds in himself perception and knowledge: we are certain, then, that there is not only some Being, but some knowing, intelligent Being, in the world. There was a time, then, when there was no knowing Being, or else there has been a knowing Being from eternity. If it be said there was a time when that eternal Being had no knowledge, I reply, that then it is impossible there should have ever been any knowledge; it being as impossible that things wholly void of knowledge, and operating blindly, and without any perception, should produce a knowing Being, as it is impossible that a triangle should make itself three angles bigger than two right ones. Thus from the consideration of ourselves, and what we infallibly find in our own constitutions, our reason leads us to the knowledge of this certain and evident truth, that there is an eternal, most powerful, and knowing Being, which, whether any one will call God, it matters not. The thing is evident; and from this idea, duly considered, will easily be deduced all those other attributes we ought to ascribe to this eternal Being. From what has been said, it is plain to me, that we have a more certain knowledge of the existence of a God, than of any thing our senses have not immediately discovered to us. Nay, I presume I may say that we more certainly know that there is a God, than that there is any thing else without us. When I say we know, I mean, there is such a knowledge within our reach, which we cannot miss, if we will but apply our minds to that as we do to several other inquiries. It being then unavoidable for all rational creatures to conclude that something has existed from eternity, let us next see what kind of thing that must be. There are but two sorts of beings in the world that man knows or conceives; such as are purely material without sense or perception, and sensible, perceiving beings, such as we find ourselves to be. These two sorts we shall call cogitative 411and incogitative beings; which to our present purpose are better than material and immaterial. If, then, there must be something eternal, it is very obvious to reason that it must be a cogitative being; because it is as impossible to conceive that bare incogitative matter should ever produce a thinking, intelligent being, as that nothing should of itself produce matter. Let us suppose any parcel of matter eternal, we shall find it in itself unable to produce any thing. Let us suppose its parts firmly at rest together, if there were no other being in the world, must it not eternally remain so, a dead inactive lump? Is it possible to conceive that it can add motion to itself, or produce any thing? Matter, then, by its own strength cannot produce in itself so much as motion. The motion it has must also be from eternity, or else added to matter by some other being, more powerful than matter. But let us suppose motion eternal too, yet matter, incogitative matter, and motion could never produce thought: knowledge will still be as far beyond the power of nothing to produce. Divide matter into as minute parts as you will, vary its figure and motion as much as you please, it will operate no otherwise upon other bodies of proportionable bulk, than it did before this division. The minutest particles of matter knock, impel, and resist one another, just as the greater do; so that if we suppose nothing eternal, matter can never begin to be; if we suppose bare matter without motion eternal, motion can never begin to be; if we suppose only matter and motion to be eternal, thought can never begin to be; for it is impossible to conceive that matter, either with or without motion, could have originally in and from itself, sense, perception, and knowledge, as is evident from hence, that then sense, perception, and knowledge must be a property eternally inseparable from matter, and every particle of it. Since, therefore, whatsoever is the first eternal Being must necessarily be cogitative; and whatsoever is first of all things must necessarily contain in it, and actually have, at least all the perfections that can ever after exist, it necessarily follows, that the first eternal Being cannot be matter. If, therefore, it be evident that something must necessarily exist from eternity, it is also evident that that something must necessarily be a cogitative Being. For it is as impossible that incogitative matter should produce a cogitative Being, as that nothing, or the negation of all being, should produce a positive Being or matter.
4. Although God hasn’t given us any innate ideas of himself, Mr. Locke points out that, since he has equipped us with the faculties of our minds, he has not left himself without a witness. We have sense, perception, and reason, and can’t lack clear proof of him as long as we are aware of ourselves. To demonstrate that we can know, that is, to be certain that there is a God, and how we come to this certainty, I believe we need to look no further than ourselves and the undeniable knowledge we have of our own existence. It's beyond question that a person has a clear awareness of their own being; they certainly know that they exist and that they are something. Furthermore, a person understands, through intuitive certainty, that nothing can produce any real being, just as it’s impossible for the angles of a triangle to equal more than the sum of two right angles. Therefore, if we know there is some real Being, it is clear proof that something has existed from eternity; since anything that did not exist from eternity had a beginning, and anything that had a beginning must have been produced by something else. Moreover, it is clear that anything that derives its existence from another must also have all that belongs to its being from that source; all its powers must come from, and be tied to, the same origin. This eternal source of all being must also be the source of all power; thus, this eternal Being must also be the most powerful. Additionally, a person finds within themselves perception and knowledge: we are then certain that there is not just some Being, but a knowing, intelligent Being in the world. There was a time when there was no knowing Being, or there has been a knowing Being from eternity. If someone claims there was a time when that eternal Being had no knowledge, I respond that it would then be impossible for any knowledge to have ever existed; it is as impossible for things completely devoid of knowledge, acting blindly and without perception, to create a knowing Being as it is for a triangle to form angles larger than those of two right angles. Thus, from considering ourselves and what we clearly find in our own nature, our reasoning leads us to the undeniable truth that there is an eternal, all-powerful, and knowing Being, whether anyone chooses to call that Being God or not. This fact is clear, and from that idea, if properly considered, we can easily deduce all the other attributes we should ascribe to this eternal Being. From what has been said, it is clear to me that we have more certain knowledge of God's existence than of anything that our senses haven’t directly revealed to us. In fact, I think we are more certain there is a God than that there is anything else outside of us. When I say we know, I mean there is a kind of knowledge readily accessible to us that we cannot miss if we only apply our minds to it as we do to other inquiries. It is unavoidable for all rational creatures to conclude that something has existed from eternity; let’s now see what that must be. There are only two kinds of beings that people know or imagine: those that are purely material without sense or perception, and those that are sensible, perceiving beings, like ourselves. We will refer to these two kinds as thinking and non-thinking beings, as these terms are more appropriate for our current purpose than material and immaterial. So, since there must be something eternal, it is obvious to reason that it must be a thinking being; because it is just as impossible to conceive that mere non-thinking matter could ever create a thinking, intelligent being, as it is for nothing to create matter. Let’s imagine any piece of matter as eternal; we would find it unable to produce anything. If we assume its parts are all perfectly still together, if there were no other being in the world, would it not remain so forever, as a lifeless, inactive mass? Can we conceive it could generate movement or create anything? Matter, therefore, cannot produce even motion on its own. The motion it has must also be eternal, or it must have been added to matter by some other being that is more powerful than matter. But if we suppose motion is eternal as well, non-thinking matter and motion could never create thought; knowledge will still be impossible for nothing to produce. Divide matter into the smallest parts possible, alter its shape and movement as much as you like, it operates on other bodies of equal size no differently than it did before this division. The tiniest particles of matter collide, push, and resist one another, just as larger particles do; thus, if we consider nothing to be eternal, matter can never begin to exist; if we consider mere matter without motion to be eternal, motion can never begin to exist; if we consider only matter and motion to be eternal, thought can never begin to exist; because it is impossible to conceive that matter, with or without motion, could have in and of itself sense, perception, and knowledge. This is evident because then sense, perception, and knowledge would be properties eternally inseparable from matter and every single particle of it. Therefore, whatever the first eternal Being is must necessarily be a thinking being; and whatever is the first among all things must necessarily possess, and actually have, at least all the perfections that could ever exist afterward, which means the first eternal Being cannot be matter. It’s clear then that since something must necessarily exist from eternity, that something must necessarily be a thinking Being. For it is as impossible for non-thinking matter to create a thinking Being, as it is for nothing or the lack of all being to produce a positive Being or matter.
This discovery of the necessary existence of an eternal mind sufficiently leads us to the knowledge of God. For it will hence follow, that all other knowing beings that have a beginning must depend upon him, and have no other ways of knowledge or extent of power than what he gives them; and therefore if he made those, he made also the less excellent pieces of this universe, all inanimate bodies, whereby his omniscience, power, and providence will be established, and from thence all his other attributes necessarily follow.
This discovery of the necessity of an eternal mind clearly leads us to an understanding of God. It follows that all other beings that have a beginning must rely on Him and possess no knowledge or power beyond what He grants them; therefore, if He created those beings, He also created the less complex parts of this universe, including all inanimate objects, through which His all-knowing nature, power, and care will be established, and from that, all His other qualities naturally arise.
5. In the Scriptures no attempt is made to prove the existence of a God; such an attempt would have been entirely useless, because the fact was universally admitted. The error of men consisted, not in denying a God, but in admitting too many; and one great object of the Bible is to demonstrate that there is but one. No metaphysical arguments, however, are employed in it for this purpose. The proof rests on facts recorded in the history of the Jews, from which it appears that they were always victorious and prosperous so long as they served the only living and true God, Jehovah, the name by which the Almighty made himself known to them, and uniformly unsuccessful when they revolted from him to serve other gods. What argument could be so effectual to convince them that there was no god in all the earth but the God of Israel? The sovereignty and universal providence of the Lord Jehovah are proved by predictions delivered by the Jewish prophets, pointing out the fate of nations and of empires, specifying distinctly their rise, the duration of their power, and the causes of their decline; thus demonstrating that one God ruled among the nations, and made them the unconscious instruments of promoting the purposes of his will. In the same manner, none of the attributes of God are demonstrated in Scripture by reasoning; they are simply affirmed and illustrated by facts; and instead of a regular deduction of doctrines and conclusions from a few admitted principles, we are left to gather them from the recorded feelings and devotional expressions of persons whose hearts were influenced by the fear of God. These circumstances point out a marked singularity in the Scriptures, considered as a repository of religious doctrines. The writers, generally speaking, do not reason, but exhort and remonstrate; they do not attempt to fetter the judgment by the subtleties of argument, but to rouse the feelings by an appeal to palpable facts. This is exactly what might have been expected from teachers acting under a divine commission, and armed with undeniable facts to enforce their admonitions.
5. In the Scriptures, there's no effort made to prove the existence of God; such an effort would have been totally pointless because everyone accepted the fact. The mistake people made wasn't in denying God, but in believing in too many gods; one of the main purposes of the Bible is to show that there is only one. However, it doesn't use metaphysical arguments for this purpose. The evidence is based on events documented in the history of the Jews, which show that they were always successful and thriving as long as they followed the one living and true God, Jehovah, the name by which the Almighty revealed Himself to them, and consistently unsuccessful when they turned away to worship other gods. What argument could be more convincing to them that there was no god in all the earth except for the God of Israel? The sovereignty and universal care of the Lord Jehovah are demonstrated through predictions made by the Jewish prophets, which detail the fates of nations and empires, clearly outlining their rise, how long they would last, and why they would fall; thus proving that one God ruled over the nations and used them unknowingly to achieve His purposes. Similarly, none of God's attributes are proven in Scripture through reasoning; they're simply stated and illustrated by facts. Instead of carefully deducing doctrines and conclusions from a few accepted principles, we are left to extract them from the recorded feelings and prayers of people whose hearts were moved by the fear of God. These features highlight a distinct uniqueness in the Scriptures as a collection of religious teachings. The writers, for the most part, don’t reason but urge and advise; they don’t try to bind the judgment with complex arguments but aim to stir the emotions through direct facts. This is exactly what would be expected from teachers acting under divine direction and armed with undeniable facts to support their warnings.
6. In three distinct ways do the sacred writers furnish us with information on this great and essential subject, the existence and the character of God; from the names by which he is designated; from the actions ascribed to him; and from the attributes with which he is invested in their invocations and praises; and in those lofty descriptions of his nature which, under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, they have recorded for the instruction of the world. These attributes will be considered under their respective heads; but the impression of the general view of the divine character, as thus revealed, is too important to be omitted.
6. The sacred writers provide us with insights into the important topic of God's existence and nature in three distinct ways: through the names used to refer to Him; through the actions attributed to Him; and through the attributes ascribed to Him in their prayers and praises. They have also captured elevated descriptions of His nature, inspired by the Holy Spirit, for the world's understanding. We will discuss these attributes under their specific categories, but the overall impression of the divine character revealed in this way is too significant to overlook.
7. The names of God as recorded in Scripture convey at once ideas of overwhelming greatness and glory, mingled with that awful mysteriousness with which, to all finite minds, and especially to the minds of mortals, the divine essence and mode of existence must ever be invested. Though One he is אלהים, Elohim, Gods, persons adorable. He is יהוה, Jehovah, 412self-existing; אל, El, strong, powerful; אהיה, Ehieh, I am, I will be, self-existence, independency, all-sufficiency, immutability, eternity; שדי, Shaddai, almighty, all-sufficient; אדן, Adon, Supporter, Lord, Judge. These are among the adorable appellatives of God which are scattered throughout the revelation that he has been pleased to make of himself: but on one occasion he was pleased more particularly to declare his name, that is, such of the qualities and attributes of the divine nature as mortals are the most interested in knowing; and to unfold, not only his natural, but also those of his moral attributes by which his conduct toward his creatures is regulated. “And the Lord passed by and proclaimed, The Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity, transgression, and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children’s children, unto the third and fourth generation,” Exodus xxxiv. This is the most ample and particular description of the character of God, as given by himself in the sacred records; and the import of the several titles by which he has thus in his infinite condescension manifested himself, has been thus exhibited. He is not only Jehovah, self-existent, and El, the strong or mighty God; but he is, says Dr. A. Clarke, “רחום, Rochum, the merciful Being, who is full of tenderness and compassion; חנון, Chanun, the gracious One, he whose nature is goodness itself, the loving God. ארך פים, Erec Apayim, long-suffering, the Being who, because of his tenderness, is not easily irritated, but suffers long and is kind; דב Rab, the great or mighty One: חסד, Chesed, the bountiful Being, he who is exuberant in his beneficence; אפת, Emeth, the Truth, or True One, he alone who can neither deceive nor be deceived; נצר חסד, Notser Chesed, the Preserver of bountifulness, he whose beneficence never ends, keeping mercy for thousands of generations, showing compassion and mercy while the world endures; נשא עון ופשע וחטאה, Nose avon vapesha vechataah, he who bears away iniquity, transgression, and sin; properly the Redeemer, the Pardoner, the Forgiver, the Being whose prerogative it is to forgive sin, and save the soul; נקה לא ינקה, Nakeh lo yinnakeh, the righteous Judge, who distributes justice with an impartial hand; and פקד עין, Paked avon, &c, he who visits iniquity, he who punishes transgressors, and from whose justice no sinner can escape; the God of retributive and vindictive justice.”
7. The names of God as recorded in Scripture express both incredible greatness and glory, mixed with the profound mystery that, to all limited minds—especially to humans—enshrouds the divine essence and existence. Though he is One, he is God, God, Deities, adorable persons. He is יהוה, God, 412self-existing; אל, El, strong, powerful; I will be, Ehieh, I am, I will be, self-existence, independence, all-sufficiency, unchanging, eternity; שדי, Shaddai, almighty, all-sufficient; אדן, Adon, Supporter, Lord, Judge. These are among the lovable titles of God found throughout the revelation he has chosen to share about himself. But on one occasion, he particularly declared his name, signifying those qualities and attributes of his divine nature that humans most seek to understand; revealing not just his natural attributes but also those moral attributes that guide his actions toward his creatures. “And the Lord passed by and proclaimed, The Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity, transgression, and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children’s children, to the third and fourth generation,” Exodus xxxiv. This is the most comprehensive and specific description of God’s character as revealed by himself in the sacred texts; and the meaning of the various titles by which he has revealed himself has been shown. He is not only God, self-existent, and El, the strong or mighty God; but he is, as Dr. A. Clarke says, “רחום, Rochum, the merciful Being, full of tenderness and compassion; גיק, Chanun, the gracious One, he whose nature is goodness itself, the loving God. מכונת משחק, Erec Apayim, slow to anger, the Being who, because of his tenderness, is not easily provoked, but is patient and kind; דב Rab, the great or mighty One: Kindness, Kindness, the bountiful Being, who is generous in his kindness; אפת, Emeth, the Truth, or True One, he alone who can neither deceive nor be deceived; נצר חסד, Notser Kindness, the Preserver of kindness, whose goodness is endless, keeping mercy for thousands of generations, showing compassion and mercy while the world lasts; נשא חטאים ופשעים, Nose vaping is dangerous, he who carries away iniquity, transgression, and sin; properly the Redeemer, the Pardoner, the Forgiver, the Being whose right it is to forgive sin and save the soul; נקה won't clean, Nakeh lo yinnakeh, the righteous Judge, who administers justice fairly; and Eye exam, Packed Avon, etc., he who addresses iniquity, he who punishes wrongdoers, and from whose justice no sinner can escape; the God of retributive and vindictive justice.”
8. The second means by which the Scriptures convey to us the knowledge of God, is by the actions which they ascribe to him. They contain, indeed, the important record of his dealings with men in every age which is comprehended within the limit of the sacred history; and, by prophetic declaration, they also exhibit the principles on which he will govern the world to the end of time: so that the whole course of the divine administration may be considered as exhibiting a singularly illustrative comment upon those attributes of his nature which, in their abstract form, are contained in such declarations as those which have been just quoted. The first act ascribed to God is that of creating the heavens and the earth out of nothing; and by his fiat alone arranging their parts, and peopling them with living creatures. By this were manifested--his eternity and self-existence, as he who creates must be before all creatures, and he who gives being to others can himself derive it from none:--his almighty power, shown both in the act of creation and in the number and vastness of the objects so produced:--his wisdom, in their arrangement, and in their fitness to their respective ends:--and his goodness, as the whole tended to the happiness of sentient beings. The foundations of his natural and moral government are also made manifest by his creative acts. In what he made out of nothing he had an absolute right and prerogative: it awaited his ordering, and was completely at his disposal; so that to alter or destroy his own work, and to prescribe the laws by which the intelligent and rational part of his creatures should be governed, are rights which none can question. Thus on the one hand his character of Lord or Governor is established, and on the other our duty of lowly homage and absolute obedience.
8. The second way the Scriptures help us understand God is through the actions attributed to Him. They include a vital record of His interactions with humanity throughout history, as detailed in sacred texts; and through prophetic messages, they also outline the principles by which He will govern the world until the end of time. Therefore, the entire course of divine policy serves as a unique commentary on the attributes of His nature, which are expressed in statements like those just mentioned. The first act attributed to God is creating the heavens and the earth from nothing, and solely by His command, arranging their components and filling them with living beings. This demonstrated His eternity and self-existence, as the Creator must exist before all creation, and He who gives existence to others cannot derive it from anyone else; His almighty power, evident in both the act of creation and in the multitude and grandeur of the things produced; His wisdom, shown in their arrangement and suitability for their intended purposes; and His goodness, as the entirety contributes to the happiness of sentient beings. The foundations of His natural and moral governance are also revealed through His creative actions. In what He created from nothing, He had the absolute right and authority; it awaited His command and was entirely at His disposal, meaning that altering or destroying His own work, as well as determining the laws by which the intelligent and rational beings are governed, are rights that no one can challenge. Thus, His role as Lord or Governor is affirmed, and our duty of humble homage and complete obedience is established.
9. Agreeably to this, as soon as man was created, he was placed under a rule of conduct. Obedience was to be followed with the continuance of the divine favour; transgression, with death. The event called forth new manifestations of the character of God. His tender mercy, in the compassion showed to the fallen pair; his justice, in forgiving them only in the view of a satisfaction to be hereafter offered to his justice by an innocent representative of the sinning race; his love to that race, in giving his own Son to become this Redeemer, and in the fulness of time to die for the sins of the whole world; and his holiness, in connecting with this provision for the pardon of man the means of restoring him to a sinless state, and to the obliterated image of God in which he had been created. Exemplifications of the divine mercy are traced from age to age, in his establishing his own worship among men, and remitting the punishment of individual and national offences in answer to prayer offered from penitent hearts, and in dependence upon the typified or actually offered universal sacrifice:--of his condescension, in stooping to the cases of individuals; in his dispensations both of providence and grace, by showing respect to the poor and humble; and, principally, by the incarnation of God in the form of a servant, admitting men into familiar and friendly intercourse with himself, and then entering into heaven to be their patron and advocate, until they should be received unto the same glory, “and so be for ever with the Lord:”--of his strictly righteous government, in the destruction of the old world, the cities of the plain, the nations of Canaan, and all ancient states, upon their “filling up the measure of their iniquities;” and, to show 413that “he will by no means clear the guilty;” in the numerous and severe punishments inflicted even upon the chosen seed of Abraham, because of their transgressions:--of his long-suffering, in frequent warnings, delays, and corrective judgments inflicted upon individuals and nations, before sentence of utter excision and destruction:--of faithfulness and truth, in the fulfilment of promises, often many ages after they were given, as in the promises to Abraham respecting the possession of the land of Canaan by his seed, and in all the “promises made to the fathers” respecting the advent, vicarious death, and illustrious offices of the “Christ,” the Saviour of the world:--of his immutability, in the constant and unchanging laws and principles of his government, which remain to this day precisely the same, in every thing universal, as when first promulgated, and have been the rule of his conduct in all places as well as through all time:--of his prescience of future events, manifested by the predictions of Scripture:--and of the depth and stability of his counsel, as illustrated in that plan and purpose of bringing back a revolted world to obedience and felicity, which we find steadily kept in view in the Scriptural history of the acts of God in former ages; which is still the end toward which all his dispensations bend, however wide and mysterious their sweep; and which they will finally accomplish, as we learn from the prophetic history of the future, contained in the Old and New Testaments.
9. Accordingly, as soon as humanity was created, it was given a set of rules to follow. Obedience would bring about continued divine favor; disobedience would lead to death. This situation revealed new aspects of God's character. His tender mercy was evident in the compassion shown to the fallen couple; his justice was seen in the fact that they were forgiven only because of a future satisfaction that would have to be offered to his justice by an innocent representative of humanity; his love for humanity was demonstrated by giving his own Son to be this Redeemer, who would eventually die for the sins of the entire world; and his holiness was apparent in how he connected the means of achieving pardon for humanity with the restoration to a sinless state and the original image of God in which they were created. Examples of divine mercy can be traced throughout history, through the establishment of true worship among people, and the mitigation of punishment for individual and national sins in response to prayers from repentant hearts, and in reliance on the symbolic or actual universal sacrifice:—of his condescension in addressing individual situations; in both his providential and gracious actions by showing respect to the poor and humble; and notably, through the incarnation of God as a servant, inviting people into friendly and familiar relationships with himself, and then entering heaven to act as their patron and advocate until they are received into the same glory, “and so be forever with the Lord;” —of his strictly righteous government, as shown in the destruction of the old world, the cities of the plains, the nations of Canaan, and all ancient societies for “filling up the measure of their iniquities;” and to demonstrate that “he will by no means clear the guilty;” through the numerous and severe punishments meted out even upon the chosen descendants of Abraham due to their transgressions; —of his long-suffering, in the frequent warnings, delays, and corrective judgments imposed on individuals and nations before the final sentence of complete destruction; —of faithfulness and truth, in the fulfillment of promises, often many ages after they were made, such as the promises to Abraham about his descendants possessing the land of Canaan, and all the “promises made to the fathers” regarding the arrival, sacrificial death, and remarkable roles of the “Christ,” the Savior of the world; —of his immutability, in the consistent and unchanging laws and principles of his governance, which remain exactly the same today as when they were first declared, and which have guided his actions in all places throughout all time; —of his prescience about future events, evident in the predictions of Scripture; —and of the depth and stability of his counsel, as illustrated in the plan and purpose of bringing back a wayward world to obedience and happiness, which is consistently highlighted in the biblical narrative of God’s actions in previous ages; this remains the ultimate goal toward which all his actions are directed, no matter how expansive and mysterious they may seem; and which they will ultimately achieve, as we learn from the prophetic accounts of the future found in the Old and New Testaments.
Thus the course of divine operation in the world has from age to age been a manifestation of the divine character, continually receiving new and stronger illustrations until the completion of the Christian revelation by the ministry of Christ and his inspired followers, and still placing itself in brighter light and more impressive aspects as the scheme of human redemption runs on to its consummation. From all the acts of God as recorded in the Scriptures, we are taught that he alone is God; that he is present every where to sustain and govern all things; that his wisdom is infinite, his counsel settled, and his power irresistible; that he is holy, just, and good; the Lord and the Judge, but the Father and the Friend, of man.
Thus, the way God operates in the world has been a reflection of His character from one age to the next, continually showing new and stronger examples until the completion of the Christian revelation through the ministry of Christ and His inspired followers. This divine operation continues to reveal itself in clearer and more impactful ways as the plan for human redemption progresses toward its fulfillment. From all the actions of God recorded in the Scriptures, we learn that He alone is God; that He is everywhere present to support and govern everything; that His wisdom is limitless, His plans are unwavering, and His power is unmatched; that He is holy, just, and good; both the Lord and the Judge, yet also the Father and the Friend of humanity.
10. More at large do we learn what God is, from the declarations of the inspired writings. As to his substance, that “God is a Spirit.” As to his duration, that “from everlasting to everlasting he is God;” “the King, eternal, immortal, invisible.” That, after all the manifestations he has made of himself, he is, from the infinite perfection and glory of his nature, incomprehensible: “Lo, these are but parts of his ways, and how little a portion is heard of him!” “Touching the Almighty, we cannot find him out.” That he is unchangeable: “The Father of Lights, with whom there is no variableness, neither shadow of turning.” That “he is the fountain of life,” and the only independent Being in the universe: “Who only hath immortality.” That every other being, however exalted, has its existence from him: “For by him were all things created, which are in heaven and in earth, whether they are visible or invisible.” That the existence of every thing is upheld by him, no creature being for a moment independent of his support: “By him all things consist;” “upholding all things by the word of his power.” That he is omnipresent: “Do not I fill heaven and earth with my presence, saith the Lord?” That he is omniscient: “All things are naked and open before the eyes of him with whom we have to do.” That he is the absolute Lord and Owner of all things: “The heavens, even the heaven of heavens, are thine, and all the parts of them:” “The earth is thine, and the fulness thereof, the world and them that dwell therein:” “He doeth according to his will in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth.” That his providence extends to the minutest objects: “The hairs of your head are all numbered:” “Are not two sparrows sold for a farthing? and one of them shall not fall on the ground without your Father.” That he is a Being of unspotted purity and perfect rectitude: “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of hosts!” “A God of truth, and in whom is no iniquity:” “Of purer eyes than to behold iniquity.” That he is just in the administration of his government: “Shall not the Judge of the whole earth do right?” “Clouds and darkness are round about him; judgment and justice are the habitation of his throne.” That his wisdom is unsearchable: “O the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past finding out!” And, finally, that he is good and merciful: “Thou art good, and thy mercy endureth for ever:” “His tender mercy is over all his works:” “God, who is rich in mercy, for his great love wherewith he loved us, even when we were dead in sins, hath quickened us together with Christ:” “God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them:” “God hath given to us eternal life, and this life is in his Son.”
10. We learn more about what God is from the statements made in the inspired texts. As for his essence, God is a Spirit. In terms of his eternity, he is described as “from everlasting to everlasting he is God;” “the King, eternal, immortal, invisible.” Despite all the ways he has revealed himself, he remains, due to the infinite perfection and glory of his nature, incomprehensible: “Lo, these are just parts of his ways, and how little we actually know about him!” “When it comes to the Almighty, we cannot fully understand him.” He is unchangeable: “The Father of Lights, with whom there is no variation or shadow of turning.” He is “the fountain of life” and the only independent Being in the universe: “Who alone has immortality.” Every other being, no matter how elevated, derives its existence from him: “For by him all things were created, both in heaven and on earth, whether visible or invisible.” The existence of everything is maintained by him; no creature exists independently of his support: “By him all things hold together;” “upholding all things by the word of his power.” He is omnipresent: “Do not I fill heaven and earth with my presence, says the Lord?” He is omniscient: “All things are bare and open before the eyes of him with whom we have to do.” He is the absolute Lord and Owner of everything: “The heavens, even the highest heavens, are yours, and everything in them;” “The earth is yours, and everything in it, the world and all who live in it;” “He does as he wills in the armies of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth.” His providence extends to the smallest details: “The hairs on your head are all counted;” “Are not two sparrows sold for a penny? Yet not one of them falls to the ground outside your Father’s care.” He is a Being of unblemished purity and perfect righteousness: “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of hosts!” “A God of truth, in whom there is no injustice;” “Of purer eyes than to see iniquity.” He is just in the way he governs: “Will not the Judge of all the earth do right?” “Clouds and darkness surround him; justice and righteousness are the foundation of his throne.” His wisdom is beyond measure: “O the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways are beyond our understanding!” And finally, he is good and merciful: “You are good, and your mercy lasts forever;” “His tender mercy is over all his works;” “God, who is rich in mercy, because of his great love for us, even when we were dead in our sins, has brought us to life with Christ;” “God was in Christ, reconciling the world to himself, not counting their sins against them;” “God has given us eternal life, and this life is in his Son.”
11. Under these deeply awful but consolatory views, do the Scriptures present to us the supreme object of our worship and trust; and they dwell upon each of the above particulars with inimitable sublimity and beauty of language, and with an inexhaustible variety of illustration. Nor can we compare these views of the divine nature with the conceptions of the most enlightened of Pagans, without feeling how much reason we have for everlasting gratitude, that a revelation so explicit, and so comprehensive, should have been made to us on a subject which only a revelation from God himself could have made known. It is thus that Christian philosophers, even when they do not use the language of the Scriptures, are able to speak on this great and mysterious doctrine, in language so clear, and with conceptions so noble; in a manner too so equable, so different from the sages of antiquity, who, if at any time they approach the truth when speaking of the divine nature, never fail to mingle with it some essentially erroneous or grovelling conception. “By the Word of God,” 414says Dr. Barrow, “we mean a Being of infinite wisdom, goodness, and power, the Creator and the Governor of all things, to whom the great attributes of eternity and independency, omniscience and immensity, perfect holiness and purity, perfect justice and veracity, complete happiness, glorious majesty, and supreme right of dominion belong; and to whom the highest veneration, and most profound submission and obedience are due.” “Our notion of Deity,” says Bishop Pearson, “doth expressly signify a Being or Nature of infinite perfection; and the infinite perfection of a being or nature consists in this, that it be absolutely and essentially necessary; an actual Being of itself; and potential, or causative of all beings beside itself, independent from any other, upon which all things else depend, and by which all things else are governed.” “God is a Being,” says Lawson, “and not any kind of being; but a substance, which is the foundation of other beings. And not only a substance, but perfect. Yet many beings are perfect in their kind, yet limited and finite. But God is absolutely, fully, and every way infinitely perfect; and therefore above spirits, above angels, who are perfect comparatively. God’s infinite perfection includes all the attributes, even the most excellent. It excludes all dependency, borrowed existence, composition, corruption, mortality, contingency, ignorance, unrighteousness, weakness, misery, and all imperfections whatever. It includes necessity of being, independency, perfect unity, simplicity, immensity, eternity, immortality; the most perfect life, knowledge, wisdom, integrity, power, glory, bliss, and all these in the highest degree. We cannot pierce into the secrets of this eternal Being. Our reason comprehends but little of him, and when it can proceed no farther, faith comes in, and we believe far more than we can understand; and this our belief is not contrary to reason; but reason itself dictates unto us, that we must believe far more of God than it can inform us of.” To these we may add an admirable passage from Sir Isaac Newton: “The word God frequently signifies Lord; but every lord is not God; it is the dominion of a spiritual Being or Lord that constitutes God; true dominion, true God; supreme, the Supreme; feigned, the false god. From such true dominion it follows, that the true God is living, intelligent, and powerful; and from his other perfections, that he is supreme, or supremely perfect; he is eternal and infinite; omnipotent and omniscient; that is, he endures from eternity to eternity; and is present from infinity to infinity. He governs all things that exist, and knows all things that are to be known; he is not eternity or infinity, but eternal and infinite; he is not duration or space, but he endures and is present; he endures always, and is present every where; he is omnipresent, not only virtually, but also substantially; for power without substance cannot subsist. All things are contained and move in him, but without any mutual passion; he suffers nothing from the motions of bodies; nor do they undergo any resistance from his omnipresence. It is confessed, that God exists necessarily, and by the same necessity he exists always and every where. Hence also he must be perfectly similar, all eye, all ear, all arm, all the power of perceiving, understanding, and acting; but after a manner not at all corporeal, after a manner not like that of men, after a manner wholly to us unknown. He is destitute of all body, and all bodily shape; and therefore cannot be seen, heard, or touched; nor ought he to be worshipped under the representation of any thing corporeal. We have ideas of the attributes of God, but do not know the substance of even any thing; we see only the figures and colours of bodies, hear only sounds, touch only the outward surfaces, smell only odours, and taste tastes; and do not, cannot, by any sense, or reflex act, know their inward substances; and much less can we have any notion of the substance of God. We know him by his properties and attributes.”
11. Under these deeply troubling yet comforting views, the Scriptures present to us the ultimate object of our worship and trust; they elaborate on each of the above points with unmatched grandeur and beauty of language, along with an endless variety of illustrations. We can’t help but feel immense gratitude that such a clear and comprehensive revelation has been given to us on a topic that only a revelation from God himself could illuminate, especially when we compare these views of the divine nature with the ideas of even the most enlightened Pagans. It's striking how different our understanding is. This is why Christian philosophers, even when they don't use Scripture's exact language, are able to discuss this profound and mysterious doctrine with clarity and noble concepts; their approach is consistent and so distinct from the ancient sages, who, when they get close to truth about the divine nature, invariably mix in fundamentally flawed or lowly ideas. “By the Word of God,” says Dr. Barrow, “we mean a Being of infinite wisdom, goodness, and power, the Creator and Governor of all things, to whom the great attributes of eternity and independency, omniscience and immensity, perfect holiness and purity, perfect justice and truth, complete happiness, glorious majesty, and supreme right of dominion belong; and to whom the highest respect, profound submission, and obedience are due.” “Our concept of Deity,” says Bishop Pearson, “clearly represents a Being or Nature of infinite perfection; and the infinite perfection of a being or nature consists in its being absolutely and essentially necessary; an actual Being in itself; and potentially, or causatively, of all beings besides itself, independent of any other, upon which everything else depends, and by which everything else is governed.” “God is a Being,” says Lawson, “and not just any kind of being; but a substance that is the foundation of other beings. And not only a substance, but perfect. Many beings may be perfect in their own way, yet they are limited and finite. But God is absolutely, fully, and infinitely perfect; therefore, he is above spirits and angels, who are only comparatively perfect. God’s infinite perfection includes all attributes, even the most excellent. It excludes all dependencies, borrowed existence, composition, corruption, mortality, contingency, ignorance, injustice, weakness, misery, and all imperfections. It includes necessity of being, independence, perfect unity, simplicity, immensity, eternity, immortality; the most perfect life, knowledge, wisdom, integrity, power, glory, bliss, all in the highest degree. We cannot penetrate the secrets of this eternal Being. Our reason grasps very little of Him, and when it reaches its limit, faith takes over, and we believe far more than we can understand; and our belief is not contrary to reason; rather, reason itself tells us that we must accept much more about God than it can explain.” We can also add an excellent quote from Sir Isaac Newton: “The word God often means Lord; but not every lord is God; it is the dominion of a spiritual Being or Lord that defines God; true dominion equals the true God; supreme is the Supreme; false, the false god. From such true dominion, it follows that the true God is living, intelligent, and powerful; and from his other perfections, that he is supreme or supremely perfect; eternal and infinite; omnipotent and omniscient; that is, he exists from eternity to eternity and is present from infinity to infinity. He governs everything that exists and knows all that can be known; he is not eternity or infinity, but eternal and infinite; he is not duration or space, but he endures and is present; he exists always and is present everywhere; he is omnipresent, not just virtually but also essentially; for power without substance cannot stand. Everything exists and moves in him, but without any mutual influence; he experiences nothing from the movements of bodies; nor do they encounter any resistance from his omnipresence. It is acknowledged that God exists necessarily, and by that same necessity, he exists always and everywhere. Hence, he must also be perfectly similar, all-seeing, all-hearing, all-powerful, but in a way that is not corporeal, in a manner completely unlike that of humans, in a way that is entirely unknown to us. He lacks all bodily form and shape; therefore, he cannot be seen, heard, or touched; nor should he be worshipped under any physical representation. We have ideas of God's attributes, but we do not know the substance of anything; we see only the shapes and colors of things, hear only sounds, touch only surfaces, smell only scents, and taste tastes; and cannot, by any sense or reflective act, know their inner substances; and much less can we have any concept of the substance of God. We know him by his properties and attributes.”
12. Many able works in proof of the existence of God have been written, the arguments of which are too copious for us even to analyze. It must be sufficient to say that they all proceed, as it is logically termed, either à priori, from cause to effect, or, which is the safest and most satisfactory mode, à posteriori, from the effect to the cause. The irresistible argument from the marks of design with which all nature abounds, to one great intelligent, designing Cause, is by no writers brought out in so clear and masterly a manner as by Howe, in his “Living temple,” and Paley, in his “Natural Theology.”
12. Many great works proving the existence of God have been written, and the arguments are too numerous for us to analyze fully. It’s enough to say that they all proceed, as it’s called logically, either a priori, from cause to effect, or, which is the safer and more satisfying method, after the fact, from effect to cause. The compelling argument from the signs of design found throughout nature, pointing to one great intelligent, designing Cause, is presented most clearly and skillfully by Howe in his “Living Temple” and by Paley in his “Natural Theology.”
GODS, in the plural, is used of the false deities of the Heathens, many of which were only creatures to whom divine honours and worship were superstitiously paid. The Greeks and Latins, it is observable, did not mean, by the name God, an all-perfect being, whereof eternity, infinity, omnipresence, &c, were essential attributes: with them the word only implied an excellent and superior nature; and, accordingly, they give the appellation gods to all beings of a rank or class, higher or more perfect than that of men, and especially to those who were inferior agents in the divine administration, all subject to the one Supreme. Thus men themselves, according to their system, might become gods after death, inasmuch as their souls might attain to a degree of excellence superior to what they were capable of in life. The first idols, or false gods, that are said to have been adored were the stars, sun, moon, &c, on account of the light, heat, and other benefits which we derive from them. (See Idolatry.) Afterward the earth came to be deified, for furnishing fruits necessary for the subsistence of men and animals: then fire and water became objects of divine worship, for their usefulness to human life. In process of time, and by degrees, gods became multiplied to infinity; and there was scarce any thing but the weakness or caprice of some devotee or other, elevated into the rank of deity: things useless or even destructive not excepted. The principal of the ancient gods, 415whom the Romans called dii majorum gentium, and Cicero celestial gods, Varro select gods, Ovid nobiles deos, others consentes deos, were Jupiter, Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercury, Neptune, Vulcan, and Apollo. Jupiter is considered as the god of heaven; Neptune, as god of the sea; Mars, as the god of war; Apollo, of eloquence, poetry, and physic; Mercury, of thieves; Bacchus, of wine; Cupid, of love, &c. A second sort of gods, called demi-gods, semi-dii, dii minorum gentium, indigetes, or gods adopted, were men canonized and deified. As the greater gods had possession of heaven by their own right, these secondary deities had it by merit and donation, being translated into heaven because they had lived as gods upon earth.
GODS, in the plural, refers to the false deities of the Heathens, many of whom were simply beings that received divine honors and worship out of superstition. The Greeks and Latins, interestingly, didn't use the term God to mean an all-perfect being characterized by eternal, infinite, omnipresent attributes; instead, for them, the word indicated an excellent and superior nature. Hence, they referred to all beings that ranked higher or were more perfected than humans as gods, especially those who were lesser agents in divine administration, all under the one Supreme. According to their belief system, even humans could become gods after death if their souls achieved a level of excellence beyond what they could attain in life. The earliest idols or false gods that were worshiped were the stars, sun, moon, etc., due to the light, heat, and other benefits they provided. (See Idolatry.) Eventually, the earth was deified for supplying the fruits necessary for the survival of humans and animals; then fire and water became objects of worship due to their usefulness to human life. Over time, gods proliferated to infinity, and almost anything could be elevated to the status of a deity, based on the weaknesses or whims of some worshiper, even things that were useless or harmful. The main ancient gods, whom the Romans referred to as major nations, and Cicero called celestial gods, Varro named select gods, Ovid labeled noble gods, and others agree with the gods, included Jupiter, Juno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana, Venus, Mars, Mercury, Neptune, Vulcan, and Apollo. Jupiter is regarded as the god of heaven; Neptune as the god of the sea; Mars as the god of war; Apollo as the god of eloquence, poetry, and medicine; Mercury as the god of thieves; Bacchus as the god of wine; Cupid as the god of love, etc. A second group of gods, known as demi-gods, semi-dii, dii minorum gentium, indigenous, or adopted gods, were men who were canonized and deified. While the greater gods possessed heaven by their own right, these lesser deities gained entry through merit and donation, having lived as gods on earth.
2. The Heathen gods may be all reduced to the following classes: (1.) Created spirits, angels, or demons, whence good and evil gods; Genii, Lares, Lemures, Typhones, guardian gods, infernal gods, &c. (2.) Heavenly bodies; as, the sun, moon, and other planets; also, the fixed stars, constellations, &c. (3.) Elements; as air, earth, ocean, Ops, Vesta; the rivers, fountains, &c. (4.) Meteors. Thus the Persians adored the wind: thunder and lightning were honoured under the name of Geryon; and several nations of India and America have made themselves gods of the same. Castor, Pollux, Helena, and Iris, have also been preferred from meteors to be gods; and the like has been practised in regard to comets: witness that which appeared at the murder of Cæsar. (5.) They erected minerals or fossils into deities. Such was the Bætylus. The Finlanders adored stones; the Scythians, iron; and many nations, silver and gold. (6.) Plants have been made gods. Thus leeks and onions were deities in Egypt; the Sclavi, Lithuanians, Celtæ, Vandals, and Peruvians, adored trees and forests; the ancient Gauls, Britons, and Druids, paid a particular devotion to the oak; and it was no other than wheat, corn, seed, &c, that the ancients adored under the names of Ceres and Proserpina. (7.) They took themselves gods from among the waters. The Syrians and Egyptians adored fishes; and what were the Tritons, the Nereids, Syrens, &c, but fishes? Several nations have adored serpents; particularly the Egyptians, Prussians, LithuaniansLithuanians, Samogitians, &c. (8.) Insects, as flies and ants, had their priests and votaries. (9.) Among birds, the stork, raven, sparrowhawk, ibis, eagle, grisson, and lapwing have had divine honours; the last in Mexico, the rest in Egypt and at Thebes. (10.) Four-footed beasts have had their altars; as the bull, dog, cat, wolf, baboon, lion, and crocodile, in Egypt and elsewhere; the hog in the island of Crete; rats and mice in the Troas, and at Tenedos; weasels at Thebes; and the porcupine throughout all Zoroaster’s school. (11.) Nothing was more common than to place men among the number of deities; and from Belus or Baal, to the Roman emperors before Constantine, the instances of this kind are innumerable: frequently they did not wait so long as their deaths for the apotheosis. Nebuchadnezzar procured his statue to be worshipped while living; and Virgil shows that Augustus had altars and sacrifices offered to him; as we learn from other hands that he had priests called Augustales, and temples at Lyons, Narbona, and several other places, and he must be allowed the first of the Romans in whose behalf idolatry was carried to such a pitch. The Ethiopians deemed all their kings gods: the Velleda of the Germans, the Janus of the Hungarians, and the Thaut, Woden, and Assa of the northern nations, were indisputably men. (12.) Not men only, but every thing that relates to man, has also been deified; as labour, rest, sleep, youth, age, death, virtues, vices, occasion, time, place, numbers, among the Pythagoreans; the generative power, under the name of Priapus. Infancy alone had a cloud of deities; as, Vagetanus, Levana, Rumina, Edufa, Potina, Cuba, Cumina, Carna, Ossilago, Statulinus, Fabulinus, &c. They also adored the gods Health, Fever, Fear, Love, Pain, Indignation, Shame, Impudence, Opinion, Renown, Prudence, Science, Art, Fidelity, Felicity, Calumny, Liberty, Money, War, Peace, Victory, Triumph, &c. Lastly, Nature, the universe, or τὸ ϖὰν, was reputed a great god.
2. The pagan gods can be grouped into the following categories: (1.) Created spirits, like angels or demons, which include good and evil gods; genies, household spirits, shadowy figures, guardian gods, gods of the underworld, etc. (2.) Celestial bodies, such as the sun, moon, and other planets, as well as the fixed stars and constellations. (3.) Elements like air, earth, the ocean, Ops, Vesta; and the rivers, springs, etc. (4.) Meteors. For example, Persians worshiped the wind, while thunder and lightning were honored under the name Geryon; several Indian and American nations have also made gods out of these phenomena. Castor, Pollux, Helena, and Iris rose to godhood from meteors, and similar practices were done concerning comets, such as the one that appeared at Caesar's murder. (5.) Minerals or fossils were also turned into deities, like the Bætylus. The Finns worshiped stones, the Scythians revered iron, and many nations venerated silver and gold. (6.) Plants became gods as well; leeks and onions were considered deities in Egypt, while the Slavs, Lithuanians, Celts, Vandals, and Peruvians worshiped trees and forests. The ancient Gauls, Britons, and Druids paid special respect to the oak, and the ancients revered wheat, corn, and seeds as Ceres and Proserpina. (7.) They also took gods from the waters. The Syrians and Egyptians worshiped fish, and figures like Tritons, Nereids, and Sirens were essentially fish. Many nations revered snakes, especially the Egyptians, Prussians, Lithuanians, Samogitians, etc. (8.) Insects, like flies and ants, had their priests and followers. (9.) Among birds, the stork, raven, sparrowhawk, ibis, eagle, grisson, and lapwing were honored; the latter in Mexico, and the others in Egypt and Thebes. (10.) Four-legged animals were also worshiped, such as the bull, dog, cat, wolf, baboon, lion, and crocodile in Egypt and beyond; the pig in Crete; rats and mice in Troas and Tenedos; weasels in Thebes; and porcupines throughout Zoroaster’s teachings. (11.) It was very common to count humans among the deities; from Belus or Baal to the Roman emperors before Constantine, the examples are countless. Often, they didn't wait for death to be deified. Nebuchadnezzar ensured his statue was worshipped while he lived, and Virgil mentions that Augustus had altars and sacrifices made for him; records indicate he had priests called Augustales and temples in Lyon, Narbonne, and various other locations, marking him as the first Roman for whom idolatry reached such heights. The Ethiopians considered all their kings as gods; the Velleda of the Germans, the Janus of the Hungarians, and the Thaut, Woden, and Assa of northern nations were undoubtedly human. (12.) Not only men, but everything related to humanity was also deified, like labor, rest, sleep, youth, age, death, virtues, vices, occasion, time, place, and numbers among the Pythagoreans; the creative force was worshipped under the name Priapus. Infancy alone had numerous deities, such as Vagetanus, Levana, Rumina, Edufa, Potina, Cuba, Cumina, Carna, Ossilago, Statulinus, Fabulinus, etc. They also honored the gods of Health, Fever, Fear, Love, Pain, Indignation, Shame, Impudence, Opinion, Renown, Prudence, Knowledge, Art, Loyalty, Happiness, Slander, Freedom, Money, War, Peace, Victory, Triumph, etc. Lastly, Nature, the universe, or τὸ ϖὰν, was regarded as a great god.
3. Hesiod has a poem under the title of Θεογονία, that is, “The Generation of the Gods,” in which he explains their genealogy and descent, sets forth who was the first and principal, who next descended from him, and what issue each had: the whole making a sort of system of Heathen theology. Beside this popular theology, each philosopher had his system, as may be seen from the “Timæus” of Plato, and Cicero “De Natura Deorum.” Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Arnobius, Minutius Felix, Lactantius, Eusebius, St. Augustine, and Theodoret, show the vanity of the Heathen gods. It is very difficult to discover the real sentiments of the Heathens with respect to their gods: they are exceedingly intricate and confused, and even frequently contradictory. They admitted so many superior and inferior gods, who shared the empire, that every place was full of gods. Varro reckons up no less than thirty thousand adored within a small extent of ground, and yet their number was every day increasing. In modern oriental Paganism they amount to many millions, and are, in fact, innumerable.
3. Hesiod wrote a poem called Θεογονία, which means “The Generation of the Gods,” where he explains their family tree and lineage, outlines who the first and most important gods were, who came after them, and what offspring each had, creating a sort of system of ancient theology. Alongside this popular theology, each philosopher had their own beliefs, as shown in Plato's “Timæus” and Cicero’s De Natura Deorum. Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Arnobius, Minutius Felix, Lactantius, Eusebius, St. Augustine, and Theodoret highlight the emptiness of the pagan gods. It's very challenging to uncover the true beliefs of the pagans regarding their gods: they are extremely complex and confusing, often even contradictory. They accepted so many gods, both higher and lower, who shared power, that every place was filled with deities. Varro lists no fewer than thirty thousand gods worshiped within a small area, and their numbers were growing every day. In modern Eastern paganism, they reach into the millions and are essentially countless.
4. The name of God, in Hebrew, Elohim, is very ambiguous in Scripture. The true God is often called so, as are sometimes angels, judges, and princes, and sometimes idols and false gods; for example: “God created the heaven and the earth,” Gen. i, 1. The Hebrew Elohim denotes, in this place, the true God. “He who sacrificeth unto any god, (Elohim,) shall be put to death,” Exodus xxii, 20. And again: “Among the gods there is none like unto thee,” Psalm lxxxvi, 8. Princes, magistrates, and great men are called gods in the following passages: “If a slave is desirous to continue with his master, he shall be brought to the judges,” Exod. xxi, 6, in the original, to the gods. Again: “If the thief be not found, then the master of the house shall be brought unto the 416judges,” Exod. xxii, 8, in the original, to the gods; and in the twenty-eighth verse of the same chapter, “Thou shalt not speak evil of the gods;” that is, of the judges or great men. The Psalmist says that the Lord “judgeth among the gods,” Psalm lxxxii, 1. And again, God says to Moses, “I have made thee a god to Pharaoh,” Exod. vii, 1. The pious Israelites had so great an aversion and such an extreme contempt for strange gods, that they scorned even to mention them; they disguised and disfigured their names by substituting in the room of them some term of contempt; for example, instead of Elohim, they called them Elilim, “nothings, gods of no value;” instead of Mephibaal, Meribaal, and Jerubaal, they said “Mephibosheth, Meribosheth, and Jeribosheth.” Baal signifies master, husband; and bosheth, something to be ashamed of, something apt to put one in confusion. God forbade the Israelites to swear by strange gods, and to pronounce the names of them in their oaths, Exod. xxiii, 13.
4. The name of God in Hebrew, Elohim, is quite ambiguous in Scripture. The true God is often referred to as such, as are sometimes angels, judges, and leaders, and occasionally idols and false gods; for example: “God created the heaven and the earth,” Gen. i, 1. Here, the Hebrew Elohim refers to the true God. “Anyone who sacrifices to any god, (Elohim,) shall be put to death,” Exodus xxii, 20. And again: “Among the gods there is none like you,” Psalm lxxxvi, 8. Leaders, magistrates, and powerful people are called gods in the following passages: “If a slave wants to stay with his master, he shall be brought to the judges,” Exod. xxi, 6, in the original, to the gods. Again: “If the thief is not found, then the master of the house shall be brought to the judges,” Exod. xxii, 8, in the original, to the gods; and in the twenty-eighth verse of the same chapter, “You shall not speak evil of the gods;” meaning the judges or great men. The Psalmist says that the Lord “judges among the gods,” Psalm lxxxii, 1. And again, God says to Moses, “I have made you a god to Pharaoh,” Exod. vii, 1. The faithful Israelites had such a strong aversion and deep contempt for foreign gods that they scorned to even mention them; they altered and distorted their names by replacing them with some term of disdain; for example, instead of Elohim, they called them Elilim, “nothings, gods of no value;” instead of Mephibaal, Meribaal, and Jerubaal, they said “Mephibosheth, Meribosheth, and Jeribosheth.” Baal means master, husband; and bosheth means something to be ashamed of, something that can cause confusion. God commanded the Israelites not to swear by foreign gods or to use their names in their oaths, Exod. xxiii, 13.
GODLINESS, strictly taken, signifies right worship, or devotion; but, in general, it imports the whole of practical religion, 1 Tim. iv, 8; 2 Peter i, 6.
GODLINESS, in the strict sense, means proper worship or devotion; however, generally, it encompasses the entirety of practical religion, 1 Tim. iv, 8; 2 Peter i, 6.
GOEL, גאל, the avenger of blood. The inhabitants of the east, it is well known, are now, what they anciently were, exceedingly revengeful. If, therefore, an individual should unfortunately happen to lay violent hands upon another person and kill him, the next of kin is bound to avenge the death of the latter, and to pursue the murderer with unceasing vigilance until he have caught and killed him, either by force or by fraud. The same custom exists in Arabia, and it appears to have been alluded to by Rebecca: when she learned that Esau was threatening to kill his brotherbrother Jacob, she endeavoured to send the latter out of the country, saying, “Why should I be bereft of you both in one day?” Gen. xxvii, 15. She could not be afraid of the magistrate for punishing the murderer, for the patriarchs were subject to no superior in Palestine; and Isaac was much too partial to Esau for her to entertain any expectation that he would condemn him to death for it. It would therefore appear that she dreaded lest he should fall by the hand of the blood avenger, perhaps of some Ishmaelite. The office, therefore, of the goel was in use before the time of Moses; and it was probably filled by the nearest of blood to the party killed, as the right of redeeming a mortgage field is given to him. To prevent the unnecessary loss of life through a sanguinary spirit of revenge, the Hebrew legislator made various enactments concerning the blood avenger. In most ages and countries, certain reputed sacred places enjoyed the privileges of being asylums; Moses, therefore, taking it for granted that the murderer would flee to the altar, commanded that when the crime was deliberate and intentional, he should be torn even from the altar, and put to death, Exod. xxi, 14. But in the case of unintentional murder, the man-slayer was enjoined to flee to one of the six cities of refuge, which were appropriated for his residence. The roads to these cities, it was enacted, should be kept in such a state that the unfortunate individual might meet with no impediment whatever in his way, Deut. xix, 3. If the goel overtook the fugitive before he reached an asylum, and put him to death, he was not considered as guilty of blood; but if the man-slayer had reached a place of refuge, he was immediately protected, and an inquiry was instituted whether he had a right to such protection and asylum, that is, whether he had caused his neighbour’s death undesignedly, or was a deliberate murderer. In the latter case he was judicially delivered to the goel, who might put him to death in whatever way he chose; but in the former case the homicide continued in the place of refuge until the high priest’s death, when he might return home in perfect security. If, however, the goel found him without the city, or beyond its suburbs, he might slay him without being guilty of blood, Numbers xxxv, 26, 27. Farther, to guard the life of man, and prevent the perpetration of murder, Moses positively prohibited the receiving of a sum of money from a murderer in the way of compensation, Numbers xxxv, 31. It would seem that if no avenger of blood appeared, or if he were dilatory in the pursuit of the murderer, it became the duty of the magistrate himself to inflict the sentence of the law; and thus we find that David deemed this to be his duty in the case of Joab, and that Solomon, in obedience to his father’s dying entreaty, actually discharged it by putting that murderer to death, 1 Kings ii, 5; vi, 28–34. There is a beautiful allusion to the blood avenger in Heb. vi, 17, 18.
GOEL, גאל, the avenger of blood. It's well known that the people of the east are as vengeful now as they were in ancient times. If someone happens to violently kill another person, the next of kin is obligated to avenge that death by relentlessly pursuing the murderer until they have caught and killed him, whether by force or by deceit. This same tradition exists in Arabia and is referenced by Rebecca: when she learned that Esau was threatening to kill his brotherbrother Jacob, she tried to send Jacob away, saying, “Why should I lose both of you in one day?” Gen. xxvii, 15. She wouldn't have been afraid of the authorities punishing the murderer, as the patriarchs had no superiors in Palestine; and Isaac was too partial to Esau for her to expect him to condemn Esau to death for such an act. Therefore, it seems she feared that Jacob might be killed by the blood avenger, possibly an Ishmaelite. The role of the goel existed before Moses; it was likely held by the closest relative of the deceased, just like the right to redeem a mortgaged field is granted to them. To prevent unnecessary loss of life from a violent desire for revenge, the Hebrew legislator established various laws regarding the blood avenger. In many times and places, certain sacred sites were regarded as places of asylum; thus, Moses assumed that a murderer would flee to the altar and ordered that if the murder was premeditated, the person should be forcibly removed from the altar and executed, Exod. xxi, 14. In cases of accidental murder, the killer was instructed to flee to one of the six cities of refuge designated for his safety. It was mandated that the roads to these cities be kept clear so that the unfortunate person would encounter no obstacles, Deut. xix, 3. If the goel caught the fugitive before he reached a refuge and killed him, he was not considered guilty of blood; however, if the man-slayer reached a place of refuge, he was immediately protected, and an investigation was conducted to determine whether he had the right to that protection, meaning whether he had unintentionally caused his neighbor’s death or was a deliberate murderer. In the latter case, he would be formally handed over to the goel, who could execute him however he chose; but in the former case, the killer remained in the place of refuge until the death of the high priest, after which he could return home safely. If, however, the goel found him outside the city or its borders, he could kill him without being guilty of blood, Numbers xxxv, 26, 27. Furthermore, to protect human life and prevent murder, Moses strictly prohibited accepting any money as compensation from a murderer, Numbers xxxv, 31. It seems that if no avenger of blood appeared or if he was slow to pursue the murderer, it became the magistrate's responsibility to carry out the sentence of the law; thus, we see David fulfilling this duty in the case of Joab, and that Solomon, following his father's dying request, actually carried it out by executing that murderer, 1 Kings ii, 5; vi, 28–34. There is a beautiful reference to the blood avenger in Heb. vi, 17, 18.
The following extracts will prove how tenaciously the eastern people adhere to the principle of revenging the death of their relations and friends:--“Among the Circassians,” says Pallas, “all the relatives of the murderers are considered as guilty. This customary infatuation to revenge the blood of relations generates most of the feuds, and occasions great bloodshed among all the tribes of Caucasus; for unless pardon be purchased, or obtained by intermarriage between the two families, the principle of revenge is propagated to all succeeding generations. If the thirst of vengeance is quenched by a price paid to the family of the deceased, this tribute is called thlil-uasa, or, ‘the price of blood;’ but neither princes nor usdens accept such compensation, as it is an established law among them to demand blood for blood.” “The Nubians,” observes Light, “possess few traces among them of government, or law, or religion. They know no master, although the cashief claims a nominal command of the country. They look for redress of injuries to their own means of revenge, which, in cases of blood, extends from one generation to another, till blood is repaid by blood. On this account they are obliged to be ever on the watch, and armed: and in this manner even their daily labours are carried on; the very boys are armed.” “If one Nubian,” remarks Burckhardt, “happen to kill another, he is obliged 417to pay the debt of blood to the family of the deceased, and a fine to the governors of six camels, a cow, and seven sheep, or they are taken from his relations. Every wound inflicted has its stated fine, consisting of sheep and dhourra, but varying in quantity, according to the parts of the body wounded.” “When a man or woman is murdered,” says Malcolm, “the moment the person by whom the act was perpetrated is discovered, the heir-at-law to the deceased demands vengeance for the blood. Witnesses are examined, and if the guilt be established, the criminal is delivered into his hands, to deal with as he chooses. It is alike legal for him to forgive him, to accept a sum of money as the price of blood, or to put him to death. It is only a few years ago that the English resident at Abusheher saw three persons delivered into the hands of the relations of those whom they had murdered. They led their victims bound to the burial ground, where they put them to death; but the part of the execution that appeared of the most importance, was to make the infant children of the deceased stab the murderers with knives, and imbrue their little hands in the blood of those who had slain their father. The youngest princes of the blood that could hold a dagger were made to stab the assassins of Aga Mahomed Khan. When they were executed, the successor of Nadir Shah sent one of the murderers of that monarch to the females of his harem, who, we are told, were delighted to become his executioners.”
The following excerpts show just how strongly people in the East cling to the idea of avenging the deaths of their relatives and friends: “Among the Circassians,” says Pallas, “all the relatives of the murderers are regarded as guilty. This traditional obsession with avenging family blood creates most of the feuds and leads to significant bloodshed among all the tribes of the Caucasus; unless forgiveness is bought or achieved through intermarriage between the two families, the principle of revenge continues on to all future generations. If the desire for vengeance is satisfied by a payment to the deceased's family, this payment is known as thlil-uasa, or ‘the price of blood;’ however, neither princes nor usdens accept such payment because it is a well-established law among them to demand blood for blood.” “The Nubians,” notes Light, “have very little in terms of government, law, or religion. They recognize no master, even though the cashief claims nominal control of the area. They seek justice for their injuries through their own means of revenge, which, in cases of bloodshed, extends from one generation to the next until blood is paid back with blood. Because of this, they must always be on guard and armed: even their daily activities are conducted this way; even the boys carry weapons.” “If one Nubian,” points out Burckhardt, “kills another, he must pay the blood debt to the family of the deceased, along with a fine of six camels, a cow, and seven sheep to the governors, or his family will be forced to pay it. Each wound inflicted carries a specific fine in sheep and dhourra, which varies depending on the severity of the injury.” “When a man or woman is murdered,” says Malcolm, “as soon as the person responsible is identified, the heir to the deceased demands revenge. Witnesses are questioned, and if guilt is proven, the criminal is handed over to the heir to deal with as they see fit. The heir is legally allowed to forgive, accept money as the blood price, or execute the murderer. Just a few years ago, the English resident at Abusheher witnessed three individuals being handed over to the relatives of those they had killed. They led the bound individuals to the burial ground and executed them; however, the most significant part of the execution was having the infants of the deceased stab the murderers with knives, staining their tiny hands with the blood of those who killed their father. Even the youngest princes who could hold a dagger were made to stab the assassins of Aga Mahomed Khan. When they were executed, the successor of Nadir Shah sent one of that monarch's murderers to the women in his harem, who, it is said, were thrilled to carry out the execution.”
GOG AND MAGOG. Moses speaks of Magog, son of Japheth, but says nothing of Gog, Gen. x, 2. According to Ezekiel, Gog was prince of Magog, Ezek. xxxviii, 2, 3, &c; xxxix, 1, 2, &c. Magog signifies the country or people, and Gog the king of that country; the general name of the northern nations of Europe and Asia, or the districts north of the Caucasus, or Mount Taurus. The prophecy of Ezekiel, xxxix, 1–22, seems to be revived in the Apocalypse, where the hosts of Gog and Magog are represented as coming to invade “the beloved city,” and perishing with immense slaughter likewise in Armageddon, “the mount of Mageddo,” or Megiddo, Rev. xvi, 14–16; xx, 7–10.
GOG AND MAGOG. Moses mentions Magog, the son of Japheth, but does not refer to Gog, Genesis 10:2. According to Ezekiel, Gog was the leader of Magog, Ezekiel 38:2, 3, etc.; 39:1, 2, etc. Magog refers to the land or people, while Gog refers to the ruler of that land; it's the general term for the northern nations of Europe and Asia, or the regions north of the Caucasus or Mount Taurus. The prophecy in Ezekiel 39:1–22 appears again in the Apocalypse, where the armies of Gog and Magog are depicted as coming to attack “the beloved city,” facing massive destruction in Armageddon, “the mount of Mageddo,” or Megiddo, Revelation 16:14–16; 20:7–10.
GOLD, זהב, Gen. xxiv, 22, and very frequently in all other parts of the Old Testament; χρυσος, Matt. xxiii, 16, 17, &c; the most perfect and valuable of the metals. In Job xxviii, 15–18, 19, gold is mentioned five times, and four of the words are different in the original: 1. סגור, which may mean “gold in the mine,” or “shut up,” as the root signifies, “in the ore.” 2. כתם, kethem, from כתם, catham, “to sign,” “seal,” or “stamp;” gold made current by being coined; standard gold, exhibiting the stamp expressive of its value. 3. זהב, wrought gold, pure, highly polished gold. 4. פז, denoting solidity, compactness, and strength; probably gold formed into different kinds of plate, or vessels. Jerom, in his comment on Jer. x, 9, writes “Septem dominibus apud Hebræos appellatur aurum.” The seven names, which he does not mention, are as follows, and thus distinguished by the Hebrews: 1. Zahab, gold in general. 2. Zahab tob, good gold, of a more valuable kind, Gen. ii, 12. 3. Zahab Ophir, gold of Ophir, 1 Kings ix, 28, such as was brought by the navy of Solomon. 4. Zahab muphaz, solid gold, pure, wrought gold, translated, 1 Kings x, 18, “the best gold.” 5. Zahab shachut, beaten gold, 2 Chron. ix, 15. 6. Zahab segor, shut up gold; either as mentioned above, gold in the ore, or as the rabbins explain it, “gold shut up in the treasuries,” gold in bullion. 7. Zahab parvaim, 2 Chron. iii, 6. To these Buxtorf adds three others: 1. כתם, pure gold of the circulating medium. 2. לצר, gold in the treasury. 3. חרצז, choice, fine gold. Arabia had formerly its golden mines. “The gold of Sheba,” Psalm lxxii, 15, is, in the Septuagint and Arabic versions, “the gold of Arabia.” Sheba was the ancient name of Arabia Felix. Mr. Bruce, however, places it in Africa, at Azab. The gold of Ophir, so often mentioned, must be that which was procured in Arabia, on the coast of the Red Sea. We are assured by Sanchoniathon, as quoted by Eusebius, and by Herodotus, that the Phenicians carried on a considerable traffic with this gold even before the days of Job, who speaks of it, xxii, 24.
GOLD, Gold, Gen. xxiv, 22, and often in other parts of the Old Testament; χρυσος, Matt. xxiii, 16, 17, etc.; the most perfect and valuable of metals. In Job xxviii, 15–18, 19, gold is mentioned five times, and four of the terms are different in the original: 1. Closed, which can mean “gold in the mine,” or “shut up,” as the root signifies, “in the ore.” 2. stain, kethem, from Stain, catham, “to sign,” “seal,” or “stamp;” gold made valid by being coined; standard gold, showing the stamp that indicates its value. 3. Gold, wrought gold, pure, highly polished gold. 4. פז, indicating solidity, compactness, and strength; likely gold formed into various types of plate or containers. Jerom, in his commentary on Jer. x, 9, writes “Seven is called gold among the Hebrews.” The seven names, which he does not mention, are as follows, and thus identified by the Hebrews: 1. Zahab, gold in general. 2. Zahab tob, good gold, of a more valuable kind, Gen. ii, 12. 3. Zahab Ophir, gold of Ophir, 1 Kings ix, 28, as brought by the navy of Solomon. 4. Zahab muphaz, solid gold, pure, wrought gold, translated, 1 Kings x, 18, “the best gold.” 5. Zahab shachut, beaten gold, 2 Chron. ix, 15. 6. Zahab segor, shut up gold; either as mentioned above, gold in the ore, or as the rabbis explain it, “gold shut up in the treasuries,” gold in bullion. 7. Zahab parvaim, 2 Chron. iii, 6. To these Buxtorf adds three more: 1. כתם, pure gold of the circulating medium. 2. לצר, gold in the treasury. 3. חרצז, choice, fine gold. Arabia once had its golden mines. “The gold of Sheba,” Psalm lxxii, 15, is, in the Septuagint and Arabic versions, “the gold of Arabia.” Sheba was the ancient name for Arabia Felix. Mr. Bruce, however, places it in Africa, at Azab. The gold of Ophir, frequently mentioned, must be the gold obtained in Arabia, on the coast of the Red Sea. We are assured by Sanchoniathon, as quoted by Eusebius, and by Herodotus, that the Phoenicians engaged in a significant trade with this gold even before the days of Job, who speaks of it, xxii, 24.
GOLIATH, a famous giant of the city of Gath, who was slain by David, 1 Sam. xvii, 4, 5, &c. See Giants.
GOLIATH, a well-known giant from the city of Gath, who was killed by David, 1 Sam. xvii, 4, 5, &c. See Giants.
GOMER, the eldest son of Japheth, by whom a great part of Asia Minor was first peopled, and particularly that extensive tract which was called Phrygia, including the sub-divisions of Mysia, Galatia, Bithynia, Lycaonia, &c. The colonies of Gomer extended into Germany, Gaul, (in both of which traces of the name are preserved,) and Britain, which was undoubtedly peopled from Gaul. Among the descendants of the ancient inhabitants of this island, namely, the Welsh, the words Kumero and Kumeraeg, the names of the people and the language, sufficiently point out their origin. In fact, under the names of Cimmerii, Cimbri, Cymrig, Cumbri, Umbri, and Cambri, the tribes of Gomerians extended themselves from the Euxine to the Atlantic, and from Italy to the Baltic; having added to their original names those of Celts, Gauls, Galatæ, and Gaels, superadded.
GOMER, the oldest son of Japheth, was responsible for settling a large portion of Asia Minor, particularly the vast area known as Phrygia, which included regions like Mysia, Galatia, Bithynia, and Lycaonia. The colonies founded by Gomer spread into Germany and Gaul, both of which still show evidence of the name, and into Britain, which definitely was settled by people from Gaul. Among the descendants of the island's ancient inhabitants, specifically the Welsh, the terms Kumero and Kumeraeg, representing the people and the language, clearly indicate their heritage. In fact, under the names of Cimmerii, Cimbri, Cymrig, Cumbri, Umbri, and Cambri, the Gomerians expanded from the Euxine Sea to the Atlantic, and from Italy to the Baltic; adopting additional names such as Celts, Gauls, Galatæ, and Gaels along the way.
GOMORRAH, one of the five cities of the Pentapolis, consumed by fire, Genesis xix, 24, &c. See Dead Sea.
GOMORRAH, one of the five cities of the Pentapolis, destroyed by fire, Genesis 19:24, &c. See Dead Sea.
GOSHEN. This was the most fertile pasture ground in the whole of Lower Egypt; thence called Goshen, from gush, in Arabic, signifying “a heart,” or whatsoever is choice or precious. There was also a Goshen in the territory of the tribe of Judah, so called for the same reason, Joshua x, 41. Hence Joseph recommended it to his family as “the best of the land,” Gen. xlvii, 11, and “the fat of the land,” Gen. xlv, 18. The land of Goshen lay along the most easterly branch of the Nile, and on the east side of it; for it is evident that, at the time of the exode, the Israelites did not cross the Nile. In ancient times, the fertile land was considerably more extensive, both in 418length and breadth, than at present, in consequence of the general failure of the eastern branches of the Nile; the main body of the river verging more and more to the west continually, and deepening the channels on that side.
GOSHEN. This area was the most fertile pastureland in all of Lower Egypt; that's why it was called Goshen, from gush, in Arabic, meaning “a heart,” or anything that is precious or valuable. There was also a Goshen in the land of the tribe of Judah, named for the same reason, Joshua x, 41. This is why Joseph suggested it to his family as “the best of the land,” Gen. xlvii, 11, and “the fat of the land,” Gen. xlv, 18. The land of Goshen stretched along the most easterly branch of the Nile, on its eastern side; it's clear that, during the Exodus, the Israelites did not cross the Nile. In ancient times, the fertile land was much more extensive, both in length and width, than it is today, due to the overall decline of the eastern branches of the Nile; the main flow of the river has continually shifted further west, deepening the channels on that side.
GOSPEL, a history of the life, actions, death, resurrection, ascension, and doctrine of Jesus Christ. The word is Saxon, and of the same import with the Latin term evangelium, or the Greek εὐαγγέλιον, which signifies “glad tidings,” or “good news;” the history of our Saviour being the best history ever published to mankind. This history is contained in the writings of St. Matthew, St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John, who from thence are called evangelists. The Christian church never acknowledged any more than these four Gospels as canonical: notwithstanding which, several apocryphal gospels are handed down to us, and others are entirely lost. The four Gospels contain each of them the history of our Saviour’s life and ministry; but we must remember, that no one of the evangelists undertook to give an account of all the miracles which Christ performed, or of all the instructions which he delivered. They are written with different degrees of conciseness; but every one of them is sufficiently full to prove that Jesus was the promised Messiah, the Saviour of the world, who had been predicted by a long succession of prophets, and whose advent was expected at the time of his appearance, both by Jews and Gentiles.
GOSPEL, a history of the life, actions, death, resurrection, ascension, and teachings of Jesus Christ. The word is Saxon, and has the same meaning as the Latin term gospel, or the Greek εὐαγγέλιον, which means “glad tidings” or “good news;” the story of our Savior is the best history ever shared with humanity. This history is found in the writings of St. Matthew, St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John, who are known as evangelists. The Christian church recognizes only these four Gospels as canonical; however, several apocryphal gospels have been passed down to us, and others have been completely lost. The four Gospels each tell the story of our Savior’s life and ministry; but we must keep in mind that none of the evangelists aimed to provide an account of all the miracles Christ performed or all the teachings he delivered. They are written with varying levels of detail; yet each is complete enough to show that Jesus was the promised Messiah, the Savior of the world, who had been foretold by a long line of prophets, and whose arrival was awaited at the time he appeared, both by Jews and Gentiles.
2. That all the books which convey to us the history of events under the New Testament were written and immediately published by persons contemporary with the events, is most fully proved by the testimony of an unbroken series of authors, reaching from the days of the evangelists to the present times; by the concurrent belief of Christians of all denominations; and by the unreserved confession of avowed enemies to the Gospel. In this point of view the writings of the ancient fathers of the Christian church are invaluable. They contain not only frequent references and allusions to the books of the New Testament, but also such numerous professed quotations from them, that it is demonstratively certain that these books existed in their present state a few years after the conclusion of Christ’s ministry upon earth. No unbeliever in the apostolic age, in the age immediately subsequent to it, or, indeed, in any age whatever, was ever able to disprove the facts recorded in these books; and it does not appear that in the early times any such attempt was made. The facts, therefore, related in the New Testament must be admitted to have really happened. But if all the circumstances of the history of Jesus, that is, his miraculous conception in the womb of the virgin, the time at which he was born, the place where he was born, the family from which he was descended, the nature of the doctrines which he preached, the meanness of his condition, his rejection, death, burial, resurrection, and ascension, with many other minute particulars; if all these various circumstances in the history of Jesus exactly accord with the predictions of the Old Testament relative to the promised Messiah, in whom all the nations of the earth were to be blessed, it follows that Jesus was that Messiah. And again: if Jesus really performed the miracles as related in the Gospels, and was perfectly acquainted with the thoughts and designs of men, his divine mission cannot be doubted. Lastly: if he really foretold his own death and resurrection, the descent of the Holy Ghost, its miraculous effects, the sufferings of the Apostles, the call of the Gentiles, and the destruction of Jerusalem, it necessarily follows that he spake by the authority of God himself. These, and many other arguments, founded in the more than human character of Jesus, in the rapid propagation of the Gospel, in the excellence of its precepts and doctrines, and in the constancy, intrepidity, and fortitude of its early professors, incontrovertibly establish the truth and divine origin of the Christian religion, and afford to us, who live in these latter times, the most positive confirmation of the promise of our Lord, that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.”
2. The fact that all the books that tell us the history of events in the New Testament were written and published shortly after the events occurred is strongly supported by a continuous line of authors from the time of the evangelists to today; by the shared belief of Christians from various denominations; and by the honest admissions of those opposed to the Gospel. In this context, the writings of the early church fathers are invaluable. They include frequent references and allusions to the New Testament books, as well as numerous direct quotations from them, making it clear that these books existed in their current form just a few years after Jesus' ministry on earth ended. No one who doubted during the apostolic age, immediately afterward, or at any time since was ever able to disprove the events recorded in these books, and it seems there were no attempts to do so in the early days. So, the facts presented in the New Testament must be accepted as having genuinely occurred. If all the details of Jesus' life—like his miraculous conception by the virgin, the timing and location of his birth, his family lineage, the teachings he shared, his humble circumstances, his rejection, death, burial, resurrection, and ascension, along with many other specifics—align perfectly with the predictions in the Old Testament about the promised Messiah, who would bless all nations, then it follows that Jesus is that Messiah. Additionally, if Jesus truly performed the miracles described in the Gospels and understood the thoughts and intentions of people, his divine mission cannot be questioned. Finally, if he accurately predicted his own death and resurrection, the coming of the Holy Spirit, its miraculous effects, the suffering of the Apostles, the inclusion of Gentiles, and the destruction of Jerusalem, then it follows that he spoke with the authority of God himself. These, along with many other arguments based on the extraordinary nature of Jesus, the swift spread of the Gospel, the brilliance of its teachings, and the unwavering courage of its early followers, undeniably confirm the truth and divine origin of Christianity and provide us, who live in these later times, with strong assurance of our Lord's promise that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.”
3. The Gospels recount those wonderful and important events with which the Christian religion and its divine Author were introduced into the world, and which have produced so great a change in the principles, the manners, the morals, and the temporal as well as spiritual condition of mankind. They relate the first appearance of Christ upon earth, his extraordinary and miraculous birth, the testimony borne to him by his forerunner, John the Baptist, the temptation in the wilderness, the opening of his divine commission, the pure, the perfect, and sublime morality which he taught, especially in his inimitable sermon on the mount, the infinite superiority which he showed to every other moral teacher, both in the matter and manner of his discourses, more particularly by crushing vice in its very cradle, in the first risings of wicked desires and propensities in the heart, by giving a decided preference to the mild, gentle, passive, conciliating virtues, before that violent, vindictive, high-spirited, unforgiving temper, which has been always too much the favourite character of the world; by requiring us to forgive our very enemies, and to do good to them that hate us; by excluding from our devotions, our alms, and all our virtues, all regard to fame, reputation, and applause; by laying down two great general principles of morality, love to God, and love to mankind, and deducing from thence every other human duty; by conveying his instructions under the easy, familiar, and impressive form of parables; by expressing himself in a tone of dignity and authority unknown before; by exemplifying every virtue that he taught in his own unblemished and perfect life and conversation; and, above all, by adding those awful sanctions, which he alone, of all moral instructers, had the power to hold out, eternal rewards to the virtuous, and eternal punishments to the wicked. The sacred narratives then represent to us the high 419character that he assumed; the claim he made to a divine original; the wonderful miracles he wrought in proof of his divinity; the various prophecies which plainly marked him out as the Messiah, the great Deliverer of the Jews; the declarations he made that he came to offer himself a sacrifice for the sins of all mankind; the cruel indignities, sufferings, and persecutions to which, in consequence of this great design, he was exposed; the accomplishment of it, by the painful and ignominious death to which he submitted, by his resurrection after three days from the grave, by his ascension into heaven, by his sitting there at the right hand of God, and performing the office of a Mediator and Intercessor for the sinful sons of men, till he shall come a second time in his glory to sit in judgment on all mankind, and decide their final doom of happiness or misery for ever. These are the momentous, the interesting, truths on which the Gospels principally dwell.
3. The Gospels tell the amazing and significant events that introduced the Christian faith and its divine Author to the world, changing the principles, behaviors, morals, and both the physical and spiritual state of humanity. They describe Christ's first appearance on earth, his miraculous birth, the testimony given to him by his forerunner, John the Baptist, his temptation in the wilderness, the start of his divine mission, the pure, perfect, and elevated morality he taught—especially in his unmatched sermon on the mount—his clear superiority over other moral teachers in both the content and style of his teachings. He tackled vice at its roots, addressing wicked desires and tendencies in the heart, favored gentle and conciliatory virtues over the violent, vindictive, and unforgiving attitudes that have always been too popular in the world, called us to forgive our enemies, and to be good to those who hate us. He taught that our acts of devotion, charity, and all our virtues should not seek fame, reputation, or applause; he laid down two key principles of morality: love for God and love for humanity, from which every other human duty can be derived. He delivered his teachings through relatable, powerful parables, with a level of dignity and authority not seen before, exemplifying every virtue he taught in his own flawless life and actions. Most importantly, he included terrifying consequences that only he could emphasize—eternal rewards for the virtuous and eternal punishments for the wicked. The sacred stories show the high character he took on, the claim he made to divine origins, the amazing miracles he performed as proof of his divinity, the many prophecies that identified him as the Messiah, the great Deliverer of the Jews, his proclamation that he came to be a sacrifice for the sins of all humanity, the cruel indignities, suffering, and persecution he faced due to this mission, and its fulfillment through his painful and disgraceful death, his resurrection after three days in the grave, his ascension into heaven, being seated at the right hand of God, and acting as a Mediator and Intercessor for sinful humanity until his second coming in glory to judge all people and determine their final fate of happiness or misery forever. These are the significant and engaging truths that the Gospels primarily focus on.
4. We find in the ancient records a twofold order, in which the evangelists are arranged. They stand either thus, Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; or thus, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John. The first is made with reference to the character and the rank of the persons, according to which the Apostles precede their assistants and attendants (ἀκολουθοις, comitibus.) It is observed in the oldest Latin translations and in the Gothic; sometimes also in the works of Latin teachers; but among all the Greek MSS. only in that at Cambridge. But the other, namely, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, is, in all the old translations of Asia and Africa, in all catalogues of the canonical books, and in Greek MSS. in general, the customary and established one as it regarded not personal circumstances, but as it had respect to chronological; which is to us a plain indication what accounts concerning the succession of the evangelists, the Asiatic, and Greek churches, and also those of Africa, had before them, when the Christian books were arranged in collections. It is a considerable advantage, says Michaëlis, that a history of such importance as that of Jesus Christ has been recorded by the pens of separate and independent writers, who, from the variations which are visible in these accounts, have incontestably proved that they did not unite with a view of imposing a fabulous narrative on mankind. That St. Matthew had never seen the Gospel of St. Luke, nor St. Luke the Gospel of St. Matthew, is evident from a comparison of their writings. The Gospel of St. Mark, which was written later, must likewise have been unknown to St. Luke; and that St. Mark had ever read the Gospel of St. Luke, is at least improbable, because their Gospels so frequently differ. It is a generally received opinion, that St. Mark made use of St. Matthew’s Gospel in the composition of his own; but this is an unfounded hypothesis. The Gospel of St. John, being written after the other three, supplies what they had omitted. Thus have we four distinct and independent writers of one and the same history; and, though trifling variations may seem to exist in their narratives, yet these admit of easy solutions; and in all matters of consequence, whether doctrinal or historical, there is such a manifest agreement between them as is to be found in no other writings whatever. Though we have only four original writers of the life of Jesus, the evidence of the history does not rest on the testimony of four men. Christianity had been propagated in a great part of the world before any of them had written, on the testimony of thousands and tens of thousands, who had been witnesses of the great facts which they have recorded; so that the writing of these particular books is not to be considered as the cause, but rather the effect, of the belief of Christianity; nor could those books have been written and received as they were, namely, as authentic histories, of the subject of which all persons of that age were judges, if the facts they have recorded had not been well known to be true.
4. In the ancient records, we find two ways the evangelists are arranged. They appear either as Matthew, John, Luke, Mark; or Matthew, Mark, Luke, John. The first order reflects the character and rank of the individuals, placing the Apostles before their helpers and attendants (ἀκολουθοις, comitibus.) This arrangement is observed in the earliest Latin translations and in the Gothic version; sometimes also in the works of Latin scholars; but among all Greek manuscripts, it only appears in the one at Cambridge. The second order, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, is the customary and established one found in all the old translations from Asia and Africa, in all listings of the canonical books, and generally in Greek manuscripts, as it considers chronological rather than personal aspects. This clearly indicates what accounts of the evangelists’ succession the Asiatic, Greek, and African churches used when collecting the Christian texts. Michaëlis notes that it's a significant advantage that an event as important as the life of Jesus Christ has been documented by separate and independent authors, whose varying accounts undoubtedly show they weren't collaborating to create a false narrative. It's clear from comparing their writings that St. Matthew never saw St. Luke's Gospel, nor did St. Luke see St. Matthew’s. The Gospel of St. Mark, which was written later, also must have been unknown to St. Luke, and it’s unlikely that St. Mark ever read St. Luke’s Gospel because their accounts often differ. Many believe that St. Mark used St. Matthew's Gospel when writing his own, but this is an unfounded theory. The Gospel of St. John, written after the other three, fills in what they omitted. Thus, we have four distinct and independent writers telling the same story, and although there may seem to be minor differences in their narratives, these can be easily explained; in all significant matters, whether doctrinal or historical, they show a clear agreement that is unmatched in any other texts. While we have only four original writers documenting Jesus's life, the evidence of this history doesn’t rely solely on their accounts. Christianity had spread widely before any of them wrote, supported by the testimony of thousands who witnessed the key events they recorded, making the writing of these specific books an effect rather than a cause of Christian belief. These books couldn't have been written and accepted as authentic histories if the facts they described weren't widely recognized as true at the time.
5. The term Gospel is often used in Scripture to signify the whole Christian doctrine: hence, “preaching the Gospel” is declaring all the truths, precepts, promises, and threatenings of Christianity. This is termed, “the Gospel of the grace of God,” because it flows from God’s free love and goodness, Acts xx, 24; and when truly and faithfully preached, is accompanied with the influences of the divine Spirit. It is called, “the Gospel of the kingdom,” because it treats of the kingdom of grace, and shows the way to the kingdom of glory. It is styled, “the Gospel of Christ,” because he is the Author and great subject of it, Romans i, 16; and “the Gospel of peace and salvation,” because it publishes peace with God to the penitent and believing, gives, to such, peace of conscience and tranquillity of mind, and is the means of their salvation, present and eternal. As it displays the glory of God and of Christ, and ensures to his true followers eternal glory, it is entitled, “the glorious Gospel,” and, “the everlasting Gospel,” because it commenced from the fall of man, is permanent throughout all time, and produces effects which are everlasting.
5. The term Gospel is often used in Scripture to mean the entire Christian teaching: so, “preaching the Gospel” means sharing all the truths, rules, promises, and warnings of Christianity. This is referred to as “the Gospel of the grace of God,” because it comes from God’s unconditional love and kindness, Acts xx, 24; and when truly and faithfully shared, it comes with the influences of the Holy Spirit. It’s called “the Gospel of the kingdom” because it discusses the kingdom of grace and shows the path to the kingdom of glory. It’s labeled “the Gospel of Christ” because He is its Author and central subject, Romans i, 16; and “the Gospel of peace and salvation” because it announces peace with God to those who repent and believe, brings peace of conscience and calmness of mind, and is the means of their immediate and eternal salvation. As it reveals the glory of God and of Christ, and promises eternal glory to His true followers, it is called “the glorious Gospel” and “the everlasting Gospel,” because it began from the fall of man, lasts throughout all time, and produces lasting effects.
GOVERNMENT OF THE HEBREWS. The posterity of Jacob, while remaining in Egypt, maintained, notwithstanding the augmentation of their numbers, that patriarchal form of government which is so prevalent among the nomades. Every father of a family exercised a father’s authority over those of his own household. Every tribe obeyed its own prince, נשיא, who was originally the first-born of the founder of the tribe, but who, in process of time, appears to have been elected. As the people increased in numbers, various heads of families united together, and selected some individual from their own body, who was somewhat distinguished, for their leader. Perhaps the choice was made merely by tacit consent; and, without giving him the title of ruler in form, they were willing, while convinced of his virtues, to render submission to his will. Such a union of families was denominated “the house of the father;” and “the house of the father of the families,” 420Num. iii, 24, 30, 35. In other instances, although the number varied, being sometimes more and sometimes less than a thousand, it was denominated, אלף אלפים, a thousand. “Now therefore present yourselves before the Lord by your tribes, and by your thousands;” “the thousands of Judah;” “the thousands of Israel,” &c, 1 Sam. x, 19; xxiii, 23; Judges vi, 15; Num. xxvi, 5–50. The heads of these united families were designated “heads of thousands,” Num. i, 16; x, 4. They held themselves in subjection to the “princes of the tribes.” Both the princes and heads of families are mentioned under the common names of זקננים, seniors or senators, and ראשי שבטים heads of tribes. Following the law of reason, and the rules established by custom, they governed with a paternal authority the tribes and united families; and, while they left the minor concerns to the heads of individual families, aimed to superintend and promote the best interests of the community generally. Originally, it fell to the princes of the tribes themselves to keep genealogical tables: subsequently, they employed scribes especially for this purpose, who, in the progress of time, acquired so great authority, that under the name of שוטרים, translated, in the English version, officers, they were permitted to exercise a share in the government of the nation. It was by magistrates of this description that the Hebrews were governed while they remained in Egypt; and the Egyptian kings made no objection to it, Exod. iii, 16; v, 1, 14, 15, 19.
GOVERNMENT OF THE HEBREWS. The descendants of Jacob, while in Egypt, maintained a patriarchal form of government, common among nomadic groups, despite their growing numbers. Each father had authority over his household. Every tribe followed its own prince, President, who was originally the firstborn of the tribe's founder but eventually seems to have been elected. As the population grew, various family heads came together and chose someone from among them who stood out as their leader. The choice may have been made with silent agreement, and while he wasn't formally called a ruler, they willingly submitted to his guidance, convinced of his abilities. This union of families was called “the house of the father,” and “the house of the fathers of the families,” 420Num. iii, 24, 30, 35. In other cases, although the number could fluctuate, sometimes being over or under a thousand, it was referred to as Thousands, a thousand. “Now therefore present yourselves before the Lord by your tribes, and by your thousands;” “the thousands of Judah;” “the thousands of Israel,” etc., 1 Sam. x, 19; xxiii, 23; Judges vi, 15; Num. xxvi, 5–50. The leaders of these united families were called “heads of thousands,” Num. i, 16; x, 4. They kept themselves under the authority of the “princes of the tribes.” Both the princes and family heads were referred to by the common names זקנים, seniors or senators, and tribe leaders heads of tribes. Following reason and established customs, they governed the tribes and united families with paternal authority, while leaving minor matters to individual family heads, aiming to oversee and promote the community's best interests overall. Initially, it was the princes of the tribes who kept genealogical records; later, they employed scribes for this task, who over time gained enough power that under the name Police, translated in English as officers, they were allowed to participate in the nation's governance. It was through these officials that the Hebrews were governed while in Egypt, and the Egyptian kings raised no objections to it, Exod. iii, 16; v, 1, 14, 15, 19.
2. The posterity of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were set apart and destined to the great object of preserving and transmitting the true religion, Gen. xviii, 16–20; xvii, 9–14; xii, 3; xxii, 18; xxviii, 14. Having increased in numbers, it appeared very evident that they could not live among nations given to idolatry without running the hazard of becoming infected with the same evil. They were, therefore, in the providence of God, assigned to a particular country, the extent of which was so small, that they were obliged, if they would live independently of other nations, to give up in a great measure the life of shepherds, and devote themselves to agriculture. Farther: very many of the Hebrews during their residence in Egypt had fallen into idolatrous habits. These were to be brought back again to the knowledge of the true God, and all were to be excited to engage in those undertakings which should be found necessary for the support of the true religion. All the Mosaic institutions aim at the accomplishment of these objects. The fundamental principle, therefore, of those institutions was this,--that the true God, the Creator and Governor of the universe, and none other, ought to be worshipped. To secure this end the more certainly, God became king to the Hebrews. Accordingly, the land of Canaan, which was destined to be occupied by them, was declared to be the land of Jehovah, of which he was to be the king, and the Hebrews merely the hereditary occupants. God promulgated, from the clouds of Mount Sinai, the prominent laws for the government of his people, considered as a religious community, Exod. xx. These laws were afterward more fully developed and illustrated by Moses. The rewards which should accompany the obedient, and the punishments which should be the lot of the transgressor, were at the same time announced, and the Hebrews promised by a solemn oath to obey, Exodus xxi-xxiv; Deut. xxvii-xxx.
2. The descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were chosen and meant to play a major role in preserving and sharing the true religion, Gen. xviii, 16–20; xvii, 9–14; xii, 3; xxii, 18; xxviii, 14. As their numbers grew, it became clear that they couldn't live among idol-worshipping nations without risking becoming influenced by those beliefs. Thus, in God's plan, they were assigned to a specific country that was so small they had to largely abandon their shepherding lifestyle and focus on farming if they wanted to live independently from other nations. Furthermore, many of the Hebrews had developed idolatrous practices during their time in Egypt. They needed to be brought back to the understanding of the true God, and everyone had to be motivated to participate in the necessary actions to support true religion. All of the laws given by Moses were aimed at achieving these goals. The fundamental principle of these laws was that only the true God, the Creator and Ruler of the universe, should be worshiped. To ensure this, God became the king of the Hebrews. Accordingly, the land of Canaan, which they were meant to inhabit, was declared to be God's land, where He would be the king, and the Hebrews would be the rightful occupants. God announced the key laws for governing His people as a religious community from the clouds of Mount Sinai, Exod. xx. These laws were later expanded and explained by Moses. The blessings for obedience and the consequences for disobedience were also stated, and the Hebrews promised solemnly to follow these laws, Exodus xxi-xxiv; Deut. xxvii-xxx.
3. In order to keep the true nature of the community fully and constantly in view, all the ceremonial institutions had reference to God, not only as the Sovereign of the universe, but as the King of the people. The people were taught to feel that the tabernacle was not only the temple of Jehovah, but the palace of their King; that the priests were the royal servants, and were bound to attend not only to sacred but to secular affairs, and were to receive, as their salary, the first tithes, which the people, as subjects, were led to consider a part of that revenue which was due to God, their immediate Sovereign. Other things of a less prominent and important nature had reference to the same great end. Since, therefore, God was the Sovereign, in a civil point of view as well as others, of Palestine and its inhabitants, the commission of idolatry by any inhabitant of that country, even a foreigner, was a defection from the true King. It was, in fact, treason; was considered a crime equal in aggravation to that of murder; and was, consequently, attended with the severest punishment. Whoever invited or exhorted to idolatry was considered seditious, and was obnoxious to the same punishment. Incantations also, necromancy, and other practices of this nature, were looked upon as arts of a kindred aspect with idolatry itself; and the same punishment was to be inflicted upon the perpetrators of them as upon idolaters. The same rigour of inquiry after the perpetrators of idolatry was enforced, that was exhibited in respect to other crimes of the deepest aggravation; and the person who knew of the commission of idolatry in another was bound by the law to complain of the person thus guilty before the judge, though the criminal sustained the near relationship of a wife or a brother, a daughter or a son.
3. To keep the true nature of the community always in focus, all the ceremonial practices were connected to God, not just as the Sovereign of the universe, but as the King of the people. The people were taught to see the tabernacle as not only the temple of Jehovah but also the palace of their King; that the priests were royal servants, responsible for both sacred and secular matters, and were to receive the first tithes as their salary, which the people viewed as part of the revenue owed to God, their immediate Sovereign. Other, less significant practices also aimed at this main goal. Since God was the Sovereign, both in civil terms and otherwise, of Palestine and its inhabitants, any act of idolatry by anyone in that land, even by a foreigner, was seen as a rebellion against the true King. It was, in fact, considered treason and was regarded as a crime as serious as murder, resulting in the harshest punishment. Anyone who encouraged or urged idolatry was seen as seditious and faced the same punishment. Practices like incantations, necromancy, and similar activities were viewed as closely related to idolatry itself; the same severe penalties were to be imposed on those who engaged in them as on idolaters. A strict investigation for those committing idolatry was enforced, similar to that applied to other serious crimes. Anyone who was aware of someone committing idolatry was legally obligated to report that person to the judge, even if the offender was a close relative, such as a wife, brother, daughter, or son.
4. Many things in the administration of the government remained the same under the Mosaic economy, as it had been before. The authority which they had previously possessed, was continued in the time of Moses and after his time, to the princes of the tribes, to the heads of families and combinations of families, and to the genealogists, Num. xi, 16; Deut. xvi, 18; xx, 5; xxxi, 28. Yet Moses, by the advice of Jethro, his father-in-law, increased the number of rulers by the appointment of an additional number of judges; some to judge over ten, some over fifty, some over a hundred, and some over a thousand, men, Exodus xviii, 13–26. These judges were elected by the suffrages of the people from those who, by their authority and rank, might be reckoned among the rulers or princes of the people. The inferior judges, that is, those who superintended 421the judicial concerns of the smaller numbers, were subordinate to the superior judges, or those who judged a larger number; and cases, accordingly, of a difficult nature went up from the inferior to the superior judges. Those of a very difficult character, so much so as to be perplexing to the superior judges, were appealed to Moses himself, and in some cases from Moses to the high priest. The judges, of whom we have now spoken, sustained a civil as well as a judicial authority, and were included in the list of those who are denominated the elders and princes of Israel: that is to say, supposing they were chosen from the elders and princes, they did not forfeit their seat among them by accepting a judicial office; and, on the contrary, the respectability attached to their office, supposing they were not chosen from them, entitled them to be reckoned in their number, Deut. xxxi, 28; Joshua viii, 33; xxiii, 2; xxiv, 1. The various civil officers that have been mentioned, namely, judges, heads of families, genealogists, elders, princes of the tribes, &c, were dispersed, as a matter of course, in different parts of the country. Those of them, accordingly, who dwelt in the same city, or the same neighbourhood, formed the comitia, senate or legislative assembly of their immediate vicinity, Deut. xix, 12; xxv, 8, 9; Judges viii, 14; ix, 3–46; xi, 5; 1 Sam. viii, 4; xvi, 4. When all that dwelt in any particular tribe were convened, they formed the legislative assembly of the tribe; and when they were convened in one body from all the tribes, they formed in like manner the legislative assembly of the nation, and were the representatives of all the people, Joshua xxiii, 1, 2; xxiv, 1. The priests, who were the learned class of the community, and beside were hereditary officers in the state, being set apart for civil as well as religious purposes, had, by the divine command, a right to a sitting in this assembly, Exod. xxxii, 29; Num. xxxvi, 15; viii, 5–26. Being thus called upon to sustain very different and yet very important offices, they became the subjects of that envy which would naturally be excited by the honour and the advantages attached to their situation. In order to confirm them in the duties which devolved upon them, and to throw at the greatest distance the mean and lurking principle just mentioned, God, after the sedition of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, sanctioned the separation of the whole tribe, which had been previously made to the service of religion and the state, by a most evident and striking miracle, Num. xvi, 1–7.
4. Many aspects of government administration stayed the same under the Mosaic structure as they had before. The authority that had previously existed continued during Moses' time and afterward, remaining with the tribal leaders, heads of families, and genealogists, as noted in Num. xi, 16; Deut. xvi, 18; xx, 5; xxxi, 28. However, Moses, with advice from his father-in-law Jethro, increased the number of rulers by appointing additional judges; some were appointed to oversee groups of ten, some fifty, some a hundred, and some a thousand men, as stated in Exodus xviii, 13–26. These judges were chosen by the people's votes from those who, by their authority and standing, could be considered among the leaders or princes of the community. The lower judges, those overseeing smaller groups, reported to the higher judges, who handled larger groups, and challenging cases were escalated from the lower to the higher judges. Very complex cases, which were difficult even for the higher judges, were brought before Moses himself, and in some situations, from Moses to the high priest. The judges we just described held both civil and judicial authority and were part of the group known as the elders and princes of Israel: that is, if they were selected from the elders and princes, they did not lose their status among them by taking on a judicial role; conversely, if they were not selected from them, their respected position qualified them to be included in that group, as noted in Deut. xxxi, 28; Joshua viii, 33; xxiii, 2; xxiv, 1. The various civil officials mentioned—judges, heads of families, genealogists, elders, tribal princes, etc.—were spread out across different parts of the country. Accordingly, those living in the same city or neighborhood formed the local legislative assembly, or comitia, as indicated in Deut. xix, 12; xxv, 8, 9; Judges viii, 14; ix, 3–46; xi, 5; 1 Sam. viii, 4; xvi, 4. When all members of a particular tribe gathered, they formed the tribal legislative assembly, and when they convened as a unified body from all tribes, they created the national legislative assembly, representing all the people, as mentioned in Joshua xxiii, 1, 2; xxiv, 1. The priests, who were the educated class in the community and also hereditary state officials, were designated for both civil and religious responsibilities and were given the right by divine command to participate in this assembly, as seen in Exod. xxxii, 29; Num. xxxvi, 15; viii, 5–26. Being tasked with these diverse and significant roles made them targets of the envy that naturally arises from the honor and benefits associated with their positions. To affirm their responsibilities and mitigate any underlying jealousy, God, after the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, confirmed the separation of the entire tribe devoted to the service of religion and state through a clear and remarkable miracle, as detailed in Num. xvi, 1–7.
5. Each tribe was governed by its own rulers, and consequently to a certain extent constituted a civil community, independent of the other tribes, Judges xx, 11–46; 2 Sam. ii, 4; Judges i, 21. If any affair concerned the whole or many of the tribes, it was determined by them in conjunction in the legislative assembly of the nation, Judges xi, 1–11; 1 Chron. v, 10, 18, 19; 2 Sam. iii, 17; 1 Kings xii, 1–24. If one tribe found itself unequal to the execution of any proposed plan, it might connect itself with another, or even a number of the other tribes, Judges i, 1–3, 22; iv, 10; vii, 23, 24; viii, 1–3. But, although in many things each tribe existed by itself, and acted separately, yet in others they were united, and formed but one community: for all the tribes were bound together, so as to form one church and one civil community, not only by their common ancestors, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; not only by the common promises which they had received from those ancestors; not only by the need in which they stood of mutual counsel and assistance; but also by the circumstance that God was their common King, and that they had a common tabernacle for his palace, and a common sacerdotal and Levitical order for his ministers. Accordingly, every tribe exerted a sort of inspection over the others, as respected their observance of the law. If any thing had been neglected, or any wrong had been done, the particular tribe concerned was amenable to the others; and, in case justice could not be secured in any other way, might be punished with war, Joshua xxii, 9–34; Judges xx, 1, &c.
5. Each tribe was governed by its own leaders and, to some extent, formed a separate civil community, independent of other tribes, Judges xx, 11–46; 2 Sam. ii, 4; Judges i, 21. When an issue impacted the entire nation or multiple tribes, it was addressed collectively in the national legislative assembly, Judges xi, 1–11; 1 Chron. v, 10, 18, 19; 2 Sam. iii, 17; 1 Kings xii, 1–24. If one tribe couldn't handle a proposed plan alone, it could team up with another tribe or even multiple tribes, Judges i, 1–3, 22; iv, 10; vii, 23, 24; viii, 1–3. However, while each tribe often operated independently in many matters, they were united in others, forming one community. All the tribes were connected as one church and one civil community, not only through their shared ancestors, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; not only through the common promises they received from those ancestors; not only through their need for mutual support and advice; but also because God was their common King, they had a shared tabernacle for His dwelling, and a common priesthood and Levitical order for His ministers. Consequently, every tribe monitored the others regarding adherence to the law. If something was overlooked or a wrongdoing occurred, the tribe involved was accountable to the others; and if justice couldn't be achieved in any other way, they could face punishment through war, Joshua xxii, 9–34; Judges xx, 1, &c.
6. When we remember that God was expressly chosen the King of the people, and that he enacted laws and decided litigated points of importance, Numbers xvii, 1–11; xxvii, 1–11; xxxvi, 1–10; when we remember also that he answered and solved questions proposed, Num. xv, 32–41; Joshua vii, 16–22; Judges i, 1, 2; xx, 18, 27, 28; 1 Sam. xiv, 37; xxiii, 9–12; xxx, 8; 2 Sam. ii, 1; that he threatened punishment, and that, in some instances, he actually inflicted it upon the hardened and impenitent, Num. xi, 33–35; xii, 1–15; xvi, 1–50; Lev. xxvi, 3–46; Deut. xxvi-xxx; when, finally, we take into account, that he promised prophets, who were to be, as it were, his ambassadors, Deut. xviii, and afterward sent them according to his promise, and that, in order to preserve the true religion, he governed the whole people by a striking and peculiar providence, we are at liberty to say, that God was, in fact, the Monarch of the people, and that the government was a theocracy. But, although the government of the Jews was a theocracy, it was not destitute of the usual forms which exist in civil governments among men. God, it is true, was the King, and the high priest, if we may be allowed so to speak, was his minister of state; but still the political affairs were in a great measure under the disposal of the elders, princes, &c. It was to them that Moses gave the divine commands, determined expressly their powers; and submitted their requests to the decision of God, Num. xiv, 5; xvi, 4, &c; xxvii, 5; xxxvi, 5, 6. It was in reference to the great power possessed by these men, who formed the legislative assembly of the nation, that Josephus pronounced the government to be aristocratical. But from the circumstance that the people possessed so much influence, as to render it necessary to submit laws to them for their ratification, and that they even took upon themselves sometimes to propose laws or to resist those which were enacted; from the circumstance also that the legislature of the nation had not the power of 422laying taxes, and that the civil code was regulated and enforced by God himself, independently of the legislature, Lowman and Michaëlis are in favour of considering the Hebrew government a democracy. In support of their opinion such passages are exhibited as the following, Exodus xix, 7, 8; xxiv, 3–8; Deut. xxix, 9–14; Joshua ix, 18, 19; xxiii, 1, &c; xxiv, 2, &c; 1 Samuel x, 24; xi, 14, 15; Num. xxvii, 1–8; xxxvi, 1–9. The truth seems to lie between these two opinions. The Hebrew government, putting out of view its theocratical feature, was of a mixed form, in some respects approaching to a democracy, in others assuming more of an aristocratical character.
6. When we remember that God was specifically chosen as the King of the people, enacting laws and resolving important legal disputes (Numbers 17:1–11; 27:1–11; 36:1–10), and that He answered and addressed questions posed to Him (Num. 15:32–41; Joshua 7:16–22; Judges 1:1, 2; 20:18, 27, 28; 1 Samuel 14:37; 23:9–12; 30:8; 2 Samuel 2:1), as well as threatened punishment—sometimes even carrying it out on the stubborn and unrepentant (Num. 11:33–35; 12:1–15; 16:1–50; Lev. 26:3–46; Deut. 26-30)—and finally, when we consider that He promised prophets to act as His ambassadors (Deut. 18) and sent them as promised while governing the entire people through a distinctive and notable providence to maintain true religion, we can say that God was indeed the Monarch of the people, establishing a theocracy. However, while the Jewish government was a theocracy, it did not lack the usual structures found in civil governments. God was the King, and the high priest—if we can refer to him that way—was His minister of state. Still, political matters were largely managed by the elders, princes, etc. Moses conveyed divine commands to them, clearly defined their powers, and submitted their requests for God’s judgment (Num. 14:5; 16:4, etc.; 27:5; 36:5, 6). Because these individuals, who made up the legislative assembly of the nation, held significant power, Josephus described the government as aristocratic. Yet, given that the people had enough influence to require laws to be submitted for their approval and sometimes even proposed laws or opposed those that were enacted, along with the fact that the legislature had no power to impose taxes and that the civil code was governed directly by God, independent of the legislature, Lowman and Michaëlis argue that the Hebrew government should be viewed as a democracy. They support their view with passages like Exodus 19:7, 8; 24:3–8; Deut. 29:9–14; Joshua 9:18, 19; 23:1, etc.; 24:2, etc.; 1 Samuel 10:24; 11:14, 15; Num. 27:1–8; 36:1–9. The truth seems to lie between these two perspectives. The Hebrew government, aside from its theocratic aspect, was of a mixed nature, being somewhat democratic in some respects while exhibiting more aristocratic features in others.
7. From what has been said, it is clear, that the Ruler and supreme Head of the political community in question was God, who, with the design of promoting the good of his subjects, condescended to exhibit his visible presence in the tabernacle, wherever it travelled and wherever it dwelt. If, in reference to the assertion, that God was the Ruler of the Jewish state, it should be inquired what part was sustained by Moses, the answer is, that God was the Ruler, the people were his subjects, and Moses was the mediator or internuncio between them. But the title most appropriate to Moses, and most descriptive of the part he sustained, is that of legislator of the Israelites and their deliverer from the Egyptians. If the same question should be put in respect to Joshua, the answer would be, that he was not properly the successor of Moses, and that, so far from being the ruler of the state, he was designated by the ruler to sustain the subordinate office of military leader of the Israelites in their conquest of the land of Canaan.
7. From what has been said, it’s clear that the ultimate leader and head of the political community in question was God, who, to promote the well-being of his people, chose to show his visible presence in the tabernacle, wherever it moved and wherever it settled. If we ask what role Moses played in the assertion that God was the leader of the Jewish state, the answer is that God was the ruler, the people were his subjects, and Moses acted as the mediator between them. However, the title that best fits Moses and describes his role is that of the legislator of the Israelites and their deliverer from the Egyptians. If the same question is asked regarding Joshua, the answer would be that he was not exactly Moses' successor and, rather than being the ruler of the state, he was appointed by the ruler to fulfill the subordinate role of military leader of the Israelites in their conquest of the land of Canaan.
8. But, although the Hebrew state was so constituted, that beside God, the invisible King, and his visible servant, the high priest, there was no other general ruler of the commonwealth, yet it is well known that there were rulers of a high rank, appointed at various times, called ושפט, a word which not only signifies a judge in the usual sense of the term, but any governor, or administrator of public affairs, 1 Sam. viii, 20; Isaiah xi, 4; 1 Kings iii, 9. The power lodged in these rulers, who are called judges in the Scriptures, seems to have been in some respects paramount to that of the general comitia of the nation, and we find that they declared war, led armies, concluded peace; and that this was not the whole, if indeed it was the most important part, of their duties. For many of the judges, for instance, Jair, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon, Eli, and Samuel, ruled the nation in peace. They might appropriately enough be called the supreme executive, exercising all the rights of sovereignty, with the exception of enacting laws, and imposing taxes. They were honoured, but they bore no external badges of distinction; they were distinguished, but they enjoyed no special privileges themselves, and communicated none to their posterity. They subserved the public good without emolument, that the state might be prosperous, that religion might be preserved, and that God alone might be King in Israel. It ought to be observed, however, that not all the judges ruled the whole nation: some of them presided over only a few separate tribes.
8. Even though the Hebrew state was set up so that there was only God, the invisible King, and His visible servant, the high priest, as the main leaders of the community, it’s well known that there were high-ranking rulers appointed at different times, called and judge, a term that means not just a judge in the usual sense, but also any governor or administrator of public affairs, as seen in 1 Sam. viii, 20; Isaiah xi, 4; 1 Kings iii, 9. The authority held by these rulers, referred to as judges in the Scriptures, seems to have sometimes been greater than that of the general elections of the nation. They declared war, led armies, and made peace, and this was not all—though it may have been the most significant part of their responsibilities. Many judges, like Jair, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon, Eli, and Samuel, governed the nation during times of peace. They could be aptly called the supreme executive, exercising all the rights of sovereignty, except for making laws and imposing taxes. They were respected, but they didn't have any external symbols of status; they were distinguished, yet they had no special privileges and passed none to their descendants. They served the public good without personal gain, aiming for the prosperity of the state, the preservation of religion, and ensuring that God alone remained King in Israel. It’s important to note, however, that not all judges ruled over the entire nation; some only led a few specific tribes.
9. God, in the character of King, had governed the Israelites for sixteen ages. He ruled them, on the terms which he himself, through the agency of Moses, had proposed to them, namely, that if they observed their allegiance to him, they should be prosperous; if not, adversity and misery would be the consequence, Exod. xix, 4, 5; xxiii, 20–33; Lev. xxvi, 3–46; Deut. xxviii-xxx. We may learn from the whole book of Judges, and from the first eight chapters of Samuel, how exactly the result, from the days of Joshua down to the time of Samuel, agreed with these conditions. But in the time of Samuel, the government, in point of form, was changed into a monarchy. The election of king, however, was committed to God, who chose one by lot: so that God was still the Ruler, and the king the vicegerent. The terms of the government, as respected God, were the same as before, and the same duties and principles were inculcated on the Israelites as had been originally, 1 Sam. viii, 7; x, 17–23; xii, 14, 15, 20–22, 24, 25. In consequence of the fact, that Saul did not choose at all times to obey the commands of God, the kingdom was taken from him and given to another, 1 Sam. xiii, 5–14; xv, 1–31. David, through the agency of Samuel, was selected by Jehovah for king, who thus gave a proof that he still retained, and was disposed to exercise, the right of appointing the ruler under him, 1 Samuel xvi, 1–3. David was first made king over Judah; but as he received his appointment from God, and acted under his authority, the other eleven tribes submitted to him, 2 Sam. v, 1–3; 1 Chron. xxviii, 4–6. David expressly acknowledged God as the Sovereign, and, as having a right to appoint the immediate ruler of the people, 1 Chron. xxviii, 7–10; he religiously obeyed his statutes, the people adhered firmly to God, and his reign was prosperous. The paramount authority of God, as the King of the nation, and his right to appoint one who should act in the capacity of his vicegerent, are expressly recognized in the books of Kings and Chronicles.
9. God had ruled the Israelites for sixteen generations as their King. He led them based on the terms He outlined through Moses: if they remained loyal to Him, they would prosper; if they strayed, they would face hardship and suffering, Exod. xix, 4, 5; xxiii, 20–33; Lev. xxvi, 3–46; Deut. xxviii-xxx. The entire book of Judges and the first eight chapters of Samuel illustrate how the outcomes from Joshua’s time to Samuel’s aligned with these terms. However, during Samuel's time, the government transitioned to a monarchy. The choice of king was entrusted to God, who selected one by lot: God remained the ultimate Ruler, and the king served as His representative. The governing principles regarding God remained unchanged, and the same duties were taught to the Israelites as before, 1 Sam. viii, 7; x, 17–23; xii, 14, 15, 20–22, 24, 25. Because Saul did not always follow God's commands, the kingdom was taken from him and given to another, 1 Sam. xiii, 5–14; xv, 1–31. David was chosen by God through Samuel to be king, demonstrating that God still held the right to appoint leaders, 1 Samuel xvi, 1–3. David was initially made king over Judah; since he was appointed by God and acted under His authority, the other eleven tribes also accepted him, 2 Sam. v, 1–3; 1 Chron. xxviii, 4–6. David openly recognized God as the ultimate Sovereign and acknowledged His right to appoint the ruler of the people, 1 Chron. xxviii, 7–10; he faithfully followed God's laws, the people remained devoted to God, and his reign was successful. The supreme authority of God as the King of the nation and His right to appoint a vicegerent are clearly acknowledged in the books of Kings and Chronicles.
10. On the subversion of the Babylonian empire by Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, (B. C. 543,) he authorized the Jews, by an edict, to return into their own country, with full permission to enjoy their laws and religion, and caused the city and temple of Jerusalem to be rebuilt. In the following year, part of the Jews returned under Zerubbabel, and renewed their sacrifices: but the reërection of the city and temple being interrupted for several years by the treachery and hostility of the Samaritans or Cutheans, the avowed enemies of the Jews, the completion and dedication of the temple did not take place until the year B. C. 511, six years after the accession of Cyrus. The rebuilding of Jerusalem was accomplished, and the reformation of their ecclesiastical and civil polity was 423effected, by the two divinely inspired and pious governors, Ezra and Nehemiah; but the theocratic government does not appear to have been restored. The new temple was not, as formerly, God’s palace; and the cloud of his presence did not take possession of it. After their death the Jews were governed by their high priests, in subjection however to the Persian kings, to whom they paid tribute, Ezra iv, 13; vii, 24, but with the full enjoyment of their other magistrates, as well as their liberties, civil and religious. Nearly three centuries of uninterrupted prosperity ensued, until the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, when they were most cruelly oppressed, and compelled to take up arms in their own defence. Under the able conduct of Judas, surnamed Maccabeus, and his valiant brothers, the Jews maintained a religious war for twenty-six years with five successive kings of Syria; and after destroying upward of two hundred thousand of their best troops, the Maccabees finally established the independence of their own country and the aggrandizement of their family. This illustrious house, whose princes united the regal and pontifical dignity in their own persons, administered the affairs of the Jews during a period of one hundred and twenty-six years; until, disputes arising between Hyrcanus II, and his brother Aristobulus, the latter was defeated by the Romans under Pompey, who captured Jerusalem, and reduced Judea to dependence, B. C. 59.
10. After Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, overthrew the Babylonian empire (B.C. 543), he issued an edict allowing the Jews to return to their homeland, granting them full permission to practice their laws and religion, and ordered the rebuilding of the city and temple of Jerusalem. The following year, some Jews returned under Zerubbabel and resumed their sacrifices. However, the reconstruction of the city and temple was delayed for several years due to the treachery and hostility of the Samaritans, who were the declared enemies of the Jews, and the temple wasn’t completed and dedicated until B.C. 511, six years after Cyrus came to power. The rebuilding of Jerusalem and the reform of their religious and civil structure were achieved by the divinely inspired and devout leaders, Ezra and Nehemiah; however, the theocratic government did not seem to be reinstated. The new temple was not, as it had been before, God’s palace, and the divine presence did not fill it. After their deaths, the Jews were governed by their high priests, still under the authority of the Persian kings, to whom they paid tribute (Ezra iv, 13; vii, 24), but they fully enjoyed their other leaders and their civil and religious freedoms. Nearly three hundred years of steady prosperity followed until the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, who severely oppressed them and forced them to take up arms for defense. Under the strong leadership of Judas, nicknamed Maccabeus, and his brave brothers, the Jews waged a religious war for twenty-six years against five successive Syrian kings; and after defeating over two hundred thousand of their best troops, the Maccabees finally secured the independence of their country and elevated their family’s status. This distinguished family, whose leaders held both royal and priestly offices, governed the Jews for one hundred and twenty-six years. However, disputes arose between Hyrcanus II and his brother Aristobulus, leading to Aristobulus’s defeat by the Romans under Pompey, who captured Jerusalem and made Judea dependent in B.C. 59.
GOVERNOR. Judea having been reduced into a province by the Romans, they sent governors thither, who were subject not only to the emperors, but also to the governors of Syria, whereof Judea made a part.
GOVERNOR. Judea was turned into a province by the Romans, who sent governors there. These governors were accountable not only to the emperors but also to the governors of Syria, of which Judea was a part.
GOURD, קיקון, Jonah iv, 6, 7, 9, 10. Michaëlis, in his remarks on this subject, says, “Celsius appears to me to have proved that it is the kiki of the Egyptians.” He refers it to the class of the ricinus, the great catapucus. According to Dioscorides, it is of rapid growth, and bears a berry from which an oil is expressed. In the Arabic version of this passage, which is to be found in Avicenna, it is rendered, “from thence is pressed the oil which they call oil of kiki, which is the oil of Alkeroa.” So Herodotus says: “The inhabitants of the marshy grounds in Egypt make use of an oil, which they term the kiki, expressed from the Sillicyprian plant. In Greece this plant springs spontaneously, without any cultivation; but the Egyptians sow it on the banks of the river and of the canals; it there produces fruit in great abundance, but of a very strong odour. When gathered, they obtain from it, either by friction or pressure, an unctuous liquid, which diffuses an offensive smell, but for burning it is equal in quality to the oil of olives.” This plant rises with a strong herbaceous stalk to the height of ten or twelve feet; and is furnished with very large leaves, not unlike those of the plane tree. Rabbi Kimchi says that the people of the east plant them before their shops for the sake of the shade, and to refresh themselves under them. Niebuhr says, “I saw, for the first time at Basra, the plant ei-keroa, mentioned in Michaëlis’s ‘Questions.’ It has the form of a tree. The trunk appeared to me rather to resemble leaves than wood; nevertheless, it is harder than that which bears the Adam’s fig. Each branch of the keroa has but one large leaf, with six or seven foldings in it. This plant was near to a rivulet, which watered it amply. At the end of October, 1765, it had risen in five months’ time about eight feet, and bore at once flowers and fruit, ripe and unripe. Another tree of this species, which had not had so much water, had not grown more in a whole year. The flowers and leaves of it which I gathered withered in a few minutes; as do all plants of a rapid growth. This tree is called at Aleppo, palma Christi. An oil is made from it called oleum de keroa; oleum cicinum; oleum ficus infernalis. The Christians and Jews of Mosul (Nineveh) say, it was not the keroa whose shadow refreshed Jonah, but a sort of gourd, el-kera, which has very large leaves, very large fruit, and lasts but about four months.” The epithet which the prophet uses in speaking of the plant, “son of the night it was, and, as a son of the night it died,” does not compel us to believe that it grew in a single night, but, either by a strong oriental figure that it was of rapid growth, or akin to night in the shade it spread for his repose. The figure is not uncommon in the east, and one of our own poets has called the rose “child of the summer.” Nor are we bound to take the expression “on the morrow,” as strictly importing the very next day, since the word has reference to much more distant time, Exod. xiii, 14; Deut. vi, 20; Joshua iv, 6. It might be simply taken as afterward. But the author of “Scripture Illustrated” justly remarks, “As the history in Jonah expressly says, the Lord prepared this plant, no doubt we may conceive of it as an extraordinary one of its kind, remarkably rapid in its growth, remarkably hard in its stem, remarkably vigorous in its branches, and remarkable for the extensive spread of its leaves and the deep gloom of their shadow; and, after a certain duration, remarkable for a sudden withering, and a total uselessness to the impatient prophet.”
GOURD, קיקון, Jonah iv, 6, 7, 9, 10. Michaëlis, in his comments on this topic, states, “Celsius seems to have shown that it is the kiki of the Egyptians.” He associates it with the class of ricinus, the large catapucus. According to Dioscorides, it grows quickly and produces a berry from which oil is extracted. In the Arabic version of this passage, found in Avicenna, it is translated as, “from there is extracted the oil they call oil of kiki, which is the oil of Alkeroa.” Herodotus also notes: “The people living in the marshy areas of Egypt use an oil called kiki, made from the Sillicyprian plant. In Greece, this plant grows naturally without cultivation; however, the Egyptians plant it along the riverbanks and canals; it produces abundant fruit but has a very strong odor. When harvested, they obtain from it, either by rubbing or pressing, a greasy liquid that has a foul smell, but when burned, it is just as good as olive oil.” This plant grows with a sturdy herbaceous stalk up to ten or twelve feet tall, and has very large leaves that resemble those of the plane tree. Rabbi Kimchi mentions that people in the East plant them outside their shops for shade and to cool off under them. Niebuhr writes, “For the first time, I saw the plant ei-keroa, mentioned in Michaëlis's ‘Questions,’ in Basra. It resembles a tree. The trunk seemed more leaf-like than woody; however, it is harder than that of the Adam's fig tree. Each branch of the keroa has just one large leaf, with six or seven folds. This plant was near a stream, which provided it with plenty of water. By the end of October 1765, it had grown about eight feet in five months, displaying both ripe and unripe flowers and fruit. Another tree of the same type, which hadn’t received as much water, had grown just as much in a whole year. The flowers and leaves I picked wilted in a few minutes, as do all plants that grow quickly. This tree is called castor bean in Aleppo. An oil is made from it known as oleum de keroa; oleic acid; olea ficus infernalis. The Christians and Jews of Mosul (Nineveh) say it wasn’t the keroa that provided shade for Jonah, but a kind of gourd, el-kera, which has very large leaves and large fruit, and only lasts about four months.” The description the prophet uses when talking about the plant, “son of the night it was, and, as a son of the night it died,” doesn’t necessarily mean it grew in just one night, but could signify, through a common eastern metaphor, that it grew quickly or was similar to night in the shade it provided for his rest. This figure of speech is not unusual in the East, and one of our own poets has referred to the rose as “child of the summer.” Likewise, we aren't required to interpret the term “on the morrow” as meaning the very next day, since it can refer to a much later time, as shown in Exod. xiii, 14; Deut. vi, 20; Joshua iv, 6. It could simply mean afterward. However, the author of “Scripture Illustrated” rightly observes, “Since the account in Jonah specifically says, the Lord prepared this plant, we can undoubtedly think of it as an extraordinary specimen, with notably rapid growth, a notably hard stem, extraordinarily vigorous branches, and remarkable for its broad leaves and the deep shade they cast; and after some time, notable for its quick wilting, rendering it completely useless to the impatient prophet.”
2. We read of the wild gourd in 2 Kings iv, 39; that Elisha, being at Gilgal during a great famine, bade one of his servants prepare something for the entertainment of the prophets who were in that place. The servant, going into the field, found, as our translators render it, some wild gourds, gathered a lapful of them, and, having brought them with him, cut them in pieces and put them into a pot, not knowing what they were. When they were brought to table, the prophets, having tasted them, thought they were mortal poison. Immediately, the man of God called for flour, threw it into the pot, and desired them to eat without any apprehensions. They did so, and perceived nothing of the bitterness whereof they were before sensible. This plant or fruit is called in Hebrew פקיעות and 424פקעים. There have been various opinions about it. Celsius supposes it the colocynth. The leaves of the plant are large, placed alternate; the flowers white, and the fruit of the gourd kind, of the size of a large apple, which, when ripe, is yellow, and of a pleasant and inviting appearance, but, to the taste intolerably bitter, and proves a drastic purgative. It seems that the fruit, whatever it might have been, was early thought proper for an ornament in architecture. It furnished a model for some of the carved work of cedar in Solomon’s temple, 1 Kings vi, 18; vii, 24.
2. We read about the wild gourd in 2 Kings 4:39. When Elisha was at Gilgal during a severe famine, he told one of his servants to prepare a meal for the prophets who were there. The servant went into the field and found what our translators call some wild gourds. He gathered a lapful, brought them back, chopped them up, and added them to a pot without knowing what they were. When they were served, the prophets tasted them and thought they were poisonous. Immediately, the man of God called for flour, tossed it into the pot, and told them to eat without any worries. They did, and they didn't notice any of the bitterness they had previously sensed. This plant or fruit is called in Hebrew פקיעות and פקעים. There are various theories about it. Celsius believes it is the colocynth. The leaves of the plant are large and alternate; the flowers are white, and the fruit is gourd-like, about the size of a large apple, which, when ripe, is yellow and looks appealing, but tastes intolerably bitter and acts as a strong purgative. It seems that the fruit, whatever it was, was once considered suitable for architectural decoration. It inspired some of the carved work in cedar in Solomon's temple, 1 Kings 6:18; 7:24.
GRACE. This word is understood in several senses: for beauty, graceful form, and agreeableness of person, Prov. i, 9; iii, 22. For favour, friendship, kindness, Gen. vi, 8; xviii, 3; Rom. xi, 6; 2 Tim. i, 9. For pardon, mercy, undeserved remission of offences, Eph. ii, 5; Col. i, 6. For certain gifts of God, which he bestows freely, when, where, and on whom, he pleases; such are the gifts of miracles, prophecy, languages, &c, Rom. xv, 15; 1 Cor. xv, 10; Eph. iii, 8, &c. For the Gospel dispensation, in contradistinction to that of the law, Rom. vi, 14; 1 Peter v, 12. For a liberal and charitable disposition, 2 Cor. viii, 7. For eternal life, or final salvation, 1 Peter i, 13. In theological language grace also signifies divine influence upon the soul; and it derives the name from this being the effect of the great grace or favour of God to mankind. Austin defines inward actual grace to be the inspiration of love, which prompts us to practise according to what we know, out of a religious affection and compliance. He says, likewise, that the grace of God is the blessing of God’s sweet influence, whereby we are induced to take pleasure in that which he commands, to desire and to love it; and that if God does not prevent us with this blessing, what he commands, not only is not perfected, but is not so much as begun in us. Without the inward grace of Jesus Christ, man is not able to do the least thing that is good. He stands in need of this grace to begin, continue, and finish all the good he does, or rather, which God does in him and with him, by his grace. This grace is free; it is not due to us: if it were due to us, it would be no more grace; it would be a debt, Rom. xi, 6; it is in its nature an assistance so powerful and efficacious, that it surmounts the obstinacy of the most rebellious human heart, without destroying human liberty. There is no subject on which Christian doctors have written so largely, as on the several particulars relating to the grace of God. The difficulty consists in reconciling human liberty with the operation of divine grace; the concurrence of man with the influence and assistance of the Almighty. And who is able to set up an accurate boundary between these two things? Who can pretend to know how far the privileges of grace extend over the heart of man, and what that man’s liberty exactly is, who is prevented, enlightened, moved, and attracted by grace?
GRACE. This word is understood in various ways: for beauty, elegant form, and pleasantness of character, Prov. i, 9; iii, 22. For favor, friendship, and kindness, Gen. vi, 8; xviii, 3; Rom. xi, 6; 2 Tim. i, 9. For forgiveness, mercy, and undeserved pardon of offenses, Eph. ii, 5; Col. i, 6. For specific gifts from God, which He gives freely, whenever, wherever, and to whom He chooses; these include the gifts of miracles, prophecy, languages, etc., Rom. xv, 15; 1 Cor. xv, 10; Eph. iii, 8, etc. For the Gospel's message, as opposed to that of the law, Rom. vi, 14; 1 Peter v, 12. For a generous and charitable nature, 2 Cor. viii, 7. For eternal life or final salvation, 1 Peter i, 13. In theological terms, grace also means divine influence on the soul; it gets its name from being an outcome of God's immense grace or favor towards humanity. Augustine defines inner actual grace as the inspiration of love, which encourages us to act in accordance with our knowledge, driven by religious affection and willingness. He also says that God's grace is the blessing of His gentle influence, which makes us enjoy what He commands, desire it, and love it; and if God does not intervene with this blessing, what He commands is not just unfulfilled, but not even started in us. Without the inner grace of Jesus Christ, no one can do even the smallest good. We need this grace to begin, continue, and complete all the good we do, or rather, all the good that God does through us and with us, by His grace. This grace is free and not owed to us: if it were owed to us, it wouldn’t be grace; it would be a debt, Rom. xi, 6; it is essentially such a powerful and effective help that it overcomes the stubbornness of the most rebellious human heart, without eliminating human freedom. No topic has been discussed as extensively by Christian theologians as the various aspects of God's grace. The challenge lies in reconciling human freedom with the workings of divine grace; the cooperation of humans with the influence and help of the Almighty. And who can accurately determine a clear line between these two? Who can claim to truly know how far grace extends over the human heart, and what that person's freedom actually is when they are influenced, enlightened, moved, and drawn by grace?
GRAPE, ענב, the fruit of the vine. There were fine vineyards and excellent grapes in the promised land. The bunch of grapes which was cut in the valley of Eshcol, and was brought upon a staff between two men to the camp of Israel at Kadeshbarnea, Num. xiii, 23, may give us some idea, of the largeness of the fruit in that country. It would be easy to produce a great number of witnesses to prove that the grapes in those regions grow to a prodigious size. By Calmet, Scheuchzer, and Harmer, this subject has been exhausted. Doubdan assures us, that in the valley of Eshcol were clusters of grapes to be found of ten or twelve pounds. Moses, in the law, commanded that when the Israelites gathered their grapes, they should not be careful to pick up those that fell, nor be so exact as to leave none upon the vines: what fell, and what were left behind, the poor had liberty to glean, Lev. xix, 10; Deut. xxiv, 21, 22. For the same beneficent purpose the second vintage was reserved: this, in those warm countries, was considerable, though never so good nor so plentiful as the former. The wise son of Sirach says, “I waked up last of all, as one that gleaneth after grape gatherers. By the blessing of the Lord, I profited, and filled my wine-press like a gatherer of grapes,” Ecclus. xxxiii, 16. It is frequent in Scripture to describe a total destruction by the similitude of a vine, stripped in such a manner, that there was not a bunch of grapes left forfor those who came to glean. The prophecy, “He shall wash his clothes in wine, and his garments in the blood of the grape,” Gen. xlix, 11, means that he shall reside in a country where grapes were in abundance. The vineyards of Engedi and of Sorek, so famous in Scripture, were in the tribe of Judah; and so was the valley of Eshcol, whence the spies brought those extraordinary clusters. “It appears,” says Manti, “that the cultivation of the vine was never abandoned in this country. The grapes, which are white, and pretty large, are, however, not much superior in size to those of Europe. This peculiarity seems to be confined to those in this neighbourhood; for at the distance of only six miles to the south, is the rivulet and valley called Escohol, celebrated in Scripture for its fertility, and for producing very large grapes. In other parts of Syria, also, I have seen grapes of such an extraordinary size, that a bunch of them would be a sufficient burden for one man. It is not at all surprising, therefore, that when the spies, sent by Moses to reconnoitre the promised land, returned to give him an account of its fertility, it required two of them to carry a bunch of grapes, which they brought with them suspended from a pole placed upon their shoulders.” Many eye witnesses assure us, that in Palestine the vines, and bunches of grapes, are almost of an incredible size. “At Beidtdjin,” says Schultz, a “village near Ptolemais, we took our supper under a large vine, the stem of which was nearly a foot and a half in diameter, the height about thirty feet, and covered with its branches and shoots (for the shoots must be supported) a hut of more than fifty feet long and broad. The bunches of 425these grapes are so large that they weigh from ten to twelve pounds, and the grapes may be compared to our plumbs. Such a bunch is cut off and laid on a board, round which they seat themselves, and each helps himself to as many as he pleases.” Forster, in his Hebrew Dictionary, (under the word Eshcol,) says, that he knew at Nurnburg, a monk of the name of Acacius, who had resided eight years in Palestine, and had also preached at Hebron, where he had seen bunches of grapes which were as much as two men could conveniently carry.
GRAPE, ענב, the fruit of the vine. There were beautiful vineyards and excellent grapes in the promised land. The cluster of grapes cut in the valley of Eshcol, brought back on a staff by two men to the camp of Israel at Kadeshbarnea, Num. xiii, 23, gives us some idea of the size of the fruit in that area. Many testimonies can prove that grapes in those regions grow to an enormous size. Calmet, Scheuchzer, and Harmer have thoroughly discussed this topic. Doubdan assures us that in the valley of Eshcol, there were clusters of grapes weighing ten or twelve pounds. Moses commanded in the law that when the Israelites harvested their grapes, they shouldn't worry about picking up the ones that fell or be so meticulous as to leave none on the vines; what fell and what was left could be gathered by the poor, Lev. xix, 10; Deut. xxiv, 21, 22. For the same kind purpose, the second vintage was reserved: although significant, it was never as good or plentiful as the first. The wise son of Sirach says, “I woke up last of all, like someone who gathers after the grape harvesters. By the blessing of the Lord, I profited and filled my wine-press like a grape gatherer,” Ecclus. xxxiii, 16. In Scripture, it is common to describe total destruction by comparing it to a vine stripped bare, leaving no bunch of grapes forfor those who came to glean. The prophecy, “He shall wash his clothes in wine, and his garments in the blood of the grape,” Gen. xlix, 11, means he will live in a land where grapes are abundant. The vineyards of Engedi and Sorek, well-known in Scripture, were in the tribe of Judah; and so was the valley of Eshcol, from which the spies brought those exceptional clusters. “It seems,” says Manti, “that the cultivation of the vine was never abandoned in this land. The grapes, which are white and quite large, are not much bigger than those found in Europe. This uniqueness seems limited to this area; for just six miles to the south is the stream and valley called Escohol, noted in Scripture for its fertility, producing very large grapes. In other parts of Syria, I have seen grapes of such extraordinary size that a bunch would be a significant burden for one person. Therefore, it’s not surprising that when the spies sent by Moses to explore the promised land returned to report its fertility, it took two of them to carry a bunch of grapes they brought back, which was suspended from a pole on their shoulders.” Many eyewitnesses confirm that in Palestine, the vines and bunches of grapes are almost unbelievable in size. “At Beidtdjin,” says Schultz, a “village near Ptolemais, we had supper under a large vine, the trunk of which was nearly a foot and a half in diameter, about thirty feet tall, and covering a hut over fifty feet long and wide with its branches and shoots (which need support). The bunches of these grapes are so large that they weigh between ten to twelve pounds and can be compared to our plums. Such a bunch is cut off and placed on a board, where everyone sits around and helps themselves to as many as they like.” Forster, in his Hebrew Dictionary, (under the word Eshcol,) mentions that he knew a monk named Acacius in Nurnburg who had lived eight years in Palestine and preached at Hebron, where he had seen bunches of grapes that were as much as two men could comfortably carry.
The wild grapes, אבשים, are the fruit of the wild or bastard vine; sour and unpalatable, and good for nothing but to make verjuice. In Isaiah v, 2–4, the Lord complains that he had planted his people as a choice vine, excellent as that of Sorek; but that its degeneracy had defeated his purpose, and disappointed his hopes: when he expected that it should bring forth choice fruit, it yielded only such as was bad; not merely useless and unprofitable grapes, but clusters offensive and noxious. By the force and intent of the allegory, says Bishop Lowth, “good grapes” ought to be opposed “to fruit of a dangerous and pernicious quality,” as, in the application of it, to judgment is opposed tyranny, and to righteousness oppression. Hasselquist is inclined to believe that the prophet here means the solanum incanum, “hoary nightshade,” because it is common in Egypt and Palestine, and the Arabian name agrees well with it. The Arabs call it aneb el dib, “wolf’s grapes.” The prophet could not have found a plant more opposite to the vine than this; for it grows much in the vineyards, and is very pernicious to them. It is likewise a vine. Jeremiah uses the same image, and applies it to the same purpose, in an elegant paraphrase of this part of Isaiah’s parable, in his flowing and plaintive manner: “I planted thee a Sorek, a scion perfectly genuine. How then art thou changed, and become to me the degenerate shoot of a strange vine!” Jer. ii, 21. From some sort of poisonous fruits of the grape kind, Moses, Deut. xxxii, 32, 33, has taken those strong and highly poetical images with which he has set forth the future corruption and extreme degeneracy of the Israelites, in an allegory which has a near relation, both in its subject and imagery, to this of Isaiah:--
The wild grapes, אבשים, are the fruit of the wild or bastard vine; they're sour and taste terrible, only good for making verjuice. In Isaiah 5:2-4, the Lord complains that He had planted His people as a choice vine, as excellent as that of Sorek; but their decline had thwarted His plans and let Him down: when He hoped they would produce good fruit, they only produced bad ones; not just useless and unprofitable grapes, but clusters that were offensive and harmful. According to Bishop Lowth’s interpretation of the allegory, “good grapes” should be contrasted with “fruit of a dangerous and harmful quality,” just as judgment is opposed to tyranny, and righteousness to oppression. Hasselquist thinks that the prophet is likely referring to the Solanum incanum, “hoary nightshade,” since it's common in Egypt and Palestine, and the Arabian name fits well. The Arabs call it aneb el dib, “wolf’s grapes.” The prophet couldn't have chosen a plant more opposite to the vine, as it grows abundantly in vineyards and is very harmful to them. It’s also a type of vine. Jeremiah uses the same metaphor and applies it similarly in his elegant and sorrowful style: “I planted you as a Sorek, a perfectly genuine scion. How then have you changed and become for me the degenerate shoot of a strange vine!” (Jeremiah 2:21). From some kind of poisonous grape-like fruits, Moses, in Deuteronomy 32:32-33, has drawn those powerful and poetic images with which he describes the future corruption and extreme decline of the Israelites, in an allegory closely related in both subject and imagery to Isaiah’s:--
GRASS, דשא, Gen. i, 11, the well known vegetable upon which flocks and herds feed, and which decks our fields, and refreshes our sight with its grateful verdure. Its feeble frame and transitory duration are mentioned in Scripture as emblematic of the frail condition and fleeting existence of man. The inspired poets draw this picture with such inimitable beauty as the laboured elegies on mortality of ancient and modern times have never surpassed. See Psalm xc, 6, and particularly Isaiah xl, 6–8: “The voice said, Cry! And he said, What shall I cry? All flesh is grass, and all the goodliness thereof is as the flower of the field. The grass withereth, the flower fadeth, because the Spirit of the Lord bloweth upon it. Verily this people is grass. The grass withereth, the flower fadeth; but the word of our God shall stand for ever.” As, in their decay, the herbs of the fields strikingly illustrate the shortness of human life, so, in the order of their growth, from seeds dead and buried, they give a natural testimony to the doctrine of a resurrection. The Prophet Isaiah, and the Apostle Peter, both speak of bodies rising from the dead, as of so many seeds springing from the ground to renovated existence and beauty, although they do not, as some have absurdly supposed, consider the resurrection as in any sense analogous to the process of vegetation, Isaiah xxvi, 19; 1 Peter i, 24, 25.
GRASS, Grass, Gen. i, 11, is the familiar plant that feeds livestock, enhances our fields, and pleases our eyes with its refreshing green. The delicate structure and short life of grass are mentioned in Scripture as symbols of humanity's fragile state and fleeting existence. Inspired poets beautifully illustrate this concept in ways that surpass the painstaking elegies on mortality from both ancient and modern times. See Psalm xc, 6, and especially Isaiah xl, 6–8: “The voice said, Cry! And he said, What shall I cry? All flesh is grass, and all its beauty is like the flower of the field. The grass withers, the flower fades, because the Spirit of the Lord blows upon it. Truly, this people is grass. The grass withers, the flower fades; but the word of our God will stand forever.” Just as the decay of field herbs vividly highlights the brevity of human life, their growth from dead and buried seeds naturally testifies to the doctrine of resurrection. Both the Prophet Isaiah and the Apostle Peter refer to bodies rising from the dead as seeds sprouting from the ground into renewed life and beauty, although they don’t, as some have foolishly assumed, consider the resurrection to be analogous to the process of plant growth, Isaiah xxvi, 19; 1 Peter i, 24, 25.
It is a just remark of Grotius, that the Hebrews ranked the whole vegetable system under two classes, עץ, and עשב. The first is rendered ξύλον, or δένδρον, tree: to express the second, the LXX have adopted χόρτος, as their common way to translate one Hebrew word by one Greek word, though not quite proper, rather than by a circumlocution. It is accordingly used in their version of Genesis i, 11, where the distinction first occurs, and in most other places. Nor is it with greater propriety rendered grass in English than χόρτος in Greek. The same division occurs in Matt. vi, 30, and Rev. viii, 7, where our translators have in like manner had recourse to the term grass. Dr. Campbell prefers and uses the word herbage, as coming nearer the meaning of the sacred writer. Under the name herb is comprehended every sort of plant which has not, like trees and shrubs, a perennial stalk. That many, if not all, sorts of shrubs were included by the Hebrews under the denomination, tree, is evident from Jotham’s apologue of the trees choosing a king, Judges ix, 7, where the bramble is mentioned as one. See Hay.
Grotius makes a valid point that the Hebrews categorized the entire plant world into two classes, Tree and Grass. The first is translated as ξύλον or δένδρον, which means tree: for the second, the LXX used χόρτος as their standard way of translating one Hebrew word with one Greek word, even though it's not entirely accurate, opting for this method instead of a longer explanation. This term appears in their version of Genesis i, 11, where the distinction first appears, and in most other instances. It’s not any more accurately translated as grass in English than χόρτος is in Greek. This same classification appears in Matt. vi, 30, and Rev. viii, 7, where our translators similarly chose the term grass. Dr. Campbell prefers and uses the word herbage, as it comes closer to the meaning intended by the biblical author. The term herb includes any type of plant that doesn’t have a permanent stem like trees and shrubs do. It's clear that many, if not all, types of shrubs were categorized by the Hebrews under the term tree, as seen in Jotham’s fable about the trees choosing a king in Judges ix, 7, where the bramble is mentioned as one of them. See Hey.
GRASSHOPPER, חגב, Lev. xi, 22; Num. xiii, 33; 2 Chron. vii, 13; Eccles. xii, 5; Isaiah xl, 22; 2 Esdras iv, 24; Wisdom xvi, 9; Eccles. xliii, 17. Bochart supposes that this species of the locust has its name from the Arabic verb hajaba, “to veil,” because, when they fly, as they often do, in great swarms, they eclipse even the light of the sun. “But I presume,” says Parkhurst, “this circumstance is not peculiar to any particular kind of locust: I should rather, therefore, think it denotes the cucullated species, so denominated by naturalists from the cucullus, “cowl” or “hood,” with which they are furnished, and which distinguishes them from the other kinds. In Scheuchzer may be seen several of this sort; and it will appear that this species nearly resemble our grasshopper.” Our translators render the Hebrew word locust in the prayer of Solomon at the dedication of the temple, 2 Chron. vii, 13, and with propriety. But it is rendered grasshopper, in Eccles. xii, 5, where Solomon, describing the infelicities of old age, says, “The grasshopper shall be a burden.” “To this insect,” says Dr. Smith, “the preacher compares 426a dry, shrunk, shrivelled, crumpling, craggy old man; his backbone sticking out, his knees projecting forward, his arms backward, his head downward, and the apophyses or bunching parts of the bones in general enlarged. And from this exact likeness, without all doubt, arose the fable of Tithonus, who, living to extreme old age, was at last turned into a grasshopper.” Dr. Hodgson, referring it to the custom of eating locusts, supposes it to imply that luxurious gratification will become insipid; and Bishop Reynolds, that the lightest pressure of so small a creature shall be uncomfortable to the aged, as not being able to bear any weight. Other commentators suppose the reference to the chirping noise of the grasshopper, which must be disagreeable to the aged and infirm, who naturally love quiet, and are commonly unable to bear much noise. It is probable that here, also, a kind of locust is meant; and these creatures are proverbially loquacious. They make a loud, screaking, and disagreeable noise with their wings. If one begins, others join, and the hateful concert becomes universal. A pause then ensues, and, as it were, on a signal given, it again commences; and in this manner they continue squalling for two or three hours without intermission. The Prophet Isaiah contrasts the grandeur and power of God, and every thing reputed great in this world, by a very expressive reference to this insect: Jehovah sitteth on the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants are to him as grasshoppers, Isaiah xl, 22. What atoms and inanities are they all before him, who sitteth on the circle of the immense heavens, and views the potentates of the earth in the light of grasshoppers, those poor insects that wander over the barren heath for sustenance, spend the day in insignificant chirpings, and take up their contemptible lodging at night on a blade of grass! See Locust.
GRASSHOPPER, grasshopper, Lev. xi, 22; Num. xiii, 33; 2 Chron. vii, 13; Eccles. xii, 5; Isaiah xl, 22; 2 Esdras iv, 24; Wisdom xvi, 9; Eccles. xliii, 17. Bochart suggests that this type of locust gets its name from the Arabic verb hajaba, meaning “to veil,” because when they fly in large swarms, they block out even the sunlight. “However,” says Parkhurst, “I believe this feature isn’t unique to a specific type of locust. I think it rather refers to the cucullated species, so named by naturalists because of the cucullus, meaning “cowl” or “hood,” that they have, which sets them apart from other types. Several of this kind can be seen in Scheuchzer, and it will show that this species closely resembles our grasshopper.” Our translators interpret the Hebrew word locust in Solomon’s prayer at the temple dedication, 2 Chron. vii, 13, and rightly so. But it is translated as grasshopper in Eccles. xii, 5, where Solomon, in describing the misfortunes of old age, says, “The grasshopper will be a burden.” “This insect,” Dr. Smith explains, “is compared to a dry, shrunken, shriveled, craggy old man; with a protruding spine, knees sticking out forward, arms slouched back, head down, and the bumpy parts of the bones enlarged. This exact likeness most likely inspired the myth of Tithonus, who, living to an extreme old age, was finally turned into a grasshopper.” Dr. Hodgson, linking it to the custom of eating locusts, suggests it implies that indulgence will become unappealing; and Bishop Reynolds believes that even the lightest weight of such a tiny creature will be uncomfortable for the elderly, who can’t handle any pressure. Other commentators think it refers to the chirping noise of the grasshopper, which must be irritating to the old and frail, who naturally prefer quiet and often can’t tolerate much noise. It’s likely that a type of locust is indicated here as well, since these creatures are notoriously chatty. They create a loud, screeching, and unpleasant noise with their wings. If one starts, others join in, and the annoying symphony becomes widespread. Then a pause follows, and as if on cue, it starts up again; this continues for two or three hours non-stop. The Prophet Isaiah contrasts the greatness and power of God, and everything deemed significant in this world, using a very vivid reference to this insect: Jehovah sits on the circle of the earth, and its inhabitants are like grasshoppers to him, Isaiah xl, 22. How trivial and insignificant they all are before Him, who sits on the vast heavens and sees the rulers of the earth as merely grasshoppers—those humble insects that roam over the barren fields for food, spend their days in insignificant chirping, and take up their meager resting spots at night on a blade of grass! See Locusts.
GRECIA, or GREECE, both names occurring in the English Scriptures. The boundaries of the country which received this name differed under the different governments which ruled over it. Thus the Greece of the Old Testament is not exactly the same as that of the New: the former including Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Hellas or Greece Proper, and the Peloponnesus or Morea; while the latter excludes Macedonia, Thessaly, and Epirus. But the Romans, in the time of the Apostles, had, in fact, made two divisions of these countries. The first, which was that of Macedonia, included also Thessaly and Epirus; and the other, that of Achaia, all the rest of Greece, which is, properly speaking, the Greece of the New Testament. But the term Greek admits of a larger interpretation, and applies not only to the inhabitants of Greece Proper, but to those of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, over nearly the whole of the former of which countries, and great part of the two latter, Grecian colonies and the Grecian language had extended themselves. In fact, in the two books of the Maccabees, and in those of the New Testament, the word Greek commonly implies a Gentile.
GREECE, or GRECIA, both names found in the English Scriptures. The borders of the country that received this name varied under different governments that ruled it. So, the Greece in the Old Testament isn't exactly the same as that in the New Testament: the former includes Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Hellas or Greece Proper, and the Peloponnesus or Morea, while the latter leaves out Macedonia, Thessaly, and Epirus. However, during the time of the Apostles, the Romans had actually split these regions into two divisions. The first, called Macedonia, also included Thessaly and Epirus; the second, Achaia, encompassed the rest of Greece, which is the Greece referred to in the New Testament. But the term Greek can mean more than just the people of Greece Proper; it also refers to those in Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, where Greek colonies and language spread throughout much of these regions. In fact, in the two books of the Maccabees and in the New Testament, the word Greek often refers to a Gentile.
2. The Scripture has but little reference to Greece till the time of Alexander, whose conquests extended into Asia, where Greece had hitherto been of no importance. Yet that some intercourse was maintained with these countries from Jerusalem, may be inferred from the desire of Baasha to shut up all passage between Jerusalem and Joppa, which was its port, by the building of Ramah; and the anxiety of Asa to counteract his scheme, 1 Kings xv, 2, 17. Greece was certainly intended by the Prophet Daniel under the symbol of the single-horned goat; and it is probable that when he calls Greece Chittim, he spoke the language of the Hebrew nation, rather than that of the Persian court. After the establishment of the Grecian dynasties in Asia, Judea could not but be considerably affected by them; and the books of the Maccabees afford proofs of this. The Roman power, superseding the Grecian establishments, yet left traces of Greek language, customs, &c, to the days of the Herods, when the Gospel history commences. By the activity of the Apostles, and especially by that of St. Paul, the Gospel was propagated in those countries which used the Grecian dialects: hence, we are interested in the study of this language. Moreover as Greece, like all other countries, had its peculiar manners, we are not able to estimate properly an epistle written to those who dwell where they prevailed, without a competent acquaintance with the manners themselves, with the sentiments and reasonings of those who practised them, and with the arguments employed in their defence by those who adhered to them.
2. The Scriptures barely mention Greece until the time of Alexander, whose conquests reached into Asia, where Greece had previously been insignificant. However, we can infer that some interaction existed between these regions and Jerusalem from Baasha's desire to block all passage between Jerusalem and Joppa, its port, by building Ramah; and Asa's worry about thwarting his plan, 1 Kings xv, 2, 17. The Prophet Daniel definitely referred to Greece as the symbol of the single-horned goat, and it's likely that when he referred to Greece as Chittim, he was using the language of the Hebrew people rather than that of the Persian court. After the establishment of the Grecian dynasties in Asia, Judea was inevitably impacted by them; the books of the Maccabees provide evidence of this. Although the Roman power replaced the Grecian institutions, it still left traces of the Greek language, customs, etc., up to the time of the Herods, when the Gospel narrative begins. Through the efforts of the Apostles, particularly St. Paul, the Gospel spread to regions where Greek dialects were spoken; therefore, we have a vested interest in learning this language. Moreover, since Greece, like every other country, had its unique customs, we can't fully understand a letter written to those living under those customs without a solid understanding of their manners, the beliefs and thought processes of those who practiced them, and the arguments put forth by those who defended them.
GREEK LANGUAGE. It was because of the wide diffusion of this language that the New Testament was written in Greek. Its diction is not, however, that of the classical Greek, but it was chosen, no doubt, with a view to greater usefulness. In the age which succeeded Alexander the Great, the Greek language underwent an internal change of a double nature. In part, a prosaic language of books was formed, ἡ κοινὴ διαλεκτὸς, which was built on the Attic dialect, but was intermixed with not a few provincialisms; but a language of popular intercourse was also formed, in which the various dialects of the different Grecian tribes, heretofore separate, were more or less mingled together, while the Macedonian dialect was peculiarly prominent. The latter language constitutes the basis of the diction employed by the LXX, the writers of the Apocrypha, and of the New Testament. The style of the New Testament has a considerable affinity with that of the Septuagint version which was executed at Alexandria, although it approaches somewhat nearer to the idiom of the Greek language; but the peculiarities of the Hebrew phraseology are discernible throughout: the language of the New Testament being formed by a mixture of oriental idioms and expressions with those which are properly Greek. Hence it has, by some philologers, been termed Hebraic Greek, and (from the Jews having acquired the Greek 427language, rather by practice than by grammar, among the Greeks, in whose countries they resided in large communities) Hellenistic Greek. The propriety of this appellation was severely contested toward the close of the seventeenth, and in the early part of the eighteenth, century; and numerous publications were written on both sides of the question, with considerable asperity, which, together with the controversy, are now almost forgotten. The dispute, however interesting to the philological antiquarian, is after all a mere “strife of words;” and as the appellation of Hellenistic or Hebraic Greek is sufficiently correct for the purpose of characterizing the language of the New Testament, it is now generally adopted. A large proportion, however, of the phrases and constructions of the New Testament is pure Greek; that is to say, of the same degree of purity as the Greek which was spoken in Macedonia, and that in which Polybius wrote his Roman history. It should farther be noticed, that there occur in the New Testament, words that express both doctrines and practices which were utterly unknown to the Greeks; and also words bearing widely different interpretations from those which are ordinarily found in Greek writers. It contains examples of all the dialects occurring in the Greek language, as the Æolic, Bœtic, Doric, Ionic, and especially of the Attic; which, being most generally in use on account of its elegance, pervades every book of the New Testament.
GREEK LANGUAGE. The wide spread of this language is why the New Testament was written in Greek. However, its wording is not typical of classical Greek; it was chosen, no doubt, for greater utility. In the period following Alexander the Great, the Greek language underwent significant changes. Partly, a straightforward literary language emerged, known as ἡ κοινὴ διαλεκτὸς, which was based on the Attic dialect but mixed with various regionalisms. Additionally, a language for everyday conversation developed, blending the different dialects of the various Greek tribes, which had previously been distinct, with the Macedonian dialect being especially prominent. This dialect forms the basis of the language used by the LXX, the writers of the Apocrypha, and the New Testament. The style of the New Testament has a notable similarity to that of the Septuagint version created in Alexandria, although it is somewhat closer to the idioms of the Greek language; yet, traces of Hebrew phrasing are evident throughout: the language of the New Testament comprises a mix of Eastern idioms and expressions alongside those that are distinctly Greek. As a result, some linguists have labeled it Hebraic Greek, and since the Jews learned the Greek language more through practice than formal study, particularly in Greek territories where they lived in large numbers, it has also been called Hellenistic Greek. The appropriateness of this label faced intense debate toward the end of the seventeenth century and the early eighteenth century, with many publications on both sides of the issue, often with considerable intensity, most of which are now nearly forgotten. However fascinating this dispute is for linguistic historians, it ultimately presents a mere "strife of words;" and since the terms Hellenistic or Hebraic Greek adequately define the language of the New Testament, they are now widely accepted. Nonetheless, a significant portion of the phrases and structures in the New Testament is pure Greek, meaning it has the same level of purity as the Greek spoken in Macedonia and the Greek in which Polybius wrote his history of Rome. Additionally, it’s important to note that some words in the New Testament express doctrines and practices completely unknown to the Greeks, along with words that have very different meanings from those typically found in other Greek literature. The text includes examples of all the dialects found in the Greek language, such as Æolic, Bœtic, Doric, Ionic, and especially Attic, which is most commonly used for its elegance and can be found in every book of the New Testament.
2. A variety of solutions has been given to the question, why the New Testament was written in Greek. The true reason is, that it was the language most generally understood both by writers and readers; being spoken and written, read and understood, throughout the Roman empire, and particularly in the eastern provinces. To the universality of the Greek language, Cicero, Seneca, and Juvenal bear ample testimony: and the circumstances of the Jews having long had political, civil, and commercial relations with the Greeks, and being dispersed through various parts of the Roman empire, as well as their having cultivated the philosophy of the Greeks, of which we have evidence in the New Testament, all sufficiently account for their being acquainted with the Greek language. And if the eminent Jewish writers, Philo and Josephus, had motives for preferring to write in Greek, there is no reason, at least there is no general presumption, why the first publishers of the Gospel might not use the Greek language. It is indeed probable, that many of the common people were acquainted with it; though it is also certain the Christian churches being in many countries composed chiefly of that class of persons, some did not understand Greek. But in every church, says Macknight, there were persons endowed with the gift of tongues, and of the interpretation of tongues, who could readily turn the Apostles’ Greek epistles into the language of the church to which they were sent. In particular, the president or the spiritual man, who read the Apostle’s Greek letter to the Hebrews in their public assemblies, could without any hesitation render it into the Hebrew language, for the edification of those who did not understand Greek. And with respect to the Jews in the provinces, Greek being the native language of most of them, this epistle was much better calculated for their use, written in the Greek language, than if it had been written in the Hebrew, which few of them understood. Farther, it was proper that all the apostolical epistles should be written in the Greek language, because the different doctrines of the Gospel being delivered and explained in them, the explanation of these doctrines could with more advantage be compared so as to be better understood, being expressed in one language, than if, in the different epistles, they had been expressed in the language of the churches and persons to whom they were sent. Now what should that one language be, in which it was proper to write the Christian revelation, but the Greek, which was then generally understood, and in which there were many books extant; that treated of all kinds of literature, and on that account were likely to be preserved, and by the reading of which Christians, in after ages, would be enabled to understand the Greek of the New Testament? This advantage none of the provincial dialects used in the Apostles’ days could pretend to. Being limited to particular countries, they were soon to be disused; and few (if any) books being written in them which merited to be preserved, the meaning of such of the Apostles’ letters as were composed in the provincial languages could not easily have been ascertained.
2. Various explanations have been offered for why the New Testament was written in Greek. The main reason is that it was the language most commonly understood by both writers and readers; it was spoken, written, read, and understood throughout the Roman Empire, especially in the eastern provinces. The widespread use of Greek is well-supported by Cicero, Seneca, and Juvenal. The Jews had long-standing political, civil, and commercial ties with the Greeks, and they were dispersed across different parts of the Roman Empire. They also engaged with Greek philosophy, as evidenced in the New Testament, which explains their familiarity with the Greek language. If prominent Jewish writers like Philo and Josephus chose to write in Greek, there’s no general reason to assume that the initial publishers of the Gospel couldn’t do the same. It’s likely that many common people spoke Greek, although it’s also true that Christian churches in many regions were largely made up of individuals who didn’t understand it. However, Macknight notes that in every church, there were people with the gift of languages and interpretation who could quickly translate the Apostles' Greek letters into the language of their congregation. Specifically, the leader or spiritual person who read the Apostle’s Greek letter to the Hebrews in their public gatherings could easily translate it into Hebrew for the benefit of those who didn’t understand Greek. For the Jews in the provinces, Greek was the native language for most, making this letter more useful in Greek than if it had been written in Hebrew, which few understood. Furthermore, it was fitting for all apostolic letters to be written in Greek because the various doctrines of the Gospel explained within them could be more effectively compared and understood in one language rather than being scattered across different letters in the languages of the recipients. The appropriate language for communicating the Christian revelation was Greek, as it was widely understood and had many existing texts across various subjects, likely to be preserved. Reading these texts would help future Christians comprehend the Greek of the New Testament. None of the local dialects used in the Apostles’ time had this advantage. Being confined to specific regions, they quickly fell out of use, and few, if any, significant works were written in them that warranted preservation, making it challenging to grasp the meaning of any Apostolic letters composed in those provincial languages.
GREEK CHURCH. As the Gospel spread in the first ages both east and west, the first Christian churches were so denominated. From the languages respectively used in their devotions, they were also called the Greek and Latin or Roman churches. For the first seven centuries these churches preserved a friendly communion with each other, notwithstanding they disagreed as to the time of keeping Easter, and some other points. But about the middle of the eighth century, disputes arose, which terminated in a schism, that continues to this day. It arose out of a controversy respecting the use of images in the churches. It happened that at this time both churches were under prelates equally dogmatical and ambitious. The patriarch of Constantinople insisted on putting down the use of all images and pictures, not only in his own church, but at Rome also, which the pope resented with equal violence and asperity. They mutually excommunicated each other; and the pope of Rome excommunicated not only the patriarch of Constantinople, but the emperor also. The controversy respecting images engendered another, no less bitter, respecting the procession of the Holy Ghost both from the Father and the Son, which the Greeks flatly denied, and charged the Romans with interpolating the word filioque into the ancient creeds. These controversies occupied the eighth and ninth centuries, after which 428some intervals of partial peace occurred; but in the eleventh century, the flame broke out afresh, and a total separation took place. At that time, the Patriarch Michael Cerularius, who was desirous to free himself from the papal authority, published an invective against the Latin church, and accused its members of maintaining various errors. Pope Leo retorted the charge, and sent legates from Rome to Constantinople. The Greek patriarch refused to see them; upon which they excommunicated him and his adherents, publicly, in the church of St. Sophia, A. D. 1054. The Greek patriarch excommunicated those legates, with all their adherents and followers, in a public council; and procured an order of the emperor for burning the act of excommunication which they had pronounced against the Greeks. Thus the separation was completed, and at this day a very considerable part of the world profess the religion of the Greek or eastern church. The Nicene and Athanasian creeds, with the exception of the words above-mentioned, are the symbols of their faith.
GREEK CHURCH. As the Gospel spread in the early ages both east and west, the first Christian churches were referred to as such. Based on the languages used in their services, they were called the Greek and Latin or Roman churches. For the first seven centuries, these churches maintained a friendly relationship, despite differing on the timing of Easter and other issues. However, around the middle of the eighth century, disputes arose, leading to a schism that continues today. This occurred over a disagreement regarding the use of images in churches. At that time, both churches were led by equally dogmatic and ambitious leaders. The patriarch of Constantinople insisted on abolishing the use of all images and pictures, not only in his own church but also in Rome, which the pope strongly opposed. They mutually excommunicated each other; the pope excommunicated not only the patriarch of Constantinople but also the emperor. The dispute over images spurred another heated argument regarding the procession of the Holy Ghost from both the Father and the Son, which the Greeks completely denied, accusing the Romans of adding the word and the Son to the ancient creeds. These controversies consumed the eighth and ninth centuries, after which there were some periods of partial peace; but in the eleventh century, hostilities reignited, leading to a total separation. At that time, Patriarch Michael Cerularius, eager to free himself from papal authority, issued a harsh critique of the Latin church, accusing its members of holding various errors. Pope Leo countered these accusations and sent representatives from Rome to Constantinople. The Greek patriarch refused to meet with them, prompting them to publicly excommunicate him and his followers in the church of St. Sophia in A.D. 1054. The Greek patriarch responded by excommunicating those representatives along with their supporters in a public council and secured an order from the emperor to burn the document of excommunication issued against the Greeks. Thus, the separation was finalized, and today, a significant portion of the world adheres to the beliefs of the Greek or Eastern church. The Nicene and Athanasian creeds, except for the aforementioned words, are the symbols of their faith.
2. The principal points which distinguish the Greek church from the Latin, are as follows: they maintain that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father only, and not from the Father and Son. They disown the authority of the pope, and deny that the church of Rome is the only true catholic church. They do not affect the character of infallibility, and utterly disallow works of supererogation, and indulgences. They admit of prayers and services for the dead, as an ancient and pious custom; but they will not admit the doctrine of purgatory, nor determine any thing dogmatically concerning the state of departed souls. In baptism they practise triune immersion, or dip three times; but some, as the Georgians, defer the baptism of their children till they are three, four, or more years of age. The chrism, or baptismal unction, immediately follows baptism. This chrism, solemnly consecrated on Maunday Thursday, is called the unction with ointment, and is a mystery peculiar to the Greek communion, holding the place of confirmation in that of the Roman: it is styled, “the seal of the gift of the Holy Ghost.” They administer the Lord’s Supper in both kinds, dipping the bread in the cup of wine, in which a small portion of warm water is also inserted. They give it both to the clergy and laity, and to children after baptism. They exclude confirmation and extreme unction out of the number of sacraments; but they use the holy oil, which is not confined to persons in the close of life, like extreme unction, but is administered, if required, to all sick persons. Three priests, at least, are required to administer this sacrament, each priest, in his turn, anointing the sick person, and praying for his recovery. They deny auricular confession to be a divine command; but practise confession attended with absolution, and sometimes penance. Though they believe in transubstantiation, or rather consubstantiation, they do not worship the elements. They pay a secondary kind of adoration to the virgin and other saints. They do not admit of images or figures in bas-relief, or embossed work; but use paintings and silver shrines. They admit matrimony to be a sacrament, and celebrate it with great formality. Their secular clergy, under the rank of bishops, are allowed to marry once, and laymen twice; but fourth marriages they hold in abomination. They observe a great number of holy days, and keep four fasts in the year more solemn than the rest, of which Good Friday is the chief.
2. The main points that set the Greek church apart from the Latin church are as follows: they believe that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father alone, not from both the Father and the Son. They reject the authority of the pope and do not accept that the church of Rome is the only true Catholic church. They do not claim infallibility and completely reject the concepts of supererogatory works and indulgences. They acknowledge prayers and services for the dead as an ancient and respectful tradition; however, they do not accept the doctrine of purgatory nor do they make any definitive statements about the state of departed souls. In baptism, they practice triune immersion, meaning they dip three times; however, some, like the Georgians, postpone the baptism of their children until they are three, four, or more years old. The chrism, or baptismal anointing, immediately follows baptism. This chrism, solemnly consecrated on Maundy Thursday, is known as the unction with ointment, and is a mystery unique to the Greek communion, taking the place of confirmation in the Roman church; it is referred to as “the seal of the gift of the Holy Spirit.” They administer the Lord’s Supper in both forms, dipping the bread into a cup of wine, which also contains a small amount of warm water. They offer it to both clergy and laity, including children after baptism. They do not include confirmation and extreme unction as sacraments; however, they use holy oil, which is not limited to those at the end of life, like extreme unction, but is given to any sick person if needed. At least three priests are required to administer this sacrament, with each priest taking turns anointing the sick person and praying for their recovery. They do not consider auricular confession to be a divine mandate; instead, they practice confession along with absolution, and sometimes penance. While they believe in transubstantiation, or more accurately consubstantiation, they do not worship the elements. They show a secondary form of veneration to the Virgin Mary and other saints. They do not allow images or figures in bas-relief or embossed works; rather, they use paintings and silver shrines. They recognize matrimony as a sacrament and celebrate it with great formality. Their secular clergy, who are below the rank of bishops, are allowed to marry once, while laymen can marry twice; they view fourth marriages as unacceptable. They observe many holy days and keep four fasts each year that are more solemn than the others, with Good Friday being the most important.
3. The service of the Greek church is too long and complicated to be particularly described in this work; the greater part consists in psalms and hymns. Five orders of priesthood belong to the Greek church; namely, bishops, priests, deacons, sub-deacons, and readers; which last includes singers, &c. The episcopal order is distinguished by the titles of metropolitan, archbishops, and bishops. The head of the Greek church, the patriarch of Constantinople, is elected by twelve bishops, who reside nearest that famous capital. This prelate calls councils by his own authority to govern the church. The other patriarchs are those of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria, all nominated by the patriarch of Constantinople, who enjoys a most extensive jurisdiction. For the administration of ecclesiastical affairs, a synod, convened monthly, is composed of the heads of the church resident in Constantinople. In this assembly, the patriarch of Constantinople presides, with those of Antioch and Jerusalem, and twelve archbishops. In regard to discipline and worship, the Greek church has the same division of the clergy into regular and secular, the same spiritual jurisdiction of bishops and their officials, the same distinction of ranks and offices, with the church of Rome.
3. The service of the Greek church is too long and complicated to describe in detail in this work; most of it consists of psalms and hymns. The Greek church has five orders of priesthood: bishops, priests, deacons, sub-deacons, and readers, which includes singers, etc. The episcopal order is identified by the titles of metropolitan, archbishops, and bishops. The head of the Greek church, the patriarch of Constantinople, is elected by twelve bishops who live closest to that famous capital. This prelate has the authority to call councils to govern the church. The other patriarchs are those of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria, all nominated by the patriarch of Constantinople, who has a very broad jurisdiction. For managing church affairs, a synod, which meets monthly, is made up of the heads of the church residing in Constantinople. In this assembly, the patriarch of Constantinople presides, along with those of Antioch and Jerusalem, and twelve archbishops. Regarding discipline and worship, the Greek church has the same division of the clergy into regular and secular, the same spiritual authority of bishops and their officials, and the same distinction of ranks and offices as the church of Rome.
4. The Greek church comprehends a considerable part of Greece, the Grecian isles, Wallachia, Moldavia, Egypt, Abyssinia, Nubia, Lybia, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Cilicia, and Palestine; Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem; the whole of the Russian empire in Europe; great part of Siberia in Asia, Astrachan, Casan, and Georgia.
4. The Greek church includes a significant portion of Greece, the Greek islands, Wallachia, Moldavia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Nubia, Libya, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Cilicia, and Palestine; Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem; the entire Russian empire in Europe; most of Siberia in Asia, Astrachan, Kazan, and Georgia.
GRIND. See Mill.
Grind. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
GROVE. It is proper to observe, that in order the more effectually to guard the Israelites from idolatry, the blessed God, in instituting the rites of his own worship, went directly counter to the practice of the idolatrous nations. Thus, because they worshipped in groves, he expressly forbade “the planting a grove of trees near his altar,” Deut. xvi, 21. Nor would he suffer his people to offer their sacrifices on the tops of hills and mountains, as the Heathens did, but ordered that they should be brought to one altar in the place which he appointed, Deut. xii, 13, 14. And as for the groves, which the Canaanites had planted, and the idols and altars which they had erected on the tops of high mountains and hills for the worship of their gods, the Israelites are commanded utterly to destroy them, Deut. xii, 2, 3. The groves and high places do not seem to have been different, but 429the same places, or groves planted on the tops of hills, probably round an open area, in which the idolatrous worship was performed, as may be inferred from the following words of the Prophet Hosea: “They sacrifice upon the tops of mountains, and burn incense upon the hills, under oaks, and poplars, and elms,” Hosea iv, 13. The use of groves for religious worship is generally supposed to have been as ancient as the patriarchal ages; for we are informed, that “Abraham planted a grove in Beersheba, and called there on the name of the Lord,” Gen. xxi, 33. However, it is not expressly said, nor can it by this passage be proved, that he planted the grove for any religious purpose; it might only be designed to shade his tent. And this circumstance perhaps is recorded to intimate his rural way of living, as well as his religious character; that he dwelt in a tent, under the shade of a grove, or tree, as the word אשל, eshel, may more properly be translated; and in this humble habitation led a very pious and devout life. The reason and origin of planting sacred groves is variously conjectured; some imagining it was only hereby intended to render the service more agreeable to the worshippers, by the pleasantness of the shade; whereas others suppose it was to invite the presence of the gods. The one or the other of these reasons seems to be intimated in the fore-cited passage of Hosea: “They burn incense under oaks, and poplars, and elms, because the shade thereof is good,” Hosea iv, 13. Others conceive their worship was performed in the midst of groves, because the gloom of such a place is apt to strike a religious awe upon the mind; or else, because such dark concealments suited the lewd mysteries of their idolatrous worship. Another conjecture, which seems as probable as any, is, that this practice began with the worship of demons, or departed souls. It was an ancient custom to bury the dead under trees, or in woods. “Deborah was buried under an oak, near Bethel,” Genesis xxxv, 8; and the bones of Saul and Jonathan under a tree at Jabesh, 1 Samuel xxxi, 13. Now an imagination prevailing among the Heathen, that the souls of the deceased hover about their graves, or at least delight to visit their dead bodies, the idolaters, who paid divine honours to the souls of their departed heroes, erected images and altars for their worship in the same groves where they were buried; and from thence it grew into a custom afterward to plant groves, and build temples, near the tombs of departed heroes, 2 Kings xxiii, 15, 16, and to surround their temples and altars with groves and trees; and these sacred groves being constantly furnished with the images of the heroes or gods that were worshipped in them, a grove and an idol came to be used as convertible terms, 2 Kings xxiii, 6.
GROVE. It’s important to note that to more effectively protect the Israelites from idol worship, God, in establishing the rites of His own worship, went directly against the practices of idolatrous nations. Since they worshipped in groves, He explicitly forbade “the planting of a grove of trees near His altar,” Deut. xvi, 21. He also did not allow His people to offer their sacrifices on the tops of hills and mountains, as the pagans did, but commanded that they be brought to one altar in the place He designated, Deut. xii, 13, 14. Regarding the groves that the Canaanites had planted, as well as the idols and altars they erected on the high mountains and hills for the worship of their gods, the Israelites were commanded to completely destroy them, Deut. xii, 2, 3. The groves and high places seem to refer to the same locations, or groves on tops of hills, likely around an open area where the idolatrous worship occurred, as suggested by the following words of the Prophet Hosea: “They sacrifice on the tops of mountains and burn incense on the hills, under oaks, poplars, and elms,” Hosea iv, 13. The use of groves for religious worship is generally thought to date back to ancient times; for instance, “Abraham planted a grove in Beersheba and called there on the name of the Lord,” Gen. xxi, 33. However, it is not directly stated, nor can this passage prove, that he planted the grove for any religious purpose; it could have simply been for shade for his tent. This detail might be recorded to reflect both his pastoral lifestyle and his religious devotion; he lived in a tent, under the shade of a grove or tree, as the word אשל, eshel, can be more accurately translated, and in this modest home led a very pious and devoted life. The reasons behind planting sacred groves are variously speculated; some believe it was merely to make worship more pleasant with the shade, while others think it was to attract the presence of the gods. One of these reasons seems hinted at in Hosea’s earlier passage: “They burn incense under oaks, poplars, and elms, because the shade there is good,” Hosea iv, 13. Some think worship took place in groves because the darkness of such places tends to inspire a sense of religious awe, or because those gloomy settings suited the obscene rituals of idolatrous worship. Another plausible theory is that this practice originated with the worship of demons or departed souls. It was an ancient custom to bury the dead under trees or in forests. “Deborah was buried under an oak, near Bethel,” Genesis xxxv, 8; and the remains of Saul and Jonathan were buried under a tree at Jabesh, 1 Samuel xxxi, 13. Since there was a common belief among pagans that the souls of the deceased hover around their graves or at least enjoy visiting their dead bodies, idolaters who honored the souls of their departed heroes built images and altars for their worship in the same groves where they were buried. Consequently, it became common to plant groves and build temples near the tombs of departed heroes, 2 Kings xxiii, 15, 16, and to surround their temples and altars with groves and trees. With these sacred groves consistently filled with images of the heroes or gods worshipped there, the terms grove and idol began to be used interchangeably, 2 Kings xxiii, 6.
HABAKKUK, the author of the prophecy bearing his name, Habakkuk i, 1, &c. Nothing is certainly known concerning the tribe or birth place of Habakkuk. He is said to have prophesied about B. C. 605, and to have been alive at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. It is generally believed that he remained and died in Judea. The principal predictions contained in this book are, the destruction of Jerusalem, and the captivity of the Jews by the Chaldeans or Babylonians; their deliverance from the oppressor “at the appointed time;” and the total ruin of the Babylonian empire. The promise of the Messiah is confirmed; the overruling providence of God is asserted; and the concluding prayer, or rather hymn, recounts the wonders which God had wrought for his people, when he led them from Egypt into Canaan, and expresses the most perfect confidence in the fulfilment of his promises. The style of Habakkuk is highly poetical, and the hymn in the third chapter is perhaps unrivalled for sublimity, simplicity, and power.
HABAKKUK, the author of the prophecy that bears his name, Habakkuk 1:1, etc. Nothing is definitely known about Habakkuk's tribe or birthplace. He is believed to have prophesied around 605 B.C. and to have been alive during the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. It's generally thought that he stayed in Judea and died there. The main predictions in this book are the destruction of Jerusalem and the captivity of the Jews by the Chaldeans or Babylonians; their eventual deliverance from oppression “at the appointed time;” and the complete downfall of the Babylonian empire. The promise of the Messiah is reaffirmed; God’s overarching providence is emphasized; and the final prayer, or rather hymn, reflects on the incredible things God did for his people when he brought them from Egypt into Canaan, showing complete faith in the fulfillment of his promises. Habakkuk's writing style is very poetic, and the hymn in the third chapter is possibly unmatched in its grandeur, simplicity, and impact.
HABITS. The dress of oriental nations, to which the inspired writers often allude, has undergone almost no change from the earliest times. Their stuffs were fabricated of various materials; but wool was generally used in their finer fabrics; and the hair of goats, camels, and even of horses, was manufactured for coarser purposes, especially for sackcloth, which they wore in time of mourning and distress. Sackcloth of black goat’s hair was manufactured for mournings; the colour and the coarseness of which being reckoned more suitable to the circumstances of the wearer, than the finer and more valuable texture which the hair of white goats supplied. This is the reason why a clouded sky is represented, in the bold figurative language of Scripture, as covered with sackcloth and blackness, the colour and dress of persons in affliction. In Egypt and Syria, they wore also fine linen, cotton, and byssus, probably fine muslin from India, in Hebrew כוצ, the finest cloth known to the ancients. In Canaan, persons of distinction were dressed in fine linen of Egypt; and according to some authors, in silk, and rich cloth, shaded with the choicest colours, or, as the Vulgate calls it, with feathered work, embroidered with gold. The beauty of their clothes consisted in the fineness and colour of the stuffs; and it seems, the colour most in use among the Israelites, as well as among the Greeks and Romans, was white, not imparted and improved by the dyer’s art, but the native colour of the wool. The general use of this colour seems to be recognized by Solomon in his direction: “Let thy garments be always white,” Eccles. ix, 8. But garments in the native colour of the wool were not confined to the lower orders; they were also in great esteem among persons of superior station, and are particularly valued in Scripture, as the emblem of knowledge and purity, gladness and victory, grace and glory. The priests of Baal were habited in black; a colour which appears to have been peculiar to themselves, and which few others in those countries, except mourners, would choose to wear. Blue was a colour in great esteem among the Jews, and other oriental nations. The robe of the ephod, in the gorgeous dress 430of the high priest, was made all of blue; it was a prominent colour in the sumptuous hangings of the tabernacle; and the whole people of Israel were required to put a fringe of blue upon the border of their garments, and on the fringe a riband of the same colour. The palace of Ahasuerus, the king of Persia, was furnished with curtains of this colour, on a pavement of red, and blue, and white marble; a proof that it was not less esteemed in Persia than on the Jordan. And from Ezekiel we learn, that the Assyrian nobles were habited in robes of this colour: “She doated on the Assyrians, her neighbours, which were clothed with blue, captains and rulers, all of them desirable young men.”
HABITS. The clothing of Eastern nations, which the inspired writers frequently mention, has hardly changed since ancient times. Their fabrics were made from various materials, but wool was typically used for their finer garments, while the hair of goats, camels, and even horses was used for coarser items, especially sackcloth, worn during mourning and distress. Black goat’s hair sackcloth was produced for mourning, as its color and coarseness were considered more appropriate for the wearer’s situation than the finer and more valuable fabric made from white goat hair. This is why a cloudy sky is depicted in the vivid figurative language of Scripture as covered in sackcloth and darkness, the colors and attire of people in grief. In Egypt and Syria, they also wore fine linen, cotton, and byssus, likely referring to fine muslin from India, in Hebrew כוצ, the finest fabric known to the ancients. In Canaan, distinguished individuals wore fine linen from Egypt; some sources also mention silk and rich fabrics in beautiful colors, or as the Vulgate describes it, with feathered work embroidered with gold. The beauty of their garments lay in the quality and color of the fabrics; it appears that the predominant color among the Israelites, as well as the Greeks and Romans, was white, derived from the natural color of the wool, rather than enhanced by dyeing. Solomon seems to acknowledge the preference for this color with his instruction: “Let thy garments be always white,” Eccles. ix, 8. However, garments in the natural color of wool were not exclusive to lower classes; they were also highly valued among high-status individuals and are particularly appreciated in Scripture as symbols of knowledge and purity, joy and victory, grace and glory. The priests of Baal wore black, a color which seems to have been unique to them, and few others in those regions, except mourners, would choose to wear. Blue was a highly regarded color among the Jews and other Eastern nations. The robe of the ephod, part of the elaborate dress of the high priest, was entirely blue; it was a prominent color in the luxurious hangings of the tabernacle, and all the people of Israel were required to put a blue fringe on the edges of their garments, and a ribbon of the same color on the fringe. The palace of Ahasuerus, the king of Persia, was decorated with curtains of this color, set against a floor of red, blue, and white marble; indicating that it was equally valued in Persia as it was along the Jordan. From Ezekiel, we learn that Assyrian nobles wore robes of this color: “She doated on the Assyrians, her neighbors, who were clothed with blue, captains and rulers, all of them desirable young men.”
2. The Jewish nobles and courtiers, upon great and solemn occasions, appeared in scarlet robes, dyed, not as at present with madder, with cochineal, or with any modern tincture, but with a shrub, whose red berries give an orient tinge to the cloth. Crimson or vermilion, a colour, as the name imports, from the blood of the worm, was used in the temple of Solomon, and by many persons of the first quality; sometimes they wore purple, the most sublime of all earthly colours, says Mr. Harmer, having the gaudiness of red, of which it retains a shade, softened with the gravity of blue. This was chiefly dyed at Tyre, and was supposed to take the tincture from the liquor of a shell fish, anciently found in the adjacent sea; though Mr. Bruce, in his Travels, inclines to the opinion, that the murex, or purple fish at Tyre, was only a concealment of their knowledge of cochineal, as, if the whole city of Tyre had applied to nothing else but fishing, they would not have coloured twenty yards of cloth in a year. The children of wealthy and noble families were dressed in vestments of different colours. This mark of distinction may be traced to the patriarchal age; for Joseph was arrayed, by his indulgent and imprudent father, in a coat of many colours. A robe of divers colours was anciently reserved for the kings’ daughters who were virgins; and in one of these was Tamar, the virgin daughter of David, arrayed, when she was met by her brother.
2. The Jewish nobles and courtiers, on important occasions, wore bright red robes, dyed not like today with madder, cochineal, or any modern dye, but with a shrub whose red berries gave a unique hue to the fabric. Crimson or vermilion, a color derived from the blood of a worm, was used in the temple of Solomon and by many people of high status; sometimes they wore purple, considered the most magnificent of all earthly colors, according to Mr. Harmer, which had the flashy quality of red, with a subtle hint of blue to tone it down. This dye was mostly produced in Tyre and was believed to come from the liquid of a shellfish found in the nearby sea; however, Mr. Bruce, in his Travels, suggests that the murex, or purple fish of Tyre, was merely a cover for their familiarity with cochineal, as if the entire city of Tyre had focused solely on fishing, they would not have dyed even twenty yards of cloth in a year. The children of wealthy and noble families wore garments of various colors. This sign of distinction dates back to the patriarchal age, as Joseph was dressed by his loving yet foolish father in a coat of many colors. A robe of many colors was traditionally set aside for the king's daughters who were virgins; Tamar, the virgin daughter of David, was dressed in one of these when she encountered her brother.
3. In these parts of the world, the fashion is in a state of almost daily fluctuation, and different fashions are not unfrequently seen contending for the superiority; but in the east, where the people are by no means given to change, the form of their garments continues nearly the same from one age to another. The greater part of their clothes are long and flowing, loosely cast about the body, consisting only of a large piece of cloth, in the cutting and sewing of which very little art or industry is employed. They have more dignity and gracefulness than ours, and are better adapted to the burning climates of Asia. From the simplicity of their form, and their loose adaptation to the body, the same clothes might be worn, with equal ease and convenience, by many different persons. The clothes of those Philistines whom Samson slew at Askelon required no altering to fit his companions; nor the robe of Jonathan, to answer his friend. The arts of weaving and fulling seem to have been distinct occupations in Israel, from a very remote period, in consequence of the various and skilful operations which were necessary to bring their stuffs to a suitable degree of perfection; but when the weaver and the fuller had finished their part, the labour was nearly at an end; no distinct artizan was necessary to make them into clothes; every family seems to have made their own. Sometimes, however, this part of the work was performed in the loom; for they had the art of weaving robes with sleeves all of one piece: of this kind was the coat which our Saviour wore during his abode with men. The loose dresses of these countries, when the arm is lifted up, expose its whole length: to this circumstance the Prophet Isaiah refers: “To whom is the arm of the Lord revealed?” that is, uncovered: who observes that he is about to exert the arm of his power?
3. In these parts of the world, fashion changes almost daily, and different styles often compete for dominance; but in the East, where people aren’t really into change, the style of their clothing remains pretty much the same from one era to the next. Most of their clothes are long and flowing, loosely draped on the body, made from just a big piece of fabric, with very little skill or effort put into cutting and sewing. They have more dignity and grace than ours and are better suited to the hot climates of Asia. Because of their simple design and loose fit, the same clothes can easily be worn by many different people. The clothes of those Philistines whom Samson killed at Askelon didn’t need to be altered for his companions; neither did Jonathan’s robe need adjustments for his friend. Weaving and fulling seem to have been separate crafts in Israel for a long time, due to the various skilled processes needed to perfect their fabrics; once the weaver and the fuller were done, the hard part was mostly over; there was no need for a separate artisan to turn them into clothes; it seems like every family made their own. However, sometimes this part of the work was done on the loom; they could weave robes with sleeves all connected as one piece: this kind of garment was what our Savior wore during His time on Earth. In these countries, the loose dresses reveal the entire length of the arm when it’s lifted. This is what the Prophet Isaiah is referring to when he says: “To whom is the arm of the Lord revealed?” meaning, uncovered: who notices that He is about to show His power?
4. The chosen people were not allowed to wear clothes of any materials or form they chose; they were forbidden by their law to wear a garment of woollen and linen. This law did not prevent them from wearing many different substances together, but only these two; nor did the prohibition extend to the wool of camels and goats, (for the hair of these animals they called by the same name,) but only to that of sheep. It was lawful for any man who saw an Israelite dressed in such a garment to fall upon him and put him to death. In the opinion of Maimonides, this was principally intended as a preservative from idolatry; for the Heathen priests of those times wore such mixed garments of woollen and linen, in the superstitious hope, it was imagined, of having the beneficial influence of some lucky conjunction of the planets or stars, to bring down a blessing upon their sheep and their flax. The second restraint referred to the sexes, of which one was not to wear the dress appropriated to the other. This practice is said to be an abomination to the Lord; which plainly intimates that the law refers to some idolatrous custom, of which Moses and the prophets always spoke in terms of the utmost abhorrence. Nothing, indeed, was more common among the Heathen, in the worship of some of their false deities, than for the males to assist in women’s clothes, and the females in the dress appropriated to men; in the worship of Venus, in particular, the women appeared before her in armour, and the men in women’s apparel; and thus the words literally run in the original Scriptures, “Women shall not put on the armour of a man, nor a man the stole of a woman.” Maimonides says he found this precept in an old magical book, “That men ought to stand before the star of Venus in the flowered garments of women, and women to put on the armour of men before the star of Mars.” But whatever there may be in these observations, it is certain that, if there were no distinction of sexes made by their habits, there would be danger of involving mankind in all manner of licentiousness and impurity.
4. The chosen people couldn't wear clothes made from any materials or styles they wanted; their law prohibited them from wearing garments made of both wool and linen. This rule didn't stop them from wearing many different fabrics together, just those two; also, it didn't apply to the wool from camels and goats (since they referred to the hair of those animals with the same term), but only to sheep wool. It was legal for anyone who saw an Israelite dressed in such clothing to kill him. According to Maimonides, this law was mainly intended to protect against idolatry; during that time, pagan priests wore mixed garments of wool and linen, believing superstitiously that it would bring about good fortune from a lucky alignment of planets or stars and bless their sheep and flax. The second restriction concerned the genders, stating that one gender could not wear clothing designated for the other. This practice is said to be detestable to the Lord, implying that the law was connected to some idolatrous custom, which Moses and the prophets condemned intensely. In fact, it was quite common among pagans in the worship of their false gods for men to wear women's clothing and women to wear men's clothing; in particular, when worshiping Venus, women would dress in armor and men in women's apparel. The original Scriptures explicitly state, “Women shall not wear a man's armor, nor shall a man wear a woman's robe.” Maimonides mentions he found this rule in an old magical text, which said that men should stand before the star of Venus in flowery garments of women, and women should wear men's armor before the star of Mars. But regardless of these observations, it's clear that if there were no distinction between the sexes based on their clothing, it could lead to all kinds of immorality and impurity.
4315. The ancient Jews very seldom wore any covering upon the head, except when they were in mourning, or worshipping in the temple, or in the synagogue. To pray with the head covered, was, in their estimation, a higher mark of respect for the majesty of heaven, as it indicated the conscious unworthiness of the suppliant to lift up his eyes in the divine presence. To guard themselves from the wind or the storm, or from the still more fatal stroke of the sun-beam, to which the general custom of walking bare headed particularly exposed them, they wrapped their heads in their mantles, or upper garments. But during their long captivity in Babylon, the Jews began to wear turbans, in compliance with the customs of their conquerors; for Daniel informs us, that his three friends were cast into the fiery furnace with their hats, or, as the term should be rendered, their turbans. It is not, however, improbable, that the bulk of the nation continued to follow their ancient custom; and that the compliance prevailed only among those Jews who were connected with the Babylonish court; for many ages after that, we find Antiochus Epiphanes introducing the habits and fashions of the Grecians among the Jews; and as the history of the Maccabees relates, he brought the chief young men under his subjection, and made them wear a hat, or turban. Their legs were generally bare; and they never wore any thing upon the feet, but soles fastened in different ways, according to the taste or fancy of the wearer.
4315. The ancient Jews rarely wore anything on their heads, except when they were mourning, worshipping in the temple, or in the synagogue. Covering the head while praying was seen as a greater mark of respect for the majesty of heaven, as it showed the suppliant’s awareness of their unworthiness to look up in the divine presence. To protect themselves from the wind or storms, or from the more dangerous sun, which the common practice of going bareheaded particularly exposed them to, they wrapped their heads in their cloaks or upper garments. However, during their long captivity in Babylon, the Jews started wearing turbans to comply with the customs of their conquerors; as Daniel tells us, his three friends were thrown into the fiery furnace with their hats, which should more accurately be called turbans. It's possible that most of the population continued with their traditional practice and that wearing turbans was common only among those Jews associated with the Babylonian court; many years later, Antiochus Epiphanes introduced Greek styles and fashions among the Jews. As the history of the Maccabees recounts, he made the elite young men wear hats or turbans. Their legs were usually bare, and they wore nothing on their feet except soles attached in various ways, depending on personal preference.
HADAD, son to the king of East Edom, was carried into Egypt by his father’s servants, when Joab, general of David’s troops, extirpated the males of Edom. Hadad was then a child. The king of Egypt gave him a house, lands, and every necessary subsistence, and married him to the sister of Tahpenes, his queen. By her he had a son, named Genubath, whom Queen Tahpenes educated in Pharaoh’s house with the king’s children. Hadad being informed that David was dead, and that Joab was killed, desired leave to return into his own country. Pharaoh wished to detain him, but at last permitted his return to Edom. Here he began to raise disturbances against Solomon; but the Scripture does not mention particulars. Josephus says, that Hadad did not return to Edom till long after the death of David, when Solomon’s affairs began to decline, by reason of his impieties. He also observes, that, not being able to engage the Edomites to revolt, because of the strong garrisons which Solomon had placed there, Hadad got together such people as were willing, and carried them to Razon, then in rebellion against Hadadezer, king of Syria. Razon received Hadad with joy, and assisted him in conquering part of Syria, where he reigned, and from whence he insulted Solomon’s territories.
HADAD, the son of the king of East Edom, was taken to Egypt by his father's servants when Joab, the general of David's army, killed the male population of Edom. Hadad was just a child at the time. The king of Egypt provided him with a home, land, and everything he needed to live, and married him to the sister of Tahpenes, the queen. They had a son named Genubath, whom Queen Tahpenes raised in Pharaoh’s palace alongside the king’s children. When Hadad learned that David had died and Joab was dead, he asked for permission to return to his homeland. Pharaoh wanted him to stay but eventually allowed him to return to Edom. Once there, he began to stir up trouble against Solomon, though the Scriptures don’t go into details. Josephus notes that Hadad didn’t go back to Edom until long after David died, at a time when Solomon's rule was starting to weaken because of his wrongdoings. He also mentions that, unable to convince the Edomites to rebel due to Solomon’s strong garrisons there, Hadad gathered those who were willing and took them to Razon, which was in revolt against Hadadezer, the king of Syria. Razon welcomed Hadad and helped him conquer part of Syria, where he ruled and from which he mocked Solomon’s lands.
HAGAR. After ten years’ residence in the land of Canaan, Abram, by the persuasion of his wife, who had been barren heretofore, and now despaired of bearing children herself when she was seventy-five years old, took, as a second wife, or concubine, her handmaid, Hagar, an Egyptian. When Hagar conceived, she despised her mistress, who dealt hardly with her, Abram giving her up to his wife’s discretion; so that she fled toward Egypt from the face of her mistress, but was stopped in her flight by the angel of the Lord, who foretold that she should bear a son called Ishmael, because the Lord heard her affliction, and that his race should be numerous, warlike, and unconquered; a prediction, as seen under the article Arabia, remarkably fulfilled to the present day. Abram was eighty-six years old when Hagar bare Ishmael. When Isaac was weaned, Ishmael, the son of Hagar, who was now about fifteen years of age, offended Sarah by some mockery or ill treatment of Isaac; the original word signifies elsewhere, “to skirmish,” or “fight,” 2 Samuel ii, 14; and St. Paul represents Ishmael as “persecuting” him, Gal. iv, 29. Sarah therefore complained to Abraham, and said, “Cast out this bond-woman and her son, for the son of this bond-woman shall not be heir with my son Isaac. And the thing was very grievous in Abraham’s sight, because of his son Ishmael;” but God approved of Sarah’s advice, and again excluded Ishmael from the special covenant of grace: “For in Isaac shall thy seed be called: nevertheless, the son of the bond-woman will I make a nation also, because he is thy seed.” God renewed this promise also to Hagar, during her wanderings in the wilderness of Beersheba, when she despaired of support: “Arise, lift up the lad, and hold him in thine hands, for I will make him a great nation. And God was with the lad, and he grew, and dwelt in the wilderness of Paran, and became an archer. And his mother took him a wife out of the land of Egypt.” See Abraham and Ishmael.
HAGAR. After ten years living in the land of Canaan, Abram, influenced by his wife who had been unable to have children and had now given up hope at seventy-five years old, took her handmaid Hagar, an Egyptian, as a second wife or concubine. When Hagar became pregnant, she looked down on her mistress, who treated her harshly, as Abram left the situation up to his wife. Hagar fled towards Egypt but was stopped by an angel of the Lord, who told her that she would have a son named Ishmael because the Lord had heard her suffering, and that his descendants would be many, strong, and undefeated; a prophecy that has been remarkably fulfilled to this day as noted under the article Arabia. Abram was eighty-six years old when Hagar gave birth to Ishmael. When Isaac was weaned, Ishmael, now about fifteen, upset Sarah with some teasing or mistreatment of Isaac; the original word means "to skirmish" or "fight," as in 2 Samuel ii, 14; and St. Paul describes Ishmael as “persecuting” him in Gal. iv, 29. Sarah then complained to Abraham, saying, “Cast out this bondwoman and her son, for the son of this bondwoman shall not be heir with my son Isaac. And this was very distressing to Abraham because of his son Ishmael;” but God agreed with Sarah and once again excluded Ishmael from the special covenant of grace: “For in Isaac shall your seed be called: nonetheless, I will also make a nation from the son of the bondwoman because he is your seed.” God renewed this promise to Hagar during her time in the wilderness of Beersheba when she lost all hope: “Get up, lift the boy, and hold him in your arms, for I will make him a great nation.” And God was with the boy; he grew up, lived in the wilderness of Paran, and became an archer. His mother found him a wife from the land of Egypt. See Abraham and Ishmael.
We do not know when Hagar died. The rabbins say she was Pharaoh’s daughter; but Chrysostom asserts that she was one of those slaves which Pharaoh gave to Abraham, Gen. xii, 16. The Chaldee paraphrasts, and many of the Jews, believe Hagar and Keturah to be the same person; but this is not credible. Philo thinks that Hagar embraced Abraham’s religion, which is very probable. The Mussulmans and Arabians, who are descended from Ishmael, the son of Hagar, speak mightily in her commendation. They call her in eminency, Mother Hagar, and maintain that she was Abraham’s lawful wife; the mother of Ishmael, his eldest son; who, as such, possessed Arabia, which very much exceeds, say they, both in extent and riches, the land of Canaan, which was given to his younger son Isaac.
We don't know when Hagar died. The rabbis say she was Pharaoh’s daughter; but Chrysostom claims she was one of the slaves Pharaoh gave to Abraham, Gen. xii, 16. The Chaldee interpreters and many Jews believe Hagar and Keturah are the same person, but that's not likely. Philo thinks Hagar adopted Abraham’s faith, which seems very plausible. The Muslims and Arabs, who are descendants of Ishmael, the son of Hagar, speak highly of her. They call her the esteemed Mother Hagar and argue that she was Abraham’s legitimate wife; the mother of Ishmael, his firstborn son, who, as such, inherited Arabia, which they say is much larger and richer than the land of Canaan, which was given to his younger son Isaac.
HAGARENES, the descendants of Ishmael: called also Ishmaelites and Saracens, or Arabians, from their country. Their name, Saracens, is not derived, as some have thought, from Sarah, Abraham’s wife, but from the Hebrew sarak, which signifies “to rob” or “to steal;” because they mostly carry on the trade of thieving: or from Sahara, the desert; Saracens, inhabitants of the desert. But some writers think Hagarene imports south, conformably to the Arabic; hence Hagar, that is, 432the southern woman; and Mount Sinai is called Hagar, that is, the southern mountain, Gal. iv, 25. But there seems also to have been a particular tribe who bore this name more exclusively, as the Hagarenes are sometimes mentioned in Scripture distinct from the Ishmaelites, Psalm lxxxiii, 6; 1 Chron. v, 19.
HAGARENES, the descendants of Ishmael: also known as Ishmaelites and Saracens, or Arabians, named after their region. Their name, Saracens, doesn’t come from Sarah, Abraham’s wife, as some have suggested, but from the Hebrew sarak, which means "to rob" or "to steal;" since they are often associated with thievery. Alternatively, it could come from Sahara, the desert; Saracens, meaning inhabitants of the desert. However, some writers believe Hagarene refers to south, aligned with the Arabic; hence Hagar, meaning the southern woman; and Mount Sinai is called Hagar, or the southern mountain, Gal. iv, 25. It also seems there was a specific tribe that held this name more exclusively, as the Hagarenes are sometimes mentioned in Scripture separately from the Ishmaelites, Psalm lxxxiii, 6; 1 Chron. v, 19.
HAGGAI was one of the Jews who returned with Zerubbabel to Jerusalem in consequence of the edict of Cyrus; and it is believed that he was born during the captivity, and that he was of the sacerdotal race. His prophecy consists of four distinct revelations, all which took place in the second year of Darius, king of Persia, B. C. 520. The prophet reproves the people for their delay in building the temple of God, and represents the unfruitful seasons which they had experienced as a divine punishment for this neglect. He exhorts them to proceed in the important work; and by way of encouragement predicts, that the glory of the second temple, however inferior in external magnificence, shall exceed that of the first; which was accomplished by its being honoured with the presence of the Saviour of mankind. He farther urges the completion of the temple by promises of divine favour, and under the type of Zerubbabel he is supposed by some to foretel the great revolutions which shall precede the second advent of Christ. The style of Haggai is in general plain and simple; but in some passages it rises to a considerable degree of sublimity.
HAGGAI was one of the Jews who returned with Zerubbabel to Jerusalem because of the order from Cyrus. It's believed he was born during the captivity and came from a priestly lineage. His prophecy includes four distinct messages, all delivered in the second year of Darius, king of Persia, B.C. 520. The prophet criticizes the people for postponing the construction of God's temple and describes their unproductive seasons as divine punishment for this neglect. He urges them to continue the important work and encourages them by predicting that the second temple, although less magnificent on the outside, will surpass the first in glory, fulfilled by the presence of the Savior. He further motivates the completion of the temple with promises of divine favor, and through Zerubbabel, some believe he foretells the significant changes that will come before Christ's second coming. Haggai's style is generally straightforward and simple, but at times it reaches a notable level of grandeur.
HAIR. The eastern females wear their hair, which the prophet emphatically calls the “instrument of their pride,” very long, and divided into a great number of tresses. In Barbary, the ladies all affect to have their hair hang down to the ground, which, after they have collected into one lock, they bind and plait with ribands. Where nature has been less liberal in its ornaments, the defect is supplied by art, and foreign is procured to be interwoven with the natural hair. The Apostle’s remark on this subject corresponds entirely with the custom of the east, as well as with the original design of the Creator: “Does not even nature itself teach you, that, if a man have long hair, it is a shame unto him? But if a woman have long hair, it is a glory to her; for her hair is given her for a covering,” 1 Cor. xi, 14. The men in the east, Chardin observes, are shaved; the women nourish their hair with great fondness, which they lengthen by tresses, and tufts of silk down to the heels. But among the Hebrews the men did not shave their heads; they wore their natural hair, though not long; and it is certain that they were, at a very remote period, initiated in the art of cherishing and beautifying the hair with fragrant ointments. The head of Aaron was anointed with a precious oil, compounded after the art of the apothecary; and in proof that they had already adopted the practice, the congregation were prohibited, under pain of being cut off, to make any other like it, after the composition of it, Exod. xxx, 32, 33. The royal Psalmist alludes to the same custom in the twenty-third Psalm: “Thou anointest my head with oil.” We may infer from the direction of Solomon, that the custom had at least become general in his time: “Let thy garments be always white, and let thy head lack no ointment,” Eccles. ix, 8. After the hair is plaited and perfumed, the eastern ladies proceed to dress their heads, by tying above the lock into which they collect it, a triangular piece of linen, adorned with various figures in needlework. This, among persons of better fashion, is covered with a sarmah, as they call it, which is made in the same triangular shape, of thin flexible plates of gold or silver, carefully cut through, and engraven in imitation of lace, and might therefore answer to השהרנים, the moonlike ornament mentioned by the prophet in his description of the toilette of a Jewish lady, Isaiah iii, 18. Cutting off the hair was a sign of mourning, Jer. vii, 29; but sometimes in mourning they suffered it to grow long. In ordinary sorrows they neglected their hair; and in violent paroxysms they plucked it off with their hands.
HAIR. The women in the east wear their hair, which the prophet strongly refers to as the “instrument of their pride,” long and divided into many braids. In Barbary, the ladies prefer to let their hair hang down to the ground, which they gather into one lock, then bind and braid it with ribbons. When nature hasn’t been generous with their hair, they make up for it with art, weaving in foreign strands with their natural hair. The Apostle’s comment on this topic completely aligns with eastern customs and the original intention of the Creator: “Does not even nature itself teach you that if a man has long hair, it is a shame to him? But if a woman has long hair, it is a glory to her; for her hair is given to her as a covering,” 1 Cor. xi, 14. According to Chardin, eastern men are shaved, while women take special care of their hair, which they lengthen with braids and silk tufts down to their heels. However, among the Hebrews, men did not shave their heads; they wore their natural hair, though not long, and it is known that they were already skilled at caring for and beautifying their hair with fragrant ointments a long time ago. Aaron’s head was anointed with a precious oil, made by a skilled apothecary; and to ensure they maintained this practice, the congregation was forbidden, under threat of being cut off, from creating any oil like it, Exod. xxx, 32, 33. The royal Psalmist refers to this same practice in the twenty-third Psalm: “You anoint my head with oil.” We can infer from Solomon’s directives that this practice had at least become common in his time: “Let your garments be always white, and let your head lack no ointment,” Eccles. ix, 8. After plaiting and perfuming their hair, the eastern ladies dress their heads by tying a triangular piece of linen above the gathered hair, adorned with various embroidered designs. Among those of higher status, this is covered with a sarmah, which is also triangular, made of thin, flexible plates of gold or silver, intricately cut and engraved like lace, and it might correspond to The influencers, the moon-shaped ornament mentioned by the prophet when describing a Jewish woman's attire, Isaiah iii, 18. Cutting hair was a sign of mourning, Jer. vii, 29; but sometimes during mourning, they let it grow long. In regular sorrows, they neglected their hair; and in intense grief, they would pull it out with their hands.
John Baptist was clothed in a garment made of camel’s hair, not with a camel’s skin, as painters and sculptors represent him, but with coarse camlet made of camel’s hair. The coat of the camel in some places yields very fine silk, of which are made stuffs of very great price; but in general this animal’s hair is hard, and scarcely fit for any but coarse habits, and a kind of hair cloth. Some are of opinion that camlet derives its name from the camel, being originally composed of the wool and hair of camels; but at present there is no camel’s hair in the composition of it, as it is commonly woven and sold among us.
John Baptist wore a garment made of camel hair, not made from a camel's skin, as painters and sculptors often depict him, but from rough camlet made of camel hair. The coat of a camel can sometimes produce very fine silk, which is used to make highly valuable fabrics; however, generally, this animal's hair is coarse and mostly suitable for rough clothing and a type of hair cloth. Some believe that camlet gets its name from the camel since it was originally made from the wool and hair of camels; however, nowadays, camel hair is not included in its standard production and sale among us.
HAM, or CHAM, חם, son of Noah, and brother to Shem and Japheth, is believed to have been Noah’s youngest son. Ham, says Dr. Hales, signifies burnt or black, and this name was peculiarly significant of the regions allotted to his family. To the Cushites, or children of his eldest son, Cush, were allotted the hot southern regions of Asia, along the coasts of the Persian Gulf, Susiana or Chusistan, Arabia, &c; to the sons of Canaan, Palestine and Syria; to the sons of Misraim, Egypt and Libya, in Africa. The Hamites, in general, like the Canaanites of old, were a sea-faring race, and sooner arrived at civilization and the luxuries of life than their simpler pastoral and agricultural brethren of the other two families. The first great empires of Assyria and Egypt were founded by them; and the republics of Tyre, Sidon, and Carthage, were early distinguished for their commerce: but they sooner also fell to decay; and Egypt, which was one of the first, became the last and “basest of the kingdoms,” Ezek. xxix, 15; and has been successively in subjection to the Shemites, and Japhethites; as have also the settlements of the other branches of the Hamites. See Canaan.
HAM, or CHAM, Hot, son of Noah and brother of Shem and Japheth, is thought to be Noah’s youngest son. Ham, according to Dr. Hales, means burnt or black, and this name was particularly relevant to the regions assigned to his family. The Cushites, or children of his oldest son, Cush, received the hot southern areas of Asia, along the coasts of the Persian Gulf, Susiana or Chusistan, Arabia, etc.; the sons of Canaan were given Palestine and Syria; and the sons of Misraim received Egypt and Libya in Africa. Generally, the Hamites, like the ancient Canaanites, were a seafaring people who reached civilization and its luxuries more quickly than their simpler pastoral and agricultural relatives from the other two families. They established the first great empires of Assyria and Egypt, and the republics of Tyre, Sidon, and Carthage were early notable for their trade. However, they also declined more quickly; Egypt, which was among the first, became the last and “lowest of the kingdoms” (Ezek. xxix, 15), and has been ruled in turn by the Shemites and Japhethites, as have the settlements of the other branches of the Hamites. See Canaan.
HAMAN, son of Hammedatha, the Amalekite, of the race of Agag; or, according to other copies, son of Hamadath the Bugean or Gogean, that is, of the race of Gog; or it may be read, Haman the son of Hamadath, which 433Haman was Bagua or Bagoas, eunuch, that is, officer to the king of Persia. We have no proof of Haman’s being an Amalekite; but Esther iii, 1, reads of the race of Agag. In the apocryphal Greek, Esther ix, 24, and the Latin, Esther xvi, 10, he is called a Macedonian, animo et gente Macedo. King Ahasuerus, having taken him into favour, promoted him above all the princes of his court, who bent the knee to him (probably prostrated themselves wholly before him, as to a deity) when he entered the palace: this Mordecai the Jew declined, for which slight, Haman plotted the extirpation of the whole Jewish nation; which was providentially prevented. He was hanged on a gibbet fifty cubits high, which he had prepared for Mordecai; his house was given to Queen Esther; and his employments to Mordecai. His ten sons were likewise executed. See Esther.
HAMAN, son of Hammedatha, the Amalekite, from the line of Agag; or, according to other versions, son of Hamadath the Bugean or Gogean, that is, from the line of Gog; or it could be read as Haman the son of Hamadath, which Haman was Bagua or Bagoas, a eunuch, meaning, an officer to the king of Persia. We don't have evidence that Haman was an Amalekite, but Esther iii, 1, mentions the line of Agag. In the apocryphal Greek, Esther ix, 24, and the Latin, Esther xvi, 10, he is referred to as Macedonian, animo et gente Macedo. King Ahasuerus, having favored him, promoted him above all the princes of his court, who bowed down to him (likely prostrating themselves fully before him, as if to a deity) when he entered the palace: this Mordecai the Jew refused to do, and as a result, Haman plotted to destroy the entire Jewish nation; which was, by providence, prevented. He was hanged on a gallows fifty cubits high, which he had prepared for Mordecai; his house was given to Queen Esther; and his roles were assigned to Mordecai. His ten sons were also executed. See Esther.
HAMATH, a city of Syria, capital of a province of the same name, lying upon the Orontes, Joshua xiii, 5; Judges iii, 3; 2 Kings xiv, 25; 2 Chron. vii, 8. The king of Hamath cultivated a good understanding with David, 2 Sam. viii, 9. This city was taken by the kings of Judah, and afterward retaken by the Syrians, and recovered from them by Jeroboam the Second, 2 Kings xiv, 28.
HAMATH, a city in Syria, is the capital of a province with the same name, located on the Orontes River, as mentioned in Joshua 13:5; Judges 3:3; 2 Kings 14:25; and 2 Chronicles 7:8. The king of Hamath maintained a good relationship with David, as noted in 2 Samuel 8:9. This city was captured by the kings of Judah, later recaptured by the Syrians, and then regained by Jeroboam II, according to 2 Kings 14:28.
HAND sometimes denotes the vengeance of God: “The hand of the Lord was heavy upon them of Ashdod,” after they had taken the ark, 1 Samuel v, 6, 7. To pour water on any one’s hands, signifies to serve him, 2 Kings iii, 11. To wash one’s hands, denotes innocence: Pilate washed his hands to denote his being innocent of the blood of Jesus, Matthew xxvii, 24. To kiss one’s hand, is an act of adoration, 1 Kings xix, 18. “If I beheld the sun when it shined, and my mouth hath kissed my hand,” Job xxxi, 27. To fill one’s hands, is to take possession of the priesthood, to perform the functions of that office; because in this ceremony, those parts of the victim which were to be offered, were put into the hand of the newly created priest, Judges xvii, 5, 12; 1 Kings xiii, 33. To lean upon any one’s hand, is a mark of familiarity and superiority. The king of Israel had a confident on whom he thus leaned, 2 Kings vii, 17. The king of Syria leaned on the hand or arm of Naaman when he went up to the temple of Rimmon, 2 Kings v, 18. To lift up one’s hand, is a way of taking an oath which has been in use among all nations. To give one’s hand, signifies to grant peace, to swear friendship, to promise entire security, to make alliance, 2 Kings x, 15. The Jews say, they were obliged to give the hand to the Egyptians and Assyrians, that they might procure bread, 2 Macc. xiii, 22; that is, to surrender to them, to submit. To stretch out one’s hand, signifies to chastise, to exercise severity or justice, Ezek. xxv, 7. God delivered his people with a high hand, and arm stretched out; by performing many wonders, and inflicting many chastisements, on the Egyptians. To stretch out one’s hand, sometimes denotes mercy: “I have spread out my hands,” entreated, “all the day unto a rebellious people,” Isaiah lxv, 2. Hand is also frequently taken for the power and impression of the Holy Spirit felt by a prophet: “The hand of the Lord was on Elijah,” 1 Kings xviii, 46. It is said that God gave his law by the hand of Moses, that he spoke by the hand of prophets, &c; that is, by their means, by them, &c. The right hand denotes power, strength. The Scripture generally imputes to God’s right hand all the effects of his omnipotence: “Thy right hand, O Lord, hath dashed in pieces the enemy,” Exodus xv, 6. The Son of God is often represented as sitting at the right hand of his heavenly Father: “The Lord said to my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand,” Psalm cx, 1; thou hast done thy work upon earth, now take possession of that sovereign kingdom and glory which by right belongeth unto thee; do thou rule with authority and honour, as thou art Mediator. The right hand commonly denotes the south, as the left does the north; for the Hebrews speak of the quarters of the world, in respect of themselves, having their faces turned to the east, their backs to the west, their right hands to the south, and their left to the north. For example: “Doth not David hide himself with us in strong holds, in the woods, in the hill of Hachilah, which is on the south of Jeshimon?” in Hebrew, “on the right hand of Jeshimon.” The accuser was commonly at the right hand of the accused: “Let Satan stand at his right hand,” Psalm cix, 6. And in Zech. iii, 1, Satan was at the right hand of the high priest Joshua, to accuse him. Often, in a contrary sense, to be at one’s right hand signifies to defend, to protect, to support him: “I have set the Lord always before me; because he is at my right hand, I shall not be moved,” Psalm xvi, 8. To turn from the law of God, neither to the right hand nor to the left, is a frequent Scripture expression, the meaning of which is, that we must not depart from it at all. Our Saviour, in Matt, vi, 3, to show with what privacy we should do good works, says that our left hand should not know what our right hand does. Above all things, we should avoid vanity and ostentation in all the good we undertake to do, and should not think that thereby we merit any thing. Laying on hands, or imposition of hands, is understood in different ways both in the Old and New Testament. It is often taken for ordination and consecration of priests and ministers, as well among the Jews as Christians, Num. viii, 10; Acts vi, 6; xiii, 3; 1 Tim. iv, 14. It is sometimes also made use of to signify the establishment of judges and magistrates, on whom it was usual to lay hands when they were entrusted with these employments. Thus, when Moses constituted Joshua his successor, God appointed him to lay his hands upon him, Numbers xxvii, 18. Jacob laid his hands on Ephraim and Manasseh, when he gave them his last blessing, Gen. xlviii, 14. The high priest stretched out his hands to the people, as often as he recited the solemn form of blessing, Lev. ix, 22. The Israelites, who presented sin offerings at the tabernacle, confessed their sins while they laid 434their hands upon them, Lev. i, 4. This testified that the person acknowledged himself worthy of death, that he laid his sins upon the sacrifice, that he trusted in Christ for the expiation of his sins, and that he devoted himself to God. Witnesses laid their hands upon the head of the accused person, as it were to signify that they charged upon him the guilt of his blood, and freed themselves from it, Deut. xiii, 9; xvii, 7. Our Saviour laid his hands upon the children that were presented to him, and blessed them, Mark x, 16. And the Holy Ghost was conferred on those who were baptized by the laying on of the hands of the Apostles, Acts viii, 17; xix, 6.
HAND sometimes signifies God's vengeance: “The hand of the Lord was heavy upon them of Ashdod,” after they took the ark, 1 Samuel 5:6-7. To pour water on someone’s hands means to serve them, 2 Kings 3:11. To wash one's hands indicates innocence; Pilate washed his hands to show he was innocent of Jesus' blood, Matthew 27:24. To kiss one’s hand is an act of worship, 1 Kings 19:18. “If I have looked at the sun when it was shining, and my mouth has kissed my hand,” Job 31:27. To fill one’s hands means to take on the priesthood and perform its duties; during this ceremony, parts of the victim to be offered were placed in the hand of the newly appointed priest, Judges 17:5, 12; 1 Kings 13:33. Leaning on someone's hand signifies familiarity and superiority. The king of Israel had a confidant on whom he leaned, 2 Kings 7:17. The king of Syria leaned on Naaman's hand or arm when he went to the temple of Rimmon, 2 Kings 5:18. Lifting one's hand is a way of taking an oath used by all nations. Giving one’s hand means to grant peace, swear friendship, promise security, or form an alliance, 2 Kings 10:15. The Jews claim they had to give their hand to the Egyptians and Assyrians to obtain bread, 2 Maccabees 13:22; that is, to surrender to them. Stretching out one’s hand signifies punishment or the exercise of justice, Ezekiel 25:7. God delivered His people with a strong hand and outstretched arm, performing many wonders and inflicting numerous punishments on the Egyptians. Sometimes stretching out one’s hand indicates mercy: “I have spread out my hands all day long to a rebellious people,” Isaiah 65:2. Hand often represents the power and influence of the Holy Spirit felt by a prophet: “The hand of the Lord was on Elijah,” 1 Kings 18:46. It is said that God gave His law through Moses, and spoke through the prophets, meaning through their means. The right hand signifies power and strength. Scripture typically attributes all manifestations of God's omnipotence to His right hand: “Your right hand, O Lord, has shattered the enemy,” Exodus 15:6. The Son of God is frequently depicted as sitting at the right hand of His heavenly Father: “The Lord said to my Lord, Sit at my right hand,” Psalm 110:1; you have completed your work on earth, now take possession of the kingdom and glory that rightfully belong to you; you shall rule with authority and honor, as you are the Mediator. The right hand usually indicates the south, while the left indicates the north; the Hebrews refer to the world's directions based on themselves, facing east, with their backs to the west, their right hands to the south, and their left hands to the north. For example: “Isn’t David hiding with us in strongholds, in the woods, on the hill of Hachilah, which is on the south of Jeshimon?” in Hebrew, "on the right hand of Jeshimon." The accuser traditionally stood at the right hand of the accused: “Let Satan stand at his right hand,” Psalm 109:6. In Zechariah 3:1, Satan was at the right hand of the high priest Joshua to accuse him. Conversely, being at one’s right hand signifies defense, protection, and support: “I have set the Lord always before me; because He is at my right hand, I shall not be shaken,” Psalm 16:8. Turning from God's law neither to the right hand nor to the left is a common expression in Scripture, meaning we must not deviate from it at all. Our Savior, in Matthew 6:3, says to illustrate the privacy we should have when doing good works, that our left hand should not know what our right hand is doing. Above all, we should avoid vanity and showiness in our good deeds and not think we earn anything by them. Laying on hands, or the imposition of hands, is understood in various ways in both the Old and New Testaments. It often refers to the ordination and consecration of priests and ministers, both among Jews and Christians, Numbers 8:10; Acts 6:6; 13:3; 1 Timothy 4:14. It is sometimes also used to indicate the appointment of judges and magistrates, who had hands laid upon them when entrusted with these responsibilities. For instance, when Moses appointed Joshua as his successor, God instructed him to lay hands on him, Numbers 27:18. Jacob laid his hands on Ephraim and Manasseh when he gave them his final blessing, Genesis 48:14. The high priest extended his hands to the people whenever he recited the solemn blessing, Leviticus 9:22. The Israelites, who brought sin offerings to the tabernacle, confessed their sins while laying their hands on the offerings, Leviticus 1:4. This showed the person acknowledged their guilt, laid their sins on the sacrifice, trusted in Christ for the expiation of their sins, and committed themselves to God. Witnesses laid their hands on the head of the accused, symbolizing that they charged him with the guilt of his blood, and freed themselves from it, Deuteronomy 13:9; 17:7. Our Savior laid His hands on the children brought to Him and blessed them, Mark 10:16. And the Holy Spirit was given to those who were baptized by the laying on of the hands of the Apostles, Acts 8:17; 19:6.
HANNAH. See Samuel.
HANNAH. Check __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HARAN, the eldest son of Terah, and brother to Abraham and Nahor. He was the father of Lot, Milcah, and Iscah, Gen. xi, 26, &c. Haran died before his father Terah.
HARAN, the oldest son of Terah, and brother to Abraham and Nahor. He was the father of Lot, Milcah, and Iscah, Gen. xi, 26, &c. Haran died before his father Terah.
2. Haran, otherwise called Charran, in Mesopotamia, a city celebrated for having been the place to which Abraham removed first, after he left Ur, Gen. xi, 31, 32, and where Terah was buried. Thither it was likewise that Jacob repaired to Laban, when he fled from Esau, Gen. xxvii, 43; xxviii, 10, &c. Haran was situated in the north-western part of Mesopotamia on a river of the same name running into the Euphrates. Mr. Kinneir says, that Haran, which is still so called, or rather Harran, is now peopled by a few families of wandering Arabs, who have been led thither by a plentiful supply of good water from several small streams. It is situated in 36° 52´ north latitude, and 39° 5´ east longitude; in a flat and sandy plain. Some think that it was built by Terah, or by Haran, his eldest son.
2. Haran, also known as Charran, is a city in Mesopotamia famous for being where Abraham first moved after leaving Ur, as mentioned in Gen. xi, 31, 32, and where Terah was buried. It was also where Jacob went to Laban when he fled from Esau, as noted in Gen. xxvii, 43; xxviii, 10, etc. Haran was located in the northwestern part of Mesopotamia along a river of the same name that flows into the Euphrates. Mr. Kinneir mentions that Haran, still called that or rather Harran, is now inhabited by a few families of wandering Arabs who have settled there due to an ample supply of fresh water from several small streams. It is located at 36° 52' north latitude and 39° 5' east longitude, in a flat and sandy plain. Some believe it was constructed by Terah or by Haran, his eldest son.
HARE, ארנבת, Arabic arneb, Lev. xi, 6; Deut. xiv, 7. This name is derived, as Bochart and others suppose, from ארה, to crop, and ניב, the produce of the ground; these animals being remarkable for devouring young plants and herbage. This animal resembles the rabbit, but is larger, and somewhat longer in proportion to its thickness. The hare in Syria, says Dr. Russel, is distinguished into two species, differing considerably in point of size. The largest is the Turkman hare, and chiefly haunts the plains; the other is the common hare of the desert: both are abundant. The difficulty as to this animal is, that Moses says the arnabeth chews the cud, which our hares do not: but Aristotle takes notice of the same circumstance, and affirms that the structure of its stomach is similar to that of ruminating animals. The animal here mentioned may then be a variety of the species.
HARE, Rabbit, Arabic arneb, Lev. xi, 6; Deut. xiv, 7. This name is thought, as Bochart and others suggest, to come from ארץ, to crop, and ניב, the produce of the ground; these animals are known for eating young plants and grass. This animal looks like a rabbit but is larger and a bit longer in relation to its thickness. According to Dr. Russel, the hare in Syria is divided into two species that differ quite a bit in size. The largest is the Turkman hare, which mainly lives in the plains; the other is the common hare of the desert: both are plentiful. The confusion regarding this animal arises because Moses says the arnabeth chews the cud, which our hares do not: however, Aristotle mentions this same detail and states that its stomach structure is similar to that of ruminating animals. Therefore, the animal mentioned here could be a variety of the species.
HAROSHETH OF THE GENTILES, a city supposed to be situated near Hazor, in the northern parts of Canaan, called afterward Upper Galilee, or Galilee of the Gentiles, for the same reason that this place probably obtained that title, namely, from being less inhabited by Jews, and being near the great resorts of the Gentiles, Tyre and Sidon. This is said to have been the residence of Sisera, the general of the armies of Jabin, king of Canaan, who reigned at Hazor.
HAROSHETH OF THE GENTILES was a city thought to be located near Hazor in the northern region of Canaan, later known as Upper Galilee or Galilee of the Gentiles. It likely got this name because it had fewer Jewish inhabitants and was close to the major centers of non-Jewish culture, Tyre and Sidon. This place is said to have been the home of Sisera, the commander of the armies of Jabin, king of Canaan, who ruled from Hazor.
HARP, a stringed musical instrument. The Hebrew word kinaor, which is translated “harp” in our English version, very probably denoted all stringed instruments. By the Hebrews, the harp was called the pleasant harp; and it was employed by them, not only in their devotions, but also at their entertainments and pleasures. It is probable, that the harp was nearly the earliest, if not the earliest, instrument of music. David danced when he played on the harp: the Levites did the same. Hence it appears, that it was light and portable, and that its size was restricted within limits which admitted of that service, and of that manner of using it.
HARP, a stringed musical instrument. The Hebrew word kinaor, which translates to "harp" in our English version, likely referred to all stringed instruments. The Hebrews called the harp the pleasant harp; they used it not only in their worship but also at their celebrations and leisure activities. It's likely that the harp was one of the earliest, if not the very first, musical instruments. David danced while he played the harp, and the Levites did the same. This suggests that it was lightweight and portable, designed to be compact enough for that kind of use and service.
HART, איל, Deut. xii, 15; xiv, 5; Psalm xlii, 1; Isaiah xxxv, 6, the stag, or male deer. Dr. Shaw considers its name in Hebrew as a generic word including all the species of the deer kind; whether they are distinguished by round horns, as the stag; or by flat ones, as the fallow deer; or by the smallness of the branches, as the roe. Mr. Good observes that the hind and roe, the hart and the antelope, were held, and still continue to be, in the highest estimation in all the eastern countries, for the voluptuous beauty of their eyes, the delicate elegance of their form, or their graceful agility of action. The names of these animals were perpetually applied, therefore, to persons, whether male or female, who were supposed to be possessed of any of their respective qualities. In 2 Sam. i, 19, Saul is denominated “the roe of Israel;” and in the eighteenth verse of the ensuing chapter, we are told that “Asahel was as light of foot as a wild roe:” a phraseology perfectly synonymous with the epithet swift-footed, which Homer has so frequently bestowed upon his hero Achilles. Thus again: “Her princes are like harts which find no pasture; they are fled without strength before their pursuers,” Lam. i, 6. “The Lord Jehovah is my strength; he will make my feet like hinds’ feet; he will cause me to tread again on my own hills,” Hab. iii, 19. See Hind.
HART, איל, Deut. 12:15; 14:5; Psalm 42:1; Isaiah 35:6, the stag, or male deer. Dr. Shaw views its Hebrew name as a general term that includes all species of deer, whether they have round horns like the stag, flat ones like the fallow deer, or smaller branches like the roe. Mr. Good notes that the hind and roe, the hart and the antelope have been and still are highly valued in all eastern countries for their alluring eyes, elegant forms, and graceful movements. As a result, the names of these animals have often been used to describe people, both male and female, believed to possess similar qualities. In 2 Sam. 1:19, Saul is referred to as “the roe of Israel,” and in the following chapter, verse 18, we read that “Asahel was as light of foot as a wild roe,” a phrase equivalent to the term swift-footed that Homer frequently applied to his hero Achilles. Additionally, it says: “Her princes are like harts that find no pasture; they have fled without strength before their pursuers,” Lam. 1:6. “The Lord Jehovah is my strength; he will make my feet like hinds’ feet; he will enable me to tread on my own hills,” Hab. 3:19. See Hind.
HARVEST. Three months intervened between the seed time and the first reaping, and a month between this and the full harvest. Barley is in full ear all over the Holy Land, in the beginning of April; and about the middle of the same month, it begins to turn yellow, particularly in the southern districts; being as forward near Jericho in the latter end of March, as it is in the plains of Acre a fortnight afterward. The reaping continues till the middle of Sivan, or till about the end of May or beginning of June, which, as the time of wheat harvest, finishes this part of the husbandman’s labours.
HARVEST. Three months passed between the planting of seeds and the first harvest, and another month from that to the full harvest. Barley is fully grown across the Holy Land by early April; around the middle of that month, it starts to turn yellow, especially in the southern regions. Near Jericho, it's advanced by the end of March, just as it is in the plains of Acre two weeks later. The harvesting goes on until the middle of Sivan, or about the end of May to early June, which marks the completion of this phase of the farmer's work.
2. The reapers in Palestine and Syria make use of the sickle in cutting down their crops, and, according to the present custom in this country, “fill their hand” with the corn, and those who bind up the sheaves, their “bosom,” Psalm cxxix, 7; Ruth ii, 5. When the crop is thin and short, which is generally the case in light soils, and with their imperfect cultivation, it is not reaped with the sickle, but 435plucked up by the root with the hand. By this mode of reaping, they leave the most fruitful fields as naked as if nothing had ever grown on them; and as no hay is made in the east, this is done, that they may not lose any of the straw, which is necessary for the sustenance of their cattle. The practice of plucking up with the hand is perhaps referred to in these words of the Psalmist, to which reference has already been made: “Let them be as the grass upon the house tops, which withereth afore it groweth up; wherewith the mower filleth not his hand, nor he that bindeth sheaves his bosom.” The tops of the houses in Judea are flat, and, being covered with plaster of terrace, are frequently grown over with grass. As it is but small and weak, and from its elevation exposed to the scorching sun, it is soon withered. A more beautiful and striking figure, to display the weak and evanescent condition of wicked men, cannot easily be conceived.
2. The harvesters in Palestine and Syria use sickles to cut down their crops and, according to current practice in this region, “fill their hands” with the grain, while those who bundle the sheaves fill their “bosom,” Psalm cxxix, 7; Ruth ii, 5. When the crop is sparse and short, which is usually the case in lighter soils and due to inadequate cultivation, it isn’t cut with a sickle but is instead pulled up by the roots by hand. This method of harvesting leaves the most fertile fields looking bare as if nothing ever grew there. Since no hay is made in the East, this practice ensures that they don't lose any of the straw, which is important for feeding their livestock. The act of pulling up by hand is possibly referenced in these words from the Psalmist that have been mentioned before: “Let them be like the grass on the rooftops, which withers before it even grows; the mower does not fill his hand with it, nor does the binder fill his bosom.” The rooftops in Judea are flat and often covered with plaster, and they frequently get overgrown with grass. Since this grass is small and weak and gets lots of sun, it withers quickly. It’s hard to imagine a more beautiful and striking image to illustrate the frail and fleeting nature of wicked people.
3. The reapers go to the field very early in the morning, and return home betimes in the afternoon. They carry provisions along with them, and leathern bottles, or dried bottle gourds, filled with water. They are followed by their own children, or by others, who glean with much success, for a great quantity of corn is scattered in the reaping, and in their manner of carrying it. The greater part of these circumstances are discernible in the manners of the ancient Israelites. Ruth had not proposed to Naomi, her mother-in-law, to go to the field, and glean after the reapers; nor had the servant of Boaz, to whom she applied for leave, so readily granted her request, if gleaning had not been a common practice in that country. When Boaz inquired who she was, his overseer, after informing him, observes, that she came out to the field in the morning; and that the reapers left the field early in the afternoon, as Dr. Russel states, is evident from this circumstance, that Ruth had time to beat out her gleanings before evening. They carried water and provisions with them; for Boaz invited her to come and drink of the water which the young men had drawn; and at meal-time, to eat of the bread, and dip her morsel in the vinegar. And so great was the simplicity of manners in that part of the world, and in those times, that Boaz himself, although a prince of high rank in Judah, sat down to dinner in the field with his reapers, and helped Ruth with his own hand. Nor ought we to pass over in silence the mutual salutation of Boaz and his reapers, when he came to the field, as it strongly marks the state of religious feeling in Israel at the time, and furnishes another proof of the artless, the happy, and unsuspecting simplicity, which characterized the manners of that highly favoured people. “And, behold, Boaz came from Bethlehem, and said unto the reapers, The Lord be with you. And they answered him, The Lord bless thee,” Ruth ii, 4.
3. The harvesters head to the fields early in the morning and return home in the afternoon. They bring food with them, as well as leather bottles or dried gourds filled with water. Their children or others follow them to gather leftover grains, as there’s always a lot of corn scattered during the harvest. Many of these practices reflect the customs of the ancient Israelites. Ruth didn’t suggest to her mother-in-law Naomi that they go to the field to glean after the harvesters, nor would Boaz's servant have easily granted her permission if gleaning wasn’t a common practice there. When Boaz asked who she was, his foreman explained that she came to the field in the morning. It’s clear from this that the harvesters left early in the afternoon, as Ruth had time to thresh her gleanings before evening. They brought water and food with them; Boaz invited her to drink from the water drawn by the young men and to eat the bread and dip her morsel in vinegar during mealtime. The simplicity of life in that area and at that time was so great that Boaz, though a well-respected leader in Judah, ate lunch in the field with his harvesters and personally helped Ruth. We shouldn’t overlook the friendly greeting exchanged between Boaz and his workers when he arrived at the field, as it highlights the religious atmosphere in Israel at the time and provides another example of the innocent, joyful simplicity that defined the lives of that blessed people. “And, behold, Boaz came from Bethlehem and said to the reapers, The Lord be with you. And they answered him, The Lord bless thee,” Ruth ii, 4.
4. It appears from the beautiful history of Ruth, that, in Palestine, the women lent their assistance in cutting down and gathering in the harvest; for Boaz commands her to keep fast by his maidens. The women in Syria shared also in the labours of the harvest; for Dr. Russel informs us, they sang the ziraleet, or song of thanks, when the passing stranger accepted their present of a handful of corn, and made a suitable return. It was another custom among the Jews to set a confidential servant over the reapers, to see that they executed their work properly, that they had suitable provisions, and to pay them their wages: the Chaldees call him rab, the master, ruler, or governor of the reapers. Such was the person who directed the labours of the reapers in the field of Boaz. The right of the poor in Israel to glean after the reapers was secured by a positive law, couched in these words: “And when ye reap the harvest of your land, thou shalt not wholly reap the corners of thy land; neither shalt thou gather the gleanings of thy harvest. And thou shalt not glean thy vineyard, neither shalt thou gather every grape of thy vineyard: thou shalt leave them to the poor and the stranger: I am the Lord your God,” Lev. xix, 9. It is the opinion of some writers, that, although the poor were allowed the liberty of gleaning, the Israelitish proprietors were not obliged to admit them immediately into the field, as soon as the reapers had cut down the corn, and bound it up in sheaves, but when it was carried off: they might choose, also, among the poor, whom they thought most deserving, or most necessitous. These opinions receive some countenance from the request which Ruth presented to the servant of Boaz, to permit her to glean “among the sheaves;” and from the charge of Boaz to his young men, “Let her glean even among the sheaves;” a mode of speaking which seems to insinuate that though they could not legally hinder Ruth from gleaning in the field, they had a right, if they chose to exercise it, to prohibit her from gleaning among the sheaves, or immediately after the reapers.
4. It seems from the beautiful story of Ruth that, in Palestine, women helped with cutting down and gathering the harvest; Boaz tells her to stay close to his female workers. Women in Syria also participated in the harvest; Dr. Russel tells us they sang the ziraleet, or song of thanks, when a passing stranger accepted their gift of a handful of corn and made a suitable response. It was another Jewish custom to appoint a trusted servant over the reapers, to make sure they did their work correctly, provided them with proper provisions, and paid them their wages: the Chaldeans call him rab, the master, ruler, or governor of the reapers. This is the person who managed the work of the reapers in Boaz's field. The right of the poor in Israel to glean after the reapers was guaranteed by a specific law, which states: “And when you reap the harvest of your land, you shall not completely harvest the corners of your land; nor shall you gather the gleanings of your harvest. And you shall not glean your vineyard, nor shall you gather every grape of your vineyard: you shall leave them for the poor and the stranger: I am the Lord your God,” Lev. xix, 9. Some writers believe that although the poor were allowed to glean, the Israelite landowners were not forced to let them into the field right after the reapers had cut and bundled the corn, but only after it was taken away; they could also choose which among the poor they thought was most deserving or in need. These views are supported by Ruth's request to Boaz's servant to let her glean “among the sheaves,” and Boaz’s instruction to his young men, “Let her glean even among the sheaves;” a way of speaking that suggests although they couldn’t legally stop Ruth from gleaning in the field, they had the right, if they chose to use it, to deny her the chance to glean among the sheaves or right after the reapers.
HATE. To hate is not always to be understood rigorously, but frequently signifies merely a less degree of love. “If a man have two wives, one beloved and another hated,” Deut. xxi, 15; that is, less beloved. Our Saviour says that he who would follow him must hate father and mother; that is, he must love them less than Christ, less than his own salvation, and not prefer them to God. “Jacob have I loved, and Esau have I hated;” that is, have deprived of the privileges of his primogeniture, through his own profanity; and visited him with severe judgment on account of his sins.
HATE. To hate isn’t always to be understood strictly, but often just means a lesser degree of love. “If a man has two wives, one loved and another hated,” Deut. xx1, 15; that is, one is less loved. Our Savior says that anyone who wants to follow him must hate their father and mother; meaning, they must love them less than Christ, less than their own salvation, and not put them above God. “Jacob I loved, but Esau I hated;” that is, he has been deprived of the rights of his birthright because of his own disrespect and has faced harsh judgment for his sins.
HAURAN. The tract of country of this name is mentioned only twice in Scripture, Ezek. xlvii, 16, 18. It was probably of small extent in the time of the Jews; but was enlarged under the Romans, by whom it was called Auranitis. At present it extends from about twenty miles south of Damascus to a little below Bozra, including the rocky district of El Ledja, the ancient Trachonitis, and the mountainous one of the Djebel Haouran. Within its limits are also included, beside Trachonitis, 436Ituræa or Ittur, now called Djedour, and part of Batanæa or Bashan. It is represented by Burckhardt as a volcanic region, consisting of a porous tufa, pumice, and basalt, with the remains of a crater on the Tel Shoba, on its eastern side. It produces, however, crops of corn, and has many patches of luxuriant herbage, which are frequented in the summer by the Arab tribes for pasturage. It abounds, also, with many interesting remains of cities, scattered over its surface, with Grecian inscriptions. The chief of these are Bozra, Ezra, Medjel, Shoba, Shakka, Souerda, Kanouat, Hebran, Zarle, Oerman, and Aatyl; with Messema, Berak, and Om Ezzeitoun, in the Ledja.
HAURAN. This area is mentioned only twice in the Bible, in Ezekiel 47:16 and 18. It was likely small in size during the Jewish period but was expanded under the Romans, who called it Auranitis. Today, it stretches from about twenty miles south of Damascus to just below Bozra, encompassing the rocky region of El Ledja, known in ancient times as Trachonitis, and the mountainous area of Djebel Haouran. Within its borders, alongside Trachonitis, are Ituræa or Ittur, currently known as Djedour, and part of Batanæa or Bashan. Burckhardt describes it as a volcanic region made up of porous tufa, pumice, and basalt, with a crater remnant located at Tel Shoba on its eastern side. Despite this, it produces grain crops and has many lush patches of grass that Arab tribes often use for grazing in the summer. Additionally, the area is rich in fascinating ruins of cities, with Greek inscriptions scattered throughout. The most notable of these include Bozra, Ezra, Medjel, Shoba, Shakka, Souerda, Kanouat, Hebran, Zarle, Oerman, and Aatyl, along with Messema, Berak, and Om Ezzeitoun in the Ledja.
HAVILAH, the son of Cush, Genesis x, 7. There must have been other, and perhaps many, Havilahs beside the original one, a part of the numerous and wide-spread posterity of Cush. By one and the first of these, it is probable that the western shores of the Persian Gulf were peopled; by another, the country of Colchis; and by another, the parts about the southern border of the Dead Sea and the confines of Judea, the country afterward inhabited by the Amalekites.
HAVILAH, the son of Cush, Genesis x, 7. There must have been other, and probably many, Havilahs apart from the original one, part of the large and widespread descendants of Cush. It’s likely that one of these populated the western shores of the Persian Gulf; another settled in the region of Colchis; and yet another inhabited the areas around the southern border of the Dead Sea and the borders of Judea, which later became the land of the Amalekites.
HAWK, נץ, from the root נצה, to fly, because of the rapidity and length of flight for which this bird is remarkable, Lev. xi, 16; Deut. xiv, 15; Job xxxix, 26. Naz is used generically by the Arabian writers to signify both falcon and hawk; and the term is given in both these senses by Meninski. There can be little doubt that such is the real meaning of the Hebrew word, and that it imports various species of the falcon family, as jer-falcon, goshawk, and sparrow-hawk. As this is a bird of prey, cruel in its temper, and gross in its manners, it was forbidden as food, and all others of its kind, in the Mosaic ritual. The Greeks consecrated the hawk to Apollo; and among the Egyptians no animal was held in so high veneration as the ibis and the hawk. Most of the species of hawk, we are told; are birds of passage. The hawk, therefore, is produced, in Job xxxix, 26, as a specimen of that astonishing instinct which teaches birds of passage to know their times and seasons, when to migrate out of one country into another for the benefit of food, or a warmer climate, or both. The common translation does not give the full force of the passage: “Doth the hawk fly by thy wisdom?” The real meaning is, “Doth she know, through thy skill or wisdom, the precise period for taking flight, or migrating and stretching her wings toward a southern or warmer climate?” The passage is well rendered by Sandys:--
HAWK, נץ, from the root נצה, to fly, because of the speed and distance of flight for which this bird is known, Lev. xi, 16; Deut. xiv, 15; Job xxxix, 26. Naz is used generally by Arabic writers to refer to both falcon and hawk; Meninski uses the term in both of these meanings. It's clear that this reflects the true meaning of the Hebrew word, indicating various species of the falcon family, such as jer-falcon, goshawk, and sparrow-hawk. Since this is a bird of prey, known for its cruelty and rough behavior, it was banned as food, along with all others of its kind, in the Mosaic law. The Greeks dedicated the hawk to Apollo, and in Egypt, no animal was revered as highly as the ibis and the hawk. Most hawk species are migratory. Therefore, the hawk is mentioned in Job xxxix, 26, as an example of the amazing instinct that guides migratory birds to know their times and seasons for leaving one country for another in search of food or a warmer climate, or both. The usual translation doesn't capture the full meaning of the passage: “Does the hawk fly by your wisdom?” The true meaning is, “Does she know, through your skill or wisdom, the exact time for taking flight or migrating towards a southern or warmer climate?” The passage is well rendered by Sandys:--
Her migration is not conducted by the wisdom and prudence of man, but by the superintending and upholding providence of the only wise God.
Her migration isn't guided by human wisdom and caution, but by the overseeing and sustaining power of the only wise God.
HAY, חציר. In the two places where this word occurs, Prov. xxvii, 25, and Isaiah xv, 16, our translators have very improperly rendered it “hay.” But in those countries they made no hay; and, if they did, it appears from inspection that hay could hardly be the meaning of the word in either of those texts. The author of “Fragments,” in continuation of Calmet, has the following remarks: “There is a gross impropriety in our version of Prov. xxvii, 25: ‘The hay appeareth, and the tender grass showeth itself, and the herbs of the mountains are gathered.’ Now, certainly, if the tender grass is but just beginning to show itself, the hay, which is grass cut and dried after it has arrived at maturity, ought by no means to be associated with it, still less ought it to be placed before it. And this leads me to observe, that none of the dictionaries which I have seen seem to me to give the accurate import of the word, which, I apprehend, means the first shoots, the rising, budding, spires of grass. So, in the present passage, גלה חציר, ‘the tender shoots of the grass rise up; and the buddings of grass,’ grass in its early state, as is the peculiar import of רשא, ‘appear; and the tufts of grass,’ proceeding from the same root, ‘collect themselves together, and, by their union, begin to clothe the mountain tops with a pleasing verdure.’” Surely, the beautiful progress of vegetation, as described in this passage, must appear too poetical to be lost; but what must it be to an eastern beholder! to one who had lately witnessed all surrounding sterility, a grassless waste!
HAY, Hay. In the two places where this word appears, Prov. xxvii, 25, and Isaiah xv, 16, our translators have incorrectly translated it as “hay.” But in those regions, they didn’t make hay; and even if they did, a closer look suggests that “hay” cannot be the correct meaning in either of those passages. The author of “Fragments,” building on Calmet’s work, has the following comments: “There is a significant mistake in our translation of Prov. xxvii, 25: ‘The hay appears, and the tender grass shows itself, and the herbs of the mountains are gathered.’ Certainly, if the tender grass is just starting to show, then hay, which is grass that has been cut and dried once it reaches maturity, should not be associated with it, especially not placed before it. This leads me to point out that none of the dictionaries I’ve seen seem to convey the true meaning of the word, which I believe refers to the first shoots, the rising, budding, spires of grass. Therefore, in the current passage, Discover hay, ‘the tender shoots of the grass rise up; and the buddings of grass,’ refers to grass in its early state, as implied by רשאי, ‘appear; and the tufts of grass,’ from the same root, ‘gather together, and, through their union, begin to cover the mountain tops with a pleasing green.’” Surely, the beautiful development of vegetation as described in this passage should not be overlooked; but what would it mean to someone in the East? To someone who had just witnessed all surrounding barrenness, a grassless wasteland!
HAZAEL. Elisha coming to Damascus, the capital of Syria, Benhadad, the reigning monarch, being then indisposed, sent Hazael, who was one of his principal officers, to wait upon the prophet, and consult him as to the issue of his disorder, 2 Kings viii, 7–13. The prophet told Hazael that certainly his master might recover, because his complaint was not mortal; yet he was very well assured that he would not recover; and, looking him steadfastly in the face, Elisha burst into tears. Surprised at this conduct, Hazael inquired the cause. “Because I know,” said the prophet, “the evil that thou wilt do to the children of Israel: their strong holds wilt thou set on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their infants against the stones, and rip up their women with child.” Hazael indignantly exclaimed, “Is thy servant a dog, that he should do this great thing?” Elisha merely answered, “The Lord hath showed me that thou shalt be king over Syria,” 2 Kings viii, 7–13. On his return home, Hazael concealed from his master Benhadad the prophet’s answer, and inspired him with hopes of recovery; but on the following day, he took effectual means to prevent it, by stifling the king with a thick cloth dipped with water; and, as Benhadad had no son, and Hazael was a man much esteemed in the army, he was, without difficulty declared his successor, A. M. 3120. Hazael soon inflicted upon Israel all the cruelties which Elisha had foretold. For when Jehu broke up the siege of Ramoth-Gilead, and came with his army to Samaria, Hazael took advantage of his absence to fall upon his territories beyond Jordan, destroying all the land of Gilead, Gad, Reuben, and Manasseh, 437from Aroer to Bashan, 2 Kings x, 32. Some years passed after this before Hazael undertook any thing against the kingdom of Judah, it being remote from Damascus; but in the reign of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, A. M. 3165, he besieged the city of Gath, and, having taken it, marched against Jerusalem, 2 Kings xii, 17, 18. But Joash, conscious of his inferiority, bribed him at the price of all the money he could raise, to evacuate Judea, with which he for the moment complied; yet, in the following year, the army of Hazael returned, entered the territories of Judah, and the city of Jerusalem, slew all the princes of the people, and sent a valuable booty to their royal master, 2 Kings xiii, 22; 2 Chron. xxiv, 23.
HAZAEL. When Elisha arrived in Damascus, the capital of Syria, the current king, Benhadad, was unwell and sent Hazael, one of his top officials, to meet the prophet and ask about his recovery, 2 Kings viii, 7–13. The prophet told Hazael that his master might recover since his illness wasn’t fatal, but he was quite sure that he wouldn’t. Looking directly at Hazael, Elisha began to cry. Surprised by this reaction, Hazael asked why. “Because I know,” the prophet said, “the terrible things you will do to the children of Israel: you will burn their strongholds, kill their young men with the sword, throw their infants against the stones, and rip open their pregnant women.” Hazael indignantly replied, “Is your servant a dog, that he would commit such a horrific act?” Elisha simply responded, “The Lord has shown me that you will become king of Syria,” 2 Kings viii, 7–13. On his way back, Hazael hid the prophet’s message from King Benhadad and gave him hope for recovery. But the next day, he took decisive action to ensure it wouldn’t happen by suffocating the king with a thick cloth soaked in water. Since Benhadad had no son and Hazael was well-regarded in the army, he was easily declared his successor, A. M. 3120. Hazael soon inflicted on Israel all the horrors that Elisha had predicted. When Jehu lifted the siege of Ramoth-Gilead and returned with his army to Samaria, Hazael seized the opportunity to attack his territories beyond Jordan, devastating all the land of Gilead, Gad, Reuben, and Manasseh, 437 from Aroer to Bashan, 2 Kings x, 32. Several years passed before Hazael launched an attack on the kingdom of Judah, as it was far from Damascus. However, during the reign of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, A. M. 3165, he laid siege to the city of Gath, and after capturing it, he marched towards Jerusalem, 2 Kings xii, 17, 18. Aware of his weakness, Joash paid him off with all the money he could gather to convince him to withdraw from Judea, and Hazael agreed for the time being. Yet the following year, Hazael’s army returned, invaded Judah, and entered Jerusalem, killing all the princes of the people, and sent a large amount of plunder back to their royal master, 2 Kings xiii, 22; 2 Chron. xxiv, 23.
HEAD. This word has several significations, beside its natural one, which denotes the head of a man. It is sometimes used in Scripture for the whole man: “Blessings are upon the head of the just,” Prov. x, 6; that is, upon their persons. God says of the wicked, “I will recompense their way upon their head,” Ezek. ix, 10. It signifies a chief or capital city: “The head of Syria is Damascus,” Isaiah vii, 8. It denotes a chief or principal members in society: “The Lord will cut off from Israel head and tail. The ancient and honourable he is the head,” Isaiah ix, 14, 15. “The seed of the woman shall bruise the head of the serpent,” Gen. iii, 15; that is, Christ Jesus, the blessed seed of the woman, shall overthrow the power, policy, and works of the devil. The river in paradise was divided into four heads or branches. In times of grief, the mourners covered their heads: they cut and plucked off their hair. Amos, speaking of unhappy times, says, “I will bring baldness upon every head,” Amos viii, 10. In prosperity, they anointed their heads with sweet oils: “Let thy head lack no” perfumed “ointment,” Eccles. ix, 8. To shake the head at any one, expresses contempt: “The virgin, the daughter of Zion, hath despised thee, and laughed thee to scorn; the daughter of Jerusalem hath shaken her head at thee,” Isaiah xxxvii, 22.
HEAD. This word has several meanings beyond its basic definition as the top part of a person's body. In Scripture, it can refer to an entire person: “Blessings are upon the head of the just,” Prov. x, 6; meaning upon their lives. God speaks of the wicked, saying, “I will bring their consequences upon their heads,” Ezek. ix, 10. It can also refer to a main or capital city: “The head of Syria is Damascus,” Isaiah vii, 8. It indicates leading or key members in society: “The Lord will cut off from Israel head and tail. The ancient and honorable he is the head,” Isaiah ix, 14, 15. “The seed of the woman shall bruise the head of the serpent,” Gen. iii, 15; meaning Christ Jesus, the blessed seed of the woman, will defeat the power and works of the devil. The river in paradise was split into four heads or branches. During times of sorrow, mourners would cover their heads and cut or pull out their hair. Amos, referring to unfortunate times, says, “I will bring baldness upon every head,” Amos viii, 10. In times of prosperity, they would anoint their heads with sweet oils: “Let thy head lack no” perfumed “ointment,” Eccles. ix, 8. Shaking one's head at someone shows contempt: “The virgin, the daughter of Zion, has despised you and laughed at you; the daughter of Jerusalem has shaken her head at you,” Isaiah xxxvii, 22.
Head is taken for one that hath rule and preëminence over others. Thus God is the head of Christ; as Mediator, from him he derives all his dignity and authority. Christ is the only spiritual head of the church, both in respect of eminence and influence; he communicates life, motion, and strength to every believer. Also the husband is the head of his wife, because by God’s ordinance he is to rule over her, Gen. iii, 16; also in regard to preëminence of sex, 1 Peter iii, 7, and excellency of knowledge, 1 Cor. xiv, 35. The Apostle mentions this subordination of persons in 1 Cor. xi, 3: “But I would have you know, that the head of every man is Christ, and the head of the woman is the man, and the head of Christ is God.” “The stone which the builders rejected was made the head of the corner,” Psalm cxviii, 22. It was the first in the angle, whether it were disposed at the top of that angle to adorn and crown it, or at the bottom to support it. This, in the New Testament, is applied to Christ, who is the strength and beauty of the church, to unite the several parts of it, namely both Jews and Gentiles together.
The head refers to someone who has authority and superiority over others. In this way, God is the head of Christ; as Mediator, He derives all His dignity and authority from Him. Christ is the only spiritual head of the church, both in terms of superiority and influence; He gives life, movement, and strength to every believer. Likewise, the husband is the head of his wife, as per God's ordinance he is to lead her, Genesis 3:16; also regarding the superiority of gender, 1 Peter 3:7, and excellence of knowledge, 1 Corinthians 14:35. The Apostle discusses this hierarchy of people in 1 Corinthians 11:3: “But I want you to know that the head of every man is Christ, the head of the woman is the man, and the head of Christ is God.” “The stone that the builders rejected has become the chief cornerstone,” Psalm 118:22. It was the first in the angle, whether situated at the top of that angle to adorn it, or at the bottom to support it. This, in the New Testament, refers to Christ, who is the strength and beauty of the church, uniting both Jews and Gentiles together.
HEAR, HEARING. This word is used in several senses in Scripture. In its obvious and literal acceptation, it denotes the exercise of that bodily sense of which the ear is the organ; and as hearing is a sense by which instruction is conveyed to the mind, and the mind is excited to attention and to obedience, so the ideas of attention and obedience are also grafted on the expression or sense of hearing. God is said, speaking after the manner of men, to hear prayer, that is, to attend to it, and comply with the requests it contains: “I love the Lord, because he hath heard,” hath attended to, hath complied with, “the voice of my supplication,” Psalm cxvi, 1. On the contrary, God is said not to hear, that is, not to comply with, the requests of sinners, John ix, 31. Men are said to hear, when they attend to, or comply with, the request of each other, or when they obey the commands of God: “He who is of God heareth,” obeyeth, practiseth, “God’s words,” John viii, 47. “My sheep hear my voice,” and show their attention to it, by following me, John x, 27. “This is my beloved Son: hear ye him,” Matt. xvii, 5. This seems to be an allusion to Deut. xviii, 15, 18, 19: “The Lord shall raise up unto you a prophet; him shall ye hear;” which is also expressly applied in Acts iii, 22. The other senses which may be attached to the word “hear,” seem to rise from the preceding, and may be referred to the same ideas.
HEAR, HEARING. This word is used in several ways in Scripture. In its obvious and literal sense, it refers to the bodily sense associated with the ear; since hearing is a way information is transmitted to the mind, it also encourages attention and obedience. Thus, the concepts of attention and obedience are linked to the meaning of hearing. God is said, in terms understandable to humans, to hear prayer, meaning He pays attention to it and acts on the requests it includes: “I love the Lord because he has heard,” has listened to, has acted on, “the voice of my supplication,” Psalm 116:1. Conversely, God is said not to hear, which means He does not act on, the requests of sinners, John 9:31. People are said to hear when they pay attention to or respond to one another's requests, or when they obey God’s commands: “He who is of God hears,” obeys, practices, “God’s words,” John 8:47. “My sheep hear my voice,” and show their attention by following me, John 10:27. “This is my beloved Son: hear him,” Matt. 17:5. This seems to refer back to Deut. 18:15, 18, 19: “The Lord will raise up for you a prophet; him you shall hear;” which is also explicitly referenced in Acts 3:22. The other meanings that may be associated with the word “hear” seem to stem from these earlier ideas and can be linked to the same concepts.
HEART. The Hebrews regarded the heart as the source of wit, understanding, love, courage, grief, and pleasure. Hence are derived many modes of expression. “An honest and good heart,” Luke viii, 15, is a heart studious of holiness, being prepared by the Spirit of God to receive the word with due affections, dispositions, and resolutions. We read of a broken heart, a clean heart, an evil heart, a liberal heart. To “turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers,” Mal. iv, 6, signifies to cause them to be perfectly reconciled, and that they should be of the same mind. To want heart, sometimes denotes to want understanding and prudence: “Ephraim is like a silly dove, without heart,” Hosea vii, 11. “O fools, and slow of heart,” Luke xxiv, 25; that is, ignorant, and without understanding. “This people’s heart is waxed gross, lest they should understand with their heart,” Matt. xiii, 15; their heart is become incapable of understanding spiritual things; they resist the light, and are proof against all impressions of truth. “The prophets prophesy out of their own heart,” Ezekiel xiii, 2; that is, according to their own imagination, without any warrant from God.
HEART. The Hebrews viewed the heart as the center of intelligence, understanding, love, courage, sadness, and joy. This perspective gives rise to many expressions. “An honest and good heart,” Luke viii, 15, refers to a heart that seeks holiness, prepared by the Spirit of God to accept the word with appropriate feelings, attitudes, and intentions. We talk about a broken heart, a pure heart, an evil heart, a generous heart. To “turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers,” Mal. iv, 6, means to create perfect reconciliation and shared understanding between them. To lack heart sometimes means to lack understanding and wisdom: “Ephraim is like a silly dove, without heart,” Hosea vii, 11. “O fools, and slow of heart,” Luke xxiv, 25; that is, ignorant and lacking understanding. “This people’s heart is waxed gross, lest they should understand with their heart,” Matt. xiii, 15; their heart has become incapable of grasping spiritual matters; they resist the truth and are immune to all impressions of reality. “The prophets prophesy out of their own heart,” Ezekiel xiii, 2; meaning, they speak from their own imagination, without any authority from God.
The heart is said to be dilated by joy, contracted by sadness, broken by sorrow, to grow fat, and be hardened by prosperity. The heart melts under discouragement, forsakes one under terror, is desolate in affliction, and fluctuating 438in doubt. To speak to any one’s heart is to comfort him, to say pleasing and affecting things to him. The heart expresses also the middle part of any thing: “Tyre is in the heart of the seas,” Ezekiel xxvii, 4; in the midst of the seas. “We will not fear though the mountains be carried into the heart (middle) of the sea,” Psalm xlvi, 2.
The heart is thought to swell with joy, shrink with sadness, break with sorrow, become heavier with prosperity, and toughen over time. It softens with discouragement, abandons you in fear, feels empty in distress, and wavers in uncertainty. 438 To speak to someone's heart is to comfort them, to share kind and impactful words. The heart also refers to the central part of something: “Tyre is in the heart of the seas,” Ezekiel xxvii, 4; meaning in the middle of the seas. “We will not fear even if the mountains are thrown into the heart (middle) of the sea,” Psalm xlvi, 2.
The heart of man is naturally depraved and inclined to evil, Jer. xvii, 9. A divine power is requisite for its renovation, John iii, 1–11. When thus renewed, the effects will be seen in the temper, conversation, and conduct at large. Hardness of heart is that state in which a sinner is inclined to, and actually goes on in, rebellion against God.
The human heart is naturally corrupt and inclined towards evil, Jer. xvii, 9. A divine power is necessary for its transformation, John iii, 1–11. When renewed in this way, the changes will be evident in one's attitude, words, and overall behavior. Hardness of heart is the condition in which a person is inclined to, and actively engages in, rebellion against God.
HEATH, ערער, Jer. xvii, 6; xlviii, 6. “He shall be like the heath in the desert. He shall not see when good cometh; but shall inhabit the parched places in the wilderness, a salt land.” The LXX and Vulgate render oror, “the tamarisk;” and this is strengthened by the affinity of the Hebrew name of this tree with the Turkish œrœr. Taylor and Parkhurst render it, “a blasted tree stripped of its foliage.” If it be a particular tree, the tamarisk is as likely as any. Celsius thinks it to be the juniper; but from the mention of it as growing in a salt land, in parched places, the author of “Scripture Illustrated” is disposed to seek it among the lichens, a species of plants which are the last production of vegetation under the frozen zone, and under the glowing heat of equatorial deserts; so that it seems best qualified to endure parched places, and a salt land. Hasselquist mentions several kinds seen by him in Egypt, Arabia, and Syria. In Jer. xlviii, 6, the original word is ערוער, which the Septuagint translators have read ערור, for they render it ὄνος ἄγριος, wild ass; and, as this seems best to agree with the flight recommended in the passage, it is to be preferred. See Wild Ass.
HEATH, Appeal, Jer. xvii, 6; xlviii, 6. “He will be like the heath in the desert. He won't see when good comes; instead, he will live in dry places in the wilderness, a salty land.” The LXX and Vulgate translate oror as “the tamarisk,” which is supported by the similarity of the Hebrew name for this tree with the Turkish œrœr. Taylor and Parkhurst describe it as “a blasted tree stripped of its leaves.” If it refers to a specific tree, the tamarisk is just as likely as any. Celsius suggests it might be juniper; however, because it's mentioned as growing in a salty land and dry areas, the author of “Scripture Illustrated” thinks it might be among the lichens, a type of plant that is the last to thrive in frozen zones and under the intense heat of equatorial deserts, making it particularly suited to survive in arid and salty areas. Hasselquist notes several types he observed in Egypt, Arabia, and Syria. In Jer. xlviii, 6, the original word is ערוער, which the Septuagint translators misread as Appeal, rendering it ὄνος ἄγριος, wild ass; and since this aligns best with the escape suggested in the passage, it should be preferred. See Wild Donkey.
HEAVEN, the place of the more immediate residence of the Most High, Gen. xiv, 19. The Jews enumerated three heavens: the first was the region of the air, where the birds fly, and which are therefore called “the fowls of heaven,” Job xxxv, 11. It is in this sense also that we read of the dew of heaven, the clouds of heaven, and the wind of heaven. The second is that part of space in which are fixed the heavenly luminaries, the sun, moon, and stars, and which Moses was instructed to call “the firmament or expanse of heaven,” Gen. i, 8. The third heaven is the seat of God and of the holy angels; the place into which Christ ascended after his resurrection, and into which St. Paul was caught up, though it is not like the other heavens perceptible to mortal view.
HEAVEN, the place where the Most High resides most directly, Gen. xiv, 19. The Jews identified three heavens: the first is the area of the sky where birds fly, which is why they are referred to as “the fowls of heaven,” Job xxxv, 11. This is also the context for expressions like the dew of heaven, the clouds of heaven, and the wind of heaven. The second is the section of space where the celestial bodies are located, including the sun, moon, and stars, which Moses referred to as “the firmament or expanse of heaven,” Gen. i, 8. The third heaven is the dwelling place of God and the holy angels; it is where Christ ascended after his resurrection and where St. Paul was taken up, although it is not visible to human eyes like the other heavens.
2. It is an opinion not destitute of probability, that the construction of the tabernacle, in which Jehovah dwelt by a visible symbol, termed “the cloud of glory,” was intended to be a type of heaven. In the holiest place of the tabernacle, “the glory of the Lord,” or visible emblem of his presence, rested between the cherubims; by the figures of which, the angelic host surrounding the throne of God in heaven was typified; and as that holiest part of the tabernacle was, by a thick vail, concealed from the sight of those who frequented it for the purposes of worship, so heaven, the habitation of God, is, by the vail of flesh, hidden from mortal eyes. Admitting the whole tabernacle, therefore, in which the worship of God was performed according to a ritual of divine appointment, to be a representation of the universe, we are taught by it this beautiful lesson, that the whole universe is the temple of God; but that in this vast temple there is “a most holy place,” where the Deity resides and manifests his presence to the angelic hosts and redeemed company who surround him. This view appears to be borne out by the clear and uniform testimony of Scripture; and it is an interesting circumstance, that heaven, as represented by “the holiest of all,” is heaven as it is presented to the eye of Christian faith, the place where our Lord ministers as priest, to which believers now come in spirit, and where, they are gathered together in the disembodied state. Thus, for instance, St. Paul tells the believing Hebrews, “Ye are come unto Mount Zion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels, to the general assembly and church of the first-bornthe first-born, which are written,” or are enrolled, “in heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than the blood of Abel,” Heb. xii, 22–24. Here we are presented with the antitype of almost every leading circumstance of the Mosaic dispensation. Instead of the land of Canaan, we have heaven; for the earthly Jerusalem, we have the heavenly, the city of the living God; in place of the congregation of Israel after the flesh, we have the general assembly and church of the first-born, that is, all true believers “made perfect;” for just men in the imperfect state of the old dispensation, we have just men made perfect in evangelical knowledge and holiness; instead of Moses, the mediator of the old covenant, we have Jesus the Mediator of the new and everlasting covenant; and instead of the blood of slaughtered animals, which was sprinkled upon the Israelites, the tabernacle, and all the vessels of the sanctuary, to make a typicaltypical atonement, we have the blood of the Son of God, which was shed for the remission of the sins of the whole world; that blood which doth not, like the blood of Abel, call for vengeance but for mercy, which hath made peace between heaven and earth, effected the true and complete atonement for sin, and which therefore communicates peace to the conscience of every sinner that believes the Gospel.
2. It is a plausible opinion that the design of the tabernacle, where Jehovah was present in a visible form known as “the cloud of glory,” was meant to symbolize heaven. In the most sacred part of the tabernacle, “the glory of the Lord,” or the visible sign of His presence, rested between the cherubim—which represented the angelic beings surrounding God's throne in heaven. Just as that holiest area of the tabernacle was hidden from the worshippers by a thick veil, heaven, where God resides, is concealed from mortal eyes by the veil of flesh. Therefore, if we take the entire tabernacle, where God's worship was conducted according to a divine ritual, as a representation of the universe, we learn this beautiful lesson: the entire universe is God's temple; but within this vast temple, there is “a most holy place” where the Deity resides and reveals His presence to the angelic beings and redeemed souls surrounding Him. This perspective seems to be supported by clear and consistent testimony in Scripture; it’s interesting that heaven, depicted as “the holiest of all,” is how it is seen through the eyes of Christian faith—the place where our Lord serves as priest, where believers now come in spirit, and where they gather together in a disembodied state. For instance, St. Paul tells the believing Hebrews, “Ye are come unto Mount Zion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels, to the general assembly and church of the firstbornthe first-born, which are written,” or enrolled, “in heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than the blood of Abel,” Heb. xii, 22–24. Here, we find the antitype of almost every key element of the Mosaic system. Instead of the land of Canaan, we have heaven; for the earthly Jerusalem, we have the heavenly, the city of the living God; in place of the congregation of Israel in the flesh, we have the general assembly and church of the first-born, which includes all true believers “made perfect;” instead of just men in the imperfect state of the old system, we have just men made perfect in knowledge and holiness through the Gospel; instead of Moses, the mediator of the old covenant, we have Jesus, the Mediator of the new and everlasting covenant; and instead of the blood of sacrificed animals, which was sprinkled on the Israelites, the tabernacle, and all the sanctuary vessels to make a typicaltypical atonement, we have the blood of the Son of God, shed for the forgiveness of the sins of the whole world; that blood which does not, like the blood of Abel, cry out for vengeance but for mercy, which has reconciled heaven and earth, brought about true and complete atonement for sin, and thus grants peace to the conscience of every sinner who believes in the Gospel.
3. Among the numerous refinements of modern times that is one of the most remarkable which goes to deny the locality of heaven. “It is a state,” say many, “not a place.” But if that be the case, the very language of the 439Scriptures, in regard to this point, is calculated to mislead us. For that God resides in a particular part of the universe, where he makes his presence known to his intelligent creatures by some transcendent, visible glory, is an opinion that has prevailed among Jews and Christians, Greeks and Romans, yea, in every nation, civilized or savage, and in every age; and, since it is confirmed by revelation, why should it be doubted? Into this most holy place, the habitation of the Deity, Jesus, after his resurrection, ascended; and there, presenting his crucified body before the manifestation of the divine presence, which is called “the throne of the Majesty in the heavens,” he offered unto God the sacrifice of himself, and made atonement for the sins of his people. There he is sat down upon his throne, crowned with glory and honour, as king upon his holy hill of Zion, and continually officiates as our great High Priest, Advocate, and Intercessor, within the vail. There is his Father’s house, into which he is gone before, to prepare mansions of bliss for his disciples; it is the kingdom conferred upon him as the reward of his righteousness, and of which he has taken possession as their forerunner, Acts i, 11; Heb. vi, 19, 20.
3. One of the most significant changes in modern times is the idea that heaven is not a specific location. Many people say, “It’s a state, not a place.” But if that’s true, the very wording in the 439 Scriptures can be misleading. The belief that God exists in a certain part of the universe, where He reveals His presence to intelligent beings through an extraordinary, visible glory, has been held by Jews, Christians, Greeks, Romans, and essentially every culture, whether civilized or not, throughout history. Since this view is backed by revelation, why should we question it? After his resurrection, Jesus ascended to this most sacred space, the dwelling of God. There, He presented His crucified body before the manifestation of divine presence, known as “the throne of the Majesty in the heavens,” offering Himself as a sacrifice and making atonement for the sins of His people. He now sits on His throne, crowned with glory and honor, as king on His holy hill of Zion, serving continuously as our High Priest, Advocate, and Intercessor, beyond the veil. This is His Father’s house, where He has gone ahead to prepare joyful places for His followers; it is the kingdom given to Him as the reward for His righteousness, and He has taken possession of it as their forerunner, Acts i, 11; Heb. vi, 19, 20.
4. Some of the ancients imagined that the habitation of good men, after the resurrection, would be the sun; grounding this fanciful opinion on a mistaken interpretation of Psalm xix, 4, which they rendered, with the LXX and Vulgate, “He has set his tabernacle in the sun.” Others, again, have thought it to lie beyond the starry firmament, a notion less improbable than the former. Mr. Whiston supposes the air to be the mansion of the blessed, at least for the present; and he imagines that Christ is at the top of the atmosphere, and other spirits nearer to or more remote from him according to the degree of their moral purity, to which he conceives the specific gravity of their inseparable vehicles to be proportionable. Mr. Hallet has endeavoured to prove that they will dwell upon earth, when it shall be restored to its paradisaical state. The passages of Scripture, however, on which he grounds his hypothesis, are capable of another and very different interpretation. After all, we may observe, that the place of the blessed is a question of comparatively little importance; and we may cheerfully expect and pursue it, though we cannot answer a multitude of curious questions, relating to various circumstances that pertain to it. We have reason to believe that heaven will be a social state, and that its happiness will, in some measure, arise from mutual communion and converse, and the expressions and exercises of mutual benevolence. All the views presented to us of this eternal residence of good men are pure and noble; and form a striking contrast to the low hopes, and the gross and sensual conceptions of a future state, which distinguish the Pagan and Mohammedan systems. The Christian heaven may be described to be a state of eternal communion with God, and consecration to hallowed devotional and active services; from which will result an uninterrupted increase of knowledge, holiness, and joy, to the glorified and immortalized assembly of the redeemed.
4. Some ancient thinkers imagined that after the resurrection, good people would live in the sun. They based this idea on a misinterpretation of Psalm 19:4, which they translated, along with the LXX and Vulgate, as "He has set his tabernacle in the sun." Others believed it would exist beyond the starry sky, which seems less far-fetched than the first idea. Mr. Whiston thinks that the air is the current home of the blessed and that Christ is at the top of the atmosphere, with other spirits positioned closer or farther from Him based on their moral purity, which he believes corresponds to the specific weight of their unique vehicles. Mr. Hallet has tried to show that they will live on earth once it is restored to its paradise-like state. However, the Scripture passages he relies on can be interpreted in completely different ways. Ultimately, the location of the blessed is not a particularly significant question for us; we can look forward to it and seek it, even if we can't answer many curious questions about the details surrounding it. We have good reason to believe that heaven will be a community experience, and its happiness will come, at least in part, from mutual interaction and conversation, as well as from acts of kindness and generosity. All the views we have about this eternal home of good people are pure and noble, standing in stark contrast to the low hopes and crude, sensual ideas of an afterlife found in Pagan and Mohammedan beliefs. The Christian concept of heaven can be described as a state of eternal communion with God and dedication to sacred worship and active service, resulting in an unending increase in knowledge, holiness, and joy for the glorified and immortal assembly of the redeemed.
HEBER, or EBER, the father of Peleg, and the son of Salah, who was the grandson of Shem, one of Noah’s sons, was born A. M. 1723; B. C. 2281. From him some have supposed that Abraham and his descendants derived the appellation of Hebrews. But others have suggested, with greater probability, that Abraham and his family were thus called, because they came from the other side of the Euphrates into Canaan; Heber signifying in the Hebrew language one that passes, or, a passage, that is, of the river Euphrates. According to this opinion, Hebrew signifies much the same as foreigner among us, or one that comes from beyond sea. Such were Abraham and his family among the Canaanites; and his posterity, learning and using the language of the country, still retained the appellation originally given them, even when they became possessors and settled inhabitants.
HEBER, or EBER, the father of Peleg and the son of Salah, who was the grandson of Shem, one of Noah’s sons, was born A. M. 1723; B. C. 2281. Some believe that Abraham and his descendants got the name Hebrews from him. However, others suggest, with more credibility, that Abraham and his family were called this because they came from the other side of the Euphrates into Canaan; Heber means in Hebrew one that passes, or a passage, referring to the Euphrates river. According to this view, Hebrew means something similar to foreigner for us, or someone who comes from across the sea. This was how Abraham and his family were viewed among the Canaanites. His descendants, learning and using the local language, still kept the name originally given to them, even after they became landowners and settled in the area.
2. Heber the Kenite, of Jethro’s family, husband to Jael, who killed Sisera, Judges iv, 17, &c.
2. Heber the Kenite, from Jethro’s family, married to Jael, who killed Sisera, Judges iv, 17, &c.
HEBREW OF THE HEBREWS, an appellation which the Apostle Paul applies to himself, Phil. iii, 5, concerning the meaning of which there has been some difference of opinion. Godwin, in his “Moses and Aaron,” understands by this expression, a Hebrew both by father’s and mother’s side. But if it meant no more than this, there was little occasion for the Apostle’s using it immediately after having declared that he was “of the stock of Israel, and the tribe of Benjamin,” which, on Godwin’s supposition, is the same as a Hebrew of the Hebrews; for the Jews were not allowed to marry out of their own nation. Beside, it is not likely that St. Paul would have mentioned it as a distinguishing privilege and honour, that his parents were not proselytes. It is more probable that a Hebrew of the Hebrews signifies a Hebrew both by nation and language, which many of Abraham’s posterity, in those days, were not; or one of the Hebrew Jews who performed their public worship in the Hebrew tongue; for such were reckoned more honourable than the Jews born out of Judea, and who spoke the Greek tongue. See Hellenists.
HEBREW OF THE HEBREWS is a title that the Apostle Paul uses to describe himself in Phil. iii, 5, and there have been different opinions about what it means. Godwin, in his “Moses and Aaron,” interprets this phrase as a Hebrew on both his father's and mother's sides. However, if that was all it meant, there wouldn’t be much reason for the Apostle to use it right after stating that he was “from the stock of Israel and the tribe of Benjamin,” which, according to Godwin’s explanation, is the same as being a Hebrew of the Hebrews; since Jews were not permitted to marry outside their own nation. Additionally, it seems unlikely that St. Paul would highlight it as a special privilege and honor that his parents were not converts. It’s more likely that a Hebrew of the Hebrews indicates a Hebrew in both nationality and language, which many of Abraham’s descendants were not during that time; or it could refer to the Hebrew Jews who conducted their public worship in Hebrew, as these individuals were considered more honorable than Jews born outside of Judea who spoke Greek. See Hellenists.
HEBREW LANGUAGE, called also absolutely Hebrew, is the language spoken by the Hebrews, and in which all the books of the Old Testament are written; whence it is also called the holy or sacred language. It is said to have been preserved in the midst of the confusion at Babel, in the family of Heber, or Eber, who, as it is alleged, was not concerned in the building of Babel, and, consequently, did not share in the punishment inflicted on the actual transgressors. The Jews, in general, have been of opinion, that the Hebrew was the language of Heber’s family, from whom Abraham sprung. On the other hand, it has been maintained that Heber’s family, in the fourth generation after the dispersion, lived in Chaldea, where Abraham was born, Gen. xi, 44027, 28, and that there is no reason to think they used a different language from their neighbours around them. It appears, moreover, that the Chaldee, and not the Hebrew, was the language of Abraham’s country, and of his kindred, Gen. xxiv, 4; xxxi, 46, 47; and it is probable that Abraham’s native language was Chaldee, and that the Hebrew was the language of the Canaanites, which Abraham and his posterity learned by travelling among them. It is surprising that this adoption of the Phenician language by the patriarchs should have escaped the notice of several intelligent readers of the Bible. Jacob and Laban, it is clear, by the names they gave to the cairn, or memorial of stones, spoke two different dialects; and it is nearly equally evident, that the language of Laban was the dialect of Ur of the Chaldees, the original speech of the Hebrew race. As the patriarchs disused the true Hebrew dialect, it is manifest that they had conformed to the speech of Canaan; and that this conformity was complete, is proved by the identity between all the remains of Canaanitish names. At the same time, it must be remarked, that the Phenician and the Chaldean were merely different dialects of the same primitive language which had been spoken by the first ancestors of mankind.
HEBREW LANGUAGE, also known simply as Hebrew, is the language spoken by the Hebrews and the language in which all the books of the Old Testament are written; hence, it’s also called the holy or sacred language. It is believed to have been preserved during the confusion at Babel, in the family of Heber, or Eber, who, according to tradition, was not involved in the construction of Babel and therefore did not face the punishment of those who sinned. Generally, Jews have believed that Hebrew was the language of Heber’s family, from which Abraham descended. However, it has also been argued that Heber’s family, four generations after the dispersion, lived in Chaldea, where Abraham was born, as noted in Gen. xi, 44027, 28, and there is no solid reason to assume they spoke a different language than their neighbors. Furthermore, it seems that Chaldean, not Hebrew, was the language of Abraham’s homeland and relatives, as seen in Gen. xxiv, 4; xxxi, 46, 47; and it’s likely that Abraham’s first language was Chaldean, while Hebrew was the language of the Canaanites, which Abraham and his descendants picked up by living among them. It’s surprising that this adoption of the Phoenician language by the patriarchs has gone unnoticed by some knowledgeable readers of the Bible. Jacob and Laban clearly spoke different dialects, as shown by the names they gave to the cairn or stone memorial; it is also quite evident that Laban’s language was the dialect of Ur of the Chaldees, the original language of the Hebrew race. As the patriarchs moved away from the true Hebrew dialect, it’s clear they adapted to the speech of Canaan; that this adaptation was thorough is evidenced by the similarity of all the remnants of Canaanite names. At the same time, it should be noted that Phoenician and Chaldean were simply different dialects of the same original language spoken by the first ancestors of humanity.
2. There is no work in all antiquity written in pure Hebrew, beside the books of the Old Testament; and even some parts of those are in Chaldee. The Hebrew appears to be the most ancient of all the languages in the world; at least it is so with regard to us, who know of no older. Dr. Sharpe adopts the opinion, that the Hebrew was the original language; not indeed that the Hebrew is the unvaried language of our first parents, but that it was the general language of men at the dispersion; and, however it might have been improved and altered from the first speech of our first parents, it was the original of all the languages, or almost all the languages, rather dialects, that have since arisen in the world. Arguments have also been deduced from the nature and genius of the Hebrew language, in order to prove that it was the original language, neither improved nor debased by foreign idioms. The words of which it is composed are short, and admit of very little flexion. The names of places are descriptive of their nature, situation, accidental circumstances, &c. The compounds are few, and inartificially conjoined; and it is less burdened with those artificial affixes which distinguish other cognate dialects, such as the Chaldean, Syrian, Arabian, Phenician, &c.
2. There is no work from ancient times written in pure Hebrew, other than the books of the Old Testament; and even some parts of those are in Chaldean. Hebrew seems to be the oldest language in the world; at least, it is for us, as we don't know of any older ones. Dr. Sharpe believes that Hebrew was the original language; not that it is the unchanged language of our first parents, but that it was the common language of people during the dispersion. And while it may have been refined and changed from the original speech of our first parents, it served as the foundation for all, or nearly all, of the languages that have developed since then, or more accurately, the dialects. Arguments have also been made based on the nature and character of the Hebrew language to support the idea that it was the original language, not influenced by foreign languages. The words it consists of are short and have very little inflection. Place names are descriptive of their characteristics, location, accidental circumstances, etc. The compounds are few and simply formed, and it is less burdened with the complex affixes that characterize other related dialects, such as Chaldean, Syrian, Arabian, Phoenician, etc.
The period, from the age of Moses to that of David, has been considered the golden age of the Hebrew language, which declined in purity from that time to the reign of Hezekiah or Manasseh, having received several foreign words, particularly Aramean, from the commercial and political intercourse of the Jews and Israelites with the Assyrians and Babylonians. This period has been termed the silver age of the Hebrew language. In the interval between the reign of Hezekiah and the Babylonish captivity, the purity of the language was neglected, and so many foreign words were introduced into it, that this period has not inaptly been designated its iron age. During the seventy years’ captivity, though it does not appear that the Hebrews entirely lost their native tongue, yet it underwent so considerable a change from their adoption of the vernacular languages of the countries where they had resided, that afterward, on their return from exile, they spoke a dialect of Chaldee mixed with Hebrew words. On this account it was, that, when the Scriptures were read, it was found necessary to interpret them to the people in the Chaldean language; as, when Ezra the scribe brought the book of the law of Moses before the congregation, the Levites are said to have caused the people to understand the law, because “they read in the book, in the law of God, distinctly, and gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading,” Nehem. viii, 8. Some time after the return from the great captivity, Hebrew ceased to be spoken altogether; though it continued to be cultivated and studied by the priests and Levites, as a learned language, that they might be enabled to expound the law and the prophets to the people, who, it appears from the New Testament, were well acquainted with their general contents and tenor: this last mentioned period has been called the leaden age of the language.
The time from Moses to David is seen as the golden age of the Hebrew language, which started to lose its purity from then until the reign of Hezekiah or Manasseh, incorporating many foreign words, especially Aramaic, due to the trade and political interactions of the Jews and Israelites with the Assyrians and Babylonians. This era is known as the silver age of the Hebrew language. Between Hezekiah’s reign and the Babylonian captivity, the language's purity was ignored, and numerous foreign terms were included, leading to this time being referred to as its iron age. During the seventy years of captivity, although it seems the Hebrews didn't completely lose their native tongue, it underwent significant changes due to the local dialects of the countries where they lived. After returning from exile, they spoke a version of Chaldean mixed with Hebrew. Because of this, when the Scriptures were read, it became necessary to interpret them in Chaldean. For example, when Ezra the scribe presented the book of the law of Moses to the congregation, the Levites helped the people understand it, as they "read from the book, the law of God, clearly, and gave the meaning, so that the people understood the reading," Nehem. viii, 8. Some time after returning from captivity, Hebrew stopped being spoken altogether, although it was still studied and preserved by the priests and Levites as a scholarly language, enabling them to explain the law and the prophets to the people, who, as indicated in the New Testament, were generally familiar with their content. This later period is referred to as the leaden age of the language.
The present Hebrew characters, or letters, are twenty-two in number, and of a square form; but the antiquity of these letters is a point that has been most severely contested by many learned men. From a passage in Eusebius’s Chronicle, and another in St. Jerom, it was inferred by Joseph Scaliger, that Ezra, when he reformed the Jewish church, transcribed the ancient characters of the Hebrews into the square letters of the Chaldeans; and that this was done for the use of those Jews who, being born during the captivity, knew no other alphabet than that of the people among whom they had been educated. Consequently, the old character, which we call the Samaritan, fell into total disuse. This opinion Scaliger supported by passages from both the Talmuds, as well as from rabbinical writers, in which it is expressly affirmed that such characters were adopted by Ezra. But the most decisive confirmation of this point is to be found in the ancient Hebrew coins, which were struck before the captivity, and even previously to the revolt of the ten tribes. The characters engraven on all of them are manifestly the same with the modern Samaritan, though with some trifling variations in their forms, occasioned by the depredations of time.
The current Hebrew letters consist of twenty-two characters, and they have a square shape. However, the age of these letters has been debated by many scholars. Joseph Scaliger deduced from a passage in Eusebius’s Chronicle and another in St. Jerome that Ezra, when he reformed the Jewish church, converted the ancient Hebrew characters into the square letters of the Chaldeans. This was done for the Jews who were born during the captivity and only knew the alphabet of the people among whom they were raised. As a result, the old characters, known as Samaritan, fell out of use completely. Scaliger backed this opinion with references from both Talmuds and various rabbinical writers, which clearly state that such characters were adopted by Ezra. The strongest evidence for this point can be found in the ancient Hebrew coins minted before the captivity and even before the revolt of the ten tribes. The characters engraved on these coins are clearly the same as the modern Samaritan letters, although there are some minor differences in their shapes due to the effects of time.
HEBREWS, sometimes called Israelites, from their progenitor, Jacob, surnamed Israel, and in modern times Jews, as the descendants of Judah, the name of this leading tribe being given to all. See Jews.
HEBREWS, sometimes referred to as Israelites, named after their ancestor, Jacob, known as Israel, and in modern times Jews, as the descendants of Judah, with the name of this prominent tribe applied to everyone. See Jews.
Hebrews, Epistle to the. Though the genuineness of this epistle has been disputed both in ancient and modern times, its antiquity 441has never been questioned. It is generally allowed that there are references to it, although the author is not mentioned, in the remaining works of Clement of Rome, Ignatius, Polycarp, and Justin Martyr; and that it contains, as was first noticed by Chrysostom and Theodoret, internal evidence of having been written before the destruction of Jerusalem, Heb. viii, 4; ix, 25; x, 11, 37; xiii, 10. The earliest writer now extant who quotes this epistle as the work of St. Paul is Clement of Alexandria, toward the end of the second century; but, as he ascribes it to St. Paul repeatedly and without hesitation, we may conclude that in his time no doubt had been entertained upon the subject, or, at least, that the common tradition of the church attributed it to St. Paul. Clement is followed by Origen, by Dionysius and Alexander, both bishops of Alexandria, by Ambrose, Athanasius, Hilary of Poitiers, Jerom, Chrysostom, and Cyril, all of whom consider this epistle as written by St. Paul; and it is also ascribed to him in the ancient Syriac version, supposed to have been made at the end of the first century. Eusebius says, “Of St. Paul there are fourteen epistles manifest and well known; but yet there are some who reject that to the Hebrews, urging for their opinion that it is contradicted by the church of the Romans, as not being St. Paul’s.” In Dr. Lardner we find the following remark: “It is evident that this epistle was generally received in ancient times by those Christians who used the Greek language, and lived in the eastern parts of the Roman empire.” And in another place he says, “It was received as an epistle of St. Paul by many Latin writers in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries.” The earlier Latin writers take no notice of this epistle, except Tertullian, who ascribes it to Barnabas. It appears, indeed, from the following expression of Jerom, that this epistle was not generally received as canonical Scripture by the Latin church in his time: “Licet eam Latina consuetudo inter canonicas Scripturas non recipiat.” [Although the usage of the Latin church does not receive it among the canonical Scriptures.] The same thing is mentioned in other parts of his works. But many individuals of the Latin church acknowledged it to be written by St. Paul, as Jerom himself, Ambrose, Hilary, and Philaster; and the persons who doubted its genuineness were those the least likely to have been acquainted with the epistle at an early period, from the nature of its contents not being so interesting to the Latin churches, which consisted almost entirely of Gentile Christians, ignorant, probably, of the Mosaic law, and holding but little intercourse with Jews.
Letter to the Hebrews. Although the authenticity of this letter has been contested both in ancient times and today, its age has never been questioned. It's generally accepted that there are references to it, even though the author isn't mentioned, in the remaining works of Clement of Rome, Ignatius, Polycarp, and Justin Martyr; and it shows, as noted first by Chrysostom and Theodoret, internal signs of having been written before the destruction of Jerusalem, Heb. viii, 4; ix, 25; x, 11, 37; xiii, 10. The earliest known writer to quote this epistle as the work of St. Paul is Clement of Alexandria, towards the end of the second century; but since he consistently attributes it to St. Paul without hesitation, we can conclude that at his time, there was no doubt about it, or at least that the common tradition of the church linked it to St. Paul. Clement is followed by Origen, Dionysius and Alexander, both bishops of Alexandria, Ambrose, Athanasius, Hilary of Poitiers, Jerom, Chrysostom, and Cyril, all of whom view this letter as written by St. Paul; it's also attributed to him in the ancient Syriac version, believed to have been created at the end of the first century. Eusebius remarks, “St. Paul has fourteen widely recognized letters; however, some reject that to the Hebrews, arguing that it is disputed by the church of the Romans as not being St. Paul’s.” Dr. Lardner notes, “It’s clear that this letter was broadly accepted in ancient times by those Christians who spoke Greek and lived in the eastern parts of the Roman Empire.” Additionally, he states, “It was accepted as a letter of St. Paul by many Latin writers in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries.” Early Latin writers mostly overlooked this letter, except for Tertullian, who attributes it to Barnabas. Notably, Jerom suggests that this letter was not generally accepted as canonical Scripture by the Latin church in his time: “Although it may not be accepted by the Latin tradition among canonical Scriptures.” [Although the usage of the Latin church does not receive it among the canonical Scriptures.] This point is mentioned in other parts of his works as well. However, many in the Latin church recognized it as written by St. Paul, including Jerom, Ambrose, Hilary, and Philaster; those who questioned its authenticity were often the least likely to have known about the letter early on, as its content was not particularly relevant to the Latin churches, which were largely made up of Gentile Christians, likely unfamiliar with the Mosaic law and having minimal interaction with Jews.
2. The moderns, who, upon grounds of internal evidence, contend against the genuineness of this epistle, rest principally upon the two following arguments, the omission of the writer’s name, and the superior elegance of the style in which it is written. It is indeed certain that all the acknowledged epistles of St. Paul begin with a salutation in his own name, and that, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, there is nothing of that kind; but this omission can scarcely be considered as conclusive against positive testimony. St. Paul might have reasons for departing, upon this occasion, from his usual mode of salutation, which we at this distant period cannot discover. Some have imagined that he omitted his name, because he knew that it would not have much weight with the Hebrew Christians, to whom he was in general obnoxious, on account of his zeal in converting the Gentiles, and in maintaining that the observance of the Mosaic law was not essential to salvation: it is, however, clear, that the persons to whom this epistle was addressed knew from whom it came, as the writer refers to some acts of kindness which he had received from them, and also expresses a hope of seeing them soon, Hebrews x, 34; xiii, 18, 19, 23. As to the other argument, it must be owned that there does not appear to be such superiority in the style of this epistle, as should lead to the conclusion that it was not written by St. Paul. Those who have thought differently have mentioned Barnabas, St. Luke, and Clement, as authors or translators of this epistle. The opinion of Jerom was, that the sentiments are the Apostle’s, but the language and composition that of some one else, who committed to writing the Apostle’s sense, and, as it were, reduced into commentaries the things spoken by his master. Dr. Lardner says, “My conjecture is, that St. Paul dictated the epistle in Hebrew, and another, who was a great master of the Greek language, immediately wrote down the Apostle’s sentiments in his own elegant Greek; but who this assistant of the Apostle was, is altogether unknown.” But surely the writings of St. Paul, like those of other authors, may not all have the same precise degree of merit; and if, upon a careful perusal and comparison, it should be thought that the Epistle to the Hebrews is written with greater elegance than the acknowledged compositions of this Apostle; it should also be remembered that the apparent design and contents of this epistle suggest the idea of more studied composition, and yet, that there is nothing in it which amounts to a marked difference of style: on the other hand, there is the same concise, abrupt, and elliptical mode of expression, and it contains many phrases and sentiments which are found in no part of Scripture, except in St. Paul’s Epistles. We may farther observe, that the manner in which Timothy is mentioned in this epistle makes it probable that it was written by St. Paul. Compare Heb. xiii, 23, with 2 Cor. i, 1, and Col. i, 1. It was certainly written by a person who had suffered imprisonment in the cause of Christianity; and this is known to have been the case of St. Paul, but of no other person to whom this epistle has been attributed. Upon the whole, both the external and internal evidence appear to preponderate so greatly in favour of St. Paul’s being the author of this epistle, that it cannot but be considered as written by that Apostle.
2. The modern scholars who argue against the authenticity of this letter primarily focus on two points: the absence of the writer’s name and the notably elegant style it’s written in. It's true that all of St. Paul's recognized letters start with a greeting in his own name, while the Epistle to the Hebrews lacks such a greeting; however, this absence shouldn't be seen as definitive evidence against clear testimony. St. Paul might have had reasons for deviating from his usual greeting style, which we can't identify from our position today. Some have suggested that he left out his name because it wouldn’t carry much weight with the Hebrew Christians, who generally viewed him unfavorably due to his enthusiasm for converting Gentiles and his stance that following the Mosaic law isn’t essential for salvation. However, it’s clear that the recipients of this letter knew who wrote it, as the author mentions past kindnesses he received from them and expresses a desire to see them soon, as noted in Hebrews 10:34 and 13:18-19, 23. Regarding the other point, it must be acknowledged that the style of this letter doesn’t appear markedly superior enough to conclude that it wasn’t written by St. Paul. Those who disagree have suggested that Barnabas, St. Luke, and Clement may have authored or translated this letter. Jerome believed that the thoughts were from the Apostle, but the language and structure were from someone else who wrote down the Apostle's ideas and organized them into commentaries. Dr. Lardner speculated, “My guess is that St. Paul dictated the letter in Hebrew, and someone who was very skilled in Greek quickly transcribed the Apostle’s ideas in elegant Greek; however, who this assistant was remains unknown.” But surely, St. Paul's writings, like those of other authors, may not all have the same level of quality; and if, on careful reading and comparison, one believes that the Epistle to the Hebrews is more elegantly written than the strands acknowledged to be from this Apostle, it should also be noted that the purpose and content of this letter imply a more deliberate composition, yet there isn’t significant deviation in style: on the contrary, it maintains the same concise, abrupt, and elliptical style of expression, and includes many phrases and ideas that are found nowhere else in Scripture except in St. Paul’s letters. Additionally, the way Timothy is referenced in this letter suggests it was written by St. Paul. Compare Hebrews 13:23 with 2 Corinthians 1:1 and Colossians 1:1. It was definitely authored by someone who had been imprisoned for the sake of Christianity, which we know was the case for St. Paul, but not for anyone else to whom this letter has been attributed. Overall, both the external and internal evidence strongly indicate that St. Paul is indeed the author of this letter.
3. “They of Italy salute you,” is the only expression in the epistle which can assist us 442in determining from whence it was written. The Greek words are, οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας which should have been translated, “Those from Italy salute you;” and the only inference to be drawn from them seems to be, that St. Paul, when he wrote this epistle, was at a place where some Italian converts were. This inference is not incompatible with the common opinion, that this epistle was written from Rome, and therefore we consider it as written from that city. It is supposed to have been written toward the end of St. Paul’s first imprisonment at Rome, or immediately after it, because the Apostle expresses an intention of visiting the Hebrews shortly: we therefore place the date of this epistle in the year 63.
3. “Those from Italy send their greetings,” is the only phrase in the letter that helps us figure out where it was written. 442 The Greek words are, οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας which should be translated as, “Those from Italy send their greetings;” and the only conclusion we can draw from this seems to be that St. Paul, when he wrote this letter, was in a place where some Italian converts were. This conclusion is consistent with the common belief that this letter was written from Rome, so we consider it to have been written from that city. It's thought to have been written toward the end of St. Paul’s first imprisonment in Rome, or immediately after it, because the Apostle expresses a desire to visit the Hebrews soon: we therefore date this letter in the year 63.
4. Clement, of Alexandria, Eusebius, and Jerom, thought that this epistle was originally written in the Hebrew language; but all the other ancient fathers who have mentioned this subject speak of the Greek as the original work; and as no one pretends to have seen this epistle in Hebrew, as there are no internal marks of the Greek being a translation, and as we know that the Greek language was at this time very generally understood at Jerusalem, we may accede to the more common opinion, both among the ancients and moderns, and consider the present Greek as the original text. It is no small satisfaction to reflect, that those who have denied either the genuineness or the originality of this epistle have always supposed it to have been written or translated by some fellow labourer or assistant of St. Paul, and that almost every one admits that it carries with it the sanction and authority of the inspired Apostle.
4. Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius, and Jerome believed that this letter was originally written in Hebrew; however, all the other early church fathers who discussed this topic refer to the Greek version as the original work. Since no one claims to have seen this letter in Hebrew, there are no signs indicating that the Greek is a translation, and we know that Greek was widely understood in Jerusalem at that time, we can accept the more common view held by both ancient and modern scholars and consider the current Greek version as the original text. It's reassuring to note that those who have doubted the authenticity or originality of this letter have always suggested it was written or translated by a colleague or assistant of St. Paul, and nearly everyone agrees that it carries the validation and authority of the inspired Apostle.
5. There has been some little doubt concerning the persons to whom this epistle was addressed; but by far the most general and most probable opinion is, that it was written to those Christians of Judea who had been converted to the Gospel from Judaism. That it was written, notwithstanding its general title, to the Christians of one certain place or country, is evident from the following passages: “I beseech you the rather to do this, that I may be restored to you the sooner,” Heb. xiii, 19. “Know ye that our brother Timothy is set at liberty, with whom, if he come shortly, I will see you,” Heb. xiii, 23. And it appears from the following passage in the Acts, “When the number of the disciples was multiplied, there arose a murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews,” Acts vi, 1, that certain persons were at this time known at Jerusalem by the name of Hebrews. They seem to have been native Jews, inhabitants of Judea, the language of which country was Hebrew, and therefore they were called Hebrews, in contradistinction to those Jews who, residing commonly in other countries, although they occasionally came to Jerusalem, used the Greek language, and were therefore called Grecians.
5. There has been some doubt about the people to whom this letter was addressed; however, the most common and likely view is that it was written to those Christians in Judea who converted to the Gospel from Judaism. It’s clear that, despite its general title, it was meant for Christians from a specific place or region, as shown in the following passages: “I urge you to do this so that I may be restored to you more quickly,” Heb. xiii, 19. “Know that our brother Timothy has been released, with whom, if he comes soon, I will see you,” Heb. xiii, 23. Additionally, it appears from the following passage in the Acts, “As the number of the disciples grew, there was a complaint from the Grecians against the Hebrews,” Acts vi, 1, that certain people were identified in Jerusalem at that time as Hebrews. They seem to have been native Jews living in Judea, where Hebrew was the language, which is why they were called Hebrews, in contrast to those Jews who mostly lived in other countries and, although they occasionally visited Jerusalem, spoke Greek and were therefore called Grecians.
6. The general design of this epistle was to confirm the Jewish Christians in the faith and practice of the Gospel, which they might be in danger of deserting, either through the persuasion or persecution of the unbelieving Jews, who were very numerous and powerful in Judea. We may naturally suppose, that the zealous adherents to the law would insist upon the majesty and glory which attended its first promulgation, upon the distinguished character of their legislator, Moses, and upon the divine authority of the ancient Scriptures; and they might likewise urge the humiliation and death of Christ as an argument against the truth of his religion. To obviate the impression which any reasoning of this sort might make upon the converts to Christianity, the writer of this epistle begins with declaring to the Hebrews, that the same God who had formerly, upon a variety of occasions, spoken to their fathers by means of his prophets, had now sent his only Son for the purpose of revealing his will; he then describes, in most sublime language, the dignity of the person of Christ, Heb. i; and thence infers the duty of obeying his commands, the divine authority of which was established by the performance of miracles, and by the gifts of the Holy GhostGhost; he points out the necessity of Christ’s incarnation and passion, Heb. ii; he shows the superiority of Christ to Moses, and warns the Hebrews against the sin of unbelief, Heb. iii; he exhorts to steadfastness in the profession of the Gospel, and gives an animated description of Christ as our high priest, Heb. iv-vii; he shows that the Levitical priesthood and the old covenant were abolished by the priesthood of Christ, and by the new covenant, Heb. viii; he points out the efficacy of the ceremonies and sacrifices of the law, and the sufficiency of the atonement made by the sacrifice of Christ, Heb. ix, x; he fully explains the nature, merit, and effects of faith, Heb. xi; and in the last two chapters he gives a variety of exhortations and admonitions, all calculated to encourage the Hebrews to bear with patience and constancy any trials to which they might be exposed. He concludes with the valedictory benediction usual in St. Paul’s Epistles: “Grace be with you all. Amen.” The most important articles of our faith are explained, and the most material objections to the Gospel are answered with great force, in this celebrated epistle. The arguments used in it, as being addressed to persons who had been educated in the Jewish religion, are principally taken from the ancient Scriptures; and the connection between former revelations and the Gospel of Christ, is pointed out in the most perspicuous and satisfactory manner.
6. The main purpose of this letter was to strengthen Jewish Christians in their faith and practice of the Gospel, which they might be tempted to abandon due to the influence or persecution from unbelieving Jews, who were quite numerous and powerful in Judea. It's reasonable to think that the passionate supporters of the law would emphasize the majesty and glory that accompanied its initial announcement, the distinguished character of their lawgiver, Moses, and the divine authority of the ancient Scriptures; they might also point to the humiliation and death of Christ as an argument against the truth of his teachings. To counter any negative impact that such reasoning could have on the converts to Christianity, the author of this letter starts by telling the Hebrews that the same God who had spoken to their ancestors through prophets in various ways had now sent his only Son to reveal his will; he then eloquently describes the greatness of Christ’s identity, Heb. i; and from there, he infers the obligation to follow his commands, which were validated through miracles and the gifts of the Holy GhostGhost; he highlights the necessity of Christ’s incarnation and suffering, Heb. ii; he illustrates Christ's superiority over Moses and warns the Hebrews against the sin of disbelief, Heb. iii; he encourages them to remain steadfast in their commitment to the Gospel and provides a compelling description of Christ as our high priest, Heb. iv-vii; he explains that the Levitical priesthood and the old covenant were replaced by the priesthood of Christ and the new covenant, Heb. viii; he discusses the effectiveness of the law's ceremonies and sacrifices, as well as the sufficiency of the atonement achieved through Christ's sacrifice, Heb. ix, x; he thoroughly clarifies the nature, value, and effects of faith, Heb. xi; and in the last two chapters, he offers various encouraging words and warnings to motivate the Hebrews to endure any challenges they may face with patience and strength. He concludes with the farewell blessing commonly found in St. Paul’s letters: “Grace be with you all. Amen.” The key elements of our faith are outlined, and the most significant objections to the Gospel are addressed powerfully in this well-known letter. The arguments presented, being aimed at individuals familiar with the Jewish faith, are mainly drawn from the ancient Scriptures, and the relationship between earlier revelations and the Gospel of Christ is highlighted clearly and satisfactorily.
7. In addition, it may be observed, that Mr. Stuart, an American critic, has published an ample investigation of several of the points referred to in the above remarks, and the following are the results:--
7. Additionally, it's worth noting that Mr. Stuart, an American critic, has released a thorough exploration of several points mentioned in the remarks above, and here are the results:--
(1.) As to the place in which the persons lived to whom the epistle is addressed, I have now examined all the objections against the opinion, that the Epistle to the Hebrews was directed to Palestine, which I have met with, and which seem to be of sufficient magnitude to deserve attention. I am unable to perceive that they are very weighty; and surely they come quite short of being conclusive. On the 443other hand, the positive proof, I acknowledge, is only of a circumstantial nature, and falls short of the weight which direct and unequivocal testimony in the epistle itself would possess. But uniting the whole of it together; considering the intimate knowledge of Jewish rites, the strong attachment to their ritual, and the special danger of defection from Christianity in consequence of it, which the whole texture of the epistle necessarily supposes, and combining these things with the other circumstances above discussed, I cannot resist the impression, that the universal opinion of the ancient church respecting the persons to whom this epistle was addressed, was well founded, being built upon early tradition and the contents of the epistle; and that the doubts and difficulties thrown in the way by modern and recent critics, are not of sufficient importance to justify us in relinquishing the belief that Palestine Christians were addressed by the epistle to the Hebrews. Thousands of facts, pertaining to criticism and to history, are believed and treated as realities, which have less support than the opinion that has now been examined.
(1.) Regarding the location of the people to whom the letter is addressed, I have thoroughly considered all the objections against the view that the Epistle to the Hebrews was intended for Palestine. I find these objections to be not very convincing, and they certainly fall short of being conclusive. On the other hand, I acknowledge that the positive evidence is only circumstantial and lacks the weight that direct and clear testimony within the letter itself would have. However, when I put everything together—taking into account the detailed knowledge of Jewish practices, the strong attachment to their rituals, and the particular risk of turning away from Christianity due to this—which the entire message of the letter implies, and combining these aspects with the other factors discussed earlier, I can't shake the feeling that the long-standing belief of the early church about the intended audience of this letter is valid. This belief is grounded in early tradition and the content of the letter itself. The doubts and challenges posed by modern critics are not significant enough to make us abandon the idea that the letter to the Hebrews was directed at Christians in Palestine. There are countless facts, related to criticism and history, that are accepted as truths despite having less evidence than the view we have just examined.
(2.) As to the author, we now come to the result of this investigation. In the Egyptian and eastern churches, there were, it is probable, at a pretty early period, some who had doubts whether St. Paul wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews; but no considerable person or party is definitely known to us, who entertained these doubts; and it is manifest, from Origen and Eusebius, that there was not, in that quarter, any important opposition to the general and constant tradition of the church, that Paul did write it. Not a single witness of any considerable respectability is named, who has given his voice, in this part of the church, for the negative of the question which we are considering. What Jerom avers, appears to be strictly true, namely, Ab ecclesiis orientis et ab omnibus retrò ecclesiasticis Græci sermonis scriptoribus, quasi Apostoli Pauli suscipi. In the western churches a diversity of opinion prevailed; although the actual quantity of negative testimony, that can be adduced, is not great. Yet the concessions of Jerom and Augustine leave no room to doubt the fact, that the predominant opinion of the western churches, in their times, was in the negative. In early times, we have seen that the case was different, when Clement of Rome wrote his epistle, and when the old Latin version was brought into circulation. What produced a change of opinion in the west, we are left to conjecture. The scanty critical and literary records of those times afford us no means for tracing the history of it. But this is far from being a singular case. Many other changes in the opinions of the churches have taken place, which we are, for a similar reason, as little able to trace with any certainty or satisfaction. Storr has endeavoured to show, that Marcion occasioned this revolution, when he came from the east to Rome, and brought with him a collection of the sacred books, in which the Epistle to the Hebrews was omitted. But it is very improbable, that an extravagant man, excommunicated by the Roman church itself, should have produced such a revolution there in sentiment. Others have with more probability, attributed it to the zealous disputes at Rome against the Montanist party, whom the Epistle to the Hebrews was supposed particularly to favour. The Montanists strenuously opposed the reception again into the bosom of the church of those persons who had so lapsed as to make defection from the Christian faith. The passages in Heb. vi, 4–8, and x, 26–31, at least seem strongly to favour the views which they maintained. The church at Rome carried the dispute against the Montanists very high; and Ernesti and many other critics have been led to believe, that the Epistle to the Hebrews was ultimately rejected by them, because the Montanists relied on it as their main support. As a matter of fact, this cannot be established by direct historical evidence. But, in the absence of all testimony in respect to this subject, it must be allowed as not improbable, that the Epistle to the Hebrews may have, in this way, become obnoxious to the Roman church. Many such instances might be produced from the history of the church. The Ebionites, the Manicheans, the Alogi, and many ancient and modern sects, have rejected some part of the canon of Scripture, because it stood opposed to their party views. The Apocalypse was rejected by many of the oriental churches, on account of their opposition to the Chiliasts, who made so much use of it. And who does not know, that Luther himself rejected the Epistle of James, because he viewed it as thwarting his favourite notions of justification; yea, that he went so far as to give it the appellation of epistola straminea? [an epistle of straw.] It cannot be at all strange, then, that the Romish church, exceedingly imbittered by the dispute with the Montanists, should have gradually come to call in question the apostolic origin of the epistle; because it was to their adversaries a favourite source of appeal, and because, unlike St. Paul’s other epistles, it was anonymous. That all, even of the Montanists, however, admitted the apostolic origin of our epistle, does not seem to be true. Tertullian, who took a very active part in favour of this sect, had, as we have already seen, doubts of such an origin, or rather, he ascribed it to Barnabas. But whatever might have been the cause that the epistle in question was pretty generally rejected by the churches of the west, the fact that it was so cannot be reasonably disputed. A majority of these churches, from the latter half of the second century to the latter half of the fourth, seem to have been generally opposed to receiving this epistle as St. Paul’s; although there were some among them who did receive it. It remains, then, to balance the testimony thus collected together and compared. The early testimony is, of course, immeasurably the most important. And there seems to me sufficient evidence, that this was as general and as uniform for the first century after the apostolic age as in respect to many other books of the 444New Testament; and more so, than in respect to several. I cannot hesitate to believe, that the weight of evidence from tradition is altogether preponderant in favour of the opinion, that St. Paul was the author of our epistle.
(2.) Now, regarding the author, we come to the findings of this investigation. In the Egyptian and Eastern churches, it’s likely that quite early on, some individuals doubted whether St. Paul wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews. However, we don’t know of any significant person or group who held these doubts definitively. It’s clear from Origen and Eusebius that there wasn’t any major opposition in that region against the widespread and constant tradition of the church that Paul did write it. Not a single credible witness from that portion of the church is named who has expressed a negative opinion on this issue. What Jerome states appears to be completely accurate, namely, From the eastern churches and from all earlier ecclesiastical Greek writers, as if received from the Apostle Paul. In the Western churches, a variety of opinions existed; however, the actual amount of negative evidence that can be presented is not extensive. Yet, the concessions made by Jerome and Augustine leave no room for doubt that the prevailing opinion in the Western churches during their times leaned towards the negative. In earlier times, as we have seen, the situation was different, for example, when Clement of Rome wrote his epistle and when the old Latin version was circulated. We can only speculate about what caused the shift in opinion in the West. The limited critical and literary records from that era do not provide us with ways to trace its history. But this isn’t a unique case. Many other changes in church opinions have occurred that we similarly struggle to trace with certainty or satisfaction. Storr has attempted to show that Marcion triggered this change when he came from the East to Rome, bringing with him a collection of sacred texts that excluded the Epistle to the Hebrews. However, it seems unlikely that an extreme individual, excommunicated by the Roman church itself, could have inspired such a significant shift in sentiment. Others, with more plausibility, have attributed it to the fervent disputes in Rome against the Montanist faction, which the Epistle to the Hebrews was thought to particularly support. The Montanists strongly opposed the reacceptance into the church of those who had lapsed from the Christian faith. The passages in Heb. vi, 4–8, and x, 26–31, at least seem to strongly advocate the views they held. The church in Rome strongly pursued the argument against the Montanists, and Ernesti and many other critics have come to believe that the Epistle to the Hebrews was ultimately rejected by them because the Montanists relied on it as their main source of support. This cannot be established through direct historical evidence. However, in the absence of any testimony regarding this issue, it is not unreasonable to assume that the Epistle to the Hebrews may have, in this manner, become objectionable to the Roman church. Numerous such examples could be drawn from church history. The Ebionites, Manicheans, Alogi, and many ancient and modern sects have rejected parts of the scripture canon because it conflicted with their viewpoints. The Apocalypse was rejected by many of the Eastern churches due to their opposition to the Chiliasts, who relied heavily on it. And who doesn’t know that Luther himself rejected the Epistle of James because he believed it contradicted his favored notions of justification; indeed, he even went as far as to label it straw letter? [an epistle of straw.] So, it’s not surprising that the Roman church, deeply embittered by the conflict with the Montanists, gradually came to question the apostolic origin of the epistle since it was a favorite reference for their adversaries, and because, unlike St. Paul’s other letters, it was anonymous. However, it doesn’t seem to be true that all, even among the Montanists, acknowledged the apostolic origin of our epistle. Tertullian, who actively supported this sect, had, as we’ve already seen, doubts about such an origin, or rather, he attributed it to Barnabas. But whatever the reason may have been that the epistle in question was largely rejected by the Western churches, the fact that it was cannot be reasonably disputed. A majority of these churches, from the latter half of the second century to the latter half of the fourth, appear to have been mostly against accepting this epistle as St. Paul’s; though some among them did accept it. It remains, then, to weigh the testimony that has been collected and compared. The early evidence is, of course, far the most important. And I believe there is sufficient evidence that this was as widespread and consistent in the first century after the apostolic age as it is for many other books of the 444New Testament; and even more so than for several others. I cannot hesitate to conclude that the weight of evidence from tradition strongly favors the opinion that St. Paul was the author of our epistle.
(3.) As to the language in which the epistle was originally written, there has been a difference of opinion among critics, both in ancient and modern times. Clement of Alexandria says that St. Paul wrote to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language, and that St. Luke carefully translated it into Greek. Eusebius in the same manner says, that Paul wrote to the Hebrews in his vernacular language, and that, according to report, either Luke or Clement translated it. So Jerom, also, scripserat ut Hebræus Hebræis Hebraicè; [as a Hebrew he had written to the Hebrews in Hebrew;] and then he adds that this epistle was translated into Greek, so that the colouring of the style was made diverse, in this way, from that of St. Paul’s. Of the same opinion, in respect to this, was Clement, of Alexandria; and Origen, as we have seen above, supposes that the thoughts contained in the epistle were St. Paul’s, while the diction or costume of it must be attributed to the person who wrote down the sentiments of the Apostle. By the Hebrew language, no one can reasonably doubt, that these fathers meant the Jerusalem dialect, which was spoken in the days of the Apostles, and not the ancient Hebrew, which had long ceased to be a vernacular language. It is quite plain also, that these fathers were led to the conclusion, that the Epistle to the Hebrews was originally written in the dialect of Palestine, from their belief, so universal in ancient times, of its having been addressed to some church, or to the churches, in that country. It was very natural to draw such a conclusion; for would not an epistle addressed to Hebrews in all probability be more acceptable, if written in their own vernacular language? Moreover, St. Paul was well acquainted with that language, for he was brought up at Jerusalem, and “at the feet of Gamaliel;” and when he had visited that city, he had addressed the Jewish multitude, who were excited against him, in their native tongue, Acts xxii, 1, 2. Why should it not be supposed, that if, as is probable, this epistle was originally directed to Palestine, it was written in the dialect of that country? So the fathers above quoted evidently thought and reasoned; although other fathers have said nothing on this point, and do not appear to have coincided in opinion with those to whom I have just referred. Among the moderns, also, several critics have undertaken to defend the same opinion; and particularly Michaëlis, who has discussed the subject quite at length, in his introduction to this epistle. I do not think it necessary minutely to examine his arguments. To my own mind they appear altogether unsatisfactory. Some of them are built on an exegesis most palpably erroneous, and which, if admitted, would deduce a very strange meaning from the words of the epistle. Yet, assuming such a meaning, he thence concludes, that the original writer must have expressed a different idea, and that the translator mistook his meaning. He then undertakes to conjecture what the original Hebrew must have been. In other cases, he deduces his arguments from considerations wholly à priori; as if these were admissible in a question of mere fact. He has not adduced a single instance of what he calls wrong translation, which wears the appearance of any considerable probability. On the other hand, Bolton, a sharp-sighted critic, and well acquainted with the Aramean language, who has gone through with the New Testament, and found almost every where marks, as he thinks, of translation from Aramean documents, confesses, that, in respect to this epistle, he finds not a single vestige of incorrect translation from an Aramean original, and no marks that there ever was such an original. This testimony is of considerable importance in respect to the question before us, as it comes from a critic who spent many years on the study of that which is most intimately connected with the very subject under consideration, namely, the detection of the Aramean originals of the various parts of the New Testament.
(3.) Regarding the language in which the letter was originally written, there has been disagreement among critics, both ancient and modern. Clement of Alexandria claims that St. Paul wrote to the Hebrews in Hebrew, and that St. Luke carefully translated it into Greek. Eusebius similarly states that Paul wrote to the Hebrews in his native tongue, and that, according to reports, either Luke or Clement translated it. Jerom also said, writing as a Hebrew; [as a Hebrew, he had written to the Hebrews in Hebrew;] and he adds that this letter was translated into Greek, resulting in a different style compared to St. Paul’s. Clement of Alexandria and Origen also share this view, with Origen suggesting that while the thoughts in the letter were Paul’s, the wording or style should be attributed to the person who recorded the Apostle’s ideas. By the Hebrew language, it’s clear these early authorities meant the Jerusalem dialect spoken during the Apostles’ time, not the ancient Hebrew, which had long stopped being a common language. It’s also evident that they reached the conclusion that the Epistle to the Hebrews was originally written in the Palestinian dialect based on their widely held ancient belief that it was addressed to a church or churches in that region. It makes sense to think this way; after all, wouldn’t a letter to Hebrews likely be more appealing if written in their everyday language? Furthermore, St. Paul was familiar with that language, having been raised in Jerusalem, “at the feet of Gamaliel;” and when he visited that city, he spoke to the Jewish crowd incited against him in their native tongue, as seen in Acts xxii, 1, 2. Why wouldn’t it be reasonable to think that, if this letter was indeed originally meant for Palestine, it was written in the local dialect? The aforementioned fathers clearly thought and reasoned this way, although other early figures did not comment on this and do not seem to share the same opinion. In modern times, several critics have also defended this view, particularly Michaëlis, who has addressed the topic in detail in his introduction to this epistle. I don’t think it’s necessary to analyze his arguments in depth. To me, they seem entirely unconvincing. Some of his points are based on a clearly erroneous interpretation, which, if accepted, would lead to very odd meanings in the words of the letter. Yet, assuming such meanings, he concludes that the original writer must have intended a different idea and that the translator misunderstood him. He then tries to speculate what the original Hebrew must have been. In other instances, he bases his arguments on considerations that are entirely beforehand; as if these were acceptable in a matter of fact. He hasn’t provided a single example of what he calls wrong translation that seems remotely plausible. On the other hand, Bolton, a sharp-minded critic with a good grasp of the Aramean language, who has examined the New Testament and found signs of translation from Aramean texts almost everywhere, admits that in the case of this letter, he sees no evidence of incorrect translation from an Aramean original, nor any signs that such an original ever existed. This testimony is quite significant regarding our question, as it comes from a critic who dedicated many years to studying the topic most closely tied to this issue, namely, identifying the Aramean originals of various parts of the New Testament.
(4.) The principal arguments in favour of a Hebrew original are deduced from two sources: That Hebrews are addressed in our epistle, to whom the Hebrew language would have been more acceptable and intelligible, and many of whom, indeed, could not understand Greek, certainly could not read it: That the diversity of style in the Epistle to the Hebrews is so great, when compared with that of St. Paul’s epistles, that, unless we suppose the Greek costume did in fact come from another hand, we must be led to the conclusion that St. Paul did not write it. Both of these topics have been already discussed. I merely add here, therefore, that in case the writer of the epistle designed it should have a wide circulation among the Jews, to write in Greek was altogether the most feasible method of accomplishing this. Beside, if St. Paul did address it to the church at Cæsarea, it is altogether probable that he wrote in Greek, as Greek was the principal language of that city. Even if he did not, it was not necessary that he should write in Hebrew; for in every considerable place in Palestine, there were more or less who understood the Greek language. Whoever wishes to see this last position established beyond any reasonable doubt, may read Hug’s “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. ii, pp. 32–50. When St. Paul wrote to the Romans, he did not write in Latin; yet there was no difficulty in making his epistle understood, for the knowledge of Greek was very common in Rome. If St. Paul understood the Latin language, which is no where affirmed, and he had not resided when he wrote this epistle, in any of the countries where it was commonly used, still he understood Greek so much better that he would of course prefer writing in it. For a similar reason, if no other could be given, one may regard it as more probable, that he would write the Epistle to the Hebrews in the Greek language. At the time of writing it, he had been abroad twenty-five years at least, in 445Greek countries, and had been in Palestine, during all that period, only a few days. The Jews abroad, whom he every where saw, spoke Greek, not Hebrew. In Greek he preached and conversed. Is it any wonder, then, that, after twenty-five years’ incessant labour or preaching, conversing, and writing, in this language, he should have preferred writing in it? Indeed, can it be probable, that, under circumstances like these, he still possessed an equal facility of writing in his native dialect of Palestine? I cannot think it strange, therefore, that although the Epistle to the Hebrews was in all probability directed to some part of Palestine, yet it was written by St. Paul in Greek, and not in Hebrew. But, whatever may be the estimation put upon arguments of this nature, there are internal marks of its having been originally composed in Greek, which cannot well be overlooked.
(4.) The main reasons for a Hebrew original come from two sources: First, the Hebrews are the audience of our epistle, and the Hebrew language would have been more acceptable and understandable to them; many of them likely could not understand Greek at all, let alone read it. Second, the difference in style in the Epistle to the Hebrews compared to St. Paul’s letters is so significant that unless we think someone else actually wrote it, we must conclude that St. Paul did not. Both of these issues have already been discussed. I will just add here that if the writer intended for the epistle to circulate widely among the Jews, writing in Greek was the most practical way to achieve this. Also, if St. Paul addressed it to the church in Cæsarea, it’s likely he wrote in Greek, since Greek was the primary language of that city. Even if he didn’t, it wasn’t necessary for him to write in Hebrew; many places in Palestine had people who understood Greek. Anyone wanting to see this point solidly supported should check Hug’s “Introduction to the New Testament,” vol. ii, pp. 32–50. When St. Paul wrote to the Romans, he didn’t write in Latin; yet his epistle was easily understood because knowledge of Greek was widespread in Rome. If St. Paul understood Latin, which is never confirmed, and if he had not been in any Latin-speaking places when he wrote this letter, he understood Greek much better and would naturally prefer to write in it. For the same reasons or perhaps no other, it’s more likely that he wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews in Greek. At the time of writing, he had spent at least twenty-five years in Greek-speaking regions, and had only been in Palestine for a few days during that time. The Jews he encountered everywhere spoke Greek, not Hebrew. He preached and conversed in Greek. Is it any surprise, then, that after twenty-five years of constant preaching, conversing, and writing in this language, he would prefer to write in it? Is it even plausible that, under these circumstances, he maintained an equal ability to write in his native dialect from Palestine? So, I don’t find it strange that although the Epistle to the Hebrews was probably directed to some area of Palestine, it was written by St. Paul in Greek, not Hebrew. But regardless of how these arguments are viewed, there are clear signs that it was originally composed in Greek, which shouldn’t be overlooked.
HEBRON, one of the most ancient cities in the world; for it was built seven years before Zoan, the capital of Lower Egypt, Numbers xiii, 22. Now, as the Egyptians gloried much in the antiquity of their cities, and their country was indeed one of the first that was peopled after the dispersion of Babel, it may be from hence concluded that it was one of the most ancient. Some think it was founded by Arba, one of the oldest giants in Palestine; for which reason it was called Kirjath-arba, or Arba’s city, Joshua xiv, 15; which name was afterward changed to that of Hebron, Joshua xv, 13. Arba was the father of Anak; and from Anak the giants, called Anakim, took their name, who were still dwelling at Hebron when Joshua conquered the land of Canaan. When it was first called Hebron, is uncertain; some think, not till it was conquered by Caleb, and that he called it so from his son of that name. But Calmet is of opinion that the name of Hebron is more ancient; and that Caleb, to do honour to his son, named him after this ancient and celebrated place. Hebron was situated upon an eminence, twenty miles southward from Jerusalem, and twenty miles north from Beersheba. Abraham, Sarah, and Isaac were buried near Hebron, in the cave of Machpelah, or the double cave, which Abraham bought of Ephron, Genesis xxiii, 7–9. Hebron was the allotment of Judah. The Lord assigned it for the inheritance of Caleb, Joshua xiv, 13; x, 3, 23, 37. Joshua first took Hebron, and killed the king, whose name was Hoham. But afterward Caleb again made a conquest of it, assisted by the troops of his tribe, and the valour of Othniel, Judges i, 12, 13. It was appointed to be a dwelling for priests, and declared to be a city of refuge, Joshua xxi, 13. David, after the death of Saul, fixed the seat of his government there, 2 Sam. ii, 2–5. At Hebron, Absalom began his rebellion, 2 Sam. xv, 7, 8, &c. During the captivity of Babylon, the Edomites having invaded the southern parts of Judea, made themselves masters of Hebron; hence Josephus sometimes makes it a part of Edom. Here Zacharias and Elizabeth are believed to have dwelt; and it is supposed to have been the birth place of John the Baptist. Hebron is now called El KhalilEl Khalil; though not a town of large dimensions, it has a considerable population. According to Ali Bey, it contains about four hundred families of Arabs; but he does not notice either the Jews, who are numerous, or the Turks. He describes it as situated on the slope of a mountain, and having a strong castle. Provisions, he says, are abundant, and there is a considerable number of shops. The streets are winding, and the houses unusually high. The country is well cultivated, to a considerable extent. Hebron is computed to be twenty-seven miles south-west of Jerusalem.
HEBRON is one of the oldest cities in the world; it was built seven years before Zoan, the capital of Lower Egypt, according to Numbers xiii, 22. The Egyptians took great pride in the ancient history of their cities, and their land was one of the first places populated after the dispersion of Babel, which suggests that Hebron is one of the oldest as well. Some believe it was founded by Arba, one of the earliest giants in Palestine, which is why it was called Kirjath-arba, or Arba's city, as mentioned in Joshua xiv, 15; this name was later changed to Hebron, as seen in Joshua xv, 13. Arba was the father of Anak, and the giants known as the Anakim got their name from Anak; these beings were still living in Hebron when Joshua conquered Canaan. It's unclear when it was first called Hebron; some think it wasn't until Caleb conquered it and named it after his son. However, Calmet believes the name Hebron is older, and that Caleb named his son after this ancient and famous place. Hebron is located on a hill, twenty miles south of Jerusalem and twenty miles north of Beersheba. Abraham, Sarah, and Isaac were buried near Hebron in the cave of Machpelah, also known as the double cave, which Abraham purchased from Ephron, as recorded in Genesis xxiii, 7–9. Hebron was part of Judah's territory. The Lord designated it as Caleb's inheritance, according to Joshua xiv, 13; x, 3, 23, 37. Joshua was the first to capture Hebron, killing the king named Hoham. Later, Caleb retook it with the help of his tribe and the bravery of Othniel, as noted in Judges i, 12, 13. It was established as a residence for priests and designated as a city of refuge, according to Joshua xxi, 13. After Saul's death, David established his government there, as seen in 2 Samuel ii, 2–5. At Hebron, Absalom initiated his revolt, as recorded in 2 Samuel xv, 7, 8, etc. During the Babylonian exile, the Edomites invaded southern Judea and took control of Hebron; Josephus sometimes refers to it as a part of Edom. It is believed that Zacharias and Elizabeth lived here, and it is thought to be the birthplace of John the Baptist. Hebron is now called El KhalilEl Khalil; although it is not a large town, it has a significant population. According to Ali Bey, it has about four hundred Arab families, but he does not mention the numerous Jews or Turks. He describes it as located on the side of a mountain, featuring a strong fortress. He states that food supplies are plentiful and there are many shops. The streets are winding, and the houses are unusually tall. The surrounding area is well cultivated to a considerable extent. Hebron is estimated to be twenty-seven miles southwest of Jerusalem.
HEIFER, a young cow, used in sacrifice at the temple, Num. xix, 1–10. Moses and Aaron were instructed to deliver the divine command to the children of Israel that they should procure “a red heifer, without spot,” that is, one that was entirely red, without one spot of any other colour; “free from blemish, and on which the yoke had never yet come,” that is, which had never yet been employed in ploughing the ground or in any other work; for according to the common sense of all mankind, those animals which had been made to serve other uses, became unfit to be offered to God,--a sentiment which we find in Homer and other Heathen writers. The animal was to be delivered to the priest, who was to lead her forth out of the camp, and there to slay her: the priest was then to take of the blood with his finger, and sprinkle it seven times before the tabernacle, and afterward to burn the carcass: then to take cedar wood and hyssop, and scarlet wood, and cast them into the flames. The ashes were to be gathered up, and preserved in a secure and clean place, for the use of the congregation, by the sprinkling of which ashes in water, it became a water of separation, by means of which a typical or ceremonial purification for sin was effected, Heb. ix, 13.
HEIFER, a young cow, was used for sacrifice at the temple, Num. xix, 1–10. Moses and Aaron were told to inform the Israelites that they should get “a red heifer, without spot,” meaning one that was completely red, with no trace of any other color; “free from blemish, and on which the yoke had never yet come,” meaning it had never been used for plowing or any other work. According to the common sense of all people, animals used for other purposes were considered unfit to be offered to God, a belief echoed in works by Homer and other ancient writers. The animal was to be brought to the priest, who would take her outside the camp to kill her. The priest would then dip his finger in the blood and sprinkle it seven times before the tabernacle, and afterwards burn the carcass. Then, he would take cedar wood, hyssop, and scarlet wood, and throw them into the flames. The ashes would be collected and kept in a secure and clean place for the congregation's use. By sprinkling these ashes in water, it would create a water of separation, which was used for a symbolic or ceremonial purification for sin, Heb. ix, 13.
HELIOPOLIS. See On.
HELIOPOLIS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HELL. This is a Saxon word, which is derived from a verb which signifies to hide or conceal. A late eminent Biblical critic, Dr. Campbell, has investigated this subject with his usual accuracy; and the following is the substance of his remarks. In the Hebrew Scriptures the word sheol frequently occurs, and uniformly, he thinks, denotes the state of the dead in general, without regard to the virtuous or vicious characters of the persons, their happiness or misery. In translating that word, the LXX have almost invariably used the Greek term ἅιδης, hades, which means the receptacle of the dead, and ought rarely to have been translated hell, in the sense in which we now use it, namely, as the place of torment. To denote this latter object, the New Testament writers always make use of the Greek word γέεννα, which is compounded of two Hebrew words, Ge Hinnom, that is, “The Valley of Hinnom,” a place near Jerusalem, in which children were cruelly sacrificed by fire to Moloch, the idol of the Ammonites, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 6. This place was also called Tophet, 2 Kings xxiii, 10, alluding, as is supposed, to the noise of drums, (toph signifying a drum,) 446there raised to drown the cries of helpless infants. As in process of time this place came to be considered an emblem of hell, or the place of torment reserved for the punishment of the wicked in a future state, the name Tophet came gradually to be used in this sense, and at length to be confined to it. In this sense, also, the word gehenna, a synonymous term, is always to be understood in the New Testament, where it occurs about a dozen times. The confusion that has arisen on this subject has been occasioned not only by our English translators having rendered the Hebrew word sheol and the Greek word gehenna frequently by the term hell; but the Greek word hades, which occurs eleven times in the New Testament, is, in every instance, except one, translated by the same English word, which it ought never to have been. In the following passages of the Old Testament it seems, however, that a future world of wo is expressed by sheol: “They,” the wicked, “spend their days in wealth, and in a moment go down to sheol,” Job xxi, 13. “The wicked shall be turned into sheol, and all the nations that forget God,” Psalm ix, 17, 18. “Her feet go down to death, her steps take hold on sheol,” Prov. v, 5. “But he knoweth not that the ghosts are there, and that her guests are in the depths of sheol,” Prov. ix, 18. “Thou shalt beat him with a rod, and shalt deliver his soul from sheol,” Prov. xxiii, 14. Thus, as Stuart observes, in his “Essay on Future Punishment,” while the Old Testament employs sheol, in most cases to designate the grave, the region of the dead, the place of departed spirits, it employs it also, in some cases, to designate along with this idea the adjunct one of the place of misery, place of punishment, region of wo]. In this respect it accords fully with the New Testament use of hades. For though hades signifies the grave, and often the invisible region of separate spirits, without reference to their condition, yet, in Luke xvi, 23, “In hades ἐν τῷ ᾅδη, he lifted up his eyes, being in torments,” it is clearly used for a place and condition of misery. The word hell is also used by our translators for gehenna, which means the world of future punishment, “How shall ye escape the damnation of hell, κρίσεως τῆς γεέννης?“
HELL. This is a Saxon word that comes from a verb meaning to hide or conceal. A well-known Biblical critic, Dr. Campbell, has explored this topic with his usual thoroughness; here’s a summary of his comments. In the Hebrew Scriptures, the word sheol appears frequently and consistently indicates the state of the dead in general, regardless of whether the individuals are good or bad, happy or miserable. When translating this word, the LXX almost always used the Greek term ἅιδης, hades, which refers to the place of the dead and should rarely have been translated as hell in the way we use it today, specifically as a place of torment. To refer to this latter concept, New Testament writers always used the Greek word γέεννα, which is derived from two Hebrew words, Ge Hinnom, meaning “The Valley of Hinnom,” a location near Jerusalem where children were horribly sacrificed by fire to Moloch, the idol of the Ammonites, as noted in 2 Chron. xxxiii, 6. This place was also known as Tophet, mentioned in 2 Kings xxiii, 10, presumably referencing the sound of drums, (where toph means a drum,) 446which were played to drown out the cries of helpless infants. Over time, this location became seen as a symbol of hell or the place of torment designated for punishing the wicked in the afterlife, and the name Tophet gradually came to be used specifically in this context. Similarly, the word gehenna, another related term, should always be interpreted in this manner in the New Testament, where it appears about a dozen times. The confusion surrounding this topic arises not only from our English translators often rendering the Hebrew word sheol and the Greek word gehenna as hell; but also from the Greek word hades, which appears eleven times in the New Testament, being translated as hell in every case except one, which it should never have been. In the following Old Testament passages, however, it seems that a future world of suffering is indicated by sheol: “They,” the wicked, “spend their days in wealth, and in a moment go down to sheol,” Job xxi, 13. “The wicked shall be turned into sheol, and all the nations that forget God,” Psalm ix, 17, 18. “Her feet go down to death, her steps lay hold of sheol,” Prov. v, 5. “But he doesn’t know that the ghosts are there, and that her guests are in the depths of sheol,” Prov. ix, 18. “You shall beat him with a rod, and shall deliver his soul from sheol,” Prov. xxiii, 14. Thus, as Stuart notes in his “Essay on Future Punishment,” while the Old Testament generally uses sheol to refer to the grave, the realm of the dead, and the place of departed spirits, it also sometimes implies the additional idea of a place of suffering and punishment, aligning with the New Testament use of hades. For even though hades signifies the grave and often the unseen realm of separate spirits, without regard to their condition, in Luke xvi, 23, “In hades ἐν τῷ ᾅδη, he lifted up his eyes, being in torments,” it is clearly used to describe a place and state of suffering. The word hell is also used by our translators for gehenna, which refers to the realm of future punishment, “How shall ye escape the damnation of hell, κρίσεως τῆς γεέννης?”
Hell, Gates of. See Gates.
Hell, Gates of. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HELLENISTS. On this appellation, Dr. Jennings observes, There is a very remarkable appellation which the Apostle Paul, after glorying in his being “of the stock of Israel, and of the tribe of Benjamin,” applies to himself, namely, that he was “a Hebrew of the Hebrews,” Phil. iii, 5. By this expression Godwin understands a Hebrew both by father’s and mother’s side. But if this be all that the phrase imports, there seems to be very little occasion for the Apostle’s using it immediately after having declared, that he was “of the stock of Israel, and the tribe of Benjamin;” which, on Godwin’s supposition, is the same as a Hebrew of the Hebrews; for the Jews were not allowed to marry out of their own nation; or if they sometimes married proselytes, yet their number was comparatively so small among them, especially while they were under oppression, as they were at that time by the Romans, that methinks Paul would hardly have mentioned it as a distinguishing privilege and honour, that neither of his parents were proselytes. It is therefore a much more probable sense, that a Hebrew of the Hebrews signifies a Hebrew both by nation and language, which multitudes of Abraham’s posterity, in those days, were not; or one of the Hebrew Jews, who performed their public worship in the Hebrew tongue; for such were reckoned more honourable than the Hellenistic Jews, who in their dispersion having, in a manner, lost the Hebrew, used the Greek language in sacris, and read the Scripture out of the Septuagint version. We meet with this distinction among the converted Jews, in the Acts of the Apostles: “In those days, when the number of the disciples was multiplied, there arose a murmuring of the Grecians or Hellenists against the Hebrews,” Acts vi, 1. This is what St. Paul probably meant by his being a Hebrew, as distinguished from an Israelite: “Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I,” 2 Corinthians xi, 22. In one sense, these were convertible terms, both signifying Jews by nation and religion; but in the sense just mentioned, there were many, in those days, who were Israelites, but not Hebrews. St. Paul was both, not only an Israelite by birth, but a Hebrew, and not a Hellenistic Jew. Godwin expresses himself inaccurately, when he says that those who lived in Palestine, and who, as using the Hebrew text in their public worship, were opposed to the Ἑλληνιϛαί, are called Hebrews, or Jews. For, though Hebrew and Jew are convertible terms, when opposed to Gentiles, as denoting the seed of Abraham, and professors of the Mosaic religion, see Jer. xxxiv, 9; yet, as opposed to the Ἑλληνιϛαὶ, they are not convertible terms, there being Hebrew Jews and Hellenistic Jews; for it is said, that when “they, who were scattered by the persecution that arose about Stephen, travelled into several countries, preaching the word to none but Jews only,” yet they spoke, ϖρος τοὺς Ἑλληνιϛὰς, to the Hellenists or Grecians, Acts xi, 19, 20. In order to confirm the sense which is here given of the word Ἑλληνιϛαὶ, in opposition to the appellation Hebrews, it is proper we should take notice of the distinction between the Ἕλληνες and Ἑλληνιϛαὶ. The former were Greeks by nation, and as such distinguished from Jews, Acts xvi, 1; xix, 10; and the Greek empire having been rendered by Alexander in a manner universal, and their language being then the most common and general, the appellation Greeks is sometimes given to the whole Heathen world, or to all who were not Jews, Rom. i, 16; ii, 9. These Greeks, called Ἑλληνικοὶ by Josephus, are always styled Ἕελληνες in the New Testament. On which account Grotius, understanding by the Ἑλληνιϛαὶ, or “Grecians, to whom some of those who were dispersed on the persecution which arose about Stephen, preached the Lord Jesus,” Acts xi, 19, 20, Greeks by nation, 447concludes there is a mistake in the text, and alters it according to the Syriac and Vulgate versions: “Certè legendum,” [it ought certainly to be read,] saith he, “ϖρος τοὺς Ἕλληνας.” So indeed the Alexandrian manuscript reads, but it is supported by no other copy. And this is decisive against it--that from the words immediately preceding, it is evident that these Grecians were by nation Jews, and not Greeks; it being expressly said, that those who were scattered on the persecution “preached the Gospel to the Jews only.” As for the Ἕλληνες, or Greeks mentioned in St. John’s Gospel, as being come to Jerusalem at the passover to worship in the temple, John xii, 20, and likewise those mentioned in the Acts, as worshipping along with the Jews in the synagogues, Acts xiv, 1; xviii, 4; they were doubtless Greeks by birth and nation, yet proselytes to the Jewish religion. There is a distinction made between Jews and proselytes, Acts ii, 10; but none between Hebrews and proselytes, because a proselyte might be either a Hebrew or a Hellenist, according to the language in which he performed public worship. That the Hellenists or Grecians, were Jews, is farther argued from the account we have, that when at Jerusalem St. Paul “disputed against the Grecians, they went about to slay him,” Acts ix, 29, as the Jews at Damascus had done before, Acts ix, 23. Now had these Grecians been strangers of a different nation, it cannot be imagined they durst have attempted to kill a Jew, among his own countrymen, in the capital, and without a formal accusation of him before any of their tribunals. Upon the whole, the Ἑλληνιϛαὶ, or Grecians being Jews who used the Greek tongue in their sacred exercises, the Hebrew Jews and Grecian Jews were distinguished in those days, in like manner as the Portuguese and Dutch Jews are among us, not so much by the place of their birth, (many being born in England, others abroad,) as by the language they use in their public prayers and sermons.
HELLENISTS. Regarding this term, Dr. Jennings notes that there is a significant title that the Apostle Paul, after taking pride in being “from the stock of Israel and from the tribe of Benjamin,” uses for himself, namely, that he is “a Hebrew of the Hebrews,” Phil. iii, 5. Godwin interprets this phrase to mean a Hebrew on both his father's and mother's side. However, if that’s all the phrase means, it seems unnecessary for the Apostle to use it right after stating that he was “of the stock of Israel and the tribe of Benjamin,” which, according to Godwin’s understanding, is the same as saying he is a Hebrew of the Hebrews; for Jews typically did not marry outside their own nation. Even if they sometimes married converts, the number was quite small at that time, especially under Roman oppression, making it unlikely that Paul would highlight it as a notable privilege that neither of his parents were converts. Therefore, it's much more likely that being a Hebrew of the Hebrews means a Hebrew in both nationality and language, which many descendants of Abraham were not back then; or one of the Hebrew Jews who conducted their public worship in Hebrew, as they were considered more prestigious than the Hellenistic Jews, who had, in a way, lost Hebrew through their dispersion and used Greek to worship and read Scripture from the Septuagint version. We see this distinction among converted Jews in the Acts of the Apostles: “In those days, as the number of disciples grew, there was a complaint against the Hellenists by the Hebrews,” Acts vi, 1. This is likely what St. Paul meant by identifying as a Hebrew, distinguishing himself from an Israelite: “Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I,” 2 Corinthians xi, 22. In one sense, these terms were interchangeable, both denoting Jews by nationality and religion; but as described here, there were many people back then who were Israelites but not Hebrews. St. Paul was both, being an Israelite by birth and a Hebrew, thus not a Hellenistic Jew. Godwin inaccurately claims that those living in Palestine, who opposed the Hellenists by using the Hebrew texts in their public worship, are referred to as Hebrews or Jews. While Hebrew and Jew can be interchangeable when set against Gentiles, as indicating descendants of Abraham and followers of Mosaic law, see Jer. xxxiv, 9; they are not interchangeable when contrasting with the Hellenists, as there are both Hebrew and Hellenistic Jews; for it is noted that when “those who were scattered due to the persecution linked to Stephen traveled to various places, preaching the word to no one but Jews,” they still spoke, ϖρος τοὺς Ἑλληνιϛὰς, to the Hellenists or Grecians, Acts xi, 19, 20. To confirm the meaning of the term Ἑλληνιϛαὶ here, as opposed to Hebrews, we need to recognize the distinction between Ἕλληνες and Ἑλληνιϛαὶ. The former refers to Greeks by nationality, distinguishing them from Jews, Acts xvi, 1; xix, 10; and since the Greek empire was made quite universal by Alexander, and their language became widely common, the term Greeks is sometimes used to refer to all non-Jews, Rom. i, 16; ii, 9. These Greeks, identified as Ἑλληνικοὶ by Josephus, are consistently referred to as Ἕλληνες in the New Testament. Hence, Grotius, understanding the Ἑλληνιϛαὶ or “Grecians” as Jews who were scattered during the persecution related to Stephen and preached Jesus, Acts xi, 19, 20, concludes there is an error in the text, suggesting it should be altered according to the Syriac and Vulgate versions: “Certè legendum,” [it ought certainly to be read,] he states, “ϖρος τοὺς Ἕλληνας.” Indeed, the Alexandrian manuscript reads that way, but it has no support from other copies. The contradiction against this is clear from the preceding words; it is apparent that these Grecians were Jews by nationality, as it explicitly says that those who were scattered during the persecution “preached the Gospel to the Jews only.” Regarding the Ἕλληνες, or Greeks mentioned in St. John’s Gospel as visiting Jerusalem at Passover to worship in the temple, John xii, 20, and also those noted in Acts as worshipping alongside Jews in synagogues, Acts xiv, 1; xviii, 4, they were indeed Greeks by birth and nationality but proselytes of the Jewish religion. There is a distinction noted between Jews and proselytes, Acts ii, 10; but none between Hebrews and proselytes, as a proselyte could be either a Hebrew or a Hellenist, depending on the language used in public worship. The classification of the Hellenists or Grecians as Jews is further supported by recounting how, when in Jerusalem, St. Paul “debated against the Grecians, they tried to kill him,” Acts ix, 29, just as the Jews in Damascus had done earlier, Acts ix, 23. If these Grecians had been foreigners from a different nation, it’s hard to believe they would have attempted to kill a Jew among his own people in the capital without formally accusing him before any of their courts. Overall, the Ἑλληνιϛαὶ, or Grecians, were Jews who used the Greek language in their sacred practices, distinguishing Hebrew Jews and Grecian Jews back then much like Portuguese and Dutch Jews are distinguished today, not so much by their birthplace (as some were born in England and others abroad) but by the language they use in public prayers and sermons.
Among the wonderful dealings of God, says Dr. Neander, by which the coming of Christianity was prepared, must be placed the spreading of the Jews among the Greeks and Romans. Those among them who belonged to the Pharisees gave themselves much trouble to obtain proselytes; and the loss of respect for the old popular religion, and the unsatisfied religious wants of multitudes, farthered their views. Reverence for the national God of the Jews, as a mighty Being, and reverence for the secret sanctuary of the splendid temple of Jerusalem, had long gained admittance among the Heathen. Jewish goetæ (enchanters, jugglers, &c) permitted themselves to make use of a thousand acts of delusion, in which they were very skilful, to make an impression of astonishment on the minds of those around them. Confidence in Judaism had in consequence made such wide progress, especially in large capital towns, that the Roman writers in the time of the first emperors openly complain of it; and Seneca, in his book upon superstition, said of the Jews, “The conquered have given laws to the conquerors.” The Jewish proselyte-makers, “blind leaders of the blind,” who had themselves no conception of the real nature, of religion, could give to others no insight into it. They often allowed their converts to take up a kind of dead monotheism, and merely exchange one kind of superstition for another; they taught them, that, by the mere outward worship of one God, and outward ceremonials, they were sure of the grace of God, without requiring any change of life; and they gave to them only new means of silencing their conscience, and new support in the sins which they were unwilling to renounce: and hence our Saviour reproached these proselyte-makers, that they made their converts ten times more the children of hell, than they themselves were. But we must here accurately distinguish between the two classes of proselytes. The proselytes in the strict sense of the word, the proselytes of righteousness, who underwent circumcision and took upon themselves the whole of the ceremonial law, were very different from the proselytes of the gate, who only bound themselves to renounce idolatry, to the worship of the one God, and to abstinence from all Heathenish excess, as well as from every thing which appeared to have any connection with idolatry. The former often embraced all the fanaticism and superstition of the Jews, and allowed themselves to be blindly led by their Jewish teachers. The more difficult it had been to them to subject themselves to the observance of the Jewish ceremonial law, necessarily so irksome to a Greek or a Roman, the less could they find it in their hearts to believe, that all this had been in vain, that they had obtained no advantage by it, and that they must renounce their presumed holiness. What Justin Martyr says to the Jews, holds good of these proselytes: “The proselytes not only do not believe, but they calumniate the name of Christ twice as much as you, and they wish to murder and torture us who believe on him, because they are desirous to resemble you in every thing.” The proselytes of the gate, on the contrary, had taken many of the most admirable truths out of Judaism. Without becoming entirely Jews, they had become acquainted with the Holy Scriptures of the Jews, they had heard of the promised messenger from God, of the King armed with power from God, of whom a report had been spread, as Suetonius says in the life of Vespasian, over the whole of the east. Much of that which they had heard from their Jewish teachers, whose writings they had read, had remained dark to them, and they were still to seek in them. By the notions which they had received from the Jews, of one God, of the divine government of the world, of God’s judgment, and of the Messiah, they were more prepared for the Gospel than other Heathens; and because they still thought that they had too little, because they had no determined religious system, and were curious after more instruction in divine things, and because they had not received many of the prejudices which swayed the Jews, they were more fitted to 448receive the Gospel than many of the Jews. From the very beginning they must have been attentive to the preaching of the Gospel, which secured to them, without making them Jews, a full share in the fulfilment of those promises of which the Jews had spoken to them. To these proselytes of the gate, (the φοβούμενοι τὸν Θεὸν, the εὐσεβεῖς of the New Testament,) passed, therefore, according to the Acts, the preaching of the Gospel, when it had been rejected by the blinded Jews; and here the seed of the divine word found a fitting soil in hearts desirous of holiness. There were, however, doubtless, among the proselytes of the gate, some who, wanting in proper earnestness in their search after religious truth, only desired, in every case, an easy road to heaven, which did not require any self-denial; and who, in order to be sure of being on the safe side, whether power and truth lay with the Jews or the Heathens, sometimes worshipped in the synagogue of Jehovah, sometimes in the temples of the gods, and who, therefore, fluttered in suspense between Judaism and Heathenism.
Among the amazing ways God prepared for the arrival of Christianity, Dr. Neander notes, was the dispersion of the Jews among the Greeks and Romans. Many Pharisees worked hard to gain converts, and the decline of respect for the old popular religion, along with the unmet spiritual needs of the masses, helped further their aims. Respect for the national God of the Jews as a powerful being, and reverence for the sacred space of the magnificent temple in Jerusalem, had gradually captured the interest of the pagans. Jewish magicians and enchanters often employed various tricks and illusions, in which they were quite skilled, to astonish those around them. As a result, confidence in Judaism spread significantly, especially in major cities, to the point that Roman writers during the first emperors openly complained about it; Seneca even remarked about the Jews, "The conquered have given laws to the conquerors." The Jewish proselytizers, "blind guides," who themselves lacked a true understanding of religion, could not offer real insight to others. They often allowed their converts to adopt a kind of dead monotheism, merely swapping one form of superstition for another; they taught that simply attending to the outward worship of one God, along with external rituals, ensured God's grace, without any need for a transformation in lifestyle. They provided only new methods for silencing their consciences and new support for the sins they were reluctant to give up. This is why our Savior criticized these proselytizers, saying they made their converts ten times more the children of hell than they were. However, we must clearly differentiate between the two types of proselytes. The proselytes in the strict sense, the proselytes of righteousness, who underwent circumcision and accepted the entire ceremonial law, were very different from the proselytes of the gate, who only committed to rejecting idolatry, worshiping the one God, and avoiding all pagan excesses and anything linked to idolatry. The former often embraced all the fanaticism and superstition of the Jews and let themselves be blindly led by their Jewish teachers. The more challenging it was for them to adhere to the Jewish ceremonial law—which was naturally burdensome for a Greek or Roman—the less they could believe that all their efforts had been in vain, that they gained no benefit from it, and that they needed to forsake their presumed holiness. What Justin Martyr said about the Jews applies to these proselytes: "The proselytes not only do not believe, but they slander the name of Christ twice as much as you, and they seek to kill and torture us who believe in him, as they desire to imitate you in everything." In contrast, the proselytes of the gate extracted many admirable truths from Judaism. Without fully becoming Jews, they became familiar with the Hebrew Scriptures, heard about the promised messenger from God, the King empowered by God, whose news had spread throughout the East, as noted by Suetonius in the life of Vespasian. Much of what they learned from their Jewish teachers and writings remained obscured to them, and they still sought clarity. With the ideas they had gathered from the Jews about one God, divine governance, God's judgment, and the Messiah, they were better prepared for the Gospel than other pagans; and because they felt that they lacked structure in their religious beliefs, were curious to learn more about divine matters, and had not adopted many of the prejudices held by the Jews, they were more ready to receive the Gospel than many of the Jews. From the start, they would have been attentive to the Gospel's message, which ensured them, without making them Jews, a full participation in the promises the Jews had shared. Thus, the preaching of the Gospel, according to the Acts, reached these proselytes of the gate (the φοβούμενοι τὸν Θεὸν, the εὐσεβεῖς of the New Testament) when it had been turned away by the blinded Jews, and the seed of the divine word found fertile ground in hearts longing for holiness. However, it is likely that among the proselytes of the gate, there were some who lacked serious commitment to seeking religious truth, merely wanting an easy path to heaven that required no self-denial, and who, to be on the safe side regarding whether power and truth rested with the Jews or pagans, occasionally attended both the synagogue of God and the temples of the gods, remaining in a state of uncertainty between Judaism and paganism.
HEMLOCK, רוש and ראש, Deut. xxix, 18; xxxii, 32; Psalm lxix, 21; Jer. viii, 14; ix, 15; xxiii, 15; Lam. iii, 5, 19; Hosea x, 4; Amos vi, 12. In the two latter places our translators have rendered the word hemlock in the others, gall. Hiller supposes it the centaureum, described by Pliny; but Celsius shows it to be the hemlock. It is evident, from Deut. xxix, 18, that some herb or plant is meant of a malignant or nauseous kind, being there joined with wormwood, and in the margin of our Bibles explained to be “a poisonful herb.” In like manner see Jer. viii, 14; ix, 15; and xxiii, 15. In Hosea x, 4, the comparison is to a bitter herb, which, growing among grain, overpowers the useful vegetable, and substitutes a pernicious weed. “If,” says the author of “Scripture Illustrated,” “the comparison be to a plant growing in the furrows of the field, strictly speaking, then we are much restricted in our plants likely to answer this character; but if we may take the ditches around, or the moist or sunken places within the field also, which I partly suspect, then we may include other plants; and I do not see why hemlock may not be intended. Scheuchzer inclines to this rather than wormwood or agrostes, as the LXX have rendered it. The prophet appears to mean a vegetable which should appear wholesome, and resemble those known to be salutary, as judgment, when just, properly is; but experience would demonstrate its malignity, as unjust judgment is when enforced. Hemlock is poisonous, and water-hemlock especially; yet either of these may be mistaken, and some of their parts, the root particularly, may deceive but too fatally.”
HEMLOCK, רוש and head, Deut. xxix, 18; xxxii, 32; Psalm lxix, 21; Jer. viii, 14; ix, 15; xxiii, 15; Lam. iii, 5, 19; Hosea x, 4; Amos vi, 12. In the latter two instances, our translators have translated the word hemlock, while in the others, gall. Hiller thinks it refers to the centaureum, as described by Pliny; however, Celsius argues that it’s actually the hemlock. It’s clear from Deut. xxix, 18, that it refers to some herb or plant of a harmful or unpleasant nature, as it’s paired with wormwood, and in the margin of our Bibles clarified as “a poisonous herb.” Similarly, see Jer. viii, 14; ix, 15; and xxiii, 15. In Hosea x, 4, the comparison is made to a bitter herb that, growing among crops, overtakes the useful plants and replaces them with a harmful weed. “If,” says the author of “Scripture Illustrated,” “this comparison is to a plant growing in the furrows of the field, then our options for plants fitting this description are limited; but if we consider plants in the ditches around, or in the moist or low areas within the field as well, which I somewhat suspect, then we might include other plants; and I don’t see why hemlock couldn’t be intended. Scheuchzer favors this notion over wormwood or agrostis, as interpreted by the LXX. The prophet seems to refer to a plant that appears harmless and resembles those known to be beneficial, much like fair judgment is when it’s just; but experience reveals its toxicity, similar to how unjust judgment is when enforced. Hemlock is poisonous, particularly water-hemlock; still, either can be mistaken, and some of their parts, especially the root, can mislead to a fatal extent.”
HEN, ὄρνις, 2 Esdras i, 30; Matt. xxiii, 37; Luke xiii, 34. In these last two passages our Saviour exclaims, “O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!” The metaphor here used is a very beautiful one. When the hen sees a bird of prey coming, she makes a noise to assemble her chickens, that she may cover them with her wings from the danger. The Roman eagle was about to fall upon the Jewish state; our Lord invited them to himself in order to guard them from threatened calamities: they disregarded his invitations and warnings, and fell a prey to their adversaries. The affection of the hen to her brood is so strong as to have become proverbial. There is a beautiful Greek epigram in the Anthologia, which affords a very fine illustration of the affection of this bird in another view. It has been thus translated:--
HEN, ὄρνις, 2 Esdras i, 30; Matt. xxiii, 37; Luke xiii, 34. In these last two passages, our Savior cries out, “O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, how often I wanted to gather your children together, just like a hen gathers her chicks under her wings, but you were not willing!” The metaphor used here is quite beautiful. When the hen spots a predator, she makes a sound to gather her chicks, so she can shelter them under her wings from danger. The Roman eagle was about to strike the Jewish state; our Lord called them to Himself to protect them from impending disasters: they ignored His invitations and warnings, and fell victim to their enemies. The hen's love for her chicks is so strong that it has become a saying. There’s a lovely Greek epigram in the Anthologia that provides a great illustration of this bird's affection in another context. It has been translated as follows:--
Plutarch, in his book De Philostorgiâ, represents this parental attachment and care in a very pleasing manner: “Do we not daily observe with what care the hen protects her chickens; giving some shelter under her wings, supporting others upon her back, calling them around her, and picking out their food; and if any animal approaches that terrifies them, driving it away with a courage and strength truly wonderful?”
Plutarch, in his book De Philostorgiâ, portrays this parental love and care in a really nice way: “Don’t we see every day how carefully a hen protects her chicks? She shelters some under her wings, carries others on her back, calls them to her, and finds them food; and if any threatening animal comes near, she bravely drives it away with remarkable strength?”
HENOTICON, a decree or edict of the Emperor Zeno, which was dated at Constantinople in the year 482, and by which he intended to unite all the parties in religion under one faith. For this reason the decree was called henoticon, which signifies “union” or “uniting.” It is generally agreed that it was published by the advice of Acacius, bishop of Constantinople, who wished to reconcile the contending parties. This decree repeated and confirmed all that had been enacted in the councils of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, against the Arians, Nestorians, and Eutychians, without particularly mentioning the council of Chalcedon. The henoticon was approved by all those of the two contending parties who were remarkable for their candour and moderation; but it was opposed by the violent and obstinate, who complained that it was injurious to the honour and authority of the most holy council of Chalcedon. Hence arose new contests and new divisions not less deplorable than those which this decree was intended to suppress. The Catholics opposed it with all their strength; and it was condemned in form by Pope Felix II.
HENOTICON, a decree or edict from Emperor Zeno, dated in 482 at Constantinople, aimed to bring all religious factions under a single faith. This is why it was called henoticon, which means “union” or “uniting.” It is widely believed that it was issued with the guidance of Acacius, the bishop of Constantinople, who wanted to mediate between the conflicting groups. This decree reiterated and confirmed everything established in the councils of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon against the Arians, Nestorians, and Eutychians, without specifically mentioning the council of Chalcedon. The henoticon was accepted by many from both sides known for their openness and moderation, but it faced opposition from the more aggressive and stubborn factions, who argued that it undermined the authority and prestige of the holy council of Chalcedon. This led to new disputes and divisions, no less tragic than those the decree was meant to resolve. The Catholics opposed it vigorously, and Pope Felix II formally condemned it.
HERESY, hæresis, αἵρεσις, from αἱρέω, I choose, signifies an error in some essential point of Christian faith, publicly avowed, and obstinately maintained; or, according to the legal definition, “Sententia rerum divinarum humano sensu excogitata, palam docta, et pertinaciter defensa.” [An opinion of divine things invented by human reason, openly taught, and obstinately defended.] Among the ancients, the word heresy appears to have had nothing of that odious signification which has been attached to it by ecclesiastical writers in later times. It only signified a peculiar opinion, dogma, or sect, without conveying any reproach; being indifferently used, either 449of a party approved, or of one disapproved, by the writer. In this sense they spoke of the heresy of the Stoics, of the Peripatetics, Epicureans, &c, meaning the sect or peculiar system of these philosophers. In the historical part of the New Testament, the word seems to bear very nearly the same signification, being employed indiscriminately to denote a sect or party, whether good or bad. Thus we read of the sect or heresy of the Sadducees, of the Pharisees, of the Nazarenes, &c. See Acts v, 17; xv, 5; xxiv, 5; xxvi, 5; xxviii, 22. In the two former of these passages, the term heresy seems to be adopted by the sacred historian merely for the sake of distinction, without the least appearance of any intention to convey either praise or blame. In Acts xxvi, 4, 5, St. Paul, in defending himself before King Agrippa, uses the same term, when it was manifestly his design to exalt the party to which he had belonged, and to give their system the preference over every other system of Judaism, both with regard to soundness of doctrine and purity of morals.
HERESY, hæresis, αἵρεσις, from αἱρέω, I choose, refers to a mistake in some key aspect of Christian faith that is openly declared and stubbornly upheld; or, according to the legal definition, “The ideas about divine matters crafted by human understanding, openly taught, and stubbornly defended.” [An opinion of divine things invented by human reason, openly taught, and obstinately defended.] In ancient times, the term heresy didn't carry the negative connotation that ecclesiastical writers have attached to it later on. It simply represented a specific opinion, doctrine, or sect, without implying any disapproval; it was used neutrally, referring to either a group that was accepted or one that was rejected by the writer. In this sense, they discussed the heresy of the Stoics, the Peripatetics, the Epicureans, etc., meaning the particular sect or system of these philosophers. In the historical parts of the New Testament, the term seems to have a similar meaning, being used interchangeably to denote a sect or group, whether considered good or bad. Thus, we encounter the sect or heresy of the Sadducees, the Pharisees, the Nazarenes, etc. See Acts v, 17; xv, 5; xxiv, 5; xxvi, 5; xxviii, 22. In the first two of these passages, the term heresy appears to have been used by the sacred historian simply for clarity, with no apparent intention to assign praise or blame. In Acts xxvi, 4, 5, St. Paul, while defending himself before King Agrippa, uses the same term, clearly intending to elevate the group he belonged to and advocate for their system over all others in Judaism, regarding both doctrinal soundness and moral integrity.
2. It has been suggested that the acceptation of the word αἵρεσις in the epistles is different from what it has been observed to be in the historical books of the New Testament. In order to account for this difference, it may be observed that the word sect has always something relative in it; and therefore, although the general import of the term be the same, it will convey a favourable or an unfavourable idea, according to the particular relation which it bears in the application. When it is used along with the proper name, by way of distinguishing one party from another, it conveys neither praise nor reproach. If any thing reprehensible or commendable be meant, it is suggested, not by the word αἵρεσις itself, but by the words with which it stands connected in construction. Thus we may speak of a strict sect, or a lax sect; or of a good sect, or a bad sect. Again: the term may be applied to a party formed in a community, when considered in reference to the whole. If the community be of such a nature as not to admit of such a subdivision, without impairing or corrupting its constitution, a charge of splitting into sects, or forming parties, is equivalent to a charge of corruption in that which is most essential to the existence and welfare of the society. Hence arises the whole difference in the word, as it is used in the historical part of the New Testament, and in the epistles of St. Peter and St. Paul; for these are the only Apostles who employ it. In the history, the reference is always of the first kind; in the epistles, it is always of the second. In these last, the Apostles address themselves only to Christians, and either reprehend them for, or warn them against, forming sects among themselves, to the prejudice of charity, to the production of much mischief within their community, and of great scandal to the unconverted world without. In both applications, however, the radical import of the word is the same; and even in the latter it has no necessary reference to doctrine, true or false. During the early ages of Christianity, the term heresy gradually lost the innocence of its original meaning, and came to be applied, in a reproachful sense, to any corruption of what was considered as the orthodox creed, or even to any departure from the established rites and ceremonies of the church.
2. It has been suggested that the meaning of the word αἵρεσις in the letters is different from what has been observed in the historical books of the New Testament. To explain this difference, it can be noted that the word sect has always had a relative aspect; therefore, although its overall meaning is the same, it can carry a positive or negative connotation depending on how it's used. When it appears with a specific name to distinguish one group from another, it doesn’t imply praise or criticism. If there’s any blame or commendation meant, it is suggested not by the word αἵρεσις itself, but by the other words it’s associated with. So, we might refer to a strict sect or a loose sect; or a good sect or a bad sect. Additionally, the term can refer to a group formed within a community when looking at the whole. If the community cannot accept such divisions without harming or corrupting its structure, then a charge of splitting into sects or creating factions is equivalent to a charge of corruption in what is most essential for the society's existence and wellbeing. This explains the difference in the way the word is used in the historical parts of the New Testament versus in the letters of St. Peter and St. Paul, since these are the only Apostles who use it. In the historical context, the reference is always the first kind; in the letters, it’s always the second. In these letters, the Apostles speak only to Christians and either reprimand them for or warn them against creating sects among themselves, which harms charity, causes a lot of trouble within their community, and creates a huge scandal for the unconverted world outside. In both cases, however, the fundamental meaning of the word remains the same; even in the latter, it does not necessarily refer to doctrine, whether true or false. During the early ages of Christianity, the term heresy gradually lost its original innocence and came to be used, in a derogatory sense, for any corruption of what was considered the orthodox belief, or even for any deviation from the established rites and ceremonies of the church.
3. The heresies chiefly alluded to in the apostolical epistles are, first, those of the Judaizers, or rigid adherents to the Mosaic rites, especially that of circumcision; second, those of converted Hellenists, or Grecian Jews, who held the Greek eloquence and philosophy in too high an estimation, and corrupted, by the speculations of the latter, the simplicity of the Gospel; and third, those who endeavoured to blend Christianity with a mixed philosophy of magic, demonology, and Platonism, which was then highly popular in the world. With respect to the latter, the remarks of Hug will tend to illustrate some passages in the writings of St. Paul:--Without being acquainted with the notions of those teachers who caused the Apostle so much anxiety and so much vexation, a considerable part of these treatises must necessarily remain dark and unintelligible. From the criteria by which the Apostle points them out, at one time some deemed that they recognised the Gnostics; others perceived none but the Essenes; and every one found arguments for his assertions from the similarity of the doctrines, opinions, and morals. It would, however, be as difficult to prove that the Gnostic school had at that time indeed perfectly developed itself, as it is unjust to charge the Essenes with that extreme of immorality of which St. Paul accused these seducers, since the contemporaries and acquaintances of this Jewish sect mention them with honour and respect, and extol its members as the most virtuous men of their age. The similarity of the principles and opinions, which will have been observed in both parties compared with St. Paul’s declarations, flows from a common source, from the philosophy of that age, whence both the one and the other have derived their share. We shall therefore go less astray, if we recede a step, and consider the philosophy itself, as the general modeller of these derivative theories. It found its followers among Judaism as well as among the Heathens; it both introduced its speculative preparations into Christianity, and endeavoured to unite them or to adjust them to it, as well as they were able, by which means Christianity would have become deformed and unlike to itself, and would have been merged in the ocean of philosophical reveries, unless the Apostles had on this occasion defended it against the follies of men. An oriental, or, as it is commonly called, a Babylonian or Chaldean, doctrinal system had already long become known to the Greeks, and even to the Romans, before Augustus, and still more so in the Augustan age, and was in the full progress of its extension over Asia and Europe. It set up different deities and intermediate spirits in explanation of certain phenomena of nature, for the office of 450governing the world, and for the solution of other metaphysical questions, which from time immemorial were reckoned among the difficult propositions of philosophy. The practical part of this system was occupied with the precepts by means of which a person might enter into communication with these spirits or demons. But the result which they promised to themselves from this union with the divine natures, was that of acquiring, by their assistance, superhuman knowledge, that of predicting future events, and of performing supernatural works. These philosophers were celebrated under the name of magi and Chaldeans; who, for the sake of better accommodating themselves to the western nations, modified their system after the Greek forms, and then, as it appears, knew how to unite it with the doctrine of Plato, from whence afterward arose the Neo-Platonic and in Christendom the Gnostical school. These men forced their way even to the throne. Tiberius had received instruction in their philosophy, and was very confident that by means of an intelligence with the demons, it was possible to learn and perform extraordinary things. Nero caused a great number of them to be brought over from Asia, not unfrequently at the expense of the provinces. The supernatural spirits would not always appear, yet he did not discard his belief of them. The magi and Chaldeans were the persons who were consulted on great undertakings, who, when conspiracies arose, predicted the issue; who invoked spirits, prepared offerings, and in love affairs were obliged to afford aid from their art. Even the force of the laws, to which recourse was frequently necessary to be had at Rome, tended to nothing but the augmentation of their authority. As they found access and favour with people of all classes in the capital, so did they also in the provinces. Paul found a magus at the court of the proconsul at Paphos, Acts xiii, 6. Such was that Simon in Samaria, Acts viii, 10, who was there considered as a higher being of the spiritual class. The expression is remarkable, as it is a part of the technical language of the Theurgists; they called him Δύναμις τοῦ Θεοῦ μεγάλη, “The great power of God.” So also Pliny calls some of the demons and intermediate spirits, by whose coöperation particular results were effected, potestates. [Powers.] Justin Martyr, the fellow countryman of Simon, has preserved to us some technical expressions of his followers. He says that they ascribed to him the high title ὑπεράνω ϖάσης ἀρχῆς, καὶ ἐξουσίας, καὶ δυνάμεως. [Far above all principality, and power, and might.] Of these classes of spirits, which appear under such different appellations, the superior were those who ruled; but the inferior, who had more of a material substance, and who, on that account, were able to connect themselves immediately with matter, were those who executed the commands of the superior. By an intelligence with the superior spirits a person might have the subaltern at his service and assistance; for the more powerful demons thus commanded the inferior to execute certain commissions in the material world: ἘνἘν τῶ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων, “By the prince of the devils,” Matt. xii, 24.
3. The heresies mainly mentioned in the apostolic letters are, first, those of the Judaizers, or strict followers of the Mosaic laws, particularly circumcision; second, those of converted Hellenists, or Greek Jews, who valued Greek eloquence and philosophy too highly and, by adopting these ideas, undermined the simplicity of the Gospel; and third, those who tried to mix Christianity with a blend of magic, demonology, and Platonism, which was very popular at that time. Regarding the latter, Hug's comments will help clarify some passages in the writings of St. Paul: without understanding the ideas of those teachers who troubled the Apostle so much, a significant part of these writings would remain dark and hard to understand. Based on the criteria the Apostle used to identify them, at one point some thought they recognized the Gnostics; others saw only the Essenes; and everyone found reasons for their claims based on the similarities in doctrines, opinions, and morals. However, it would be just as difficult to prove that the Gnostic school had fully developed at that time as it would be unjust to accuse the Essenes of the extreme immorality that St. Paul attributed to these deceivers, since contemporaries and associates of this Jewish sect regarded them with honor and respect, praising its members as the most virtuous people of their time. The similarities in principles and opinions observed in both groups, when compared to St. Paul's statements, stem from a common source: the philosophy of that era, from which both drew many ideas. Thus, it makes sense to take a step back and examine the philosophy itself as the overall architect of these derivative theories. This philosophy attracted followers both among Jews and Gentiles; it introduced its speculative ideas into Christianity and sought to blend or adapt them to it as much as possible, which could have distorted Christianity and merged it into the sea of philosophical fantasies if the Apostles hadn't defended it against such follies. An eastern, or what is often referred to as Babylonian or Chaldean, doctrinal system had been known to the Greeks and, even more so to the Romans, before Augustus and particularly during the Augustan era, and it was rapidly spreading across Asia and Europe. It established various deities and intermediary spirits to explain certain natural phenomena and to address other metaphysical questions that had been considered difficult philosophical issues for ages. The practical aspect of this system focused on the instructions for communicating with these spirits or demons. The goal they sought from this connection with the divine was to gain, with their help, superhuman knowledge, the ability to predict the future, and to perform supernatural feats. These philosophers were known as magi and Chaldeans, who, to better fit in with the western nations, adapted their system to Greek styles and, as it seems, were able to combine it with Plato's teachings, which later led to the development of the Neo-Platonic and Gnostic schools in Christianity. These individuals even made their way to the throne. Tiberius had learned their philosophy and firmly believed that communication with demons could yield extraordinary knowledge and actions. Nero brought many of them over from Asia, often at the expense of the provinces. The supernatural spirits didn't always respond, but he maintained his belief in them. The magi and Chaldeans were consulted for significant endeavors; when conspiracies arose, they predicted the outcomes; they invoked spirits, prepared offerings, and provided assistance in love matters through their practices. Even the authority of the laws, which was often called upon in Rome, only served to increase their power. They gained access and favor among people of all classes in the capital and in the provinces. Paul encountered a magician at the court of the proconsul in Paphos, Acts xiii, 6. There was also Simon in Samaria, Acts viii, 10, who was regarded there as a higher spiritual being. The term is noteworthy, as it was part of the technical vocabulary of the Theurgists; they referred to him as Δύναμις τοῦ Θεοῦ μεγάλη, “The great power of God.” Similarly, Pliny referred to some of the demons and intermediary spirits by whose cooperation specific outcomes were achieved, potestates. [Powers.] Justin Martyr, a compatriot of Simon, preserved some technical terms used by his followers. He stated that they attributed the lofty title ὑπεράνω πάσης ἀρχῆς, καὶ ἐξουσίας, καὶ δυνάμεως. [Far above all principality, and power, and might.] Among these various classes of spirits, the superior ones were the rulers, while the inferior ones, which had more material substance and thus could directly interact with matter, carried out the commands of the superior. Through communication with the higher spirits, one could summon the subordinates for assistance; indeed, the more powerful demons commanded the lesser ones to perform certain tasks in the material realm: ἘνἘν τῶ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων, “By the prince of the devils,” Matt. xii, 24.
4. The Syrian philosopher, Jamblichus, of Chalcis, has furnished us with a circumstantial representation of this system and its several varieties, in his book on the mysteries of the Chaldeans and Egyptians:--The nature of the gods is a pure, spiritual, and perfect unity. With this highest and perfect immateriality no influence on matter is conceivable, consequently, no creation and dominion of the world. Certain subordinate deities must therefore be admitted, which are more compounded in their nature, and can act upon gross matter. These are the “creators of the world,” δημίουργοι, and the “rulers of the world,” κοσμοκράτορες. The superior deities are, however, the real cause of all that exists; and from their fulness, from their ϖλήρωμα, it derives its existence. The succession from the highest deities down to the lowest is not by a sudden descent, but by a continually graduating decrease from the highest, pure, and spiritual natures, down to those which are more substantial and material, which are the nearest related to the gross matter of the creation, and which consequently possess the property of acting upon it. In proportion to their purer quality, or coarser composition, they occupy different places as their residence, either in a denser atmosphere, or in higher regions. The highest among these classes of spirits are called ἄρχαι, or, ἀρχικὸν ἀιτιόν. Others among the “divine natures,” θείαι οὐσίαι, are “intermediate beings,” μέσαι. Those which occupy themselves with the laws of the world are also called ἄρχοντες, and “the ministering spirits” are δύναμεις and ἄγγελοι. The archangels are not generally recognised in this theory; this class is said to have been of a later origin, and to have been first introduced by Porphyry. (See Archangel.) If we take here also into consideration the ἐξουσίαι, of which Justin has before spoken, we shall have enumerated the greater part of the technical appellations of this demonology. But to arrive at a union with the higher orders of the spiritual world, in which alone the highest bliss of man consists, it is necessary, before all things, to become disengaged from the servitude of the body, which detains the soul from soaring up to the purely spiritual. Matrimony, therefore, and every inclination to sexual concupiscence, must be renounced before the attainment of this perfection. Hence, the offerings and initiations of the magi cannot, without great injury, be even communicated to those who have not as yet emancipated themselves from the libido procreandi, and the propensities to corporeal attachments. To eat meat, or to partake in general of any slain animal, nay, to even touch it, contaminates. Bodily exercises and purifications, though not productive of the gifts of prophecy, are nevertheless conducive to them. Though the gods only attend to the pure, they nevertheless sometimes mislead men to impure, 451actions. This may perhaps proceed from the totally different ideas of that which is good and righteous, which subsist between them and mankind.
4. The Syrian philosopher Jamblichus from Chalcis has provided us with a detailed account of this system and its various forms in his book on the mysteries of the Chaldeans and Egyptians: The nature of the gods is a pure, spiritual, and perfect unity. With this highest and perfect immateriality, no influence on matter can be imagined; therefore, there is no creation or rule over the world. It’s essential to accept that there are certain subordinate deities, which are more complex in their nature and can interact with physical matter. These are the “creators of the world,” δημίουργοι, and the “rulers of the world,” κοσμοκράτορες. However, the superior deities are the true cause of everything that exists, and from their fullness, from their ϖλήρωμα, all existence derives. The succession from the highest deities to the lowest doesn't happen abruptly but gradually decreases from the highest, pure, and spiritual natures down to those that are more substantial and material, which are closest to the gross matter of creation and thus have the ability to act upon it. Depending on their purity or coarseness, they occupy different levels as their residences, either in a denser atmosphere or in higher realms. The highest among these groups of spirits are called ἄρχαι, or ἀρχικὸν ἀιτιόν. Others among the “divine natures,” θείαι οὐσίαι, are the “intermediate beings,” μέσαι. Those that deal with the laws of the world are also called ἄρχοντες, while “the ministering spirits” are known as δύναμεις and ἄγγελοι. Archangels are not typically recognized in this theory; this class is thought to have originated later and was first introduced by Porphyry. (See Archangel.) If we also consider the ἐξουσίαι that Justin mentioned earlier, we will have listed most of the important terms in this demonology. However, to unite with the higher orders of the spiritual world, where true human bliss exists, it is essential to first liberate oneself from the bondage of the body, which holds the soul back from ascending to the purely spiritual. Therefore, marriage and any attraction to sexual desire must be abandoned before reaching this perfection. Thus, the offerings and initiations of the magi cannot be shared with those who have not yet freed themselves from the procreative drive and tendencies toward physical attachments. Eating meat or participating in any way with slain animals, even touching them, is considered contaminating. Physical exercises and purifications, while they may not directly grant the gifts of prophecy, are still beneficial. Although the gods focus on the pure, they sometimes lead humans to impure, 451 actions. This might stem from the widely different views on what is good and righteous between them and humanity.
5. This philosophy of which the elements had already existed a long time in the east, formed itself, in its progress to the west, into a doctrinal system, which found there far more approbation and celebrity than it ever had deserved. It was principally welcome in those countries, to which the epistles of the Apostle are directed. When St. Paul had preached at Ephesus, a quantity of magical and theurgical books were brought forward by their possessors and burned before his eyes, Acts xix, 19. This city had long since been celebrated for them, and the Ἐφέσια ἀλεξιφάρμακα, and Ἐφέσια γράμματα, were spells highly extolled by the ancients for the purpose of procuring an authority over the demons. As late even as the fourth century, the synod at Laodicea was obliged to institute severe laws against the worship of angels, against magic, and against incantations. These opinions had taken such a deep root in the mind, that some centuries did not suffice for the extinction of the recollection of them. Now, there are passages in the Apostle which strikingly characterize this theory. He calls the doctrinal system of his opponents φιλοσοφία οὐ κατὰ Χριϛὸν, “a philosophy incompatible with Christianity,” Col. ii, 8; θρησκειά τῶν ἀγγέλων, “a worship of angels,” Col. ii, 18; διδασκαλίαι δαιμονίων, “a demonology,” 1 Tim. iv, 1. He calls it still farther γοητεία, 2 Tim. iii, 13. This is the peculiar expression by which the ancients denoted magical arts and necromantic experiments; γόης is, according to Hesychius, μάγος, κόλαξ, ϖερίεργος, and γοητεύει, ἀπατᾶ μαγεύει, φαρμακεύει, ἐξάιδει. λ. St. Paul compares these teachers to Jannes and Jambres, 2 Timothy iii, 8. These two persons are, according to the ancient tradition, the magicians who withstood Moses by their arts. They were from time immemorial names so notorious in the magical science, that they did not remain unknown even to the Neo-Platonics. When the Apostle enjoins the Ephesians to array themselves in the arms of faith, and courageously to endure the combat, Ephes. vi, 12, he says that it is the more necessary, because their combat is not against human force, οὐ ϖρὸς [not against] ἄιμα καὶ σάρκα, “flesh and blood,” but against superhuman natures. Where he mentions these, he enumerates in order the names of this magico-spiritual world, ἀρχὰς, ἐξουσίας, particularly the κοσμοκράτορας, “principalities,” “powers,” “rulers;” and likewise fixes their abode in the upper aërial regions, εἰς τὸν ἀέρα ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. In like manner, in the Epistle to the Colossians, for the sake of representing to them Christianity in an exalted and important light, and of praising the divine nature of Jesus, he says, that all that exists is his creation, and is subjected to him, not even the spiritual world excepted. He then selects the philosophic appellations to demonstrate that this supposititious demonocracy is wholly subservient to him; whether they be θρόνοι, or κυριότητες, ἀρχαὶ ἐξουσίαι, [thrones, dominions, principalities, powers,] Col. i, 16. Finally, to destroy completely and decisively the whole doctrinal system, he demonstrates, that Christ, through the work of redemption, has obtained the victory over the entire spiritual creation, that he drags in triumph the ἀρχὰς [principalities] and ἐξουσίας [powers] as vanquished, and that henceforth their dominion and exercise of power have ceased, Col. ii, 15. But what he says respecting the seared consciences of these heretics, respecting their deceptions, their avarice, &c, is certainly more applicable to this class of men, than to any other. None throughout all antiquity are more accused of these immoralities, than those pretended confidents of the occult powers. If he speaks warmly against any distinction of meats, against abstinence from matrimony, this also applies to them; and if he rejects bodily exercises, it was because they recommended them, because they imposed baths, lustrations, continence, and long preparations, as the conditions by which alone the connection with the spirits became possible. These, then, are the persons who passed before the Apostle’s mind, and who, when they adopted Christianity, established that sect among the professors of Jesus, which gave to it the name of Gnostics, and which, together with the different varieties of this system, is accused by history of magical arts. Other adherents of this system among the Heathens, to which the Syrian philosophers, as well as some Egyptian, such as Plotinus and his scholars, belonged, formed the sect of Neo-Platonism.
5. This philosophy, which had already existed in the East for a long time, developed into a doctrinal system as it spread westward, gaining much more approval and fame than it ever deserved. It was especially welcomed in the countries to which the Apostle's letters were addressed. When St. Paul preached in Ephesus, many magical and theurgical books were brought forward by their owners and burned in front of him, as noted in Acts 19:19. This city had long been famous for such practices, and the Ἐφέσια ἀλεξιφάρμακα and Ἐφέσια γράμματα were spells highly praised by the ancients for their power over demons. Even as late as the fourth century, the synod at Laodicea had to implement strict laws against the worship of angels, magic, and incantations. These beliefs had taken such deep root in people's minds that several centuries weren’t enough to erase their memory. There are also passages in the Apostle's writings that clearly characterize this theory. He refers to the doctrinal system of his opponents as φιλοσοφία οὐ κατὰ Χριστόν, "a philosophy incompatible with Christianity," in Colossians 2:8; θρησκειά τῶν ἀγγέλων, "a worship of angels," in Colossians 2:18; and διδασκαλίαι δαιμονίων, "a demonology," in 1 Timothy 4:1. He goes even further by calling it γοητεία, mentioned in 2 Timothy 3:13. This term was specifically used by the ancients to describe magical practices and necromantic experiments; γόης, as stated by Hesychius, refers to μάγος, κόλαξ, ϖερίεργος, and signifies actions like ἀπατᾶ, μαγεύει, φαρμακεύει, ἐξάιδει. St. Paul compares these teachers to Jannes and Jambres in 2 Timothy 3:8. These two figures are known, according to ancient tradition, as the magicians who confronted Moses with their arts. Their names have been notorious in the magical realm for so long that they were recognized even by the Neo-Platonists. When the Apostle urges the Ephesians to arm themselves with faith and bravely endure the struggle in Ephesians 6:12, he emphasizes that this is essential because their battle is not against human forces, οὐ πρὸς [not against] ἄιμα καὶ σάρκα, "flesh and blood," but against superhuman beings. When he mentions these, he lists specific names from this magical and spiritual realm: ἀρχὰς, ἐξουσίας, particularly the κοσμοκράτορας, "principalities," "powers," and "rulers," also noting their place in the upper aërial regions, εἰς τὸν ἀέρα ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. Similarly, in the Epistle to the Colossians, to present Christianity in a superior and significant light and to exalt Jesus's divine nature, he asserts that everything that exists is created by him and is subject to him, including the spiritual realm. He then uses philosophical terms to illustrate that this supposed demonocracy is entirely under his control, whether they are θρόνοι, or κυριότητες, ἀρχαὶ ἐξουσίαι, [thrones, dominions, principalities, powers], in Colossians 1:16. Finally, to completely dismantle this entire doctrinal system, he proves that Christ, through his work of redemption, has gained victory over the entire spiritual creation, dragging the ἀρχὰς [principalities] and ἐξουσίας [powers] in triumph as defeated, thus declaring that their reign and authority have ended, as seen in Colossians 2:15. However, what he says regarding the seared consciences of these heretics, their deceptions, avarice, etc., certainly applies more to this group of people than to any others. Throughout history, no one is more accused of such immoralities than those who falsely claim to have access to occult powers. If he fervently speaks against dietary distinctions and abstaining from marriage, this too applies to them; and if he rejects physical exercises, it’s because they promoted them, imposing baths, lustrations, chastity, and extensive preparations as the only means to connect with the spirits. These individuals were certainly in the Apostle's thoughts, and when they adopted Christianity, they founded that sect among Jesus's followers, which earned the name of Gnostics. This sect, along with the various versions of this system, has been historically accused of magical practices. Other followers of this system among the pagans included the Syrian philosophers and some Egyptians, like Plotinus and his students, who formed the sect of Neo-Platonism.
6. But in the above remarks of this learned German, some considerations are wanting, necessary to the right understanding of several of the above passages quoted from St. Paul. The philosophic system above mentioned was built on the Scripture doctrine of good and evil angels, and so had a basis of truth, although abused to a gross superstition, and even idolatry. It was grounded, too, upon the notion of different orders among both good and evil spirits, with subordination and government; which also is a truth of which some intimation is given in Scripture. The Apostle then could use all these terms without giving any sanction to the errors of the day. He knew that the spiritual powers they had converted into subordinate deities, were either good or evil angels in their various ranks, and he uproots the whole superstition, by showing that the “thrones and dominions” of heaven are submissive created servants of Christ; and that the evil spirits, the rulers of “the darkness of this world,” are put under his feet.
6. However, in the comments made by this learned German, there are some essential considerations missing that are necessary for properly understanding several of the passages cited from St. Paul. The philosophical system mentioned earlier was based on the biblical teaching about good and evil angels, and although it was misused into a serious superstition and even idolatry, there was a foundation of truth to it. It was also based on the idea of different ranks among both good and evil spirits, with levels of authority and governance; this is a truth hinted at in the Scriptures. The Apostle could use all these terms without endorsing the errors of his time. He understood that the spiritual powers people had turned into lesser deities were either good or evil angels in their various ranks. He dismantles the entire superstition by demonstrating that the "thrones and dominions" of heaven are obedient created servants of Christ and that the evil spirits, the rulers of "the darkness of this world," are placed under his authority.
HERMON, a celebrated mountain in the Holy Land, often spoken of in Scripture. It was in the northern boundary of the country, beyond Jordan, and in the territories which originally belonged to Og, king of Bashan, Joshua xii, 5; xiii, 5. The Psalmist connects Tabor and Hermon together, upon more than one occasion, Psalm lxxxix, 12; cxxxiii, 3; from which it may be inferred that they lay contiguous to each other. This is agreeable 452to the account that is given us by travellers. Mr. Maundrell, in his journey from Aleppo, says that in three hours and a half from the river Kishon, he came to a small brook near which was an old village and a good kane, called Legune; not far from which his company took up their quarters for the night, and from whence they had an extensive prospect of the plain of Esdraëlon. At about six or seven hours’ distance eastward, stood, within view, Nazareth, and the two mountains Tabor and Hermon. He adds that they were sufficiently instructed by experience what the holy Psalmist means by the dew of Hermon; their tents being as wet with it as if it had rained all night, Psalm cxxxiii, 3.
HERMON, a famous mountain in the Holy Land, often mentioned in the Bible. It was located at the northern boundary of the region, beyond the Jordan River, in the areas that originally belonged to Og, king of Bashan, Joshua 12:5; 13:5. The Psalmist mentions Tabor and Hermon together multiple times, Psalm 89:12; 133:3, suggesting they are close to one another. This agrees with accounts given by travelers. Mr. Maundrell, during his journey from Aleppo, mentions that in three and a half hours from the Kishon River, he arrived at a small brook near an old village and a good inn, called Legune; not far from there, his group set up camp for the night, from where they had a wide view of the plain of Esdraelon. About six or seven hours to the east, Nazareth, along with the two mountains Tabor and Hermon, was visible. He added that they had firsthand experience of what the holy Psalmist meant by the dew of Hermon; their tents were as wet with it as if it had rained all night, Psalm 133:3.
HEROD, surnamed the Great, king of the Jews, second son of Antipater the Idumean, born B. C. 71. At the age of twenty-five he was made by his father governor of Galilee, and distinguished himself by the suppression of a band of robbers, with the execution of their leader, Hezekiah, and several of his comrades. As he had performed this act of heroism by his own authority, and had executed the culprits without the form of trial, he was summoned before the sanhedrim, but, through the strength of his party and zeal of his friends, he escaped any censure. In the civil war between the republican and Cæsarian parties, Herod joined Cassius, and was made governor of Cœlo-Syria; and when Mark Antony arrived victorious in Syria, Herod and his brother found means to ingratiate themselves with him, and were appointed as tetrarchs in Judea; but in a short time an invasion of Antigonus, who was aided by the Jews, obliged Herod to make his escape from Jerusalem, and retire first to Idumea, and then to Egypt. He at length arrived at Rome, and obtained the crown of Judea upon occasion of a difference between the two branches of the Asmodean family. Hyrcanus had been for a considerable time prince and high priest of the Jewish nation; but while the Roman empire was in an unsettled state, after the death of Julius Cæsar, Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, brother of Hyrcanus, made himself master of the city and all Judea. In this state Herod found things when he came to Rome, and the most that he then aimed at was to obtain the kingdom for Aristobulus, his wife’s brother; but the senate of Rome, moved by the recommendations of Mark Antony, conferred the kingdom of Judea upon Herod himself. Having met with this unexpected success at Rome, he returned without delay to Judea, and in about three years got possession of the whole country. He had, however, to fight his way to the throne, which, as we have seen, was in the possession of Antigonus. Though aided by the Roman army, he was obliged to lay siege to Jerusalem, which held out for six months, when it was carried by assault, and a vast slaughter was made of the inhabitants, till the intercession and bribes of Herod put an end to it. Antigonus was taken prisoner and put to death, which opened the way to Herod’s quiet possession of the kingdom. His first cares were to replenish his coffers, and to repress the faction still attached to the Asmodean race, and which regarded him as a usurper. He was guilty of many extortions and cruelties in the pursuit of these objects. Shortly after this, an accusation was lodged against Herod before Mark Antony by Cleopatra, who had been influenced to the deed by his mother-in-law, Alexandra. He was summoned to answer to the charges exhibited against him before the triumvir; and on this occasion he gave a most remarkable display of the conflict of opposite passions in a ferocious heart. Doatingly fond of his wife, Mariamne, and not being able to bear the thought of her falling into the hands of another, he exacted a solemn promise from Joseph, whom he appointed to govern in his absence, that should the accusation prove fatal to him he would put the queen to death. Joseph disclosed the secret to Mariamne, who, abhorring such a savage proof of his love, from that moment conceived the deepest and most settled aversion to her husband. Herod, by great pecuniary sacrifices, made his peace with Antony, and returned in high credit. Some hints were thrown out respecting Joseph’s familiarity with Mariamne during his absence; he communicated his suspicions to his wife, who, recriminating, upbraided him with his cruel order concerning her. His rage was unbounded; he put Joseph to death for communicating the secret entrusted to him alone, and he threw his mother-in-law, Alexandra, into prison.
HEROD, known as the Great, king of the Jews, was the second son of Antipater the Idumean, born in 71 B.C. At twenty-five, he became governor of Galilee, distinguishing himself by taking down a gang of robbers and executing their leader, Hezekiah, along with several of his men. He carried out this act of bravery on his own authority and executed the criminals without a trial, which led to him being summoned before the sanhedrim. However, thanks to the strength of his faction and the loyalty of his supporters, he escaped any punishment. During the civil war between the republican and Cæsarian factions, Herod sided with Cassius and was named governor of Cœlo-Syria. When Mark Antony triumphed in Syria, Herod and his brother managed to win his favor and were appointed tetrarchs in Judea. Soon after, an invasion by Antigonus, backed by some Jews, forced Herod to flee Jerusalem, first heading to Idumea and then to Egypt. Eventually, he reached Rome and secured the crown of Judea due to a dispute within the Asmodean family. Hyrcanus had been the prince and high priest of the Jewish nation for a long time, but after Julius Cæsar's death, Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus's brother, took control of the city and all of Judea. When Herod came to Rome, he found this situation and mainly aimed to secure the kingdom for Aristobulus, his wife's brother. However, the Roman senate, swayed by Mark Antony's recommendations, granted the kingdom of Judea to Herod himself. Surprised by this success in Rome, he quickly returned to Judea and within three years gained control of the entire region. He had to fight for the throne, which was held by Antigonus. Even with the Roman army's support, he had to lay siege to Jerusalem, which resisted for six months until it was finally taken by assault, resulting in a massive slaughter of the inhabitants until Herod's intervention and bribes stopped it. Antigonus was captured and executed, allowing Herod to take control of the kingdom peacefully. His initial focus was to restore his finances and suppress the faction still loyal to the Asmodean family, who viewed him as a usurper. This pursuit led to many extortions and cruelties. Soon after, Cleopatra accused Herod before Mark Antony, influenced by his mother-in-law, Alexandra. He was called to answer the charges before the triumvirate, showcasing the intense conflict of emotions in a fierce heart. Deeply in love with his wife, Mariamne, and unable to bear the thought of her being with another man, he forced Joseph, whom he appointed to govern in his absence, to promise that if the accusations turned fatal for him, he would kill the queen. Joseph revealed this secret to Mariamne, who was horrified by such a brutal expression of love and developed a deep and lasting resentment toward her husband. Herod made substantial financial sacrifices to mend his relationship with Antony and returned with high standing. He had suspicions about Joseph's closeness to Mariamne during his absence, and when he shared these doubts with his wife, she lashed out at him, accusing him of his cruel order concerning her. In a rage, he executed Joseph for revealing the secret and imprisoned his mother-in-law, Alexandra.
2. In the war between Antony and Octavius, Herod raised an army for the purpose of joining the former; but he was obliged first to engage Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he defeated and obliged to sue for peace. After the battle of Actium, his great object was to make terms with the conqueror; and, as a preliminary step, he put to death Hyrcanus, the only survivingsurviving male of the Asmodeans; and, having secured his family, he embarked for Rhodes, where Augustus at that time was. He appeared before the master of the Roman world in all the regal ornaments excepting his diadem, and with a noble confidence related the faithful services he had performed for his benefactor, Antony, concluding that he was ready to transfer the same gratitude to a new patron, from whom he should hold his crown and kingdom. Augustus was struck with the magnanimity of the defence, and replaced the diadem on the head of Herod, who remained the most favoured of the tributary sovereigns. When the emperor afterward travelled through Syria, in his way to and from Egypt, he was entertained with the utmost magnificence by Herod; in recompense for which he restored to him all his revenues and dominions, and even considerably augmented them. His good fortune as a prince, was poisoned by domestic broils, and especially by the insuperable aversion of Mariamne, whom at length he brought to trial, convicted, and executed. She submitted to her fate with all the intrepidity of innocence, and was sufficiently avenged by the remorse of her husband, who seems never after to have enjoyed a tranquil hour.
2. During the conflict between Antony and Octavius, Herod gathered an army to support Antony; however, he first had to deal with Malchus, the king of Arabia, whom he defeated and forced to seek peace. After the Battle of Actium, his main goal was to negotiate terms with the victor; as a first step, he ordered the execution of Hyrcanus, the only survivingsurviving male of the Asmodeans. After securing his family, he sailed to Rhodes, where Augustus was at that time. He presented himself before the ruler of the Roman world adorned in almost all regal attire except for the crown, and confidently recounted the loyal services he had offered to his benefactor, Antony, concluding that he was ready to extend the same gratitude to a new patron from whom he would receive his crown and kingdom. Augustus was impressed by the nobility of Herod's defense and reinstated the crown on his head, making him the most favored of the tributary kings. When the emperor later traveled through Syria on his way to and from Egypt, he was welcomed with great grandeur by Herod; in return, Augustus restored all his revenues and territories, even significantly increasing them. However, Herod's good fortune as a ruler was marred by family disputes, especially due to his deep-seated dislike for Mariamne, whom he eventually put on trial, found guilty, and executed. She faced her fate with the courage of her innocence, and her husband was left haunted by remorse, never seeming to have a moment of peace after that.
4533. His rage being quenched, Herod endeavoured to banish the memory of his evil acts from his mind by scenes of dissipation; but the charms of his once loved Mariamne haunted him wherever he went: he would frequently call aloud upon her name, and insist upon his attendants bringing her into his presence, as if willing to forget that she was no longer among the living. At times he would fly from the sight of men, and on his return from solitude, which was ill suited to a mind conscious of the most ferocious deeds, he became more brutal than ever, and in fits of fury spared neither foes nor friends. Alexandra, whose malignity toward her daughter has been noticed, was an unpitied victim to his rage. At length he recovered some portion of self-possession, and employed himself in projects of regal magnificence. He built at Jerusalem a stately theatre and amphitheatre, in which he celebrated games in honour of Augustus, to the great displeasure of the zealous Jews, who discovered an idolatrous profanation in the theatrical ornaments and spectacles. Nothing, it is said, gave them so much offence as some trophies which he had set round his theatre in honour of Augustus, and in commemoration of his victories, but which the Jews regarded as images devoted to the purposes of idol worship. For this and other acts of the king a most serious conspiracy was formed against him, which he, fortunately for himself, discovered; and he exercised the most brutal revenge on all the parties concerned in it. He next built Samaria, which he named Sebaste, and adorned it with the most sumptuous edifices; and for his security he built several fortresses throughout the whole of Judea, of which the principal was called Cæsarea, in honour of the emperor. In his own palace, near the temple of Jerusalem, he lavished the most costly materials and curious workmanship; and his palace Herodion, at some miles’ distance from the capital, by the beauty of its situation, and other appropriate advantages, drew round it the population of a considerable city.
4533. Once his rage subsided, Herod tried to erase his evil deeds from his mind through a life of excess; however, the memory of his beloved Mariamne lingered with him everywhere he went. He often called out her name and insisted that his attendants bring her to him, as if he wanted to forget she was no longer alive. Sometimes he would retreat from the sight of others, and when he returned from his solitude—unsuitable for a mind burdened by such horrific acts—he became even more violent, showing no mercy to either enemies or friends. Alexandra, who had been hostile towards her daughter, became a target of his anger without anyone to pity her. Eventually, he regained some self-control and focused on grand royal projects. He built an impressive theater and amphitheater in Jerusalem, where he held games in honor of Augustus, much to the dismay of the devout Jews, who saw the theatrical decorations and performances as idolatrous. It was particularly offensive to them that he displayed trophies around his theater in honor of Augustus and his victories, which the Jews viewed as images meant for idol worship. Because of this and other actions, a serious conspiracy was formed against him, which he, thankfully, uncovered. He retaliated brutally against everyone involved. He then founded Samaria, naming it Sebaste, and adorned it with extravagant buildings. For his safety, he constructed several fortifications throughout Judea, the main one called Cæsarea in honor of the emperor. In his own palace near the Temple of Jerusalem, he used the most expensive materials and intricate designs. His palace, Herodion, located a few miles from the capital, attracted a large population due to its beautiful location and other appealing features.
4. To supply the place of his lost Mariamne, he married a new wife of the same name, the beautiful daughter of a priest, whom he raised to the high rank of the supreme pontificate. He sent his two sons, by the first Mariamne, to be educated at Rome, and so ingratiated himself with Augustus and his ministers, that he was appointed imperial procurator for Syria. To acquire popularity among the Jews, and to exhibit an attachment to their religion, he undertook the vast enterprise of rebuilding the temple of Jerusalem, which he finished in a noble style of magnificence in about a year and a half. During the progress of this work he visited Rome, and brought back his sons, who had attained to man’s estate. These at length conspired against their father’s person and government, and were tried, convicted, and executed. Another act deserving of notice, performed by Herod, was the dedication of his new city of Cæsarea, at which time he displayed such profuse magnificence, that Augustus said his soul was too great for his kingdom. Notwithstanding the execution of his sons, he was still a slave to conspiracies from his other near relations. In the thirty-third year of his reign, our Saviour was born. This event was followed, according to the Gospel of St. Matthew, by the massacre of the children of Bethlehem. About this time, Antipater, returning from Rome, was arrested by his father’s orders, charged with treasonable practices, and was found guilty of conspiring against the life of the king. This and other calamities, joined to a guilty conscience, preying upon a broken constitution, threw the wretched monarch into a mortal disease, which was doubtless a just judgment of Heaven on the many foul enormities and impieties of which he had been guilty. His disorder was attended with the most loathsome circumstances that can be imagined. A premature report of his death caused a tumult in Jerusalem, excited by the zealots, who were impatient to demolish a golden eagle which he had placed over the gate of the temple. The perpetrators of this rash act were seized, and by order of the dying king, put to death. He also caused his son Antipater to be slain in prison, and his remains to be treated with every species of ignominy. He bequeathed his kingdom to his son Archelaus, with tetrarchies to his two other sons. Herod, on his dying bed, had planned a scheme of horrible cruelty which was to take place at the instant of his own death. He had summoned the chief persons among the Jews to Jericho, and caused them to be shut up in the hippodrome, or circus, and gave strict orders to his sister Salome to have them all massacred as soon as he should have drawn his last breath: “for this,” said he, “will provide mourners for my funeral all over the land, and make the Jews and every family lament my death, who would otherwise exhibit no signs of concern.” Salome and her husband, Alexas, chose rather to break their oath extorted by the tyrant, than be implicated in so cruel a deed; and accordingly, as soon as Herod was dead, they opened the doors of the circus, and permitted every one to return to his own home. Herod died in the sixty-eighth year of his age. His memory has been consigned to merited detestation, while his great talents, and the active enterprise of his reign, have placed him high in the rank of sovereigns.
4. To replace his lost Mariamne, he married a new wife with the same name, the beautiful daughter of a priest, whom he elevated to the high position of the supreme pontificate. He sent his two sons from the first Mariamne to be educated in Rome, and he ingratiated himself with Augustus and his ministers to the point where he was appointed imperial procurator for Syria. To gain popularity among the Jews and show his loyalty to their religion, he took on the significant project of rebuilding the temple of Jerusalem, completing it in a grand style in about a year and a half. During this project, he visited Rome and brought back his sons, who had grown into adulthood. Eventually, they conspired against their father's life and rule, were tried, convicted, and executed. Another notable act by Herod was the dedication of his new city of Cæsarea, where he displayed such extravagant magnificence that Augustus remarked his soul was too grand for his kingdom. Despite the execution of his sons, he remained vulnerable to conspiracies from other close relatives. In the thirty-third year of his reign, our Savior was born. This event was followed, according to the Gospel of St. Matthew, by the massacre of the children of Bethlehem. Around this time, Antipater returned from Rome and was arrested by his father's orders, charged with treason, and found guilty of plotting against the king’s life. This, along with other misfortunes and a guilty conscience, led to a serious illness that plagued the miserable monarch, which was likely a just punishment from Heaven for his many wicked acts. His condition was accompanied by the most disgusting symptoms imaginable. A premature report of his death caused a riot in Jerusalem, incited by zealots eager to tear down a golden eagle he had placed over the temple gate. The instigators of this rash act were captured and, by the order of the dying king, executed. He also ordered the execution of his son Antipater in prison, and his remains were treated with utter disgrace. He left his kingdom to his son Archelaus, with tetrarchies awarded to his two other sons. On his deathbed, Herod devised a plan of horrific cruelty to be executed at the moment of his death. He summoned the leaders of the Jews to Jericho, confined them in the hippodrome or circus, and instructed his sister Salome to have them all killed as soon as he took his last breath: “for this," he said, "will ensure mourners for my funeral across the land and make the Jews and every family grieve my death, who would otherwise show no signs of sorrow.” Salome and her husband, Alexas, chose to break their oath forced by the tyrant rather than participate in such a cruel act; thus, when Herod died, they opened the gates of the circus and allowed everyone to return home. Herod died at sixty-eight years old. His memory has been marked with deserved disdain, while his significant talents and the vigorous enterprise of his reign have ranked him among the prominent sovereigns.
Herod Antipas. See Antipas.
Herod Antipas. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HERODIANS, a sect among the Jews at the time of Jesus Christ, mentioned Matt. xxii, 16; Mark iii, 6; viii, 15; xii, 13; but passed over in silence both by Josephus and Philo. The critics and commentators on the New Testament are very much divided with regard to the Herodians; some making them to be a political party, and others a religious sect. The former opinion is favoured by the author of the Syriac version, who calls them the domestics of Herod; and also by Josephus’s having passed them over in silence, though he professes to give an account of the several religious sects of the Jews. The latter opinion is countenanced by our Lord’s caution against “the leaven of Herod,” which implies that the Herodians 454were distinguished from the other Jews by some doctrinal tenets. M. Basnage supposes, that one thing meant by the leaven of the Herodians might be a conformity to Roman customs in some points which were forbidden the Jews: if this was the case, it is not strange that they are not mentioned by Josephus among the Jewish sects. St. Jerom, in his Dialogue against the Luciferians, takes the name to have been given to such as owned Herod for the Messiah; and Tertullian, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, and Theophylact, among the ancients; and Grotius, and other moderns, are of the same sentiment. But the same St. Jerom, in his Comment on St. Matthew, treats this opinion as ridiculous; and indeed it must be highly improbable. He maintains that the Pharisees gave this appellation, by way of derision, to Herod’s soldiers, who paid tribute to the Romans; agreeably to which the Syriac interpreters render the word by the domestics of Herod, that is, his courtiers. M. Simon, in his notes on the twenty-second chapter of St. Matthew, advances a more probable opinion. The name Herodian, he imagines to have been given to such as adhered to Herod’s party and interest, and were for preserving the government in his family, about which there were, at that time, great divisions among the Jews. F. Hardouin will have the Herodians and Sadducees to have been the same; nor is it at all improbable that the Herodians were chiefly of the sect of the Sadducees; since that which is called by St. Mark “the leaven of Herod,” is by St. Matthew styled “the leaven of the Sadducees.”
HERODIANS, a group among the Jews during the time of Jesus Christ, are mentioned in Matt. xxii, 16; Mark iii, 6; viii, 15; xii, 13, but are not referenced by Josephus or Philo. Scholars and commentators on the New Testament are quite divided about the Herodians; some consider them a political party, while others see them as a religious sect. The former view is supported by the author of the Syriac version, who refers to them as the followers of Herod, and also by Josephus ignoring them despite his intent to describe different Jewish religious groups. The latter view is supported by Jesus’ warning against “the leaven of Herod,” suggesting that the Herodians were set apart from other Jews by certain beliefs. M. Basnage suggests that one meaning of the leaven of the Herodians could be their alignment with Roman customs at points that were forbidden for Jews; if this is true, it makes sense that Josephus doesn’t mention them among Jewish sects. St. Jerome, in his Dialogue against the Luciferians, argues that the name was given to those who considered Herod to be the Messiah, and this view is shared by Tertullian, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Theophylact in ancient times, as well as Grotius and other modern scholars. However, St. Jerome, in his Comment on St. Matthew, finds this idea absurd, and it’s likely highly improbable. He argues that the Pharisees mocked Herod’s soldiers—who paid tribute to the Romans—by calling them this name, which fits with the Syriac interpreters presenting it as his courtiers. M. Simon, in his notes on the twenty-second chapter of St. Matthew, offers a more plausible theory. He believes the name Herodian was given to those who supported Herod’s party and wanted to keep the government within his family, around which there were significant divisions among the Jews at that time. F. Hardouin argues that the Herodians and Sadducees were essentially the same; it’s not unlikely that the Herodians primarily belonged to the Sadducee sect, since what St. Mark refers to as “the leaven of Herod” is called “the leaven of the Sadducees” by St. Matthew.
2. Dr. Prideaux is of opinion that they derived their name from Herod the Great, and that they were distinguished from the other Jews by their concurrence with Herod’s scheme of subjecting himself and his dominions to the Romans, and likewise by complying with many of their Heathen usages and customs. In their zeal for the Roman authority they were diametrically opposite to the Pharisees, who esteemed it unlawful to submit or pay taxes to the Roman emperor; an opinion which they grounded on their being forbidden by the law to set a stranger over them, who was not one of their own nation, as their king. The conjunction of the Herodians, therefore, with the Pharisees, against Christ, is a memorable proof of the keenness of their resentment and malice against him; especially when we consider that they united together in proposing to him an ensnaring question, on a subject which was the ground of their mutual dissension; namely, whether it was lawful to pay tribute to Cæsar. And provided he answered in the negative, the Herodians would accuse him of treason against the state; and should he reply in the affirmative, the Pharisees were as ready to excite the people against him, as an enemy of their civil liberties and privileges. Herod had introduced several Heathen idolatrous usages; for, as Josephus says, he built a temple to Cæsar, near the head of the river Jordan; he erected a magnificent theatre at Jerusalem, instituted Pagan games, and placed a golden eagle over the gate of the temple of Jehovah; and he furnished the temples, which he reared in several places out of Judea, with images for idolatrous worship, in order to ingratiate himself with the emperor and the people of Rome; though to the Jews he pretended that he did it against his will, and in obedience to the imperial command. The Herodians probably complied with, acquiesced in, or approved these idolatrous usages. This symbolizing with idolatry upon views of interest and worldly policy, was probably that leaven of Herod, against which our Saviour cautioned his disciples.
2. Dr. Prideaux believes that they got their name from Herod the Great, and that they were set apart from other Jews by supporting Herod’s plan to submit himself and his territories to the Romans, as well as by adopting many of their pagan practices and customs. Their enthusiasm for Roman authority was completely opposite to that of the Pharisees, who viewed it as wrong to submit to or pay taxes to the Roman emperor; they based this belief on the law that forbade them from placing a non-Jew in authority over them as their king. Thus, the alliance of the Herodians and the Pharisees against Christ serves as a striking example of their shared hostility and resentment towards him; especially when we consider that they came together to ask him a tricky question about a topic that caused their disputes: whether it was lawful to pay taxes to Caesar. If he answered no, the Herodians would accuse him of treason, and if he answered yes, the Pharisees would quickly rally the people against him as an enemy of their civil rights and freedoms. Herod had introduced various pagan practices; as Josephus noted, he built a temple for Caesar near the head of the Jordan River, constructed a grand theater in Jerusalem, organized pagan games, and placed a golden eagle above the gate of the temple of Jehovah. He also equipped the temples he built in various locations outside Judea with images for idolatrous worship to win favor with the emperor and the people of Rome, though he claimed to the Jews that he was doing it against his will and to obey the emperor's orders. The Herodians likely accepted or approved of these pagan practices. This alignment with idolatry for the sake of personal and political interests was probably the “leaven of Herod” that Jesus warned his disciples about.
HERON, אנפה, Lev. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18. This word has been variously understood. Some have rendered it the kite, others the woodcock, others the curlieu, some the peacock, others the parrot, and others the crane. The root, אנפ, signifies to breathe short through the nostrils, to snuff, as in anger; hence to be angry; and it is supposed that the word is sufficiently descriptive of the heron, from its very irritable disposition. Bochart, however, thinks it the mountain falcon; the same that the Greeks call ἀνόπαια, mentioned by Homer; and this bears a strong resemblance to the Hebrew name.
HERON, הנפה, Lev. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18. This term has been understood in different ways. Some have translated it as kite, others as woodcock, some as curlieu, others as peacock, some as parrot, and others as crane. The root, אנפ, means to breathe short through the nostrils, to snuff, often when angry; thus, it can imply being angry. It's thought that this word describes the heron adequately due to its very irritable nature. However, Bochart believes it refers to the mountain falcon, the same one the Greeks call ἀνόπαια, as mentioned by Homer; this name closely resembles the Hebrew term.
HESHBON, a celebrated city beyond Jordan, twenty miles eastward of that river, according to Eusebius. It was given to the tribe of Reuben, Josh. xiii, 17. It was probably made over to Gad, since we meet with it among the cities which were given to the Levites, Joshua xxi, 39.
HESHBON, a famous city beyond the Jordan, twenty miles to the east of that river, according to Eusebius. It was assigned to the tribe of Reuben, Josh. xiii, 17. It was likely transferred to Gad, since we find it listed among the cities given to the Levites, Joshua xxi, 39.
HETERODOX, formed of the Greek ἑτερόδοξος, a compound of ἕτερος, alter, and δόξα, opinion, something that is contrary to the faith or doctrine established in the true church. Thus, we say, a heterodox opinion, a heterodox divine, &c. The word stands in opposition to orthodox.
HETERODOX, derived from the Greek ἑτερόδοξος, which combines ἕτερος, alter, and δόξα, opinion, refers to something that goes against the beliefs or teachings established in the true church. Therefore, we refer to a heterodox opinion, a heterodox divine, etc. The term is the opposite of orthodox.
HETEROUSH, HETEROUSIANS, composed of ἕτερος, and οὐσία, substance, a sect or branch of Arians, the followers of Aëtius, and from him denominated Aëtians. They were called Heterousii, because they held, not that the Son of God was of a substance like, or similar to, that of the Father, which was the doctrine of another branch of Arians, thence called Homoousians, Homoousii; but that he was of another substance different from that of the Father.
HETERUSH, HETEROUSIANS, made up of ἕτερος and οὐσία, substance, a sect or branch of Arians, the followers of Aëtius, who are also known as Aëtians. They were called Heterousii because they believed that the Son of God was of a substance that was not like or similar to that of the Father, which was the belief of another branch of Arians, known as Homoousians, Homoousii; but instead that he was of a different substance from that of the Father.
HETH, the father of the Hittites, was the eldest son of Canaan, Gen. x, 15, and dwelt southward of the promised land, probably about Hebron. Ephron, who was an inhabitant of that city, was of the race of Heth; and in the time of Abraham the whole city were of the family of Heth.
HETH, the father of the Hittites, was the oldest son of Canaan, Gen. x, 15, and lived south of the promised land, likely around Hebron. Ephron, who lived in that city, was from the line of Heth; and during Abraham's time, the entire city was part of Heth's family.
HEXAPLA, formed of ἕξ, six, and ἁπλόω, I open, or unfold, a Bible disposed in six columns, containing the text, and divers versions of it, compiled and published by Origen, with a view of securing the sacred text from future corruptions, and to correct those that had been already introduced. Eusebius relates that Origen after his return from Rome under Caracalla, applied himself to learn 455Hebrew, and began to collect the several versions that had been made of the sacred writings, and of these to compose his Tetrapla, and Hexapla: others, however, will not allow him to have begun till the time of Alexander, after he had retired into Palestine, about the year 231. To conceive what this Hexapla was, it must be observed that, beside the translation of the sacred writings called the Septuagint, made under Ptolemy Philadelphus, above 280 years B. C., the Scripture had been since translated into Greek by other interpreters. The first of those versions, or, reckoning the Septuagint, the second, was that of Aquila, a proselyte Jew, the first edition of which he published in the twelfth year of the Emperor Adrian, or about A. D. 128; the third was that of Symmachus, published as is commonly supposed, under Marcus Aurelius, but, as some say, under Septimius Severus, about the year 200; the fourth was that of Theodotion, prior to that of Symmachus, under Commodus, or about the year 175: these Greek versions, says Dr. Kennicott, were made by the Jews from their corrupted copies of the Hebrew, and were designed to stand in the place of the LXX, against which they were prejudiced, because it seemed to favour the Christians. The fifth was found at Jericho, in the reign of Caracalla, about the year 217; and the sixth was discovered at Nicopolis, in the reign of Alexander Severus, about the year 228: lastly, Origen himself recovered part of a seventh, containing only the Psalms. Now, Origen, who had held frequent disputations with the Jews in Egypt and Palestine, observing that they always objected against those passages of Scripture quoted against them, and appealed to the Hebrew text, the better to vindicate those passages and confound the Jews, by showing that the LXX had given the sense of the Hebrew, or rather, to show, by a number of different versions, what the real sense of the Hebrew was, undertook to reduce all these several versions into a body, along with the Hebrew text, so as they might be easily confronted, and afford a mutual light to each other. He made the Hebrew text his standard; and, allowing that corruptions might have happened, and that the old Hebrew copies might and did read differently, he contented himself with marking such words or sentences as were not in his Hebrew text, nor the later Greek versions, and to add such words or sentences as were omitted in the LXX, prefixing an asterisk to the additions, and an obelisk to the others. In order to this he made choice of eight columns: in the first he gave the Hebrew text in Hebrew characters; in the second, the same text in Greek characters: the rest were filled with the several versions above mentioned; all the columns answering verse for verse, and phrase for phrase; and in the Psalms there was a ninth column for the seventh version. This work Origen called Ἑξαπλα, Hexapla, that is, sextuple, or a work of six columns, as only regarding the first six Greek versions. Indeed, St. Epiphanius, taking in likewise the two columns of the text, calls the work Octapla, as consisting of eight columns. This celebrated work, which Montfaucon imagines consisted of fifty large volumes, perished long ago, probably with the library at Cæsarea, where it was preserved, in the year 653; though several of the ancient writers have preserved us portions of it, particularly St. Chrysostom on the Psalms, Philoponus in his Hexameron, &c. Some modern writers have earnestly endeavoured to collect fragments of the Hexapla, Flaminius Nobilius, Drusius, and especially Montfaucon, in two folio volumes, printed at Paris in 1713. In his edition, Montfaucon has prefixed prolegomena, explaining the form and detailing the history of the Hexapla.
HEXAPLA, derived from ἕξ, six, and ἁπλόω, I open or unfold, is a Bible organized in six columns. It includes the text and various versions compiled and published by Origen to protect the sacred text from future corruptions and to correct those that had already occurred. Eusebius notes that after Origen returned from Rome under Caracalla, he focused on learning Hebrew and began collecting various versions of the sacred writings. From this, he composed his Tetrapla and Hexapla. Some, however, argue that he only started this work during the time of Alexander, after he moved to Palestine around the year 231. To understand what the Hexapla was, it's important to note that, in addition to the Septuagint, translated under Ptolemy Philadelphus over 280 years B.C., the Scriptures had been translated into Greek by other interpreters since then. The first of those versions, or the second if you count the Septuagint, was by Aquila, a Jewish proselyte, with the first edition published in the twelfth year of Emperor Adrian, or around A.D. 128. The third was by Symmachus, published, as is commonly believed, under Marcus Aurelius, though some say it was under Septimius Severus around the year 200. The fourth was by Theodotion, which came before Symmachus, published under Commodus, or around the year 175. Dr. Kennicott states that these Greek versions were made by the Jews from their corrupted Hebrew copies and were intended to replace the LXX, which they viewed unfavorably because it seemed to support Christians. The fifth version was found in Jericho during the reign of Caracalla around the year 217, and the sixth was discovered at Nicopolis during the reign of Alexander Severus around the year 228. Lastly, Origen himself retrieved part of a seventh version, which included only the Psalms. Origen, who frequently debated with Jews in Egypt and Palestine, noted that they always objected to the passages of Scripture quoted against them and referred to the Hebrew text. To better defend those passages and challenge the Jews by demonstrating how the LXX captured the meaning of the Hebrew, or more accurately, to illustrate the true meaning of the Hebrew through multiple versions, he set out to compile all these different versions along with the Hebrew text for easy comparison and mutual clarity. He used the Hebrew text as his standard and, accepting that corruptions might have occurred and that older Hebrew copies could have differed, he simply marked words or phrases not found in his Hebrew text or the later Greek versions. He also noted words or phrases omitted in the LXX, marking additions with an asterisk and omissions with an obelisk. For this, he chose eight columns: the first displayed the Hebrew text in Hebrew characters; the second presented the same text in Greek characters; the remaining columns were filled with the various versions mentioned earlier, with columns lined up to correspond verse for verse and phrase for phrase. In the Psalms, there was a ninth column for the seventh version. This work was named Ἑξαπλα, Hexapla, meaning sextuple or a work of six columns, focusing only on the first six Greek versions. In fact, St. Epiphanius, including the two columns of the text, referred to it as Octapla, as it consisted of eight columns. This famous work, which Montfaucon believed comprised fifty large volumes, has long since perished, likely with the library at Cæsarea where it was kept in the year 653. However, several ancient authors have preserved parts of it, notably St. Chrysostom on the Psalms, Philoponus in his Hexameron, etc. Some modern scholars have made significant efforts to gather fragments of the Hexapla, including Flaminius Nobilius, Drusius, and especially Montfaucon, who published two folio volumes in Paris in 1713. In his edition, Montfaucon included prolegomena that explain the structure and detail the history of the Hexapla.
The object of Origen being to correct the
differences found in the then existing copies
of the Old Testament, he carefully noted all
the alterations which he discovered; and for
the information of those who might consult
his work, he made use of the following marks:
1. Where any passages appeared in the Septuagint,
that were not found in the Hebrew, he
designated them by an obelus ÷ with two bold
points : annexed. This mark was also used
to denote words not extant in the Hebrew, but
added by the Septuagint translators, either for
the sake of elegance, or for the purpose of
illustrating the sense. 2. To passages wanting
in the copies of the Septuagint, and supplied
by himself from the other Greek versions, he
prefixed an asterisk with two bold points :
also annexed, in order that his additions might
be immediately perceived. These supplementary
passages, we are informed by Jerom, were
for the most part taken from Theodotion’s
translation; not unfrequently from that of
Aquila; sometimes, though rarely, from the
version of Symmachus; and sometimes from
two or three together. But, in every case, the
initial letter of each translator’s name was
placed immediately after the asterisk, to indicate
the source whence such supplementary
passage was taken. And in lieu of the very
erroneous Septuagint version of Daniel, Theodotion’s
translation of that book was inserted
entire. 3. Farther: not only the passages wanting
in the Septuagint were supplied by Origen
with the asterisks, as above noticed, but also
where that version does not appear accurately
to express the Hebrew original, having noted
the former reading with an obelus :, he added
the correct rendering from one of the other
translators, with an asterisk subjoined. Concerning
the shape and uses of the lemniscus and
hypolemniscus, two other marks used by Origen,
there is so great a difference of opinion among
learned men, that it is difficult to determine
what they were. Dr. Owen, after Montfaucon,
supposes them to have been marks of better
and more accurate renderings. These several
marks of distinction have been carefully observed,
so far as they have been recovered
from various quarters, in the very accurate
edition of the Septuagint commenced by our
learned countryman, Dr. Holmes, and continued
by his able successor, the Rev. J. Parsons,
B. D.
The goal of Origen was to fix the discrepancies found in the existing copies of the Old Testament, so he meticulously recorded all the changes he discovered. To guide those who might refer to his work, he used the following marks: 1. Where any passages appeared in the Septuagint that were missing from the Hebrew, he marked them with an obelus ÷ followed by two bold points :. This sign was also used to indicate words not present in the Hebrew but added by the Septuagint translators, either for stylistic reasons or to clarify the meaning. 2. For passages missing in the Septuagint copies but added by himself from other Greek versions, he put an asterisk followed by two bold points : so that his additions could be easily identified. According to Jerom, these extra passages mostly came from Theodotion’s translation; sometimes from Aquila’s translation; and occasionally, though rarely, from Symmachus’ version, or a combination of two or three. In every instance, the initial letter of each translator’s name was placed right after the asterisk to indicate the source of the supplementary passage. Instead of the highly inaccurate Septuagint version of Daniel, Theodotion’s complete translation of that book was included. 3. Furthermore, not only did Origen provide the missing passages from the Septuagint with asterisks as mentioned, but he also noted where that version didn't accurately reflect the Hebrew original. After marking the original reading with an obelus :, he added the correct translation from one of the other translators with an asterisk following it. There is considerable debate among scholars regarding the shape and purpose of the lemniscus and hypolemniscus, two other marks used by Origen, making it hard to determine exactly what they were. Dr. Owen, following Montfaucon, suggests they were signs of better and more accurate translations. These various marks of distinction have been carefully documented to the extent they have been recovered from different sources in the highly accurate edition of the Septuagint started by our knowledgeable countryman, Dr. Holmes, and continued by his capable successor, the Rev. J. Parsons, B. D.
For nearly fifty years was Origen’s stupendous 456work buried in a corner of the city of Tyre, probably on account of the very great expense of transcribing forty or fifty volumes, which far exceeded the means of private individuals; and here, perhaps, it might have perished in oblivion, if Eusebius and Pamphilus had not discovered it, and deposited it in the library of Pamphilus the martyr at Cæsarea, where Jerome saw it about the middle of the fourth century. As we have no account whatever of Origen’s autograph after this time, it is most probable that it perished in the year 653, on the capture of that city by the Arabs; and a few imperfect fragments, collected from manuscripts of the Septuagint and the catenæ of the Greek fathers, are all that now remain of a work, which, in the present improved state of sacred literature, would most eminently have assisted in the interpretation and criticism of the Old Testament. The Syro-Estrangelo translation of Origen’s edition of the Greek Septuagint was executed in the former part of the seventh century; the author of it is not known. This version exactly corresponds with the text of the Septuagint, especially in those passages in which the latter differs from the Hebrew. A manuscript of this translation is in the Ambrosian library at Milan; it contains the obelus and other marks of Origen’s Hexapla; and a subscription at the end states it to have been literally translated from the Greek copy, corrected by Eusebius himself, with the assistance of Pamphilus, from the books of Origen, which were deposited in the library at Cæsarea. From this version Norberg edited the prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel in 1787; and Bugati, the book of Daniel, 1788.
For almost fifty years, Origen’s incredible work was hidden away in a corner of the city of Tyre, likely due to the high cost of copying forty or fifty volumes, which was beyond what individuals could afford. It might have faded into obscurity if Eusebius and Pamphilus hadn’t found it and placed it in the library of Pamphilus the martyr in Cæsarea, where Jerome came across it around the middle of the fourth century. Since we have no records of Origen’s original work after this time, it’s most likely that it was lost in 653 when the Arabs captured the city. The only remnants that survive today are a few incomplete fragments collected from manuscripts of the Septuagint and the collections of the Greek fathers. These fragments could have greatly aided in interpreting and critiquing the Old Testament in the current advanced state of sacred literature. The Syro-Estrangelo translation of Origen’s version of the Greek Septuagint was done in the early seventh century, though the author is unknown. This translation aligns perfectly with the text of the Septuagint, especially in passages where it diverges from the Hebrew. A manuscript of this translation is housed in the Ambrosian library in Milan; it includes the obelus and other marks from Origen’s Hexapla, and a note at the end indicates that it was translated accurately from the Greek text, revised by Eusebius himself with help from Pamphilus, based on the works of Origen that were kept in the library at Cæsarea. From this translation, Norberg published the prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel in 1787, and Bugati published the book of Daniel in 1788.
HEZEKIAH, king of Judah, was the son of Ahaz, and born in the year of the world 3251. At the age of five-and-twenty he succeeded his father in the government of the kingdom of Judah, and reigned twenty-nine years in Jerusalem, namely, from the year of the world 3277 to 3306, 2 Kings xviii, 1, 2; 2 Chron. xxix, 1. The reign of his father Ahaz had been most unpropitious for his subjects. A war had raged between the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, in which Pekah, king of Israel, overthrew the army of Ahaz, destroying a hundred and twenty thousand of his men; after which he carried away two hundred thousand women and children as captives into his own country: they were, however, released and sent home again, at the remonstrance of the Prophet Oded. As idolatry had been established in Jerusalem and throughout Judea, by the command of Ahaz, and the service of the temple either intermitted, or converted into an idolatrous worship, the first object of his son Hezekiah, on his accession to the throne, was to restore the legal worship of God, both in Jerusalem and throughout Judea. He cleansed and repaired the temple, and held a solemn passover. He improved the city, repaired the fortifications, erected magazines of all sorts, and built a new aqueduct. In the fourth year of his reign, Salmanezer, king of Assyria, invaded the kingdom of Israel, took Samaria, and carried away the ten tribes into captivity, replacing them by different people sent from his own country. But Hezekiah was not deterred by this alarming example from refusing to pay that tribute to the Assyrians which had been imposed on Ahaz: this brought on the invasion of Sennacherib, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Hezekiah, of which we have a very particular account in the writings of the Prophet Isaiah, who was then living, Isaiah xxxvi.
HEZEKIAH, king of Judah, was the son of Ahaz and was born in the year 3251 of the world. At the age of 25, he succeeded his father as the ruler of the kingdom of Judah and reigned for 29 years in Jerusalem, from the year 3277 to 3306. The reign of his father, Ahaz, had been very unfavorable for his people. A war had been fought between the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, in which Pekah, the king of Israel, defeated Ahaz's army, killing 120,000 of his men. He then took 200,000 women and children captive to his own land, but they were eventually released and sent home after the Prophet Oded interceded. Since idolatry had been established in Jerusalem and throughout Judea by Ahaz’s orders, and the temple services had either been interrupted or turned into idol worship, the first thing Hezekiah did upon becoming king was to restore the rightful worship of God in Jerusalem and all of Judea. He cleansed and repaired the temple and held a solemn Passover. He improved the city, reinforced the fortifications, set up storage facilities of all kinds, and built a new aqueduct. In the fourth year of his reign, Salmanazar, king of Assyria, invaded the kingdom of Israel, captured Samaria, and exiled the ten tribes, replacing them with other people from his own land. However, Hezekiah was not discouraged by this frightening example and refused to pay the tribute to the Assyrians that had been imposed on Ahaz. This decision led to the invasion of Sennacherib in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, which is described in detail in the writings of the Prophet Isaiah, who was alive at that time.
Immediately after the termination of this war, Hezekiah “was sick unto death,” owing, as the sacred historian strongly intimates, to his heart being improperly elevated on occasion of this miraculous deliverance, and not sufficiently acknowledging the hand of God in it, 2 Kings xx; Isaiah xxxviii. Isaiah was sent to bid him set his house in order, for he should die and not live. Hezekiah had instant recourse to God by prayer and supplications for his recovery; and the prophet had scarcely proceeded out of the threshold, when the Lord commanded him to return to Hezekiah, and to say to him, “Thus saith the Lord, I have heard thy prayer, and I have seen thy tears: I will heal thee: on the third day thou shalt go up to the house of the Lord, and I will add unto thy days fifteen years.” And to confirm to him the certainty of all these tokens of the divine regard, the shadow of the sun on the dial of Ahaz, at his request, went backward ten degrees. After his recovery, he composed an ode of thanksgiving to the God of all his mercies, which the Prophet Isaiah has recorded in his writings, Isaiah xxxviii, 10, 11. Yet, as an instance of human fickleness and frailty, we find Hezekiah, with all his excellencies, again forgetting himself, and incurring the divine displeasure. The king of Babylon having been informed of his sickness and recovery, sent ambassadors to congratulate him on his restoration: an honour with which the heart of Hezekiah was greatly elated; and, to testify his gratitude, he made a pompous display to them of all his treasures, his spices, and his rich vessels; and concealed from them nothing that was in his palace. In all this the pride of Hezekiah was gratified; and to humble him, Isaiah was sent to declare to him that his conduct was displeasing to God, and that a time should come when all the treasures of which he had made so vain a display should be removed to Babylon, and even his sons be made eunuchs to serve in the palace of the king of Babylon. Hezekiah bowed submissively to the will of God, and acknowledged the divine goodness toward him, in ordaining peace and truth to continue during the remainder of his reign. He accordingly passed the latter years of his life in tranquillity, and contributed greatly to the prosperity of his people and kingdom. He died in the year of the world 3306, leaving behind him a son, Manasseh, who succeeded him in the throne: a son every way unworthy of such a father.
Immediately after the end of this war, Hezekiah “was sick unto death,” which, as the biblical writer suggests, was due to his pride after this miraculous deliverance and not giving enough credit to God for it, 2 Kings xx; Isaiah xxxviii. Isaiah was sent to tell him to get his house in order because he was going to die and not live. Hezekiah immediately turned to God with prayers and pleadings for his recovery; and as the prophet barely left the doorway, the Lord told him to go back to Hezekiah and say to him, “Thus says the Lord, I have heard your prayer, and I have seen your tears: I will heal you; on the third day you will go up to the house of the Lord, and I will add fifteen years to your life.” To confirm the certainty of all these signs of divine favor, the shadow on the dial of Ahaz, at his request, went back ten degrees. After his recovery, he wrote a song of thanks to the God of all his blessings, which the Prophet Isaiah recorded in his writings, Isaiah xxxviii, 10, 11. However, as an example of human inconsistency and weakness, we see Hezekiah, despite all his virtues, forgetting himself again and incurring divine displeasure. When the king of Babylon heard about his illness and recovery, he sent ambassadors to congratulate him on his restoration—an honor that made Hezekiah very proud; to show his gratitude, he put on a grand display for them of all his treasures, spices, and rich vessels, hiding nothing from them in his palace. In all this, Hezekiah’s pride was satisfied; and to humble him, Isaiah was sent to declare that his actions displeased God and that a time would come when all the treasures he had shown off would be taken to Babylon, and even his sons would be made eunuchs to serve in the king of Babylon’s palace. Hezekiah humbly accepted God’s will and acknowledged divine goodness towards him, arranging for peace and truth to last for the rest of his reign. He thus spent his later years in peace and greatly contributed to the prosperity of his people and kingdom. He died in the year 3306 of the world, leaving behind a son, Manasseh, who succeeded him on the throne—a son who was in every way unworthy of such a father.
HIDDEKEL. See Eden.
HIDDEKEL. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HIGH PLACES. The prophets reproach the Israelites for nothing with more zeal than for 457worshipping upon the high places. The destroying of these high places is a commendation given only to few princes in Scripture; and many, though zealous for the observance of the law, had not courage to prevent the people from sacrificing upon these eminences. Before the temple was built, the high places were not absolutely contrary to the law, provided God only was there adored, and not idols. They seem to have been tolerated under the judges; and Samuel offered sacrifices in several places where the ark was not present. Even in David’s time they sacrificed to the Lord at Shiloh, Jerusalem, and Gibeon. But after the temple was built at Jerusalem, and the ark had a fixed settlement, it was no longer allowed to sacrifice out of Jerusalem. The high places were much frequented in the kingdom of Israel. The people sometimes went upon those mountains which had been sanctified by the presence of patriarchs and prophets, and by appearances of God, to worship the true God there. This worship was lawful, except as to its being exercised where the Lord had not chosen. But they frequently adored idols upon these hills, and committed a thousand abominations in groves, and caves, and tents; and hence arose the zeal of pious kings and prophets to suppress the high places. Dr. Prideaux thinks it probable that the proseuchæ, open courts, built like those in which the people prayed at the tabernacle and the temple, were the same as those called high places in the Old Testament. His reason is, that the proseuchæ had groves in or near them, in the same manner as the high places.
HIGH PLACES. The prophets criticize the Israelites with the most fervor for worshipping at the high places. The destruction of these high places is a commendation given only to a few kings in Scripture, and many, despite being passionate about the law, lacked the courage to stop the people from offering sacrifices on these heights. Before the temple was built, the high places were not completely against the law, as long as only God was worshipped there and not idols. They seem to have been tolerated during the time of the judges; Samuel offered sacrifices in several locations where the ark was not present. Even in David's time, sacrifices were made to the Lord at Shiloh, Jerusalem, and Gibeon. However, after the temple was built in Jerusalem, and the ark was permanently situated there, it was no longer permitted to sacrifice outside of Jerusalem. The high places were often visited in the kingdom of Israel. The people sometimes went to those mountains that had been consecrated by the presence of patriarchs and prophets, and by divine appearances, to worship the true God there. This worship was acceptable, except for the fact that it occurred in places not chosen by the Lord. However, they frequently worshipped idols on these hills and committed countless abominations in groves, caves, and tents; this led to the fervent efforts of righteous kings and prophets to eliminate the high places. Dr. Prideaux believes it is likely that the proseuchæ, open courts built similarly to those where people prayed at the tabernacle and the temple, were the same as those referred to as high places in the Old Testament. His reasoning is that the proseuchæ contained groves in or near them, just like the high places did.
HIN, הין, a liquid measure, as of oil, or of wine, Exodus xxix, 40; xxx, 24; Lev. xxiii. According to Josephus, it contained two Attic congii, and was therefore the sixth part of an ephah. He says that they offered with an ox half a hin of oil; in English measure, six pints, twenty-five thousand five hundred and ninety-eight solid inches. With a ram they offered the third part of a hin, or three pints, ten thousand four hundred and sixty-nine solid inches: with a lamb, the fourth part of a hin, or two pints, fifteen thousand and seventy-one solid inches.
HIN, הין, is a liquid measure, like for oil or wine, as mentioned in Exodus 29:40; 30:24; Leviticus 23. According to Josephus, it held two Attic congii, making it one-sixth of an ephah. He mentions that they offered half a hin of oil with an ox; in modern measurements, that’s six pints, which equals twenty-five thousand five hundred and ninety-eight solid inches. With a ram, they offered a third of a hin, or three pints, totaling ten thousand four hundred and sixty-nine solid inches; and with a lamb, they offered a fourth of a hin, or two pints, amounting to fifteen thousand and seventy-one solid inches.
HIND, אילה, Gen. xlix, 21; 2 Sam. xxii, 34; Job xxxix, 1; Psalm xviii, 33; xxix, 9; Prov. v, 19; Cant. ii, 7; iii, 5; Jer. xiv, 5; Hab. iii, 19; the mate or female of the stag. It is a lovely creature, and of an elegant shape. It is noted for its swiftness and the sureness of its step as it jumps among the rocks. David and Habakkuk both allude to this character of the hind. “The Lord maketh my feet like hinds’ feet, and causeth me to stand on the high places,” Psalm xviii, 33; Hab. iii, 19. The circumstance of their standing on the high places or mountains is applied to these animals by Xenophon. Our translators make Jacob, prophesying of the tribe of Naphtali, say, “Naphtali is a hind let loose: he giveth goodly words,” Gen. xlix, 21. There is a difficulty and incoherence here which the learned Bochart removes by altering a little the punctuation of the original; and it then reads, “Naphtali is a spreading tree, shooting forth beautiful branches.” This, indeed, renders the simile uniform; but another critic has remarked that “the allusion to a tree seems to be purposely reserved by the venerable patriarch for his son Joseph, who is compared to the boughs of a tree; and the repetition of the idea in reference to Naphtali is every way unlikely. Beside,” he adds, “the word rendered ‘let loose,’ imports an active motion, not like that of the branches of a tree, which, however freely they wave, are yet attached to the parent stock; but an emission, a dismission, or sending forth to a distance: in the present case, a roaming, roaming at liberty. The verb ‘he giveth’ may denote shooting forth. It is used of production, as of the earth, which shoots forth, yields, its increase, Lev. xxvi, 4. The word rendered ‘goodly’ signifies noble, grand, majestic; and the noun translated ‘words’ radically signifies divergences, what is spread forth.” For these reasons he proposes to read the passage, “Naphtali is a deer roaming at liberty; he shooteth forth spreading branches,” or “majestic antlers.” Here the distinction of imagery is preserved, and the fecundity of the tribe and the fertility of their lot intimated. In our version of Psalm xxix, 9, we read, “The voice of the Lord maketh the hinds to calve, and discovereth the forests.” Mr. Merrick, in an ingenious note on the place, attempts to justify the rendering; but Bishop Lowth, in his “Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews,” observes that this agrees very little with the rest of the imagery, either in nature or dignity; and that he does not feel himself persuaded, even by the reasonings of the learned Bochart on this subject: whereas the oak, struck with lightning, admirably agrees with the context. The Syriac seems, for אילות, hinds, to have read אלות, oaks, or rather, perhaps, terebinths. The passage may be thus versified:--
HIND, אילה, Gen. xlix, 21; 2 Sam. xxii, 34; Job xxxix, 1; Psalm xviii, 33; xxix, 9; Prov. v, 19; Cant. ii, 7; iii, 5; Jer. xiv, 5; Hab. iii, 19; the female of the stag. It is a beautiful animal with an elegant shape. It's known for its speed and surefootedness as it leaps among the rocks. David and Habakkuk both reference this trait of the hind. “The Lord makes my feet like hinds’ feet, and causes me to stand on the high places,” Psalm xviii, 33; Hab. iii, 19. The fact that they stand on high places or mountains is noted for these animals by Xenophon. Our translators have Jacob, when prophesying about the tribe of Naphtali, say, “Naphtali is a hind let loose: he gives goodly words,” Gen. xlix, 21. There's some difficulty and inconsistency here which the learned Bochart resolves by slightly changing the punctuation of the original; and it then reads, “Naphtali is a spreading tree, shooting forth beautiful branches.” This indeed makes the comparison consistent; but another critic has pointed out that “the reference to a tree seems purposefully saved by the venerable patriarch for his son Joseph, who is compared to the branches of a tree; and repeating that idea for Naphtali is highly unlikely. Besides,” he adds, “the word translated ‘let loose’ implies an active motion, unlike that of tree branches, which, no matter how freely they sway, are still connected to the trunk; but rather denotes sending out, or roaming at liberty. The verb ‘he gives’ can mean shooting forth. It's used in relation to production, as the earth, which brings forth its crops, Lev. xxvi, 4. The word translated ‘goodly’ signifies noble, grand, majestic; and the noun translated ‘words’ fundamentally signifies divergences, what is spread out.” For these reasons, he proposes to read the passage, “Naphtali is a deer roaming freely; he shoots forth spreading branches,” or “majestic antlers.” Here the difference in imagery is maintained, implying the tribe’s fertility and the richness of their land. In our version of Psalm xxix, 9, we read, “The voice of the Lord makes the hinds calve and reveals the forests.” Mr. Merrick, in a clever note on this, tries to defend the translation; but Bishop Lowth, in his “Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews,” points out that this doesn't align well with the rest of the imagery, either in nature or dignity; and he is not convinced, even by the arguments of the learned Bochart on this topic: whereas the oak, struck by lightning, fits perfectly with the context. The Syriac seems, instead of Ailots, hinds, to have read שאלות, oaks, or perhaps terebinths. The passage can be versified as follows:--
HINNOM, Valley of, called also Tophet, and by the Greeks Gehenna, a small valley on the south-east of Jerusalem, at the foot of Mount Zion, where the Canaanites, and afterward the Israelites, sacrificed their children to the idol Moloch, by making them “pass through the fire,” or burning them. To drown the shrieks of the victims thus inhumanly sacrificed, musical instruments, called in the Hebrew tuph, tympana or timbrels, were played; whence the spot derived the name of Tophet. Ge Hinnom, or “The Valley of Hinnom,” from which the Greeks framed their Gehenna, is sometimes used in Scripture to denote hell or hell fire. See Hell.
HINNOM, Valley of, also known as Tophet and by the Greeks as Gehenna, is a small valley southeast of Jerusalem, at the foot of Mount Zion. In this valley, the Canaanites and later the Israelites sacrificed their children to the idol Moloch by making them “pass through the fire” or burning them alive. To mask the screams of these inhumanly sacrificed victims, musical instruments called tuph, tympana, or timbrels were played, which is how the place got the name Tophet. Ge Hinnom, meaning “The Valley of Hinnom,” from which the Greeks derived the term Gehenna, is sometimes referenced in Scripture to signify hell or hell fire. See Hell.
HIRAM, king of Tyre, and son of Abibal, is mentioned by profane authors as distinguished for his magnificence, and for adorning the city of Tyre. When David was acknowledged king by all Israel, Hiram sent ambassadors with artificers, and cedar, to build his palace. Hiram also sent ambassadors to Solomon, to congratulate him on his accession to the crown 458Solomon desired of him timber and stones for building the temple, with labourers. These Hiram promised, provided Solomon would furnish him with corn and oil. The two princes lived on the best terms with each other.
HIRAM, king of Tyre and son of Abibal, is noted by various historians for his grandeur and for beautifying the city of Tyre. When David was recognized as king by all of Israel, Hiram sent messengers with craftsmen and cedar to construct his palace. Hiram also sent messengers to Solomon to congratulate him on becoming king. Solomon requested timber and stones for building the temple, along with workers. Hiram agreed to provide these, as long as Solomon supplied him with grain and oil. The two kings maintained a strong friendship. 458
HIRELING. Moses requires that the hireling should be paid as soon as his work is over: “The wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all night unto the morning,” Lev. xix, 19. A hireling’s days or year is a kind of proverb, signifying a full year, without abating any thing of it: “His days are like the days of a hireling,” Job vii, 1; the days of man are like those of a hireling; as nothing is deducted from them, so nothing, likewise is added to them. And again: “Till he shall accomplish as a hireling his day,” Job xiv, 6; to the time of death, which he waits for as the hireling for the end of the day. The following passage from Morier’s Travels in Persia, illustrates one of our Lord’s parables: “The most conspicuous building in Hamadan is the Mesjid Jumah, a large mosque now falling into decay, and before it a maidan or square, which serves as a market place. Here we observed, every morning before the sun rose, that a numerous band of peasants were collected with spades in their hands, waiting, as they informed us, to be hired for the day to work in the surrounding fields. This custom, which I have never seen in any other part of Asia, forcibly struck me as a most happy illustration of our Saviour’s parable of the labourers in the vineyard in Matt. xx; particularly when, passing by the same place late in the day, we still found others standing idle, and remembered his words, ‘Why stand ye here all the day idle?’ as most applicable to their situation; for in putting the very same question to them, they answered us, ‘Because no man hath hired us.’”
HIRELING. Moses says that a hired worker should be paid as soon as their work is done: “The wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all night unto the morning,” Lev. xix, 19. The days or year of a hireling serve as a kind of proverb, meaning a full year without any deductions: “His days are like the days of a hireling,” Job vii, 1; the days of a person are like those of a hireling; just as nothing is taken from them, nothing is added to them either. Again: “Till he shall accomplish as a hireling his day,” Job xiv, 6; referring to the time of death, which he awaits like a hireling awaits the end of the day. A passage from Morier’s Travels in Persia illustrates one of our Lord’s parables: “The most conspicuous building in Hamadan is the Mesjid Jumah, a large mosque now falling into decay, and before it a maidan or square, which serves as a marketplace. Here we observed, every morning before the sun rose, that a large group of peasants were gathered with shovels in their hands, waiting, as they told us, to be hired for the day to work in the surrounding fields. This custom, which I have never seen in any other part of Asia, struck me as a perfect illustration of our Savior’s parable of the laborers in the vineyard in Matt. xx; especially when, passing by the same spot later in the day, we still found others standing idle, and remembered his words, ‘Why stand ye here all the day idle?’ as particularly relevant to their situation; for when we asked them the same question, they replied, ‘Because no man hath hired us.’”
HITTITES, the descendants of Heth, Gen. xv, 20.
HITTITES, the descendants of Heth, Gen. xv, 20.
HIVITES, a people descended from Canaan, Gen. x, 17. They are also mentioned, Deut. ii, 23. The inhabitants of Shechem, and the Gibeonites, were Hivites, Joshua xi, 19; Gen. xxxiv, 2. Mr. Bryant supposes the Hivites to be the same as the Ophites, or ancient worshippers of the sun under the figure of a serpent; which was, in all probability, the deity worshipped at Baal-Hermon.
HIVITES, a group descended from Canaan, Gen. x, 17. They are also mentioned, Deut. ii, 23. The people of Shechem and the Gibeonites were Hivites, Joshua xi, 19; Gen. xxxiv, 2. Mr. Bryant suggests that the Hivites are the same as the Ophites, or ancient sun worshippers who represented their deity as a serpent; likely the god worshipped at Baal-Hermon.
HOLY GHOST, the third person in the Trinity. The orthodox doctrine is, that as Christ is God by an eternal filiation, so the Spirit is God by procession from the Father and the Son. “And I believe in the Holy Ghost,” says the Nicene Creed, “the Lord and Giver of life, who proceedeth from the Father and the Son, who, with the Father and the Son together, is worshipped and glorified.” And with this agrees the Athanasian Creed, “The Holy Ghost is of the Father and of the Son, neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding.” In the Articles of the English church it is thus expressed: “The Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the Son, is of one substance, majesty, and glory with the Father and the Son, very and eternal God.” The Latin church introduced the term spiration, from spiro, “to breathe,” to denote the manner of this procession: on which Dr. Owen remarks, “As the vital breath of a man has a continual emanation from him, and yet is never separated utterly from his person, or forsaketh him, so doth the Spirit of the Father and the Son proceed from them by a continual divine emanation, still abiding one with them.” On this refined view little can be said which has clear Scriptural authority; and yet the very term by which the Third Person in the Trinity is designated, Wind or Breath, may, as to the Third Person, be designed, like the term Son applied to the Second, to convey, though imperfectly, some intimation of that manner of being by which both are distinguished from each other, and from the Father; and it was a remarkable action of our Lord, and one certainly which does not discountenance this idea, that when he imparted the Holy Ghost to his disciples, “He breathed on them, and saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost,” John xx, 22.
HOLY SPIRIT, the third person in the Trinity. The traditional belief is that, just as Christ is God through an eternal relationship, the Spirit is God through proceeding from the Father and the Son. “And I believe in the Holy Spirit,” says the Nicene Creed, “the Lord and Giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son, who, with the Father and the Son together, is worshipped and glorified.” This aligns with the Athanasian Creed, which states, “The Holy Spirit is of the Father and of the Son, neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding.” In the Articles of the English church, it is expressed: “The Holy Spirit, proceeding from the Father and the Son, is of one substance, majesty, and glory with the Father and the Son, truly and eternally God.” The Latin church introduced the term spiration, from spiro, “to breathe,” to describe this procession. Dr. Owen notes, “Just as a person's breath continually emanates from them but is never entirely separated from them, the Spirit of the Father and the Son proceeds from them through a continual divine emanation, always remaining united with them.” On this refined view, not much can be said that has clear Scriptural authority; yet the very term used for the Third Person in the Trinity, Wind or Breath, may, regarding the Third Person, serve, like the term Son applied to the Second, to convey, though imperfectly, some indication of the way they are distinct from each other and from the Father. It was a significant act of our Lord, certainly supportive of this idea, when he gave the Holy Spirit to his disciples, saying, “He breathed on them and said to them, Receive the Holy Spirit,” John 20:22.
2. But, whatever we may think as to the doctrine of spiration, the procession of the Holy Ghost rests on more direct Scriptural authority, and is thus stated by Bishop Pearson: “Now this procession of the Spirit, in reference to the Father, is delivered expressly in relation to the Son, and is contained virtually in the Scriptures. 1. It is expressly said, that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father, as our Saviour testifieth, ‘When the Comforter is come, whom I will send unto you from the Father, even the Spirit of truth, which proceedeth from the Father, he shall testify of me,’ John xv, 26. And this is also evident from what hath been already asserted; for being the Father and the Spirit are the same God, and, being so the same in the unity of the nature of God, are yet distinct in the personality, one of them must have the same nature from the other; and because the Father hath been already shown to have it from none, it followeth that the Spirit hath it from him. 2. Though it be not expressly spoken in the Scripture, that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and Son, yet the substance of the same truth is virtually contained there; because those very expressions which are spoken of the Holy Spirit in relation to the Father, for that reason, because he proceedeth from the Father, are also spoken of the same Spirit in relation to the Son; and therefore there must be the same reason presupposed in reference to the Son, which is expressed in reference to the Father. Because the Spirit proceedeth from the Father, therefore it is called ‘the Spirit of God,’ and ‘the Spirit of the Father.’ ‘It is not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father which speaketh in you,’ Matt. x, 20. For by the language of the Apostle, ‘the Spirit of God’ is the Spirit which is of God, saying, ‘The things of God knoweth no man, but the Spirit of God. And we have received not the spirit of the world, but the Spirit which is of God,’ 1 Cor. ii, 11, 12. Now the same Spirit is also called ‘the Spirit 459of the Son:’ for ‘because we are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into our hearts,’ Gal. iv, 6. ‘The Spirit of Christ:’ ‘Now if any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his,’ Romans viii, 9; ‘Even the Spirit of Christ which was in the prophets,’ 1 Peter i, 11. ‘The Spirit of Jesus Christ,’ as the Apostle speaks: ‘I know that this shall turn to my salvation through your prayer, and the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ,’ Phil. i, 19. If then the Holy Ghost be called ‘the Spirit of the Father,’ because he proceedeth from the Father, it followeth that, being called also ‘the Spirit of the Son,’ he proceedeth also from the Son. Again: because the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father, he is therefore sent by the Father, as from him who hath, by the original communication, a right of mission; as, ‘the Comforter, which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send,’ John xiv, 26. But the same Spirit which is sent by the Father, is also sent by the Son, as he saith, ‘When the Comforter is come, whom I will send unto you.’ Therefore the Son hath the same right of mission with the Father, and consequently must be acknowledged to have communicated the same essence. The Father is never sent by the Son, because he received not the Godhead from him; but the Father sendeth the Son, because he communicated the Godhead to him: in the same manner, neither the Father nor the Son is ever sent by the Holy Spirit; because neither of them received the divine nature from the Spirit: but both the Father and the Son sendeth the Holy Ghost, because the divine nature, common to the Father and the Son, was communicated by them both to the Holy Ghost. As therefore the Scriptures declare expressly, that the Spirit proceedeth from the Father; so do they also virtually teach, that he proceedeth from the Son.”
2. But, no matter what we might think about the doctrine of spiration, the procession of the Holy Ghost is clearly supported by Scripture. Bishop Pearson states it this way: “The procession of the Spirit, in relation to the Father, is explicitly mentioned concerning the Son and is virtually found in the Scriptures. 1. It is clearly stated that the Holy Ghost comes from the Father, as our Savior testifies, ‘When the Comforter comes, whom I will send to you from the Father, the Spirit of truth, who proceeds from the Father, he will testify about me,’ John 15:26. This is also evident from what has already been mentioned; since the Father and the Spirit are the same God and share the same divine nature but are distinct in personhood, one must derive their nature from the other. Since the Father has been shown to have it from none, it follows that the Spirit has it from him. 2. Although the Scripture does not explicitly say that the Holy Ghost comes from the Father and the Son, the essence of this truth is contained within it; because the expressions used for the Holy Spirit in relation to the Father—because he comes from the Father—are also used for the same Spirit in relation to the Son. Therefore, the same reasoning must be assumed in relation to the Son as is stated in relation to the Father. Since the Spirit comes from the Father, it is called ‘the Spirit of God’ and ‘the Spirit of the Father.’ ‘It is not you who speak, but the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you,’ Matt. 10:20. According to the Apostle, ‘the Spirit of God’ is the Spirit that belongs to God, stating, ‘No one knows the things of God except the Spirit of God. And we have not received the spirit of the world, but the Spirit that is from God,’ 1 Cor. 2:11, 12. Now, the same Spirit is also referred to as ‘the Spirit of the Son:’ because ‘we are sons, God has sent the Spirit of his Son into our hearts,’ Gal. 4:6. ‘The Spirit of Christ:’ ‘Now if anyone does not have the Spirit of Christ, he is not his,’ Romans 8:9; ‘Even the Spirit of Christ who was in the prophets,’ 1 Peter 1:11. ‘The Spirit of Jesus Christ,’ as the Apostle says: ‘I know that this will turn out for my salvation through your prayer and the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ,’ Phil. 1:19. So, if the Holy Ghost is called ‘the Spirit of the Father’ because he comes from the Father, it follows that, being also called ‘the Spirit of the Son,’ he comes from the Son as well. Furthermore, since the Holy Ghost comes from the Father, he is sent by the Father, who has the original right to send; as, ‘the Comforter, who is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send,’ John 14:26. But the same Spirit sent by the Father is also sent by the Son, as he says, ‘When the Comforter comes, whom I will send to you.’ Therefore, the Son shares the same right to send as the Father and must be understood to have the same divine essence. The Father is never sent by the Son because he did not receive divinity from him; but the Father sends the Son because he granted him divinity: likewise, neither the Father nor the Son is ever sent by the Holy Spirit because neither received divine nature from the Spirit; but both the Father and the Son send the Holy Ghost because the divine nature, shared by the Father and the Son, was communicated by both to the Holy Ghost. Therefore, just as the Scriptures clearly state that the Spirit comes from the Father, they also virtually teach that he comes from the Son.”
3. Arius regarded the Spirit not only as a creature, but as created by Christ, κτίσμα κτίϛματος, the creature of a creature. Some time afterward, his personality was wholly denied by the Arians, and he was considered as the exerted energy of God. This appears to have been the notion of Socinus, and, with occasional modifications, has been adopted by his followers. They sometimes regard him as an attribute; and at others, resolve the passages in which he is spoken of into a periphrasis, or circumlocution, for God himself; or, to express both in one, into a figure of speech.
3. Arius saw the Spirit not just as a creature, but as created by Christ, a creature of a creature. Later on, his personality was completely denied by the Arians, and he was viewed as the energy of God. This seems to have been Socinus's idea, and, with some changes, it has been accepted by his followers. Sometimes they see him as an attribute; other times, they interpret the passages about him as a way of referring to God himself; or, to combine both ideas, as a figure of speech.
4. In establishing the proper personality and deity of the Holy Ghost, the first argument may be drawn from the frequent association, in Scripture, of a Person under that appellation with two other Persons, one of whom, the Father, is by all acknowledged to be divine; and the ascription to each of them, or to the three in union, of the same acts, titles, and authority, with worship, of the same kind, and, for any distinction that is made, of an equal degree. The manifestation of the existence and divinity of the Holy Spirit may be expected in the law and the prophets, and is, in fact, to be traced there with certainty. The Spirit is represented as an agent in creation, “moving upon the face of the waters;” and it forms no objection to the argument, that creation is ascribed to the Father, and also to the Son, but is a great confirmation of it. That creation should be effected by all the three Persons of the Godhead, though acting in different respects, yet so that each should be a Creator, and, therefore, both a Person and a divine Person, can be explained only by their unity in one essence. On every other hypothesis this Scriptural fact is disallowed, and therefore no other hypothesis can be true. If the Spirit of God be a mere influence, then he is not a Creator, distinct from the Father and the Son, because he is not a Person; but this is refuted both by the passage just quoted, and by Psalm xxxiii, 6: “By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made; and all the host of them by the breath (Heb. Spirit) of his mouth.” This is farther confirmed by Job xxxiii, 4: “The Spirit of God hath made me, and the breath of the Almighty hath given me life;” where the second clause is obviously exegetic of the former: and the whole text proves that, in the patriarchal age, the followers of the true religion ascribed creation to the Spirit, as well as to the Father; and that one of his appellations was, “the Breath of the Almighty.” Did such passages stand alone, there might, indeed, be some plausibility in the criticism which resolves them into a personification; but, connected as they are with the whole body of evidence, as to the concurring doctrine of both Testaments, they are inexpugnable. Again: If the personality of the Son and the Spirit be allowed, and yet it is contended that they were but instruments in creation, through whom the creative power of another operated, but which creative power was not possessed by them; on this hypothesis, too, neither the Spirit nor the Son can be said to create, any more than Moses created the serpent into which his rod was turned, and the Scriptures are again contradicted. To this association of the three Persons in creative acts, may be added a like association in acts of preservation, which has been well called a continued creation, and by that term is expressed in the following passage: “These wait all upon thee, that thou mayest give them their meat in due season. Thou hidest thy face, they are troubled; thou takest away their breath, they die, and return to dust: thou sendest forth thy Spirit, they are created; and thou renewest the face of the earth,” Psalm civ, 27–30. It is not surely here meant, that the Spirit by which the generations of animals are perpetuated, is wind; and if he be called an attribute, wisdom, power, or both united, where do we read of such attributes being “sent,” “sent forth from God?” The personality of the Spirit is here as clearly marked as when St. Paul speaks of God “sending forth the Spirit of his Son,” and when our Lord promises to “send” the Comforter; and as the upholding and preserving of created things is ascribed to the Father and the Son, so here they are ascribed, also, to the Spirit, 460“sent forth from” God to “create and renew the face of the earth.”
4. When defining the personality and divinity of the Holy Spirit, the first argument comes from the frequent mention in Scripture of a Person referred to as the Holy Spirit alongside two other Persons, one of whom, the Father, everyone acknowledges to be divine. Each of them, or the three together, is attributed the same actions, titles, and authority, receiving worship of the same kind, and, whenever a distinction is made, it is of an equal degree. We can expect to find evidence of the existence and divinity of the Holy Spirit in the law and the prophets, and indeed, this can be clearly traced there. The Spirit is shown as an active force in creation, “moving upon the face of the waters.” It does not weaken the argument that creation is also credited to the Father and the Son; in fact, it strengthens it. The fact that creation is accomplished by all three Persons of the Godhead, each acting in unique ways yet still each being a Creator—hence both a Person and a divine Person—can only be understood through their unity in one essence. Any other theory dismisses this Biblical truth, making it impossible for any other theory to be correct. If the Spirit of God is merely an influence, then He is not a Creator separate from the Father and the Son, because He is not a Person; however, this is disproven both by the passage just mentioned and by Psalm 33:6: “By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made; and all the host of them by the breath (Heb. Spirit) of his mouth.” This is further supported by Job 33:4: “The Spirit of God hath made me, and the breath of the Almighty hath given me life,” where the second part obviously explains the first; the entire verse indicates that during the patriarchal period, the followers of true faith attributed creation to the Spirit as well as to the Father, and that one of His titles was “the Breath of the Almighty.” If these passages stood alone, there might be some reason to argue that they are just personifications; but connected as they are with the overall evidence from both Testaments, they are undeniable. Furthermore, if we accept the personality of the Son and the Spirit, yet argue that they were simply instruments in creation, through which the creative power of another worked but which creative power they did not possess; on this theory, neither the Spirit nor the Son can be said to create, just as Moses did not create the serpent into which his rod was turned, contradicting Scripture once again. To this connection of the three Persons in creative acts, we can also add their similar connection in acts of preservation, which has aptly been called a continued creation, as expressed in this passage: “These all wait upon you, that you may give them their food in due season. You hide your face, they are troubled; you take away their breath, they die, and return to dust: you send forth your Spirit, they are created; and you renew the face of the earth,” Psalm 104:27–30. It surely does not mean that the Spirit, through which animal generations are sustained, is simply wind; and if He is considered an attribute, like wisdom or power, or both combined, where do we read of such attributes being “sent” or “sent forth from God?” The personality of the Spirit is clearly indicated here, just as when St. Paul refers to God “sending forth the Spirit of his Son,” and when our Lord promises to “send” the Comforter; and just as the sustaining and preserving of created things are credited to the Father and the Son, they are also attributed to the Spirit, 460who is “sent forth from” God to “create and renew the face of the earth.”
5. The next association of the three Persons we find in the inspiration of the prophets: “God spake unto our fathers by the prophets,” says St. Paul, Heb. i, 1. St. Peter declares that these “holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,” 2 Peter i, 21; and also that it was “the Spirit of Christ which was in them,” 1 Peter i, 11. We may defy any Socinian to interpret these three passages by making the Spirit an influence or attribute, and thereby reducing the term Holy Ghost into a figure of speech. “God,” in the first passage, is, unquestionably, God the Father; and the “holy men of God,” the prophets, would then, according to this view, be moved by the influence of the Father; but the influence, according to the third passage, which was the source of their inspiration, was the Spirit, or the influence of “Christ.” Thus the passages contradict each other. Allow the trinity in unity, and you have no difficulty in calling the Spirit, the Spirit of the Father, and the Spirit of the Son, or the Spirit of either; but if the Spirit be an influence, that influence cannot be the influence of two persons,--one of them God, and the other a creature. Even if they allowed the pre-existence of Christ, with Arians, these passages are inexplicable by the Socinians; but, denying his prëexistence, they have no subterfuge but to interpret, “the Spirit of Christ,” the spirit which prophesied of Christ, which is a purely gratuitous paraphrase; or “the spirit of an anointed one, or prophet;” that is, the prophet’s own spirit, which is just as gratuitous and as unsupported by any parallel as the former. If, however, the Holy Ghost be the Spirit of the Father and of the Son, united in one essence, the passages are easily harmonized. In conjunction with the Father and the Son, he is the source of that prophetic inspiration under which the prophets spoke and acted. So the same Spirit which raised Christ from the dead, is said by St. Peter to have preached by Noah while the ark was preparing;--in allusion to the passage, “My Spirit shall not always strive (contend, debate) with man.” This, we may observe, affords an eminent proof, that the writers of the New Testament understood the phrase, “the Spirit of God,” as it occurs in the Old Testament, personally. For, whatever may be the full meaning of that difficult passage in St. Peter, Christ is clearly declared to have preached by the Spirit in the days of Noah; that is, he, by the Spirit, inspired Noah to preach. If, then, the Apostles understood that the Holy Ghost was a Person, a point which will presently be established, we have, in the text just quoted from the book of Genesis, a key to the meaning of those texts in the Old Testament where the phrases, “My Spirit,” “the Spirit of God,” and “the Spirit of the Lord,” occur; and inspired authority is thus afforded us to interpret them as of a Person; and if of a Person, the very effort made by Socinians to deny his personality, itself, indicates that that Person must, from the lofty titles and works ascribed to him, be inevitably divine. Such phrases occur in many passages of the Hebrew Scriptures; but, in the following, the Spirit is also eminently distinguished from two other Persons: “And now the Lord God, and his Spirit, hath sent me,” Isaiah xlviii, 16; or, rendered better, “hath sent me and his Spirit,” both terms being in the accusative case. “Seek ye out of the book of the Lord, and read: for my mouth it hath commanded, and his Spirit it hath gathered them,” Isaiah xxxiv, 16. “I am with you, saith the Lord of Hosts, according to the word that I covenanted with you when ye came out of Egypt, so my Spirit remaineth among you: fear ye not. For thus saith the Lord of Hosts, I will shake all nations, and the Desire of all nations shall come,” Hag. ii, 4–7. Here, also, the Spirit of the Lord is seen collocated with the Lord of Hosts and the Desire of all nations, who is the Messiah.
5. The next connection between the three Persons is found in the inspiration of the prophets: “God spoke to our ancestors through the prophets,” says St. Paul, Heb. i, 1. St. Peter states that these “holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,” 2 Peter i, 21; and also that it was “the Spirit of Christ that was in them,” 1 Peter i, 11. We can confidently challenge any Socinian to interpret these three passages by reducing the Spirit to just an influence or attribute, and thus turning the term Holy Ghost into a mere figure of speech. In the first passage, “God” clearly refers to God the Father; and the “holy men of God,” the prophets, would then, according to this interpretation, be inspired by the influence of the Father; but the influence, according to the third passage, which was the source of their inspiration, was the Spirit, or the influence of “Christ.” Therefore, the passages contradict each other. If you accept the trinity in unity, it becomes easy to refer to the Spirit as the Spirit of the Father, the Spirit of the Son, or the Spirit of either one; but if the Spirit is just an influence, that influence cannot come from two persons—one of whom is God and the other a creature. Even if they accepted the pre-existence of Christ, like the Arians, these passages would be impossible for the Socinians to explain; however, denying his pre-existence, they have no escape except to reinterpret “the Spirit of Christ” as the spirit that prophesied about Christ, which is a completely arbitrary paraphrase; or “the spirit of an anointed one, or prophet;” meaning the prophet’s own spirit, which is just as arbitrary and unsupported as the former. If, however, the Holy Ghost is the Spirit of both the Father and the Son, united in one essence, the passages can be easily reconciled. Together with the Father and the Son, he is the source of the prophetic inspiration that guided the prophets in their speech and actions. St. Peter also mentions that the same Spirit who raised Christ from the dead preached through Noah while the ark was being prepared;—alluding to the passage, “My Spirit shall not always strive (contend, debate) with man.” This, we may note, provides strong evidence that the writers of the New Testament understood the phrase, “the Spirit of God,” as it appears in the Old Testament, personally. For whatever the full meaning of that challenging passage in St. Peter may be, it is clear that Christ is said to have preached through the Spirit during Noah’s time; meaning he, through the Spirit, inspired Noah to preach. If the Apostles understood that the Holy Ghost was a Person—a point that will soon be established—we have, in the text just quoted from Genesis, a key to interpreting those texts in the Old Testament where the phrases, “My Spirit,” “the Spirit of God,” and “the Spirit of the Lord,” appear; and this gives us inspired authority to interpret them as referring to a Person; and if it is a Person, the very efforts by Socinians to deny his personality indicate that this Person, due to the exalted titles and works attributed to him, must be inevitably divine. Such phrases occur in many parts of the Hebrew Scriptures; but, in the following, the Spirit is also clearly distinguished from two other Persons: “And now the Lord God, and his Spirit, have sent me,” Isaiah xlviii, 16; or, better rendered, “have sent me and his Spirit,” both terms appearing in the accusative case. “Seek from the book of the Lord, and read: for my mouth has commanded it, and his Spirit has gathered them,” Isaiah xxxiv, 16. “I am with you,” says the Lord of Hosts, “according to the word that I promised you when you came out of Egypt; my Spirit remains among you: do not fear. For thus says the Lord of Hosts, I will shake all nations, and the Desire of all nations will come,” Hag. ii, 4–7. Here, too, the Spirit of the Lord is seen alongside the Lord of Hosts and the Desire of all nations, who is the Messiah.
6. Three Persons, and three only, are associated also, both in the Old and New Testament, as objects of supreme worship; and form the one “name” in which the religious act of solemn benediction is performed, and to which men are bound by solemn baptismal covenant. In the plural form of the name of God, each received equal adoration. This threefold personality seems to have given rise to the standing form of triple benediction used by the Jewish high priest. The very important fact, that, in the vision of Isaiah, the Lord of hosts, who spake unto the prophet, is, in Acts xxviii, 25, said to be the Holy Ghost, while St. John declares that the glory which Isaiah saw was the glory of Christ, proves, indisputably, that each of the three Persons bears this august appellation; it gives also the reason for the threefold repetition, “Holy, holy, holy!” and it exhibits the prophet and the very seraphs in deep and awful adoration before the Triune Lord of hosts. Both the prophet and the seraphim were, therefore, worshippers of the Holy Ghost and of the Son, at the very time and by the very acts in which they worshipped the Father; which proves that, as the three Persons received equal homage in a case which does not admit of the evasion of pretended superior and inferior worship, they are equal in majesty, glory, and essence.
6. Three Persons, and only these three, are associated as objects of ultimate worship in both the Old and New Testament. They make up the one "name" under which the solemn act of blessing is performed and to which people are committed through the solemn baptismal covenant. In the plural form of God's name, each receives equal honor. This threefold personality seems to have inspired the traditional form of triple blessing used by the Jewish high priest. The crucial fact that, in Isaiah's vision, the Lord of hosts who spoke to the prophet is identified in Acts 28:25 as the Holy Spirit, while St. John states that the glory Isaiah saw was Christ's glory, clearly shows that each of the three Persons shares this exalted title. It also explains the threefold repetition, "Holy, holy, holy!" and illustrates both the prophet and the seraphim in deep and reverent worship of the Triune Lord of hosts. Thus, both the prophet and the seraphim worshiped the Holy Spirit and the Son at the same time and through the same acts in which they worshiped the Father; this demonstrates that, since all three Persons receive equal reverence in a context that does not allow for the pretense of superior or inferior worship, they are equal in majesty, glory, and essence.
7. As in the tabernacle form of benediction, the Triune Jehovah is recognised as the source of all grace and peace to his creatures; so also we have the apostolic formula: “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Spirit be with you all. Amen.” Here the personality of the three is kept distinct; and the prayer is, that Christians may have a common participation of the Holy Spirit, that is, doubtless, as he was promised by our Lord to his disciples, as a Comforter, as the Source of light and spiritual life, as the Author of regeneration. Thus the Spirit is acknowledged, equally with the Father and the Son, to be the Source and the Giver of the highest spiritual blessings; while this solemn ministerial benediction is, from its specific character, to be regarded as an act of prayer to each of the three Persons, and therefore 461is at once, an acknowledgment of the divinity and personality of each. The same remark applies to Revelation i, 4, 5: “Grace be unto you, and peace, from Him which was, and which is, and which is to come; and from the seven spirits which are before his throne,” (an emblematical reference, probably to the golden branch with its seven lamps,) “and from Jesus Christ.” The style of this book sufficiently accounts for the Holy Spirit being called “the seven spirits;” but no created spirit or company of created spirits is ever spoken of under that appellation: and the place assigned to the seven spirits, between the mention of the Father and the Son, indicates, with certainty, that one of the sacred Three, so eminent, and so exclusively eminent in both dispensations, is intended.
7. Just like in the benediction from the tabernacle, the Triune God is recognized as the source of all grace and peace for His creation. We also have the apostolic formula: “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Spirit be with you all. Amen.” Here, the distinct personalities of the three are maintained, and the prayer is for Christians to share in the Holy Spirit, who was promised by our Lord to His disciples as a Comforter, the Source of light and spiritual life, and the Author of regeneration. Thus, the Spirit is acknowledged, alongside the Father and the Son, as the Source and Giver of the highest spiritual blessings. This solemn ministerial blessing, due to its specific nature, is regarded as an act of prayer to each of the three Persons, and therefore also serves as recognition of the divinity and individuality of each. The same observation applies to Revelation 1:4, 5: “Grace be unto you, and peace, from Him which was, and which is, and which is to come; and from the seven spirits which are before his throne,” (an emblematic reference, likely to the golden branch with its seven lamps), “and from Jesus Christ.” The style of this book explains why the Holy Spirit is referred to as “the seven spirits;” however, no created spirit or group of created spirits is ever referred to by that name. The placement of the seven spirits between the mention of the Father and the Son clearly indicates that one of the sacred Three, so prominent and uniquely significant in both dispensations, is intended.
8. The form of baptism next presents itself with demonstrative evidence on the two points before us, the personality and divinity of the Holy Spirit. It is the form of covenant by which the sacred Three become our one or only God, and we become his people: “Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.” In what manner is this text to be disposed of, if the personality of the Holy Ghost is denied? Is the form of baptism to be so understood as to imply that baptism is in the name of one God, one creature, and one attribute? The grossness of this absurdity refutes it, and proves that here, at least, there can be no personification. If all the Three, therefore, are persons, are we to have baptism in the name of one God and two creatures? This would be too near an approach to idolatry, or, rather, it would be idolatry itself; for, considering baptism as an act of dedication to God, the acceptance of God as our God, on our part, and the renunciation of all other deities and all other religions, what could a Heathen convert conceive of the two creatures so distinguished from all other creatures in heaven and in earth, and so associated with God himself as to form together the one name, to which, by that act, he was devoted, and which he was henceforward to profess and honour, but that they were equally divine, unless special care were taken to instruct him that but one of the Three was God, and the two others but creatures? But of this care, of this cautionary instruction, though so obviously necessary upon this theory, no single instance can be given in all the writings of the Apostles.
8. The concept of baptism now clearly demonstrates evidence for the two points we’re discussing: the personality and divinity of the Holy Spirit. It's the covenantal formula that signifies how the sacred Three are our one and only God, and we are His people: “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.” How are we to interpret this text if we deny the personality of the Holy Spirit? Should we understand the baptismal formula to mean that baptism is in the name of one God, one creature, and one attribute? The ridiculousness of this idea disproves it and shows that there can be no personification here. If all Three are persons, should we then baptize in the name of one God and two creatures? That would verge too closely to idolatry, or actually be idolatry itself; because when baptism is seen as an act of dedication to God—acknowledging God as our God, while rejecting all other deities and religions—what could a heathen convert think of the two creatures that are so distinguished from all other creatures in heaven and on earth, and so closely associated with God that they together make up the one name to which he was committed and which he was expected to honor moving forward, other than that they are equally divine? Unless special care is taken to teach him that only one of the Three is God, and the other two are merely creatures? But despite how obviously necessary that cautionary teaching would be on this theory, there is no instance in all the writings of the Apostles that offers such instruction.
9. But other arguments are not wanting to prove both the personality and the divinity of the Holy Spirit. With respect to the former, (1.) The mode of his subsistence in the sacred Trinity proves his personality. He proceeds from the Father and the Son, and cannot, therefore, be either. To say that an attribute proceeds and comes forth, would be a gross absurdity. (2.) Many passages of Scripture are wholly unintelligible and even absurd, unless the Holy Ghost is allowed to be a person. For as those who take the phrase as ascribing no more than a figurative personality to an attribute, make that attribute to be the energy or power of God, they reduce such passages as the following to utter unmeaningness: “God anointed Jesus with the Holy Ghost and with power;” that is, with the power of God and with power. “That ye may abound in hope through the power of the Holy Ghost;” that is, through the power of power. “In demonstration of the Spirit and of power;” that is, in demonstration of power and of power.
9. But there are other arguments that demonstrate both the personality and divinity of the Holy Spirit. Regarding the former, (1.) The way He exists in the Holy Trinity proves His personality. He comes from the Father and the Son, and therefore cannot be either. Saying that an attribute comes forth would be completely absurd. (2.) Many passages in Scripture are completely unintelligible and even ridiculous unless we recognize the Holy Spirit as a person. For those who interpret the phrase as giving only a figurative personality to an attribute, they reduce such passages as the following to total nonsense: “God anointed Jesus with the Holy Spirit and with power;” which means, with the power of God and with power. “That you may overflow with hope through the power of the Holy Spirit;” which means, through the power of power. “In demonstration of the Spirit and of power;” which means, in demonstration of power and of power.
(3.) Personification of any kind is, in some passages in which the Holy Ghost is spoken of, impossible. The reality which this figure of speech is said to present to us, is either some of the attributes of God, or else the doctrine of the Gospel. Let this theory, then, be tried upon the following passages: “He shall not speak of himself; but whatsoever he shall hear, that shall he speak.” What attribute of God can here be personified? And if the doctrine of the Gospel be arrayed with personal attributes, where is there an instance of so monstrous a prosopopœia as this passage would exhibit?--the doctrine of the Gospel not speaking “of himself,” but speaking “whatsoever he shall hear!”--“The Spirit maketh intercession for us.” What attribute is capable of interceding, or how can the doctrine of the Gospel intercede? Personification, too, is the language of poetry, and takes place naturally only in excited and elevated discourse; but if the Holy Spirit be a personification, we find it in the ordinary and cool strain of mere narration and argumentative discourse in the New Testament, and in the most incidental conversations. “Have ye received the Holy Ghost since ye believed? We have not so much as heard whether there be any Holy Ghost.” How impossible is it here to extort, by any process whatever, even the shadow of a personification of either any attribute of God, or of the doctrine of the Gospel! So again: “The Spirit said unto Philip, Go near, and join thyself to this chariot.” Could it be any attribute of God which said this, or could it be the doctrine of the Gospel? Finally, that the Holy Ghost is a person, and not an attribute, is proved by the use of masculine pronouns and relatives in the Greek of the New Testament, in connection with the neuter noun Πνεῦμα, Spirit, and also by many distinct personal acts being ascribed to him, as, “to come,” “to go,” “to be sent,” “to teach,” “to guide,” “to comfort,” “to make intercession,” “to bear witness,” “to give gifts,” “dividing them to every man as he will,” “to be vexed,” “grieved,” and “quenched.” These cannot be applied to the mere fiction of a person, and they therefore establish the Spirit’s true personality.
(3.) Personification, in some passages that mention the Holy Spirit, is impossible. The reality this figure of speech is supposed to convey is either certain attributes of God or the teachings of the Gospel. Let’s apply this idea to the following passages: “He shall not speak of himself; but whatever he hears, he shall speak.” What attribute of God can be personified here? And if the teachings of the Gospel are depicted with personal traits, where is there an example of such an extreme personification as this passage suggests?—the teachings of the Gospel not speaking “of himself,” but speaking “whatever he hears!”—“The Spirit intercedes for us.” What attribute can intercede, or how can the teachings of the Gospel intercede? Personification is the language of poetry and occurs naturally only in passionate and elevated discourse; but if the Holy Spirit is a personification, we find it used in the ordinary and straightforward narration and argumentative discourse in the New Testament, and in the most casual conversations. “Have you received the Holy Spirit since you believed? We have not even heard if there is a Holy Spirit.” Here, it’s utterly impossible to extract, by any means, even a hint of personification of either any attribute of God or the teachings of the Gospel! Again: “The Spirit said to Philip, Go near, and join yourself to this chariot.” Could it be any attribute of God that said this, or could it be the teachings of the Gospel? Finally, that the Holy Spirit is a person rather than an attribute is demonstrated by the use of masculine pronouns and relatives in the Greek of the New Testament along with the neuter noun Πνεῦμα, Spirit, and also by many distinct personal actions attributed to him, such as “to come,” “to go,” “to be sent,” “to teach,” “to guide,” “to comfort,” “to intercede,” “to bear witness,” “to give gifts,” “dividing them to every person as he wills,” “to be vexed,” “grieved,” and “quenched.” These cannot merely refer to a fiction of a person, and thus they establish the Spirit’s true personality.
10. Some additional arguments to those before given to establish the divinity of the Holy Ghost may also be adduced. The first is taken from his being the subject of blasphemy: “The blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven unto men,” Matt. xii, 31. This blasphemy consisted in ascribing his miraculous works to Satan; and that he is capable of being blasphemed proves him to be as much a person as the Son; and it proves him to be divine, because it shows that he may be sinned 462against, and so sinned against that the blasphemer shall not be forgiven. A person he must be, or he could not be blasphemed: a divine person he must be, to constitute this blasphemy a sin against him in the proper sense, and of so malignant a kind as to place it beyond the reach of mercy. He is called God: “Why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie unto the Holy Ghost? Why hast thou conceived this in thine heart? Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God,” Acts v, 3, 4. Ananias is said to have lied particularly “unto the Holy Ghost,” because the Apostles were under his special direction in establishing the temporary regulation among Christians that they should have all things in common: the detection of the crime itself was a demonstration of the divinity of the Spirit, because it showed his omniscience, his knowledge of the most secret acts. In addition to the proof of his divinity thus afforded by this history, he is also called God: “Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God.” He is also called the Lord: “Now the Lord is that Spirit,” 2 Cor. iii, 17. He is eternal: “The eternal Spirit,” Heb. ix, 14. Omnipresence is ascribed to him: “Your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost,” 1 Cor. vi, 19. “As many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God,” Rom. viii, 14. For, as all true Christians are his temples, and are led by him, he must be present to them at all times and in all places. He is omniscient: “The Spirit searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God,” 1 Cor. ii, 10. Here the Spirit is said to search or know “all things” absolutely; and then, to make this more emphatic, that he knows even “the deep things of God,” things hidden from every creature, the depths of his essence, and the secrets of his counsels; for, that this is intended, appears from the next verse, where he is said to know “the things of God,” as the spirit of a man knows the things of a man. Supreme majesty is also attributed to him, so that to “lie” to him, to “blaspheme” him, to “vex” him, to do him “despite,” are sins, and as such render the offender liable to divine punishment. How impracticable then is it to interpret the phrase, “the Holy Ghost,” as a periphrasis for God himself! A Spirit, which is the Spirit of God, which is so often distinguished from the Father, which “sees” and “hears” the Father, which searches “the deep things” of God, which is “sent” by the Father, which “proceedeth” from him, and who has special prayer addressed to him at the same time as the Father, cannot, though “one with him,” be the Father; and that he is not the Son is acknowledged on both sides. As a divine person, our regards are therefore justly due to him as the object of worship and trust, of prayer and blessing.
10. Some additional arguments beyond those previously mentioned to establish the divinity of the Holy Spirit can also be presented. The first is based on the idea that he can be blasphemed: “The blasphemy against the Holy Spirit shall not be forgiven to men,” Matt. xii, 31. This blasphemy involved attributing his miraculous works to Satan; and the fact that he can be blasphemed shows that he is just as much a person as the Son. It also proves his divinity, as it indicates that he can be sinned against, and so severely sinned against that the blasphemer will not be forgiven. He must be a person; otherwise, he couldn’t be blasphemed. He must be a divine person to make this blasphemy a true sin against him, one so evil that it falls outside the realm of mercy. He is referred to as God: “Why has Satan filled your heart to lie to the Holy Spirit? Why have you conceived this in your heart? You have not lied to men, but to God,” Acts v, 3, 4. Ananias is specifically said to have lied “to the Holy Spirit” because the Apostles were acting under his special guidance when they established a temporary rule among Christians that they should share everything in common. The exposure of his wrongdoing itself was evidence of the Spirit's divinity, since it demonstrated his omniscience, his awareness of even the most secret actions. In addition to this evidence of his divinity from this account, he is also called God: “You have not lied to men, but to God.” He is also called the Lord: “Now the Lord is that Spirit,” 2 Cor. iii, 17. He is eternal: “The eternal Spirit,” Heb. ix, 14. Omnipresence is attributed to him: “Your body is the temple of the Holy Spirit,” 1 Cor. vi, 19. “As many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God,” Rom. viii, 14. Since all true Christians are his temples and are guided by him, he must be present with them at all times and in all places. He is omniscient: “The Spirit searches all things, yes, the deep things of God,” 1 Cor. ii, 10. Here, the Spirit is said to search or know “all things” completely; and to emphasize this, it states that he knows even “the deep things of God,” which are hidden from every creature, the depths of His essence, and the secrets of His counsel; this is evident from the next verse, where it says he knows “the things of God” just as a person knows the things of another person. Supreme majesty is also attributed to him, so that to “lie” to him, to “blaspheme” him, to “vex” him, or to do him “despite” are sins that expose the wrongdoer to divine punishment. How impossible it is to interpret the term “the Holy Spirit” as merely a different way of saying God himself! A Spirit, which is the Spirit of God, which is frequently distinguished from the Father, which “sees” and “hears” the Father, which searches “the deep things” of God, which is “sent” by the Father, which “proceeds” from him, and to whom special prayers are directed at the same time as to the Father, cannot, even though “one with him,” be the Father; and it is accepted by both sides that he is not the Son. As a divine person, he rightly deserves our worship, trust, prayer, and blessings.
11. Various are the gracious offices of the Holy Spirit in the work of our redemption. He it is that first quickens the soul, dead in trespasses and sins, to spiritual life; it is by him we are “born again,” and made new creatures; he is the living root of all the Christian graces, which are therefore called “the fruits” of the Spirit; and by him all true Christians are aided in the “infirmities” and afflictions of this present life. Eminently, he is promised to the disciples as “the Comforter,” which is more fully explained by St. Paul by the phrase “the Spirit of adoption;” so that it is through him that we receive a direct inward testimony to our personal forgiveness and acceptance through Christ, and are filled with peace and consolation. This doctrine, so essential to the solid and habitual happiness of those who believe in Christ, is thus clearly explained in a sermon on that subject by the Rev. John Wesley:--
11. The Holy Spirit plays various important roles in our redemption. He is the one who first brings the soul, dead in wrongdoing and sin, to spiritual life; it's through Him that we are “born again” and become new creations. He is the living source of all Christian virtues, which are called “the fruits” of the Spirit; and through Him, all true Christians receive help in the “weaknesses” and struggles of this present life. Notably, He is promised to the disciples as “the Comforter,” which St. Paul elaborates on by referring to Him as “the Spirit of adoption.” It is through Him that we have a direct and personal assurance of our forgiveness and acceptance through Christ, and we are filled with peace and comfort. This teaching, essential for the consistent and deep happiness of those who believe in Christ, is clearly explained in a sermon on this topic by the Rev. John Wesley:--
“(1.) But what is the witness of the Spirit? The original word, μαρτυρία, may be rendered either, as it is in several places, the witness, or, less ambiguously, the testimony, or, the record: so it is rendered in our translation: ‘This is the record,’ the testimony, the sum of what God testifies in all the inspired writings, ‘that God hath given unto us eternal life, and this life is in his Son,’ 1 John v, 11. The testimony now under consideration is given by the Spirit of God to and with our spirit. He is the person testifying. What he testifies to us is, ‘that we are the children of God.’ The immediate result of this testimony is, ‘the fruit of the Spirit;’ namely, ‘love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness.’ And without these, the testimony itself cannot continue. For it is inevitably destroyed, not only by the commission of any outward sin, or the omission of known duty, but by giving way to any inward sin: in a word, by whatever grieves the Holy Spirit of God. (2.) I observed many years ago, It is hard to find words in the language of men to explain the deep things of God. Indeed, there are none that will adequately express what the Spirit of God works in his children. But, perhaps, one might say, (desiring any who are taught of God to correct, soften, or strengthen the expression,) byby the ‘testimony of the Spirit,’ I mean, an inward impression on the soul, whereby the Spirit of God immediately and directly witnesses with my spirit, that I am a child of God; that ‘Jesus Christ hath loved me, and given himself for me;’ that all my sins are blotted out, and I, even I, am reconciled to God. (3.) After twenty years’ farther consideration, I see no cause to retract any part of this. Neither do I conceive how any of these expressions may be altered, so as to make them more intelligible. I can only add, that if any of the children of God will point out any other expressions which are more clear, or more agreeable to the word of God, I will readily lay these aside. (4.) Meantime, let it be observed, I do not mean hereby, that the Spirit of God testifies this by any outward voice; no, nor always by an inward voice, although he may do this sometimes. Neither do I suppose, that he always applies to the heart, though he often may, one or more texts of Scripture. But he so works upon the soul by his immediate influence, and by a strong, though inexplicable, operation, that the stormy wind and troubled waves subside, and there is 463a sweet calm: the heart resting as in the arms of Jesus, and the sinner being clearly satisfied that all his ‘iniquities are forgiven, and his sins covered.’ (5.) Now what is the matter of dispute concerning this? Not, whether there be a witness or testimony of the Spirit. Not, whether the Spirit does testify with our spirit, that we are the children of God. None can deny this, without flatly contradicting the Scriptures, and charging a lie upon the God of truth. Therefore, that there is a testimony of the Spirit, is acknowledged by all parties. (6.) Neither is it questioned, whether there is an indirect witness or testimony, that we are the children of God. This is nearly, if not exactly, the same with ‘the testimony of a good conscience toward God;’ and is the result of reason or reflection on what we feel in our own souls. Strictly speaking, it is a conclusion drawn partly from the word of God, and partly from our own experience. The word of God says, Every one who has the fruit of the Spirit is a child of God. Experience or inward consciousness tells me, that I have the fruit of the Spirit; and hence I rationally conclude, Therefore I am a child of God. This is likewise allowed on all hands, and so is no matter of controversy. (7.) Nor do we assert, that there can be any real testimony of the Spirit, without the fruit of the Spirit. We assert, on the contrary, that the fruit of the Spirit immediately springs from this testimony; not always indeed in the same degree even when the testimony is first given; and much less afterward: neither joy nor peace is always at one stay. No, nor love: as neither is the testimony itself always equally strong and clear. (8.) But the point in question is, whether there be any direct testimony of the Spirit at all; whether there be any other testimony of the Spirit, than that which arises from a consciousness of the fruit. I believe there is, because that is the plain, natural meaning of the text, ‘The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God.’ It is manifest here are two witnesses mentioned, who together testify the same thing, the Spirit of God, and our own spirit. The late bishop of London, in his sermon on this text, seems astonished that any one can doubt of this, which appears upon the very face of the words. Now, ‘the testimony of our own spirit,’ says the bishop, ‘is one which is the consciousness of our own sincerity;’ or, to express the same thing a little more clearly, the consciousness of the fruit of the Spirit. When our spirit is conscious of this, of love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, it easily infers from these premises, that we are the children of God. It is true, that great man supposes the other witness to be ‘the consciousness of our own good works.’ This, he affirms, is ‘the testimony of God’s Spirit.’ But this is included in the testimony of our own spirit: yea, and in sincerity, even according to the common sense of the word. So the Apostle: ‘Our rejoicing is this, the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity we have our conversation in the world;’ where it is plain, sincerity refers to our words and actions, at least, as much as to our inward dispositions. So that this is not another witness, but the very same that he mentioned before: the consciousness of our good works being only one branch of the consciousness of our sincerity. Consequently, here is only one witness still. If therefore, the text speaks of two witnesses, one of these is not the consciousness of our good works, neither of our sincerity; all this being manifestly contained in ‘the testimony of our spirit.’ What, then, is the other witness? This might easily be learned, if the text itself were not sufficiently clear, from the verse immediately preceding: ‘Ye have received, not the spirit of bondage, but the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father.’ It follows, ‘The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God.’ This is farther explained by the parallel text, Gal. iv, 6: ‘Because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.’ Is not this something immediate and direct, not the result of reflection or argumentation? Does not this Spirit cry, ‘Abba, Father,’ in our hearts, the moment it is given? antecedently to any reflection upon our sincerity, yea, to any reasoning whatsoever? And is not this the plain, natural sense of the words, which strikes any one as soon as he hears them? All these texts, then, in their most obvious meaning, describe a direct testimony of the Spirit. That the testimony of the Spirit of God, must, in the very nature of things, be antecedent to the testimony of our own spirit, may appear from this single consideration: We must be holy in heart and life, before we can be conscious that we are so. But we must love God before we can be holy at all, this being the root of all holiness. Now, we cannot love God, till we know he loves us: ‘We love him, because he first loved us.’ And we cannot know his love to us, till his Spirit witnesses it to our spirit. Since, therefore, the testimony of his Spirit must precede the love of God and all holiness, of consequence it must precede our consciousness thereof.”
“(1.) But what is the witness of the Spirit? The original word, μαρτυρία, can be translated as either, as it is in several places, the witness, or more clearly, the testimony, or the record: it is rendered in our translation as, ‘This is the record,’ the testimony, the summary of what God testifies in all the inspired writings, ‘that God has given us eternal life, and this life is in his Son,’ 1 John v, 11. The testimony we are discussing is given by the Spirit of God to and with our spirit. He is the one testifying. What he testifies to us is, ‘that we are the children of God.’ The immediate result of this testimony is ‘the fruit of the Spirit;’ specifically, ‘love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness.’ Without these, the testimony itself cannot last. It is inevitably destroyed, not just by committing any external sin or failing to fulfill known duties, but by yielding to any internal sin: in short, by anything that grieves the Holy Spirit of God. (2.) Many years ago, I noted that it is difficult to find words in human language to explain the deep things of God. In fact, there are no words that can fully capture what the Spirit of God works in his children. However, one might say, (urging anyone taught by God to correct, soften, or strengthen my wording,) byby the ‘testimony of the Spirit,’ I mean, an inward impression on the soul, where the Spirit of God immediately and directly witnesses with my spirit that I am a child of God; that ‘Jesus Christ has loved me and given himself for me;’ that all my sins are erased, and I, even I, am reconciled to God. (3.) After twenty years of further reflection, I see no reason to retract any part of this. I also do not see how any of these expressions can be changed to make them clearer. I can only add that if any of the children of God can suggest other expressions that are clearer or more aligned with the Word of God, I will gladly set these aside. (4.) In the meantime, it should be noted that I do not mean to suggest that the Spirit of God testifies this through any external voice; no, nor always through an internal voice, although he may do this at times. Nor do I believe that he always refers to the heart, although he often may, to one or more scriptures. But he works upon the soul so directly and powerfully that the turbulent winds and troubled waves settle, and there is a sweet calm: the heart resting in the arms of Jesus, with the sinner clearly assured that all his ‘iniquities are forgiven, and his sins are covered.’ (5.) So, what is the point of contention about this? Not whether there is a witness or testimony of the Spirit. Not whether the Spirit testifies with our spirit that we are children of God. No one can deny this without outright contradicting the Scriptures and accusing the God of truth of lying. Therefore, that there is a testimony of the Spirit is accepted by all parties. (6.) It is also not questioned whether there is an indirect witness or testimony that we are children of God. This is nearly, if not exactly, the same as ‘the testimony of a good conscience toward God;’ and is the outcome of reasoned reflection on what we feel in our souls. Strictly speaking, it is a conclusion drawn partly from the word of God and partly from our own experience. The word of God says that everyone who bears the fruit of the Spirit is a child of God. Experience or inward awareness tells me that I have the fruit of the Spirit; therefore, I reasonably conclude that I am a child of God. This is likewise acknowledged by everyone, and so is not a matter for controversy. (7.) Nor do we claim that there can be any genuine testimony of the Spirit without the fruit of the Spirit. On the contrary, we assert that the fruit of the Spirit springs directly from this testimony; not always in the same degree even when the testimony is first given; and much less afterward: neither joy nor peace is always constant. No, nor love: just as the testimony itself is not always equally strong and clear. (8.) But the question at hand is whether there is any direct testimony of the Spirit at all; whether there is any testimony of the Spirit other than that which comes from an awareness of the fruit. I believe there is, because that is the clear, natural meaning of the text, ‘The Spirit itself bears witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God.’ It is evident that there are two witnesses mentioned here, who testify to the same thing: the Spirit of God and our own spirit. The late bishop of London, in his sermon on this text, seems amazed that anyone can doubt this, which is apparent from the very words. Now, ‘the testimony of our own spirit,’ says the bishop, ‘is the consciousness of our own sincerity;’ or, to explain this a bit more clearly, the awareness of the fruit of the Spirit. When our spirit is aware of love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, it easily concludes from these premises that we are the children of God. It is true that that great man assumes the other witness to be ‘the consciousness of our own good works.’ He claims this is ‘the testimony of God’s Spirit.’ But this is included in the testimony of our own spirit: indeed, and in sincerity, even according to the common understanding of the term. Thus the Apostle says: ‘Our rejoicing is this, the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity we have our conversation in the world;’ where it is clear that sincerity refers to our words and actions just as much as to our inner dispositions. So this is not another witness, but the same one mentioned before: the awareness of our good works being just one aspect of the awareness of our sincerity. Consequently, there is still only one witness. Therefore, if the text refers to two witnesses, one of them is not the consciousness of our good works, nor of our sincerity; all this being clearly included in ‘the testimony of our spirit.’ Then, what is the other witness? This could easily be understood, if the text itself were not sufficiently clear, from the verse immediately before: ‘You have received, not the spirit of bondage, but the Spirit of adoption, by which we cry, Abba, Father.’ It follows, ‘The Spirit itself bears witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God.’ This is further clarified by the parallel text, Gal. iv, 6: ‘Because you are sons, God has sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.’ Is this not something immediate and direct, not the result of reflection or reasoning? Does this Spirit not cry, ‘Abba, Father,’ in our hearts the moment it is given? Prior to any reflection on our sincerity, yes, before any reasoning whatsoever? And is not this the clear, immediate meaning of the words that strikes anyone as soon as they hear them? All these texts, then, in their most obvious sense, describe a direct testimony of the Spirit. That the testimony of the Spirit of God must, by its very nature, come before the testimony of our own spirit may be seen from this single point: We must be holy in heart and life before we can be aware that we are. But we must love God before we can be holy at all, as this is the root of all holiness. Now, we cannot love God until we know he loves us: ‘We love him because he first loved us.’ And we cannot know his love for us until his Spirit testifies it to our spirit. Therefore, since the testimony of his Spirit must precede our love for God and all holiness, it must also precede our awareness of it.”
12. The precedence of the direct witness of the Spirit of God to the indirect witness of our own, and the dependence of the latter upon the former, are also clearly stated by other divines of great authority. Calvin, on Romans viii, 16, says, “St. Paul means that the Spirit of God gives such a testimony to us, that he being our guide and teacher, our spirit concludes our adoption of God to be certain. For our own mind, of itself, independent of the preceding testimony of the Spirit, [nisi præunte Spiritûs testimonio,] could not produce this persuasion in us. For while the Spirit witnesses that we are the sons of God, he at the same time inspires this confidence into our minds, that we are bold to call God our Father.” On the same passage Dr. John Owen says, “The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirits that we are the sons of God; the witness which our own spirits do give unto 464our adoption is the work and effect of the Holy Spirit in us; if it were not, it would be false, and not confirmed by the testimony of the Spirit himself, who is the Spirit of truth. ‘And none knoweth the things of God but the Spirit of God,’ 1 Cor. ii, 11. If he declare not our sonship in us and to us, we cannot know it. How doth he then bear witness to our spirits? What is the distinct testimony? It must be some such act of his as evidenceth itself to be from him immediately, unto them that are concerned in it, that is, those unto whom it is given.” Poole on the same passage remarks, “The Spirit of adoption doth not only excite us to call upon God as our Father, but it doth ascertain and assure us, as before, that we are his children. And this it doth not by an outward voice, as God the Father to Jesus Christ, nor by an angel, as to Daniel and the Virgin Mary, but by an inward and secret suggestion, whereby he raiseth our hearts to this persuasion, that God is our Father, and we are his children. This is not the testimony of the graces and operations of the Spirit, but of the Spirit itself.” Bishop Pearson, in his elaborate work on the Creed, and Dr. Barrow, in his Sermons, are equally explicit in stating this Scriptural doctrine.
12. The priority of the direct witness of the Spirit of God over our own indirect witness, and how the latter relies on the former, is also clearly explained by other respected theologians. Calvin, in his commentary on Romans 8:16, states, “St. Paul means that the Spirit of God gives us such testimony that, being our guide and teacher, our spirit concludes with certainty our status as God's adopted children. On its own, our mind, independent of the Spirit's prior testimony, [nisi præunte Spiritûs testimonio,] could not create this conviction in us. While the Spirit testifies that we are God's children, He simultaneously instills this confidence in our minds that allows us to boldly call God our Father.” Similarly, Dr. John Owen comments on the same passage, “The Spirit itself bears witness with our spirits that we are the children of God; the testimony our spirits provide regarding our adoption is the result of the Holy Spirit's work within us; if it were not, it would be false and not verified by the testimony of the Spirit Himself, who is the Spirit of truth. ‘And none knows the things of God but the Spirit of God,’ 1 Cor. 2:11. If He does not declare our sonship to us, we cannot know it. How does He then testify to our spirits? What is the specific testimony? It must be something clear that shows itself to be from Him directly to those whom it concerns, that is, to those it is given.” Poole, on the same passage, notes, “The Spirit of adoption not only encourages us to call on God as our Father but also confirms and assures us, as mentioned earlier, that we are His children. And it does this not through an external voice, like God the Father speaking to Jesus Christ, nor through an angel, as with Daniel and the Virgin Mary, but through an inward, quiet suggestion that lifts our hearts to the belief that God is our Father and we are His children. This is not just a testimony of the graces and actions of the Spirit, but of the Spirit Himself.” Bishop Pearson, in his detailed work on the Creed, and Dr. Barrow, in his sermons, equally emphasize this biblical doctrine.
HOMOIOUSIANS, a branch of the high Arians, who maintained that the nature of the Son, though not the same, was similar to that of the Father.
HOMOIOUSIANS, a branch of the high Arians, who believed that the nature of the Son, while not identical, was similar to that of the Father.
HOMOOUSIANS, or HOMOUSIASTS, was, on the other hand, a name applied to the Athanasians, who held the Son to be homousios, or consubstantial with the Father, that is, of the same nature and substance.
HOMOOUSIANS, or HOMOUSIASTS, was, on the other hand, a term used to refer to the Athanasians, who believed the Son to be homousios, or of the same essence as the Father, meaning He shares the same nature and substance.
HONEY, דבש. It is probable, that it was in order to keep the Jews at a distance from the customs of the Heathen, who were used to offer honey in their sacrifices, that God forbade it to be offered to him, that is to say, burnt upon the altar, Lev. ii, 11; but at the same time he commanded that the first-fruits of it should be presented. These first-fruits and offerings were designed for the support and sustenance of the priests, and were not consumed upon the altar. In hot weather, the honey burst the comb, and ran down the hollow trees or rocks, where, in the land of Judea, the bees deposited great store of it. This, flowing spontaneously, was the best and most delicious, as it was quite pure, and clear from all dregs and wax. The Israelites called it יערה, wood honey. It is therefore improperly rendered “honeycomb,” 1 Sam. xiv, 27; Cant. v, 1; in both which places it means the honey that has distilled from the trees, as distinguished from the domestic, which was eaten with the comb. Hasselquist says, that between Acra and Nazareth, great numbers of wild bees breed, to the advantage of the inhabitants; and Maundrell observes of the great plain near Jericho, that he perceived in it, in many places, a smell of honey and wax as strong as if he had been in an apiary. Milk and honey were the chief dainties of the earlier ages, and continue to be so of the Bedoween Arabs now. So butter and honey are several times mentioned in Scripture as among the most delicious refreshments, 2 Sam. xvii, 29; Job xx, 17; Cant. iv, 11; Isaiah vii, 15. Thus Irby and Mangles, in their Travels, relate, “They gave us some honey and butter together, with bread to dip in it, Narsah desiring one of his men to mix the two ingredients for us, as we were awkward at it. The Arab, having stirred the mixture up well with his fingers, showed his dexterity at consuming, as well as mixing, and recompensed himself for his trouble by eating half of it.” The wild honey, μέλι ἄγριον, mentioned to have been a part of the food of John the Baptist, Matt. iii, 4, was probably such as he got in the rocks and hollows of trees. Thus, “honey out of the stony rock,” Psalm lxxxi, 16; Deut. xxxii, 13.
HONEY, Honey. It’s likely that God prohibited honey from being offered to Him, meaning it couldn’t be burned on the altar, to keep the Jews away from the customs of the pagans, who used to offer honey in their sacrifices (Lev. ii, 11). However, He also commanded that the first-fruits of honey be presented. These first-fruits and offerings were meant to support the priests and weren’t burned on the altar. In hot weather, honey would drip from the comb and run down the hollow trees or rocks in Judea, where bees stored large amounts. This naturally flowing honey was the best and most delicious because it was pure and free from all impurities and wax. The Israelites referred to it as יערה, wood honey. It’s misinterpreted as “honeycomb” in 1 Sam. xiv, 27 and Cant. v, 1; in both instances, it refers to honey that had dripped from trees, as opposed to domestic honey, which was consumed with the comb. Hasselquist mentions that between Acra and Nazareth, many wild bees thrive, benefiting the local inhabitants. Maundrell notes that in the large plain near Jericho, he detected a strong smell of honey and wax, as if he were in an apiary. Milk and honey were the main delicacies in earlier times and remain so for the Bedouin Arabs today. Butter and honey are mentioned multiple times in Scripture as some of the most delightful treats (2 Sam. xvii, 29; Job xx, 17; Cant. iv, 11; Isaiah vii, 15). Irby and Mangles described in their travels, “They gave us some honey and butter together, with bread to dip in it, while Narsah asked one of his men to mix the two ingredients for us since we were clumsy at it. The Arab, stirring the mixture well with his fingers, showed his skill in both consuming and mixing, and rewarded himself for his efforts by eating half of it.” The wild honey, μέλι ἄγριον, mentioned as part of John the Baptist's diet (Matt. iii, 4), was probably the kind he found in the rocks and hollows of trees. Hence, “honey out of the stony rock” (Psalm lxxxi, 16; Deut. xxxii, 13).
HOPHNI. See Eli.
HOPHNI. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HOPKINSIANS, or HOPKINSONIANS, so called from the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D.D., pastor of the first Congregational church at Newport, Rhode Island, North America, about A. D. 1770. Dr. Hopkins, in his sermons and tracts, made several additions to the sentiments previously advanced by the celebrated President Edwards, of New-Jersey College. The following is a summary of their distinguishing tenets:--
HOPKINSIANS, or HOPKINSONIANS, named after Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D.D., who was the pastor of the first Congregational church in Newport, Rhode Island, around A.D. 1770. Dr. Hopkins, in his sermons and writings, introduced several ideas that built upon the views earlier proposed by the well-known President Edwards of New Jersey College. Here’s a summary of their key beliefs:--
1. That all true virtue or real holiness consists in disinterested benevolence. The object of benevolence is universal being, including God, and all intelligent creatures. It wishes and seeks the good of every individual, so far as is consistent with the greatest good of the whole, which is comprised in the glory of God, and the perfection and happiness of his kingdom. The law of God is the standard of all moral rectitude or holiness. This is reduced into love to God and to our neighbour; and universal good will comprehends all the love to God, our neighbour, and ourselves, required in the divine law, and therefore must be the whole of holy obedience. Let any person reflect on what are the particular branches of true piety, and he will find that disinterested affection is the distinguishing characteristic of each. For instance, all which distinguishes pious fear from the fear of the wicked consists in love. Holy gratitude is nothing but good will to God and man, ourselves included, excited by a view of the good will and kindness of God. Justice, truth, and faithfulness, are comprised in universal benevolence. So are temperance and chastity; for an undue indulgence of our appetites and passions is contrary to benevolence, as tending to hurt ourselves or others, and so opposite to the general good, and the divine command. In short, all virtue is nothing but love to God and our neighbour, made perfect in all its genuine exercises and expressions.
1. True virtue or real holiness is all about selfless kindness. This kindness is directed towards all beings, including God and all intelligent creatures. It desires and strives for the well-being of everyone, as long as it aligns with the overall good, which consists of glorifying God and ensuring the perfection and happiness of His kingdom. God’s law serves as the benchmark for all moral goodness or holiness. This boils down to loving God and our neighbors; and universal goodwill includes all the love we owe to God, our neighbors, and ourselves, as outlined in divine law, and thus represents the entirety of holy obedience. If anyone thinks about the specific aspects of true piety, they’ll realize that selfless love is the defining trait of each. For instance, what sets pious fear apart from the fear of the wicked is love. Holy gratitude is simply goodwill towards God, our neighbors, and ourselves, stirred by recognizing God’s kindness. Justice, truth, and faithfulness fall under the umbrella of universal kindness. So do temperance and chastity; because excessively indulging our desires and passions goes against kindness as it can harm ourselves or others, opposing the greater good and divine commands. In summary, all virtue is essentially love for God and our neighbors, expressed perfectly in all its true forms and actions.
2. That all sin consists in selfishness. By this is meant an interested affection, by which a person sets himself up as the supreme or only object of regard; and nothing is lovely in his view, unless suited to promote his private interest. This self-love is, in its whole nature, and every degree of it, enmity against God: it is not subject to the law of God, and 465it is the only affection that can oppose it. It is the foundation of all spiritual blindness, and the source of all idolatry and false religion. It is the foundation of all covetousness and sensuality; of all falsehood, injustice, and oppression; as it excites mankind, by undue methods, to invade the property of others. Self-love produces all the violent passions, envy, wrath, clamour, and evil speaking; and every thing contrary to the divine law is briefly comprehended in this fruitful source of iniquity, self-love.
2. All sin is rooted in selfishness. This means having a self-centered affection where a person views themselves as the most important, if not the only, focus of attention. Nothing seems valuable to them unless it serves their personal interests. This self-love, in all its forms and degrees, is hostility towards God: it doesn’t adhere to God's law, and it's the only feeling that can directly oppose it. It’s the cause of all spiritual blindness and the root of idolatry and false religions. It leads to all greed and sensuality, as well as to deceit, injustice, and oppression, stirring people to wrongfully take what belongs to others. Self-love fuels intense emotions like envy, anger, loud disputes, and slander; everything that contradicts divine law can be summarized in this prolific source of wrongdoing: self-love.
3. That there are no promises of regenerating grace made to the actions of the unregenerate. For as far as men act from self-love, they act from a bad end; for those who have no true love to God really fulfil no duty when they attend on the externals of religion. Also, that inability, which consists in disinclination, never renders any thing improper to be the subject of a command.
3. There are no promises of rejuvenating grace given to the actions of those who are not spiritually renewed. As long as people act out of self-interest, they are pursuing a wrong goal; those who do not genuinely love God do not fulfill any obligations when they engage in the outward practices of religion. Additionally, an inability that stems from unwillingness does not make anything inappropriate to be the subject of a command.
4. That the impotency of sinners, with respect to believing in Christ, is not natural, but moral; for it is a plain dictate of common sense, that natural impossibility excludes all blame. But an unwilling mind is universally considered as a crime, and not as an excuse; and is the very thing wherein our wickedness consists.--Also,
4. The inability of sinners to believe in Christ isn’t something they can’t do by nature, but rather a moral issue; it’s obvious to common sense that natural impossibility makes one blameless. However, an unwilling mind is widely regarded as a fault, not a justification; and this unwillingness is the core of our wrongdoing.--Also,
5. That in order to faith in Christ, a sinner must approve in his heart of the divine conduct, even though God should cast him off for ever; which, however, neither implies love to misery, nor hatred of happiness. But as a particle of water is small, in comparison of a generous stream, so the man of humility feels small before the great family of his fellow creatures. He values his soul; but, when he compares it to the great soul of mankind, he almost forgets and loses sight of it: for the governing principle of his heart is, to estimate things according to their worth. When, therefore, he indulges an humble comparison with his Maker, he feels lost in the infinite fulness and brightness of divine love, as a ray of light is lost in the sun, and a particle of water in the ocean. It inspires him with the most grateful feelings of heart, that he has opportunity to be in the hand of God, as clay in the hand of the potter; and as he considers himself in this humble light, he submits the nature and size of his future vessel entirely to God. As his pride is lost in the dust, he looks up with pleasure toward the throne of God, and rejoices, with all his heart, in the rectitude of the divine administration. He also considers that, if the law be good, death is due to those who have broken it; and “the Judge of all the earth cannot but do right,” Gen. xviii, 25. It would bring everlasting reproach upon his government to spare us, considered merely as in ourselves. When this is felt in our hearts, and not till then, we shall be prepared to look to the free grace of God, through Christ’s redemption.
5. To have faith in Christ, a sinner must truly accept God's actions in their heart, even if God were to reject them forever; this doesn’t mean they love suffering or hate happiness. Just like a small drop of water is insignificant compared to a powerful stream, a humble person feels small among the larger community of humanity. They value their soul, but when they compare it to the collective soul of mankind, they nearly lose sight of it: their main principle is to judge things by their true worth. When they humbly reflect on their relationship with their Creator, they feel overwhelmed by the infinite fullness and brightness of divine love, just like a ray of light gets lost in the sun and a drop of water in the ocean. This inspires deep gratitude in their heart, knowing they have the chance to be molded by God, like clay in a potter’s hands. As they see themselves in this humble way, they completely surrender the nature and size of their future purpose to God. As their pride is reduced to nothingness, they look up joyfully toward God's throne and rejoice wholeheartedly in the righteousness of divine governance. They also recognize that if the law is good, then death is deserved by those who break it; and “the Judge of all the earth cannot but do right,” Gen. xviii, 25. It would bring everlasting shame on His governance to spare us, viewed merely on our own terms. When this realization truly sinks into our hearts, and not until then, will we be ready to embrace God's free grace through Christ's redemption.
6. That the infinitely wise and holy God has exerted his omnipotent power, in such a manner as he purposed should be followed with the existence and entrance of moral evil in the system: for it must be admitted, on all hands, that God has a perfect knowledge, foresight, and view of all possible existences and events. If that system and scene of operation, in which moral evil should never have existence, was actually preferred in the divine mind, certainly the Deity is infinitely disappointed in the issue of his own operations. Dr. Hopkins maintains, therefore, that “God was the author, origin, and positive cause of Adam’s sin:” yea, “that he is the origin and cause of moral evil, as really as he is of the existence of any thing that he wills.”
6. That the infinitely wise and holy God has used his all-powerful ability in a way that led to the existence and entrance of moral evil into the world: for it must be acknowledged by everyone that God has complete knowledge, foresight, and understanding of all possible existences and events. If the system where moral evil wouldn’t exist was truly preferred in God’s mind, then the Deity is certainly infinitely disappointed in the outcome of his own actions. Dr. Hopkins argues, therefore, that “God was the author, origin, and positive cause of Adam’s sin;” indeed, “that he is the origin and cause of moral evil, just as he is of the existence of anything that he wills.”
7. That the introduction of sin is, upon the whole, for the general good. For the wisdom and power of the Deity are displayed in carrying on designs of the greatest good: and the existence of moral evil has, undoubtedly, occasioned a more full, perfect, and glorious discovery of the infinite perfections of the divine nature, than could otherwise have been made to the view of creatures.
7. The introduction of sin ultimately serves the greater good. The wisdom and power of God are shown in pursuing the greatest good, and the presence of moral evil has, without a doubt, led to a fuller, more complete, and more glorious revelation of the infinite qualities of the divine nature than would have been possible otherwise for creatures to see.
8. That repentance is before faith in Christ. By this, is not intended, that repentance is before a speculative conviction of the being and perfections of God, and of the person and character of Christ; but only, that true repentance is previous to a saving faith in Christ, by which the believer is united to Christ, and entitled to the benefits of his mediation and atonement. So Christ commanded, “Repent ye, and believe the Gospel;” and Paul preached “repentance toward God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ.”
8. Repentance comes before faith in Christ. This doesn’t mean that repentance happens before someone has an intellectual understanding of God’s existence and attributes, or of Christ’s identity and character; it simply means that genuine repentance occurs before a saving faith in Christ, which connects the believer to Christ and grants access to the benefits of His mediation and atonement. As Christ commanded, “Repent, and believe the Gospel;” and Paul preached “repentance toward God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ.”
9. That though men became sinners by Adam, according to a divine constitution, yet they were and are accountable for no sins but personal: for, (1.) Adam’s act, in eating the forbidden fruit, was not the act of his posterity; therefore they did not sin at the same time that he did. (2.) The sinfulness of that act could not be transferred to them afterward; because the sinfulness of an act can no more be transferred from one person to another, than an act itself. (3.) Therefore Adam’s act, in eating the forbidden fruit, was not the cause, but only the occasions of his posterity being sinners. Adam sinned, and now God brings his posterity into the world sinners.
9. Although men became sinners because of Adam, according to a divine arrangement, they are only accountable for their own sins, not Adam's. First, Adam's choice to eat the forbidden fruit wasn’t the choice of his descendants; therefore, they didn’t sin at the same moment he did. Second, the sinfulness of that act couldn’t be passed down to them later; just like an act itself, the wrongness of an action cannot be transferred from one person to another. Lastly, Adam's eating of the forbidden fruit wasn’t the cause but merely the occasion for his descendants to become sinners. Adam sinned, and now God brings his descendants into the world as sinners.
10. That though believers are justified through Christ’s righteousness, yet his righteousness is not transferred to them. For personal righteousness cannot be transferred from one person to another, nor personal sin; otherwise the sinner would become innocent, and Christ the sinner. The Scripture, therefore, represents believers as receiving only the benefits of Christ’s righteousness in justification, or their being pardoned and accepted for Christ’s righteousness’ sake; and this is the proper Scripture notion of imputation. Jonathan’s righteousness was imputed to Mephibosheth, when David showed kindness to him for his father Jonathan’s sake, 2 Samuel ix, 7.
10. Even though believers are made right with God through Christ’s righteousness, that righteousness isn’t passed on to them. Personal righteousness can’t be transferred from one person to another, just like personal sin can’t; otherwise, a sinner would become innocent, and Christ would become a sinner. Therefore, Scripture shows believers as receiving only the benefits of Christ’s righteousness in their justification, meaning they are pardoned and accepted because of Christ’s righteousness. This reflects the true biblical understanding of imputation. Jonathan’s righteousness was credited to Mephibosheth when David showed him kindness for his father Jonathan’s sake, 2 Samuel 9:7.
11. The Hopkinsians warmly advocate the doctrine of the divine decrees, not only particular election, but also reprobation; they hold also the total depravation of human nature, 466the special influences of the Spirit of God in regeneration, justification by faith alone, the final perseverance of the saints, and the consistency between entire freedom and absolute dependence; and therefore claim it as their just due, since the world will make distinctions, to be called Hopkinsian Calvinists. Calvinists, however, have demurred against several of these propositions, and a long and warm controversy was occasioned by them in the United States; to a few points of which we shall advert.--(1.) Selfishness, as confining our affections and exertions to ourselves, is confessedly a vice; but that self is not to be excluded from our affections, is evident even from the terms of the divine law,--“Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.” And the Scriptures teach us, that “no man hateth his own flesh.” Such a “disinterested benevolence,” therefore, as implies no peculiar anxiety for our personal salvation and happiness, can never be required of us. A good man may and must be convinced, that God would be just in his final condemnation, considered out of Christ; but it is impossible to acquiesce in such a prospect; it is making holiness to consist in being satisfied with remaining for ever unholy, which is as impious as it is contradictory; and the strong and strange things which some Hopkinsonians have said on this subject, can only be accounted for from the love of paradox. (2.) The other principal point on which Calvinists dissent, is the making God “the author and efficient cause of sin.” It is true that the Doctor says elsewhere, that “in causing or originating sin, there is no sin;” this, however, is a position so dangerous, so unsupported, and so contrary to the common sense of mankind, that we may well shrink from it; and should risk no speculation that can implicate the divine character, or furnish an excuse for sin. “Is God unrighteous who taketh vengeance?” saith the Apostle. “God forbid! for how then shall God judge the world?” Rom. iii, 5, 6. Those who feel interested in the controversy, may be fully gratified in the “Contrast between Calvinism and Hopkinsianism,” by Ezra Styles Ely, A. M., (New-York, 1811,) and other American publications. In this country the controversy is but little known; but we may remark that the theory of Hopkins appears to be an attempt to unite some points of mystic theology with the Calvinism commonly received, and that where it differs from the latter system, it relieves no difficulty.
11. The Hopkinsians strongly support the doctrine of divine decrees, including both specific election and reprobation. They also believe in the total depravity of human nature, the special influences of the Spirit of God in regeneration, justification by faith alone, the final perseverance of the saints, and the compatibility of complete freedom and absolute dependence. Because the world makes distinctions, they assert that they should be referred to as Hopkinsian Calvinists. However, Calvinists have raised objections to several of these ideas, leading to a lengthy and heated debate in the United States; we will touch on a few points. -- (1.) Selfishness, which limits our affections and efforts to ourselves, is undeniably a vice. However, it is clear from the divine law that we cannot exclude ourselves from our affections: "You shall love your neighbor as yourself." The Scriptures teach us that "no one hates his own flesh." Therefore, such "disinterested benevolence," which suggests we should not care for our own salvation and happiness, can never be required of us. A good person may need to understand that God would be just in condemning him ultimately if considered outside of Christ, but it is impossible to accept such a notion. That would mean defining holiness as being content with remaining forever unholy, which is as blasphemous as it is contradictory. The odd and extreme things some Hopkinsians have said on this matter can only be explained by a love for paradox. (2.) The other main issue where Calvinists disagree is the idea that God is "the author and efficient cause of sin." It's true that the Doctor states elsewhere that "there is no sin in causing or originating sin;" however, this is a position so dangerous, unsupported, and contrary to common sense that we should certainly be wary of it and avoid any speculation that could implicate God's character or provide a rationale for sin. “Is God unrighteous who takes vengeance?” says the Apostle. “God forbid! For how then shall God judge the world?” Rom. iii, 5, 6. Those interested in the debate can find satisfaction in the “Contrast between Calvinism and Hopkinsianism,” by Ezra Styles Ely, A. M., (New-York, 1811), and other American publications. In this country, the controversy is not widely known; however, it appears that Hopkins's theory is an attempt to combine some aspects of mystical theology with commonly accepted Calvinism, and where it diverges from the latter, it does not resolve any difficulties.
HOR. This mountain, in its general acceptation, is probably the same with Mount Seir, Hor being the name by which that mountainous tract was denominated before it was exchanged for Seir. But one particular mountain of this region retained the name of Hor long after; as it was a mountain of this name, “by the coast of the land of Edom,” that Aaron was commanded to ascend, in order to die there, Num. xx, 23. This mountain, or at least the one to which tradition assigns the tomb of Aaron, was visited by Burckhardt; from whose account it appears to form a conspicuous object in the chain of the Djebel Shera, or Mount Seir, rising abruptly from the valley of El Araba, or desert of Zin, about fifty miles north of Akaba, or Ezion-Geber.
HOR. This mountain, in general terms, is likely the same as Mount Seir, with Hor being the name that this mountainous area was known by before it was changed to Seir. However, one specific mountain in this region kept the name Hor long after; it was on this mountain, “by the coast of the land of Edom,” that Aaron was instructed to climb in order to die there, Num. xx, 23. This mountain, or at least the one where tradition believes Aaron's tomb is located, was visited by Burckhardt; his account suggests it stands out prominently in the Djebel Shera chain, or Mount Seir, rising sharply from the El Araba valley, or desert of Zin, about fifty miles north of Akaba, or Ezion-Geber.
HOREB, a mountain in Arabia Petræa, a part of which, or near to which, was Sinai. At Horeb God appeared to Moses in the burning bush, Exod. iii, 1, &c. Hither Elijah retired to avoid the persecution of Jezebel, 1 Kings xix, 8. Sinai and Horeb seem to be two parts of the same mountain; hence the law is sometimes said to be given there.
HOREB, a mountain in Arabia Petraea, part of which or nearby was Sinai. At Horeb, God appeared to Moses in the burning bush, Exodus 3:1, etc. Here, Elijah went to escape the persecution of Jezebel, 1 Kings 19:8. Sinai and Horeb seem to be two parts of the same mountain; therefore, the law is sometimes said to have been given there.
HORN. By horns the Hebrews sometimes understood an eminence, or angle, a corner, or a rising. By horns of the altar of burnt offerings, many understand the angles of that altar; but there were also horns, or eminences, at the corners of that altar, Exod. xxvii, 2; xxx, 2. Horn also signifies glory, brightness, rays. God’s “brightness was as the light, he had horns coming out of his hand,” Hab. iii, 4; that is, refulgent beams issuing from the hollow of it. As the ancients frequently used horns to hold liquors, vessels containing oil and perfumes are often called horns, whether made of horn or not. “Fill thine horn with oil,” says the Lord to Samuel, “and anoint David,” 1 Sam. xvi, 1. Zadok took a horn of oil out of the tabernacle, and anointed Solomon, 1 Kings i, 39. Job called one of his daughters Kerenhappuch, horn of antimony, or horn to put antimony (stibium) in, which the women of the east still use at this day, Job xliii, 14. The principal defence and strength of horned beasts consist in their horns; and hence the Scripture mentions the horn as a symbol of strength. The Lord exalted the horn of David, the horn of his people; he breaketh the horn of the ungodly; he cutteth off the horn of Moab; he cutteth off the horn of Israel; he promiseth to make the horn of Israel to bud forth; to reëstablish the honour of it, and restore its former vigour. Moses compares Joseph to a young bull, and says that he has horns like those of a unicorn. Kingdoms and great powers are often in Scripture described by the symbol of horns. In Daniel vii, viii, horns represent the power of the Persians, of the Greeks, of Syria, of Egypt, or of Pagan and Papal Rome. The prophet represents three animals as having many horns, one of which grew from the other. This emblem is a natural one, since in the east are rams which have many horns.
HORN. The Hebrews sometimes used the term horns to refer to a peak, an angle, a corner, or something that rises. When they talk about the horns of the altar of burnt offerings, many interpret this as the corners of that altar; however, there were also actual horns, or projections, at the altar's corners, as noted in Exod. xxvii, 2; xxx, 2. Horn can also mean glory, brightness, or rays of light. God’s “brightness was like the light; he had horns coming out of his hand,” as described in Hab. iii, 4; meaning brilliant beams coming from it. The ancients often used horns to hold liquids, so containers for oil and perfumes are frequently referred to as horns, regardless of their material. “Fill your horn with oil,” the Lord tells Samuel, “and anoint David,” in 1 Sam. xvi, 1. Zadok took a horn of oil from the tabernacle and anointed Solomon in 1 Kings i, 39. Job named one of his daughters Kerenhappuch, which means horn of antimony or horn for putting in antimony (stibium), a practice still used by women in the East today, as seen in Job xliii, 14. The primary defense and strength of horned animals come from their horns; that’s why the Scripture uses the horn as a symbol of strength. The Lord elevated the horn of David, the horn of his people; he breaks the horn of the wicked; he cuts off the horn of Moab; he cuts off the horn of Israel; he promises to make Israel’s horn grow strong again, to restore its honor and former strength. Moses compares Joseph to a young bull and says he has horns like those of a unicorn. In Scripture, kingdoms and great powers are often symbolized by horns. In Daniel chapters vii and viii, horns represent the power of the Persians, Greeks, Syrians, Egyptians, and both Pagan and Papal Rome. The prophet depicts three animals with many horns, one of which grows from another. This symbol is quite fitting, as there are rams in the East that have multiple horns.
HORNET, הצרעה, Exod. xxiii, 28; Deut. vii, 20; Joshua xxiv, 12. The hornet, in natural history, belongs to the species crabo, of the genus vespa or wasp. It is a most voracious insect, and is exceedingly strong for its size, which is generally an inch in length, and sometimes more. In each of the instances where this creature is mentioned in Scripture, it is as sent among the enemies of the Israelites, to drive them out of the land. Some explain the word metaphorically, as “I will send my terror as the hornet,” &c. But Bochart contends that it is to be taken in its proper 467literal meaning, and has accumulated examples of several other people having been chased from their habitations by insects of different kinds. Ælian records that the Phaselites, who dwelt about the mountains of Solyma, were driven out of their country by wasps. As these people were Phenicians or Canaanites, it is probable that the event to which he refers is the same as took place in the days of Joshua. How distressing and destructive a multitude of these fierce and severely stinging insects might be, any person may conjecture. No armour, no weapons could avail against them. A few thousands of them would be sufficient to overthrow the best disciplined army and put it into confusion and rout. From Joshua xxiv, 12, we find that two kings of the Amorites were actually driven out of the land by these hornets, so that the Israelites were not obliged to use either sword or bow in the conquest. One of these, according to the Jewish commentaries of R. Nachman, was the nation of the Girgashites, who retired into Africa, fearing the power of God. And Procopius, in his history of the Vandals, mentions an ancient inscription in Mauritania Tingitana, stating, that the inhabitants had fled thither from the face of Joshua, the son of Nun. This account accords with Scripture, in which, though the Girgashites are included in the general list of the seven devoted nations either to be driven out or destroyed by the Israelites, Gen. xv, 20, 21; Deut. vii, 1; Josh. iii, 10; xxiv, 11; yet they are omitted in the list of those to be utterly destroyed, Deut. xx, 17; and among whom, in neglect of the divine decree, the Israelites lived and intermarried, Judges iii, 1–6. That the name of the Girgashites, however, was not extirpated, we may collect from the Gergesenes, in our Saviour’s time, inhabiting the same country, Matt. viii, 28. Other tribes of the Hivites, Canaanites, and Hittites, were also expelled by the hornet gradually; not in one year, lest the land should become desolate, and the wild beasts multiply to the prejudice of the Israelites, Exod. xxiii, 28–30.
HORNET, The Wasp, Exod. xxiii, 28; Deut. vii, 20; Joshua xxiv, 12. The hornet, in natural history, is part of the species crabo, of the genus vespa or wasp. It is a very aggressive insect and is surprisingly strong for its size, generally about an inch long, and sometimes even longer. In every instance where this creature is mentioned in the Bible, it is described as being sent to drive out the enemies of the Israelites from the land. Some interpret the term metaphorically, as “I will send my terror like the hornet,” etc. But Bochart argues that it should be taken literally and has provided several examples of different peoples being driven from their homes by various insects. Ælian notes that the Phaselites, who lived near the mountains of Solyma, were forced out of their territory by wasps. Given that these people were Phoenicians or Canaanites, it’s likely that the event he refers to is the same as what occurred in the days of Joshua. One can only imagine how distressing and destructive a swarm of these fierce, stingy insects could be. No armor or weapons would be effective against them. A few thousand of them could easily defeat even the best-trained army, causing chaos and panic. From Joshua xxiv, 12, we learn that two Amorite kings were actually driven from the land by these hornets, so the Israelites did not need to use swords or bows to conquer. According to Jewish commentaries from R. Nachman, one of these kings belonged to the Girgashites, who fled to Africa, fearing God's power. Procopius, in his history of the Vandals, mentions an ancient inscription in Mauritania Tingitana stating that the inhabitants had fled from Joshua, son of Nun. This aligns with the Scripture, where the Girgashites are included in the general list of the seven nations meant to be driven out or destroyed by the Israelites, Gen. xv, 20, 21; Deut. vii, 1; Josh. iii, 10; xxiv, 11, yet they are not listed among those to be completely destroyed, Deut. xx, 17. The Israelites ended up living among them and intermarrying, disregarding the divine mandate, Judges iii, 1–6. Nevertheless, the name of the Girgashites persisted, as indicated by the Gergesenes living in the same area during our Savior’s time, Matt. viii, 28. Other tribes of Hivites, Canaanites, and Hittites were gradually expelled by the hornet as well, not all at once, so the land wouldn’t become desolate, and wild animals wouldn't multiply to the disadvantage of the Israelites, Exod. xxiii, 28–30.
The “arms of Jove,” to which Virgil refers, (Æneid viii, 355–358,) in describing the flight of Saturn from the east, were the hornets sent by the God of Israel, Iahoh, or by contraction Io, to which also his description of the Asilus exactly corresponds:--
The “arms of Jove,” which Virgil mentions, (Æneid viii, 355–358,) when describing Saturn's flight from the east, were the hornets sent by the God of Israel, Iahoh, or simply Io, to which his description of the Asilus also fits perfectly:--
Dr. Hales is of opinion, that the Latin asilus and Greek οιστρον, were probably only different pronunciations of the same oriental term, הצרעה, hatsiraah, as this fly is called by Moses and Joshua. The vindictive power that presided over this dreadful scourge was worshipped at Ekron, in Palestine, through fear, the reigning motive of Pagan superstition, under the title of Baal-zebub, “master or lord of the hornet,” whence Beelzebub, in the New Testament, “the prince of demons,” Matt. xii, 24. Isaiah, denouncing a wo against Abyssinia, describes it as “the land of the winged cymbal,” (tsaltsal canaphim,) Isaiah xviii, 1; by the same analogy that tsaltsal signifies “a locust,” Deut. xxviii, 42; a streperâ voce sic dictam. [So called from its streperous sound.] Bruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, has given an accurate description of this tremendous fly, which in Arabic is called zimb, and by the Abyssinians tsaltsal-ya, “the cymbal of the Lord,” from its sonorous buzzing. And in his Appendix he has given a drawing of it, magnified, for distinctness’ sake, something above twice the natural size: after which he observes, “He has no sting, though he seems to me to be rather of the bee kind; but his motion is more rapid and sudden than that of the bee, (volitans,) and resembles that of the gad-fly in England. There is something particular in the sound or buzzing of this insect; it is a jarring noise, together with a humming, (acerba sonans,) which induces me to believe it proceeds, in part at least, from a vibration made with the three hairs at his snout.” Bruce does not cite or refer to Virgil’s description, though his account furnishes the most critical and exact explanation of it. Such undesigned coincidences are most satisfactory and convincing; they show that the poet and the naturalist both copied from nature. And the terror impressed by this insect on all the cattle, quo tota exterrita sylvis diffugiunt, [affrighted at which the entire herds flee to the thickets,] according to Virgil, is thus illustrated by Bruce: “As soon as this plague appears, and their buzzing is heard, all the cattle forsake their food, and run wildly about the plain till they die, worn out with fatigue, fright, and hunger. No remedy remains but to leave the black earth, where they breed, and hasten down to the sands of Atbara; and there they remain while the periodical rains last, this cruel enemy (asper) never daring to pursue them farther. The camel, emphatically called by the Arabs the ship of the desert, though his size is immense as is his strength, and his body covered with a thick skin, defended with strong hair, still is not able to sustain the violent punctures the fly makes with his pointed proboscis. He must lose no time in removing to the sands of Atbara; for when once attacked by this fly, his body, head, and legs, break out into large bosses, which swell, break, and putrefy, to the certain destruction of the creature. I have found some of these tubercles upon almost every elephant and rhinoceros that I have seen, and attribute them to this cause. All the inhabitants of the sea coast are obliged to put themselves in motion, and remove to the next sand, in the beginning of the rainy season, to prevent all their stock of cattle from 468being destroyed. Nor is there any alternative, or means of avoiding this, though a hostile band was in the way, capable of spoiling them of half their substance, as was actually the case when we were at Sennaar. Of such consequence is the weakest instrument in the hand of Providence.” See Flies and Beelzebub.
Dr. Hales believes that the Latin asilus and Greek οιστρον were likely just different pronunciations of the same eastern term, The Wasp, hatsiraah, as this fly is mentioned by Moses and Joshua. The vengeful force associated with this dreadful plague was worshipped at Ekron in Palestine due to fear, which was the main motivation behind Pagan superstition, under the name Baal-zebub, meaning "master or lord of the hornet," which evolved into Beelzebub in the New Testament, referred to as “the prince of demons,” Matt. xii, 24. Isaiah, while pronouncing a woe against Abyssinia, refers to it as “the land of the winged cymbal,” (tsaltsal canaphim,) Isaiah xviii, 1; following the reasoning that tsaltsal means “a locust,” Deut. xxviii, 42; a loud voice said this. [So named for its noisy sound.] Bruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, provides an accurate description of this terrifying fly, which is called zimb in Arabic and tsaltsal-ya by the Abyssinians, meaning “the cymbal of the Lord,” due to its loud buzzing. In his Appendix, he includes a magnified drawing of it, more than twice its natural size for clarity: he notes, “It has no sting, although it seems to be somewhat like a bee; but its movement is quicker and more sudden than that of a bee, (volitans), and resembles that of the gad-fly in England. There’s something unique about the sound or buzzing of this insect; it creates a jarring noise along with a humming, (harsh sounding), which leads me to think it’s partly due to a vibration caused by the three hairs on its snout.” Bruce doesn’t mention Virgil’s description, yet his account provides the most crucial and accurate explanation of it. Such unintentional similarities are very satisfying and convincing; they demonstrate that both the poet and the naturalist observed nature closely. The fear this insect instills in all cattle, where all terrified woods flee, [at which the entire herds flee to the thickets,] as noted by Virgil, is illustrated by Bruce’s observations: “As soon as this plague appears and their buzzing is heard, all the cattle abandon their food and run wildly across the plain until they collapse from exhaustion, fright, and hunger. The only solution is to move away from the black earth where they breed and rush down to the sands of Atbara; there they stay until the rainy season ends, as this cruel enemy (asper) doesn’t dare to follow them further. The camel, famously referred to by the Arabs as the ship of the desert, despite its massive size and strength, covered with thick skin and strong hair, cannot withstand the painful stings from the fly’s sharp proboscis. It must hurry to the sands of Atbara; for once attacked by this fly, its body, head, and legs become swollen with large boils, which burst and decay, leading to the animal’s certain demise. I have seen such lumps on nearly every elephant and rhinoceros I’ve encountered, and I attribute them to this cause. All the coastal inhabitants are compelled to move and relocate to the nearest sand area at the start of the rainy season to save their cattle from being wiped out. There’s no alternative or way to avoid this, even if a hostile group comes along that could rob them of half their wealth, as was the case when we were in Sennaar. Such is the significance of the smallest instrument in the hands of Providence.” See Flies and Beelzebub.
HORSE, סוס. Horses were very rare among the Hebrews in the early ages. The patriarchs had none; and after the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, God expressly forbade their ruler to procure them: “He shall not multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses: forasmuch as the Lord hath said, Ye shall henceforth return no more that way,” Deut. xvii, 16. As horses appear to have been generally furnished by Egypt, God prohibits these, 1. Lest there should be such commerce with Egypt as might lead to idolatry. 2. Lest the people might depend on a well appointed cavalry, as a means of security, and so cease from trusting in the promised aid and protection of Jehovah. 3. That they might not be tempted to extend their dominion by means of cavalry, and so get scattered among the surrounding idolatrous nations, and thus cease in process of time, to be that distinct and separate people which God intended they should be, and without which the prophecies relative to the Messiah could not be known to have their due and full accomplishment. In the time of the Judges we find horses and war chariots among the Canaanites, but still the Israelites had none; and hence they were generally too timid to venture down into the plains, confining their conquests to the mountainous parts of the country. In the reign of Saul, it would appear, that horse breeding had not yet been introduced into Arabia; for, in a war with some of the Arabian nations, the Israelites got plunder in camels, sheep, and asses, but no horses. David’s enemies brought against him a strong force of cavalry into the field; and in the book of Psalms the horse commonly appears only on the side of the enemies of the people of God; and so entirely unaccustomed to the management of this animal had the Israelites still continued, that, after a battle, in which they took a considerable body of cavalry prisoners, 2 Sam. viii, 4, David caused most of the horses to be cut down, because he did not know what use to make of them. Solomon was the first who established a cavalry force. Under these circumstances, it is not wonderful that the Mosaic law should take no notice of an animal which we hold in such high estimation. To Moses, educated as he was in Egypt, and, with his people, at last chased out by Pharaoh’s cavalry, the use of the horse for war and for travelling was well known; but as it was his object to establish a nation of husbandmen, and not of soldiers for the conquest of foreign lands, and as Palestine, from its situation, required not the defence of cavalry, he might very well decline introducing among his people the yet unusual art of horse breeding. Solomon, having married a daughter of Pharaoh, procured a breed of horses from Egypt; and so greatly did he multiply them, that he had four hundred stables, forty thousand stalls, and twelve thousand horsemen, 1 Kings iv, 26; 2 Chron. ix, 25. It seems that the Egyptian horses were in high repute, and were much used in war. When the Israelites were disposed to place too implicit confidence in the assistance of cavalry, the prophet remonstrated in these terms: “The Egyptians are men, and not God; and their horses are flesh, not spirit,” Isaiah xxxi, 3.
HORSE, Horse. Horses were quite rare among the Hebrews in ancient times. The patriarchs had none, and after the Israelites left Egypt, God specifically commanded their leader not to acquire them: “He shall not accumulate horses for himself, nor send the people back to Egypt to get more horses, because the Lord has said, ‘You shall never return that way again,’” Deut. xvii, 16. Since horses were generally supplied by Egypt, God prohibits this, 1. To prevent any trade with Egypt that could lead to idolatry. 2. To ensure the people do not rely on a well-equipped cavalry for security, instead of trusting in Jehovah’s promised help and protection. 3. To avoid the temptation to expand their territory with cavalry, which could scatter them among surrounding idol-worshipping nations, causing them to eventually lose their identity as the distinct people God intended, which is crucial for the prophecies about the Messiah to be fulfilled. During the time of the Judges, horses and war chariots were used by the Canaanites, but the Israelites had none. Consequently, they were often too fearful to venture into the plains, limiting their conquests to the mountainous regions of the country. In Saul's reign, it appears that horse breeding hadn’t yet been introduced in Arabia; during a war with some Arabian nations, the Israelites plundered camels, sheep, and donkeys, but not horses. David faced his enemies with a strong cavalry, and in the book of Psalms, horses usually appear with the enemies of God’s people. The Israelites were so unfamiliar with managing horses that after a battle where they captured a significant number of cavalry prisoners, 2 Sam. viii, 4, David ordered most of the horses to be killed because he didn’t know what to do with them. Solomon was the first to establish a cavalry force. Given these circumstances, it isn't surprising that the Mosaic law doesn’t mention an animal that we hold in such high regard. Moses, being educated in Egypt and chased out by Pharaoh’s cavalry, was well aware of the horse's uses for war and travel; however, his goal was to create a nation of farmers, not soldiers for conquering foreign lands, and since Palestine didn't require cavalry for defense, he may have rightly decided not to introduce the still uncommon practice of horse breeding among his people. Solomon, having married Pharaoh's daughter, imported a breed of horses from Egypt; he increased their numbers so much that he had four hundred stables, forty thousand stalls, and twelve thousand horsemen, 1 Kings iv, 26; 2 Chron. ix, 25. It seems that Egyptian horses were highly valued and frequently used in warfare. When the Israelites placed too much trust in cavalry support, the prophet warned them: “The Egyptians are men, and not God; and their horses are flesh, not spirit,” Isaiah xxxi, 3.
HORSE-LEECH, עלוקה, from a root which signifies to adhere, stick close, or hang fast, Prov. xxx, 15. A sort of worm that lives in water, of a black or brown colour, which fattens upon the flesh, and does not quit it till it is entirely full of blood. Solomon says, “The horse-leech hath two daughters, Give, give.” This is so apt an emblem of an insatiable rapacity and avarice, that it has been generally used by different writers to express it. Thus Plautus makes one say, speaking of the determination to get money, “I will turn myself into a horse-leech, and suck out their blood;” and Cicero, in one of his letters to Atticus, calls the common people of Rome horse-leeches of the treasury. Solomon, having mentioned those that devoured the property of the poor as the worst of all the generations which he had specified, proceeds to state the insatiable cupidity with which they prosecuted their schemes of rapine and plunder. As the horse-leech had two daughters, cruelty and thirst of blood, which cannot be satisfied, so the oppressor of the poor has two dispositions, rapacity and avarice, which never say they have enough, but continually demand additional gratifications.
HORSE-LEECH, Hirudo, from a root that means to stick, cling closely, or hold on tightly, Prov. xxx, 15. It's a type of worm that lives in water, black or brown in color, that feeds on flesh and won't let go until it's completely filled with blood. Solomon says, “The horse-leech has two daughters: Give, give.” This is a perfect symbol of insatiable greed and desire, and it has been used by various writers to express this idea. For example, Plautus has a character say, regarding the desire to make money, “I will become a horse-leech and suck out their blood;” and Cicero, in one of his letters to Atticus, refers to the common people of Rome as horse-leeches of the treasury. After mentioning those who devour the property of the poor as the worst of all the generations he’s described, Solomon goes on to highlight the insatiable greed with which they pursue their schemes of theft and plunder. Just as the horse-leech has two daughters, cruelty and an unquenchable thirst for blood, the oppressor of the poor has two traits: greed and avarice, which are never satisfied and constantly demand more.
HOSANNA, “Save, I beseech thee,” or, “Give salvation,” a well known form of blessing, Matthew xxi, 9, 15; Mark xi, 9, 10; John xii, 13.
HOSANNA, “Save, I ask you,” or, “Give salvation,” a well-known form of blessing, Matthew 21:9, 15; Mark 11:9, 10; John 12:13.
HOSEA, son of Beeri, the first of the minor prophets. He is generally considered as a native and inhabitant of the kingdom of Israel, and is supposed to have begun to prophesy about B. C. 800. He exercised his office sixty years; but it is not known at what periods his different prophecies now remaining were delivered. Most of them are directed against the people of Israel, whom he reproves and threatens for their idolatry and wickedness, and exhorts to repentance, with the greatest earnestness, as the only means of averting the evils impending over their country. The principal predictions contained in this book, are the captivity and dispersion of the kingdom of Israel; the deliverance of Judah from Sennacherib; the present state of the Jews; their future restoration, and union with the Gentiles in the kingdom of the Messiah; the call of our Saviour out of Egypt, and his resurrection on the third day. The style of Hosea is peculiarly obscure; it is sententious, concise, and abrupt; the transitions of persons are sudden; and the connexive and adversative particles are frequently omitted. The 469prophecies are in one continued series, without any distinction as to the times when they were delivered, or the different subjects to which they relate. They are not so clear and detailed, as the predictions of those prophets who lived in succeeding ages. When, however, we have surmounted these difficulties, we shall see abundant reason to admire the force and energy with which this prophet writes, and the boldness of the figures and similitudes which he uses.
HOSEA, son of Beeri, is the first of the minor prophets. He is generally considered to be from the kingdom of Israel and is thought to have started prophesying around 800 B.C. He served as a prophet for sixty years, but it’s unclear when his various remaining prophecies were delivered. Most of them are aimed at the people of Israel, whom he rebukes and warns for their idolatry and wickedness, urging them to repent with great sincerity as the only way to avoid the disasters threatening their land. The main predictions in this book include the captivity and scattering of the kingdom of Israel; Judah's deliverance from Sennacherib; the current situation of the Jews; their future restoration and unity with the Gentiles in the kingdom of the Messiah; the calling of our Savior from Egypt, and his resurrection on the third day. Hosea’s style is particularly obscure; it is brief, concise, and abrupt; the shifts between subjects are sudden, and connecting words are often left out. The prophecies present a continuous flow without distinctions regarding the times they were delivered or the different topics they address. They are not as clear and detailed as the predictions of later prophets. However, once we navigate these challenges, we can see plenty of reasons to appreciate the power and intensity with which this prophet writes, as well as the bold imagery and metaphors he employs.
2. Hosea, or Hoshea, son of Elah, was the last king of Israel. Having conspired against Pekah, son of Remaliah, king of Israel, he killed him, A. M. 3265; B. C. 739. However, the elders of the land seem to have taken the government into their hands; for Hoshea was not in possession of the kingdom till nine years after, 2 Kings xv, 30; xvii, 1. Hoshea did evil in the sight of the Lord, but not equal to the kings of Israel who preceded him; that is, say the Jewish doctors, he did not restrain his subjects from going to Jerusalem to worship, if they would; whereas the kings of Israel, his predecessors, had forbidden it, and had placed guards on the road to prevent it. Salmaneser, king of Assyria, being informed that Hoshea meditated a revolt, and had concerted measures with So, king of Egypt, to shake off the Assyrian yoke, marched against him, and besieged Samaria. After a siege of three years, in the ninth year of Hoshea’s reign, the city was taken, and was reduced to a heap of ruins, A. M. 3282. The king of Assyria removed the Israelites of the ten tribes to countries beyond the Euphrates, and thus terminated the kingdom of the ten tribes.
2. Hosea, or Hoshea, son of Elah, was the last king of Israel. He plotted against Pekah, son of Remaliah, the king of Israel, and killed him in A. M. 3265; B. C. 739. However, it seems the elders of the land took control of the government, because Hoshea didn't actually rule the kingdom until nine years later, as noted in 2 Kings xv, 30; xvii, 1. Hoshea did evil in the eyes of the Lord, but not as badly as the kings of Israel before him; Jewish scholars say he allowed his subjects to go to Jerusalem to worship if they wanted, while the previous kings of Israel had prohibited it and stationed guards along the road to stop them. Salmaneser, the king of Assyria, learned that Hoshea was planning a revolt and had teamed up with So, the king of Egypt, to break free from Assyrian control. He marched against Hoshea and laid siege to Samaria. After a three-year siege, in the ninth year of Hoshea’s reign, the city was captured and left in ruins, A. M. 3282. The king of Assyria deported the Israelites from the ten tribes to regions beyond the Euphrates, effectively ending the kingdom of the ten tribes.
HOSPITALITY. Instances of ancient hospitality occur frequently in the Old Testament. So in the case of Abraham, Gen. xviii, where he invites the angels who appeared in the form of men to rest and refreshment, “And he stood by them under the tree, and they did eat.” “Nothing is more common in India,” says Mr. Ward, “than to see travellers and guests eating under the shade of trees. Even feasts are never held in houses. The house of a Hindoo serves for the purposes of sleeping and cooking, and of shutting up the women; but is never considered as a sitting or a dining room.” “On my return to the boat,” says Belzony, “I found the aga and all his retinue seated on a mat, under a cluster of palm trees, close to the water. The sun was then setting, and the shades of the western mountains had reached across the Nile, and covered the town. It is at this time the people recreate themselves in various scattered groups, drinking coffee, smoking their pipes, and talking of camels, horses, asses, dhourra, caravans, or boats.” “The aga having prepared a dinner for me,” says Mr. Light, “invited several of the natives to sit down. Water was brought in a skin by an attendant, to wash our hands. Two fowls roasted were served up on wheaten cakes, in a wooden bowl, covered with a small mat, and a number of the same cakes in another: in the centre of these were liquid butter, and preserved dates. These were divided, broken up, and mixed together by some of the party, while others pulled the fowls to pieces: which done, the party began to eat as fast as they could: getting up, one after the other, as soon as their hunger was satisfied.” “Hospitality to travellers,” says Mr. Forbes, “prevails throughout Guzerat: a person of any consideration passing through the province is presented, at the entrance of a village, with fruit, milk, butter, fire wood, and earthen pots for cookery; the women and children offer him wreaths of flowers. Small bowers are constructed on convenient spots, at a distance from a well or lake, where a person is maintained by the nearest villages, to take care of the water jars, and supply all travellers gratis. There are particular villages, where the inhabitants compel all travellers to accept of one day’s provisions: whether they be many or few, rich or poor, European or native, they must not refuse the offered bounty.”
HOSPITALITY. Examples of ancient hospitality are common in the Old Testament. Take Abraham, for instance, in Gen. xviii, where he invites the angels who appeared as men to rest and refresh themselves, “And he stood by them under the tree, and they did eat.” “Nothing is more common in India,” says Mr. Ward, “than to see travelers and guests eating under the shade of trees. Even feasts are rarely held indoors. A Hindu's house is mainly for sleeping, cooking, and keeping women out of sight, and is not considered a place for sitting or dining.” “On my return to the boat,” says Belzony, “I found the aga and all his attendants sitting on a mat under a group of palm trees near the water. The sun was setting, casting shadows from the western mountains across the Nile and enveloping the town. At this time, people gather in small groups to enjoy themselves, drinking coffee, smoking their pipes, and chatting about camels, horses, donkeys, millet, caravans, or boats.” “The aga prepared a dinner for me,” says Mr. Light, “and invited several locals to join us. An attendant brought water in a skin for us to wash our hands. Two roasted chickens were served on wheat cakes in a wooden bowl covered with a small mat, and there was a stack of the same cakes in another bowl. In the middle were liquid butter and preserved dates. These were shared and mixed together by some of the group, while others tore apart the chickens: once that was done, they began to eat as quickly as they could, getting up one after another as soon as they were satisfied.” “Hospitality to travelers,” says Mr. Forbes, “is widespread in Guzerat: anyone of note passing through the province is offered fruit, milk, butter, firewood, and cooking pots at the entrance of a village; women and children present him with flower garlands. Small shelters are built in convenient spots, away from a well or lake, where someone is maintained by the nearby villages to look after the water jars and provide for all travelers at no charge. There are specific villages where the locals insist that all travelers accept a day's worth of provisions: whether they are many or few, rich or poor, European or native, they must not refuse the offered generosity.”
HOURS. See Day.
HOURS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
HOUSES. The following description of oriental houses will serve to illustrate several passages of Scripture. From the gate of the porch, one is conducted into a quadrangular court, which, being exposed to the weather, is paved with stone, in order to carry off the water in the rainy season. The principal design of this quadrangle, is to give light to the house, and admit the fresh air into the apartments; it is also the place where the master of the house entertains his company, who are seldom or never honoured with admission into the inner apartments. This open space bears a striking resemblance to the impluvium, or cava ædium, of the Romans, which was also an uncovered area, from whence the chambers were lighted. For the accommodation of the guests, the pavement is covered with mats or carpets; and as it is secured against all interruption from the street, is well adapted to public entertainments. It is called, says Dr. Shaw, the middle of the house, and literally answers to τὸ μέσον of the evangelist, into which the man afflicted with the palsy was let down through the ceiling, with his couch, before Jesus, Luke v, 19. Hence, he conjectures that our Lord was at this time instructing the people in the court of one of these houses; and it is by no means improbable, that the quadrangle was to him and his Apostles a favourite situation, while they were engaged in disclosing the mysteries of redemption. To defend the company from the scorching sun-beams, or “windy storm and tempest,” 470a veil was expanded upon ropes from one side of the parapet wall to the other, which might be unfolded or folded at pleasure. The court is for the most part surrounded with a cloister, over which, when the house has a number of stories, a gallery is erected of the same dimensions with the cloister, having a balustrade, or else a piece of carved or latticed work, going round about, to prevent people from falling from it into the court. The doors of the enclosure round the house are made very small; but the doors of the houses very large, for the purpose of admitting a copious stream of fresh air into their apartments. The windows which look into the street are very high and narrow, and defended by lattice work; as they are only intended to allow the cloistered inmate a peep of what is passing without, while he remains concealed behind the casement. This kind of window the ancient Hebrews called arubah, which is the same term that they used to express those small openings through which pigeons passed into the cavities of the rocks, or into those buildings which were raised for their reception. Thus the prophet asks: “Who are these that fly as a cloud, and as the doves, אל-ארבתיהם, to their small or narrow windows.” The word is derived from a root which signifies to lie in wait for the prey; and is very expressive of the concealed manner in which a person examines through that kind of window an external object. Irwin describes the windows in Upper Egypt as having the same form and dimensions; and says expressly, that one of the windows of the house in which they lodged, and through which they looked into the street, more resembled a pigeon hole than any thing else. But the sacred writers mention another kind of window, which was large and airy; it was called חלון, and was large enough to admit a person of mature age being cast out of it; a punishment which that profligate woman Jezebel suffered by the command of Jehu, the authorized extirminator of her family. These large windows admit the light and the breeze into spacious apartments of the same length with the court, but which seldom or never communicate with one another. In the houses of the fashionable and the gay, the lower part of the walls is adorned with rich hangings of velvet or damask, tinged with the liveliest colours, suspended on hooks, or taken down at pleasure. A correct idea of their richness and splendour may be formed from the description, which the inspired writer has given of the hangings in the royal garden at Shushan, the ancient capital of Persia: “Where were white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple, to silver rings and pillars of marble,” Esther i, 6. The upper part of the walls is adorned with the most ingenious wreathings and devices, in stucco and fret-work. The ceiling is generally of wainscot, painted with great art, or else thrown into a variety of pannels with gilded mouldings. In the days of Jeremiah the prophet, when the profusion and luxury of all ranks in Judea were at their height, their chambers were ceiled with fragrant and costly wood, and painted with the richest colours. Of this extravagance the indignant seer loudly complains: “Wo unto him that saith, I will build me a wide house and large chambers, and cutteth him out windows: and it is ceiled with cedar, and painted with vermilion,” Jer. xxii, 14. The floors of these splendid apartments were laid with painted tiles, or slabs of the most beautiful marble. A pavement of this kind is mentioned in the book of Esther; at the sumptuous entertainment which Ahasuerus made for the princes and nobles of his vast empire, “the beds,” or couches, upon which they reclined, “were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red and blue, and white and black marble.” Plaster of terrace is often vised for the same purpose; and the floor is always covered with carpets, which are for the most part of the richest materials. Upon these carpets, a range of narrow beds, or mattresses, is often placed along the sides of the wall, with velvet or damask bolsters, for the greater ease and convenience of the company. To these luxurious indulgences the prophets occasionally seem to allude: Ezekiel was commanded to pronounce a “wo to the women that sew pillows to all armholes,” Ezek. xiii, 18; and Amos denounces the judgments of his God against them “that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch themselves upon their couches, and eat the lambs out of the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the stall,” Amos vi, 4. At one end of each chamber is a little gallery, raised three or four feet above the floor, with a balustrade in front, to which they go up by a few steps. Here they place their beds; a situation frequently alluded to in the Holy Scriptures. Thus Jacob addressed his undutiful son, in his last benediction: “Thou wentest up to thy father’s bed,--he went up to my couch,” Gen. xlix, 4. The allusion is again involved in the declaration of Elijah to the king of Samaria: “Now, therefore, thus saith the Lord, Thou shalt not come down from that bed on which thou art gone up, but shalt surely die,” 2 Kings i, 4, 16. And the Psalmist sware unto the Lord, and vowed unto the mighty God of Jacob, “Surely I will not come into the tabernacle of my house, nor go up into my bed, until I find out a place for the Lord,” Psalm cxxxii, 3. This arrangement may likewise illustrate the circumstance of Hezekiah’s “turning his face to the wall, when he prayed,” that the greatness of his sorrow, and the fervour of his devotion, might, as much as possible, be concealed from his attendants, 2 Kings xx.
HOUSES. The following description of Eastern houses will help illustrate several passages from the Bible. From the gate of the porch, one enters a square courtyard, which, being open to the weather, is paved with stone to drain water during the rainy season. The main purpose of this courtyard is to provide light to the house and allow fresh air into the rooms; it also serves as a place for the master of the house to entertain guests, who are rarely or never allowed into the inner rooms. This open area resembles the water basin or cava apartment of the Romans, which was an uncovered space that illuminated the chambers. For the guests' comfort, the floor is covered with mats or carpets; since it is protected from the street, it is well-suited for public gatherings. Dr. Shaw notes that this area is considered the center of the house, corresponding to τὸ μέσον in the New Testament, where the man paralyzed by the palsy was lowered through the ceiling in front of Jesus, as mentioned in Luke 5:19. Thus, he suggests that our Lord was teaching the people in the courtyard of one of these houses, and it is quite possible that the courtyard was a favored spot for Him and His Apostles while they revealed the mysteries of salvation. To shield guests from the intense sunlight or “windy storm and tempest,” a veil was stretched across ropes from one side of the parapet wall to the other, which could be opened or closed as needed. The courtyard is mostly surrounded by a cloister, and if the house has multiple stories, there's a gallery of the same size as the cloister, with a railing or decorative work to prevent anyone from falling into the courtyard. The entrance doors around the house are quite small, but the doors to the houses themselves are very large, to allow a generous flow of fresh air into their rooms. The windows facing the street are high and narrow, protected by lattice work; they are designed to let the cloistered resident catch a glimpse of the outside world while remaining hidden behind the window. This type of window is referred to by the ancient Hebrews as arubah, the same term used for small openings through which pigeons could enter the hollows of rocks or aviaries built for them. Thus, the prophet asks: “Who are these that fly like clouds, and like doves, אל-ארבתיהם, to their small or narrow windows.” The term comes from a root meaning to lie in wait for prey and effectively conveys the secretive way a person watches an external object through such a window. Irwin describes the windows in Upper Egypt as having the same design and dimensions, noting that one of the windows in the house where they stayed resembled a pigeon hole more than anything else. However, the sacred texts also mention another kind of window, which is large and airy; it is called חלון, and is large enough for an adult to be thrown out of, a punishment that the wayward woman Jezebel received by the order of Jehu, who was the designated destroyer of her family. These large windows let in light and air into spacious rooms that are the same length as the courtyard but usually do not connect directly to one another. In the homes of the fashionable and wealthy, the lower portion of the walls is decorated with rich fabrics of velvet or damask, dyed in vibrant colors, hung from hooks or taken down as desired. A good sense of their opulence can be derived from the description given by the inspired writer of the hangings in the royal garden at Shushan, the ancient capital of Persia: “Where there were white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple, to silver rings and pillars of marble,” Esther 1:6. The upper part of the walls is adorned with intricate moldings and designs in stucco and fretwork. The ceiling is typically made of wood, artfully painted, or arranged into various panels with gilded trims. In the days of the prophet Jeremiah, when luxury was at its peak in Judea, their chambers were covered with fragrant and expensive wood and painted in the richest colors. The outraged seer loudly complains about this excess: “Woe to him who says, I will build myself a wide house and large chambers, and cut out windows for it; it is finished with cedar, and painted with vermilion,” Jer. 22:14. The floors of these lavish rooms were covered with painted tiles or slabs of the finest marble. A paving of this type is mentioned in the book of Esther, at the sumptuous banquet that Ahasuerus held for the princes and nobles of his vast empire, “the beds,” or couches, upon which they reclined, “were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red and blue, and white and black marble.” Plaster of terrace is often used for similar purposes, and the floor is always covered with carpets, most of which are made from luxurious materials. Along these carpets, a row of narrow beds or mattresses is often placed against the walls, with velvet or damask cushions for the comfort and convenience of the guests. The prophets occasionally refer to these lavish luxuries: Ezekiel was instructed to announce “woe to the women who sew pillows for every armhole,” Ezek. 13:18; and Amos condemns God’s judgment against those “who lie on beds of ivory and stretch out on their couches, and eat lambs from the flock and calves from the fold,” Amos 6:4. At one end of each room is a small platform, raised three or four feet above the floor, with a railing in front, accessed by a few steps. Beds are placed here, a situation frequently referenced in the Holy Scriptures. For example, Jacob addressed his disobedient son in his final blessing: “You went up to your father’s bed—he went up to my couch,” Gen. 49:4. The allusion is also found in Elijah’s declaration to the king of Samaria: “Now, therefore, thus says the Lord, you shall not come down from the bed on which you have gone up, but surely you shall die,” 2 Kings 1:4, 16. And the Psalmist swore to the Lord, vowing to the mighty God of Jacob, “Surely I will not go into the tabernacle of my house, nor go up to my bed until I find a place for the Lord,” Psalm 132:3. This setup may also shed light on Hezekiah’s act of “turning his face to the wall when he prayed,” so that the depth of his sorrow and the intensity of his devotion could be as concealed as possible from his attendants, 2 Kings 20.
The roof is always flat, and often composed of branches of wood laid across rude beams; and, to defend it from the injuries of the weather, to which it is peculiarly exposed in the rainy season, it is covered with a strong plaster of terrace. It is surrounded by a wall breast-high, which forms the partition with the contiguous houses, and prevents one from falling into the street on the one side, or into the court on the other. This answers to the battlements which Moses commanded the people of Israel to make for the roof of their 471houses, for the same reason. “When thou buildest a new house, then thou shalt make a battlement, מעקה, for thy roof, that thou bring not blood upon thine house, if any man fall from thence,” Deut. xxii, 8. Instead of the parapet wall, some terraces are guarded, like the galleries, with balustrades only, or latticed work. Of the same kind, probably, was the lattice or net, as the term שבכה seems to import, through which Ahaziah, the king of Samaria, fell down into the court, 2 Kings i, 2. This incident proves the necessity of the law which was graciously dictated from Sinai, and furnishes a beautiful example of God’s paternal care and goodness; for the terrace was a place where many offices of the family were performed, and business of no little importance was occasionally transacted. Rahab concealed the spies on the roof, with the stalks of flax which she had laid in order to dry, Joshua ii, 6; the king of Israel, according to the custom of his country, rose from his bed, and walked upon the roof of his house, to enjoy the refreshing breezes of the evening, 2 Sam. xi, 2; upon the top of the house the prophet conversed with Saul, about the gracious designs of God, respecting him and his family, 1 Sam. ix, 25; to the same place Peter retired to offer up his devotions, Acts x, 9; and in the feast of tabernacles, under the government of Nehemiah, booths were erected, as well upon the terraces of their houses, as in their courts, and in the streets of the city, Neh. viii, 16. In Judea, the inhabitants sleep upon the tops of their houses during the heats of summer, in arbours made of the branches of trees, or in tents of rushes. When Dr. Pococke was at Tiberias, in Galilee, he was entertained by the sheik’s steward, and with his company supped upon the top of the house for coolness, according to their custom, and lodged there likewise, in a sort of closet of about eight feet square, formed of wicker-work, plastered round toward the bottom, but without any door, each person having his cell. In like manner, the Persians take refuge during the day in subterraneous chambers, and pass the night on the flat roofs of their houses.
The roof is always flat and usually made of branches laid across rough beams. To protect it from weather damage, especially during the rainy season, it's covered with a strong plaster terrace. It's surrounded by a wall that’s about waist-high, which separates it from the neighboring houses and keeps anyone from falling into the street on one side or the courtyard on the other. This is similar to the battlements that Moses instructed the Israelites to build on their roofs for safety: “When you build a new house, make a railing for your roof so that you do not bring bloodguilt upon your house if someone falls from it,” Deut. xxii, 8. Instead of a solid wall, some terraces are only protected by balustrades or lattice work, which is likely what the term שקל refers to, through which Ahaziah, the king of Samaria, fell into the courtyard, 2 Kings i, 2. This incident highlights the importance of the law given from Sinai, showcasing God's caring nature; the terrace was a place for various family activities and important business. Rahab hid the spies on her roof under flax stalks she had spread out to dry, Joshua ii, 6; the king of Israel, as was his custom, got out of bed and walked on his roof to enjoy the cool evening breezes, 2 Sam. xi, 2; on the rooftop, the prophet spoke with Saul about God’s plans for him and his family, 1 Sam. ix, 25; Peter also went there to pray, Acts x, 9; and during the Feast of Tabernacles under Nehemiah’s leadership, booths were set up on both the rooftops and in the courtyards and streets of the city, Neh. viii, 16. In Judea, people often sleep on their rooftops during the summer heat, in shelters made from tree branches or rush tents. When Dr. Pococke visited Tiberias in Galilee, he was hosted by the sheik's steward, and they had dinner on the rooftop to stay cool, which is their custom, and he also slept there in a small room about eight feet square, made of wicker and plastered at the bottom but without a door, with each person having their own little space. Similarly, Persians seek shelter in underground chambers during the day and sleep on the flat roofs of their houses at night.
The expression, “to dig through houses,” occurs, Job xxiv, 16. “Thieves,” says Mr. Ward, “in Bengal very frequently dig through the mud walls, and under the clay floors of houses, and, entering unperceived, plunder them while the inhabitants are asleep.” Our Lord’s parable of the foolish man who built his house on the sand derives illustration from the following passages in Ward’s “View,” and Belzoni’s “Travels:” “The fishermen in Bengal build their huts in the dry season on the beds of sand, from which the river has retired. When the rains set in, which they often do very suddenly, accompanied by violent north-west winds, the water pours down in torrents from the mountains. In one night multitudes of these huts are frequently swept away, and the place where they stood is the next morning undiscoverable.” “It so happened, that we were to witness one of the greatest calamities that have occurred in Egypt in the recollection of any one living. The Nile rose this season three feet and a half above the highest mark left by the former inundation, with uncommon rapidity, and carried off several villages, and some hundreds of their inhabitants. I never saw any picture that could give a more correct idea of a deluge than the valley of the Nile in this season. The Arabs had expected an extraordinary inundation this year, in consequence of the scarcity of water the preceding season; but they did not apprehend it would rise to such a height. They generally erect fences of earth and reeds around their villages, to keep the water from their houses; but the force of this inundation baffled all their efforts. Their cottages, being built of earth, could not stand one instant against the current; and no sooner did the water reach them, than it levelled them with the ground. The rapid stream carried off all that was before it; men, women, children, cattle, corn, every thing was washed away in an instant, and left the place where the village stood without any thing to indicate that there had ever been a house on the spot.”
The phrase "to dig through houses" appears in Job 24:16. "Thieves," says Mr. Ward, "in Bengal often dig through the mud walls and under the clay floors of houses, sneaking in unnoticed to rob them while the residents are asleep." Our Lord's parable about the foolish man who built his house on sand is illustrated by the following excerpts from Ward's “View” and Belzoni’s “Travels”: "Fishermen in Bengal build their huts in the dry season on the sandy riverbeds when the river recedes. When the rains come, which can happen very suddenly alongside strong north-west winds, the water pours down from the mountains in torrents. In just one night, many of these huts are often swept away, and by the next morning, there's no trace of where they stood.” “We happened to witness one of the biggest disasters in Egypt that anyone alive can remember. This year, the Nile rose three and a half feet above the previous highest mark from past floods, and it happened so quickly that it washed away several villages and hundreds of their residents. I've never seen an image that better captures the idea of a flood than the valley of the Nile this season. The Arabs anticipated an extraordinary flood this year because of last year's water scarcity, but they never expected it to rise to such heights. They usually build earthen and reed barriers around their villages to protect their homes from flooding; however, the force of this flood overwhelmed all their efforts. Their cottages, made of earth, couldn't withstand the current for even a moment; as soon as the water reached them, they were flattened. The rushing water swept away everything in its path—men, women, children, cattle, crops—everything was washed away in an instant, leaving the area where the village once stood with nothing to show that houses ever existed there."
House is taken for family: “The Lord plagued Pharaoh and his house,” Gen. xii, 17. “What is my house, that thou hast brought me hitherto?” 2 Sam. vii, 18. So Joseph was of the house of David, Luke i, 27; ii, 4; but more especially he was of his royal lineage, or family; and, as we conceive, in the direct line or eldest branch of the family; so that he was next of kin to the throne, if the government had still continued in possession of the descendants of David. House is taken for kindred: it is a Christian’s duty to provide first for those of his own house, 1 Tim. v, 8, his family, his relatives.
House is understood as family: “The Lord plagued Pharaoh and his household,” Gen. xii, 17. “What is my house, that you have brought me this far?” 2 Sam. vii, 18. Joseph belonged to the house of David, Luke i, 27; ii, 4; but more importantly, he was of his royal lineage, or family; and, as we believe, in the direct line or eldest branch of the family; meaning he was next of kin to the throne, if the government had still been held by the descendants of David. House also refers to kinship: it is a Christian's duty to care first for those in his own house, 1 Tim. v, 8, his family, his relatives.
HUSBANDRY. In the primitive ages of the world, agriculture, as well as the keeping of flocks, was a principal employment among men Gen. ii, 15; iii, 17–19; iv, 2. It is an art which has ever been a prominent source, both of the necessaries and the conveniences of life. Those states and nations, especially Babylon and Egypt, which made the cultivation of the soil their chief business, arose in a short period to wealth and power. To these communities just mentioned, which excelled in this particular all the others of antiquity, may be added that of the Hebrews, who learned the value of the art while remaining in Egypt, and ever after that time were famous for their industry in the cultivation of the earth. Moses, following the example of the Egyptians, made agriculture the basis of the state. He accordingly apportioned to every citizen a certain quantity of land, and gave him the right of tilling it himself, and of transmitting it to his heirs. The person who had thus come into possession could not alienate the property for any longer period than the year of the coming jubilee: a regulation which prevented the rich from coming into possession of large tracts of land, and then leasing them out in small parcels to the poor: a practice which anciently prevailed, and does to this day, in the east. It was another law of Moses, that the vender 472of a piece of land, or his nearest relative, had a right to redeem the land sold, whenever they chose, by paying the amount of profits up to the year of jubilee, Ruth iv, 4; Jer. xxxii, 7. Another law enacted by Moses on this subject was, that the Hebrews, as was the case among the Egyptians after the time of Joseph, should pay a tax of two-tenths of their income unto God, whose servants they were to consider themselves to be, and whom they were to obey as their King and Lord, Lev. xxvii, 30; Deut. xii, 17–19; xiv, 22–29; Gen. xxviii, 22. The custom of marking the boundaries of lands by stones, although it prevailed a long time before, Job xxiv, 2, was confirmed and perpetuated in the time of Moses by an express law; and a curse was pronounced against him who without authority removed them. These regulations having been made in respect to the tenure, incumbrances, &c, of landed property, Joshua divided the whole country which he had occupied, first among the respective tribes, and then among individual Hebrews, running it out with the aid of a measuring line, Joshua xvii, 5, 14; Amos vii, 17; Micah ii, 5; Psalm lxxviii, 55; Ezek. xl, 3. The word, חבל, a line, is accordingly used by a figure of speech, for the heritage itself, Psalm xvi, 6: “The lines have fallen to me in pleasant places, yea I have a goodly heritage.” Though Moses was the friend of the agriculturist, he by no means discouraged the keeper of the flock.
HUSBANDRY. In the early days of the world, agriculture and livestock farming were major occupations for people (Gen. ii, 15; iii, 17–19; iv, 2). It has always been a key source of both basic necessities and comforts in life. Societies and nations, particularly Babylon and Egypt, that focused on farming as their main activity quickly became wealthy and powerful. Among these communities, which thrived in this area, the Hebrews can also be noted. They learned the importance of agriculture while in Egypt and became well-known for their hard work in farming afterward. Moses, following the Egyptians' lead, made agriculture the foundation of the state. He allocated specific plots of land to each citizen, granting them the right to cultivate it themselves and pass it on to their heirs. Those who acquired this land couldn’t sell it off for longer than until the next jubilee year: this rule prevented the wealthy from accumulating large estates and renting them out in small sections to the poor, a common practice both anciently and even today in the East. Another law of Moses stated that the seller of a land parcel, or their closest relative, had the right to buy back the land sold anytime by paying back any profits until the jubilee year (Ruth iv, 4; Jer. xxxii, 7). Additionally, Moses mandated that the Hebrews, similar to the Egyptians after Joseph's time, should pay a tax of two-tenths of their income to God, whom they were to consider their master and obey as their King and Lord (Lev. xxvii, 30; Deut. xii, 17–19; xiv, 22–29; Gen. xxviii, 22). The practice of marking land boundaries with stones, although established long before (Job xxiv, 2), was confirmed and reinforced by an explicit law during Moses’ time, which included a curse for anyone who removed them without permission. With these regulations in place regarding land ownership and encumbrances, Joshua divided all the land he had conquered first among the tribes and then among individual Hebrews, measuring it with a measuring line (Joshua xvii, 5, 14; Amos vii, 17; Micah ii, 5; Psalm lxxviii, 55; Ezek. xl, 3). The word, Too bad, a line, is thus used figuratively to refer to the inheritance itself, as seen in Psalm xvi, 6: “The lines have fallen to me in pleasant places, yes, I have a goodly heritage.” Although Moses supported farmers, he certainly did not discourage shepherds.
The occupation of the husbandman was held in honour, not only for the profits which it brought, but from the circumstance that it was supported and protected by the fundamental laws of the state. All who were not set apart for religious duties, such as the priests and the Levites, whether inhabitants of the country, or of towns and cities, were considered by the laws, and were, in fact, agriculturists. The rich and the noble, it is true, in the cultivation of the soil, did not always put themselves on a level with their servants; but none were so rich or so noble as to disdain to put their hand to the plough, 1 Sam. xi, 7; 1 Kings xix, 19; 2 Chron. xxvi, 10. The priests and Levites were indeed engaged in other employments, yet they could not withhold their honour from an occupation which supplied them with their income. The esteem in which agriculture was held diminished as luxury increased; but it never wholly came to an end. Even after the captivity, when many of the Jews had become merchants and mechanics, the esteem and honour attached to this occupation still continued, especially under the dynasty of the Persians, who were agriculturists from motives of religion.
The role of the farmer was valued not just for the profits it generated, but also because it was backed and protected by the core laws of the state. Everyone who wasn't devoted to religious duties, like the priests and the Levites, whether they lived in rural areas or in towns and cities, were recognized by the laws as farmers. It's true that the wealthy and noble often didn’t consider themselves equal to their laborers in farming, but there was no one so rich or noble that they looked down on the idea of working the land, 1 Sam. xi, 7; 1 Kings xix, 19; 2 Chron. xxvi, 10. Although the priests and Levites were involved in other jobs, they could not ignore the respect for a profession that provided them with their livelihood. The appreciation for agriculture declined as luxury grew, but it never completely disappeared. Even after the exile, when many Jews became merchants and craftsmen, the respect and honor associated with farming persisted, especially during the Persian dynasty, where agriculture was pursued for religious reasons.
The soil of Palestine is very fruitful, if the dews and vernal and autumnal rains are not withheld. The country, in opposition to Egypt, is eulogized for its rains in Deut. xi, 10. The Hebrews, notwithstanding the richness of the soil, endeavoured to increase its fertility in various ways. They not only divested it of stones, but watered it by means of canals, communicating with the rivers or brooks; and thereby imparted to their fields the richness of gardens, Psalm i, 3; lxv, 10; Prov. xxi, 1; Isa. xxx, 25; xxxii, 2, 20. Springs, therefore, fountains, and rivulets, were held in as much honour and worth by husbandmen as by shepherds, Joshua xv, 9; Judges i, 15; and we accordingly find that the land of Canaan was extolled for those fountains of water of which Egypt was destitute. The soil was enriched, also, in addition to the method just mentioned, by means of ashes; to which the straw, the stubble, the husks, the brambles, and grass, that overspread the land during the sabbatical year, were reduced by fire. The burning over the surface of the land had also another good effect, namely, that of destroying the seeds of the noxious herbs, Isa. vii, 23; xxxii, 13; Prov. xxiv, 31. Finally, the soil was manured with dung.
The soil of Palestine is very fertile, as long as the morning dew and spring and autumn rains aren’t held back. Unlike Egypt, this country is praised for its rainfall in Deut. xi, 10. Despite the richness of the soil, the Hebrews tried various methods to boost its fertility. They not only cleared the land of stones but also irrigated it with canals connected to rivers or streams, making their fields as rich as gardens, as referenced in Psalm i, 3; lxv, 10; Prov. xxi, 1; Isa. xxx, 25; xxxii, 2, 20. Springs, fountains, and streams were valued just as much by farmers as they were by shepherds, as seen in Joshua xv, 9; Judges i, 15; and we can see that the land of Canaan was celebrated for its abundant water sources, unlike Egypt. Additionally, the soil was enriched using ashes from burning straw, stubble, husks, brambles, and grass that covered the land during the sabbatical year. This practice also had the benefit of destroying harmful weed seeds, as mentioned in Isa. vii, 23; xxxii, 13; Prov. xxiv, 31. Lastly, the soil was fertilized with dung.
The Hebrew word, דגן, which is translated variously by the English words, grain, corn, &c, is of general signification, and comprehends in itself different kinds of grain and pulse, such as wheat, millet, spelt, wall-barley, barley, beans, lentils, meadow-cumin, pepperwort, flax, cotton; to these may be added various species of the cucumber, and perhaps rice. Rye and oats do not grow in the warmer climates; but their place is, in a manner, supplied by barley. Barley, mixed with broken straw, affords the fodder for beasts of burden, which is called כליל. Wheat, חטה, which, by way of eminence, is called דגן, grew in Egypt in the time of Joseph, as it now does in Africa, on several branches from one stalk, each one of which produced an ear, Gen. xii, 47. This sort of wheat does not flourish in Palestine: the wheat of Palestine is of a much better kind.
The Hebrew word, Grain, which is translated in various ways as grain, corn, etc., has a broad meaning and includes different types of grains and pulses, like wheat, millet, spelt, wall-barley, barley, beans, lentils, meadow-cumin, pepperwort, flax, and cotton. Various types of cucumbers and possibly rice can also be added to this list. Rye and oats don’t grow in warmer climates, but barley somewhat takes their place. Barley, mixed with broken straw, provides fodder for pack animals, known as Complete. Wheat, Wheat, which is often specifically referred to as Grain, was grown in Egypt during Joseph's time, just as it is today in Africa, with several spikes growing from one stalk, each producing an ear, Gen. xii, 47. This type of wheat doesn’t thrive in Palestine: the wheat found in Palestine is of much higher quality.
HUSKS, κεράτιον, Luke xv, 16; the husks of leguminous plants, so named from their resemblance to κέρας, a horn; but Bochart thinks that the κερατία were the ceretonia, the husks or fruit of the carob tree, a tree very common in the Levant. We learn from Columella, that these pods afforded food for swine; and they are mentioned as what the prodigal desired to eat, when reduced to extreme hunger.
HUSKS, κεράτιον, Luke xv, 16; the husks of leguminous plants, named for their resemblance to κέρας, a horn; but Bochart believes that the κερατία were the ceretonia, the husks or fruit of the carob tree, which is very common in the Levant. Columella tells us that these pods were used as food for pigs; they are mentioned as what the prodigal son wanted to eat when he was extremely hungry.
HUTCHINSONIANS, the followers of John Hutchinson, Esq., a learned and respectable layman, who was born at Spennythorn, in Yorkshire, in 1674. In 1724, he published the first part of that curious work, “Moses’s Principia,” in which he ridiculed Dr. Woodward’s “Natural History of the Earth,” and exploded the doctrine of gravitation established in Sir Isaac Newton’s “Principia.” In the second part of this work, published in 1727, he maintained, in opposition to the Newtonian system, that a plenum is the principle of the Scripture philosophy. In this work he also intimated that the idea of a Trinity is to be taken from the grand agents in the natural system, fire, light, and spirit. From this time he continued to publish a volume every year or two till his death; and a correct and elegant edition of his works, including the MSS. which he left was published in 1748, in 12 vols. 8vo. Mr. Hutchinson thought that the Hebrew Scriptures comprise a perfect system of natural philosophy, theology, and religion. He 473entertained so high an opinion of the Hebrew language, that he thought the Almighty must have employed it to communicate every species of knowledge, human and divine; and that, accordingly, every species of knowledge is to be found in the Old Testament. Both he and his followers laid a great stress on the evidence of Hebrew etymology. After Origen, and other eminent commentators, he asserted that the Scriptures are not to be understood and interpreted in a literal but in a typical sense, and according to the radical import of the Hebrew expressions; that even the historical parts, and particularly those relating to the Jewish ceremonies and Levitical law, are to be considered in this light; and he also asserted that, agreeably to this mode of interpretation, the Hebrew Scriptures would be found amply to testify concerning the nature and offices of Jesus Christ. His plan was to find natural philosophy in the Bible, where hitherto it had been thought no such thing was to be met with, or ever intended. His editors tell us, he found, upon examination, that the Hebrew Scriptures nowhere ascribe motion to the body of the sun, nor fixedness to the earth; that they describe the created system to be a plenum without any vacuum at all, and reject the assistance of gravitation, attraction, or any such occult qualities, for performing the stated operations of nature, which are carried on by the mechanism of the heavens, in their threefold condition of fire, light, and spirit, or air, the material agents set to work at the beginning; that the heavens, thus framed by almighty Wisdom, are an instituted emblem and visible substitute of Jehovah Aleim, the eternal Three, the coëqual and co-adorable Trinity in Unity; that the unity of substance in the heavens points out the unity of essence and the distinction of conditions, the personality in Deity, without confounding the persons or dividing the substance; and that, from their being made emblems, they are called in Hebrew shemim, the names, representatives, or substitutes, expressing by their names that they are emblems, and, by their conditions or offices, what it is they are emblems of. He also found that the Hebrew Scriptures have some capital words, which he has proved, or endeavoured to prove, contain, in their radical meaning, the greatest and most comfortable truths. Thus, the word Elohim, which we call God, or, as he reads it, Aleim, he refers to the oath or conditional execration, by which the eternal covenant of grace among the persons in Jehovah was and is confirmed. The word berith, which our translation renders “covenant,” signifies, “he or that which purifies” and so the Purifier or purification for, not with, man. The cherubim, which have been thought “angels placed as a guard to deter Adam from breaking into Eden again,” he explains to have been a hieroglyphic of divine construction, or a sacred image, to describe, as far as figures could go, the Aleim and man taken in, or humanity united to deity. In like manner, he treats several other words of similar, though not quite so solemn, import. Hence he drew this conclusion, “that all the rites and ceremonies of the Jewish dispensation were so many delineations of Christ, in what he was to be, to do, and to suffer; and that the early Jews knew them to be types of his actions and sufferings, and, by performing them as such, were in so far Christians, both in faith and practice.” His followers maintain, that the cherubim, and the glory around them, with the divine presence in them, were not only emblematical figures, representing the persons of the ever blessed Trinity, as engaged in covenant for the redemption of man, but also that they were intended “to keep or preserve the way of the tree of life, to show man the way to life eternal, and keep him from losing or departing from it.” That Melchizedec was an eminent type of Christ, there can be little doubt; but that he was actually the second person of the Trinity, in a human form, is a tenet of the Hutchinsonians, though not entirely peculiar to them. Mr. Hutchinson supposes that “the air exists in three conditions, fire, light, and spirit; the two latter are the finer and grosser parts of the air in motion: from the earth to the sun, the air is finer and finer till it becomes pure light near the confines of the sun, and fire in the orb of the sun, or solar focus.” From the earth toward the circumference of this system, in which he includes the fixed stars, the air becomes grosser and grosser till it becomes stagnant, in which condition it is at the utmost verge of this system; from whence, in his opinion, the expression of “outer darkness,” and “blackness of darkness,” used in the New Testament, seems to be taken. These are some of the principal outlines of this author’s doctrines, which have been patronized by several eminent divines, both of the church and among the Dissenters.
HUTCHINSONIANS are the followers of John Hutchinson, Esq., a knowledgeable and respected layman born in Spennythorn, Yorkshire, in 1674. In 1724, he published the first part of his intriguing work, “Moses’s Principia,” in which he mocked Dr. Woodward’s “Natural History of the Earth” and challenged the gravity theory established in Sir Isaac Newton’s “Principia.” In the second part of this work, published in 1727, he argued against the Newtonian system, claiming that a plenum is the core principle of Scriptural philosophy. He also suggested that the concept of the Trinity is derived from the major forces in the natural system: fire, light, and spirit. From this point onward, he continued to publish a volume every one or two years until his death, and a complete and refined edition of his works, including the manuscripts he left behind, was published in 1748 in 12 volumes, 8vo. Mr. Hutchinson believed that the Hebrew Scriptures contain a perfect system of natural philosophy, theology, and religion. He held such a high view of the Hebrew language that he believed the Almighty used it to convey all forms of knowledge, both human and divine; hence, he argued that all types of knowledge can be found in the Old Testament. Both he and his followers placed significant emphasis on the evidence of Hebrew etymology. Following Origen and other distinguished commentators, he asserted that Scriptures should not be understood and interpreted literally but in a typical sense, according to the foundational meanings of Hebrew words; that even the historical portions, especially those concerning Jewish ceremonies and Levitical law, should be viewed in this way. He also claimed that, following this interpretative approach, the Hebrew Scriptures would clearly testify about the nature and roles of Jesus Christ. His intention was to uncover natural philosophy in the Bible, where it had previously been believed there was none to find. His editors reported that upon examining the Hebrew Scriptures, he found they do not attribute motion to the body of the sun or permanence to the earth; rather, they depict the created system as a plenum with no vacuum, rejecting the idea of gravitation, attraction, or any such hidden qualities for executing the established operations of nature, which are carried out by the mechanism of the heavens in their threefold conditions of fire, light, and spirit, or air, the material agents initiated at the beginning. He argued that the heavens, fashioned by divine Wisdom, are a prescribed emblem and visible representation of Jehovah Aleim, the eternal Three, the co-equal and co-adorable Trinity in Unity; that the unity of substance in the heavens reflects the unity of essence and the distinction of conditions, the personality in Deity, without merging the persons or dividing the substance. He further noted that because they serve as emblems, they are referred to in Hebrew as shemim, the names, representatives, or substitutes, indicating by their names that they are emblems, and by their conditions or roles, the concepts they symbolize. He also identified several significant Hebrew words that he aimed to demonstrate contain, in their root meanings, the greatest and most comforting truths. For instance, the word Elohim, which we translate as God, or as he interprets it,Aleim, he links to the oath or conditional curse confirming the eternal covenant of grace among the persons in Jehovah. The word berith, translated as “covenant,” signifies “he or that which purifies,” and thus refers to the Purifier or purification for, not with, man. The cherubim, which have commonly been viewed as “angels positioned to prevent Adam from re-entering Eden,” he explains as a divine hieroglyph or sacred image meant to illustrate, as figures can, the Aleim and humanity joined or humanity united with deity. Similarly, he interprets several other words of related, though not quite as solemn, significance. As a result, he concluded, “that all the rituals and ceremonies of the Jewish dispensation were various representations of Christ, in what he was to become, accomplish, and endure; and that the early Jews recognized them as types of his actions and sufferings, and by observing them as such, were in some sense Christians, both in belief and practice.” His followers contend that the cherubim, along with the glory surrounding them and the divine presence within them, were not only symbolic figures representing the persons of the ever-blessed Trinity involved in the covenant for humanity’s redemption, but were also meant “to guard the way to the tree of life, to guide humanity toward eternal life, and prevent them from losing or straying from it.” There is little doubt that Melchizedek was a significant type of Christ, but the belief that he was actually the second person of the Trinity in human form is a doctrine of the Hutchinsonians, though not exclusive to them. Mr. Hutchinson posits that “air exists in three states: fire, light, and spirit; the latter two being the finer and coarser parts of the air in motion: from the earth to the sun, the air becomes progressively finer until it turns into pure light near the sun’s edges, and fire at the center of the sun, or solar focus.” From the earth toward the outer edges of this system, which includes the fixed stars, the air becomes coarser until it becomes stagnant, a condition he identifies as at the outer limits of this system; he believes this is where the expressions “outer darkness” and “blackness of darkness” in the New Testament originate. These are some of the main principles of this author’s teachings, which have been supported by several prominent theologians, both in the church and among Dissenters.
2. The followers of Mr. Hutchinson have not erected themselves into a sect or separate community. Among them may be reckoned some eminent and respectable divines, both in England and Scotland; but their numbers seem at present to be rather on the decrease. Of those who, in their day, were ranked in the list of Hutchinsonians, perhaps the most eminent were the following: Mr. Julius Bate, and Mr. Parkhurst, the lexicographers; Mr. Holloway, author of “Originals,” and “Letter and Spirit;” Dr. Hodges, provost of Oriel College, Oxford; Mr. Henry Lee, author of “Sophron, or Nature’s Characteristics of the Truth;” Dr. Wetherell, late master of University College, Oxford; Mr. Romaine; Bishop Horne; and Mr. William Jones, the bishop’s learned friend and biographer.
2. The supporters of Mr. Hutchinson haven't formed a sect or separate community. Among them are some prominent and respected theologians from both England and Scotland, but their numbers seem to be decreasing at the moment. Of those who were once considered Hutchinsonians, perhaps the most notable were: Mr. Julius Bate and Mr. Parkhurst, the lexicographers; Mr. Holloway, author of “Originals” and “Letter and Spirit;” Dr. Hodges, provost of Oriel College, Oxford; Mr. Henry Lee, author of “Sophron, or Nature’s Characteristics of the Truth;” Dr. Wetherell, former master of University College, Oxford; Mr. Romaine; Bishop Horne; and Mr. William Jones, the bishop’s learned friend and biographer.
HYMN, a song, or ode, composed in honour of God. The Jewish hymns were accompanied with trumpets, drums, and cymbals, to assist the voices of the Levites and people. The word is used as synonymous with canticle, song, or psalm, which the Hebrews scarcely distinguish, having no particular term for a hymn, as distinct from a psalm or canticle. St. Paul requires Christians to edify one another with “psalms, and hymns, and spiritual 474songs.” St. Matthew says, that Christ, having supped, sung a hymn, and went out. He recited the hymns or psalms which the Jews were used to sing after the passover; which they called the Halal; that is, the Hallelujah Psalms.
HYMN, a song or ode, created to honor God. Jewish hymns were played with trumpets, drums, and cymbals to support the voices of the Levites and the people. The term is used interchangeably with canticle, song, or psalm, which the Hebrews barely differentiate, as they lack a specific term for a hymn distinct from a psalm or canticle. St. Paul instructs Christians to build each other up with “psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs.” St. Matthew notes that Christ, after having supper, sang a hymn and then went out. He recited the hymns or psalms that the Jews traditionally sang after the Passover, which they referred to as the Halal; that is, the Hallelujah Psalms.
HYPERBOLE. This figure, in its representation of things or objects, either magnifies or diminishes them beyond or below their proper limits: it is common in all languages, and is of frequent occurrence in the Scriptures. Thus, things which are lofty are said to reach up to heaven, Deut. i, 28; ix, 1; Psalm cvii, 26. So things which are beyond the reach or capacity of man are said to be in “heaven,” in the “deep,” or “beyond the sea,” Deut. xxx, 12; Rom. x, 6, 7. So a great quantity or number is commonly expressed by the “sand of the sea,” the “dust of the earth,” and the “stars of heaven,” Genesis xiii, 16; xli, 49; Judges vii, 12; 1 Sam. xiii, 5; 1 Kings iv, 29; 2 Chron. i, 9; Jer. xv, 8; Heb. xi, 12. In like manner we meet with “smaller than grasshoppers,” Num. xiii, 33, to denote extreme diminutiveness; “swifter than eagles,” 2 Sam. i, 23, to intimate extreme celerity; the “earth trembled,” the “mountains melted,” Judges v, 4, 5; the “earth rent,” 1 Kings i, 40. “I make my bed to swim;” “rivers of tears run down mine eyes.” So we read of “angels' food,” Psalm vi, 6; cxix, 136; lxxviii, 25; the “face of an angel,” Acts vi, 15; and the “tongue of an angel,” 1 Cor. xiii, 1. See also Gal. i, 8; iv, 14. We read “sigh with the breaking of thy loins,” Ezek. xxi, 6, that is, most deeply. So we read that “the stones would cry out,” and “they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another,” Luke xix, 40, 44; that is, there shall be a total desolation.
HYPERBOLE. This figure of speech represents things or objects in a way that either exaggerates or minimizes them beyond their actual limits: it's common in all languages and often appears in the Scriptures. For example, things that are high are said to reach up to heaven, Deut. 1:28; 9:1; Psalm 107:26. Similarly, things that are beyond human reach are described as being in “heaven,” in the “depths,” or “beyond the sea,” Deut. 30:12; Rom. 10:6, 7. A large quantity or number is often expressed through phrases like “the sand of the sea,” “the dust of the earth,” and “the stars of heaven,” Genesis 13:16; 41:49; Judges 7:12; 1 Sam. 13:5; 1 Kings 4:29; 2 Chron. 1:9; Jer. 15:8; Heb. 11:12. Likewise, we come across expressions like “smaller than grasshoppers,” Num. 13:33, to indicate extreme smallness; “swifter than eagles,” 2 Sam. 1:23, to suggest extreme speed; the “earth trembled,” the “mountains melted,” Judges 5:4, 5; the “earth rent,” 1 Kings 1:40. “I make my bed to swim;” “rivers of tears run down my eyes.” We also read about “angels' food,” Psalm 6:6; 119:136; 78:25; the “face of an angel,” Acts 6:15; and the “tongue of an angel,” 1 Cor. 13:1. See also Gal. 1:8; 4:14. We see “sigh with the breaking of your loins,” Ezek. 21:6, meaning very deeply. Lastly, it states that “the stones will cry out,” and “they shall not leave in you one stone upon another,” Luke 19:40, 44; meaning there will be total destruction.
HYPOCRITE, a word from the Greek, which signifies one who feigns to be what he is not; who puts on a masque or character, like actors in tragedies and comedies. It is generally applied to those who assume appearances of a virtue, without possessing it in reality. Our Saviour accused the Pharisees of hypocrisy. In the Old Testament, the Hebrew word caneph, which is rendered “hypocrite,” “counterfeit,” signifiessignifies also a profane wicked man, a man polluted, corrupted, a man of impiety, a deceiver. It was ingeniously said by Basil, that the hypocrite did not put off the old man, but put the new man upon it.
HYPOCRITE, a word from Greek, means someone who pretends to be what they are not; who wears a mask or plays a role, like actors in tragedies and comedies. It's usually used for those who show the facade of virtue but don’t actually have it. Our Savior called out the Pharisees for their hypocrisy. In the Old Testament, the Hebrew word caneph, translated as “hypocrite,” “counterfeit,” signifiessignifies also refers to a profane wicked person, someone who is polluted, corrupted, a person of impiety, a deceiver. Basil cleverly remarked that the hypocrite doesn’t shed the old self but puts on the new self over it.
HYPOSTATICAL UNION; the union of the divine and human natures of Christ in one person. This is the doctrine generally received in the church of Christ; but there have been some who have denied this, who yet acknowledge our Lord’s divinity. Nestorius, who had been taught to distinguish accurately between the divine and human nature of Christ, was offended with some expressions commonly used by Christians in the beginning of the fifth century, which seemed to destroy that distinction, and particularly with their calling the Virgin Mary θεότοκος, as if it were possible for the Godhead to be born. His zeal provoked opposition; in the eagerness of controversy he was led to use unguarded expressions; and he was condemned by the third of the general councils, the council of Ephesus, in the year 431. It is a matter of doubt whether the opinions of Nestorius, if he had been allowed by his adversaries fairly to explain them, would have appeared inconsistent with the doctrine established by the council of Ephesus, that Christ is one person, in whom two natures were most closely united. But whatever was the extent of the error of Nestorius, from him is derived that system concerning the incarnation of Christ, which is held by a large body of Christians in Chaldea, Assyria, and other regions of the east, and which is known in the ecclesiastical history of the west by the name of the Nestorian heresy. The object of the Nestorians is to avoid every appearance of ascribing to the divinity of Christ the weakness of humanity; and therefore they distinguish between Christ, and God who dwelt in Christ as in a temple. They say, that from the moment of the virgin’s conception, there commenced an intimate and indissoluble union between Christ and God, that these two persons presented in Jesus Christ one ϖρόσωπον, or aspect, but that the union between them is merely a union of will and affection, such in kind as that which subsists between two friends, although much closer in degree. Opposite to the Nestorian opinion is the Eutychian, which derives its name from Eutyches, an abbot of Constantinople, who, about the middle of the fifth century, in his zeal to avoid the errors of Nestorius, was carried to the other extreme. Those who did not hold the Nestorian opinions had been accustomed to speak of the “one incarnate nature” of Christ. But Eutyches used this phrase in such a manner as to appear to teach that the human nature of Christ was absorbed in the divine, and that his body had no real existence. This opinion was condemned in the year 451, by the council of Chalcedon, the fourth general council, which declared, as the faith of the catholic church, that Christ is one person; that in this unity of person there are two natures, the divine and the human; and that there is no change, or mixture, or confusion of these two natures, but that each retains its distinguishing properties. The decree of Chalcedon was not universally submitted to. But many of the successors of Eutyches, wishing to avoid the palpable absurdity which was ascribed to him, of supposing that one nature was absorbed by another, and anxious at the same time to preserve that unity which the Nestorians divided, declared their faith to be, that in Christ there is one nature, but that this nature is twofold or compounded. From this tenet the successors of Eutyches derive the name of Monophysites; and from Jacob Baradæus, who in the following century was a zealous and successful preacher, of the system of the Monophysites, they are more commonly known by the name of Jacobites. The Monophysites, or Jacobites, are found chiefly near the Euphrates and Tigris; they are much less numerous than the Nestorians; and, although they profess to have corrected the errors which were supposed to adhere to the Eutychian 475heresy, they may be considered as having formed their peculiar opinions upon the general principles of that system. The Monothelites, an ancient sect, of whom a remnant is found in the neighbourhood of Mount Libanus, disclaim any connection with Eutyches, and agree with the Catholics in ascribing two natures to Christ; but they have received their name from their conceiving that Christ, being one person, can only have one will: whereas the Catholics, considering both natures as complete, think it essential to each to have a will, and say that every inconvenience which can be supposed to arise from two wills in one person, is removed by the perfect harmony between that will which belongs to the divine, and that which belongs to the human nature of Christ.
HYPOSTATICAL UNION; the union of the divine and human natures of Christ in one person. This is the doctrine generally accepted in the church of Christ; however, some have denied this while still acknowledging our Lord’s divinity. Nestorius, who was taught to clearly differentiate between the divine and human nature of Christ, was offended by certain phrases commonly used by Christians in the early fifth century, which seemed to blur that distinction, especially when referring to the Virgin Mary as θεότοκος, as if it were possible for the Godhead to be born. His passion sparked opposition; in the heat of debate, he made careless statements; and he was condemned by the third general council, the council of Ephesus, in the year 431. It is uncertain whether Nestorius’s views, if he had been allowed by his opponents to explain them fairly, would have seemed inconsistent with the doctrine established by the council of Ephesus, which states that Christ is one person in whom two natures are united. Regardless of how far Nestorius’s error went, it led to the system regarding the incarnation of Christ, embraced by a large number of Christians in Chaldea, Assyria, and other regions of the east, known in the ecclesiastical history of the west as the Nestorian heresy. The Nestorians aim to avoid any implication of attributing the weakness of humanity to the divinity of Christ; therefore, they differentiate between Christ and God who dwelt in Christ like a temple. They assert that from the moment of the virgin’s conception, there began an intimate and unbreakable union between Christ and God, that these two persons in Jesus Christ represented one ϖρόσωπον, or aspect, but that the union between them is only a union of will and affection, similar to that which exists between two friends, albeit much closer in degree. In contrast to the Nestorian view is the Eutychian perspective, named after Eutyches, an abbot of Constantinople, who, around the middle of the fifth century, in his eagerness to avoid the errors of Nestorius, swung to the other extreme. Those who did not hold the Nestorian views had been accustomed to speak of the “one incarnate nature” of Christ. But Eutyches expressed this concept in a way that seemed to suggest that the human nature of Christ was absorbed in the divine, and that his body had no real existence. This belief was condemned in the year 451 by the council of Chalcedon, the fourth general council, which declared the faith of the catholic church to be that Christ is one person; that in this unity of person there are two natures, the divine and the human; and that there is no change, mixture, or confusion of these two natures, but that each retains its distinct characteristics. The decree of Chalcedon was not universally accepted. However, many of Eutyches's successors, wanting to avoid the clear absurdity attributed to him—that one nature was absorbed by another—and eager to maintain the unity that the Nestorians divided, declared their faith to be that in Christ there is one nature, but this nature is dual or composed. From this belief, Eutyches’s successors are known as Monophysites; and from Jacob Baradæus, who in the following century was a passionate and successful preacher of the Monophysite system, they are more commonly referred to as Jacobites. The Monophysites, or Jacobites, are found mainly around the Euphrates and Tigris; they are significantly fewer in number than the Nestorians; and although they claim to have corrected the errors attributed to the Eutychian 475heresy, they can be considered to have developed their unique views based on the general principles of that system. The Monothelites, an ancient group with a remnant existing near Mount Libanus, deny any link with Eutyches, and agree with Catholics in attributing two natures to Christ; but they earn their name by believing that Christ, being one person, can only have one will: while the Catholics, viewing both natures as complete, believe it is essential for each to have a will, and state that any problems that might arise from having two wills in one person are resolved by the perfect harmony between the divine will and the human will of Christ.
HYSSOP, אזוב, Exod. xii, 22; Lev. xiv, 4, 6, 49, 51, 52; Num. xix, 6, 18; 1 Kings iv, 33; Psalm li, 7; Matt, xxvii, 48; Mark xv, 36; ὑσσωπὸς, John xix, 29; Heb. ix, 19. It grows plentifully on the mountains near Jerusalem. It is of a bitter taste; and, from being considered as possessing detersive and cleansing qualities, derived probably its Hebrew name. The original word has been variously translated; and Celsius has devoted forty-two pages to remove difficulties, occasioned by the discordant opinions of the Talmudical writers, and to ascertain the plant intended. That it is the hyssop seems most probable: the passage in Heb. ix, 19, sufficiently identifies it. Under the law, it was commonly used in purifications as a sprinkler. When the children of Israel came out of Egypt, they were commanded to take a bunch of hyssop, to dip it in the blood of the paschal lamb, and sprinkle it on the lintel and the two side-posts of the door. It was also used in sprinkling the leper. The hyssop is extremely well adapted to such purposes, as it grows in bunches, and puts out many suckers from a single root.
HYSSOP, אזוב, Exod. 12:22; Lev. 14:4, 6, 49, 51, 52; Num. 19:6, 18; 1 Kings 4:33; Psalm 51:7; Matt. 27:48; Mark 15:36; ὑσσωπὸς, John 19:29; Heb. 9:19. It grows abundantly on the mountains near Jerusalem. It has a bitter taste and is believed to have cleansing properties, which likely influenced its Hebrew name. The original term has been translated in various ways, and Celsius has dedicated forty-two pages to clarify the confusion caused by differing opinions from Talmudic scholars and to identify the plant being referred to. It seems most likely that the text refers to hyssop, as indicated in Heb. 9:19. Under the law, it was commonly used for purification as a sprinkler. When the Israelites left Egypt, they were instructed to take a bunch of hyssop, dip it in the blood of the Passover lamb, and sprinkle it on the doorframe's lintel and side posts. It was also used for sprinkling lepers. Hyssop is particularly well-suited for these purposes because it grows in bunches and produces many shoots from a single root.
ICONIUM, the chief city of Lycaonia, in Asia Minor. An assault being meditated at the place by the unbelieving Jews and Gentiles upon the Apostles Paul and Barnabas, who, by preaching in the synagogue, had converted many Jews and Greeks, they fled to Lystra; where the designs of their enemies were put in execution, and St. Paul miraculously escaped with his life, Acts xiv. The church planted at this place by St. Paul continued to flourish, until, by the persecutions of the Saracens, and afterward of the Seljukian Turks, who made it the capital of one of their sultanies, it was nearly extinguished. But some Christians of the Greek and Armenian churches, with a Greek archbishop, are yet found in the suburbs of this city, who are not permitted to reside within the walls. Iconium is now called Cogni, and is still a considerable city; being the capital of the extensive province of Caramania, as it was formerly of Lycaonia, and the seat of a Turkish beglerberg, or viceroy. It is the place of chief strength and importance in the central parts of Asiatic Turkey, being surrounded by a strong wall of four miles in circumference; but, as is the case with most eastern cities, much of the enclosed space is waste. It is situated about a hundred and twenty miles inland from the Mediterranean, on the lake Trogilis. Mr. Kinneir says, Iconium, the capital of Lycaonia, is mentioned by Xenophon, and afterward by Cicero and Strabo; but does not appear to have been a place of any consideration until after the taking of Nice by the crusaders in 1099, when the Seljukian sultans of Roum chose it as their residence. These sultans rebuilt the walls, and embellished the city: they were, however, expelled in 1189 by Frederic Barbarossa, who took it by assault; but after his death they reëntered their capital, where they reigned in splendour till the irruption of Tchengis Khan, and his grandson, Holukow, who broke the power of the Seljukians. Iconium, under the name of Cogni, or Konia, has been included in the dominions of the grand seignior ever since the time of Bajazet, who finally extirpated the Ameers of Caramania. The modern city has an imposing appearance from the number and size of its mosques, colleges, and other public buildings; but these stately edifices are crumbling into ruins, while the houses of the inhabitants consist of a mixture of small huts built of sun-dried bricks, and wretched hovels thatched with reeds. The city, according to the same authority, contains about eighty thousand inhabitants, principally Turks, with only a small proportion of Christians. It is represented as enjoying a fine climate, and pleasantly situated among gardens and meadows; while it is nearly surrounded, at some distance, with mountains which rise to the regions of perpetual snow. It was formerly the capital of an extensive government, and the seat of a powerful pasha, who maintained a military force competent to the preservation of peace and order, and the defence of his territories. But it has now dwindled into insignificance, and exhibits upon the whole a mournful scene of desolation and decay.
ICONIUM, the main city of Lycaonia in Asia Minor. An attack was being planned there by the non-believing Jews and Gentiles against the Apostles Paul and Barnabas, who had converted many Jews and Greeks by preaching in the synagogue, so they fled to Lystra; where their enemies’ plans were carried out, and St. Paul miraculously escaped with his life, Acts xiv. The church established there by St. Paul thrived until it was nearly wiped out due to the persecutions by the Saracens, and later by the Seljuk Turks, who made it the capital of one of their sultanates. However, some Christians from the Greek and Armenian churches, along with a Greek archbishop, are still found in the suburbs of this city, though they are not allowed to live within the city walls. Iconium is now called Cogni and remains a significant city; it serves as the capital of the large province of Caramania, just as it did previously for Lycaonia, and is the seat of a Turkish beglerbeg, or viceroy. It is the most fortified and important location in central Asiatic Turkey, surrounded by a strong wall that stretches four miles around; but, like many eastern cities, a lot of the enclosed area is unused. It's located about a hundred and twenty miles inland from the Mediterranean, near Lake Trogilis. Mr. Kinneir notes that Iconium, the capital of Lycaonia, is mentioned by Xenophon, and later by Cicero and Strabo; however, it doesn’t seem to have been a notable place until after the Crusaders took Nice in 1099, when the Seljuk sultans of Roum chose it as their residence. These sultans rebuilt the walls and adorned the city; however, they were expelled in 1189 by Frederic Barbarossa, who captured it in an assault; but after his death, they returned to their capital, where they ruled in splendor until the invasion of Tchengis Khan and his grandson, Holukow, broke the power of the Seljukians. Iconium, now known as Cogni or Konia, has been part of the grand seignior's dominions since Bajazet’s time, who ultimately eradicated the Ameers of Caramania. The modern city has an impressive appearance from the number and size of its mosques, colleges, and other public buildings; however, these grand structures are falling into ruin, while the homes of its residents are a mix of small huts made of sun-dried bricks and miserable hovels thatched with reeds. According to the same source, the city has about eighty thousand residents, mostly Turks, with only a small number of Christians. It is said to enjoy a fine climate and is nicely positioned among gardens and meadows; it is nearly surrounded, at a distance, by mountains rising to snow-capped heights. It once was the capital of a large government and the seat of a powerful pasha, who maintained enough military force to ensure peace and order, and defend his territories. But it has now faded into obscurity, presenting a generally sad picture of desolation and decay.
ICONOCLASTES, image breakers; or Iconomachi, image opposers, were names given to those who rejected the use of images in churches, and, on certain occasions, vented their zeal in destroying them. The great opposition to images began under Bardanes, a Greek emperor, in the beginning of the eighth century; and was revived again, a few years after, under Leo, the Isaurian, who issued an edict against image worship, which occasioned a civil war in the islands of the Archipelago, and afterward in Italy; the Roman pontiffs and Greek councils alternately supporting it. At length images were rejected by the Greek church, which however retains pictures in churches, though her members do not worship them; but the Latin church, more corrupt, not only retained images, but made them the medium, if not the object, of their worship, and are therefore Iconoduli, or Iconolatræ, image worshippers.
ICONOCLASTS, image breakers; or Iconomachi, image opposers, were terms used for people who rejected the use of images in churches and, at times, expressed their passion by destroying them. The major push against images started under Bardanes, a Greek emperor, in the early eighth century, and picked up again a few years later under Leo, the Isaurian, who issued a decree against image worship, leading to a civil war in the islands of the Archipelago, and later in Italy; the Roman popes and Greek councils alternately backed this. Eventually, images were rejected by the Greek church, which still keeps pictures in churches, although its members do not worship them; however, the Latin church, being more corrupt, not only kept images but also made them the focus, if not the object, of their worship, and are therefore Iconoduli, or Iconolatræ, image worshippers.
IDDO, a prophet of the kingdom of Judah, who wrote the actions of Rehoboam’s and 476Abijah’s reigns, 2 Chron. xii, 15. It seems by 2 Chron. xiii, 22, that he had entitled his work, Midrasch, or, “Inquiries.” We know nothing particularly concerning the life of this prophet. It is probable that he likewise wrote some prophecies against Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, 2 Chron. ix, 29, wherein part of Solomon’s life was included. Josephus, and many others after him, are of opinion that it was Iddo who was sent to Jeroboam, while he was at Bethel, and was there dedicating an altar to the golden calves; and that it was he who was killed by a lion, 1 Kings xiii.
IDDO, a prophet from the kingdom of Judah, documented the events of Rehoboam's and Abijah's reigns, as mentioned in 2 Chronicles 12:15. According to 2 Chronicles 13:22, he titled his work "Midrasch," or "Inquiries." We don’t have specific details about the life of this prophet. It's likely that he also wrote some prophecies against Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, referenced in 2 Chronicles 9:29, which included parts of Solomon's life. Josephus and many others believe that Iddo was the one sent to Jeroboam while he was in Bethel, where he was dedicating an altar to the golden calves; he was also the one who was killed by a lion, as noted in 1 Kings 13.
IDOLATRY, from εἰδωλολατρεία, composed of εἰδος, image, and λατρεύειν, to serve, the worship and adoration of false gods; or the giving those honours to creatures, or the works of man’s hands, which are only due to God. Several have written of the origin and causes of idolatry: among the rest, Vossius, Selden, Godwyn, Tenison, and Faber; but it is still a doubt who was the first author of it. It is generally allowed, however, that it had not its beginning till after the deluge; and many are of opinion, that Belus, who is supposed to be the same with Nimrod, was the first man that was deified. But whether they had not paid divine honours to the heavenly bodies before that time, cannot be determined; our acquaintance with those remote times being extremely slender. The first mention we find made of idolatry is where Rachel is said to have taken the idols of her father; for though the meaning of the Hebrew word תרפים, be disputed, yet it is pretty evident they were idols. Laban calls them his gods, and Jacob calls them strange gods, and looks on them as abominations. The original idolatry by image worship is by many attributed to the age of Eber, B. C. 2247, about a hundred and one years after the deluge, according to the Hebrew chronology; four hundred and one years according to the Samaritan; and five hundred and thirty-one years according to the Septuagint; though most of the fathers place it no higher than that of Serug; which seems to be the more probable opinion, considering that for the first hundred and thirty-four years of Eber’s life all mankind dwelt in a body together; during which time it is not reasonable to suppose that idolatry broke in upon them; then some time must be allowed after the dispersion of the several nations, which were but small at the beginning, to increase and settle themselves; so that if idolatry was introduced in Eber’s time, it must have been toward the end of his life, and could not well have prevailed so universally, and with that obstinacy which some authors have imagined. Terah, the father of Abraham, who lived at Ur, in Chaldea, about B. C. 2000, was unquestionably an idolater; for he is expressly said in Scripture to have served other gods. The authors of the Universal History think, that the origin and progress of idolatry are plainly pointed out to us in the account which Moses gives of Laban’s and Jacob’s parting, Gen. xxxi, 44, &c. From the custom once introduced of erecting monuments in memory of any solemn covenants, the transition was easy into the notion, that some deity took its residence in them, in order to punish the first aggressors; and this might be soon improved by an ignorant and degenerate world, till not only birds, beasts, stocks, and stones, but sun, moon, and stars, were called into the same office; though used, perhaps, at first, by the designing part of mankind, as scare-crows, to overawe the ignorant.
IDOLATRY, derived from εἰδωλολατρεία, made up of εἰδος, image, and λατρεύειν, to serve, refers to the worship and reverence of false gods, or giving honors to creatures or human creations that should only be given to God. Many have explored the origins and reasons for idolatry, including Vossius, Selden, Godwyn, Tenison, and Faber; however, it's still unclear who first created it. It is widely accepted that it did not begin until after the flood, and many believe that Belus—who is thought to be the same as Nimrod—was the first person to be deified. Yet, whether divine worship was offered to celestial bodies before that time remains uncertain, as our knowledge of those ancient periods is quite limited. The first mention of idolatry appears when Rachel is said to have taken her father's idols; although the exact meaning of the Hebrew word תרפים is debated, it is quite clear that they were idols. Laban refers to them as his gods, while Jacob sees them as strange gods and considers them abominations. The original idolatry associated with image worship is often attributed to the time of Eber, B.C. 2247, roughly a hundred and one years after the flood according to Hebrew chronology; four hundred and one years according to the Samaritan version; and five hundred and thirty-one years according to the Septuagint. However, most church fathers place it no earlier than the time of Serug, which seems to be a more plausible view, considering that for the first hundred and thirty-four years of Eber's life, all of humanity lived together, and it seems unlikely that idolatry emerged during this period. A period must also be allowed after the dispersal of the nations, which were initially small, to grow and establish themselves. Thus, if idolatry appeared during Eber's time, it would likely have been toward the end of his life and wouldn't have spread as widely or stubbornly as some authors suggest. Terah, Abraham’s father, who lived in Ur of Chaldea around B.C. 2000, was definitely an idolater, as it is explicitly stated in Scripture that he served other gods. The authors of Universal History believe that the origins and development of idolatry are clearly illustrated in Moses's account of Laban's and Jacob's separation, Gen. xxxi, 44, &c. From the custom of erecting monuments to commemorate solemn agreements, it was easy to shift into the idea that some deity resided within them to punish those who wronged the first. This concept could have quickly been exploited by an ignorant and corrupt society, leading not only to the worship of birds, beasts, wood, and stone, but also the sun, moon, and stars, although perhaps initially used by the more cunning individuals to instill fear in the uneducated.
Sanchoniathon, who wrote his “Phenician Antiquities,” apparently with a view to apologize for idolatry, traces its origin to the descendants of Cain, the elder branch, who began with the worship of the sun, and afterward added a variety of other methods of idolatrous worship: proceeding to deify the several parts of nature, and men after their death; and even to consecrate the plants shooting out of the earth, which the first men judged to be gods, and worshipped as those that sustained the lives of themselves and of their posterity. The Chaldean priests, in process of time, being by their situation early addicted to celestial observations, instead of conceiving as they ought to have done concerning the omnipotence of the Creator and Mover of the heavenly bodies, fell into the impious error of esteeming them as gods, and the immediate governors of the world, in subordination, however, to the Deity, who was invisible except by his works, and the effects of his power. Concluding that God created the stars and great luminaries for the government of the world, partakers with himself and as his ministers, they thought it but just and natural that they should be honoured and extolled, and that it was the will of God they should be magnified and worshipped. Accordingly, they erected temples, or sacella, to the stars, in which they sacrificed and bowed down before them, esteeming them as a kind of mediators between God and man. Impostors afterward arose, who gave out, that they had received express orders from God himself concerning the manner in which particular heavenly bodies should be represented, and the nature and ceremonies of the worship which was to be paid them. When they proceeded to worship wood, stone, or metal, formed and fashioned by their own hands, they were led to apprehend, that these images had been, in some way or other, animated or informed with a supernatural power by supernatural means; though Dr. Prideaux imagines, that, being at a loss to know how to address themselves to the planets when they were below the horizon, and invisible, they recurred to the use of images. But it will be sufficient to suppose, that they were persuaded that each star or planet was actuated by an intelligence; and that the virtues of the heavenly body were infused into the image that represented it. It is certain, that the sentient nature and divinity of the sun, moon, and stars, was strenuously asserted by the philosophers, particularly by Pythagoras and his followers, and by the Stoics, as well as believed by the common people, and 477was, indeed, the very foundation of the Pagan idolatry. The heavenly bodies were the first deities of all the idolatrous nations, were esteemed eternal, sovereign, and supreme; and distinguished by the title of the natural gods. Thus we find that the primary gods of the Heathens in general were Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Mercury, Venus, and Diana; by which we can understand no other than the sun and moon, and the five greatest luminaries next to these. Plutarch expressly censures the Epicureans for asserting that the sun and moon, whom all men worshipped, are void of intelligence.
Sanchoniathon, who wrote his “Phenician Antiquities,” seemingly to justify idolatry, traces its beginnings to the descendants of Cain, the older branch, who started with sun worship and later added various other forms of idolatrous practices: proceeding to deify different aspects of nature and people after they died; and even to honor the plants emerging from the earth, which the first humans regarded as gods and worshiped as those that sustained their lives and those of their descendants. Over time, the Chaldean priests, being early drawn to celestial observations due to their circumstances, instead of recognizing the omnipotence of the Creator and the Mover of the heavenly bodies, fell into the misguided belief that these bodies were gods and direct rulers of the world, while still being subordinate to the Deity, who was invisible except through his works and the evidence of his power. Concluding that God created the stars and great lights to govern the world, as partners and ministers, they thought it only right and natural to honor and praise them, believing it was God’s will that they should be glorified and worshiped. They therefore built temples, or sacella, to the stars, where they sacrificed and bowed down before them, regarding them as mediators between God and humanity. Later, frauds emerged, claiming they had received direct instructions from God about how to represent specific heavenly bodies and the nature and rituals of the worship to be given to them. When they began to worship wood, stone, or metal, crafted by their own hands, they came to believe that these images were somehow infused with supernatural power through supernatural means; although Dr. Prideaux suggests that, being unsure how to address the planets when they were below the horizon and not visible, they resorted to using images. But it is enough to assume that they were convinced each star or planet was driven by an intelligence and that the powers of the heavenly body were transferred to the image that represented it. It is clear that the sentient nature and divinity of the sun, moon, and stars were strongly promoted by philosophers, especially by Pythagoras and his followers, as well as by the Stoics, and were also believed by the general public, and 477was indeed the very foundation of Pagan idolatry. The heavenly bodies were the first gods worshiped by all idolatrous nations, considered eternal, sovereign, and supreme; and were referred to as the natural gods. Thus, we see that the primary gods of the heathens in general were Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Mercury, Venus, and Diana; which should be understood as representing the sun and moon, and the five largest lights following them. Plutarch specifically criticizes the Epicureans for claiming that the sun and moon, whom everyone worshiped, are without intelligence.
Sanchoniathon represents the most ancient nations, particularly the Phenicians and Egyptians, as acknowledging only the natural gods, the sun, moon, planets, and elements; and Plato declares it as his opinion, that the first Grecians likewise held these only to be gods, as many of the barbarians did in his time. Beside these natural gods, the Heathens believed that there were certain spirits who held a middle rank between the gods and men on earth, and carried on all intercourse between them; conveying the addresses of men to the gods, and the divine benefits to men. These spirits were called demons. From the imaginary office ascribed to them, they became the grand objects of the religious hopes and fears of the Pagans, of immediate dependence and divine worship. In the most learned nations, they did not so properly share, as engross, the public devotion. To these alone sacrifices were offered, while the celestial gods were worshipped only with a pure mind, or with hymns and praises. As to the nature of these demons, it has been generally believed, that they were spirits of a higher origin than the human race; and, in support of this opinion, it has been alleged, that the supreme deity of the Pagans is called the greatest demon; that demons are described as beings placed between the gods and men; and that demons are expressly distinguished from heroes, who were the departed souls of men. Some, however, have combatted this opinion, and maintained, on the contrary, that by demons, such as were the more immediate objects of the established worship among the ancient nations, particularly the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, we are to understand beings of an earthly origin, or such departed human souls as were believed to become demons.
Sanchoniathon represents the earliest nations, especially the Phoenicians and Egyptians, as recognizing only the natural gods: the sun, moon, planets, and elements. Plato shares his view that the early Greeks also considered these to be the only gods, similar to many of the outsiders during his era. In addition to these natural gods, pagans believed there were certain spirits that held a middle ground between the gods and humans on earth, facilitating all interactions between them; they conveyed humans' messages to the gods and relayed divine gifts to people. These spirits were called demons. Due to the roles assigned to them, they became central to the religious hopes and fears of pagans, seen as immediate intermediaries requiring divine worship. In the most educated nations, they didn’t just share the public devotion; they monopolized it. Sacrifices were offered to them alone, while the celestial gods were honored only with a pure heart or through hymns and praises. Regarding the nature of these demons, it has generally been believed that they are spirits of a higher origin than humans. To support this belief, it's been suggested that the supreme deity of the pagans is referred to as the greatest demon, that demons are depicted as beings positioned between the gods and humans, and that demons are clearly differentiated from heroes, who were the souls of the deceased. However, some have countered this view, arguing instead that by demons, particularly those that were the primary focus of worship among ancient nations like the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, we should understand beings of earthly origin or souls that were believed to have become demons.
Although the Hindoo inhabitants of the East Indies deny the charge of idolatry, using the same description of arguments as are so inconclusively urged by superstitious Europeans in defence of image worship, it is still evident that the mass of the Hindoos are addicted to gross idolatry. The gods of Rome were even less numerous, certainly less whimsical and monstrous, than those at Benares. In Moore’s Hindoo Pantheon are given exact portraits of many scores of deities worshipped, with appropriate ceremonies, and under various forms and names, by different sects of that grossly superstitious race. Some of these portraits are of images colossal to a degree perhaps unequalled by any existing statues; others are exceedingly diminutive. Some are metallic casts, and some apparently extremely ancient, which exhibit every gradation of art from the rudest imaginable specimen, up to a very respectable portion of skill, so as to approach to elegance of form, and to ease and expression of attitude.
Although the Hindu people of the East Indies reject the accusation of idolatry, arguing with the same kinds of reasoning that superstitious Europeans use to defend image worship, it’s clear that most Hindus are heavily involved in idol worship. The gods of Rome were fewer in number and definitely less strange and monstrous than those found in Benares. In Moore’s Hindu Pantheon, there are detailed portraits of many deities worshipped, along with their ceremonies, and under various forms and names by different sects of this deeply superstitious group. Some of these portraits depict statues that are colossal, perhaps unmatched by any existing sculptures, while others are very small. Some are metal casts, and others seem extremely ancient, showing every level of artistry from the most basic to a respectable degree of skill, approaching elegance in form and expressing ease in their poses.
The principal causes which have been assigned for idolatry are, the indelible idea which every man has of God, and the evidence which he gives of it to himself; an inviolable attachment to the senses, and a habit of judging and deciding by them, and them only; the pride and vanity of the human mind, which is not satisfied with simple truth, but mingles and adulterates it with fables; men’s ignorance of antiquity, or of the first times, and the first men, of whom they had but very dark and confused knowledge by tradition, they having left no written monuments, or books; the ignorance and change of languages; the style of the oriental writings, which is figurative and poetical, and personifies every thing; the scruples and fears inspired by superstition; the flattery and fictions of poets; the false relations of travellers; the imaginations of painters and sculptors; a smattering of physics, that is, a slight acquaintance with natural bodies and appearances, and their causes; the establishment of colonies, and the invention of arts, mistaken by barbarous people; the artifices of priests; the pride of certain men, who affected to pass for gods; the love and gratitude borne by the people to certain of their great men and benefactors; and, finally, the historical events of the Scriptures ill understood. “One great spring and fountain of all idolatry,” says Sir William Jones, “was the veneration paid by men to the sun, or vast body of fire, which ‘looks from his sole dominion like the god of this world;’ and another, the immoderate respect shown to the memory of powerful or virtuous ancestors and warriors, of whom the sun and the moon were wildly supposed to be the parents.” But the Scriptural account of the matter refers the whole to wilful ignorance and a corrupt heart: “They did not like to retain God in their knowledge.” To this may be added, what indeed proceeds from the same sources, the disposition to convert religion into outward forms; the endeavour to render it more impressive upon the imagination through the senses; the substitution of sentiment for real religious principle; and the license which this gave to inventions of men, which in process of time became complicated and monstrous. That debasement of mind, and that alienation of the heart from God, and the gross immoralities and licentious practices which have ever accompanied idolatry, will sufficiently account for the severity with which it is denounced, both in the Old and New Testaments.
The main reasons given for idolatry are the deep-rooted idea every person has of God, and the evidence they provide for themselves; a strong reliance on the senses, and a habit of judging and deciding based only on them; the pride and vanity of the human mind, which isn’t satisfied with simple truth but mixes it with myths; people’s ignorance of ancient times and the first humans, about whom they only had vague and confused knowledge through tradition, as there were no written records or books left behind; the lack of understanding and evolution of languages; the figurative and poetic style of Eastern writings, which personify everything; the doubts and fears caused by superstition; the flattery and fabrications of poets; misleading accounts from travelers; the imaginations of painters and sculptors; a basic understanding of physical concepts, a slight knowledge of natural objects and phenomena, and their causes; the establishment of colonies and the introduction of crafts, misunderstood by primitive cultures; the tricks of priests; the arrogance of certain individuals who tried to portray themselves as gods; the admiration and gratitude people felt for their great leaders and benefactors; and ultimately, the misunderstandings of historical events in the Scriptures. “One major source of all idolatry,” says Sir William Jones, “was the reverence people had for the sun, or the huge mass of fire, which ‘looks from his sole dominion like the god of this world;’ and another was the excessive respect given to the memory of powerful or virtuous ancestors and warriors, whom people wildly believed to be the parents of the sun and moon.” However, the Scriptural account attributes the root of it all to intentional ignorance and a corrupt heart: “They did not want to keep God in their knowledge.” Additionally, what stems from the same sources is the tendency to turn religion into external rituals; the effort to make it more impactful on the imagination through the senses; the replacement of genuine religious principle with mere sentiment; and the freedom this allowed for human inventions, which over time became intricate and monstrous. That decline in mental clarity, and the distancing of the heart from God, along with the gross immoralities and reckless behaviors that have always accompanied idolatry, accounts for the harsh way it is condemned in both the Old and New Testaments.
The veneration which the Papists pay to the Virgin Mary, and other saints and angels, and to the bread in the sacrament, the cross, relics, and images, affords ground for the Protestants to charge them with being idolaters, 478though they deny that they are so. It is evident that they worship these persons and things, and that they justify the worship, but deny the idolatry of it, by distinguishing subordinate from supreme worship. This distinction is justly thought by Protestants to be futile and nugatory, and certainly has no support from Holy Writ.
The respect that Catholics show to the Virgin Mary, along with other saints and angels, as well as to the bread in communion, the cross, relics, and images, gives Protestants a reason to accuse them of idolatry, even though they reject that label. It's clear that they honor these figures and objects and justify their reverence but argue that it isn't idolatry by differentiating between lesser and supreme worship. Protestants rightly view this distinction as pointless and meaningless, and it certainly lacks backing from the Scriptures. 478
Under the government of Samuel, Saul, and David, there was little or no idolatry in Israel. Solomon was the first Hebrew king, who, in complaisance to his foreign wives, built temples and offered incense to strange gods. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who succeeded him in the greater part of his dominions, set up golden calves at Dan and Bethel. Under the reign of Ahab, this disorder was at its height, occasioned by Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, who did all she could to destroy the worship of the true God, by driving away and persecuting his prophets. God, therefore, incensed at the sins and idolatry of the ten tribes, abandoned those tribes to the kings of Assyria and Chaldea, who transplanted them beyond the Euphrates, from whence they never returned. The people of Judah were no less corrupted. The prophets give an awful description of their idolatrous practices. They were punished after the same manner, though not so severely, as the ten tribes; being led into captivity several times, from which at last they returned, and were settled in the land of Judea, after which we hear no more of their idolatry. They have been, indeed, ever since that period, distinguished for their zeal against it. See Image.
Under the leadership of Samuel, Saul, and David, there was barely any idolatry in Israel. Solomon was the first Hebrew king who, to please his foreign wives, built temples and offered incense to foreign gods. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who took over most of his territory, established golden calves at Dan and Bethel. Under Ahab’s rule, the situation worsened, largely due to Jezebel, Ahab's wife, who did everything she could to eliminate the worship of the true God by driving away and persecuting His prophets. As a result, God, angered by the sins and idolatry of the ten tribes, let them fall into the hands of the kings of Assyria and Chaldea, who took them away beyond the Euphrates, from where they never returned. The people of Judah were also not free from corruption. The prophets provide a terrifying account of their idolatrous practices. They were punished in a similar way, though not as harshly as the ten tribes, being carried off into captivity several times, eventually returning and settling in the land of Judea, after which there are no further reports of their idolatry. In fact, since that time, they have been known for their strong opposition to it. See Image.
IDUMÆA is properly the Greek name for the land of Edom, which lay to the south of Judea, and extended from the Dead Sea to the Elanitic Gulf of the Red Sea, where were the ports of Elath and Ezion-Gaber. But the Idumæa of the New Testament applies only to a small part adjoining Judea on the south, and including even a portion of that country; which was taken possession of by the Edomites, or Idumæans, while the land lay unoccupied during the Babylonish captivity. The capital of this country was Hebron, which had formerly been the metropolis of the tribe of Judah. These Idumæans were so reduced by the Maccabees, that, in order to retain their possessions, they consented to embrace Judaism; and their territory became incorporated with Judea; although, in the time of our Saviour, it still retained its former name of Idumæa, Mark iii, 8. The proper Idumæans, or those who remained in the ancient land of Edom, became in process of time mingled with the Ishmaelites; the two people thus blended, being, from Nabaioth, or Nabath, the son of Ishmael, termed Nabathæans; under which names they are frequently mentioned in history. See Edom.
IDUMÆA is the Greek name for the land of Edom, which was south of Judea and stretched from the Dead Sea to the Elanitic Gulf of the Red Sea, where the ports of Elath and Ezion-Gaber were located. In the New Testament, Idumæa refers to a small area next to Judea on the south, which even includes a part of that region; this area was occupied by the Edomites, or Idumæans, while the land was uninhabited during the Babylonian captivity. The capital of this region was Hebron, which had previously been the main city of the tribe of Judah. The Idumæans were so weakened by the Maccabees that, to keep their land, they agreed to adopt Judaism; their territory then became part of Judea. However, during the time of our Savior, it still went by its old name, Idumæa (Mark iii, 8). The true Idumæans, or those who stayed in the ancient land of Edom, gradually mixed with the Ishmaelites; the two groups combined, being called Nabathæans, after Nabaioth, or Nabath, the son of Ishmael, and they are often mentioned in history under this name. See Edom.
ILLYRICUM, a province lying to the north and north-west of Macedonia, along the eastern coast of the Adriatic Gulf, or Gulf of Venice. It was distinguished into two parts: Liburnia to the north, where is now Croatia, and Dalmatia to the south, which still retains the same name, and to which, as St. Paul informs Timothy, Titus went, 2 Tim. iv, 10. St. Paul says, that he preached the Gospel from Jerusalem round about to Illyricum, Rom. xv, 19.
ILLYRICUM, a province located to the north and northwest of Macedonia, along the eastern shore of the Adriatic Gulf, or Gulf of Venice. It was divided into two parts: Liburnia to the north, which is now Croatia, and Dalmatia to the south, which still has the same name. As St. Paul tells Timothy, Titus went there, 2 Tim. iv, 10. St. Paul mentions that he preached the Gospel from Jerusalem all the way to Illyricum, Rom. xv, 19.
IMAGE, in a religious sense, is an artificial representation of some person or thing used as an object of adoration, and is synonymous with idol. Nothing can be more clear, full, and distinct, than the expressions of Scripture prohibiting the making and worship of images, Exod. xx, 4, 5; Deut. xvi, 22. No sin is so strongly and repeatedly condemned in the Old Testament as that of idolatry, to which the Jews, in the early part of their history, were much addicted, and for which they were constantly punished. St. Paul was greatly affected, when he saw that the city of Athens was “wholly given to idolatry,” Acts xvii, 16; and declared to the Athenians, that they ought not “to think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by art and man’s device,” Acts xvii, 29. He condemns those who “changed the glory of the incorruptible God into an image made like unto corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things,” Romans i, 23.
IMAGE, in a religious context, is a man-made representation of a person or thing that is used as an object of worship, and is the same as an idol. Nothing is more clear, complete, and distinct than the statements in Scripture prohibiting the creation and worship of images, Exod. xx, 4, 5; Deut. xvi, 22. No sin is more strongly and consistently condemned in the Old Testament than idolatry, which the Jews were quite prone to in the early part of their history, and for which they faced ongoing punishment. St. Paul was deeply moved when he saw that the city of Athens was “completely devoted to idolatry,” Acts xvii, 16; and told the Athenians that they should not “think that the Divine Being is like gold, silver, or stone, created by art and human design,” Acts xvii, 29. He criticizes those who “exchanged the glory of the incorruptible God for an image resembling corruptible man, birds, four-legged animals, and creeping creatures,” Romans i, 23.
That the first Christians had no images, is evident from this circumstance,--that they were reproached by the Heathens, because they did not use them; and we find almost every ecclesiastical writer of the first four centuries arguing against the Gentile practice of image worship, from the plain declarations of Scripture, and from the pure and spiritual nature of God. The introduction of images into places of Christian worship, dates its origin soon after the times of Constantine the Great; but the earlier Christians reprobated every species of image worship in the strongest language. It is sometimes pretended by the Papists, that they do not worship the images, but God through the medium of images; or, that the worship which they pay to images is inferior to that which they pay to the Deity himself. These distinctions would be scarcely understood by the common people; and formerly an enlightened Heathen or Jew would probably have urged the same thing. The practice is in direct opposition to the second commandment, and notwithstanding every sophistical palliation, it has always led to a transfer of human trust from God to something else. Hence idolatry, in general, is condemned in Scripture; and all use of images in the worship of God, making or bowing to any likeness, is absolutely forbidden. See Iconoclastes and Idolatry.
The fact that the first Christians didn't use images is clear from the criticism they received from pagans for not having them. Almost every ecclesiastical writer from the first four centuries argued against the Gentile practice of image worship, citing clear statements from Scripture and the pure, spiritual nature of God. The introduction of images into Christian worship began shortly after the time of Constantine the Great, but earlier Christians strongly condemned all forms of image worship. Some Catholics claim that they don't worship the images themselves, but rather God through the images, or that the worship they give to images is lesser than that given to God. These distinctions would likely be misunderstood by ordinary people, and in the past, an educated pagan or Jew would probably have made the same argument. This practice directly contradicts the second commandment, and despite any clever justifications, it has consistently led to transferring trust from God to something else. Thus, idolatry in general is condemned in Scripture, and all use of images in the worship of God, including making or bowing to any likeness, is strictly forbidden. See Iconoclasts and Worship of idols.
IMMATERIALITY, abstraction from matter; or what we understand by pure spirit.
IMMATERIALITY, abstraction from matter; or what we understand as pure spirit.
IMMORTAL. That which will endure to all eternity, as having in itself no principle of alteration or corruption. God is absolutely immortal,--he cannot die. Angels are immortal; but God, who made them, can terminate their being. Man is immortal in part, that is, in his spirit; but his body dies. Inferior creatures are not immortal; they die wholly. Thus the principle of immortality is 479differently communicated according to the will of him who can render any creature immortal, by prolonging its life; who can confer immortality on the body of man, together with his soul; and will do so at the resurrection. God only is absolutely perfect, and, therefore, absolutely immortal. See Soul.
IMMORTAL. That which will last for all time, having no ability to change or decay within itself. God is completely immortal; He cannot die. Angels are immortal as well, but God, who created them, can end their existence. Humans are partially immortal, meaning their spirits live on; however, their bodies die. Inferior creatures are not immortal; they die completely. Thus, the principle of immortality is communicated in different ways according to the will of the one who can make any creature immortal by extending its life, who can grant immortality to the human body along with the soul, and will do so at the resurrection. Only God is absolutely perfect, and therefore, absolutely immortal. See Spirit.
IMPOSITION OF HANDS. An ecclesiastical action, by which, among Episcopalians, a bishop lays his hands on the head of a person, in ordination, confirmation, or in uttering a blessing. In Presbyterian churches, the imposition is by the hands of the presbytery. This practice is also frequently observed by the Independents and others at their ordinations, when all the ministers present place their hands on the head of him whom they are ordaining, while one of them prays for a blessing on him and his future labours. This they retain as an ancient practice, justified by the example of the Apostles, when no extraordinary gifts were conveyed. However, Christians are not agreed as to the propriety of this ceremony; nor do they all consider it as an essential part of ordination.
IMPOSITION OF HANDS. This is a church practice where, in Episcopalian tradition, a bishop places his hands on the head of a person during ordination, confirmation, or when giving a blessing. In Presbyterian churches, this is done by the presbytery. This practice is also commonly seen among Independents and others during ordinations, where all the ministers present lay their hands on the person being ordained, while one of them offers a prayer for blessings on him and his future work. They keep this as an ancient tradition, citing the example of the Apostles, even when no extraordinary gifts were given. However, Christians do not all agree on the appropriateness of this ceremony, nor do they all view it as a necessary part of ordination.
Imposition of hands was a Jewish ceremony, introduced, not by any divine authority, but by custom; it being the practice among that people, whenever they prayed to God for any person, to lay their hands on his head. Our Saviour observed the same custom, both when he conferred his blessing on children, and when he cured the sick. The Apostles likewise laid hands on those upon whom they bestowed the Holy Ghost, but it was a form accompanied by prayer, through which only the blessing was obtained. And the Apostles themselves sometimes underwent the imposition of hands afresh, when they entered upon any new design. In the ancient church, imposition of hands was practised on persons when they married; which custom the Abyssinians still observe. But this ceremony of laying on of hands is now restrained, by custom, chiefly to that imposition which is practised at the ordination of ministers.
The laying on of hands was a Jewish ritual, introduced not by divine command but by tradition; it was common for that community to lay their hands on someone’s head when they prayed to God for them. Our Savior followed this practice, both when He blessed children and when He healed the sick. The Apostles also laid hands on those to whom they gave the Holy Spirit, but it was part of a ritual that included prayer, through which the blessing was received. Sometimes, the Apostles themselves experienced the laying on of hands again when starting a new mission. In the early church, this ritual was performed on individuals during their weddings; a tradition that the Abyssinians still follow. However, today, the practice of laying on hands is mostly limited to the ordination of ministers due to custom.
[In the Methodist Episcopal Church, a bishop is constituted by the election of the general conference, and the laying on of the hands of three bishops, or at least of one bishop and two elders; unless it happen that, by death or otherwise, there be no bishop remaining in the church: in this case, the general conference is empowered to elect a bishop, and the elders, or any three of them appointed by the general conference for that purpose, to ordain him. An elder is constituted by the election of an annual conference, and the laying on of the hands of a bishop and of two or more elders. A deacon, by the election of an annual conference, and the laying on of the hands of a bishop.]
[In the Methodist Episcopal Church, a bishop is elected by the general conference and consecrated through the laying on of hands by three bishops, or at least one bishop and two elders; unless there are no bishops left in the church due to death or other reasons: in this case, the general conference can elect a bishop, and the elders, or any three appointed by the general conference for that purpose, can ordain him. An elder is appointed by the election of an annual conference and the laying on of hands by a bishop and two or more elders. A deacon is appointed by the election of an annual conference and the laying on of hands by a bishop.]
IMPUTED RIGHTEOUSNESS. See Justification.
IMPUTED RIGHTEOUSNESS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
INCENSE. Thus; so called by the dealers of drugs in Egypt from thur, or thor, the name of a harbour in the north bay of the Red Sea, near Mount Sinai; thereby distinguishing it from the gum arabic, which is brought from Suez, another port in the Red Sea, not far from Cairo. It differs also in being more pellucid and white. It burns with a bright and strong flame, not easily extinguished. It was used in the temple service as an emblem of prayer, Psalm cxli, 2; Rev. viii, 3, 4. Authors give it, or the best sort of it, the epithets white, pure, pellucid; and so it may have some connection with a word, derived from the same root, signifying unstained, clear, and so applied to moral whiteness and purity, Psalm li, 7; Dan. xii, 10. This gum is said to distil from incisions made in the tree during the heat of summer. What the form of the tree is which yields it, we do not certainly know. Pliny one while says, it is like a pear tree; another, that it is like a mastic tree; then, that it is like the laurel; and, in fine, that it is a kind of turpentine tree. It has been said to grow only in the country of the Sabeans, a people in Arabia Felix; and Theophrastus and Pliny affirm that it is found in Arabia. Dioscorides, however, mentions an Indian as well as an Arabian frankincense. At the present day it is brought from the East Indies, but not of so good a quality as that from Arabia. The “sweet incense,” mentioned Exodus xxx, 7, and elsewhere, was a compound of several drugs, agreeably to the direction in the thirty-fourth verse. To offer incense was an office peculiar to the priests. They went twice a day into the holy place; namely, morning and evening, to burn incense there. Upon the great day of expiation, the high priest took incense, or perfume, pounded and ready for being put into the censer, and threw it upon the fire, the moment he went into the sanctuary. One reason of this was, that so the smoke which rose from the censer might prevent his looking with too much curiosity on the ark and mercy-seat. God threatened him with death upon failing to perform this ceremony, Lev. xvi, 13. Generally incense is to be considered as an emblem of the “prayers of the saints,” and is so used by the sacred writers.
INCENSE. Thus; this term is used by drug dealers in Egypt, derived from thur or thor, the name of a harbor in the northern bay of the Red Sea, near Mount Sinai; distinguishing it from gum arabic, which comes from Suez, another Red Sea port not far from Cairo. It is also more transparent and white in appearance. It burns with a bright and intense flame that’s not easily put out. It was used in temple rituals as a symbol of prayer, as noted in Psalm cxli, 2; Rev. viii, 3, 4. Writers describe it, or its best quality, as white, pure, and transparent; thus, it might be linked to a word from the same root that means unstained and clear, which is also applied to moral whiteness and purity, as seen in Psalm li, 7; Dan. xii, 10. This gum is said to come from cuts made in the tree during the summer heat. The exact type of tree that produces it is not certain. Pliny at one point mentions it resembles a pear tree; at another, that it looks like a mastic tree; then he suggests it resembles the laurel; and ultimately, that it’s a kind of turpentine tree. It has been claimed to grow solely in the land of the Sabeans, a people in Arabia Felix; and both Theophrastus and Pliny assert it is found in Arabia. Dioscorides, however, mentions both Indian and Arabian frankincense. Today, it is imported from the East Indies, but it is of lower quality than that from Arabia. The “sweet incense” referenced in Exodus xxx, 7, and elsewhere, was a mixture of several substances, as indicated in the thirty-fourth verse. Offering incense was a duty specific to the priests. They entered the holy place twice daily—morning and evening—to burn incense there. On the Day of Atonement, the high priest took incense or perfume that was crushed and prepared for the censer and threw it onto the fire as he entered the sanctuary. This was partly to ensure that the smoke rising from the censer would prevent him from looking too closely at the ark and mercy seat. God warned him of death if he did not carry out this ritual, Lev. xvi, 13. Generally, incense is viewed as a symbol of the “prayers of the saints,” and is used in this way by sacred writers.
INCEST, an unlawful conjunction of persons related within the degrees of kindred prohibited by God. In the beginning of the world, and again, long after the deluge, marriages between near relations were allowed. In the time of Abraham and Isaac, these marriages were permitted, and among the Persians much later: it is even said to be esteemed neither criminal nor ignominious among the remains of the old Persians at this day. Some authors believe that marriages between near relations were permitted, or, at least, tolerated, till the time of Moses, who first prohibited them among the Hebrews; and that among other people they were allowed even after him. Others hold the contrary; but it is hard to establish either of these opinions, for want of historical documents. The degrees of consanguinity within which marriage was prohibited are stated in Lev. xviii, 6–18. Most civilized people have looked on incests as abominable crimes. St. Paul, speaking of the incestuous man of Corinth, says, “It is reported commonly, that there is fornication among you, and such fornication 480as is not so much as named among the Gentiles, that one should have his father’s wife,” 1 Cor. v, 1. In order to preserve chastity in families, and between persons of different sexes, brought up and living together in a state of unreserved intimacy, it is necessary, by every method possible, to inculcate an abhorrence of incestuous conjunctions; which abhorrence can only be upholden by the absolute reprobation of all commerce of the sexes between near relations. Upon this principle, the marriage, as well as other cohabitations, of brothers and sisters, of lineal kindred, and of all who usually live in the same family, may be said to be forbidden by the law of nature. Restrictions which extend to remoter degrees of kindred than what this reason makes it necessary to prohibit from intermarriage, are founded in the authority of the positive law which ordains them, and can only be justified by their tendency to diffuse wealth, to connect families, or to promote some political advantage. The Levitical law, which is received in this country, and from which the rule of the Roman law differs very little, prohibits marriages between relations within three degrees of kindred; computing the generations, not from, but through, the common ancestor, and accounting affinity the same as consanguinity. The issue, however, of such marriages are not bastardized, unless the parents be divorced during their life time.
INCEST is an unlawful union between people related within the degrees of kinship that God prohibits. In the beginning of the world, and again long after the flood, marriages between close relatives were allowed. During the time of Abraham and Isaac, these marriages were permitted, and even among the Persians much later on; it's even said that they were regarded as neither criminal nor shameful among the remnants of the old Persians today. Some writers believe that marriage between close relatives was allowed, or at least tolerated, until the time of Moses, who was the first to prohibit them among the Hebrews; and that among other peoples, it continued to be accepted even after him. Others argue the opposite; however, it's difficult to establish either view due to a lack of historical evidence. The degrees of blood relation within which marriage is prohibited are outlined in Lev. xviii, 6–18. Most civilized societies view incest as a disgusting crime. St. Paul, referring to the incestuous man in Corinth, says, “It is commonly reported that there is fornication among you, and such fornication as is not even named among the Gentiles, that one should have his father’s wife,” 1 Cor. v, 1. To maintain chastity in families, and between people of different sexes who have grown up and live closely together, it's vital to instill a strong dislike for incestuous relationships; this dislike can only be upheld by completely rejecting any sexual relations between close relatives. Based on this principle, the marriage, as well as any cohabitation, of brothers and sisters, direct relatives, and all those who usually live in the same household, can be seen as forbidden by the law of nature. Restrictions that extend to more distant degrees of kinship than what this reasoning necessitates are based on the authority of positive law that enforces them, and can only be justified by their potential to spread wealth, connect families, or provide some political advantage. The Levitical law, which is accepted in this country and from which the rule of Roman law differs very little, prohibits marriages between relatives within three degrees of kinship; counting generations not from the ancestor, but through the common ancestor, and treating affinity the same as blood relation. However, children from such marriages are not considered illegitimate unless the parents are divorced during their lifetime.
INCHANTMENTS. The law of God condemns inchantments and inchanters. Several terms are used in Scripture to denote inchantments: 1. לחש, which signifies to mutter, to speak with a low voice, like magicians in their evocations and magical operations, Psalm lviii, 6. 2. לטים, secrets, whence Moses speaks of the inchantments wrought by Pharaoh’s magicians. 3. כשף, meaning those who practise juggling, legerdemain, tricks, and witchery, deluding people’s eyes and senses, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 6. 4. חבר, which signifies, properly, to bind, assemble, associate, reunite: this occurs principally among those who charm serpents, who tame them, and make them gentle and sociable, which before were fierce, dangerous, and untractable, Deut. xviii, 11. We have examples of each of these ways of inchanting. It was common for magicians, sorcerers, and inchanters, to speak in a low voice, to whisper: they are called ventriloqui, because they spake, as one would suppose, from the bottom of their stomachs. They affected secrecy and mysterious ways, to conceal the vanity, folly, or infamy of their pernicious art. Their pretended magic often consisted in cunning tricks only, in sleight of hand, or some natural secrets, unknown to the ignorant. They affected obscurity and night, or would show their skill only before the uninformed or mean persons, and feared nothing so much as serious examinations, broad day-light, and the inspection of the intelligent. Respecting the inchantments practised by Pharaoh’s magicians, (see Exod. viii, 18, 19,) in order to imitate the miracles which were wrought by Moses, it must be said either that they were mere illusions, whereby they imposed on the spectators; or that, if they performed such miracles, and produced real changes of their rods, and the other things said to be performed by them, it must have been by a supernatural power which God had permitted Satan to give them, but the farther operation of which he afterward thought proper to prevent.
INCHANTMENTS. The law of God condemns enchantments and those who practice them. Several terms are used in the Bible to refer to enchantments: 1. Whisper, which means to mutter or to speak softly, similar to the way magicians do in their incantations and tricks, Psalm lviii, 6. 2. לטים, secrets, which is referenced when Moses talks about the enchantments performed by Pharaoh’s magicians. 3. כשף, referring to those who practice juggling, sleight of hand, tricks, and witchcraft, deceiving people's eyes and senses, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 6. 4. Friend, which primarily means to bind, assemble, associate, reunite: this mainly applies to those who charm snakes, taming them to be gentle and sociable, in contrast to their previous fierce and dangerous nature, Deut. xviii, 11. We have examples of each of these methods of enchantment. It was common for magicians, sorcerers, and enchanters to speak softly, to whisper: they are called ventriloquy because it seemed like their voices came from deep within their stomachs. They aimed for secrecy and mystery to hide the emptiness, foolishness, or disgrace of their harmful craft. Their so-called magic often consisted of clever tricks, sleight of hand, or some natural secrets unknown to the uninformed. They preferred obscurity and darkness or would only display their skill before the uninformed or lowly persons, fearing serious scrutiny, bright daylight, and the attention of knowledgeable people. Regarding the enchantments practiced by Pharaoh’s magicians (see Exod. viii, 18, 19) to mimic the miracles performed by Moses, it should be noted that they were either mere illusions that fooled the spectators or, if they actually performed such miracles and created real changes with their rods and other claimed acts, it must have been through a supernatural power that God permitted Satan to grant them, but later decided to prevent its further use.
INDEPENDENTS, a denomination of Protestants in England and Holland, originally called Brownists. They derive their name from their maintaining that every particular congregation of Christians has, according to the New Testament, a full power of ecclesiastical jurisdiction over its members, independent of the authority of bishops, synods, presbyteries, or any other ecclesiastical assemblies. This denomination appeared in England in the year 1616. John Robinson, a Norfolk divine, who, being banished from his native country for non-conformity, afterward settled at Leyden, was considered as their founder and father. He possessed sincere piety, and no inconsiderable share of learning. Perceiving defects in the denomination of the Brownists, to which he belonged, he employed his zeal and diligence in correcting them and in new modelling the society. Though the Independents considered their own form of ecclesiastical government as of divine institution, and as originally introduced by the authority of the Apostles, nay, by the Apostles themselves; yet they did not always think it necessary to condemn other denominations, but often acknowledged that true religion might flourish in those communities which were under the jurisdiction of bishops, or the government of presbyteries. They approved, also, of a regular and educated ministry; nor is any person among them now permitted to speak in public before he has submitted to a proper examination of his capacity and talents, and has been approved of by the church to which he belonged. Their grounds of separation from the established church are different from those of other puritans. Many of the latter objected chiefly to certain rites, ceremonies, vestments, or forms, or to the government of the church; while yet they were disposed to arm the magistrate in support of the truth, and regretted and complained that they could not on these accounts conform to it. But Robinson and his companions not only rejected the appointments of the church on these heads, but denied its authority to enact them; contending, that every single congregation of Christians was a church, and independent of all legislation, save that of Christ; standing in need of no such provision or establishment as the state can bestow, and incapable of soliciting or receiving it. Hence they sought not to reform the church, but chose to dissent from it. They admitted there were many godly men in its communion, and that it was reformed from the grossest errors of the man of sin; but thought it still wanted some things essential to a true church of Christ; in particular, a power of choosing its own ministers, and a stricter discipline among its members. The creed of the Independents 481is uniformly Calvinistic, though with considerable shades of difference; and many in Scotland and Ireland have symbolized with the Sandemanians, or the Scottish Baptist denominations. The Congregationalist and Independent have been generally considered as convertible and synonymous: many, however, in the present day, prefer the former appellation, considering it desirable, in many cases, to unite, for mutual advice and support, more closely than the term independent seems to warrant.
INDEPENDENTS, a group of Protestants in England and Holland, were originally called Brownists. They get their name from their belief that each individual congregation of Christians has, according to the New Testament, full ecclesiastical authority over its members, independent from the authority of bishops, synods, presbyteries, or any other church assemblies. This group emerged in England in 1616. John Robinson, a religious leader from Norfolk who was exiled from his home for non-conformity and later settled in Leyden, is regarded as their founder. He was genuinely pious and quite knowledgeable. Noticing flaws in the Brownists, to which he belonged, he worked diligently to correct them and reform the society. While the Independents viewed their form of church governance as divinely instituted and traced back to the authority of the Apostles—if not the Apostles themselves—they often didn’t feel the need to condemn other denominations. They recognized that true religion could thrive in communities governed by bishops or presbyteries. They also supported having a well-educated ministry, and no one among them is allowed to speak publicly without proper examination of their abilities and approval from their church. Their reasons for separating from the established church differ from those of other puritans. Many of those puritans primarily objected to specific rites, ceremonies, vestments, or church governance, yet they wanted the magistrate to uphold the truth and lamented that they couldn’t conform for these reasons. However, Robinson and his followers not only rejected the church’s decisions on these matters but also denied its authority to impose them, arguing that every single congregation is a church by itself and independent from any legislation except that of Christ; they claimed to need no support or establishment that the state could provide, and that they were incapable of asking for or accepting it. Therefore, they did not aim to reform the church but chose to separate from it. They acknowledged that there were many righteous individuals within its community and recognized that it had moved away from the most blatant errors of the “man of sin.” Still, they believed it lacked some crucial elements of a true church of Christ, particularly the ability to select its own ministers and enforce stricter discipline among its members. The Independents’ beliefs are consistently Calvinistic, although with notable variations, and many in Scotland and Ireland have aligned with the Sandemanians or Scottish Baptist groups. The terms Congregationalist and Independent are often used interchangeably; however, many today prefer the former term, believing it’s better for them to unite for mutual advice and support more closely than what the term independent implies.
INDULGENCES. In the primitive church very severe penalties were inflicted on those who had been guilty of any sins, whether public or private; and, in particular, they were forbidden to partake, for a certain time, of the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, or to hold any communion with the church. General rules were formed upon these subjects; but as it was often found expedient to make a discrimination in the degrees of punishment, according to the different circumstances of the offenders, and especially when they showed marks of contrition and repentance, power was given to bishops, by the council of Nice, to relax or remit those punishments as they should see reason. Every favour of this kind was called an indulgence or pardon. After the bishops had enjoyed this privilege for some centuries, and had begun to abuse it, the popes discovered that in their own hands it might be rendered a powerful instrument to promote both their ambition and their avarice. They could not but perceive that if they could persuade men they had the power of granting pardon for sin, it would give them a complete influence over their consciences; and if they could at the same time prevail upon them to purchase these pardons for money, it must add greatly to the wealth of the Roman see. In the eleventh century, therefore, when the dominion of the popes was rising to its zenith, and their power was almost irresistible, they took to themselves the exclusive prerogative of dispensing indulgences, which they carried to a most unwarrantable length. Instead of confining them, according to their originaloriginal institution, to the ordinary purposes of ecclesiastical discipline, they extended them to the punishment of the wicked in the world to come; instead of shortening the duration of earthly penance, they pretended that they could deliver men from the pains of purgatory; instead of allowing them gratuitously, and upon just grounds, to the penitent offender, they sold them in the most open and corrupt manner to the profligate and abandoned, who still continued in their vices. They did not scruple to call these indulgences a plenary remission of all sins, past, present, and future, and to offer them as a certain and immediate passport from the troubles of this world to the eternal joys of heaven. To give some sort of colour and support to this infamous traffic, they confidently asserted that the superabundant merits of Christ, and of his faithful servants, formed a fund of which the pope was the sole manager; and that he could, at his own discretion, dispense those merits, as the sure means of procuring pardon from God, in any proportions, for any species of wickedness, and to any person he pleased. The bare statement of this doctrine is a sufficient refutation of it; and it is scarcely necessary to add, that it has no foundation whatever in Scripture. It is an arrogant and impious usurpation of a power which belongs to God alone; and it has an obvious tendency to promote licentiousness and sin of every description, by holding out an easy and certain method of absolution. The popes derived very large sums from the sale of these indulgences; and it is well known that the gross abuses practised in granting them were among the immediate and principal causes of bringing about the reformation. They continue still to be sold at Rome, and are to be purchased by any who are weak enough to buy them. The sums required for indulgences were first published by Anthony Egane, a Franciscan friar, in 1673; and the original pamphlet was republished by Baron Maseres, in 1809, in his last volume of “Occasional Essays.”
INDULGENCES. In the early church, harsh penalties were imposed on those who committed sins, whether public or private, and they were especially prohibited from participating in the Lord’s Supper or engaging with the church for a certain period. General rules were established regarding these matters; however, it was often found necessary to differentiate the levels of punishment based on the specific circumstances of the offenders, particularly when they showed signs of remorse and repentance. The council of Nice granted bishops the authority to ease or forgive these penalties as they deemed appropriate. Any such act of leniency was referred to as an indulgence or pardon. After the bishops had exercised this power for several centuries and began to misuse it, the popes recognized that they could turn it into a powerful tool to further their ambitions and greed. They realized that if they could convince people that they had the authority to grant forgiveness for sins, it would allow them significant influence over their consciences. Furthermore, if they could persuade individuals to purchase these pardons for money, it would greatly increase the wealth of the Roman Church. Thus, in the eleventh century, as the power of the popes peaked and became nearly unstoppable, they claimed the exclusive right to issue indulgences, which they extensively abused. Instead of limiting indulgences, as originally intended, to typical ecclesiastical discipline, they broadened their scope to include the punishment of the wicked in the afterlife; rather than reducing the time of earthly penance, they falsely claimed they could release individuals from purgatory; instead of granting them freely to genuinely repentant offenders, they sold them openly and corruptly to those who remained entrenched in their sins. They unabashedly referred to these indulgences as a complete remission of all past, present, and future sins, offering them as a certain and immediate pass from worldly troubles to the eternal joys of heaven. To lend some credibility and support to this disgraceful practice, they confidently asserted that the surplus merits of Christ and his faithful followers constituted a fund over which the pope had exclusive control; they claimed he could dispense those merits at will, as a guaranteed means of obtaining forgiveness from God for any type of wrongdoing and for any individual he chose. The mere presentation of this doctrine is enough to disprove it; it's hardly necessary to note that it has no basis in Scripture. It is a proud and blasphemous usurpation of power that belongs only to God, and it clearly promotes immorality and sin of all kinds by suggesting an easily attainable and certain way to achieve absolution. The popes gained substantial sums from selling these indulgences, and it is well known that the significant abuses in their issuance were among the direct causes of the Reformation. They continue to be sold in Rome, available for anyone foolish enough to purchase them. The amounts required for indulgences were first published by Anthony Egane, a Franciscan friar, in 1673; the original pamphlet was reissued by Baron Maseres in 1809 in his final volume of “Occasional Essays.”
INK. The ink of the ancients was not so fluid as ours. Demosthenes reproaches Æschines with labouring in the grinding of ink, as painters do in the grinding of their colours. The substance also found in an inkstand at Herculaneum, looks like a thick oil or paint, with which the manuscripts there have been written in a relievo visible in the letters, when you hold a leaf to the light in a horizontal direction. Such vitriolic ink as has been used on the old parchment manuscripts would have corroded the delicate leaves of the papyrus, as it has done the skins of the most ancient manuscripts of Virgil and Terence, in the Vatican library; the letters are sunk into the parchment, and some have eaten quite through it, in consequence of the corrosive acid of the vitriolic ink, with which they were written. The inkhorn is also mentioned in Scripture: “And one man among them was clothed with linen, with a writer’s inkhorn by his side,” Ezek. ix, 2. The eastern mode and apparatus for writing differs so materially from those with which we are conversant, that it is necessary particularly to describe them. D'Arvieux informs us that “the Arabs of the desert, when they want a favour of their emir, get his secretary to write an order agreeable to their desire, as if the favour were granted, this they carry to the prince, who, after having read it, sets his seal to it with ink, if he grants it; if not, he returns the petitioner his paper torn, and dismisses him. These papers are without date, and have only the emir’s flourish or cypher at the bottom, signifying the poor, the abject Mohammed, son of Turabeye.” Pococke says, that “they make the impression of their name with their seal, generally of cornelian, which they wear on their finger, and which is blacked when they have occasion to seal with it.” The custom of placing the inkhorn by the side, Olearius says, continues in the east to this day. Dr. Shaw informs us, that, among the Moors in Barbary, “the hojas, 482that is, the writers or secretaries, suspend their inkhorns in their girdles; a custom as old as the Prophet Ezekiel, ix, 2.” And in a note he adds, “that part of these inkhorns (if an instrument of brass may be so called) which passes between the girdle and the tunic, and holds their pens, is long and flat; but the vessel for the ink which rests upon the girdle is square, with a lid to clasp over it.” So Mr. Hanway: “Their writers carry their ink and pens about them in a case, which they put under their sash.”
INK. The ink used in ancient times was not as runny as ours. Demosthenes criticizes Æschines for putting in so much effort to grind ink, similar to how painters grind their colors. The substance found in an inkstand at Herculaneum resembles a thick oil or paint, with which the manuscripts there were written, showing a raised effect in the letters when you hold a page up to the light. Such corrosive ink as used on old parchment manuscripts would have damaged the delicate leaves of papyrus, as it has done to the skins of the earliest manuscripts of Virgil and Terence in the Vatican library; the letters are sunk into the parchment, and some have even eaten through it, due to the corrosive acid in the ink. The inkhorn is also mentioned in the Bible: “And one man among them was clothed with linen, with a writer’s inkhorn by his side,” Ezek. ix, 2. The way of writing in the East differs so much from our methods that it’s important to describe them in detail. D'Arvieux tells us that “the Arabs of the desert, when they want a favor from their emir, have his secretary write an order that seems to grant their wish, which they then take to the prince. After reading it, he stamps it with his seal in ink if he agrees; if not, he tears the petitioner's paper and sends them away. These papers aren’t dated and only have the emir’s flourish or cipher at the bottom, signifying the poor, the humble Mohammed, son of Turabeye.” Pococke notes that “they make an impression of their name with their seal, usually made of cornelian, which they wear on their finger and blacken when they need to use it.” The custom of keeping the inkhorn at the side, as Olearius notes, is still followed in the East today. Dr. Shaw tells us that among the Moors in Barbary, “the hojas, meaning writers or secretaries, hang their inkhorns from their belts; a custom as old as the Prophet Ezekiel, ix, 2.” He also adds in a note, “that part of these inkhorns (if you can call a brass instrument that) which goes between the belt and the tunic and holds their pens is long and flat, while the ink container that sits on the belt is square, with a lid that clasps over it.” Similarly, Mr. Hanway states: “Their writers carry their ink and pens in a case, which they place under their sash.”
INN. The inns or caravanserais of the east, in which travellers are accommodated, are not all alike, some being simply places of rest, by the side of a fountain, if possible, and at a proper distance on the road. Many of these places are nothing more than naked walls; others have an attendant, who subsists either by some charitable donation, or the benevolence of passengers; others are more considerable establishments, where families reside, and take care of them, and furnish the necessary provisions. “Caravanserais,” says Campbell, “were originally intended for, and are now pretty generally applied to, the accommodation of strangers and travellers, though, like every other good institution, sometimes perverted to the purposes of private emolument, or public job. They are built at proper distances through the roads of the Turkish dominions, and afford to the indigent or weary traveller an asylum from the inclemency of the weather, are in general built of the most solid and durable materials, have commonly one story above the ground floor, the lower of which is arched, and serves for warehouses to store goods, for lodgings, and for stables, while the upper is used merely for lodgings; beside which they are always accommodated with a fountain, and have cooks’ shops and other conveniences to supply the wants of lodgers. In Aleppo, the caravanserais are almost exclusively occupied by merchants, to whom they are, like other houses, rented.” “In all other Turkish provinces,” observes Antes, “particularly those in Asia, which are often thinly inhabited, travelling is subject to numberless inconveniences, since it is necessary not only to carry all sorts of provisions along with one, but even the very utensils to dress them in, beside a tent for shelter at night and in bad weather, as there are no inns, except here and there a caravanserai, where nothing but bare rooms, and those often very bad, and infested with all sorts of vermin, can be procured.” “There are no inns anywhere,” says Volney, “but the cities, and commonly the villages, have a large building called a kan or kervanserai, which serves as an asylum for all travellers. These houses of reception are always built without the precincts of towns, and consist of four wings round a square court, which serves by way of enclosure for the beasts of burden. The lodgings are cells, where you find nothing but bare walls, dust, and sometimes scorpions. The keeper of this kan gives the traveller the key and a mat, and he provides himself the rest; he must therefore carry with him his bed, his kitchen utensils, and even his provisions, for frequently not even bread is to be found in the villages. On this account the orientals contrive their equipage in the most simple and portable form. The baggage of a man who wishes to be completely provided, consists in a carpet, a mattress, a blanket, two sauce pans with lids contained within each other, two dishes, two plates, and a coffee pot, all of copper, well tinned, a small wooden box for salt and pepper, a round leathern table, which he suspends from the saddle of his horse, small leathern bottles or bags for oil, melted butter, water, and brandy, if the traveller be a Christian, a tinder box, a cup of cocoa nut, some rice, dried raisins, dates, Cyprus cheese, and, above all, coffee berries, with a roaster and wooden mortar to pound them.” The Scriptures use two words to express a caravanserai, in both instances translated inn: “There was no room for them in the inn,” καταλύματι, Luke ii, 7; the place of untying, that is, of beasts for rest. “And brought him to the inn,” ϖανδοχεῖον, Luke x, 34, whose keeper is called in the next verse ϖανδοχεὺς. This word properly signifies “a receptacle open to all comers.” “The serai or principal caravansary at Surat,” observes Forbes, “was much neglected. Most of the eastern cities contain one, at least, for the reception of strangers; smaller places, called choultries, are erected by charitable persons, or munificent princes, in forests, plains, and deserts, for the accommodation of travellers. Near them is generally a well, and a cistern for the cattle; a brahmin, or fakeer, often resides there to furnish the pilgrim with food, and the few necessaries he may stand in need of. In the deserts of Persia and Arabia, these buildings are invaluable; in those pathless plains, for many miles together, not a tree, a bush, nor even a blade of grass, is to be seen; all is one undulating mass of sand, like waves on the trackless ocean. In these ruthless wastes, where no rural village or cheerful hamlet, no inn or house of refreshment, is to be found, how noble is the charity that rears the hospitable roof, that plants the shady grove, and conducts the refreshing moisture into reservoirs!”
INN. The inns or caravanserais in the east, where travelers find accommodation, aren't all the same. Some are just spots to rest, preferably near a fountain and at suitable distances along the road. Many of these places are just bare walls; others have an attendant who survives on donations or the goodwill of travelers. There are also bigger establishments where families live and take care of guests, providing necessary supplies. “Caravanserais,” says Campbell, “were originally meant for, and are still generally used for, accommodating strangers and travelers, although like other good institutions, they can be misused for personal gain or public corruption. They’re built at proper intervals along the roads in Turkish lands and offer a refuge for tired or needy travelers from bad weather. Generally, they're made of strong and durable materials, typically have one upper floor above the ground level, with the lower level arched, serving as warehouses for storage, lodging, and stables while the upper floor is just for sleeping. They usually have a fountain, cooking shops, and other amenities to meet the needs of guests. In Aleppo, the caravanserais are almost entirely occupied by merchants, who rent them like other houses.” “In all other Turkish provinces,” comments Antes, “especially in Asia, which can be sparsely populated, traveling comes with countless inconveniences because you have to carry all kinds of supplies with you, even the cooking utensils, and a tent for shelter at night or in bad weather since there are no inns, except for a few caravanserais, which only have bare rooms, often very poor and infested with all kinds of pests.” “There are no inns anywhere,” says Volney, “but cities and often villages have a large building called a kan or kervanserai, which serves as a refuge for all travelers. These reception houses are always built outside towns, consisting of four wings around a square courtyard, which acts as an enclosure for pack animals. The sleeping areas are just cells with nothing but bare walls, dust, and sometimes scorpions. The keeper of this kan gives the traveler a key and a mat, and the traveler has to provide everything else; so they must carry their bed, cooking utensils, and even food because often there’s not even bread to be found in the villages. For this reason, eastern travelers pack their gear in the simplest and most portable ways. The complete equipment for someone wanting to be well-prepared includes a carpet, a mattress, a blanket, two nested saucepans, two dishes, two plates, and a coffee pot, all made of copper and well-tinned, a small wooden box for salt and pepper, a round leather table that hangs from their horse's saddle, small leather bags for oil, melted butter, water, and brandy (if the traveler is Christian), a tinderbox, a coconut cup, rice, dried raisins, dates, Cyprus cheese, and, above all, coffee beans, along with a roaster and wooden mortar to grind them.” The Scriptures use two words to describe a caravanserai, both translated as inn: “There was no room for them in the inn,” καταλύματι, Luke ii, 7; the place for untying, which means for resting animals. “And brought him to the inn,” ϖανδοχεῖον, Luke x, 34, whose keeper is called in the next verse ϖανδοχεὺς. This term means “a receptacle open to everyone.” “The serai or main caravanserai at Surat,” notes Forbes, “was quite neglected. Most eastern cities have at least one for welcoming strangers; smaller places, called choultries, are set up by charitable individuals or generous princes in forests, plains, and deserts for the accommodation of travelers. Near them, there’s usually a well and a cistern for livestock; a brahmin or fakir often stays there to provide food and basic necessities for pilgrims. In the deserts of Persia and Arabia, these buildings are priceless; in those endless plains, for miles on end, there’s not a tree, a bush, or even a blade of grass to be seen; everything is just a rolling sea of sand, like waves on an uncharted ocean. In these harsh desolate areas, where there’s no rural village or friendly hamlet, no inn or place for refreshment, how admirable is the kindness that constructs the welcoming shelter, plants the shady grove, and channels fresh water into reservoirs!”
INSPIRATION, the conveying of certain extraordinary and supernatural notices or thoughts into the soul; or it denotes any supernatural influence of God upon the mind of a rational creature, whereby he is formed to a degree of intellectual improvement, to which he could not have attained in his present circumstances in a natural way. In the first and highest sense, the prophets, evangelists, and Apostles are said to have spoken and written by divine inspiration. This inspiration of the Old Testament Scriptures is so expressly attested by our Lord and his Apostles, that among those who receive them as a divine revelation the only question relates to the inspiration of the New Testament. On this subject it has been well observed:--
INSPIRATION refers to the delivery of extraordinary and supernatural messages or ideas into the soul; it signifies any divine influence from God on the mind of a rational being, enabling them to achieve a level of intellectual growth that they couldn't have reached naturally under their current conditions. In the highest sense, the prophets, evangelists, and Apostles are said to have spoken and written through divine inspiration. The inspiration of the Old Testament Scriptures is so clearly affirmed by our Lord and his Apostles that, among those who accept them as divine revelation, the only debate concerns the inspiration of the New Testament. It has been aptly noted regarding this topic:--
1. That the inspiration of the Apostles appears to have been necessary for the purposes of their mission; and, therefore, if we admit 483that Jesus came from God, and that he sent them forth to make disciples, we shall acknowledge that some degree of inspiration is highly probable. The first light in which the books of the New Testament lead us to consider the Apostles, is, as the historians of Jesus. After having been his companions during his ministry, they came forth to bear witness of him; and as the benefit of his religion was not to be confined to the age in which he or they lived, they left in the four Gospels a record of what he did and taught. Two of the four were written by the Apostles Matthew and John. St. Mark and St. Luke, whose names are prefixed to the other two, were probably of the seventy whom our Lord sent out in his life time; and we learn from the most ancient Christian historians, that the Gospel of St. Mark was revised by St. Peter, and the Gospel of St. Luke by St. Paul, and that both were afterward approved by St. John; so that all the four may be considered as transmitted to the church with the sanction of apostolical authority. Now, if we recollect the condition of the Apostles, and the nature of their history, we shall perceive that, even as historians, they stood in need of some measure of inspiration. Plato might feel himself at liberty to feign many things of his master Socrates, because it mattered little to the world whether the instruction that was conveyed to them proceeded from the one philosopher or from the other. But the servants of a divine teacher, who appeared as his witnesses, and professed to be the historians of his life, were bound by their office to give a true record. And their history was an imposition upon the world, if they did not declare exactly and literally what they had seen and heard. This was an office which required not only a love of the truth, but a memory more retentive and more accurate than it was possible for the Apostles to possess. To relate, at the distance of twenty years, long moral discourses, which were not originally written, and which were not attended with any striking circumstances that might imprint them upon the mind; to preserve a variety of parables, the beauty and significancy of which depended upon particular expressions; to record long and minute prophecies, where the alteration of a single phrase might have produced an inconsistency between the event and the prediction; and to give a particular detail of the intercourse which Jesus had with his friends and with his enemies;--all this is a work so very much above the capacity of unlearned men, that, had they attempted to execute it by their own natural powers, they must have fallen into such absurdities and contradictions as would have betrayed them to every discerning eye. It was therefore highly expedient, and even necessary, for the faith of future ages, that, beside those opportunities of information which the Apostles enjoyed, and that tried integrity which they possessed, their understanding and their memory should be assisted by a supernatural influence, which might prevent them from mistaking the meaning of what they had heard, which might restrain them from putting into the mouth of Jesus any words which he did not utter, or omitting what was important, and which might thus give us perfect security, that the Gospels are as faithful a copy as if Jesus himself had left in writing those sayings and those actions which he wished posterity to remember.
1. It's clear that the Apostles needed some inspiration for their mission. If we accept that Jesus was sent by God and instructed them to make disciples, then it's likely they received some level of inspiration. The New Testament presents the Apostles first and foremost as the historians of Jesus. After being his companions during his ministry, they went out to bear witness to him. Since the benefits of his teachings were meant for more than just their time, they recorded his actions and teachings in the four Gospels. Two of these were written by the Apostles Matthew and John. St. Mark and St. Luke, named as authors of the other two, were likely among the seventy disciples Jesus sent out during his life. Early Christian historians tell us that St. Peter revised St. Mark's Gospel and St. Paul revised St. Luke's, both later approved by St. John, meaning all four Gospels can be viewed as having apostolic authority. Considering the situation of the Apostles and their task, it's important to note that, even as historians, they needed some level of inspiration. Plato might create stories about his teacher Socrates without much concern because it didn’t really matter who taught what. However, the Apostles, as servants of a divine teacher and witnesses to his life, were obligated to provide an accurate account. Their history would have been misleading if they did not report precisely what they witnessed. This role required not just a love of the truth but also a memory that surpasses what the Apostles could naturally retain. To recount twenty years later the lengthy moral teachings that weren’t originally written down, and weren’t accompanied by memorable events; to preserve various parables, where their meaning hinged on specific words; to document detailed prophecies, where changing even one phrase could lead to discrepancies between what happened and what was predicted; and to accurately detail Jesus’s interactions with friends and foes—this task was far beyond the capability of uneducated individuals. If they had relied solely on their own abilities, they would likely have made errors and contradictions that would have been obvious to any careful observer. Therefore, it was essential, and even necessary for the faith of future generations, that in addition to their opportunities for learning and their proven integrity, their understanding and memory were aided by a supernatural influence. This would help ensure that they didn’t misinterpret what they had heard, didn’t attribute words to Jesus that he never spoke, didn’t leave out important details, and ultimately provided us with a perfect assurance that the Gospels represent an accurate account as if Jesus had directly written down his teachings and actions for future generations to recall.
But we consider the Apostles in the lowest view, when we speak of them as barely the historians of their Master. In their epistles they assume a higher character, which renders inspiration still more necessary. All the benefit which they derived from the public and the private instructions of Jesus before his death had not so far opened their minds as to qualify them for receiving the whole counsel of God. And he who knows what is in man declares to them, the night on which he was betrayed, “I have yet many things to say unto you, but you cannot bear them now,” John xv, 12. The purpose of many of his parables, the full meaning even of some of his plain discourses, had not been attained by them. They had marvelled when he spake to them of earthly things. But many heavenly things of his kingdom had not been told them; and they who were destined to carry his religion to the ends of the earth themselves needed, at the times of their receiving this commission, that some one should instruct them in the doctrine of Christ. It is true that, after his resurrection, Jesus opened their understandings, and explained to them the Scriptures; and he continued upon earth forty days, speaking to them of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God. It appears, however, from the history which they have recorded in the book of Acts, that some farther teaching was necessary for them, Acts i. Immediately before our Lord ascended, their minds being still full of the expectation of a temporal kingdom, they say unto him, “Lord, wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?” It was not till some time after they received the gift of the Holy Ghost, that they understood that the Gospel had taken away the obligation to observe the ceremonies of the Mosaic law; and the action of St. Peter in baptizing Cornelius, a devout Heathen, gave offence to some of the Apostles and brethren in Judea when they first heard it, Acts xi. Yet, in their epistles, we find just notions of the spiritual nature of the religion of Jesus as a kingdom of righteousness, the subjects of which are to receive remission of sins, and sanctification through his blood, and just notions also of the extent of this religion as a dispensation the spiritual blessings of which are to be communicated to all, in every land, who receive it in faith and love. These notions appear to us to be the explication both of the ancient predictions, and of many particular expressions that occur in the discourses of our Lord. But it is manifest that they had not been acquired by the Apostles during the teaching of Jesus. They are so adverse to every thing which men educated in Jewish 484prejudices had learned and had hoped, that they could not be the fruit of their own reflections; and therefore they imply the teaching of that Spirit who gradually impressed them upon the mind, guiding the Apostles gently, as they were able to follow him, into all the truth connected with the salvation of mankind. As inspiration was necessary to give the minds of the Apostles possession of the system that is unfolded in their epistles, so many parts of that system are removed to such a distance from human discoveries, and are liable to such misapprehension, that unless we suppose a continued superintendence of the Spirit by whom it was taught, succeeding ages would not have a sufficient security that those who were employed to deliver it had not been guilty of gross mistakes in some most important doctrines.
But we underestimate the Apostles if we think of them as just the historians of their Master. In their letters, they take on a much more important role, which makes their inspiration even more essential. All the knowledge they gained from Jesus's public and private teachings before his death hadn’t fully opened their minds enough to grasp the entire plan of God. And he who knows what is in people announced to them, the night he was betrayed, “I have many things to say to you, but you cannot handle them now,” John xv, 12. The purpose of many of his parables and even the complete meaning of some of his straightforward teachings were still beyond their reach. They were amazed when he spoke to them about worldly matters. Yet, many heavenly truths about his kingdom hadn’t been revealed to them; those who were meant to spread his religion worldwide were themselves in need of some guidance on the teachings of Christ at the moment they were given this mission. It is true that, after his resurrection, Jesus opened their minds and explained the Scriptures to them; he stayed on earth for forty days, discussing things related to the kingdom of God. However, as seen in the account recorded in the book of Acts, they still required further teaching, Acts i. Just before our Lord ascended, still filled with the hope of a political kingdom, they asked him, “Lord, will you at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?” It wasn't until some time later, after receiving the Holy Spirit, that they realized the Gospel had freed them from the obligations of the Mosaic law; St. Peter’s action of baptizing Cornelius, a devout Gentile, upset some of the Apostles and brothers in Judea when they first heard about it, Acts xi. Still, in their letters, we find clear ideas about the spiritual nature of Jesus's religion as a kingdom of righteousness, where the followers are to receive forgiveness of sins and sanctification through his blood, along with an understanding of the far reach of this religion as a system providing spiritual blessings to all who accept it in faith and love, in every land. These ideas serve to clarify both the ancient prophecies and many specific statements made by our Lord. However, it’s clear that the Apostles did not obtain these ideas during Jesus's teachings. They contradict much of what people raised with Jewish biases had learned and hoped for, suggesting they couldn’t have been the result of their own thoughts. Therefore, they indicate the guidance of the Spirit who gradually instilled these truths in them, leading the Apostles gently, as they were ready, into all the truths vital for the salvation of humanity. Just as inspiration was necessary for the Apostles to grasp the teachings found in their letters, many aspects of those teachings are so far removed from human understanding and prone to misinterpretation that unless we accept ongoing guidance from the Spirit who taught it, future generations wouldn’t have enough assurance that those tasked with delivering it hadn’t made significant errors in some crucial doctrines.
Inspiration will appear still farther necessary, when we recollect that the writings of the Apostles contain several predictions of things to come. St. Paul foretels, in his epistles, the corruptions of the church of Rome, and many other circumstances which have taken place in the history of the Christian church; and the Revelation is a book of prophecy, of which part has been already fulfilled, while the rest will no doubt be explained by the events which are to arise in the course of Providence. But prophecy is a kind of writing which implies the highest degree of inspiration. When predictions, like those in Scripture, are particular and complicated, and the events are so remote and so contingent as to be out of the reach of human sagacity, it is plain that the writers of the predictions do not speak according to the measure of information which they had acquired by natural means, but are merely the instruments through which the Almighty communicates, in such measure and such language as he thinks fit, that knowledge of futurity which is denied to man. And although the full meaning of their own predictions was not understood by themselves, they will be acknowledged to be true prophets when the fulfilment comes to reflect light upon that language, which, for wise purposes, was made dark at the time of its being put into their mouth.
Inspiration seems even more necessary when we remember that the writings of the Apostles include several predictions about things to come. St. Paul predicts, in his letters, the corruptions of the church of Rome, along with many other events that have occurred in the history of the Christian church. The Revelation is a prophetic book, part of which has already been fulfilled, while the rest will undoubtedly be clarified by future events as they unfold. Prophecy is a type of writing that requires the highest degree of inspiration. When predictions, like those in Scripture, are specific and intricate, and the events are so distant and uncertain that they are beyond human foresight, it is clear that the writers of these predictions do not convey insights based on their natural knowledge but serve as instruments through which the Almighty shares, in a way and language of His choosing, that knowledge of the future which is not available to humanity. Even though the full meaning of their own predictions was not clear to them, they will be recognized as true prophets when the fulfillment sheds light on the language that was intentionally obscure when it was given to them.
Thus the nature of the writings of the Apostles suggests the necessity of their having been inspired. They could not be accurate historians of the life of Jesus without divine inspiration, nor safe expounders of his doctrine, nor prophets of distant events.
Thus the nature of the writings of the Apostles suggests the need for them to have been inspired. They couldn't accurately document the life of Jesus without divine inspiration, nor could they safely explain his teachings or predict future events.
2. Inspiration was promised by our Lord to his Apostles. It is not unfair reasoning to adduce promises contained in the Scriptures themselves, as proofs of their divine inspiration. It were, indeed, reasoning in a circle, to bring the testimony of the Scriptures in proof of the divine mission of Jesus. But that being established by sufficient evidence, and the books of the New Testament having been proved to be the authentic genuine records of the persons whose names they bear, we are warranted to argue, from the declarations contained in them, what is the measure of inspiration which Jesus was pleased to bestow upon his servants. He might have been a divine teacher, and they might have been his Apostles, although he had bestowed none at all. But his character gives us security that they possessed all that he promised. We read in the Gospels that Jesus ordained twelve that they should be with him, and that he might send them forth to preach, Mark iii, 14. And as this was the purpose for which they were first called, so it was the charge left them at his departure. “Go,” said he, “preach the Gospel to every creature: make disciples of all nations,” Mark xvi, 16; Matt. xxviii, 19. His constant familiar intercourse with them was intended to qualify them for the execution of this charge; and the promises made to them have a special reference to the office in which they were to be employed. When he sent them, during his life, to preach in the cities of Israel, he said, “But when they deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye shall speak; for it shall be given you in that same hour what ye shall speak. For it is not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father which speaketh in you,” Matt. x, 19, 20. And when he spake to them in his prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem, of the persecution which they were to endure after his death, he repeats the same promise: “For I will give you a mouth and wisdom, which all your adversaries shall not be able to gainsay nor resist,” Luke xxi, 15. It is admitted that the words in both these passages refer properly to that assistance which the inexperience of the Apostles was to derive from the suggestions of the Spirit, when they should be called to defend their conduct and their cause before the tribunals of the magistrates. But the fulfilment of this promise was a pledge, both to the Apostles and to the world, that the measure of inspiration necessary for the more important purpose implied in their commission would not be withheld; and, accordingly, when that purpose came to be unfolded to the Apostles, the promise of the assistance of the Spirit was expressed in a manner which applies it to the extent of their commission. In the long affectionate discourse recorded by St. John, when our Lord took a solemn farewell of the disciples, after eating the last passover with them, he said, “And I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another Comforter, that he may abide with you for ever; even the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because it seeth him not, neither knoweth him. But ye know him; for he dwelleth with you, and shall be in you. The Comforter, which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he shall teach you all things, and bring all things to your remembrance, whatsoever I have said unto you. I have yet many things to say unto you, but you cannot bear them now. Howbeit, when he, the Spirit of truth, is come, he will guide you into all truth; for he shall not speak of himself, but whatsoever he shall hear that shall he speak; and he will show you things to come,” John xiv, 16, 17, 26; 485xvi, 12, 13. Here are all the degrees of inspiration which we have seen to be necessary for the Apostles: the Spirit was to bring to their remembrance what they had heard; to guide them into the truth, which they were not then able to bear; and to show them things to come; and all this they were to derive, not from occasional illapses, but from the perpetual inhabitation of the Spirit. That this inspiration was vouchsafed to them, not for their own sakes, but in order to qualify them for the successful discharge of their office as the messengers of Christ, and the instructers of mankind, appears from several expressions of that prayer which immediately follows the discourse containing the promise of inspiration; particularly from these words: “Neither pray I for these alone, but for them also which shall believe on me through their word; that they all may be one, as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee; that they may be one in us; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me,” John xvii, 20, 21. In conformity to this prayer, so becoming him who was not merely the friend of the Apostles, but the light of the world, is that charge which he gives them immediately before his ascension: “Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you: and, lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world,” Matt. xxviii, 19, 20; I am with you alway, not by my bodily presence; for immediately after he was taken out of their sight; but I am with you by the Holy Ghost, whom I am to send upon you not many days hence, and who is to abide with you for ever.
2. Our Lord promised inspiration to his Apostles. It’s not unreasonable to point to the promises found in the Scriptures themselves as evidence of their divine inspiration. It would indeed be circular reasoning to use Scripture to prove Jesus’ divine mission. However, once that is established by sufficient evidence, and the books of the New Testament are confirmed as the authentic records of the individuals whose names they bear, we are justified in arguing from their statements what level of inspiration Jesus granted his servants. He could have been a divine teacher, and they could have been his Apostles, even if he had granted none. But his character assures us that they received everything he promised. We read in the Gospels that Jesus appointed twelve to be with him and to send them out to preach, Mark 3:14. This was the purpose for which they were first called, and it was the command he left them when he departed. “Go,” he said, “preach the Gospel to every creature: make disciples of all nations,” Mark 16:16; Matt. 28:19. His ongoing close relationship with them was intended to prepare them for carrying out this mission, and the promises made to them specifically relate to the role they were to fulfill. When he sent them to preach in the cities of Israel during his lifetime, he told them, “But when they hand you over, do not worry about how or what you should say; for it will be given to you in that hour what you should say. For it is not you who will speak, but the Spirit of your Father speaking through you,” Matt. 10:19-20. And when he spoke to them in his prophecy about the destruction of Jerusalem and the persecution they would face after his death, he repeated the same promise: “For I will give you a mouth and wisdom, which all your opponents will not be able to contradict or resist,” Luke 21:15. It is acknowledged that the words in both passages specifically refer to the guidance the inexperienced Apostles would receive from the Spirit when they were called to defend their actions and their message before the authorities. However, the fulfillment of this promise served as a guarantee, both for the Apostles and for the world, that the level of inspiration necessary for the significant purpose of their mission would not be withheld; thus, when that purpose was made clear to the Apostles, the promise of the Spirit's help was articulated in a way that applied to the scope of their mission. In the long, heartfelt speech recorded by St. John, when our Lord took a solemn farewell of the disciples after sharing the last Passover with them, he said, “And I will ask the Father, and he will give you another Comforter, to be with you forever; the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive because it does not see him or know him. But you know him, for he dwells with you and will be in you. The Comforter, who is the Holy Spirit, whom the Father will send in my name, he will teach you all things and remind you of everything I said to you. I still have many things to say to you, but you cannot bear them now. However, when he, the Spirit of truth, comes, he will guide you into all truth; for he will not speak of himself, but whatever he hears he will speak; and he will show you things to come,” John 14:16-17, 26; 16:12-13. Here are all the levels of inspiration that we have determined to be necessary for the Apostles: the Spirit was to remind them of what they had heard; to guide them into truth that they could not understand at that time; and to reveal future events to them; all of this they were to receive not from occasional insights but from the continuous presence of the Spirit. This inspiration was given to them not for their own benefit but to equip them for effectively fulfilling their role as Christ's messengers and teachers of humanity, as shown by several phrases in the prayer that follows the speech containing the promise of inspiration; particularly through these words: “Neither do I pray for these alone, but also for those who will believe in me through their word; that they all may be one, as you, Father, are in me, and I in you; that they may be one in us; that the world may believe that you sent me,” John 17:20-21. In alignment with this prayer, which fittingly comes from one who was not just the friend of the Apostles but also the light of the world, is the charge he gave them immediately before his ascension: “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit; teaching them to observe everything I have commanded you. And remember, I am with you always, even to the end of the world,” Matt. 28:19-20; I am with you always, not by my physical presence; for he was taken out of their sight immediately after; but I am with you through the Holy Spirit, whom I will send to you not many days from now, and who will remain with you forever.
The promise of Jesus, then, implies, according to the plain construction of the words, that the Apostles, in executing their commission, were not to be left wholly to their natural powers, but were to be assisted by that illumination and direction of the Spirit which the nature of the commission required; and we may learn the sense which our Lord had of the importance and effect of this promise from one circumstance, that he never makes any distinction between his own words and those of his Apostles, but places the doctrines and commandments which they were to deliver upon a footing with those which he had spoken: “He that heareth you, heareth me; and he that despiseth you, despiseth me; and he that despiseth me, despiseth him that sent me,” Luke x, 16. These words plainly imply that Christians have no warrant to pay less regard to any thing contained in the epistles than to that which is contained in the Gospels; and teach us that every doctrine and precept clearly delivered by the Apostles comes to the Christian world with the same stamp of the divine authority as the words of Jesus, who spake in the name of him that sent him.
The promise of Jesus suggests, based on the straightforward meaning of the words, that the Apostles, while carrying out their mission, were not meant to rely solely on their own abilities. Instead, they would receive help through the guidance and insight of the Spirit, which was necessary for their task. We can understand how much our Lord valued the significance and impact of this promise from one detail: he never differentiates between his own words and those of his Apostles. He treats the teachings and commands they were to share as equal to what he had said: “He that hears you hears me; and he that rejects you rejects me; and he that rejects me rejects him that sent me,” Luke 10:16. These words clearly indicate that Christians should not disregard anything found in the epistles any less than what’s in the Gospels. They teach us that every doctrine and command clearly presented by the Apostles carries the same mark of divine authority as the words of Jesus, who spoke on behalf of the one who sent him.
The Author of our religion having thus made the faith of the Christian world to hang upon the teaching of the Apostles, gave the most signal manifestation of the fulfilment of that promise which was to qualify them for their office, by the miraculous gifts with which they were endowed on the day of pentecost, and by the abundance of those gifts which the imposition of their hands was to diffuse through the church. One of the twelve, indeed, whose labours in preaching the Gospel were the most abundant and the most extensive, was not present at this manifestation; for St. Paul was not called to be an Apostle till after the day of pentecost. But it is very remarkable that the manner of his being called was expressly calculated to supply this deficiency. As he journeyed to Damascus, about noon, to bring the Christians who were there bound to Jerusalem, there shone from heaven a great light round about him. And he heard a voice, saying, “I am Jesus whom thou persecutest. And I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to make thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast seen, and of those things in the which I will appear unto thee; and now I send thee to the Gentiles to open their eyes,” Acts xxvi, 12–18. In reference to this manner of his being called, St. Paul generally inscribes his epistles with these words: “Paul, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by the will” or “by the commandment of God;” and he explains very fully what he meant by the use of this expression, in the beginning of his Epistle to the Galatians, where he gives an account of his conversion: “Paul, an Apostle, not of men, neither by man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised him from the dead. I neither received the Gospel of man, neither was I taught it, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ. When it pleased God, who separated me from my mother’s womb, and called me by his grace, to reveal his Son in me, that I might preach him among the Heathen: immediately I conferred not with flesh and blood, neither went I up to Jerusalem to them which were Apostles before me; but I went into Arabia,” Gal. i, 1, 12, 15–17. All that we said of the necessity of inspiration, and of the import of the promise which Jesus made to the other Apostles, receives very great confirmation from this history of St. Paul, who, being called to be an Apostle after the ascension of Jesus, received the Gospel by immediate revelation from heaven, and was thus put upon a footing with the rest, both as to his designation, which did not proceed from the choice of man, and as to his qualifications, which were imparted, not by human instruction, but by the teaching of the Author of Christianity. The Lord Jesus who appeared to him might furnish St. Paul with the same advantages which the other Apostles had derived from his presence on earth, and might give him the same assurance of the inhabitation of the Spirit that the promises, which we have been considering, had imparted to those.
The author of our faith established the belief of the Christian world based on the teachings of the Apostles. He made a clear demonstration of fulfilling His promise to empower them for their role through the miraculous gifts they received on Pentecost and the abundance of those gifts that would spread throughout the church through the laying on of their hands. One of the twelve, in fact, whose efforts in preaching the Gospel were the most extensive, was not present for this event; St. Paul was not called to be an Apostle until after Pentecost. However, it’s notable that the way he was called specifically addressed this absence. While traveling to Damascus around noon to arrest the Christians there and take them to Jerusalem, a bright light shone from heaven around him. He heard a voice saying, “I am Jesus whom you are persecuting. I have appeared to you for this purpose, to make you a minister and a witness to both what you have seen and what I will reveal to you; and now I am sending you to the Gentiles to open their eyes,” (Acts xxvi, 12–18). Regarding this calling, St. Paul often opens his letters with the phrases: “Paul, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by the will” or “by the commandment of God;” he elaborates on the meaning of this in the beginning of his Epistle to the Galatians, where he recounts his conversion: “Paul, an Apostle, not from men, nor through man, but through Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised Him from the dead. I did not receive the Gospel from man, nor was I taught it, but by revelation of Jesus Christ. When it pleased God, who set me apart from my mother’s womb and called me by His grace, to reveal His Son in me so that I might preach Him among the Gentiles: immediately I did not consult with flesh and blood, nor did I go up to Jerusalem to those who were Apostles before me; but I went to Arabia,” (Gal. i, 1, 12, 15–17). Everything we've discussed about the need for inspiration and the significance of the promise Jesus made to the other Apostles is greatly supported by St. Paul’s story. He was called to be an Apostle after Jesus had ascended and received the Gospel through direct revelation from heaven, thus placing him on the same level as the others, both in his calling, which was not based on human choice, and in his qualifications, which were given, not through human teaching, but through the instruction of the founder of Christianity. The Lord Jesus who appeared to him could provide St. Paul the same advantages that the other Apostles received from His presence on earth and assure him of the Holy Spirit’s presence, just as the promises we’ve discussed assured them.
3. Inspiration was claimed by the Apostles; and their claim may be considered as the interpretation of the promise of their Master. We shall not find the claim to inspiration formally advanced in the Gospels. This omission 486has sometimes been stated by those superficial critics, whose prejudices serve to account for their haste, as an objection against the existence of inspiration. But if you attend to the reason of the omission, you will perceive that it is only an instance of that delicate propriety which pervades all the New Testament. The Gospels are the record of the great facts which vouch the truth of Christianity. These facts are to be received upon the testimony of men who had been eye-witnesses of them. The foundation of Christian faith being laid in an assent to these facts, it would have been preposterous to have introduced in support of them that influence of the Spirit which preserved the minds of the Apostles from error. For there can be no proof of the inspiration of the Apostles, unless the truth of the facts be previously admitted. The Apostles, therefore, bring forward the evidence of Christianity in its natural order, when they speak in the Gospels as the companions and eye-witnesses of Jesus, claiming that credit which is due to honest men who had the best opportunities of knowing what they declared. This is the language of St. John: “Many other signs did Jesus in the presence of his disciples. But these are written that ye may believe; and this is the disciple which testifieth these things,” John xx, 30, 31; xxi, 24. The Evangelist Luke appears to speak differently in the introduction to his Gospel, Luke i, 1–4; and opposite opinions have been entertained respecting the information conveyed by that introduction.
3. The Apostles claimed inspiration, and their claim can be seen as the interpretation of their Master's promise. You won’t find a formal claim to inspiration in the Gospels. Some superficial critics have pointed out this omission as a reason to doubt the existence of inspiration, but if you consider why it was left out, you'll see it reflects the careful approach that runs throughout the New Testament. The Gospels document the significant events that validate the truth of Christianity. These events should be accepted based on the testimony of those who witnessed them firsthand. Since the foundation of Christian faith relies on accepting these facts, it would have been unreasonable to introduce the influence of the Spirit that kept the Apostles from error as support for them. There can be no proof of the Apostles' inspiration without first acknowledging the truth of the events. Therefore, the Apostles present the evidence of Christianity in a logical order when they recount their experiences as companions and witnesses of Jesus, claiming the credibility that is earned by honest people who had the best opportunity to know what they reported. St. John puts it this way: "Many other signs did Jesus in the presence of his disciples. But these are written that you may believe; and this is the disciple who testifies to these things," John xx, 30, 31; xxi, 24. The Evangelist Luke seems to express a different perspective in the introduction to his Gospel, Luke i, 1–4; and there have been contrasting views about the information presented in that introduction.
There is a difference of opinion, first, with regard to the time when St. Luke wrote his Gospel. It appears to some to be expressly intimated that he wrote after St. Matthew and St. Mark, because he speaks of other Gospels then in circulation; and it is generally understood that St. John wrote his after the other three. But the manner in which St. Luke speaks of these other Gospels does not seem to apply to those of St. Matthew and St. Mark. He calls them many, which implies that they were more than two, and which would confound these two canonical Gospels with imperfect accounts of our Lord’s life, which we know from ancient writers were early circulated, but were rejected after the four Gospels were published. It is hardly conceivable that St. Luke would have alluded to the two Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark without distinguishing them from other very inferior productions; and therefore it is probable that when he used this mode of expression, no accounts of our Lord’s life were then in existence but those inferior productions. There appears, also, to very sound critics, to be internal evidence that St. Luke wrote first. He is much more particular than the other evangelists in his report of our Lord’s birth, and of the meetings with his Apostles after his resurrection. They might think it unnecessary to introduce the same particulars into their Gospels after St. Luke. But if they wrote before him, the want of these particulars gives to their Gospels an appearance of imperfection which we cannot easily explain.
There is a difference of opinion regarding when St. Luke wrote his Gospel. Some believe it suggests he wrote after St. Matthew and St. Mark because he mentions other Gospels that were already circulating. It's generally understood that St. John wrote his after the other three. However, the way St. Luke refers to these other Gospels doesn't seem to apply to those of St. Matthew and St. Mark. He refers to them as many, which implies there were more than two, suggesting that these two canonical Gospels are included with less accurate accounts of our Lord’s life that, as we know from ancient writers, were circulated early on but were rejected after the four Gospels were published. It's hard to believe that St. Luke would have mentioned the two Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark without distinguishing them from other much lesser works, so it’s likely that when he made this comment, no accounts of our Lord’s life existed except for those lesser works. Additionally, many credible critics see internal evidence that St. Luke wrote first. He includes much more detail than the other Gospel writers about our Lord’s birth and the interactions with his Apostles after his resurrection. The other authors might have thought it unnecessary to include the same details in their Gospels after St. Luke. But if they wrote before him, the absence of these details leaves their Gospels feeling incomplete, which is hard to explain.
The other point suggested by this introduction, upon which there has been a difference of opinion, is, whether St. Luke, who was not an Apostle, wrote his Gospel from personal knowledge, attained by his being a companion of Jesus, or from the information of others. Our translation certainly favours the last opinion; and it is the more general opinion, defended by very able critics. Dr. Randolph, in the first volume of his works, which contains a history of our Saviour’s life, supports the first opinion, and suggests a punctuation of the verses, and an interpretation of one word, according to which that opinion may be defended. Read the second and third verses in connection: Καθὼς ϖαρέδοσαν ἡμῖν ὁι απ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λογοῦ Ἔδοξε κἀιμοὶ, ϖαρακολουθηκότι ἄνωθεν ϖᾶσιν ἀκριϐως καθεξῆς σοι γράψαι, κράτιστε Θεόφιλε, “Even as they who were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word from the beginning delivered them to us, it seemed good to me also, having accurately traced,” &c. By ἡμῖν is understood the Christian world, who had received information, both oral and written, from those that had been αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται, “eye-witnesses and ministers.” Κἀιμοὶ means St. Luke, who proposed to follow the example of those αὐτόπται in writing what he knew; and he describes his own knowledge by the word ϖαρακολουθηκότι, which is more precise than the circumlocution, by which it is translated, “having had understanding of all things.” Perfect understanding may be derived from various sources; but ϖαρακολουθέω properly means, “I go along with as a companion, and derive knowledge from my own observation.” And it is remarkable that the word is used in this very sense by the Jewish historian, Josephus, who published his history not many years after St. Luke wrote, and who, in his introduction, represents himself as worthy of credit, because he had not merely inquired of those who knew, but ϖαρηκολουθηκότα τοις γεγόνοσιν, which he explains by this expression: Πολλῶν μὲν αὐτουργὸς ϖραξέων, and to state in the third verse that he, ϖλεῖϛων δ’ αὐτόπτης γενόμενος, an actor in many things, and an eye-witness of most. If this interpretation is not approved of, then, according to the sense of those verses which is most commonly adopted, St. Luke will be understood to give in the second verse an account of that ground upon which the knowledge of the Christian world with regard to these things rested, the reports of the “eye-witnesses and ministers,” having collected and collated these reports, and employed the most careful and minute investigation, he had resolved to write an account of the life of Jesus. Here he does not claim inspiration: he does not even say that he was an eye-witness. But he says that, having, like others, heard the report of eye-witnesses, he had accurately examined the truth of what they said, and presented to the Christian world the fruit of his researches.
The other point raised by this introduction, which has sparked some debate, is whether St. Luke, who was not an Apostle, wrote his Gospel based on personal knowledge gained as a companion of Jesus, or from the accounts of others. Our translation clearly leans toward the latter view, which is more widely accepted and supported by highly regarded critics. Dr. Randolph, in the first volume of his works, which includes a history of our Savior’s life, supports the former view and suggests a punctuation of the verses and an interpretation of one word that defends that perspective. Consider the second and third verses together: Καθὼς ϖαρέδοσαν ἡμῖν ὁι απ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λογοῦ Ἔδοξε κἀιμοὶ, ϖαρακολουθηκότι ἄνωθεν ϖᾶσιν ἀκριϐως καθεξῆς σοι γράψαι, κράτιστε Θεόφιλε, “Just as those who were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word from the beginning passed them on to us, it seemed good to me also, having accurately traced,” etc. By ἡμῖν, it refers to the Christian community, who had received information, both oral and written, from those who had been αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται, “eye-witnesses and ministers.” Κἀιμοὶ refers to St. Luke, who intended to follow the example of those αὐτόπται in writing what he knew; and he describes his own knowledge using the word ϖαρακολουθηκότι, which is more specific than the phrase translated as “having had understanding of all things.” Perfect understanding can come from various sources; however, ϖαρακολουθέω specifically means, “I accompany as a companion and gain knowledge from my own observation.” It’s noteworthy that this term is used in exactly this way by the Jewish historian Josephus, who published his history a short time after St. Luke wrote. In his introduction, he claims credibility because he not only asked those who knew but also ϖαρηκολουθηκότα τοις γεγόνοσιν, which he clarifies with this phrase: Πολλῶν μὲν αὐτουργὸς ϖραξέων, stating in the third verse that he was ϖλεῖϛων δ’ αὐτόπτης γενόμενος, an actor in many events, and an eye-witness of most. If this interpretation isn’t accepted, then according to the meaning of those verses that is most commonly held, St. Luke appears to be providing in the second verse an account of the basis on which the Christian community's knowledge about these matters rested. Having gathered and compared the reports from the “eye-witnesses and ministers,” and conducted the most careful and detailed investigation, he decided to write an account of Jesus’ life. Here, he doesn’t claim inspiration; he doesn’t even say that he was an eye-witness. Instead, he states that, like others, he heard reports from eye-witnesses and accurately examined the truth of what they said, presenting the Christian community with the results of his research.
The foundation is still the same as in St. John’s Gospel, the report of those in whose 487presence Jesus did and said what is recorded. To this report is added, (1.) The investigation of St. Luke, a contemporary of the Apostles, the companion of St. Paul in a great part of his journeyings, and honoured by him with this title, “Luke, the beloved physician,” Col. iv, 14. (2.) The approbation of St. Paul, who is said, by the earliest Christian writers, to have revised this Gospel written by his companion, so that it came abroad with apostolical authority. (3.) The universal consent of the Christian church, which, although jealous of the books that were then published, and rejecting many that claimed the sanction of the Apostles, has uniformly, from the earliest times, put the Gospel of St. Luke upon a footing with those of St. Matthew and St. Mark: a clear demonstration that they who had access to the best information knew that it had been revised by an Apostle.
The foundation remains the same as in St. John’s Gospel, which reports what Jesus did and said in the presence of those who witnessed it. To this report, we add: (1) The investigation of St. Luke, a contemporary of the Apostles and a companion of St. Paul during much of his travels, honored by him with the title, “Luke, the beloved physician,” Col. iv, 14. (2) The endorsement of St. Paul, who, according to early Christian writers, reviewed this Gospel written by his companion, giving it apostolic authority. (3) The universal agreement of the Christian church, which, while cautious about the books published at that time and rejecting many that claimed apostolic approval, has consistently regarded the Gospel of St. Luke on par with those of St. Matthew and St. Mark from the earliest times: a clear indication that those with the best knowledge were aware it had been revised by an Apostle.
As, then, the authors of the Gospels appear under the character of eye-witnesses, attesting what they had seen, there would have been an impropriety in their resting the evidence of the essential facts of Christianity upon inspiration. But after the respect which their character and their conduct procured to their testimony, and the visible confirmation which it received from heaven, had established the faith of a part of the world, a belief of their inspiration became necessary. They might have been credible witnesses of facts, although they had not been distinguished from other men. But they were not qualified to execute the office of Apostles without being inspired. And therefore, as soon as the circumstances of the church required the execution of that office, the claim which had been conveyed to them by the promise of their Master, and which is implied in the apostolical character, appears in their writings. They instantly exercised the authority derived to them from Jesus, by planting ministers in the cities where they had preached the Gospel, by setting every thing pertaining to these Christian societies in order, by controlling the exercise of those miraculous gifts which they had imparted, and by correcting the abuses which happened even in their time. But they demanded from all who had received the faith of Christ submission to the doctrines and commandments of his Apostles, as the inspired messengers of Heaven. “But God hath revealed it,” not them, as our translators have supplied the accusative, “revealed the wisdom of God, the dispensation of the Gospel unto us by his Spirit; for the Spirit searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God. Now we have received not the spirit of the world, but the Spirit which is of God; that we might know the things which are freely given us of God; which things, also, we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth,” 1 Cor. ii, 10, 12, 13. “If any man think himself to be a prophet, or spiritual, let him acknowledge that the things that I write unto you are the commandments of the Lord,” 1 Cor. xiv, 37; that is, Let no eminence of spiritual gifts be set up in opposition to the authority of the Apostles, or as implying any dispensation from submitting to it. “For this cause, also, thank we God without ceasing, because when ye received the word of God which ye heard of us, ye received it not as the word of men, but, as it is in truth, the word of God,” 1 Thess. ii, 13. St. Peter, speaking of the epistles of St. Paul, says, “Even as our beloved brother Paul, also, according to the wisdom given unto him, hath written unto you,” 2 Peter iii, 15. And St. John makes the same claim of inspiration for the other Apostles, as well as for himself: “We are of God: he that knoweth God, heareth us: he that is not of God, heareth not us,” 1 John iv, 6.
As the authors of the Gospels present themselves as eyewitnesses, testifying to what they had seen, it would have been inappropriate for them to base the evidence of the fundamental facts of Christianity solely on inspiration. However, after the respect their character and actions earned for their testimony, and the visible confirmation it received from heaven, the belief in their inspiration became necessary, especially since part of the world had already established faith based on their witness. They could have been credible witnesses even if they weren’t distinguished from other people. But they couldn’t fulfill the role of Apostles without being inspired. Therefore, as soon as the circumstances of the church required the fulfillment of that role, the claim passed to them through their Master’s promise, which is implied in the apostolic role, appeared in their writings. They immediately exercised the authority given to them by Jesus by appointing ministers in the cities where they preached the Gospel, organizing everything related to those Christian communities, overseeing the use of the miraculous gifts they had given, and correcting the abuses that occurred even in their time. But they required everyone who had accepted the faith of Christ to obey the teachings and commands of His Apostles, as the inspired messengers of Heaven. “But God has revealed it,” not them, as our translators have added, “revealed the wisdom of God, the dispensation of the Gospel to us by His Spirit; for the Spirit searches everything, even the deep things of God. Now we have not received the spirit of the world, but the Spirit which is from God; that we might know the things that are freely given to us by God; which things we also speak, not in the words that human wisdom teaches, but in those that the Holy Spirit teaches,” 1 Cor. ii, 10, 12, 13. “If anyone thinks he is a prophet or spiritual, let him acknowledge that the things I write to you are the commandments of the Lord,” 1 Cor. xiv, 37; that is, no higher spiritual gifts should be used to challenge the authority of the Apostles or imply any exemption from submitting to it. “For this reason, we also thank God without ceasing, because when you accepted the word of God which you heard from us, you accepted it not as the word of men, but, as it truly is, the word of God,” 1 Thess. ii, 13. St. Peter, speaking of the letters of St. Paul, says, “Even as our beloved brother Paul, according to the wisdom given to him, has written to you,” 2 Peter iii, 15. And St. John makes the same claim of inspiration for the other Apostles, as well as for himself: “We are of God: whoever knows God hears us; whoever is not from God does not hear us,” 1 John iv, 6.
The claim to inspiration is clearly made by the Apostles in those passages where they place their own writings upon the same footing with the books of the Old Testament; for St. Paul, speaking of the ἱερα γράμματα, “Holy Scriptures,” a common expression among the Jews, in which Timothy had been instructed from his childhood, says, “All Scripture is given by inspiration of God,” 2 Tim. iii, 16. St. Peter, speaking of the ancient prophets, says, “The Spirit of Christ was in them,” 1 Peter i, 11; and, “The prophecy came not in old time by the will of man; but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,” 2 Peter i, 21. And the quotations of our Lord and his Apostles from the books of the Old Testament are often introduced with an expression in which their inspiration is directly asserted: “Well spake the Holy Ghost by Esaias;” “By the mouth of thy servant David thou hast said,” &c, Acts i, 16; iv, 25; xxviii, 25. But with this uniform testimony to that inspiration of the Jewish Scriptures, which was universally believed among that people, we are to conjoin this circumstance, that St. Paul and St. Peter in different places rank their own writings with the books of the Old Testament. St. Paul commands that his epistles should be read in the churches, where none but those books which the Jews believed to be inspired were ever read, Col. iv, 16. He says that Christians “are built upon the foundationfoundation of the Apostles and prophets,” ἐπὶ τῲ θεμελίῳ τῶν ἀποϛόλων καὶ ϖροφητῶν, Eph. ii, 20: a conjunction which would have been highly improper, if the former had not been inspired as well as the latter; and St. Peter charges the Christians to “be mindful of the words which were spoken before by the holy prophets, and of the commandment of us the Apostles,” 2 Peter iii, 2. The nature of the book of Revelation led the Apostle John to assert most directly his personal inspiration; for he says that “Jesus sent and signified by his angel to his servant John the things that were to come to pass;” and that the divine Person, like the Son of man, who appeared to him when he was in the Spirit, commanded him to write in a book what he saw. And in one of the visions there recorded, when the dispensation of the Gospel was presented to St. John under the figure of a great city, the New Jerusalem, descending out of heaven, there is one part of the image which is a beautiful expression of that authority in settling the 488form of the Christian church, and teaching articles of faith, which the Apostles derived from their inspiration: “The wall of the city had twelve foundations, and in them the names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb,” Rev. i, 1, 10–19; xxi, 14.
The Apostles clearly claim inspiration in those passages where they equate their writings with the books of the Old Testament. For instance, St. Paul refers to the ἱερα γράμματα, “Holy Scriptures,” a common term among the Jews that Timothy learned from childhood, and states, “All Scripture is given by inspiration of God,” 2 Tim. iii, 16. St. Peter mentions the ancient prophets, saying, “The Spirit of Christ was in them,” 1 Peter i, 11, and adds, “The prophecy came not in old time by the will of man; but holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,” 2 Peter i, 21. Additionally, Jesus and his Apostles often introduce their quotations from the Old Testament with phrases that directly confirm their inspiration: “Well spoke the Holy Ghost by Esaias;” “By the mouth of thy servant David thou hast said,” etc., Acts i, 16; iv, 25; xxviii, 25. Alongside this consistent affirmation of the inspiration of the Jewish Scriptures, which was widely accepted among that community, we must also note that St. Paul and St. Peter in various places classify their own writings with the books of the Old Testament. St. Paul instructs that his letters should be read in the churches, where only those books believed by the Jews to be inspired were ever read, Col. iv, 16. He states that Christians “are built upon the foundationfoundation of the Apostles and prophets,” ἐπὶ τῲ θεμελίῳ τῶν ἀποϛόλων καὶ ϖροφητῶν, Eph. ii, 20. This joining of the two would be inappropriate if the former were not as inspired as the latter. St. Peter also reminds Christians to “be mindful of the words which were spoken before by the holy prophets, and of the commandment of us the Apostles,” 2 Peter iii, 2. The nature of the book of Revelation compelled the Apostle John to assert his personal inspiration directly, as he states that “Jesus sent and signified by his angel to his servant John the things that were to come to pass,” noting that the divine figure, resembling the Son of man, who appeared to him in the Spirit, commanded him to write in a book what he saw. In one vision recorded, when the Gospel's message was depicted to St. John as a great city, the New Jerusalem descending from heaven, there is an aspect of the image that beautifully expresses the authority regarding the structure of the Christian church and the teachings of faith that the Apostles received through their inspiration: “The wall of the city had twelve foundations, and in them the names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb,” Rev. i, 1, 10–19; xxi, 14.
These are only a few of the many passages to the same purpose which occur in reading the New Testament. But it is manifest, even from them, that the manner in which the Apostles speak of their own writings is calculated to mislead every candid reader, unless they really wrote under the direction of the Spirit of God. So gross and daring an imposture is absolutely inconsistent not only with their whole character, but also with those gifts of the Holy Ghost of which there is unquestionable evidence that they were possessed; and which, being the natural vouchers of the assertion made by them concerning their own writings, cannot be supposed, upon the principles of sound theism, to have been imparted for a long course of years to persons who continued during all that time asserting such a falsehood, and appealing to those gifts for the truth of what they said.
These are just a few of the many passages that serve the same purpose found in the New Testament. However, it’s clear, even from these examples, that the way the Apostles refer to their own writings can mislead any honest reader unless they truly wrote under the guidance of the Spirit of God. Such a blatant and reckless deception completely contradicts not only their overall character but also the gifts of the Holy Spirit that there is clear evidence they possessed. These gifts, being the natural proof of their claims about their own writings, cannot be assumed, based on sound belief in God, to have been given to people who continuously claimed a falsehood while relying on those gifts for the truth of their statements over many years.
4. The claim of the Apostles derives much confirmation from the reception which it met with among the Christians of their days. It appears from an expression of St. Peter, that at the time when he wrote his second epistle, the epistles of St. Paul were classed with “the other Scriptures,” the books of the Old Testament; that is, were accounted inspired writings, 2 Peter iii, 16. It is well known to those who are versed in the early history of the church, with what care the first Christians discriminated between the apostolical writings and the compositions of other authors however much distinguished by their piety, and with what reverence they received those books which were known by their inscription, by the place from which they proceeded, or the manner in which they were circulated, to be the work of an Apostle. In Lardner’s “Credibility of the Gospel History,” will be found the most particular information upon this subject; and it will be perceived that the whole history of the supposititious writings which appeared in early times, conspires in attesting the veneration in which the authority of the Apostles was held by the Christian church. We learn from Justin Martyr, that, before the middle of the second century, “the memoirs of the Apostles, and the compositions of the prophets,” were read together in the Christian assemblies. We know, that from the earliest times, the church has submitted to the writings of the Apostles as the infallible standard of faith and practice; and we find the ground of this peculiar respect expressed by the first Christian writers as well as by their successors, who speak of the writings of the Apostles as “divine writings from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost.”
4. The claims of the Apostles are strongly supported by how they were received by the Christians of their time. An expression from St. Peter shows that when he wrote his second epistle, St. Paul’s letters were considered on par with “the other Scriptures,” meaning they were seen as inspired writings, 2 Peter iii, 16. Those familiar with the early history of the church know how carefully the first Christians differentiated between apostolic writings and the works of other authors, no matter how pious they were, and how reverently they accepted the books that were recognized by their titles, their origins, or the way they were shared, as being the work of an Apostle. Lardner’s “Credibility of the Gospel History” contains detailed information on this topic, and it illustrates that the entire history of the fake writings that emerged in early times highlights the reverence in which the authority of the Apostles was held by the Christian church. Justin Martyr tells us that, before the middle of the second century, “the memoirs of the Apostles and the writings of the prophets” were read together in Christian gatherings. It’s clear that from the earliest days, the church accepted the writings of the Apostles as the ultimate standard of faith and practice, and we see this special respect noted by early Christian writers as well as their successors, who referred to the Apostles' writings as “divine writings from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost.”
To this general argument we may add that right views on the subject of the inspiration of the sacred writers are also necessary, because even some Christian writers have spoken obscurely and unsatisfactorily on the subject, dividing inspiration into different kinds, and assigning each to different portions of the holy volume. By inspiration we are to understand, that the sacred writers composed their works under so plenary and immediate an influence of the Holy Spirit, that God may be said to speak by those writers to man, and not merely that they spoke to men in the name of God, and by his authority; and there is a considerable difference between the two propositions. Each supposes an authentic revelation from God; but the former view secures the Scriptures from all error both as to the subjects spoken, and the manner of expressing them. This, too, is the doctrine taught in the Scriptures themselves, which declare not only that the prophets and Apostles spake in the name of God, but that God spake by them as his instruments. “The Holy Ghost by the mouth of David spake.” “Well spake the Holy Ghost by Esaias the prophet.” “The prophecy came not of old time, by the will of man; but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost.” For this reason, not only that the matter contained in the book of “the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms,” (the usual phrase by which the Jews designated the whole Old Testament,) was true; but that the books were written under divine inspiration, they are called collectively by our Lord and by his Apostles, “The Scriptures,” in contradistinction to all other writings;--a term which the Apostle Peter, as stated above, applies also to the writings of St. Paul, and which therefore verifies them as standing on the same level with the books of the Old Testament as to their inspiration: “Even as our beloved brother Paul also, according to the wisdom given unto him, hath written unto you; as also in all his epistles, speaking of these things, in which are some things hard to be understood, which they that are unlearned and unstable wrest, as they do also the other Scriptures, unto their own destruction.” The Apostles also, as we have seen, expressly claim an inspiration, not only as to the subjects on which they wrote, but as to the words in which they expressed themselves. Farther, our Lord promised to them the Holy Spirit “to guide them into all truth;” and that he was not to fulfil his office by suggesting thoughts only, but words, is clear from Christ’s discourse with them on the subject of the persecutions they were to endure for “his name’s sake:” “And when they bring you into the synagogues, and unto magistrates and powers, take ye no thought how or what thing ye shall answer, or what ye shall say; for the Holy Ghost shall teach you in the same hour what ye ought to say; for it is not ye that speak; but the Spirit of your Father which speaketh in you.” This inspiration of words is also asserted by St. Paul as to himself and his brethren, when he says to the Corinthians, “Which things also we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth; but which the Holy Ghost teacheth.” Thus we find that the claim which the sacred writers make on this subject is, that they were in truth what they have been aptly called, “the penmen of the 489Holy Ghost;” and that the words in which they clothed “the wisdom given unto them” were words “taught” by the Holy Spirit.
To this general argument, we can also add that having the right perspective on the inspiration of the sacred writers is essential. Even some Christian writers have discussed this topic in unclear and unsatisfactory ways, dividing inspiration into different types and assigning each type to various parts of the holy text. By inspiration, we mean that the sacred writers created their works under such complete and direct influence of the Holy Spirit that God can be said to communicate through those writers to humanity, rather than just that they spoke to people in God's name and with His authority. There's a significant difference between these two ideas. Both suggest an authentic revelation from God, but the first view protects the Scriptures from all errors both regarding the subjects discussed and the manner of expression. This is also the teaching found in Scripture itself, which states that not only did the prophets and Apostles speak in God's name, but that God spoke through them as His instruments. “The Holy Ghost spoke by the mouth of David.” “The Holy Ghost rightly spoke through Isaiah the prophet.” “The prophecy didn't come in old times by the will of man; rather, holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the Holy Ghost.” For this reason, not only was the matter found in the book of “the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms” (the common phrase used by the Jews to refer to the entire Old Testament) true, but also that the books were written under divine inspiration. They are collectively called “The Scriptures” by our Lord and His Apostles, distinguishing them from all other writings. This term is also applied by the Apostle Peter to the writings of St. Paul, confirming that they stand on the same level as the books of the Old Testament regarding their inspiration: “Just as our beloved brother Paul has also written to you, according to the wisdom given to him; in all his letters, he speaks about these matters, in which there are some things hard to understand, that the unlearned and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other Scriptures.” The Apostles also clearly assert their inspiration, not only concerning the topics they wrote about but also regarding the words they used. Furthermore, our Lord promised to them the Holy Spirit “to guide them into all truth,” and that He was not only to suggest thoughts, but also words, is evident from Christ's conversation with them about the persecutions they would face for “His name's sake”: “And when they bring you before synagogues and authorities, don't worry about how or what you should answer, or what you should say; for the Holy Ghost will teach you in that same hour what you ought to say; for it is not you who speak, but the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you.” This inspiration of words is also affirmed by St. Paul regarding himself and his companions when he tells the Corinthians, “We speak not in words taught by human wisdom, but in words taught by the Holy Ghost.” Thus we find that the claim made by the sacred writers on this subject is that they truly were what they have been aptly called, “the penmen of the Holy Ghost,” and that the words in which they articulated “the wisdom given to them” were words “taught” by the Holy Spirit.
But it may be asked, How are we to account for that difference of style which is observable in each? that manner, too, so natural to each, and so distinct in all? with those reasonings, recollections of memory, and other indications of the working of the mind of each writer in its own character and temperament? Some persons, indeed, observing this, have concluded their style and manner to be entirely human, while their thoughts were either wholly divine, or so superintended by the Holy Ghost as to have been adopted by him, and therefore, although sometimes natural, to be of equal authority as if they had been exclusively of divine suggestion. This, indeed, would be sufficient to oblige our implicit credence to their writings, as being from God; but it falls below the force of the passages above cited, and which attribute to a divine agency their words also. The matter may be rightly conceived by considering, that an inspiration of words took place either by suggesting those most fit to express the thoughts, or by overruling the selection of such words from the common as if they had been exclusively of divine suggestion. This, indeed, would be sufficient to oblige our implicit credence to their writings, as being from God; but it falls below the force of the passages above cited, and which attribute to a divine agency the store acquired by, and laid up in, the mind of each writer, which is quite compatible with the fact, that a peculiarity and appropriateness of manner might still be left to them separately. To suppose that an inspiration of terms, as well as thoughts, could not take place without producing one uniform style and manner, is to suppose that the minds of the writers would thus become entirely passive under the influence of the Holy Spirit; whereas it is easily conceivable that the verbiage, style, and manner of each, was not so much displaced, as elevated, enriched, and controlled by the Holy Spirit; and that there was a previous fitness, in all these respects, in all the sacred penmen, for which they were chosen to be the instruments under the aid and direction of the Holy Ghost, of writing such portions of the general revelation as the wisdom of God assigned to each of them. On the other hand, while it is so conceivable that the words and manner of each might be appropriated to his own design by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, it by no means follows that both were not greatly altered, as well as controlled, although they still retained a general similarity to the uninfluenced style and manner of each, and still presented a characteristic variety. As none of their writings on ordinary occasions, and when uninspired, have come down to us, we cannot judge of the degree of this difference; and therefore no one can with any just reason affirm that their writings are “the word of God as to the doctrine, but the word of man as to the channel of conveyance.” Certain it is, that a vast difference may be remarked between the writings of the Apostles, and those of the most eminent fathers of the times nearest to them; and that not only as to precision and strength of thought, but also as to language. This circumstance is at least strongly presumptive, that although the style of inspired men was not stripped of the characteristic peculiarity of the writers, it was greatly exalted and influenced.
But you might wonder how we explain the noticeable differences in style among them, the unique way each writer expresses themselves, along with the reasoning, memories, and other signs of each writer's mind working in their own character and temperament. Some people, noticing this, have concluded that their style and manner are entirely human, while their thoughts are either completely divine or guided by the Holy Spirit to the point where they could be considered equally authoritative as if they were solely divinely inspired. This would indeed compel us to accept their writings as coming from God; however, it doesn't match the strength of the previously cited passages, which also attribute their words to divine influence. To understand this correctly, we should consider that inspiration of words occurred either by suggesting the best terms to express the ideas or by overruling the selection of common words as if they were purely divinely inspired. This would indeed compel us to accept their writings as coming from God; however, it doesn't match the strength of the previously cited passages, which attribute the knowledge stored in the minds of each writer to divine influence, while still allowing for distinct styles and expressions. To assume that an inspiration of words, as well as thoughts, wouldn't lead to a consistent style is to assume that the writers’ minds would become completely passive under the Holy Spirit’s influence; whereas it’s easy to believe that the language, style, and manner of each were not just replaced but rather elevated, enriched, and guided by the Holy Spirit. There must have been a natural fit, in all these respects, among the sacred authors, which is why they were chosen to be instruments under the Holy Spirit’s aid and direction to write the sections of the general revelation assigned to them by God's wisdom. Conversely, while it’s conceivable that the words and style of each might have been tailored to their specific purposes through the Holy Spirit’s inspiration, it doesn’t necessarily mean that both weren’t significantly altered and shaped, even while maintaining a general similarity to their original styles and showing a characteristic variety. Since none of their uninspired writings have survived, we can't accurately assess the extent of these differences; therefore, no one can reasonably claim that their writings are “the word of God in terms of doctrine but the word of man in terms of delivery.” It’s clear that there’s a substantial contrast between the writings of the Apostles and those of the most prominent early Church fathers, not just in clarity and depth of thought, but also in language. This strongly suggests that while the style of inspired writers wasn’t stripped of their distinctive characteristics, it was significantly elevated and influenced.
But the same force of inspiration, so to speak, was not probably exerted upon each of the sacred writers, or upon the same writer throughout his writings, whatever might be its subject. There is no necessity that we should so state the case, in order to maintain what is essential to our faith,--the plenary inspiration of each of the sacred writers. In miracles there was no needless application of divine power. Traditional history and written chronicles, facts of known occurrence, and opinions which were received by all, are often inserted or referred to by the sacred writers. There needed no miraculous operation upon the memory to recall what the memory was furnished with, or to reveal a fact which the writers previously and perfectly knew: but their plenary inspiration consisted in this, that they were kept from all lapses of memory, or inadequate conceptions, even on these subjects; and on all others the degree of communication and influence, both as to doctrine, facts, and the terms in which they were to be recorded for the edification of the church, was proportioned to the necessity of the case, but so that the whole was authenticated or dictated by the Holy Spirit with so full an influence, that it became truth without mixture of error, expressed in such terms as he himself ruled or suggested. This, then, seems the true notion of plenary inspiration, that for the revelation, insertion, and adequate enunciation of truth, it was full and complete.
But the same force of inspiration, so to speak, likely wasn’t applied equally to each of the sacred writers or even to the same writer throughout their works, regardless of the topic. We don’t need to frame it this way to uphold what is essential to our faith—the full inspiration of each sacred writer. In miracles, there was no unnecessary use of divine power. Traditional history and written records, facts that were well-known, and widely accepted opinions often appear or are referenced by the sacred writers. There was no need for miraculous intervention on their memory to recall what they already had, or to reveal a fact they already knew perfectly well: their full inspiration meant they were kept from any lapses of memory or misunderstandings, even on these topics. As for all other subjects, the level of communication and influence regarding doctrine, facts, and the way they should be recorded for the Church's benefit was adjusted to fit the need of the situation, ensuring that everything was endorsed or conveyed by the Holy Spirit with such a complete influence that it became truth without any mixture of error, expressed in the terms that He Himself guided or suggested. This, then, seems to be the true understanding of full inspiration, that for the revelation, inclusion, and clear expression of truth, it was total and comprehensive.
The principal objections to this view of the inspiration of words are well answered by Dr. Woods, an American divine, in a recent publication, from which, as the subject has been lately debated in this country, the following extracts will be acceptable, although there is in them a repetition of some of the preceding observations:--
The main objections to this perspective on the inspiration of words are effectively addressed by Dr. Woods, an American theologian, in a recent publication. Since this topic has been recently discussed in this country, the following excerpts will be relevant, even though they repeat some of the points made earlier:--
“One argument which has been urged against the supposition that divine inspiration had a respect to language, is, that the language employed by the inspired writers exhibits no marks of a divine interference, but is perfectly conformed to the genius and taste of the writers. The fact here alleged is admitted. But how does it support the opinion of those who allege it? Is it not evident, that God may exercise a perfect superintendency over inspired writers as to the language they shall use, and yet that each one of them shall write in his own style, and in all respects according to his own taste? May not God give such aid to his servants, that, while using their own style, they will certainly be secured against all mistakes, and exhibit the truth with perfect propriety? It is unquestionable, that 490Isaiah, and St. Paul, and St. John might be under the entire direction of the Holy Spirit, even as to language, and, at the same time, that each one of them might write in his own manner; and that the peculiar manner of each might be adopted to answer an important end; and that the variety of style, thus introduced into the sacred volume, might be suited to excite a livelier interest in the minds of men, and to secure to them a far greater amount of good, than could ever have been derived from any one mode of writing. The great variety existing among men as to their natural talents, and their peculiar manner of thinking and writing may, in this way, be turned to account in the work of revelation, as well as in the concerns of common life. Now, is it not clearly a matter of fact, that God has made use of this variety, and given the Holy Spirit to men, differing widely from each other in regard to natural endowments, and knowledge, and style, and employed them, with all their various gifts, as agents in writing the Holy Scriptures? And what colour of reason can we have to suppose, that the language which they used was less under the divine direction on account of this variety, than if it had been perfectly uniform throughout?
“One argument that has been presented against the idea that divine inspiration had anything to do with language is that the language used by the inspired writers shows no signs of divine interference and perfectly aligns with their individual styles and preferences. The claim being made here is accepted. But how does it support the viewpoint of those who make it? Isn’t it clear that God can oversee inspired writers regarding the language they use, while still allowing each of them to write in their own style and according to their own taste? Can God not provide enough support to His servants so that while using their unique styles, they are completely protected from errors and convey the truth accurately? It is indisputable that Isaiah, St. Paul, and St. John could be fully guided by the Holy Spirit even concerning language, while each wrote in his own way; and that each individual style may serve an important purpose. The diversity of styles incorporated into the sacred texts may engage people’s interest more deeply and ensure they receive much greater benefits than could come from a single writing style. The wide variety among people regarding their natural abilities, as well as their unique thought and writing styles, can be utilized in revelation just as it is in everyday life. Now, isn’t it evident that God has taken advantage of this variety and given the Holy Spirit to men with diverse natural talents, knowledge, and styles, employing them, with all their different gifts, as authors of the Holy Scriptures? And what reason do we have to believe that the language they used was less divinely guided because of this variety than if it had been entirely uniform throughout?”
“To prove that divine inspiration had no respect to the language of the sacred writers, it is farther alleged, that even the same doctrine is taught and the same event described in a different manner by different writers. This fact I also admit. But how does it prove that inspiration had no respect to language? Is not the variety alleged a manifest advantage, as to the impression which is likely to be made upon the minds of men? Is not testimony, which is substantially the same, always considered as entitled to higher credit, when it is given by different witnesses in different language, and in a different order? And is it not perfectly reasonable to suppose, that, in making a revelation, God would have respect to the common principles of human nature and human society, and would exert his influence and control over inspired men in such a manner, that, by exhibiting the same doctrines and facts in different ways, they should make a more salutary impression, and should more effectually compass the great ends of a revelation? All I have to advance on this part of the subject may be summed up in these two positions: 1. The variety of manner apparent among different inspired writers, even when treating of the same subjects, is far better suited to promote the object of divine revelation, than a perfect uniformity. 2. It is agreeable to our worthiest conceptions of God and his administration, that he should make use of the best means for the accomplishment of his designs; and, of course, that he should impart the gift of inspiration to men of different tastes and habits as to language, and should lead them, while writing the Scriptures, to exhibit all the variety of manner naturally arising from the diversified character of their minds.
“To demonstrate that divine inspiration did not prioritize the language of the sacred writers, it is further argued that the same doctrine is taught and the same event is described in different ways by various writers. I agree with this fact. But how does it prove that inspiration didn't consider language? Isn't the variety mentioned a clear advantage when it comes to the impression it could make on people's minds? Isn't testimony that is fundamentally the same usually given more credence when it comes from different witnesses in different words and orders? And isn't it perfectly reasonable to think that, in making a revelation, God would consider the common principles of human nature and society, influencing and guiding inspired individuals in such a way that presenting the same doctrines and facts in various ways would make a stronger impact and better achieve the main goals of a revelation? Everything I want to say about this part of the topic can be summed up in these two points: 1. The diversity in style among different inspired writers, even when discussing the same subjects, better serves the purpose of divine revelation than strict uniformity. 2. It aligns with our highest ideas of God and His management that He should use the best means to achieve His intentions; thus, it makes sense that He would give the gift of inspiration to individuals with different styles and preferences regarding language, leading them to display the natural variety that comes from their unique characters while writing the Scriptures.”
“But there is another argument, perhaps the most plausible of all, against supposing that inspiration had any respect to language; which is, that the supposition of a divine influence in this respect is wholly unnecessary; that the sacred writers, having the requisite information in regard to the subjects on which they were to write, might, so far as language is concerned, be left entirely to their own judgment and fidelity. But this view of the subject is not satisfactory. For whatever may be said as to the judgment and fidelity of those who wrote the Scriptures, there is one important circumstance which cannot be accounted for, without supposing them to have enjoyed a guidance above that of their own minds; namely, that they were infallibly preserved from every mistake or impropriety in the manner of writing. If we should admit that the divine superintendence and guidance afforded to the inspired writers had no relation at all to the manner in which they exhibited either doctrines or facts; how easily might we be disturbed with doubts, in regard to the propriety of some of their representations? We should most certainly consider them as liable to all the inadvertencies and mistakes, to which uninspired men are commonly liable; and we should think ourselves perfectly justified in undertaking to charge them with real errors and faults as to style, and to show how their language might have been improved; and, in short, to treat their writings just as we treat the writings of Shakspeare and Addison. ‘Here,’ we might say, ‘Paul was unfortunate in the choice of words; and here his language does not express the ideas which he must have intended to convey.’ ‘Here the style of St. John was inadvertent; and here it was faulty: and here it would have been more agreeable to the nature of the subject, and would have more accurately expressed the truth, had it been altered thus.’ If the language of the sacred writers did not in any way come under the inspection of the Holy Spirit, and if they were left, just as other writers are, to their own unaided faculties in regard to every thing which pertained to the manner of writing; then, evidently, we might use the same freedom in animadverting upon their style, as upon the style of other writers. But who could treat the volume of inspiration in this manner, without impiety and profaneness? And rather than make any approach to this, who would not choose to go to an excess, if there could be an excess, in reverence for the word of God?
“But there’s another argument, maybe the most believable of all, against thinking that inspiration had anything to do with language. This argument is that the idea of divine influence in this area is completely unnecessary. The writers of the sacred texts, having the necessary information about the subjects they were going to write about, could, as far as language goes, rely entirely on their own judgment and honesty. However, this perspective isn’t satisfying. Because no matter what we say about the judgment and honesty of those who wrote the Scriptures, there’s one crucial point that can’t be explained without assuming they had guidance beyond their own minds; namely, that they were flawlessly preserved from every mistake or awkwardness in their writing. If we accept that the divine oversight and guidance given to the inspired writers had no connection to how they presented either doctrines or facts, how easily could we find ourselves doubting the appropriateness of some of their representations? We would definitely see them as being just as prone to all the mistakes and errors that uninspired people usually have; and we would think we were completely justified in pointing out actual errors and flaws in their style, and showing how their language could have been improved; and, in short, treating their writings just like we treat the writings of Shakespeare and Addison. ‘Here,’ we might say, ‘Paul was unfortunate in his word choice; and here his language doesn’t convey the ideas he must have intended.’ ‘Here St. John’s style was careless; and here it was flawed: and here it would have been more suitable for the nature of the subject, and would have expressed the truth more accurately, if it had been changed this way.’ If the language of the sacred writers wasn’t overseen by the Holy Spirit at all, and if they were left, just like other writers, to their own unaided abilities regarding everything that concerned their writing style; then, clearly, we could criticize their style just as freely as we do with the style of other authors. But who could treat the inspired volume this way without being disrespectful and irreverent? And rather than approach this, who wouldn’t prefer to err on the side of excessive reverence for the word of God?”
“On this subject, far be it from me to indulge a curiosity which would pry into things not intended for human intelligence. And far be it from me to expend zeal in supporting opinions not warranted by the word of God. But this one point I think it specially important to maintain; namely, that the sacred writers had such direction of the Holy Spirit, that they were secured against all liability to error, and enabled to write just what God pleased; so that what they wrote is, in truth, the word of God, and can never be subject to any charge of mistake either as to matter or form. Whether this perfect correctness and propriety as to 491language resulted from the divine guidance directly or indirectly, is a question of no particular consequence. If the Spirit of God directs the minds of inspired men, and gives them just conceptions relative to the subjects on which they are to write; and if he constitutes and maintains a connection, true and invariable, between their conceptions and the language they employ to express them, the language must, in this way, be as infallible, and as worthy of God, as though it were dictated directly by the Holy Spirit. But to assert that the sacred writers used such language as they chose, or such as was natural to them, without any special divine superintendence, and that, in respect to style, they are to be regarded in the same light, and equally liable to mistakes, as other writers, is plainly contrary to the representations which they themselves make, and is suited to diminish our confidence in the word of God. For how could we have entire confidence in the representations of Scripture, if, after God had instructed the minds of the sacred writers in the truth to be communicated, he gave them up to all the inadvertencies and errors to which human nature in general is exposed, and took no effectual care that their manner of writing should be according to his will?
“Regarding this topic, I definitely don't want to get caught up in a curiosity that digs into matters beyond human understanding. And it's not my aim to invest energy in supporting views that aren't backed by the word of God. However, I believe it's crucial to emphasize that the authors of the scriptures were guided by the Holy Spirit, which protected them from making any errors and allowed them to write exactly what God intended; therefore, what they wrote is genuinely the word of God and can never be accused of mistakes, either in content or form. Whether this perfect accuracy in language came from divine guidance directly or indirectly is not particularly important. If the Spirit of God directs the minds of inspired writers and gives them clear ideas about the subjects they are writing on; and if He establishes and maintains a true and consistent connection between their thoughts and the language they use to convey them, then the language must be just as infallible and worthy of God, as if it had been directly dictated by the Holy Spirit. However, to claim that the sacred writers used whatever language they preferred, or what felt natural to them, without any special divine oversight, and that they should be considered just like any other writers who are equally prone to errors in style, clearly contradicts their own assertions and undermines our trust in the word of God. How can we have complete confidence in the representations of Scripture if, after God had guided the minds of the sacred writers to convey the truth, He subjected them to the same mistakes that human nature is typically prone to, without ensuring that their writing followed His will?”
“Let us then briefly examine the subject, as it is presented in the Holy Scriptures, and see whether we find sufficient reason to affirm that inspiration had no relation whatever to language. 1. The Apostles were the subjects of such a divine inspiration as enabled them to speak ‘with other tongues:’ here inspiration related directly to language. 2. It is the opinion of most writers, that, in some instances, inspired men had not in their own minds a clear understanding of the things which they spake or wrote. One instance of this, commonly referred to, is the case of Daniel, who heard and repeated what the angel said, though he did not understand it, Dan. xii, 7–9. This has also been thought to be in some measure the case with the prophets referred to, 1 Peter i, 10–12. And is there not reason to think this may have been the case with many of the prophetic representations contained in the Psalms, and many of the symbolical rites of the Mosaic institute? Various matters are found in the Old Testament, which were not intended so much for the benefit of the writers, or their contemporaries, as for the benefit of future ages. And this might have been a sufficient reason why they should be left without a clear understanding of the things which they wrote. In such cases, if the opinion above stated is correct, inspired men were led to make use of expressions, the meaning of which they did not fully understand. And, according to this view, it would seem that the teaching of the Spirit which they enjoyed, must have related rather to the words than to the sense. 3. Those who deny that the divine influence afforded to the sacred writers had any respect to language, can find no support in the texts which most directly relate to the subject of inspiration. And it is surely in such texts, if any where, that we should suppose they would find support. The passage, 2 Peter i, 21, is a remarkable one. It asserts that ‘holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost.’ There is surely nothing here which limits the divine influence to the conceptions of their minds. They were moved by the Holy Ghost to speak or write. ‘All Scripture is divinely inspired,’ 2 Tim. iii, 16. Does this text afford any proof that the divine influence granted to the inspired penmen was confined to their inward conceptions, and had no respect whatever to the manner in which they expressed their conceptions? What is Scripture? Is it divine truth conceived in the mind, or divine truth written? In Heb. i, 1, it is said that ‘God spake to the fathers by the prophets.’ Does this afford any proof that the divine guidance which the prophets enjoyed related exclusively to the conceptions of their own minds, and had no respect to the manner in which they communicated those conceptions? Must we not rather think the meaning to be, that God influenced the prophets to utter or make known important truths? And how could they do this, except by the use of proper words?
“Let’s briefly look at the topic as it’s presented in the Holy Scriptures and see if we can find enough evidence to say that inspiration had no connection to language. 1. The Apostles experienced a divine inspiration that allowed them to speak 'in other tongues'; here, inspiration was directly related to language. 2. Most writers believe that, in some cases, inspired individuals didn’t fully understand the things they spoke or wrote. A common example is Daniel, who heard and repeated what the angel said, even though he didn’t understand it, Dan. xii, 7–9. It’s also thought this might apply to some of the prophets mentioned in 1 Peter i, 10–12. Isn’t there a reason to think this could be true for many of the prophetic messages found in the Psalms and many of the symbolic rituals in the Mosaic law? Various parts of the Old Testament weren't necessarily meant for the benefit of the writers or their contemporaries, but rather for future generations. This could explain why they might not have had a clear understanding of what they wrote. In such cases, if the above opinion is valid, inspired people were led to use expressions whose meanings they didn’t fully grasp. And based on this view, it seems that the guidance of the Spirit they experienced was more about the words than the meanings. 3. Those who deny that the divine influence given to the sacred writers pertained to language can find no support in the texts that deal most directly with the subject of inspiration. And it’s likely that in such texts, if anywhere, we’d expect to find support. The passage 2 Peter i, 21 is particularly noteworthy. It states that 'holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the Holy Ghost.' There’s certainly nothing here that limits divine influence to just the ideas in their minds. They were moved by the Holy Ghost to speak or write. 'All Scripture is divinely inspired,' 2 Tim. iii, 16. Does this passage provide any evidence that the divine influence given to the inspired writers was limited to their internal ideas and didn’t relate to how they expressed these ideas? What is Scripture? Is it divine truth conceived in the mind, or divine truth written? In Heb. i, 1, it says that 'God spoke to the ancestors through the prophets.' Does this suggest that the divine guidance prophets received was solely about their internal ideas and had no relation to how they communicated those ideas? Shouldn’t we interpret this to mean that God influenced the prophets to express or reveal significant truths? And how could they do this without using appropriate words?"
“I have argued in favour of the inspiration of the Apostles, from their commission. They were sent by Christ to teach the truths of religion in his stead. It was an arduous work; and in the execution of it they needed and enjoyed much divine assistance. But forming right conceptions of Christianity in their own minds, was not the great work assigned to the Apostles. If the divine assistance reached only to this, it reached only to that which concerned them as private men, and which they might have possessed though they had never been commissioned to teach others. As Apostles, they were to preach the Gospel to all who could be brought to hear it, and to make a record of divine truth for the benefit of future ages. Now is it at all reasonable to suppose, that the divine assistance afforded them had no respect to their main business, and that, in the momentous and difficult work of communicating the truths of religion, either orally or by writing, they were left to themselves, and so exposed to all the errors and inadvertencies of uninspired men? But our reasoning does not stop here. For that divine assistance which we might reasonably suppose would have been granted to the Apostles in the work of teaching divine truth, is the very thing which Christ promised them in the texts before cited. I shall refer only to Matt. x, 19, 20, ‘When they shall deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye shall speak; for it shall be given you in the same hour what ye shall speak. For it is not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father that speaketh in you.’ This promise, as Knapp understands it, implies, that divine assistance should extend not only to what they should say, but to the manner in which they should say it. It is not, however, to be understood as implying, that the Apostles were not rational and voluntary 492agents in the discharge of their office. But it implies that, in consequence of the influence of the Spirit to be exercised over them, they should say what God would have them to say, without any liability to mistake, either as to matter or manner. From the above-cited promise, taken in connection with the instances of its accomplishment which are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, it becomes evident that God may exert his highest influence upon his servants, so as completely to guide them in thought and in utterance, in regard to subjects which lie chiefly within the province of their natural faculties. For in those speeches of the Apostles which are left on record, we find that most of the things which they declared, were things which, for aught that appears, they might have known, and might have expressed to others, in the natural exercise of their own faculties. This principle being admitted, and kept steadily in view, will relieve us of many difficulties in regard to the doctrine of inspiration. The passage, 1 Cor. ii, 12, 13, already cited as proof of the inspiration of the Apostles, is very far from favouring the opinion that inspiration had no respect whatever to their language, or that it related exclusively to their thoughts. ‘Which things we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth.’ The Apostle avoided the style and the manner of teaching which prevailed among the wise men of Greece, and made use of a style which corresponded with the nature of his subject, and the end he had in view. And this, he tells us, he did, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. His language, or manner of teaching, was the thing to which the divine influence imparted to him particularly referred. Storr and Flatt give the following interpretation of this text: Paul, they say, asserts that the doctrines of Christianity were revealed to him by the almighty agency of God himself; and, finally, that the inspiration of the divine Spirit extended even to his words, and to all his exhibitions of revealed truths. They add, that St. Paul clearly distinguishes between the doctrine itself, and the manner in which it is communicated.”
“I have argued in favor of the inspiration of the Apostles, based on their mission. They were sent by Christ to teach the truths of religion on His behalf. It was a challenging task, and they required and received a lot of divine help to carry it out. However, developing accurate understandings of Christianity in their minds wasn’t the main task given to the Apostles. If the divine assistance only pertained to this, it would only relate to their personal experiences, which they could have gained even if they hadn’t been assigned to teach others. As Apostles, their role was to preach the Gospel to everyone willing to listen and to document divine truths for the benefit of future generations. Is it reasonable to think that the divine assistance they received had nothing to do with their main mission? That during the crucial and difficult task of communicating religious truths, either verbally or in writing, they were left alone and vulnerable to the mistakes and oversights of uninspired individuals? Our reasoning doesn’t end here. The divine help we can reasonably assume was granted to the Apostles for the work of teaching divine truth is precisely what Christ promised them in the previously mentioned texts. I’ll only refer to Matthew 10:19-20: ‘When they hand you over, don’t worry about how or what you should speak, for it will be given to you in that hour what you should speak. For it is not you speaking, but the Spirit of your Father speaking in you.’ This promise, as Knapp interprets it, indicates that divine assistance would extend not only to what they should say but also to the manner in which they should say it. However, it should not be understood as suggesting that the Apostles were not rational and voluntary 492 agents in fulfilling their roles. Rather, it implies that, due to the Spirit’s influence over them, they would say what God wanted them to say, without any risk of error in content or delivery. From the promise cited above, along with the examples of its fulfillment recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, it is clear that God can exert His highest influence over His servants, completely guiding them in thought and expression concerning matters which primarily fall within the scope of their natural abilities. For in the recorded speeches of the Apostles, we see that most of what they proclaimed were things they could have known and expressed to others using their own faculties. Accepting this principle and keeping it in mind will help us navigate many challenges concerning the doctrine of inspiration. The passage 1 Corinthians 2:12-13, already cited as evidence of the Apostles' inspiration, strongly opposes the idea that inspiration had no connection to their language or exclusively pertained to their thoughts. ‘Which things we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teaches, but which the Holy Spirit teaches.’ The Apostle avoided the style and method of teaching common among the wise men of Greece and used a style that corresponded to the nature of his subject and his intended outcome. And he tells us that he did this under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. His language or style of teaching was the aspect to which the divine influence particularly referred. Storr and Flatt give the following interpretation of this text: Paul, they say, claims that the truths of Christianity were revealed to him through God’s almighty agency; ultimately, the inspiration of the divine Spirit extended even to his words and all his presentations of revealed truths. They add that St. Paul clearly distinguishes between the doctrine itself and the manner in which it is communicated.”
INTERMEDIATE STATE. Beside questions concerning the nature of the happiness of heaven, there have also arisen questions concerning the state of the soul in the interval between death and the general resurrection. If we believe, with Dr. Priestley, that the soul is not a substance distinct from the body, we must believe with him that the whole of the human machine is at rest after death, till it be restored to its functions at the last day; but if we are convinced of the immateriality of the soul, we shall not think it so entirely dependent in all its operations upon its present companion, but that it may exist and act in an unembodied state. And if once we are satisfied that a state of separate existence is possible, we shall easily attach credit to the interpretation commonly given of the various expressions in Scripture, which intimate that the souls of good men are admitted to the presence of God immediately after death, although we soon find that a bound is set to our speculations concerning the nature of this intermediate state. But when we leave philosophical probability, and come to the doctrine of Scripture, the only ground of certainty on all such subjects, a great number of passages are so explicit, that no ingenuity of interpretation has been sufficient to weaken their evidence on this point. One branch of the opinions that have been held concerning an intermediate state is the Popish doctrine of purgatory; a doctrine which appears upon the slightest inspection of the texts that have been adduced in support of it to derive no evidence from Scripture; which originated in the error of the church of Rome in assigning to personal suffering a place in the justification of a sinner; and which is completely overturned by the doctrine of justification by faith, and by the general strain of Scripture, which represents this life as a state of probation, upon our conduct during which our everlasting condition depends. The holy Lazarus is carried by angels into Abraham’s bosom; and the rich and careless sinner lifts up his eyes in hell, and is separated from the place of bliss by an impassable gulf. This at once disproves the doctrine of purgatory, and demonstrates an intermediate conscious state of happiness and misery.
INTERMEDIATE STATE. Alongside questions about the nature of happiness in heaven, there are also questions about the state of the soul during the time between death and the general resurrection. If we agree with Dr. Priestley that the soul is not separate from the body, we must also accept his view that the entire human system is inactive after death until it is restored to its functions on the last day. However, if we believe in the immateriality of the soul, we won't see it as entirely relying on its physical body for all its actions; rather, it can exist and function without a body. Once we are convinced that a state of separate existence is possible, we can more easily accept the common interpretation of various biblical texts that suggest the souls of righteous individuals enter God's presence immediately after death. Yet we quickly realize that there are limits to our theories about the nature of this intermediate state. When we move from philosophical speculation to the teachings of Scripture, which are the only reliable source of certainty on such matters, many passages are so clear that no amount of interpretation can diminish their clarity on this issue. One of the views about an intermediate state is the Catholic doctrine of purgatory, which, upon even a cursory look at the supporting texts, appears to derive no evidence from Scripture. This doctrine originated from the Roman Church's error of attributing personal suffering a role in justifying a sinner, and it is completely undermined by the doctrine of justification by faith, as well as by the overall message of Scripture that portrays this life as a testing ground upon which our eternal destiny depends. The holy Lazarus is carried by angels to Abraham’s bosom, while the rich and careless sinner looks up from hell, separated from paradise by an unbridgeable chasm. This not only disproves the doctrine of purgatory but also shows a conscious intermediate state of both happiness and misery.
IRON, ברזל; occurs first in Gen. iv, 22, and afterward frequently; and the Chaldee פרזל, in Dan. ii, 33, 41, and elsewhere often in that book; σίδηρος, Rev. xviii, 12, and the adjectives, Acts xii, 10; Rev. ii, 27; ix, 9; xii, 5; xix, 15; a well known and very serviceable metal. The knowledge of working it was very ancient, as appears from Genesis iv, 22. We do not, however, find that Moses made use of iron in the fabric of the tabernacle in the wilderness, or Solomon in any part of the temple at Jerusalem. Yet, from the manner in which the Jewish legislator speaks of iron, the metal, it appears, must have been in use in Egypt before his time. He celebrates the great hardness of it, Lev. xxvi, 19; Deut. xxviii, 23, 48; takes notice that the bedstead of Og, king of Bashan, was of iron, Deut. iii, 11; he speaks of mines of iron, Deut. viii, 9; and he compares the severity of the servitude of the Israelites in Egypt to the heat of a furnace for melting iron, Deut. iv, 20. We find, also, that swords, Num. xxxv, 16, axes, Deut. xix, 5, and tools for cutting stones, Deut. xxvii, 5, were made of iron. By the “northern iron,” Jer. xv, 12, we may probably understand the hardened iron, called in Greek χάλυψ, from the Chalybes, a people bordering on the Euxine sea, and consequently lying on the north of Judea, by whom the art of tempering steel is said to have been discovered. Strabo speaks of this people by the name of Chalybes, but afterward Chaldæi; and mentions their iron mines. These, however, were a different people from the Chaldeans, who were united with the Babylonians.
IRON, Iron; first appears in Gen. 4:22 and is mentioned frequently afterward. The Chaldee term פרזל is found in Dan. 2:33, 41, and often throughout that book; σίδηρος is mentioned in Rev. 18:12, along with adjectives in Acts 12:10; Rev. 2:27; 9:9; 12:5; 19:15; it is a well-known and very useful metal. The knowledge of how to work with iron is ancient, as indicated in Genesis 4:22. However, we don’t see that Moses used iron in the construction of the tabernacle in the wilderness, nor did Solomon use it in any part of the temple in Jerusalem. Yet, from how the Jewish legislator talks about iron, it seems that the metal was already in use in Egypt before his time. He mentions its great hardness in Lev. 26:19; Deut. 28:23, 48; notes that Og, king of Bashan, had an iron bedstead in Deut. 3:11; refers to iron mines in Deut. 8:9; and compares the harshness of the Israelites' servitude in Egypt to the heat of a furnace for melting iron in Deut. 4:20. We also find that swords (Num. 35:16), axes (Deut. 19:5), and tools for cutting stones (Deut. 27:5) were made of iron. The term “northern iron” in Jer. 15:12 probably refers to hardened iron, known in Greek as χάλυψ, named after the Chalybes, a people living near the Euxine Sea and north of Judea, who are said to have discovered the art of tempering steel. Strabo refers to this group as Chalybes, later calling them Chaldæi, and mentions their iron mines. However, these were a different people from the Chaldeans, who were associated with the Babylonians.
ISAAC, the son of Abraham and Sarah, 493was born in the year of the world 2108. His name, which signifies laughter, was given him by his mother, because when it was told her by an angel that she should have a son, and that at a time of life when, according to the course of nature, she was past child-bearing, she privately laughed, Gen. xviii, 10–12. And when the child was born she said, “God hath made me to laugh, so that all that hear will laugh with me,” Gen. xxi, 6. The life of Isaac, for the first seventy-five years of it, is so blended with that of his illustrious father, that the principal incidents of it have been already noticed under the article Abraham. His birth was attended with some extraordinary circumstances: it was the subject of various promises and prophecies; an event most ardently desired by his parents, and yet purposely delayed by Divine Providence till they were both advanced in years, no doubt for the trial of their faith, and that Isaac might more evidently appear to be the gift of God, and “the child of promise.” At an early period of life he was the object of the profane contempt of Ishmael, the son of the bond woman, by whom he was persecuted; and as in the circumstances attending his birth there was something typical of the birth of Abraham’s greater Son, the Messiah, the promised Seed; so, in the latter instance, we contemplate in him a resemblance of real Christians, who, as Isaac was, are “the children of promise,” invested in all the immunities and blessings of the new covenant; but, as then, “he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the Spirit, even so it is now,” Gal. iv, 29.
ISAAC, the son of Abraham and Sarah, 493was born in the year 2108. His name, which means laughter, was given to him by his mother because when an angel told her that she would have a son, at a time when she was considered too old to bear children, she secretly laughed, Gen. xviii, 10–12. When the child was born, she said, “God has made me laugh, so that everyone who hears will laugh with me,” Gen. xxi, 6. For the first seventy-five years of his life, Isaac's story is so closely linked with that of his famous father that the main events have already been covered in the article Abraham. His birth came with some extraordinary circumstances: it was the subject of various promises and prophecies; it was an event deeply desired by his parents, yet deliberately delayed by Divine Providence until they were both older, surely to test their faith and to show that Isaac was clearly a gift from God and “the child of promise.” At a young age, he was mocked by Ishmael, the son of the bondwoman, who persecuted him; and just as the circumstances of his birth foreshadowed the birth of Abraham’s greater Son, the Messiah, the promised Seed, in this situation, we see a reflection of true Christians, who, like Isaac, are “the children of promise,” granted all the advantages and blessings of the new covenant; but just as then, “the one born according to the flesh persecuted the one born according to the Spirit, and so it is now,” Gal. iv, 29.
When Isaac had arrived at a state of manhood, he was required to give a signal proof of his entire devotedness to God. Abraham was commanded to offer up his beloved son in sacrifice, Genesis xxii, 1. This remarkable transaction, so far as Abraham was concerned in it, has already been considered under the article Abraham. But, if from this trial of the faith of the parent we turn our attention to the conduct of Isaac, the victim destined for the slaughter, we behold an example of faith and of dutiful obedience equally conspicuous with that of his honoured parent. Isaac submitted, as it should seem, without resistance, to be bound and laid on the altar, exposing his body to the knife that was lifted up to destroy him. How strikingly calculated is this remarkable history to direct our thoughts to a more exalted personage, whom Isaac prefigured; and to a more astonishing transaction represented by that on Mount Moriah! Behold Jesus Christ, that Seed of Abraham, in whom all the families of the earth were to be blessed, voluntarily going forth, in obedience to the command of his heavenly Father, and laying down his life, as a sacrifice for the sins of the world.
When Isaac reached adulthood, he needed to provide clear evidence of his total devotion to God. Abraham was instructed to sacrifice his beloved son, Genesis xxii, 1. This extraordinary event, regarding Abraham's involvement, has already been discussed under the article Abraham. However, if we shift our focus from the trial of the parent's faith to Isaac's actions as the intended sacrifice, we see a striking example of faith and dutiful obedience that matches that of his esteemed father. Isaac seemed to submit without struggle, allowing himself to be tied and laid on the altar, exposing his body to the knife that was raised to take his life. How powerfully this remarkable story directs our thoughts to a greater figure that Isaac foreshadowed, and to an even more astonishing event represented by what happened on Mount Moriah! Look at Jesus Christ, the Seed of Abraham, through whom all families of the earth would be blessed, willingly going forth in obedience to the command of his heavenly Father, and laying down his life as a sacrifice for the sins of the world.
In the progress of Isaac’s history, we find him, in the time of his greatest activity and vigour, a man of retired habits and of remarkable calmness of mind. He appears to have been affectionately attached to his mother Sarah, and, even at the age of forty, was not insusceptible of great sorrow on occasion of her death. But he allows his father to choose for him a suitable partner in life; and Rebekah was selected from among his own kindred, in preference to the daughters of Canaan, in the midst of whom he dwelt. In a few years afterward, he who had mourned for his mother, was called to weep over his father’s grave; and in that last act of filial duty, it is pleasing to find the two rival brothers, Isaac and Ishmael, meeting together for the interment of Abraham. The occasion, indeed, was well calculated to allay all existing jealousies and contentions, and cause every family broil to cease, Gen. xxv, 9. After the death of Abraham, “God blessed his son Isaac;” but, though the latter had now been married twenty years, Rebekah was childless. “Isaac entreated the Lord for his wife, because she was barren; and the Lord was entreated of him, and Rebekah his wife conceived,” Gen. xxv, 21. God also promised to multiply Isaac’s seed, and his promise was fulfilled. Two children were born to him at one time, concerning whom the divine purpose was declared to the mother, and no doubt to the father also, that “the elder should serve the younger.” A famine which came upon the country in the days of Isaac, obliged him to remove his family and flocks and retire to Gerar, in the country of the Philistines, of which Abimelech was at that time king. The possessions of Isaac multiplied so prodigiously, that the inhabitants of the country became envious of him, and even Abimelech, to preserve peace among them, was under the necessity of requesting him to retire, because he was become too powerful. He accordingly withdrew, and pitched his tent in the valley of Gerar, where he digged new wells, and, after a time, returned to Beersheba, where he fixed his habitation, Genesis xxvi, 1–23. Here the Lord appeared to him, and renewed to him the covenant which he had made with Abraham, promising to be his God, and to make him a blessing to others. Abimelech now sought his friendship, and, to form an alliance with him, paid him a visit; on which occasion Isaac displayed his magnificence by a sumptuous entertainment, A. M. 2240.
In the story of Isaac, during his most active and energetic time, we see him as a man who preferred solitude and had a remarkable sense of calm. He seemed to have a deep affection for his mother, Sarah, and even at the age of forty, he was greatly saddened by her death. However, he allowed his father to choose a wife for him, and Rebekah was chosen from his own family instead of the daughters of Canaan, among whom he lived. A few years later, after mourning for his mother, he had to grieve over his father's grave, and in that moment of filial duty, it’s nice to see the two brothers, Isaac and Ishmael, coming together to bury Abraham. This occasion was certainly a fitting time to set aside any existing jealousies and family disputes, as mentioned in Gen. xxv, 9. After Abraham died, “God blessed his son Isaac;” but even though Isaac had been married for twenty years, Rebekah was unable to have children. “Isaac pleaded with the Lord for his wife, because she was barren; and the Lord listened to him, and Rebekah his wife became pregnant,” Gen. xxv, 21. God also promised to multiply Isaac’s descendants, and that promise was fulfilled. He had two children at once, and God revealed to their mother, and likely to the father as well, that “the older would serve the younger.” A famine struck during Isaac's time, forcing him to move his family and livestock to Gerar, in the land of the Philistines, where Abimelech was king. Isaac’s possessions grew so abundantly that the locals grew envious, and even Abimelech had to request that he leave to maintain peace, as Isaac had become too powerful. Isaac moved to the valley of Gerar, where he dug new wells and eventually returned to Beersheba to settle down, Genesis xxvi, 1–23. There, the Lord appeared to him and reaffirmed the covenant made with Abraham, promising to be his God and to bless him. Abimelech sought a friendship with Isaac and visited him to form an alliance, during which Isaac showcased his wealth with a lavish feast, A. M. 2240.
When he was a hundred and thirty-seven years of age, and his sight had so failed him that he could not distinguish one of his sons from the other, Jacob craftily obtained from him the blessing of primogeniture. Yet Isaac survived many years after this, to him, distressing occurrence. He sent Jacob into Mesopotamia, there to take a wife of his own family, Genesis xxviii, 1, 2, and to prevent his marrying among the Canaanites as his brother Esau had done. And when Jacob returned, after a lapse of twenty years, Isaac was still living, and continued to live twenty-three years longer. He then died at the age of a hundred and eighty years, and was buried with Abraham by his sons Esau and Jacob, Gen. xxxv, 29.Gen. xxxv, 29. See Esau and Jacob.
When he was 137 years old and his eyesight had declined so much that he couldn't tell one of his sons from another, Jacob cleverly got the blessing of the firstborn from him. However, Isaac lived many years after this troubling event for him. He sent Jacob to Mesopotamia to find a wife from his own family and to avoid marrying among the Canaanites like his brother Esau had done. When Jacob returned after twenty years, Isaac was still alive and went on to live for another twenty-three years. He then died at the age of 180 and was buried with Abraham by his sons Esau and Jacob, Gen. 35, 29.Gen. xxxv, 29. See Esau and Jacob.
ISAIAH. Though fifth in the order of time, 494the writings of the Prophet Isaiah are placed first in order of the prophetical books, principally on account of the sublimity and importance of his predictions, and partly also because the book which bears his name is larger than all the twelve minor prophets put together. Concerning his family and descent, nothing certain has been recorded, except what he himself tells us, Isaiah, i, 1, namely, that he was the son of Amos, and discharged the prophetic office “in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah,” who successively flourished between A. M. 3194 and 3305. There is a current tradition that he was of the blood royal; and some writers have affirmed that his father Amoz or Amos was the son of Joash, and consequently brother of Uzziah, king of Judah. Jerom, on the authority of some rabbinical writers, says, that the prophet gave his daughter in marriage to Manasseh, king of Judah; but this opinion is scarcely credible, because Manasseh did not commence his reign until about sixty years after Isaiah had begun to discharge his prophetic functions. He must, indeed, have exercised the office of a prophet during a long period of time, if he lived to the reign of Manasseh; for the lowest computation, beginning from the year in which Uzziah died, when he is by some supposed to have received his first appointment to that office, brings it to sixty-one years. But the tradition of the Jews, which has been adopted by most Christian commentators, that he was put to death by Manasseh, is very uncertain; and Aben Ezra, one of the most celebrated Jewish writers, is rather of opinion that he died before Hezekiah; which Bishop Lowth thinks most probable. It is, however, certain, that he lived at least to the fifteenth or sixteenth year of Hezekiah; which makes the least possible term of the duration of his prophetic office to be about forty-eight years. The name of Isaiah, as Vitringa has remarked after several preceding commentators, is in some measure descriptive of his high character, since it signifies the salvation of Jehovah; and was given with singular propriety to him, who foretold the advent of the Messiah, through whom “all flesh shall see the salvation of God,” Isa. xl, 5; Luke iii, 6; Acts iv, 12. Isaiah was contemporary with the Prophets Amos, Hosea, Joel, and Micah.
ISAIAH. Although he is fifth in chronological order, 494 the writings of the Prophet Isaiah are placed first among the prophetic books, mainly due to the grandeur and significance of his predictions, and also because the book that bears his name is larger than all twelve minor prophets combined. There's not much certain information about his family and background, except for what he shares in Isaiah 1:1, stating that he was the son of Amos and served as a prophet during the reigns of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, who ruled successively between 3194 and 3305 AM. A common tradition suggests that he was of royal descent, and some writers claim that his father Amoz or Amos was the son of Joash, making him the brother of Uzziah, king of Judah. Jerome, based on some rabbinical sources, mentions that the prophet married his daughter to Manasseh, king of Judah; however, this belief is hardly credible since Manasseh began his reign about sixty years after Isaiah started his prophetic mission. He must have held the prophetic office for a long time if he lived to see Manasseh’s reign; at the very least, calculations starting from Uzziah's death—when he is thought to have received his first prophet assignment—would suggest sixty-one years. However, the tradition among the Jews, which many Christian commentators accept, that he was killed by Manasseh is very uncertain; Aben Ezra, one of the most noted Jewish authors, suggests that he died before Hezekiah, which Bishop Lowth considers most likely. Nevertheless, it is certain that he lived at least until the fifteenth or sixteenth year of Hezekiah’s reign, which means the shortest time he served as a prophet would be around forty-eight years. The name Isaiah, as Vitringa noted following several earlier commentators, somewhat reflects his elevated character, as it means the salvation of Jehovah; this name was fitting for him, since he predicted the coming of the Messiah, through whom “all flesh shall see the salvation of God” (Isa. xl, 5; Luke iii, 6; Acts iv, 12). Isaiah was a contemporary of the Prophets Amos, Hosea, Joel, and Micah.
Isaiah is uniformly spoken of in the Scriptures as a prophet of the highest dignity: Bishop Lowth calls him the prince of all the prophets, and pronounces the whole of his book to be poetical, with the exception of a few detached passages. It is remarkable, that his wife is styled a prophetess in Isaiah viii, 3; whence the rabbinical writers have concluded that she possessed the spirit of prophecy: but it is very probable that the prophets’ wives were called prophetesses, as the priests’ wives were termed priestesses, only from the quality of their husbands. Although nothing farther is recorded in the Scriptures concerning the wife of Isaiah, we find two of his sons mentioned in his prophecy, who were types or figurative pledges; and their names and actions were intended to awaken a religious attention in the persons whom they were commissioned to address and to instruct. Thus, Shear-jashub signifies, “a remnant shall return,” and showed that the captives who should be carried to Babylon should return thence after a certain time, Isaiah vii, 3; and Maher-shalal-hash-baz, which denotes, “make speed (or run swiftly) to the spoil,” implied that the kingdoms of Israel and Syria would in a short time be ravaged, Isaiah viii, 1, 3. Beside the volume of prophecies, which we are now to consider, it appears from 2 Chron. xxvi, 22, that Isaiah wrote an account of “the acts of Uzziah,” king of Judah: this has perished with some other writings of the prophets, which, as probably not written by inspiration, were never admitted into the canon of Scripture. There are also two apocryphal books ascribed to him, namely, The Ascension of Isaiah, and The Apocalypse of Isaiah; but these are evidently forgeries of a later date, and the Apocalypse has long since perished.
Isaiah is consistently referred to in the Scriptures as a highly esteemed prophet. Bishop Lowth describes him as the leading prophet, stating that his entire book is poetic, aside from a few separate passages. Interestingly, his wife is called a prophetess in Isaiah viii, 3; this has led rabbinical writers to suggest that she possessed the spirit of prophecy. However, it's likely that the wives of prophets were called prophetesses in the same way that the wives of priests were called priestesses, simply due to their husbands' titles. Although the Scriptures don’t provide more details about Isaiah’s wife, two of his sons are mentioned in his prophecy as symbolic representations. Their names and actions were meant to inspire religious awareness in those they were sent to address and teach. For instance, Shear-jashub means “a remnant shall return,” indicating that the captives taken to Babylon would eventually return after a set time, Isaiah vii, 3; and Maher-shalal-hash-baz, meaning “make speed (or run swiftly) to the spoil,” suggests that the kingdoms of Israel and Syria would soon be devastated, Isaiah viii, 1, 3. In addition to the prophecies we are about to examine, 2 Chron. xxvi, 22 shows that Isaiah wrote a record of “the acts of Uzziah,” the king of Judah; this work, along with some other prophetic writings, has been lost, likely because it was not considered inspired and thus not included in the canon of Scripture. There are also two apocryphal books attributed to him, namely, The Ascension of Isaiah and The Apocalypse of Isaiah; however, these are clearly later forgeries, and the Apocalypse has long since disappeared.
The scope of Isaiah’s predictions is threefold, namely, 1. To detect, reprove, aggravate, and condemn, the sins of the Jewish people especially, and also the iniquities of the ten tribes of Israel, and the abominations of many Gentile nations and countries; denouncing the severest judgments against all sorts and degrees of persons, whether Jews or Gentiles. 2. To invite persons of every rank and condition, both Jews and Gentiles, to repentance and reformation, by numerous promises of pardon and mercy. It is worthy of remark, that no such promises are intermingled with the denunciations of divine vengeance against Babylon, although they occur in the threatenings against every other people. 3. To comfort all the truly pious, in the midst of all the calamities and judgments denounced against the wicked, with prophetic promises of the true Messiah, which seem almost to anticipate the Gospel history, so clearly do they foreshow the divine character of Christ.
The scope of Isaiah’s predictions is threefold: 1. To identify, criticize, intensify, and condemn the sins of the Jewish people, especially, as well as the wrongdoings of the ten tribes of Israel and the wrongs of many Gentile nations and countries; announcing the harshest judgments against all kinds of people, whether Jews or Gentiles. 2. To invite people of every rank and condition, both Jews and Gentiles, to repentance and change, through numerous promises of forgiveness and mercy. It's worth noting that no such promises are included with the warnings of divine punishment against Babylon, even though they appear in the threats against every other nation. 3. To comfort all the truly devout amidst all the disasters and judgments declared against the wicked, with prophetic promises of the true Messiah, which seem to almost anticipate the Gospel story, so clearly do they reveal the divine nature of Christ.
Isaiah has, with singular propriety, been denominated the evangelical prophet, on account of the number and variety of his prophecies concerning the advent and character, the ministry and preaching, the sufferings and death, and the extensive permanent kingdom, of the Messiah. So explicit and determinate are his predictions, as well as so numerous, that he seems to speak rather of things past than of events yet future; and he may rather be called an evangelist than a prophet. No one, indeed, can be at a loss in applying them to the mission and character of Jesus Christ, and to the events which are cited in his history by the writers of the New Testament. This prophet, says Bishop Lowth, abounds in such transcendent excellencies, that he may be properly said to afford the most perfect model of prophetic poetry. He is at once elegant and sublime, forcible and ornamented; he unites energy with copiousness, and dignity with variety. In his sentiments there is uncommon elevation and majesty; in his imagery, 495the utmost propriety, elegance, dignity, and diversity; in his language, uncommon beauty and energy; and, notwithstanding the obscurity of his subjects, a surprising degree of clearness and simplicity. To these we may add, that there is such sweetness in the poetical composition of his sentences, whether it proceed from art or genius, that, if the Hebrew poetry at present is possessed of any remains of its native grace and harmony, we shall chiefly find them in the writings of Isaiah: so that the saying of Ezekiel may most justly be applied to this prophet:--
Isaiah has rightly been called the evangelical prophet because of the number and variety of his prophecies about the coming of the Messiah, his character, his ministry and preaching, his sufferings and death, and his lasting kingdom. His predictions are so clear and specific, as well as so numerous, that it feels like he’s talking about events that have already happened rather than things yet to come; he might be better described as an evangelist than a prophet. No one can have trouble connecting his messages to the mission and character of Jesus Christ, as well as the events noted in his story by the New Testament writers. This prophet, according to Bishop Lowth, has such outstanding qualities that he can be seen as the perfect model of prophetic poetry. He is both elegant and grand, powerful and decorative; he combines strength with plentifulness, and dignity with variety. His thoughts have a remarkable elevation and grandeur; in his imagery, you find utmost appropriateness, elegance, dignity, and diversity; in his language, exceptional beauty and strength; and despite the complexity of his subjects, there’s a surprising level of clarity and simplicity. Additionally, there is a sweetness in the poetic structure of his sentences, whether it comes from skill or innate talent, that if there’s any remaining grace and harmony in Hebrew poetry today, we will mainly find it in Isaiah's writings: so much so that Ezekiel’s saying can be rightly applied to this prophet:--
Isaiah also greatly excels in all the graces of method, order, connection, and arrangement: though in asserting this we must not forget the nature of the prophetic impulse, which bears away the mind with irresistible violence, and frequently in rapid transitions from near to remote objects, from human to divine. We must likewise be careful in remarking the limits of particular predictions, since, as they are now extant, they are often improperly connected, without any marks of discrimination; which injudicious arrangement, on some occasions, creates almost insuperable difficulties.
Isaiah really stands out in all aspects of method, order, connection, and arrangement. However, we shouldn't overlook the nature of prophetic inspiration, which can sweep the mind away powerfully and often leads to quick shifts from nearby to distant subjects, from human to divine matters. We also need to be careful when noting the boundaries of specific predictions, as the way they are presented now is often poorly organized and lacks clear distinctions. This misguided arrangement can sometimes create nearly insurmountable challenges.
Bishop Lowth has selected the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth chapters of this prophet, as a specimen of the poetic style in which Isaiah delivers his predictions, and has illustrated at some length the various beauties which eminently distinguish the simple, regular, and perfect poem contained in those chapters. But the grandest specimen of his poetry is presented in the fourteenth chapter, which is one of the most sublime odes occurring in the Bible, and contains the noblest personifications to be found in the records of poetry. The prophet, after predicting the liberation of the Jews from their severe captivity in Babylon, and their restoration to their own country, verses 1–3, introduces a chorus of them, expressing their surprise and astonishment at the sudden downfall of Babylon, and the great reverse of fortune that had befallen the tyrant, who, like his predecessors, had oppressed his own, and harassed the neighbouring kingdoms. These oppressed kingdoms, or their rulers, are represented under the image of the fir trees and the cedars of Libanus, which is frequently used to express any thing in the political or religious world that is supereminently great and majestic: the whole earth shouts for joy; the cedars of Libanus utter a severe taunt over the fallen tyrant, and boast their security now he is no more, verses 4–8. This is followed, verse 9, by one of the boldest and most animated personifications of hades, or the regions of the dead, that was ever executed in poetry. Hades excites his inhabitants, the shades of princes, and the departed spirits of monarchs. These illustrious shades rise at once from their couches as from their thrones; and, advancing to the entrance of the cavern to meet the king of Babylon, they insult and deride him on being reduced to the same low state of impotence and dissolution with themselves, verses 10, 11. The Jews now resume the speech, verse 12; they address the king of Babylon as the morning star fallen from heaven, as the first in splendour and dignity, in the political world fallen from his high state: they introduce him as uttering the most extravagant vaunts of his power and ambitious designs in his former glory; these are strongly contrasted, in the close, with his present low and abject condition, verses 13–15. Immediately follows a different scene, and a most happy image, to diversify the same subject, and give it a new turn and additional force. Certain persons are introduced, who light upon the corpse of the king of Babylon, cast out and lying naked upon the bare ground, among the common slain, just after the taking of the city, covered with wounds, and so disfigured, that it is some time before they know him. They accost him with the severest taunts, and bitterly reproach him with his destructive ambition, and his cruel usage of the conquered; which have deservedly brought upon him this ignominious treatment, so different from what those of his high rank usually meet with, and which shall cover his posterity with disgrace, verses 16–20. To complete the whole, God is introduced, declaring the fate of Babylon; the utter extirpation of the royal family, and the total desolation of the city; the deliverance of his people, and the destruction of their enemies; confirming the irreversible decree by the awful sanction of his oath, verses 21–27. How forcible, says Bishop Louth, is this imagery, how diversified, how sublime! How elevated the diction, the figures, the sentiments! The Jewish nation, the cedars of Lebanon, the ghosts of departed kings, the Babylonish monarch, the travellers who find his corpse, and last of all Jehovah himself, are the characters which support this beautiful lyric drama. One continued action is kept up, or rather, a series of interesting actions are connected together in an incomparable whole: this, indeed, is the principal and distinguished excellence of the sublimer ode, and is displayed in its utmost perfection in this poem of Isaiah, which may be considered as one of the most ancient, and certainly one of the most finished, specimens of that species of composition which has been transmitted to us. The personifications here are frequent, yet not confused; bold, yet not improbable; a free, elevated, and truly divine spirit pervades the whole; nor is there any thing wanting in this ode to defeat its claim to the character of perfect pathos and sublimity. There is not a single instance in the whole compass of Greek and Roman poetry which, in every excellence of composition, can be said to equal or even to approach it.
Bishop Lowth has chosen the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth chapters of this prophet as examples of the poetic style in which Isaiah shares his predictions. He has explained in detail the various qualities that set apart the simple, regular, and flawless poem found in those chapters. However, the most striking example of his poetry is in the fourteenth chapter, which is one of the most sublime pieces of poetry in the Bible and features the noblest personifications found in poetry records. The prophet, after predicting the liberation of the Jews from their harsh captivity in Babylon and their return to their homeland (verses 1–3), introduces a chorus of people expressing their surprise and shock at the sudden downfall of Babylon and the dramatic change of fortune that has fallen upon the tyrant, who, like those before him, had oppressed his people and troubled neighboring kingdoms. These oppressed kingdoms, or their leaders, are portrayed as fir trees and cedars of Lebanon, an image often used to represent anything exceptionally great and majestic in the political or religious realm: the whole earth rejoices; the cedars of Lebanon mock the fallen tyrant and boast of their safety now that he is gone (verses 4–8). Next, in verse 9, we see one of the boldest and most vivid personifications of Hades, the realm of the dead, ever captured in poetry. Hades rouses its residents, the shades of princes, and the departed spirits of kings. These illustrious shades rise at once from their resting places as if from thrones and go to the entrance of the cave to confront the king of Babylon, insulting and ridiculing him for being reduced to the same state of powerlessness and decay as themselves (verses 10, 11). The Jews then take over the speaking (verse 12); they call the king of Babylon the morning star fallen from heaven, once the brightest in the political realm but now diminished from his high position: they present him as shouting the most extravagant boasts of his power and ambitious plans in his former glory; these are sharply contrasted, in the end, with his current lowly and pitiful condition (verses 13–15). Immediately afterward, a different scene unfolds, introducing a striking image to diversify the narrative and add new intensity. Some people discover the corpse of the king of Babylon, discarded and lying naked on the ground among the slain, shortly after the city has fallen, covered in wounds and so disfigured that it takes them some time to recognize him. They hurl harsh insults at him and bitterly reproach him for his destructive ambition and cruel treatment of the conquered, which have rightfully resulted in this disgraceful treatment, so different from what those of his rank usually experience, and which will ultimately disgrace his descendants (verses 16–20). To wrap it up, God is introduced, declaring Babylon's fate; the complete destruction of the royal family and the total ruin of the city; the deliverance of His people and the destruction of their enemies; confirming the irreversible decree with the terrifying weight of His oath (verses 21–27). How powerful, says Bishop Lowth, is this imagery—how varied, how sublime! How elevated the language, the figures, the sentiments! The Jewish nation, the cedars of Lebanon, the spirits of deceased kings, the Babylonian monarch, the travelers who discover his corpse, and finally Jehovah Himself are the characters that support this beautiful lyrical drama. A continuous action is maintained, or rather, a series of engaging actions are interconnected in an unparalleled whole: this is indeed the main and distinctive excellence of the grand ode, perfectly illustrated in this poem of Isaiah, which may be considered one of the earliest, and certainly one of the most polished, examples of this type of composition that we have received. The personifications here are frequent yet clear; bold yet believable; a free, elevated, and truly divine spirit runs throughout; and nothing is lacking in this ode to undermine its claim to the qualities of perfect emotion and grandeur. There is no example in all of Greek and Roman poetry that, in every aspect of composition, can be said to equal or even come close to it.
ISCARIOT, the name of that disciple who betrayed our Saviour. He was so called, probably, as belonging to Karioth, or Cerioth; that is, a man of Kerioth, Matt. x, 4.
ISCARIOT, the name of the disciple who betrayed our Savior. He was likely called this because he was from Karioth, or Cerioth; in other words, a man from Kerioth, Matt. x, 4.
496ISHBOSHETH, a son of King Saul, and his successor in the throne. He was acknowledged king by a part of the tribes of Israel, A. M. 2949, while David reigned at Hebron, over the tribe of Judah, 2 Sam. ii, 8, 9, &c; iii. He reigned two years in peace, but the remaining eight years were spent in perpetual wars between his troops and those of David, till in the end he perished, and with him ended the royal dignity of the house of Saul.
496 ISHBOSHETH, a son of King Saul, became his successor on the throne. He was recognized as king by part of the tribes of Israel in A.M. 2949, while David ruled at Hebron over the tribe of Judah, 2 Sam. ii, 8, 9, &c; iii. He ruled for two peaceful years, but the last eight years were filled with constant battles between his forces and those of David, until ultimately he met his end, marking the end of the royal lineage of the house of Saul.
ISHMAELITES, the descendants of Ishmael, the son of Abraham by Hagar, his Egyptian bond-maid. Ishmael was born B. C. 1910, and his name, founded on a circumstance which afforded relief to his mother, when she was wandering from her master’s house toward Egypt, her native country, is derived from the Hebrew ישמעאל, formed of שמע, to hear, and אל, God, and denoting, “the Lord hath hearkened.” The heavenly messenger who appeared to Hagar in the wilderness, and instructed her by what name to call her future son, predicted also that he and his posterity would prove fierce and warlike, engaged in repeated hostilities, and yet able to maintain their independence. Hagar, deriving encouragement from this circumstance, returned to the house of Abraham, and was soon delivered of her promised son. The father regarded Ishmael as the heir of his wealth, till Sarah had the promise of her son Isaac. After the birth of Isaac, Abraham was persuaded by his wife to dismiss Hagar and her son; and the patriarch probably provided for their subsistence in some distant situation, where they could not encroach on the patrimony of Isaac. Having wandered for some time in the wilderness of Beersheba, they proceeded farther to the wilderness of Paran, which bordered on Arabia; and here Ishmael arrived at maturity, and became an expert archer, or a hunter and warrior. In process of time his mother procured for him a wife out of Egypt, by whom he had twelve sons, who eventually established themselves as the heads of so many distinct Arabian tribes. Accordingly, the descendants of Ishmael are mentioned in history under the general name of Arabians and Ishmaelites. Of Ishmael’s personal history, we merely learn from the sacred writings, that he joined with his brother Isaac in paying the last tribute of respect to the remains of their father; and that he died at the age of a hundred and thirty-seven years, B. C. 1773, Gen. xxv, 9, 18. His descendants, according to the Scripture account, spread themselves “from Havilah to Shur, that is, before Egypt, as thou goest toward Assyria.” From this brief statement, we may conjecture how far their territory extended; for Havilah, according to the generality of writers, was situated near the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates, and Shur, on the isthmus which separates Arabia from Egypt, now called the Isthmus of Suez. From thence we may well imagine, that they spread themselves on both sides so far as to have taken possession of the greatest part of Arabia; and, indeed, Josephus does not scruple to style their progenitor the founder of the Arabian nation. See Arabia.
ISHMAELITES, the descendants of Ishmael, the son of Abraham and Hagar, his Egyptian servant. Ishmael was born in 1910 B.C., and his name, based on a situation that provided relief to his mother while she was wandering toward Egypt, her homeland, comes from the Hebrew ישמעאל, made up of Listen, to hear, and אל, God, meaning “the Lord has listened.” The angel who appeared to Hagar in the wilderness told her what to name her future son and also predicted that he and his descendants would be fierce and warlike, often in conflict, yet able to maintain their independence. Encouraged by this, Hagar returned to Abraham's house and soon gave birth to her promised son. Abraham considered Ishmael his heir until Sarah received the promise of her son Isaac. After Isaac was born, Abraham was convinced by his wife to send away Hagar and her son, likely making arrangements for their support in a remote area where they wouldn't infringe on Isaac's inheritance. After wandering in the wilderness of Beersheba for a while, they moved on to the wilderness of Paran, which bordered Arabia; here Ishmael grew up and became a skilled archer, hunter, and warrior. Eventually, his mother found him a wife from Egypt, and they had twelve sons, who became the leaders of various Arabian tribes. Thus, the descendants of Ishmael are historically referred to as Arabians and Ishmaelites. From the scriptures, we learn that Ishmael, along with his brother Isaac, paid their respects to their father after his death, and he died at the age of one hundred and thirty-seven in 1773 B.C. (Gen. xxv, 9, 18). According to the biblical account, his descendants spread “from Havilah to Shur, which is before Egypt, as you go toward Assyria.” This gives us an idea of the extent of their territory; Havilah, according to most writers, was near where the Tigris and Euphrates rivers meet, and Shur was on the isthmus that separates Arabia from Egypt, now called the Isthmus of Suez. From there, we can imagine they expanded on both sides and inhabited most of Arabia; indeed, Josephus even refers to their ancestor as the founder of the Arabian nation. See Arabia.
ISHTOB, a country situated at the northern extremity of the mountains of Gilead, toward Mount Libanus, 2 Sam. x, 6. See Tob.
ISHTOB, a country located at the northern edge of the Gilead mountains, near Mount Lebanon, 2 Sam. x, 6. See Tob.
ISRAEL, a prince of God, or prevailing, or wrestling with God. This is the name which the angel gave Jacob, after having wrestled with him all night at Mahanaim, or Peniel, Genesis xxxii, 1, 2, 28, 29, 30; Hosea xii, 4. By the name of Israel is sometimes understood the person of Jacob, sometimes the whole people of Israel, the whole race of Jacob; sometimes the kingdom of Israel, or ten tribes, distinct from the kingdom of Judah; and finally, the spiritual Israel, the true church of God.
ISRAEL, a prince of God, or one who prevails, or who wrestles with God. This is the name the angel gave Jacob after wrestling with him all night at Mahanaim, or Peniel, Genesis xxxii, 1, 2, 28, 29, 30; Hosea xii, 4. The name Israel can refer to Jacob himself, the entire people of Israel, all descendants of Jacob, sometimes the kingdom of Israel or the ten tribes separate from the kingdom of Judah; and finally, the spiritual Israel, the true church of God.
ISRAELITES, the descendants of Israel, who were first called Hebrews by reason of Abraham, who came from the other side of the Euphrates; and afterward Israelites, from Israel, the father of the twelve tribes; and, lastly, Jews, particularly after their return from the captivity of Babylon; because the tribe of Judah was then much stronger and more numerous than the other tribes, and foreigners had scarcely any knowledge but of this tribe. See Jews.
ISRAELITES, the descendants of Israel, were initially called Hebrews because of Abraham, who came from beyond the Euphrates River. Later, they were referred to as Israelites, after Israel, the father of the twelve tribes. Finally, they became known as Jews, especially after returning from captivity in Babylon, since the tribe of Judah was then much stronger and larger than the other tribes, and most outsiders only recognized this tribe. See Jews.
ISSACHAR, the fifth son of Jacob and Leah, Gen. xxx, 14–18. He had four sons, Tola, Phovah, Job, and Shimron. We know nothing particular of his life. The tribe of Issachar had its portion in one of the best parts of the land of Canaan, along the great plain or valley of Jezreel, with the half tribe of Manasseh to the south, that of Zebulun to the north, the Mediterranean to the west, and Jordan, with the extremity of the sea of Tiberias, to the east.
ISSACHAR, the fifth son of Jacob and Leah, Gen. xxx, 14–18. He had four sons: Tola, Phovah, Job, and Shimron. We don’t know much about his life. The tribe of Issachar received a portion in one of the best areas of Canaan, along the great plain or valley of Jezreel, bordered by the half tribe of Manasseh to the south, Zebulun to the north, the Mediterranean to the west, and the Jordan River, along with the edge of the Sea of Tiberias, to the east.
ITHAMAR, Aaron’s fourth son, Exod. vi, 23. There is no probability that he ever exercised the high priesthood. He and his sons continued in the rank of simple priests, till this dignity came into his family in the person of Eli.
ITHAMAR, Aaron’s fourth son, Exod. vi, 23. It’s unlikely that he ever held the position of high priest. He and his sons remained regular priests until this honor was bestowed upon his family through Eli.
ITURÆA, so called from Itur, or Jetur, one of the sons of Ishmael, who settled in it, but whose posterity were either driven out or subdued by the Amorites; when it is supposed to have formed a part of the kingdom of Bashan, and subsequently of the half tribe of Manasseh east of Jordan; but as it was situated beyond the southern spur of Mount Hermon, called the Djebel Heish, this is doubtful. It lay on the north-eastern side of the land of Israel, between it and the territory of Damascus, or Syria; and is supposed to have been the same country at present known by the name of Djedour, on the east of the Djebel Heish, between Damascus and the lake of Tiberias. The Ituræans being subdued by Aristobulus, the high priest and governor of the Jews, B. C. 106, were forced by him to embrace the Jewish religion; and were at the same time incorporated into the state. Philip, one of the sons of Herod the Great, was tetrarch, or governor, of this country when John the Baptist commenced his ministry.
ITURÆA, named after Itur, or Jetur, one of the sons of Ishmael who settled there, had its descendants either driven out or conquered by the Amorites. It is thought to have been part of the kingdom of Bashan and later the territory of the half tribe of Manasseh east of the Jordan. However, since it was located beyond the southern slope of Mount Hermon, known as Djebel Heish, this is uncertain. It was situated on the northeastern side of the land of Israel, between Israel and the area of Damascus, or Syria, and is believed to be the same region currently referred to as Djedour, east of Djebel Heish, between Damascus and the Sea of Tiberias. The Ituræans were conquered by Aristobulus, the high priest and governor of the Jews, in 106 B.C. He forced them to adopt the Jewish religion and included them in the state. Philip, one of the sons of Herod the Great, was the tetrarch, or governor, of this region when John the Baptist began his ministry.
497IVORY. שנבים; from שז, a tooth, and הבים, elephants; ἐλεφάντινος, Rev. xviii, 12. The first time that ivory is mentioned in Scripture is in the reign of Solomon. If the forty-fifth Psalm was written before the Canticles, and before Solomon had constructed his royal and magnificent throne, then that contains the first mention of this commodity. It is spoken of as used in decorating those boxes of perfume, whose odours were employed to exhilarate the king’s spirits. It is probable that Solomon, who traded to India, first brought thence elephants and ivory to Judea. “For the king had at sea a navy of Tharshish, with the navy of Hiram: once in three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold and silver, and ivory,” 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 21. It seems that Solomon had a throne decorated with ivory, and inlaid with gold; the beauty of these materials relieving the splendour, and heightening the lustre of each other, 1 Kings x, 18. Cabinets and wardrobes were ornamented with ivory, by what is called marquetry, Psalm xlv, 8.
497IVORY. שניים; from שז, a tooth, and הבים, elephants; ἐλεφάντινος, Rev. xviii, 12. The first mention of ivory in the Bible occurs during Solomon's reign. If the forty-fifth Psalm was written before the Song of Solomon and before Solomon built his grand royal throne, then it contains the first reference to this material. It describes ivory as part of the decoration for perfume containers, whose scents were used to uplift the king’s spirits. It’s likely that Solomon, who traded with India, was the first to bring elephants and ivory to Judea. "For the king had at sea a fleet of Tarshish, with the fleet of Hiram: once every three years, the fleet of Tarshish came, bringing gold and silver, and ivory," 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 21. Solomon is said to have had a throne decorated with ivory and inlaid with gold; the beauty of these materials enhanced each other’s splendor and shine, 1 Kings x, 18. Cabinets and wardrobes were adorned with ivory using a technique called marquetry, Psalm xlv, 8.
These were named “houses of ivory,” probably because made in the form of a house, or palace; as the silver ναοὶ of Diana, mentioned Acts xix, 24, were in the form of her temple at Ephesus; and as we have now ivory models of the Chinese pagodas, or temples. In this sense we may understand what is said of the ivory house which Ahab made, 1 Kings xxii, 39; for the Hebrew word translated “house is used,” as Dr. Taylor well observes, for “a place, or case, wherein any thing lieth, is contained, or laid up.” Ezekiel gives the name of house to chests of rich apparel, Ezek. xxvii, 24. Dr. Durell, in his note on Psalm xlv, 8, quotes places from Homer and Euripides, where the same appropriation is made. Hesiod makes the same. As to dwelling houses, the most, I think, we can suppose in regard to them is, that they might have ornaments of ivory, as they sometimes have of gold, silver, or other precious materials, in such abundance as to derive an appellation from the article of their decoration; as the Emperor Nero’s palace, mentioned by Suetonius, was named aurea, or “golden,” because lita auro, “overlaid with gold.” This method of ornamental buildings, or apartments, was very ancient among the Greeks. Homer mentions ivory as employed in the palace of Menelaus at Lacedæmon:--
These were called “ivory houses,” likely because they were designed like a house or palace; similar to the silver shrines of Diana mentioned in Acts 19:24, which were modeled after her temple in Ephesus; and like the ivory replicas of Chinese pagodas or temples we see today. In this context, we can grasp what is said about the ivory house that Ahab built in 1 Kings 22:39; for the Hebrew word translated as “house” is used, as Dr. Taylor notes, to mean “a place or container where something rests, is held, or stored.” Ezekiel refers to chests of fine clothing as houses in Ezekiel 27:24. Dr. Durell, in his note on Psalm 45:8, cites examples from Homer and Euripides where a similar usage is found. Hesiod does the same. Regarding actual houses, the most we can assume is that they may have had ivory ornaments, as they sometimes featured gold, silver, or other precious materials in such quantity that they were named after their decorative elements; similar to how Emperor Nero's palace, noted by Suetonius, was called aurea, or “golden,” because it was golden thread, “overlaid with gold.” This style of decorative buildings or rooms was very old among the Greeks. Homer mentions ivory being used in Menelaus's palace in Lacedemon:--
Bacchylides, cited by Athenæus, says, that, in the island of Ceos, one of the Cyclades, the houses of the great men “glister with gold and ivory.”
Bacchylides, cited by Athenæus, says that in the island of Ceos, one of the Cyclades, the houses of the esteemed individuals "shine with gold and ivory."
JABBOK, a small river which falls into the Jordan below the sea of Tiberias. Near this brook the angel wrestled with Jacob, Gen. xxxii, 22. Mr. Buckingham thus describes it: “The banks of this stream are so thickly wooded with oleander and plane trees, wild olives, and wild almonds in blossom, with many flowers, the names of which were unknown to us; with tall and waving reeds, at least fifteen feet in height; that we could not perceive the water through them from above, though the presence of these luxuriant borders marked the winding of its course, and the murmur of its flow, echoing through its long deep channel, was to be heard distinctly from afar. On this side of the stream, at the spot where we forded it, was a piece of wall, solidly built upon the inclined slope, constructed in a uniform manner, though of small stones, and apparently finished at the end toward the river, so that it never could have been carried across, as we at first supposed, either for a bridge, or to close the pass. This was called by the Arabs ‘Shugl beni Israel,’ or the work of the sons of Israel; but they knew of no other traditions regarding it. The river, where we crossed it at this point, was not more than ten yards wide, but it was deeper than the Jordan, and nearly as rapid; so that we had some difficulty in fording it. As it ran in a rocky bed, its waters were clear, and we found their taste agreeable.”
JABBOK is a small river that flows into the Jordan River below the Sea of Tiberias. Near this stream, the angel wrestled with Jacob (Gen. xxxii, 22). Mr. Buckingham describes it this way: “The banks of this stream are thickly wooded with oleander and plane trees, wild olives, and wild almonds in bloom, along with many flowers whose names we didn’t know; there are tall, waving reeds that are at least fifteen feet high, making it hard to see the water from above. However, the lush vegetation marks the winding path of the river, and its flow can be heard echoing through its long, deep channel from afar. On our side of the stream, where we crossed, there was a solid wall built on the sloped ground, constructed in a uniform way with small stones, and it appeared to be finished at the river side, meaning it couldn’t have been used as a bridge or to block the pass, as we initially thought. This was called by the Arabs ‘Shugl beni Israel,’ or the work of the sons of Israel, but they didn’t have any other traditions about it. The river at the crossing was no more than ten yards wide, but it was deeper and almost as fast as the Jordan, so we had some trouble getting across. Since it flowed over a rocky bed, the water was clear, and we found it pleasant to drink.”
JABESH, or JABESH-GILEAD, the name of a city in the half tribe of Manasseh, east of Jordan. Naash, king of the Ammonites, besieged it, 1 Sam. xi, 1, &c. The inhabitants were friendly to Saul and his family, 1 Sam. xxxi, 11, 12.
JABESH, or JABESH-GILEAD, is the name of a city in the half tribe of Manasseh, located east of the Jordan River. Naash, the king of the Ammonites, laid siege to it (1 Sam. xi, 1, etc.). The people there were allies of Saul and his family (1 Sam. xxxi, 11, 12).
JACHIN, the name of a pillar in Solomon’s temple, 1 Kings vii, 21. See Boaz.
JACHIN, the name of a pillar in Solomon’s temple, 1 Kings vii, 21. See Boaz.
JACOB, the son of Isaac and Rebekah. He was the younger brother of Esau, and a twin. It was observed, that at his birth he held his brother Esau’s heel, and for this reason was called Jacob, Gen. xxv, 26, which signifies “he supplanted.” Jacob was of a meek and peaceable temper, and loved a quiet pastoral life; whereas Esau was of a fierce and turbulent nature, and was fond of hunting. Isaac had a particular fondness for Esau; but Rebekah was more attached to Jacob. The manner in which Jacob purchased his brother’s birthright for a mess of pottage, and supplanted him by obtaining Isaac’s blessing, is already referred to in the article Esau.
JACOB, the son of Isaac and Rebekah. He was the younger twin brother of Esau. It was noted that at his birth, he held onto his brother Esau’s heel, which is why he was named Jacob, Gen. xxv, 26, meaning “he supplanted.” Jacob was gentle and peaceful, preferring a quiet life of farming; in contrast, Esau had a wild and aggressive personality and enjoyed hunting. Isaac favored Esau, while Rebekah was more devoted to Jacob. The way Jacob bought his brother’s birthright for a bowl of stew and tricked Isaac into giving him the blessing is mentioned in the article Esau.
The events of the interesting and chequered life of Jacob are so plainly and consecutively narrated by Moses, that they are familiar to all; but upon some of them a few remarks may be useful. As to the purchase of the birthright, Jacob appears to have been innocent so far as any guile on his part or real necessity from hunger on the part of Esau is involved in the question; but his obtaining the ratification of this by the blessing of Isaac, 498though agreeable, indeed, to the purpose of God, that the elder should serve the younger, was blamable as to the means employed. The remarks of Dr. Hales on this transaction implicate Isaac also:--Thirty-seven years after, when Jacob was seventy-seven years old, according to Abulfaragi, and Isaac a hundred and thirty-seven, when he was old, and his sight had failed, and he expected soon to die, his partiality for Esau led him to attempt to set aside the oracle, and the cession of Esau’s birthright to Jacob, by conferring on him the blessing of Abraham, in reward for bringing him savoury venison to eat, before his death. In this design, however, he was disappointed by the artifice of Rebekah, who dressed her favourite Jacob in his brother’s clothes, and made him personate Esau, and thereby surreptitiously obtained for him the blessing: “Let people serve thee, and nations bow down to thee: be lord over thy brethren, and let thy mother’s sons bow down to thee: cursed be every one that curseth thee, and blessed be he that blesseth thee,” Gen. xxvii, 1–29. It is remarkable that, notwithstanding the agitation of Isaac, when “he trembled very exceedingly,” at the detection of the fraud, he did not attempt to rescind the blessing, nor transfer it to Esau; but, on the contrary, confirmed it on Jacob: “Yea, and he shall be blessed.” His wishes were overruled and controlled by that higher power which he vainly endeavoured to counteract; and that he spoke as the Spirit gave him utterance, appears from his prediction respecting Esau’s family: “And it shall come to pass, when thou shalt have the dominion, that thou shalt break thy brother’s yoke from off thy neck,” Gen. xxvii, 40; which was fulfilled in the days of Jehoram, king of Judah, when “the“the Edomites revolted from under the dominion of Judah, and made themselves a king unto this day,” 2 Chron. xxi, 8–10.
The events of Jacob's interesting and complicated life are clearly and sequentially described by Moses, making them familiar to everyone. However, some commentary might be helpful. Regarding the purchase of the birthright, Jacob seems to have acted without deceit, and there was no real necessity for Esau to be driven by hunger; yet, Jacob's securing the blessing from Isaac does raise questions about the methods he used. Dr. Hales comments on this situation, implicating Isaac as well: Thirty-seven years later, when Jacob was seventy-seven and Isaac was a hundred thirty-seven, Isaac, now old and blind, attempted to dismiss the prophecy that the older would serve the younger. His favoritism for Esau led him to try to override the transfer of Esau’s birthright to Jacob by giving Abraham’s blessing to Esau for bringing him tasty game before his death. However, he was thwarted by Rebekah's scheme, who dressed Jacob in Esau’s clothes and had him impersonate his brother to secure the blessing for him: “Let people serve you, and nations bow down to you: be lord over your brothers, and let your mother’s sons bow down to you: cursed be anyone who curses you, and blessed be anyone who blesses you,” Gen. xxvii, 1–29. Notably, despite Isaac’s profound distress when he discovered the deception, he did not revoke the blessing or transfer it to Esau but instead affirmed it for Jacob, saying, “Yes, and he will be blessed.” His intentions were overridden by a higher power that he unsuccessfully tried to resist; the fact that he spoke as prompted by the Spirit can be seen in his prophecy about Esau’s descendants: “And it shall come to pass, when you gain power, that you will break your brother’s yoke from off your neck,” Gen. xxvii, 40; which happened during the reign of Jehoram, king of Judah, when “the Edomites revolted from under the rule of Judah and appointed their own king to this day,” 2 Chron. xxi, 8–10.
According to this view, all the parties were more or less culpable; Isaac, for endeavouring to set aside the oracle which had been pronounced in favour of his younger son; but of which he might have an obscure conception; Esau, for wishing to deprive his brother of the blessing which he had himself relinquished; and Rebekah and Jacob, for securing it by fraudulent means, not trusting wholly in the Lord. That their principal object, however, was the spiritual part of the blessing, and not the temporal, was shown by the event. For Jacob afterward reverenced Esau as his elder brother, and insisted on Esau’s accepting a present from his band in token of submission, Gen. xxxiii, 3–15. Esau also appears to have possessed himself of his father’s property during Jacob’s long exile. But though the intention of Rebekah and Jacob might have been free from worldly or mercenary motives, they ought not to have done evil that good might come. And they were both severely punished in this life for their fraud, which destroyed the peace of the family, and planted a mortal enmity in the breast of Esau against his brother: “Is he not rightly named Jacob?” a supplanter; “for he hath supplanted me these two times: he took away my birthright, and lo, now he hath taken away my blessing. The days of mourning for my father are at hand; then will I slay my brother Jacob,” Gen. xxvii, 36–41. And there can be little doubt of his intention of executing his threat, when he came to meet him on his return, with such an armed force as strongly alarmed Jacob’s fears, had not God changed the spirit of Esau into mildness, so that “he ran to meet Jacob, and fell on his neck, and they wept,” Gen. xxxiii, 4. Rebekah, also, was deprived of the society of her darling son, whom “she sent away for one year,” as she fondly imagined, “until his brother’s fury should turn away,” Genesis xxvii, 42–44; but whom she saw no more; for she died during his long exile of twenty years, though Isaac survived, Gen. xxxv, 27. Thus was “she pierced through with many sorrows.” Jacob, also, had abundant reason to say, “Few and evil have been the days of the years of my pilgrimage,” Gen. xlvii, 9. Though he had the consolation of having the blessing of Abraham voluntarily renewed to him by his father, before he was forced to fly from his brother’s fury, Gen. xxviii, 1–4, and had the satisfaction of obeying his parents in going to Padan-aram, or Charran, in quest of a wife of his own kindred, Gen. xxviii, 7; yet he set out on a long and perilous journey of six hundred miles and upward, through barren and inhospitable regions, unattended and unprovided, like a pilgrim, indeed, with only his staff in his hand, Gen. xxxii, 10. And though he was supported with the assurance of the divine protection, and the renewal of the blessing of Abraham by God himself, in his remarkable vision at Bethel, and solemnly devoted himself to his service, wishing only for food and raiment, and vowing to profess the worship of God, and pay tithe unto him should he return back in peace, Gen. xxviii, 10–22; yet he was forced to engage in a tedious and thankless servitude of seven years, at first for Rachel, with Laban, who retaliated upon him the imposition he had practised on his own father; and substituted Leah, whom he hated, for Rachel, whom he loved; and thereby compelled him to serve seven years more; and changed his wages several times during the remainder of his whole servitude of twenty years; in the course of which, as he pathetically complained, “the drought consumed him by day, and the frost by night, and the sleep departed from his eyes,” in watching Laban’s flocks, Gen. xxxi, 40; and at last he was forced to steal away, and was only protected from Laban’s vengeance, as afterward from Esau’s, by divine interposition. Add to these his domestic troubles and misfortunes; the impatience of his favourite wife, “Give me children, or I die;” her death in bearing her second son, Benjamin; the rape of his daughter Dinah; the perfidy and cruelty of her brothers, Simeon and Levi, to the Shechemites; the misbehaviour of Reuben; the supposed death of Joseph, his favourite and most deserving son:--these were, all together, sufficient to 499have brought down his gray hairs with sorrow to the grave, had he not been divinely supported and encouraged throughout the whole of his pilgrimage. For the circumstances which led Jacob into Egypt, see Joseph.
According to this perspective, all parties involved share some blame; Isaac for trying to ignore the oracle that favored his younger son, which he might have only partially understood; Esau for wanting to take away the blessing he himself had given up; and Rebekah and Jacob for obtaining it through deceit, not fully trusting in the Lord. However, it was clear that their main goal was the spiritual aspect of the blessing, rather than the material, as evidenced by subsequent events. Jacob later honored Esau as his older brother and insisted that Esau accept a gift from him as a sign of submission, Gen. xxxiii, 3–15. Esau also seems to have taken over his father's estate while Jacob was gone for a long time. Even if Rebekah and Jacob's intentions were not driven by selfish or mercenary interests, they should not have done wrong to achieve a good outcome. Both faced serious consequences in this life for their deceit, which disrupted family peace and created lasting hostility in Esau towards Jacob: “Is he not rightly named Jacob?” the supplanter; “for he has supplanted me these two times: he took away my birthright, and now he has taken away my blessing. The days of mourning for my father are approaching; then I will kill my brother Jacob,” Gen. xxvii, 36–41. There was little doubt about his intention to follow through with this threat when he met Jacob on his return with such a strong armed group that it deeply frightened Jacob, had God not softened Esau's heart, so that “he ran to meet Jacob, and fell on his neck, and they wept,” Gen. xxxiii, 4. Rebekah also lost the company of her beloved son, whom she believed she was sending away for just a year “until his brother’s anger subsides,” Genesis xxvii, 42–44; but she never saw him again, as she died during his lengthy 20-year absence, although Isaac lived on, Gen. xxxv, 27. Thus, “she was pierced through with many sorrows.” Jacob also had every reason to say, “Few and evil have been the days of the years of my pilgrimage,” Gen. xlvii, 9. Although he found solace in having his father reaffirm Abraham’s blessing before fleeing his brother's rage, Gen. xxviii, 1–4, and took satisfaction in obeying his parents by going to Padan-aram, or Charran, to find a wife from his family, Gen. xxviii, 7; he still embarked on a long and dangerous journey of over 600 miles, through harsh and unwelcoming terrain, without assistance and barely any supplies, like a true wanderer, only with his staff in hand, Gen. xxxii, 10. And though he was reassured by divine protection and the renewal of Abraham’s blessing from God himself in the remarkable vision at Bethel, and dedicated himself to God’s service, asking only for food and clothing, and vowing to worship God and give Him a tithe if he returned safely, Gen. xxviii, 10–22; he was forced into a long and thankless seven-year servitude for Rachel with Laban, who retaliated against him for the trick he had played on his own father by switching Leah, whom Jacob despised, in place of Rachel, whom he loved, compelling him to work another seven years; and changing his wages multiple times throughout his entire twenty-year servitude. During this time, as he sadly noted, “the drought consumed him by day, and the frost by night, and sleep fled from his eyes,” while he tended to Laban’s flocks, Gen. xxxi, 40; ultimately, he had to sneak away to escape, only surviving Laban’s wrath—just as he later did with Esau—thanks to divine intervention. On top of this, he faced personal troubles and hardships; the impatience of his favorite wife, “Give me children, or I die;” her dying during childbirth with their second son, Benjamin; the assault on his daughter Dinah; the betrayal and brutality of her brothers, Simeon and Levi, against the Shechemites; Reuben’s misconduct; the presumed death of Joseph, his favored and most deserving son: all these events were enough to bring down his gray hairs with grief to the grave, had he not been divinely supported and encouraged throughout his journey. For the circumstances that led Jacob into Egypt, see Joseph.
When Jacob, at the invitation of Joseph, went down to Egypt, Joseph introduced his father to his royal master; and the patriarch, in his priestly character, blessed Pharaoh, and supplicated the divine favour for the king. The venerable appearance and the pious demeanour of Jacob led the monarch to inquire his years; to which he replied, “The days of the years of my pilgrimage are a hundred and thirty years: few and evil have the days of the years of my life been; and I have not attained unto the days of the years of the life of my fathers in the days of their pilgrimage.” This answer of the patriarch was not the language of discontent, but the solemn reflection of a man who had experienced a large share of trouble, and who knew that the whole of human life is indeed but “a vain show,” Genesis xlvii, 1–10. Jacob spent the remainder of his days in tranquillity and prosperity, enjoying the society of his beloved child seventeen years. The close of his life was a happy calm, after a stormy voyage. The patriarch, perceiving that his dissolution was near, sent for Joseph, and bound him by a solemn promise to bury him with his fathers in Canaan. Shortly after this, Jacob was taken ill, and it being reported to Joseph, he hastened to the bedside of his father, taking with him his two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim. On hearing that his son was come, Jacob exerted all his strength, and sat up in his bed to receive him, and to impart that blessing which, in the spirit of prophecy, he was commissioned to bequeath. He next blessed the infant children of Joseph; but, as he placed his hands upon their heads, he crossed them, putting his right upon Ephraim the younger, and his left upon Manasseh the elder. Joseph wished to correct the mistake of his father, but Jacob persisted, being guided by a divine impulse; and he gave to each of the lads a portion in Israel, at the same time declaring that the younger should be greater than the elder, Gen. xlviii, 22. When this interview was ended, Jacob caused all his sons to assemble round his dying bed, that he might inform them what would befall them in the last days, Gen. xlix, 1, 2. Of all the predictions which he pronounced with his expiring breath, the most remarkable and the most interesting is that relating to Judah: “The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come; and unto him shall the gathering of the people be,” Gen. xlix, 10. One grand personage was in the mind of the patriarch, as it had been in the contemplation of his predecessors, even the illustrious Deliverer who should arise in after ages to redeem his people, and bring salvation to the human race. The promised Seed was the constant object of faithful expectation; and all the patriarchal ordinances, institutions, and predictions, had an allusion, positive or incidental, to the Messiah. Hitherto the promise was confined generally to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that from them the glorious blessing should arise; but now, under the divine direction, the dying patriarch foretels in what tribe, and at what period, the great Restorer shall come. The sovereign authority was to continue in the possession of Judah, till from that tribe Shiloh should appear, and then the royalty must cease. This was fulfilled; for the tribe of Judah possessed legislative power till the time of Christ, and from that period the Jewish people have neither had dominion nor priesthood. Jesus Christ, therefore, must either be the true Shiloh, or the prophecy has failed; for the Jews cannot prove that they have had any thing like temporal power since his crucifixion. When they were so clamorous for the execution of Jesus, and Pilate told them to take the law into their own hands, they shrunk fearfully from the proposal, and acknowledged their slavish state by saying, “It is not lawful for us to put any man to death,” John xviii, 31. Here, then, we have a glorious proof of the veracity of Scripture, and an incontestible evidence of the truth of our religion.
When Jacob went down to Egypt at Joseph's invitation, Joseph introduced his father to the king. The patriarch, in his role as a priest, blessed Pharaoh and asked for God's favor for the king. Jacob’s aged appearance and respectful demeanor led Pharaoh to inquire about his age. Jacob replied, “The days of my life are a hundred and thirty years: my days have been few and filled with trouble, and I haven’t lived as long as my ancestors did during their lifetimes.” Jacob’s response wasn’t a complaint but a solemn reflection from someone who had faced many hardships and understood that life is really just “a fleeting show.” Jacob spent the rest of his days in peace and prosperity, enjoying the company of his beloved son for seventeen years. The end of his life was a quiet peace after a tumultuous journey. Noticing that his time was near, he called for Joseph and made him promise solemnly to bury him with his ancestors in Canaan. Shortly after, Jacob fell ill, and when Joseph heard of it, he rushed to his father's side, bringing his two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim. When Jacob learned that his son had come, he gathered all his strength to sit up in bed and give the blessing he was divinely commanded to pass on. He then blessed Joseph's children, but as he placed his hands on their heads, he crossed them, putting his right hand on the younger Ephraim and his left on the elder Manasseh. Joseph tried to correct his father, but Jacob insisted, guided by divine inspiration; he gave both boys a portion in Israel and declared that the younger would be greater than the elder. After this meeting, Jacob gathered all his sons around his deathbed to tell them what would happen in the days to come. Of all his predictions, the most notable and interesting was about Judah: “The scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh comes; and to him shall the gathering of the people be.” The patriarch was thinking of one great figure, as were his predecessors, the illustrious Deliverer who would come in later years to save his people and bring salvation to humanity. The promised Seed was always the focus of faithful anticipation; all patriarchal laws, institutions, and prophecies referenced the Messiah in some way. Up until now, the promise was generally related to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that from them the glorious blessing would arise; but now, guided by divine insight, the dying patriarch prophesied the tribe and the timing of the great Restorer's arrival. The sovereign authority was to remain with Judah until Shiloh appeared from that tribe, at which point the monarchy would end. This came true; the tribe of Judah held legislative power until the time of Christ, and since then, the Jewish people have had neither dominion nor priesthood. Therefore, Jesus Christ must either be the true Shiloh, or the prophecy has failed; the Jews cannot prove that they had any form of temporal authority since his crucifixion. When they were demanding Jesus’ execution and Pilate told them to handle the matter themselves, they recoiled in fear and recognized their subjugated state by saying, “It is not lawful for us to put any man to death.” Here, we find a powerful proof of the truth of Scripture and undeniable evidence of the truth of our religion.
When Jacob had finished blessing his sons, he charged them to bury him in the cave of Machpelah, with Abraham and Isaac, and, “gathering his feet into the bed, he yielded up the ghost, and was gathered unto his people,” Gen. xlix, 33. Joseph, having closed the eyes of his father, and wept over him, commanded the physicians to embalm the body. After a general mourning of seventy days, he solicited the king’s permission to go with the remains of Jacob into Canaan, to which Pharaoh consented; and with Joseph went up all the state officers and principal nobility of Egypt, so that when they came to the place of interment, the Canaanites were astonished, and said, “This is a grievous mourning to the Egyptians,” Gen. l, 1–11.
When Jacob finished blessing his sons, he instructed them to bury him in the cave of Machpelah, alongside Abraham and Isaac. Then, “gathering his feet into the bed, he took his last breath and was gathered to his people,” Gen. xlix, 33. Joseph, after closing his father's eyes and mourning for him, ordered the doctors to embalm the body. Following a period of mourning that lasted seventy days, he asked the king for permission to take Jacob's remains to Canaan, which Pharaoh granted. Along with Joseph, all the high officials and leading nobility of Egypt accompanied them, so when they arrived at the burial site, the Canaanites were amazed and said, “This is a serious mourning for the Egyptians,” Gen. l, 1–11.
JACOBITES, a denomination of eastern Christians, who first made their appearance in the fifth century, and were called Monophysites. Jacob Albardai, or Baradæus, who flourished about A. D. 530, restored the sect, then almost expiring, to its former vigour, and modelled it anew; and hence from him they obtained the name of Jacobites. See Hypostatical Union.
JACOBITES, a group of eastern Christians, first appeared in the fifth century and were known as Monophysites. Jacob Albardai, or Baradæus, who was active around A.D. 530, revitalized the nearly extinct sect and structured it again, leading to them being called Jacobites because of him. See Hypothetical Union.
JACOB’s WELL, or fountain, a well near Shechem, at which our Saviour conversed with the woman of Samaria, John iv, 12. Jacob dwelt near this place, before his sons slew the inhabitants of Shechem. If any thing, says Dr. E. D. Clarke, connected with the remembrance of past ages be calculated to awaken local enthusiasm, the land around this city is preëminently entitled to consideration. The sacred story of events transacted in the fields of Sichem, Gen. xxxvii, from our earliest years, is remembered with delight; but with the territory before our eyes, where those events took place, and in the view of objects existing as they were described above three thousand years ago, the grateful impression kindles into ecstacy. Along the valley may 500still be seen, as in the days of Reuben and Judah, “a company of Ishmaelites coming from Gilead, with their camels bearing spicery, and balm, and myrrh,” who would gladly purchase another Joseph of his brethren, and convey him as a slave to some Potiphar in Egypt. Upon the hills around, flocks and herds are seen feeding as of old; nor in the simple garb of the shepherds of Samaria, at this day, is there any thing repugnant to the notions we may entertain of the appearance formerly presented by the sons of Jacob. In the time of Alexander the Great, Sichem, or Napolose, as it is now called, was considered as the capital of Samaria. Its inhabitants were called Samaritans, not merely as people of Samaria, but as a sect at variance with the Jews; and they have continued to maintain their peculiar tenets to this day. The inhabitants, according to Procopius, were much favoured by the Emperor Justinian, who restored their sanctuaries, and added largely to the edifices of the city. The principal object of veneration among them is Jacob’s well, over which a church was formerly erected. This is situated at a small distance from the town in the road to Jerusalem, and has been visited by pilgrims of all ages, but particularly since the Christian era, as the place where Christ revealed himself to the woman of Samaria. The spot is so distinctly marked by the evangelist, John iv, and so little liable to uncertainty from the circumstance of the well itself, and the features of the country, that, if no tradition existed to identify it, the site of it could scarcely be mistaken. Perhaps no Christian scholar ever read the fourth chapter of St. John’s Gospel attentively, without being struck with the numerous internal evidences of truth which crowd upon the mind in its perusal. Within so small a compass, it is impossible to find in other writings so many sources of reflection and of interest. Independently of its importance as a theological document, it concentrates so much information, that a volume might be filled with the illustration it reflects upon the history of the Jews, and upon the geography of their country. All that can be gathered from Josephus on these subjects seems to be as a comment to illustrate this chapter. The journey of our Lord from Judea into Galilee; the cause of it; his passage through the territory of Samaria; his approach to the metropolis of that country; its name; his arrival at the Amorite field, which terminates the narrow valley of Sichem; the ancient custom of halting at a well; the female employment of drawing water; the disciples sent into the city for food, by which its situation out of the town is so obviously implied; the question of the woman referring to existing prejudices which separated the Jews from the Samaritans; the depth of the well; the oriental allusion contained in the expression, “living water;” the history of the well, and the customs illustrated by it; the worship upon Mount Gerizim:--all these occur within the space of twenty verses; and if to these be added that remarkable circumstance mentioned in the fifty-first verse of the chapter, where it is stated that “as he was now going down, his servants met him,” his whole route from Cana being a continual descent toward Capernaum, we may consider it as a record, signally confirmed in its veracity by circumstances which remain in indelible character, to give them evidence, to this day.
JACOB's WELL, or fountain, is a well near Shechem where our Savior spoke with the Samaritan woman, John iv, 12. Jacob lived near this spot before his sons killed the inhabitants of Shechem. Dr. E. D. Clarke says that if anything connected to the memories of the past could spark local enthusiasm, the land around this city definitely deserves attention. The sacred story of events that took place in the fields of Shechem, Gen. xxxvii, has been cherished since our earliest years; yet, seeing the land where these events unfolded, and witnessing the objects that still exist as described over three thousand years ago, creates an ecstatic sense of gratitude. In the valley, one can still observe, just like in the days of Reuben and Judah, “a group of Ishmaelites coming from Gilead, with their camels carrying spices, balm, and myrrh,” who would happily buy another Joseph from his brothers and take him as a slave to some Potiphar in Egypt. On the surrounding hills, flocks and herds graze just as they did back then; and the simple clothing of the shepherds of Samaria today does not clash with what we might imagine the appearance of Jacob’s sons to be. During the time of Alexander the Great, Shechem, now called Napolose, was viewed as the capital of Samaria. Its residents were known as Samaritans, not just as people from Samaria, but as a group that disagreed with the Jews; and they have continued to hold their unique beliefs up to the present day. The inhabitants, according to Procopius, enjoyed considerable favor from Emperor Justinian, who restored their sanctuaries and greatly expanded the city's buildings. The main object of worship among them is Jacob’s well, where a church was built in the past. This well is located a short distance from the town on the way to Jerusalem and has been visited by pilgrims of all ages, especially since the Christian era, as the place where Christ revealed himself to the Samaritan woman. The evangelist marks this spot so clearly in John iv, and the specific features of the well and the landscape make it nearly impossible to confuse if no tradition existed to identify it. It's hard to imagine any Christian scholar reading the fourth chapter of St. John's Gospel carefully without noticing the many internal evidences of truth that arise during its reading. Within such a short text, it's rare to find as many sources for reflection and interest. Beyond its importance as a theological document, it contains so much information that an entire book could be written to illustrate what it reveals about the history of the Jews and the geography of their land. Everything that can be gathered from Josephus on these topics seems to comment on and illustrate this chapter. The journey of our Lord from Judea to Galilee; the reason for it; his passage through Samaria; his arrival at the capital of that region; its name; his arrival at the Amorite field that marks the end of the narrow valley of Shechem; the traditional practice of stopping at a well; the women's task of drawing water; the disciples sent into the town for food, which clearly indicates their location outside of the town; the woman’s question reflecting the existing prejudices that separated Jews and Samaritans; the depth of the well; the eastern reference in “living water;” the history of the well and the customs associated with it; the worship on Mount Gerizim: all these elements appear within the span of twenty verses. Adding to this the notable detail mentioned in the fifty-first verse of the chapter, stating that “as he was now going down, his servants met him,” shows that his entire route from Cana involved a continual descent toward Capernaum. We can regard this as a record significantly validated by circumstances that remain distinctly recognizable to this day.
JAIR, of the family of Manasseh. He possessed a large canton beyond Jordan; the whole country of Argob, as far as the borders of Geshur and Maachathi, Judges x, 3. He succeeded Tola in the judicature or government of the Israelites, and was himself succeeded by Jephthah. His government continued twenty-two years; from A. M. 2795 to 2817. Jair had thirty sons, who rode on asses, and were lords or governors of thirty towns, called Havoth-jair. He was buried at Camon beyond Jordan.
JAIR, from the tribe of Manasseh, owned a large territory beyond the Jordan; the entire region of Argob, extending to the borders of Geshur and Maachathi, Judges x, 3. He took over leadership from Tola and was later succeeded by Jephthah. His leadership lasted for twenty-two years, from A. M. 2795 to 2817. Jair had thirty sons who rode donkeys and were leaders of thirty towns known as Havoth-jair. He was buried at Camon, beyond the Jordan.
JAMES, Ἰάκωβος, of the same import as Jacob. James, surnamed the greater or, the elder, to distinguish him from James the younger, was brother to John the evangelist, and son to Zebedee and Salome, Matt. iv, 21. He was of Bethsaida, in Galilee, and left all to follow Christ. Salome requested our Saviour, that her two sons, James and John, might sit at his right hand, when he should be in possession of his kingdom. Our Saviour answered, that it belonged to his heavenly Father alone to dispose of these places of honour, Matt. xx, 21. Before their vocation, James and John followed the trade of fishermen with their father Zebedee; and they did not quit their profession till our Saviour called them, Mark i, 18, 19. They were witnesses of our Lord’s transfiguration, Matt. xvii, 2. When certain Samaritans refused to admit Jesus Christ, James and John wished for fire from heaven to consume them, Luke ix, 54; and for this reason, it is thought, the name of Boanerges, or sons of thunder, was given them. Some days after the resurrection of our Saviour, James and John went to fish in the sea of Tiberias, where they saw Jesus. They were present at the ascension of our Lord. St. James is said to have preached to all the dispersed tribes of Israel; but for this there is only report. His martyrdom is related, Acts xii, 1, 2, about A. D. 42, or 44, for the date is not well ascertained. Herod Agrippa, king of the Jews, and grandson of Herod the Great, caused him to be seized and executed at Jerusalem. Clemens Alexandrinus informs us, that he who brought St. James before the judges was so much affected with his constancy in confessing Jesus Christ, that he also declared himself a Christian, and was condemned, as well as the Apostle, to be beheaded.
JAMES, also known as Ἰάκωβος, has the same meaning as Jacob. James, referred to as the greater or the elder, to differentiate him from James the younger, was the brother of John the evangelist and the son of Zebedee and Salome (Matt. iv, 21). He was from Bethsaida in Galilee and left everything to follow Christ. Salome asked our Savior for her two sons, James and John, to sit at his right hand when he took his place in his kingdom. Our Savior replied that it was up to his heavenly Father alone to assign those positions of honor (Matt. xx, 21). Before their calling, James and John worked as fishermen with their father Zebedee, and they didn’t leave their profession until our Savior called them (Mark i, 18, 19). They witnessed our Lord's transfiguration (Matt. xvii, 2). When some Samaritans refused to accept Jesus, James and John wanted fire from heaven to consume them (Luke ix, 54), which is thought to be why they were called Boanerges, or sons of thunder. A few days after the resurrection of our Savior, James and John went fishing in the Sea of Tiberias, where they saw Jesus. They were present at our Lord's ascension. St. James is said to have preached to all the scattered tribes of Israel, but this is based only on reports. His martyrdom is mentioned in Acts xii, 1, 2, around A.D. 42 or 44, as the exact date is uncertain. Herod Agrippa, king of the Jews and grandson of Herod the Great, had him arrested and executed in Jerusalem. Clemens Alexandrinus tells us that the one who brought St. James before the judges was so moved by his steadfastness in confessing Jesus Christ that he also declared himself a Christian and was condemned, along with the Apostle, to be beheaded.
James the less, surnamed the brother of our Lord, Gal. i, 19, was the son of Cleophas, otherwise called Alpheus, and Mary, sister to the blessed virgin; consequently, he was 501cousin-german to Jesus Christ. He was surnamed the Just, on account of the admirable holiness and purity of his life. He is said to have been a priest, and to have observed the laws of the Nazarites from his birth. Our Saviour appeared to James the less, eight days after his resurrection, 1 Cor. xv, 7. He was at Jerusalem, and was considered as a pillar of the church, when St. Paul first came thither after his conversion, Gal. i, 19, A. D. 37. In the council of Jerusalem, held in the year 51, St. James gave his vote last; and the result of the council was principally formed from what St. James said, who, though he observed the ceremonies of the law, and was careful that others should observe them, was of opinion, that such a yoke was not to be imposed on the faithful converted from among the Heathens, Acts xv, 13, &c.
James the Lesser, known as the brother of our Lord, Gal. i, 19, was the son of Cleophas, also called Alpheus, and Mary, who was the sister of the blessed Virgin; therefore, he was Jesus Christ's cousin. He was called the Just because of his remarkable holiness and purity of life. It is said that he was a priest and followed the Nazarite laws from birth. Our Savior appeared to James the Less eight days after his resurrection, 1 Cor. xv, 7. He was in Jerusalem and was seen as a pillar of the church when St. Paul first arrived there after his conversion, Gal. i, 19, A.D. 37. During the Council of Jerusalem, which took place in the year 51, St. James cast his vote last; the decisions of the council were largely based on what St. James said, who, while he followed the ceremonies of the law and encouraged others to do the same, believed that such a burden should not be placed on the faithful who had converted from among the Gentiles, Acts xv, 13, & c.
James the less was a person of great prudence and discretion, and was highly esteemed by the Apostles and other Christians. Such, indeed, was his general reputation for piety and virtue, that, as we learn, from Origen, Eusebius, and Jerom, Josephus thought, and declared it to be the common opinion, that the sufferings of the Jews, and the destruction of their city and temple, were owing to the anger of God, excited by the murder of James. This must be considered as a strong and remarkable testimony to the character of this Apostle, as it is given by a person who did not believe that Jesus was the Christ. The passages of Josephus, referred to by those fathers upon this subject, are not found in his works now extant.
James the Less was a person of great wisdom and judgment, and he was highly respected by the Apostles and other Christians. His reputation for piety and virtue was so well-known that, as we learn from Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome, Josephus believed and stated it was a widely held view that the suffering of the Jews and the destruction of their city and temple were due to God’s anger, stirred by the murder of James. This serves as a strong and notable endorsement of this Apostle’s character, especially coming from someone who did not believe Jesus was the Messiah. The passages from Josephus mentioned by those early church fathers on this topic are not found in his surviving works.
James, General Epistle of. Clement of Rome and Hermas allude to this epistle; and it is quoted by Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Jerom, Chrysostom, Augustine, and many other fathers. But though the antiquity of this epistle had been always undisputed, some few formerly doubted its right to be admitted into the canon. Eusebius says, that in his time it was generally, though not universally, received as canonical; and publicly read in most, but not in all, churches; and Estius affirms, that after the fourth century, no church or ecclesiastical writer is found who ever doubted its authenticity; but that, on the contrary, it is included in all subsequent catalogues of canonical Scripture, whether published by councils, churches, or individuals. It has, indeed, been the uniform tradition of the church, that this epistle was written by James the Just; but it was not universally admitted till after the fourthfourth century, that James the Just was the same person as James the less, one of the twelve Apostles; that point being ascertained, the canonical authority of this epistle was no longer doubted. It is evident that this epistle could not have been written by James the elder, for he was beheaded by Herod Agrippa in the year 44, and the errors and vices reproved in this epistle show it to be of a much later date; and the destruction of Jerusalem is also here spoken of as being very near at hand, James v, 8, 9. It has always been considered as a circumstance very much in favour of this epistle, that it is found in the Syriac version, which was made as early as the end of the first century, and for the particular use of converted Jews,--the very description of persons to whom it was originally addressed. Hence we infer, that it was from the first acknowledged by those for whose instruction it was intended; and “I think,” says Dr. Doddridge, “it can hardly be doubted but they were better judges of the question of its authenticity than the Gentiles, to whom it was not written; among whom, therefore, it was not likely to be propagated so early; and who at first might be prejudiced against it, because it was inscribed to the Jews.”
James, Letter of General Epistle. Clement of Rome and Hermas reference this epistle, and it's cited by Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Jerome, Chrysostom, Augustine, and several other church fathers. Although the age of this epistle has never been disputed, a few individuals once questioned its place in the canon. Eusebius stated that during his time it was generally, though not universally, accepted as canonical and was publicly read in most—but not all—churches. Estius confirms that after the fourth century, no church or ecclesiastical writer doubted its authenticity. On the contrary, it has appeared in all later lists of canonical Scripture published by councils, churches, or individuals. It's been a consistent tradition within the church that this epistle was written by James the Just, but it wasn't universally recognized until after the fourthfourth century that James the Just was identified as James the Less, one of the twelve Apostles. Once that was established, the canonical authority of this epistle was no longer questioned. It’s clear that this epistle couldn’t have been written by James the Elder, as he was executed by Herod Agrippa in 44, and the errors and vices addressed in the letter indicate it was written much later. Additionally, the destruction of Jerusalem is mentioned as imminent, see James 5:8-9. It has always been regarded as a strong point in favor of this epistle that it appears in the Syriac version, created as early as the end of the first century, specifically for the use of converted Jews—the exact group it was initially meant for. This suggests it was recognized from the start by those it was intended to teach. “I think,” says Dr. Doddridge, “it can hardly be doubted that they were better judges of the question of its authenticity than the Gentiles, to whom it was not written; among whom, therefore, it was not likely to spread so early; and who at first might have been biased against it because it was directed to the Jews.”
The immediate design of this epistle was to animate the Jewish Christians to support with fortitude and patience any sufferings to which they might be exposed, and to enforce the genuine doctrine and practice of the Gospel, in opposition to the errors and vices which then prevailed among them. St. James begins by showing the benefits of trials and afflictions, and by assuring the Jewish Christians that God would listen to their sincere prayers for assistance and support; he reminds them of their being the distinguished objects of divine favour, and exhorts them to practical religion; to a just and impartial regard for the poor, and to a uniform obedience to all the commands of God, without any distinction or exception; he shows the inefficacy of faith without works, that is, unless followed by moral duties; he inculcates the necessity of a strict government of the tongue, and cautions them against censoriousness, strife, malevolence, pride, indulgence of their sensual passions, and rash judgment; he denounces threats against those who make an improper use of riches; he intimates the approaching destruction of Jerusalem; and concludes with exhortations to patience, devotion, and a solicitous concern for the salvation of others. This epistle is written with great perspicuity and energy, and it contains an excellent summary of those practical duties and moral virtues which are required of Christians. Although the author wrote to the Jews dispersed throughout the world, yet the state of his native land passed more immediately before his eyes. Its final overthrow was approaching; and oppressions, factions, and violent scenes troubled all ranks, and involved some professing Christians in suffering, others in guilt.
The main purpose of this letter was to encourage Jewish Christians to endure any struggles they might face with strength and patience, and to promote the true teachings and practices of the Gospel, countering the errors and vices that were common among them at that time. St. James starts by explaining the benefits of facing trials and hardships, reassuring the Jewish Christians that God hears their earnest prayers for help and support. He reminds them that they are special objects of divine favor and urges them to practice their faith actively; to treat the poor fairly and without bias, and to obey all of God’s commands consistently, without making exceptions. He emphasizes that faith alone is not enough; it must be accompanied by actions that reflect moral responsibility. He stresses the importance of controlling their speech and warns them against negative behaviors like gossip, conflict, malice, arrogance, giving in to their desires, and making snap judgments. He issues warnings to those who misuse wealth and hints at the impending destruction of Jerusalem. He wraps up with reminders to be patient, devoted, and concerned for the salvation of others. This letter is written clearly and powerfully, providing a great overview of the practical duties and moral values expected of Christians. Even though the author addressed Jews scattered around the world, he was particularly aware of the situation in his homeland, where its imminent downfall was looming. The nation was troubled by oppression, conflict, and violence, affecting all levels of society, leading some professing Christians to suffer while involving others in wrongdoing.
JANNES and JAMBRES, or, as Pliny calls them, Jamne and Jotape, two magicians, who resisted Moses in Egypt, 2 Tim. iii, 8. He speaks, likewise, of the faction or sect of magicians, of which, he says, Moses, Jannes, and Jocabel, or Jopata, were heads. By this last word he meant probably the patriarch Joseph, whom the Egyptians considered as one of their most celebrated sages. The Mussulmans have several particulars to the same purpose. The paraphrast Jonathan says they were the sons of Balaam, who accompanied him to Balak, king of Moab. They are called by several names in several translations; by the Septuagint, φαρμακοὶ, poisoners, and ἐπαοιδοὶ, enchanters; 502by Sulpitius Severus, Chaldæans, that is, astrologers; by others, sapientes and malefici, wise men, that is, so esteemed among the Egyptians, philosophers, and witches. Artapanus tells us, that Pharaoh sent for magicians from Upper Egypt to oppose Moses. Ambrosiaster, or Hilary, the deacon, says they were brothers. He cites a book entitled “Jannes and Mambres,” which is likewise quoted by Origen, and ranked as apocryphal by Pope Gelasius. Some of the Hebrews call them Janes and Jambres; others, Jochana and Mamré, or Jonas and Jombros. Jerom translates their names Johannes and Mambres; and there is a tradition, they say, in the Talmud, that Juhanni and Mamré, chief of Pharaoh’s physicians, said to Moses, “Thou bringest straw into Egypt where abundance of corn grew;” that is, to bring your magical arts hither is to as much purpose as to bring water to the Nile. Some say their names are the same as John and Ambrose. Some will have it that they fled away with their father; others, that they were drowned in the Red Sea with the Egyptians; others, that they were killed by Phinehas in the war against the Midianites. Numenius, cited by Aristobulus, says that Jannes and Jambres were sacred scribes of the Egyptians, who excelled in magic at the time when the Jews were driven out of Egypt. See Plagues of Egypt.
Jannes and Jambres, or as Pliny refers to them, Jamne and Jotape, were two magicians who opposed Moses in Egypt (2 Tim. 3:8). He also mentions the group of magicians, of which Moses, Jannes, and Jocabel, or Jopata, were leaders. By this last name, he likely meant the patriarch Joseph, whom the Egyptians regarded as one of their most celebrated sages. The Muslims have several details on this. The paraphraser Jonathan suggests they were the sons of Balaam, who accompanied him to Balak, king of Moab. They go by different names in various translations; in the Septuagint, they are called φαρμακοὶ, poisoners, and ἐπαοιδοὶ, enchanters; 502 Sulpitius Severus refers to them as Chaldæans, meaning astrologers; and others call them wise and malefic, wise men, viewed as philosophers and witches in Egypt. Artapanus tells us that Pharaoh sent for magicians from Upper Egypt to confront Moses. Ambrosiaster, or Hilary the deacon, claims they were brothers. He cites a book titled "Jannes and Mambres," which is also referenced by Origen and classified as apocryphal by Pope Gelasius. Some Hebrews call them Janes and Jambres; others, Jochana and Mamré, or Jonas and Jombros. Jerome translates their names as Johannes and Mambres; and there is a tradition in the Talmud that Juhanni and Mamré, the chief physicians of Pharaoh, said to Moses, “You bring straw to Egypt where plenty of corn grows;” meaning that bringing your magical skills here is as pointless as bringing water to the Nile. Some say their names are akin to John and Ambrose. Some believe they fled with their father; others say they drowned in the Red Sea with the Egyptians; while others claim they were killed by Phinehas in the battle against the Midianites. Numenius, as cited by Aristobulus, notes that Jannes and Jambres were sacred scribes of the Egyptians who excelled in magic during the time the Jews were expelled from Egypt. See Egyptian Plagues.
JANSENISTS, a denomination of Roman Catholics in France, which was formed in the year 1640. They follow the opinions of Jansenius, bishop of Ypres, from whose writings the following propositions are said to have been extracted:--1. That there are divine precepts which good men, notwithstanding their desire to observe them, are, nevertheless, absolutely unable to obey; nor has God given them that measure of grace which is essentially necessary to render them capable of such obedience. 2. That no person, in this corrupt state of nature, can resist the influence of divine grace, when it operates upon the mind. 3. That, in order to render human actions meritorious, it is not requisite that they be exempt from necessity; but that they be free from constraint. 4. That the Semi-Pelagians err greatly, in maintaining that the human will is endowed with the power of either receiving or resisting the aids and influences of preventing grace. 5. That whoever affirms that Jesus Christ made expiation, by his sufferings and death, for the sins of all mankind, is a Semi-Pelagian. Of these propositions, Pope Innocent X. condemned the first four as heretical, and the last as rash and impious. But he did this without asserting that these were the doctrines of Jansenius, or even naming him; which did not satisfy his adversaries, nor silence him. The next pope, however, Alexander VII. was more particular, and determined the said propositions to be the doctrines of Jansenius; which excited no small trouble in the Gallican church.
JANSENISTS, a group of Roman Catholics in France, was formed in 1640. They follow the views of Jansenius, bishop of Ypres, from whose writings the following propositions are said to have been taken:--1. There are divine commands that good people, despite their desire to follow them, are absolutely unable to obey; God has not given them the level of grace that's essential for them to be able to obey. 2. No one, in this fallen state of nature, can resist the influence of divine grace when it acts on their mind. 3. For human actions to be worthy of merit, it is not necessary that they be free from necessity; rather, they must be free from compulsion. 4. The Semi-Pelagians are seriously mistaken in asserting that the human will has the power to either accept or reject the help and influences of prevenient grace. 5. Anyone who claims that Jesus Christ atoned for the sins of all humanity through his suffering and death is a Semi-Pelagian. Pope Innocent X condemned the first four of these propositions as heretical and the last as reckless and impious. However, he did this without claiming that these were the teachings of Jansenius, or even mentioning his name; this did not satisfy his opponents or silence him. The next pope, Alexander VII, was more specific and declared that these propositions were indeed the doctrines of Jansenius, which caused significant conflict in the Gallican church.
This denomination was also distinguished from many of the Roman Catholics, by their maintaining that the Holy Scriptures and public liturgies should be given to the people in their mother tongue; and they consider it as a matter of importance to inculcate upon all Christians, that true piety does not consist in the performance of external devotions, but in inward holiness and divine love.
This group was also different from many Roman Catholics because they believed that the Holy Scriptures and public liturgies should be provided to people in their native language. They emphasized to all Christians that true devotion isn't just about outward rituals, but rather about inner holiness and love for God.
As to Jansenius, it must be confessed that he was more diligent in the search of truth, than courageous in its defence. It is said that he read through the whole of St. Augustine’s works ten, and some parts thirty, times. From these he made a number of excerpta, [extracts,] which he collected in his book called “Augustinus.” This he had not the courage to publish; but it was printed after his death, and from it his enemies, the Jesuits, extracted the propositions above named; but the correctness and fidelity of their extracts may be justly questioned. Jansenius himself, undoubtedly, held the opinions of Calvin on unconditional election, though he seems to have been reserved in avowing them.
As for Jansenius, it has to be acknowledged that he was more dedicated to seeking the truth than brave in defending it. It's said that he read through all of St. Augustine’s works ten times, and some parts up to thirty times. From these, he created a number of excerpta, [extracts,] which he compiled in a book called “Augustinus.” He lacked the courage to publish it himself; however, it was printed after his death, and from it, his opponents, the Jesuits, pulled the propositions mentioned earlier, though the accuracy and reliability of their extracts can justifiably be questioned. Jansenius himself undoubtedly held Calvin's views on unconditional election, although he appeared to be cautious about openly expressing them.
The Jansenists of Port Royal may be denominated the evangelical party of the Catholic church: among their number were the famous Father Quesnel, Pierre Nicole, Pascal, De Sacy, Duguet, and Arnauld; the last of whom is styled by Boileau, “the most learned mortal that ever lived.” They consecrated all their great powers to the service of the cross; and for their attachment to the grand article of the Protestant reformation,--justification by faith, with other capital doctrines, they suffered the loss of all things. The Jesuits, their implacable enemies, never ceased until they prevailed upon their sovereign, Louis XIV. to destroy the abbey of Port Royal, and banish its inhabitants. It must be confessed, however, that all the Jansenists were not like the eminent men whom we have just mentioned; and even these were tinged with enthusiasm and superstition. Some of them even pretended to work miracles, by which their cause was greatly injured.
The Jansenists of Port Royal can be seen as the evangelical group within the Catholic Church: among them were the well-known Father Quesnel, Pierre Nicole, Pascal, De Sacy, Duguet, and Arnauld, the last of whom Boileau called “the most learned person who ever lived.” They dedicated all their considerable talents to the service of the cross; and for their commitment to the core principle of the Protestant Reformation—justification by faith, along with other key doctrines—they lost everything. The Jesuits, their relentless foes, didn’t stop until they convinced their ruler, Louis XIV, to dismantle the abbey of Port Royal and expel its residents. It should be noted, though, that not all Jansenists were like the distinguished individuals we've just mentioned; even these figures had elements of enthusiasm and superstition. Some of them even claimed to perform miracles, which ultimately harmed their cause.
JAPHETH, the son of Noah, who is commonly named the third in order of Noah’s sons, was born in the five hundredth year of that patriarch, Genesis v, 32; but Moses, Genesis x, 21, says expressly he was the oldest of Noah’s sons, according to our translation, and those of the Septuagint and Symmachus. Abraham was named the first of Terah’s sons, “not from primogeniture, but from preëminence,” as the father of the faithful, and the illustrious ancestor of the Israelites, and of the Jews, whose “seed was Christ,” according to the flesh; with whose history the Old Testament properly commences: “Now these are the generations of Terah,” &c, Gen. xi, 27; all the preceding parts of Genesis being only introductory to this. By the same analogy, Shem, the second son of Noah, is placed first of his three sons, Gen. v, 32, and Japheth, “the eldest,” last. Compare Gen. x, 21; xi, 20. Thus Isaac is put before Ishmael, though fourteen years younger, 1 Chron. i, 28. And Solomon, the eldest, is reckoned the last of Bathsheba’s children, 1 Chron. iii, 5.
JAPHETH, the son of Noah, who is usually recognized as the third of Noah’s sons, was born in the five hundredth year of that patriarch, Genesis v, 32; but Moses, Genesis x, 21, clearly states he was the oldest of Noah’s sons, according to our translation, as well as those of the Septuagint and Symmachus. Abraham is referred to as the first of Terah’s sons, “not due to being the firstborn, but because of his significance,” as the father of the faithful and the notable ancestor of the Israelites and Jews, whose “descendant was Christ,” in a physical sense; the history of which the Old Testament properly starts: “Now these are the generations of Terah,” etc., Gen. xi, 27; all the earlier sections of Genesis serving only as an introduction to this. Following the same logic, Shem, Noah’s second son, is listed first among his three sons, Gen. v, 32, and Japheth, “the oldest,” is placed last. See Gen. x, 21; xi, 20. Similarly, Isaac is listed before Ishmael, even though he is fourteen years younger, 1 Chron. i, 28. And Solomon, the eldest, is noted as the last of Bathsheba’s children, 1 Chron. iii, 5.
Japheth signifies enlargement; and how 503wonderfully did Providence enlarge the boundaries of Japheth! His posterity diverged eastward and westward; from the original settlement in Armenia, through the whole extent of Asia, north of the great range of Taurus, distinguished by the general names of Tartary and Siberia, as far as the Eastern Ocean: and in process of time, by an easy passage across Behring’s straits, the entire continent of America; and they spread in the opposite direction, throughout the whole of Europe, to the Atlantic Ocean; thus literally encompassing the earth, within the precincts of the northern temperate zone. While the enterprising and warlike genius of this hardy hunter race frequently led them to encroach on the settlements, and to dwell in “the tents of Shem,” whose pastoral occupations rendered them more inactive, peaceable, and unwarlike; as when the Scythians invaded Media, and overran western Asia southwards, as far as Egypt, in the days of Cyaxares; and when the Greeks, and afterward the Romans, subdued the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians, in the east, and the Scythians and Jews in the south, as foretold by the Assyrian Prophet Balaam:
Japheth means enlargement; and how wonderfully did Providence expand the territory of Japheth! His descendants spread out to the east and west; from the original settlement in Armenia, across the entire northern region of Asia, characterized by the general names of Tartary and Siberia, all the way to the Eastern Ocean. Eventually, through a straightforward route across Bering’s Straits, they reached the whole continent of America; and they extended in the opposite direction throughout Europe to the Atlantic Ocean, effectively surrounding the earth within the northern temperate zone. Meanwhile, the ambitious and warlike spirit of this tough hunter culture often drove them to encroach upon the settlements and live in “the tents of Shem,” whose pastoral lifestyle made them more inactive, peaceful, and less aggressive; as when the Scythians invaded Media and overran western Asia all the way to Egypt during the days of Cyaxares; and when the Greeks, followed by the Romans, conquered the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians in the east, as well as the Scythians and Jews in the south, just as the Assyrian Prophet Balaam foretold:
And by Moses: “And the Lord shall bring thee [the Jews] into Egypt [or bondage] again with ships,” &c, Deut. xxviii, 28. And by Daniel: “For the ships of Chittim shall come against him” [Antiochus, king of Syria,] Dan. xi, 30.
And Moses said: "And the Lord will bring you [the Jews] back to Egypt [or slavery] again with ships,” etc., Deut. 28:68. And Daniel said: “For the ships from Cyprus will come against him” [Antiochus, king of Syria,] Dan. 11:30.
In these passages Chittim denotes the southern coasts of Europe, bordering on the Mediterranean Sea, called the “isles of the Gentiles,” Gen. x, 5. And, in later times, the Tartars in the east have repeatedly invaded and subdued the Hindoos and Chinese; while the warlike and enterprising genius of the British isles has spread their colonies, their arms, their arts, and their language, and, in some measure, their religion, from the rising to the setting sun.
In these passages, Chittim refers to the southern coasts of Europe along the Mediterranean Sea, known as the “isles of the Gentiles,” Gen. x, 5. Over time, the Tartars in the east have repeatedly invaded and conquered the Hindus and Chinese; meanwhile, the ambitious and military spirit of the British Isles has expanded their colonies, their military presence, their arts, and their language, along with some aspects of their religion, from the east to the west.
The sons of Japheth were Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Tubal, Meshech, and Tiras. The Scripture says, that they peopled the isles of the Gentiles, and settled in different countries, each according to his language, family, and people, Genesis x, 5. It is supposed that Gomer peopled Galatia, and that from him the Cimmerians, or Cimbrians, and also the Phrygians, derived their origin; that Magog was the father of the Scythians, and Tartars, or Tatars; that Madai was the progenitor of the Medes, though some make him the founder of a people in Macedonia, called Macdi; that from Javan sprung the Ionians and Greeks; that Tubal was the father of the Iberians, and that at least a part of Spain was peopled by him and his descendants; that Meshech was the founder of the Cappadocians, from whom proceeded the Muscovites, or Russians; and that from Tiras the Thracians derived their origin. Japheth was known, by profane authors, under the name of Japetus. The poets make him father of heaven and earth. The Greeks believed that Japheth was the father of their race, and acknowledged nothing more ancient than him.
The sons of Japheth were Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Tubal, Meshech, and Tiras. The Scriptures say they populated the islands of the Gentiles and settled in various countries, each according to their language, family, and people (Genesis 10:5). It is believed that Gomer settled Galatia, and that from him came the Cimmerians or Cimbrians, as well as the Phrygians. Magog is thought to be the ancestor of the Scythians and Tartars (or Tatars). Madai is considered the ancestor of the Medes, although some say he founded a group in Macedonia called Macdi. From Javan came the Ionians and Greeks. Tubal is regarded as the father of the Iberians, with part of Spain populated by him and his descendants. Meshech is believed to have founded the Cappadocians, who eventually became known as the Muscovites or Russians. Tiras is said to be the ancestor of the Thracians. Japheth was known in classical literature as Japetus. Poets described him as the father of heaven and earth. The Greeks considered Japheth to be the ancestor of their race, regarding him as the oldest figure in their history.
JAR, the Hebrew month which answers to our April. It consisted but of twenty-nine days.
JAR, the Hebrew month that corresponds to our April, had just twenty-nine days.
JASPER, ישפה, Exod. xxviii, 20; xxxix, 13; and Ezek. xxviii, 13; ἴασπις, Rev. iv, 3, and xxi, 11, 18, 19. The Greek and Latin name, jaspis, as well as the English jasper, is plainly derived from the Hebrew, and leaves little room to doubt what species of gem is meant by the original word. The jasper is usually defined, a hard stone, of a bright, beautiful, green colour; sometimes clouded with white, and spotted with red or yellow.
JASPER, Chief, Exod. xxviii, 20; xxxix, 13; and Ezek. xxviii, 13; ἴασπις, Rev. iv, 3, and xxi, 11, 18, 19. The Greek and Latin name, jaspis, along with the English word jasper, clearly comes from the Hebrew and makes it clear what type of gem the original word refers to. Jasper is typically described as a hard stone with a vivid, beautiful green color; it may sometimes have white clouding and be spotted with red or yellow.
JAVAN, or ION, (for the Hebrew word, differently pointed, forms both names,) was the fourth son of Japheth, and the father of all those nations which were included under the name of Grecians, or Ionians, as they were invariably called in the east. Javan had four sons, by whom the different portions of Greece Proper were peopled: Elisha, Tharsis, Chittim, and Dodanim. Elisha, Eliza, or Ellas, as it is written in the Chaldee, and from whom the Greeks took the name of Hέλληνες, settled in the Peloponnesus; where, in the Elysian fields and the river Ilissus, his name is still preserved. Tharsis settled in Achaia; Chittim, in Macedonia; and Dodanim, in Thessaly and Epirus; where the city of Dodona gives ample proof of the origin of its name. But the Greeks did not remain pure Javanim. It appears from history that, at a very early age, they were invaded and subjugated by the Pelasgi, a Cuthite race from the east, and by colonies of Phenicians and Egyptians from the south: so that the Greeks, so famous in history, were a compound of all these people. The aboriginal Greeks were called Jaones, or Jonim; from which similarity of sound, the Jonim and the Javanim, although belonging to two essentially different families, have been confounded together. Javan is the name used in the Old Testament for Greece and the Greeks. See Division of the Earth.
JAVAN, or ION (the Hebrew word, with different vowel points, creates both names), was the fourth son of Japheth and the father of all the nations that fell under the names of Greeks or Ionians, as they were always referred to in the east. Javan had four sons who populated different regions of Greece: Elisha, Tharsis, Chittim, and Dodanim. Elisha, Eliza, or Ellas, as it’s spelled in Chaldean, and from whom the Greeks derived the name Hέλληνες, settled in the Peloponnesus, where his name is still remembered in the Elysian fields and the river Ilissus. Tharsis settled in Achaia, Chittim in Macedonia, and Dodanim in Thessaly and Epirus, where the city of Dodona clearly shows the origin of its name. However, the Greeks did not remain purely Javanim. History shows that, at a very early point, they were invaded and conquered by the Pelasgi, a Cuthite race from the east, as well as by colonies of Phoenicians and Egyptians from the south. Thus, the Greeks, renowned in history, were a mix of all these peoples. The original Greeks were called Jaones or Jonim; due to the similar sound, the Jonim and the Javanim, despite belonging to two entirely different lineages, have been confused with each other. Javan is the name used in the Old Testament for Greece and the Greeks. See Division of the Earth.
JEALOUSY, Waters of. See Adultery.
JEALOUSY, Waters of. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
JEBUS, the son of Canaan, Gen. x, 16, and father of the people of Palestine called Jebusites. Their dwelling was in Jerusalem and round about, in the mountains. This people were very warlike, and held Jerusalem till David’s time, Josh. xv, 65; 2 Sam. v, 6, &c.
JEBUS, the son of Canaan, Gen. x, 16, and father of the group in Palestine known as the Jebusites. They lived in Jerusalem and the surrounding mountains. This group was very aggressive and controlled Jerusalem until David's time, Josh. xv, 65; 2 Sam. v, 6, & c.
JEDUTHUN, a Levite of Merari’s family, and one of the four great masters of music belonging to the temple, 1 Chron. xvi, 38, 41, 42; xv, 17; Psalm lxxxix, title. He is the same as Ethan. Some of the Psalms are said to have been composed by him; such as the eighty-ninth, thirty-ninth, sixty-second, seventy-seventh; all of which go under his name. Some believe, that David, having composed these Psalms, gave them to Jeduthun and his company to sing; and that this is the reason of their going by this name. But there are some Psalms which have the name of Jeduthun, that seem to have been composed either 504during the captivity, or after it; and consequently the name of Jeduthun prefixed to them, can signify nothing else, but that some of his descendants, and of Jeduthun’s class, composed them long after the death of the famous Jeduthun, one of their ancestors.
JEDUTHUN, a Levite from the family of Merari, was one of the four great masters of music associated with the temple (1 Chron. xvi, 38, 41, 42; xv, 17; Psalm lxxxix, title). He is identified as the same person as Ethan. Some of the Psalms are believed to have been written by him, including the eighty-ninth, thirty-ninth, sixty-second, and seventy-seventh, all of which are attributed to him. Some think that David wrote these Psalms and then assigned them to Jeduthun and his group to sing, which is why they carry his name. However, there are certain Psalms also named after Jeduthun that appear to have been written either during or after the captivity. Therefore, the name Jeduthun attached to them likely indicates that some of his descendants or those in his musical lineage composed them long after the original Jeduthun had died. 504
JEHOAHAZ, otherwise SHALLUM, the son of Josiah, king of Judah, Jer. xxii, 11. Josiah having been wounded mortally by Necho, king of Egypt, and dying of his wounds at Megiddo, Jehoahaz was made king in his room, though he was not Josiah’s eldest son, 2 Kings xxiii, 30, 31, 32. He was in all probability thought fitter than any of his brethren to make head against the king of Egypt. He was twenty-three years old when he began to reign, and he reigned about three months only in Jerusalem, in the year of the world 3395. King Necho, at his return from the expedition against Carchemish, provoked at the people of Judah for having placed this prince upon the throne without his consent, sent for him to Riblah, in Syria, divested him of the kingdom, loaded him with chains, and sent him into Egypt, where he died, Jer. xxii, 11, 12. Jehoiakim, or Eliakim his brother, was made king in his room.
JEHOAHAZ, also known as SHALLUM, the son of Josiah, king of Judah, Jer. xxii, 11. After Josiah was mortally wounded by Necho, king of Egypt, and died from his wounds at Megiddo, Jehoahaz became king in his place, even though he wasn't Josiah's oldest son, 2 Kings xxiii, 30, 31, 32. He was likely considered more capable than his brothers to stand up against the king of Egypt. He was twenty-three years old when he started his reign, which lasted only about three months in Jerusalem, in the year of the world 3395. When King Necho returned from his campaign against Carchemish, he was angered that the people of Judah had put this prince on the throne without his permission. He summoned Jehoahaz to Riblah in Syria, stripped him of the kingdom, loaded him with chains, and sent him to Egypt, where he died, Jer. xxii, 11, 12. Jehoiakim, or Eliakim, his brother, was made king in his place.
JEHOIACHIN, otherwise called Coniah, Jer. xxii, 24, and Jeconiah, 1 Chron. iii, 17, the son of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, and grandson of Josiah. He ascended the throne, and reigned only three months. It seems he was born about the time of the first Babylonish captivity, A. M. 3398, when Jehoiakim, or Eliakim, his father, was carried to Babylon. Jehoiakim returned from Babylon, and reigned till A. M. 3405, when he was killed by the Chaldeans, in the eleventh year of his reign; and was succeeded by this Jehoiachin, who reigned alone three months and ten days; but he reigned about ten years in conjunction with his father. Thus 2 Kings xxiv, 8, is reconciled with 2 Chron. xxxvi, 9. In the former of these passages, he is said to have been eighteen when he began to reign, and in Chronicles only eight; that is, he was only eight when he began to reign with his father, and eighteen when he began to reign alone. He was a bad man, and did evil in the sight of the Lord, Jer. xxii, 24. The time of his death is uncertain; and the words of the Prophet Jeremiah, xxii, 30, are not to be taken in the strictest sense; since he was the father of Salathiel and others, 1 Chron. iii, 17, 18; Matt. i, 12.
JEHOIACHIN, also known as Coniah, (Jer. xxii, 24) and Jeconiah (1 Chron. iii, 17), was the son of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, and the grandson of Josiah. He took the throne and ruled for only three months. It appears he was born around the time of the first Babylonian captivity, A. M. 3398, when his father, Jehoiakim, also known as Eliakim, was taken to Babylon. Jehoiakim returned from Babylon and reigned until A. M. 3405, when he was killed by the Chaldeans in the eleventh year of his reign; he was succeeded by Jehoiachin, who ruled alone for three months and ten days, but he also ruled for about ten years alongside his father. This aligns with 2 Kings xxiv, 8 and 2 Chron. xxxvi, 9. In the former, it states he was eighteen when he began to reign, while Chronicles mentions he was only eight; meaning he was eight when he started reigning with his father and eighteen when he began to reign on his own. He was considered a wicked king and did evil in the eyes of the Lord (Jer. xxii, 24). The exact time of his death is unclear, and the words of the Prophet Jeremiah (xxii, 30) should not be taken literally, as he was the father of Salathiel and others (1 Chron. iii, 17, 18; Matt. i, 12).
JEHOIAKIM, or ELIAKIM, the brother and successor of Jehoahaz, king of Judah, was advanced to the throne by Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, A. M. 3395, 2 Kings xxiii, 34. He reigned eleven years in Jerusalem, and did evil in the sight of the Lord. When Jerusalem was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, this prince was also taken and put to death, and his body thrown into the common sewer, according to the prediction of Jeremiah, xxii, 18, 19.
JEHOIAKIM, also known as ELIAKIM, the brother and successor of Jehoahaz, king of Judah, was elevated to the throne by Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, in A.M. 3395, as noted in 2 Kings xxiii, 34. He reigned for eleven years in Jerusalem and did what was considered evil in the eyes of the Lord. When Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem, this prince was taken as well, put to death, and his body was thrown into the public sewer, fulfilling the prophecy of Jeremiah, xxii, 18, 19.
JEHOSHAPHAT, king of Judah, son of Asa, king of Judah, and Azabah, daughter of Shilhi, ascended the throne at the age of thirty-five, and reigned twenty-five years. He had the advantage over Baasha, king of Israel; and he placed good garrisons in the cities of Judah and of Ephraim, which had been conquered by his father. God was with him, because he was faithful. He demolished the high places and groves. In the third year of his reign he sent some of his officers, with priests and Levites, through all the parts of Judah, with the book of the law, to instruct the people. God blessed the zeal of this prince, who was feared by all his neighbours. The Philistines and Arabians were tributaries to him. He built several houses in Judah in the form of towers, and fortified several cities. He generally kept an army of eleven hundred thousand men, without reckoning the troops in his strong holds. This number seems prodigious for so small a state as that of Judah; but, probably, these troops were only an enrolled militia.
JEHOSHAPHAT, king of Judah, son of Asa, king of Judah, and Azabah, daughter of Shilhi, became king at the age of thirty-five and reigned for twenty-five years. He had an advantage over Baasha, king of Israel, and established strong garrisons in the cities of Judah and Ephraim, which had been taken by his father. God was with him because he was faithful. He tore down the high places and groves. In the third year of his reign, he sent some of his officials, along with priests and Levites, throughout all parts of Judah with the book of the law to teach the people. God blessed the enthusiasm of this king, who was respected by all his neighbors. The Philistines and Arabians paid him tribute. He built several tower-like houses in Judah and fortified multiple cities. He typically maintained an army of eleven hundred thousand men, not counting the troops in his fortifications. This number seems huge for such a small state as Judah; however, it's likely that these troops were just an enrolled militia.
The Scripture reproaches Jehoshaphat for his alliance with Ahab, king of Israel, 1 Kings xx; 2 Chronicles xviii. Some time after, he went to visit Ahab in Samaria; and Ahab invited him to march with him against Ramoth-Gilead. Jehoshaphat consented, but first asked for an opinion from a prophet of the Lord. Afterward, he went into the battle in his robe, and the enemy supposed him to be Ahab; but he crying out, they discovered their mistake, and Jehoshaphat returned in peace to Jerusalem. The Prophet Jehu reproved him for assisting Ahab, 2 Chron. xix, 1, 2, 3, &c. Jehoshaphat repaired this fault by the good regulations, and the good order, which he established in his dominions, both as to civil and religious affairs, by appointing honest and able judges, by regulating the discipline of the priests and Levites, and by enjoining them to perform their duty with punctuality. After this, in the year 3108, the Moabites, Ammonites, and other nations of Arabia Petræa, declared war against Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. xx, 1, 2, 3, &c. They advanced to Hazaron-Tamar, otherwise Engedi. Jehoshaphat went with his people to the temple, and put up prayers to God. Jahaziel, the son of Zechariah, by the Spirit of the Lord, encouraged the king, and promised that the next day he should obtain a victory without fighting. Accordingly, these people being assembled the next day against Judah, quarrelled, and killed one another; and Jehoshaphat and his army had only to gather their spoils. This prince continued to walk in the ways of the Lord; yet he did not destroy the high places, and the hearts of the people were not entirely directed to the God of their fathers. Jehoshaphat died after a reign of twenty-five years, and was buried in the royal sepulchre; and his son, Jehoram reigned in his stead.
The Scripture criticizes Jehoshaphat for partnering with Ahab, king of Israel, 1 Kings xx; 2 Chronicles xviii. Later, he visited Ahab in Samaria, where Ahab invited him to join the campaign against Ramoth-Gilead. Jehoshaphat agreed but first sought advice from a prophet of the Lord. When he went into battle in his robe, the enemy mistook him for Ahab; however, when he cried out, they realized their error, and Jehoshaphat returned peacefully to Jerusalem. The Prophet Jehu rebuked him for helping Ahab, 2 Chron. xix, 1, 2, 3, &c. Jehoshaphat corrected this mistake by implementing good regulations and order in his kingdom, addressing both civil and religious matters by appointing honest and capable judges, organizing the priests and Levites, and requiring them to fulfill their duties diligently. After this, in the year 3108, the Moabites, Ammonites, and other nations from Arabia Petraea declared war on Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. xx, 1, 2, 3, &c. They moved toward Hazazon-Tamar, also known as Engedi. Jehoshaphat went to the temple with his people to pray to God. Jahaziel, the son of Zechariah, inspired by the Spirit of the Lord, encouraged the king and promised that the next day he would win a battle without fighting. The next day, when the enemy gathered against Judah, they ended up fighting and killing each other, and Jehoshaphat and his army simply collected the spoils. This king continued to follow the ways of the Lord; however, he did not remove the high places, and the people's hearts were not fully devoted to the God of their ancestors. Jehoshaphat died after a 25-year reign and was buried in the royal tomb; his son, Jehoram, took over his reign.
2. Jehoshaphat, Valley of. This valley is a deep and narrow glen, which runs from north to south, between the Mount of Olives and Mount Moriah; the brook Cedron flowing through the middle of it, which is dry the greatest part of the year, but has a current of 505a red colour, after storms, or in rainy seasons. The Prophet Joel, iii, 2, 12, says, “The Lord will gather all nations in the valley of Jehoshaphat, and will plead with them there.” Abenezra is of opinion, that this valley is the place where King Jehoshaphat obtained a signal victory over the Moabites, Ammonites, and Meonians of Arabia Petræa, 2 Chron. xx, 1, &c, toward the Dead Sea, beyond the wilderness of Tekoah, which after that event was called the valley of blessing, verse 26. Others think it lies between the walls of Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives. Cyril, of Alexandria, on Joel iii, says that this valley is but a few furlongs distant from Jerusalem. Lastly, some maintain that the ancient Hebrews had named no particular place the valley of Jehoshaphat; but that Joel intended generally the place where God would judge the nations, and will appear at the last judgment in the brightness of his majesty. Jehoshaphat, in Hebrew, signifies “the judgment of God.” It is very probable that the valley of Jehoshaphat, that is, of God’s judgment, is symbolical, as well as the valley of slaughter, in the same chapter. From this passage, however, the Jews and many Christians have been of opinion, that the last judgment will be solemnized in the valley of Jehoshaphat.
2. Jehoshaphat Valley. This valley is a deep, narrow glen that runs from north to south, located between the Mount of Olives and Mount Moriah; the Cedron brook flows through the middle, which is mostly dry throughout the year but turns red after storms or during rainy seasons. The Prophet Joel, iii, 2, 12, states, “The Lord will gather all nations in the valley of Jehoshaphat, and will plead with them there.” Abenezra believes that this valley is where King Jehoshaphat achieved a notable victory over the Moabites, Ammonites, and Meonians of Arabia Petræa, as mentioned in 2 Chron. xx, 1, &c., near the Dead Sea, beyond the wilderness of Tekoah, which was afterward called the valley of blessing, verse 26. Others suggest it is located between the walls of Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives. Cyril of Alexandria, in his commentary on Joel iii, notes that this valley is just a few furlongs away from Jerusalem. Lastly, some argue that the ancient Hebrews did not designate any specific location as the valley of Jehoshaphat; instead, Joel was referring generally to the place where God will judge the nations and will appear at the last judgment in His glorious majesty. Jehoshaphat in Hebrew means “the judgment of God.” It is quite likely that the valley of Jehoshaphat, or God's judgment, is symbolic, much like the valley of slaughter mentioned in the same chapter. From this passage, however, both Jews and many Christians believe that the final judgment will take place in the valley of Jehoshaphat.
JEHOVAH, יהוה the proper and incommunicable name of the Divine Essence. That this divine name, Jehovah, was well known to the Heathens, there can be no doubt. Sanchoniathon writes Jebo; Diodorus, the Sicilian, Macrobius, St. Clemens Alexandrinus, St. Jerom, and Origen, pronounce Jao; Epiphanius, Theodoret, and the Samaritans, Jabe, Javé. We likewise find in the ancients, Jahoh, Javo, Javu, Jaod. The Moors call their god Jaba, whom some believe to be the same as Jehovah. The Latins, in all probability, took their Javis, or Jovis Pater, from Jehovah.
JEHOVAH, יהוה, the proper and unique name of the Divine Essence. There’s no doubt that this divine name, Jehovah, was well known to the pagans. Sanchoniathon writes Jebo; Diodorus of Sicily, Macrobius, St. Clement of Alexandria, St. Jerome, and Origen pronounce it as Jao; Epiphanius, Theodoret, and the Samaritans say Jabe, Javé. We also find among the ancients Jahoh, Javo, Javu, Jaod. The Moors refer to their god as Jaba, whom some believe to be the same as Jehovah. The Latins likely derived their Javis, or Jupiter, from Jehovah.
The Jews, after their captivity in Babylon, out of an excessive and superstitious respect for this name, left off to pronounce it, and thus lost the true pronunciation. The Septuagint generally renders it Κύριος, “the Lord.” Origen, St. Jerom, and Eusebius, testify that in their time the Jews left the name of Jehovah written in their copies in Samaritan characters, instead of writing it in the common Chaldee or Hebrew characters; which shows their veneration for this holy name: and the fear they were under, lest strangers, who were not unacquainted with the Chaldee letters and language, should discover and misapply it. The Jews call this name of God the Tetragrammaton, or the name with four letters. It would be waste of time and patience to repeat all that has been said on this incommunicable name: it may not be amiss, however, to remind the reader, 1. That although it signifies the state of being, yet it forms no verb. 2. It never assumes a plural form. 3. It does not admit an article, or take an affix. 4. Neither is it placed in a state of construction with other words; though other words may be in construction with it. It seems to be a compound of יה, the essence, and הוה, existing; that is, always existing; whence the word eternal appears to express its import; or, as it is well rendered, “He who is, and who was, and who is to come,” Rev. i, 4; xi, 17; that is, eternal, as the schoolmen speak, both a parte ante, and a parte post. Compare John viii, 58. It is usually marked by an abbreviation, ו, in Jewish books, where it must be alluded to. It is also abbreviated in the term יה, Jah, which, the reader will observe, enters into the formation of many Hebrew appellations. See Jah.
The Jews, after their captivity in Babylon, out of an excessive and superstitious respect for this name, stopped pronouncing it, and thus lost the true pronunciation. The Septuagint generally translates it as Κύριος, “the Lord.” Origen, St. Jerome, and Eusebius testify that in their time, the Jews left the name of Jehovah written in their copies in Samaritan characters instead of writing it in the common Chaldean or Hebrew characters; this shows their deep respect for this holy name and their fear that outsiders, who were familiar with the Chaldean letters and language, might discover and misuse it. The Jews refer to this name of God as the Tetragrammaton, or the name with four letters. It would be a waste of time and patience to repeat everything that has been said about this incommunicable name; however, it may be worth reminding the reader, 1. That although it signifies the state of being, it does not form a verb. 2. It never takes a plural form. 3. It does not use an article or take an affix. 4. It is not placed in a state of construction with other words, although other words may be constructed with it. It seems to be a combination of יה, the essence, and היה, existing; that is, always existing; hence the word eternal seems to express its meaning; or, as it is well rendered, “He who is, and who was, and who is to come,” Rev. i, 4; xi, 17; that is, eternal, as the scholars say, both a side note and a side note. Compare John viii, 58. It is usually marked by an abbreviation, ו, in Jewish books, where it must be alluded to. It is also abbreviated in the term יה, Jah, which the reader will notice appears in the formation of many Hebrew names. See Jah.
JEHU, the son of Jehoshaphat, and grandson of Nimshi, captain of the troops of Joram the king of Israel, was appointed by God to reign over Israel, and to avenge the sins committed by the house of Ahab, 1 Kings xix, 16. The Prophet Elisha received a commission to anoint him; but the order does not appear to have been executed until more than twenty years afterward, and then it was done by one of the sons of the prophets, 2 Kings ix, 1–3. Jehu was then at the siege of Ramoth-Gilead, commanding the army of Joram, the king of Israel, when a young prophet appeared, who took him aside from the officers of the army, in the midst of whom he was sitting, and, when alone in a chamber, poured oil on his head, and said to him, “Thus saith the Lord, I have anointed thee king over Israel; thou shalt smite the house of Ahab, and avenge the blood of the prophets which hath been shed by Jezebel. For the whole house of Ahab shall perish, and I will make it as that of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, and that of Baasha, the son of Ahijah. Jezebel shall be eaten by the dogs in the fields of Jezreel, and there shall be none to bury her,” 2 Kings ix, 1–10. No sooner had the prophet delivered his message, than, to avoid being known, he instantly withdrew; and Jehu, returning to the company of his brother officers, was by them interrogated respecting what had taken place. He informed them that a prophet had been sent from God to anoint him to the kingly office; on which they all rose up, and each taking his cloak, they made a kind of throne for Jehu, and then sounding the trumpets, cried out, “Jehu is king.” Joram, who at that time reigned over the kingdom of Israel, was then at Jezreel in a state of indisposition, having been wounded at the siege of Ramoth-Gilead. Jehu, intending to surprise him, immediately gave orders that no one should be permitted to depart out of the city of Ramoth, and himself set off for Jezreel. As he approached that city, a centinel gave notice that he saw a troop coming in great haste; on which Joram despatched an officer to discover who it was; but Jehu, without giving the latter any answer, ordered him to follow in his rear. Joram sent a second, and Jehu laid upon him the same command. Finding that neither of them returned, Joram himself, accompanied by Ahaziah, king of Judah, proceeded in his chariot toward Jehu, whom they met in the field of Naboth the Jezreelite. Joram inquired, “Is it peace, Jehu?” To which the latter replied, “How can there be 506peace so long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel, and her witchcrafts, are so many?” Joram instantly took the alarm, and, turning to Ahaziah, said, “We are betrayed.” At the same time Jehu drew his bow, and smote Joram between his shoulders, so that the arrow pierced his heart, and he died in his chariot. Jehu then gave orders that his body should be cast out into the field of Naboth the Jezreelite, thus fulfilling the prediction of the Prophet Elijah, 2 Kings ix, 11–26.
JEHU, son of Jehoshaphat and grandson of Nimshi, was the commander of Joram, king of Israel's troops. God appointed him to rule over Israel and to take revenge for the sins of the house of Ahab, as mentioned in 1 Kings xix, 16. The Prophet Elisha received instructions to anoint him, but this didn't happen until more than twenty years later, and it was carried out by one of the sons of the prophets, as noted in 2 Kings ix, 1–3. At that time, Jehu was besieging Ramoth-Gilead and leading Joram's army when a young prophet approached him, took him aside from the other officers he was with, and when they were alone in a room, poured oil on his head. The prophet said, “The Lord has anointed you king over Israel; you will strike down the house of Ahab and avenge the blood of the prophets that Jezebel has shed. The entire house of Ahab will be destroyed, and I will make it like the house of Jeroboam, son of Nebat, and like that of Baasha, son of Ahijah. Jezebel will be eaten by dogs in the fields of Jezreel, and no one will be there to bury her,” 2 Kings ix, 1–10. As soon as the prophet delivered the message, he quickly left to avoid being recognized. Jehu returned to his fellow officers, who asked him what had happened. He told them that a prophet had come from God to anoint him as king. They all stood up, each took off their cloak, and made a kind of throne for Jehu, then they blew the trumpets and shouted, “Jehu is king.” At that time, Joram was ruling over Israel and was in Jezreel recovering from a wound he suffered during the siege of Ramoth-Gilead. Jehu planned to catch him off guard, so he ordered that no one leave the city of Ramoth and set out for Jezreel. As he got closer, a watchman reported seeing a group approaching quickly, so Joram sent an officer to see who it was. Jehu, however, didn’t answer him and told him to follow behind. Joram sent a second officer, and Jehu gave him the same instructions. When neither returned, Joram himself, along with Ahaziah, king of Judah, rode out in a chariot to meet Jehu, who they encountered in the field of Naboth the Jezreelite. Joram asked, “Is it peace, Jehu?” To which Jehu answered, “How can there be peace as long as your mother Jezebel's prostitution and witchcrafts are so many?” Joram immediately realized they were in danger and said to Ahaziah, “We’re being betrayed.” At that moment, Jehu drew his bow and shot Joram between the shoulders, piercing his heart, and he died in his chariot. Jehu then ordered that his body be thrown into the field of Naboth the Jezreelite, fulfilling the prophecy of the Prophet Elijah, 2 Kings ix, 11–26.
Jehu next proceeded to Jezreel, where Jezebel herself at that time resided. As he rode through the streets of the city, Jezebel, who was standing at her window and looking at him, exclaimed, “Can he who has killed his master hope for peace?” Jehu, lifting up his head and seeing her, commanded her servants instantly to throw her out at the window; which they did, and she was immediately trampled to death under the horses’ feet as they traversed the city. To complete her destiny, and fulfil the threatenings of Elijah, the dogs came and devoured her corpse; so that when Jehu sent to have her buried, her bones only were found, 2 Kings ix, 27–37. After this, Jehu sent to inform the inhabitants of Samaria, who had the bringing up of Ahab’s seventy children, that they might select which of them they thought proper to place upon the throne of Israel. But overwhelmed with fear, they replied that they were Jehu’s servants, and would in all things obey him. He then commanded them to put to death all the king’s children, and send their heads to him; which was accordingly done on the following day. Jehu also caused to be put to death all Ahab’s relatives and friends, the officers of his court, and the priests whom he had entertained at Jezreel, 2 Kings x, 1–11. After this, Jehu proceeded to Samaria, and on his way thither met the friends of Ahaziah, king of Judah, who were going to Jezreel to salute the children of Ahab’s family, with the death of whom they were as yet unacquainted. They were forty-two in number; but Jehu gave orders to have them apprehended and put to death. Soon after this, he met with Jonathan, the son of Rechab; and taking him up into his chariot, “Come with me,” said he, “and see my zeal for the Lord.” And when he was come to Samaria he extirpated every remaining branch of Ahab’s family, without sparing an individual. Then convening the people of Samaria, he said, “Ahab paid some honours to Baal, but I will pay him greater. Send now and gather together all the ministers, priests, and prophets of Baal.” When they were all assembled in Baal’s temple, Jehu commanded to give each of them a particular habit, to distinguish them; at the same time directing that no stranger should mingle with them; and then ordered his people to put them all to the sword, not sparing one of them; the image of Baal was also pulled down, broken to pieces, and burned, the temple itself destroyed, and the place where it stood reduced to a dunghill, 2 Kings x, 12–28.
Jehu then went to Jezreel, where Jezebel was living at the time. As he rode through the city streets, Jezebel, standing at her window and watching him, shouted, “Can the one who killed his master expect peace?” Jehu raised his head, saw her, and ordered her servants to throw her out the window, which they did. She was immediately trampled to death by the horses as they moved through the city. To complete her fate and fulfill Elijah's warnings, dogs came and ate her remains; so when Jehu sent for her to be buried, only her bones were found, 2 Kings 9:27–37. After this, Jehu sent a message to the people of Samaria, who had raised Ahab’s seventy children, asking them to choose one of them to become king of Israel. But overwhelmed with fear, they replied that they were Jehu's servants and would obey him in everything. He then ordered them to kill all the king's children and send their heads to him, which they did the next day. Jehu also had all of Ahab’s relatives, friends, court officials, and the priests he entertained at Jezreel put to death, 2 Kings 10:1–11. After that, Jehu went to Samaria, and on his way, he encountered the friends of Ahaziah, the king of Judah, who were going to Jezreel to greet Ahab’s family, of whom they were unaware of their deaths. There were forty-two of them, but Jehu ordered them to be captured and killed. Soon after, he met Jonathan, the son of Rechab, and invited him into his chariot, saying, “Come with me and see my zeal for the Lord.” Upon arriving in Samaria, he wiped out every remaining member of Ahab’s family, leaving no one alive. Then he gathered the people of Samaria and said, “Ahab honored Baal a bit, but I will honor him more. Now send and gather all the ministers, priests, and prophets of Baal.” When they were all gathered in Baal’s temple, Jehu ordered that each of them be given distinctive clothing and insisted that no outsiders should mix with them. He then commanded his men to kill every one of them, sparing none; the image of Baal was taken down, smashed, and burned, the temple itself was destroyed, and the site was turned into a dump, 2 Kings 10:12–28.
Such were the sanguinary exploits of Jehu toward the idolatrous house of Ahab; but he acted agreeably to divine direction, and the Lord in these instances so far approved his conduct, as to promise him that his children should sit upon the throne of Israel to the fourth generation. Yet, though Jehu had been the instrument in the hand of God for taking vengeance on the profane house of Ahab, we find him accused in Scripture of not entirely forsaking the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin in worshipping the golden calves, 2 Kings x, 29, 31. It appears also that, in executing the divine indignation on the wicked house of Ahab, he was actuated more by the spirit of ambition and animosity than the fear of God, or a regard to the purity of his worship. And thus it is that God, in the course of his providence, makes use of tyrants and wicked men, as his instruments to execute his righteous judgments in the earth. After a reign of eight-and-twenty years over Israel, Jehu died, and was succeeded by his son, Jehoahaz; but his reign was embittered by the war which Hazael, king of Syria, long waged against him, 2 Kings x, 32–36. His four descendants, who succeeded him in the throne, were Jehoahaz, Joash, Jeroboam II. and Zechariah.
Such were the bloody deeds of Jehu against the idolatrous family of Ahab; however, he acted according to divine guidance, and the Lord approved of his actions enough to promise that his descendants would sit on the throne of Israel for four generations. Yet, even though Jehu was used by God to take revenge on the wicked house of Ahab, Scripture accuses him of not completely abandoning the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who caused Israel to sin by worshiping the golden calves, 2 Kings x, 29, 31. It also appears that, in carrying out God’s wrath against the evil house of Ahab, he was motivated more by ambition and hatred than by fear of God or concern for the purity of worship. This shows how God, in His providence, uses tyrants and wicked people as instruments to carry out His righteous judgments on earth. After reigning for twenty-eight years over Israel, Jehu died and was succeeded by his son, Jehoahaz; however, his reign was made bitter by the war that Hazael, king of Syria, waged against him for a long time, 2 Kings x, 32–36. His four descendants who followed him on the throne were Jehoahaz, Joash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah.
JEPHTHAH, one of the judges of Israel, was the son of Gilead by a concubine, Judges xi, 1, 2. His father having several other children by his lawful wife, they conspired to expel Jephthah from among them, insisting that he who was the son of a strange woman should have no part of the inheritance with them. Like Ishmael, therefore, he withdrew, and took up his residence beyond Jordan, in the land of Tob, where he appears to have become the chief of a banditti, or marauding party, who probably lived by plunder, Judges xi, 3. In process of time, a war broke out between the Ammonites and the children of Israel who inhabited the country beyond Jordan; and the latter, finding their want of an intrepid and skilful leader, applied to Jephthah to take the command of them. He at first reproached them with the injustice they had done him, in banishing him from his father’s house; but he at length yielded to their importunity, on an agreement that, should he be successful in the war against the Ammonites, the Israelites should acknowledge him for their chief, Judges xi, 4–11.
JEPHTHAH, one of Israel's judges, was the son of Gilead and a concubine, Judges xi, 1, 2. His father had several other children with his legitimate wife, who conspired to kick Jephthah out, arguing that he, being the son of a foreign woman, should not share in the inheritance. Like Ishmael, he left and settled beyond the Jordan in the land of Tob, where he became the leader of a group of bandits or marauders who likely survived by stealing, Judges xi, 3. Eventually, a war broke out between the Ammonites and the Israelites living across the Jordan, and the latter, realizing they needed a brave and skilled leader, sought Jephthah to command them. At first, he criticized them for the injustice they did in driving him away from his father's house, but he eventually agreed to help them, on the condition that if he succeeded in the war against the Ammonites, the Israelites would recognize him as their leader, Judges xi, 4–11.
As soon as Jephthah was invested with the command of the Israelites he sent a deputation to the Ammonites, demanding to know on what principle the latter had taken up arms against them. They answered that it was to recover the territory which the former had taken from them on their first coming out of Egypt. Jephthah replied that they had made no conquests in that quarter but from the Amorites; adding, “If you think you have a right to all that Chemosh, your god, hath given you, why should not we possess all that the Lord our God hath conferred on us by right of conquest?” Jephthah’s reasoning availed nothing with the Ammonites; and as the latter persisted in waging war, the former collected his troops together and put himself 507at their head. The Spirit of the Lord is said to have now come upon Jephthah; by which we are here to understand, that the Lord endowed him with a spirit of valour and fortitude, adequate to the exigence of the situation in which he was placed, animating him with courage for the battle, and especially inspired him with unshaken confidence in the God of the armies of Israel, Judges xi, 17; Heb. xi, 32; 1 Sam. xi, 6; Num. xxiv, 2. Jephthah at this time made a vow to the Lord that if he delivered the Ammonites into his hand, whatever came forth out of the doors of his house to meet him when he returned should be the Lord’s; it is also added in our English version, “and I will offer it up for a burnt-offering,” Judges xi, 31. The battle terminated auspiciously for Jephthah; the Ammonites were defeated, and the Israelites ravaged their country. But on returning toward his own house, his daughter, an only child, came out to meet her father with timbrels and dances, accompanied by a chorus of virgins, to celebrate his victory. On seeing her, Jephthah rent his clothes, and said, “Alas, my daughter! thou hast brought me very low; for I have opened my mouth to the Lord, and cannot go back.” His daughter intimated her readiness to accede to any vow he might have made in which she was personally interested; only claiming a respite of two months, during which she might go up to the mountains and bewail her virginity with her companions. Jephthah yielded to this request, and at the end of two months, according to the opinion of many, her father offered her up in sacrifice, as a burnt-offering to the Lord, Judges xi, 34–39. It is, however, scarcely necessary to mention, that almost from the days of Jephthah to the present time, it has been a subject of warm contest among the critics and commentators, whether the judge of Israel really sacrificed his daughter, or only devoted her to a state of celibacy. Among those who contend for the former opinion, may be particularly mentioned the very learned Professor Michaëlis, who insists most peremptorily that the words, “did with her as he had vowed,” cannot mean any thing else but that her father put her to death, and burned her body as a burnt-offering. On this point, however, the remarks of Dr. Hales are of great weight:--When Jephthah went forth to battle against the Ammonites “he vowed a vow unto the Lord, and said, If thou wilt surely give the children of Ammon into my hand, then it shall be, that whatsoever cometh out of the doors of my house to meet me, when I return in peace from the children of Ammon, shall either be the Lord’s, or I will offer it up [for] a burnt-offering,” Judges xi, 30, 31. According to this rendering of the two conjunctions, ו, in the last clause, either, or, which is justified by the Hebrew idiom, the paucity of connecting particles in that language making it necessary that this conjunction should often be understood disjunctively, the vow consisted of two parts, 1. That what person soever met him should be the Lord’s, or be dedicated to his service. 2. That what beast soever met him, if clean, should be offered up for a burnt-offering unto the Lord. This rendering, and this interpretation, is warranted by the Levitical law about vows. The נדר, or vow in general, included either persons, beasts, or things, dedicated to the Lord for pious uses; which, if it was a simple vow, was redeemable at certain prices, if the person repented of his vow, and wished to commute it for money, according to the age and sex of the person, Lev. xxvii, 1–8. This was a wise regulation to remedy rash vows. But if the vow was accompanied with חרם, devotement, it was irredeemable, as in the following cases: “Notwithstanding, no devotement which a man shall devote unto the Lord, [either] of man, or of beast, or of land of his own property, shall be sold or redeemed. Every thing devoted is most holy unto the Lord,” Lev. xxvii, 28. Here the three vaus in the original should necessarily be rendered disjunctively, or, as the last actually is in our public translation, because there are three distinct subjects of devotement, to be applied to distinct uses; the man, to be dedicated to the service of the Lord, as Samuel by his mother, Hannah, 1 Sam. i, 11; the cattle, if clean, such as oxen, sheep, goats, turtle doves, or pigeons, to be sacrificed; and if unclean, as camels, horses, asses, to be employed for carrying burdens in the service of the tabernacle or temple; and the lands, to be sacred property. This law, therefore, expressly applied, in its first branch, to Jephthah’s case, who had devoted his daughter to the Lord, or opened his mouth unto the Lord, and therefore could not go back; as he declared in his grief at seeing his daughter, and his only child, coming to meet him with timbrels and dances. She was, therefore, necessarily devoted, but with her own consent, to perpetual virginity, in the service of the tabernacle, Judges xi, 36, 37. And such service was customary; for in the division of the spoils taken in the first Midianite war, of the whole number of captive virgins, “the Lord’s tribute was thirty-two persons,” Num. xxxi, 35–40. This instance appears to be decisive of the nature of her devotement. Her father’s extreme grief on this occasion, and her requisition of a respite of two months to bewail her virginity, are both perfectly natural: having no other issue, he could only look forward to the extinction of his name or family; and a state of celibacy, which is reproachful among women every where, was peculiarly so among the Israelites; and was therefore no ordinary sacrifice on her part, who, though she generously gave up, could not but regret the loss of becoming “a mother in Israel.” And he did with her according to his vow which he had vowed, and she knew no man,” or remained a virgin all her life, Judges xi, 34–49. There was also another case of devotement which was irredeemable, and follows the former: “No one devoted, who shall be devoted of man, shall be redeemed, but shall surely be put to death,” Levit. xxvii, 29. This case differs materially from the former: 1. It is confined to persons devoted, omitting beasts 508and lands. 2. It does not relate to private property, as in the foregoing. 3. The subject of it was to be utterly destroyed, instead of being “most holy unto the Lord.” This law, therefore, related to aliens or public enemies devoted to destruction, either by God, by the people, or by the magistrate. Of all these we have instances in the Scriptures: 1. The Amalekites and Canaanites were devoted by God himself. Saul, therefore, was guilty of a breach of this law for sparing Agag, the king of the Amalekites, as Samuel reproached him, 1 Sam. xv, 23: and “Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord,” not as a sacrifice, according to Voltaire, but as a criminal, “whose sword had made many women childless.” By this law the Midianite women, who had been spared in battle, were slain, Num. xxxi, 14–17. 2. In Mount Hor, when the Israelites were attacked by Arad, king of the southern Canaanites, who took some of them prisoners, they vowed a vow unto the Lord, that they would utterly destroy these Canaanites, and their cities, if the Lord should deliver them into their hand; which the Lord ratified. Whence the place was called Hhormah, because the vow was accompanied by cherem, or devotement to destruction, Num. xxi, 1–3. And the vow was accomplished, Judges i, 17. 3. In the Philistine war, Saul adjured the people, and cursed any one that should taste food until the evening. His own son, Jonathan, inadvertently ate a honey comb, not knowing of his father’s oath, for which Saul sentenced him to die. But the people interposed, and rescued him, for his public services; thus assuming the power of dispensing, in their collective capacity, with an unreasonable oath, 1 Sam. xiv, 24–45. This latter case, therefore, is utterly irrelative to Jephthah’s vow, which did not regard a foreign enemy, or a domestic transgressor, devoted to destruction, but, on the contrary, was a vow of thanksgiving, and therefore properly came under the former case. And that Jephthah could not possibly have sacrificed his daughter, according to the vulgar opinion, founded on incorrect translation, may appear from the following considerations: 1. The sacrifice of children to Moloch was an abomination to the Lord, of which in numberless passages, he expresses his detestation; and it was prohibited by an express law, under pain of death, as “a defilement of God’s sanctuary, and a profanation of his holy name,” Levit. xx, 2, 3. Such a sacrifice, therefore, unto the Lord himself, must be a still higher abomination. And there is no precedent of any such under the law, in the Old Testament. 2. The case of Isaac before the law, is irrelevant; for Isaac was not sacrificed; and it was only proposed for a trial of Abraham’s faith. 3. No father, merely by his own authority, could put an offending, much less an innocent, child to death, upon any account, without the sentence of the magistrates, Deut. xxi, 18–21, and the consent of the people, as in Jonathan’s case. 4. The Mischna, or traditional law of the Jews, is pointedly against it: “If a Jew should devote his son or daughter, his man or maid servant, who are Hebrews, the devotement would be void; because no man can devote what is not his own, or of whose life he has not the absolute disposal.”
As soon as Jephthah took command of the Israelites, he sent a message to the Ammonites, asking why they had taken up arms against them. They replied that it was to reclaim the land that the Israelites had taken from them when they first came out of Egypt. Jephthah responded that they had made no conquests in that area but from the Amorites. He added, “If you believe you have a right to all that Chemosh, your god, has given you, why shouldn’t we have all that the Lord our God has given us by conquest?” Jephthah's reasoning didn’t sway the Ammonites, and since they continued to pursue war, he gathered his troops and led them. The Spirit of the Lord is said to have come upon Jephthah, meaning that the Lord filled him with courage and strength suitable for the situation he faced, giving him the bravery for battle and especially instilling unwavering confidence in the God of Israel's armies. Jephthah made a vow to the Lord that if He delivered the Ammonites into his hands, whatever came out of the doors of his house to greet him when he returned would be the Lord’s; it’s also noted in our English version, “and I will offer it up for a burnt offering.” The battle ended favorably for Jephthah; the Ammonites were defeated, and the Israelites pillaged their land. But as he returned home, his daughter, his only child, came out to greet her father with tambourines and dancing, accompanied by a group of girls to celebrate his victory. Upon seeing her, Jephthah tore his clothes and said, “Oh no, my daughter! You’ve brought me so low; for I have made a vow to the Lord, and I cannot take it back.” His daughter expressed her willingness to accept any vow he had made that involved her, asking only for a two-month break to go to the mountains and mourn her virginity with her friends. Jephthah agreed to this request, and at the end of two months, according to many opinions, her father offered her as a sacrifice, a burnt offering to the Lord. However, it’s worth mentioning that nearly from Jephthah's time to the present, critics and commentators have debated whether the judge of Israel truly sacrificed his daughter or simply dedicated her to a life of celibacy. Those who argue for the former include the well-educated Professor Michaëlis, who firmly claims that the words “did with her as he had vowed” can only mean that her father killed her and burned her body as a burnt offering. Regarding this point, Dr. Hales' observations carry significant weight: When Jephthah went to battle against the Ammonites, “he vowed a vow to the Lord, saying, ‘If you surely give the children of Ammon into my hands, then it shall be that whatever comes out of the doors of my house to meet me, when I return in peace from the children of Ammon, shall either be the Lord's or I will offer it up [for] a burnt offering.’” According to this interpretation of the conjunctions, in the original language, the terms “either” or “or” should be understood to mean that the vow had two parts: 1. That any person who met him would belong to the Lord or be dedicated to His service, and 2. That any clean animal that met him would be offered as a burnt offering to the Lord. This interpretation aligns with the Levitical law regarding vows. The vow in general included persons, animals, or things dedicated to the Lord for sacred purposes, which could be redeemed at specific prices if someone regretted their vow and wanted to exchange it for money according to the age and gender of the person. This was a wise rule to address hasty vows. But if the vow involved dedicating something as "cherem," or devoted to destruction, it was irrevocable. The law clarifies, “No one devoted, who shall be devoted of man, shall be redeemed, but shall surely be put to death.” This case differs from Jephthah's situation because it is focused only on persons, not animals or land, and the subject is to be entirely destroyed, rather than being “most holy to the Lord.” This law connected to enemies or public foes destined to die, either by God's command, by the people, or by government action. There are numerous instances in Scripture, such as God devoting the Amalekites and Canaanites. Saul was guilty of violating this law by sparing Agag, king of the Amalekites, as Samuel told him. “Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord,” not as a sacrifice, but as a punishment for his role in causing many women to be childless. This law also applied to the Midianite women spared in battle, who were then killed. Additionally, when the Israelites were attacked by Arad, king of the Canaanites, they vowed to destroy these Canaanites and their cities, a vow upheld by the Lord. This led to the place being called Hhormah, due to the vow being dedicated to destruction. And when Saul cursed any person who ate until evening during the Philistine war, his son Jonathan accidentally ate honey, unaware of his father’s vow, which led to Saul sentencing him to death until the people intervened. This later case does not pertain to Jephthah’s vow, which was not aimed at a foreign enemy or a domestic offender destined for destruction but was a vow of gratitude, fitting under the former category. Therefore, the common opinion that Jephthah sacrificed his daughter is at odds with the following points: 1. The sacrifice of children to Moloch was abhorrent to the Lord, explicitly condemned in many passages, and prohibited by a law that mandated death for those who violated it, as it was seen as a disgrace to God’s sanctuary and profaned His holy name. Thus, sacrificing one’s child to the Lord would be an even greater abomination, and no such act is recorded under the law in the Old Testament. 2. The case of Isaac predates the law and is irrelevant, as Isaac was not sacrificed; it was purely a test of Abraham’s faith. 3. No father could unilaterally put to death a child, let alone an innocent one, without the magistrate's ruling and the people's consent, as demonstrated in Jonathan’s case. 4. The Mischna, or traditional law of the Jews, specifically states that if a Jew devoted his son or daughter, his servant or maid, who were Hebrews, that devotion would be invalid, as one cannot dedicate what they do not own or possess the complete authority over.
These arguments appear to be decisive against the sacrifice; and that Jephthah could not even have devoted his daughter to celibacy against her will, is evident from the history, and from the high estimation in which she was always held by the daughters of Israel, for her filial duty, and her hapless fate, which they celebrated by a regular anniversary commemoration four days in the year, Judges xi, 40. We may, however, remark, that, if it could be more clearly established that Jephthah actually immolated his daughter, there is not the least evidence that his conduct was sanctioned by God. Jephthah was manifestly a superstitious and ill-instructed man, and, like Samson, an instrument of God’s power, rather than an example of his grace.
These arguments seem to decisively go against the sacrifice; and it's clear from the story that Jephthah couldn't have forced his daughter into celibacy against her will, as indicated by how highly she was regarded by the daughters of Israel for her loyalty and tragic fate. They honored her with an annual commemoration four days a year, as mentioned in Judges xi, 40. However, we should note that if it were clearer that Jephthah actually sacrificed his daughter, there is no evidence that his actions were approved by God. Jephthah was clearly a superstitious and poorly educated man, and, like Samson, he was more of a tool of God's power than a true example of His grace.
JEREMIAH. The Prophet Jeremiah was of the sacerdotal race, being, as he records himself, one of the priests that dwelt at Anathoth, in the land of Benjamin, a city appropriated out of that tribe to the use of the priests, the sons of Aaron, Joshua xxi, 18, and situate, as we learn from St. Jerom, about three miles north of Jerusalem. Some have supposed his father to have been that Hilkah, the high priest, by whom the book of the law was found in the temple in the reign of Josiah: but for this there is no better ground than his having borne the same name, which was no uncommon one among the Jews; whereas, had he been in reality the high priest, he would doubtless have been mentioned by that distinguishing title, and not put upon a level with priests of an ordinary and inferior class. Jeremiah appears to have been very young when he was called to the exercise of the prophetical office, from which he modestly endeavoured to excuse himself by pleading his youth and incapacity; but being overruled by the divine authority, he set himself to discharge the duties of his function with unremitted diligence and fidelity during a period of at least forty-two years, reckoned from the thirteenth year of Josiah’s reign. In the course of his ministry he met with great difficulties and opposition from his countrymen of all degrees, whose persecution and ill usage sometimes wrought so far upon his mind, as to draw from him expressions, in the bitterness of his soul, which many have thought hard to reconcile with his religious principles; but which, when duly considered, may be found to demand our pity for his unremitted sufferings, rather than our censure for any want of piety and reverence toward God. He was, in truth, a man of unblemished piety and conscientious integrity; a warm lover of his country, whose misery he pathetically deplores; and so affectionately attached to his countrymen, notwithstanding their injurious treatment of him, that he chose rather to abide with them, and undergo all hardships in their company, than separately to enjoy a state of ease and plenty, which the favour of the king of Babylon 509would have secured to him. At length, after the destruction of Jerusalem, being carried with the remnant of the Jews into Egypt, whither they had resolved to retire, though contrary to his advice, upon the murder of Gedaliah, whom the Chaldeans had left governor in Judea, he there continued warmly to remonstrate against their idolatrous practices, foretelling the consequences that would inevitably follow. But his freedom and zeal are said to have cost him his life; for the Jews at Tahpanhes, according to tradition, took such offence at him that they stoned him to death. This account of the manner of his end, though not absolutely certain, is at least very probable, considering the temper and disposition of the parties concerned. Their wickedness, however, did not long pass without its reward; for, in a few years after, they were miserably destroyed by the Babylonian armies which invaded Egypt according to the prophet’s prediction, Jer. xliv, 27, 28.
JEREMIAH. The Prophet Jeremiah was from a priestly family, as he mentions himself, being one of the priests living at Anathoth, in the land of Benjamin, a city designated from that tribe for the use of the priests, the sons of Aaron, as noted in Joshua 21:18. St. Jerome tells us that it is located about three miles north of Jerusalem. Some people speculate that his father was that Hilkiah, the high priest who found the book of the law in the temple during Josiah's reign, but this is based only on the fact that they shared the same name, which was common among the Jews. If he had truly been the high priest, he would have certainly been referred to with that title, not mentioned alongside regular priests of a lower rank. Jeremiah seems to have been quite young when he was called to be a prophet, and he modestly tried to excuse himself by claiming his youth and lack of ability. However, under divine authority, he took on the responsibilities of his role with unwavering dedication and integrity for at least forty-two years, starting from the thirteenth year of Josiah’s reign. Throughout his ministry, he faced significant challenges and opposition from fellow countrymen of all classes, whose persecution and mistreatment affected him deeply, leading him to express feelings that many believe are difficult to reconcile with his faith. But when we reflect on this, it’s more appropriate to feel pity for his relentless suffering rather than criticize him for a lack of piety and respect for God. He was genuinely a man of great religious devotion and integrity; a passionate lover of his country, whose suffering he deeply mourned; and he was so emotionally connected to his countrymen, despite their mistreatment of him, that he preferred to endure hardships alongside them rather than seek a life of comfort and abundance that could have been his through the favor of the king of Babylon. Eventually, after the destruction of Jerusalem, he was taken with the remaining Jews to Egypt, where they decided to go against his advice after the murder of Gedaliah, whom the Chaldeans had appointed governor of Judea. There, he continued to passionately criticize their idolatrous behavior, warning of the inevitable consequences. However, his outspoken nature is said to have ultimately cost him his life; according to tradition, the Jews in Tahpanhes became so offended by him that they stoned him to death. While we cannot be absolutely sure of the circumstances of his death, it is quite plausible given the nature and mindset of those involved. Their wrongdoing, however, did not go unpunished; within a few years, they were tragically destroyed by the Babylonian forces invading Egypt, just as the prophet had predicted, as noted in Jeremiah 44:27-28.
The idolatrous apostasy, and other criminal enormities of the people of Judah, and the severe judgments which God was prepared to inflict upon them, but not without a distant prospect of future restoration and deliverance, are the principal subject matters of the prophecies of Jeremiah; excepting only the forty-fifth chapter, which relates personally to Baruch, and the six succeeding chapters, which respect the fortunes of some particular Heathen nations. It is observable, however, that though many of these prophecies have their particular dates annexed to them, and other dates may be tolerably well conjectured from certain internal marks and circumstances, there appears much disorder in the arrangement, not easy to be accounted for on any principle of regular design, but probably the result of some accident or other, which has disturbed the original order. The best arrangement of the chapters appears to be according to the list which will be subjoined; the different reigns in which the prophecies were delivered were most probably as follows: The first twelve chapters seem to contain all the prophecies delivered in the reign of the good King Josiah. During the short reign of Shallum, or Jehoahaz, his second son, who succeeded him, Jeremiah does not appear to have had any revelation. Jehoiakim, the eldest son of Josiah, succeeded. The prophecies of this reign are continued on from the thirteenth to the twentieth chapter inclusively; to which we must add the twenty-second, twenty-third, twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth, thirty-fifth, and thirty-sixth chapters, together with the forty-fifth, forty-sixth, forty-seventh, and most probably the forty-eighth, and as far as the thirty-fourth verse of the forty-ninth chapter. Jeconiah, the son of Jehoiakim, succeeded. We read of no prophecy that Jeremiah actually delivered in this king’s reign; but the fate of Jeconiah, his being carried into captivity, and continuing an exile till the time of his death, were foretold early in his father’s reign, as may be particularly seen in the twenty-second chapter. The last king of Judah was Zedekiah, the youngest son of Josiah. The prophecies delivered in his reign are contained in the twenty-first and twenty-fourth chapters, the twenty-seventh to the thirty-fourth, and the thirty-seventh to the thirty-ninth inclusively, together with the last six verses of the forty-ninth chapter, and the fiftieth and fifty-first chapters concerning the fall of Babylon. The siege of Jerusalem, in the reign of Zedekiah, and the capture of the city, are circumstantially related in the fifty-second chapter; and a particular account of the subsequent transactions is given in the fortieth to the forty-fourth inclusively. The arrangement of the chapters, alluded to above, is here subjoined: i-xx, xxii, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxxv, xxxvi, xlv, xxiv, xxix-xxxi, xxvii, xxviii, xxi, xxxiv, xxxvii, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix, from the fifteenth to the eighteenth verse, xxxix, from the first to the fourteenth verse, xl-xliv, xlvi, and so on.
The idolatrous rebellion and other serious wrongdoings of the people of Judah, along with the harsh punishments that God was ready to impose on them—though with a distant hope of future restoration and rescue—are the main topics of the prophecies of Jeremiah. This excludes the forty-fifth chapter, which is about Baruch personally, and the six chapters that deal with the fate of specific foreign nations. It’s worth noting that while many of these prophecies have specific dates attached to them, and other dates can be reasonably inferred from certain internal indicators and circumstances, there seems to be a lot of disorganization in the arrangement that isn’t easily explained by any logical design, likely due to some accident that disrupted the original order. The best way to organize the chapters seems to be the list that follows; the different reigns during which the prophecies were given were likely as follows: The first twelve chapters appear to include all the prophecies given during the reign of the good King Josiah. During the brief reign of Shallum, or Jehoahaz, his second son, who took over after him, Jeremiah does not seem to have received any revelations. Jehoiakim, Josiah's eldest son, then took over, and the prophecies of this reign run from the thirteenth to the twentieth chapter, inclusive. We must also add the twenty-second, twenty-third, twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth, thirty-fifth, and thirty-sixth chapters, along with the forty-fifth, forty-sixth, forty-seventh, and most likely the forty-eighth, up to the thirty-fourth verse of the forty-ninth chapter. Jeconiah, the son of Jehoiakim, followed. There is no record of any prophecy that Jeremiah delivered during the reign of this king; however, Jeconiah's fate—his exile and captivity until his death—was foretold early in his father’s reign, particularly seen in the twenty-second chapter. The last king of Judah was Zedekiah, the youngest son of Josiah. The prophecies given during his reign are found in the twenty-first and twenty-fourth chapters, the twenty-seventh to the thirty-fourth, and the thirty-seventh to the thirty-ninth chapters, inclusive, along with the last six verses of the forty-ninth chapter, and the fiftieth and fifty-first chapters about the fall of Babylon. The siege of Jerusalem during Zedekiah's reign and the capture of the city are detailed in the fifty-second chapter, with a particular account of the ensuing events described in the fortieth to the forty-fourth chapters, inclusive. The arrangement of the chapters mentioned above is as follows: i-xx, xxii, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, xxxv, xxxvi, xlv, xxiv, xxix-xxxi, xxvii, xxviii, xxi, xxxiv, xxxvii, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix, from the fifteenth to the eighteenth verse, xxxix, from the first to the fourteenth verse, xl-xliv, xlvi, and so on.
The prophecies of Jeremiah, of which the circumstantial accomplishment is often specified in the Old and New Testament, are of a very distinguished and illustrious character. He foretold the fate of Zedekiah, Jer. xxxiv, 2–5; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 11–21; 2 Kings xxv, 5; Jer. lii, 11; the Babylonish captivity, the precise time of its duration, and the return of the Jews. He describes the destruction of Babylon, and the downfall of many nations, Jer. xxv, 12; ix, 26; xxv, 19–25; xlii, 10–18; xlvi, and the following chapters, in predictions, of which the gradual and successive completion kept up the confidence of the Jews for the accomplishment of those prophecies, which he delivered relative to the Messiah and his period, Jer. xxiii, 5, 6; xxx, 9; xxxi, 15; xxxii, 14–18; xxxiii, 9–26. He foreshowed the miraculous conception of Christ, Jer. xxxi, 22, the virtue of his atonement, the spiritual character of his covenant, and the inward efficacy of his laws, Jer. xxxi, 31–36; xxxiii, 8. Jeremiah, contemplating those calamities which impended over his country, represented, in the most descriptive terms, and under the most impressive images, the destruction that the invading enemy should produce. He bewailed, in pathetic expostulation, the shameless adulteries which had provoked the Almighty, after long forbearance, to threaten Judah with inevitable punishment, at the time that false prophets deluded the nation with the promises of “assured peace,” and when the people, in impious contempt of “the Lord’s word,” defied its accomplishment. Jeremiah intermingles with his prophecies some historical relations relative to his own conduct, and to the completion of those predictions which he had delivered. The reputation of Jeremiah had spread among foreign nations, and his prophecies were deservedly celebrated in other countries. Many Heathen writers also have undesignedly borne testimony to the truth and accuracy of his prophetic and historical descriptions.
The prophecies of Jeremiah, which are often referenced in both the Old and New Testament, are very notable and remarkable. He predicted the fate of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxiv, 2–5; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 11–21; 2 Kings xxv, 5; Jer. lii, 11), the Babylonian captivity, how long it would last, and the return of the Jews. He described the destruction of Babylon and the downfall of many nations (Jer. xxv, 12; ix, 26; xxv, 19–25; xlii, 10–18; xlvi and the following chapters). The gradual fulfillment of these predictions kept the Jews confident in the prophecies he made about the Messiah and his coming (Jer. xxiii, 5, 6; xxx, 9; xxxi, 15; xxxii, 14–18; xxxiii, 9–26). He predicted the miraculous conception of Christ (Jer. xxxi, 22), the power of his atonement, the spiritual nature of his covenant, and the internal effectiveness of his laws (Jer. xxxi, 31–36; xxxiii, 8). Observing the calamities looming over his country, he vividly depicted the destruction that the invading enemy would cause with striking imagery. He mourned, in heartfelt protest, the blatant disloyalties that had provoked God, who after much patience, threatened Judah with certain punishment, while false prophets misled the nation with promises of "guaranteed peace," and the people mockingly disregarded "the Lord’s word." Jeremiah also included some historical accounts related to his own actions and the fulfillment of the prophecies he had delivered. His reputation spread among foreign nations, and his prophecies gained well-deserved recognition in other countries. Many non-Jewish writers have unintentionally testified to the truth and accuracy of his prophetic and historical accounts.
As to the style of Jeremiah, says Bishop Lowth, this prophet is by no means wanting either in elegance or sublimity, although, generally speaking, inferior to Isaiah in both. 510His thoughts, indeed, are somewhat less elevated, and he is commonly more large and diffuse in his sentences; but the reason of this may be, that he is mostly taken up with the gentler passions of grief and pity, for the expression of which he has a peculiar talent. This is most evident in the Lamentations, where those passions altogether predominate; but it is often visible also in his prophecies, in the former part of the book more especially, which is principally poetical; the middle parts are chiefly historical; but the last part, consisting of six chapters, is entirely poetical, and contains several oracles distinctly marked, in which this prophet falls very little short of the lofty style of Isaiah. But of the whole book of Jeremiah it is hardly the one half which I look upon as poetical.
Regarding the style of Jeremiah, Bishop Lowth states that this prophet is not lacking in elegance or greatness, though, overall, he falls short of Isaiah in both aspects. 510His ideas are indeed somewhat less elevated, and he tends to be more expansive and wordy in his sentences; this may be because he often focuses on the softer emotions of grief and compassion, for which he has a unique talent. This is especially clear in the Lamentations, where those emotions are predominant; however, it can also be seen in his prophecies, particularly in the earlier part of the book, which is mainly poetic. The middle sections are primarily historical, but the final part, which consists of six chapters, is entirely poetic and contains several clearly marked oracles, where this prophet comes very close to the elevated style of Isaiah. However, I view only about half of the entire book of Jeremiah as poetic.
Jeremiah survived to behold the sad accomplishment of all his darkest predictions. He witnessed all the horrors of the famine, and, when that had done its work, the triumph of the enemy. He saw the strong holds of the city cast down, the palace of Solomon, the temple of God, with all its courts, its roofs of cedar and of gold, levelled to the earth, or committed to the flames; the sacred vessels, the ark of the covenant itself, with the cherubim, pillaged by profane hands. What were the feelings of a patriotic and religious Jew at this tremendous crisis, he has left on record in his unrivalled elegies. Never did city suffer a more miserable fate, never was ruined city lamented in language so exquisitely pathetic. Jerusalem is, as it were, personified, and bewailed with the passionate sorrow of private and domestic attachment; while the more general pictures of the famine, the common misery of every rank, and age, and sex, all the desolation, the carnage, the violation, the dragging away into captivity, the remembrance of former glories, of the gorgeous ceremonies and the glad festivals, the awful sense of the divine wrath heightening the present calamities, are successively drawn with all the life and reality of an eye-witness. They combine the truth of history with the deepest pathos of poetry.
Jeremiah lived long enough to see the tragic fulfillment of all his darkest predictions. He witnessed the horrors of the famine and, when that was over, the victory of the enemy. He saw the city’s strongholds brought down, the palace of Solomon and the temple of God, with all its courts and its cedar and gold roofs, leveled to the ground or consumed by flames; the sacred vessels, the ark of the covenant itself, along with the cherubim, looted by unholy hands. He recorded the emotions of a patriotic and devout Jew during this crisis in his unmatched elegies. No city ever suffered such a miserable fate, nor was a destroyed city mourned in such profoundly moving language. Jerusalem is, in a sense, personified and mourned with the heartfelt sorrow of personal and domestic ties; while the broader depictions of famine, the shared suffering across all classes, ages, and genders, and the total devastation, brutality, and forced captivity are all drawn with the vividness and authenticity of someone who witnessed it firsthand. They blend the accuracy of history with the deepest emotion of poetry.
JERICHO was a city of Benjamin, about seven leagues from Jerusalem, and two from the Jordan, Joshua xviii, 21. Moses calls it the city of palm trees, Deut. xxxiv, 3, because of palm trees growing in the plain of Jericho. Josephus says, that in the territory of this city were not only many palm trees, but also the balsam tree. The valley of Jericho was watered by a rivulet which had been formerly salt and bitter, but was sweetened by the Prophet Elisha, 2 Kings ii, 19. Jericho was the first city in Canaan taken by Joshua, ii, 1, 2, &c. He sent thither spies, who were received by Rahab, lodged in her house, and preserved from the king of Jericho. Joshua received orders to besiege Jericho, soon after his passage over Jordan, Joshua vi, 1–3, &c. God commanded the Hebrews to march round the city once a day for seven days together. The soldiers marched first, probably out of the reach of the enemies’ arrows, and after them the priests, the ark, &c. On the seventh day, they marched seven times round the city; and at the seventh, while the trumpets were sounding, and all the people shouting, the walls fell down. The rabbins say, that the first day was our Sunday, and the seventh the Sabbath day. During the first six days, the people continued in profound silence; but on the seventh Joshua commanded them to shout. Accordingly they all exerted their voices, and the walls being overthrown, they entered the city, every man in the place opposite to him. Jericho being devoted by God, they set fire to the city, and consecrated all the gold, silver, and brass. Then Joshua said, “Cursed be the man before the Lord who shall rebuild Jericho.” About five hundred and thirty years after this, Hiel, of Bethel, undertook to rebuild it; but he lost his eldest son, Abiram, at laying the foundations, and his youngest son, Segub, when he hung up the gates. However, we are not to imagine that there was no city of Jericho till the time of Hiel. There was a city of palm trees, probably the same as Jericho, under the Judges, Judges iii, 13. David’s ambassadors, who had been insulted by the Ammonites, resided at Jericho till their beards were grown, 2 Sam. x, 4. There was, therefore, a city of Jericho which stood in the neighbourhood of the original Jericho. These two places are distinguished by Josephus. After Hiel of Bethel had rebuilt old Jericho, no one scrupled to dwell there. Our Saviour wrought miracles at Jericho.
JERICHO was a city in Benjamin, about seven leagues from Jerusalem and two from the Jordan, as noted in Joshua 18:21. Moses refers to it as the city of palm trees in Deuteronomy 34:3 due to the palm trees growing in the plain of Jericho. Josephus mentions that in the area of this city, there were not only many palm trees but also balsam trees. The valley of Jericho was fed by a stream that had previously been salty and bitter but was made sweet by the Prophet Elisha (2 Kings 2:19). Jericho was the first city in Canaan captured by Joshua (see Joshua 2:1, 2, etc.). He sent spies there, who were taken in by Rahab, sheltered in her house, and saved from the king of Jericho. Joshua was commanded to attack Jericho soon after crossing the Jordan (Joshua 6:1–3, etc.). God instructed the Hebrews to march around the city once a day for seven days. The soldiers went first, likely to stay out of range of enemy arrows, followed by the priests and the ark. On the seventh day, they circled the city seven times, and at the seventh circuit, while the trumpets were sounding and the people shouted, the walls fell down. The rabbis say that the first day was our Sunday and the seventh was the Sabbath. For the first six days, the people remained silent; but on the seventh, Joshua told them to shout. They all shouted, and with the walls crumbling, they entered the city, each man through the entrance closest to him. Since Jericho was devoted to God, they burned the city and dedicated all the gold, silver, and brass. Joshua then proclaimed, “Cursed be the man before the Lord who shall rebuild Jericho.” About five hundred and thirty years later, Hiel of Bethel tried to rebuild it, but he lost his eldest son, Abiram, while laying the foundations, and his youngest son, Segub, when he hung the gates. However, we shouldn't think there was no city of Jericho until Hiel's time; there was a city of palm trees, likely the same as Jericho, during the period of the Judges (Judges 3:13). David's envoys, who had been humiliated by the Ammonites, stayed in Jericho until their beards grew back (2 Samuel 10:4). So, there was indeed a city of Jericho that existed near the original Jericho. Josephus distinguishes between these two locations. After Hiel of Bethel rebuilt the old Jericho, people had no qualms about living there. Our Savior performed miracles in Jericho.
According to Pococke, the mountains to which the absurd name of Quarantania has been arbitrarily given, are the highest in all Judea; and he is probably correct; they form part of a chain extending from Scythopolis into Idumea. The fountain of Elisha he states to be a soft water, rather warm; he found in it some small shell fish of the turbinated kind. Close by the ruined aqueduct are the remains of a fine paved way, with a fallen column, supposed to be a Roman milestone. The hills nearest to Jerusalem consist, according to Hasselquist, of a very hard limestone; and different sorts of plants are found on them, in particular the myrtle, the carob tree, and the turpentine tree; but farther toward Jericho they are bare and barren, the hard limestone giving way to a looser kind, sometimes white and sometimes grayish, with interjacent layers of a reddish micaceous stone, saxum purum micaceum. The vales, though now bare and uncultivated, and full of pebbles, contain good red mould, which would amply reward the husbandman’s toil. Nothing can be more savage than the present aspect of these wild and gloomy solitudes, through which runs the very road where is laid the scene of that exquisite parable, the good Samaritan, and from that time to the present, it has been the haunt of the most desperate bandits, being one of the most dangerous in Palestine. Sometimes the track leads along the edges of cliffs and precipices, which threaten destruction on the slightest false step; at other times it winds through craggy passes, overshadowed by projecting 511or perpendicular rocks. At one place the road has been cut through the very apex of a hill, the rocks overhanging it on either side. Here, in 1820, an English traveller, Sir Frederick Henniker, was attacked by the Arabs with fire-arms, who stripped him naked, and left him severely wounded: “It was past mid-day, and burning hot,” says Sir Frederick; “I bled profusely; and two vultures, whose business it is to consume corpses, were hovering over me. I should scarcely have had strength to resist, had they chosen to attack me.”
According to Pococke, the mountains that have been given the strange name of Quarantania are the tallest in Judea, and he's likely right. They are part of a mountain range extending from Scythopolis to Idumea. He describes the fountain of Elisha as warm, soft water, where he found some small, spiraled shellfish. Nearby the ruined aqueduct are the remains of a nice paved road with a fallen column, believed to be a Roman milestone. The hills closest to Jerusalem, according to Hasselquist, are made of very hard limestone, and various plants grow on them, especially myrtles, carob trees, and turpentine trees. However, further towards Jericho, they are bare and desolate, with the hard limestone giving way to a softer kind, sometimes white or grayish, mixed with layers of reddish micaceous stone,
The modern village of Jericho is described by Mr. Buckingham as a settlement of about fifty dwellings, all very mean in their appearance, and fenced in front with thorny bushes, while a barrier of the same kind, the most effectual that could be raised against mounted Arabs, encircles the town. A fine brook flows by it, which empties itself into the Jordan; the nearest point of that river is about three miles distant. The grounds in the immediate vicinity of the village, being fertilized by this stream, bear crops of dourra, Indian corn, rice, and onions. The population is entirely Mohammedan, and is governed by a sheikh: their habits are those of Bedouins, and robbery and plunder form their chief and most gainful occupation. The whole of the road from Jerusalem to the Jordan, is held to be the most dangerous in Palestine; and indeed, in this portion of it, the very aspect of the scenery is sufficient, on the one hand, to tempt to robbery and murder, and, on the other, to occasion a dread of it in those who pass that way. One must be amid these wild and gloomy solitudes, surrounded by an armed band, and feel the impatience of the traveller who rushes on to catch a new view at every pass and turn; one must be alarmed at the very tramp of the horses’ hoofs rebounding through the caverned rocks, and at the savage shouts of the footmen, scarcely less loud than the echoing thunder produced by the discharge of their pieces in the valleys; one must witness all this upon the spot, before the full force and beauty of the admirable story of the good Samaritan can be perceived. Here, pillage, wounds, and death would be accompanied with double terror, from the frightful aspect of every thing around. Here, the unfeeling act of passing by a fellow creature in distress, as the priest and Levite are said to have done, strikes one with horror, as an act almost more than inhuman. And here, too, the compassion of the good Samaritan is doubly virtuous, from the purity of the motive which must have led to it, in a spot where no eyes were fixed on him to draw forth the performance of any duty, and from the bravery which was necessary to admit of a man’s exposing himself, by such delay, to the risk of a similar fate to that from which he was endeavouring to rescue his fellow creature.
The modern village of Jericho is described by Mr. Buckingham as a settlement of about fifty houses, all looking pretty shabby, and fenced in front with thorny bushes. A barrier of the same sort, which serves well against mounted Arabs, surrounds the town. A nice stream flows by it, emptying into the Jordan; the nearest part of that river is about three miles away. The land around the village, enriched by this stream, grows crops of grain, corn, rice, and onions. The population is completely Muslim and governed by a sheikh; their lifestyle is similar to that of Bedouins, with robbery and plunder being their main way of making a living. The road from Jerusalem to the Jordan is considered the most dangerous in Palestine, and in this area, the very look of the landscape is enough to tempt people to rob and kill, while also causing fear for those passing through. One must be in these wild and gloomy surroundings, surrounded by an armed group, and feel the impatience of travelers eager to see new views at every bend; one must be startled by the sound of horses' hooves echoing against the rocky caverns, and by the fierce shouts of the foot soldiers, almost as loud as the thunder created by the discharge of their weapons in the valleys. One must witness all this firsthand before truly understanding the power and beauty of the story of the good Samaritan. Here, robbery, wounds, and death would seem even more terrifying, given the dreadful nature of everything around. The cold act of walking past a fellow person in distress, as the priest and Levite are said to have done, feels horrific, almost inhuman. And here, too, the compassion of the good Samaritan seems even more virtuous, given the pure motivation that must have driven him in a place where no one was watching him to encourage the performance of any duty, and from the courage it took to risk a similar fate while trying to save another person.
JEROBOAM, the son of Nebat and Zeruah, was born at Zereda, in the tribe of Ephraim, 1 Kings xi, 26. He is the subject of frequent mention in Scripture, as having been the cause of the ten tribes revolting from the dominion of Rehoboam, and also of his having “made Israel to sin,” by instituting the idolatrous worship of the golden calves at Dan and Bethel, 1 Kings xii, 26–33. He seems to have been a bold, unprincipled, and enterprising man, with much of the address of a deep politician about him; qualities which probably pointed him out to King Solomon as a proper person to be entrusted with the obnoxious commission of levying certain taxes throughout the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh. On a certain day, as Jeroboam was going out of Jerusalem into the country, having a new cloak wrapped about his shoulders, the Prophet Ahijah met him in a field where they were alone, and seizing the cloak of Jeroboam, he cut it into twelve pieces, and then addressing him, said, “Take ten of them to thyself; for thus saith the Lord, I will divide and rend the kingdom of Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee. If, therefore, thou obeyest my word and walkest in my ways as David my servant has done, I will be with thee, and will establish thy house for ever, and put thee in possession of the kingdom of Israel,” 1 Kings xi, 14–39. Whether it were that the promises thus made by Ahijah prompted Jeroboam to aim at taking their accomplishment into his own hands, and, with a view to that, began to solicit the subjects of Solomon to revolt; or whether the bare information of what had passed between the prophet and Jeroboam, excited his fear and jealousy, it appears evident that the aged monarch took the alarm, and attempted to apprehend Jeroboam, who, getting notice of what was intended him, made a precipitate retreat into Egypt, where he remained till the death of Solomon. He then returned, and found that Rehoboam, who had succeeded his father Solomon in the throne of David, had already excited the disgust of ten of the tribes by some arbitrary proceedings, in consequence of which they had withdrawn their allegiance from the new monarch. These tribes no sooner heard of his return than they invited him to appear among them in a general assembly, in which they elected him to be king over Israel. Jeroboam fixed his residence at Shechem, and there fortified himself; he also rebuilt Penuel, a city beyond Jordan, putting it into a state of defence, in order to keep the tribes quiet which were on that side Jordan, 1 Kings xii, 1–25.
JEROBOAM, the son of Nebat and Zeruah, was born in Zereda, in the tribe of Ephraim, 1 Kings xi, 26. He is mentioned often in the Bible, as he was the reason the ten tribes revolted against Rehoboam, and he also "made Israel sin" by setting up the idol worship of golden calves at Dan and Bethel, 1 Kings xii, 26–33. He seemed to be a bold, unscrupulous, and ambitious man, with the cunning of a skilled politician; qualities that likely caught King Solomon's attention, making him the right choice to handle the unpopular task of collecting certain taxes in the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh. One day, as Jeroboam was leaving Jerusalem for the countryside, wearing a new cloak, the Prophet Ahijah met him in a field where they were alone. Taking Jeroboam's cloak, he cut it into twelve pieces and said, “Take ten of them for yourself; for this is what the Lord says: I will split the kingdom of Solomon, giving you ten tribes. If you obey my word and follow my ways as David my servant did, I will be with you, I will establish your house forever, and put you in charge of the kingdom of Israel,” 1 Kings xi, 14–39. It’s unclear whether the promises made by Ahijah motivated Jeroboam to seek their fulfillment himself and encourage the subjects of Solomon to rebel or if the mere news of the meeting between the prophet and Jeroboam sparked fear and jealousy in Solomon. It’s clear that the aging king became alarmed and tried to capture Jeroboam. However, Jeroboam learned about the king’s intentions and quickly fled to Egypt, where he stayed until Solomon's death. When he returned, he found that Rehoboam, who had taken over the throne from Solomon, had already upset ten of the tribes with some harsh decisions, causing them to withdraw their loyalty from the new king. As soon as these tribes learned of his return, they invited him to a gathering, where they made him king of Israel. Jeroboam established his home in Shechem and fortified it. He also rebuilt Penuel, a city across the Jordan, securing it to keep the tribes on that side calm, 1 Kings xii, 1–25.
But Jeroboam soon forgot the duty which he owed to God, who had given him the kingdom; and thought of nothing but how to maintain himself in the possession of it, though he discarded the worship of the true God. The first suggestion of his unbelieving heart was, that if the tribes over whom he reigned were to go up to Jerusalem to sacrifice and keep the annual festivals, they would be under continual temptations to return to the house of David. To counteract this, he caused two golden calves to be made as objects of religious worship, one of which he placed at Dan, and the other at Bethel, the two extremities of his dominions; and caused a proclamation to be made throughout all his territories, that in future none of his subjects should go up to 512Jerusalem to worship; and, directing them to the two calves which had been recently erected, he cried out, “Behold thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee up out of Egypt!” He also caused idolatrous temples to be built, and priests to be ordained of the lowest of the people, who were neither of the family of Aaron nor of the tribe of Levi, 1 Kings xii, 26–33. Having appointed a solemn public festival to be observed on the fifteenth day of the eighth month, in order to dedicate his new altar and consecrate his golden calves, he assembled the people at Bethel, and himself went up to the altar for the purpose of offering incense and sacrifices. At that instant a prophet, who had come, divinely directed, from Judah to Bethel, accosted Jeroboam, and said, “O altar, altar, thus saith the Lord, A child shall be born to the house of David, Josiah by name; and upon thee shall he sacrifice the priests of the high places who now burn incense upon thee: he shall burn men’s bones upon thee.” To confirm the truth of this threatening, the prophet also added a sign, namely, that the altar should immediately be rent asunder, and the ashes and every thing upon it poured upon the earth. Jeroboam, incensed at this interference of the prophet, stretched out his hand and commanded him to be seized; but the hand which he had stretched out was instantly paralyzed, and he was unable to draw it back again. The altar, too, was broken, and the ashes upon it fell to the ground according to the prediction of the prophet. Jeroboam now solicited his prayers that his hand might be restored to him. The man of God interposed his supplication to Heaven, and the king’s hand was restored to him sound as before. Jeroboam then entreated him that he would accompany him to his own house, and accept a reward; but he answered, “Though thou shouldst give me the half of thine house, I would not go with thee, nor will I taste any thing in this place, for the Lord hath expressly forbidden me to do so,” 1 Kings xiii, 1–10. But notwithstanding this manifest indication of the displeasure of Heaven, it failed of recovering Jeroboam from his impious procedure. He continued to encourage his subjects in idolatry, by appointing priests of the high places, and engaging them in such worship as was contrary to the divine law. This was the sin of Jeroboam’s family, and it was the cause of its utter extirpation. Some time after his accession to the throne of Israel, his favourite son Abijah fell sick, and, to relieve his parental solicitude, Jeroboam instructed his wife to disguise herself, and in that state to go and consult the Prophet Ahijah concerning his recovery. This was the same prophet who had foretold to Jeroboam that he should be king of Israel. He was now blind through old age; but the prophet was warned of her approach, and, before she entered his threshold, he called her by name, told her that her son should die, and then, in appalling terms, denounced the impending ruin of Jeroboam’s whole family, which shortly after came to pass. After a reign of two-and-twenty years, Jeroboam died, and Nadab, his son, succeeded to the crown, 1 Kings xiii, 33, 34; xiv, 1–20.
But Jeroboam quickly forgot his duty to God, who had given him the kingdom, and only thought about how to keep it, even though he turned away from worshiping the true God. His first thought was that if the tribes he ruled went to Jerusalem to make sacrifices and celebrate the festivals, they would be tempted to return to the house of David. To prevent this, he had two golden calves made as objects of worship, one placed at Dan and the other at Bethel, the two ends of his kingdom. He announced throughout his territories that his subjects should no longer go to Jerusalem to worship; and pointing to the two recently erected calves, he proclaimed, “Here are your gods, O Israel, who brought you up out of Egypt!” He also built idolatrous temples and appointed priests from the lowest of the people, who were neither from Aaron's family nor from the tribe of Levi, 1 Kings xii, 26–33. He set a public festival for the fifteenth day of the eighth month to dedicate his new altar and consecrate his golden calves, gathering the people at Bethel and going up to the altar himself to offer incense and sacrifices. At that moment, a prophet sent from Judah approached Jeroboam and said, “O altar, altar, the Lord says this: A child will be born to the house of David, named Josiah; and he will sacrifice the priests of the high places who now burn incense on you: he will burn human bones on you.” To confirm this warning, the prophet also gave a sign that the altar would immediately be split apart, and the ashes and everything on it would be poured out on the ground. Jeroboam, furious at the prophet’s intervention, stretched out his hand and ordered him to be seized; but his outstretched hand immediately became paralyzed, and he couldn’t pull it back. The altar was also broken, and the ashes spilled to the ground as the prophet had predicted. Jeroboam then asked the prophet to pray for him so his hand would be restored. The man of God prayed to Heaven, and the king’s hand was restored to him, fully functional. Jeroboam then asked him to come to his house and accept a reward; but the prophet replied, “Even if you gave me half of your house, I wouldn’t go with you, nor would I eat anything in this place, because the Lord has specifically forbidden me to do so,” 1 Kings xiii, 1–10. Despite this clear sign of God’s displeasure, Jeroboam did not change his ways. He continued encouraging his people in idolatry by appointing priests for the high places and involving them in worship that went against divine law. This was the sin of Jeroboam’s family, leading to its complete destruction. Some time after becoming king of Israel, his favorite son Abijah fell ill, and to ease his worry, Jeroboam instructed his wife to disguise herself and go consult the prophet Ahijah about their son's recovery. This was the same prophet who had told Jeroboam he would be king of Israel. He was now blind with old age, but the prophet was alerted to her coming, and before she crossed his threshold, he called her by name, told her that her son would die, and then ominously declared the coming destruction of Jeroboam’s entire family, which soon happened. After reigning for twenty-two years, Jeroboam died, and his son Nadab took the throne, 1 Kings xiii, 33, 34; xiv, 1–20.
2. Jeroboam, the second of that name, was the son of Jehoash, king of Israel. He succeeded to his father’s royal dignity, A. M. 3179, and reigned forty-one years. Though much addicted to the idolatrous practices of the son of Nebat, yet the Lord was pleased so far to prosper his reign, that by his means, according to the predictions of the Prophet Jonah, the kingdom of the ten tribes was restored from a state of great decay, into which it had fallen, and was even raised to a pitch of extraordinary splendour. The Prophets Amos and Hosea, as well as Jonah, lived during this reign.
2. Jeroboam, the second with that name, was the son of Jehoash, king of Israel. He took over his father’s royal position in A.M. 3179 and ruled for forty-one years. Although he was heavily influenced by the idolatrous practices of the son of Nebat, the Lord allowed his reign to flourish. Through him, fulfilling the predictions of the Prophet Jonah, the kingdom of the ten tribes was restored from a severe decline it had faced and even reached an extraordinary level of prosperity. The Prophets Amos, Hosea, and Jonah were all active during this reign.
JERUSALEM, formerly called Jebus, or Salem, Joshua xviii, 28; Heb. vii, 2, the capital of Judea, situated partly in the tribe of Benjamin, and partly in that of Judah. It was not completely reduced by the Israelites till the reign of David, 2 Sam. v, 6–9. As Jerusalem was the centre of the true worship, Psalm cxxii, 4, and the place where God did in a peculiar manner dwell, first in the tabernacle, 2 Sam. vi, 7, 12; 1 Chron. xv, 1; xvi, 1; Psalm cxxxii, 13; cxxxv, 2, and afterward in the temple, 1 Kings vi, 13; so it is used figuratively to denote the church, or the celestial society, to which all that believe, both Jews and Gentiles, are come, and in which they are initiated, Gal. iv, 26; Heb. xii, 22; Rev. iii, 12; xxi, 2, 10. Jerusalem was situated in a stony and barren soil, and was about sixty furlongs in length, according to Strabo. The territory and places adjacent were well watered, having the fountains of Gihon and Siloam, and the brook Kidron, at the foot of its walls; and, beside these, there were the waters of Ethan, which Pilate had conveyed through aqueducts into the city. The ancient city of Jerusalem, or Jebus, which David took from the Jebusites, was not very large. It was seated upon a mountain southward of the temple. The opposite mountain, situated to the north, is Sion, where David built a new city, which he called the city of David, wherein was the royal palace, and the temple of the Lord. The temple was built upon Mount Moriah, which was one of the little hills belonging to Mount Sion.
JERUSALEM, which was previously known as Jebus or Salem, is the capital of Judea and is located partly in the tribe of Benjamin and partly in the tribe of Judah. The Israelites didn't fully conquer it until the reign of David. Jerusalem was the center of true worship and the place where God uniquely dwelled, first in the tabernacle and later in the temple. It is often used metaphorically to represent the church or the heavenly community that all believers, both Jews and Gentiles, belong to and are initiated into. Jerusalem was built on rocky and barren land and was about sixty furlongs long, according to Strabo. The surrounding area was well-watered, featuring the Gihon and Siloam springs and the Kidron brook at the base of its walls, along with the waters of Ethan, which Pilate had brought into the city through aqueducts. The ancient city of Jerusalem, or Jebus, which David captured from the Jebusites, was not very large. It was located on a mountain to the south of the temple. To the north lies Mount Zion, where David constructed a new city known as the city of David, which contained the royal palace and the temple of the Lord. The temple was built on Mount Moriah, one of the smaller hills that is part of Mount Zion.
Through the reigns of David and Solomon, Jerusalem was the metropolis of the whole Jewish kingdom, and continued to increase in wealth and splendour. It was resorted to at the festivals by the whole population of the country; and the power and commercial spirit of Solomon, improving the advantages acquired by his father David, centred in it most of the eastern trade, both by sea, through the ports of Elath and Ezion-Geber, and over land, by the way of Tadmor or Palmyra. Or, at least, though Jerusalem might not have been made a depot of merchandise, the quantity of precious metals flowing into it by direct importation, and by duties imposed on goods passing to the ports of the Mediterranean, and in other directions, was unbounded. Some idea of the prodigious wealth of Jerusalem at this time 513may be formed by stating, that the quantity of gold left by David for the use of the temple amounted to £21,600,000 sterling, beside £3,150,000 in silver; and Solomon obtained £3,240,000 in gold by one voyage to Ophir, while silver was so abundant, “that it was not any thing accounted of.” These were the days of Jerusalem’s glory. Universal peace, unmeasured wealth, the wisdom and clemency of the prince, and the worship of the true God, marked Jerusalem, above every city, as enjoying the presence and the especial favour of the Almighty. But these days were not to last long: intestine divisions and foreign wars, wicked and tyrannical princes, and, last of all, the crime most offensive to Heaven, and the one least to be expected among so favoured a people, led to a series of calamities, through the long period of nine hundred years, with which no other city or nation can furnish a parallel. After the death of Solomon, ten of the twelve tribes revolted from his successor Rehoboam, and, under Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, established a separate kingdom: so that Jerusalem, no longer the capital of the whole empire, and its temple frequented only by the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, must have experienced a mournful declension. Four years after this, the city and temple were taken and plundered by Shishak, king of Egypt, 1 Kings xiv, 26, 27; 2 Chron. xii, 2–9. One hundred and forty-five years after, under Amaziah, they sustained the same fate from Joash, king of Israel, 2 Kings xiv; 2 Chron. xxv. One hundred and sixty years from this period, the city was again taken, by Esarhaddon, king of Assyria; and Manasseh, the king, carried a prisoner to Babylon, 2 Chron. xxxiii. Within the space of sixty-six years more it was taken by Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, whom Josiah, king of Judah, had opposed in his expedition to Carchemish; and who, in consequence, was killed at the battle of Megiddo, and his son Eliakim placed on the throne in his stead by Necho, who changed his name to Jehoiakim, and imposed a heavy tribute upon him, having sent his elder brother, Jehoahaz, who had been proclaimed king at Jerusalem, a prisoner to Egypt, where he died, 2 Kings xxiii; 2 Chron. xxxv. Jerusalem was three times besieged and taken by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, within a very few years. The first, in the reign of the last mentioned king, Jehoiakim, who was sent a prisoner to Babylon, and the vessels of the temple transported to the same city, 2 Chron. xxxvi. The second, in that of his son Jehoiachin; when all the treasures of the palace and the temple, and the remainder of the vessels of the latter which had been hidden or spared in the first capture, were carried away or destroyed, and the best of the inhabitants, with the king, led into captivity, 2 Kings xxiv; 2 Chron. xxxvi. And the third, in the reign of Zedekiah, the successor of Jehoiachin; in whose ninth year the most formidable siege which this ill fated city ever sustained, except that of Titus, was commenced. It continued two years; during a great part of which the inhabitants suffered all the horrors of famine: when, on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of Zedekiah, which answers to July in the year B. C. 588, the garrison, with the king, endeavoured to make their escape from the city, but were pursued and defeated by the Chaldeans in the plains of Jericho; Zedekiah taken prisoner; his sons killed before his face at Riblah, whither he was taken to the king of Babylon; and he himself, after his eyes were put out, was bound with fetters of brass, and carried prisoner to Babylon, where he died: thus fulfilling the prophecy of Ezekiel, which declared that he should be carried to Babylon, but should not see the place, though he should die there, Ezekiel xii, 13. In the following month, the Chaldean army, under their general, Nebuzaradan, entered the city, took away every thing that was valuable, and then burned and utterly destroyed it, with its temple and walls, and left the whole razed to the ground. The entire population of the city and country, with the exception of a few husbandmen, were then carried captive to Babylon.
Through the reigns of David and Solomon, Jerusalem was the center of the entire Jewish kingdom and continued to grow in wealth and splendor. During the festivals, the entire population of the country flocked to it; and Solomon's power and business acumen built on the benefits his father David had established, making it the hub of eastern trade, both by sea through the ports of Elath and Ezion-Geber, and over land via Tadmor or Palmyra. Even if Jerusalem wasn’t a wholesale center for merchandise, the inflow of precious metals through direct imports and duties on goods heading to Mediterranean ports and beyond was immense. To get an idea of Jerusalem's incredible wealth at this time, consider that the gold David set aside for the temple was worth £21,600,000, along with £3,150,000 in silver; and Solomon brought back £3,240,000 in gold from a single trip to Ophir, while silver was so plentiful that it was considered of little value. These were the pinnacle days of Jerusalem. Universal peace, immense wealth, the wisdom and kindness of the king, and the worship of the true God made Jerusalem stand out as a city favored by the Almighty. But these days didn’t last long: internal strife, foreign wars, corrupt and oppressive rulers, and, ultimately, the most serious sin against Heaven, which was least expected from such a blessed people, led to a series of disasters over a staggering nine hundred years, an affliction no other city or nation can parallel. After Solomon died, ten of the twelve tribes revolted against his successor Rehoboam, establishing a separate kingdom under Jeroboam, son of Nebat, so that Jerusalem was no longer the capital of the entire empire, and its temple was only visited by the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, marking a significant decline. Four years later, the city and temple were captured and looted by Shishak, the king of Egypt, (1 Kings xiv, 26, 27; 2 Chron. xii, 2–9). One hundred and forty-five years later, under Amaziah, the same fate befell them at the hands of Joash, king of Israel (2 Kings xiv; 2 Chron. xxv). One hundred sixty years later, Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, took the city again; and Manasseh, the king, was captured and taken to Babylon (2 Chron. xxxiii). In the next sixty-six years, it fell to Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, who Josiah, king of Judah, had opposed in his campaign toward Carchemish; Josiah was killed at the battle of Megiddo, and his son Eliakim was placed on the throne in his place by Necho, who renamed him Jehoiakim and imposed a heavy tax, sending his older brother Jehoahaz, who had been made king in Jerusalem, into captivity in Egypt, where he died (2 Kings xxiii; 2 Chron. xxxv). Jerusalem was besieged and captured three times by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, within just a few years. The first was during the reign of Jehoiakim, who was taken captive to Babylon, and the temple's vessels were also transported there (2 Chron. xxxvi). The second time was under his son Jehoiachin, when all the treasures in the palace and temple, along with any vessels left over from the first capture, were either taken or destroyed, and the best among the people, along with the king, were exiled (2 Kings xxiv; 2 Chron. xxxvi). The third siege occurred during the reign of Zedekiah, Jehoiachin's successor; in his ninth year, the most intense siege this unfortunate city had ever experienced, aside from that of Titus, began. It lasted two years, during which the inhabitants endured terrible famine; on the ninth day of the fourth month in Zedekiah's eleventh year, corresponding to July in 588 B.C., the garrison and the king tried to escape the city but were pursued and captured by the Chaldeans in the plains of Jericho; Zedekiah was taken prisoner, his sons killed in front of him at Riblah, where he was brought before the king of Babylon, and after being blinded, he was bound in brass chains and taken to Babylon, where he died, fulfilling Ezekiel's prophecy that he would be taken to Babylon but would never see it, though he would die there (Ezekiel xii, 13). The following month, the Chaldean army, led by their general Nebuzaradan, entered the city, took everything of value, and then burned and completely destroyed it, including the temple and walls, leaving everything in ruins. The entire population of the city and surrounding areas, except for a few farmers, was taken captive to Babylon.
During seventy years, the city and temple lay in ruins: when those Jews who chose to take immediate advantage of the proclamation of Cyrus, under the conduct of Zerubbabel, returned to Jerusalem, and began to build the temple; all the vessels of gold and silver belonging to which, that had been taken away by Nebuchadnezzar, being restored by Cyrus. Their work, however, did not proceed far without opposition; for in the reign of Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, who in Scripture is called Ahasuerus, the Samaritans presented a petition to that monarch to put a stop to the building, Ezra iv, 6. Cambyses appears to have been too busily engaged in his Egyptian expedition to pay any attention to this malicious request. His successor, Smerdis, the Magian, however, who in Scripture is called Artaxerxes, to whom a similar petition was sent, representing the Jews as a factious and dangerous people, listened to it, and, in the true spirit of a usurper, issued a decree putting a stop to the farther building of the temple, Ezra iv, 7, &c; which, in consequence, remained in an unfinished state till the second year, according to the Jewish, and third, according to the Babylonian and Persian account, of Darius Hystaspes, who is called simply Darius in Scripture. To him also a representation hostile to the Jews was made by their inveterate enemies, the Samaritans; but this noble prince refused to listen to it, and having searched the rolls of the kingdom, and found in the palace at Acmetha the decree of Cyrus, issued a similar one, which reached Jerusalem in the subsequent year, and even ordered these very Samaritans to assist the Jews in their work; so that it was completed in the sixth year of the same reign, Ezra iv, 24; v; vi, 1–15. But the city and walls remained in a ruinous condition until the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, the Artaxerxes Longimanus of profane history; by whom Nehemiah was sent to Jerusalem, with a power granted to him to rebuild them. Accordingly, under the direction 514of this zealous servant of God, the walls were speedily raised, but not without the accustomed opposition on the part of the Samaritans; who, despairing of the success of an application to the court of Persia, openly attacked the Jews with arms. But the building, notwithstanding, went steadily on; the men working with an implement of work in one hand, and a weapon of war in the other; and the wall, with incredible labour, was finished in fifty-two days, in the year B. C. 445; after which, the city itself was gradually rebuilt, Neh. ii, iv, vi. From this time Jerusalem remained attached to the Persian empire, but under the local jurisdiction of the high priests, until the subversion of that empire by Alexander, fourteen years after. See Alexander.
For seventy years, the city and temple were in ruins. When the Jews who wanted to take advantage of Cyrus's proclamation returned to Jerusalem under Zerubbabel's leadership, they began to rebuild the temple. Cyrus restored all the gold and silver vessels that Nebuchadnezzar had taken. However, their progress didn't go far without opposition. During Cambyses' reign, Cyrus's son, who is referred to as Ahasuerus in Scripture, the Samaritans petitioned him to stop the building, as seen in Ezra iv, 6. Cambyses was too busy with his Egyptian campaign to heed this malicious request. His successor, Smerdis the Magian, who is called Artaxerxes in Scripture, received a similar petition that portrayed the Jews as a rebellious and dangerous group. He listened and, in the spirit of a usurper, issued a decree halting the temple's construction, as noted in Ezra iv, 7, etc. Consequently, the temple remained unfinished until the second year of Darius Hystaspes, who is simply called Darius in Scripture, according to the Jewish timeline, and the third year according to Babylonian and Persian accounts. The Samaritans made another hostile representation against the Jews to this noble prince, but he refused to listen. After searching the kingdom's records, he found Cyrus's decree in the palace at Acmetha and issued a similar one that reached Jerusalem the following year, commanding the Samaritans to help the Jews with their work. The temple was completed in the sixth year of his reign, as seen in Ezra iv, 24; v; vi, 1–15. However, the city and walls remained in ruins until the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, known as Artaxerxes Longimanus in secular history. He sent Nehemiah to Jerusalem, granting him the authority to rebuild. Under this zealous servant of God, the walls were quickly constructed, though not without the usual opposition from the Samaritans, who, seeing no success in appealing to the Persian court, openly attacked the Jews. Despite this, the building continued steadily, with the men working with one hand on their tools and the other gripping weapons. The wall was remarkably completed in just fifty-two days, in the year 445 B.C. After that, the city itself was gradually rebuilt, as noted in Neh. ii, iv, vi. From then on, Jerusalem remained part of the Persian empire, governed locally by the high priests, until Alexander overthrew that empire fourteen years later. See Alex.
At the death of Alexander, and the partition of his empire by his generals, Jerusalem, with Judea, fell to the kings of Syria. But in the frequent wars which followed between the kings of Syria and those of Egypt, called by Daniel, the kings of the north and south, it belonged sometimes to one and sometimes to the other,--an unsettled and unhappy state, highly favourable to disorder and corruption,--the high priesthood was openly sold to the highest bidder; and numbers of the Jews deserted their religion for the idolatries of the Greeks. At length, in the year B. C. 170, Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, enraged at hearing that the Jews had rejoiced at a false report of his death, plundered Jerusalem, and killed eighty thousand men. Not more than two years afterward, this cruel tyrant, who had seized every opportunity to exercise his barbarity on the Jews, sent Apollonius with an army to Jerusalem; who pulled down the walls, grievously oppressed the people, and built a citadel on a rock adjoining the temple, which commanded that building, and had the effect of completely overawing the seditious. Having thus reduced this unfortunate city into entire submission, and rendered resistance useless, the next step of Antiochus was to abolish the Jewish religion altogether, by publishing an edict which commanded all the people of his dominions to conform to the religion of the Greeks: in consequence of which, the service of the temple ceased, and a statue of Jupiter Olympus was set up on the altar. But this extremity of ignominy and oppression led, as might have been expected, to rebellion; and those Jews who still held their insulted religion in reverence, fled to the mountains, with Mattathias and Judas Maccabeus; the latter of whom, after the death of Mattathias, who with his followers and successors, are known by the name of Maccabees, waged successful war with the Syrians; defeated Apollonius, Nicanor, and Lysias, generals of Antiochus; obtained possession of Jerusalem, purified the temple, and restored the service, after three years’ defilement by the Gentile idolatries.
At the death of Alexander and the division of his empire by his generals, Jerusalem, along with Judea, came under the control of the kings of Syria. However, during the frequent wars that followed between the kings of Syria and those of Egypt, referred to by Daniel as the kings of the north and south, control of the area shifted back and forth, leading to an unstable and unhappy situation that encouraged disorder and corruption. The high priesthood was openly auctioned to the highest bidder, and many Jews abandoned their faith to adopt the idolatries of the Greeks. Eventually, in the year 170 B.C., Antiochus Epiphanes, the king of Syria, furious that the Jews celebrated a false report of his death, raided Jerusalem and killed eighty thousand men. Less than two years later, this cruel tyrant, seizing every chance to oppress the Jews, dispatched Apollonius with an army to Jerusalem. Apollonius demolished the walls, severely oppressed the people, and constructed a fortress on a rock near the temple, which dominated that area and effectively scared the rebels into submission. Having fully subdued this unfortunate city and made resistance futile, Antiochus’s next step was to completely eliminate the Jewish religion by issuing an edict that ordered everyone in his empire to adopt the religion of the Greeks. As a result, temple services stopped, and a statue of Jupiter Olympus was erected on the altar. This extreme humiliation and oppression inevitably led to rebellion; those Jews who still honored their desecrated religion fled to the mountains with Mattathias and Judas Maccabeus. After the death of Mattathias, Judas, along with his followers and successors known as the Maccabees, waged a successful war against the Syrians, defeating Apollonius, Nicanor, and Lysias, generals of Antiochus. They took control of Jerusalem, purified the temple, and restored the services after three years of defilement by Gentile idolatries.
From this time, during several succeeding Maccabean rulers, who were at once high priests and sovereigns of the Jews, but without the title of king, Jerusalem was able to preserve itself from Syrian violence. It was, however, twice besieged, first by Antiochus Eupator, in the year 163, and afterward by Antiochus Sidetes, in the year B. C. 134. But the Jews had caused themselves to be sufficiently respected to obtain conditions of peace on both occasions, and to save their city; till, at length, Hyrcanus, in the year 130 B. C., shook off the Syrian yoke, and reigned, after this event, twenty-one years in independence and prosperity. His successor, Judas, made an important change in the Jewish government, by taking the title of king, which dignity was enjoyed by his successors forty-seven years, when a dispute having arisen between Hyrcanus II. and his brother Aristobulus, and the latter having overcome the former, and made himself king, was, in his turn, conquered by the Romans under Pompey, by whom the city and temple were taken, Aristobulus made prisoner, and Hyrcanus created high priest and prince of the Jews, but without the title of king. By this event Judea was reduced to the condition of a Roman province, in the year 63 B. C. Nor did Jerusalem long after enjoy the dignity of a metropolis, that honour being transferred to Cæsarea. Julius Cæsar, having defeated Pompey, continued Hyrcanus in the high priesthood, but bestowed the government of Judea upon Antipater, an Idumæan by birth, but a Jewish proselyte, and father of Herod the Great. For the siege and destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, see Jews.
From this time on, during several successive Maccabean leaders, who were both high priests and rulers of the Jews but didn’t use the title of king, Jerusalem managed to protect itself from Syrian violence. However, it was besieged twice—first by Antiochus Eupator in 163 B.C. and later by Antiochus Sidetes in 134 B.C. The Jews earned enough respect to negotiate peace on both occasions and save their city. Finally, Hyrcanus, in 130 B.C., freed himself from Syrian rule and reigned for twenty-one years in independence and prosperity. His successor, Judas, made an important change in Jewish governance by claiming the title of king, which his successors held for forty-seven years. A dispute then arose between Hyrcanus II and his brother Aristobulus. Aristobulus defeated Hyrcanus, declared himself king, but was eventually conquered by the Romans under Pompey, who captured the city and temple, made Aristobulus a prisoner, and appointed Hyrcanus as high priest and prince of the Jews, though he didn’t use the title of king. This event reduced Judea to a Roman province in 63 B.C. Shortly after, Jerusalem lost its status as a major city, with that honor moving to Cæsarea. Julius Cæsar, after defeating Pompey, kept Hyrcanus as high priest but gave the government of Judea to Antipater, an Idumean by birth but a Jewish convert, and father of Herod the Great. For the siege and destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, see Jews.
Jerusalem lay in ruins about forty-seven years, when the Emperor Ælius Adrian began to build it anew, and erected a Heathen temple, which he dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus. The city was finished in the twentieth year of his reign, and called, after its founder, Ælia, or Ælia Capitolina, from the Heathen deity who presided over it. In this state Jerusalem continued, under the name of Ælia, and inhabited more by Christians and Pagans than by Jews, till the time of the Emperor Constantine, styled the Great; who, about the year 323, having made Christianity the religion of the empire, began to improve it, adorned it with many new edifices and churches, and restored its ancient name. About thirty-five years afterward, Julian, named the Apostate, not from any love he bore the Jews, but out of hatred to the Christians, whose faith he had abjured, and with the avowed design of defeating the prophecies, which had declared that the temple should not be rebuilt, wrote to the Jews, inviting them to their city, and promising to restore their temple and nation. He accordingly employed great numbers of workmen to clear the foundations; but balls of fire bursting from the earth, soon put a stop to their proceeding. This miraculous interposition of Providence is attested by many credible witnesses and historians; and, in particular, by Ammianus Marcellinus, a Heathen, and friend of Julian; Zemuch David, a Jew; Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Ambrose Ruffinus, Theodoret, Sozomen, and Socrates, who wrote his account within fifty years after the transaction, and while many eye-witnesses 515of it were still living. So stubborn, indeed, is the proof of this miracle, that even Gibbon, who strives to invalidate it, is obliged to acknowledge the general fact.
Jerusalem was in ruins for about forty-seven years when Emperor Ælius Adrian began to rebuild it and constructed a pagan temple dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus. The city was completed in the twentieth year of his reign and was named Ælia, or Ælia Capitolina, after its founder and the pagan god associated with it. Jerusalem remained in this state, known as Ælia, and was mostly inhabited by Christians and pagans rather than Jews, until the time of Emperor Constantine the Great. Around the year 323, after making Christianity the official religion of the empire, he started to enhance the city, adding many new buildings and churches, and restoring its original name. About thirty-five years later, Julian, known as the Apostate—not out of any affection for the Jews but from animosity toward Christians, whose faith he had renounced—invited Jews back to their city and promised to restore their temple and nation. He employed many workers to clear the foundation, but fireballs bursting from the ground quickly halted their work. This miraculous intervention of Providence is confirmed by many credible witnesses and historians, particularly by Ammianus Marcellinus, a pagan and friend of Julian; Zemuch David, a Jew; Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Ruffinus, Theodoret, Sozomen, and Socrates, who wrote his account within fifty years of the event, while many eyewitnesses were still alive. The evidence of this miracle is so strong that even Gibbon, who tries to disprove it, has to acknowledge the general fact.
Jerusalem continued in nearly the same condition till the beginning of the seventh century, when it was taken and plundered by the celebrated Chosroes, king of Persia, by whom many thousands of the Christian inhabitants were killed, or sold for slaves. The Persians, however, did not hold it long, as they were soon after entirely defeated by the Emperor Heraclius, who rescued Jerusalem, and restored it, not to the unhappy Jews, who were forbidden to come within three miles of it, but to the Christians. A worse calamity was, however, speedily to befall this ill fated city. The Mohammedan imposture arose about this time; and the fanatics who had adopted its creed carried their arms and their religion with unprecedented rapidity over the greater part of the east. The Caliph Omar, the third from Mohammed, invested the city, which, after once more suffering the horrors of a protracted siege, surrendered on terms of capitulation in the year 637; and has ever since, with the exception of the short period that it was occupied by the crusaders, been trodden under foot by the followers of the false prophet.
Jerusalem remained in almost the same state until the early seventh century, when it was captured and looted by the famous Chosroes, the king of Persia. Many thousands of Christian residents were killed or sold into slavery. However, the Persians didn't hold it for long, as they were soon completely defeated by Emperor Heraclius, who rescued Jerusalem and restored it, not to the unfortunate Jews—who were banned from coming within three miles of the city—but to the Christians. Unfortunately, an even worse disaster was about to strike this doomed city. Around this time, the rise of the Mohammedan movement began; the fanatics who embraced its beliefs spread their arms and religion with unprecedented speed across much of the East. The Caliph Omar, the third after Mohammed, besieged the city, which once again endured the terrible ordeal of a long siege and surrendered under terms of capitulation in the year 637. Ever since, except for the brief period it was occupied by the Crusaders, it has been dominated by the followers of the false prophet.
2. The accounts of modern Jerusalem by travellers are very numerous. Mr. Conder, in his “Palestine,” has abridged them with judgment; and we give the following extract: The approach to Jerusalem from Jaffa is not the direction in which to see the city to the best effect. Dr. E. D. Clarke entered it by the Damascus gate: and he describes the view of Jerusalem, when first descried from the summit of a hill, at about an hour’s distance, as most impressive. He confesses, at the same time, that there is no other point of view in which it is seen to so much advantage. In the celebrated prospect from the Mount of Olives, the city lies too low, is too near the eye, and has too much the character of a bird’s eye view, with the formality of a topographical plan. “We had not been prepared,” says this lively traveller, “for the grandeur of the spectacle which the city alone exhibited. Instead of a wretched and ruined town, by some described as the desolated remnant of Jerusalem, we beheld, as it were, a flourishing and stately metropolis, presenting a magnificent assemblage of domes, towers, palaces, churches, and monasteries; all of which, glittering in the sun’s rays, shone with inconceivable splendour. As we drew nearer, our whole attention was engrossed by its noble and interesting appearance. The lofty hills surrounding it give the city itself an appearance of elevation less than it really has.” Dr. Clarke was fortunate in catching this first view of Jerusalem under the illusion of a brilliant evening sunshine; but his description is decidedly overcharged. M. Chateaubriand, Mr. Buckingham, Mr. Brown, Mr. Jolliffe, Sir F. Henniker, and almost every other modern traveller, confirm the representation of Dr. Richardson. Mr. Buckingham says, “The appearance of this celebrated city, independent of the feelings and recollections which the approach to it cannot fail to awaken, was greatly inferior to my expectations, and had certainly nothing of grandeur or beauty, of stateliness or magnificence, about it. It appeared like a walled town of the third or fourth class, having neither towers, nor domes, nor minarets within it, in sufficient numbers to give even a character to its impressions on the beholder; but showing chiefly large flat-roofed buildings of the most unornamented kind, seated amid rugged hills, on a stony and forbidding soil, with scarcely a picturesque object in the whole compass of the surrounding view.” Chateaubriand’s description is very striking and graphical. After citing the language of the Prophet Jeremiah, in his lamentations on the desolation of the ancient city, as accurately portraying its present state, Lam. i, 1–6; ii, 1–9, 15, he thus proceeds: “When seen from the Mount of Olives, on the other side of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, Jerusalem presents an inclined plane, descending from west to east. An embattled wall, fortified with towers, and a Gothic castle, encompasses the city all round; excluding, however, part of Mount Zion, which it formerly enclosed. In the western quarter, and in the centre of the city, the houses stand very close; but, in the eastern part, along the brook Kedron, you perceive vacant spaces; among the rest, that which surrounds the mosque erected on the ruins of the temple, and the nearly deserted spot where once stood the castle of Antonia and the second palace of Herod. The houses of Jerusalem are heavy square masses, very low, without chimneys or windows: they have flat terraces or domes on the top, and look like prisons or sepulchres. The whole would appear to the eye one uninterrupted level, did not the steeples of the churches, the minarets of the mosques, the summits of a few cypresses, and the clumps of nopals, break the uniformity of the plan. On beholding these stone buildings, encompassed by a stony country, you are ready to inquire if they are not the confused monuments of a cemetry in the midst of a desert. Enter the city, but nothing will you there find to make amends for the dulness of its exterior. You lose yourself among narrow, unpaved streets, here going up hill, there down, from the inequality of the ground; and you walk among clouds of dust or loose stones. Canvas stretched from house to house increases the gloom of this labyrinth. Bazaars, roofed over, and fraught with infection, completely exclude the light from the desolate city. A few paltry shops expose nothing but wretchedness to view; and even these are frequently shut, from apprehension of the passage of a cadi. Not a creature is to be seen in the streets, not a creature at the gates, except now and then a peasant gliding through the gloom, concealing under his garments the fruits of his labour, lest he should be robbed of his hard earnings by the rapacious soldier. Aside, in a corner, the Arab butcher 516is slaughtering some animal, suspended by the legs from a wall in ruins: from his haggard and ferocious look, and his bloody hands, you would suppose that he had been cutting the throat of a fellow creature, rather than killing a lamb. The only noise heard from time to time in the city is the galloping of the steed of the desert: it is the janissary who brings the head of the Bedouin, or who returns from plundering the unhappy Fellah. Amid this extraordinary desolation, you must pause a moment to contemplate two circumstances still more extraordinary. Among the ruins of Jerusalem, two classes of independent people find in their religion sufficient fortitude to enable them to surmount such complicated horrors and wretchedness. Here reside communities of Christian monks, whom nothing can compel to forsake the tomb of Christ; neither plunder, nor personal ill treatment, nor menaces of death itself. Night and day they chant their hymns around the holy sepulchre. Driven by the cudgel and the sabre, women, children, flocks, and herds, seek refuge in the cloisters of these recluses. What prevents the armed oppressor from pursuing his prey, and overthrowing such feeble ramparts? The charity of the monks: they deprive themselves of the last resources of life to ransom their suppliants. Cast your eyes between the temple and Mount Zion; behold another petty tribe cut off from the rest of the inhabitants of this city. The particular objects of every species of degradation, these people bow their heads without murmuring; they endure every kind of insult without demanding justice; they sink beneath repeated blows without sighing; if their head be required, they present it to the scimitar. On the death of any member of this proscribed community, his companion goes at night, and inters him by stealth in the Valley of Jehoshaphat, in the shadow of Solomon’s temple. Enter the abodes of these people, you will find them, amid the most abject wretchedness, instructing their children to read a mysterious book, which they in their turn will teach their offspring to read. What they did five thousand years ago, these people still continue to do. Seventeen times have they witnessed the destruction of Jerusalem, yet nothing can discourage them, nothing can prevent them from turning their faces toward Sion. To see the Jews scattered over the whole world, according to the word of God, must doubtless excite surprise. But to be struck with supernatural astonishment, you must view them at Jerusalem; you must behold these rightful masters of Judea living as slaves and strangers in their own country; you must behold them expecting, under all oppressions, a king who is to deliver them. Crushed by the cross that condemns them, skulking near the temple, of which not one stone is left upon another, they continue in their deplorable infatuation. The Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, are swept from the earth; and a petty tribe, whose origin preceded that of those great nations, still exists unmixed among the ruins of its native land.” To the same effect are the remarks of Dr. Richardson: “In passing up to the synagogue, I was particularly struck with the mean and wretched appearance of the houses on both sides of the streets, as well as with the poverty of their inhabitants. The sight of a poor Jew in Jerusalem has in it something peculiarly affecting. The heart of this wonderful people, in whatever clime they roam, still turns to it as the city of their promised rest. They take pleasure in her ruins, and would kiss the very dust for her sake. Jerusalem is the centre around which the exiled sons of Judah build, in imagination, the mansions of their future greatness. In whatever part of the world he may live, the heart’s desire of a Jew is to be buried in Jerusalem. Thither they return from Spain and Portugal, from Egypt and Barbary, and other countries among which they have been scattered: and when, after all their longings, and all their struggles up the steeps of life, we see them poor, and blind, and naked, in the streets of their once happy Zion, he must have a cold heart that can remain untouched by their sufferings, without uttering a prayer that God would have mercy on the darkness of Judah; and that the Day Star of Bethlehem might arise in their hearts.”
2. Modern accounts of Jerusalem by travelers are quite numerous. Mr. Conder, in his “Palestine,” has summarized them thoughtfully; here’s an excerpt: The best way to approach Jerusalem from Jaffa doesn’t give the best view of the city. Dr. E. D. Clarke entered through the Damascus gate and describes the first sight of Jerusalem from the top of a hill, about an hour away, as incredibly impressive. He admits, however, that no other viewpoint showcases it as beautifully. In the famous view from the Mount of Olives, the city looks too low, too close to the eye, resembling a bird’s eye view with the rigidity of a topographical map. “We weren't prepared,” says this engaging traveler, “for the grandeur that the city presented by itself. Instead of a miserable and ruined town, some have described as the desolate remnant of Jerusalem, we saw a thriving and impressive metropolis with a magnificent collection of domes, towers, palaces, churches, and monasteries, all sparkling in the sun with incredible brilliance. As we got closer, our attention was completely captured by its noble and captivating appearance. The high hills surrounding it make the city appear less elevated than it truly is.” Dr. Clarke was lucky to see his first view of Jerusalem bathed in brilliant evening sunshine, but his description is certainly exaggerated. M. Chateaubriand, Mr. Buckingham, Mr. Brown, Mr. Jolliffe, Sir F. Henniker, and nearly every other modern traveler back up Dr. Richardson’s account. Mr. Buckingham states, “The sight of this renowned city, aside from the emotions and memories stirred by approaching it, was far less impressive than I expected, lacking any sense of grandeur, beauty, or majesty. It seemed like a third or fourth-class walled town, with too few towers, domes, or minarets to really leave an impression; instead, it mostly showed large flat-roofed buildings of the plainest sort, set among rugged hills on rocky, uninviting soil, with hardly any picturesque sights in the entire surrounding area.” Chateaubriand's description is quite vivid and striking. After quoting the Prophet Jeremiah's lamentations about the desolation of the ancient city, accurately reflecting its current state, Lam. i, 1–6; ii, 1–9, 15, he continues: “From the Mount of Olives, across the Valley of Jehoshaphat, Jerusalem appears as a slope that rises from west to east. A fortified wall with towers and a Gothic castle surrounds the city, except for part of Mount Zion, which used to be included. In the western section and at the city’s center, the houses are packed closely together; yet in the eastern area, along the Kedron brook, you can see open spaces, including the area around the mosque built on the ruins of the temple, and the nearly deserted spot where the Antonia castle and Herod’s second palace once stood. The houses of Jerusalem are heavy, square structures, very low, with no chimneys or windows. They feature flat rooftops or domes, giving them a prison-like or tomb-like appearance. To the eye, everything seems like one flat plane, save for the church steeples, minarets of mosques, the tops of a few cypress trees, and clusters of prickly pear cactus that disrupt the uniformity. When you look at these stone buildings surrounded by rocky terrain, you might wonder if they are the scattered remnants of a cemetery in the midst of a desert. Enter the city, but you’ll find nothing to compensate for the dullness of its exterior. You get lost in narrow, unpaved streets, sometimes going uphill and sometimes downhill due to the uneven ground; you walk amidst clouds of dust or loose stones. Canvases stretched between houses add to the gloom of this maze. Covered bazaars, teeming with germs, completely block any light from this desolate city. A few shabby shops display nothing but misery; even these are often closed out of fear of a cadi passing by. There’s no one to be seen in the streets, no one at the gates, except occasionally a peasant slipping through the shadows, hiding under his clothing the fruits of his labor to avoid being robbed by a greedy soldier. Off to the side, in a corner, an Arab butcher is killing an animal hung by its legs on a crumbling wall: from his haggard and fierce expression, and his bloody hands, you would think he was slitting the throat of a fellow human rather than slaughtering a lamb. The only sound breaking the silence in the city is the thundering hooves of a desert horse: it’s the janissary bringing back the head of a Bedouin or returning from raiding the unfortunate Fellah. Amidst this extraordinary desolation, you must take a moment to observe two even more extraordinary circumstances. Among the ruins of Jerusalem, two groups of independent people find enough strength in their faith to overcome such deep horrors and suffering. Communities of Christian monks live here, who cannot be driven away from the tomb of Christ; not by looting, mistreatment, or even threats of death. Day and night they sing hymns around the holy sepulchre. Fleeing from beatings and swords, women, children, flocks, and herds seek sanctuary in the cloisters of these recluses. What stops the armed oppressor from chasing them down and toppling these fragile defenses? The charity of the monks: they give up their last resources to rescue their supplicants. Look between the temple and Mount Zion; see another small tribe isolated from the main city inhabitants. The targets of every kind of humiliation, these people bow their heads without complaining; they take every kind of insult without demanding justice; they bear repeated blows without a sigh; if their lives are demanded, they offer their heads to the sword. When a member of this oppressed community dies, his comrade sneaks out at night to bury him stealthily in the Valley of Jehoshaphat, in the shade of Solomon’s temple. Enter their homes, and you’ll find them, amid the depths of poverty, teaching their children to read a mysterious book, which they will in turn pass on to their children. What they taught five thousand years ago, they continue to do today. They have witnessed the destruction of Jerusalem seventeen times, yet nothing can discourage them, nothing can stop them from turning their faces toward Zion. To see the Jews scattered across the world, as foretold in the word of God, is surely surprising. But to be struck with extraordinary wonder, you must see them in Jerusalem; you must see these rightful heirs of Judea living as slaves and strangers in their own land; you must see them waiting for a king to deliver them amidst all their oppression. Weighed down by the cross that condemns them, hiding near the temple where not one stone stands on another, they continue in their unfortunate delusion. The Persians, the Greeks, the Romans have disappeared from the earth; yet a small tribe, whose origins predate those great nations, still exists, unmixed among the ruins of its homeland.” Dr. Richardson makes similar observations: “As I approached the synagogue, I was particularly struck by the miserable state of the houses lining the streets, as well as the poverty of their residents. Seeing a poor Jew in Jerusalem is especially poignant. The heart of this remarkable people, wherever they find themselves, still beats for it as the city of their promised rest. They take comfort in its ruins and would gladly kiss the very dust for its sake. Jerusalem is the center around which the exiled sons of Judah imagine building the homes of their future greatness. No matter where in the world he may live, the wish of a Jew is to be buried in Jerusalem. They return from Spain and Portugal, from Egypt and Barbary, and other lands where they have been scattered: and when, after all their longings and struggles up the hills of life, we see them poor, blind, and naked in the streets of their once-happy Zion, it takes a cold heart to remain unmoved by their suffering, without saying a prayer for God to have mercy on the darkness of Judah; and that the Day Star of Bethlehem might rise in their hearts.”
“Jerusalem,” remarks Sir Frederick Henniker, “is called, even by Mohammedans, the Blessed City (El Gootz, El Koudes.) The streets of it are narrow and deserted, the houses dirty and ragged, the shops few and forsaken; and throughout the whole there is not one symptom of either commerce, comfort, or happiness. The best view of it is from the Mount of Olives: it commands the exact shape and nearly every particular; namely, the church of the holy sepulchre, the Armenian convent, the mosque of Omar, St. Stephen’s gate, the round-topped houses, and the barren vacancies of the city. Without the walls are a Turkish burial ground, the tomb of David, a small grove near the tombs of the kings, and all the rest is a surface of rock, on which are a few numbered trees. The mosque of Omar is the St. Peter’s of Turkey, and the respective saints are held respectively by their own faithful in equal veneration. The building itself has a light pagoda appearance; the garden in which it stands occupies a considerable part of the city, and, contrasted with the surrounding desert, is beautiful. The burial place of the Jews is over the valley of Kedron, and the fees for breaking the soil afford a considerable revenue to the governor. The burial place of the Turks is under the walls, near St. Stephen’s gate. From the opposite side of the valley, I was witness to the ceremony of parading a corpse round the mosque of Omar, and then bringing it forth for burial. I hastened to the grave, but was soon driven away: as far as my on dit tells me, it would have been worth seeing. The grave is strown with red earth, supposed to be of the Ager Damascenus of which Adam was made; by the side of the corpse is placed a stick, and the priest tells him that the devil will tempt him to become a Christian, but that he must make good use of his stick; that 517his trial will last three days, and that he will then find himself in a mansion of glory,” &c.
“Jerusalem,” says Sir Frederick Henniker, “is referred to, even by Muslims, as the Blessed City (El Gootz, El Koudes). The streets are narrow and empty, the houses are dirty and run-down, the shops are few and abandoned; and overall, there are no signs of commerce, comfort, or happiness. The best view of the city is from the Mount of Olives: it offers a clear view of the exact shape and almost all the details, including the church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Armenian convent, the Mosque of Omar, St. Stephen’s Gate, the dome-shaped houses, and the barren spaces within the city. Outside the walls, there's a Turkish burial ground, the tomb of David, a small grove near the tombs of the kings, and the rest is rocky land with a few sparse trees. The Mosque of Omar is like St. Peter’s for Turkey, and the respective saints are equally revered by their followers. The mosque has a light pagoda-like appearance; the garden surrounding it takes up a significant part of the city and looks beautiful compared to the surrounding desert. The Jewish burial site is across the valley of Kedron, where the fees for digging graves provide substantial revenue for the governor. The Turkish burial site is located beneath the walls, near St. Stephen’s Gate. From the opposite side of the valley, I witnessed the ceremony of parading a corpse around the Mosque of Omar before it was taken for burial. I rushed to the grave but was pushed away shortly after: according to what I’ve heard, it would have been worth watching. The grave is covered with red earth, believed to be from the Ager Damascenus, from which Adam was created; next to the corpse, a stick is placed, and the priest tells him that the devil will try to tempt him into becoming a Christian, but he must make good use of his stick; that 517 his trial will last three days, and then he will find himself in a glorious mansion,” &c.
The Jerusalem of sacred history is, in fact, no more. Not a vestige remains of the capital of David and Solomon; not a monument of Jewish times is standing. The very course of the walls is changed, and the boundaries of the ancient city are become doubtful. The monks pretend to show the sites of the sacred places; but neither Calvary, nor the holy sepulchre, much less the Dolorous Way, the house of Caiaphas, &c, have the slightest pretensions to even a probable identity with the real places to which the tradition refers. Dr. E. D. Clarke has the merit of being the first modern traveller who ventured to speak of the preposterous legends and clumsy forgeries of the priests with the contempt which they merit. “To men interested in tracing, within its walls, antiquities referred to by the documents of sacred history, no spectacle,” remarks the learned traveller, “can be more mortifying than the city in its present state. The mistaken piety of the early Christians, in attempting to preserve, has either confused or annihilated the memorials it was anxious to render conspicuous. Viewing the havoc thus made, it may now be regretted that the Holy Land was ever rescued from the dominion of Saracens, who were far less barbarous than their conquerors. The absurdity, for example, of hewing the rocks of Judea into shrines and chapels, and of disguising the face of nature with painted domes and guilded marble coverings, by way of commemorating the scenes of our Saviour’s life and death, is so evident and so lamentable, that even Sandys, with all his credulity, could not avoid a happy application of the reproof conveyed by the Roman satirist against a similar violation of the Egerian fountain.” Dr. Richardson remarks, “It is a tantalizing circumstance for the traveller who wishes to recognise in his walks the site of particular buildings, or the scenes of memorable events, that the greater part of the objects mentioned in the description both of the inspired and the Jewish historian, are entirely removed, and razed from their foundation, without leaving a single trace or name behind to point out where they stood. Not an ancient tower, or gate, or wall, or hardly even a stone, remains. The foundations are not only broken up, but every fragment of which they were composed is swept away, and the spectator looks upon the bare rock with hardly a sprinkling of earth to point out her gardens of pleasure, or groves of idolatrous devotion. And when we consider the palaces, and towers, and walls about Jerusalem, and that the stones of which some of them were constructed were thirty feet long, fifteen feet broad, and seven and a half feet thick, we are not more astonished at the strength, and skill, and perseverance, by which they were constructed, than shocked by the relentless and brutal hostility by which they were shattered and overthrown, and utterly removed from our sight. A few gardens still remain on the sloping base of Mount Zion, watered from the pool of Siloam; the gardens of Gethsemane are still in a sort of ruined cultivation; the fences are broken down, and the olive trees decaying, as if the hand that dressed and fed them were withdrawn; the Mount of Olives still retains a languishing verdure, and nourishes a few of those trees from which it derives its name; but all round about Jerusalem the general aspect is blighted and barren; the grass is withered; the bare rock looks through the scanty sward; and the grain itself, like the staring progeny of famine, seems in doubt whether to come to maturity, or die in the ear. The vine that was brought from Egypt is cut off from the midst of the land; the vineyards are wasted; the hedges are taken away; and the graves of the ancient dead are open and tenantless.”
The Jerusalem of sacred history is, in fact, no longer there. Not a trace remains of the capital of David and Solomon; there are no monuments from Jewish times still standing. The very layout of the walls has changed, and the boundaries of the ancient city have become uncertain. The monks claim to show the locations of the sacred places; however, neither Calvary nor the holy sepulchre, let alone the Dolorous Way or the house of Caiaphas, have any real claim to even a likely match with the actual places referenced by tradition. Dr. E. D. Clarke was the first modern traveler to openly criticize the ridiculous legends and clumsy forgeries of the priests with the disdain they deserve. “For those interested in finding, within its walls, antiquities mentioned in the documents of sacred history, no sight,” the learned traveler notes, “can be more disheartening than the city in its current state. The misplaced devotion of early Christians, in trying to preserve, has either confused or obliterated the memorials they sought to highlight. Looking at the destruction caused, one might now regret that the Holy Land was ever freed from the rule of the Saracens, who were much less savage than their conquerors. The absurdity, for instance, of carving the rocks of Judea into shrines and chapels, and covering the face of nature with painted domes and gilded marble to commemorate the scenes of our Savior's life and death, is so clear and so tragic that even Sandys, despite his gullibility, could not help but apply the criticism made by the Roman satirist against a similar violation of the Egerian fountain.” Dr. Richardson observes, “It is a frustrating situation for the traveler who wants to recognize during his walks the location of specific buildings or the scenes of historical events, that most of the objects mentioned in the descriptions of both the inspired and Jewish historians are completely gone, erased from their foundations, leaving not a single trace or name to indicate where they once stood. Not an ancient tower, gate, or wall, or even a stone remains. The foundations are not only broken up, but every fragment has been swept away, and the onlooker sees only bare rock with hardly any soil left to mark where the gardens of pleasure or groves of idolatrous worship once existed. When we think about the palaces, towers, and walls around Jerusalem, and how some of the stones used to build them were thirty feet long, fifteen feet wide, and seven and a half feet thick, we are astonished not only by the strength, skill, and perseverance used in their construction but also horrified by the ruthless and brutal hostility with which they were demolished and taken from our view. A few gardens still remain on the gently sloping base of Mount Zion, watered by the pool of Siloam; the gardens of Gethsemane are still somewhat cultivated but in ruins; the fences are broken, and the olive trees are withering, as if the hands that once tended to them have been withdrawn; the Mount of Olives still has some dwindling greenery and a few of those trees that give it its name; but all around Jerusalem, the overall look is desolate and barren; the grass is dried up; the bare rock shows through the sparse sod; and the grain itself, like the stark offspring of famine, seems uncertain whether to mature or perish in the ear. The vine that was brought from Egypt has been cut off from the land; the vineyards are ruined; the hedges have been removed; and the graves of the ancient dead are open and empty.”
3. On the accomplishment of prophecy in the condition in which this celebrated city has lain for ages, Keith well remarks:--It formed the theme of prophecy from the death bed of Jacob; and, as the seat of the government of the children of Judah, the sceptre departed not from it till the Messiah appeared, on the expiration of seventeen hundred years after the death of the patriarch, and till the period of its desolation, prophesied of by Daniel, had arrived. It was to be trodden down of the Gentiles, till the time of the Gentiles should be fulfilled. The time of the Gentiles is not yet fulfilled, and Jerusalem is still trodden down of the Gentiles. The Jews have often attempted to recover it: no distance of space or of time can separate it from their affections: they perform their devotions with their faces toward it, as if it were the object of their worship as well as of their love; and, although their desire to return be so strong, indelible, and innate, that every Jew, in every generation, counts himself an exile, yet they have never been able to rebuild their temple, nor to recover Jerusalem from the hands of the Gentiles. But greater power than that of a proscribed and exiled race has been added to their own, in attempting to frustrate the counsel that professed to be of God. Julian, the emperor of the Romans, not only permitted but invited the Jews to rebuild Jerusalem and their temple; and promised to reëstablish them in their paternal city. By that single act, more than by all his writings, he might have destroyed the credibility of the Gospel, and restored his beloved but deserted Paganism. The zeal of the Jews was equal to his own; and the work was begun by laying again the foundations of the temple. It was never accomplished, and the prophecy stands fulfilled. But even if the attempt of Julian had never been made, the truth of the prophecy itself is unassailable. The Jews have never been reinstated in Judea. Jerusalem has ever been trodden down of the Gentiles. The edict of Adrian was renewed by the successors of Julian; and no Jews could approach unto Jerusalem but by bribery or by stealth. It was a spot unlawful for them to touch. In the crusades, all the power of Europe was employed to rescue Jerusalem from the Heathens, but equally in vain. It has been trodden down for nearly eighteen 518centuries by its successive masters; by Romans, Grecians, Persians, Saracens, Mamelukes, Turks, Christians, and again by the worst of rulers, the Arabs and the Turks. And could any thing be more improbable to have happened, or more impossible to have been foreseen by man, than that any people should be banished from their own capital and country, and remain expelled and expatriated for nearly eighteen hundred years? Did the same fate ever befall any nation, though no prophecy existed respecting it? Is there any doctrine in Scripture so hard to be believed as was this single fact at the period of its prediction? And even with the example of the Jews before us, is it likely, or is it credible, or who can foretel, that the present inhabitants of any country upon earth shall be banished into all nations, retain their distinctive character, meet with an unparalleled fate, continue a people, without a government and without a country, and remain for an indefinite period, exceeding seventeen hundred years, till the fulfilment of a prescribed event which has yet to be accomplished? Must not the knowledge of such truths be derived from that prescience alone which scans alike the will and the ways of mortals, the actions of future nations, and the history of the latest generations?
3. Regarding the fulfillment of prophecy in the state that this famous city has existed for ages, Keith rightly notes: It was the subject of prophecy since Jacob's deathbed, and as the center of the government for the people of Judah, the scepter did not depart from it until the Messiah arrived, seventeen hundred years after the patriarch's death and until the time of its predicted desolation that Daniel spoke of had come. It was destined to be trampled on by the Gentiles until the time of the Gentiles was fulfilled. That time has not yet come, and Jerusalem continues to be trampled by the Gentiles. The Jews have often tried to reclaim it; no distance in space or time can diminish their connection to it. They pray with their faces towards it, as if it is the focus of their worship and love; and even though their longing to return is incredibly strong, permanent, and innate, with every Jew in every generation considering themselves an exile, they have never managed to rebuild their temple or regain Jerusalem from the Gentiles. However, there was a greater force than that of a discarded and exiled race trying to obstruct what was believed to be God's plan. Julian, the Roman emperor, not only allowed but invited the Jews to rebuild Jerusalem and their temple, promising to restore them to their ancestral city. With that single action, more than by all his writings, he could have undermined the credibility of the Gospel and revived his cherished but neglected paganism. The Jews matched his zeal, and the work began with the laying of the temple's foundations. It was never completed, and the prophecy remains fulfilled. Even if Julian’s attempt had never occurred, the validity of the prophecy itself stands firm. The Jews have never regained their place in Judea. Jerusalem has continually been trampled by the Gentiles. The edict of Adrian was reinforced by Julian's successors, and no Jews could approach Jerusalem except through bribery or stealth. It was a place forbidden for them to touch. During the Crusades, all of Europe’s might was used to free Jerusalem from the heathens, but it was just as futile. It has been trampled for nearly eighteen centuries by its successive rulers: Romans, Greeks, Persians, Saracens, Mamelukes, Turks, Christians, and again by the worst rulers of all, the Arabs and the Turks. And what could be more unlikely to have happened, or more impossible to foresee than the removal of any people from their own capital and homeland, remaining expelled and without a country for almost eighteen hundred years? Has any nation ever faced such an outcome, even without a prophecy about it? Is there any doctrine in Scripture that is as hard to believe as this single fact at the time of its prediction? And even with the evidence of the Jews before us, is it likely, credible, or who can predict that the current inhabitants of any country on earth will be banished to all nations, maintain their unique identity, face an unprecedented fate, remain a people without a government and without a country, and endure for an indefinite period, exceeding seventeen hundred years, until the fulfillment of a specified event that has yet to happen? Mustn't the understanding of such truths come from the foresight that comprehends both the intentions and actions of humanity, the deeds of future nations, and the history of the most recent generations?
JESHURUN, a name given to the collective political body of Israelites. Some derive the word from ישר, just or righteous, and so make it to signify a righteous people. Montanus renders it rectitudo, and so does the Samaritan version. But it seems a considerable objection against this sense, that Israel is called Jeshurun at the very time that they are upbraided with their sins and their rebellion: “Jeshurun waxed fat, and kicked,” &c, Deut. xxxii, 15. It is replied, Jeshurun is the diminutive of ישר, (for nomen auctum in fine est nomen diminutivum,) and so imports, that though, in general and on the whole, they were a righteous people, yet they were not without great faults. Perhaps Cocceius has given as probable an interpretation as any. He derives the word from שור, which signifies to see, behold, or discover; from whence, in the future tense, plural, comes ישורו, which, with the addition of nun paragogicum, makes Jeshurun; that is, “the people who had the vision of God.” This makes the name of Jeshurun to be properly applied to Israel, not only when Moses is called their king, but when they are upbraided with their rebellion against God; since the peculiar manifestation which God had made of himself to them was a great aggravation of their ingratitude and rebellion.
JESHURUN is a name used for the collective political body of the Israelites. Some people believe the word comes from Straight, meaning just or righteous, which suggests it refers to a righteous people. Montanus translates it as rectitudo, as does the Samaritan version. However, a significant objection to this interpretation is that Israel is called Jeshurun even when they are criticized for their sins and rebellion: “Jeshurun grew fat and kicked,” etc., Deut. xxxii, 15. In response, it is argued that Jeshurun is a diminutive form of Straight (since The name that has been increased in the end is a diminutive name.), implying that while they were generally a righteous people, they still had serious flaws. Cocceius may have offered a plausible interpretation. He derives the word from שור, which means to see, behold, or discover; from this, the future tense plural form ישורו is created, which with the addition of the nun paragogicum, becomes Jeshurun; meaning “the people who had the vision of God.” This gives the name Jeshurun a fitting connection to Israel, not only when Moses is referred to as their king but also when they are criticized for rebelling against God; since the unique way in which God revealed Himself to them heightened their ingratitude and rebellion.
JESUITS, or the society of Jesus, one of the most celebrated monastic orders of the Romish church, was founded in the year 1540, by Ignatius Loyola, Forsaking the military for the ecclesiastical profession, he engaged himself in the wildest and most extravagant adventures, as the knight of the blessed virgin. After performing a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and pursuing a multitude of visionary schemes, he returned to prosecute his theological studies in the universities of Spain, when he was about thirty-three years of age. He next went to Paris, where he collected a small number of associates; and, prompted by his fanatical spirit, or the love of distinction, began to conceive the establishment of a new religious order. He produced a plan of its constitution and laws, which he affirmed to have been suggested by the immediate inspiration of Heaven, and applied to the Roman pontiff, Paul III. for the sanction of his authority to confirm the institution. At a time when the papal authority had received so severe a shock from the progress of the Reformation, and was still exposed to the most powerful attacks in every quarter, this was an offer too tempting to be resisted. The reigning pontiff, though naturally cautious, and though scarcely capable, without the spirit of prophecy, of foreseeing all the advantages to be derived from the services of this nascent order, yet clearly perceiving the benefit of multiplying the number of his devoted servants, instantly confirmed by his bull the institution of the Jesuits, granted the most ample privileges to the members of the society, and appointed Loyola to be the first general of the order.
JESUITS, or the Society of Jesus, one of the most renowned monastic orders of the Catholic Church, was founded in 1540 by Ignatius Loyola. After leaving the military for the religious life, he threw himself into the most adventurous and extreme escapades, acting as the knight of the blessed virgin. Following a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and chasing various visionary goals, he returned to pursue his theological studies at the universities of Spain when he was about thirty-three years old. He then moved to Paris, where he gathered a small group of followers; driven by his passionate spirit or desire for recognition, he began to envision the creation of a new religious order. He formulated a plan for its constitution and laws, which he claimed was inspired directly by Heaven, and sought the approval of Pope Paul III to establish the institution. At a time when the papal authority was reeling from the impact of the Reformation and was under heavy attack from all sides, this proposal was too appealing to refuse. The reigning pope, although naturally cautious and unable, without a prophetic insight, to foresee all the benefits that could come from this emerging order, nonetheless recognized the advantage of increasing the number of dedicated servants, and swiftly confirmed the Jesuit institution through his papal bull, granted extensive privileges to its members, and appointed Loyola as the first general of the order.
2. The simple and primary object of the society, says a writer in the Edinburgh Encyclopædia, was to establish a spiritual dominion over the minds of men, of which the pope should appear as the ostensible head, while the real power should reside with themselves. To accomplish this object, the whole constitution and policy of the order were singularly adapted, and exhibited various peculiarities which distinguished it from all other monastic orders. The immediate design of every other religious society was to separate its members from the world; that of the Jesuits, to render them masters of the world. The inmate of the convent devoted himself to work out his own salvation by extraordinary acts of devotion and self-denial; the follower of Loyola considered himself as plunging into all the bustle of secular affairs, to maintain the interests of the Romish church. The monk was a retired devotee of heaven; the Jesuit a chosen soldier of the pope. That the members of the new order might have full leisure for this active service, they were exempted from the usual functions of other monks. They were not required to spend their time in the long ceremonial offices and numberless mummeries of the Romish worship. They attended no processions, and practised no austerities. They neither chanted nor prayed. “They cannot sing,” said their enemies; “for birds of prey never do.” They were sent forth to watch every transaction of the world which might appear to affect the interests of religion, and were especially enjoined to study the dispositions and cultivate the friendship of persons in the higher ranks. Nothing could be imagined more open and liberal than the external aspect of the institution, yet nothing could be more strict and secret than its internal organization. Loyola, influenced, perhaps, by the notions of implicit obedience which he had derived from 519his military profession, resolved that the government of the Jesuits should be absolutely monarchical. A general, chosen for life by deputies from the several provinces, possessed supreme and independent power, extending to every person, and applying to every case. Every member of the order, the instant that he entered its pale, surrendered all freedom of thought and action; and every personal feeling was superseded by the interests of that body to which he had attached himself. He went wherever he was ordered; he performed whatever he was commanded; he suffered whatever he was enjoined; he became a mere passive instrument incapable of resistance. The gradation of ranks was only a gradation in slavery; and so perfect a despotism over a large body of men, dispersed over the face of the earth, was never before realized.
2. The main and straightforward goal of the society, as stated by a writer in the Edinburgh Encyclopædia, was to establish control over people's minds, with the pope as the visible leader, while the true authority remained with them. To achieve this goal, the entire structure and policies of the order were uniquely designed, showcasing various traits that set it apart from all other monastic orders. Unlike other religious groups that aimed to isolate their members from the world, the Jesuits sought to dominate the world. The convent resident dedicated himself to his own salvation through intense acts of devotion and self-denial; the follower of Loyola believed he was diving into the chaos of secular life to uphold the interests of the Roman church. The monk was a secluded devotee of heaven; the Jesuit was a chosen soldier of the pope. To give the members of the new order ample time for this active service, they were freed from the typical duties of other monks. They didn't have to spend their time in lengthy ceremonial services or countless rituals of Roman worship. They didn't participate in processions or practice austerities. They neither sang nor prayed. “They can’t sing,” their opponents remarked; “because birds of prey never do.” They were sent out to observe every worldly event that might impact religious interests and were especially tasked with understanding and befriending people in higher social standings. The outward appearance of the institution was remarkably open and generous, yet its internal structure was extremely strict and secretive. Loyola, possibly influenced by the ideas of unquestioning obedience from his military background, decided that the governance of the Jesuits should be entirely monarchical. A general, chosen for life by representatives from various provinces, held complete and independent authority over every individual, applying to every situation. Each member of the order, upon joining, gave up all personal freedom of thought and action; individual feelings were replaced by the needs of the organization he had joined. He went wherever he was sent; he did whatever he was told; he endured whatever was required of him; he became a mere passive instrument unable to resist. The hierarchy of ranks was just a hierarchy of subservience; and such a totalitarian rule over a large group of people spread across the globe had never before been seen.
The maxims of policy adopted by this celebrated society were, like its constitution, remarkable for their union of laxity and rigour. Nothing could divert them from their original object; and no means were ever scrupled which promised to aid its accomplishment. They were in no degree shackled by prejudice, superstition, or real religion. Expediency, in its most simple and licentious form, was the basis of their morals, and their principles and practices were uniformly accommodated to the circumstances in which they were placed; and even their bigotry, obdurate as it was, never appears to have interfered with their interests. The paramount and characteristic principle of the order, from which none of its members ever swerved, was simply this, that its interests were to be promoted by all possible means, at all possible expense. In order to acquire more easily an ascendancy over persons of rank and power, they propagated a system of the most relaxed morality, which accommodated itself to the passions of men, justified their vices, tolerated their imperfections, and authorized almost every action which the most audacious or crafty politician would wish to perpetrate. To persons of stricter principles they studied to recommend themselves by the purity of their lives, and sometimes by the austerity of their doctrines. While sufficiently compliant in the treatment of immoral practices, they were generally rigidly severe in exacting a strict orthodoxy in opinions. “They are a sort of people,” said the Abbé Boileau, “who lengthen the creed and shorten the decalogue.” They adopted the same spirit of accommodation in their missionary undertakings; and their Christianity, chamelionlike, readily assumed the colour of every religion where it happened to be introduced. They freely permitted their converts to retain a full proportion of the old superstitions, and suppressed, without hesitation, any point in the new faith which was likely to bear hard on their prejudices or propensities. They proceeded to still greater lengths; and, beside suppressing the truths of revelation, devised the most absurd falsehoods, to be used for attracting disciples, or even to be taught as parts of Christianity. One of them in India produced a pedigree to prove his own descent from Brama; and another in America assured a native chief that Christ had been a valiant and victorious warrior, who, in the space of three years, had scalped an incredible number of men, women, and children. It was, in fact, their own authority, not the authority of true religion, which they wished to establish; and Christianity was generally as little known, when they quitted the foreign scenes of their labours as when they entered them.
The principles of the famous society were, much like its structure, notable for balancing flexibility and strictness. Nothing could steer them away from their original goal, and they never hesitated to use any means that promised to help achieve it. They were not constrained by bias, superstition, or true faith. Their morals were based on expediency in its most straightforward and unrestricted form, and their principles and actions were always adapted to their circumstances; even their stubbornness didn’t seem to interfere with their interests. The key principle of the order, which no member ever deviated from, was simply this: their interests should be advanced by any possible means and at any possible cost. To gain influence over those of high status and power, they promoted a relaxed moral code that catered to human passions, justified vices, accepted flaws, and permitted nearly any action a bold or crafty politician might want to take. They tried to appeal to those with stricter beliefs by demonstrating the purity of their lives and sometimes by adopting stricter doctrines. While they were flexible regarding immoral behaviors, they were generally very strict about maintaining a rigid orthodoxy in beliefs. “They are a type of people,” said Abbé Boileau, “who extend the creed while shortening the commandments.” They applied the same adaptive approach in their missionary efforts; their version of Christianity, like a chameleon, easily took on the characteristics of any religion where it was introduced. They allowed their converts to keep a significant amount of their old superstitions and didn’t hesitate to ignore any part of the new faith that conflicted with their biases or inclinations. They went even further; besides ignoring the truths of revelation, they created absurd falsehoods to attract followers or to be taught as parts of Christianity. One of them in India even fabricated a lineage to prove he was descended from Brama, and another in America told a native chief that Christ was a brave and victorious warrior who, in just three years, had scalped an unbelievable number of men, women, and children. In reality, it was their own authority, not that of true religion, they wanted to establish; Christianity was generally as unknown when they left the foreign locations of their work as when they first arrived.
These detestable objects and principles, however, were long an impenetrable secret: and the professed intention of the new order was to promote, with unequalled and unfettered zeal, the salvation of mankind. Its progress, nevertheless, was at first remarkably slow. Charles V., who is supposed, with his usual sagacity, to have discerned its dangerous tendency, rather checked than encouraged its advancement; and the universities of France resisted its introduction into that kingdom. Thus, roused by obstacles, and obliged to find resources within themselves, the Jesuits brought all their talents and devices into action. They applied themselves to every useful function and curious art; and neither neglected nor despised any mode, however humble, of gaining employment or reputation. The satirist’s description of the Greeks in Rome has been aptly chosen to describe their indefatigable and universal industry:--
These detestable objects and principles, however, were for a long time a complete secret: and the stated goal of the new order was to promote, with unmatched and unrestricted zeal, the salvation of humanity. Its progress, however, was initially very slow. Charles V., who is believed, with his usual insight, to have recognized its dangerous direction, actually hindered rather than supported its growth; and the universities of France pushed back against its introduction into the country. Thus, faced with challenges and needing to rely on their own resources, the Jesuits put all their skills and strategies into action. They dedicated themselves to every useful role and curious craft; and they didn't overlook or scorn any method, no matter how modest, of gaining work or building their reputation. The satirist’s depiction of the Greeks in Rome has been aptly chosen to illustrate their tireless and wide-ranging industriousness:--
They laboured with the greatest assiduity to qualify themselves as the instructers of youth; and succeeded, at length, in supplanting their opponents in every Catholic kingdom. They aimed, in the next place, to become the spiritual directors of the higher ranks; and soon established themselves in most of the courts which were attached to the papal faith, not only as the confessors, but frequently also as the guides and ministers, of superstitious princes. The governors of the society pursuing one uniform system with unwearied perseverance, became entirely successful; and, in the space of half a century, had in a wonderful degree extended the reputation, the number, and influence of the order. When Loyola, in 1540, petitioned the pope to authorize the institution of the Jesuits, he had only ten disciples; but in 1608 the number amounted to 10,581. Before the expiration of the sixteenth century they had obtained the chief direction of the education of youth in every Catholic country in Europe, and had become the confessors of almost all its noblest monarchs. In spite of their vow of poverty, their wealth increased with their power; and they soon rivalled, in the extent and value of their possessions, the most opulent monastic fraternities. About the beginning of the seventeenth 520century, they obtained from the court of Madrid the grant of the large and fertile province of Paraguay, which stretches across the southern continent of America, from the mountains of Potosi to the banks of the river La Plata; and, after every deduction which can reasonably be made from their own accounts of their establishment, enough will remain to excite the astonishment and applause of mankind. They found the inhabitants in the first stage of society, ignorant of the arts of life, and unacquainted with the first principles of subordination. They applied themselves to instruct and civilize these savage tribes. They commenced their labours by collecting about fifty families of wandering Indians, whom they converted and settled in a small township. They taught them to build houses, to cultivate the ground, and to rear tame animals; trained them to arts and manufactures, and brought them to relish the blessings of security and order. By a wise and humane policy, they gradually attracted new subjects and converts; till at last they formed a powerful and well organized state of three hundred thousand families.
They worked tirelessly to become qualified teachers for young people; and eventually, they succeeded in replacing their rivals in every Catholic kingdom. Next, they aimed to become the spiritual leaders of the upper classes; and soon they established themselves in most courts that adhered to the papal faith, not only as confessors but also often as advisors and ministers to superstitious rulers. The leaders of the society pursued a unified approach with relentless determination, achieving significant success; in the span of fifty years, they remarkably expanded the reputation, numbers, and influence of their order. When Loyola petitioned the pope in 1540 to authorize the formation of the Jesuits, he had only ten followers; but by 1608, that number had grown to 10,581. By the end of the sixteenth century, they had taken charge of educating youth in every Catholic country in Europe and had become the confessors for nearly all its noble monarchs. Despite their vow of poverty, their wealth grew alongside their power; soon, they rivaled the richest monastic orders in the extent and value of their holdings. Around the early seventeenth century, they received from the Madrid court the grant of the large and fertile province of Paraguay, which stretches across the southern part of America, from the mountains of Potosi to the banks of the La Plata river; and even after considering all reasonable deductions from their own reports about their establishment, there was still enough to amaze and garner the admiration of people. They found the locals in the early stages of society, unaware of the basic aspects of life and without knowledge of subordination. They set out to educate and civilize these tribal communities. They began their efforts by gathering about fifty families of nomadic Indians, whom they converted and established in a small town. They taught them how to build houses, farm the land, and raise domestic animals; trained them in various crafts and industries, and helped them appreciate the benefits of security and organization. Through a wise and compassionate approach, they gradually drew in new subjects and converts, until they had formed a powerful and well-structured community of three hundred thousand families.
Though the power of the Jesuits had become so extensive, and though their interests generally prospered during a period of more than two centuries, their progress was by no means uninterrupted; and, by their own misconduct, they soon excited the most formidable counteractions. Scarcely had they effected their establishment in France, in defiance of the parliaments and universities, when their existence was endangered by the fanaticism of their own members. John Chastel, one of their pupils, made an attempt upon the life of Henry IV.; and Father Guiscard, another of the order, was convicted of composing writings favourable to regicide. The parliaments seized the moment of their disgrace, and procured their banishment from every part of the kingdom, except the provinces of Bourdeaux and Toulouse. From these rallying points, they speedily extended their intrigues in every quarter, and in a few years obtained their re-establishment. Even Henry, either dreading their power, or pleased with the exculpation of his licentious habits, which he found in their flexible system of morality, became their patron, and selected one of their number as his confessor. They were favoured by Louis XIII. and his minister Richelieu, on account of their literary exertions; but it was in the succeeding reign of Louis XIV. that they reached the summit of their prosperity. The Fathers La Chaise and Le Teltier were successively confessors to the king; and did not fail to employ their influence for the interest of their order: but the latter carried on his projects with so blind and fiery a zeal, that one of the Jesuits is reported to have said of him, “He drives at such a rate, that he will overturn us all.” The Jansenists were peculiarly the objects of his machinations, and he rested not till he had accomplished the destruction of their celebrated college and convent at Port Royal. Before the fall, however, of this honoured seminary, a shaft from its bow had reached the heart of its proud oppressor. The “Provincial Letters of Pascal” had been published, in which the quibbling morality and unintelligible metaphysics of the Jesuits were exposed in a strain of inimitable humour, and a style of unrivalled elegance. The impression which they produced was wide and deep, and gradually sapped the foundation of public opinion, on which the power of the order had hitherto rested. Under the regency of the duke of Orleans, the Jesuits, and all theological personages and principles were disregarded with atheistical superciliousness; but under Louis XV. they partly recovered their influence at court, which, even under Cardinal Fleury, they retained in a considerable degree. But they soon revived the odium of the public by their intolerant treatment of the Jansenists, and probably accelerated their ruin by refusing, from political rather than religious scruples, to undertake the spiritual guidance of Madame de la Pampadour, as well as by imprudently attacking the authors of the “Encyclopêdie.” Voltaire directed against them all the powers of his ridicule, and finished the piece which Pascal had sketched. Their power was brought to a very low ebb, when the war of 1756 broke out, which occasioned the famous law-suit that led to their final overthrow.
Though the Jesuits' influence had grown quite large, and their interests generally thrived for over two centuries, their progress was definitely not smooth; their own misbehavior quickly sparked major backlash. Just after they established themselves in France against the parliaments and universities, their existence was threatened by the fanaticism of their own members. John Chastel, one of their students, attempted to assassinate Henry IV., and Father Guiscard, another member of the order, was found guilty of writing things that supported regicide. The parliaments took advantage of their disgrace and managed to have them banned from everywhere in the kingdom except for the regions of Bordeaux and Toulouse. From those strongholds, they quickly spread their intrigues everywhere and, within a few years, regained their footing. Even Henry, either fearing their power or appreciating the justification for his reckless behavior found in their flexible moral code, became their supporter and chose one of them as his confessor. They gained favor from Louis XIII and his minister Richelieu due to their literary efforts; however, it was during the reign of Louis XIV that they hit the peak of their success. The Fathers La Chaise and Le Teltier served as confessors to the king in succession and didn't hesitate to use their influence for the benefit of their order. However, the latter was so blind and passionately zealous in his ambitions that one Jesuit reportedly said of him, “He’s going so fast that he’ll take us all down.” The Jansenists were particularly targeted by his schemes, and he didn't stop until he destroyed their famous college and convent at Port Royal. Before this esteemed institution fell, a blow had struck the heart of its arrogant oppressor. The "Provincial Letters of Pascal" were published, revealing the Jesuits' convoluted morality and confusing metaphysics with incomparable humor and unmatched style. The impact was significant and profound, gradually undermining the foundation of public opinion on which the order's power had previously rested. During the regency of the Duke of Orleans, the Jesuits and all theological figures and ideas were dismissed with an atheistic arrogance; however, under Louis XV, they somewhat regained their influence at court, which, even under Cardinal Fleury, they maintained to a large extent. But they soon rekindled public disdain through their intolerant treatment of the Jansenists and likely hastened their downfall by refusing, out of political rather than religious concerns, to provide spiritual guidance to Madame de la Pompadour, as well as foolishly attacking the authors of the “Encyclopedia.” Voltaire unleashed all his ridicule against them, completing the work that Pascal had started. Their power had greatly diminished when the war of 1756 broke out, leading to the infamous lawsuit that ultimately resulted in their downfall.
In the mean time the king of Portugal was assassinated; and Carvalho, the minister, who detested the Jesuits, found means to load them with the odium of the crime. Malagrida, and a few more of these fathers, were charged with advising and absolving the assassins; and, having been found guilty, were condemned to the stake. The rest were banished with every brand of infamy, and were treated with the most iniquitous cruelty. They were persecuted without discrimination, robbed of their property without pity, and embarked for Italy without previous preparation; so that, no provision having been made for their reception, they were literally left to perish with hunger in their vessels. These incidents prepared the way for a similar catastrophe in France. In March, 1762, the French court received intelligence of the capture of Martinico by the British; and, dreading a storm of public indignation, resolved to divert the exasperated feelings of the nation, by yielding the Jesuits to their impending fate. On the sixth of August, 1762, their institute was condemned by the parliament, as contrary to the laws of the state, to the obedience due to the sovereign, and to the welfare of the kingdom. The order was dissolved, and their effects alienated. But in certain quarters, where the provincial parliaments had not decided against them, Jesuits still subsisted; and a royal edict was afterward promulgated, which formally abolished the society in France, but permitted its members to reside within the kingdom under certain restrictions.
In the meantime, the king of Portugal was assassinated, and Carvalho, the minister who hated the Jesuits, found a way to blame them for the crime. Malagrida and a few other Jesuits were accused of advising and absolving the assassins; after being found guilty, they were sentenced to be burned at the stake. The others were banished with all sorts of shame and treated with extreme cruelty. They were persecuted indiscriminately, stripped of their property without mercy, and sent to Italy without any preparation; as a result, with no arrangements made for their arrival, they were literally left to starve on their ships. These events set the stage for a similar disaster in France. In March 1762, the French court learned that the British had captured Martinique, and fearing a wave of public outrage, they decided to distract the angry public by sacrificing the Jesuits to their fate. On August 6, 1762, the parliament condemned their order as being against the laws of the state, the allegiance owed to the sovereign, and the welfare of the kingdom. The order was dissolved, and their property was confiscated. However, in some places where the provincial parliaments had not ruled against them, Jesuits still survived; later, a royal edict was issued that formally dissolved the society in France but allowed its members to live in the kingdom under certain restrictions.
In Spain, where they conceived their establishment to be perfectly secure, they experienced an overthrow equally complete, and much more unexpected. The necessary measures 521were concerted under the direction of De Choiseul, by the Marquis D'Ossun, the French ambassador at Madrid, with Charles III., king of Spain, and his prime minister, the Count D'Aranda. The execution of their purposes was as sudden as their plans had been secret. At midnight, March 31st, 1767, large bodies of military surrounded the six colleges of the Jesuits in Madrid, forced the gates, secured the bells, collected the fathers in the refectory, and read to them the king’s order for their instant transportation. They were immediately put into carriages previously placed at proper stations; and were on their way to Carthagena before the inhabitants of the city had any intelligence of the transaction. Three days afterward, the same measures were adopted with regard to every other college of the order in the kingdom; and, ships having been provided at the different sea ports, they were all embarked for the ecclesiastical states in Italy. All their property was confiscated, and a small pension assigned to each individual as long as he should reside in a place appointed, and satisfy the Spanish court as to his peaceable demeanour. All correspondence with the Jesuits was prohibited, and the strictest silence on the subject of their expulsion was enjoined under penalties of high treason. A similar seizure and deportation took place in the Indies, and an immense property was acquired by the government. Many crimes and plots were laid to the charge of the order; but whatever may have been their demerit, the punishment was too summary to admit of justification; and many innocent individuals were subjected to sufferings beyond the deserts even of the guilty. Pope Clement III. prohibited their landing in his dominions; and, after enduring extreme miseries in crowded transports, the survivors, to the number of two thousand three hundred, were put ashore on Corsica. The example of the king of Spain was immediately followed by Ferdinand VI. of Naples, and soon after by the prince of Parma. They had been expelled from England in 1604; from Venice in 1606; and from Portugal in 1759, upon the charge of having instigated the families of Tavora and D'Aveiro to assassinate King Joseph I. Frederick the Great, of Prussia, was the only monarch who showed a disposition to afford them protection; but in 1773 the order was entirely suppressed by Pope Clement XIV., who is supposed to have fallen a victim to their vengeance. In 1801 the society was restored in Russia by the Emperor Paul; and in 1804, by King Ferdinand, in Sardinia. In August, 1814, a bull was issued by Pope Pius VII., restoring the order to all their former privileges, and calling upon all Catholic princes to afford them protection and encouragement. This act of their revival is expressed in all the solemnity of papal authority; and even affirmed to be above the recall or revision of any judge, with whatever power he may be clothed; but to every enlightened mind it cannot fail to appear as a measure altogether incapable of justification, from any thing either in the history of Jesuitism, or in the character of the present times.
In Spain, where they believed their establishment was completely secure, they faced a totally unexpected and thorough overthrow. The necessary steps were coordinated by De Choiseul through the Marquis D'Ossun, the French ambassador in Madrid, along with Charles III, the king of Spain, and his prime minister, the Count D'Aranda. The execution of their plans was as quick as the planning had been secretive. At midnight on March 31st, 1767, large groups of military surrounded the six Jesuit colleges in Madrid, forced open the gates, silenced the bells, gathered the fathers in the dining hall, and read to them the king’s order for their immediate transportation. They were quickly placed into carriages ready at designated spots and were on their way to Carthagena before the city's residents even knew what was happening. Three days later, the same actions were taken against every other Jesuit college in the kingdom, and with ships arranged at various ports, they were all sent to the ecclesiastical states in Italy. All their property was seized, and a small pension was allocated to each individual as long as they stayed in an assigned location and remained in good standing with the Spanish court. Any communication with the Jesuits was banned, and strict silence regarding their expulsion was enforced under severe penalties for treason. A similar seizure and deportation occurred in the Indies, with the government acquiring vast properties. Many crimes and plots were attributed to the order; but whatever their faults, the punishment was too swift to justify, and many innocent people endured sufferings beyond what even the guilty deserved. Pope Clement III banned them from landing in his territories; after suffering extreme hardships in overcrowded transports, the remaining two thousand three hundred were finally dropped off on Corsica. Other rulers soon followed the king of Spain's lead, including Ferdinand VI of Naples and later the prince of Parma. They had already been expelled from England in 1604, Venice in 1606, and Portugal in 1759 under accusations of encouraging the Tavora and D'Aveiro families to assassinate King Joseph I. Frederick the Great of Prussia was the only monarch willing to protect them; however, in 1773, Pope Clement XIV completely suppressed the order, allegedly falling victim to their retaliation. In 1801, the society was restored in Russia by Emperor Paul, and in 1804 by King Ferdinand in Sardinia. In August 1814, Pope Pius VII issued a bull reinstating the order with all their previous privileges and urging all Catholic princes to protect and support them. This revival was proclaimed with the full authority of the papacy and was said to be beyond the revision of any judge, regardless of their power. However, to any informed individual, this action seems entirely unjustifiable, given the history of Jesuitism and the nature of contemporary times.
3. It would be in vain to deny that many considerable advantages were derived by mankind from the labours of the Jesuits. Their ardour in the study of ancient literature, and their labours in the instruction of youth, greatly contributed to the progress of polite learning. They have produced a greater number of ingenious authors than all the other religious fraternities taken together; and though there never was known among their order one person who could be said to possess an enlarged philosophical mind, they can boast of many eminent masters in the separate branches of science, many distinguished mathematicians, antiquarians, critics, and even some orators of high reputation. They were in general, also, as individuals, superior in decency, and even purity of manners, to any other class of regular clergy in the church of Rome. But all these benefits by no means counterbalanced the pernicious effects of their influence and intrigues on the best interests of society.
3. It’s undeniable that many significant benefits came from the work of the Jesuits. Their passion for studying ancient literature and their efforts in educating young people significantly contributed to the advancement of learning. They've produced more talented authors than all the other religious groups combined; and although there hasn’t been anyone in their ranks who could be considered to have a broad philosophical outlook, they can boast many skilled experts in various fields of science, numerous distinguished mathematicians, historians, critics, and even some highly regarded speakers. Generally, as individuals, they were also more decent and even more virtuous in their behavior than any other group of regular clergy in the Roman Catholic Church. However, all these advantages certainly didn't make up for the harmful effects of their influence and schemes on society’s best interests.
The essential principles of the institution, namely, that their order is to be maintained at the expense of the society at large, and that the end sanctifies the means, are utterly incompatible with the welfare of any community of men. Their system of lax and pliant morality, justifying every vice, and authorizing every atrocity, has left deep and lasting ravages on the face of the moral world. Their zeal to extend the jurisdiction of the court of Rome over every civil government, gave currency to tenets respecting the duty of opposing princes who were hostile to the Catholic faith, which shook the basis of all political allegiance, and loosened the obligations of every human law. Their indefatigable industry, and countless artifices in resisting the progress of reformed religion, perpetuated the most pernicious errors of Popery, and postponed the triumph of tolerant and Christian principles. Whence, then, it may well be asked, whence the recent restoration? What long latent proof has been discovered of the excellence, or even the expedience, of such an institution? The sentence of their abolition was passed by the senates, and monarchs, and statesmen, and divines, of all religions, and of almost every civilized country in the world. Almost every land has been stained and torn by their crimes; and almost every land bears on its public records the most solemn protests against their existence.
The key principles of the institution—that their order should be maintained at the expense of society as a whole, and that the end justifies the means—are completely incompatible with the well-being of any community. Their system of loose and flexible morality, which justifies every vice and allows for every atrocity, has left deep and lasting scars on the moral landscape. Their enthusiasm for extending the authority of the Roman court over every civil government promoted ideas about the duty to oppose rulers who were against the Catholic faith, undermining the foundations of political loyalty and weakening the relevance of human laws. Their relentless efforts and numerous tactics to resist the progress of reformed religion perpetuated the most harmful errors of Catholicism and delayed the victory of tolerant and Christian principles. So, it raises the question: what has led to the recent revival? What hidden evidence has emerged to prove the quality or even the usefulness of such an institution? The decision to abolish them was made by senates, monarchs, statesmen, and theologians from all religions and nearly every civilized country around the world. Almost every country has been marred and damaged by their crimes; and nearly every country has formal records containing the most serious objections to their existence.
JESUS CHRIST, the Son of God, the Messiah, and Saviour of the world, the first and principal object of the prophecies, prefigured and promised in the Old Testament, expected and desired by the patriarchs; the hope of the Gentiles; the glory, salvation, and consolation of Christians. The name Jesus, or, as the Hebrews pronounce it, יהושוע, Jehoshua, or Joshua, Ἰησούς, signifies, he who shall save. No one ever bore this name with so much justice, nor so perfectly fulfilled the signification of it, as Jesus Christ, who saves 522even from sin and hell, and hath merited heaven for us by the price of his blood. It is not necessary here to narrate the history of our Saviour’s life, which can no where be read with advantage except in the writings of the four evangelists; but there are several general views which require to be noticed under this article.
JESUS CHRIST, the Son of God, the Messiah, and Savior of the world, is the main focus of the prophecies, foreshadowed and promised in the Old Testament, longed for by the patriarchs; the hope of the Gentiles; the glory, salvation, and comfort of Christians. The name Jesus, or as the Hebrews say, יהושע, Jehoshua, or Joshua, Ἰησούς, means he who will save. No one has carried this name with such significance, nor has anyone fulfilled its meaning as perfectly as Jesus Christ, who saves us from sin and hell, and has earned us heaven through the sacrifice of his blood. It’s not necessary to recount the story of our Savior's life here, as it can only be thoroughly appreciated in the writings of the four evangelists; however, there are several key points that need to be addressed in this context.
1. Jesus of Nazareth was the Christ or Messiah promised under the Old Testament. That he professed himself to be that Messiah to whom all the prophets gave witness, and who was, in fact, at the time of his appearing, expected by the Jews; and that he was received under that character by his disciples, and by all Christians ever since, is certain. And if the Old Testament Scriptures afford sufficiently definite marks by which the long announced Christ should be infallibly known at his advent, and these presignations are found realized in our Lord, then is the truth of his pretensions established. From the books of the Old Testament we learn that the Messiah was to authenticate his claim by miracles; and in those predictions respecting him, so many circumstances are recorded, that they could meet only in one person; and so, if they are accomplished in him, they leave no room for doubt, as far as the evidence of prophecy is deemed conclusive. As to MIRACLES, we refer to that article; here only observing, that if the miraculous works wrought by Christ were really done, they prove his mission, because, from their nature, and having been wrought to confirm his claim to be the Messiah, they necessarily imply a divine attestation. With respect to PROPHECY, the principles under which its evidence must be regarded as conclusive will be given under that head; and here therefore it will only be necessary to show the completion of the prophecies of the sacred books of the Jews relative to the Messiah in one person, and that person the founder of the Christian religion.
1. Jesus of Nazareth was the Christ or Messiah promised in the Old Testament. He claimed to be that Messiah whom all the prophets spoke about, and who was expected by the Jews at the time of his arrival. It's certain that he was accepted in that role by his disciples and by all Christians ever since. If the Old Testament Scriptures provide clear signs to identify the long-promised Christ at his coming, and these signs are fulfilled in our Lord, then the truth of his claims is established. From the Old Testament, we learn that the Messiah would validate his claim through miracles; and in those predictions about him, there are so many details recorded that they could only apply to one person. Therefore, if they are fulfilled in him, there is no doubt, as long as the evidence of prophecy is considered conclusive. Regarding Wonders, we refer to that article; here, we note that if the miraculous works performed by Christ truly happened, they validate his mission because, by their nature and their purpose to support his claim to be the Messiah, they necessarily imply a divine attestation. As for PREDICTION, the principles under which its evidence should be viewed as conclusive will be provided under that section. Here, it will be necessary to demonstrate how the prophecies from the sacred Jewish texts concerning the Messiah are fulfilled in one individual, that individual being the founder of the Christian religion.
The time of the Messiah’s appearance in the world, as predicted in the Old Testament, is defined, says Keith, by a number of concurring circumstances, which fix it to the very date of the advent of Christ. The last blessing of Jacob to his sons, when he commanded them to gather themselves together that he might tell them what should befall them in the last days, contains this prediction concerning Judah: “The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come; and unto him shall the gathering of the people be,” Gen. xlix, 10. The date fixed by this prophecy for the coming of Shiloh, or the Saviour, was not to exceed the time during which the descendants of Judah were to continue a united people, while a king should reign among them, while they should be governed by their own laws, and while their judges should be from among their brethren. The prophecy of Malachi adds another standard for measuring the time: “Behold, I send my messenger, and he shall prepare the way before me; and the Lord, whom ye seek, shall come suddenly to his temple, even the messenger of the covenant, whom ye delight in: behold, he shall come, saith the Lord of Hosts,” Mal. iii, 1. No words can be more expressive of the coming of the promised Messiah; and they as clearly imply his appearance in the second temple before it should be destroyed. In regard to the advent of the Messiah before the destruction of the second temple, the words of Haggai are remarkably explicit: “The desire of all nations shall come, and I will fill this house with glory, saith the Lord of Hosts. The glory of this latter house shall be greater than of the former, and in this place will I give peace,” Hag. ii, 7. The Saviour was thus to appear, according to the prophecies of the Old Testament, during the time of the continuance of the kingdom of Judah, previous to the demolition of the temple, and immediately subsequent to the next prophet. But the time is rendered yet more definite. In the prophecies of Daniel, the kingdom of the Messiah is not only foretold as commencing in the time of the fourth monarchy, or Roman empire, but the express number of years that were to precede his coming are plainly intimated: “Seventy weeks are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy city, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sin, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the Most Holy. Know, therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem, unto Messiah the Prince, shall be seven weeks and threescore and two weeks,” Dan. ix, 24, 25. Computation by weeks of years was common among the Jews, and every seventh was the sabbatical year; seventy weeks, thus amounted to four hundred and ninety years. In these words the prophet marks the very time, and uses the very name of Messiah, the Prince; so entirely is all ambiguity done away. The plainest inference may be drawn from these prophecies. All of them, while, in every respect, they presuppose the most perfect knowledge of futurity; while they were unquestionably delivered and publicly known for ages previous to the time to which they referred; and while they refer to different contingent and unconnected events, utterly undeterminable and inconceivable by all human sagacity; accord in perfect unison to a single precise period where all their different lines terminate at once,--the very fulness of time when Jesus appeared. A king then reigned over the Jews in their own land; they were governed by their own laws; and the council of their nation exercised its authority and power. Before that period, the other tribes were extinct or dispersed among the nations. Judah alone remained, and the last sceptre in Israel had not then departed from it. Every stone of the temple was then unmoved; it was the admiration of the Romans, and might have stood for ages. But in a short space, all these concurring testimonies to the time of the advent of the Messiah passed 523away. During the very year, the twelfth of his age, in which Christ first publicly appeared in the temple, Archelaus the king was dethroned and banished; Coponius was appointed procurator; and the kingdom of Judea, the last remnant of the greatness of Israel, was debased into a part of the province of Syria. The sceptre was smitten from the tribe of Judah; the crown fell from their heads; their glory departed; and, soon after the death of Christ, of their temple one stone was not left upon another; their commonwealth itself became as complete a ruin, and was broken in pieces; and they have ever since been scattered throughout the world, a name but not a nation. After the lapse of nearly four hundred years posterior to the time of Malachi, another prophet appeared who was the herald of the Messiah. And the testimony of Josephus confirms the account given in Scripture of John the Baptist. Every mark that denoted the time of the coming of the Messiah was erased soon after the crucifixion of Christ, and could never afterward be renewed. And with respect to the prophecies of Daniel, it is remarkable, at this remote period, how little discrepancy of opinion has existed among the most learned men, as to the space from the time of the passing out of the edict to rebuild Jerusalem, after the Babylonish captivity, to the commencement of the Christian era, and the subsequent events foretold in the prophecy.
The time of the Messiah’s arrival in the world, as predicted in the Old Testament, is defined, according to Keith, by several overlapping circumstances that pinpoint it to the exact date of Christ’s coming. Jacob’s final blessing to his sons, when he asked them to gather around so he could tell them what would happen in the last days, includes this prediction about Judah: “The scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh comes; and to him shall be the gathering of the people,” Gen. xlix, 10. This prophecy sets the timeframe for the coming of Shiloh, or the Savior, not to exceed the period during which the descendants of Judah were to remain united, while a king reigned among them, following their own laws, and while their judges were from their own people. The prophecy of Malachi adds another standard for measuring the time: “Behold, I send my messenger, and he shall prepare the way before me; and the Lord, whom you seek, shall come suddenly to his temple, even the messenger of the covenant, whom you delight in: behold, he shall come, says the Lord of Hosts,” Mal. iii, 1. There could be no clearer expression of the promised Messiah’s coming, and it clearly implies his appearance in the second temple before it would be destroyed. Regarding the Messiah’s arrival before the destruction of the second temple, Haggai’s words are remarkably explicit: “The desire of all nations shall come, and I will fill this house with glory, says the Lord of Hosts. The glory of this latter house shall be greater than of the former, and in this place will I give peace,” Hag. ii, 7. Thus, according to the Old Testament prophecies, the Savior was to appear during the time of Judah’s kingdom, before the temple was destroyed, and just after the next prophet. But the timing is made even more specific. In Daniel’s prophecies, the kingdom of the Messiah is foretold to begin during the fourth monarchy, or the Roman Empire, and the number of years leading up to his coming is clearly indicated: “Seventy weeks are determined upon your people, and upon your holy city, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sin, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the Most Holy. Know, therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem, unto Messiah the Prince, shall be seven weeks and threescore and two weeks,” Dan. ix, 24, 25. Counting weeks of years was common among the Jews, with every seventh year being a sabbatical year; thus, seventy weeks added up to four hundred and ninety years. In these words, the prophet marks the exact time and uses the specific title of Messiah, the Prince, eliminating all ambiguity. The clearest conclusion can be drawn from these prophecies. All of them, while they assume the most perfect knowledge of the future; and while they were undoubtedly delivered and publicly known long before the time they referred to; and while they refer to different contingent and disconnected events, completely unresolvable and unimaginable by human wisdom; point in perfect harmony to a single specific time when all their different lines converge—the very fullness of time when Jesus arrived. A king reigned over the Jews in their own land; they were governed by their own laws; and their national council exercised its authority and power. Before that time, the other tribes had disappeared or were scattered among the nations. Only Judah remained, and the last scepter in Israel had not yet departed from it. Every stone of the temple was still in place; it was the admiration of the Romans and could have stood for ages. But soon, all these confirming testimonies to the timing of the Messiah’s arrival faded away. During the very year, when he was twelve years old and first publicly appeared in the temple, Archelaus the king was dethroned and exiled; Coponius was appointed procurator; and the kingdom of Judea, the last remnant of Israel’s greatness, was reduced to being part of the province of Syria. The scepter was struck from the tribe of Judah; the crown fell from their heads; their glory departed; and soon after Christ’s death, not one stone was left upon another of their temple; their commonwealth itself fell into complete ruin and was shattered; and ever since they have been scattered throughout the world, just a name but not a nation. After nearly four hundred years following Malachi, another prophet appeared as the forerunner of the Messiah. The record of Josephus confirms the biblical account of John the Baptist. Every marker that indicated the timing of the Messiah’s coming was erased shortly after Christ’s crucifixion, and it could never be restored. Regarding Daniel’s prophecies, it's notable how little disagreement there has been among scholars about the time from the issuance of the decree to rebuild Jerusalem after the Babylonian exile to the beginning of the Christian era and the subsequent events foretold in the prophecy.
The predictions contained in the Old Testament respecting both the family out of which the Messiah was to arise, and the place of his birth, are almost as circumstantial, and are equally applicable to Christ, as those which refer to the time of his appearance. He was to be an Israelite, of the tribe of Judah, of the family of David, and of the town of Bethlehem. That all these predictions were fulfilled in Jesus Christ; that he was of that country, tribe, and family, of the house and lineage of David, and born in Bethlehem, we have the fullest evidence in the testimony of all the evangelists; in two distinct accounts of the genealogies, by natural and legal succession, which, according to the custom of the Jews, were carefully preserved; in the acquiescence of the enemies of Christ in the truth of the fact, against which there is not a single surmise in history; and in the appeal made by some of the earliest Christian writers to the unquestionable testimony of the records of the census, taken at the very time of our Saviour’s birth by order of Cæsar. Here, indeed, it is impossible not to be struck with the exact fulfilment of prophecies which are apparently contradictory and irreconcilable, and with the manner in which they were providentially accomplished. The spot of Christ’s nativity was distant from the place of the abode of his parents, and the region in which he began his ministry was remote from the place of his birth; and another prophecy respecting him was in this manner verified: “In the land of Zebulun and Naphtali, by the way of the sea beyond Jordan, in Galilee of the nations, the people that walked in darkness have seen a great light; they that dwell in the land of the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined,” Isaiah ix, 1, 2; Matt. iv, 16. Thus, the time at which the predicted Messiah was to appear; the nation, the tribe, and the family from which he was to be descended; and the place of his birth,--no populous city, but of itself an inconsiderable place,--were all clearly foretold; and as clearly refer to Jesus Christ; and all meet their completion in him.
The predictions in the Old Testament about both the family from which the Messiah would come and his birthplace are nearly as detailed and equally applicable to Christ as those that indicate the timing of his arrival. He was meant to be an Israelite, from the tribe of Judah, of the family of David, and born in Bethlehem. We have solid evidence that all these predictions were fulfilled in Jesus Christ—he belonged to that country, tribe, and family; he was from the house and lineage of David; and he was born in Bethlehem. This is supported by the accounts of all the evangelists, including two distinct genealogies that were carefully kept according to Jewish tradition, as well as the acknowledgment of Christ's enemies regarding this truth, which has no recorded doubt in history. Additionally, some of the earliest Christian writers appealed to the indisputable records of the census taken by order of Caesar at the time of our Savior’s birth. It’s striking to see how the prophecies, which might seem contradictory and irreconcilable, were exactly fulfilled and how they came to pass. Christ’s birthplace was far from his parents' home, and the region where he began his ministry was also distant from where he was born. Another prophecy about him was fulfilled in this way: “In the land of Zebulun and Naphtali, by the way of the sea beyond Jordan, in Galilee of the nations, the people who walked in darkness have seen a great light; those who dwell in the land of the shadow of death, upon them has the light shined,” Isaiah ix, 1, 2; Matt. iv, 16. Thus, the timing of the predicted Messiah’s appearance, the nation, tribe, and family he was to come from, and the place of his birth— not a large city but a relatively insignificant location—were all clearly foretold, and they all refer to Jesus Christ, finding their fulfillment in him.
But the facts of his life, and the features of his character, are also drawn with a precision that cannot be misunderstood. The obscurity, the meanness, and the poverty of his external condition are thus represented: “He shall grow up before the Lord like a tender plant, and as a root out of a dry ground: he hath no form or comeliness; and when we shall see him, there is no beauty that we should desire him. Thus saith the Lord to him whom man despiseth, to him whom the nation abhorreth, to a servant of rulers, Kings shall see and arise, princes also shall worship,” Isaiah liii, 2; xlix, 7. That such was the condition in which Christ appeared, the whole history of his life abundantly testifies. And the Jews, looking in the pride of their hearts for an earthly king, disregarded these prophecies concerning him, were deceived by their traditions, and found only a stone of stumbling, where, if they had searched their Scriptures aright, they would have discovered an evidence of the Messiah. “Is not this the carpenter’s son? Is not this the son of Mary? said they and they were offended at him.” His riding in humble triumph into Jerusalem; his being betrayed for thirty pieces of silver, and scourged, and buffeted, and spit upon; the piercing of his hands and of his feet; the last offered draught of vinegar and gall; the parting of his raiment, and casting lots upon his vesture; the manner of his death and of his burial, and his rising again without seeing corruption, were all expressly predicted, and all these predictions were literally fulfilled, Zech. ix, 9; xi, 12; Isaiah l, 6; Psalm xxii, 16; lxix, 21; xxii, 18; Isaiah liii, 9; Psalm xvi, 10. If all these prophecies admit of any application to the events of the life of any individual, it can only be to that of the Author of Christianity. And what other religion can produce a single fact which was actually foretold of its founder?
But the facts of his life and the traits of his character are depicted with a clarity that can't be misunderstood. His external circumstances of obscurity, humiliation, and poverty are represented as follows: “He shall grow up before the Lord like a tender plant, and as a root out of dry ground: he has no form or beauty; and when we see him, there is no attractiveness that we should desire him. Thus says the Lord to him whom man despises, to him whom the nation abhors, to a servant of rulers; Kings shall see and arise, princes also shall worship,” Isaiah liii, 2; xlix, 7. That this was the condition in which Christ appeared is abundantly confirmed by the entirety of his life story. The Jews, looking with pride for an earthly king, overlooked these prophecies about him, were misled by their traditions, and found only a stumbling block instead, when, if they had truly searched their Scriptures, they would have found evidence of the Messiah. “Isn't this the carpenter's son? Isn’t this the son of Mary?” they said, and they were offended by him. His humble triumphal entry into Jerusalem, being betrayed for thirty pieces of silver, being scourged, mocked, and spat upon; the piercing of his hands and feet; the final offer of vinegar mixed with gall; the division of his clothes, and casting lots for his garment; the manner of his death and burial, and his resurrection without seeing decay, were all specifically foretold, and all these predictions were literally fulfilled, Zech. ix, 9; xi, 12; Isaiah l, 6; Psalm xxii, 16; lxix, 21; xxii, 18; Isaiah liii, 9; Psalm xvi, 10. If all these prophecies can be applied to the life events of any individual, it can only be to the Author of Christianity. And what other religion can present even one fact that was actually foretold about its founder?
The death of Christ was as unparalleled as his life; and the prophecies are as minutely descriptive of his sufferings as of his virtues. Not only did the paschal lamb, which was to be killed every year in all the families of Israel, which was to be taken out of the flock, to be without blemish, to be eaten with bitter herbs, to have its blood sprinkled, and to be kept whole that not a bone of it should be broken; not only did the offering up of Isaac, and the lifting up of the brazen serpent in the wilderness, by looking upon which the people were healed, and many ritual observances of the Jews, prefigure the manner of Christ’s death, and the sacrifice which was to be made for sin; but many express declarations abound in the prophecies, 524that Christ was indeed to suffer. But Isaiah, who describes, with eloquence worthy of a prophet, the glories of the kingdom that was to come, characterizes, with the accuracy of a historian, the humiliation, the trials, and the agonies which were to precede the triumphs of the Redeemer of a world; and the history of Christ forms, to the very letter, the commentary and the completion of his every prediction. In a single passage, Isaiah lii, 13, &c; liii, the connection of which is uninterrupted, its antiquity indisputable, and its application obvious, the sufferings of the servant of God (who under that same denomination, is previously described as he who was to be the light of the Gentiles, the salvation of God to the ends of the earth, and the elect of God in whom his soul delighted, Isa. xiii, 10; xlix, 6) are so minutely foretold, that no illustration is requisite to show that they testify of Jesus. The whole of this prophecy thus refers to the Messiah. It describes both his debasement and his dignity; his rejection by the Jews; his humility, his affliction, and his agony; his magnanimity and his charity; how his words were disbelieved; how his state was lowly; how his sorrow was severe; how he opened not his mouth but to make intercession for the transgressors. In diametrical opposition to every dispensation of Providence which is registered in the records of the Jews, it represents spotless innocence suffering by the appointment of Heaven; death as the issue of perfect obedience; God’s righteous servant as forsaken of him; and one who was perfectly immaculate bearing the chastisement of many guilty; sprinkling many nations from their iniquity, by virtue of his sacrifice; justifying many by his knowledge; and dividing a portion with the great and the spoil with the strong, because he hath poured out his soul in death. This prophecy, therefore, simply as a predictionprediction prior to the event, renders the very unbelief of the Jews an evidence against them, converts the scandal of the cross into an argument in favour of Christianity, and presents us with an epitome of the truth, a miniature of the Gospel in some of its most striking features. The simple exposition of it sufficed at once for the conversion of the eunuch of Ethiopia. To these prophecies may, in fact, be added all those which relate to his spiritual kingdom, or the circumstances of the promulgation, the opposition, and the triumphs of his religion; the accomplishment of which equally proves the divine mission of its Author, and points him out as that great personage with whom they stand inseparably connected.
The death of Christ was as unique as his life; and the prophecies are as detailed about his sufferings as they are about his virtues. Not only was the paschal lamb, which had to be killed every year in all the families of Israel, taken from the flock, without blemish, eaten with bitter herbs, its blood sprinkled, and kept whole with no bone broken; not only did the offering of Isaac and the raising of the bronze serpent in the wilderness, through which the people were healed, along with many Jewish rituals prefigure Christ's manner of death and the sacrifice for sin; but there are also many clear statements in the prophecies that Christ was indeed to suffer. Isaiah, who describes, with the eloquence of a prophet, the glories of the future kingdom, accurately portrays the humiliation, trials, and agonies that would precede the triumphs of the Redeemer of the world; and the life of Christ perfectly fulfills every one of his predictions. In one passage, Isaiah 52:13 and 53, the continuity is unbroken, the age is indisputable, and the application is clear, detailing the sufferings of God's servant (who is previously described as the light for the Gentiles, the salvation of God to the ends of the earth, and the chosen one in whom God delights, Isaiah 42:10; 49:6) so precisely that no further explanation is needed to show that they refer to Jesus. This entire prophecy relates to the Messiah. It outlines both his humiliation and dignity; his rejection by the Jews; his humility, affliction, and agony; his generosity and compassion; how his words were not believed; how he lived in lowliness; how his sorrow was deep; and how he opened not his mouth except to intercede for the transgressors. In stark contrast to every act of Providence recorded by the Jews, it portrays innocent suffering by God's design; death resulting from perfect obedience; God's righteous servant forsaken by Him; and one who was completely innocent bearing the punishment for many guilty people; cleansing many nations from their sins through his sacrifice; justifying many through his knowledge; and sharing a portion with the great and dividing the spoils with the strong because he poured out his soul in death. This prophecy, therefore, simply as a prediction prior to the event, makes the disbelief of the Jews evidence against them, turns the scandal of the cross into an argument supporting Christianity, and presents us with a summary of the truth, a miniature of the Gospel in some of its most striking aspects. A simple explanation of it was enough for the immediate conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch. To these prophecies can also be added those related to his spiritual kingdom, detailing the circumstances of its spread, the opposition it faced, and its triumphs; the realization of which equally proves the divine mission of its Author and identifies him as the significant figure inseparably connected to them.
2. But if Jesus of Nazareth was the Messiah, in that character his Deity also is necessarily involved, because the Messiah is surrounded with attributes of divinity in the Old Testament; and our Lord himself as certainly lays claim to those attributes as to the office of “the Christ.” Without referring here to the Scriptural doctrine of a Trinity of divine Persons in the unity of the Godhead, (see Trinity,) it is sufficient now to show that both in the Old and New Testament Scriptures, the Messiah is contemplated as a divine Person. In the very first promise of redemption, his superiority to that great and malignant spirit who destroyed the innocence of man, and blighted the fair creation of God, is unquestionably implied; while the Angel of the Divine Presence, the Angel of the Covenant, who appears so prominent in the patriarchal times, and the early periods of Jewish history, and was understood by the early Jews as the future Messiah, is seen at once as a being distinct from Jehovah and yet Jehovah himself; bearing that incommunicable name; and performing acts, and possessing qualities of unquestionable divinity. As the “Redeemer” of Job, he is the object of his trust and hope, and is said to be then a “living Redeemer;” to see whom at the last was to “see God.” As “Shiloh,” in the prophecy of Jacob, he is represented as having an indefinitely extensive reign over “the people” gathered to him; and in all subsequent predictions respecting this reign of Christ, it is represented so vast, so perfect, so influential upon the very thoughts, purposes, and affections of men, that no mere creature can be reasonably supposed capable of exercising it. Of the second Psalm, so manifestly appropriated to the Messiah, it has been justly said, that the high titles and honours ascribed in this Psalm to the extraordinary person who is the chief subject of it, far transcend any thing that is ascribed in Scripture to any mere creature. But if the Psalm be inquired into more narrowly, and compared with parallel prophecies; if it be duly considered, that not only is the extraordinary person here spoken of called, “the Son of God,” but that title is so ascribed to him as to imply, that it belongs to him in a manner that is absolutely singular, and peculiar to himself, seeing he is said to be begotten of God, verse 7, and is called, by way of eminence, “the Son,” verse 12; that the danger of provoking him to anger is spoken of in so very different a manner from what the Scripture uses in speaking of the anger of any mere creature, “Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way when his wrath is kindled but a little;” that when the kings and judges of the earth are commanded to serve God with fear, they are at the same time commanded to kiss the Son, which in those times and places was frequently an expression of adoration; and, particularly, that, whereas other Scriptures contain awful and just threatenings against those who trust in any mere man, the Psalmist nevertheless expressly calls them blessed who trust in the Son here spoken of;--all these things taken together make up a character of unequivocal divinity: and, on the other hand, when it is said, that God would set this his Son as his King on his holy hill of Zion, verse 6, this, and various other expressions in this Psalm, contain characters of that subordination which is appropriate to that divine Person who was to be incarnate, and engage in a work assigned to him by the Father. The former part of the forty-fifth Psalm is by the inspired authority of St. Paul 525applied to the Christ, who is addressed in these lofty words, “Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever; a sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of thy kingdom.” In the same manner Psalm cii, 25–29, is applied to Christ by the same authority, and there he is represented as the Creator of all things, changing his creations as a vesture, and yet himself continuing the same unchanged being amidst all the mutations of the universe. In Psalm cx, David says, “Jehovah said unto my Lord, (Adonai,) Sit thou upon my right hand until I make thine enemies thy footstool.” And in Isaiah vi, the same Adonai is seen by the prophet “seated upon a throne, high and lifted up,” receiving the adoration of seraphs, and bearing the title, “Jehovah, Lord of Hosts,” of which passage St. John makes a direct application to Christ. Isaiah predicts his birth of a virgin, under the title of “Immanuel, God with us.” The same prophet gives to this wonderful child the style of “the Mighty God,” the Everlasting Father,” and the “Prince of Peace;” so that, as Dr. Pye Smith justly observes, “if there be any dependence on words, the Messiah is here drawn in the opposite characters of humanity and Deity,--the nativity and frailty of a mortal child, and the incommunicable attributes of the omnipresent and eternal God.” Twice is he called by Jeremiah, “Jehovah our righteousness.” Daniel terms him the “Ancient of Days,” or “The Immortal;” and Micah declares, in a passage which the council of the Jews, assembled by Herod, applied to the Messiah, that he who was to be born in Bethlehem was “even he whose comings forth are from eternity, from the days of the everlasting period.” Thus the prophetic testimony describes him, as entitled to the appellation of “Wonderful,” since he should be, in a sense peculiar to himself, the Son of God, Psalm ii, 7; Isaiah ix, 6; as existing and acting during the patriarchal and the Jewish ages, and even from eternity, Psalm xl, 7–9; Micah v, 2; as the guardian and protector of his people, Isaiah xl, 9–11; as the proper object of the various affections of piety, of devotional confidence for obtaining the most important blessings, and of religious homage from angels and men, Psalm ii, 12; xcvii, 7; and, finally, declares him to be the eternal and immutable Being, the Creator, God, the Mighty God, Adonai, Elohim, Jehovah.
2. But if Jesus of Nazareth was the Messiah, his divinity is also necessarily involved because the Messiah is described with divine attributes in the Old Testament. Our Lord clearly claims these attributes alongside the title of "the Christ." Without going into the Scriptural concept of a Trinity of divine Persons in the unity of the Godhead, (see Trinity), it's enough to show that in both the Old and New Testament Scriptures, the Messiah is viewed as a divine Person. The very first promise of redemption implies his superiority over the great and malicious spirit who destroyed human innocence and marred God's perfect creation. The Angel of the Divine Presence, the Angel of the Covenant, who prominently appears during the patriarchs and early Jewish history, was understood by early Jews to be the future Messiah; he is seen as a being distinct from Jehovah yet also Jehovah himself, carrying that unique name while performing acts and possessing qualities of unquestionable divinity. As Job's "Redeemer," he is the focus of his trust and hope and is described as a "living Redeemer;" to see him in the end is to "see God." As "Shiloh" in Jacob's prophecy, he is portrayed as having a vast reign over "the people" gathered to him, and all subsequent predictions about Christ's reign depict it as so vast, perfect, and influential on human thoughts, purposes, and feelings that no mere creature could realistically be capable of fulfilling it. In the second Psalm, which is clearly about the Messiah, it has been rightly noted that the high titles and honors given in this Psalm to the remarkable figure at its center far exceed anything attributed in Scripture to any mere creature. If we examine the Psalm more closely and compare it with similar prophecies, we find that not only is the extraordinary individual described here called "the Son of God," but this title is given to him in a way that implies it is uniquely and exclusively his, as he is said to be begotten by God, verse 7, and is referred to as "the Son" in a special sense, verse 12. The warning about provoking him to anger is expressed very differently than how Scripture speaks of the anger of any mere creature: "Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and you perish from the way when his wrath is kindled but a little." When the kings and judges of the earth are commanded to serve God with fear, they are also commanded to kiss the Son, which at that time was often an expression of worship. Notably, while other Scriptures contain severe warnings against trusting any mere human, the Psalmist specifically calls blessed those who trust in the Son being spoken of; all these elements together create a clear picture of divinity. Additionally, when it is stated that God would set this Son as his King on his holy hill of Zion, verse 6, this and various other expressions in this Psalm highlight qualities of subordination appropriate for that divine Person who was to be incarnated and carry out a mission given to him by the Father. The earlier part of the forty-fifth Psalm is applied to the Christ by the inspired authority of St. Paul, who addresses him with these powerful words, "Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever; a scepter of righteousness is the scepter of thy kingdom." Similarly, Psalm 102, verses 25–29, is applied to Christ by the same authority, where he is depicted as the Creator of all things, changing his creations like clothing, yet remaining the same unchanging being amid all the changes in the universe. In Psalm 110, David states, "Jehovah said unto my Lord, (Adonai,) Sit thou upon my right hand until I make thine enemies thy footstool." In Isaiah 6, the same Adonai is seen by the prophet "seated upon a throne, high and lifted up," receiving the worship of seraphs and bearing the title "Jehovah, Lord of Hosts," a passage that St. John directly applies to Christ. Isaiah predicts his birth from a virgin, referring to him as "Immanuel, God with us." The same prophet designates this remarkable child with the titles "the Mighty God," "the Everlasting Father," and "the Prince of Peace;" thus, as Dr. Pye Smith rightly points out, "if words mean anything, the Messiah here embodies both humanity and divinity—the birth and frailty of a mortal child, and the unique attributes of the omnipresent and eternal God." Jeremiah calls him "Jehovah our righteousness" twice. Daniel refers to him as "the Ancient of Days," or "The Immortal;" and Micah states, in a passage which the council of the Jews gathered by Herod applied to the Messiah, that he who would be born in Bethlehem was "even he whose comings forth are from eternity, from the days of the everlasting period." Thus, the prophetic testimony describes him as worthy of the title "Wonderful," since he should be, in a way unique to him, the Son of God, Psalm 2, verse 7; Isaiah 9, verse 6; existing and acting throughout the patriarchal and Jewish ages, and extending from eternity, Psalm 40, verses 7–9; Micah 5, verse 2; as the protector of his people, Isaiah 40, verses 9–11; as the rightful object of the various affections of piety, as a source of devotional confidence for obtaining significant blessings, and as deserving of religious honor from angels and humans, Psalm 2, verse 12; Psalm 97, verse 7; and finally, declares him to be the eternal and unchanging Being, the Creator, God, the Mighty God, Adonai, Elohim, Jehovah.
In perfect accordance with these views, does our Saviour speak of himself. He asserts his preëxistence, as having “come down from heaven;” and as existing “before Abraham;” and as being “in heaven” while yet before the eyes of his disciples on earth. In the same peculiar manner does he apply the term “Son of God” to himself, and that with so manifest an intention to assume it in the sense of divinity, that the Jews attempted on that account to stone him as a blasphemer. The whole force of the argument by which he silenced the Pharisees when he asked how the Messiah, who was to be the Son of David, could be David’s Lord, in reference to the passage in the Psalms before quoted, arose out of the doctrine of the Messiah’s divinity; and when he claims that all men should honour him as they honour the Father, and asserts that as the Father hath life in himself, so he has given to the Son to have life in himself, that he “quickeneth whom he will,” that “where two or three meet in his name he is in the midst of them,” and would be with his disciples “to the end of the world;” who does not see that the Jews concluded right, when they said that he made himself “equal with God,”--an impression which he took no pains to remove, although his own moral character bound him to do so, had he not intended to confirm that conclusion. So numerous are the passages in which divine titles, acts, and qualities, are ascribed to Christ, in the apostolical epistles, and so unbroken is the stream of testimony from the apostolic age, that the Deity of their Saviour was the undoubted and universal faith of his inspired followers, and of those who immediately succeeded them, that it is not necessary to quote proofs. The whole argument is this: If the Old Testament Scriptures represent the Messiah as a divine Person; the proofs which demonstrate Jesus to be the Messiah, demonstrate him also by farther and necessary consequence to be divine. Yet, though there is a union of natures in Christ, there is no mixture or confusion of their properties: his humanity is not changed into his Deity, nor his Deity absorbed by his humanity; but the two natures are distinct in one Person. How this union exists, is above our comprehension; and, indeed, if we cannot explain how our bodies and souls are united, it is not to be supposed that we can comprehend the mystery of “God manifest in the flesh.” So truly does Christ bear the name given to him in prophecy,--“Wonderful.”
In complete alignment with these beliefs, our Savior talks about himself. He claims his preexistence by saying he “came down from heaven,” existed “before Abraham,” and is “in heaven” while also being visible to his disciples on earth. In the same unique way, he refers to himself as the “Son of God,” with such a clear intent to take on this title in a divine sense that the Jews tried to stone him for blasphemy. The strength of the argument with which he silenced the Pharisees—when he asked how the Messiah, who is supposed to be the Son of David, could also be David’s Lord, based on the previously quoted Psalms—came from the doctrine of the Messiah’s divinity. When he claims that everyone should honor him just as they honor the Father, and asserts that just as the Father has life in himself, he has given the Son life in himself, that he “gives life to whom he will,” that “where two or three are gathered in his name, he is there among them,” and that he would be with his disciples “until the end of the world,” who can deny that the Jews were correct when they said he made himself “equal with God”—an impression he made no effort to deny, even though his moral integrity would have required him to do so if he hadn’t meant to validate that conclusion. There are so many instances in the apostolic letters where divine titles, actions, and qualities are attributed to Christ, and the unbroken stream of testimony from the apostolic age shows that the Deity of their Savior was the unquestioned and widespread belief of his inspired followers and those who came right after them, so there’s no need to provide proof. The overall argument is this: If the Old Testament Scriptures depict the Messiah as a divine Person, then the evidence proving Jesus to be the Messiah also confirms his divinity as a necessary consequence. However, even though there is a union of natures in Christ, there is no mixing or confusion of their qualities: his humanity is not transformed into his Deity, nor is his Deity consumed by his humanity; instead, the two natures are distinct within one Person. How this union happens is beyond our understanding; indeed, if we can’t explain how our bodies and souls are united, we shouldn’t expect to grasp the mystery of “God manifested in the flesh.” Christ truly embodies the name given to him in prophecy—“Wonderful.”
3. The doctrine of the Deity of Christ derives farther confirmation from the consideration, that in no sound sense can the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments be interpreted so as to make their very different and often apparently contradictory statements respecting him harmonize. How, for instance, is it that he is arrayed in the attributes of divinity, and yet is capable of being raised to a kingdom and glory?--that he is addressed, “Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever,” and yet that it should follow “God, even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows?”--that he should be God, and yet, by a human birth, “God with us?”--that he should, say, “I and my Father are one,” and, “My Father is greater than I?”--that he is supreme, and yet a servant?--that he is equal and yet subordinate?--that he, a man, should require and receive worship and trust?--that he should be greater than angels, and yet “made lower than the angels?”--that he should be “made flesh,” and yet be the Creator of all things?--that he should raise himself from the dead, and yet be raised by the power of the Father? These and many other declarations respecting him, all accord with the orthodox view of his person; and are intelligible so far as they state the facts respecting 526him; but are wholly beyond the power of interpretation into any rational meaning on any theory which denies to him a real humanity on the one hand, or a real and personal divinity on the other. So powerfully, in fact, has this been felt, that, in order to evade the force of the testimony of Scripture, the most licentious criticisms have been resorted to by the deniers of his divinity; such as would not certainly have been tolerated by scholars in the case of an attempt to interpret any other ancient writing.
3. The doctrine of the Divinity of Christ gets further confirmation from the idea that there’s no way to interpret the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments that makes their very different and often seemingly contradictory statements about him fit together. For example, how is it that he possesses divine attributes, yet can be raised to a kingdom and glory? How is it that he is called, “Your throne, O God, is forever and ever,” yet it follows that “God, your God, has anointed you with the oil of gladness above your companions?” How can he be God and yet, through a human birth, be “God with us?” How can he say, “I and my Father are one,” and also, “My Father is greater than I?” How can he be supreme and still be a servant? How can he be equal yet subordinate? How can he, as a man, require and receive worship and trust? How can he be greater than angels, yet “made lower than the angels?” How can he be “made flesh” and still be the Creator of all things? How can he raise himself from the dead, yet be raised by the power of the Father? These and many other statements about him all align with the orthodox view of his person; they make sense as they present the facts about him, but they can't be reasonably interpreted in any meaningful way under any theory that denies him real humanity on one hand or true and personal divinity on the other. In fact, this has been felt so strongly that to avoid the weight of the testimony of Scripture, those who deny his divinity have resorted to the most extreme criticisms that certainly wouldn’t be tolerated by scholars if they were attempting to interpret any other ancient text.
4. Being, therefore, not only “a teacher sent from God,” but the divine Son of God himself, it might be truly said by his wondering hearers, “Never man spake like this man.” On our Lord’s character as a teacher, therefore, many striking and just remarks have been made by different writers, not excepting some infidels themselves, who, in this respect, have been carried into admiration by the overwhelming force of evidence. This article, however, shall not be indebted to a desecrated source for an estimate of the character of his teaching, and shall rather be concluded with the following admirable remarks of a Christian prelate:--
4. Being not just “a teacher sent from God,” but the divine Son of God himself, his amazed listeners could truly say, “No one spoke like this man.” Many insightful and accurate comments about our Lord’s character as a teacher have been made by various writers, including some skeptics who have found themselves in awe due to the undeniable evidence. However, this article will not rely on a discredited source for an evaluation of his teaching character and will conclude with these excellent remarks from a Christian bishop:--
“When our Lord is considered as a teacher, we find him delivering the justest and most sublime truths with respect to the divine nature, the duties of mankind, and a future state of existence; agreeable in every particular to reason, and to the wisest maxims of the wisest philosophers; without any mixture of that alloy which so often debased their most perfect production; and excellently adapted to mankind in general, by suggesting circumstances and particular images on the most awful and interesting subjects. We find him filling, and, as it were, overpowering our minds with the grandest ideas of his own nature; representing himself as appointed by his Father to be our Instructer, our Redeemer, our Judge, and our King; and showing that he lived and died for the most benevolent and important purposes conceivable. He does not labour to support the greatest and most magnificent of all characters; but it is perfectly easy and natural to him. He makes no display of the high and heavenly truths which he utters; but speaks of them with a graceful and wonderful simplicity and majesty. Supernatural truths are as familiar to his mind, as the common affairs of life are to other men. He revives the moral law, carries it to perfection, and enforces it by peculiar and animating motives: but he enjoins nothing new beside praying in his name, mutual love among his disciples, as such, and the observance of two simple and significant positive laws which serve to promote the practice of the moral law. All his precepts, when rightly explained, are reasonable in themselves and useful in their tendency: and their compass is very great, considering that he was an occasional teacher, and not a systematical one. If from the matter of his instructions we pass on to the manner in which they were delivered, we find our Lord usually speaking as an authoritative teacher; though occasionally limiting his precepts, and sometimes assigning the reasons of them. He presupposes the original law of God, and addresses men as rational creatures. From the grandeur of his mind, and the magnitude of his subjects, he is often sublime; and the beauties interspersed throughout his discourses are equally natural and striking. He is remarkable for an easy and graceful manner of introducing the best lessons from incidental objects and occasions. The human heart is naked and open to him; and he addresses the thoughts of men, as others do the emotions of their countenance or their bodily actions. Difficult situations, and sudden questions of the most artful and ensnaring kind, serve only to display his superior wisdom, and to confound and astonish all his adversaries. Instead of showing his boundless knowledge on every occasion, he checks and restrains it, and prefers utility to the glare of ostentation. He teaches directly and obliquely, plainly and covertly, as wisdom points out occasions. He knows the inmost character, every prejudice and every feeling of his hearers; and, accordingly, uses parables to conceal or to enforce his lessons: and he powerfully impresses them by the significant language of actions. He gives proofs of his mission from above, by his knowledge of the heart, by a chain of prophecies, and by a variety of mighty works.
"When we think of our Lord as a teacher, we see him sharing the most accurate and profound truths about divine nature, human responsibilities, and life after death; all of which aligns perfectly with reason and the wise sayings of the smartest philosophers, free from the flaws that often marred their best works; and exceptionally suited to humanity as a whole, by presenting powerful examples and specific images on the most serious and intriguing subjects. He overwhelms our minds with grand ideas about his own nature; portraying himself as chosen by his Father to be our Instructor, Redeemer, Judge, and King; and demonstrating that he lived and died for the most caring and vital purposes imaginable. He doesn't strive to uphold the greatest and most glorious of all roles; it simply comes effortlessly to him. He doesn’t show off the high and heavenly truths he shares; instead, he speaks of them with a natural and striking simplicity. Supernatural truths are as familiar to him as everyday matters are to others. He revives the moral law, perfects it, and strengthens it with unique and inspiring motivations; but he only requires us to pray in his name, love one another as his followers, and obey two straightforward and meaningful rules that encourage moral practice. All his teachings, when understood correctly, are sensible and beneficial: and their scope is very wide, considering he was an occasional teacher rather than a systematic one. If we move from the content of his teachings to the way they were communicated, we find our Lord typically speaking with the authority of a teacher; though at times he narrows his instructions and explains their reasons. He assumes the original law of God and speaks to people as rational beings. Given the greatness of his mind and the significance of his subjects, he often rises to a sublime level; and the beauty woven through his talks is both natural and striking. He is known for effortlessly and elegantly drawing profound lessons from everyday situations and events. The human heart is completely exposed to him; he addresses people’s thoughts much like others address their facial expressions or physical actions. Challenging situations and tricky questions only serve to show his superior wisdom, leaving his opponents astounded. Rather than flaunting his limitless knowledge at every opportunity, he holds it back and prioritizes usefulness over showiness. He teaches directly and indirectly, clearly and subtly, as wisdom dictates. He understands the true character, biases, and feelings of his listeners; so he skillfully uses parables to either obscure or highlight his lessons, impressively communicating through significant actions. He provides evidence of his divine mission through his understanding of the heart, a consistent series of prophecies, and a variety of powerful works."
“He sets an example of the most perfect piety to God, and of the most extensive benevolence and the most tender compassion to men. He does not merely exhibit a life of strict justice, but of overflowing benignity. His temperance has not the dark shades of austerity; his meekness does not degenerate into apathy. His humility is signal, amidst a splendour of qualities more than human. His fortitude is eminent and exemplary, in enduring the most formidable external evils and the sharpest actual sufferings: his patience is invincible; his resignation entire and absolute. Truth and sincerity shine throughout his whole conduct. Though of heavenly descent, he shows obedience and affection to his earthly parents. He approves, loves, and attaches himself to amiable qualities in the human race. He respects authority, religious and civil; and he evidences his regard for his country by promoting its most essential good in a painful ministry dedicated to its service, by deploring its calamities, and by laying down his life for its benefit. Every one of his eminent virtues is regulated by consummate prudence; and he both wins the love of his friends, and extorts the approbation and wonder of his enemies. Never was a character at the same time so commanding and natural, so resplendent and pleasing, so amiable and venerable. There is a peculiar contrast in it between an awful greatness, dignity, and majesty, and the most conciliating loveliness, tenderness, and softness. He now converses with prophets, lawgivers, and angels; and the next instant he meekly endures the dulness of his disciples, and the blasphemies and rage of the multitude. 527He now calls himself greater than Solomon, one who can command legions of angels, the Giver of life to whomsoever he pleaseth, the Son of God who shall sit on his glorious throne to judge the world. At other times we find him embracing young children, not lifting up his voice in the streets, not breaking the bruised reed, nor quenching the smoking flax; calling his disciples, not servants, but friends and brethren, and comforting them with an exuberant and parental affection. Let us pause an instant, and fill our minds with the idea of one who knew all things heavenly and earthly, searched and laid open the inmost recesses of the heart, rectified every prejudice, and removed every mistake, of a moral and religious kind, by a word exercised a sovereignty over all nature, penetrated the hidden events of futurity, gave promises of admission into a happy immortality, had the keys of life and death, claimed a union with the Father; and yet was pious, mild, gentle, humble, affable, social, benevolent, friendly, affectionate. Such a character is fairer than the morning star. Each separate virtue is made stronger by opposition and contrast; and the union of so many virtues forms a brightness which fitly represents the glory of that God ‘who inhabiteth light inaccessible.’ Such a character must have been a real one. There is something so extraordinary, so perfect, and so godlike in it, that it could not have been thus supported throughout by the utmost stretch of human art, much less by men confessedly unlearned and obscure.” We may add, that such a character must also have been divine. His virtues are human in their class and kind, so that he was our “example;” but they were sustained and heightened by that divinity which was impersonated in him, and from which they derived their intense and full perfection.
“He sets an example of perfect devotion to God, along with great kindness and compassion towards people. He doesn't just live a life of strict fairness, but also one overflowing with generosity. His self-control lacks the dark gloom of harshness; his gentleness doesn’t turn into indifference. His humility stands out amid a grandeur of qualities beyond human. His strength is notable and admirable, enduring the toughest external challenges and deepest personal pain: his patience is unbeatable; his acceptance is complete and absolute. Truth and honesty shine through all his actions. Although he comes from a divine background, he shows obedience and love for his earthly parents. He appreciates, loves, and connects with the admirable qualities in humanity. He respects authority, both religious and civil; and he shows his commitment to his country by seeking its greatest good through a difficult service, mourning its tragedies, and sacrificing his life for its benefit. Every one of his remarkable virtues is guided by immense wisdom; he wins the affection of his friends and earns the admiration and awe of his enemies. Never has a character been both so commanding and genuine, so radiant and appealing, so lovable and respected. There’s a unique contrast in him between a profound greatness, dignity, and majesty, and the most soothing beauty, tenderness, and softness. He converses with prophets, lawgivers, and angels; and the next moment he gently endures the ignorance of his disciples and the hostility of the crowd. He calls himself greater than Solomon, one who can command legions of angels, the Giver of life to anyone he wishes, the Son of God who will sit on his glorious throne to judge the world. At other times, we see him embracing young children, not raising his voice in the streets, not breaking the bruised reed nor extinguishing the smoking wick; calling his disciples, not servants, but friends and siblings, comforting them with a warm and parental affection. Let’s take a moment to imagine someone who knows everything about the heavens and the earth, who understands and reveals the deepest parts of the heart, corrects every bias, and clears up every moral and religious misunderstanding, who governs all nature with a word, sees the hidden events of the future, promises happiness in eternity, holds the keys of life and death, claims unity with the Father; and yet is pious, gentle, kind, approachable, social, generous, friendly, and loving. Such a character is more beautiful than the morning star. Each individual virtue is strengthened by opposition and contrast; and the combination of so many virtues creates a brightness that perfectly represents the glory of that God ‘who dwells in unapproachable light.’ Such a character must have been real. There’s something so extraordinary, so perfect, and so godlike in it, that it couldn’t have been sustained merely by the greatest efforts of human skill, much less by those who are openly uneducated and unknown.” We may add that such a character must also have been divine. His virtues are human in their nature and kind, making him our “example”; but they were supported and elevated by that divinity embodied in him, from which they drew their intense and full perfection.
5. A great deal has been written concerning the form, beauty, and stature of Jesus Christ. Some have asserted, that he was in person the noblest of all the sons of men. Others have maintained, that there was no beauty nor any graces in his outward appearance. The fathers have not expressed themselves on this matter in a uniform manner. St. Jerom believes that the lustre and majesty which shone about our Saviour’s face were capable of winning all hearts: it was this that drew the generality of his Apostles with so much ease to him; it was this majesty which struck those down who came to seize him in the olive garden. St. Bernard and St. Chrysostom contend in like manner for the beauty of Jesus Christ’s person; but the most ancient fathers have acknowledged, that he was not at all handsome. Homo indecorus et passibilis, says Irenæus. Celsus objected to the Christians, that Jesus Christ, as a man, was little, and ill made, which Origen acknowledged in his answer to have been written of him. Clemens Alexandrinus owns, in several places, that the person of Jesus Christ was not beautiful, as does also Cyril of Alexandria. Tertullian says plainly, vultu et aspectu inglorius; that his outward form had nothing that could attract consideration and respect. St. Austin confesses, that Jesus Christ, as a man, was without beauty and the advantage of person; and the generality of the ancients, as Eusebius, Basil, Theodoret, Ambrose, Isidore, &c, explain the passage in the Psalms, “Thou art fairer than the children of men,” as relating to the beauty of Jesus Christ according to his divinity. This difference in opinion shows that no certain tradition was handed down on this subject. The truth probably is, that all which was majestic and attractive in the person of our Lord, was in the expression of the countenance, the full influence of which was displayed chiefly in his confidential intercourse with his disciples; while his general appearance presented no striking peculiarity to the common observer.
5. A lot has been said about the appearance, beauty, and stature of Jesus Christ. Some people have claimed that he was the noblest of all men. Others have argued that he lacked beauty and grace in his outward look. The early church fathers did not have a consistent view on this matter. St. Jerome believed that the radiance and majesty surrounding our Savior’s face could win over anyone: it was this that easily drew many of his apostles to him; it was this majesty that overwhelmed those who came to arrest him in the olive grove. St. Bernard and St. Chrysostom similarly argue for the beauty of Jesus Christ’s appearance, but the earliest fathers acknowledged that he was not handsome at all. Indecent and vulnerable human, says Irenaeus. Celsus accused Christians of saying that Jesus was short and misshapen, which Origen did acknowledge was written about him. Clement of Alexandria admits in various places that Jesus Christ was not beautiful, as does Cyril of Alexandria. Tertullian plainly states, face and appearance are unremarkable; that his outward form had nothing that could draw attention or respect. St. Augustine confesses that Jesus Christ, as a man, lacked beauty and physical advantages; and most of the ancient writers, like Eusebius, Basil, Theodoret, Ambrose, Isidore, etc., interpret the passage in the Psalms, “Thou art fairer than the children of men,” as referring to the beauty of Jesus Christ in terms of his divinity. This difference of opinion indicates that there was no definitive tradition passed down on this topic. The likely truth is that all that was majestic and appealing in our Lord's presence was in the expression of his face, which was most evident in his intimate moments with his disciples, while his general appearance did not stand out to the casual observer.
JEWS, the appropriate denomination of the descendants of Judah, which soon included under it the Benjamites, who joined themselves to the tribe of Judah, on the revolt of the other ten tribes from the house of David. After the Babylonish captivity, when many individuals of these ten tribes returned with the men of Judah and Benjamin to rebuild Jerusalem, the term Jews included them also, or rather was then extended to all the descendants of Israel who retained the Jewish religion, whether they belonged to the two or to the ten tribes, whether they returned into Judea or not. Hence, not only all the Israelites of future times have been called Jews, but all the descendants of Jacob, from the earliest times, are frequently so called by us at present, and we speak even of their original dispensation as the Jewish dispensation. The history of this singular people is recorded in the sacred books of the Old Testament; and in place of epitomizing the accounts of the sacred writers, it will be more useful to fill up the chasm between the close of the historical books there contained, and the coming of our Lord.
JEWS, the proper name for the descendants of Judah, which soon included the Benjamites who allied themselves with the tribe of Judah when the other ten tribes rebelled against the house of David. After the Babylonian exile, when many from these ten tribes returned with the people of Judah and Benjamin to rebuild Jerusalem, the term Jews included them as well, or rather was expanded to include all descendants of Israel who practiced the Jewish faith, regardless of whether they were from the two or the ten tribes, and whether or not they returned to Judea. Therefore, not only have all Israelites in later times been referred to as Jews, but all descendants of Jacob have frequently been called this by us today, and we even refer to their original covenant as the Jewish covenant. The history of this unique people is documented in the sacred texts of the Old Testament; instead of summarizing the accounts written by sacred authors, it would be more helpful to bridge the gap between the end of the historical books and the arrival of our Lord.
When the kingdom of Judah had been seventy years in captivity, and the period of their affliction was completed, Cyrus, (B. C. 536,) under whom were united the kingdoms of Persia, Media, and Babylon, issued a decree, permitting all the Jews to return to their own land, and to rebuild their temple at Jerusalem. This decree had been expressly foretold by the Prophet Isaiah, who spoke of Cyrus by name, above a hundred years before his birth, as the deliverer of God’s chosen people from their predicted captivity. Though the decree issued by Cyrus was general, a part only of the nation took advantage of it. The number of persons who returned at this time was forty-two thousand three hundred and sixty, and seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven servants. They were conducted by Zerubbabel and Joshua. Zerubbabel, frequently called in Scripture Shashbazzar, was the grandson of Jeconias, and consequently descended from David. He was called “the prince of Judah,” and was appointed their governor by Cyrus, and with his permission 528carried back a part of the gold and silver vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had taken out the temple of Jerusalem. The rest of the treasures of the temple were carried thither afterward by Ezra. Joshua was the son of Josedec, the high priest, and grandson of Seraiah, who was high priest when the temple was destroyed. Darius, the successor of Cyrus, confirmed this decree, and favoured the reëstablishment of the people. But it was in the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, called in Scripture Ahasuerus, that Ezra obtained his commission, and was made governor of the Jews in their own land, which government he held thirteen years: then Nehemiah was appointed with fresh powers, probably through the interest of Queen Esther; and Ezra applied himself solely to correcting the canon of the Scriptures, and restoring and providing for the continuance of the worship of God in its original purity. The first care of the Jews, after their arrival in Judea, was to build an altar for burnt-offerings to God: they then collected materials for rebuilding the temple; and all necessary preparations being made, in the beginning of the second year after their return under Zerubbabel, they began to build it upon the old foundations. The Samaritans, affirming that they worshipped the God of Israel, offered to assist the Jews; but their assistance being refused, they did all in their power to impede the work; and hence originated that enmity which ever after subsisted between the Jews and Samaritans. The temple, after a variety of obstructions and delays, was finished and dedicated, in the seventh year of King Darius, B. C. 515, and twenty years after it was begun. Though this second temple, or, as it is sometimes called, the temple of Zerubbabel, who was at that time governor of the Jews, was of the same size and dimensions as the first, or Solomon’s temple, yet it was very inferior to it in splendour and magnificence; and the ark of the covenant, the Shechinah, the holy fire upon the altar, the Urim and Thummim, and the spirit of prophecy, were all wanting to this temple of the remnant of the people. At the feast of the dedication, offerings were made for the twelve tribes of Israel, which seems to indicate that some of all the tribes returned from captivity; but by far the greater number were of the tribe of Judah, and therefore from this period the Israelites were generally called Judæi or Jews, and their country Judea. Many, at their own desire, remained in those provinces where they had been placed by the kings of Assyria and Babylon. The settlement of the people, “after their old estate,” according to the word of the Lord, together with the arrangement of all civil and ecclesiastical matters, and the building of the walls of Jerusalem, were completed by Ezra and Nehemiah. But we soon after find Malachi, the last of the prophets under the Old Testament, reproving both priests and people very severely, not for idolatry, but for their scandalous lives and gross corruptions.
When the kingdom of Judah had been in captivity for seventy years, and their suffering came to an end, Cyrus (B.C. 536), who united the kingdoms of Persia, Media, and Babylon, issued a decree allowing all Jews to return to their homeland and rebuild their temple in Jerusalem. This decree had been specifically predicted by the Prophet Isaiah, who mentioned Cyrus by name over a hundred years before he was born, as the one chosen by God to deliver His people from their foretold captivity. Although the decree was open to all, only a portion of the nation took advantage of it. The number of people who returned at this time was forty-two thousand three hundred and sixty, along with seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven servants. They were led by Zerubbabel and Joshua. Zerubbabel, often called Shashbazzar in Scripture, was the grandson of Jeconias and thus a descendant of David. He was known as “the prince of Judah” and appointed governor by Cyrus, who also allowed him to take back some of the gold and silver vessels that Nebuchadnezzar had taken from the temple in Jerusalem. The remaining treasures were later brought back by Ezra. Joshua was the son of Josedec, the high priest, and grandson of Seraiah, who was the high priest at the time of the temple's destruction. Darius, Cyrus's successor, confirmed this decree and supported the restoration of the people. However, it was during the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, referred to in Scripture as Ahasuerus, that Ezra received his commission and became the governor of the Jews in their homeland, a role he held for thirteen years. Nehemiah was then appointed with new authority, possibly through Queen Esther's influence, while Ezra focused solely on correcting the canon of Scriptures and ensuring the continuance of God's worship in its true form. Upon their arrival in Judea, the Jewish people's first priority was to build an altar for burnt offerings to God. They then gathered materials for the temple's reconstruction, and after making all necessary preparations, they began building it on the old foundations in the beginning of the second year after their return under Zerubbabel. The Samaritans, claiming to worship the God of Israel, offered to assist the Jews, but their help was declined, leading the Samaritans to do everything they could to hinder the work. This resulted in the lasting animosity between the Jews and Samaritans. After facing numerous obstacles and delays, the temple was completed and dedicated in the seventh year of King Darius, B.C. 515, twenty years after construction began. Though this second temple, sometimes referred to as Zerubbabel's temple, was the same size and dimensions as Solomon's temple, it was much less splendid and magnificent. The ark of the covenant, the Shechinah, the holy fire on the altar, the Urim and Thummim, and the spirit of prophecy were all missing from this temple of the remnant. During the dedication feast, offerings were made for the twelve tribes of Israel, suggesting that some from each tribe returned from captivity, but the vast majority were from the tribe of Judah. Thus, from this time onward, the Israelites were commonly called Jews, and their land was known as Judea. Many chose to remain in the regions where they had been settled by the kings of Assyria and Babylon. The people’s resettlement “after their old estate,” as per God’s word, alongside the organization of all civil and religious affairs and the rebuilding of Jerusalem's walls, was completed by Ezra and Nehemiah. Soon after, Malachi, the last prophet of the Old Testament, sharply criticized both priests and people, not for idol worship, but for their scandalous behavior and serious corruption.
The Scriptural history ends at this period, B. C. 430; and we must have recourse to uninspired writings, principally to the books of the Maccabees, and to Josephus, for the remaining particulars of the Jewish history, to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. Judea continued subject to the kings of Persia about two hundred years; but it does not appear that it had a separate governor after Nehemiah. From his time it was included in the jurisdiction of the governor of Syria, and under him the high priest had the chief authority. When Alexander the Great was preparing to besiege Tyre, he sent to Jaddua, the high priest at Jerusalem, to supply him with that quantity of provisions which he was accustomed to send to Persia. Jaddua refused, upon the ground of his oath of fidelity to the king of Persia. This refusal irritated Alexander; and when he had taken Tyre, he marched toward Jerusalem to revenge himself upon the Jews. Jaddua had notice of his approach, and, by the direction of God, went out of the city to meet him, dressed in his pontifical robes, and attended by the Levites in white garments. Alexander, visibly struck with this solemn appearance, immediately laid aside his hostile intentions, advanced toward the high priest, embraced him, and paid adoration to the name of God, which was inscribed upon the frontlet of his mitre: he afterward went into the city with the high priest, and offered sacrifices in the temple to the God of the Jews. This sudden change in the disposition of Alexander excited no small astonishment among his followers; and when his favourite Parmenio inquired of him the cause, he answered, that it was occasioned by the recollection of a remarkable dream he had in Macedonia, in which a person, dressed precisely like the Jewish high priest, had encouraged him to undertake the conquest of Persia, and had promised him success: he therefore adored the name of that God by whose direction he believed he acted, and showed kindness to his people. It is also said, that while he was at Jerusalem the prophecies of Daniel were pointed out to him, which foretold that “the king of Grecia” should conquer Persia, Dan. viii, 21. Before he left Jerusalem he granted the Jews the same free enjoyment of their laws and their religion, and exemption from tribute every sabbatical year, which they had been allowed by the kings of Persia; and when he built Alexandria, he placed a great number of Jews there, and granted them many favours and immunities. Whether any Jews settled in Europe so early as while the nation was subject to the Macedonian empire, is not known; but it is believed that they began to Hellenize about this time. The Greek tongue became more common among them, and Grecian manners and opinions were soon introduced. See Alexander.
The biblical history wraps up around 430 B.C., and we have to turn to non-religious writings, mainly the books of the Maccabees and Josephus, for the rest of Jewish history, including the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. Judea remained under Persian rule for about two hundred years, but it seems there was no separate governor after Nehemiah. From then on, it fell under the authority of the governor of Syria, and the high priest held the main power. When Alexander the Great was getting ready to attack Tyre, he sent a message to Jaddua, the high priest in Jerusalem, asking for the usual supply of provisions he sent to Persia. Jaddua refused because of his oath of loyalty to the Persian king. This angered Alexander, and after he took Tyre, he marched towards Jerusalem to take revenge on the Jews. Jaddua learned of his approach and, following God’s guidance, went out to meet him dressed in his priestly robes and accompanied by the Levites in white garments. Alexander, visibly moved by this solemn sight, immediately abandoned his hostile plans, approached the high priest, embraced him, and showed reverence to the name of God, written on the front of his mitre. He then went into the city with the high priest and made sacrifices in the temple to the God of the Jews. This sudden change in Alexander's attitude surprised his followers; when his favorite Parmenio asked him why, he replied that it was because of a memorable dream he had in Macedonia, where someone dressed like the Jewish high priest encouraged him to conquer Persia, promising him success. Therefore, he worshiped the God whose guidance he believed he was following and showed kindness to the Jewish people. It’s also said that while he was in Jerusalem, the prophecies of Daniel were pointed out to him, predicting that “the king of Grecia” would conquer Persia (Dan. viii, 21). Before he left Jerusalem, he granted the Jews the same rights to their laws and religion and exemption from taxes every sabbatical year that they had under the Persian kings. When he established Alexandria, he settled many Jews there and granted them various privileges and exemptions. It’s unclear if any Jews settled in Europe during the time the nation was under Macedonian rule, but it’s thought that they began to adopt Greek culture around this period. The Greek language became more widespread among them, and Greek customs and ideas were soon introduced. See Alex.
At the death of Alexander, (B. C. 323,) in the division of his empire among his generals, Judea fell to the share of Laomedon. But Ptolemy Soter, son of Lagus, king of Egypt, soon after made himself master of it by a stratagem: he entered Jerusalem on a Sabbath 529day, under pretence of offering sacrifice, and took possession of the city without resistance from the Jews, who did not on this occasion dare to transgress their law by fighting on a Sabbath day. Ptolemy carried many thousands captive into Egypt, both Jews and Samaritans, and settled them there: he afterward treated them with kindness, on account of their acknowledged fidelity to their engagements, particularly in their conduct toward Darius, king of Persia; and he granted them equal privileges with the Macedonians themselves at Alexandria. Ptolemy Philadelphus is said to have given the Jews who were captives in Egypt their liberty, to the number of a hundred and twenty thousand. He commanded the Jewish Scriptures to be translated into the Greek language, which translation is called the Septuagint. (See Alexandria.) After the Jewish nation had been tributary to the kings of Egypt for about a hundred years, it became subject to the kings of Syria. They divided the land, which now began to be called Palestine, into five provinces, three of which were on the west side of the Jordan, namely, Galilee, Samaria, and Judea, and two on the east side, namely, Trachonitis and Peræa; but they suffered them to be governed by their own laws, under the high priest and council of the nation. Seleucus Nicanor gave them the right of citizens in the cities which he built in Asia Minor and Cœlo-Syria, and even in Antioch, his capital, with privileges, which they continued to enjoy under the Romans. Antiochus the Great granted considerable favours and immunities to the city of Jerusalem; and, to secure Lydia and Phrygia, he established colonies of Jews in those provinces. In the series of wars which took place between the kings of Syria and Egypt, Judea, being situated between those two countries, was, in a greater or less degree, affected by all the revolutions which they experienced, and was frequently the scene of bloody and destructive battles. The evils to which the Jews were exposed from these foreign powers were considerably aggravated by the corruption and misconduct of their own high priests, and other persons of distinction among them. To this corruption and misconduct, and to the increasing wickedness of the people, their sufferings ought indeed to be attributed, according to the express declarations of God by the mouth of his prophets. It is certain that about this time a considerable part of the nation was become much attached to Grecian manners and customs, though they continued perfectly free from the sin of idolatry. Near Jerusalem places were appropriated to gymnastic exercises; and the people were led by Jason, who had obtained the high priesthood from Antiochus Epiphanes by the most dishonourable means, to neglect the temple worship, and the observance of the law, in a far greater degree than at any period since their return from the captivity. It pleased God to punish them for this defection, by the hand of the very person whom they particularly sought to please. Antiochus Epiphanes, irritated at having been prevented by the Jews from entering the holy place when he visited the temple, soon after made a popular commotion the pretence for the exercise of tyranny: he took the city, (B. C. 170,) plundered the temple, and slew or enslaved great numbers of the inhabitants, with every circumstance of profanation and of cruelty which can be conceived. For three years and a half, the time predicted by Daniel, the daily sacrifice was taken away, the temple defiled and partly destroyed, the observance of the law prohibited under the most severe penalties, every copy burned which the agents of the tyrant could procure, and the people required to sacrifice to idols, under pain of the most agonizing death. Numerous as were the apostates, (for the previous corruption of manners had but ill prepared the nation for such a trial,) a remnant continued faithful; and the complicated miseries which the people endured under this cruel yoke excited a general impatience. At length the moment of deliverance arrived. Mattathias, a priest, (B. C. 167,) eminent for his piety and resolution, and the father of five sons, equally zealous for their religion, encouraged the people by his example and exhortations, “to stand up for the law;” and having soon collected an army of six thousand men, he eagerly undertook to free Judea from the oppression and persecution of the Syrians, and to restore the worship of the God of Israel; but being very old when he engaged in this important and arduous work, he did not live to see its completion. At his death, his son, Judas Maccabæus, succeeded to the command of the army; and having defeated the Syrians in several engagements, he drove them out of Judea, and established his own authority in the country. His first care was to repair and purify the temple for the restoration of divine worship; and, to preserve the memory of this event, the Jews ordained a feast of eight days, called the feast of the dedication, to be yearly observed. Judas Maccabæus was slain in battle, and his brother Jonathan succeeded him in the government. He was also made high priest, and from that time the Maccabæan princes continued to be high priests. Judas Maccabæus and his brothers were so successful, by their valour and conduct, in asserting the liberty of their country, that in a few years they not only recovered its independence, but regained almost all the possessions of the twelve tribes, destroying at the same time the temple on Mount Gerizim, in Samaria. But they and their successors were almost always engaged in wars, in which, though generally victorious, they were sometimes defeated, and their country for a short time oppressed. Aristobulus was the first of the Maccabees who assumed the name of king. About forty-two years after, a contest arising between the two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, the sons of Alexander Jaddæus, relative to the succession of the crown, both parties applied to the Romans for their support and assistance. Scaurus, the Roman general, suffered himself to be bribed by Aristobulus, and placed him on the throne. Not long after, Pompey returned from the east into Syria, and both the 530brothers applied to him for his protection, and pleaded their cause before him, (B. C. 63.) Pompey considered this as a favourable opportunity for reducing Palestine under the power of the Romans, to which the neighbouring nations had already submitted; and therefore, without deciding the points in dispute between the two brothers, he marched his army into Judea, and, after some pretended negociation with Aristobulus and his party, besieged and took possession of Jerusalem. He appointed Hyrcanus high priest, but would not allow him to take the title of king: he gave him, however, the specious name of prince, with very limited authority. Pompey did not take away the holy utensils or treasures of the temple, but he made Judea subject and tributary to the Romans; and Crassus, about nine years after, plundered the temple of every thing valuable belonging to it. Julius Cæsar confirmed Hyrcanus in the pontificate, and granted fresh privileges to the Jews; but about four years after the death of Julius Cæsar, Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, with the assistance of the Parthians, while the empire of Rome was in an unsettled state, deposed his uncle Hyrcanus, (B. C. 41,) seized the government, and assumed the title of king.
At the death of Alexander in 323 B.C., when his empire was divided among his generals, Judea was assigned to Laomedon. However, Ptolemy Soter, the son of Lagus and king of Egypt, soon took control of it using a clever trick: he entered Jerusalem on a Sabbath under the guise of offering a sacrifice and seized the city without any resistance from the Jews, who did not dare to violate their law by fighting on the Sabbath. Ptolemy captured many thousands of Jews and Samaritans and brought them to Egypt, where he treated them well due to their loyalty, especially in their conduct towards Darius, the king of Persia. He granted them the same rights as the Macedonians in Alexandria. Ptolemy Philadelphus is said to have freed 120,000 captive Jews in Egypt and ordered the Jewish Scriptures to be translated into Greek, known as the Septuagint. (See Alexandria.) After the Jewish nation had been under tribute to the kings of Egypt for about a hundred years, it fell under the control of the kings of Syria. They divided the land, now known as Palestine, into five provinces: three on the west side of the Jordan (Galilee, Samaria, and Judea) and two on the east side (Trachonitis and Peræa), allowing them to govern themselves under their own laws, led by the high priest and the council. Seleucus Nicanor granted them citizenship in the cities he built in Asia Minor and Coelo-Syria, even in Antioch, his capital, where they maintained these privileges under Roman rule. Antiochus the Great offered significant favors and exemptions to Jerusalem. To secure Lydia and Phrygia, he established Jewish colonies in those regions. Throughout the wars between the kings of Syria and Egypt, Judea, located between the two nations, was frequently affected by their conflicts and often became a battleground. The troubles faced by the Jews due to these foreign powers were worsened by the corruption and misbehavior of their high priests and other influential figures. Their suffering can indeed be attributed to this corruption, misconduct, and the growing wickedness of the people, as clearly stated by God through his prophets. By this time, a large part of the nation had become quite attached to Greek customs while remaining free from the sin of idolatry. Near Jerusalem, areas were designated for gymnastic activities, and the community, influenced by Jason—who had obtained the high priesthood through unscrupulous means under Antiochus Epiphanes—neglected temple worship and the law to a greater extent than at any time since returning from captivity. God chose to punish them for this turning away with the very person they sought to please. Antiochus Epiphanes, angry at being stopped by the Jews from entering the holy place during his temple visit, soon used a popular uprising as an excuse to exercise tyranny: he captured the city in 170 B.C., looted the temple, and killed or enslaved many inhabitants with extreme acts of desecration and cruelty. For three and a half years, as predicted by Daniel, the daily sacrifices ceased, the temple was defiled and partially destroyed, the observance of the law banned with harsh penalties, every copy of the scriptures burned, and the people were forced to sacrifice to idols or face horrific deaths. Despite the large number of apostates—given that the prior moral decline had ill-prepared the nation for such a trial—there remained a faithful remnant, and the deep suffering from this brutal oppression led to a widespread desire for freedom. Finally, the time for liberation arrived. Mattathias, a devout and resolute priest, and the father of five sons who were equally passionate about their faith, inspired the people to “stand up for the law.” He quickly gathered an army of 6,000 and eagerly sought to free Judea from the Syrian oppression and restore the worship of the God of Israel. However, he was quite old when he took on this significant and difficult mission and did not live to see it completed. After his death, his son, Judas Maccabæus, took command of the army; he defeated the Syrians in several battles, expelled them from Judea, and established his authority over the region. His first priority was to rebuild and purify the temple for the revival of divine worship, and to commemorate this event, the Jews instituted an eight-day celebration called the Feast of Dedication to be observed annually. Judas Maccabæus was killed in battle, and his brother Jonathan took over leadership and became high priest, establishing a line of Maccabæan high priests. Judas Maccabæus and his brothers effectively regained their country's freedom through their bravery and strategies, recovering nearly all the territories of the twelve tribes while also demolishing the temple on Mount Gerizim in Samaria. However, they and their successors were almost constantly engaged in warfare, sometimes victorious but at other times facing defeats, leading to short periods of oppression. Aristobulus was the first of the Maccabees to take the title of king. About forty-two years later, a conflict arose between his two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, the sons of Alexander Jaddæus, over the crown's succession, prompting both sides to seek Roman support. Scaurus, the Roman general, accepted bribes from Aristobulus and placed him on the throne. Not long after, Pompey returned from the east into Syria, and both brothers sought his protection, presenting their case to him in 63 B.C. Pompey saw a good opportunity to bring Palestine under Roman control, as neighboring nations had already submitted, so without resolving the brothers' disputes, he marched his army into Judea. After some superficial negotiations with Aristobulus and his supporters, he besieged and took Jerusalem. He appointed Hyrcanus as high priest but did not grant him the title of king, instead calling him prince with limited powers. Pompey did not confiscate the holy items or treasures of the temple, but he made Judea a subject and tributary to Rome; Crassus, about nine years later, plundered the temple of all its valuables. Julius Caesar confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood and granted additional privileges to the Jews, but about four years after Caesar's death, Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, with the help of the Parthians while the Roman Empire was unstable, deposed his uncle Hyrcanus in 41 B.C., seized control, and took the title of king.
Herod, by birth an Idumean, but of the Jewish religion, whose father, Antipater, as well as himself, had enjoyed considerable posts of honour and trust under Hyrcanus, immediately set out for Rome, and prevailed upon the senate, through the interest of Antony and Augustus, to appoint him king of Judea. Armed with this authority, he returned, and began hostilities against Antigonus. About three years after, he took Jerusalem, and put an end to the government of the Maccabees or Asmonæans, after it had lasted nearly a hundred and thirty years. Antigonus was sent prisoner to Rome, and was there put to death by Antony. Herod married Mariamne, who lived to be the only representative of the Asmonæan family, and afterward caused her to be publicly executed from motives of unfounded jealousy. Herod considerably enlarged the kingdom of Judea, but it continued tributary to the Romans; he greatly depressed the civil power of the high priesthood, and changed it from being hereditary and for life to an office granted and held at the pleasure of the monarch; and this sacred office was now often given to those who paid the highest price for it, without any regard to merit: he was an inexorable, cruel tyrant to his people, and even to his children, three of whom he put to death; a slave to his passions, and indifferent by what means he gratified his ambition; but to preserve the Jews in subjection, and to erect a lasting monument to his own name, he repaired the temple of Jerusalem at a vast expense, and added greatly to its magnificence.
Herod, born an Idumean but of the Jewish faith, whose father, Antipater, along with himself, had held significant positions of honor and trust under Hyrcanus, immediately traveled to Rome. There, he convinced the senate, with the support of Antony and Augustus, to make him king of Judea. Armed with this power, he returned and launched attacks against Antigonus. About three years later, he captured Jerusalem, ending the Maccabean or Hasmonean rule, which had lasted nearly 130 years. Antigonus was taken prisoner to Rome, where he was executed by Antony. Herod married Mariamne, the last representative of the Hasmonean dynasty, but later had her publicly executed due to baseless jealousy. Herod significantly expanded the kingdom of Judea, yet it remained a vassal to the Romans; he greatly weakened the civil authority of the high priesthood, changing it from an hereditary lifetime position to one granted and held at the monarch's whim. This sacred office was often given to those who paid the most for it, regardless of their qualifications. He was a merciless, cruel tyrant to his people and even to his own children, three of whom he killed. He was a slave to his passions, using any means necessary to satisfy his ambition; however, to keep the Jews under control and to create a lasting legacy for himself, he remodeled the temple of Jerusalem at great expense and enhanced its grandeur.
At this time there was a confident expectation of the Messiah among the Jews; and indeed, a general idea prevailed among the Heathen, also, that some extraordinary conqueror or deliverer would soon appear in Judea. In the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Herod, while Augustus was emperor of Rome, the Saviour of mankind was born of the virgin Mary, of the lineage of David, in the city of Bethlehem of Judea, according to the word of prophecy. Herod, misled by the opinion, which was then common among the Jews, that the Messiah was to appear as the temporal prince, and judging from the inquiries of the wise men of the east, that the child was actually born, sent to Bethlehem, and ordered that all the children of two years old and under should be put to death, with the hope of destroying one whom he considered as the rival of himself, or at least of his family. He was soon after smitten with a most loathsome and tormenting disease, and died, a signal example of divine justice, about a year and a quarter after the birth of our Saviour, and in the thirty-seventh year of his reign, computing from the time he was declared king by the Romans. See Herod.
At this time, there was a strong belief in the coming of the Messiah among the Jews; and actually, a general notion also existed among the Gentiles that some remarkable conqueror or savior would soon emerge in Judea. In the thirty-sixth year of Herod's reign, while Augustus was the emperor of Rome, the Savior of the world was born to the virgin Mary, from the line of David, in the city of Bethlehem in Judea, as prophesied. Herod, misled by the widespread Jewish belief that the Messiah would come as a political leader, and sensing from the inquiries of the wise men from the east that the child had indeed been born, sent someone to Bethlehem and ordered the execution of all children two years old and younger, hoping to eliminate what he saw as a rival to himself or at least to his family. Shortly after, he contracted a terrible and painful disease and died, serving as a stark example of divine justice, about a year and a quarter after the birth of our Savior, and in the thirty-seventh year of his reign, counting from when he was declared king by the Romans. See Herod.
Herod made his will not long before his death, but left the final disposal of his dominions to Augustus. The emperor ratified this will in all its material points, and suffered the countries over which Herod had reigned to be divided among his three sons. Archelaus succeeded to the largest share, namely, to Judea Propria, Samaria, and Idumea. Herod Antipas, called Herod the Tetrarch, who afterward beheaded John the Baptist, succeeded to Galilee and Peræa; and Philip, to Trachonitis, and to the neighbouring region of Iturea. The sons of Herod the Great were not suffered to take the title of king: they were only called ethnarchs or tetrarchs. Beside the countries already mentioned, Abilene, which had belonged to Herod during the latter part of his life, and of which Lysanias is mentioned in Luke iii, 1, as tetrarch, and some cities were given to Salome, the sister of Herod the Great, (A. D. 7.) Archelaus acted with great cruelty and injustice; and in the tenth year of his government, upon a regular complaint being made against him by the Jews, Augustus banished him to Vienne, in Gaul, where he died.
Herod made his will shortly before he died, but he left the final decision about his kingdom to Augustus. The emperor approved this will in all its major parts, allowing the territories where Herod had ruled to be divided among his three sons. Archelaus received the largest portion, which included Judea, Samaria, and Idumea. Herod Antipas, known as Herod the Tetrarch, who later beheaded John the Baptist, took over Galilee and Perea; and Philip received Trachonitis and the nearby area of Iturea. The sons of Herod the Great were not allowed to use the title of king; they were referred to as ethnarchs or tetrarchs instead. In addition to the regions mentioned, Abilene, which had belonged to Herod in the latter part of his life, and of which Lysanias is mentioned in Luke 3:1 as tetrarch, along with some cities, were given to Salome, the sister of Herod the Great (A.D. 7). Archelaus ruled with great cruelty and injustice; after ten years in power and following a formal complaint from the Jews, Augustus exiled him to Vienne in Gaul, where he died.
After the banishment of Archelaus, Augustus sent Publius Sulpitius Quirinus, who, according to the Greek way of writing that name, is by St. Luke called Cyrenius, president of Syria, to reduce the countries over which Archelaus had reigned, to the form of a Roman province; and appointed Coponius, a Roman of the equestrian order, to be governor, under the title of procurator of Judea, but subordinate to the president of Syria. The power of life and death was now taken out of the hands of the Jews, and taxes were from this time paid immediately to the Roman emperor. Justice was administered in the name and by the laws of Rome; though in what concerned their religion, their own laws, and the power of the high priest, and sanhedrim, or great council, were continued to them; and they were allowed to examine witnesses, and exercise an inferior jurisdiction in other causes, subject to the control of the Romans, to whom their tetrarchs or kings were also subject; and it may be remarked that, at this very period of time, our 531Saviour, who was now in the twelfth year of his age, being at Jerusalem with Joseph and Mary upon occasion of the passover, appeared first in the temple in his prophetic office, and in the business of his Father, on which he was sent, sitting among the doctors of the temple, and declaring the truth of God to them. After Coponius, Ambivius, Annius Rufus, Valerius Gratus, and Pontius Pilate, were successively procurators; and this was the species of government to which Judea and Samaria were subject during the ministry of our Saviour. Herod Antipas was still tetrarch of Galilee, and it was he to whom our Saviour was sent by Pontius Pilate. Lardner is of opinion that there was no procurator in Judea after Pontius Pilate, who was removed A. D. 36, but that it was governed for a few years by the presidents of Syria, who occasionallyoccasionally sent officers into Judea. Philip continued tetrarch of Trachonitis thirty-seven years, and died in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius. Caligula gave his tetrarchy to Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, with the title of king; and afterward he added the tetrarchy of Herod Antipas, whom he deposed and banished after he had been tetrarch forty-three years. The Emperor Claudius gave him Judea, Samaria, the southern parts of Idumea, and Abilene; and thus at last the dominions of Herod Agrippa became nearly the same as those of his grandfather, Herod the Great. It was this Agrippa, called also Herod Agrippa, and by St. Luke Herod only, who put to death James, the brother of John, and imprisoned Peter. He died in the seventh year of his reign, and left a son called also Agrippa, then seventeen years old; and Claudius, thinking him too young to govern his father’s extensive dominions, made Cuspus Fadus governor of Judea. Fadus was soon succeeded by Tiberius, and he was followed by Alexander Cumanus, Felix, and Festus; but Claudius afterward gave Trachonitis and Abilene to Agrippa, and Nero added a part of Galilee and some other cities. It was this younger Agrippa, who was also called king, before whom Paul pleaded at Cæsarea, which was at that time the place of residence of the governor of Judea. Several of the Roman governors severely oppressed and persecuted the Jews; and at length, in the reign of Nero, and in the government of Florus, who had treated them with greater cruelty than any of his predecessors, they openly revolted from the Romans. Then began the Jewish war, which was terminated, after an obstinate defence and unparalleled sufferings on the part of the Jews, by the total destruction of the city and temple of Jerusalem, by the overthrow of their civil and religious polity, and the reduction of the people to a state of the most abject slavery; for though, in the reign of Adrian, numbers of them collected together, in different parts of Judea, it is to be observed, they were then considered and treated as rebellious slaves; and these commotions were made a pretence for the general slaughter of those who were taken, and tended to complete the work of their dispersion into all countries under heaven. Since that time the Jews have no where subsisted as a nation.
After Archelaus was banished, Augustus sent Publius Sulpitius Quirinus, who is called Cyrenius by St. Luke according to the Greek spelling, to be the governor of Syria. His task was to turn the regions ruled by Archelaus into a Roman province. He appointed Coponius, a Roman from the equestrian class, to be governor of Judea with the title of procurator, but he would report to the president of Syria. The Jews no longer had control over life and death, and from that point on, taxes were paid directly to the Roman emperor. Justice was delivered according to Roman laws. However, in religious matters, they retained their own laws and the authority of the high priest and the sanhedrim, or great council. They were allowed to examine witnesses and handle minor legal issues, though they were still subject to Roman oversight, as were their tetrarchs or kings. It's worth noting that, at this time, our Savior—now twelve years old—was in Jerusalem with Joseph and Mary to celebrate Passover. He first demonstrated his prophetic role in the temple, discussing spiritual truths with the temple teachers. After Coponius, several others served as procurators: Ambivius, Annius Rufus, Valerius Gratus, and Pontius Pilate. This was the form of government Judea and Samaria experienced during our Savior's ministry. Herod Antipas was still the tetrarch of Galilee, and it was to him that Jesus was sent by Pontius Pilate. Lardner believes there was no procurator in Judea after Pontius Pilate, who was removed in A.D. 36, and that the area was managed for some years by the presidents of Syria, who occasionally sent officials to Judea. Philip continued to be tetrarch of Trachonitis for thirty-seven years, passing away in the twentieth year of Tiberius's reign. Caligula granted his tetrarchy to Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, granting him the title of king. Later, he added the tetrarchy of Herod Antipas, who had been deposed and banished after ruling for forty-three years. Emperor Claudius then gave Judea, Samaria, the southern parts of Idumea, and Abilene to Agrippa, so his territories were nearly the same as those of his grandfather, Herod the Great. This Agrippa, also called Herod Agrippa and referred to simply as Herod by St. Luke, executed James, the brother of John, and imprisoned Peter. He died in the seventh year of his reign and left a son, also named Agrippa, who was seventeen at the time; Claudius deemed him too young to manage his father's vast territories and appointed Cuspus Fadus as governor of Judea. Fadus was soon succeeded by Tiberius, followed by Alexander Cumanus, Felix, and Festus. However, Claudius later gave Trachonitis and Abilene to Agrippa, while Nero added part of Galilee and some other cities. It was this younger Agrippa, also called king, who Paul spoke before in Cæsarea, the governor of Judea's residence at that time. Some Roman governors severely oppressed and persecuted the Jews, and eventually, during Nero's reign, under Florus—who was crueler than any previous governor—they openly revolted against Roman rule. This led to the Jewish war, which ended after the Jews put up a fierce resistance and faced immense suffering, resulting in the complete destruction of Jerusalem and its temple, the collapse of their civil and religious institutions, and their people being reduced to extreme slavery. Although, in the reign of Adrian, many Jews gathered in different areas of Judea, they were then considered rebellious slaves. These uprisings served as a pretext for the widespread slaughter of captured individuals, effectively furthering their dispersion into every corner of the earth. Since that time, the Jews have not existed as a nation anywhere.
2. Jews, Modern. The Jews divide the books of the Old Testament into three classes: the law, the prophets, and the hagiographa, or holy writings. They have counted not only the large and small sections, the verses and the words, but even the letters in some of the books; and they have likewise reckoned which is the middle letter of the Pentateuch, which is the middle clause of each book, and how often each letter of the alphabet occurs in the Hebrew Scriptures. Beside the Scriptures, the Jews pay great attention to the Targums, or Chaldee paraphrases of them. It seems probable that these were written either during the Babylonish captivity, or immediately afterward, when the Jews had forgotten their own language, and acquired the Chaldee of the Targums, at present received by the Jews. The most ancient are that of Onkelos on the law, and that of Jonathan Ben Uzziel on the prophets: the former is supposed to be of greater antiquity than the latter, and it approaches, in simplicity and purity of style, to the Chaldee of Daniel and Ezra. The Targum on the prophets is believed to have been written before the birth of Christ; and, though inferior in respect of style to the Targum of Onkelos, is much superior to any other Targum.
2. Jews, Contemporary. The Jews categorize the books of the Old Testament into three groups: the law, the prophets, and the hagiographa, or holy writings. They've counted not just the large and small sections, the verses, and the words, but even the letters in some of the books. They've also identified the middle letter of the Pentateuch, the middle clause of each book, and how often each letter of the alphabet appears in the Hebrew Scriptures. In addition to the Scriptures, the Jews place a lot of importance on the Targums, or Chaldee paraphrases of them. It's likely these were written either during the Babylonian captivity or right after, when the Jews had forgotten their own language and adopted the Chaldee of the Targums accepted by the Jews today. The oldest are Onkelos's Targum on the law and Jonathan Ben Uzziel's Targum on the prophets: the former is thought to be older than the latter, and it has a simplicity and purity of style that resembles the Chaldee of Daniel and Ezra. The Targum on the prophets is believed to have been written before Christ was born; and while it’s less impressive in style compared to Onkelos's Targum, it is much better than any other Targum.
The Jews also regard with great veneration, what is called the Talmud. This work consists of two parts: the Mishna, which signifies a second law; and the Gemara, which means either a supplement or a commentary. The Jews suppose that God first dictated the text of the law to Moses, which he commanded to be put in writing, and which exists in the Pentateuch, and then gave him an explication of every thing comprehended in it, which he ordered to be committed to memory. Hence the former is called the written, and the latter the oral, law. These two laws were recited by Moses to Aaron four times, to his sons three times, to the seventy elders twice, and to the rest of the people once: after this, the repetition was renewed by Aaron, his two sons, and the seventy elders. The last month of Moses’s life was spent, according to the Jews, in repeating and explaining the law to the people, and especially to Joshua, his successor. A prophet might suspend any law, or authorize the violation of any precept, except those against idolatry. If there was any difference of opinion respecting the meaning of any law or precept, it was determined by the majority. When Joshua died, all the interpretations he had received from Moses, as well as those made in his time, were transmitted to the elders: they conveyed them to the prophets, and by one prophet they were delivered to another. This law was only oral till the days of Rabbi Jehuda, who, perceiving that the students of the law were gradually decreasing, and that the Jews were dispersed over the face of the earth, collected all the traditions, arranged them under distinct heads, and formed them into a methodical code of traditional law; thus the Mishna was formed. It is written in a concise 532style, chiefly in the form of aphorisms, which admit of a variety of interpretations. On this account, a Gemara or commentary was written by a president of a school in Palestine, which, together with the Mishna, forms the Jerusalem Talmud. The Jews in Chaldea, however, not being satisfied with this Gemara, one of their rabbies compiled another; which, together with the Mishna, forms the Babylonian Talmud.
The Jews highly respect what is known as the Talmud. This work has two main parts: the Mishna, which means a second law, and the Gemara, which means either a supplement or a commentary. The Jews believe that God first dictated the text of the law to Moses, who was instructed to write it down, which is found in the Pentateuch. Then, God provided him with an explanation of everything included in it, which he was told to memorize. Therefore, the former is referred to as the written law, and the latter as the oral law. Moses recited these two laws to Aaron four times, to his sons three times, to the seventy elders twice, and to the rest of the people once. After that, the repetition was continued by Aaron, his two sons, and the seventy elders. According to Jewish tradition, Moses spent the last month of his life repeating and explaining the law to the people, particularly to Joshua, his successor. A prophet could suspend any law or allow the violation of any precept, except for those against idolatry. If there was any disagreement about the meaning of a law or precept, it was decided by the majority. When Joshua died, all the interpretations he received from Moses, along with those made during his time, were passed on to the elders; they shared them with the prophets, and one prophet transmitted them to another. This law remained oral until the days of Rabbi Jehuda, who, noticing that the number of law students was gradually decreasing and that the Jews were scattered across the earth, gathered all the traditions, organized them into distinct categories, and created a systematic code of traditional law; this is how the Mishna was formed. It is written in a concise style, mainly as aphorisms that can be interpreted in various ways. Because of this, a Gemara or commentary was written by a head of a school in Palestine, which, together with the Mishna, constitutes the Jerusalem Talmud. However, the Jews in Chaldea, not being satisfied with this Gemara, had one of their rabbis compile another, which, along with the Mishna, forms the Babylonian Talmud.
One of the principal branches of modern Judaism is the cabala, the study of which is regarded as the sublimest of all sciences. By the cabala, the Jews mean those mystical interpretations of the Scripture, and metaphysical speculations concerning the Deity, angels, &c, which they regard as having been handed down by a secret tradition from the earliest ages. In the eleventh century, the famous Rabbi Maimonides drew up a summary of the doctrines of Judaism, which every Jew is required to believe, on pain of excommunication in this world, and condemnation in the next. This summary consists of thirteen articles, which he calls foundations or roots of the faith. The articles are as follows: 1. That God is the Creator and active Supporter of all things. 2. That God is one, and eternally unchangeable. 3. That God is incorporeal, and cannot have any material properties. 4. That God must eternally exist. 5. That God alone is to be worshipped. 6. That whatever is taught by the prophets is true. 7. That Moses is the head and father of all contemporary doctors, and of all those who lived before or shall live after him. 8. That the law was given by Moses. 9. That the law shall always exist, and never be altered. 10. That God knows all the thoughts and actions of men. 11. That God will reward the observance, and punish the breach, of the laws. 12. That the Messiah is to come, though he tarry a long time. 13. That there shall be a resurrection of the dead, when God shall think fit.
One of the main branches of modern Judaism is the Kabbalah, which is seen as the highest of all sciences. By Kabbalah, Jews refer to the mystical interpretations of Scripture and the metaphysical ideas about God, angels, etc., which they believe have been passed down through a secret tradition since ancient times. In the eleventh century, the famous Rabbi Maimonides created a summary of the beliefs of Judaism that every Jew is expected to uphold, under the threat of excommunication in this life and condemnation in the next. This summary consists of thirteen principles, which he refers to as the foundations or roots of the faith. The principles are as follows: 1. God is the Creator and active Sustainer of all things. 2. God is one and eternally unchanging. 3. God is incorporeal and cannot have any physical properties. 4. God must exist eternally. 5. Only God is to be worshipped. 6. Everything taught by the prophets is true. 7. Moses is the leading authority and the father of all contemporary teachers, as well as those who lived before or will live after him. 8. The law was given by Moses. 9. The law will always exist and will never be changed. 10. God knows all the thoughts and actions of humans. 11. God will reward those who observe the laws and punish those who violate them. 12. The Messiah will come, even if he takes a long time. 13. There will be a resurrection of the dead when God deems it appropriate.
The Jewish religion is, perhaps, more a religion of minute and trifling rites and ceremonies than even the Catholic religion. The minutest circumstances in dressing and undressing, washing and wiping the face and hands, and other necessary actions of common and daily life, are enjoined by the rabbies to be performed exactly according to the prescribed regulations. Their prayers also are numerous, and some of them relate to the most trifling circumstances. Those esteemed the most solemn and important are called Shemoneh Esreh, or the eighteen prayers, though they actually consist of nineteen, the last having been added against heretics and apostates. They are enjoined to be said by all Jews above the age of thirteen, wherever they may be, three times a day. The members of the synagogue are required to repeat at least a hundred benedictions every day. A son who survives his father is enjoined to attend the nocturnal service in the synagogue every evening for a year, and to repeat the Kodesh, in order that his father may be delivered from hell. This service may be suspended by any person going up to the desk and closing the book. This is not unfrequently done in case of quarrels; and the prayers cannot be renewed till a reconciliation takes place.
The Jewish religion is, perhaps, more about detailed and minor rituals and ceremonies than even the Catholic religion. The smallest details in getting dressed and undressed, washing and drying the face and hands, and other everyday actions are required by the rabbis to be done exactly according to the established rules. Their prayers are also many, with some focused on the most trivial matters. The ones considered the most serious and significant are called Shemoneh Esreh, or the eighteen prayers, although there are actually nineteen, with the last one added for heretics and apostates. All Jews over the age of thirteen are required to recite them three times a day, no matter where they are. Members of the synagogue must say at least a hundred blessings every day. A son who outlives his father is expected to attend the evening service at the synagogue every night for a year and to recite the Kodesh so that his father can be freed from hell. This service can be interrupted by anyone going up to the desk and closing the book. This often happens in cases of disputes, and the prayers cannot be resumed until a reconciliation occurs.
Nothing is to be undertaken on Friday which cannot be finished before the evening. In the afternoon they wash and clean themselves, trim their hair, and pare their nails. Every Jew, of whatever rank, must assist in the preparation for the Sabbath. Two loaves, baked on the Friday, are set on a table. This is done in memory of the manna, of which a double portion fell on the sixth day of the week. The table remains spread all the Sabbath. Before the sun is set the candles are to be lighted; one, at least, with seven wicks, in allusion to the number of days in a week, is to be lighted in each house. The Talmudical directions respecting the wicks and oil form part of the Sabbath evening service; they are most ridiculously and childishly minute. The lesson appointed for the Sabbath is divided into seven parts, and read to seven persons at the altar. The first called up to hear it is a descendant of Aaron, the second of Levi, the third an Israelite of any tribe; the same order is then repeated: the seventh may be of any tribe. The portion read from the law is followed by a portion from the prophets. There are three services; morning, afternoon, and evening.
Nothing should be done on Friday that can't be finished before evening. In the afternoon, people wash and clean themselves, trim their hair, and manicure their nails. Every Jewish person, regardless of rank, must help prepare for the Sabbath. Two loaves, baked on Friday, are placed on a table in memory of the manna, which came down in double portions on the sixth day of the week. The table stays set throughout the Sabbath. Before sunset, the candles should be lit; at least one candle with seven wicks should be lit in each home, symbolizing the seven days of the week. The Talmudic guidelines about the wicks and oil are part of the Sabbath evening service, and they are incredibly detailed and somewhat absurd. The lesson for the Sabbath is divided into seven parts and read to seven people at the altar. The first person called is a descendant of Aaron, the second is a Levite, and the third is an Israelite from any tribe; this order repeats, with the seventh person being from any tribe. The portion read from the Torah is followed by a portion from the prophets. There are three services: morning, afternoon, and evening.
Of the festivals of the Jews we can mention only a few, and those merely in a cursory manner. The principal are those of the new moon, of the passover, of pentecost, of the new year, the fast of atonement, and the feast of tabernacles. That the festival of the new moon might be celebrated as nearly as possible on the day of the moon’s conjunction with the sun, most of the months contain alternately twenty-nine and thirty days; and the feast of the new moon is held on the first, or on the first and second days of the month. The women are not allowed to work: the men may. Good eating and drinking particularly distinguish this festival. The feast of the passover commences on the fifteenth day of the month Nisan, and continues among Jews who live in or near Jerusalem seven days, and elsewhere eight days. The Sabbath preceding is called the great Sabbath, and is kept with most scrupulous strictness. The mode and materials for making the unleavened cakes for the passover are most minutely described by the rabbies, as well as all the ceremonies of this feast. It is customary for every Jew to honour it by an exhibition of the most sumptuous furniture he can afford. The table for the feast is covered with a clean linen cloth, on which are placed several dishes: on one is the shank bone of a shoulder of lamb or kid, and an egg; on another, three cakes, wrapped in two napkins; on a third, some lettuce, parsley, celery, or other herbs: these are their bitter herbs. Near the salad is a cruet of vinegar, and some salt and water. There is also a dish representing the bricks which their forefathers were required to make in Egypt: this is composed of apples, almonds, nuts, and figs, formed into a paste, dressed in wine and cinnamon. The first two 533days, and the last two, are kept with particular solemnity and strictness. Contracts of marriage may be made, but no marriage is to be solemnized during this festival. The feast of pentecost, on the sixth day of the month Sivan, continues two days, and is kept with the same strictness as the first two days of the passover. It is a received opinion of the Jews, that the world was created on the day of their new year; and they therefore celebrate the festival of the new year by a discontinuance of all labour, and by repeated services in the synagogue. The fast of atonement is on the tenth day of Tisri: the first ten days of the month are called days of penitence during which the Jews believe that God examines the actions of mankind; but he defers passing sentence till the tenth. On the eve of the fast, a ceremony, evidently designed as a substitute for their ancient sacrifices, is performed. This consists in killing a cock with great formality. The cocks must on no account be red: white is the preferable colour. Before the fast begins, they endeavour to settle all their disputes. In the afternoon they make a hearty meal, to prepare for the fast, which is of the most rigid kind. The feast of tabernacles commences on the fifteenth of Tisri, and is kept nine days. Every Jew who has a court or garden is required to erect a tabernacle on this occasion; respecting the materials and erection of which the rabbies have given special directions. The eighth and ninth are high days, particularly the last, which is called the day of the rejoicing of the land.
Of the Jewish festivals, we can mention only a few and do so briefly. The main ones are those of the new moon, Passover, Pentecost, the new year, the Day of Atonement, and the Feast of Tabernacles. To celebrate the new moon festival as close to the day of the moon’s conjunction with the sun as possible, most months alternate between twenty-nine and thirty days. The new moon festival is observed on the first day or the first and second days of the month. Women are not allowed to work during this time, while men can. Good food and drink especially characterize this festival. The Passover begins on the fifteenth day of the month Nisan and lasts seven days for Jews living in or near Jerusalem and eight days for those elsewhere. The Sabbath before Passover is known as the Great Sabbath and is observed with great care. The method and ingredients for making the unleavened bread for Passover are detailed by the rabbis, as are all the rituals of this celebration. It is customary for every Jew to honor it by showcasing their finest furniture. The table for the feast is set with a clean linen cloth, featuring several dishes: one holds the shank bone of a lamb or kid and an egg; another has three cakes wrapped in two napkins; a third contains some lettuce, parsley, celery, or other herbs, also known as the bitter herbs. Next to the salad is a cruet of vinegar, along with some salt and water. There’s also a dish symbolizing the bricks that their ancestors had to make in Egypt, composed of apples, almonds, nuts, and figs mixed into a paste, flavored with wine and cinnamon. The first two days and the last two days are observed with particular solemnity and strictness. Marriage contracts may be arranged, but no weddings are performed during this festival. The Feast of Pentecost, on the sixth day of the month Sivan, lasts two days and is observed with the same strictness as the first two days of Passover. It is widely believed among Jews that the world was created on the day of their new year; therefore, they celebrate the new year festival by refraining from all work and holding repeated services in the synagogue. The Day of Atonement is on the tenth day of Tishri: the first ten days of the month are known as the Days of Penitence, during which Jews believe that God reviews humanity's actions, delaying judgment until the tenth day. On the eve of the fast, a ritual intended as a replacement for ancient sacrifices is performed, which involves ceremoniously killing a rooster. The roosters must not be red; white is preferred. Before the fast begins, they try to resolve any disputes. In the afternoon, they have a hearty meal to prepare for the fast, which is strictly observed. The Feast of Tabernacles starts on the fifteenth of Tishri and lasts nine days. Every Jew with a courtyard or garden must build a tabernacle for this occasion, and the rabbis have provided specific guidelines regarding its materials and construction. The eighth and ninth days are particularly special, with the last being called the Day of Rejoicing in the Land.
Such are the opinions, traditions, rites, and ceremonies of the great majority of the modern Jews; but, beside these, there is a small sect denominated Caraites, that is, textualists,--persons attached to the text of the Scriptures. They reside chiefly in the Crimea, Lithuania, and Persia; and at Damascus, Constantinople, and Cairo: their whole number is very inconsiderable. They agree with other Jews in denying the advent of the Messiah. The principal difference between them consists in their adherence to the letter of the Scripture, and in the rejection of all paraphrases and interpretations of the rabbies. They also differ from the rabbies in various particulars respecting the feasts of the passover, pentecost, and tabernacles. They observe the Sabbath with far greater strictness. They extend the degrees of affinity within which marriage is prohibited; but they are more strict in matters of divorce.
These are the beliefs, traditions, rituals, and ceremonies of the vast majority of modern Jews; however, there is a small group known as the Karaites, or textualists—people who stick closely to the text of the Scriptures. They mainly live in the Crimea, Lithuania, and Persia, as well as in Damascus, Constantinople, and Cairo: their overall number is quite small. They agree with other Jews in rejecting the idea of the Messiah's arrival. The main difference between them lies in their strict adherence to the literal text of the Scripture, rejecting any paraphrases and interpretations made by the rabbis. They also have different views from the rabbis on various aspects of the Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles. They observe the Sabbath much more strictly. They widen the degrees of kinship within which marriage is not allowed, but they are stricter regarding divorce.
3. Jews, Calamities of the. All history cannot furnish us with a parallel to the calamities and miseries of the Jews: rapine and murder, famine and pestilence within, fire and sword, and all the terrors of war without. Our Saviour wept at the foresight of these calamities; and it is almost impossible for persons of any humanity to read the account without being affected. The predictions concerning them were remarkable, and the calamities that came upon them were the greatest the world ever saw. See Deut. xxviii, xxix; Matt. xxiv. Now, what heinous sin was it that could be the cause of such heavy judgments? Can any other be assigned than that which the Scripture assigns? “They both killed the Lord Jesus and their own prophets, and persecuted the Apostles,” 1 Thess. ii, 15; and so filled up their sins, and wrath came upon them to the utmost. It is hardly possible to consider the nature and extent of their sufferings, and not conclude their own imprecation to be singularly fulfilled upon them: “His blood be on us, and on our children,” Matt. xxvii, 25. At Cæsarea twenty thousand of the Jews were killed by the Syrians in their mutual broils. At Damascus, ten thousand unarmed Jews were killed; and at Bethshan, the Heathen inhabitants caused their Jewish neighbours to assist them against their brethren, and then murdered thirteen thousand of these inhabitants. At Alexandria, the Jews murdered multitudes of the Heathens, and were murdered, in their turn, to about sixty thousand. The Romans, under Vespasian, invaded the country, and took the cities of Galilee, Chorazin, Bethsaida, Capernaum, &c, where Christ had been especially rejected, and murdered numbers of the inhabitants. At Jerusalem the scene was most wretched of all. At the passover, when there might have been two or three millions of people in the city, the Romans surrounded it with troops, trenches, and walls, that none might escape. The three different factions within murdered one another. Titus did all in his power to persuade them to an advantageous surrender, but they scorned every proposal. The multitudes of unburied carcasses corrupted the air, and produced a pestilence. The people fed on one another; and even ladies, it is said, boiled their suckling infants, and ate them. After a siege of six months, the city was taken. They murdered almost every Jew they met with. Titus was bent to save the temple, but could not: six thousand Jews who had taken shelter in it were all burned or murdered. The outcries of the Jews, when they saw it, were most dreadful: the whole city, except three towers, and a small part of the wall, was razed to the ground, and the foundations of the temple and other places were ploughed up. Soon after the forts of Herodian and Machæron were taken, the garrison of Massada murdered themselves rather than surrender. At Jerusalem alone, it is said, one million one hundred thousand perished by sword, famine, and pestilence. In other places, we hear of two hundred and fifty thousand that were cut off, beside vast numbers sent into Egypt, to labour as slaves. About fifty years after, the Jews murdered about five hundred thousand of the Roman subjects, for which they were severely punished by Trajan. About A. D. 130, one Barcocaba pretended that he was the Messiah, and raised a Jewish army of two hundred thousand, who murdered all the Heathens and Christians that came in their way; but he was defeated by Adrian’s forces. In this war, it is said, about six hundred thousand Jews were slain, or perished by famine and pestilence. Adrian built a city on Mount Calvary, and 534erected a marble statue of a swine over the gate that led to Bethlehem. No Jew was allowed to enter the city, or to look to it at a distance, under pain of death. In A. D. 360, the Jews, encouraged by Julian, Constantine’s nephew, and now emperor, wishing to give Jesus the lie, began to rebuild their city and temple; but a terrible earthquake, and flames of fire issuing from the earth, killed the workmen, and scattered their materials. And after the death of Julian, the edict of Adrian being revived against them, and Roman guards prohibiting their approach, till the seventh century they durst not so much as creep over the rubbish to bewail the destruction of the city, without bribing the guards. In the third, fourth, and fifth centuries they were many of them furiously harassed and murdered. In the sixth century, twenty thousand of them were slain, and as many taken and sold for slaves. They were severely punished, A. D. 602, for their horrible massacre of the Christians at Antioch. In Spain, A. D. 700, they were ordered to be enslaved. In the eighth and ninth centuries they were greatly derided and abused; in some places they were made to wear leathern girdles, and ride without stirrups upon asses and mules. In France and Spain they were much insulted. In the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, their miseries rather increased; and they were greatly persecuted in Egypt. Beside what they suffered in the east by the Turkish and sacred war, it is shocking to think what multitudes of them the eight crusades murdered in Germany, Hungary, Lesser Asia, and elsewhere. In France multitudes were burned. In England, A. D. 1020, they were banished; and at the coronation of Richard I. the mob fell upon them, and murdered a great many of them. About one thousand five hundred of them were burned in the palace in the city of York, which they themselves set fire to, after killing their wives and children. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, their condition was no better. In Egypt, Canaan, and Syria, the crusaders still harassed them. Provoked with their mad running after pretended Messiahs, Califf Nasser scarce left any of them alive in his dominions of Mesopotamia. In Persia, the Tartars murdered them in multitudes. In Spain, Ferdinand persecuted them furiously. About 1349, the terrible massacre of them at Toledo forced many of them to murder themselves, or change their religion. About 1253, many were murdered in, and others banished from, France, but in 1275, recalled. The crusades of the fanatic shepherds, A. D. 1320 and 1330, who wasted the south of France, massacred them; beside fifteen thousand of them that were murdered on another occasion. They were finally banished from France, A. D. 1358; since which, few of them have entered that country. King Edward expelled them from England, A. D. 1291, to the number of a hundred and sixty thousand. In the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, their misery continued. In Persia they have been terribly used; from 1663 to 1666, the murder of them was so universal, that but a few escaped to Turkey. In Portugal and Spain they have been miserably treated. About 1492, six or eight hundred thousand of them were banished from Spain. Some were drowned in their passage to Africa; some perished by hard usage; and many of their carcasses lay in the fields till wild beasts devoured them. In Germany, they have endured many hardships. They have been banished from Bohemia, Bavaria, Cologne, Nuremberg, Augsburg, and Vienna; they have been terribly massacred in Moravia, and plundered in Bonn and Bamberg. Except in Portugal and Spain, their present condition is generally tolerable.
3. Jews, The Calamities. Throughout all of history, there has been nothing comparable to the suffering and tragedies of the Jews: theft and murder, famine and disease from within, and destruction and war from without. Our Savior mourned at the thought of these calamities, and it's nearly impossible for anyone with compassion to read about them without feeling moved. The prophecies about them were significant, and the suffering they faced was the worst the world has ever witnessed. See Deut. xxviii, xxix; Matt. xxiv. So, what terrible sin could have brought on such harsh judgments? Could it be anything other than what Scripture states? “They both killed the Lord Jesus and their own prophets, and persecuted the Apostles,” 1 Thess. ii, 15; and thus they filled their sins to the brim, leading to extreme wrath upon them. It’s hard to reflect on the nature and scale of their suffering without concluding that their own curse was uniquely fulfilled: “His blood be on us, and on our children,” Matt. xxvii, 25. In Cæsarea, twenty thousand Jews were killed by the Syrians amid their conflicts. In Damascus, ten thousand unarmed Jews were slain, and in Bethshan, the pagan residents forced their Jewish neighbors to assist them against their fellow Jews, then murdered thirteen thousand of them. In Alexandria, Jews killed many pagans, and in turn, about sixty thousand Jews were killed. The Romans, under Vespasian, invaded the area, capturing cities like Galilee, Chorazin, Bethsaida, Capernaum, etc., where Christ had been particularly rejected, and killed many of the residents. But the most devastating scenes were in Jerusalem. During Passover, when the city could have had two or three million people, the Romans surrounded it with troops, ditches, and walls to ensure no one could escape. The three factions within the city turned against each other. Titus did everything he could to convince them to surrender, but they rejected all offers. The countless unburied bodies polluted the air, causing a plague. People resorted to cannibalism; it was said that even mothers boiled their infants and ate them. After a six-month siege, the city fell. Almost every Jew encountered was killed. Titus aimed to save the temple but could not: six thousand Jews who sought refuge there were either burned or executed. The cries of the Jews witnessing this were horrifying: the entire city, except for three towers and a small part of the wall, was leveled, and the temple foundations and other sites were plowed under. Soon after, the forts of Herodian and Machæron were captured; the garrison at Massada chose to commit suicide rather than surrender. In Jerusalem alone, it’s reported that one million one hundred thousand died from sword, starvation, and disease. In other areas, around two hundred fifty thousand were killed, along with countless others sent to Egypt as slaves. About fifty years later, Jews killed around five hundred thousand Roman subjects, for which Trajan sought severe retribution. Around 130 A.D., a man named Barcocaba claimed to be the Messiah and raised an army of two hundred thousand Jews who slaughtered any pagans and Christians they encountered; however, he was defeated by Adrian’s forces. During this conflict, around six hundred thousand Jews were killed or died from famine and disease. Adrian constructed a city on Mount Calvary and placed a marble statue of a pig over the gate leading to Bethlehem. No Jew was allowed to enter the city or even look at it from a distance, under the threat of death. In 360 A.D., encouraged by Julian, Constantine’s nephew and then emperor, Jews attempted to rebuild their city and temple to refute Jesus; but a terrible earthquake and flames from the earth killed the laborers and scattered their materials. After Julian's death, Adrian's edict against them was reestablished, and Roman guards forbade their approach; until the seventh century, they were too fearful to even mourn the city's destruction without bribing the guards. In the third, fourth, and fifth centuries, many were viciously harassed and killed. In the sixth century, twenty thousand were murdered, and as many were captured and sold into slavery. They were punished severely in 602 A.D. for their horrific massacre of Christians at Antioch. In Spain, in 700 A.D., they were ordered into slavery. In the eighth and ninth centuries, they faced heavy ridicule and abuse; in some places, they were forced to wear leather belts and ride on donkeys or mules without stirrups. In France and Spain, they endured widespread insult. Their suffering continued to worsen in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, especially in Egypt. Beyond the hardships they faced in the east from the Turkish and holy wars, it’s shocking to consider the vast numbers killed during the eight crusades in Germany, Hungary, Lesser Asia, and elsewhere. In France, many were burned. In England, in 1020 A.D., they were expelled; during Richard I's coronation, a mob attacked and killed many of them. About one thousand five hundred were burned in the palace in York, which they set ablaze after killing their families. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, their situation didn’t improve. In Egypt, Canaan, and Syria, crusaders continued to torment them. Outraged by their pursuit of false Messiahs, Caliph Nasser left almost none alive in his territory of Mesopotamia. In Persia, the Tartars slaughtered them in large numbers. In Spain, Ferdinand conducted brutal persecutions. Around 1349, the terrible massacre in Toledo forced many Jews to take their own lives or convert to another faith. In 1253, many were killed in France, while others were exiled, but they were recalled in 1275. The crazy shepherd crusades in 1320 and 1330 that ravaged southern France massacred many of them, alongside another fifteen thousand killed on a different occasion. They were ultimately expelled from France in 1358; since then, few have been able to enter. King Edward expelled them from England in 1291, amounting to about one hundred sixty thousand. Their suffering persisted into the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries. In Persia, they faced extreme mistreatment; from 1663 to 1666, mass murders left only a few able to flee to Turkey. In Portugal and Spain, they were treated horribly. Around 1492, six to eight hundred thousand were banished from Spain. Some drowned on their way to Africa; others died from mistreatment, with many remaining bodies left in fields for wild animals to eat. In Germany, they endured much hardship. They were banned from Bohemia, Bavaria, Cologne, Nuremberg, Augsburg, and Vienna; many were viciously killed in Moravia and looted in Bonn and Bamberg. Except in Portugal and Spain, their current situation is generally tolerable.
4. Jews, Preservation of the. The preservation of the Jews, says Basnage, in the midst of the miseries which they have undergone during one thousand eight hundred years, is the greatest prodigy that can be imagined. As most religions depend on temporal prosperity, they triumph under the protection of a conqueror; they languish and sink with sinking monarchies. Paganism, which once covered the earth, is, in the civilized world, extinct. The Christian church was considerably diminished by the persecutions to which it was exposed; nor was it easy to repair the wastes made in it by those acts of violence. But here we behold a people hated and persecuted for one thousand eight hundred years, and yet sustaining itself, and widely extended. Kings have often employed the severity of edicts and the hand of executioners to ruin it. The seditious multitudes, by murders and massacres, have committed outrages against it still more violent and tragical. Princes and people, Pagans, Mohammedans, Christians, disagreeing in so many things, have united in the design of exterminating it, and have not been able to succeed. The bush of Moses, surrounded with flames, ever burns, and is not consumed. The Jews have been expelled, in different times, from every part of the world, which hath only served to spread them in all regions. From age to age they have been exposed to misery and persecution; yet still they subsist, in spite of the ignominy and the hatred which hath pursued them in all places, while the greatest monarchies are fallen, and nothing remains of them beside the name. The judgments which God hath exercised upon this people are terrible, extending to the men, the religion, and the very land in which they dwelt. The ceremonies essential to their religion can no more be observed: the ritual law, which cast a splendour on the national worship, and struck the Pagans so much that they sent their presents and their victims to Jerusalem, is absolutely fallen; for they have no temple, no altar, no sacrifices. Their land itself seems to lie under a never-ceasing curse. Pagans, Christians, Mohammedans, in a word, almost all nations have, by turns, seized and held Jerusalem. To the Jews only hath God refused the possession of this small tract of ground, so supremely necessary for them, since, as Jews, they ought to worship on Mount Zion. In all this there is no exaggeration: 535we are only pointing out known facts; and far from having the least design to raise an odium against the nation from its miseries, we conclude that it ought to be looked upon as one of those prodigies which we admire without comprehending; since, in spite of evils so durable, and a patience so long exercised, it is preserved by a particular providence. The Jew ought to be weary of expecting a Messiah, who so unkindly disappoints his vain hopes; and the Christian ought to have his attention and his regard excited toward men whom God preserves, for so great a length of time under calamities which would have been the total ruin of any other people. The whole is a standing proof of the truth of the word of God; as it so signally, and beyond all contradiction, fulfils, even to particulars wonderfully minute, its ancient and numerous predictions.
4. Jewish Preservation. The survival of the Jews, as Basnage notes, amidst the hardships they have faced for eighteen hundred years, is the greatest miracle imaginable. While most religions thrive on worldly prosperity and flourish under a conqueror's protection, they fade and diminish along with failing kingdoms. Paganism, which once spread across the earth, is now extinct in the civilized world. The Christian church also suffered significant losses from the persecutions it faced, and it has been difficult to recover from the violence it endured. Yet here we see a people that has been hated and persecuted for eighteen hundred years, yet they continue to thrive and are spread far and wide. Kings have often tried to destroy them through harsh laws and executions. Angry mobs have committed even more violent and tragic acts against them. Rulers and the general populace—Pagans, Muslims, Christians—though divided in many beliefs, have united in their efforts to eliminate them, but they have failed. The burning bush of Moses never burns out. The Jews have been expelled from every corner of the globe at different times, which has only helped to disperse them further. Throughout the ages, they have faced suffering and persecution; yet, they endure, despite the shame and hatred following them everywhere, while even the greatest empires have fallen, leaving nothing but their names behind. The judgments inflicted by God on this people have been severe, affecting men, their faith, and the land they inhabit. The essential rituals of their religion are no longer practiced; the ceremonial law that once glorified their national worship and captured the attention of Pagans, who sent offerings and sacrifices to Jerusalem, has completely collapsed; they have no temple, no altar, no sacrifices. Their land appears to be under an unending curse. Pagans, Christians, Muslims—nearly all nations—have, at different times, taken and held Jerusalem. Only the Jews have been denied the right to possess this tiny but vital piece of land since they should worship on Mount Zion as Jews. There is no exaggeration in this; 535 we are merely stating well-known facts. And rather than intending to incite hatred toward the nation because of its suffering, we conclude that it should be viewed as one of those wonders that we admire without fully understanding; for despite their long-standing trials and a patience that has been tested for so long, they are preserved by a special providence. The Jew should grow weary of waiting for a Messiah who so thoughtlessly lets down his hopes, while the Christian should feel compelled to pay attention to a people that God has sustained for such a long time under hardships that would have completely destroyed any other nation. The entire situation stands as a testament to the truth of God's word, as it remarkably and unmistakably fulfills its ancient and numerous prophecies in extraordinary detail.
The long protracted existence of the Jews as a separate people, is not only a standing evidence of the truth of the Bible, but is of that kind which defies hesitation, imitation, or parallel. Were this people totally extinct, some might affect to say, that they never had existed; or, that if they had existed, they never practised such rites as were imputed to them; or, that they were not a numerous people, but merely a small tribe of ignorant and unsettled Arabs. The care with which the Jews preserve their sacred books, and the conformity of those preserved in the east with those of the west, as lately attested, is a satisfactory argument in favour of the genuineness of both; and farther, the dispersion of the nation has proved the security of these documents; as it has not been in the power of any one enemy, however potent, to destroy the entire series, or to consign the whole to oblivion.
The long-standing existence of the Jews as a distinct people is not only clear proof of the truth of the Bible but is also unmatched and undeniable. If this people were completely gone, some might claim that they never existed or, if they had, that they didn't practice the customs attributed to them, or that they were not numerous but just a small group of uneducated and wandering Arabs. The meticulous way the Jews preserve their sacred texts, along with the agreement of those texts from the east and west—recently confirmed—provides strong evidence for the authenticity of both. Additionally, the scattering of the nation has ensured the survival of these documents, as no enemy, no matter how powerful, has been able to destroy the entire collection or erase it from memory.
JEZEBEL, daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Zidonians, and wife of Ahab, king of Israel, 1 Kings xvi, 31. This princess introduced into the kingdom of Samaria the public worship of Baal, Astarte, and other Phenician deities, which the Lord had expressly forbidden; and with this impious worship, a general prevalence of those abominations which had formerly incensed God against the Canaanites, to their utter extirpation. Jezebel was so zealous, that she fed at her own table four hundred prophets belonging to the goddess Astarte; and her husband Ahab, in like manner, kept four hundred of Baal’s prophets, as ministers of his false gods. The name of Jezebel is used proverbially, Rev. ii, 20. See Jehu.
JEZEBEL, daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Zidonians, and wife of Ahab, king of Israel, 1 Kings xvi, 31. This princess brought the public worship of Baal, Astarte, and other Phoenician deities into the kingdom of Samaria, despite the Lord's clear prohibitions; and with this idolatrous worship came a widespread return of the sins that had previously angered God against the Canaanites, leading to their total destruction. Jezebel was so passionate that she personally provided for four hundred prophets of the goddess Astarte at her own table; her husband Ahab also maintained four hundred prophets of Baal, serving as ministers to his false gods. The name Jezebel has become a proverb, Rev. ii, 20. See Jehu.
JEZREEL, a royal city of the kings of Israel, who sometimes resided here as well as at Samaria. Ahab, in particular, is known to have made this his residence; near to whose palace was the vineyard of the unfortunate Naboth. The name of Jezreel was by the Greeks moulded into that of Esdraela; which is described by Eusebius and Jerom, in the fourth century, as a considerable town. In like manner, the valley of Jezreel obtained the name of the valley or plain of Esdraelon; which is still described as very fertile, and much frequented by the Arabs for its fine pasturage. This is the largest, and at the same time the most fertile, plain in the land of Canaan; and is called, by way of eminence, the Great Plain. It may be estimated at thirty miles in length, and twenty in breadth. The river Kishon flows through it. See Esdraelon.
JEZREEL, a royal city of the kings of Israel, where they occasionally lived along with Samaria. Ahab, in particular, is known to have made this his home; near his palace was the vineyard of the unfortunate Naboth. The name Jezreel was adapted by the Greeks into Esdraela, which Eusebius and Jerome describe in the fourth century as a significant town. Similarly, the valley of Jezreel became known as the valley or plain of Esdraelon, which is still noted for being very fertile and popular with the Arabs for its excellent grazing land. This is the largest and most fertile plain in the land of Canaan, often referred to as the Great Plain. It is about thirty miles long and twenty miles wide. The river Kishon flows through it. See Esdraelon.
JOAB was the son of Zeruiah, David’s sister, and brother to Abishai and Asahel. He was one of the most valiant soldiers and greatest generals in David’s time; but he was also cruel, revengeful, and imperious. He performed great services for David, to whose interests he was always firm, and was commander-in-chief of his troops, when David was king of Judah only. His history is related in the second book of Samuel and the first book of Kings. See David, Abner, and Amasa.
JOAB was the son of Zeruiah, David’s sister, and the brother of Abishai and Asahel. He was one of the most courageous soldiers and greatest generals in David’s time; however, he was also cruel, vengeful, and domineering. He did great things for David, always being loyal to his interests, and served as the commander-in-chief of his troops when David was just the king of Judah. His story is detailed in the second book of Samuel and the first book of Kings. See David, Abner, and Amasa.
JOANNA, the wife of Chuza, Herod’s steward, was one of those women who, having been cured by our Saviour, followed him as disciples, and ministered to his necessities, Luke viii, 3.
JOANNA, the wife of Chuza, Herod’s steward, was one of those women who, after being healed by our Savior, became his disciples and helped support him, Luke viii, 3.
JOASH, son of Ahaziah, king of Judah. When the impious Athaliah undertook to extinguish the race of the kings of Judah, that she might seize the crown herself, she ordered all the princes, her grandchildren, to be murdered. But Jehosheba, the sister of Ahaziah, and wife to the High Priest Jehoiada, rescued young Joash, then a child, from the cruelty of Athaliah, and lodged him in the temple with his nurse. Here he abode six years. In the seventh year Jehoiada procured him to be acknowledged king, and so well concerted his plan, that young Joash was placed on the throne, and saluted king in the temple, before the queen was informed of it. She was killed without the temple, 2 Kings xi, 1, &c. Joash received the diadem, together with the book of the law, from the hands of Jehoiada, the high priest, who, in the young king’s name, made a covenant between the Lord, the king, and the people, for their future fidelity to God. He also obliged the people to take an oath of fidelity to the king. Joash was only seven years old when he began to reign, and he reigned forty years at Jerusalem. His mother’s name was Zibiah of Beersheba. He governed with justice and piety, so long as he was guided by the High Priest Jehoiada. Yet he did not abolish the high places.
JOASH, son of Ahaziah, king of Judah. When the wicked Athaliah tried to eliminate the royal family of Judah to take the throne for herself, she ordered the murder of all her grandchildren, the princes. However, Jehosheba, Ahaziah's sister and the wife of High Priest Jehoiada, saved young Joash, who was just a child, from Athaliah's brutality and hid him in the temple with his nurse. He stayed there for six years. In the seventh year, Jehoiada arranged for him to be declared king, executing his plan so effectively that Joash was placed on the throne and proclaimed king in the temple before Athaliah learned of it. She was killed outside the temple, according to 2 Kings xi, 1, &c. Joash received the crown and the book of the law from Jehoiada, the high priest, who made a covenant on behalf of the young king that committed the Lord, the king, and the people to their loyalty to God. He also required the people to swear an oath of loyalty to the king. Joash was only seven years old when he began to reign, and he ruled for forty years in Jerusalem. His mother was Zibiah of Beersheba. He governed with fairness and devotion as long as he was guided by High Priest Jehoiada. However, he did not remove the high places.
Jehoiada, during the king’s minority, had issued orders for collecting voluntary offerings to the holy place, with the design of repairing the temple; but his orders were ill executed till the twentieth year of Joash. Then this prince directed chests to be placed at the entrance of the temple, and an account to be given him of what money was received from them, that it might be faithfully employed in repairing the house of God. Jehoiada dying at the age of a hundred and thirty years, Joash was misled by the evil counsel of his courtiers, who had before been restrained by the high priest’s authority. They began to forsake the temple of the Lord, and to worship idols, and groves consecrated to idols. Then the Spirit of the 536Lord coming upon the High Priest Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, he reproved the people; but they who heard him stoned him, according to orders from their king. It was not long before God inflicted on Joash the just punishment of his ingratitude to Jehoiada, whose son he had so lately murdered. Hazael, king of Syria, besieged Gath, which belonged to Judah; and having taken it he marched against Jerusalem. Joash, to redeem himself from the difficulties of a siege, and from the danger of being plundered, took what money he could find in the temple, which had been consecrated by Ahaziah his father, Jehoram his grandfather, and himself, and gave the whole to Hazael. It is believed by some, that the next year the Syrian army marched again into Judah; but Hazael was not there in person. The Syrians made great havoc, defeated the troops of Joash, entered Jerusalem, slew the princes of Judah, and sent a great booty to the king of Syria at Damascus. They treated Joash himself with great ignominy, and left him extremely ill. His servants then revolted against him, and killed him in his bed, by which the blood of Zechariah the high priest was avenged. He was buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal sepulchre. Amaziah his son succeeded him.
Jehoiada, while the king was still a minor, had given instructions to gather voluntary donations for the holy place to repair the temple. However, his orders were poorly carried out until Joash's twentieth year. At that point, this prince ordered that chests be placed at the entrance of the temple and requested an account of the money collected so that it could be properly used for the repairs of God's house. After Jehoiada died at the age of one hundred and thirty, Joash was misled by the bad advice of his courtiers, who had previously been kept in check by the high priest's authority. They began to abandon the temple of the Lord and turned to idol worship and groves dedicated to idols. Then the Spirit of the Lord came upon the High Priest Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, who confronted the people. But those who heard him stoned him, following orders from their king. It wasn't long before God punished Joash for his ingratitude towards Jehoiada, whose son he had just recently killed. Hazael, the king of Syria, besieged Gath, which belonged to Judah; after capturing it, he marched against Jerusalem. To save himself from the siege and avoid being plundered, Joash took whatever money he could find in the temple, which had been dedicated by Ahaziah his father, Jehoram his grandfather, and himself, and gave it all to Hazael. Some believe that the following year the Syrian army invaded Judah again, but Hazael was not there in person. The Syrians caused great destruction, defeated Joash's forces, entered Jerusalem, killed the princes of Judah, and sent a large amount of loot back to the king of Syria at Damascus. They treated Joash with great disgrace and left him in very poor condition. His servants then turned against him and killed him in his bed, avenging the blood of Zechariah the high priest. He was buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal tomb. His son Amaziah succeeded him.
JOB, a patriarch celebrated for his patience, and the constancy of his piety and virtue. That Job was a real, and not a fictitious, character, may be inferred from the manner in which he is mentioned in the Scriptures. Thus, the Prophet Ezekiel speaks of him: “Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord God,” Ezek. xiv, 14. Now since Noah and Daniel were unquestionably real characters, we must conclude the same of Job. “Behold,” says the Apostle James, “we count them happy which endure: ye have heard of the patience of Job, and have seen the end of the Lord, that the Lord is very pitiful, and of tender mercy,” James v, 11. It is scarcely to be believed that a divinely inspired Apostle would refer to an imaginary character as an example of patience, or in proof of the mercy of God. But, beside the authority of the inspired writers, we have the strongest internal evidence, from the book itself, that Job was a real person; for it expressly specifies the names of persons, places, facts, and other circumstances usually related in true histories. Thus, we have the name, country, piety, wealth, &c, of Job described, Job i; the names, number, and acts of his children are mentioned; the conduct of his wife is recorded as a fact, ii; his friends, their names, countries, and discourses with him in his afflictions are minutely delineated, Job ii, 11, &c. Farther: no reasonable doubt can be entertained respecting the real existence of Job, when we consider that it is proved by the concurrent testimony of all eastern tradition: he is mentioned by the author of the book of Tobit, who lived during the Assyrian captivity; he is also repeatedly mentioned by Arabian writers as a real character. The whole of his history, with many fabulous additions, was known among the Syrians and Chaldeans; and many of the noblest families among the Arabs are distinguished by his name, and boast of being descended from him.
JOB, a patriarch known for his patience and unwavering faith and goodness. Job was a real person, not just a fictional character, as evidenced by how he is referred to in the Scriptures. For example, the Prophet Ezekiel mentions him: “Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, says the Lord God,” Ezek. xiv, 14. Since Noah and Daniel are undeniably historical figures, we can conclude the same about Job. “Look,” says the Apostle James, “we consider those who endure to be blessed: you have heard of Job's patience and have seen how the Lord ultimately provided, that the Lord is full of compassion and mercy,” James v, 11. It’s hard to believe that a divinely inspired Apostle would cite a made-up character as an example of patience or in evidence of God’s mercy. Additionally, besides the authority of the inspired writers, there is strong internal evidence from the text itself that Job was a real person, as it specifically lists names, places, details, and other elements typically found in true stories. We find Job's name, homeland, faith, wealth, etc., detailed in Job i; the names, number, and actions of his children are mentioned; his wife's behavior is recorded as a fact in ii; his friends, their names, countries, and conversations with him during his suffering are all clearly described, Job ii, 11, etc. Moreover, there is no reasonable doubt about Job’s true existence, especially considering the consistent testimony from all eastern traditions: he is referenced by the author of the book of Tobit, who lived during the Assyrian captivity; he is also frequently mentioned by Arabian writers as a historical figure. His entire story, along with many added tales, was known among the Syrians and Chaldeans; many noble families among the Arabs are distinguished by his name and take pride in claiming descent from him.
Since, then, says Horne, the book of Job contains the history of a real character, the next point is the age in which he lived, a question concerning which there is as great a diversity of opinion, as upon any other subject connected with this venerable monument of sacred antiquity. One thing, however, is generally admitted with respect to the age of the book of Job, namely, its remote antiquity. Even those who contend for the later production of the book of Job are compelled to acquiesce in this particular. Grotius thinks the events of the history are such as cannot be placed later than the sojourning of the Israelites in the wilderness. Bishop Warburton, in like manner, admits them to bear the marks of high antiquity; and Michaëlis confesses the manners to be perfectly Abrahamic, that is, such as were common to all the seed of Abraham, Israelites, Ishmaelites, and Idumeans. The following are the principal circumstances from which the age of Job may be collected and ascertained:--1. The Usserian or Bible chronology dates the trial of Job about the year 1520 before the Christian era, twenty-nine years before the departure of the Israelites from Egypt; and that the book was composed before that event, is evident from its total silence respecting the miracles which accompanied the exode; such as the passage of the Red Sea, the destruction of the Egyptians, the manna in the desert, &c; all of which happened in the vicinity of Job’s country, and were so apposite in the debate concerning the ways of Providence that some notice could not but have been taken of them, if they had been coeval with the poem of Job. 2. That it was composed before Abraham’s migration to Canaan, may also be inferred from its silence respecting the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the other cities of the plain, which were still nearer to Idumea, where the scene is laid. 3. The length of Job’s life places him in the patriarchal times. He survived his trial one hundred and forty years, Job xlii, 16, and was probably not younger at that time; for we read that his seven sons were all grown up, and had been settled in their own houses for a considerable time, Job i, 4, 5. He speaks of the sins of his youth, Job xiii, 26, and of the prosperity of his youth; and yet Eliphaz addresses him as a novice: “With us are both the gray-headed and very aged men, much elder than thy father,” Job xv, 10. 4. That he did not live at an earlier period, may be collected from an incidental observation of Bildad, who refers Job to their forefathers for instruction in wisdom:--
Since, then, Horne says, the book of Job contains the story of a real person, the next point to consider is the time period in which he lived, a topic that has sparked just as much debate as any other issue related to this ancient text. However, one thing is generally agreed upon about the age of the book of Job: its great antiquity. Even those who argue for a later authorship of Job must acknowledge this aspect. Grotius believes the events described in the story cannot be set later than the time the Israelites wandered in the wilderness. Likewise, Bishop Warburton admits that the events show signs of high antiquity; and Michaëlis recognizes that the behaviors depicted are entirely Abrahamic, meaning they were typical of all the descendants of Abraham, including Israelites, Ishmaelites, and Idumeans. The main points from which we can gather and determine the age of Job are as follows: 1. Bible chronology, according to Usser, dates Job's trial around 1520 BC, twenty-nine years before the Israelites left Egypt. The fact that the book was written before this event is clear from its complete silence regarding the miracles associated with the Exodus, such as the crossing of the Red Sea, the destruction of the Egyptians, and the manna in the desert, which all took place close to Job's homeland and were directly relevant to the discussions on God's ways; some mention of them would have been inevitable if they had occurred at the same time as Job's story. 2. It can also be inferred that the book was written before Abraham moved to Canaan because it does not mention the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah or the other cities in the plain, which were even closer to Idumea, where the story is set. 3. Job's long life places him in patriarchal times. He lived one hundred and forty years after his trial (Job 42:16) and was likely not younger at that time, as his seven sons were fully grown and had been living in their own homes for quite a while (Job 1:4, 5). He reflects on the sins of his youth (Job 13:26) and his past prosperity, yet Eliphaz refers to him as inexperienced: “With us are both the gray-headed and very aged men, much older than your father” (Job 15:10). 4. We can conclude that he did not live in an earlier time based on a passing remark from Bildad, who advises Job to look to their ancestors for wisdom:—
assigning as a reason the comparative shortness of human life, and consequent ignorance of the present generation:--
assigning as a reason the relatively short length of human life, and the resulting ignorance of the current generation:--
But the fathers of the former age, or grandfathers of the present, were the contemporaries of Peleg and Joktan, in the fifth generation after the deluge; and they might easily have learned wisdom from the fountain head by conversing with Shem, or perhaps with Noah himself; whereas, in the seventh generation, the standard of human life was reduced to about two hundred years, which was a shadow compared with the longevity of Noah and his sons. 5. The general air of antiquity which pervades the manners recorded in the poem, is a farther evidence of its remote date. The manners and customs, indeed, critically correspond with that early period. Thus, Job speaks of the most ancient kind of writing, by sculpture, Job xix, 24; his riches also are reckoned by his cattle, Job xlii, 12. Farther: Job acted as high priest in his family, according to the patriarchal usage, Gen. viii, 20; for the institution of an established priesthood does not appear to have taken place any where until the time of Abraham. Melchizedec, king of Salem, was a priest of the primitive order, Gen. xiv, 18; such also was Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, in the vicinity of Idumea, Exod. xviii, 12. The first regular priesthood was probably instituted in Egypt, where Joseph was married to the daughter of the priest of On, Gen. xli, 45. 6. The slavish homage of prostration to princes and great men, which prevailed in Egypt, Persia, and the east in general, and which still subsists there, was unknown in Arabia at that time. Though Job was one of the greatest men of all the east, we do not find any such adoration paid to him by his contemporaries, in the zenith of his prosperity, among the marks of respect so minutely described in the twenty-ninth chapter: “When the young men saw him, they hid themselves,” (rather, shrunk back, through respect or rustic bashfulness,) “the aged arose and stood up” in his presence, (more correctly, ranged themselves about him,) “the princes refrained from talking, and laid their hand upon their mouth; the nobles held their peace,” and were all attention while he spoke. All this was highly respectful, indeed, but still it was manly, and showed no cringing or servile adulation. With this description correspond the manners and conduct of the genuine Arabs of the present day, a majestic race, who were never conquered, and who have retained their primitive customs, features, and character, with scarcely any alteration. 7. The allusion made by Job to that species of idolatry alone, which by general consent is admitted to have been the most ancient, namely, Zabianism, or the worship of the sun and moon, and also to the exertion of the judicial authority against it, Job xxxi, 26–28, is an additional and most complete proof of the high antiquity of the poem, as well as a decisive mark of the patriarchal age. 8. A farther evidence of the remote antiquity of this book is the language of Job and his friends; who, being all Idumeans, or at least Arabians of the adjacent country, yet conversed in Hebrew. This carries us up to an age so early as that in which all the posterity of Abraham, Israelites, Idumeans, and Arabians, yet continued to speak one common language, and had not branched into different dialects.
But the fathers of the previous generation, or grandfathers of today, were contemporaries of Peleg and Joktan, five generations after the flood; and they could easily have gained wisdom directly by talking to Shem, or maybe even Noah himself. However, by the seventh generation, the average lifespan had dropped to around two hundred years, which paled in comparison to the long lives of Noah and his sons. The overall sense of ancientness that fills the behaviors described in the poem is further evidence of its distant origin. The customs and habits indeed closely match that early time. For example, Job refers to the oldest form of writing, which was done through sculpture, Job xix, 24; his wealth is also counted in livestock, Job xli, 12. Moreover, Job served as high priest in his family, following the patriarchal tradition, Gen. viii, 20; since a formal priesthood doesn't seem to have been established anywhere until the time of Abraham. Melchizedek, king of Salem, was a priest of the original order, Gen. xiv, 18; so was Jethro, Moses' father-in-law, in the area of Idumea, Exod. xviii, 12. The first official priesthood was likely set up in Egypt, where Joseph married the daughter of the priest of On, Gen. xli, 45. The degrading practice of bowing down to princes and the powerful, which was common in Egypt, Persia, and the East in general, and still exists there, was unknown in Arabia at that time. Although Job was one of the most important figures of the East, we don't see any such worship directed towards him by his contemporaries during the height of his success, among the signs of respect detailed in the twenty-ninth chapter: “When the young men saw him, they hid themselves,” (rather, shrunk back, out of respect or rustic shyness,) “the aged arose and stood in his presence,” (more accurately, gathered around him,) “the princes held back from speaking and put their hands on their mouths; the nobles kept quiet,” and listened intently while he spoke. All of this was very respectful, indeed, but still it was dignified and showed no cringing or servile flattery. This description aligns with the behaviors and actions of the true Arabs today, a noble race that has never been conquered and has maintained their traditional customs, features, and character, with little change. Job's reference to a specific type of idolatry, which is generally recognized as the oldest, namely, Zabianism, or the worship of the sun and moon, as well as the exercise of judicial authority against it, Job xxxi, 26–28, provides additional and substantial proof of the poem's high antiquity, as well as a clear marker of the patriarchal age. Another indication of the book's ancient origins is the language used by Job and his friends; who, being all Idumeans, or at least Arabs from the neighboring region, spoke Hebrew. This takes us back to a time when all descendants of Abraham, including Israelites, Idumeans, and Arabs, still spoke a common language and had not yet diverged into different dialects.
The country in which the scene of this poem is laid, is stated, Job i, 1, to be the land of Uz, which by some geographers has been placed in Sandy, and by others in Stony, Arabia. Bochart strenuously advocated the former opinion, in which he has been powerfully supported by Spanheim, Calmet, Carpzov, Heidegger, and some later writers; Michaëlis and Ilgen place the scene in the valley of Damascus; but Bishops Lowth and Magee, Dr. Hales, Dr. Good, and some later critics and philologers, have shown that the scene is laid in Idumea. In effect, nothing is clearer than that the history of an inhabitant of Idumea is the subject of the poem which bears the name of Job, and that all the persons introduced into it were Idumeans, dwelling in Idumea, in other words, Edomite Arabs. These characters are, Job himself, of the land of Uz; Eliphaz, of Teman, a district of as much repute as Uz, and which, it appears from the joint testimony of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Amos, and Obadiah, Jer. xlix, 7, 20; Ezek. xxv, 13; Amos i, 11, 12; Obadiah 8, 9, formed a principal part of Idumea; Bildad, of Shuah, who is always mentioned in conjunction with Sheba and Dedan, the first of whom was probably named after one of the brothers of Joktan or Kahtan, and the two last from two of his sons, all of them being uniformly placed in the vicinity of Idumea, Gen. xxv, 2, 3; Jer. xlix, 8; Zophar of Naama, a city importing pleasantness, which is also stated by Joshua, xv, 21, 41, to have been situate in Idumea, and to have lain in a southern direction toward its coast, on the shores of the Red Sea; and Elihu, of Buz, which, as the name of a place, occurs only once in Sacred Writ, Jer. xxv, 23, but is there mentioned in conjunction with Teman and Dedan; and hence necessarily, like them, a border city upon Uz or Idumea. Allowing this chorography to be correct, (and such, upon a fair review of facts, we may conclude it to be,) there is no difficulty in conceiving that hordes of nomadic Chaldeans as well as Sabeans, a people addicted to rapine, and roving about at immense distances for the sake of plunder, should have occasionally infested the defenceless country of Idumea, and roved from the Euphrates even to Egypt.
The country where the scene of this poem takes place is identified in Job 1:1 as the land of Uz, which some geographers place in Sandy Arabia and others in Stony Arabia. Bochart strongly supported the first view, backed by Spanheim, Calmet, Carpzov, Heidegger, and some later writers; Michaëlis and Ilgen suggest the scene is in the valley of Damascus; but Bishops Lowth and Magee, Dr. Hales, Dr. Good, and other later critics and scholars have shown that the setting is in Idumea. It's clear that this poem, titled Job, tells the story of a resident of Idumea, with all the characters being Idumeans, or Edomite Arabs. These characters include Job, from the land of Uz; Eliphaz, from Teman, a region as well-regarded as Uz, which, according to the testimonies of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Amos, and Obadiah (Jer. 49:7, 20; Ezek. 25:13; Amos 1:11-12; Obadiah 8-9), was a key part of Idumea; Bildad, from Shuah, who is consistently mentioned alongside Sheba and Dedan, with the first likely named after a brother of Joktan or Kahtan, and the last two named after his sons, all typically located near Idumea (Gen. 25:2, 3; Jer. 49:8); Zophar, from Naama, a city known for its pleasantness, which Joshua (15:21, 41) also indicates was in Idumea and positioned south toward the coast along the Red Sea; and Elihu, from Buz, which, as a place, appears only once in Scripture (Jer. 25:23), linked with Teman and Dedan; and thus must have also been a border city in or near Uz or Idumea. If this geographical overview is accurate (and we can fairly conclude it is), it’s easy to understand how nomadic groups of Chaldeans and Sabeans, known for their raiding and traveling vast distances for plunder, could have periodically invaded the vulnerable land of Idumea, moving from the Euphrates all the way to Egypt.
The different parts of the book of Job are so closely connected together, that they cannot be detached from each other. The exordium prepares the reader for what follows, supplies us with the necessary notices concerning Job and his friends, unfolds the scope, and places the calamities full in our view as an object of attention. The epilogue, or conclusion, again, has reference to the exordium, and relates the happy termination of Job’s trials; the dialogues which intervene flow in regular order. Now, if any of these parts were 538to be taken away, the poem would be extremely defective. Without the prologue the reader would be utterly ignorant who Job was, who were his friends, and the cause of his being so grievously afflicted. Without the discourse of Elihu, Job xxxii-xxxvii, there would be a sudden and abrupt transition from the last words of Job to the address of God, for which Elihu’s discourse prepares the reader. And without the epilogue, or conclusion, we should remain in ignorance of the subsequent condition of Job. Hence it is evident, that the poem is the composition of a single author; but who that was, is a question concerning which the learned are very much divided in their sentiments. Elihu, Job, Moses, Solomon, Isaiah, an anonymous writer in the reign of Manasseh, Ezekiel, and Ezra, have all been contended for. The arguments already adduced respecting the age of Job, prove that it could not be either of the latter persons. Dr. Lightfoot, from an erroneous version of Job xxxii, 16, 17, has conjectured that it is the production of Elihu; but the correct rendering of that passage refutes this notion. Ilgen ascribes it probably to a descendant of Elihu. Another and more generally received opinion attributes this book to Moses; this conjecture is founded on some apparent striking coincidences of sentiment, as well as from some marks of later date which are supposed to be discoverable in it. But, independently of the characters of antiquity already referred to, and which place the book of Job very many centuries before the time of Moses, the total absence of eveneven the slightest allusion to the manners, customs, ceremonies, or history of the Israelites, is a direct evidence that the great legislator of the Hebrews was not, and could not have been, the author. To which may be added, that the style of Job, as Bishop Lowth has remarked, is materially different from the poetical style of Moses; for it is much more compact, concise, or condensed, more accurate in the poetical conformation of the sentences; as may be observed also in the prophecies of Balaam the Mesopotamian, a foreigner, indeed, with respect to the Israelites, but not unacquainted either with their language, or with the worship of the true God. Upon the whole, then, we have sufficient ground to conclude that this book was not the production of Moses, but of some earlier age. Bishop Lowth favours the opinion of Schultens, Peters, and others, which is adopted by Bishop Tomline and Dr. Hales, who suppose Job himself, or some contemporary, to have been the author of this poem; and there seems to be no good reason for supposing that it was not written by Job himself. It appears, indeed, highly probable that Job was the writer of his own story, of whose inspiration we have the clearest evidence in the forty-second chapter of this book, in which he thus addresses the Almighty: “I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear, but now mine eye seeth thee.” It is plain that in this passage some privilege is intended which he never had enjoyed before, and which he calls the sight of God.
The various sections of the book of Job are so interconnected that they can't be separated from one another. The introduction prepares the reader for what's coming next, provides essential information about Job and his friends, outlines the main themes, and highlights the tragedies for our focus. The conclusion ties back to the introduction and recounts the happy outcome of Job’s trials; the dialogues in between flow in a structured manner. If any one of these parts were removed, the poem would be seriously lacking. Without the prologue, the reader would have no idea who Job is, who his friends are, or why he's suffering so greatly. Without Elihu's speech in Job chapters 32-37, there would be a sudden and jarring shift from Job's final words to God's response, which Elihu's discourse sets up. And without the conclusion, we wouldn't know what happened to Job afterward. Therefore, it’s clear that the poem is the work of a single author, though there’s much debate among scholars about who that author might be. Candidates include Elihu, Job, Moses, Solomon, Isaiah, an anonymous writer during Manasseh’s reign, Ezekiel, and Ezra. The arguments made about the age of Job show that it couldn't have been one of the last two. Dr. Lightfoot, based on a flawed translation of Job 32:16-17, suggested that Elihu wrote it, but the correct translation disproves this idea. Ilgen proposes that it might be by a descendant of Elihu. Another more widely accepted theory attributes the book to Moses, based on some notable similarities in ideas and some signs of a later period thought to be evident in the text. However, aside from the characteristics of antiquity mentioned earlier, which place the book of Job centuries before Moses, the complete lack of any references to the customs, rituals, or history of the Israelites strongly indicates that the great lawgiver of the Hebrews was neither the author nor could have been. Additionally, as Bishop Lowth has noted, Job's style is quite different from Moses's poetic style; it is more compact, concise, and precise in the construction of sentences. This can also be seen in the prophecies of Balaam the Mesopotamian, who, while a foreigner to the Israelites, was not unfamiliar with their language or the worship of the true God. Overall, we have ample reason to conclude that this book was not written by Moses but by someone from an earlier time. Bishop Lowth supports the view of Schultens, Peters, and others, a stance shared by Bishop Tomline and Dr. Hales, who propose that Job himself or a contemporary wrote this poem; there's no strong reason to doubt that Job authored it himself. It seems highly likely that Job penned his own story, with clear evidence of his inspiration found in the forty-second chapter of this book, where he speaks to the Almighty: “I have heard of you by the hearing of the ear, but now my eye sees you.” It is evident that in this line, he refers to a level of privilege he hadn’t experienced before, which he describes as the sight of God.
The book of Job contains the history of Job, a man equally distinguished for purity and uprightness of character, and for honours, wealth, and domestic felicity, whom God permitted, for the trial of his faith, to be suddenly deprived of all his numerous blessings, and to be at once plunged into the deepest affliction, and most accumulated distress. It gives an account of his eminent piety, patience, and resignation under the pressure of these severe calamities, and of his subsequent elevation to a degree of prosperity and happiness, still greater than that which he had before enjoyed. How long the sufferings of Job continued, we are not informed; but it is said, that after God turned his captivity, and blessed him a second time, he lived one hundred and forty years, Job xlii, 16. Its style is in many parts peculiarly sublime; and it is not only adorned with poetical embellishments, but most learned men consider it as written in metre. Through the whole work we discover religious instruction shining forth amidst the venerable simplicity of ancient manners. It every where abounds with the noblest sentiments of piety, uttered with the spirit of inspired conviction. It is a work unrivalled for the magnificence of its language, and for the beautiful and sublime images which it presents. In the wonderful speech of the Deity, Job xxxviii, xxxix, every line delineates his attributes, every sentence opens a picture of some grand object in creation, characterized by its most striking features. Add to this, that its prophetic parts reflect much light on the economy of God’s moral government; and every admirer of sacred antiquity, every inquirer after religious instruction, will seriously rejoice that the enraptured sentence of Job, xix, 23, is realized to a more effectual and unforeseen accomplishment; that while the memorable records of antiquity have mouldered from the rock, the prophetic assurance and sentiments of Job are graven in Scriptures that no time shall alter, no changes shall efface.
The book of Job tells the story of Job, a man known for his purity, integrity, wealth, and happiness at home. God allowed him, as a test of his faith, to lose all his many blessings and to be thrown into deep suffering and distress. It describes his remarkable piety, patience, and acceptance in the face of severe hardships and his eventual rise to even greater prosperity and happiness than he had before. We aren't told how long Job's suffering lasted, but it is said that after God restored him and blessed him again, he lived for one hundred and forty years (Job 42:16). The writing is often particularly elevated; it features poetic elements, and many scholars believe it is structured in verse. Throughout the entire book, we find religious lessons shining through the simple styles of ancient culture. It is filled with the noblest expressions of faith, conveyed with the spirit of divine inspiration. This work is unmatched for its beautiful language and the stunning and profound imagery it offers. In the remarkable speeches of God (Job 38, 39), every line reveals His qualities, and each sentence paints a picture of a magnificent part of creation, highlighting its most impressive aspects. Additionally, its prophetic sections shed light on God's moral governance; every admirer of sacred history and every seeker of spiritual knowledge will genuinely celebrate that Job’s declaration (Job 19:23) has been fulfilled in an even more profound and unexpected way. While the notable records of the past may have crumbled away, the prophetic messages and sentiments of Job are inscribed in the Scriptures, which no time can change or erase.
JOEL, the second of the twelve lesser prophets. It is impossible to ascertain the age in which he lived, but it seems most probable that he was contemporary with Hosea. No particulars of his life or death are certainly known. His prophecies are confined to the kingdom of Judah. He inveighs against the sins and impieties of the people, and threatens them with divine vengeance; he exhorts to repentance, fasting, and prayer; and promises the favour of God to those who should be obedient. The principal predictions contained in this book are the Chaldean invasion, under the figurative representation of locusts; the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus; the blessings of the Gospel dispensation; the conversion and restoration of the Jews to their own land; the overthrow of the enemies of God; and the glorious state of the Christian church in the end of the world. The style of Joel is perspicuous and elegant, and his descriptions are remarkably animated and poetical.
JOEL, the second of the twelve minor prophets. It’s impossible to determine the exact time he lived, but it’s likely that he was a contemporary of Hosea. There are no known details about his life or death. His prophecies are focused on the kingdom of Judah. He condemns the sins and wrongdoing of the people and warns them of divine punishment; he calls for repentance, fasting, and prayer; and he promises God's favor to those who are obedient. The main predictions in this book include the Chaldean invasion, depicted as locusts; the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus; the blessings of the Gospel era; the conversion and return of the Jews to their homeland; the defeat of God’s enemies; and the glorious state of the Christian church at the end of the world. Joel’s style is clear and elegant, and his descriptions are strikingly vivid and poetic.
JOHN THE BAPTIST, the forerunner of the Messiah, was the son of Zechariah and 539Elizabeth, and was born about six months before our Saviour. His birth was foretold by an angel, sent purposely to deliver this joyful message, when his mother Elizabeth was barren, and both his parents far advanced in years. The same divine messenger foretold that he should be great in the sight of the Lord; that he should be filled with the Holy Spirit from his mother’s womb; that he should prepare the way of the Lord by turning many of the Jews to the knowledge of God; and that he should be the greatest of all the prophets, Luke i, 5–15. Of the early part of the Baptist’s life we have but little information. It is only observed that “he grew and waxed strong in spirit, and was in the deserts till the day of his showing unto Israel,” Luke i, 80. Though consecrated from the womb to the ministerial office, John did not enter upon it in the heat of youth, but after several years spent in solitude and a course of self-denial.
JOHN THE BAPTIST, the forerunner of the Messiah, was the son of Zechariah and Elizabeth, and was born about six months before our Savior. His birth was announced by an angel specifically sent to share this joyful news when his mother Elizabeth was unable to have children, and both his parents were well advanced in age. The same divine messenger predicted that he would be great in the eyes of the Lord; that he would be filled with the Holy Spirit from his mother's womb; that he would prepare the way for the Lord by leading many Jews to the knowledge of God; and that he would be the greatest of all the prophets, Luke i, 5–15. We have very little information about the early part of the Baptist’s life. It is only noted that “he grew and became strong in spirit, and was in the deserts until the day of his public appearance to Israel,” Luke i, 80. Although set apart from the womb for a ministerial role, John did not begin his ministry in the fervor of youth, but after spending several years in solitude and practicing self-denial.
The prophetical descriptions of the Baptist in the Old Testament are various and striking. That by Isaiah is: “The voice of him that crieth in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make straight in the desert a high way for our God,” Isaiah xl, 3. Malachi has the following prediction: “Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord. And he shall turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the hearts of the children to the fathers, lest I come and smite the earth with a curse,” Mal. iv, 5. That this was meant of the Baptist, we have the testimony of our Lord himself, who declared, “For all the prophets and the law prophesied until John. And if ye will receive it, this is Elias who was to come,” Matt. xi, 14. The appearance and manners of the Baptist, when he first came out into the world, excited general attention. His clothing was of camel’s hair, bound round him with a leathern girdle, and his food consisted of locusts and wild honey, Matt. iii, 4. The message which he declared was authoritative: “Repent ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand;” and the impression produced by his faithful reproofs and admonitions was powerful and extensive, and in a great number of instances lasting. Most of the first followers of our Lord appear to have been awakened to seriousness and religious inquiry by John’s ministry. His character was so eminent, that many of the Jews thought him to be the Messiah; but he plainly declared that he was not that honoured person. Nevertheless, he was at first unacquainted with the person of Jesus Christ; only the Holy Ghost had told him that he on whom he should see the Holy Spirit descend and rest was the Messiah. When Jesus Christ presented himself to receive baptism from him, this sign was vouchsafed; and from that time he bore his testimony to Jesus, as the Christ.
The prophetic descriptions of the Baptist in the Old Testament are diverse and impactful. Isaiah says: “The voice of one crying in the wilderness, Prepare the way for the Lord, make straight in the desert a highway for our God,” Isaiah 40:3. Malachi makes the following prediction: “Look, I will send you Elijah the prophet before the great and terrible day of the Lord comes. He will turn the hearts of the parents to their children, and the hearts of the children to their parents, or else I will come and strike the land with total destruction,” Malachi 4:5. Jesus himself confirmed that this was referring to the Baptist when he stated, “For all the prophets and the law prophesied until John. And if you are willing to accept it, he is the Elijah who was to come,” Matthew 11:14. The appearance and behavior of the Baptist when he first emerged into the world drew widespread attention. He wore clothing made of camel’s hair, fastened with a leather belt, and his diet consisted of locusts and wild honey, Matthew 3:4. His message was clear and powerful: “Repent, for the kingdom of heaven has come near;” and the impact of his sincere rebukes and warnings was strong and far-reaching, often leaving a lasting impression. Many of the first followers of Jesus seem to have been inspired to seek a deeper understanding of faith through John's ministry. His reputation was so prominent that many Jews believed he might be the Messiah, but he openly stated that he was not that esteemed figure. However, he initially did not know who Jesus Christ was; he only knew that the one on whom he saw the Holy Spirit descend and remain was the Messiah. When Jesus came to be baptized by him, that sign was given, and from that moment on, he testified about Jesus as the Christ.
Herod Antipas, having married his brother Philip’s wife while Philip was still living, occasioned great scandal. John the Baptist, with his usual liberty and vigour, reproved Herod to his face; and told him that it was not lawful for him to have his brother’s wife, while his brother was yet alive. Herod, incensed at this freedom, ordered him into custody, in the castle of Machœrus; and he was ultimately put to death. (See Antipas.) Thus fell this honoured prophet, a martyr to ministerial faithfulness. Other prophets testified of Christ; he pointed to him as already come. Others saw him afar off; he beheld the advancing glories of his ministry eclipsing his own, and rejoiced to “decrease” while his Master “increased.” His ministry stands as a type of the true character of evangelical repentance: it goes before Christ and prepares his way; it is humbling, but not despairing; for it points to “the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world.”
Herod Antipas, having married his brother Philip’s wife while Philip was still alive, caused a huge scandal. John the Baptist, with his usual boldness and energy, confronted Herod directly and told him it was not lawful for him to have his brother’s wife while his brother was still living. Herod, furious at this daring, had him imprisoned in the castle of Machœrus; and he was eventually executed. (See Antipas.) Thus fell this respected prophet, a martyr for being faithful to his ministry. Other prophets spoke about Christ; he pointed to Him as already present. Others saw Him from a distance; he witnessed the glory of Christ’s ministry overshadowing his own and was happy to “decrease” while his Master “increased.” His ministry serves as an example of the true nature of evangelical repentance: it leads the way for Christ and prepares His path; it is humbling but not hopeless; for it points to “the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world.”
The Jews had such an opinion of this prophet’s sanctity, that they ascribed the overthrow of Herod’s army, which he had sent against his father-in-law, Aretas, to the just judgment of God for putting John the Baptist to death. The death of John the Baptist happened, as is believed, about the end of the thirty-first year of the vulgar era, or in the beginning of the thirty-second.
The Jews thought so highly of this prophet's holiness that they attributed the defeat of Herod's army, which he had sent to fight against his father-in-law, Aretas, to God's righteous judgment for executing John the Baptist. John the Baptist's death is believed to have occurred around the end of the thirty-first year of the common era, or at the start of the thirty-second.
The baptism of John was much more perfect than that of the Jews, but less perfect than that of Jesus Christ. “It was,” says St. Chrysostom, “as it were, a bridge, which, from the baptism of the Jews, made a way to that of our Saviour, and was more exalted than the first, but inferior to the second.”second.” That of St. John promised what that of Jesus Christ executed. Notwithstanding St. John did not enjoin his disciples to continue the baptism of repentance, which was of his institution, after his death, because, after the manifestation of the Messiah, and the establishment of the Holy Ghost, it became of no use; yet there were many of his followers who still administered it, and several years after the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, did not so much as know that there was any other baptism than that of John. Of this number was Apollos, a learned and zealous man, who was of Alexandria, and came to Ephesus twenty years after the resurrection of our Saviour, Acts xviii, 25. And when St. Paul came after Apollos to the same city, there were still many Ephesians who had received no other baptism, and were not yet informed that the Holy Ghost was received by baptism in the name of Jesus Christ, Acts xix, 1. The Jews are said by the Apostle Paul to have been “baptized unto Moses,” at the time when they followed him through the Red Sea, as the servant of God sent to be their leader. Those who went out to John “were baptized unto John’s baptism;” that is, into the expectation of the person whom John announced, and into repentance of those sins which John condemned. Christians are “baptized into the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,” because in this expression is implied that whole system of truth which the disciples of Christ believe; into the name of the Father, the one true and living God whom Christians profess to serve; of the Son, that divine person revealed in the New Testament 540whom the Father sent to be the Saviour of the world; of the Holy Ghost, the divine person also revealed there as the Comforter, the Sanctifier, and the Guide of Christians.
The baptism of John was much more complete than that of the Jews but less complete than that of Jesus Christ. “It was,” says St. Chrysostom, “like a bridge that connected the baptism of the Jews to that of our Savior; it was higher than the first but lower than the second.”second.” St. John’s baptism promised what Jesus Christ’s baptism fulfilled. Although St. John did not tell his disciples to keep practicing the baptism of repentance he had established after his death, because it became unnecessary after the revelation of the Messiah and the coming of the Holy Spirit, many of his followers still performed it. Several years after Jesus Christ’s death and resurrection, some of them did not even know that there was any other baptism besides John’s. Among them was Apollos, a knowledgeable and passionate man from Alexandria, who came to Ephesus twenty years after the resurrection of our Savior, as noted in Acts xviii, 25. When St. Paul arrived in that same city after Apollos, many Ephesians still hadn’t received any baptism other than John’s and were unaware that the Holy Spirit was received through baptism in the name of Jesus Christ, as referenced in Acts xix, 1. The Apostle Paul refers to the Jews as having been “baptized unto Moses” when they followed him through the Red Sea, seeing him as the servant of God sent to lead them. Those who went out to John “were baptized unto John’s baptism,” meaning they were baptized with the expectation of the person John announced and in repentance for the sins John called out. Christians are “baptized into the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,” because this phrase encompasses the entire system of truth that Christ’s disciples believe; into the name of the Father, the one true and living God whom Christians profess to serve; of the Son, that divine person revealed in the New Testament whom the Father sent to be the Savior of the world; and of the Holy Ghost, the divine person also revealed there as the Comforter, the Sanctifier, and the Guide of Christians.
John the Evangelist was a native of Bethsaida, in Galilee, son of Zebedee and Salome, by profession a fisherman. Some have thought that he was a disciple of John the Baptist before he attended Jesus Christ. He was brother to James the greater. It is believed that St. John was the youngest of the Apostles. Tillemont is of opinion that he was twenty-five or twenty-six years of age when he began to follow Jesus. Our Saviour had a particular friendship for him; and he describes himself by the name of “that disciple whom Jesus loved.” St. John was one of the four Apostles to whom our Lord delivered his predictions relative to the destruction of Jerusalem, and the approaching calamities of the Jewish nation, Mark xiii, 3. St. Peter, St. James, and St. John were chosen to accompany our Saviour on several occasions, when the other Apostles were not permitted to be present. When Christ restored the daughter of Jairus to life, Mark v, 37; Luke viii, 51; when he was transfigured on the mount, Matt. xvii, 1, 2; Mark ix, 2; Luke ix, 28; and when he endured his agony in the garden, Matt. xxvi, 36, 37; Mark xiv, 32, 33; St. Peter, St. James, and St. John were his only attendants. That St. John was treated by Christ with greater familiarity than the other Apostles, is evident from St. Peter desiring him to ask Christ who should betray him, when he himself did not dare to propose the question, John xiii, 24. He seems to have been the only Apostle present at the crucifixion, and to him Jesus, just as he was expiring upon the cross, gave the strongest proof of his confidence and regard, by consigning to him the care of his mother, John xix, 26, 27. As St. John had been witness to the death of our Saviour, by seeing the blood and water issue from his side, which a soldier had pierced, John xix, 34, 35, so he was one of the first made acquainted with his resurrection. Without any hesitation, he believed this great event, though “as yet he knew not the Scripture, that Christ was to rise from the dead,” John xx, 9. He was also one of those to whom our Saviour appeared at the sea of Galilee; and he was afterward, with the other ten Apostles, a witness of his ascension into heaven, Mark xvi, 19; Luke xxiv, 51. St. John continued to preach the Gospel for some time at Jerusalem: he was imprisoned by the sanhedrim, first with Peter only, Acts iv, 1, &c, and afterward with the other Apostles, Acts v, 17, 18. Some time after this second release, he and St. Peter were sent by the other Apostles to the Samaritans, whom Philip the deacon had converted to the Gospel, that through them they might receive the Holy Ghost, Acts viii, 14, 15. St. John informs us, in his Revelations, that he was banished to Patmos, an island in the Ægean Sea, Rev. i, 9.
John the Apostle was from Bethsaida in Galilee, the son of Zebedee and Salome, and worked as a fisherman. Some people believe he was a follower of John the Baptist before he became a disciple of Jesus Christ. He was the brother of James the Greater. It's thought that St. John was the youngest of the Apostles. Tillemont believes he was about twenty-five or twenty-six years old when he started following Jesus. Our Savior had a special friendship with him, and he refers to himself as “the disciple whom Jesus loved.” St. John was one of the four Apostles to whom Jesus shared his predictions about the destruction of Jerusalem and the coming troubles for the Jewish nation, Mark xiii, 3. St. Peter, St. James, and St. John were chosen to be with Jesus during important moments when the other Apostles weren't allowed to be there. When Christ brought Jairus's daughter back to life, Mark v, 37; Luke viii, 51; during the Transfiguration on the mountain, Matt. xvii, 1, 2; Mark ix, 2; Luke ix, 28; and during his agony in the garden, Matt. xxvi, 36, 37; Mark xiv, 32, 33; St. Peter, St. James, and St. John were the only ones there with him. It’s clear that Christ treated St. John with more intimacy than the other Apostles, as shown by St. Peter asking him to find out from Jesus who would betray him, since he didn't dare ask himself, John xiii, 24. He seems to have been the only Apostle present at the crucifixion, and just as Jesus was dying on the cross, he gave St. John the significant responsibility of caring for his mother, John xix, 26, 27. After witnessing the death of our Savior and seeing the blood and water flow from his side when a soldier pierced it, John xix, 34, 35, he was among the first to learn of Jesus's resurrection. Without hesitation, he believed this amazing event, even though “as yet he knew not the Scripture, that Christ was to rise from the dead,” John xx, 9. He was also one of those to whom our Savior appeared at the Sea of Galilee, and later, along with the other ten Apostles, he witnessed Christ’s ascension into heaven, Mark xvi, 19; Luke xxiv, 51. St. John preached the Gospel for a while in Jerusalem: he was imprisoned by the Sanhedrin, first with Peter, Acts iv, 1, &c, and later with the other Apostles, Acts v, 17, 18. After this second release, he and St. Peter were sent by the other Apostles to the Samaritans, who had been converted to the Gospel by Philip the deacon, so that they could receive the Holy Spirit through them, Acts viii, 14, 15. St. John tells us in his Revelations that he was exiled to Patmos, an island in the Aegean Sea, Rev. i, 9.
This banishment of the Apostle to the isle of Patmos is mentioned by many of the early ecclesiastical writers; all of whom, except Epiphanius in the fourth century, agree in attributing it to Domitian. Epiphanius says that John was banished by command of Claudius; but this deserves the less credit, because there was no persecution of the Christians in the time of that emperor, and his edicts against the Jews did not extend to the provinces. Sir Isaac Newton was of opinion that John was banished to Patmos in the time of Nero; but even the authority of this great man is not of sufficient weight against the unanimous voice of antiquity. Dr. Lardner has examined and answered his arguments with equal candour and learning. It is not known at what time John went into Asia Minor. Lardner thought that it was about the year 66. It is certain that he lived in Asia Minor the latter part of his life, and principally at Ephesus. He planted churches at Smyrna, Pergamos, and many other places; and by his activity and success in propagating the Gospel, he is supposed to have incurred the displeasure of Domitian, who banished him to Patmos at the end of his reign. He himself tells us that he “was in the isle that is called Patmos, for the word of God, and for the testimony of Jesus Christ;” and Irenæus, speaking of the vision which he had there, says, “It is not very long ago that it was seen, being but a little before our time, at the latter end of Domitian’s reign.” On the succession of Nerva to the empire in the year 96, John returned to Ephesus, where he died at an advanced age, in the third year of Trajan’s reign, A. D. 100. An opinion has prevailed, that he was, by order of Domitian, thrown into a caldron of boiling oil at Rome, and came out unhurt; but this account rests almost entirely on the authority of Tertullian, and seems to deserve little credit.
This banishment of the Apostle to the island of Patmos is mentioned by many early church writers; all of them, except Epiphanius in the fourth century, agree that it was ordered by Domitian. Epiphanius claims that John was banished by Claudius; however, this is less credible because there was no persecution of Christians during that emperor's reign, and his edicts against the Jews did not apply to the provinces. Sir Isaac Newton believed that John was banished to Patmos during Nero's time, but even his authority doesn’t outweigh the consistent view of history. Dr. Lardner examined and countered his arguments with equal fairness and scholarship. It is not known when John arrived in Asia Minor. Lardner suggested it was around the year 66. It's certain that he lived in Asia Minor during the latter part of his life, mainly in Ephesus. He established churches in Smyrna, Pergamos, and many other locations; and due to his efforts and success in spreading the Gospel, he is thought to have angered Domitian, who banished him to Patmos at the end of his reign. John himself says that he “was on the island called Patmos, for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus Christ,” and Irenæus, referring to the vision he had there, says, “It was not very long ago that it was seen, just before our time, at the end of Domitian’s reign.” After Nerva became emperor in 96, John returned to Ephesus, where he died at an old age in the third year of Trajan’s reign, A.D. 100. There’s a common belief that he was ordered by Domitian to be thrown into a pot of boiling oil in Rome and came out unharmed; however, this account relies almost entirely on Tertullian’s authority and is generally considered to be unreliable.
2. The genuineness of St. John’s Gospel has always been unanimously admitted by the Christian church. It is universally agreed that St. John published his Gospel in Asia; and that, when he wrote it, he had seen the other three Gospels. It is, therefore, not only valuable in itself, but also a tacit confirmation of the other three; with none of which it disagrees in any material point. The time of its publication is placed by some rather before, and by others considerably after, the destruction of Jerusalem. If we accede to the opinion of those who contend for the year 97, this late date, exclusive of the authorities which support it, seems favoured by the contents and design of the Gospel itself. The immediate design of St. John in writing his Gospel, as we are assured by Irenæus, Jerom, and others, was to refute the Cerinthians, Ebionites, and other heretics, whose tenets, though they branched out into a variety of subjects, all originated from erroneous opinions concerning the person of Christ, and the creation of the world. These points had been scarcely touched upon by the other evangelists; though they had faithfully recorded all the leading facts of our Saviour’s life, and his admirable precepts for the regulation of our conduct. St. John, therefore, undertook, perhaps at the request of the true believers in Asia, to write what Clement of 541Alexandria called a spiritual Gospel; and, accordingly, we find in it more of doctrine, and less of historical narrative, than in any of the others. It is also to be remembered, that this book, which contains so much additional information relative to the doctrines of Christianity, and which may be considered as a standard of faith for all ages, was written by that Apostle who is known to have enjoyed, in a greater degree than the rest, the affection and confidence of the divine Author of our religion; and to whom was given a special revelation concerning the state of the Christian church in all succeeding generations.
2. The authenticity of St. John’s Gospel has always been recognized by the Christian church. It's widely accepted that St. John wrote his Gospel in Asia, and he had read the other three Gospels when he wrote it. Therefore, it’s not only valuable on its own but also subtly supports the other three, with which it doesn't disagree on any significant points. The timing of its publication is placed by some before and by others considerably after the destruction of Jerusalem. If we consider the view that argues for the year 97, this later date—besides the supporting authorities—seems backed by the content and purpose of the Gospel itself. St. John’s immediate goal in writing his Gospel, as confirmed by Irenaeus, Jerome, and others, was to counter the Cerinthians, Ebionites, and other heretics, whose beliefs, though varied, all stemmed from incorrect ideas about Christ’s identity and the creation of the world. These topics were barely touched upon by the other evangelists, who faithfully recorded the main events of our Savior’s life and His remarkable teachings for guiding our behavior. Thus, St. John undertook to write what Clement of Alexandria referred to as a spiritual Gospel, perhaps at the request of true believers in Asia. Consequently, it contains more doctrine and less historical narrative than the others. It’s also important to note that this book, which holds so much additional information pertaining to Christian doctrines and can be seen as a standard of faith for all time, was written by the Apostle who was known to enjoy a special closeness and trust with the divine Author of our religion and who received a unique revelation regarding the state of the Christian church in all future generations.
We have three epistles by this Apostle. Some critics have thought that all these epistles were written during St. John’s exile in Patmos; the first, to the Ephesian church; the others to individuals; and that they were sent along with the Gospel, which the Apostle is supposed also to have written in Patmos. Thus Hug observes, in his “Introduction:” If St. John sent his Gospel to the continent, an epistle to the community was requisite, commending and dedicating it to them. Other evangelists, who deposited their works in the place of their residence, personally superintended them, and delivered them personally; consequently they did not require a written document to accompany them. An epistle was therefore requisite, and, as we have abundantly proved the first of John’s epistles to be inseparable from the Gospel, its contents demonstrate it to be an accompanying writing, and a dedication of the Gospel. It went consequently to Ephesus. We can particularly corroborate this by the following observation: John, in the Apocalypse, has individually distinguished each of the Christian communities, which lay the nearest within his circle and his superintendence, by criteria, taken from their faults or their virtues. The church at Ephesus he there describes by the following traits: It was thronged with men who arrogated to themselves the ministry and apostolical authority, and were impostors, ψευδεις. But in particular he feelingly reproaches it because its “first love was cooled,” τὴν ἀγάπην σου τὴν ϖρώτην ἀφῆκας. The circumstance of impostors and false teachers happens in more churches. But decreasing love is an exclusive criterion and failing, which the Apostle reprimands in no other community. According to his judgment, want of love was the characteristic fault of the Ephesians: but this epistle is from beginning to the end occupied with admonitions to love, with recommendations of its value, with corrections of those who are guilty of this fault, 1 John ii, 5, 9–11, 15; iii, 1, 11, 12, 14–18, 23; iv, 7–10, 12, 16–21; v, 1–3. Must not we therefore declare, if we compare the opinion of the Apostle respecting the Ephesians with this epistle, that, from its peculiar tenor, it is not so strikingly adapted to any community in the first instance as to this?
We have three letters from this Apostle. Some critics believe that all these letters were written during St. John's exile in Patmos; the first one was addressed to the Ephesian church, while the others were sent to individuals. They think these letters were sent along with the Gospel, which the Apostle is also believed to have written in Patmos. Hug notes in his "Introduction:" If St. John sent his Gospel to the mainland, a letter to the community would have been necessary to commend and dedicate it to them. Other evangelists who left their works in the places where they lived oversaw them personally and presented them themselves; therefore, they didn't need a written document to go with them. A letter was necessary, and, as we've clearly shown, the first of John's letters is inseparable from the Gospel; its contents indicate that it's a complementary writing and a dedication to the Gospel. So it was sent to Ephesus. We can further support this with the following observation: John, in the Apocalypse, identifies each of the Christian communities closest to him by characteristics based on their faults or virtues. He describes the church at Ephesus with these traits: It was filled with people who claimed the ministry and apostolic authority and were impostors. But he specifically criticizes it for having "lost its first love." The issue of impostors and false teachers occurs in more churches, but a decline in love is a distinct fault that the Apostle only calls out in this community. In his view, the lack of love was the main problem of the Ephesians; yet this letter is focused from beginning to end on urging love, highlighting its importance, and correcting those guilty of this issue. Must we not therefore conclude, when we compare the Apostle's view of the Ephesians with this letter, that its distinct message is particularly suited to them?
The second epistle is directed to a female, who is not named, but only designated by the honourable mention, ἐκλεκτὴ κυρία, “the elect lady.” The two chief positions, which are discussed in the first epistle, constitute the contents of this brief address. He again alludes to the words of our Saviour, “A new commandment,” &c, as in 1 John ii, 7, and recommends love, which is manifested by observance of the commandments. After this he warns her against false teachers, who deny that Jesus entered into the world as the Christ, or Messiah, and forbids an intercourse with them. At the end, he hopes soon to see her himself, and complains of the want of writing materials. The whole is a short syllabus of the first epistle, or it is the first in a renewed form. The words also are the same. It is still full of the former epistle: nor are they separated from each other as to time. The female appears before his mind in the circumstances and dangers of the society, in instructing and admonishing which he had just been employed. If we may judge from local circumstances, she also lived at Ephesus. But as for the author, his residence was in none of the Ionian or Asiatic cities, where the want of writing materials is not conceivable: he was still therefore in the place of his exile. The other circumstances noticed in it, are probably the following: The sons of the ἐκλεκτὴ κυρία had visited John, 2 John 4. The sister of this matron wishing to show to him an equal respect and sympathy in his fate, sent her sons likewise to visit the Apostle. While the latter were with the Apostle, there was an opportunity of sending to the continent, 2 John 13, namely, of despatching the two epistles and the Gospel.
The second letter is addressed to a woman who isn't named, referred to instead as the "elect lady." The two main topics that were discussed in the first letter are the focus of this short message. He references the words of our Savior, “A new commandment,” etc., as mentioned in 1 John ii, 7, and encourages love, which is shown through following the commandments. After this, he warns her about false teachers who deny that Jesus came into the world as the Christ and advises her to avoid associating with them. In the end, he expresses his hope to see her soon himself and mentions that he lacks writing supplies. Overall, this is a brief summary of the first letter, or it’s a rephrased version of it. The language is similar, and it still contains much of the content of the first letter; they are not time-separated. The woman is on his mind amid the situations and challenges faced by the community, which he has just been addressing. Based on local details, she likely lived in Ephesus. However, the author was not residing in any of the Ionian or Asian cities, where a lack of writing materials would be hard to imagine; he was still in exile. Other notes include that the sons of the elect lady visited John (2 John 4). The sister of this woman, wishing to show him equal respect and share in his fate, also sent her sons to visit the Apostle. While they were with the Apostle, there was a chance to send messages to the mainland (2 John 13), specifically to deliver the two letters and the Gospel.
The third epistle is written to Caius. The author consoles himself with the hope, as in the former epistle, of soon coming himself, 3 John 14. He still experiences the same want of writing materials, 3 John 13. Consequently, he was still living in the same miserable place: also, if we may judge from his hopes, the time was not very different. The residence of Caius is determined by the following criteria: The most general of them is the danger of being misled by false teachers, 3 John 3, 4. That which leads us nearer to the point, is the circumstance of John sometimes sending messages thither, and receiving accounts from thence, 3 John 5–8, that he supposes his opinions to be so well known and acknowledged in this society, that he could appeal to them, as judges respecting them, 3 John 12, and that, finally, he had many particular friends among them, 3 John 15. The whole of this is applicable to a considerable place, where the Apostle had resided for a long time; and in the second epoch of his life, it is particularly applicable to Ephesus. He had lately written to the community, of which Caius was a member, ἔγραψα τῆ ἐκκλησία, “I wrote to the church,” 3 John 9. If this is to be referred to the first epistle, (for we are not aware of any other to a community,) then certainly Ephesus is the place to which the third epistle was also directed, and was the place where Caius resided. From hence, the rest contains its own explanation. John had sent his first epistle thither; it was the accompanying 542writing to the Gospel, and with it he also sent the Gospel. Who was better qualified to promulgate the Gospel among the believers than Caius, especially if it was to be published at Ephesus?
The third letter is addressed to Caius. The author reassures himself with the hope, similar to the previous letter, of visiting soon, 3 John 14. He still lacks writing materials, 3 John 13, which means he is stuck in the same unfortunate situation. Also, judging by his hopes, things haven't changed much in timing either. Caius's location can be determined by the following signs: the most obvious is the risk of being misled by false teachers, 3 John 3, 4. Another hint comes from the fact that John occasionally sends messages there and gets responses back, 3 John 5–8, leading him to believe his views are well-known and recognized in that community, allowing him to call upon them as judges regarding his opinions, 3 John 12, and ultimately, he had many personal friends among them, 3 John 15. All this points to a significant location where the Apostle had lived for a long time; specifically, in the latter part of his life, it strongly suggests Ephesus. He had recently written to the community, of which Caius was a part, ἔγραψα τῆ ἐκκλησία, “I wrote to the church,” 3 John 9. If this refers to the first letter (since we don’t know of any other written to a community), then Ephesus is certainly the place to which the third letter was also sent and where Caius lived. From this point, the rest explains itself. John sent his first letter there; it was meant to accompany the Gospel, and he also sent the Gospel along with it. Who better to spread the Gospel among the believers than Caius, especially if it was intended to be shared in Ephesus?
The above view is ingenious, and in its leading parts satisfactory; but the argument from the Apostle’s supposed want of “writing materials” is founded upon a very forced construction of the texts. There seems, however, no reason to doubt of the close connection, in point of time, between the epistles and the Gospel; and, that being remembered, the train of thought in the mind of the Apostle sufficiently explains the peculiar character of the latter.
The perspective above is clever and, in its main aspects, convincing; however, the argument about the Apostle supposedly lacking “writing materials” relies on a rather strained interpretation of the texts. That said, there seems to be no reason to doubt the close time connection between the epistles and the Gospel; keeping that in mind, the Apostle's thought process clearly explains the unique qualities of the latter.
JONAH, son of Amittai, the fifth of the minor prophets, was born at Gath-hepher, in Galilee. He is generally considered as the most ancient of the prophets, and is supposed to have lived B. C. 840. The book of Jonah is chiefly narrative. He relates that he was commanded by God to go to Nineveh, and preach against the inhabitants of that capital of the Assyrian empire; that, through fear of executing this commission, he set sail for Tarshish; and that, in his voyage thither, a tempest arising, he was cast by the mariners into the sea, and swallowed by a large fish; that, while he was in the belly of this fish, he prayed to God, and was, after three days and three nights, delivered out of it alive; that he then received a second command to go and preach against Nineveh, which he obeyed; that, upon his threatening the destruction of the city within forty days, the king and people proclaimed a fast, and repented of their sins; and that, upon this repentance, God suspended the sentence which he had ordered to be pronounced in his name. Upon their repentance, God deferred the execution of his judgment till the increase of their iniquities made them ripe for destruction, about a hundred and fifty years afterward. The last chapter gives an account of the murmuring of Jonah at this instance of divine mercy, and of the gentle and condescending manner in which it pleased God to reprove the prophet for his unjust complaint. The style of Jonah is simple and perspicuous; and his prayer, in the second chapter, is strongly descriptive of the feelings of a pious mind under a severe trial of faith. Our Saviour mentions Jonah in the Gospel, Matt. xii, 41; Luke xi, 32. See Nineveh and Gourd.
JONAH, son of Amittai, the fifth of the minor prophets, was born in Gath-hepher, in Galilee. He is generally regarded as the oldest of the prophets and is believed to have lived around 840 B.C. The book of Jonah is mainly a narrative. He recounts that he was commanded by God to go to Nineveh and preach against the inhabitants of that Assyrian capital; out of fear of fulfilling this mission, he set sail for Tarshish. During his voyage, a storm arose, and the sailors threw him into the sea, where he was swallowed by a large fish. While in the belly of the fish, he prayed to God and, after three days and three nights, was delivered alive. He then received a second command to go and preach against Nineveh, which he obeyed. After he warned of the city's destruction in forty days, the king and people declared a fast and repented of their sins; as a result of this repentance, God postponed the judgment he had ordered in his name. God delayed executing his judgment until their increasing wickedness made them ready for destruction, about one hundred and fifty years later. The final chapter discusses Jonah's complaints about this display of divine mercy and the gentle, understanding way God chose to correct the prophet for his unfair grievance. Jonah's style is straightforward and clear, and his prayer in the second chapter vividly expresses the feelings of a faithful person facing a severe test. Our Savior refers to Jonah in the Gospel, Matt. xii, 41; Luke xi, 32. See Nineveh and Squash.
JONATHAN, the son of Saul, a prince of an excellent disposition, and in all varieties of fortune a sincere and steady friend to David. Jonathan gave signal proofs of courage and conduct upon all occasions that offered, during the wars between his father and the Philistines. The death of Jonathan was lamented by David, in one of the noblest and most pathetic odes ever uttered by genius consecrated by pious friendship. See 1 Sam. xiii, 16, &c; xiv, 1, 2, &c.
JONATHAN, the son of Saul, was a prince with a great character and, through all circumstances, a loyal and steadfast friend to David. Jonathan showed remarkable bravery and leadership in every opportunity during the battles between his father and the Philistines. David mourned Jonathan's death in one of the most beautiful and heartfelt poems ever created, honoring their deep friendship. See 1 Sam. xiii, 16, &c; xiv, 1, 2, &c.
JOPPA, called also Japho in the Old Testament, which is still preserved in its modern name of Jaffa or Yafah, a sea port of Palestine, situated on an eminence in a sandy soil, about seventy miles north-west of Jerusalem. Joppa was anciently the port to Jerusalem. Here all the materials sent from Tyre for the building of Solomon’s temple were brought and landed: it was, indeed, the only port in Judea, though rocky and dangerous. It possesses still, in times of peace, a considerable commerce with the places in its vicinity; and is well inhabited, chiefly by Arabs. This was the place of landing of the western pilgrims; and here the promised pardons commenced. Here St. Peter raised Dorcas from the dead, and resided many days in the house of one Simon, a tanner, Acts ix, 36–43; and it was from this place that the Prophet Jonah embarked for Tarshish.
JOPPA, also known as Japho in the Old Testament, which is still reflected in its modern name Jaffa or Yafah, is a seaport in Palestine situated on a sandy hill about seventy miles northwest of Jerusalem. Joppa was the ancient port for Jerusalem. All the materials sent from Tyre for the construction of Solomon’s temple were brought and unloaded here; it was, in fact, the only port in Judea, despite being rocky and dangerous. Even today, during peaceful times, it has a significant trade with nearby areas and is primarily inhabited by Arabs. This was where western pilgrims landed, and where the promised pardons began. Here, St. Peter raised Dorcas from the dead and stayed for several days at the house of Simon, a tanner (Acts ix, 36–43); it was also from here that the Prophet Jonah set sail for Tarshish.
JORAM, the son and successor of Ahab, king of Israel. See Jehu
JORAM, the son and successor of Ahab, king of Israel. See Jehu
JORDAN, the largest and most celebrated stream in Palestine. It is much larger, according to Dr. Shaw, than all the brooks and streams of the Holy Land united together; and, excepting the Nile, is by far the most considerable river either of the coast of Syria or of Barbary. He computed it to be about thirty yards broad, and found it nine feet deep at the brink. This river, which divides the country into two unequal parts, has been commonly said to issue from two fountains, or to be formed by the junction of two rivulets, the Jor and the Dan; but the assertion seems to be totally destitute of any solid foundation. The Jewish historian, Josephus, on the contrary, places its source at Phiala, a fountain which rises about fifteen miles from Cæsarea Philippi, a little on the right hand, and not much out of the way to Trachonitis. It is called Phiala, or the Vial, from its round figure; its water is always of the same depth, the bason being brimful, without either shrinking or overflowing. From Phiala to Panion, which was long considered as the real source of the Jordan, the river flows under ground. The secret of its subterraneous course was first discovered by Philip, the tetrarch of Trachonitis, who cast straws into the fountain of Phiala, which came out again at Panion. Leaving the cave of Panion, it crosses the bogs and fens of the lake Semichonitis; and after a course of fifteen miles, passes under the city of Julias, the ancient Bethsaida; then expands into a beautiful sheet of water, named the lake of Gennesareth; and, after flowing a long way through the desert, empties itself into the lake Asphaltites, or the Dead Sea. As the cave Panion lies at the foot of Mount Lebanon, in the northern extremity of Canaan, and the lake Asphaltites extends to the southern extremity, the river Jordan pursues its course through the whole extent of the country from north to south. It is evident, also, from the history of Josephus, that a wilderness or desert of considerable extent stretched along the river Jordan in the times of the New Testament; which was undoubtedly the wilderness mentioned by the evangelists, where John the Baptist came preaching and baptizing. The Jordan has a considerable 543depth of water. Chateaubriand makes it six or seven feet deep close at the shore, and about fifty paces in breadth a considerable distance from its entrance into the Dead Sea. According to the computation of Volney, it is hardly sixty paces wide at the mouth; but the author of “Letters from Palestine” states, that the stream when it enters the lake Asphaltites, is deep and rapid, rolling a considerable volume of waters; the width appears from two to three hundred feet, and the current is so violent, that a Greek servant belonging to the author, who attempted to cross it, though strong, active, and an excellent swimmer, found the undertaking impracticable. It may be said to have two banks, of which the inner marks the ordinary height of the stream; and the outer, its ancient elevation during the rainy season, or the melting of the snows on the summits of Lebanon. In the days of Joshua, and, it is probable, for many ages after his time, the harvest was one of the seasons when the Jordan overflowed his banks. This fact is distinctly recorded by the sacred historian: “And as they that bare the ark were come unto Jordan, and the feet of the priests that bare the ark were dipped in the brim of the water; for Jordan overfloweth all his banks all the time of harvest,” Joshua iii, 15. This happens in the first month of the Jewish year, which corresponds with March, 1 Chronicles xii, 15. But in modern times, whether the rapidity of the current has worn the channel deeper than formerly, or whether its waters have taken some other direction, the river seems to have forgotten his ancient greatness. When Maundrell visited Jordan on the thirtieth of March, the proper time for these inundations, he could discern no sign or probability of such overflowing; nay, so far was it from overflowing, that it ran, says our author, at least two yards below the brink of its channel. After having descended the outer bank, he went about a furlong upon the level strand, before he came to the immediate bank of the river. This inner bank was so thickly covered with bushes and trees, among which he observed the tamarisk, the willow, and the oleander, that he could see no water till he had made his way through them. In this entangled thicket, so conveniently planted near the cooling stream, and remote from the habitations of men, several kinds of wild beasts were accustomed to repose, till the swelling of the river drove them from their retreats. This circumstance gave occasion to that beautiful allusion of the prophet: “He shall come up like a lion, from the swelling of Jordan, against the habitation of the strong,” Jer. xlix, 19. The figure is highly poetical and striking. It is not easy to present a more terrible image to the mind, than a lion roused from his den by the roar of the swelling river, and chafed and irritated by its rapid and successive encroachments on his chosen haunts, till, forced to quit his last retreat, he ascends to the higher grounds and the open country, and turns the fierceness of his rage against the helpless sheep cots, or the unsuspecting villages. A destroyer equally fierce, and cruel, and irresistible, the devoted Edomites were to find in Nebuchadnezzar and his armies.
JORDAN, the largest and most renowned river in Palestine. According to Dr. Shaw, it's significantly larger than all the streams and brooks of the Holy Land combined; and aside from the Nile, it’s by far the most important river on the coast of Syria or in North Africa. He estimated it to be about thirty yards wide and found it to be nine feet deep at the edge. This river, which splits the country into two unequal parts, is often said to originate from two springs or to be formed by the joining of two smaller streams, the Jor and the Dan; however, this claim seems to lack a solid basis. The Jewish historian, Josephus, instead places its source at Phiala, a spring located about fifteen miles from Cæsarea Philippi, slightly off to the right, and not too far out of the way to Trachonitis. It’s called Phiala, or “the Vial,” because of its round shape; its water always remains at the same depth since the basin is always full, neither shrinking nor overflowing. From Phiala to Panion, which was long thought to be the true source of the Jordan, the river flows underground. The secret of its underground path was first revealed by Philip, the tetrarch of Trachonitis, who tossed straws into the Phiala fountain, only to find them again at Panion. After leaving the cave of Panion, it moves through the marshes and swamps of Lake Semichonitis; after a journey of fifteen miles, it passes under the city of Julias, formerly known as Bethsaida; then it spreads out into a beautiful body of water called the Lake of Gennesareth; finally, after traveling for a long distance through the desert, it flows into the lake Asphaltites, or the Dead Sea. Since the cave of Panion is at the base of Mount Lebanon, in the northern part of Canaan, and the lake Asphaltites extends to the southern edge, the Jordan flows through the entire stretch of the country from north to south. It's also clear from Josephus's history that a significant wilderness or desert ran along the Jordan during New Testament times; indeed, this was likely the wilderness mentioned by the evangelists, where John the Baptist preached and baptized. The Jordan has a notable depth of water. Chateaubriand says it’s six or seven feet deep near the shore and about fifty paces wide a good distance from where it enters the Dead Sea. Volney estimated it to be hardly sixty paces wide at the mouth; however, the author of “Letters from Palestine” stated that the stream is deep and fast-flowing when it enters Lake Asphaltites, rolling a considerable volume of water; the width appears to be between two to three hundred feet, and the current is so strong that a Greek servant of the author, who was strong, agile, and an excellent swimmer, found it impossible to cross. The river has two banks: one marks the typical height of the stream, and the outer one indicates its ancient height during the rainy season or when the snow on the summits of Lebanon melts. In the days of Joshua, and likely for many years after, harvest was one of the seasons when the Jordan overflowed its banks. This fact is clearly recorded by the sacred historian: “And as they that bore the ark came to Jordan, and the feet of the priests that bore the ark dipped in the edge of the water; for Jordan overflows all its banks all the time of harvest,” Joshua iii, 15. This occurs in the first month of the Jewish year, which corresponds to March, 1 Chronicles xii, 15. But in modern times, whether the speed of the current has worn the channel deeper than before or whether its waters have taken a different course, the river seems to have lost its ancient greatness. When Maundrell visited the Jordan on March 30, the expected time for these floods, he saw no signs or likelihood of such overflowing; indeed, it was so far from overflowing that it ran, as our author notes, at least two yards below the edge of its channel. After descending the outer bank, he walked about a furlong along the flat shore before reaching the immediate bank of the river. This inner bank was so thickly covered with bushes and trees, including tamarisk, willow, and oleander, that he couldn't see any water until he pushed through them. In this tangled thicket, conveniently located near the cool stream and far from human habitations, various kinds of wild animals would rest until the river rose and drove them away from their hiding spots. This situation inspired the beautiful allusion of the prophet: “He shall come up like a lion from the swelling of Jordan, against the dwelling of the strong,” Jer. xlix, 19. The imagery is highly poetic and striking. It's hard to conjure a more terrifying image than a lion stirred from his den by the roar of the swelling river, agitated by its rapid and relentless encroachment on his chosen territory, forcing him to flee to the higher ground and open country, turning the fury of his rage against helpless sheepfolds or unsuspecting villages. A similarly fierce, cruel, and unstoppable force, the doomed Edomites would find in Nebuchadnezzar and his armies.
The water of the river at the time of Maundrell’s visit was very turbid, and too rapid to allow a swimmer to stem its course. Its breadth might be about twenty yards; and in depth, it far exceeded his height. The rapidity and depth of the river, which are admitted by every traveller, although the volume of water seems now to be much diminished, illustrate those parts of Scripture which mention the fords and passages of Jordan. It no longer, indeed, rolls down into the Salt Sea so majestic a stream as in the days of Joshua; yet its ordinary depth is still about ten or twelve feet, so that it cannot even at present be passed but at certain places. Of this well known circumstance, the men of Gilead took advantage in the civil war, which they were compelled to wage with their brethren: “The Gileadites took the passages of Jordan before the Ephraimites:--then they took him, and slew him at the passages of Jordan,” Judg. xii, 6. The people of Israel, under the command of Ehud availed themselves of the same advantage in the war with Moab: “And they went down after him, and took the fords of Jordan toward Moab, and suffered not a man to pass over,” Judg. iii, 28. But although the state of this river in modern times completely justifies the incidental remarks of the sacred writers, it is evident that Maundrell was disconcerted by the shallowness of the stream, at the time of the year when he expected to see it overflowing all its banks; and his embarrassment seems to have increased when he contemplated the double margin within which it flowed. This difficulty, which has perhaps occurred to some others, may be explained by a remark which Dr. Pococke has made on the river Euphrates: The bed of the Euphrates, says that writer, was measured by some English gentlemen at Beer, and found to be six hundred and thirty yards broad; but the river only two hundred and fourteen yards over; then they thought it to be nine or ten feet deep in the middle; and were informed that it sometimes rises twelve feet perpendicularly. He observed that it had an inner and outer bank; but says, it rarely overflows the inner bank; that when it does, they sow water mellons and other fruits of that kind, as soon as the water retires, and have a great produce. From this passage, Mr. Harmer argues: “Might not the overflowings of the Jordan be like those of the Euphrates, not annual, but much more rare?” The difficulty, therefore, will be completely removed, by supposing, that it does not, like the Nile, overflow every year, as some authors, by mistake, had supposed, but, like the Euphrates, only in some particular years; but when it does it is in the time of harvest. If it did not in ancient times annually overflow its banks, the majesty of God in dividing its waters to make way for Joshua and the armies of Israel, was certainly the more striking to the Canaanites; who, when they looked upon 544themselves as defended in an extraordinary manner by the casual swelling of the river, its breadth and rapidity being both so extremely increased, yet, found it in these circumstances part asunder, and leave a way on dry land for the people of Jehovah. The common receptacle into which the Jordan empties his waters, is the lake Asphaltites, from whence they are continually drained off by evaporation. Some writers, unable to find a discharge for the large body of water which is continually rushing into the lake, have been inclined to suspect it had some communication with the Mediterranean; but, beside that we know of no such gulf, it has been demonstrated by accurate calculations, that evaporation is more than sufficient to carry off the waters of the river. It is, in fact, very considerable, and frequently becomes sensible to the eye, by the fogs with which the lake is covered at the rising of the sun, and which are afterward dispersed by the heat.
The river's water during Maundrell’s visit was very murky and too fast for anyone to swim against. It was about twenty yards wide and much deeper than he was tall. The speed and depth of the river, which every traveler acknowledges, even though the water level seems to have decreased, highlight the biblical references to the crossings of the Jordan. It no longer flows as impressively into the Dead Sea as it did in Joshua's time, but its typical depth is still around ten to twelve feet, making it possible to cross only at certain points. The Gileadites took advantage of this during their civil war against their fellow tribes: "The Gileadites took the passages of Jordan before the Ephraimites:--then they took him, and slew him at the passages of Jordan,” Judg. xii, 6. Similarly, the Israelites under Ehud used the same strategy in their conflict with Moab: “And they went down after him, and took the fords of Jordan toward Moab, and suffered not a man to pass over,” Judg. iii, 28. While the condition of this river today supports the incidental observations of the biblical writers, it’s clear Maundrell was unsettled by how shallow the river was when he expected it to be overflowing. His confusion seemed to grow as he considered the double banks that contained it. This issue, possibly encountered by others, can be explained by Dr. Pococke’s comment on the Euphrates: he noted that its bed was measured by some English gentlemen at Beer and found to be six hundred and thirty yards wide, but the river itself was only two hundred and fourteen yards across, with a typical depth of nine or ten feet in the middle, occasionally rising twelve feet. He mentioned that it has inner and outer banks, but the inner one rarely overflows; when it does, they plant melons and similar fruits once the water recedes, yielding a good harvest. From this, Mr. Harmer suggests, “Could the overflows of the Jordan be like those of the Euphrates, rare rather than annual?” So, the issue could be resolved by assuming it doesn’t overflow every year like the Nile, as some mistakenly thought, but rather only in specific years, particularly during harvest time. If it didn’t overflow annually in ancient times, then the miracle of God parting its waters for Joshua and the Israelites would have been even more impressive to the Canaanites, who, seeing themselves seemingly protected by the river’s sudden swelling, still witnessed it parting to create dry land for the people of Jehovah. The Jordan feeds into the Dead Sea, where its waters are consistently evaporated. Some writers, puzzled by the large volume of water flowing into the lake, have speculated it might connect to the Mediterranean; however, aside from the fact that no such gulf exists, calculations have shown that evaporation is more than enough to account for the river's waters. In fact, the evaporation rate is significant and often visible as fog covering the lake at sunrise, which later dissipates in the heat.
JOSEPH, son of Jacob and Rachel, and brother to Benjamin, Gen. xxx, 22, 24. The history of Joseph is so fully and consecutively given by Moses, that it is not necessary to abridge so familiar an account. In place of this, the following beautiful argument by Mr. Blunt for the veracity of the account drawn from the identity of Joseph’s character, will be read with pleasure:--I have already found an argument for the veracity of Moses in the identity of Jacob’s character, I now find another in the identity of that of Joseph. There is one quality, as it has been often observed, though with a different view from mine, which runs like a thread through his whole history, his affection for his father. Israel loved him, we read, more than all his children; he was the child of his age; his mother died while he was yet young, and a double care of him consequently devolved upon his surviving parent. He made him a coat of many colours; he kept him at home when his other sons were sent to feed the flocks. When the bloody garment was brought in, Jacob in his affection for him,--that same affection which, on a subsequent occasion, when it was told him that after all Joseph was alive, made him as slow to believe the good tidings as he was now quick to apprehend the sad; in this his affection for him, I say, Jacob at once concluded the worst, and “he rent his clothes and put sackcloth upon his loins, and mourned for his son many days, and all his daughters rose up to comfort him; but he refused to be comforted, and he said, For I will go down into the grave unto my son mourning.”
JOSEPH, son of Jacob and Rachel, and brother to Benjamin, Gen. xxx, 22, 24. The story of Joseph is told so completely and continuously by Moses that there's no need to shorten such a well-known account. Instead, the following insightful argument by Mr. Blunt about the truthfulness of the account based on the consistency of Joseph's character will be enjoyable to read: I have already found one reason to believe in the truth of Moses through Jacob's character, and now I find another in Joseph's character. One quality that often stands out, though it has been pointed out for a different reason, runs through his entire story: his love for his father. Israel loved him more than all his other children; he was the son of his old age; his mother passed away when he was still young, leading his remaining parent to care for him even more. He made him a coat of many colors and kept him at home while his other sons took care of the flocks. When the bloody coat was brought to him, Jacob, in his love for Joseph— that same love which later made him slow to believe the good news that Joseph was alive, just as he had quickly understood the bad news— concluded the worst. He “tore his clothes and put on sackcloth, and mourned for his son many days, and all his daughters came to comfort him; but he refused to be comforted, saying, 'For I will go down to my son in mourning.'”
Now, what were the feelings in Joseph which responded to these? When the sons of Jacob went down to Egypt, and Joseph knew them, though they knew not him; for they, it may be remarked, were of an age not to be greatly changed by the lapse of years, and were still sustaining the character in which Joseph had always seen them; while he himself had meanwhile grown out of the stripling into the man, and from a shepherd boy was become the ruler of a kingdom; when his brethren thus came before him, his question was, “Is your father yet alive?” Gen. xliii, 7. They went down a second time, and again the question was, “Is your father well, the old man of whom ye spake, is he yet alive?” More he could not venture to ask, while he was yet in his disguise. By a stratagem he now detains Benjamin, leaving the others, if they would, to go their way. But Judah came near unto him, and entreated him for his brother, telling him how that he had been surety to his father to bring him back; how that his father was an old man, and that this was the child of his old age, and that he loved him; how it would come to pass that if he should not see the lad with him he would die, and his gray hairs be brought with sorrow to the grave; for “how shall I go to my father, and the lad be not with me, lest, peradventure, I see the evil that shall come on my father?” Here, without knowing it, he had struck the string that was the tenderest of all. Joseph’s firmness forsook him at this repeated mention of his father, and in terms so touching: he could not refrain himself any longer; and, causing every man to go out, he made himself known to his brethren. Then, even in the paroxysm which came on him, (for he wept aloud, so that the Egyptians heard,) still his first words uttered from the fulness of his heart were, “Doth my father yet live?” He now bids them hasten and bring the old man down, bearing to him tokens of his love and tidings of his glory. He goes to meet him; he presents himself unto him, and falls on his neck, and weeps on his neck a good while; he provides for him and his household out of the fat of the land; he sets him before Pharaoh. By and by he hears that he is sick, and hastens to visit him; he receives his blessing; watches his death bed; embalms his body; mourns for him threescore and ten days; and then carries him, as he had desired, into Canaan to bury him, taking with him, as an escort to do him honour, “all the elders of Israel, and all the servants of Pharaoh, and all his house, and the house of his brethren, chariots, and horsemen, a very great company.” How natural was it now for his brethren to think that the tie by which alone they could imagine Joseph to be held to them was dissolved, that any respect he might have felt or feigned for them must have been buried in the cave of Machpelah, and that he would now requite to them the evil they had done! “And they sent a messenger unto Joseph, saying, Thy father did command before he died, saying, So shall ye say unto Joseph, Forgive, I pray thee now, the trespass of thy brethren, and their sin; for they did unto thee evil.” And then they add of themselves, as if well aware of the surest road to their brother’s heart, “Forgive, we pray thee, the trespass of the servants of the God of thy father.” In every thing the father’s name is still put foremost: it is his memory which they count upon as their shield and buckler.
Now, what were Joseph’s feelings in response to these events? When Jacob’s sons went down to Egypt, Joseph recognized them, even though they didn’t know him. They were at an age where years had not changed them much, and they still maintained the same identities Joseph had always seen in them; while he had transformed from a young boy to a man, growing from a shepherd to the ruler of a kingdom. When his brothers stood before him, his first question was, “Is your father still alive?” Gen. xliii, 7. They ventured down a second time, and again he asked, “Is your father well, the old man you spoke of, is he still alive?” He couldn’t ask more while still disguised. Using a trick, he detained Benjamin, allowing the others to go if they chose. But Judah approached him and pleaded for his brother, explaining how he had promised his father to bring him back, how their father was an old man and this was the child of his old age whom he loved. He detailed how their father would surely die if he didn’t see the lad return, and how he couldn’t face him without the boy, fearing the sorrow it would bring: “How can I go to my father without the boy, lest I see the disaster that will come upon my father?” Unknowingly, he had touched the most sensitive spot. Joseph’s resolve broke at the mention of his father, and the emotional words overwhelmed him; he couldn’t hold back any longer. Sending everyone away, he revealed himself to his brothers. In the midst of his overwhelming emotion (for he wept so loudly that the Egyptians heard), his first words, filled with heartfelt longing, were, “Is my father still alive?” He urged them to hurry and bring the old man down, sending tokens of his love and news of his success. Joseph went to meet him, presented himself, embraced him, and wept on his neck for a long time. He provided for his father and his household from the best of the land, and brought him before Pharaoh. Soon after, when he heard his father was sick, he rushed to visit him, received his blessing, watched over him as he lay dying, embalmed his body, mourned for him for seventy days, and then took him, as his father had requested, into Canaan to bury him. He brought with him an impressive escort to honor him: “all the elders of Israel, all the servants of Pharaoh, all his household, and the house of his brothers, along with chariots and horsemen, a very large company.” It was only natural for his brothers to think that the bond they believed connected them to Joseph was broken, that any regard he might have felt or pretended to have for them was buried in the cave of Machpelah, and that he would now repay the evil they had done. “So they sent a messenger to Joseph, saying, 'Your father commanded before he died, saying, “This is what you are to say to Joseph: Forgive, I ask you, the wrongs and sins of your brothers, for they have done you harm.”’ They then added, aware of the best way to reach their brother’s heart, “Forgive, we ask you, the wrongs of the servants of the God of your father.” In everything, their father’s name was still foremost; it was his memory they hoped would serve as their protection.
It is not the singular beauty of these scenes, or the moral lesson they teach, excellent as it is, with which I am now concerned, but simply 545the perfect artless consistency which prevails through them all. It is not the constancy with which the son’s strong affection for his father had lived through an interval of twenty years’ absence, and, what is more, through the temptation of sudden promotion to the highest estate;--it is not the noble-minded frankness with which he still acknowledges his kindred, and makes a way for them, “shepherds” as they were, to the throne of Pharaoh himself;--it is not the simplicity and singleness of heart which allow him to give all the first-born of Egypt, men over whom he bore absolute rule, an opportunity of observing his own comparatively humble origin, by leading them in attendance upon his father’s corpse to the valleys of Canaan and the modest cradle of his race;--it is not, in a word, the grace, but the identity, of Joseph’s character, the light in which it is exhibited by himself, and the light in which it is regarded by his brethren, to which I now point as stamping it with marks of reality not to be gainsayed.
It's not just the beauty of these scenes or the important lessons they teach—though those are great—that I’m focused on now. It's really about the consistent authenticity that runs through all of them. It's not about how the son's strong love for his father has lasted through twenty years of absence or even the lure of suddenly becoming the highest in rank; it’s not about the noble straightforwardness he shows in still recognizing his family and helping them, “shepherds” as they were, find their way to Pharaoh's throne; it’s not even the simplicity and purity of heart that let him give all the firstborn of Egypt, over whom he had total power, the chance to see his own relatively humble beginnings by taking them to Canaan for his father's burial and honoring his family’s legacy; in short, it isn’t the gracefulness, but the **identity** of Joseph’s character—the way he presents himself and how his brothers perceive him—that I’m highlighting as something undeniably authentic.
Some writers have considered Joseph as a type of Christ; and it requires not much ingenuity to find out some resemblances, as his being hated by his brethren, sold for money, plunged into deep affliction, and then raised to power and honour, &c; but as we have no intimation in any part of Scripture that Joseph was constituted a figure of our Lord, and that this was one design of recording his history at length, all such applications want authority, and cannot safely be indulged. The account seems rather to have been left for its moral uses, and that it should afford, by its inimitable simplicity and truth to nature, a point of irresistible internal evidence of the truth of the Mosaic narrative.
Some writers have viewed Joseph as a foreshadowing of Christ, and it's not hard to spot some similarities, such as being hated by his brothers, sold for money, experiencing deep suffering, and then being elevated to power and honor, etc. However, since there’s no indication anywhere in Scripture that Joseph was meant to represent our Lord, and that this was a purpose behind his detailed story, such interpretations lack authority and shouldn't be accepted lightly. The account seems to have been preserved for its moral lessons, offering, through its unmatched simplicity and authenticity, a compelling internal proof of the truth of the Mosaic narrative.
2. Joseph, the husband of Mary, and reputed father of Jesus, was the son of Jacob, and grandson of Matthan, Matt. i, 15, 16. The place of his stated residence was Nazareth, particularly after the time of his marriage. We learn from the evangelists that he followed the occupation of a carpenter, Matt. xiii, 55; and that he was a just man, or one of those pious Israelites who looked for the coming of the Messiah, Matt. i, 19. It is probable that Joseph died before Christ entered upon his public ministry; for upon any other supposition we are at a loss to account for the reason why Mary, the mother of Jesus, is frequently mentioned in the evangelic narrative, while no allusion is made to Joseph; and, above all, why the dying Saviour should recommend his mother to the care of the beloved disciple John, if her husband had been then living, John xix, 25–27.
2. Joseph, the husband of Mary and considered the father of Jesus, was the son of Jacob and the grandson of Matthan, Matt. i, 15, 16. He lived in Nazareth, especially after he got married. The evangelists tell us that he worked as a carpenter, Matt. xiii, 55, and that he was a righteous man, one of those devout Israelites who awaited the Messiah, Matt. i, 19. It’s likely that Joseph died before Jesus began his public ministry; otherwise, it’s hard to explain why Mary, the mother of Jesus, is often mentioned in the Gospel accounts while Joseph is not, and why Jesus, when he was dying, entrusted his mother to the care of the beloved disciple John if Joseph had still been alive, John xix, 25–27.
3. Joseph of Arimathea, a Jewish senator, and a believer in the divine mission of Jesus Christ, John xix, 38. St. Luke calls him a counsellor, and also informs us that he was a good and just man, who did not give his consent to the crucifixion of Christ, Luke xxiii, 50, 51. And though he was unable to restrain the sanhedrim from their wicked purposes, he went to Pilate by night, and solicited from him the body of Jesus. Having caused it to be taken down from the cross, he wrapped it in linen, and laid it in his own sepulchre, which, being a rich man, he appears to have recently purchased, and then closed the entrance with a stone cut purposely to fit it, Matt. xxvii, 57–60; John xix, 38–42.
3. Joseph of Arimathea, a Jewish senator and a believer in the divine mission of Jesus Christ, John xix, 38. St. Luke refers to him as a counselor and also tells us that he was a good and just man who did not agree to the crucifixion of Christ, Luke xxiii, 50, 51. And even though he couldn’t stop the Sanhedrin from their evil plans, he went to Pilate at night and asked for the body of Jesus. After having it taken down from the cross, he wrapped it in linen and laid it in his own tomb, which he seems to have recently bought as a wealthy man, and then sealed the entrance with a stone cut to fit, Matt. xxvii, 57–60; John xix, 38–42.
JOSHUA, the son of Nun. He was of the tribe of Ephraim, and born A. M. 2460. He devoted himself to the service of Moses, and in Scripture he is commonly called the servant of Moses, Exodus xxiv, 13; xxxiii, 11; Deuteronomy i, 38, &c. His first name was Hosea, or Oshea; Hoseah signifying saviour; Jehoshua, the salvation of God, or he will save. The first opportunity which Joshua had to signalize his valour was in the war made by the divine command against the Amalekites, Exodus xvii, 9, 10. He defeated and routed their whole army. When Moses ascended Mount Sinai to receive the law of the Lord, and remained there forty days and forty nights without eating or drinking, Joshua remained with him, though, in all probability, not in the same place, nor with the same abstinence, Exod. xxiv, 13; xxxii, 17. Joshua was “filled with the spirit of wisdom,” qualifying him for the arduous and important station of governing Israel, to which he was called by the special command of God, Num. xxvii, 18–20; Deut. xxxi, 7, 14; xxxiv, 9; Joshua i, 5. His piety, courage, and disinterested integrity are conspicuous throughout his whole history; and, exclusive of the inspiration which enlightened his mind and writings, he derived divine information, sometimes by immediate revelation from God, Joshua iii, 7; v, 13–15; at others from the sanctuary, through the medium of Eleazar, the high priest, the son of Aaron, who, having on the breast plate, presented himself before the mercy seat on which the Shechinah, or visible symbol of the divine presence, rested, and there consulted Jehovah by the Urim and Thummim, to which an answer was returned by an audible voice.
JOSHUA, the son of Nun. He belonged to the tribe of Ephraim and was born in 2460 AM. He dedicated himself to the service of Moses, and in the Scriptures, he is commonly known as the servant of Moses (Exodus 24:13; 33:11; Deuteronomy 1:38, etc.). His original name was Hosea, or Oshea; Hoseah means savior; Jehoshua means the salvation of God or he will save. The first chance Joshua had to demonstrate his bravery was in the battle commanded by God against the Amalekites (Exodus 17:9-10). He defeated and routed their entire army. When Moses went up Mount Sinai to receive the law of the Lord and stayed there for forty days and forty nights without eating or drinking, Joshua was with him, though likely not in the same place or fasting in the same way (Exodus 24:13; 32:17). Joshua was “filled with the spirit of wisdom,” preparing him for the challenging and important role of leading Israel, which he was called to by God’s special command (Numbers 27:18-20; Deuteronomy 31:7, 14; 34:9; Joshua 1:5). His piety, bravery, and selfless integrity are evident throughout his entire story; in addition to the inspiration that guided his thoughts and writings, he received divine knowledge, sometimes through direct revelation from God (Joshua 3:7; 5:13-15) and at other times from the sanctuary through Eleazar, the high priest and son of Aaron. Eleazar, wearing the breastplate, would present himself before the mercy seat where the Shechinah, or visible sign of God’s presence, rested, and consult Jehovah using the Urim and Thummim, receiving answers through an audible voice.
Joshua succeeded Moses in the government of Israel about the year of the world 2553, and died at Timnath-serah in the hundred and tenth year of his age, A. M. 2578. He was about the age of eighty-four when he received the divine command to pass over Jordan, and take possession of the promised land, Joshua i, 1, 2. Having accomplished that arduous enterprise, and settled the chosen tribes in the peaceable possession of their inheritance, he retired to Shechem, or, according to some Greek copies, to Shiloh; where he assembled the elders of Israel, the heads of families, the judges and other officers; and, presenting themselves before God, he recapitulated the conduct of Divine Providence toward them, from the days of Abraham to that moment; recounted the miraculous and gracious dispensations of God toward their fathers and themselves; reminded them of their present enviable lot, and concluded his solemn address with an exhortation in these emphatic words: “Now, therefore, fear the Lord, and serve him in sincerity and truth; and put away the gods which your fathers served on the other side of the flood, and in Egypt; and serve ye the Lord,” Joshua xxiv.
Joshua took over leadership of Israel from Moses around 2553 years after the world began and passed away in Timnath-serah at the age of 110, in 2578 AM. He was about 84 when he received the command from God to cross the Jordan and claim the promised land (Joshua 1:1-2). After successfully completing this challenging task and settling the chosen tribes in peace with their inheritance, he went to Shechem, or according to some Greek texts, to Shiloh. There, he gathered the elders of Israel, family heads, judges, and other leaders, and, in the presence of God, he reviewed how God had guided them from the days of Abraham to that time. He talked about God's miraculous and gracious actions towards their ancestors and themselves, reminded them of their fortunate situation, and ended his solemn speech with this powerful encouragement: “Now, therefore, fear the Lord, and serve him in sincerity and truth; and put away the gods which your fathers served on the other side of the flood, and in Egypt; and serve ye the Lord” (Joshua 24).
546The book of Joshua continues the sacred history from the period of the death of Moses to that of the death of Joshua and of Eleazar; a space of about thirty years. It contains an account of the conquest and division of the land of Canaan, the renewal of the covenant with the Israelites, and the death of Joshua. There are two passages in this book which show that it was written by a person contemporary with the events it records. In the first verse of the fifth chapter, the author speaks of himself as being one of those who had passed into Canaan: “And it came to pass when all the kings of the Amorites, which were on the side of Jordan westward, and all the kings of the Canaanites, which were by the sea, heard that the Lord had dried up the waters of Jordan from before the children of Israel, until we were passed over, that their heart melted.” And from the twenty-fifth verse of the following chapter, it appears that the book was written before the death of Rahab: “And Joshua saved Rahab the harlot alive, and her father’s household, and all that she had; and she dwelleth in Israel even unto this day; because she hid the messengers which Joshua sent to spy out Jericho.” Though there is not a perfect agreement among the learned concerning the author of this book, yet by far the most general opinion is, that it was written by Joshua himself; and, indeed, in the last chapter it is said that “Joshua wrote these words in the book of the law of God;” which expression seems to imply that he subjoined this history to that written by Moses. The last five verses, giving an account of the death of Joshua, were added by one of his successors; probably by Eleazar, Phinehas, or Samuel.
546The book of Joshua carries on the sacred story from the time of Moses's death to the death of Joshua and Eleazar, spanning about thirty years. It details the conquest and distribution of the land of Canaan, the renewal of the covenant with the Israelites, and the death of Joshua. There are two passages in this book that indicate it was written by someone who lived through the events it describes. In the first verse of the fifth chapter, the author refers to himself as one of those who entered Canaan: “And it happened when all the kings of the Amorites on the west side of the Jordan, and all the kings of the Canaanites by the sea, heard that the Lord had dried up the waters of the Jordan before the Israelites until we crossed over, their hearts melted.” From the twenty-fifth verse of the next chapter, it becomes clear that the book was written before Rahab's death: “And Joshua saved Rahab the harlot and her father's household, and all that she had; and she lives in Israel to this day because she hid the messengers whom Joshua sent to spy out Jericho.” While there's not complete agreement among scholars about the author of this book, the prevailing view is that it was written by Joshua himself; in fact, the last chapter states that “Joshua wrote these words in the book of the law of God,” which suggests that he added this history to what Moses wrote. The last five verses, which tell about Joshua's death, were likely added by one of his successors, probably Eleazar, Phinehas, or Samuel.
JOSIAH, king of Judah, deserves particular mention on account of his wisdom and piety, and some memorable events that occurred in the course of his reign. He succeeded to the throne, upon the assassination of his father Amon, at the age of eight years, B. C. 640; and at a period when idolatry and wickedness, encouraged by his father’s profligate example, very generally prevailed. Josiah, who manifested the influence of pious and virtuous principles at a very early age, began, in his sixteenth year, to project the reformation of the kingdom, and to adopt means for restoring the worship of the true God. At the age of twenty years he vigorously pursued the execution of the plans which he had meditated. He began with abolishing idolatry, first at Jerusalem, and then through different parts of the kingdom; destroying the altars which had been erected, and the idols which had been the objects of veneration and worship. He then proceeded, in his twenty-sixth year, to a complete restoration of the worship of God, and the regular service of the temple. While he was prosecuting this pious work, and repairing the temple, which had been long neglected, and which had sunk into a state of dilapidation, the book of the law, which had been concealed in the temple, was happily discovered. This was, probably, a copy of the the Pentateuch, which had been lodged there for security by some pious priest in the reign of Ahaz or Manasseh. Josiah, desirous of averting from himself and the kingdom threatened judgments, determined to adhere to the directions of the law, in the business of reformation which he had undertaken; and to observe the festivals enjoined by Moses, which had been shamefully neglected. With this view he assembled all the elders of the people in the temple at Jerusalem; and, having ascended the throne, read the book of the Mosaic law, and then entered into a solemn covenant to observe the statutes and ordinances which it enjoined. To this covenant the whole assembly testified their consent. The ark was restored to its proper place; the temple was purified; idolatrous utensils were removed, and those appropriate to the worship of God substituted in their room. After these preparations, the passover was observed with singular zeal and magnificence. This took place in the eighteenth year of Josiah’s reign: but, in pursuing his laudable plans of reformation, he was resisted by the inveterate habits of the Israelites; so that his zealous and persevering efforts were ineffectual. Their degeneracy was so invincible, that the almighty Sovereign was provoked to inflict upon them those calamities which were denounced by the Prophet Zephaniah. In the thirty-second year of Josiah’s reign, Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, advanced with his army against Carchemish, a city situated on the river Euphrates. He was opposed by the king of Judah; so that a bloody battle ensued at Megiddo, in which Josiah received a mortal wound, which terminated in his death, after he had been conveyed to Jerusalem, in the thirty-ninth year of his reign, B.C. 609. His death was greatly lamented by all his subjects; and an elegy was written on the occasion by the Prophet Jeremiah, which is not now extant, 2 Kings xxii, xxiii; 2 Chronicles xxxiv, xxxv.
JOSIAH, king of Judah, stands out for his wisdom and devotion, along with some significant events during his reign. He became king at just eight years old, following the assassination of his father Amon, in B.C. 640, at a time when idolatry and corruption were widespread, fueled by his father's reckless behavior. Josiah showed the impact of righteous and moral values from an early age, and by the age of sixteen, he began planning to reform the kingdom and restore the worship of the true God. When he turned twenty, he actively pursued these plans. He started by eliminating idolatry, first in Jerusalem and then across the kingdom, destroying the altars and idols that were worshipped. At twenty-six, he fully restored God's worship and the regular temple service. While carrying out this important work and repairing the long-neglected temple, a book of the law hidden there was discovered. This was likely a copy of the Pentateuch that a dedicated priest had safeguarded during the reign of Ahaz or Manasseh. Wanting to prevent the impending punishments threatening him and the kingdom, Josiah committed to following the law's guidelines in his reform efforts and observing the festivals commanded by Moses, which had been disgracefully ignored. To accomplish this, he gathered all the elders of the people at the temple in Jerusalem; after taking his position on the throne, he read the book of the Mosaic law and entered into a solemn agreement to follow its rules and regulations. The entire assembly agreed to this covenant. The ark was returned to its proper place; the temple was cleansed; idolatrous items were removed and replaced with those meant for God's worship. After these preparations, the Passover was celebrated with remarkable enthusiasm and grandeur. This occurred in the eighteenth year of Josiah’s reign; however, his commendable reform efforts faced resistance from the deeply rooted habits of the Israelites, rendering his zealous attempts ineffective. Their moral decay was so entrenched that God was provoked to bring upon them the calamities foretold by the Prophet Zephaniah. In the thirty-second year of Josiah’s reign, Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, marched his army against Carchemish, a city by the Euphrates River. Josiah confronted him, leading to a fierce battle at Megiddo, where Josiah was mortally wounded. He died after being taken back to Jerusalem, in the thirty-ninth year of his reign, B.C. 609. His death was deeply mourned by all his subjects, and the Prophet Jeremiah wrote a lament for him, which no longer exists, 2 Kings xxii, xxiii; 2 Chronicles xxxiv, xxxv.
JUBAL, a son of Lamech, the inventor of musical instruments, Gen. iv, 21.
JUBAL, a son of Lamech, the creator of musical instruments, Gen. iv, 21.
JUBILEE, among the Jews, denotes every fiftieth year; being that following the revolution of seven weeks of years; at which time all the slaves were made free, and all lands reverted to their ancient owners. The jubilees were not regarded after the Babylonish captivity. The political design of the law of the jubilee was to prevent the too great oppression of the poor, as well as their being liable to perpetual slavery. By this means the rich were prevented from accumulating lands for perpetuity, and a kind of equality was preserved through all the families of Israel. The distinction of tribes was also preserved, in respect both to their families and possessions; that they might be able, when there was occasion, on the jubilee year, to prove their right to the inheritance of their ancestors. Thus, also, it would be known with certainty of what tribe or family the Messiah sprung. It served, also, like the Olympiads of the Greeks, and the Lustra of the Romans, for the readier computation of time. The jubilee has also been supposed to be typical of the Gospel state and dispensation, described by Isaiah lxi, 1, 2, in 547reference to this period, as “the acceptable year of the Lord.”
JUBILEE, in Jewish tradition, refers to every fiftieth year; it comes after seven cycles of seven years. During this time, all slaves were set free, and all lands returned to their original owners. The practice of celebrating jubilees stopped after the Babylonian captivity. The main goal of the jubilee law was to prevent the severe oppression of the poor and to ensure they wouldn't be stuck in perpetual slavery. This system stopped the wealthy from hoarding land indefinitely and helped maintain a kind of equality among all families of Israel. The distinct tribes were also preserved in terms of their families and property, enabling them to prove their right to their ancestors' inheritance during the jubilee year. This also clarified which tribe or family the Messiah would come from. It functioned similarly to the Olympiads of the Greeks and the Lustrum of the Romans, making it easier to track time. The jubilee is also believed to symbolize the Gospel state and framework described by Isaiah 61:1-2 in reference to this time as “the acceptable year of the Lord.”
The word jubilee, in a more modern sense, denotes a grand church solemnity or ceremony celebrated at Rome, in which the pope grants a plenary indulgence to all sinners; at least, to as many as visit the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome. The jubilee was first established by Boniface VII., in 1300, which was only to return every hundred years; but the first celebration brought in such store of wealth, that Clement VI., in 1343, reduced it to the period of fifty years. Urban VI., in 1389, appointed it to be held every thirty-five years, that being the age of our Saviour; and Paul II. and Sixtus IV., in 1475, brought it down to every twenty-five, that every person might have the benefit of it once in his life. Boniface IX. granted the privilege of holding jubilees to several princes and monasteries; for instance, to the monks of Canterbury, who had a jubilee every fifty years; when people flocked from all parts to visit the tomb of Thomas-a-BecketThomas-a-Becket. Afterward, jubilees became more frequent: there is generally one at the inauguration of a new pope; and he grants them as often as the church or himself have occasion for them. To be entitled to the privileges of the jubilee, the bull enjoins fasting, alms, and prayers. It gives the priests a full power to absolve in all cases even those otherwise reserved to the pope; to make commutations of vows, &c; in which it differs from a plenary indulgence. During the time of jubilee, all other indulgences are suspended.
The word jubilee, in a more modern sense, denotes a grand church ceremony celebrated in Rome, where the pope grants a plenary indulgence to all sinners—at least to those who visit the churches of St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome. The jubilee was first established by Boniface VII in 1300, originally set to occur every hundred years. However, the first celebration brought in so much wealth that Clement VI, in 1343, changed it to every fifty years. Urban VI, in 1389, set it to happen every thirty-five years, reflecting the age of our Savior; and Paul II and Sixtus IV, in 1475, reduced it to every twenty-five years so that everyone could benefit from it at least once in their lifetime. Boniface IX granted the privilege of holding jubilees to several princes and monasteries, such as the monks of Canterbury, who held a jubilee every fifty years, attracting people from all over to visit the tomb of Thomas BecketThomas-a-Becket. Over time, jubilees became more frequent; there is generally one at the inauguration of a new pope, and he grants them as often as the church or he sees fit. To qualify for the privileges of the jubilee, the decree requires fasting, almsgiving, and prayers. It gives priests full authority to absolve in all cases, even those normally reserved for the pope, and to make adjustments to vows, which sets it apart from a plenary indulgence. During the jubilee, all other indulgences are put on hold.
JUDAH, the son of Jacob and Leah, who was born in Mesopotamia, Genesis xxix, 35. It was he who advised his brethren to sell Joseph to the Ishmaelite merchants, rather than stain their hands with his blood, Gen. xxxvii, 26. There is little said of his life, and the little that is recorded does not raise him high in our estimation. In the last prophetic blessing pronounced on him by his father Jacob, Gen. xlix, 8, 9, there is a promise of the regal power; and that it should not depart from his family before the coming of the Messiah. The whole southern part of Palestine fell to Judah’s lot; but the tribes of Simeon and Dan possessed many cities which at first were given to Judah. This tribe was so numerous, that at the departure out of Egypt it contained seventy-four thousand six hundred men capable of bearing arms, Num. i, 26, 27. The crown passed from the tribe of Benjamin, of which Saul and his sons were, to that of Judah, which was David’s tribe, and the tribe of the kings, his successors, until the Babylonish captivity.
JUDAH, the son of Jacob and Leah, who was born in Mesopotamia, Genesis 29:35. He was the one who suggested to his brothers that they sell Joseph to the Ishmaelite merchants instead of killing him, Genesis 37:26. Not much is said about his life, and the little that is recorded doesn’t make him seem very admirable. In the final prophetic blessing given to him by his father Jacob, Genesis 49:8-9, there’s a promise of royal power that would remain with his family until the coming of the Messiah. The entire southern part of Palestine was allocated to Judah; however, the tribes of Simeon and Dan occupied many cities initially assigned to Judah. This tribe was so large that when they left Egypt, it had seventy-four thousand six hundred men fit for battle, Numbers 1:26-27. The crown transitioned from the tribe of Benjamin, to which Saul and his sons belonged, to Judah, which was David’s tribe, and the tribe of the kings, his successors, until the Babylonian captivity.
JUDAISM, the religious doctrines and rites of the Jews, the descendants of Abraham. With Abraham Judaism may be said, in some sense, to have begun; but it was not till the promulgation of the law upon Mount Sinai, that the Jewish economy was established, and that to his posterity was committed a dispensation which was to distinguish them ever after from every other people on earth. The Mosaic dispensation consisted of three parts; the religious faith and worship of the Jews, their civil polity, and precepts for the regulation of their moral conduct. Their civil government, as well as their sacred polity, was of divine institution; and, on all important occasions, their public affairs were conducted by the Deity himself, or by persons bearing his commission. The laws of the Jews, religious and moral, civil, political, and ritual, that is, a complete system of pure Judaism, are contained in the books of the Old Testament, and chiefly in the five books of Moses. See Government of the Hebrews.
JUDAISM, the religious beliefs and practices of the Jews, the descendants of Abraham. In a way, Judaism began with Abraham; however, it was only after the laws were given on Mount Sinai that the Jewish way of life was fully established, marking a distinct identity for his descendants that would set them apart from all other peoples. The Mosaic way of life consisted of three parts: the religious beliefs and worship of the Jews, their civil government, and guidelines for moral behavior. Both their civil government and their religious system were established by divine authority; during significant events, their public affairs were overseen by God or by representatives appointed by Him. The laws of the Jews—religious, moral, civil, political, and ritual—represent a complete system of authentic Judaism, laid out in the books of the Old Testament, especially in the first five books of Moses. See Hebrew Government.
The religion of the ancestors of the Jews, before the time of Moses, consisted in the worship of the one living and true God, under whose immediate direction they were; in the hope of a Redeemer; in a firm reliance on his promises under all difficulties and dangers; and in a thankful acknowledgment for all his blessings and deliverances. In that early age, we read of altars, pillars, and monuments raised, and sacrifices offered to God. They used circumcision as a seal of the covenant which God had made with Abraham. As to the mode and circumstances of divine worship, they were much at liberty till the time of Moses; but that legislator, by the direction and appointment of God himself, prescribed an instituted form of religion, and regulated ceremonies, feasts, days, priests, and sacrifices, with the utmost exactness. The rites and observances of their religion under the law were numerous, and its sanctions severe. Notwithstanding God’s prophets, and oracles, and ordinances, and the symbol of his presence, were among them, the Jews were ever very prone to idolatry, till the Babylonish furnace served to purify them from that corruption. After their seventy years’ captivity, many among them gave too much place to the Greek idolatries, but as a nation they were never again guilty of the crime. Their religious worship and character in our Saviour’s time had become formal and superstitious; and such it still continues to be, in a greater or less degree, at the present day. Ancient Judaism, compared with all religions except the Christian, was distinguished for its superior purity and spirituality; and the whole Mosaic ritual was of a typical nature. See Jews.
The religion of the ancestors of the Jews, before Moses, was centered on the worship of the one living and true God, under whose guidance they lived; it involved the hope for a Redeemer, a strong trust in his promises during challenges and dangers, and a grateful recognition of all his blessings and deliverances. In those early days, we read about altars, pillars, and monuments being built, along with sacrifices offered to God. They practiced circumcision as a sign of the covenant God made with Abraham. Regarding how they worshiped, they had a lot of freedom until Moses' time; but he, directed by God himself, established a formal system of religion and set regulations for ceremonies, feasts, days, priests, and sacrifices with great precision. The religious practices and rules under the law were numerous, and the consequences for breaking them were severe. Despite having God's prophets, messages, and presence among them, the Jews were always prone to idolatry until the Babylonian captivity helped cleanse them of that sin. After their seventy years in exile, many of them leaned too much into Greek idolatries, but as a nation, they never again fell into that sin. By the time of our Savior, their religious worship and character had turned formal and superstitious; and this trend continues, to some extent, today. Ancient Judaism, compared to all religions except Christianity, was marked by its greater purity and spirituality; and the entire Mosaic ritual was symbolic. See Jewish people.
JUDAIZING CHRISTIANS. Concerning the divine origin of the religion of Moses, there was among the Jews no diversity of sentiment, and they not unnaturally drew the conclusion, that, as it had proceeded from God, it must be of perpetual obligation. They were indeed fully aware, that another communication from heaven was to be made to mankind, and that this was to be announced by a messenger more distinguished than even the lawgiver whom they revered; but they had satisfied themselves, that the great design of the Messiah’s mission would be to rescue them from the oppression of a foreign yoke, and to lay in Jerusalem the foundation of universal empire. For accomplishing these purposes, it was requisite that their Messiah should be invested with temporal power; and in this idea, which so many circumstances 548in their history tended to endear to them, they were confirmed by those passages in the books of their prophets which described him as destined to sit on the throne of David, to sway a righteous sceptre, and to establish an everlasting kingdom. When, accordingly, Christ appeared in the humblest condition of life, and when, after the commencement of his ministry, he declared, that the hopes of empire which his countrymen had long cherished were fallacious, the predictions on which they had been rested suggesting, when combined with other predictions, a very different view of the designs of the Almighty, they were filled with indignation, and the greater part of them, although they saw the miracles which Jesus wrought, and heard those appeals to their own Scriptures which, however eager to do so, they found themselves unable to confute, rejected his pretensions on account of the meanness of his situation, and reprobated him as a deceiver of the people.
JUDAIZING CHRISTIANS. Regarding the divine origin of Moses' religion, the Jews were united in their belief, and it was only natural for them to conclude that, since it came from God, it must be eternally binding. They were aware that another divine message was to be delivered to humanity, and that it would be announced by a messenger greater than even their revered lawgiver. However, they convinced themselves that the main purpose of the Messiah’s mission would be to free them from foreign oppression and to establish a global empire in Jerusalem. To achieve these goals, they believed their Messiah needed to have political power; and this idea, supported by many events in their history, was reinforced by prophetic passages that described him as destined to sit on David's throne, wield a just scepter, and create an everlasting kingdom. Thus, when Christ appeared in the humblest circumstances, and after starting his ministry declared that the ambitions of empire their nation had long held were misguided—especially as those prophetic predictions, when viewed alongside other prophecies, suggested a very different understanding of God’s plans—they were filled with anger. Most of them, despite witnessing Jesus' miracles and hearing appeals to their own scriptures, which they struggled to disprove, rejected his claims because of his lowly status, condemning him as a deceiver of the people.
There was, however, a considerable number who could not adopt this conclusion, and who, satisfied that the mighty works which he performed fully established the reality of the divine commission to which he laid claim, relinquished their prejudices respecting a temporal sovereignty, and embraced his doctrine as the revealed will of God. But, notwithstanding this, they do not seem to have formed the most distant conception that there was any thing in that doctrine to set aside the system which had been transmitted to them by their fathers. They regarded the two dispensations as forming one whole; and believed that the rites which had distinguished from the rest of mankind those who belonged to the commonwealth of Israel, would in the same manner mark the disciples of the Messiah’s kingdom. Agreeably to this, as they conceived, they saw that Jesus conformed to their ceremonial institutions, he frequented the temple, he purified it from abuses by which it had been profaned, and they interpreted, in the sense most in harmony with their favourite notions, the declaration which he had publicly made, that he came not to destroy the law but to fulfil it. Even the apostles who had constantly attended him, who had listened not merely to his public discourses, but to the interpretation of them, which, in tender condescension to their weakness, he often in private gave, were so thoroughly established in this opinion that it required a peculiar revelation to be made to him before Peter would open the kingdom of God to a Gentile. It cannot, therefore, be matter of surprise that the sentiment prevailed among the whole of the Jews who had been converted to Christianity; or that even after it was opposed by the declaration of the Apostles as individuals, and by their solemn determination, when assembled to decide with respect to it, that the law was not binding upon Gentile converts, they should still have adhered to it, when from not having a written record of faith they might have imagined, either that the representation of the apostolic decision was erroneous, or that the sanction which it gave to their own adherence to their ceremonies virtually confirmed the doctrine which they felt such aversion to relinquish. They accordingly displayed much zeal in support of the Mosaical economy, represented the strict observance of what it required as essential for justification, and looked with a kind of abhorrence upon that large proportion of believers who paid to this no respect, and who even did not hesitate to condemn it as subversive of the fundamental principle of the Gospel dispensation. A great part of the epistles of St. Paul is directed against the Judaizing teachers who inculcated the original tenet of their brethren. The Apostle earnestly presses upon the churches, that by the works of the law we cannot be justified, that circumcision is of no avail, that by grace we are saved, and that Christ hath redeemed us by his blood. He, indeed, uniformly represents the idea which he opposed as inconsistent with Christianity, as an idea which could not be held without detracting from what our Saviour has done to accomplish our redemption. What effect his writings produced upon the Jewish believers, cannot be accurately ascertained; but it is quite certain that a very large proportion of them adhered to their ritual observances either as national, or as instrumental in obtaining the divine favour; and this survived the destruction of the temple and of Jerusalem,--events which might have been expected to convince every one of the temporary nature of the Mosaical economy.
There were, however, quite a few people who couldn’t accept this conclusion. They were convinced that the extraordinary acts he performed clearly proved the truth of his claimed divine mission, and they set aside their biases about earthly authority to embrace his teachings as the revealed will of God. Yet, despite this, they didn’t seem to realize that there was anything in his teachings that contradicted the system that had been passed down to them by their ancestors. They saw the two teachings as one cohesive whole and believed that the practices that had set apart the people of Israel would similarly distinguish the followers of the Messiah. Accordingly, they believed that Jesus followed their ceremonial practices; he visited the temple, cleansed it of the abuses it had suffered, and they interpreted his statement that he came not to abolish the law but to fulfill it in a way that aligned with their preferred beliefs. Even the apostles, who were consistently with him and who heard not only his public teachings but also the explanations he often provided in private to accommodate their understanding, were so deeply entrenched in this belief that it took a special revelation to convince Peter to open the kingdom of God to a Gentile. Therefore, it’s not surprising that this sentiment was prevalent among all the Jews who converted to Christianity. Even after the apostles had declared individually and collectively that the law did not apply to Gentile converts, many still clung to it because, without a written account of their faith, they might have thought that the apostolic decision had been misrepresented or that the approval it gave to their adherence to their customs effectively reinforced the beliefs they were reluctant to give up. As a result, they showed strong support for the Mosaic law, deeming strict compliance as essential for justification, and they looked upon a significant number of believers who disregarded it with disdain, even condemning it as undermining the core principle of the Gospel. A large portion of St. Paul’s letters were aimed at the Judaizing teachers who maintained the original beliefs of their community. The Apostle strongly urged the churches that we cannot be justified by the works of the law, that circumcision doesn’t matter, that we are saved by grace, and that Christ has redeemed us through his blood. He consistently portrayed the opposing idea as incompatible with Christianity, suggesting that it could not be accepted without diminishing the significance of what our Savior did to secure our salvation. The impact of his writings on the Jewish believers can’t be precisely determined, but it’s clear that a significant number of them continued their ritual practices, whether as a matter of national identity or as a means of gaining divine favor. This persistence survived the destruction of the temple and Jerusalem—events that might have been expected to convince everyone of the temporary nature of the Mosaic law.
But after Adrian, by again directing the Roman arms against the Jews, blasted the hopes which had been fondly cherished, that their city would be rebuilt, and their temple opened with greater splendour than before, a vast number of them, either from being convinced by what they had seen, or from their eagerness to gain admission into the city which the emperor had erected, but from which he had ordered that all who persisted in Judaism should be excluded, for the first time embraced the religion of Christ; and many, who had previously done so, abandoning the Jewish ritual, acquiesced fully in the representation of the faith given by St. Paul, choosing as their bishop a Gentile convert. There were, however, not a few who remained steadfast in their principles, who were now consequently separated from the great body of their believing countrymen, and who retained the appellation of Nazarenes, which had probably been given to the whole of the Jewish Christians. This remnant soon split into two parties. The one party, although they held that the law of Moses was obligatory upon the descendants of the house of Israel, did not extend it to those who had never been of the family of Abraham; they revered Jesus as being more than man, and in fact approached so near to the prevailing sentiments of the church, that, notwithstanding their peculiar sentiments in relation to the Mosaical law, they were not ranked by the earliest writers among heretics. The other party, who were called Ebionites, either from Ebion, the name, it is alleged, of 549their leader, from their poverty, or from the low notions which they entertained of Christ, for all these reasons have been specified, showing sufficiently that the matter is really uncertain,--maintained the original tenet that their law was binding upon all men, and that without observing what it required it was impossible to be justified. As this was in direct opposition to the declarations of St. Paul, instead of submitting to apostolic authority they set it at defiance, rejecting his epistles, and branding him as an enemy to the truth. They disregarded even the Gospels which were received by the generality of Christians, and used a gospel of their own which they had so modelled as to support the tenets to which they were attached. One of these tenets, one which, indeed, naturally followed from their conceptions of the Gospel dispensation, was, that its author was merely a man raised solely by the commission with which he had been honoured above the rest of his fellow creatures.
But after Adrian, by once again directing the Roman forces against the Jews, crushed the hopes they had cherished about their city being rebuilt and their temple being reopened more magnificently than before, a large number of them, either convinced by what they had witnessed or eager to gain entry into the city that the emperor had built but where he ordered all who continued in Judaism to be excluded, embraced Christianity for the first time. Many who had previously followed the faith abandoned the Jewish rituals and fully accepted the teachings of St. Paul, choosing a Gentile convert as their bishop. However, there were still some who remained steadfast in their beliefs and were consequently separated from the majority of their believing countrymen, retaining the name Nazarenes, which likely referred to all Jewish Christians. This group soon split into two factions. One faction believed that the law of Moses was necessary for the descendants of the house of Israel but did not require it from those who were not part of Abraham's family; they regarded Jesus as more than a man and aligned closely with the prevailing beliefs of the church, so much so that, despite their unique views on the Mosaic law, early writers did not classify them as heretics. The other faction, known as the Ebionites—possibly named after their leader Ebion, their poverty, or their low view of Christ, though the exact reason remains unclear—held the original belief that their law was binding on all people and that without following it, one could not be justified. This directly opposed St. Paul's teachings, and instead of accepting apostolic authority, they rejected it, dismissing his letters and labeling him an enemy of the truth. They even disregarded the Gospels accepted by most Christians and used their own version, tailored to support their beliefs. One of these beliefs, which naturally followed from their understanding of the Gospel, was that its author was merely a man who was elevated solely by the mission he had been given above others.
JUDAS ISCARIOT, or, as he is usually called, the traitor, and betrayer of our Lord. “The treachery of Judas Iscariot,” says Dr. Hales, “his remorse, and suicide, are occurrences altogether so strange and extraordinary, that the motives by which he was actuated require to be developed, as far as may be done, where the evangelists are, in a great measure, silent concerning them, from the circumstances of the history itself, and from the feelings of human nature. Judas, the leading trait in whose character was covetousness, was probably induced to follow Jesus at first with a view to the riches, honours, and other temporal advantages, which he, in common with the rest, expected the Messiah’s friends would enjoy. The astonishing miracles he saw him perform left no room to doubt of the reality of his Master’s pretensions, who had, indeed, himself in private actually accepted the title from his Apostles; and Judas must have been much disappointed when Jesus repeatedly refused the proffered royalty from the people in Galilee, after the miracle of feeding the five thousand, and again after his public procession to Jerusalem. He might naturally have grown impatient under the delay, and dissatisfied also with Jesus for openly discouraging all ambitious views among his disciples; and, therefore, he might have devised the scheme of delivering him up to the sanhedrim, or great council of the nation, (composed of the chief priests, scribes, and elders,) in order to compel him to avow himself openly as the Messiah before them; and to work such miracles, or to give them the sign which they so often required, as would convince and induce them to elect him in due form, and by that means enable him to reward his followers. Even the rebukes of Jesus for his covetousness, and the detection of his treacherous scheme, although they unquestionably offended Judas, might only serve to stimulate him to the speedier execution of his plot, during the feast of the passover, while the great concourse of the Jews, from all parts assembled, might powerfully support the sanhedrim and their Messiah against the Romans. The success of this measure, though against his Master’s will, would be likely to procure him pardon, and even to recommend him to favour afterward. Such might have been the plausible suggestions by which Satan tempted him to the commission of this crime. But when Judas, who attended the whole trial, saw that it turned out quite contrary to his expectations, that Jesus was capitally convicted by the council, as a false Christ and false prophet, notwithstanding he had openly avowed himself; and that he wrought no miracle, either for their conviction or for his own deliverance, as Judas well knew he could, even from the circumstance of healing Malchus, after he was apprehended; when he farther reflected, like Peter, on his Master’s merciful forewarnings of his treachery, and mild and gentle rebuke at the commission of it; he was seized with remorse, and offered to return the paltry bribe of thirty pieces of silver to the chief priests and elders instantly on the spot, saying, ‘I sinned in delivering up innocent blood;’ and expected that on this they would have desisted from the prosecution. But they were obstinate, and not only would not relent, but threw the whole load of guilt upon him, refusing to take their own share; for they said, ‘What is that to us? see thou to that;’ thus, according to the aphorism, loving the treason, but hating the traitor, after he had served their wicked turn. Stung to the quick at their refusal to take back the money, while they condemned himself, he went to the temple, cast down the whole sum in the treasury, or place for receiving the offerings of the people; and, after he had thus returned the wages of iniquity, he retired to some lonely place, not far, perhaps, from the scene of Peter’s repentance; and, in the frenzy of despair, and at the instigation of the devil, hanged himself; crowning with suicide the murder of his Master and his friend; rejecting his compassionate Saviour, and plunging his own soul into perdition! In another place it is said that, ‘falling headlong, he burst asunder, and all his bowels gushed out,’ Acts i, 18. Both these accounts might be true: he might first have hanged himself from some tree on the edge of a precipice; and, the rope or branch breaking, he might be dashed to pieces by the fall.”
JUDAS ISCARIOT, or as he's often known, the traitor, and betrayer of our Lord. “The treachery of Judas Iscariot,” says Dr. Hales, “his remorse, and suicide, are events so strange and extraordinary that we need to explore his motives, as the evangelists largely remain silent about them due to the circumstances of the story itself and human nature. Judas, whose defining trait was greed, likely followed Jesus at first for the wealth, status, and other earthly rewards he, like others, expected the Messiah's followers would receive. The incredible miracles he witnessed left no doubt about his Master's claims, who had, in fact, privately accepted the title from his Apostles. Judas must have been disappointed when Jesus repeatedly turned down the offered kingship from the people in Galilee after the miracle of feeding the five thousand and again after his public entry into Jerusalem. He may have naturally grown impatient with the wait and dissatisfied with Jesus for openly discouraging any ambitious aspirations among his disciples. Therefore, he might have come up with the plan to hand him over to the Sanhedrin, or the nation's great council (made up of the chief priests, scribes, and elders), to force him to declare himself openly as the Messiah before them; and to perform such miracles, or provide them the signs they often demanded, that would convince and lead them to formally choose him, thereby allowing him to reward his followers. Even Jesus' rebukes for his greed and the exposure of his treacherous plot, although certainly upsetting to Judas, might only have pushed him to carry out his scheme more quickly during the Passover feast when the large crowd of Jews gathered could strongly support the Sanhedrin and their Messiah against the Romans. He might have thought that if this plan succeeded, even against his Master's will, it would likely earn him forgiveness and maybe even a favorable position later. Such reasoning might have been what Satan used to tempt him into committing this crime. But when Judas, who attended the entire trial, saw that it turned out completely different from what he expected—Jesus was found guilty by the council as a false Christ and false prophet, even after he had openly declared himself; and that he performed no miracle either to convince them or to save himself, as Judas knew he could, for instance, healing Malchus after his arrest—when he reflected further, like Peter, on his Master’s compassionate warnings about his betrayal and gentle rebuke upon its commission; he was overcome with remorse and offered to return the small bribe of thirty pieces of silver to the chief priests and elders right then, saying, ‘I sinned by handing over innocent blood;’ and he expected they would stop the prosecution on this basis. But they were stubborn, and not only refused to relent but heaped all the guilt on him, refusing to take responsibility themselves; for they said, ‘What’s that to us? You take care of that;’ thus, as the saying goes, loving the treachery but hating the traitor, after he’d done their dirty work. Stung deeply by their refusal to take back the money while they condemned him, he went to the temple and threw the entire amount into the treasury, where offerings were received; and after returning the wages of wrongdoing, he withdrew to some isolated spot, perhaps not far from where Peter repented; and in a fit of despair, spurred on by the devil, he hanged himself, sealing with suicide the murder of his Master and friend; rejecting his compassionate Savior, and dooming his own soul! In another account, it’s said that, ‘falling headlong, he burst apart, and all his insides spilled out,’ Acts i, 18. Both stories could be true: he might have first hanged himself from a tree at the edge of a cliff, and then, when the rope or branch broke, he could have fallen to his death.”
The above view of the case of Judas endeavours ingeniously to account for his conduct by supposing him influenced by the motive of compelling our Lord to declare himself, and assume the Messiahship in its earthly glory. It will, however, be recollected, that the only key which the evangelic narrative affords, is, Judas’s covetousness; which passion was, in him, a growing one. It was this which destroyed whatever of honest intention he might at first have in following Jesus; and when fully under its influence he would be blinded by it to all but the glittering object of the reward of iniquity. In such a mind there could be no true faith, and no love; what wonder, then, when avarice was in him a ruling and unrestrained passion, that he should betray 550his Lord? Still it may be admitted that the knowledge which Judas had of our Lord’s miraculous power, might lead him the more readily to put him into the hands of the chief priests. He might suppose that he would deliver himself out of their hands; and thus Judas attempted to play a double villany, against Christ and against his employers.
The perspective on Judas’s case tries cleverly to explain his actions by suggesting that he wanted to push our Lord into revealing Himself and claiming the Messiah title with all its earthly glory. However, it's important to remember that the only insight the gospel accounts provide is Judas’s greed, which grew stronger in him over time. This greed destroyed any honest intentions he might have had when he started following Jesus. Once fully consumed by it, he became blinded to everything except the enticing lure of his corrupt reward. In such a mindset, there could be no genuine faith or love; so it's no surprise that, with greed being his dominant and unchecked passion, he would betray his Lord. Still, it can be acknowledged that Judas’s awareness of our Lord’s miraculous abilities might have made him more likely to hand Him over to the chief priests. He might have thought that Jesus would escape from them, and in this way, Judas tried to commit a double betrayal—against Christ and against those who employed him. 550
JUDE, Epistle of, a canonical book of the New Testament, written against the heretics, who, by their impious doctrines and disorderly lives, corrupted the faith and good morals of Christians. The author of this epistle, called Judas, and also Thaddeus and Lebbeus, was one of the twelve Apostles; he was the son of Alpheus, brother of James the less, and one of those who were called our Lord’s brethren. We are not informed when, or how, he was called to be an Apostle; but it has been conjectured, that, before his vocation to the Apostleship, he was a husbandman, that he was married, and that he had children. The only account we have of him in particular, is that which occurs in John xiv, 21–23. It is not unreasonable to suppose that, after having received, in common with other Apostles, extraordinary gifts at the pentecost, he preached the Gospel for some time in several parts of the land of Israel, and wrought miracles in the name of Christ. And, as his life seems to have been prolonged, it is probable that he afterward left Judea, and went abroad preaching the Gospel to Jews and Gentiles in other countries. Some have said that he preached in Arabia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Persia; and that he suffered martyrdom in the last mentioned country. But we have no account of his travels upon which we can rely; and it may be questioned whether he was a martyr.
JUDE, Letter of, is a book in the New Testament that addresses heretics who, through their false teachings and chaotic lifestyles, corrupted the faith and morals of Christians. The writer of this epistle, named Judas, as well as Thaddeus and Lebbeus, was one of the twelve Apostles; he was the son of Alpheus, the brother of James the Less, and one of those often referred to as our Lord’s brothers. We don’t know when or how he was called to be an Apostle, but it’s been speculated that, before becoming one, he was a farmer, was married, and had children. The only specific reference we have to him is found in John 14:21–23. It’s reasonable to assume that, after receiving extraordinary gifts along with the other Apostles at Pentecost, he preached the Gospel for some time in various parts of Israel and performed miracles in Christ’s name. And, since it seems his life lasted a long time, it’s likely that he later left Judea and preached the Gospel to Jews and Gentiles in other countries. Some say he preached in Arabia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Persia, and that he was martyred in the last country mentioned. However, we don't have reliable records of his travels, and whether he was actually a martyr is debatable.
In the early ages of Christianity, several rejected the Epistle of St. Jude, because the apocryphal books of Enoch, and the ascension of Moses, are quoted in it. Nevertheless, it is to be found in all the ancient catalogues of the sacred writings; and Clement, of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Origen quote it as written by Jude, and reckon it among the books of sacred Scripture. In the time of Eusebius it was generally received. As to the objections that have been urged against its authority, Dr. Lardner suggests, that there is no necessity for supposing that St. Jude quoted a book called Enoch, or Enoch’s prophecies; and even allowing that he did quote it, he gives it no authority; it was no canonical book of the Jews; and if such a book existed among the Jews, it was apocryphal, and yet there might be in it some right things. Instead of referring to a book called the “Assumption or Ascension of Christ,” which probably was a forgery much later than his time, it is much more credible that St. Jude refers to the vision in Zech. iii, 1–3. It has been the opinion of several writers, and, among others, of Hammond and Benson, that St. Jude addressed his epistle to the Jewish Christians; but Dr. Lardner infers, from the words of the inscription of the epistle, verses 1, 3, that it was designed for the use of all in general who had embraced the Christian religion. The last mentioned author supposes that this epistle was written A. D. 64, 65, or 66.
In the early days of Christianity, many dismissed the Epistle of St. Jude because it quotes the apocryphal books of Enoch and the Ascension of Moses. However, it appears in all the ancient lists of sacred texts, and figures like Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Origen reference it as being written by Jude and include it among the books of sacred Scripture. By the time of Eusebius, it was widely accepted. Regarding the challenges against its authority, Dr. Lardner suggests that there’s no need to assume that St. Jude directly quoted a book called Enoch or its prophecies; and even if he did, he didn’t give it any authority. It was not a canonical book for the Jews; and if such a book existed among them, it was apocryphal, even though it might contain some accurate content. Instead of referencing a book called the “Assumption or Ascension of Christ,” which likely was a forgery from much later, it’s more believable that St. Jude was referring to the vision in Zechariah 3:1–3. Many writers, including Hammond and Benson, have believed that St. Jude wrote his epistle to Jewish Christians; however, Dr. Lardner concludes from the introductory lines of the epistle (verses 1 and 3) that it was meant for all who embraced the Christian faith. The latter author believes that this epistle was written around A.D. 64, 65, or 66.
JUDEA, a district of Asia Minor, which is described both by ancient and modern geographers under a great variety of names, and with great diversity of extent. In the most extensive application of the name, it comprehends the whole country possessed by the Jews, or people of Israel; and included, therefore, very different portions of territory at different periods of their history. Upon the conquest of the country by Joshua, it was divided into twelve portions, according to the number of the tribes of Israel; and a general view of their respective allotments (though the intermediate boundaries cannot be very precisely ascertained) may convey some idea of its extent at that period. The portion of the tribe of Judah comprised all the country between Edom, or Idumea, on the south, the Mediterranean on the west, the Salt Sea on the east, and an imaginary line on the north, from the northern extremity of the Salt Sea to the Mediterranean. The portion of Simeon was included within that of Judah, and formed the south-west corner of the country; comprehending the towns of Bersaba, Gerar, Rapha, Gaza, Ascalon, and Azotus. The portion of Benjamin was situated to the north of Judah, near the centre of the kingdom, bounded on the east by the river Jordan, and containing part of Jerusalem, Jericho, Bethel, Rama, &c. The portion of Dan lay to the north-west of Judah, between that of Benjamin and the Mediterranean, reaching as far north as the latter, and containing Accaron and Jamnia. The portion of Ephraim stretched along the northern limits of Dan and Benjamin, between the river Jordan on the east, and the Mediterranean sea on the west; containing Sichem, Joppa, Lydda, Gazara, &c. The portion of the half tribe of Manasseh was situated north of Ephraim, between the river Jordan and the Mediterranean, reaching as far north as Dora, at the foot of Mount Carmel. The portion of Issachar stretched northward from Manasseh, and westward from Jordan, as far as Mount Tabor. The portion of Asher comprehended the maritime tract between Mount Carmel, as far as Sidon. The portion of Zebulon, bounded by Asher on the west, and Mount Tabor on the south, joined on the east the portion of Naphtali, which occupied the borders of the lake Gennesareth, or sea of Tiberias. The portion of Reuben lay to the eastward of the river Jordan, bounded on the south by the torrent of Arnon, and on the north by the river Jabok. The portion of Gad, also on the east of the Jordan, stretched from the Jabok toward the north, where it was bounded by the other half tribe of Manasseh, which occupied the country east of the lake Gennesareth, to the northern limits of the country. The whole of this extent between Cœlo-Syria on the north, and Arabia Petræa on the south, the Mediterranean on the west, and Arabia Deserta on the east, may be considered as situated between 31° 10´ and 33° 15´ of north latitude, about a 551hundred and forty miles in length, and nearly a hundred in breadth. Reckoning from Dan to Beersheba, which are often mentioned in sacred Scripture as including the more settled and permanent possessions of the Israelites, its length would not exceed a hundred and twenty miles. But, if estimated from its boundaries in the reigns of David and Solomon, and several succeeding princes, its extent must be enlarged more than threefold; including both the land of Palestine, or of the Philistines, on the south, and the country of Phenice on the north, with part of Syria to the north-east. All this extent was originally comprehended in the land of promise, Genesis xv, 18; Deut. xi, 24; and was actually possessed by David and Solomon, 1 Kings ix, 20; 2 Chron. viii, 7. It is described in numerous passages of the sacred writings, as all comprised in the Holy Land, from Hamath on the north, to the river of Egypt on the south; and from the Great or Mediterranean Sea on the west, to the deserts of Arabia on the east; a tract of country at least four hundred and sixty miles in length, and more than a hundred in breadth, Joshua xv, 2, &c; xix, 24, &c; 1 Chron. xiii, 5; 2 Chron. vii, 8; Ezekiel xlvii, 16, 20; Amos vi, 14.
JUDEA, a region in Asia Minor, is referred to by both ancient and modern geographers using various names and with differing extents. In its broadest sense, the name covers the entire area inhabited by the Jews, or the people of Israel, which has included very different territories at various times in their history. After Joshua conquered the land, it was divided into twelve portions based on the number of Israel's tribes; a general overview of these allotments (though the exact boundaries are not precisely known) gives an idea of its size at that time. The territory of the tribe of Judah included all the land between Edom (or Idumea) to the south, the Mediterranean Sea to the west, the Salt Sea to the east, and an imaginary line to the north stretching from the northern edge of the Salt Sea to the Mediterranean. The territory of Simeon was contained within Judah and made up the southwestern corner of the land, including the towns of Beersheba, Gerar, Rapha, Gaza, Ascalon, and Azotus. The territory of Benjamin lay north of Judah, near the center of the kingdom, bordered on the east by the Jordan River, and included parts of Jerusalem, Jericho, Bethel, Rama, etc. The territory of Dan was located northwest of Judah, nestled between Benjamin and the Mediterranean, extending as far north as the coastline and including Accaron and Jamnia. The territory of Ephraim ran along the northern portions of Dan and Benjamin, bordered by the Jordan River on the east and the Mediterranean Sea on the west; it included Sichem, Joppa, Lydda, Gazara, etc. The territory of the half-tribe of Manasseh was located north of Ephraim, sitting between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean, reaching as far north as Dora, near Mount Carmel. The territory of Issachar extended northward from Manasseh and westward from the Jordan as far as Mount Tabor. The territory of Asher included the coastal area from Mount Carmel to Sidon. The territory of Zebulon was bordered by Asher on the west and Mount Tabor on the south, joining to the east with Naphtali, which occupied the shores of Lake Gennesareth (or the Sea of Tiberias). The territory of Reuben lay to the east of the Jordan River, bounded to the south by the Arnon stream and to the north by the Jabok River. The territory of Gad, also east of the Jordan, extended from the Jabok northward, bordered by the other half-tribe of Manasseh, which took up land east of Lake Gennesareth, extending to the northern borders of the region. This entire area, located between Cœlo-Syria in the north and Arabia Petraea in the south, the Mediterranean Sea in the west, and Arabia Deserta in the east, is generally found between 31° 10′ and 33° 15′ north latitude, approximately one hundred and forty miles long and nearly one hundred miles wide. If measured from Dan to Beersheba, often mentioned in the Scriptures as including the more settled and permanent areas of the Israelites, the length would be no more than one hundred and twenty miles. However, if assessed by the boundaries during the reigns of David, Solomon, and several subsequent kings, the area would expand more than threefold; covering both the land of Palestine (or the land of the Philistines) to the south and the territory of Phenice to the north, along with parts of Syria to the northeast. All of this area was initially included in the land of promise, as noted in Genesis 15:18; Deuteronomy 11:24; and was actually occupied by David and Solomon, as recorded in 1 Kings 9:20; 2 Chronicles 8:7. It is described in many passages of sacred writings as all falling within the Holy Land, stretching from Hamath in the north to the river of Egypt in the south, and from the Great or Mediterranean Sea in the west to the deserts of Arabia in the east; a territory at least four hundred and sixty miles long and more than a hundred miles wide, as mentioned in Joshua 15:2, etc.; 19:24, etc.; 1 Chronicles 13:5; 2 Chronicles 7:8; Ezekiel 47:16, 20; Amos 6:14.
After the death of Solomon, when the kingdom of the Hebrews had attained its greatest extent, it was divided, in consequence of a revolt of ten tribes, into two distinct sovereignties, named Israel and Judah; the former of which had its seat of government in Samaria, and the latter in Jerusalem. The territories of both were gradually curtailed and laid waste by the revolt of tributary princes, and the incursions of powerful neighbours; and both were at length completely overthrown; that of Israel, by the king of Assyria, about B. C. 720; and that of Judah, by Nebuchadnezzar, about a hundred and fourteen years later.
After Solomon died, when the Hebrew kingdom was at its peak, it split into two separate kingdoms due to a rebellion by ten tribes. These were called Israel and Judah; Israel had its capital in Samaria, while Judah's was in Jerusalem. Over time, both areas were gradually reduced and devastated by rebellious local leaders and invasions from strong neighboring countries. Ultimately, both kingdoms were completely destroyed: Israel by the king of Assyria around 720 B.C., and Judah by Nebuchadnezzar about 114 years later.
After a captivity of seventy years, the Jews, who had been the subjects of Judah, having received permission from Cyrus to return to their native country, not only occupied the former territories of that kingdom, but extended themselves over great part of what had belonged to the ten tribes of the kingdom of Israel; and then, for the first time, gave the name of Judea to the whole country over which they had again established their dominion. The same name was given to that kingdom as possessed by Herod the Great under the Romans; but, in the enumeration of the provinces of the empire, it was recognised only by the name of Palestine. All traces of its ancient division among the twelve tribes were now abolished, and it was distributed into four provinces; namely, Judea Proper in the south, Galilee in the north, Samaria in the centre, and Peræa on the east of the river Jordan. Judea Proper, situated in 31° 40´ north latitude, was bounded on the north by Samaria, on the west by the Mediterranean, on the east by the river Jordan, on the south by Arabia Petræa; and comprised the ancient settlements of Judah, Benjamin, Dan, and Simeon, with Philistia and Idumea. It is divided by Josephus into eleven toparchies, and by Pliny into ten; but these subdivisions are little noticed by ancient writers, and their boundaries are very imperfectly ascertained. The principal places in the north-east quarter of the province were Jerusalem, the capital, which was entirely destroyed in the reign of Hadrian, and replaced by a new city named Ælia, a little farther north, which is now the site of the modern Jerusalem; Jericho, the city of palm trees, about nineteen miles eastward of Jerusalem, and eight from the river Jordan; Phaselis, built by Herod in memory of his brother, fifteen miles north-west of Jericho; Archelais, built by Archelaus, ten miles north of Jericho; Gophna, fifteen miles north of Jerusalem, in the road to Sichem; Bethel, twelve miles north of Jerusalem, originally called Luz; Gilgal, about one mile and a half from Jericho; Engeddi, a hundred furlongs south south-east of Jericho, near the northern extremity of the Dead Sea; Masada, a strong fortress built by Judas Maccabeus, the last refuge of the Jews after the fall of Jerusalem; Ephraim, a small town westward of Jericho; Anathoth, a Levitical town, nearly four miles north of Jerusalem. In the south-east quarter of the province were situated Bethlehem, or Ephrath, about six miles south from the capital; Bethzur, now St. Philip, a strong place on the road to Hebron, ten miles south of Jerusalem; Ziph, a small town between Hebron and the Dead Sea; Zoar, at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea, near the situation of Sodom; Hebron, formerly Kirjath-arba, a very ancient town in a hilly country, twenty-five miles south of the capital; Arad, about twenty-four miles southward from Hebron, and near the Ascensus Avrabim, or Scorpion Mountains, on the border of Arabia Petræa; and Thamar, on the southern limit of the province, near the south extremity of the Dead Sea. In the north-west quarter were Bethshemesh, or Heliopolis, a Levitical city, about ten miles west of the capital; Rama, six miles north from Jerusalem; Emmaus, a village eight miles north north-west from Jerusalem, afterward called Nicopolis, in consequence of a victory gained by Vespasian over the revolted Jews; Bethoron, a populous Levitical city on the road to Lydda, a few miles north-west of Emmaus; Kirjath-jearim, on the road to Joppa, nine miles westward from the capital; Lydda, now Lod, and called by the Greeks Diospolis, about twelve miles east of Joppa; Ramla, supposed to be the same as Arimathea, about five miles south-west of Lydda; Joppa, a maritime town, now Jaffa, about twelve leagues north-west of Jerusalem; Jabne, a walled sea-port town between Joppa and Azotus; and Ekron, a town on the north boundary of the Philistines. In the south-west quarter of Judea were Gath, about twenty miles west from Jerusalem, near to which were the city of Eleutheropolis, a flourishing place in the second century; Makkedah, a strong place, eight miles north-east from 552Eleutheropolis; Bersabe, or Beersheba, about twenty-six miles south from Eleutheropolis; Gerar, between Beersheba and the sea coast; Azotus, or Ashdod, to the west of Eleutheropolis, within a few miles of the sea, and the seat of a bishop in the first ages of the Christian church; Ascalon, a considerable maritime town, above forty-three miles south-west of Jerusalem; Gaza, fifteen miles southward from Ascalon; and Raphia, between Gaza and Rhinocurura, remarkable for a great battle in its neighbourhood, in which Philopater, king of Egypt, defeated Antiochus, king of Syria.
After being held captive for seventy years, the Jews, who were part of Judah, got permission from Cyrus to go back to their homeland. They not only reclaimed the areas that used to be part of their kingdom but also spread across a large portion of what had belonged to the ten tribes of Israel. For the first time, they referred to the entire region they reestablished control over as Judea. This same name was used for the kingdom ruled by Herod the Great under Roman authority, but when the provinces of the empire were listed, it was mainly called Palestine. The old divisions among the twelve tribes were eliminated, and the area was split into four provinces: Judea Proper in the south, Galilee in the north, Samaria in the center, and Peræa to the east of the Jordan River. Judea Proper, located at 31° 40’ north latitude, was bordered by Samaria to the north, the Mediterranean to the west, the Jordan River to the east, and Arabia Petræa to the south. It included the ancient settlements of Judah, Benjamin, Dan, and Simeon, along with Philistia and Idumea. Josephus divided it into eleven toparchies, while Pliny listed ten, but these subdivisions are little noted by ancient writers, and their boundaries are not well defined. The main places in the northeast part of the province were Jerusalem, the capital, which was completely destroyed during Hadrian's reign and replaced by a new city called Ælia, a bit farther north, which is now where modern Jerusalem sits; Jericho, known as the city of palm trees, located about nineteen miles east of Jerusalem and eight miles from the Jordan River; Phaselis, built by Herod in memory of his brother, fifteen miles northwest of Jericho; Archelais, erected by Archelaus, ten miles north of Jericho; Gophna, fifteen miles north of Jerusalem on the way to Sichem; Bethel, twelve miles north of Jerusalem, originally called Luz; Gilgal, about one and a half miles from Jericho; Engeddi, a hundred furlongs southeast of Jericho, near the northern edge of the Dead Sea; Masada, a stronghold built by Judas Maccabeus, the last refuge for the Jews after Jerusalem fell; Ephraim, a small town west of Jericho; and Anathoth, a Levitical town nearly four miles north of Jerusalem. In the southeast part of the province were Bethlehem, or Ephrath, about six miles south of the capital; Bethzur, now St. Philip, a fortified site on the road to Hebron, ten miles south of Jerusalem; Ziph, a small town between Hebron and the Dead Sea; Zoar, at the southern edge of the Dead Sea, close to the location of Sodom; Hebron, formerly known as Kirjath-arba, a very old town in a hilly area, twenty-five miles south of the capital; Arad, about twenty-four miles south of Hebron, near the Scorpion Mountains along the border of Arabia Petræa; and Thamar, on the southern boundary of the province, close to the south end of the Dead Sea. In the northwest section were Bethshemesh, or Heliopolis, a Levitical city about ten miles west of the capital; Rama, six miles north of Jerusalem; Emmaus, a village eight miles north-northwest of Jerusalem, later called Nicopolis after a victory by Vespasian over the rebellious Jews; Bethoron, a populous Levitical city on the way to Lydda, a few miles northwest of Emmaus; Kirjath-jearim, on the way to Joppa, nine miles west of the capital; Lydda, now Lod, called Diospolis by the Greeks, about twelve miles east of Joppa; Ramla, thought to be the same as Arimathea, about five miles southwest of Lydda; Joppa, a coastal town now known as Jaffa, about twelve leagues northwest of Jerusalem; Jabne, a walled seaport town between Joppa and Azotus; and Ekron, a town on the northern boundary of the Philistines. In the southwest quarter of Judea were Gath, about twenty miles west of Jerusalem, near which was Eleutheropolis, a thriving city in the second century; Makkedah, a stronghold eight miles northeast of Eleutheropolis; Beersheba, or Bersabe, about twenty-six miles south of Eleutheropolis; Gerar, between Beersheba and the coast; Azotus, or Ashdod, west of Eleutheropolis, close to the sea, and a bishopric in the early Christian church; Ascalon, a significant coastal town over forty-three miles southwest of Jerusalem; Gaza, fifteen miles south of Ascalon; and Raphia, located between Gaza and Rhinocurura, notable for a famous battle nearby where Philopater, king of Egypt, defeated Antiochus, king of Syria.
Samaria, lying between Judea and Galilee, in 32° 15´ north latitude, extended along the sea coast from Joppa to Dora, and along the river Jordan from the rivulet of Alexandrium to the southern extremity of the sea of Tiberias; comprehending the territory of the tribe of Ephraim, of the half tribe of Manasseh, and part of Issachar. Its principal cities were Samaria, the capital of the kingdom of Israel, north of Sichem, and equally distant from Jordan and the sea coast, afterward named Sebaste by Herod, in honour of Augustus; Jezrael, or Esdraelon, about four leagues north from Samaria; Sichem, or Sychar, called by the Romans Neapolis, eight miles south of Samaria, in a valley between the mountains Gerizim and Ebal; Bethsan, called by the Greek writers Scythopolis, about twenty miles north-east of Sichem; Cæsarea of Palestine, anciently called Turris Stratonis, greatly enlarged by Herod, and long the principal city of the province, about nineteen leagues north north-west from Jerusalem; Dora, now Tartura, nine miles north from Cæsarea, on the road to Tyre; Apollonia, now Arzuf, on the sea coast, twenty-two miles south of Cæsarea; and Hadadrimmon, afterward called Maximianopolis, about seventeen miles eastward of Cæsarea.
Samaria, located between Judea and Galilee at 32° 15' north latitude, stretched along the coastline from Joppa to Dora and along the Jordan River from the stream of Alexandrium to the southern edge of the Sea of Tiberias. It included the land of the tribe of Ephraim, half of the tribe of Manasseh, and part of Issachar. Its main cities were Samaria, the capital of the Kingdom of Israel, situated north of Shechem and equidistant from the Jordan and the coastline, later renamed Sebaste by Herod in honor of Augustus; Jezreel, or Esdraelon, about four leagues north of Samaria; Shechem, or Sychar, known to the Romans as Neapolis, eight miles south of Samaria, in a valley between Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal; Bethshan, referred to by Greek writers as Scythopolis, about twenty miles northeast of Shechem; Caesarea of Palestine, formerly named Turris Stratonis, significantly expanded by Herod and long the main city of the province, located about nineteen leagues north-northwest of Jerusalem; Dora, now Tartura, nine miles north of Caesarea along the road to Tyre; Apollonia, now Arzuf, on the coast, twenty-two miles south of Caesarea; and Hadadrimmon, later called Maximianopolis, about seventeen miles east of Caesarea.
Galilæa, in 33° north latitude, bounded on the south by Samaria, on the west by the Mediterranean, on the north by Syria, on the east by the river Jordan and the lake Gennesareth, comprehended the possessions of Asher, Naphtali, and Zabulon, with part of the allotment of Issachar. The northern division of the province was thinly inhabited by Jews, and was sometimes called Galilee of the Gentiles; but the southern portion was very populous. Its principal towns were Capernaum, at the northern extremity of the lake of Gennesareth; Bethsaida, a considerable village a few leagues south of Capernaum; Cinnereth, south of Bethsaida, rebuilt by Herod Antipas, and named Tiberias; Tarichæa, a considerable town at the efflux of the river Jordan from the sea of Tiberias, thirty stadia south from the town of Tiberias; Nazareth, two leagues north-west of Mount Tabor, and equally distant from the lake of Gennesareth and the sea coast; Arbela, six miles west of Nazareth; Sepphoris, or Dio-Cæsarea, now Sefouri, a large and well fortified town, about five leagues north north-west of Mount Tabor; Zabulon, a strong and populous place, sixty stadia south-east of Ptolemais; Acre, or Accon, seven miles north from the promontory of Carmel, afterward enlarged and called Ptolemais by Ptolemy I., of Egypt, and in the time of the crusades distinguished by the name of Acre, the last city possessed by the Christians in Syria, and was taken and destroyed by the Sultan Serapha, of Egypt, in 1291; Kedes, or Cydissus, a Levitical city at the foot of Mount Panium, twenty miles south-east of Tyre; Dan, originally Laish, on the north boundary of the Holy Land, about thirty miles south-east of Sidon; Paneas, near to Dan, or, according to some, only a different name for the same place, was repaired by Philip, son of Herod the Great, and by him named Cæsarea, in honour of Augustus, with the addition of Philippi, to distinguish it from the other town of the same name in Samaria; Jotapata, the strongest town in Galilee, about four leagues north north-east of Dio-Cæsarea; and Japha and Gischala, two other fortified places in the same district.
Galilee, located at 33° north latitude, is bordered to the south by Samaria, to the west by the Mediterranean, to the north by Syria, and to the east by the Jordan River and the Sea of Gennesaret. It included the territories of Asher, Naphtali, and Zebulun, along with part of Issachar's land. The northern part of the region had a small Jewish population and was sometimes called Galilee of the Gentiles, while the southern area was densely populated. The main towns were Capernaum, at the northern edge of the Sea of Gennesaret; Bethsaida, a sizable village a few miles south of Capernaum; Cinnereth, south of Bethsaida, rebuilt by Herod Antipas and renamed Tiberias; Tarichaea, a significant town at the mouth of the Jordan River, thirty stadia south of Tiberias; Nazareth, two miles northwest of Mount Tabor, and equidistant from the Sea of Gennesaret and the coast; Arbela, six miles west of Nazareth; Sepphoris, or Dio-Cæsarea, now known as Sefouri, a large and well-defended city about five miles north-northwest of Mount Tabor; Zebulun, a strong and populous location, sixty stadia southeast of Ptolemais; Acre, or Accon, seven miles north from the Carmel promontory, later expanded and called Ptolemais by Ptolemy I of Egypt, and during the Crusades known as Acre, the last city held by Christians in Syria, which was captured and destroyed by Sultan Serapha of Egypt in 1291; Kedes, or Cydissus, a Levitical city at the base of Mount Panium, twenty miles southeast of Tyre; Dan, originally Laish, at the northern boundary of the Holy Land, about thirty miles southeast of Sidon; Paneas, near Dan, which some say is just another name for it, was renovated by Philip, son of Herod the Great, who named it Caesarea in honor of Augustus, adding Philippi to distinguish it from another town of the same name in Samaria; Jotapata, the strongest town in Galilee, about four leagues north-northeast of Dio-Cæsarea; and Japha and Gischala, two other fortified locations in the same area.
Peræa, though the name would denote any extent of country beyond Jordan, is more particularly applied to that district in 32° north latitude, which formerly composed the territories of Sihon, the Amorite, and Og, king of Bashan; extending from the river Arnon (which flows through an extensive plain into the Dead Sea) to the mount of Gilead, where the Jordan issues from the sea of Tiberias; and which fell to the lot of the tribes of Reuben and Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh. This province was about sixty miles from north to south, and forty from east to west. The principal places were Penuel, on the left of the Jabbok, which forms the northern border of the country; Succoth, on the banks of the Jordan, a little farther south; Bethabara, a little below Succoth, where was a place of passage over the river; Amathus, afterward named Assalt, a strong town below the influx of the torrent Jazer; Livias, between Mount Nebo and the northern extremity of the Dead Sea, a town which was so named by Herod, in honour of Livia, the wife of Augustus; Machærus, a citadel on a steep rock, south of Livias, near the upper end of the Dead Sea; Lasa, or Calle-rhoe, celebrated for its hot springs, between Machærus and the river Arnon; Herodium, a fort built by Herod a few miles farther inland, as a protection against the Moabites; Aroer, a town of Moab, seven leagues east of the Dead Sea; Castra Amonensia, a Roman station, supposed to be the ancient Mephoath, seven leagues north-east of Aroer; Hesbon, or Esbus, the capital of Sihon, anciently famed for its fish pools, seven leagues east from the Jordan, three from Mount Nebo, and nearly in the centre of the province; Madaba, now El-Belkaa, three leagues south-east of Hesbon; Jazer, or Tira, a Levitical city on a small lake, five leagues north-east of Hesbon. To the south of Peræa lies a territory called Moabites, the capital of which was Rabbath-Moab, afterward named Areopolis; and to the south-west of which was Charac-Moab, 553or Karak, a fortress on the summit of a hill, at the entrance of a deep valley.
Peræa, while the name could refer to any area beyond the Jordan River, specifically points to the region at 32° north latitude, which used to be the lands of Sihon, the Amorite, and Og, king of Bashan. This area stretches from the Arnon River (which flows through a large plain into the Dead Sea) to Mount Gilead, where the Jordan River flows out of the Sea of Tiberias. It was allocated to the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh. This province was about sixty miles long from north to south and forty miles wide from east to west. The main locations included Penuel, located on the left side of the Jabbok, marking the northern border of the area; Succoth, by the banks of the Jordan, a bit further south; Bethabara, just below Succoth, a crossing point over the river; Amathus, later called Assalt, a fortified town below the Jazer stream; Livias, situated between Mount Nebo and the northern edge of the Dead Sea, a town named by Herod in honor of Livia, the wife of Augustus; Machærus, a fortress on a steep rock south of Livias, near the upper end of the Dead Sea; Lasa, or Calle-rhoe, known for its hot springs, located between Machærus and the Arnon River; Herodium, a fort built by Herod a few miles inland to defend against the Moabites; Aroer, a Moabite town seven leagues east of the Dead Sea; Castra Amonensia, a Roman outpost believed to be the ancient Mephoath, seven leagues northeast of Aroer; Hesbon, or Esbus, the capital of Sihon, historically renowned for its fish pools, seven leagues east of the Jordan, three from Mount Nebo, and nearly at the heart of the province; Madaba, now El-Belkaa, three leagues southeast of Hesbon; Jazer, or Tira, a Levitical city on a small lake, five leagues northeast of Hesbon. South of Peræa lies a region called Moabites, with its capital being Rabbath-Moab, later known as Areopolis; to the southwest of this was Charac-Moab, or Karak, a fortress atop a hill at the entrance of a deep valley.
To the north of Peræa were situated several districts, which, as forming part of the kingdom of Judea under Herod the Great, require to be briefly noticed in this account; and which do properly come under the general name of Peræa, as being situated on the eastward of the river Jordan. These were Galaadites, or Gileadites, in 32° 20´ north latitude, now Zarca, east from Jordan, and north from the Jabbok; containing the cities of Ramoth-Gilead, Mahanaim, Jabesh-Gilead, at the foot of Mount Gilead. Batanæa, anciently Basan, now Bitinia, in 32° 25´ north latitude, formerly celebrated for its oaks and pastures, was situated to the north of Galaadites, and contained the cities of Adrea, or Edrei, Astaroth, and Bathyra. Gaulonitis, a narrow strip of land between Batanæa and the shore of the sea of Tiberias, stretching northward to Mount Hermon, and containing Gamala, a strong town near the southern extremity of the sea of Tiberias; Argob, between this sea and Mount Hippos; Julias, supposed to be the same as Chorazin, and by others to be Bethsaida; and Seleuca, a fortified place on the east border of Lacus Samochonitis. Auranitis, or Ituræa, a mountainous and barren tract north of Batanæa, and bounded on the west by a branch of Mount Hermon, contained Bostra, or Bozra, about fifty miles east from the sea of Tiberias, bordering on Arabia Petræa, afterward enlarged by Trajan, and named Trajana Bostra; and Trachonitis, in 33° 15´ north latitude, between Hermon and Antilibanus, eastward from the sources of Jordan, and containing Baalgad, Mispah, Paneas, or Cæsarea Philippi, and Ænos, nearly twenty-five miles east of Panæas, and as far south south-west of Damascus. There remains to be noticed the Decapolis, or confederation of ten cities in the last mentioned districts, which having been occupied during the Babylonish captivity by Heathen inhabitants, refused to adopt the Mosaic ritual after the restoration of the Jews, and found it necessary to unite their strength against the enterprises of the Asmonean princes. One of them, namely, Scythopolis, already described in the account of Samaria, was situated to the west of Jordan; but the other nine were all to the east of that river, namely, Gadara, or Kedar, a strong place on a hill, the capital of Peræa in the time of Josephus, about sixty stadia east from the sea of Tiberias, and much frequented for its hot baths: Hippos, sometimes called Susitha, thirty stadia north-west of Gadara; Dium, or Dion, of which the situation is unknown, but conjectured by D’Anville to have been about seven leagues eastward from Pella, a considerable town supplied with copious fountains, on the river Jabbok, fourteen miles south-east of Gadara, and celebrated as the place to which the Christians retired, by divine admonition, before the destruction of Jerusalem; Canatha, south-east of Cæsarea, and between the Jordan and Mount Hermon; Garasa, afterward Jaras, three leagues north-east from the upper extremity of the sea of Tiberias, and much noted during the crusades; Rabbath-Ammon, the capital of the Ammonites, south-east of Ramoth, and near the source of the Jabbok, on the confines of Arabia, afterward called Philadelphia by Ptolemy Philadelphus, from whom it had received considerable improvements, of which the ruins are still visible; Abila, four leagues east from Gadara, in a fertile tract between the river Hieromax and Mount Gilead; and Capitolais, a town in Batanæa, five or six leagues east north-east of Gadara.
To the north of Peræa were several districts that were part of the kingdom of Judea under Herod the Great and need to be briefly mentioned in this account. They are properly referred to as Peræa since they are located east of the Jordan River. These included the Galaadites, or Gileadites, at 32° 20' north latitude, now Zarca, east of the Jordan and north of the Jabbok, which contained the cities of Ramoth-Gilead, Mahanaim, and Jabesh-Gilead, at the foot of Mount Gilead. Batanæa, formerly known as Basan and now Bitinia, at 32° 25' north latitude, was renowned for its oaks and pastures. It was located to the north of Galaadites and included the cities of Adrea, or Edrei, Astaroth, and Bathyra. Gaulonitis, a narrow stretch of land between Batanæa and the shore of the Sea of Tiberias, extended northward to Mount Hermon and contained Gamala, a strong town near the southern end of the Sea of Tiberias; Argob, situated between this sea and Mount Hippos; Julias, believed to be the same as Chorazin or Bethsaida according to some; and Seleuca, a fortified town on the eastern border of Lacus Samochonitis. Auranitis, or Ituræa, a mountainous and barren area north of Batanæa, bordered on the west by a branch of Mount Hermon and contained Bostra, or Bozra, about fifty miles east of the Sea of Tiberias, bordering Arabia Petræa, which was later expanded by Trajan and renamed Trajana Bostra; and Trachonitis, at 33° 15' north latitude, situated between Hermon and Antilibanus, east of the sources of the Jordan, containing Baalgad, Mispah, Paneas, or Cæsarea Philippi, and Ænos, located nearly twenty-five miles east of Paneas and as far southwest of Damascus. Finally, there's the Decapolis, a confederation of ten cities in the aforementioned districts that, during the Babylonian captivity, were occupied by non-Jewish inhabitants. They refused to adopt the Mosaic ritual after the Jews returned and found it necessary to unite against the Asmonean princes. One of them, Scythopolis, already mentioned in the account of Samaria, was located west of the Jordan; the other nine, however, were all east of the river, specifically Gadara, or Kedar, a stronghold on a hill that was the capital of Peræa during Josephus' time, about sixty stadia east from the Sea of Tiberias, well-known for its hot baths; Hippos, sometimes called Susitha, thirty stadia northwest of Gadara; Dium, or Dion, whose location is uncertain but speculated by D’Anville to have been about seven leagues east of Pella, a significant town with abundant fountains on the Jabbok river, fourteen miles southeast of Gadara, which was noted as the place where Christians retreated before Jerusalem's destruction; Canatha, southeast of Cæsarea, between the Jordan and Mount Hermon; Garasa, later known as Jaras, three leagues northeast of the northern end of the Sea of Tiberias, which was quite famous during the Crusades; Rabbath-Ammon, the capital of the Ammonites, southeast of Ramoth, near the source of the Jabbok, on the edge of Arabia, later called Philadelphia by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who made significant improvements that are still visible in the ruins today; Abila, four leagues east of Gadara, in a fertile area between the Hieromax river and Mount Gilead; and Capitolais, a town in Batanæa, five or six leagues east-northeast of Gadara.
Judea, Wilderness of, a wild and desert country along the southern course of the river Jordan, east of Jerusalem; that which by St. Matthew is called the wilderness of Judea, being described by St. Luke as “all the country about Jordan;” from whence this wilderness extended southward along the western side of the Dead Sea. This is a stony and desolate region, of hopeless sterility, and most savage aspect; consisting almost entirely of disordered piles of rocks, and rocky mountains. This was the wilderness in which John first preached and baptized, and into which our Lord, after his own baptism, was led by the Spirit to be tempted, Matthew iv; Luke iv. Here, also, the mountain was situated which formed the scene of one of the most striking parts of this temptation. Maundrell describes this region as a most miserable, dry, and barren place; consisting of high rocky mountains, so torn and disordered, as if the earth had here suffered some great convulsion. Mr. Buckingham, who visited the same part in 1816, says, “As we proceeded to the northward, we had on our left a lofty peak of the range of hills which border the plain of the Jordan on the west, and ended in this direction the mountains of Judea. This peak is considered to be that to which Jesus was transported by the devil during his fast of forty days in the wilderness; ‘after which he was an hungered.’ Nothing can be more forbidding than the aspect of these hills; not a blade of verdure is to be seen over all their surface, and not the sound of any living being is to be heard throughout all their extent. They form, indeed, a most appropriate scene for that wilderness in which the Son of God is said to have dwelt with the wild beasts, ‘while the angels ministered unto him.’”
Judean Desert, a wild and desert area along the southern part of the Jordan River, east of Jerusalem; what St. Matthew refers to as the wilderness of Judea, described by St. Luke as “all the country around Jordan;” extending southward along the western side of the Dead Sea. This is a rocky and desolate region, extremely barren and harsh in appearance, made up almost entirely of chaotic piles of rocks and rocky mountains. This was the wilderness where John first preached and baptized, and into which our Lord, after his baptism, was led by the Spirit to be tempted, Matthew iv; Luke iv. Here, too, was the mountain that became part of one of the most significant moments in this temptation. Maundrell depicts this area as a bleak, dry, and barren landscape, characterized by high rocky mountains, so torn and disordered, it seems as if the earth had suffered some massive upheaval. Mr. Buckingham, who visited the same area in 1816, states, “As we moved northward, we saw on our left a tall peak of the hills that line the plain of the Jordan to the west, which marks the end of the Judean mountains in this direction. This peak is believed to be where Jesus was taken by the devil during his forty days of fasting in the wilderness; ‘after which he was hungry.’ Nothing could look more uninviting than these hills; not a single blade of greenery can be seen across their surface, and the silence of any living creature is profoundly felt throughout. They truly create an appropriate backdrop for the wilderness where the Son of God is said to have lived among the wild beasts, ‘while the angels ministered unto him.’”
JUDGES is applied to certain eminent persons chosen by God himself to govern the Jews from the time of Joshua till the establishment of the kings. For the nature and duration of their office, and the powers with which they were invested, see Jews. The judges were not ordinary magistrates, but were appointed by God on extraordinary occasions; as to head the armies, to deliver the people from their enemies, &c. Salian has observed, that they not only presided in courts of justice, but were also at the head of the councils, the armies, and of every thing that concerned the government of the state; though they never assumed the title either of princes, governors, or the like.
JUDGES refers to certain distinguished individuals chosen by God himself to lead the Jews from the time of Joshua until the monarchy was established. For details about the nature and duration of their role, as well as the powers they held, see Jewish people. The judges were not regular magistrates; they were appointed by God during extraordinary times to command armies and rescue the people from their enemies, among other duties. Salian noted that they not only oversaw courts of law but also led councils, armies, and everything related to the state's governance, even though they never took on titles like princes or governors.
Salian remarks seven points wherein they 554differed from kings: 1. They were not hereditary. 2. They had no absolute power of life and death, but only according to the laws, and dependently upon them. 3. They never undertook war at their own pleasure, but only when they were commanded by God, or called to it by the people. 4. They exacted no tribute. 5. They did not succeed each other immediately, but after the death of one there was frequently an interval of several years before a successor was appointed. 6. They did not use the ensigns of sovereignty, the sceptre or diadem. 7. They had no authority to make any laws, but were only to take care of the observance of those of Moses. Godwin, in his “Moses and Aaron,” compares them to the Roman dictators, who were appointed only on extraordinary emergencies, as in case of war abroad, or conspiracies at home, and whose power, while they continued in office, was great, and even absolute. Thus the Hebrew judges seem to have been appointed only in cases of national trouble and danger. This was the case particularly with respect to Othniel, Ehud, and Gideon. The power of the judges, while in office, was very great; nor does it seem to have been limited to a certain time, like that of the Roman dictators, which continued for half a year; nevertheless, it is reasonable to suppose, that, when they had performed the business for which they were appointed, they retired to a private life. This Godwin infers from Gideon’s refusing to take upon him the perpetual government of Israel, as being inconsistent with the theocracy.
Salian notes seven ways in which they differed from kings: 1. They were not hereditary. 2. They didn’t have absolute power over life and death; their authority was governed by the laws. 3. They did not start wars on their own initiative but only when commanded by God or called by the people. 4. They did not collect tribute. 5. Their successors were not appointed immediately; often there was a gap of several years after one died before a new leader was chosen. 6. They did not use symbols of sovereignty, like a scepter or crown. 7. They had no authority to create laws; their role was to ensure the laws of Moses were followed. Godwin, in his “Moses and Aaron,” compares them to Roman dictators, who were appointed only in times of extraordinary emergency, such as during wars or domestic conspiracies, and who held significant, even absolute, power while in office. The Hebrew judges seem to have been appointed mainly in times of national crisis and threat, especially in the cases of Othniel, Ehud, and Gideon. While in office, the judges had substantial power, and unlike the Roman dictators, whose term lasted six months, their authority does not appear to have been time-limited. However, it’s reasonable to assume that after they completed their duties, they returned to private life. Godwin infers this from Gideon’s refusal to take on permanent leadership over Israel, as it would be inconsistent with the theocracy.
Beside these superior judges, every city in the commonwealth had its elders, who formed a court of judicature, with a power of determining lesser matters in their respective districts. The rabbies say, there were three such elders or judges in each lesser city, and twenty-three in the greater. But Josephus, whose authority has greater weight, speaks of seven judges in each, without any such distinction of greater and less. Sigonius supposes that these elders and judges of cities were the original constitution settled in the wilderness by Moses, upon the advice given him by Jethro, Exod. xviii, 21, 22, and continued by divine appointment after the settlement in the land of Canaan; whereas others imagine that the Jethronian prefectures were a peculiar constitution, suited to their condition while encamped in the wilderness, but laid aside after they came into Canaan. It is certain, however, that there was a court of judges and officers, appointed in every city, by the law of Moses, Deut. xvi, 18. How far, and in what respects, these judges differed from the elders of the city, it is not easy to ascertain; and whether they were the same or different persons. Perhaps the title elders may denote their seniority and dignity; and that of judges, the office they sustained. The lower courts of justice, in their several cities, were held in their gates, Deut. xvi, 15. Each tribe had its respective prince, whose office related chiefly, if not altogether, to military affairs. We read also of the princes of the congregation, who presided in judiciary matters. These are called elders, and were seventy in number, Num. xi, 16, 17, 24, 25. But it does not appear whether or not this consistory of seventy elders was a perpetual, or only a temporary, institution. Some have supposed that it was the same that afterward became famous under the appellation of sanhedrim; but others conceive the institution of the seventy elders to have been only temporary, for the assistance of Moses in the government, before the settlement in the land of Canaan; and that the sanhedrim was first set up in the time of the Maccabees. See Sanhedrim.
Beside these higher judges, every city in the commonwealth had its elders, who formed a court to handle smaller issues in their areas. The rabbis say there were three elders or judges in each smaller city and twenty-three in the larger ones. However, Josephus, whose authority is more credible, mentions seven judges in each city, without distinguishing between larger and smaller. Sigonius believes that these elders and judges were part of the original system established in the wilderness by Moses, based on the advice of Jethro, Exod. xviii, 21, 22, and continued by divine command after settling in Canaan; while others think that the Jethronian prefectures were a specific setup meant for their time in the wilderness, abandoned once they entered Canaan. However, it is clear that there was a court of judges and officials appointed in every city as per the law of Moses, Deut. xvi, 18. It’s challenging to determine how these judges differed from the city elders, or whether they were the same individuals. Perhaps the term elders indicates their seniority and status, while judges refers to the roles they held. Lower courts of justice in their respective cities were held at their gates, Deut. xvi, 15. Each tribe had its leader, whose role primarily—or entirely—related to military matters. We also read about the leaders of the congregation who presided over judicial matters. These are referred to as elders and numbered seventy, Num. xi, 16, 17, 24, 25. However, it is unclear whether this council of seventy elders was a permanent or just a temporary setup. Some suggest that it was the same group that later became known as the sanhedrin, while others believe the institution of the seventy elders was only temporary, to assist Moses in governance before settling in Canaan, and that the sanhedrin was first established during the time of the Maccabees. See Sanhedrin.
Judges, Book of, a canonical book of the Old Testament, containing the history of the Israelitish judges, of whom we have been speaking in the preceding article. The author is not known. It is probable the work did not come from any single hand, being rather a collection of several little histories, which at first were separate, but were afterward collected by Ezra or Samuel into a single volume; and, in all likelihood, were taken from the ancient journals, annals, or memoirs, composed by the several judges. The antiquity of this book is unquestionable, as it must have been written before the time of David, since the description, Judges i, 21, was no longer true of Jerusalem after he had taken possession of it, and had introduced a third class of inhabitants of the tribe of Judah. Eichorn acknowledges that it does not bear the marks of subsequent interpolation. Dr. Patrick is of opinion that the five last chapters are a distinct history, in which the author gives an account of several memorable transactions, which occurred in or about the time of the judges; whose history he would not interrupt by intermixing these matters with it, and therefore reserved them to be related by themselves in the second part, or appendix.
Book of Judges, a canonical book of the Old Testament, contains the history of the Israelite judges mentioned in the previous article. The author is unknown. It’s likely that the work didn’t come from a single author but is a collection of various stories that were initially separate. These were later compiled by Ezra or Samuel into one volume and probably drawn from ancient journals, records, or memoirs written by the judges themselves. The authenticity of this book is beyond doubt, as it must have been written before David’s time—after he took over Jerusalem, the description in Judges 1:21 no longer applied, especially with the introduction of a third group of inhabitants from the tribe of Judah. Eichorn acknowledged that it shows no signs of later additions. Dr. Patrick believes that the last five chapters are a separate account where the author recounts several significant events that took place during or around the time of the judges. He chose not to disrupt the main narrative by mixing these events in, so he included them in a second part, or appendix.
JUDGMENT, Day of, is that important period which shall terminate the present dispensation of grace toward the fallen race of Adam, put an end to time, and introduce the eternal destinies of men and angels, Acts xvi, 31; 1 Cor. xv, 24–26; 1 Thess. iv, 14–17; Matt. xxv, 31–46. It is in reference to this solemn period that the Apostle Peter says, “The heavens and the earth which now exist are by the word of God reserved in store unto fire, against the day of judgment, and perdition of ungodly men,” 2 Peter iii, 7. Several eminent commentators understand this prophecy as a prediction of the destruction of Jerusalem. In support of their interpretation, they appeal to the ancient Jewish prophecies, where, as they contend, the revolutions in the political state of empires and nations are foretold in the same forms of expression with those introduced in Peter’s prediction. The following are the prophecies to which they appeal:--Isaiah xxxiv, 4, where the destruction of Idumea is foretold under the figures of dissolving the host of heaven, and of rolling the heaven together as a scroll, and of the falling down of all their host as the leaf falleth off from the vine. Ezekiel xxxii, 7, where the 555destruction of Egypt is described by the figures of covering the heaven, and making the stars thereof dark; and of covering the sun with a cloud, and of hindering the moon from giving her light. In Joel ii, 10, the invasion of Judea by foreign armies is thus foretold: “The earth shall quake before them; the heavens shall tremble; the sun and the moon shall be dark, and the stars shall withdraw their shining.” And in verses 30, 31, the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans is thus predicted: “I will show wonders in the heavens and in the earth, blood, and fire, and pillars of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great and terrible day of the Lord come.” God, threatening the Jews, is introduced saying, “In that day I will cause the sun to go down at noon, and I will darken the earth in the clear day,” Amos viii, 9. The overthrow of Judaism and Heathenism is thus foretold: “Yet once and I will shake the heavens and the earth, and the sea and the dry land,” Haggai ii, 6. Lastly: our Lord, in his prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem, has the following expressions: “After the tribulation of those days shall the sun be darkened, and the moon shall not give her light, and the stars shall fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven shall be shaken,” Matt. xxiv, 29.
JUDGMENT, Day Of, is that significant time which will mark the end of the current period of grace offered to humanity, bring time to a close, and reveal the eternal fates of both people and angels, Acts xvi, 31; 1 Cor. xv, 24–26; 1 Thess. iv, 14–17; Matt. xxv, 31–46. It is in relation to this serious moment that the Apostle Peter states, “The heavens and the earth that exist now are kept in reserve by the word of God for fire, until the day of judgment and the destruction of ungodly people,” 2 Peter iii, 7. Several respected commentators interpret this prophecy as a prediction of the fall of Jerusalem. To support their view, they reference ancient Jewish prophecies, which they argue predict the shifts in political conditions of empires and nations using the same language found in Peter’s prophecy. Here are the prophecies to which they refer: Isaiah xxxiv, 4, where the destruction of Edom is foretold using imagery of the host of heaven dissolving, the heavens being rolled up like a scroll, and the fall of all their troops like leaves from a vine. Ezekiel xxxii, 7 describes the destruction of Egypt using imagery of the heavens being covered and its stars dimming, the sun being covered by clouds, and the moon ceasing to give light. In Joel ii, 10, the invasion of Judea by foreign armies is predicted as follows: “The earth will shake before them; the heavens will tremble; the sun and moon will grow dark, and the stars will stop shining.” In verses 30 and 31, the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans is foretold: “I will show wonders in the heavens and on earth, blood, fire, and billowing smoke. The sun will turn to darkness, and the moon to blood, before the great and terrible day of the Lord arrives.” God, threatening the Jews, is quoted saying, “On that day I will make the sun set at noon, and I will darken the earth on a clear day,” Amos viii, 9. The fall of both Judaism and Paganism is foretold: “Once more I will shake the heavens and the earth, the sea and the dry land,” Haggai ii, 6. Finally, our Lord, in His prophecy regarding the destruction of Jerusalem, says: “After the tribulation of those days, the sun will be darkened, the moon will not give its light, the stars will fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven will be shaken,” Matt. xxiv, 29.
Now it is remarkable that, in these prophecies, none of the prophets have spoken, as Peter has done, of the entire destruction of this mundane system, nor of the destruction of any part thereof. They mention only the rolling of the heavens together as a scroll, the obscuring of the light of the sun and of the moon, the shaking of the heavens and the earth, and the falling down of the stars: whereas Peter speaks of the utter destruction of all the parts of this mundane system by fire. This difference affords room for believing that the events foretold by the prophets are different in their nature from those foretold by the Apostle; and that they are to be figuratively understood, while those predicted by the Apostle are to be understood literally. To this conclusion, likewise, the phraseology of the prophets, compared with that of the Apostle, evidently leads: for the prophetic phraseology, literally interpreted, exhibits impossibilities; such as the rolling of the heavens together as a scroll; the turning of the moon into blood, and the falling down of the stars from heaven as the leaf of a tree. Not so the apostolic phraseology: for the burning of the heavens, or atmosphere, and its passing away with a great noise; and the burning of the earth and the works thereon, together with the burning and melting of the elements, that is, the constituent parts of which this terraqueous globe is composed; are all things possible, and therefore may be literally understood; while the things mentioned by the prophets can only be taken figuratively. This, however, is not all. There are things in the Apostle’s prophecy which show that he intended it to be taken literally. As, 1. He begins with an account of the perishing of the old world, to demonstrate against the scoffers the possibility of the perishing of the present heavens and earth. But that example would not have suited his purpose; unless, by the burning of the present heavens and earth, he had meant the destruction of the material fabric. Wherefore, the opposition stated in this prophecy between the perishing of the old world by water, and the perishing of the present world by fire, shows that the latter is to be as real a destruction of the material fabric as the former was. 2. The circumstance of the present heavens and earth being treasured up and kept, ever since the first deluge, from all after deluges, in order to their being destroyed by fire at the day of judgment, shows, we think, that the Apostle is speaking of a real, and not of a metaphorical, destruction of the heavens and earth. 3. This appears, likewise, from the Apostle’s foretelling that, after the present heavens and earth are burned, new heavens and a new earth are to appear, in which the righteous are for ever to dwell. 4. The time fixed by the Apostle for the burning of the heavens and the earth, namely, the day of judgment and punishment of ungodly men, shows that the Apostle is speaking, not of the destruction of a single city or nation during the subsistence of the world, but of the earth itself, with all the wicked who have dwelt thereon. These circumstances persuade us that this prophecy, as well as the one recorded, 2 Thess. i, 9, is not to be interpreted metaphorically of the destruction of Jerusalem; but should be understood literally of the general judgment, and of the destruction of our mundane system.
Now it’s interesting that in these prophecies, none of the prophets have described, like Peter does, the total destruction of this worldly system or any part of it. They only mention things like the heavens rolling up like a scroll, the light of the sun and moon being obscured, the shaking of the heavens and the earth, and the falling of the stars. In contrast, Peter talks about the complete destruction of all parts of this worldly system by fire. This difference suggests that the events predicted by the prophets are different from those foretold by the Apostle; the prophets’ predictions are to be understood figuratively, while the Apostle’s are meant to be taken literally. This conclusion is also supported by the wording of the prophets compared to that of the Apostle. The prophetic phrases, when taken literally, imply impossibilities, such as the heavens rolling up like a scroll, the moon turning to blood, and stars falling from the sky like leaves from a tree. That’s not the case with the apostolic language; burning the heavens or atmosphere and its passing away with a great noise, along with the burning of the earth and all its works, and the burning and melting of the elements—those are all things that are possible and can be understood literally, while what the prophets mentioned can only be taken figuratively. However, that’s not the whole picture. There are elements in the Apostle’s prophecy that clearly indicate he intended it to be taken literally. First, he starts with an account of the old world’s perishing to demonstrate to the scoffers that the current heavens and earth could perish too. But that example wouldn’t serve his purpose unless he meant the destruction of the physical structure by the burning of the current heavens and earth. Thus, the contrast made in this prophecy between the old world’s destruction by water and the current world’s destruction by fire shows that the latter will be as real a destruction of the physical structure as the former was. Second, the fact that the present heavens and earth have been reserved and protected from all subsequent floods since the first one, in order to be destroyed by fire on the day of judgment, indicates that the Apostle is speaking of a real, not a metaphorical, destruction of the heavens and earth. Third, it’s clear from the Apostle’s prediction that after the current heavens and earth are burned, new heavens and a new earth will emerge, where the righteous will dwell forever. Fourth, the time the Apostle sets for the burning of the heavens and earth—specifically, the day of judgment and punishment for the ungodly—shows that he’s not talking about the destruction of a single city or nation while the world exists, but about the earth itself and all the wicked who have lived on it. These details lead us to believe that this prophecy, as well as the one recorded in 2 Thess. i, 9, should not be interpreted metaphorically concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, but understood literally in regard to the general judgment and the destruction of our worldly system.
But “it is appointed unto men once to die, and after death the judgment.” These two events are inseparably linked together in the divine decree, and they reciprocally reflect importance on each other. Death is, indeed, the terror of our nature. Men may contrive to keep it from their thoughts, but they cannot think of it without fearful apprehensions of its consequences. It was justly to be dreaded by man in his state of innocence; and to the unrenewed man it ever was, and ever will be, a just object of abhorrence. The Gospel of Jesus Christ, which has brought life and immortality to light, is the only sovereign antidote against this universal evil. To the believer in Christ, its rough aspect is smoothed, and its terrors cease to be alarming. To him it is the messenger of peace; its sting is plucked out; its dark valley is the road to perfect bliss and life immortal. To him, “to live is Christ, and to die is gain,” Phil. i, 21. To die! speaking properly, he cannot die. He has already died in Christ, and with him: his “life is hid with Christ in God,” Romans vi, 8; Col. iii, 3.
But "everyone must die once, and after that comes judgment." These two events are closely connected in God's plan, influencing each other's significance. Death is really the fear of our nature. People can try to push it out of their minds, but they can't think about it without worrying about what comes next. It was rightly feared by humans in their original state; for those who have not been changed, it remains a valid source of disgust. The Gospel of Jesus Christ, which has revealed life and immortality, is the only true remedy against this widespread evil. For believers in Christ, its harsh nature is softened, and its fears lose their power. To them, it becomes a messenger of peace; its sting is removed; its dark valley is the path to perfect happiness and eternal life. To them, "to live is Christ, and to die is gain," Phil. i, 21. To die! Actually, they cannot die. They have already died in Christ and with Him: their "life is hidden with Christ in God," Romans vi, 8; Col. iii, 3.
With this conquest of the fear of death is nearly allied another glorious privilege resulting from union with the Redeemer; that, when he shall appear, we may have confidence, and “not be ashamed before him at his coming,” 1 John ii, 28. Were death all that we have to dread, death might be braved. But after death there is a judgment; a judgment attended with 556circumstances so tremendous as to shake the hearts of the boldest of the sons of nature. Then “men shall seek death, and shall not find it; and shall desire to die, and death shall flee from them,” Rev. ix, 6. Then shall come indeed an awful day; a day to which all that have preceded it are intended to be subservient; when the Lord shall appear in the united splendour of creating, of governing, and of judicial majesty, to finish his purposes respecting man and earth, and to pronounce the final, irreversible sentence, “It is done!” Rev. xxi, 6. Nothing of terror or magnificence hitherto beheld,--no glory of the rising sun after a night of darkness and of storm,--no convulsions of the earth,--no wide irruption of waters,--no flaming comet dragging its burning train over half the heaven, can convey to us an adequate conception of that day of terrible brightness and irresistible devastation. Creation then shall be uncreated. “The heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat; the earth also, and the works that are therein, shall be burned up,” 2 Peter iii, 10. The Lord shall be revealed from heaven in flaming fire, 2 Thess. i, 7, 8, arrayed in all the glory of his Godhead, and attended by his mighty angels, Matt. xvi, 27; xxv, 31. All that are in the grave shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, John v, 28, 29. Earth and sea shall give up the dead which are in them. All that ever lived shall appear before him, Rev. xx, 12, 13. The judgment shall sit; and the books shall be opened, Dan. vii, 10. The eye of Omniscience detects every concealment by which they would screen from observation themselves, or their iniquity. The last reluctant sinner is finally separated from the congregation of the righteous, Psalm i, 5; and inflexible justice, so often disregarded, derided, and defied, gives forth their eternal doom! But to the saints this shall be a day of glory and honour. They shall be publicly acknowledged by God as his people; publicly justified from the slanders of the world; invested with immortal bodies; presented by Christ to the Father; and admitted into the highest felicity in the immediate presence of God for ever. These are the elevating, the transporting views, which made the Apostle Paul speak with so much desire and earnest expectation of the “day of Christ.”
With this triumph over the fear of death is closely linked another amazing privilege that comes from being united with the Redeemer: that when he appears, we can have confidence and “not be ashamed before him at his coming,” 1 John ii, 28. If death were the only thing we had to fear, it might be faced boldly. But after death, there’s a judgment; a judgment filled with such terrifying circumstances that it would shake the hearts of the bravest people. Then “men shall seek death, and shall not find it; and shall desire to die, and death shall flee from them,” Rev. ix, 6. That day will truly be dreadful; a day for which all prior days have been preparing; when the Lord will appear in the combined glory of creation, governance, and judgment to fulfill his purposes regarding humanity and the earth, and to declare the final, unchangeable sentence, “It is done!” Rev. xxi, 6. Nothing we’ve experienced before—no fearsome spectacle or beautiful sunrise breaking after a night of darkness and storms—no earthquakes, no floods, no blazing comets streaking across the sky—can give us a true idea of that day of stunning brightness and unavoidable destruction. Creation will then be undone. “The heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat; the earth also, and the works that are therein, shall be burned up,” 2 Peter iii, 10. The Lord will be revealed from heaven in blazing fire, 2 Thess. i, 7, 8, shining in all his divine glory and accompanied by his mighty angels, Matt. xvi, 27; xxv, 31. Everyone in their graves will hear his voice and rise, John v, 28, 29. The earth and sea will give up the dead within them. Everyone who has ever lived will stand before him, Rev. xx, 12, 13. The judgment will take place; and the books will be opened, Dan. vii, 10. The eye of Omniscience will see through every attempt to hide their true selves or their sins. The last unwilling sinner will finally be separated from the community of the righteous, Psalm i, 5; and relentless justice, often ignored, mocked, and defied, will declare their eternal fate! But for the saints, this will be a day of glory and honor. They will be publicly recognized by God as his people; publicly vindicated against the accusations of the world; granted immortal bodies; presented by Christ to the Father; and welcomed into the highest bliss in God’s immediate presence forever. These are the uplifting, exhilarating visions that made the Apostle Paul speak with such longing and eager anticipation of the “day of Christ.”
JUSTICE is in Scripture taken for that essential perfection in God, whereby he is infinitely righteous and just, both in himself and in all his proceedings with his creatures, Psalm lxxxix, 14. 2. That political virtue which renders to every man his due; and is first, distributive, which concerns princes, magistrates, &c, Job xxix, 14; secondly, communicative, which concerns all persons in their dealings one with another, Gen. xviii, 19.
JUSTICE, in Scripture, refers to that essential perfection in God, through which He is infinitely righteous and just, both in Himself and in all His interactions with His creations, Psalm 89:14. It is also that political virtue that gives everyone what they deserve. First, there's distributive justice, which concerns rulers, magistrates, etc., Job 29:14; secondly, there's communicative justice, which relates to how all individuals deal with each other, Genesis 18:19.
Justice, Administration of. According to the Mosaic law, there were to be judges in all the cities, whose duty it was likewise to exercise judicial authority in the neighbouring villages; but weighty causes and appeals went up to the supreme judge or ruler of the commonwealth, and, in case of a failure here, to the high priest, Deut. xvii, 8, 9. In the time of the monarchy, weighty causes and appeals went up, of course, to the king, who, in very difficult cases, seems to have consulted the high priest, as is customary at the present day among the Persians and Ottomans. The judicial establishment was reorganized after the captivity, and two classes of judges, the inferior and superior, were appointed, Ezra vii, 25. The more difficult cases, nevertheless, and appeals, were either brought before the ruler of the state, called פחה, or before the high priest; until, in the age of the Maccabees, a supreme, judicial tribunal was instituted, which is first mentioned under Hyrcanus II. This tribunal is not to be confounded with the seventy-two counsellors, who were appointed to assist Moses in the civil administration of the government, but who never filled the office of judges. See Sanhedrim.
Justice System. According to the Mosaic law, there were judges in all the cities whose job was also to exercise judicial authority in nearby villages. However, serious cases and appeals were taken to the supreme judge or leader of the community, and if that failed, to the high priest, Deut. xvii, 8, 9. During the monarchy, serious cases and appeals naturally went to the king, who in very challenging cases seemed to consult the high priest, similar to the practice today among the Persians and Ottomans. The judicial system was reorganized after the captivity, and two classes of judges, the inferior and superior, were appointed, Ezra vii, 25. Nonetheless, more difficult cases and appeals were either brought before the ruler of the state, called פחה, or the high priest; until, in the era of the Maccabees, a supreme judicial tribunal was established, first mentioned under Hyrcanus II. This tribunal should not be confused with the seventy-two counselors appointed to assist Moses in the civil administration of the government, who never served as judges. See Sanhedrin.
Josephus states, that in every city there was a tribunal of seven judges, with two Levites as apparitors, and that it was a Mosaic institution. That there existed such an institution in his time, there is no reason to doubt, but he probably erred in referring its origin to so early a period as the days of Moses. (See Judges.) This tribunal, which decided causes of less moment, is denominated in the New Testament κρίσις, or the judgment, Matt. v, 22. The Talmudists mention a tribunal of twenty-three judges, and another of three judges; but Josephus is silent in respect to them. The courts of twenty-three judges were the same with the synagogue tribunals, mentioned in John xvi, 2; which merely tried questions of a religious nature, and sentenced to no other punishment than “forty stripes save one,” 2 Cor. xi, 24. The court of three judges was merely a session of referees, which was allowed to the Jews by the Roman laws; for the Talmudists themselves, in describing this court, go on to observe, that one judge was chosen by the accuser, another by the accused, and a third by the two parties conjunctly; which shows at once the nature of the tribunal.
Josephus says that in every city there was a tribunal of seven judges, with two Levites as attendants, and that it was established by Moses. There’s no reason to doubt that such a tribunal existed during his time, but he likely made a mistake by tracing its origin back to the days of Moses. (See Judges.) This tribunal, which handled less significant cases, is referred to in the New Testament as κρίσις, or the judgment, Matt. v, 22. The Talmud mentions a tribunal of twenty-three judges and another of three judges, but Josephus doesn’t mention them. The courts of twenty-three judges were the same as the synagogue tribunals referred to in John xvi, 2; these courts only dealt with religious matters and imposed no punishment greater than “forty stripes save one,” 2 Cor. xi, 24. The court of three judges was simply a session of referees, which Roman law allowed for the Jews; the Talmudists explain that one judge was chosen by the accuser, another by the accused, and a third by mutual agreement of both parties, which illustrates the nature of this tribunal.
The time at which courts were held, and causes were brought before them for trial, was in the morning, Jer. xxi, 12; Psalm ci, 8. According to the Talmudists, it was not lawful to try causes of a capital nature in the night; and it was equally unlawful to examine a cause, pass sentence, and put it in execution on the same day. The last particular was very strenuously insisted on. It is worthy of remark, that all of these practices, which were observed in other trials, were neglected in the tumultuous trial of Jesus, Matt. xxvi, 57; John xviii, 13–18. The places for judicial trials were in very ancient times the gates of cities, which were well adapted to this purpose. (See Gates.) Originally, trials were every where very summary, excepting in Egypt; where the accuser committed the charge to writing, the accused replied in writing, the accuser repeated the charge, and the accused answered again, &c, Job xiv, 17. 557It was customary in Egypt for the judge to have the code of laws placed before him, a practice which still prevails in the east. Moses interdicted, in the most express and decided manner, gifts or bribes, which were intended to corrupt the judges, Exod. xxii, 20, 21; xxiii, 1–9; Lev. xix, 15; Deut. xxiv, 14, 15. Moses also, by legal precautions, prevented capital punishments, and corporal punishments which were not capital, from being extended, as was done in other nations, both to parents and their children, and thus involving the innocent and the guilty in that misery which was justly due only to the latter, Exod. xxiii, 7; Deut. xxiv, 16; Dan. vi, 24.
The courts held their sessions and heard cases in the morning, as noted in Jer. 21:12; Psalm 101:8. According to the Talmud, it was not allowed to try capital cases at night, and it was equally forbidden to examine a case, pass judgment, and carry out the sentence all on the same day. This last point was strongly emphasized. It's notable that all of these practices, which were followed in other trials, were ignored during the chaotic trial of Jesus, as mentioned in Matt. 26:57; John 18:13–18. In very ancient times, judicial trials took place at the city gates, which were well-suited for this purpose. (See Gates.) Originally, trials were generally very brief, except in Egypt, where the accuser wrote down the charges, the accused responded in writing, the accuser repeated the charges, and the accused answered again, as seen in Job 14:17. 557 In Egypt, it was common for the judge to have the law code in front of him, a practice that continues in the East today. Moses explicitly prohibited gifts or bribes intended to corrupt judges, as outlined in Exod. 22:20–21; 23:1–9; Lev. 19:15; Deut. 24:14–15. Moses also legally prevented capital punishments and other corporal punishments from being unfairly applied to both parents and their children, thus preventing the innocent from suffering along with the guilty, as stated in Exod. 23:7; Deut. 24:16; Dan. 6:24.
The ceremonies which were observed in conducting a judicial trial, were as follows: 1. The accuser and the accused both made their appearance before the judge or judges, Deut. xxv, 1, who sat with legs crossed upon the floor, which was furnished for their accommodation with carpet and cushions. A secretary was present, at least in more modern times, who wrote down the sentence, and, indeed, every thing in relation to the trial; for instance, the articles of agreement that might be entered into previous to the commencement of the judicial proceedings, Isaiah x, 1, 2; Jer. xxxii, 1–14. The Jews assert that there were two secretaries, the one being seated to the right of the judge, who wrote the sentence of not guilty, the other to the left, who wrote the sentence of condemnation, Matt. xxv, 33–46. That an apparitor or beadle was present, is apparent from other sources. 2. The accuser was denominated in Hebrew שטן, or the adversary, Zech. iii, 1–3; Psalm cix, 6. The judge or judges were seated, but both of the parties implicated stood up, the accuser standing to the right hand of the accused: the latter, at least after the captivity, when the cause was one of great consequence, appeared with hair dishevelled, and in a garment of mourning. 3. The witnesses were sworn, and, in capital cases, the parties concerned, 1 Sam. xiv, 37–40; Matt. xxvi, 63. In order to establish the charges alleged, two witnesses were necessary, and, including the accuser, three. The witnesses were examined separately, but the person accused had the liberty to be present when their testimony was given in, Num. xxxv, 30; Deut. xvii, 1–15; Matt. xxvi, 59. Proofs might be brought from other sources; for instance, from written contracts, or from papers in evidence of any thing purchased or sold, of which there were commonly taken two copies, the one to be sealed, the other to be left open, as was customary in the time of Jerom, Jer. xxxii, 10–13. 4. The parties sometimes, as may be inferred from Prov. xviii, 18, made use of the lot in determining the points of difficulty between them, but not without a mutual agreement. The sacred lot of Urim and Thummim was anciently resorted to, in order to detect the guilty, Joshua vii, 14–24; 1 Sam. xiv; but the determination of a case of right or wrong in this way was not commanded by Moses. 5. The sentence, very soon after the completion of the examination, was pronounced; and the criminal, without any delay, even if the offence were a capital one, was hastened away to the place of punishment, Joshua vii, 22, &c; 1 Sam. xxii, 18; 1 Kings ii, 23.
The ceremonies followed in carrying out a judicial trial were as follows: 1. The accuser and the accused both appeared before the judge or judges, Deut. xxv, 1, who sat cross-legged on the floor, which was equipped for their comfort with a carpet and cushions. A secretary was present, at least in more recent times, who recorded the verdict and everything related to the trial; for example, the agreements that might be made before the trial began, Isaiah x, 1, 2; Jer. xxxii, 1–14. The Jews claim there were two secretaries, one sitting to the right of the judge, who wrote down the not guilty verdict, and the other to the left, who wrote the guilty verdict, Matt. xxv, 33–46. The presence of a bailiff or beadle is evident from other sources. 2. The accuser was referred to in Hebrew as שטן, or the adversary, Zech. iii, 1–3; Psalm cix, 6. The judge or judges were seated, while both parties involved stood, with the accuser on the right side of the accused. The accused, at least after the captivity, when the case was significant, would appear with disheveled hair and in mourning attire. 3. The witnesses were sworn in, and in serious cases, the parties involved, 1 Sam. xiv, 37–40; Matt. xxvi, 63. To support the allegations, two witnesses were necessary, making a total of three including the accuser. The witnesses were examined separately, but the accused had the right to be present when their testimonies were given, Num. xxxv, 30; Deut. xvii, 1–15; Matt. xxvi, 59. Evidence could be provided from other sources; for instance, written contracts or documents proving any sale or purchase, of which typically two copies were made, one sealed and the other left open, as was customary in the time of Jerom, Jer. xxxii, 10–13. 4. The parties sometimes used lots to resolve disagreements, as suggested by Prov. xviii, 18, but only after mutual consent. The sacred lots of Urim and Thummim were formerly used to identify the guilty, Joshua vii, 14–24; 1 Sam. xiv; however, Moses didn't command resolving disputes this way. 5. The verdict was announced shortly after the examination was complete, and without delay, even for serious offenses, the criminal was taken to the place of punishment, Joshua vii, 22, &c; 1 Sam. xxii, 18; 1 Kings ii, 23.
A few additional remarks will cast some light upon some passages of Scripture: the station of the accused was in an eminent place in the court, that the people might see them, and hear what was alleged against them, and the proofs of it, together with the defence made by the criminals. This explains the reason of the remark by the Evangelist Matthew, concerning the posture of our Lord at his trial: “Jesus stood before the governor;” and that, in a mock trial, many ages before the birth of Christ, in which some attention was also paid to public forms, Naboth was set on high among the people, 1 Kings xxi, 9. The accusers and the witnesses also stood, unless they were allowed to sit by the indulgence of the judges, when they stated the accusation, or gave their testimony. To this custom of the accusers rising from their seats, when called by the court to read the indictment, our Lord alludes in his answer to the scribes and Pharisees, who expressed a wish to see him perform some miracle: “The queen of the south shall rise up in the judgment with this generation, and shall condemn it,” Matt. xii, 42. According to this rule, which seems to have been invariably observed, the Jews who accused the Apostle Paul at the bar of Festus the Roman governor, “stood round about,” while they stated the crimes which they had to lay to his charge, Acts xxv, 7. They were compelled to stand as well as the prisoner, by the established usage of the courts of justice in the east. The Romans often put criminals to the question, or endeavoured to extort a confession from them by torture. Agreeably to this cruel and unjust custom, “the chief captain commanded Paul to be brought into the castle, and bade that he should be examined by scourging,” Acts xxii, 24. It was usual, especially among the Romans, when a man was charged with a capital crime, and during his arraignment, to let down his hair, suffer his beard to grow long, to wear filthy, ragged garments, and appear in a very dirty and sordid habit; on account of which they were called sordidati. When the person accused was brought into court to be tried, even his near relations, friends, and acquaintances, before the court voted, appeared with dishevelled hair, and clothed with garments foul and out of fashion, weeping, crying, and deprecating punishment. The accused sometimes appeared before the judges clothed in black, and his head covered with dust. In allusion to this ancient custom, the Prophet Zechariah represents Joshua, the high priest, when he appeared before the Lord, and Satan stood at his right hand to accuse him, as clothed with filthy garments, Zech. iii, 3. After the cause was carefully examined, and all parties impartially heard, the public crier, by command of the presiding magistrate, 558ordered the judges to bring in their verdict. The most ancient way of giving sentence, was by white and black sea shells, or pebbles. This custom has been mentioned by Ovid in these lines:--
A few additional comments will shed some light on certain passages of Scripture: the accused held a prominent position in the court, so that the people could see them, hear the accusations against them, and the evidence presented, along with the defense made by the criminals. This clarifies the statement made by the Evangelist Matthew regarding Jesus' posture during his trial: “Jesus stood before the governor;” and that, in a mock trial many ages before Christ's birth, there was also some attention paid to public forms, Naboth was placed in a high position among the people, 1 Kings 21:9. The accusers and witnesses typically stood, unless the judges allowed them to sit while presenting the accusations or giving their testimonies. Our Lord references this custom of accusers rising from their seats when called by the court to read the indictment in his response to the scribes and Pharisees, who expressed a desire to see him perform a miracle: “The queen of the south will rise up in judgment with this generation, and will condemn it,” Matt. 12:42. According to this rule, which seems to have been consistently followed, the Jews who accused the Apostle Paul before Festus, the Roman governor, “stood around,” while stating the crimes they charged him with, Acts 25:7. They were required to stand just like the prisoner, as per the established practices of the courts in the East. The Romans often interrogated criminals or tried to force a confession from them through torture. Following this cruel and unjust custom, “the chief captain commanded that Paul be brought into the castle and ordered that he should be examined by scourging,” Acts 22:24. It was common, especially among the Romans, when a person was charged with a capital offense, during their arraignment, to let their hair down, allow their beard to grow long, wear filthy, ragged clothing, and appear in a very dirty and shabby manner; for this reason, they were called sordidati. When the accused was brought into court for trial, even their close relatives, friends, and acquaintances would appear with disheveled hair, dressed in filthy and out-of-style clothing, weeping, crying, and pleading against punishment. The accused sometimes appeared before the judges dressed in black with their heads covered in dust. The Prophet Zechariah refers to this ancient tradition, depicting Joshua, the high priest, when he appeared before the Lord, and Satan stood at his right hand to accuse him, as dressed in filthy garments, Zech. 3:3. After the case was thoroughly examined, and all parties were heard fairly, the public crier would command the judges to deliver their verdict. The oldest method of delivering a verdict was by using white and black seashells or pebbles. This custom has been mentioned by Ovid in the following lines:--
“It was a custom among the ancients, to give their votes by white or black stones; with these they condemned the guilty, with those acquitted the innocent.” In allusion to this ancient custom, our Lord promises to give the spiritual conqueror “a white stone,” Rev. ii, 17; the white stone of absolution or approbation. When sentence of condemnation was pronounced, if the case was capital, the witnesses put their hands on the head of the criminal, and said, “Thy blood be upon thine own head.” To this custom the Jews alluded, when they cried out at the trial of Christ, “His blood be on us and on our children.” Then was the malefactor led to execution, and none were allowed openly to lament his misfortune. His hands were secured with cords, and his feet with fetters; a custom which furnished David with an affecting allusion, in his lamentation over the dust of Abner: “Thy hands were not bound, nor thy feet put in fetters,” 2 Sam. iii, 34; that is, he was put treacherously to death, without form of justice.
“It was a tradition among the ancients to cast their votes using white or black stones; they used white stones to condemn the guilty and black ones to acquit the innocent.” Referring to this ancient practice, our Lord promises to give the spiritual victor “a white stone,” Rev. ii, 17; the white stone of forgiveness or approval. When a guilty verdict was pronounced, if it was a serious case, the witnesses would place their hands on the head of the criminal and say, “Your blood is on your own head.” This is what the Jews referred to when they shouted at the trial of Christ, “His blood be on us and on our children.” Then the criminal was taken for execution, and no one was allowed to openly mourn his fate. His hands were tied with ropes and his feet with shackles; this custom inspired David to make a poignant reference in his lament for Abner: “Your hands were not bound, nor your feet put in shackles,” 2 Sam. iii, 34; meaning he was killed treacherously and without due process.
2. Executions in the east are often very prompt and arbitrary, when resulting from royal authority. In many cases the suspicion is no sooner entertained, or the cause of offence given, than the fatal order is issued; the messenger of death hurries to the unsuspecting victim, shows his warrant, and executes his orders that instant in silence and solitude. Instances of this kind are continually occurring in the Turkish and Persian histories. When the enemies of a great man among the Turks have gained influence enough over the prince to procure a warrant for his death, a capidgi, the name of the officer who executes these orders, is sent to him, who shows him the order he has received to carry back his head; the other takes the warrant of the grand signior, kisses it, puts it on his head in token of respect, and then, having performed his ablutions and said his prayers, freely resigns his life. The capidgi, having strangled him, cuts off his head, and brings it to Constantinople. The grand signior’s order is implicitly obeyed; the servants of the victim never attempt to hinder the executioner, although these capidgis come very often with few or no attendants. It appears from the writings of Chardin, that the nobility and grandees of Persia are put to death in a manner equally silent, hasty, and unobstructed. Such executions were not uncommon among the Jews under the government of their kings. Solomon sent Benaiah as his capidgi, or executioner, to put Adonijah, a prince of his own family, to death; and Joab, the commander-in-chief of the forces in the reign of his father. A capidgi likewise beheaded John the Baptist in prison, and carried his head to the court of Herod. To such silent and hasty executioners the royal preacher seems to refer in that proverb, “The wrath of a king is as messengers of death; but a wise man will pacify it,” Prov. xvi, 14: his displeasure exposes the unhappy offender to immediate death, and may fill the unsuspecting bosom with terror and dismay, like the appearance of a capidgi; but by wise and prudent conduct a man may sometimes escape the danger. From the dreadful promptitude with which Benaiah executed the commands of Solomon on Adonijah and Joab, it may be concluded that the executioner of the court was as little ceremonious, and the ancient Jews, under their kings, nearly as passive, as the Turks or Persians. The Prophet Elisha is the only person on the inspired record who ventured to resist the bloody mandate of the sovereign; the incident is recorded in these terms: “But Elisha sat in his house, and the elders sat with him; and the king sent a man from before him; but ere the messenger came to him, he said to the elders, See how this son of a murderer hath sent to take away mine head? Look ye, when the messenger cometh, shut the door and hold him fast at the door; is not the sound of his master’s feet behind him?” 2 Kings vi, 32. But if such mandates had not been too common among the Jews, and in general submitted to without resistance, Jehoram had scarcely ventured to despatch a single messenger to take away the life of so eminent a person as Elisha.
2. Executions in the East are often very quick and arbitrary when ordered by royal authority. In many cases, the suspicion is quickly raised or the offense is given, and immediately the deadly order is issued; the executioner rushes to the unsuspecting victim, shows his warrant, and carries out his orders right there in silence and solitude. Such instances frequently appear in Turkish and Persian histories. When the enemies of a prominent figure among the Turks gain enough influence over the prince to get a death warrant issued, a capidgi, the officer responsible for carrying out these orders, is dispatched to him. The capidgi presents the order he received to take his head; the other man takes the grand signior’s warrant, kisses it, places it on his head as a sign of respect, and then, after performing his ablutions and saying his prayers, willingly accepts his fate. The capidgi, after strangling him, beheads him and takes the head to Constantinople. The grand signior's command is followed without question; the victim's servants never try to stop the executioner, even though these capidgis often arrive with few or no attendants. It is noted in Chardin's writings that the nobility and elites of Persia are executed in a similarly quiet, swift, and uncontested manner. Such executions were not rare among the Jews during their kings' reigns. Solomon sent Benaiah as his capidgi, or executioner, to execute Adonijah, a prince of his own family, and Joab, the commander-in-chief during his father's reign. A capidgi also beheaded John the Baptist in prison and brought his head to Herod's court. The royal preacher seems to refer to these silent and swift executioners in the proverb, “The wrath of a king is like messengers of death; but a wise person can calm it,” Prov. xvi, 14: his anger puts the unfortunate offender at immediate risk of death, and may fill the unsuspecting with fear and dread, similar to when a capidgi appears; however, through wise and careful behavior, a person can sometimes avoid danger. From the terrifying speed with which Benaiah followed Solomon's orders regarding Adonijah and Joab, we can infer that the court executioner was just as unceremonious, and the ancient Jews under their kings were nearly as passive as the Turks or Persians. The Prophet Elisha is the only person recorded in scripture who dared to resist the bloody command of the sovereign; this incident is documented as follows: “But Elisha sat in his house, and the elders sat with him; and the king sent a man ahead of him; but before the messenger arrived, he said to the elders, ‘See how this son of a murderer has sent to take my head? When the messenger arrives, shut the door and hold him fast at the door; isn’t the sound of his master’s feet behind him?’” 2 Kings vi, 32. But if such orders had not been too common among the Jews, and typically accepted without pushback, Jehoram would hardly have dared to send even one messenger to take the life of such an important figure as Elisha.
Criminals were at other times executed in public; and then commonly without the city. To such executions without the gate, the Psalmist undoubtedly refers in this complaint: “The dead bodies of thy saints have they given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven; the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth; their blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them,” Psalm lxxix, 2, 3. The last clause admits of two senses: 1. There was no friend or relation left to bury them. 2. None were allowed to perform this last office. The despotism of eastern princes often proceeds to a degree of extravagance which is apt to fill the mind with astonishment and horror. It has been thought, from time immemorial, highly criminal to bury those who had lost their lives by the hand of an executioner, without permission. In Morocco, no person dares to bury the body of a malefactor without an order from the emperor; and Windus, who visited that country, speaking of a man who was sawn in two, informs us, that his body must have remained to be eaten by the dogs if the emperor had not pardoned him; an extravagant custom to pardon a man after he is dead; but unless he does so, no person dares bury the body. To such a degree of savage barbarity it is probable the enemies of God’s people carried their opposition, that no person dared to bury the dead bodies of their innocent victims.
Criminals were sometimes executed in public, usually outside the city. The Psalmist clearly refers to these outside-the-gate executions in this lament: “The dead bodies of your saints have they given to be food for the birds of the sky; the flesh of your saints to the beasts of the earth; their blood have they shed like water all around Jerusalem, and no one was there to bury them,” Psalm 79:2-3. The last statement can be understood in two ways: 1. There was no friend or family left to bury them. 2. No one was allowed to perform this final duty. The tyranny of eastern rulers often reaches a level of absurdity that can fill one with shock and horror. It has been considered a serious offense, historically, to bury those who were executed without permission. In Morocco, no one dares to bury a criminal's body without an order from the emperor; and Windus, who visited that country, mentions a man who was sawn in two, noting that his body would have been left for the dogs to eat if the emperor hadn’t pardoned him—a bizarre custom that allows a pardon after death; but without such a pardon, no one dares to bury the body. It’s likely that the enemies of God's people were so brutal that no one would dare to bury the lifeless bodies of their innocent victims.
In ancient times, persons of the highest rank and station were employed to execute the sentence of the law. They had not then, as we have at present, public executioners; 559but the prince laid his commands on any of his courtiers whom he chose, and probably selected the person for whom he had the greatest favour. Gideon commanded Jether, his eldest son, to execute his sentence on the kings of Midian; the king of Israel ordered the footmen who stood around him, and who were probably a chosen body of soldiers for the defence of his person, to put to death the priests of the Lord; and when they refused, Doeg, an Edomite, one of his principal officers. Long after the days of Saul, the reigning monarch commanded Benaiah, the chief captain of his armies, to perform that duty. Sometimes the chief magistrate executed the sentence of the law with his own hands; for when Jether shrunk from the duty which his father required, Gideon, at that time the supreme magistrate in Israel, did not hesitate to do it himself. In these times such a command would be reckoned equally barbarous and unbecoming; but the ideas which were entertained in those primitive ages of honour and propriety, were in many respects extremely different from ours. In Homer, the exasperated Ulysses commanded his son Telemachus to put to death the suitors of Penelope, which was immediately done. The custom of employing persons of high rank to execute the sentence of the law, is still retained in the principality of Senaar, where the public executioner is one of the principal nobility; and, by virtue of his office, resides in the royal palace.
In ancient times, people of the highest rank were chosen to carry out the law's punishment. Unlike today, there weren't public executioners; 559 instead, the prince would order any of his courtiers to do it, usually picking someone he favored most. Gideon instructed his oldest son, Jether, to execute the kings of Midian. The king of Israel commanded the soldiers around him, likely a select group defending him, to kill the priests of the Lord; when they refused, he had Doeg, an Edomite and one of his top officers, do it instead. Long after Saul's reign, the current king ordered Benaiah, the leader of his armies, to take on that task. Sometimes, the chief magistrate would carry out the law's punishment personally; when Jether hesitated to do what his father asked, Gideon, who was then Israel's top leader, didn't hesitate to take action himself. Today, such a command would be seen as brutal and inappropriate; however, the views on honor and propriety in those early days were quite different from ours. In Homer's stories, the angry Ulysses tells his son Telemachus to kill Penelope's suitors, and that was done immediately. The practice of using high-ranking individuals to serve as executioners still exists in the principality of Senaar, where the public executioner is one of the top nobles and, by virtue of his position, lives in the royal palace.
JUSTIFICATION, in common language, signifies a vindication from any charge which affects the moral character; but in theology it is used for the acceptance of one, by God, who is, and confesses himself to be, guilty. To justify a sinner, says Mr. Bunting, in an able sermon on this important subject, is to account and consider him relatively righteous; and to deal with him as such, notwithstanding his past actual unrighteousness, by clearing, absolving, discharging, and releasing him from various penal evils, and especially from the wrath of God, and the liability to eternal death, which, by that past unrighteousness, he had deserved; and by accepting him as if just, and admitting him to the state, the privileges, and the rewards of righteousness. Hence it appears that justification, and the remission or forgiveness of sin, are substantially the same thing. These expressions relate to one and the same act of God, to one and the same privilege of his believing people. Accordingly, St. Paul clearly uses justification and forgiveness as synonymous terms, when he says, “Be it known unto you, therefore, men and brethren, that through this man is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins: and by him all that believe are justified from all things, from which ye could not be justified by the law of Moses,” Acts xiii, 38, 39. Also in the following passage: “To him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness. Even as David also describeth the blessedness of the man, unto whom God imputeth righteousness without works, saying, Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not impute sin,” Rom. iv, 5–8. Here, the justification of the ungodly, the counting or imputation of righteousness, the forgiveness of iniquity, and the covering and non-imputation of sin, are phrases which have all, perhaps, their various shades of meaning, but which express the very same blessing under different views. But (1.) the justification of a sinner does not in the least degree alter or diminish the evil nature and desert of sin. For we know “it is God,” the holy God, “that justifieth.” And he can never regard sin, on any consideration, or under any circumstances, with less than perfect and infinite hatred. Sin, therefore, is not changed in its nature, so as to be made less “exceedingly sinful,” or less worthy of wrath, by the pardon of the sinner. The penalty is remitted, and the obligation to suffer that penalty is dissolved; but it is still naturally due, though graciously remitted. Hence appear the propriety and duty of continuing to confess and lament even pardoned sin with a lowly and contrite heart. Though released from its penal consequences by an act of divine clemency, we should still remember that the dust of self-abasement is our proper place before God, and should temper our exultation in his mercy by an humbling recollection of our natural liability to his wrath. “I will establish my covenant with thee, and thou shalt know that I am the Lord: that thou mayest remember, and be confounded, and never open thy mouth any more because of thy shame, when I am pacified toward thee for all that thou hast done, saith the Lord God,” Ezek. xvi, 62, 63. (2.) The account which has been given of justification, if correct, sufficiently points out the error of many of the Roman Catholic divines, and of some mystic theologians, who seem to suppose that to be justified is to be, not reckoned righteous, but actually made righteous, by the infusion of a sanctifying influence, producing a positive and inherent conformity to the moral image of God. This notion confounds the two distinct though kindred blessings of justification and regeneration. The former, in its Scriptural sense, is an act of God, not in or upon man, but for him, and in his favour; an act which, abstractedly considered, to use the words of Dr. Barrow, “respects man only as its object, and translates him into another relative state. The inherent principle of righteousness is a consequent of this act of God; connected with it, but not formally of it.” (3.) The justification extends to all past sins; that is, to all guilt contracted previously to that time at which the act of justification takes place. In respect of this, it is, while it remains in force, a most full, perfect, and entire absolution from wrath. “All manner of sin” is then forgiven. The pardon which is granted is a “justification,” not merely from some things, from many things, from most things, but “from all things,” Acts xiii, 39. God does not justify us, or pardon our innumerable offences, by degrees, but at once. As by the law of works 560he is cursed, who “continueth not in all things” which that law enjoined, so he who is truly absolved by the Gospel is cleared from all and every thing which before stood against him; and “there is no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus.” Well may that Gospel which reveals and offers such a benefit be termed a “great salvation!” (4.) Another remark, which it may not be unnecessary to make, is, that justification, however effectual to our release from past guilt, does not terminate our state of probation. It is not irreversible, any more than eternal. As he who is now justified was once condemned, so he may in future come again into condemnation, by relapsing into sin and unbelief, although at present “accepted in the Beloved.” Thus Adam, before transgression, was in a state of favour; but as he had not then fulfilled, to the end of his probation, the righteousness of that law under which he was placed, his ultimate and final acceptance was not absolutely certain. His privilege, as one accepted of God, might be forfeited, and was actually forfeited, by his subsequent sin. Now our own justification or pardon only places us, as to this point, in similar circumstances. Though ever so clearly and fully forgiven, we are yet on our trial for eternity, and should “look to ourselves, that we lose not the things which we have gained.” That justification may for our sin be reversed, appears from our Lord’s parable of the two debtors, in which one who had obtained the blessing of forgiveness is represented as incurring the forfeiture of it by the indulgence of an unforgiving spirit toward his fellow servant, Matt. xviii, 23–35. Let us therefore “watch and pray, that we enter not into temptation.”
JUSTIFICATION, in everyday terms, means being cleared of any accusations that affect one's moral character; however, in theology, it refers to being accepted by God, even when one acknowledges being guilty. To justify a sinner, Mr. Bunting explains in a profound sermon on this essential topic, is to consider them relatively righteous and to treat them as such, regardless of their past wrongdoing, by clearing, absolving, discharging, and releasing them from various punishments, especially from God’s wrath and the risk of eternal death that their past sins warranted. This involves accepting them as if they are just and granting them the status, privileges, and rewards that come with righteousness. Consequently, it becomes clear that justification and forgiveness of sin are essentially the same thing. These phrases refer to the same act of God and the same blessing for his believing people. Thus, St. Paul uses justification and forgiveness interchangeably when he states, “Be it known unto you, therefore, men and brethren, that through this man is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins: and by him all that believe are justified from all things, from which ye could not be justified by the law of Moses,” Acts xiii, 38, 39. He also says: “To him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness. Even as David also describeth the blessedness of the man, unto whom God imputeth righteousness without works, saying, Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not impute sin,” Rom. iv, 5–8. Here, the justification of the ungodly, the counting or imputation of righteousness, the forgiveness of iniquity, and the covering and non-imputation of sin all convey the same blessing from different perspectives. But (1.) the justification of a sinner does not in any way change or lessen the wicked nature or consequences of sin. For we know “it is God,” the holy God, “that justifieth.” He can never view sin, under any circumstances, with anything less than perfect and infinite hatred. Therefore, sin itself is not altered in its nature, so as to be made less “exceedingly sinful,” or less deserving of punishment, through the sinner’s pardon. The penalty may be lifted, and the obligation to bear that penalty dissolved; yet it remains inherently due, even if graciously remitted. This shows the importance and duty of continually confessing and lamenting even forgiven sin with a humble and contrite heart. Although we are released from its punishments by a divine act of mercy, we should remember that our appropriate stance before God is one of self-humility, tempering our joy in His mercy with a humble recognition of our natural liability to His wrath. “I will establish my covenant with thee, and thou shalt know that I am the Lord: that thou mayest remember, and be confounded, and never open thy mouth any more because of thy shame, when I am pacified toward thee for all that thou hast done, saith the Lord God,” Ezek. xvi, 62, 63. (2.) The explanation of justification given here, if accurate, clearly highlights the mistake made by many Roman Catholic theologians and some mystic theologians, who seem to believe that to be justified is not merely to be recognized as righteous, but to be actually made righteous by receiving a sanctifying influence, which creates an inherent conformity to God’s moral image. This misunderstanding merges two distinct but related aspects of justification and regeneration. The former, in its biblical sense, is an act of God, not in or upon man, but for him and in his favor; an act that, when considered in isolation, to borrow Dr. Barrow’s words, “concerns man only as its object and elevates him to a different relative position. The inherent principle of righteousness follows this act of God; it is connected to it but is not formally part of it.” (3.) Justification applies to all past sins; that is, to all guilt incurred before the moment when justification occurs. As long as it is in effect, it provides a full, complete, and total absolution from wrath. “All manner of sin” is then forgiven. The pardon granted constitutes a “justification,” not just from some offenses, from many, or from most, but “from all things,” Acts xiii, 39. God does not justify us or pardon our countless offenses gradually, but all at once. Just as, under the law of works, the one is cursed who “continueth not in all things” that the law demands, the one who is genuinely absolved by the Gospel is freed from everything that previously stood against him; and “there is no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus.” Truly, that Gospel, which reveals and offers such salvation, deserves to be called a “great salvation!” (4.) Another important point to note is that justification, while effective in releasing us from past guilt, does not end our state of trial. It is not fixated, any more than eternal life is. Just as the one who is justified was once condemned, they could again face condemnation by falling back into sin and unbelief, even if they are “accepted in the Beloved” right now. Adam was in a state of favor before his sin; however, since he did not fulfill the requirements of the law he was under until the end of his trial, his final acceptance was not guaranteed. His privilege, as one accepted by God, could be lost, and it was indeed lost due to his subsequent sin. Likewise, our justification or pardon places us in a similar situation regarding this matter. Even though we are completely forgiven, we are still being tested for eternity, and we must “watch ourselves, that we lose not the things which we have gained.” The possibility that justification may be reversed due to our sin is evident in our Lord’s parable of the two debtors, where one who was granted forgiveness is shown to lose it by exhibiting an unforgiving attitude toward a fellow servant, Matt. xviii, 23–35. Therefore, let us “watch and pray, that we enter not into temptation.”
2. The immediate results of justification are (1.) The restoration of amity and intercourse between the pardoned sinner and the pardoning God. For, “being justified by faith, we have peace with God,” and, consequently, unforbidden access to him. The matter and ground of God’s controversy with us being then removed by his act of gracious absolution, we become the objects of his friendship. “Abraham believed God, and it was imputed to him for righteousness; and he was” immediately “called the friend of God,” Jas. ii, 23; and so are all those who are similarly justified. This reconciliation, however, does not extend to their instant and absolute deliverance from all those evils which transgression has entailed on man. They are still liable, for a season, to affliction and pain, to temporal suffering and mortality. These are portions of the original curse from which their justification does not as yet release them. But it entitles them to such supports under all remaining trouble, and to such promises of a sanctifying influence with it, as will, if embraced, “turn the curse into a blessing.” Whom the Lord loveth, he may still chasten, and in very faithfulness afflict them. But these are acts of salutary discipline, rather than of vindictive displeasure. His friendship, not his righteous hostility, is the principle from which they all proceed; and the salvation, not the destruction, of the sufferer is the end to which they are all directed. (2.) Another immediate result of justification is the adoption of the persons justified into the family of God, and their consequent right to eternal life of body and soul. God condescends to become not only their Friend, but their Father; they are the objects not merely of his amicable regard, but of his paternal tenderness. And, admitted to the relation of children, they become entitled to the children’s inheritance; for, “if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint heirs with Christ; if so be that we suffer with him, that we may be also glorified together,” Rom. viii, 17. (3.) With these results of justification is inseparably connected another, of the utmost value and importance; namely, the habitual indwelling of the Holy Spirit. “Christ hath redeemed us from the curse of the law, being made a curse for us; that the blessing of Abraham might come on the Gentiles through Jesus Christ; that we might receive the promise of the Spirit through faith,” Gal. iii, 13, 14. “Because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts,” Gal. iv, 6. With the remission of sins, St. Peter also connects, as an immediate result, as a distinct but yet a simultaneous blessing, “the gift of the Holy Ghost,” Acts ii, 38. And in the fifth verse of this chapter, the Holy Ghost is said to be given to those who are justified by faith. Of this indwelling the immediate effects are, (i.) Tranquillity of conscience. For he testifies and manifests to those in whom he dwells their free justification and gracious adoption. The spirit which such persons have received is “not the spirit of bondage to fear, but the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit that we are the children of God,” Rom. viii, 15, 16. (ii.) Power over sin; a prevailing desire and ability to walk before God in holy obedience. No sooner is the Holy Spirit enthroned in the heart, than he begins to make all things new. In his genuine work, purity is always connected with consolation. Those to whom he witnesses their freedom from condemnation he also enables to “walk, not after the flesh, but after the Spirit,” Rom. viii, 1. (iii.) A joyous hope of heaven. Their title results from the fact of their adoption; their power to rejoice in hope, from the Spirit’s testimony of that fact. “We, through the Spirit, wait for the hope of righteousness by faith,” and “abound in hope, through the power of the Holy Ghost,” Gal. v, 5; Rom. xv, 13.
2. The immediate results of justification are (1.) The restoration of friendship and interaction between the forgiven sinner and the forgiving God. For, “being justified by faith, we have peace with God,” and, consequently, unrestricted access to Him. The issue and basis of God’s conflict with us being removed by His act of gracious forgiveness, we become recipients of His friendship. “Abraham believed God, and it was credited to him as righteousness; and he was” immediately “called the friend of God,” Jas. ii, 23; and so are all those who are similarly justified. This reconciliation, however, does not mean that they are instantly and completely delivered from all the troubles that sin has brought upon humanity. They are still subject, for a time, to suffering and pain, to temporary hardship and mortality. These are parts of the original curse from which their justification does not yet free them. But it allows them to receive support during any remaining struggles, and to enjoy promises of a purifying influence alongside it, that will, if accepted, “turn the curse into a blessing.” Those whom the Lord loves, He may still discipline, and in His faithfulness, afflict them. But these acts are forms of beneficial training, rather than punitive anger. His friendship, not His righteous wrath, is the basis from which they all arise; and the salvation, not the destruction, of the sufferer is the goal to which they are all directed. (2.) Another immediate result of justification is the adoption of the justified individuals into the family of God, and their resulting right to eternal life for both body and soul. God chooses to become not only their Friend but their Father; they are the focus not just of His friendly affection, but of His fatherly love. And, as children, they become entitled to the children’s inheritance; for, “if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and co-heirs with Christ; if indeed we suffer with him, that we may also be glorified together,” Rom. viii, 17. (3.) Connected to these outcomes of justification is another, of great value and importance; namely, the continual presence of the Holy Spirit. “Christ has redeemed us from the curse of the law, by becoming a curse for us; that the blessing of Abraham might come to the Gentiles through Jesus Christ; so that we might receive the promise of the Spirit through faith,” Gal. iii, 13, 14. “Because you are sons, God has sent the Spirit of His Son into your hearts,” Gal. iv, 6. Along with the forgiveness of sins, St. Peter also relates, as an immediate result, as a distinct but simultaneous blessing, “the gift of the Holy Ghost,” Acts ii, 38. And in the fifth verse of this chapter, the Holy Ghost is said to be given to those who are justified by faith. The immediate effects of this indwelling are, (i.) Peace of mind. For He testifies and reveals to those in whom He dwells their free justification and gracious adoption. The spirit that such individuals have received is “not the spirit of slavery leading to fear, but the Spirit of adoption, by which we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit Himself testifies with our spirit that we are God’s children,” Rom. viii, 15, 16. (ii.) Power over sin; a strong desire and ability to live before God in holy obedience. No sooner is the Holy Spirit established in the heart than He begins to make everything new. In His true work, purity is always connected with comfort. Those to whom He testifies their freedom from condemnation He also enables to “walk, not according to the flesh, but according to the Spirit,” Rom. viii, 1. (iii.) A joyful hope of heaven. Their right arises from their adoption; their ability to rejoice in hope comes from the Spirit’s confirmation of that fact. “We, through the Spirit, wait for the hope of righteousness by faith,” and “abound in hope, through the power of the Holy Ghost,” Gal. v, 5; Rom. xv, 13.
3. To have a complete view of the method by which justification and all its consequent blessings are attained, we must consider the originating, the meritorious, and the instrumental cause of justification. (1.) The originating cause is the grace, the free, undeserved, and spontaneous love of God toward fallen man. He remembered and pitied us in our low estate; for his mercy endureth for ever. “After that the kindness and love of God our Saviour toward man appeared, not by works 561of righteousness which we have done, but according to his mercy he saved us. The grace of God bringeth salvation,” Titus ii, 11; iii, 4, 5. We are “justified freely by his grace,” Rom. iii, 24. But God is wise, and holy, and just, as well as merciful and gracious. And his wisdom determined, that, in order to reconcile the designs of his mercy toward sinners with the claims of his purity and justice, those designs should be accomplished only through the intervention of a divine Redeemer. We are justified “through our Lord Jesus Christ,” Rom. i, 5. (2.) Our Lord Jesus Christ is the sole meritorious cause of our justification. All he did and all he suffered in his mediatorial character may be said to have contributed to this great purpose. For what he did, in obedience to the precepts of the law, and what he suffered, in satisfaction of its penalty, taken together, constitute that mediatorial righteousness, for the sake of which the Father is ever well pleased in him. Now, in this mediatorial righteousness all who are justified have a saving interest. It is not meant that it is personally imputed to them in its formal nature or distinct acts; for against any such imputation there lie insuperable objections both from reason and from Scripture. But the collective merit and moral effects of all which the Mediator did and suffered are so reckoned to our account when we are justified, that, for the sake of Christ and in consideration of his obedience unto death, we are released from guilt, and accepted of God. From this statement of the meritorious cause of justification, it appears that while our pardon is, in its origin, an act of the highest grace, it is also, in its mode, an act most perfectly consistent with God’s essential righteousness, and demonstrative of his inviolable justice. It proceeds not on the principle of abolishing the law or its penalty; for that would have implied that the law was unduly rigorous, either in its precepts or in its sanctions. But it rests on the ground that the law has been magnified and vindicated, and that its penalty, or sufferings, which were fully equivalent to that penalty in a moral view, when the dignity of the sufferer is considered, have been sustained by our voluntary Substitute. Thus “grace reigns through righteousness,” not at the expense of righteousness. “Now, the righteousness of God without the law is manifested, being witnessed by the law and the prophets; even the righteousness of God which is by faith of Jesus Christ unto all and upon all them that believe: being justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus; whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood, to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that are past, through the forbearance of God; to declare, I say, at this time his righteousness; that he might be just, and the justifier of him which believeth in Jesus,” Romans iii, 21–26. (3.) As to the instrumental cause of justification, the merit of the blood of Jesus does not operate necessarily so as to produce our pardon as an immediate and unavoidable effect, but through the instrumentality of faith. The faith by which we are justified is present faith, faith actually existing and exercised. We are not justified by to-morrow’s faith foreseen; for that would lead to the Antinomian notion of justification from eternity, a notion which to mention is to confute. We are not justified by yesterday’s faith recorded or remembered; for that would imply the opinion that justification is irreversible. The justification offered in the Scriptures is a justification upon believing, in which we are never savingly interested until we believe, and which continues in force only so long as we continue to believe. On all unbelievers the wrath of God abides. The atonement of Jesus was indeed accepted, as from him, at the time when it was offered; but it is not accepted, as for us, to our individual justification, until we individually believe, nor after we cease to believe. The OBJECT of justifying faith may be inferred from what has been before said, as to the originating and meritorious causes of justification. It has respect, in general, to all that Christ is set forth in the Gospel as doing or suffering, by the gracious appointment of the Father, in order to our redemption and pardon. But it has respect, in particular, to the atoning sacrifice of Christ, as exhibited by divine authority in the Scriptures, and as attested to be acceptable and sufficient by his resurrection from the dead, and by his mediatorial exaltation at the right hand of God. The acts or exercises of this faith seem to be three; or rather, that faith which is required in order to our justification is a complex act of the mind, which includes three distinct but concurrent exertions of its powers. It includes, (1.) The assent of the understanding to the truth of the testimony of God in the Gospel; and especially to that part of it which concerns the design and efficacy of the death of Jesus as a sacrifice for sin. (2.) The consent of the will and affections to this plan of salvation; such an approbation and choice of it as imply a renunciation of every other refuge, and a steady and decided preference of this. Unbelief is called a disallowing of the foundation laid in Zion; whereas faith includes a hearty allowance of it, and a thankful acquiescence in God’s revealed method of forgiveness. (3.) From this assent of the enlightened understanding, and consent of the rectified will, to the evangelical testimony concerning Christ crucified, results the third thing, which is supposed to be implied in justifying faith; namely, actual trust in the Saviour, and personal apprehension of his merits. When, under the promised leading and influence of the Holy Ghost, the penitent, sinner thus confidently relies and individually lays hold on Christ, then the work of justifying faith is complete; then, and not till then, he is immediately justified. On the whole, it may be said that the faith to which the privilege of justification is annexed, is such a belief of the Gospel, by the power of the Spirit of God, as leads us to come to Christ, to receive Christ, to trust in Christ, and to commit the keeping of our souls into his hands, in humble 562confidence of his ability and his willingness to save us.
3. To fully understand how justification and all its associated blessings are achieved, we need to look at the originating, meritorious, and instrumental cause of justification. (1.) The originating cause is the grace, the free, unearned, and spontaneous love of God toward fallen humanity. He remembered and had compassion on us in our low state; for his mercy lasts forever. “After the kindness and love of God our Savior toward humanity appeared, not because of the good things we have done, but according to his mercy he saved us. The grace of God brings salvation,” Titus ii, 11; iii, 4, 5. We are “justified freely by his grace,” Rom. iii, 24. However, God is wise, holy, and just, as well as merciful and gracious. His wisdom determined that, in order to reconcile his mercy toward sinners with the demands of his purity and justice, these purposes should only be fulfilled through the intervention of a divine Redeemer. We are justified “through our Lord Jesus Christ,” Rom. i, 5. (2.) Our Lord Jesus Christ is the only meritorious cause of our justification. Everything he did and suffered in his role as mediator contributed to this great purpose. What he did, in obedience to the law's commandments, and what he suffered, in satisfaction of its penalties, together make up that mediatorial righteousness, for which the Father is always pleased with him. All who are justified have a saving interest in this mediatorial righteousness. It does not mean that it is personally assigned to them in its formal nature or distinct acts; there are strong objections against such an assignment, both from reason and from Scripture. But the collective merit and moral effects of everything the Mediator did and suffered are credited to our account when we are justified so that, for Christ's sake and considering his obedience to the point of death, we are freed from guilt and accepted by God. From this discussion of the meritorious cause of justification, it is clear that while our forgiveness originates from an act of the utmost grace, it is also, in nature, an act perfectly aligned with God’s essential righteousness and demonstrates his unwavering justice. It does not proceed on the principle of disregarding the law or its penalties; that would imply the law was unfairly strict, either in its commands or sanctions. Instead, it rests on the fact that the law has been honored and upheld, and that its penalty, or suffering, which was entirely equivalent from a moral standpoint, considering the dignity of the sufferer, has been borne by our voluntary Substitute. Thus “grace reigns through righteousness,” without undermining righteousness. “But now the righteousness of God apart from the law is revealed, being witnessed by the law and the prophets; even the righteousness of God which comes through faith in Jesus Christ to all and upon all who believe: being justified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus; whom God has set forth as a propitiation through faith in his blood, to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that are past, through the forbearance of God; to declare, I say, at this time his righteousness; that he might be just, and the justifier of the one who believes in Jesus,” Romans iii, 21–26. (3.) Regarding the instrumental cause of justification, the merit of Jesus' blood does not work automatically to secure our forgiveness as an immediate and unavoidable effect, but through the tool of faith. The faith by which we are justified is present faith, faith that exists and is exercised now. We are not justified by the faith we might have tomorrow; that would lead to the Antinomian idea of justification from eternity, a concept which is easily refuted. We are not justified by the faith we had yesterday, recorded or remembered; that would suggest that justification is unchangeable. The justification offered in the Scriptures happens upon believing, and we are never truly saved until we believe, and that justification remains in effect only as long as we continue to believe. God’s wrath remains on all unbelievers. Jesus' atonement was indeed accepted at the time it was made, but it is not accepted for us, for our individual justification, until we personally believe, nor after we stop believing. The OBJECT of justifying faith can be inferred from what has been previously mentioned about the originating and meritorious causes of justification. It generally relates to everything Christ is presented as doing or suffering in the Gospel, by the Father's gracious will, for our redemption and forgiveness. More specifically, it concerns Christ's atoning sacrifice, as shown by divine authority in the Scriptures, and affirmed as acceptable and sufficient by his resurrection from the dead and his mediatorial exaltation at God’s right hand. The acts or exercises of this faith seem to be threefold; or rather, this faith, which is required for our justification, is a complex act of the mind that comprises three distinct but simultaneous efforts of its faculties. It includes, (1.) The agreement of the understanding with the truth of God's testimony in the Gospel, particularly regarding the purpose and effect of Jesus' death as a sacrifice for sin. (2.) The consent of the will and affections towards this plan of salvation; an approval and preference that shows a rejection of all other refuges and a firm and deliberate choice of this one. Unbelief is described as rejecting the foundation laid in Zion, while faith involves wholeheartedly accepting it and gratefully agreeing with God's revealed method of forgiveness. (3.) From this agreement of the enlightened understanding, and the consent of the corrected will, to the evangelical testimony about Christ crucified, comes the third aspect implied in justifying faith; which is, trust in the Savior and a personal recognition of his merits. When, under the promised guidance and influence of the Holy Spirit, the repentant sinner confidently relies on and individually grasps Christ, then the work of justifying faith is complete; then, and not before, he is immediately justified. Overall, it can be said that the faith attached to the privilege of justification is a belief in the Gospel, empowered by the Spirit of God, that leads us to come to Christ, to receive Christ, to trust in Christ, and to commit the care of our souls to him, in humble confidence in his ability and willingness to save us.
The grand doctrine of the Reformation was that of justification by faith, and was therefore held by all the Lutheran and Reformed churches. The Papists assert that man’s inherent righteousness is the meritorious cause of his justification; many Protestant divines have endeavoured to unite the two, and have held that men are justified by faith and good works; and others have equally departed from the opinions of the earliest reformers on the subject of justification, in representing it as resulting from the imputation of Christ’s active and passive righteousness to those that believe, instead of confining the imputation to the moral consequence and effect of both. In other words, that which is reckoned to us in our justification for righteousness is our faith in Christ’s merits, and that not because of any intrinsic value in faith; but only for the sake of those merits. In a mere moral sense man’s sin or righteousness is imputed to him, when he is considered as actually the doer of sinful or of righteous acts. A man’s sin or righteousness is imputed to him in its legal consequence, under a government of rewards and punishments; and then to impute sin or righteousness signifies, in a legal sense, to reckon and to account it, to acquit or condemn, and forthwith to punish, or to exempt from punishment. Thus Shimei entreats David, that he would “not impute folly to him,” that is, that he would not punish his folly. In this sense, too, David speaks of the blessedness of the man whose “transgression is forgiven,” and to whom the Lord “imputeth not sin,” that is, whom he forgives, so that the legal consequence of his sin shall not fall upon him. This non-imputation of sin, to a sinner, is expressly called the “imputation of righteousness, without works;” the imputation of righteousness is, then, the non-punishment, or the pardon of sin; and if this passage be read in its connection, it will also be seen, that by “imputing” faith for righteousness, the Apostle means precisely the same thing: “But to him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness; even as David also describeth the man to whom God imputeth righteousness without works, saying, Blessed is the man whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth not sin.” This quotation from David would have been nothing to the Apostle’s purpose, unless he had understood the forgiveness of sins, and the imputation of righteousness, and the non-imputation of sin, to signify the same thing as “counting faith for righteousness,” with only this difference, that the introduction of the term “faith” marks the manner in which the forgiveness of sin is obtained. To have faith imputed for righteousness, is nothing more than to be justified by faith, which is also called by St. Paul, “being made righteous,” that is, being placed by an act of free forgiveness, through faith in Christ, in the condition of righteous men, in this respect, that the penalty of the law does not lie against them, and that they are the acknowledged objects of the divine favour. See Faith.
The key principle of the Reformation was justification by faith, which was embraced by all the Lutheran and Reformed churches. Catholics claim that a person's inherent goodness is what justifies them; however, many Protestant theologians have tried to merge the two views, arguing that people are justified by faith along with good works. Others have also strayed from the original reformers’ beliefs on justification, suggesting that it comes from attributing Christ's righteousness—both active and passive—to those who believe, rather than limiting this attribution to the moral implications and results of both. In simpler terms, what is credited to us in our justification for righteousness is our faith in Christ’s merits, and not because faith itself has any inherent value, but solely because of those merits. In a straightforward moral sense, a person's sin or virtue is attributed to them when they are seen as the actual doer of sinful or righteous actions. A person's sin or virtue is charged to them in its legal consequence under a system of rewards and punishments; thus, to attribute sin or virtue in a legal sense means to count it, to judge it, to acquit or condemn, and immediately to punish or to spare from punishment. In this way, Shimei pleads with David not to “impute folly to him,” meaning he asks David not to punish his foolishness. Similarly, David speaks of the blessedness of the person whose “transgression is forgiven” and to whom the Lord “does not impute sin,” indicating he is forgiven so that the legal repercussions of his sin do not apply to him. This non-imputation of sin to a sinner is specifically referred to as the “imputation of righteousness, without works;” the imputation of righteousness thus means the non-punishment or forgiveness of sin. If this passage is read in context, it will also become clear that when the Apostle refers to “imputing” faith as righteousness, he means the same thing: “But to him who does not work but believes in him who justifies the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness; just as David also describes the man to whom God imputes righteousness without works, saying, Blessed is the person whose wrongdoings are forgiven and whose sins are covered. Blessed is the person to whom the Lord does not impute sin.” This reference from David would not have served the Apostle’s argument unless he understood forgiveness of sins, the imputation of righteousness, and the non-imputation of sin to mean the same as “counting faith as righteousness,” with the only difference being that introducing the term “faith” indicates the method by which forgiveness of sin is received. Having faith counted as righteousness is simply being justified by faith, which St. Paul also calls “being made righteous,” meaning being placed through an act of free forgiveness, through faith in Christ, in the condition of righteous individuals, in that the penalties of the law do not apply to them, and they are recognized as recipients of divine favor. See Belief.
KADESH-BARNEA, a station of the Israelites, to which they returned again after thirty-eight years, is said to be in the wilderness of Zin, Num. xiii, 21; xx, 1; Deut. xxxii, 51; but in the wilderness of Paran, Num. xii, 16. In the Itinerary it is simply called Rithmah, “the wilderness.” Dr. Hales observes, that Wells, Shaw, the authors of the “Universal History,” &c, have greatly perplexed and obscured the geography of this Itinerary, by supposing that there were two places of this name distinct from each other. They consider the latter of them as situated on the western side of Mount Hor, toward the land of Canaan, and thus confound it with that Kadesh in the land of the Philistines, where Abraham sojourned, Gen. xvi, 13; xx, 1. But that it lay on the east side of Mount Hor, is evident; for why should Moses send messengers from Kadesh to the king of Edom, requesting permission to pass through his territories in the way to Canaan, if they were already at the verge of Palestine, Num. xx, 14? This application, however, was necessary if his territories were situated between Canaan and the Israelites. The true situation of Kadesh is ascertained beyond a doubt, from its lying between Mount Hor and Ezion-Geber, on the Elanitic Gulf, Num. xxxiii, 35–37.
KADESH-BARNEA, a stop for the Israelites, where they returned after thirty-eight years, is believed to be in the wilderness of Zin (Num. xiii, 21; xx, 1; Deut. xxxii, 51) but also mentioned in the wilderness of Paran (Num. xii, 16). In the Itinerary, it’s simply referred to as Rithmah, “the wilderness.” Dr. Hales points out that Wells, Shaw, the authors of the “Universal History,” and others have complicated and confused the geography of this Itinerary by assuming there were two different places with that name. They think one of them is located on the western side of Mount Hor, towards the land of Canaan, and confuse it with that Kadesh in the land of the Philistines, where Abraham lived (Gen. xvi, 13; xx, 1). However, it is clear that it was on the east side of Mount Hor; otherwise, why would Moses send messengers from Kadesh to the king of Edom, asking for permission to pass through his territories on the way to Canaan, if they were already at the border of Palestine (Num. xx, 14)? This request was necessary only if his territories were located between Canaan and the Israelites. The exact location of Kadesh is confirmed beyond doubt, as it lies between Mount Hor and Ezion-Geber, on the Elanitic Gulf (Num. xxxiii, 35–37).
KADMONITES, ancient inhabitants of the land of Canaan, whose habitation was beyond Jordan, to the east of Phenicia, Gen. xv, 19. The Kadmonites were descended from Canaan, the son of Ham. It has been conjectured that the celebrated Cadmus, the founder of Thebes in Bœotia, was originally a Kadmonite; and that his wife, Hermione, was so named from Mount Hermon.
KADMONITES, ancient residents of the land of Canaan, who lived beyond the Jordan River, east of Phoenicia, Gen. xv, 19. The Kadmonites descended from Canaan, the son of Ham. It is believed that the famous Cadmus, the founder of Thebes in Boeotia, was originally a Kadmonite; and that his wife, Hermione, got her name from Mount Hermon.
KEDAR. This name signifies black in the original; and hence Bochart concludes that it refers to a people or tribe of Arabs who were more than others burned by the sun; but none of the Arabs are black. The name is also supposed to refer to the black tents made of felt, which are still in use; and Cant. i, 5, is quoted in support of this usage of the word: “I am black, but comely as the tents of Kedar.” But the Arabic root is by some said to signify power and dignity. Kedar was the second son of Ishmael, whose family probably became more numerous, or more warlike, than those of his brethren, and so took precedence of name. This latter supposition appears probable from the manner in which they are mentioned by Isaiah, xxi, 16, 17, who speaks of “the glory of Kedar,” and “the archers and mighty men of Kedar.” Their flocks are also spoken of by the same Prophet, Isaiah lx, 7, together with those of Nebaioth, whose tribe or family both shared and outlived the glory of Kedar.
KEDAR. This name means black in the original language, which is why Bochart suggests it refers to a group of Arabs who were more sunburned than others; however, no Arabs are actually black. The name is also thought to refer to the black felt tents that are still used today, and Cant. i, 5 is cited to support this meaning of the word: “I am black, but beautiful like the tents of Kedar.” Some say the Arabic root signifies power and dignity. Kedar was the second son of Ishmael, and his family likely became larger or more warlike than his siblings, gaining prominence as a result. This assumption seems reasonable based on how they are referred to in Isaiah, xxi, 16, 17, where it mentions “the glory of Kedar,” and “the archers and mighty men of Kedar.” The same Prophet, Isaiah lx, 7, also speaks of their flocks, along with those of Nebaioth, whose tribe or family both shared and outlived the glory of Kedar.
KEDRON, a small brook which, rising near Jerusalem, runs through the valley on the east of the city, between it and the Mount of Olives. Descending into the valley from St. Stephen’s 563gate, the traveller comes to the bed of the brook Kedron, which is but a few paces over. This brook is stated by Pococke to have its rise a little way farther to the north, but its source does not appear to have been ascertained. Like the Ilissus, it is dry at least nine months in the year; its bed is narrow and deep, which indicates that it must formerly have been the channel for waters that have found some other and probably subterranean course. There is now no water in it, except after heavy rains. A bridge is thrown over it a little below the gate of St. Stephen; and they say, that when there is water, unless the torrent swells much, which very rarely occurs, it all runs under ground to the north of this bridge. The course of the brook is along the valley of Jehoshaphat, to the south-west corner of the city, and then turning to the south, it runs to the Dead Sea.
KEDRON is a small stream that starts near Jerusalem and flows through the valley to the east of the city, situated between it and the Mount of Olives. As you descend into the valley from St. Stephen’s 563 gate, you'll reach the brook Kedron, which is only a few steps wide. Pococke mentions that its source is a bit further north, but it seems its exact origin is unknown. Like the Ilissus, it remains dry for at least nine months of the year; its bed is narrow and deep, suggesting it must have once carried much more water that has since diverted to another, likely underground, route. There’s usually no water in it unless there have been heavy rains. A bridge spans it just below the St. Stephen’s gate; locals say that when it does have water, unless the flow is very high—which happens very infrequently—it all flows underground north of this bridge. The brook flows along the valley of Jehoshaphat, reaching the southwest corner of the city, and then it turns south toward the Dead Sea.
KENITES, people who dwelt westward of the Dead Sea, and extended themselves pretty far into Arabia Petræa; for Jethro, the priest of Midian, and father-in-law to Moses, was a Kenite, Judges i, 16; 1 Chron. ii, 55; 1 Sam. xv, 6. When Saul was sent to destroy the Amalekites, the Kenites, who had joined them, perhaps by compulsion, were ordered to depart from them, that they might not share in their fate; and the reason assigned was, that they “showed kindness to the children of Israel when they came up out of Egypt,” 1 Sam. xv, 6. Which, according to the margin of our Bible, is to be understood of the father-in-law of Moses and his family. From the story of Jethro, who is expressly said to be a Midianite, they appear to have retained the worship of the true God among them; for which, and their kindness to the Israelites when passing their country, they were spared in the general destruction of the nations bordering on Canaan. Of these Kenites were the Rechabites, the Tirathites, the Shimeathites, and the Suchathites, mentioned in 1 Chron. ii, 55, whose chief office was that of scribes. (See Rechabites.) Balaam, when invited by Balak, king of Moab, to curse Israel, stood upon a mountain, whence he addressed the Kenites, and said, “Strong is thy dwelling place, and thou puttest thy nest in a rock; nevertheless, the Kenite shall be wasted until Ashur shall carry thee away captive,” Num. xxiv, 21, 22. The Kenites dwelt in mountains and rocks almost inaccessible. They were conquered and carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar. After Saul the Kenites are not mentioned; but they subsisted, being mingled among the Edomites and other nations of Arabia Petræa.
KENITES, people who lived west of the Dead Sea and extended quite far into Arabia Petræa; Jethro, the priest of Midian and father-in-law to Moses, was a Kenite, as noted in Judges 1:16; 1 Chronicles 2:55; and 1 Samuel 15:6. When Saul was sent to destroy the Amalekites, the Kenites, who had joined them—perhaps under duress—were told to leave, so they wouldn't share in their fate. The reason given was that they “showed kindness to the children of Israel when they came up out of Egypt,” as stated in 1 Samuel 15:6. According to the margin of our Bible, this refers to Moses’ father-in-law and his family. From the story of Jethro, who is specifically identified as a Midianite, it seems they maintained the worship of the true God. Because of this and their kindness to the Israelites while they were passing through their territory, they were spared during the general destruction of the nations surrounding Canaan. Among the Kenites were the Rechabites, the Tirathites, the Shimeathites, and the Suchathites mentioned in 1 Chronicles 2:55, whose primary role was that of scribes. (See Rechabites.) Balaam, when invited by Balak, king of Moab, to curse Israel, stood on a mountain and addressed the Kenites, saying, “Strong is your dwelling place, and you put your nest in a rock; however, the Kenite shall be destroyed until Ashur carries you away captive,” as mentioned in Numbers 24:21-22. The Kenites lived in mountains and rocks that were nearly inaccessible. They were conquered and taken captive by Nebuchadnezzar. After Saul, the Kenites are not mentioned again; however, they continued to exist, blending in among the Edomites and other nations of Arabia Petræa.
KENIZZITES, an ancient people of Canaan, whose land God promised to the descendants of Abraham, Gen. xv, 19. It is thought that this people dwelt in the mountains south of Judea.
KENIZZITES, an ancient people of Canaan, whose land God promised to the descendants of Abraham, Gen. xv, 19. It is believed that this people lived in the mountains south of Judea.
KETURAH, the name of Abraham’s second wife. Abraham married Keturah, when he was one hundred and forty years of age, and by her he had six sons, Zimram, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah. Some chronologers, as Bishop Clayton, Hallet, &c, thinking it improbable that Abraham should marry again at such an advanced age, have dislocated the chronology of this period, by supposing that Abraham took Keturah as a concubine, in consequence of his wife Sarah’s barrenness, even before he left Charran; and that Keturah’s children were among the souls born to him and Lot during their residence in that country. But it seems evident from the whole tenor of the history, that Abraham was childless until the birth of Ishmael, Gen. xv, 2, 3; that he had no other son than Ishmael when he received the promise of Isaac, Gen. xvii, 18; and that Isaac and Ishmael jointly, as his eldest sons, celebrated his funeral, Gen. xxv, 9. His second marriage, at the age of one hundred and forty years, shows his faith in the divine promise, that he should be “a father of many nations;” for which purpose his constitution might be miraculously renewed, as Sarah’s was. Beside, Abraham himself was born when his father Terah was one hundred and thirty years of age. Abraham settled the sons of Keturah in the east country of Arabia, near the residence of Ishmael.
KETURAH, the name of Abraham’s second wife. Abraham married Keturah when he was one hundred and forty years old, and they had six sons: Zimram, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah. Some chronologers, like Bishop Clayton and Hallet, think it’s unlikely that Abraham would marry again at such an old age, so they've adjusted the timeline by suggesting that Abraham took Keturah as a concubine because his wife Sarah was unable to have children, even before he left Charran. They propose that Keturah’s children were among those born to him and Lot during their time in that area. However, it seems clear from the overall story that Abraham was childless until Ishmael was born, as stated in Gen. xv, 2, 3; that he had no other son besides Ishmael when he received the promise of Isaac, in Gen. xvii, 18; and that Isaac and Ishmael together, as his eldest sons, attended his funeral, according to Gen. xxv, 9. His second marriage at the age of one hundred and forty reflects his faith in the divine promise that he would be “a father of many nations”; for this purpose, his body might have been miraculously renewed, just as Sarah’s was. Additionally, Abraham himself was born when his father Terah was one hundred and thirty years old. Abraham settled the sons of Keturah in the eastern part of Arabia, close to where Ishmael lived.
KEY is frequently mentioned in Scripture, as well in a natural as in a figurative sense. The keys of the ancients were very different from ours; because their doors and trunks were closed generally with bands, and the key served only to loosen or fasten these bands in a certain manner. In a moral sense key has many significations: “And the key of the house of David will I lay upon his shoulder: so he shall open, and none shall shut; and he shall shut, and none shall open,” Isaiah xxii, 22,--he shall be grand master and principal officer of his prince’s house. Christ promises to St. Peter, that he should first open the gate of his kingdom, both to Jew and Gentile, in making the first converts among them, Matt. xvi, 19. It is observable that no supremacy is here given to St. Peter; as the power of binding and loosing belonged equally to all the Apostles, Matt. xviii, 18. The term binding and loosing was customarily applied by the Jews to a decision respecting doctrines or rites, establishing which were lawful and which unlawful. (See Bind.) And it may also denote, to bind with sickness, and to loose by restoring to health. Jesus Christ says that he has the key of death and hell, Rev. i, 18; that is, it is in his power to bring to the grave, or to deliver from it; to appoint to life or to death.
KEY is often mentioned in the Bible, both literally and figuratively. The keys of ancient times were quite different from ours; their doors and chests were typically secured with straps, and the key was used mainly to tighten or loosen these straps in a specific way. In a moral sense, the term key has many meanings: “And I will place the key of the house of David on his shoulder: he will open, and no one will shut; and he will shut, and no one will open,” Isaiah xxii, 22 -- he will be the grand master and main officer of his master's house. Christ promises St. Peter that he will be the first to open the gate of his kingdom to both Jew and Gentile by making the first converts among them, Matt. xvi, 19. It is notable that no supremacy is given to St. Peter here; the power of binding and loosing also belonged to all the Apostles, Matt. xviii, 18. The phrase binding and loosing was commonly used by the Jews to refer to decisions about doctrines or rituals, determining which were lawful and which were not. (See Bind.) It may also refer to binding with sickness and loosening by restoring to health. Jesus Christ states that he holds the key of death and hell, Rev. i, 18; meaning that he has the power to bring someone to the grave or to save them from it; to determine life or death.
KIBROTH HATAAVAH, one of the encampments of the Israelites in the wilderness, Numbers xi, 34, 35.
KIBROTH HATAAVAH, one of the camps of the Israelites in the desert, Numbers 11:34-35.
KID, גדי, the young of the goat. Among the Hebrews the kid was reckoned a great delicacy; and appears to have been served for food in preference to the lamb. (See Goat.) It continues to be a choice dish in the neighbouring countries. “After drinking,” says Salt, “café à la Sultane, as it is termed by French writers, hookahs were offered to us; and soon afterward, to my great surprise, dinner was announced. We accordingly retired with the dola of Aden to another apartment, 564where a kid, broiled and cut into small pieces, with a quantity of pillaued rice, was served up to us, agreeably to the fashion of the country. No people in the world is more straitened than the Abyssinians with respect to the necessaries of life: a little juwarry bread, a small quantity of fish, an adequate supply of goat’s and camel’s milk, and a kid on very particular occasions, constitute the whole of their subsistence. As soon as we arrived at the village of Howakil, a very neat hut was prepared for me; and as the evening was far advanced, I consented to stay for the night. Nothing could exceed the kindness of these good people; a kid was killed, and a quantity of fresh milk was brought and presented in straw baskets made of the leaves of the doom tree, seared over with wax, a manufacture in which the natives of these islands particularly excel.” The village of Engedi, situate in the neighbourhood of Jericho, derives its name from the Hebrew word עין, a fountain, and גדי, a kid. It is suggested by the situation among lofty rocks, which, overhanging the valleys, are very precipitous. A fountain of pure water rises near the summit, which the inhabitants called Engedi, “the fountain of the goat,” because it is hardly accessible to any other creature.
KID, Gadi, is the young of the goat. Among the Hebrews, the kid was considered a great delicacy and seems to have been preferred over lamb for food. (See Goat.) It remains a favored dish in neighboring countries. “After drinking,” says Salt, “Sultane-style café, as French writers call it, we were offered hookahs; and soon after, to my surprise, dinner was announced. We then went with the dola of Aden to another room, 564 where a kid, broiled and cut into small pieces, along with a lot of pilau rice, was served to us, in accordance with local customs. No people in the world are more limited than the Abyssinians when it comes to the essentials of life: a bit of juwarry bread, a small amount of fish, a good supply of goat's and camel's milk, and a kid on special occasions make up their entire diet. As soon as we got to the village of Howakil, they prepared a very tidy hut for me; and since the evening was well advanced, I agreed to stay the night. The kindness of these wonderful people was incredible; a kid was slaughtered, and a large amount of fresh milk was brought to us in straw baskets made from the leaves of the doom tree, sealed with wax, a craft the natives of these islands excel in.” The village of Engedi, located near Jericho, gets its name from the Hebrew word Eye, a fountain, and Gadi, a kid. Its name is suggested by its location among steep rocks that overlook the valleys. A spring of pure water rises near the top, which the locals refer to as Engedi, “the fountain of the goat,” because it is hardly reachable for any other creature.
KINGDOM, in Scripture, is a term of frequent occurrence, and variously applied. Thus we read of the kingdom of God, Psalm ciii, 19; Dan. iv, 3; or his universal empire and dominion over all creatures; in reference to which it is said, “Jehovah is a great God, and a great King above all gods,” Psalm xcv, 3. “His throne is established in the heavens, and his kingdom ruleth over all.” Again: we frequently read in the evangelists of the kingdom of heaven; a phrase, says Dr. Campbell, in which there is a manifest allusion to the predictions in which the dispensation of the Messiah was revealed by the prophets in the Old Testament, particularly by Daniel, who mentions it as “a kingdom which the God of heaven would set up, and which should never be destroyed,” Dan. ii, 44. The same prophet also speaks of it as a kingdom to be given, with glory and dominion over all people, nations, and languages, to one like unto the Son of man, Dan. vii, 13, 14. And the Prophet Micah, speaking of the same era, represents it as a time when Jehovah, having removed all the afflictions of his people, would reign over them in Mount Zion thenceforth even for ever, Micah iv, 6, 7. According to the prophecy of Daniel, this kingdom was to take place during the existence of the Roman empire, the last of the four great monarchies that had succeeded each other, Dan. ii, 44. And as it was set up by the God of heaven, it is, in the New Testament, termed “the kingdom of God,” or “the kingdom of heaven.” It was typified by the Jewish theocracy, and declared to be at hand by John the Baptist, and by Christ and his Apostles also in the days of his flesh; but it did not come with power till Jesus rose from the dead and sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high, Acts ii, 32–37. Then was he most solemnly inaugurated, and proclaimed King of the New Testament church, amidst adoring myriads of attendant angels, and “the spirits of just men made perfect.” Then were fulfilled the words of Jehovah by the Psalmist David, “I have set my King upon my holy hill of Zion,” Psalm ii, 6. This is that spiritual empire to which he himself referred when interrogated before Pontius Pilate, and in reference to which he said, “My kingdom is not of this world,” John xviii, 36, 37. His empire, indeed, extends to every creature; for all authority is committed into his hands, both in heaven and on earth,” and he is head over all things to the church;” but his kingdom primarily imports the Gospel church, which is the subject of his laws, the seat of his government, and the object of his care; and, being surrounded with powerful opposers, he is represented as ruling in the midst of his enemies. This kingdom is not of a worldly origin, or nature, nor has it this world for its end or object. It can neither be promoted nor defended by worldly power, influence, or carnal weapons, but by bearing witness unto the truth, or by the preaching of the Gospel with the Holy Ghost sent down from heaven. Its real subjects are only those who are of the truth, and hear Christ’s voice; for none can enter it but such as are born from above, John iii, 3–5; nor can any be visible subjects of it, but such as appear to be regenerated, by a credible profession of faith and obedience. Its privileges and immunities are not of this world, but such as are spiritual and heavenly; they are all spiritual blessings in heavenly things in Christ Jesus, Ephesians i, 3.
KINGDOM, in the Bible, is a term that's used often and in different ways. We read about the kingdom of God in Psalm 103:19; Daniel 4:3, referring to His universal empire and authority over all creatures. It is said, “The Lord is a great God, and a great King above all gods,” in Psalm 95:3. “His throne is established in the heavens, and his kingdom rules over all.” We also often see the phrase "kingdom of heaven" in the Gospels; Dr. Campbell points out that this is clearly referencing the prophecies that reveal the coming of the Messiah, especially by Daniel, who describes it as “a kingdom that the God of heaven would set up, and which would never be destroyed” in Daniel 2:44. This prophet also talks about a kingdom that would be given, with glory and dominion over all people, nations, and languages, to someone like the Son of Man in Daniel 7:13-14. The Prophet Micah, discussing the same time, describes it as a period when the Lord, after removing all the troubles of His people, would reign over them in Mount Zion forever, as stated in Micah 4:6-7. According to Daniel's prophecy, this kingdom was to come during the reign of the Roman Empire, the last of the four great empires that succeeded each other, as mentioned in Daniel 2:44. Since it was established by the God of heaven, it is called “the kingdom of God” or “the kingdom of heaven” in the New Testament. It was symbolized by the Jewish theocracy and was proclaimed to be near by John the Baptist and by Christ and His Apostles during His lifetime; however, it didn’t come with power until Jesus rose from the dead and took His place at the right hand of the Father, as seen in Acts 2:32-37. At that moment, He was officially inaugurated and declared King of the New Testament church, surrounded by countless angels and “the spirits of just men made perfect.” The words of the Lord through David were fulfilled, “I have set my King upon my holy hill of Zion,” in Psalm 2:6. This is the spiritual kingdom He referenced when questioned by Pontius Pilate, saying, “My kingdom is not of this world,” in John 18:36-37. His dominion indeed reaches every creature; all authority has been given to Him, both in heaven and on earth, and He is head over everything for the church; however, His kingdom primarily refers to the Gospel church, which is governed by His laws, is the seat of His rule, and is the focus of His care, even as He reigns amidst strong opposition. This kingdom does not originate from or aim for this world. It can't be advanced or defended through worldly power, influence, or physical means, but rather through bearing witness to the truth or by preaching the Gospel with the Holy Spirit sent down from heaven. Its true subjects are only those who know the truth and listen to Christ’s voice; none can enter it except those born from above, as outlined in John 3:3-5; nor can anyone visibly be part of it unless they show evidence of being regenerated through a credible profession of faith and obedience. Its privileges and benefits are not worldly, but rather spiritual and heavenly; they are all spiritual blessings in heavenly things in Christ Jesus, as said in Ephesians 1:3.
KINGS. This word does not always imply the same degree of power, nor the same degree of importance; nor does it imply the magnitude of the dominion or territory of these officers. In Scripture many persons are called kings, whom we should rather denominate chiefs or leaders; and many single towns, or, at most, together with their adjacent villages, are said to have had kings. Not aware of this lower sense of the word king, or unwilling to adopt it, many persons have been embarrassed by the following passage: Moses commanded us a law,--he was king in Jeshurun,” Deut. xxxiii, 4, 5, or king among the Israelites; that is, he was the principal among the assembly of the superiors of the Israelites. Some refer this to Jehovah. Moses was the chief, the leader, the guide of his people, fulfilling the duties of a king; but he was not king in the same sense as David or Solomon was afterward. This remark reconciles the following observation: These kings reigned in Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of Israel,” Gen. xxxvi, 31; for Moses, though he was king in an inferior sense, did not reign, in the stronger sense, over the children of Israel, their constitution not being monarchical under him. Beside, we find in Joshua, that almost every town in Canaan had its king; and we know that the territories of these towns must have been very inconsiderable, Joshua xii, 9–24. Adonizedek, himself no very powerful king, mentions seventy kings whom he had subdued and mutilated.
KINGS. This term doesn’t always indicate the same level of power or significance, nor does it reflect the size of the territory or dominion of these leaders. In the Scriptures, many individuals are referred to as kings, whom we would more accurately call chiefs or leaders; and many single towns, or at most, along with their nearby villages, are said to have had kings. Not recognizing this lesser meaning of the word king, or choosing not to accept it, many have been confused by the following passage: “Moses commanded us a law,—he was king in Jeshurun,” Deut. xxxiii, 4, 5, or king among the Israelites; that is, he was the principal figure among the assembly of the leaders of the Israelites. Some attribute this to Jehovah. Moses was the chief, the leader, the guide of his people, performing the roles of a king; but he was not a king in the same way that David or Solomon were later. This observation explains the following remark: “These kings reigned in Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of Israel,” Gen. xxxvi, 31; for while Moses was king in an inferior sense, he did not reign in the stronger sense over the children of Israel, since their constitution was not monarchical under him. Furthermore, we see in Joshua that almost every town in Canaan had its king; and it’s clear that the territories of these towns must have been quite small, Joshua xii, 9–24. Adonizedek, himself not a powerful king, references seventy kings whom he had defeated and mutilated.

MAP OF
JUDAH AND ISRAEL.
Illustrating the
BOOKS OF KINGS.
MAP OF
JUDAH AND ISRAEL.
Illustrating the
BOOKS OF KINGS.
565Kings, Books of. The first book of Kings commences with an account of the death of David, and contains a period of a hundred and twenty-six years, to the death of Jehoshaphat; and the second book of Kings continues the history of the kings of Israel and Judah through a period of three hundred years, to the destruction of the city and temple of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. These two books formed only one in the Hebrew canon, and they were probably compiled by Ezra from the records which were regularly kept, both in Jerusalem and Samaria, of all public transactions. These records appear to have been made by the contemporary prophets, and frequently derived their names from the kings whose history they contained. They are mentioned in many parts of Scripture; thus 1 Kings xi, 41, we read of the book of the Acts of Solomon, which is supposed to have been written by Nathan, Ahijah, and Iddo, 2 Chron. ix, 29. We elsewhere read that Shemaiah the prophet, and Iddo the seer, wrote the Acts of Rehoboam, 2 Chron. xii, 15; that Jehu wrote the Acts of Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. xx, 34; and Isaiah those of Uzziah and Hezekiah, 2 Chron. xxvi, 22; xxxii, 32. We may therefore conclude, that from these public records, and other authentic documents, were composed the two books of Kings; and the uniformity of their style favours the opinion of their being put into their present shape by the same person.
565Kings, Book of. The first book of Kings starts with the account of David's death and covers a span of one hundred and twenty-six years, ending with the death of Jehoshaphat. The second book of Kings continues the story of the kings of Israel and Judah over three hundred years, concluding with the destruction of Jerusalem's city and temple by Nebuchadnezzar. These two books were originally combined into one in the Hebrew canon, likely compiled by Ezra from records that were consistently maintained in both Jerusalem and Samaria regarding all public affairs. These records seem to have been created by contemporary prophets and often took their names from the kings they chronicled. They are referenced in various parts of Scripture; for example, in 1 Kings 11:41, there’s mention of the book of the Acts of Solomon, believed to be written by Nathan, Ahijah, and Iddo (2 Chron. 9:29). We also find that Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the seer wrote the Acts of Rehoboam (2 Chron. 12:15), that Jehu documented the Acts of Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 20:34), and that Isaiah recorded those of Uzziah and Hezekiah (2 Chron. 26:22; 32:32). Therefore, we can conclude that these two books of Kings were created from these public records and other reliable documents, and their consistent style supports the view that they were shaped into their current form by the same individual.
KISHON. That ancient river, the river Kishon,” falls into the bay of Acre, and has its source in the hills to the east of the plain of Esdraelon, which it intersects. Being enlarged by several small streams, it passes between Mount Carmel and the hills to the north, and then falls into the sea at this point. In the condition we saw it, says Maundrell, its waters were low and inconsiderable; but in passing along the side of the plain, we discerned the tracts of many lesser torrents, falling down into it from the mountains, which must needs make it swell exceedingly upon sudden rains, as doubtless it actually did at the destruction of Sisera’s host.
KISHON. The ancient river Kishon flows into the bay of Acre and originates in the hills east of the plain of Esdraelon, which it cuts through. Fed by several smaller streams, it runs between Mount Carmel and the hills to the north before emptying into the sea at this point. As Maundrell noted, when we saw it, its waters were low and not very impressive; however, as we traveled along the plain, we noticed the pathways of many smaller streams running down from the mountains into it, which likely caused it to swell significantly during sudden rainstorms, just as it must have when Sisera's army was defeated.
KISS, a mode of salutation, and token of respect, which has been practised in all nations. It was also in ordinary use among the Jews; hence Judas in this way saluted his Master. But there was also the kiss of homage, as one of the ceremonies performed at the inauguration of the kings of Israel. The Jews called it the kiss of majesty. Psalm ii, 12, seems to be an allusion to this. St. Paul speaks frequently of the kiss of peace, which was in use among believers, and was given by them to one another as a token of charity and union, publicly in their religious assemblies, Heb. xiii, 24. Kissing the feet is in eastern countries expressive of exuberant gratitude or reverence.
KISS, a form of greeting and sign of respect, has been practiced in all cultures. It was also commonly used among the Jews; that's why Judas greeted his Master this way. There was also the kiss of tribute, which was one of the rituals performed during the coronation of the kings of Israel. The Jews referred to it as the kiss of majesty. Psalm ii, 12, seems to reference this. St. Paul often talks about the kiss of peace, which was shared among believers as a sign of love and unity, given openly during their worship gatherings, Heb. xiii, 24. In Eastern countries, kissing the feet expresses deep gratitude or reverence.
KITE, איה, Lev. xi, 14; Deut. xiv, 13; Job xxviii, 7. Bochart supposes this to be the bird which the Arabians call the ja-jao, from its note; and which the ancients named æsalon, the merlin,” a bird celebrated for its sharp-sightedness. This faculty is referred to in Job xxviii, 7, where the word is rendered vulture.” As a noun masculine plural, איים, in Isaiah xiii, 22; xxxiv, 14; and Jer. 1, 39, Bochart says that jackals are intended; but, by the several contexts, particularly the last, it may well mean a kind of unclean bird, and so be the same with that mentioned above.
KITE, איפה, Lev. 11:14; Deut. 14:13; Job 28:7. Bochart suggests that this refers to the bird known as the ja-jao by the Arabians, named for its call, and which the ancients called æsalon, or “merlin,” a bird famous for its keen eyesight. This ability is mentioned in Job 28:7, where the word is translated as “vulture.” As a masculine plural noun, Islands, in Isaiah 13:22; 34:14; and Jeremiah 50:39, Bochart claims it refers to jackals; however, based on various contexts, particularly the last one, it could also denote a type of unclean bird and be the same as the one mentioned earlier.
KOHATH, the second son of Levi, and father of Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel, Gen. xlvi, 11; Exod. vi, 18. Kohath’s family was appointed to carry the ark and sacred vessels of the tabernacle, while the Israelites marched through the wilderness, Num. iv, &c.
KOHATH, the second son of Levi, and father of Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel, Gen. xlvi, 11; Exod. vi, 18. Kohath’s family was assigned to carry the ark and sacred items of the tabernacle while the Israelites traveled through the wilderness, Num. iv, &c.
KORAH was the son of Izhar, of the race of Levi, and father of Asher, Elkanah, and Aliasaph, and head of the Korites, a celebrated family among the Levites. Korah, being dissatisfied with the rank he held among the sons of Levi, and envying the authority of Moses and Aaron, formed a party against them, in which he engaged Dathan, Abiram, and On, with two hundred and fifty of the principal Levites, Num. xvi, 1–3, &c. Korah, at the head of the rebels, went to Moses and Aaron, and complained that they alone arrogated to themselves all the authority over the people of the Lord. Moses falling with his face on the earth, answered them as follows: Tomorrow, in the morning, the Lord will discover who are his. Let every one of you take, therefore, his censer, and to-morrow he shall put incense into it, and offer it before the Lord; and he shall be acknowledged priest whom the Lord shall choose and approve.” The next day, Korah, with two hundred and fifty of his faction, presenting themselves with their censers before the Lord, the glory of the Lord appeared visibly over the tabernacle, and a voice was heard to say, Separate yourselves from among this congregation, that I may consume them in a moment.” Upon this, Moses and Aaron, falling with their faces to the ground, said, O God, the God of the spirits of all flesh, shall one man sin, and wilt thou be wroth with all the congregation?” And the Lord said unto Moses, Command all the people to depart from about the tents of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram.” When, therefore, the people were retired, Moses said, If these men die the common death of all men, then the Lord hath not sent me; but if the earth open and swallow them up quick, ye shall know that they have blasphemed the Lord.” As soon as he had spoken, the earth opened from under their feet, and swallowed them up with what belonged to them. There was one thing which added to this surprising wonder, and which was, that when Korah was thus swallowed up in the earth, his sons were preserved from his misfortunes. We know not the exact year in which the death of Korah and his companions happened. The sons of Korah continued as before to serve in the tabernacle of the Lord. David appointed them their office in the temple, to guard the doors, and sing the praises of God. To them are ascribed several psalms, which are designated by the name of Korah; as the forty-second, forty-fourth to the forty-ninth, eighty-fourth to the eighty-seventh; in all, eleven psalms.
KORAH was the son of Izhar from the Levite tribe and the father of Asher, Elkanah, and Aliasaph, leading the Korites, a well-known family among the Levites. Korah, dissatisfied with his position among the Levites and envious of Moses and Aaron's power, formed a faction against them, recruiting Dathan, Abiram, and On, along with two hundred and fifty prominent Levites, Num. xvi, 1–3, &c. Korah, leading the rebels, approached Moses and Aaron, claiming that they alone took all authority over the Lord's people. Moses fell on his face and replied, "Tomorrow morning, the Lord will reveal who belongs to Him. Each of you should take your censer, put incense in it, and present it before the Lord. The one the Lord chooses and approves will be recognized as priest." The next day, Korah and his two hundred and fifty followers stood with their censers before the Lord, and the glory of the Lord appeared over the tabernacle, accompanied by a voice saying, "Separate yourselves from this congregation so I can consume them in an instant." Moses and Aaron immediately fell to the ground and said, "O God, God of all spirits, will one man sin and will You become angry with the entire congregation?" The Lord told Moses, "Command the people to move away from the tents of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram." Once the people had moved, Moses declared, "If these men die a regular death like everyone else, then the Lord hasn't sent me; but if the earth opens and swallows them alive, you'll know that they have insulted the Lord." As soon as he finished speaking, the ground opened under them and swallowed them along with their possessions. One additional astonishing detail was that when Korah was consumed by the earth, his sons were spared from his fate. We don't know the exact year of Korah's and his companions' deaths. The sons of Korah continued serving in the Lord's tabernacle. David assigned them their roles in the temple, to guard the doors and sing praises to God. Several psalms are attributed to them, known as Korah's psalms, including the forty-second, forty-fourth through forty-ninth, and eighty-fourth through eighty-seventh—eleven psalms in total.
566LABAN, the son of Bethuel, grandson of Nahor, brother to Rebekah, and father of Rachel and Leah, Gen. xxviii, 2, &c. Of this man, the first thing we hear is his entertainment of Abraham’s servant when he came on his errand to Rebekah. Hospitality was the virtue of his age and country. In his case, however, it seems to have been no little stimulated by the sight of “the ear ring and the bracelets on his sister’s hands,” which the servant had already given her, Gen. xxiv, 30; so he speedily made room for the camels. He next is presented to us as beguiling that sister’s son, who had sought a shelter in his house, and whose circumstances placed him at his mercy, of fourteen years’ service, when he had covenanted with him for seven only; endeavouring to retain his labour when he would not pay him his labour’s worth, himself devouring the portion which he should have given to his daughters, counting them but as strangers, Gen. xxxi, 15. Compelled, at length, to pay Jacob wages, he changes them ten times, and, in the spirit of a crafty, griping worldling, makes him account for whatever of the flock was torn of beasts or stolen, whether by day or night. When Jacob flies from this iniquitous service with his family and cattle, Laban still pursues and persecutes him, intending, if his intentions had not been overruled by a mightier hand, to send him away empty, even after he had been making, for so long a period, so usurious a profit of him.
566 Laban, the son of Bethuel, grandson of Nahor, brother of Rebekah, and father of Rachel and Leah, Gen. xxviii, 2, &c. The first thing we hear about him is how he welcomed Abraham’s servant when he came to find a bride for Rebekah. Hospitality was a key virtue in his time and place. However, it seems that his eagerness was partly due to seeing “the earrings and bracelets on his sister’s hands,” which the servant had already gifted her, Gen. xxiv, 30; so he quickly made room for the camels. Next, we see him tricking his sister’s son, who had sought refuge in his home and was vulnerable due to his situation, into fourteen years of service, even though they had agreed on only seven. He tried to keep Jacob working without paying him what he deserved, claiming the share that should have gone to his daughters, treating them as strangers, Gen. xxxi, 15. Eventually, when forced to pay Jacob, he changes his wages ten times and, in a crafty and greedy manner, expects Jacob to account for any animals that were torn by beasts or stolen, whether during the day or night. When Jacob escapes from this unjust service with his family and livestock, Laban continues to pursue and harass him, intending, if it hadn’t been for a stronger force intervening, to send him away empty-handed, even after profiting off him for so long.
LACHISH, a city of Palestine, Joshua x, 23; xv, 39. Sennacherib besieged Lachish, but did not make himself master of it. From thence it was that he sent Rabshakeh against Jerusalem, 2 Kings xviii, 17; xix, 8; 2 Chron. xxxii, 9.
LACHISH, a city in Palestine, Joshua x, 23; xv, 39. Sennacherib laid siege to Lachish but was unable to conquer it. From there, he sent Rabshakeh to Jerusalem, 2 Kings xviii, 17; xix, 8; 2 Chron. xxxii, 9.
LAMAISM, the religion of the people of Thibet. The Delai Lama, Grand Lama,” is at once the high priest, and the visible object of adoration, to this nation, to the hordes of wandering Tartars, and to the prodigious population of China. He resides at Patoli, a vast palace on a mountain near the banks of the Burampooter, about seven miles from Lahasse. The foot of the mountain is surrounded by twenty thousand lamas, or priests, in attendance on their sovereign pontiff, who is considered as the viceregent of the Deity on earth; and the remote Tartars are said to regard him absolutely as the Deity himself, and call him God, the everlasting Father of heaven. They believe him to be immortal, and endowed with all knowledge and virtue. Every year they come up from different parts to worship, and make rich offerings at his shrine. Even the emperor of China, who is a Mantchou Tartar, does not fail in acknowledgments to him in his religious capacity; and entertains in the palace of Pekin an inferior lama, deputed as his nuncio from Thibet. The grand lama is only to be seen in a secret place of his palace, amidst a great number of lamps, sitting cross-legged on a cushion, and decked all over with gold and precious stones; while, at a distance, the people prostrate themselves before him, it being not lawful for any so much as to kiss his feet. He returns not the least sign of respect, nor ever speaks, even to the greatest princes; but only lays his hand upon their heads, and they are fully persuaded that they thereby receive a full forgiveness of their sins. The Sunniasses, or Indian pilgrims, often visit Thibet as a holy place; and the lama entertains a body of two or three hundred in his pay. Beside his religious influence and authority, he is possessed of unlimited power throughout his dominions, which are very extensive. The inferior lamas, who form the most numerous as well as the most powerful body in the state, have the priesthood entirely in their hands, and, beside, fill up many monastic orders, which are held in great veneration among them. The whole country, like Italy, abounds with priests; and they entirely subsist on the rich presents sent them from the utmost extent of Tartary, from the empire of the great mogul, and from almost all parts of the Indies. The opinion of the orthodox among the Thibetians is, that when the grand lama seems to die, either of old age or infirmities, his soul, in fact, only quits a crazy habitation to enter another, younger and better; and is discovered again in the body of some child, by certain tokens, known only to the lamas, or priests, in which order he always appears. Almost all the nations of the east, except the Mohammedans, believe the metempsychosis, or transmigration of the soul, as the most important article of their faith; especially the inhabitants of Thibet and Ava, the Peguans, the Siamese, the greater part of the Chinese and Japanese, and the Monguls and Kalmucks. According to their doctrine, the soul no sooner leaves her old habitation than she enters a new one. The delai lama, therefore, or rather the god Foe or Fuh, residing in the delai lama, passes to his successor; and he being a god, to whom all things are known, the grand lama is therefore acquainted with every thing which happened during his residence in his former bodies. This religion, which was early adopted in a large part of the globe, is said to have been of three thousand years’ standing; and neither time, nor the influence of men, has had the power of shaking the authority of the grand lama. This theocracy, which extends as fully to temporal as to spiritual concerns, is professed all over Thibet and Mongalia; is almost universal in Greater and Less Bucharia, and several provinces of Tartary; has some followers in the kingdom of Cashmere, in India; and is the predominant religion of China.
LAMAISM, the religion of the people of Tibet. The Dalai Lama, or “Great Lama,” is both the high priest and the visible object of worship for this nation, the nomadic Tartars, and the vast population of China. He resides in Patoli, a large palace on a mountain near the Burampooter River, about seven miles from Lahasse. At the foot of the mountain, there are twenty thousand lamas, or priests, attending their sovereign pontiff, who is believed to be the representative of God on earth; the distant Tartars see him as the Deity himself and refer to him as God, the eternal Father of heaven. They believe he is immortal and possesses all knowledge and virtue. Each year, people come from different regions to worship and make rich offerings at his shrine. Even the emperor of China, a Manchu Tartar, pays his respects to him in his religious role and hosts a lower-ranking lama at the palace in Beijing as his envoy from Tibet. The grand lama can only be seen in a secluded part of his palace, surrounded by numerous lamps, sitting cross-legged on a cushion, adorned in gold and precious stones; people prostrate themselves before him from a distance, as it is forbidden to even kiss his feet. He shows no signs of respect or speaks, even to high-ranking princes; he simply places his hand on their heads, and they believe this grants them complete forgiveness for their sins. The Sunniasses, or Indian pilgrims, frequently visit Tibet as a sacred place, and the lama employs a group of two to three hundred in his service. In addition to his religious influence and authority, he holds absolute power over his vast dominions. The lower-ranking lamas, who are both the most numerous and the most powerful group in the state, completely control the priesthood and also participate in many monastic orders, which they deeply respect. The entire country, much like Italy, is filled with priests, who entirely rely on the generous offerings sent from far reaches of Tartary, the empire of the great mogul, and almost all parts of the Indies. The orthodox view among Tibetans is that when the grand lama seems to die, either from old age or illness, his soul simply leaves a worn-out body to enter a new, younger one; he is recognized in a child’s body by specific signs known only to the lamas. Almost all Eastern nations, except for the Muslims, believe in metempsychosis, or the transmigration of the soul, which is a core tenet of their faith; this belief is especially prevalent among the people of Tibet and Ava, the Peguans, the Siamese, the majority of the Chinese and Japanese, as well as the Mongols and Kalmucks. According to their beliefs, as soon as the soul departs from its old body, it enters a new one. Therefore, the Dalai Lama, or rather the god Foe or Fuh residing in the Dalai Lama, transfers to his successor; and since he is a god who knows everything, the grand lama is therefore aware of everything that happened during his time in his previous bodies. This religion, which took hold in a large part of the world early on, is said to be around three thousand years old; neither time nor the influence of men has been able to undermine the authority of the grand lama. This theocracy, which governs both temporal and spiritual matters, is practiced throughout Tibet and Mongolia, is nearly universal in Greater and Lesser Bucharia, and in various provinces of Tartary; it has some adherents in the kingdom of Cashmere, India, and is the dominant religion in China.
It has been observed that the religion of Thibet is the counterpart of the Roman Catholic, since the inhabitants of that country use holy water, and a singing service. They also offer alms, prayers, and sacrifices for the dead. They have a vast number of convents filled with monks and friars, amounting to thirty thousand, and confessors chosen by their superiors. They use beads, wear the mitre, like the bishops; and their delai lama is nearly the same among them as the sovereign pontiff was formerly, in the zenith of his power, among 567the Roman Catholics. So complete is the resemblance, that, when one of the first Romish missionaries penetrated Thibet, he came to the conclusion that the devil had set up there an imitation of the rites of the Catholic church, in order the more effectually to destroy the souls of men. Captain Turner, speaking of the religion of Thibet, says, It seems to be the schismatical offspring of the religion of the Hindoos, deriving its origin from one of the followers of that faith, a disciple of Bouddhu, who first broached the doctrine which now prevails over the wide extent of Tartary. It is reported to have received its earliest admission in that part of Tibet, or Thibet, bordering upon India, which from hence became the seat of the sovereign lamas, to have traversed over Mantchieux Tartary, and to have been ultimately disseminated over China and Japan. Though it differs from the Hindoo in many of its outward forms, yet it still bears a very close affinity with the religion of Brumha in many important particulars. The principal idol in the temples of Tibet, or Thibet, is Muha-Moonee, the Booddhu of Bengal, who is worshipped under these and various other epithets, throughout the great extent of Tartary, and among all nations to the eastward of the Brumhapootru. In the wide-extended space over which this faith prevails, the same object of veneration is acknowledged under numerous titles: among others, he is styled Godumu, or Gotumu, in Assam and Ava, Shumunu in Siam, Amida Buth in Japan, Fohi in China,” &c.
It has been noted that the religion of Tibet is similar to Roman Catholicism, as the people of that region use holy water and have a singing service. They also give alms, offer prayers, and make sacrifices for the dead. There are a large number of monasteries filled with monks and friars, totaling around thirty thousand, along with confessors selected by their superiors. They use prayer beads and wear a mitre similar to bishops, and their delai lama is quite comparable to what the pope was in his prime among Roman Catholics. The resemblance is so striking that when one of the first Catholic missionaries came to Tibet, he believed that the devil had created a copy of Catholic Church rites there to more effectively lead souls astray. Captain Turner, discussing the religion of Tibet, remarks that it seems to be a splintered version of Hinduism, originating from one of its followers, a disciple of Buddha, who introduced the doctrine that now extends throughout Tartary. It is said to have first spread in the part of Tibet bordering India, which then became the center of the sovereign lamas, traveling through Manchurian Tartary, and eventually reaching China and Japan. Although it differs from Hinduism in many external practices, it still shares a close connection with the religion of Brahma in several significant ways. The main idol in the temples of Tibet is Muha-Moonee, the Buddha of Bengal, who is worshipped under various names throughout Tartary and among all nations east of the Brahmaputra. Across the vast regions where this faith is practiced, the same object of reverence is recognized by numerous titles: among others, he is called Godumu or Gotumu in Assam and Ava, Shumunu in Siam, Amida Buth in Japan, Fohi in China, etc.
LAMBETH ARTICLES. See Predestination.
LAMBETH ARTICLES. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
LAMECH, a descendant of Cain, the son of Mathusael, and father of Jabal, Jubal, Tubal-Cain, and Naamah, Gen. iv, 18–20, &c. He stands branded as the father of polygamy, the first who dared to violate the sacred command, Gen. ii, 24; giving way to his unbridled passion, and thus overleaping the divine mound raised by the wisdom of our great Creator; which restraint is enforced by the laws of nature herself, who peoples the earth with an equal number of males and females, and thereby teaches foolish man that polygamy is incompatible with her wise regulations. He married Adah and Zillah: the former was the mother of Jabal and Jubal, and the latter of Tubal-Cain and Naamah, his sister.
LAMECH, a descendant of Cain, the son of Mathusael, and the father of Jabal, Jubal, Tubal-Cain, and Naamah, Gen. iv, 18–20, &c. He is marked as the father of polygamy, the first to challenge the sacred command, Gen. ii, 24; giving in to his uncontrolled desire, and thus ignoring the divine boundary established by the wisdom of our great Creator; which restriction is supported by the laws of nature herself, who fills the earth with an equal number of males and females, and thereby shows foolish man that polygamy conflicts with her wise rules. He married Adah and Zillah: Adah was the mother of Jabal and Jubal, while Zillah was the mother of Tubal-Cain and Naamah, his sister.
2. Lamech, the son of Methuselah, and father of Noah. He lived a hundred fourscore and two years before the birth of Noah, Gen. v, 25, 31; after which he lived five hundred and ninety-five years longer: thus the whole term of his life was seven hundred and seventy-seven years.
2. Lamech, the son of Methuselah and father of Noah. He lived 182 years before Noah was born, Gen. v, 25, 31; after that, he lived another 595 years. So, the total length of his life was 777 years.
LAMENTATIONS OF JEREMIAH. This book was formerly annexed to his prophecies, though it now forms a separate book. Josephus, and several other learned men, have referred them to the death of Josiah; but the more common opinion is, that they were applicable only to some period subsequent to the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. But though it be allowed that the Lamentations were primarily intended as a pathetic description of present calamities, yet while Jeremiah mourns the desolation of Judah and Jerusalem during the Babylonian captivity, he may be considered as prophetically painting the still greater miseries they were to suffer at some future time: this seems plainly indicated by his referring to the time when the punishmentpunishment of their iniquity shall be accomplished, and they shall no more be carried into captivity, Lam. iv, 22. The Lamentations are written in metre, and consist of a number of plaintive effusions, composed after the manner of funeral dirges. They seem to have been originally written by their author as they arose in his mind, and to have been afterward joined together as one poem. There is no regular arrangement of the subject, or disposition of the parts: the same thought is frequently repeated with different imagery, or expressed in different words. There is, however, no wild incoherency, or abrupt transition; the whole appears to have been dictated by the feelings of real grief. Tenderness and sorrow form the general character of these elegies; and an attentive reader will find great beauty in many of the images, and great energy in some of the expressions. This book of Lamentations is divided into five chapters; in the first, second, and fourth, the prophet speaks in his own person, or by an elegant and interesting personification introduces the city of Jerusalem as lamenting her calamities, and confessing her sins; in the third chapter a single Jew, speaking in the name of a chorus of his countrymen, like the Coryphæus of the Greeks, describes the punishment inflicted upon him by God, but still acknowledges his mercy, and expresses some hope of deliverance; and in the fifth chapter, the whole nation of the Jews pour forth their united complaints and supplications to almighty God.
LAMENTATIONS OF JEREMIAH. This book was once attached to his prophecies, but it now stands alone. Josephus and several other scholars have linked it to the death of Josiah; however, the more common view is that it refers to a time after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. While it is true that the Lamentations primarily serve as a moving portrayal of current disasters, Jeremiah mourns for the desolation of Judah and Jerusalem during the Babylonian captivity and may also be foretelling even greater suffering they would endure in the future. This is evident from his reference to the time when the punishmentpunishment for their wrongdoings will be completed, and they will no longer be taken into captivity, Lam. iv, 22. The Lamentations are written in verse and consist of a series of sorrowful expressions, crafted like funeral songs. They were likely penned by the author as the thoughts came to him and later compiled into a single poem. There’s no formal structure or organization of the content; similar ideas are often reiterated with different imagery or phrasing. Nonetheless, there’s no chaotic disarray or abrupt shifts; the entire work seems to flow from genuine sorrow. Tenderness and grief characterize these elegies, and a careful reader can find much beauty in many of the images, along with powerful expressions. This book of Lamentations is divided into five chapters; in the first, second, and fourth chapters, the prophet speaks in his own voice or introduces the city of Jerusalem personified, lamenting its misfortunes and admitting its sins. In the third chapter, an individual Jew, representing a chorus of his people like the leader in Greek tragedies, talks about the punishment God has imposed on him, while still acknowledging His mercy and expressing some hope for salvation. In the fifth chapter, the entire Jewish nation voices their combined complaints and prayers to Almighty God.
Every chapter, with the exception of the third, contains twenty-two verses, corresponding in number with the letters of the Hebrew alphabet; and each verse commences with a different letter, the first with aleph, the second with beth, the third with gimel, &c. The third chapter, consisting of sixty-six verses, has three verses together beginning with the same letter, the following three with the next letter, &c. This peculiarity may be seen in Psalm cxix; the first eight verses in which commence with aleph, the next eight with beth, &c, till the whole alphabet has been consecutively taken. This mode of versification, which has some distant resemblance to the modern acrostic style, seems to have been employed by the Hebrews in some of their elegiac poetry, perhaps to assist the memory.
Every chapter, except for the third, has twenty-two verses, matching the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. Each verse starts with a different letter: the first with aleph, the second with beth, the third with gimel, and so on. The third chapter has sixty-six verses, where three verses begin with the same letter, followed by three verses starting with the next letter, etc. You can see this feature in Psalm cxix; the first eight verses start with aleph, the next eight with beth, and so forth, until the entire alphabet has been covered. This method of structuring verses, which bears some resemblance to the modern acrostic style, appears to have been used by the Hebrews in some of their elegiac poetry, possibly to help with memorization.
LAMP, λαμπας. There is frequent mention of lamps in Scripture, and the word is often used figuratively. The houses in the east were, from the remotest antiquity, lighted with lamps; and hence it is so common in Scripture to call every thing which enlightens the body or mind, which guides or refreshes, by the name of a lamp. These lamps were sustained by a large candlestick set upon the ground. The houses of Egypt, in modern 568times, are never without lights: they burn lamps all the night long, and in every occupied apartment. So requisite to the comfort of a family is this custom reckoned, or so imperious is the power which it exercises, that the poorest people would rather retrench part of their food than neglect it. As this custom no doubt prevailed in Egypt and the adjacent regions of Arabia and Palestine in former times, it imparts a beauty and force to some passages of Scripture which have been little observed. Thus, in the language of Jeremiah, to extinguish the light in an apartment is a convertible phrase for total destruction; and nothing can more properly and emphatically represent the total destruction of a city than the extinction of the lights: I will take from them the light of a candle, and this whole land shall be a desolation and an astonishment.” Job describes the destruction of a family among the Arabs, and the desolation of their dwellings, in the very language of the prophet: How oft is the candle of the wicked put out, and how oft cometh their destruction upon them!” Job xxi, 17. Bildad expresses the same idea in the following beautiful passage: Yea, the light of the wicked shall be put out, and the spark of his fire shall not shine. The light shall be dark in his tabernacle, and his candle shall be put out with him,” Job xviii, 5, 6. A burning lamp is, on the other hand, the chosen symbol of prosperity, a beautiful instance of which occurs in the complaint of Job: O that I were as in months past, as in the days when God preserved me; when his candle shined upon my head, and when by his light I walked through darkness,” Job xxix, 2, 3. When the ten tribes were taken from Rehoboam, and given to his rival, Jehovah promised to reserve one tribe, and assigns this reason: That David my servant may have a light always before me in Jerusalem,” 1 Kings xi, 36. In many parts of the east, and in particular in the Indies, instead of torches and flambeaux, they carry a pot of oil in one hand, and a lamp full of oily rags in the other.
LAMP, λαμπας. The Bible often mentions lamps, and the term is frequently used in a figurative sense. Houses in the East have been lit with lamps since ancient times, which is why it's common in Scripture to refer to anything that brings light to the body or mind, guides, or refreshes as a lamp. These lamps were held up by large candlesticks placed on the ground. In modern Egypt, homes are never without lights: they keep lamps burning all night long in every room. This practice is considered essential for a family's comfort, to the point where even the poorest people would rather cut back on food than let it slip. As this practice certainly existed in Egypt and nearby areas of Arabia and Palestine in earlier times, it adds depth and richness to some biblical passages that have not been widely noted. For example, in Jeremiah's writings, to extinguish the light in a room is a metaphor for complete destruction; nothing captures the total ruin of a city better than the extinguishing of its lights: “I will take from them the light of a candle, and this whole land shall be a desolation and an astonishment.” Job describes the devastation of a family among the Arabs and the emptiness of their homes using similar language: “How often is the candle of the wicked put out, and how often does their destruction come upon them!” Job xxi, 17. Bildad conveys the same idea beautifully: “Yes, the light of the wicked shall be put out, and the spark of his fire shall not shine. The light shall be dark in his tent, and his candle shall be put out with him,” Job xviii, 5, 6. Conversely, a burning lamp symbolizes prosperity, as shown in Job's lament: “Oh, that I were as in months past, as in the days when God watched over me; when his lamp shone on my head, and I walked through darkness by his light,” Job xxix, 2, 3. When the ten tribes were taken from Rehoboam and given to his rival, God promised to keep one tribe for the sake of David: “That David my servant may have a light always before me in Jerusalem,” 1 Kings xi, 36. In many Eastern regions, especially in India, instead of torches and flambeaux, people carry a pot of oil in one hand and a lamp filled with oily rags in the other.
LANGUAGE, the faculty of human speech, concerning the origin of which there have been entertained different opinions among philosophers and learned men. The Mosaic history, which gives us an account of the formation and first occupations of man, represents him as being immediately capable of conversing with his Maker; of giving names to the various tribes and classes of animals; and of reasoning consecutively, and in perfectly appropriate terms, concerning his own situation, and the relation he stood in to the other creatures. As in man’s first attempt at speech, according to this account, there appear no crudeness of conception, no barrenness of ideas, and no inexpressive or unappropriate terms, we must certainly infer, that God who made and endued him with corporeal and mental powers perfectly suited to his state and condition in life, endued him, also, not only with the faculty of speech, but with speech or language itself; which latter was as necessary to his comfort, and to the perfection and end of his being, as any other power or faculty which his Creator thought proper to bestow upon him.
LANGUAGE, the ability to communicate through speech, has sparked various opinions among philosophers and scholars about its origin. The biblical account depicts the creation of man as someone who could immediately talk with his Creator, assign names to different animals, and reason clearly and accurately about his situation and his relationship to other creatures. In man’s first attempt at speaking, there seems to be no clumsiness in thought, no lack of ideas, and no vague or inappropriate language. Therefore, we can conclude that God, who created him with physical and mental abilities suited to his life, also endowed him not just with the ability to speak, but with language itself, which was essential for his comfort and for fulfilling his purpose, just like any other power or ability his Creator deemed necessary to give him.
Among the antediluvians there was but one language; and even now the indications that the various languages of the earth have had one common source are very convincing. Whether this primitive language was the same with any of the languages of which we have still any remains, has been a subject of much dispute. That the primitive language continued at least till the dispersion of mankind, consequent upon the building of Babel, there seems little reason to doubt. When, by an immediate interposition of divine power, the language of men was confounded, we are not informed to what extent this confusion of tongues prevailed. Under the article Confusion of Tongues some reasons are given to show that the primitive language was not lost at that event, but continued in the form of the Hebrew.
Among the people before the flood, there was only one language; and even today, there are strong signs that the different languages of the world all stem from a common source. Whether this original language is the same as any of the languages we still have remnants of is a topic that has sparked a lot of debate. It seems likely that the original language persisted at least until humanity was scattered after the Tower of Babel was built. We aren’t told the full extent of the confusion of languages that followed the direct intervention of divine power. In the section Confusion of Tongues, some reasons are presented to argue that the original language wasn't completely lost during that event but continued on in the form of Hebrew.
There are, however, other opinions on the oft disputed subject as to the primitive language. The Armenians allege, that as the ark rested in their country, Noah and his children must have remained there a considerable time, before the lower and marshy country of Chaldea could be fit to receive them; and it is therefore reasonable to suppose they left their language there, which was probably the very same that Adam spoke. Some have fancied the Greek the most ancient tongue, because of its extent and copiousness. The Teutonic, or that dialect of it which is spoken in the Lower Germany and Brabant, has found a strenuous patron in Geropius Becanus, who endeavours to derive even the Hebrew itself from that tongue. The pretensions of the Chinese to this honour have been allowed by several Europeans. The patrons of this opinion endeavour to support it, partly, by the great antiquity of the Chinese, and their having preserved themselves so many ages from any considerable mixture or intercourse with other nations. It is a notion advanced by Dr. Allix, and maintained by Mr. Whiston, with his usual tenacity and fervour, that the Chinese are the posterity of Noah, by his children born after the flood; and that Fohi, the first king of China, was Noah. As for those which are called the oriental languages, they have each their partisans. The generality of eastern writers allow the preference to the Syriac, except the Jews, who assert the antiquity of the Hebrew with the greatest warmth; and with them several Christian writers agree, particularly Chrysostom, Austin, Origen, and Jerome, among the ancients; and among the moderns, Bochart, Heidegger, Selden, and Buxtorf. The Sanscrit has also put in its claims; and some have thought that the Pali bears the character of the highest antiquity. All these are however useless speculations. The only point worth contending for is, that language was conveyed at once to the first pair in sufficient degree for intellectual intercourse with each other, and devotional 569intercourse with God; and that man was not left, as infidel writers have been pleased to say, to form it for himself out of rude and instinctive sounds. On this subject the remarks of Delaney are conclusive: “That God made man a sociable creature, does not need to be proved; and that when he made him such, he withheld nothing from him that was in any wise necessary for his well being in society, is a clear consequence from the wisdom and goodness of God; and if he withheld nothing any way necessary to his well being, much less would he withhold from him that which is the instrument of the greatest happiness a reasonable creature is capable of in this world. If the Lord God made ‘Adam a help meet for him,’ because ‘it was not good for man to be alone,’ can we imagine he would leave him unfurnished with the means to make that help useful and delightful to him? If it was not good for him to be alone, certainly neither was it good for him to have a companion to whom he could not readily communicate his thoughts, with whom he could neither ease his anxieties, nor divide or double his joys, by a kind, a friendly, a reasonable, a religious conversation; and how he could do this in any degree of perfection, or to any height of rational happiness, is utterly inconceivable without the use of speech.
There are, however, different views on the often debated topic of the original language. The Armenians claim that since the ark landed in their region, Noah and his children must have stayed there for a while before the low and marshy land of Chaldea was suitable for them. Therefore, it seems reasonable to think they left their language there, which was likely the same one that Adam spoke. Some people believe Greek is the oldest language because of its richness and depth. The Teutonic language, or the variant spoken in Lower Germany and Brabant, has a strong advocate in Geropius Becanus, who even tries to trace Hebrew back to that language. Some Europeans have accepted the claims of the Chinese for this honor. Proponents of this idea argue for it partly due to the long history of the Chinese and their ability to maintain minimal mixing or interaction with other nations over the ages. Dr. Allix has proposed, and Mr. Whiston argues passionately, that the Chinese are descendants of Noah through his children born after the flood, and that Fohi, China’s first king, was Noah. As for what are called the eastern languages, each has its supporters. Most eastern writers prefer Syriac, except for the Jews, who strongly contend for the antiquity of Hebrew, a view supported by several Christian writers, especially Chrysostom, Augustine, Origen, and Jerome among the ancients, and modern scholars like Bochart, Heidegger, Selden, and Buxtorf. Sanskrit has also claimed this title, and some believe that Pali shows signs of great antiquity. But all of these are just unproductive speculations. The only important point to argue is that language was given to the first pair in a sufficient form for them to communicate intellectually and spiritually with God; and that man was not left, as some atheistic writers suggest, to create it himself from crude and instinctive sounds. Delaney’s observations on this topic are definitive: “That God made man a social being doesn’t need proving; and that when He made him so, He didn’t withhold anything necessary for his well-being in society is a clear consequence of God’s wisdom and goodness; and if He withheld nothing that was essential for his well-being, He certainly wouldn’t withhold from him the means to experience the greatest happiness a rational being can have in this world. If the Lord God made ‘Adam a help meet for him’ because ‘it was not good for man to be alone,’ can we imagine He would leave him without the means to make that help useful and enjoyable? If it wasn’t good for him to be alone, it certainly wasn’t good for him to have a companion he couldn’t easily communicate with, with whom he couldn’t share his concerns or joys through friendly, reasonable, and religious conversation; and how he could achieve this to any meaningful extent or level of rational happiness is completely unimaginable without the use of speech.
“If it be said, that the human organs being admirably fitted for the formation of articulate sounds, these, with the help of reason, might in time lead men to the use of language. I own it imaginable that they might: but still, till that end were attained in perfection, which possibly might not be in a series of many generations, it must be owned that brutes were better dealt by, and could better attain all the ends of their creation. And if that be absurd to be supposed, certainly the other is not less absurd to be believed. Nay, I think it justly doubtful, whether, without inspiration from God in this point, man could ever attain the true ends of his being; at least, if we may judge in this case, by the example of those nations who, being destitute of the advantages of a perfect language, are, in all probability, from the misfortune of that sole defect, sunk into the lowest condition of barbarism and brutality. And as to the perfection in which the human organs are framed and fitted for the formation of articulate sounds, this is clearly an argument for believing that God immediately blessed man with the use of speech, and gave him wherewithal to exert those organs to their proper ends; for this is surely as credible, as that when he gave him an appetite for food, and proper organs to eat and to digest it, he did not leave him to seek painfully for a necessary supply, (till his offence had made such a search his curse and punishment,) but placed him at once in the midst of abundant plenty. The consequence from all which is, that the perfection and felicity of man, and the wisdom and goodness of God, necessarily required that Adam should be supernaturally endowed with the knowledge and use of language. And therefore, as certain as it can be, that man was made perfect and happy, and that God is wise and good; so certain is it, that, when Adam and Eve were formed, they were immediately enabled by God to converse and communicate their thoughts, in all the perfection of language necessary to all the ends of their creation. And as this was the conduct most becoming the goodness of God, so we are assured from Moses, that it was that to which his infinite wisdom determined him; for we find that Adam gave names to all the creatures before Eve was formed; and, consequently, before necessity taught him the use of speech.”
“If it is said that human organs are perfectly designed for making speech sounds, then, with the aid of reason, they could eventually lead humans to use language. I can imagine that they might, but until that goal is fully achieved—which may take many generations—it must be acknowledged that animals were better off and could more easily achieve the purposes of their existence. If it seems absurd to think otherwise, it's equally absurd to believe in the contrary. I also think it’s questionable whether, without divine inspiration in this matter, humans could ever reach the true purposes of their being; at least, we can judge this by looking at those nations that lack a complete language and have likely sunk into barbarism and brutality due to this single shortcoming. Regarding how well human organs are made for articulating sounds, this strongly suggests that God directly gifted humans with the ability to speak and gave them the means to use those organs effectively; this is as believable as the idea that, when He gave humans a need for food and the right organs to eat and digest it, He didn’t leave them to struggle painfully for what they needed (until their wrongdoing made this search a curse and punishment), but rather placed them in the midst of abundance. The conclusion is that the perfection and happiness of humanity, along with the wisdom and goodness of God, necessitated that Adam be supernaturally endowed with the knowledge and ability to use language. Therefore, just as it is certain that man was created perfect and happy, and that God is wise and good, it is equally certain that when Adam and Eve were created, they were immediately enabled by God to communicate their thoughts in the full perfection of language necessary for all the purposes of their existence. This aligns with the goodness of God, and we can be assured by Moses that this was indeed what His infinite wisdom decided; since we see that Adam named all the creatures before Eve was created, and thus before necessity taught him the use of speech.”
It is true that many languages bear marks of being raised to their improved state from rude and imperfect elements, and that all are capable of being enriched and rendered more exact; and it is this which has given some colour to those theories which trace all language itself up from elemental sounds, as the necessities of men, their increasing knowledge, and their imagination led to the invention of new words and combinations. All this is, however, consistent with the Scripture fact, that language was taught at first by God to our first parents. The dispersion of mankind carried many tribes to great distances, and wars still farther scattered them, and often into wide regions where they were farther dispersed to live chiefly by the chase, by fishing, or at best but an imperfect agriculture. In various degrees we know they lost useful arts; and for the same reasons they would lose much of their original language; those terms being chiefly retained which their immediate necessities, and the common affairs of a gross life, kept in use. But when civilization again overtook these portions of mankind, and kingdoms and empires were founded among them, or they became integral parts of the old empires, then their intercourse with each other becoming more rapid, and artificial, and intellectual, their language was put into a new process of improvement, and to the eye of the critic would exhibit the various stages of advancement; and in many it would be pushed beyond that perfection which it had when it first began to deteriorate. See Letters.
It’s true that many languages show signs of being developed from rough and imperfect beginnings, and that all can be enriched and made more precise. This has led to some theories suggesting that all language originates from basic sounds as human needs, knowledge, and imagination spurred the creation of new words and combinations. However, this aligns with the biblical fact that language was initially taught by God to our first ancestors. The scattering of humanity sent many tribes far away, and wars dispersed them even more, often into remote areas where they primarily lived by hunting, fishing, or practicing only rudimentary agriculture. Over time, we know they lost many useful skills, and for similar reasons, they would have lost much of their original language, retaining mainly the terms needed for their immediate needs and the basic activities of daily life. But when civilization eventually reached these groups again, and kingdoms and empires were established among them, or they became part of older empires, their interactions grew more frequent, complex, and intellectual. Their language then entered a new phase of development, revealing different stages of progress to the discerning critic; in many cases, it advanced beyond the level of perfection it had when it first started to decline. See Messages.
LANTERN. The word occurs, John xviii, 3: μετὰ φανῶν καὶ λαμπάδων: with torches and lanterns:” but both terms appear to signify torches; the former of a ruder kind than the latter, being formed of split laths bound into bundles, throwing around a strong glare of light. They came thus furnished to apprehend our Lord, lest he should escape through the darkness of the night.
LANTERN. The word appears in John xviii, 3: μετὰ φανῶν καὶ λαμπάδων: "with torches and lanterns;" but both terms seem to mean torches; the first refers to a more primitive type than the second, made of split wood tied into bundles, which cast a strong light. They arrived prepared this way to capture our Lord, so he wouldn't escape into the night.
LAODICEA. There were several cities of this name, but the Scripture speaks only of that in Phrygia, upon the river Lycus, near Colosse. Its ancient name was Diospolis: it was afterward called Rhoas. Lastly, Antiochus, the son of Stratonice, rebuilt it, and called it Laodicea, from the name of his wife Laodice. It became the mother church of sixteen bishoprics. Its three theatres, and the immense circus, which was capable of containing 570upward of thirty thousand spectators, the spacious remains of which (with other ruins buried under ruins) are yet to be seen, give proof of the greatness of its ancient wealth and population; and indicate too strongly that in that city where Christians were rebuked, without exception, for their lukewarmness, there were multitudes who were lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God. The amphitheatre was built after the Apocalypse was written, and the warning of the Spirit had been given to the church of the Laodiceans to be zealous and repent. There are no sights of grandeur, nor scenes of temptation around it now. Its own tragedy may be briefly told. It was lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot; and therefore it was loathsome in the sight of God. And it has been blotted from the world. It is now as desolate as its inhabitants were destitute of the fear and love of God. It is, as described in his Travels by Dr. Smith, utterly desolated, and without any inhabitant except wolves, and jackals, and foxes.” It can boast of no human inhabitants, except occasionally when wandering Turcomans pitch their tents in its spacious amphitheatre. The finest sculptured fragments are to be seen at a considerable depth, in excavations which have been made among the ruins. And Colonel Lake observes, There are few ancient cities more likely than Laodicea to preserve many curious remains of antiquity beneath the surface of the soil. Its opulence, and the earthquakes to which it was subject, render it probable that valuable works of art were often there buried beneath the ruins of the public and private edifices.”
LAODICEA. There were several cities with this name, but the Scripture refers specifically to the one in Phrygia, along the Lycus River, near Colosse. Its original name was Diospolis, later changed to Rhoas. Eventually, Antiochus, the son of Stratonice, rebuilt it and named it Laodicea after his wife, Laodice. It became the main church for sixteen bishoprics. Its three theaters and the massive circus, which could hold over thirty thousand spectators, still reveal the extent of its ancient wealth and population, suggesting that in a city where Christians were consistently criticized for their lack of fervor, there were many who loved pleasure more than God. The amphitheater was built after the Apocalypse was written, following the warning from the Spirit to the church of the Laodiceans to be zealous and repent. There are no grand sights or tempting scenes surrounding it now. Its own story is brief: it was lukewarm, neither cold nor hot; thus, it was detestable to God. It has been erased from the world and is now as desolate as its inhabitants were lacking in the fear and love of God. It is described in Dr. Smith's Travels as completely abandoned, with no residents except for wolves, jackals, and foxes. It can barely claim any human presence, save for the occasional wandering Turcomans who set up their tents in its vast amphitheater. The finest sculpted fragments can be found at considerable depths in excavations among the ruins. Colonel Lake notes that few ancient cities are more likely than Laodicea to hold many interesting remnants of antiquity beneath its soil. Its wealth and the earthquakes it experienced suggest that valuable works of art were often buried beneath the ruins of public and private buildings.
LAPWING, דוכיפת, Levit. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18. The bird intended by the Hebrew name in these places is undoubtedly the hoopoe; a very beautiful, but most unclean and filthy, species of birds. The Septuagint renders it ἔποπα; and the Vulgate, upupa; which is the same with the Arabian interpreters. The Egyptian name of the bird is kukuphah; and the Syrian, kikuphah; which approach the Hebrew dukiphath. It may have its name from the noise or cry it makes, which is very remarkable, and may be heard a great way.
LAPWING, דוכיפת, Lev. 11:19; Deut. 14:18. The bird referred to by the Hebrew name in these passages is definitely the hoopoe; a very beautiful yet utterly unclean and filthy type of bird. The Septuagint translates it as ἔποπα, and the Vulgate uses upupa; which is also the same in Arabian interpretations. The Egyptian name for the bird is kukuphah; and the Syrian name is kikuphah; both of which resemble the Hebrew dukiphath. It might have its name because of the distinctive noise or cry it makes, which is quite notable and can be heard from a long distance.
LATITUDINARIANS, a term applied to those divines who, in the seventeenth century, attempted to bring Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Independents, into one communion, by compromising the differences between them. The chief leaders of this party were the great Chillingworth and John Hales; to whom may be added More, Cudworth, Gale, Tillotson, and Whitchcot. They were zealously attached to the church of England, but did not look upon episcopacy as indispensable to the constitution of the Christian church. Hence they maintained that those who adopted other forms of government and worship, were not on that account to be excluded from the communion, or to forfeit the title of brethren. They reduced the fundamental doctrines of Christianity to a few points. By this way of proceeding, they endeavoured to show that neither the Episcopalians, who, generally speaking, were then Arminians, nor the Presbyterians and Independents, who as generally adopted the doctrines of Calvin, had any reason to oppose each other with such animosity and bitterness; since the subjects of their debates were matters non-essential to salvation, and might be variously explained and understood without prejudice to their eternal interests. This plan failing, through the violence of the bishops on one hand, (though sanctioned by the Lord Chancellor Clarendon,) and by the jealousy of the more rigid on the other, the name Latitudinarian became a term of reproach, as implying an indifferency to all religions, and has been generally so used ever since.
LATITUDINARIANS is a term used for those theologians in the seventeenth century who tried to unite Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Independents into one community by finding common ground between their differences. The main leaders of this movement included the notable Chillingworth and John Hales, along with More, Cudworth, Gale, Tillotson, and Whitchcot. They were strongly attached to the Church of England but didn’t see episcopacy as essential to the structure of the Christian church. Therefore, they argued that those who practiced different governance and worship styles shouldn’t be excluded from the communion or lose the title of brethren. They simplified the core beliefs of Christianity to a few key points. In doing so, they aimed to demonstrate that neither the Episcopalians, who were generally Arminians at the time, nor the Presbyterians and Independents, who typically adhered to Calvin's doctrines, had valid reasons to oppose each other with such hostility and bitterness. The issues they debated were non-essential to salvation and could be interpreted in various ways without harming their eternal interests. After this plan failed—due to the aggression of the bishops on one side, despite being supported by Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and the suspicion of the more rigid on the other—the term Latitudinarian became a derogatory label, implying indifference to all religions, and has been used that way ever since.
LAVER. Between the altar and the tabernacle, a little to the south, stood a circular laver, which, together with its base, was made of the brazen ornaments which the women had presented for the use of the tabernacle, and was thence called כור נחשת, Exodus xxx, 18; xl, 7. The priests, when about to perform their duties, washed their hands in this laver.
LAVER. Between the altar and the tabernacle, slightly to the south, there was a circular basin made of the bronze ornaments that the women had given for the use of the tabernacle, which is why it was called Copper kettle, Exodus xxx, 18; xl, 7. The priests washed their hands in this basin before carrying out their duties.
LAW, a rule of action; a precept or command, coming from a superior authority, which an inferior is bound to obey. The manner in which God governs rational creatures is by a law, as the rule of their obedience to him, and this is what we call God’s moral government of the world. The term, however, is used in Scripture with considerable latitude of meaning; and to ascertain its precise import in any particular place, it is necessary to regard the scope and connection of the passage in which it occurs. Thus, for instance, sometimes it denotes the whole revealed will of God as communicated to us in his word. In this sense it is generally used in the book of Psalms, i, 2; xix, 7; cxix; Isaiah viii, 20; xlii, 21. Sometimes it is taken for the Mosaical institution distinguished from the Gospel, John i, 17; Matt. xi, 13; xii, 5; Acts xxv, 8. Hence we frequently read of the law of Moses as expressive of the whole religion of the Jews, Heb. ix, 19; x, 28. Sometimes, in a more restricted sense, for the ritual or ceremonial observances of the Jewish religion. In this sense the Apostle speaks of the law of commandments contained in ordinances,” Eph. ii, 15; Heb. x, 1; and which, being only a shadow of good things to come,” Christ Jesus abolished by his death, and so in effect destroyed the ancient distinction between Jew and Gentile, Gal. iii, 17. Very frequently it is used to signify the decalogue, or ten precepts which were delivered to the Israelites from Mount Sinai. It is in this acceptation of the term that the Lord Jesus declares he came not to destroy the law, but to fulfil it,” Matt. v, 17; and he explains its import as requiring perfect love to God and man, Luke x, 27. It is in reference to this view that St. Paul affirms, By the deeds of the law shall no flesh living be justified; for by the law is the knowledge of sin,” Rom. iii, 20. The language of this law is, The soul that sinneth it shall die,” and Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things that are written,” or required, in the book of the law, to do 571them,” Gal. iii, 10. To deliver man from this penalty, Christ hath redeemed us from the curse of the law, being himself made a curse for us,” Gal. iii, 13. The law, in this sense, was not given that men should obtain righteousness or justification by it, but to convince them of sin, to show them their need of a Saviour, to shut them up, as it were, from all hopes of salvation from that source, and to recommend the Gospel of divine grace to their acceptance, Gal. iii, 19–25. Again, the law often denotes the rule of good and evil, or of right and wrong, revealed by the Creator and inscribed on man’s conscience, even at his creation, and consequently binding upon him by divine authority; and in this respect it is in substance the same with the decalogue. That such a law was connate with, and, as it were, implanted in, man, appears from its traces, which, like the ruins of some noble building, are still extant in every man. It is from those common notions, handed down by tradition, though often imperfect and perverted, that the Heathens themselves distinguished right from wrong, by which they were a law unto themselves, showing the work of the law written in their hearts, their conscience bearing witness,” Rom. ii, 12–15, although they had no express revelation.
LAW, a rule of action; a principle or command, coming from a higher authority that those below are required to follow. The way God governs rational beings is through a law, which serves as the standard for their obedience to Him, and this is known as God’s moral governance of the world. However, the term is used in Scripture with a lot of flexibility; to understand its exact meaning in any specific verse, it's essential to consider the context and purpose of the passage where it appears. For example, sometimes it refers to the entire revealed will of God as communicated to us in His word. This interpretation is often found in the book of Psalms, i, 2; xix, 7; cxix; Isaiah viii, 20; xlii, 21. Sometimes it refers to the Mosaic law distinct from the Gospel, John i, 17; Matt. xi, 13; xii, 5; Acts xxv, 8. Thus, we frequently read about the law of Moses as summarizing the entire religion of the Jews, Heb. ix, 19; x, 28. Sometimes, in a narrower sense, it refers to the rituals or ceremonial practices of the Jewish faith. In this sense, the Apostle refers to "the law of commandments contained in ordinances,” Eph. ii, 15; Heb. x, 1; which, being “only a shadow of good things to come,” Christ Jesus abolished through His death, effectively erasing the ancient divide between Jew and Gentile, Gal. iii, 17. It is also often used to mean the Decalogue, or the ten commandments given to the Israelites from Mount Sinai. It is in this sense that the Lord Jesus states He came not to destroy the law but to fulfill it,” Matt. v, 17; and He explains its meaning as demanding perfect love for God and others, Luke x, 27. In connection with this, St. Paul asserts, “By the deeds of the law shall no flesh living be justified; for by the law is the knowledge of sin,” Rom. iii, 20. The message of this law is, “The soul that sins shall die,” and “Cursed is everyone who does not continue in all things that are written,” or required, in the book of the law, to do them,” Gal. iii, 10. To rescue humanity from this penalty, Christ has redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse for us,” Gal. iii, 13. The law, in this sense, was not given for people to achieve righteousness or justification through it, but to make them aware of their sin, to highlight their need for a Savior, to close off all hope of salvation through that means, and to point them towards the Gospel of divine grace for their acceptance, Gal. iii, 19–25. Additionally, the law often signifies the standard of good and evil, or right and wrong, revealed by the Creator and written on humanity’s conscience from the beginning, and therefore binding by divine authority; in this respect, it is essentially the same as the Decalogue. That such a law is inherent in man is evident from its remnants, which, like the ruins of a grand building, still exist in everyone. It is through these common ideas, passed down by tradition, albeit often flawed and distorted, that the pagans themselves distinguished right from wrong, making them a law unto themselves, evidenced by the law written in their hearts, their conscience bearing witness,” Rom. ii, 12–15, even in the absence of explicit revelation.
The term law, is, however, eminently given to the Mosaic law; on the principles and spirit of which, a few general remarks may be offered. The right consideration of this divine institute, says Dr. Graves, will surround it with a glory of truth and holiness, not only worthy of its claims, but which has continued to be the light of the world on theological and moral subjects, and often on great political principles, to this day. If we examine the Jewish law, to discover the principle on which the whole system depends, the primary truth, to inculcate and illustrate which is its leading object, we find it to be that great basis of all religion, both natural and revealed, the self-existence, essential unity, perfections, and providence of the supreme Jehovah, the Creator of heaven and earth. The first line of the Mosaic writings inculcates this great truth: In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.” When the lawgiver begins to recapitulate the statutes and judgments he had enjoined to his nation, it is with this declaration: Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord,” Deut. vi, 4; or, as it might be more closely expressed, Jehovah our Elohim, or God, is one Jehovah. And at the commencement of that sublime hymn, delivered by Moses immediately before his death, in which this illustrious prophet sums up the doctrines he had taught, the wonders by which they had been confirmed, and the denunciations by which they were enforced, he declares this great tenet with the sublimity of eastern poetry, but at the same time with the precision of philosophic truth: Give ear,” says he, O ye heavens, and I will speak: and hear, O earth, the words of my mouth. My doctrine shall drop rain: my speech shall distil as the dew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass,” Deut. xxxii, 1, &c. What, is that doctrine so awful, that the whole universe is thus invoked to attend to it? so salutary as to be compared with the principle whose operation diffuses beauty and fertility over the vegetable world? Hear the answer: Because I will publish the name of Jehovah; ascribe ye greatness unto our God. He is the rock, his work is perfect: a God of truth, and without iniquity, just and right is he.”
The term "law" is primarily associated with the Mosaic law; upon its principles and spirit, a few general observations can be made. According to Dr. Graves, understanding this divine institution will surround it with a glow of truth and holiness, not only deserving of its claims but which has continued to enlighten the world on theological and moral issues, as well as significant political principles, to this day. If we examine the Jewish law to identify the foundational principle on which the entire system relies, the core truth that it aims to teach and illustrate, we find it to be the fundamental basis of all religion, both natural and revealed: the self-existence, essential unity, perfection, and providence of the supreme Jehovah, the Creator of heaven and earth. The first line of the Mosaic writings emphasizes this significant truth: "In the beginning, God created the heaven and the earth." When the lawgiver begins to reiterate the statutes and judgments he has established for his nation, he starts with this declaration: "Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord," Deut. vi, 4; or, more accurately stated, "Jehovah our Elohim, or God, is one Jehovah." At the beginning of that profound hymn delivered by Moses just before his death—where this remarkable prophet sums up the doctrines he had taught, the wonders that confirmed them, and the warnings that enforced them—he articulates this essential principle with the beauty of eastern poetry and the clarity of philosophical truth: "Give ear," he says, "O ye heavens, and I will speak: and hear, O earth, the words of my mouth. My doctrine shall drop like rain; my speech shall distill as the dew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass," Deut. xxxii, 1, etc. Why is that doctrine so significant that the entire universe is called to witness it? So beneficial that it's compared to the principle whose effects bring beauty and fertility to the plant world? The answer is: "Because I will publish the name of Jehovah; ascribe greatness unto our God. He is the rock, his work is perfect: a God of truth, and without iniquity, just and right is he."
This, then, is one great leading doctrine of the Jewish code. But the manner in which this doctrine is taught displays such wise accommodation to the capacity and character of the nation to whom it is addressed, as deserves to be carefully remarked. That character by which the supreme Being is most clearly distinguished from every other, however exalted; that character from which the acutest reasoners have endeavoured demonstratively to deduce, as from their source, all the divine attributes, is self-existence. Is it not then highly remarkable, that it is under this character the Divinity is described on his first manifestation to the Jewish lawgiver? The Deity at first reveals himself unto him as the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob; and therefore the peculiar national and guardian God of the Jewish race. Moses, conscious of the degeneracy of the Israelites, their ignorance of, or their inattention to, the true God, and the difficulty and danger of any attempt to recall them to his exclusive worship, and to withdraw them from Egypt, seems to decline the task; but when absolutely commanded to undertake it, he said unto God, Behold, when I come unto the children of Israel, and shall say unto them, The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say to me, What is his name? what shall I say unto them? And God said unto Moses, I am that I am: and he said, Thus shalt thou say unto the children of Israel, I Am hath sent me unto you,” Exod. iii, 13, 14. Here we observe, according to the constant method of the divine wisdom, when it condescends to the prejudices of men, how in the very instance of indulgence it corrects their superstition. The religion of names arose from an idolatrous polytheism; and the name given here directly opposes this error, and in the ignorance of that dark and corrupted period establishes that great truth, to which the most enlightened philosophy can add no new lustre, and on which all the most refined speculations on the divine nature ultimately rest, the self-existence, and, by consequence, the eternity and immutability, of the one great Jehovah.
This, then, is one key principle of the Jewish code. However, the way this principle is taught shows such wise adaptation to the understanding and character of the people it addresses that it deserves careful attention. The characteristic that most clearly sets the supreme Being apart from every other, no matter how elevated, is self-existence. Isn't it significant that this is how the Divine is described upon first revealing itself to the Jewish lawgiver? God initially presents Himself as the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; thus, He is the national and protective God of the Jewish people. Moses, aware of the Israelites' decline, their ignorance of or indifference to the true God, and the challenges and risks of trying to lead them back to His exclusive worship and away from Egypt, seems reluctant to take on the task. But when commanded to do so, he says to God, "Look, when I go to the children of Israel and say to them, 'The God of your fathers has sent me to you,' they will ask me, 'What is His name?' What should I tell them?" And God replies to Moses, I am that I am: and He says, "Tell the children of Israel, I Am has sent me to you.” (Exod. iii, 13, 14). Here we see, following the consistent approach of divine wisdom, how it accommodates human biases while also correcting their superstitions. The belief in names originated from an idolatrous polytheism, and the name given here directly counters this error. In the ignorance of that dark and corrupted time, it establishes the great truth, which even the most enlightened philosophy cannot enhance, and upon which all the most refined ideas regarding the divine nature ultimately rest: the self-existence and, therefore, the eternity and unchangeability of the one great Jehovah.
But though the self-existence of the Deity was a fact too abstract to require its being frequently inculcated, his essential unity was a practical principle, the sure foundation on which to erect the structure of true religion, and form a barrier against the encroachments of idolatry: for this commenced not so frequently in denying the existence, or even the supremacy, of the one true God, as in associating with him for objects of adoration inferior intermediate beings, who were supposed to be 572more directly employed in the administration of human affairs. To confute and resist this false principle was, therefore, one great object of the Jewish scheme. Hence the unity of God is inculcated with perpetual solicitude; it stands at the head of the system of moral law promulgated to the Jews from Sinai by the divine voice, heard by the assembled nation, and issuing from the divine glory, with every circumstance which could impress the deepest awe upon even the dullest minds: I am the Lord thy God, which have brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage; thou shalt have no other gods beside me,” Exod. xx, 2, 3. And in the recapitulation of the divine laws in Deuteronomy, it is repeatedly enforced with the most solemn earnestness: Hear, O Israel, The Lord our God is one Lord,” Deut. vi, 4. And again: Unto thee it was showed, that thou mightest know that the Lord he is God; there is none else beside him. Know, therefore, this day, and consider it in thine heart, that the Lord he is God in heaven above, and in the earth beneath: there is none else,” Deut. iv, 35, 39.
But while the self-existence of God is an abstract concept that doesn’t need to be repeated often, his essential unity is a practical principle—a solid foundation for building an authentic faith and forming a barrier against the rise of idolatry. This idolatry didn’t always start by outright denying the existence or supremacy of the one true God; instead, it often began by placing lesser, intermediate beings alongside Him as objects of worship, believed to have a more direct role in human affairs. Therefore, countering and resisting this false idea was a major goal of the Jewish faith. That’s why God's unity is emphasized with constant urgency; it is at the forefront of the moral laws given to the Jews from Sinai by the divine voice that was heard by the gathered nation, issuing from divine glory, accompanied by every circumstance that could instill the deepest fear even in the least perceptive: “I am the Lord your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage; you shall have no other gods besides me,” Exod. xx, 2, 3. Similarly, in the summary of divine laws in Deuteronomy, it is repeatedly stressed with utmost seriousness: “Hear, O Israel, The Lord our God is one Lord,” Deut. vi, 4. And again: “Unto you it was shown, that you might know that the Lord He is God; there is no other besides Him. Know, therefore, this day, and consider in your heart, that the Lord He is God in heaven above, and on the earth beneath: there is no other,” Deut. iv, 35, 39.
This self-existent, supreme and only God is moreover described as possessed of every perfection which can be ascribed to the Divinity: Ye shall be holy,” says the Lord to the people of the Jews; for I the Lord your God am holy,” Lev. xix, 2. Ascribe ye,” says the legislator, greatness unto our God; he is the rock; his work is perfect; a God of truth, and without iniquity, just and right is he,” Deut. xxxii, 4. And in the hymn of thanksgiving on the miraculous escape of the Israelites at the Red Sea, this is its burden: Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the gods? who is like unto thee, glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing wonders?” Exod. xv, 11. And when the Lord delivered to Moses the two tables of the moral law, he is described as descending in the cloud, and proclaiming the name of the Lord: And the Lord passed by before him, and proclaimed, The Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness, keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity, transgression, and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty,” Exod. xxxiv, 6, 7.
This self-existent, supreme, and only God is also described as having every perfection that can be attributed to divinity: “You shall be holy,” says the Lord to the people of Israel; “for I, the Lord your God, am holy,” Lev. xix, 2. “Ascribe greatness to our God,” says the legislator; “He is the rock; His work is perfect; a God of truth, without iniquity; just and right is He,” Deut. xxxii, 4. And in the hymn of thanksgiving for the miraculous escape of the Israelites at the Red Sea, its refrain is: “Who is like you, O Lord, among the gods? Who is like you, glorious in holiness, awesome in praises, doing wonders?” Exod. xv, 11. When the Lord gave Moses the two tablets of the moral law, He is described as coming down in a cloud and proclaiming the name of the Lord: “And the Lord passed by before him and proclaimed, ‘The Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and abundant in goodness, keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity, transgression, and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty,’” Exod. xxxiv, 6, 7.
But to teach the self-existence, the unity, the wisdom, and the power of the Deity, nay, even his moral perfections of mercy, justice, and truth, would have been insufficient to arrest the attention, and command the obedience of a nation, the majority of which looked no farther than mere present objects, and at that early period cherished scarcely any hopes higher than those of a temporal kind,--if, in addition to all this, care had not been taken to represent the providence of God as not only directing the government of the universe by general laws, but also perpetually superintending the conduct and determining the fortune of every nation, of every family, nay, of every individual. It was the disbelief or the neglect of this great truth which gave spirit and energy, plausibility and attraction, to the whole system of idolatry. While men believed that the supreme God and Lord of all was too exalted in his dignity, too remote from this sublunary scene, to regard its vicissitudes with an attentive eye, and too constantly engaged in the contemplation of his own perfections, and the enjoyment of his own independent and all-perfect happiness, to interfere in the regulation of human affairs, they regarded with indifference that supreme Divinity who seemed to take no concern in their conduct, and not to interfere as to their happiness. However exalted and perfect such a Being might appear to abstract speculation, he was to the generality of mankind as if he did not exist; as their happiness or misery were not supposed to be influenced by his power, they referred not their conduct to his direction. If he delegated to inferior beings the regulation of this inferior world; if all its concerns were conducted by their immediate agency, and all its blessings or calamities distributed by their immediate determination; it seemed rational, and even necessary, to supplicate their favour and submit to their authority; and neither unwise nor unsafe to neglect that Being, who, though all-perfect and supreme, would, on this supposition appear, with respect to mankind, altogether inoperative. In truth, this fact of the perpetual providence of God extending even to the minutest events, is inseparably connected with every motive which is offered to sway the conduct of the Jews, and forcibly inculcated by every event of their history. This had been manifested in the appointment of the land of Canaan for the future settlement of the chosen people on the first covenant which God entered into with the Patriarch Abraham; in the prophecy, that for four hundred years they should be afflicted in Egypt, and afterward be thence delivered; in the increase of their nation, under circumstances of extreme oppression, and their supernatural deliverance from that oppression. The same providence was displayed in the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea; the travels of the thousands of Israel through the wilderness, sustained by food from heaven; and in their subsequent settlement in the promised land by means entirely distinct from their own strength. Reliance on the same providence was the foundation of their civil government, the spirit and the principle of their constitution. On this only could they be commanded to keep the sabbatic year without tilling their land, or even gathering its spontaneous produce; confiding in the promise, that God would send his blessing on the sixth year, so that it should bring forth fruit for three years, Lev. xxv, 21. The same faith in Divine Providence alone could prevail on them to leave their properties and families exposed to the attack of their surrounding enemies; while all the males of the nation assembled at Jerusalem to celebrate the three great festivals, enjoined by divine command, with the assurance that no man should desire their land when they went up to appear before the Lord their God thrice in the year, Exodus xxxiv, 24. And, finally, it is most evident, that, contrary to all 573other lawgivers, the Jewish legislator renders his civil institutions entirely subordinate to his religious; and announces to his nation that their temporal adversity or prosperity would entirely depend, not on their observance of their political regulations; not on their preserving a military spirit, or acquiring commercial wealth, or strengthening themselves by powerful alliances; but on their continuing to worship the one true God according to the religious rites and ceremonies by him prescribed, and preserving their piety and morals untainted by the corruptions and vices which idolatry tended to introduce.
But to teach about the self-existence, the unity, the wisdom, and the power of God, as well as His moral qualities of mercy, justice, and truth, would not have been enough to grab the attention and ensure the obedience of a nation that mainly focused on immediate needs and, at that early stage, had few aspirations beyond temporary gains. Additionally, it was important to convey that God's providence not only governs the universe through general laws but also constantly supervises the actions and determines the fate of every nation, every family, and even every individual. The denial or neglect of this crucial truth gave strength and appeal to the whole system of idolatry. When people believed that the supreme God and Lord of all was too elevated in His stature, too distant from this earthly world, to pay attention to its changes, and too preoccupied with His own perfection and fulfilled happiness to get involved in human affairs, they treated with indifference that supreme Divinity who seemed unconcerned with their actions and uninterested in their happiness. Regardless of how lofty and perfect such a Being might seem in theory, to most people He was as good as nonexistent; since they believed their happiness or suffering was unaffected by His power, they did not look to Him for guidance. If He assigned the management of this lower world to lesser beings, and if all its matters were handled by their immediate involvement, with all its blessings or misfortunes determined by them, it seemed logical and necessary to seek their favor and accept their authority, while it would not be seen as foolish or dangerous to disregard that Being, who, although all-perfect and supreme, would appear, based on this assumption, to have no effect on mankind. In reality, the fact that God's providence extends even to the smallest events is closely tied to every reason given to influence the actions of the Jews and is forcefully illustrated by every event in their history. This was shown in the assigning of the land of Canaan for the future settlement of the chosen people under the first covenant God made with the Patriarch Abraham; in the prophecy that they would suffer in Egypt for four hundred years and then be delivered from there; in their nation's growth despite extreme oppression and their miraculous rescue from that oppression. The same providence was evident in the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea, the journey of Israel's thousands through the wilderness sustained by heavenly food, and in their later establishment in the promised land through means that did not rely on their own strength. Trusting in this same providence was the basis of their civil government, the spirit, and the principle of their constitution. Only by relying on this could they be instructed to observe the sabbatical year without farming their land or even collecting its spontaneous produce, trusting in the promise that God would bless the sixth year so that it would yield enough for three years, Lev. xxv, 21. The same faith in Divine Providence enabled them to leave their properties and families vulnerable to attacks from their surrounding enemies while all the men of the nation gathered in Jerusalem to celebrate the three major festivals commanded by God, ensuring that no one would covet their land when they came to appear before the Lord their God three times a year, Exodus xxxiv, 24. Finally, it is clear that, unlike other lawgivers, the Jewish legislator makes his civil institutions completely subordinate to his religious ones and informs his people that their prosperity or adversity in worldly matters would solely depend not on their adherence to political rules, military preparedness, the accumulation of wealth, or building strong alliances, but on their commitment to worship the one true God as prescribed through religious rites and ceremonies, while safeguarding their piety and morals from the corruptions and vices that idolatry aimed to introduce.
Such was the theology of the Jewish religion, at a period when the whole world was deeply infected with idolatry; when all knowledge of the one true God, all reverence for his sacred name, all reliance on his providence, all obedience to his laws, were nearly banished from the earth; when the severest chastisements had been tried in vain; when no hope of reformation appeared from the refinements of civilization or the researches of philosophy; for the most civilized and enlightened nations adopted with the greatest eagerness, and disseminated with the greatest activity, the absurdities, impieties, and pollutions of idolatry. Then was the Jewish law promulgated to a nation, who, to mere human judgment, might have appeared incapable of inventing or receiving such a high degree of intellectual and moral improvement; for they had been long enslaved to the Egyptians, the authors and supporters of the grossest idolatry; they had been weighed down by the severest bondage, perpetually harassed by the most incessant manual labours; for the Egyptians made their lives bitter with hard bondage, in mortar, and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field,” Exod. i, 14. At this time, and in this nation, was the Mosaic law promulgated, teaching the great principles of true religion, the self-existence, the unity, the perfections, and the providence of the one great Jehovah; reprobating all false gods, all image worship, all the absurdities and profanations of idolatry. At this time, and in this nation, was a system of government framed, which had for its basis the reception of, and steady adherence to, this system of true religion; and establishing many regulations, which would be in the highest degree irrational, and could never hope to be received, except from a general and thorough reliance on the superintendence of Divine Providence, controlling the course of nature, and directing every event, so as to proportion the prosperity of the Hebrew people, according to their obedience to that law which they had received as divine.
This was the theology of the Jewish religion during a time when the entire world was heavily plagued by idolatry; when all knowledge of the one true God, all respect for His sacred name, all trust in His providence, and all obedience to His laws were almost completely wiped out; when the harshest punishments had been tried in vain; when there was no hope for improvement from the advancements of civilization or the inquiries of philosophy; for even the most civilized and educated nations eagerly embraced and actively spread the absurdities, blasphemies, and corruptions of idolatry. It was then that the Jewish law was given to a nation that, by mere human judgment, might have seemed incapable of creating or accepting such a high level of intellectual and moral progress; for they had long been enslaved by the Egyptians, the very architects and supporters of the most blatant idolatry; they had endured severe oppression, constantly burdened by relentless manual labor; as the Egyptians made their lives bitter with tough toil, in mortar and brick, and all kinds of service in the fields,” Exod. i, 14. At this moment and in this nation, the Mosaic law was established, teaching the fundamental principles of true religion, the self-existence, the unity, the perfections, and the providence of the one great Jehovah; condemning all false gods, all idol worship, and all the absurdities and desecrations of idolatry. During this time, and in this nation, a system of government was created, based on the acceptance of and steadfast adherence to this true religion; establishing numerous regulations that would be extremely irrational and could never be accepted without a widespread and deep-seated reliance on Divine Providence, overseeing the natural order and guiding every event, so as to align the prosperity of the Hebrew people with their obedience to the law they had received as divine.
It is an obvious, but it is not therefore a less important remark, that to the Jewish religion we owe that admirable summary of moral duty, contained in the ten commandments. All fair reasoners will admit that each of these must be understood to condemn, not merely the extreme crime which it expressly prohibits, but every inferior offence of the same kind, and every mode of conduct leading to such transgression; and, on the contrary, to enjoin opposite conduct, and the cultivation of opposite dispositions. Thus, the command, Thou shalt not kill,” condemns not merely the single crime of deliberate murder, but every kind of violence, and every indulgence of passion and resentment, which tends either to excite such violence, or to produce that malignant disposition of mind, in which the guilt of murder principally consists: and similarly of the rest. In this extensive interpretation of the commandments, we are warranted, not merely by the deductions of reason, but by the letter of the law itself. For the addition of the last, Thou shalt not covet,” proves clearly that in all, the dispositions of the heart, as much as the immediate outward act, is the object of the divine Legislator; and thus it forms a comment on the meaning, as well as a guard for the observance, of all the preceding commands. Interpreted in this natural and rational latitude, how comprehensive and important is this summary of moral duty! It inculcates the adoration of the one true God, who made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is;” who must, therefore, be infinite in power, and wisdom, and goodness; the object of exclusive adoration; of gratitude for every blessing we enjoy; of fear, for he is a jealous God; of hope, for he is merciful. It prohibits every species of idolatry; whether by associating false gods with the true, or worshipping the true by symbols and images. Commanding not to take the name of God in vain, it enjoins the observance of all outward respect for the divine authority, as well as the cultivation of inward sentiments and feelings suited to this outward reverence; and it establishes the obligation of oaths, and, by consequence, of all compacts and deliberate promises; a principle, without which the administration of laws would be impracticable, and the bonds of society must be dissolved. By commanding to keep holy the Sabbath, as the memorial of the creation, it establishes the necessity of public worship, and of a stated and outward profession of the truths of religion, as well as of the cultivation of suitable feelings; and it enforces this by a motive which is equally applicable to all mankind, and which should have taught the Jew that he ought to consider all nations as equally creatures of that Jehovah whom he himself adored; equally subject to his government, and, if sincerely obedient, entitled to all the privileges his favour could bestow. It is also remarkable, that this commandment, requiring that the rest of the Sabbath should include the man-servant, and the maid-servant, and the stranger that was within their gates, nay, even their cattle, proved that the Creator of the universe extended his attention to all his creatures; that the humblest of mankind were the objects of his paternal love; that no accidental differences, which so often create alienation among different nations, would alienate any from the divine regard; and that even the brute creation shared the benevolence of their Creator, and ought to be treated by men with gentleness and humanity.
It’s obvious, but still important to note, that we owe the amazing summary of moral duty found in the Ten Commandments to the Jewish religion. All reasonable people will agree that each commandment condemns not just the extreme crime it explicitly prohibits, but also every lesser offense of the same kind and every behavior that could lead to such wrongdoing. Conversely, they promote the opposite actions and the development of contrary attitudes. For example, the command “You shall not kill” condemns not only the act of murder but also every kind of violence and every indulgence of anger and resentment that can lead to that violence or foster a mindset where murder could occur. The same applies to the other commandments. This broad interpretation of the commandments is supported not only by reason but also by the text of the law itself. The inclusion of the final command, “You shall not covet,” clearly shows that the intentions of the heart, as well as the outward actions, are what the divine lawgiver cares about. This serves as both a comment on the meaning and a safeguard for following all the previous commandments. When looked at in this natural and reasonable way, this summary of moral duty becomes incredibly comprehensive and significant. It teaches us to worship the one true God who made heaven and earth, the sea, and everything in them; who must be infinite in power, wisdom, and goodness; the sole object of our worship; deserving of gratitude for every blessing we receive; instilling fear because he is a jealous God; and bringing hope because he is merciful. It prohibits all forms of idolatry, whether by associating false gods with the true God or worshiping the true God through symbols and images. By commanding not to take God’s name in vain, it requires us to show respect for divine authority and develop the right inner feelings that match this outward reverence. It also establishes the obligation of oaths and, by extension, all agreements and serious promises—a principle without which laws would be unmanageable, and society would fall apart. By commanding the Sabbath to be kept holy, as a reminder of creation, it underscores the need for public worship and a consistent outward expression of religious truths, as well as the cultivation of appropriate feelings. This is reinforced by a motivation that applies to all people and should have taught the Jewish people to recognize all nations as equally created by the Jehovah they worship; equally subject to his authority, and if genuinely obedient, deserving of all the blessings his favor can offer. It’s also notable that this command, which requires that Sabbath rest includes the male and female servants and the foreigners within their gates, even extends to their livestock. This shows that the Creator of the universe cares about all his creatures; that the least among humanity are objects of his parental love; that no accidental differences, which often cause division between nations, can separate anyone from his divine attention; and that even animals share in the creator’s kindness and should be treated by humans with gentleness and compassion.
574When we proceed to the second table, comprehending more expressly our social duties, we find all the most important principles on which they depend clearly enforced. The commandment which enjoins, Honour thy father and mother,” sanctions the principles, not merely of filial obedience, but of all those duties which arise from our domestic relations; and, while it requires not so much any one specific act, as the general disposition which should regulate our whole course of conduct in this instance, it impresses the important conviction, that the entire law proceeds from a Legislator able to search and judge the heart of man. The subsequent commands coincide with the clear dictates of reason, and prohibit crimes which human laws in general have prohibited as plainly destructive of social happiness. But it was of infinite importance to rest the prohibitions, Thou shalt not kill,” Thou shalt not commit adultery,” Thou shalt not steal,” Thou shalt not bear false witness,” not merely on the deductions of reason, but also on the weight of a divine authority. How often have false ideas of public good in some places, depraved passions in others, and the delusions of idolatry in still more, established a law of reputation contrary to the dictates of reason, and the real interests of society. In one country we see theft allowed, if perpetrated with address; in others, piracy and rapine honoured, if conducted with intrepidity. Sometimes we perceive adultery permitted, the most unnatural crimes committed without remorse or shame; nay, every species of impurity enjoined and consecrated as a part of divine worship. In others, we find revenge honoured as spirit, and death inflicted at its impulse with ferocious triumph. Again, we see every feeling of nature outraged, and parents exposing their helpless children to perish for deformity of body or weakness of mind; or, what is still more dreadful, from mercenary or political views; and this inhuman practice familiarized by custom, and authorized by law. And, to close the horrid catalogue, we see false religions leading their deluded votaries to heap the altars of their idols with human victims; the master butchers his slave, the conqueror his captive; nay, dreadful to relate, the parent sacrifices his children, and, while they shriek amidst the tortures of the flames, or in the agonies of death, he drowns their cries by the clangour of cymbals and the yells of fanaticism. Yet these abominations, separate or combined, have disgraced ages and nations which we are accustomed to admire and celebrate as civilized and enlightened,--Babylon and Egypt, Phenicia and Carthage, Greece and Rome. Many of these crimes legislators have enjoined, or philosophers defended. What, indeed, could be hoped from legislators and philosophers, when we recollect the institutions of Lycurgus, especially as to purity of manners, and the regulations of Plato on the same subject, in his model of a perfect republic; when we consider the sensuality of the Epicureans, and immodesty of the Cynics; when we find suicide applauded by the Stoics, and the murderous combats of gladiators defended by Cicero, and exhibited by Trajan? Such variation and inconstancy in the rule and practice of moral duty, as established by the feeble or fluctuating authority of human opinion, demonstrates the utility of a clear divine interposition, to impress these important prohibitions; and it is difficult for any sagacity to calculate how far such an interposition was necessary, and what effect it may have produced by influencing human opinions and regulating human conduct, when we recollect that the Mosaic code was probably the first written law ever delivered to any nation; and that it must have been generally known in those eastern countries, from which the most ancient and celebrated legislators and sages derived the models of their laws and the principles of their philosophy.
574When we move to the second table, which outlines our social responsibilities more clearly, we see all the key principles that underpin them are strongly reinforced. The commandment that says, “Honor your father and mother,” supports not just the idea of respecting our parents, but also all the obligations that come from our family relationships. It emphasizes the need for a general attitude that should guide our behavior in this context, impressing upon us the crucial understanding that the entire law comes from a Legislator who can examine and judge human hearts. The following commandments align with straightforward reasoning and prohibit actions that human laws generally recognize as harmful to social well-being. However, it's incredibly important that the prohibitions of “You shall not kill,” “You shall not commit adultery,” “You shall not steal,” and “You shall not bear false witness,” are grounded not only in reason but also in the weight of divine authority. How often have misguided notions of public good in some areas, corrupt passions in others, and the falsehoods of idolatry in yet more places, led to a set of social norms that conflict with reason and the true interests of society? In some countries, theft is accepted as long as it's done cleverly; in others, piracy and robbery are glorified if carried out boldly. Sometimes we see adultery tolerated, unnatural crimes committed without guilt or shame; indeed, all forms of impurity are even promoted and deemed part of divine worship. In certain societies, revenge is celebrated as a virtue, and people are killed out of that impulse with cruel pride. Again, we observe every natural instinct outraged, with parents abandoning their defenseless children due to physical defects or mental weaknesses; or, even more horrifying, for monetary or political reasons; and this cruel behavior is normalized by tradition and sanctioned by law. To add to this grim list, we see false religions leading their misled followers to offer up human sacrifices to their idols; the master kills his slave, the conqueror his captive; indeed, tragically, a parent sacrifices his children while they scream in agony, drowning out their cries with the noise of cymbals and the shouts of fanatics. Yet these horrific acts, whether isolated or combined, have stained the histories of ages and nations we often admire and celebrate as civilized and enlightened,—Babylon and Egypt, Phoenicia and Carthage, Greece and Rome. Many of these crimes have either been sanctioned by lawmakers or defended by philosophers. What can we expect from lawmakers and philosophers when we think of the systems established by Lycurgus, especially regarding moral purity, and the principles Plato laid out in his vision of a perfect republic? When we consider the hedonism of the Epicureans and the shamelessness of the Cynics; when we see the Stoics praising suicide and Cicero defending brutal gladiatorial combat, which was publicly displayed by Trajan? Such inconsistency in moral duty, as shaped by the weak or shifting authority of human opinion, shows the necessity of clear divine intervention to enforce these crucial prohibitions; and it’s hard for any insight to gauge just how necessary such an intervention was, and what impact it might have had on shaping human opinions and guiding human behavior, especially when we remember that the Mosaic code was likely the first written law ever given to any nation; and that it must have been widely known in those Eastern regions, which is where the earliest and most renowned lawmakers and thinkers found inspiration for their laws and the foundations of their philosophies.
But the Jewish religion promoted the interests of moral virtue, not merely by the positive injunctions of the decalogue; it also inculcated clearly and authoritatively the two great principles on which all piety and virtue depend, and which our blessed Lord recognised as the commandments on which hang the law and the prophets,--the principles of love to God and love to our neighbour. The love of God is every where enjoined in the Mosaic law, as the ruling disposition of the heart, from which all obedience should spring, and in which it ought to terminate. With what solemnity does the Jewish lawgiver impress it at the commencement of his recapitulation of the divine law: Hear, O Israel: the Lord our God is one Lord: And thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy might,” Deut. vi, 4, 5. And again: And now, Israel, what doth the Lord thy God require of thee, but to fear the Lord thy God, to walk in all his ways, and to love him, and to serve the Lord thy God with all thy heart and with all thy soul?” Deut. x, 12. Nor is the love of our neighbour less explicitly enforced: Thou shalt not,” says the law, avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people, but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am the Lord,” Lev. xix, 18. The operation of this benevolence, thus solemnly required, was not to be confined to their own countrymen; it was to extend to the stranger, who, having renounced idolatry, was permitted to live among them, worshipping the true God, though without submitting to circumcision or the other ceremonial parts of the Mosaic law: If a stranger,” says the law, sojourn with thee in your land, ye shall not vex him. But the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt: I am the Lord thy God,” Lev. xix, 33, 34.
But the Jewish religion supported the idea of moral goodness, not just through the direct commands of the Ten Commandments; it also clearly and authoritatively taught the two main principles on which all piety and virtue rely—principles that our blessed Lord recognized as the commandments upon which the law and the prophets depend: the principles of loving God and loving our neighbor. The love of God is emphasized everywhere in the Mosaic law as the guiding emotion of the heart, from which all obedience should arise and where it should ultimately end. With what seriousness does the Jewish lawgiver stress this at the beginning of his summary of divine law: “Hear, O Israel: the Lord our God is one Lord: And you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your might,” Deut. 6:4-5. And again: “And now, Israel, what does the Lord your God require of you, but to fear the Lord your God, to walk in all his ways, and to love him, and to serve the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul?” Deut. 10:12. The love for our neighbor is no less explicitly stated: “You shall not take vengeance nor bear any grudge against the children of your people, but you shall love your neighbor as yourself: I am the Lord,” Lev. 19:18. The practice of this compassion, thus solemnly required, was not to be limited to their fellow countrymen; it was to extend to the foreigner, who, having turned away from idol worship, was allowed to live among them, worshiping the true God, even if he did not undergo circumcision or the other ceremonial aspects of the Mosaic law: “If a foreigner stays with you in your land, you shall not mistreat him. The foreigner living among you must be treated as one of your native-born. Love him as yourself, for you were foreigners in Egypt: I am the Lord your God,” Lev. 19:33-34.
Thus, on a review of the topics we have discussed, it appears that the Jewish law promulgated the great principles of moral duty in the decalogue, with a solemnity suited to their high preëminence; that it enjoined love to God with the most unceasing solicitude, and love 575to our neighbour, as extensively and forcibly, as the peculiar design of the Jewish economy, and the peculiar character of the Jewish people, would permit; that it impressed the deepest conviction of God’s requiring, not mere external observances, but heart-felt piety, well regulated desires, and active benevolence; that it taught sacrifice could not obtain pardon without repentance, or repentance without reformation and restitution; that it described circumcision itself, and, by consequence, every other legal rite, as designed to typify and inculcate internal holiness, which alone could render men acceptable to God; that it represented the love of God as designed to act as a practical principle, stimulating to the constant and sincere cultivation of purity, mercy, and truth; and that it enforced all these principles and precepts by sanctions the most likely to operate powerfully on minds unaccustomed to abstract speculations and remote views, even by temporal rewards and punishments; the assurance of which was confirmed from the immediate experience of similar rewards and punishments, dispensed to their enemies and to themselves by that supernatural Power which had delivered the Hebrew nation out of Egypt, conducted them through the wilderness, planted them in the land of Canaan, regulated their government, distributed their possessions, and to which alone they could look to obtain new blessings, or secure those already enjoyed. From all this we derive another presumptive argument for the divine authority of the Mosaic code; and it may be contended, that a moral system thus perfect, promulgated at so early a period, to such a people, and enforced by such sanctions as no human power could undertake to execute, strongly bespeaks a divine original.
Thus, when we review the topics we've discussed, it seems that Jewish law laid down the important principles of moral duty in the Ten Commandments with a seriousness that reflects their significance. It emphasized love for God with constant commitment and love for our neighbor as broadly and forcefully as the unique purpose of the Jewish community would allow. It instilled the belief that God requires not just outward actions but genuine devotion, well-ordered desires, and active kindness. It taught that sacrifice alone couldn’t earn forgiveness without true repentance, and that repentance needed to lead to change and restitution. It described circumcision, and by extension, every other legal practice, as meant to symbolize and promote inner holiness, which is what truly makes a person acceptable to God. It depicted God's love as intended to motivate people to continually and sincerely nurture qualities of purity, mercy, and truth. Additionally, it reinforced all these principles and teachings with consequences that were likely to have a strong impact on minds not used to abstract thoughts and distant ideas, like tangible rewards and punishments; the assurance of which was validated by their direct experience of similar rewards and punishments meted out by that supernatural Power which had brought the Hebrew nation out of Egypt, guided them through the wilderness, settled them in the land of Canaan, organized their government, assigned their possessions, and to which they could only turn for new blessings or to safeguard those they already had. From all of this, we gain another argument for the divine authority of the Mosaic code; and it can be argued that such a perfect moral system, introduced at such an early time to such a people, and backed by such enforcement that no human authority could manage, strongly indicates a divine origin.
2. The moral law is sometimes called the Mosaic law, because it was one great branch of those injunctions which, under divine authority, Moses enjoined upon the Israelites when they were gathered into a political community under the theocracy. But it existed previously as the law of all mankind; and it has been taken up into the Christian system, and there more fully illustrated. As the obligation of the moral law upon Christians has, however, been disputed by some perverters of the Christian faith, or held by others on loose and fallacious grounds, this subject ought to be clearly understood. It is, nevertheless, to be noticed, that the morals of the New Testament are not proposed to us in the form of a regular code. Even in the books of Moses, which have the legislative form to a great extent, not all the principles and duties which constituted the full character of godliness,” under that dispensation, are made the subjects of formal injunction by particular precepts. They are partly infolded in general principles, or often take the form of injunction in an apparently incidental manner, or are matters of obvious inference. A preceding code of traditionary moral law is all along supposed in the writings of Moses and the prophets, as well as a consuetudinary ritual and a doctrinal theology, both transmitted from the patriarchs. This, too, is eminently the case with Christianity. It supposes that all who believed in Christ admitted the divine authority of the Old Testament; and it assumes the perpetual authority of its morals, as well as the truth of its fundamental theology. The constant allusions in the New Testament to the moral rules of the Jews and patriarchs, either expressly as precepts, or as the data of argument, sufficiently guard us against the notion, that what has not in so many words been re-enacted] by Christ and his Apostles is of no authority among Christians. In a great number of instances, however, the form of injunction is directly preceptive, so as to have all the explicitness and force of a regular code of law, and is, as much as a regular code could be, a declaration of the sovereign will of Christ, enforced by the sanctions of eternal life and death. This, however, is a point on which a few confirmatory observations may be usefully adduced. No part of the preceding dispensation, designated generally by the appellation of the law,” is repealed in the New Testament, but what is obviously ceremonial, typical, and incapable of coëxisting with Christianity. Our Lord, in his discourse with the Samaritan woman, declares, that the hour of the abolition of the temple worship was come; the Apostle Paul, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, teaches us that the Levitical services were but shadows, the substance and end of which is Christ; and the ancient visible church, as constituted upon the ground of natural descent from Abraham, was abolished by the establishment of a spiritual body of believers to take its place. No precepts of a purely political nature, that is, which respect the civil subjection of the Jews to their theocracy, are, therefore, of any force to us as laws, although they may have, in many cases, the greatest authority as principles. No ceremonial precepts can be binding, since they were restrained to a period terminating with the death and resurrection of Christ; nor are even the patriarchal rites of circumcision and the passover obligatory upon Christians, since we have sufficient evidence that they were of an adumbrative character, and were laid aside by the first inspired teachers of Christianity.
2. The moral law is sometimes referred to as the Mosaic law because it was a major part of the rules that, under divine authority, Moses established for the Israelites when they formed a political community under theocracy. However, it existed earlier as a law for all humanity and has been incorporated into the Christian system, where it is explained more thoroughly. Since the obligation of the moral law upon Christians has been questioned by some distorters of the Christian faith, or accepted by others on shaky and misleading grounds, this topic needs to be clearly understood. It's worth noting that the morals of the New Testament aren't presented as a formal code. Even in the books of Moses, which are largely legislative, not every principle and duty that made up the full character of godliness under that system is specifically prescribed by distinct commands. Many are included in general principles, or often presented as part of seemingly incidental injunctions, or are matters of clear inference. A previous body of traditional moral law is assumed throughout the writings of Moses and the prophets, as well as a customary ritual and doctrinal theology, both passed down from the patriarchs. This is also clearly the case with Christianity. It assumes that everyone who believes in Christ accepts the divine authority of the Old Testament; and it takes for granted the ongoing authority of its morals, along with the truth of its foundational theology. The frequent references in the New Testament to the moral rules of the Jews and patriarchs, whether explicitly as commands or as the basis for arguments, protect us from the idea that what hasn't been specifically re-enacted by Christ and his Apostles lacks authority among Christians. In many cases, however, the form of command is given directly, with all the clarity and force of a formal code of law, asserting the sovereign will of Christ, backed by the consequences of eternal life and death. This is a point where a few supporting observations may be beneficial. None of the previous rules, generally referred to as "the law," are abolished in the New Testament, except for what is clearly ceremonial, typical, and incompatible with Christianity. Our Lord, in his conversation with the Samaritan woman, declares that the time for ending temple worship has arrived; the Apostle Paul, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, teaches that the Levitical services were only shadows, with Christ being their substance and fulfillment; and the ancient visible church, grounded in natural descent from Abraham, was replaced by the establishment of a spiritual community of believers. Thus, no commands of a purely political nature, which pertain to the civil subjection of the Jews to their theocracy, hold any authority for us as laws, although they may have significant weight as principles in many instances. No ceremonial commands can be binding since they were limited to a period ending with the death and resurrection of Christ; nor are even the patriarchal practices of circumcision and Passover obligatory for Christians, as we have enough evidence that they were symbolic and were set aside by the first inspired teachers of Christianity.
With the moral precepts which abound in the Old Testament the case is very different, as sufficiently appears from the different, and even contrary, manner in which they are always spoken of by Christ and his Apostles. When our Lord, in his sermon on the mount, says, Think not that I am come to destroy the law or the prophets; I am not come to destroy the law, but to fulfil;” that is, to confirm or establish it; the entire scope of his discourse shows that he is speaking exclusively of the moral precepts of the law,” eminently so called, and of the moral injunctions of the prophets founded upon them, and to which he thus gives an equal authority. And in so solemn a manner does he enforce this, that he adds, doubtless as foreseeing that attempts would be made by deceiving or deceived men 576professing his religion, to lessen the authority of the moral law, Whosoever, therefore, shall break one of these least commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven;” that is, as St. Chrysostom interprets, He shall be the farthest from attaining heaven and happiness, which imports that he shall not attain it at all.” In like manner St. Paul, after having strenuously maintained the doctrine of justification by faith alone, anticipates an objection by asking, Do we then make void the law through faith?” and subjoins, God forbid: yea, we establish the law;” meaning by the law,” as the context and his argument clearly show, the moral and not the ceremonial law.
With the moral teachings found in the Old Testament, things are quite different, as is evident from the varying and even opposing ways they are discussed by Christ and his Apostles. When our Lord, in his sermon on the mount, says, “Don’t think that I have come to abolish the law or the prophets; I have not come to abolish them but to fulfill them,” he means to confirm or establish them. The overall message of his discourse indicates that he is speaking specifically about the moral teachings of the law, notably so-called, and the moral directives of the prophets based on them, to which he grants equal authority. He emphasizes this so strongly that he adds, likely foreseeing that some deceived individuals would try to undermine the authority of moral law, “Whoever breaks one of these least commandments and teaches others to do the same will be called least in the kingdom of heaven;” meaning, as St. Chrysostom interprets, “He will be the farthest from achieving heaven and happiness, which implies that he will not attain it at all.” Similarly, St. Paul, after vigorously defending the idea of justification through faith alone, anticipates an objection by asking, “Do we then nullify the law through faith?” and responds, “God forbid: indeed, we establish the law;” referring to the law, as the context and his argument make clear, not the ceremonial law but the moral law.
After such declarations, it is worse than trifling for any to contend that, in order to establish the authority of the moral law of the Jews over Christians, it ought to have been formally reënacted. To this we may, however, farther reply, not only that many important moral principles and rules found in the Old Testament were never formally enacted among the Jews; were traditional from an earlier age; and received at different times the more indirect authority of inspired recognition; but, to put the matter in a stronger light, that all the leading moral precepts of the Jewish Scriptures are, in point of fact, proposed in the New Testament in a manner which has the full force of formal reënactment, as the laws of the Christian church. This argument, from the want of formal reënactment, will therefore have no weight. The summary of the law and the prophets, which is to love God with all our heart, and to serve him with all our strength, and to love our neighbour as ourselves, is unquestionably enjoined, and even reënacted by the Christian lawgiver. When our Lord is explicitly asked by one who came unto him and said, Good Master, what good thing shall I do, that I may have eternal life?” the answer given shows that the moral law contained in the decalogue is so in force under the Christian dispensation, that obedience to it is necessary to final salvation:--“If thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments.” And that nothing ceremonial is intended by this term, is manifest from what follows: He saith unto him, Which? Jesus said, Thou shalt do no murder. Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not steal,” &c. Matt. xix, 17–19. Here, also, we have all the force of a formal reënactment of the decalogue, a part of it being evidently put for the whole. Nor were it difficult to produce passages from the discourses of Christ and the writings of the Apostles, which enjoin all the precepts of this law taken separately, by their authority, as indispensable parts of Christian duty, and that, too, under their original sanctions of life and death; so that the two circumstances which form the true character of a law in its highest sense, divine authority and penal sanctions, are found as truly in the New Testament as in the Old. It will not, for instance, be contended, that the New Testament does not enjoin the acknowledgment and worship of one God alone; nor that it does not prohibit idolatry; nor that it does not level its maledictions against false and profane swearing; nor that the Apostle Paul does not use the very words of the fifth commandment preceptively, when he says, Honour thy father and mother, which is the first commandment with promise,” Eph. vi, 2; nor that murder, adultery, theft, false witness, and covetousness are not all prohibited under pain of exclusion from the kingdom of God. Thus, then, we have the whole decalogue brought into the Christian code of morals, by a distinct injunction of its separate precepts, and by their recognition as of permanent and unchangeable obligation; the fourth commandment, respecting the Sabbath only, being so far excepted, that its injunction is not so expressly marked. This, however, is no exception in fact; for beside that its original place in the two tables sufficiently distinguishes it from all positive, ceremonial, and typical precepts, and gives it a moral character, in respect to its ends, which are, first, mercy to servants and cattle, and, second, the worship of almighty God, undisturbed by worldly interruptions and cares, it is necessarily included in that law” which our Lord declares he came not to destroy, or abrogate; in that law” which St. Paul declares to be established by faith,” and among those commandments” which our Lord declares must be kept,” if any one would enter into life.” To this, also, the practice of the Apostles is to be added, who did not cease themselves from keeping one day in seven holy, nor teach others so to do; but gave to “the Lord’s day” that eminence and sanctity in the Christian church which the seventh day had in the Jewish, by consecrating it to holy uses; an alteration not affecting the precept at all, except in an unessential circumstance, (if indeed in that,) and in which we may suppose them to have acted under divine suggestion.
After such statements, it's more than just trivial for anyone to argue that, to establish the authority of the moral law of the Jews over Christians, it should have been officially re-enacted. However, we can further respond that many important moral principles and rules found in the Old Testament were never formally enacted among the Jews; they were traditional from an earlier time and received, at various points, a more indirect authority through inspired recognition. To strengthen the argument, all the main moral teachings from the Jewish Scriptures are proposed in the New Testament in a way that carries the full force of formal re-enactment as the laws of the Christian church. Therefore, the argument concerning the lack of formal re-enactment holds no weight. The summary of the law and the prophets, which commands us to love God with all our heart and to serve Him with all our strength, and to love our neighbor as ourselves, is undeniably mandated, and even re-enacted, by the Christian lawgiver. When our Lord is directly asked by someone who approached Him saying, “Good Master, what good thing shall I do, that I may have eternal life?” the answer given shows that the moral law contained in the Decalogue is indeed in effect under the Christian dispensation, so that obeying it is necessary for ultimate salvation: “If you want to enter into life, keep the commandments.” And it’s clear that nothing ceremonial is meant by this term from what follows: He said to him, “Which?” Jesus replied, “You must not murder. You must not commit adultery. You must not steal,” etc. (Matt. 19:17–19). Here, we also see the full force of a formal re-enactment of the Decalogue, with part of it evidently representing the whole. It wouldn’t be difficult to find passages from Christ’s teachings and the writings of the Apostles that command all the specific precepts of this law as essential parts of Christian duty, with their original consequences of life and death still in effect. Thus, the two characteristics that define a law in its highest sense—divine authority and penal sanctions—are present in the New Testament just as they are in the Old. For example, it's hard to argue that the New Testament doesn’t command the acknowledgment and worship of one God alone; that it doesn’t prohibit idolatry; that it doesn’t condemn false and profane swearing; or that the Apostle Paul doesn’t use the exact wording of the fifth commandment when he says, “Honor your father and mother,” which is the first commandment with a promise” (Eph. 6:2); nor that murder, adultery, theft, false testimony, and covetousness are not entirely forbidden under the threat of exclusion from the kingdom of God. Thus, we have the entire Decalogue incorporated into the Christian moral code, through a clear command of its individual precepts and their acknowledgment as having permanent and unchangeable obligation; the fourth commandment regarding the Sabbath being only somewhat excluded in that its command is not as explicitly stated. However, this is not really an exception; because its original position in the two tables clearly sets it apart from all positive, ceremonial, and typical precepts, giving it a moral character with ends that are, first, mercy to servants and animals, and, second, the worship of Almighty God, free from worldly distractions and concerns. It is necessarily included in that “law” which our Lord declared He came not to destroy or abolish; in that “law” which St. Paul states is established by faith; and among those “commandments” which our Lord says must be kept if anyone wants to enter into life. To this also, we can add the practices of the Apostles, who did not stop themselves from observing one day in seven as holy, nor did they teach others to do so; but they gave “the Lord’s Day” the same importance and sanctity in the Christian church that the seventh day had in the Jewish tradition, by dedicating it to holy purposes; a change that does not affect the command in any essential way (if it even does), and in which we can assume they acted under divine guidance.
Thus, then, we have the obligation of the whole decalogue as fully established in the New Testament as in the Old, as if it had been formally reënacted; and that no formal reënactment of it took place, is itself a presumptive proof that it was never regarded by the lawgiver as temporary, which the formality of republication might have supposed. It is important to remark, however, that, although the moral laws of the Mosaic dispensation pass into the Christian code, they stand there in other and higher circumstances; so that the New Testament is a more perfect dispensation of the knowledge of the moral will of God than the Old. In particular, (1.) They are more expressly extended to the heart, as by our Lord, in his sermon on the mount; who teaches us that the thought and inward purpose of any offence is a violation of the law prohibiting its external and visible commission. (2.) The principles on which they are founded are carried out in the New Testament into a greater variety of duties, which, by embracing more perfectly the social 577and civil relations of life, are of a more universal character. (3.) There is a much more enlarged injunction of positive and particular virtues, especially those which constitute the Christian temper. (4.) By all overt acts being inseparably connected with corresponding principles in the heart, in order to constitute acceptable obedience, which principles suppose the regeneration of the soul by the Holy Ghost. This moral renovation is, therefore, held out as necessary to our salvation, and promised as a part of the grace of our redemption by Christ. (5.) By being connected with promises of divine assistance, which is peculiar to a law connected with evangelical provisions. (6.) By their having a living illustration in the perfect and practical example of Christ. (7.) By the higher sanctions derived from the clearer revelation of a future state, and the more explicit promises of eternal life, and threatenings of eternal punishment. It follows from this, that we have in the Gospel the most complete and perfect revelation of moral law ever given to men; and a more exact manifestation of the brightness, perfection, and glory of that law, under which angels and our progenitors in paradise were placed, and which it is at once the delight and the interest of the most perfect and happy beings to obey.
Thus, we have the obligation of the entire Ten Commandments as firmly established in the New Testament as in the Old, as if it had been officially re-enacted; and the fact that there was no formal re-enactment suggests that it was never seen by the lawgiver as temporary, which such re-publication might have implied. It’s important to note, however, that although the moral laws of the Mosaic system transition into the Christian code, they exist in different and higher circumstances; therefore, the New Testament provides a more complete understanding of the moral will of God than the Old Testament. Specifically, (1.) They are more explicitly directed at the heart, as demonstrated by our Lord in his Sermon on the Mount; he teaches us that the thought and inner intent of any offense is a violation of the law against its external and visible commission. (2.) The principles underpinning these laws are expanded in the New Testament into a wider array of duties, which better encompass the social and civil aspects of life, making them more universal in nature. (3.) There is a much broader call for specific and positive virtues, particularly those that define the Christian spirit. (4.) All overt acts are inseparably linked to corresponding principles in the heart to constitute acceptable obedience, which assumes the regeneration of the soul by the Holy Spirit. This moral renewal is therefore presented as essential to our salvation and promised as part of the grace we receive through Christ’s redemption. (5.) It is linked with promises of divine support, which is unique to a law tied to evangelical provisions. (6.) They are illustrated through the living example of Christ, who embodies these principles perfectly in practice. (7.) There are higher motivations stemming from the clearer revelation of a future state, including more explicit promises of eternal life and warnings of eternal punishment. Consequently, the Gospel offers the most complete and perfect revelation of moral law ever presented to humanity, along with a more precise display of the brilliance, perfection, and glory of that law, under which angels and our ancestors in paradise lived, and which the most perfect and joyful beings find both their pleasure and duty in obeying.
LAZARUS, brother to Martha and Mary. He dwelt at Bethany with his sisters, near Jerusalem; and the Lord Jesus did him the honour sometimes of lodging at his house when he visited the city. See the account of his resurrection related at large in John xi, 5, &c.
LAZARUS, the brother of Martha and Mary. He lived in Bethany with his sisters, close to Jerusalem; and the Lord Jesus sometimes honored him by staying at his house when He visited the city. See the account of his resurrection detailed in John xi, 5, &c.
LEAD, עפרתעפרת, Exod. xv, 10; Num. xxxi, 22; Job xix, 24; Jer. vi, 29; Ezek. xxii, 18; xxvii, 12; Zech. v, 7, 8; a mineral of a bluish white colour. It is the softest next to gold, but has no great tenacity, and is not in the least sonorous. It is mentioned with five other species of metal, Num. xxxi, 22; and there is no doubt but that this is the meaning of the word; so the Septuagint render it throughout, μόλιϐδος or μόλιϐος.
LEAD, Leadעפרת, Exod. xv, 10; Num. xxxi, 22; Job xix, 24; Jer. vi, 29; Ezek. xxii, 18; xxvii, 12; Zech. v, 7, 8; a bluish-white mineral. It is the softest metal after gold, but it lacks strength and isn't sonorous. It is mentioned with five other types of metal in Num. xxxi, 22; and it's clear that this is the intended meaning of the word, as the Septuagint translates it consistently as μόλιϐδος or μόλιϐος.
LEAVEN. The Hebrews were forbidden by the law to eat leavened bread, or a food with leaven in it, during the seven days of the passover, Exod. xii, 15–19; Lev. ii, 11. They were very careful in purifying their houses from all leaven before this feast began. God forbad either leaven or honey to be offered to him in his temple; that is, in cakes or in any baked meats. But on other occasions they might offer leavened bread or honey. St. Paul, 1 Cor. v, 7, 8, expresses his desire that the faithful should celebrate the Christian passover with unleavened bread; which, figuratively, signifies sincerity and truth. In this he teaches us two things; first, that the law which obliged the Jews to a literal observance of the passover is no longer in force; and, secondly, that by unleavened bread, truth and purity of heart were denoted. The same Apostle alludes to the ceremony used at the passover, when he says, A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump;” that is, a small portion of leaven, in a quantity of bread or paste, corrupts the whole, and renders it unclean. Our Saviour, in the Gospel, Matthew xvi, 11, warns his Apostles to beware of the leaven of the Herodians and Pharisees; meaning their doctrines.
LEAVEN. The Hebrews were forbidden by the law to eat leavened bread, or any food with leaven in it, during the seven days of Passover, Exod. xii, 15–19; Lev. ii, 11. They were very careful to clean their houses of all leaven before this feast began. God prohibited both leaven and honey from being offered to Him in His temple; that is, in cakes or any baked goods. However, on other occasions, they could offer leavened bread or honey. St. Paul, in 1 Cor. v, 7, 8, expresses his wish that the faithful celebrate the Christian Passover with unleavened bread, which symbolically represents sincerity and truth. In this, he teaches us two things: first, that the law requiring the Jews to literally observe the Passover is no longer in effect; and secondly, that by unleavened bread, he meant truth and purity of heart. The same Apostle also refers to the ceremony used at the Passover when he says, "A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump;" meaning that a small amount of leaven in a batch of dough contaminates the entire batch and makes it unclean. Our Savior, in the Gospel, Matthew xvi, 11, warns His Apostles to be cautious of the leaven of the Herodians and Pharisees, referring to their teachings.
LEBANON, or LIBANUS, signifying white, from its snows,--the most elevated mountain or mountain chain in Syria, celebrated in all ages for its cedars; which, as is well known, furnished the wood for Solomon’s temple. This mountain is the centre, or nucleus, of all the mountain ridges which, from the north, the south, and the east, converge toward this point; but it overtops them all. This configuration of the mountains, and the superiority of Lebanon, are particularly striking to the traveller approaching both from the Mediterranean on the west, and the desert on the east. On either side, he first discovers, at a great distance, a clouded ridge, stretching from north to south, as far as the eye can see; the central summits of which are capped with clouds, or tipped with snow. This is Lebanon, which is often referred to in Holy Writ for its streams, its timber, and its wines; and at the present day the seat of the only portion of freedom of which Syria can boast.
LEBANON, or LIBANUS, meaning white because of its snow, is the highest mountain or mountain range in Syria, famous throughout history for its cedars, which, as is well known, provided the wood for Solomon’s temple. This mountain is the center, or core, of all the mountain ranges that converge from the north, south, and east toward this point, but it surpasses them all. The shape of the mountains and Lebanon’s dominance are particularly impressive to travelers coming from both the Mediterranean to the west and the desert to the east. On either side, they first see a cloud-covered ridge stretching from north to south as far as the eye can see, with the central peaks often shrouded in clouds or capped with snow. This is Lebanon, often mentioned in sacred texts for its streams, timber, and wines; and today, it is the only place in Syria that can claim any freedom.
The altitude of Lebanon is so considerable, that it appears from the reports of travellers to have snow on its highest eminences all the year round. Volney says, that it thus remains toward the north-east, where it is sheltered from the sea winds and the rays of the sun. Maundrell found that part of the mountain which he crossed, and which in all probability was by no means the highest, covered with deep snow in the month of May. Dr. E. D. Clarke, in the month of July, saw some of the eastern summits of Lebanon, or Anti-Libanus, near Damascus, covered with snow, not lying in patches, as is common in the summer season with mountains which border on the line of perpetual congelation, but do not quite reach it, but with that perfect white, smooth, and velvetlike appearance, which snow only exhibits when it is very deep,--a striking spectacle in such a climate, where the beholder, seeking protection from a burning sun, almost considers the firmament to be on fire. At the time this observation was made, the thermometer, in an elevated situation near the sea of Tiberias, stood at 102½° in the shade. Sir Frederic Henniker passed over snow in July; and Ali Bey describes the same eastern ridge as covered with snow in September. Of the noble cedars which once adorned the upper parts of this mountain but few now remain, and those much decayed. Burckhardt, who crossed Mount Libanus in 1810, counted about thirty-six large ones, fifty of middle size, and about three hundred smaller and young ones: but more might exist in other parts of the mountain. The wine, especially that made about the convent of Canobin, still preserves its ancient celebrity; and is reported by travellers, more particularly by Rauwolff, Le Bruyn, and De la Roque, to be of the most exquisite kind for flavour and fragrance. The rains which fall in the lower regions of Lebanon, and the melting of the 578snow in the upper ones, furnish an abundance of perennial streams, which are alluded to by Solomon, Cant. iv, 15. On the declivities of the mountain grew the vines which furnished the rich and fragrant wine which Hosea celebrated, xiv, 7, and which may still be obtained by proper culture.
The height of Lebanon is so significant that travelers report there's snow on its highest peaks all year long. Volney mentions that this is especially true in the northeast, where it’s shielded from sea winds and sunlight. Maundrell discovered that the mountain area he crossed, likely not even the highest part, was covered in deep snow in May. Dr. E. D. Clarke, in July, saw some of the eastern peaks of Lebanon, or Anti-Libanus, near Damascus, blanketed in snow, which wasn't in patches as is typical in summer for mountains near the perpetual frost line, but instead had that perfect, smooth, velvet-like look that only deep snow has—a striking sight in a climate where one, seeking refuge from the scorching sun, almost feels the sky is ablaze. At the time this observation was made, the thermometer, in a high spot near the Sea of Tiberias, read 102.5°F in the shade. Sir Frederic Henniker walked over snow in July, and Ali Bey described the same eastern ridge as snowy in September. Only a few of the majestic cedars that once graced the upper parts of this mountain remain, and those that do are quite decayed. Burckhardt, who crossed Mount Libanus in 1810, noted about thirty-six large trees, fifty medium-sized ones, and around three hundred smaller, younger ones: but there could be more in other parts of the mountain. The wine, particularly that made near the convent of Canobin, still holds its ancient reputation and is said by travelers, especially Rauwolff, Le Bruyn, and De la Roque, to be exceptionally flavorful and aromatic. The rains in the lower regions of Lebanon, combined with the melting snow in the higher areas, create plenty of perennial streams, which Solomon refers to in Cant. iv, 15. On the mountain slopes grew the vines that produced the rich, fragrant wine celebrated by Hosea in xiv, 7, and which can still be cultivated properly.
The cedar of Lebanon has, in all ages, been reckoned as an object of unrivalled grandeur and beauty in the vegetable kingdom. It is, accordingly, one of the natural images which frequently occur in the poetical style of the Hebrew prophets; and is appropriated to denote kings, princes, and potentates of the highest rank. Thus, the Prophet Isaiah, whose writings abound with metaphors and allegories of this kind, in denouncing the judgments of God upon the proud and arrogant, declares that the day of the Lord of Hosts shall be upon all the cedars of Lebanon that are high and lifted up, and upon all the oaks of Bashan,” Isaiah ii, 13. The king of Israel used the same figure in his reply to the challenge of the king of Judah: The thistle that was in Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying, Give thy daughter to my son to wife: and there passed by a wild beast that was in Lebanon, and trod down the thistle,” 2 Kings xiv, 9. The spiritual prosperity of the righteous man is compared by the Psalmist to the same noble plant: The righteous shall flourish as the palm tree; he shall grow as the cedar in Lebanon.” To break the cedars, and shake the enormous mass on which they grow, are the figures that David selects to express the awful majesty and power of Jehovah: The voice of the Lord is powerful; the voice of the Lord is full of majesty. The voice of the Lord breaketh the cedars: yea, the Lord breaketh the cedars of Lebanon. He maketh them also to skip like a calf; Lebanon and Sirion like a young unicorn,” Psalm xxix, 4–6. This description of the divine majesty and power possesses a character of awful sublimity.
The cedar tree of Lebanon has always been seen as a symbol of unmatched grandeur and beauty in the plant world. It is often used as a natural image in the poetic language of the Hebrew prophets, representing kings, princes, and high-ranking leaders. For example, the Prophet Isaiah, known for his rich use of metaphors and allegories, declares that the day of the Lord of Hosts will be against all the lofty cedars of Lebanon and all the oaks of Bashan (Isaiah 2:13). The king of Israel used a similar metaphor when responding to the king of Judah's challenge: "The thistle that was in Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying, 'Give your daughter to my son for a wife'; and a wild beast passed by in Lebanon and trampled the thistle" (2 Kings 14:9). The Psalmist compares the spiritual prosperity of the righteous to this magnificent tree: "The righteous will flourish like the palm tree; they will grow like the cedars of Lebanon." To describe the awe-inspiring majesty and power of God, David uses images of breaking the cedars and shaking the great mass they grow on: "The voice of the Lord is powerful; the voice of the Lord is full of majesty. The voice of the Lord breaks the cedars; indeed, the Lord breaks the cedars of Lebanon. He makes them leap like a calf; Lebanon and Sirion like a young wild ox" (Psalm 29:4-6). This portrayal of divine majesty and power carries a sense of profound sublimity.
The stupendous size, the extensive range, and great elevation of Libanus; its towering summits capped with perpetual snow, or crowned with fragrant cedars; its olive plantations; its vineyards, producing the most delicious wines; its clear fountains, and cold-flowing brooks; its fertile vales, and odoriferous shrubberies,--combine to form in Scripture language, the glory of Lebanon.” But that glory, liable to change, has, by the unanimous consent of modern travellers, suffered a sensible decline. The extensive forests of cedar, which adorned and perfumed the summits and declivities of those mountains, have almost disappeared. Only a small number of these trees of God, planted by his almighty hand,” which, according to the usual import of the phrase, signally displayed the divine power, wisdom, and goodness, now remain. Their countless number in the days of Solomon, and their prodigious bulk, must be recollected, in order to feel the force of that sublime declaration of the prophet: Lebanon is not sufficient to burn, nor the beasts thereof sufficient for a burnt-offering,” Isaiah xl, 16. Though the trembling sinner were to make choice of Lebanon for the altar; were to cut down all its forests to form the pile; though the fragrance of this fuel, with all its odoriferous gums, were the incense; the wine of Lebanon pressed from all its vineyards, the libation; and all its beasts, the propitiatory sacrifice; all would prove insufficient to make atonement for the sins of men; would be regarded as nothing in the eyes of the supreme Judge for the expiation of even one transgression. The just and holy law of God requires a nobler altar, a costlier sacrifice, and a sweeter perfume,--the obedience and death of a divine Person to atone for our sins, and the incense of his continual intercession to secure our acceptance with the Father of mercies, and admission into the mansions of eternal rest. The conversion of the Gentile nations from the worship of idols and the bondage of corruption, to the service and enjoyment of the true God, is foretold in these beautiful and striking terms: The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them: and the desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose. It shall blossom abundantly, and rejoice even with joy and singing; the glory of Lebanon shall be given unto it, the excellency of Carmel and Sharon: they shall see the glory of the Lord, and the excellency of our God,” Isaiah xxxv, 4.
The massive size, vast range, and high elevation of Lebanon; its towering peaks topped with everlasting snow, or adorned with fragrant cedars; its olive groves; its vineyards, producing the tastiest wines; its clear springs and cool streams; its fertile valleys and fragrant shrubs—combine to create what Scripture refers to as the glory of Lebanon. However, that glory, which is subject to change, has, as noted by modern travelers, noticeably declined. The vast cedar forests that once decorated and scented the mountain tops and slopes have nearly vanished. Only a few of these “trees of God,” planted by His mighty hand, remain, demonstrating divine power, wisdom, and goodness. One must remember their countless numbers in Solomon's time and their enormous size to grasp the impact of the prophet's sublime statement: "Lebanon is not sufficient to burn, nor the beasts thereof sufficient for a burnt offering," Isaiah 40:16. Even if a trembling sinner chose Lebanon as the altar, cut down all its forests to create the firewood, used the sweet-smelling fuel and its fragrant gums as incense, offered the wine of Lebanon from all its vineyards as a libation, and brought all its animals as sacrificial offerings, it would all be inadequate to atone for human sins; it would amount to nothing in the eyes of the supreme Judge for the payment of even one sin. The just and holy law of God demands a greater altar, a more precious sacrifice, and a sweeter fragrance—the obedience and death of a divine being to atone for our sins, coupled with the incense of His ongoing intercession to ensure our acceptance with the Father of mercies and admission to the eternal rest. The conversion of the Gentile nations from idol worship and the bondage of corruption to the service and enjoyment of the true God is foretold in these beautiful and striking words: "The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them: and the desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose. It shall blossom abundantly, and rejoice even with joy and singing; the glory of Lebanon shall be given unto it, the excellency of Carmel and Sharon: they shall see the glory of the Lord, and the excellency of our God," Isaiah 35:4.
LEEK, חציר, in Numbers xi, 5, translated leek;” in 1 Kings xviii, 5; 2 Kings xix, 26; Job xl, 15; Psalm xxxvii, 2; xc, 5; ciii, 15; civ, 14; cxxix, 6; cxlvii, 8; Isaiah xxxv, 7; xxxvii, 27; xl, 6, it is rendered grass;” in Job viii, 12, herb;” in Prov. xxvii, 25; Isaiah xv, 6, hay;” and in Isaiah xxxiv, 13, a court.” It is much of the same nature with the onion. The kind called karrat by the Arabians, the allium porrum of Linnæus, Hasselquist says, must certainly have been one of those desired by the children of Israel, as it has been cultivated and esteemed from the earliest times to the present in Egypt. The inhabitants are very fond of eating it raw, as sauce for their roasted meat; and the poor people eat it raw with their bread, especially for breakfast. There is reason, however, to doubt whether this plant is intended in Num. xi, 5, and so differently rendered every where else: it should rather intend such vegetables as grow promiscuously with grass. Ludolphus supposes that it may mean lettuce and sallads in general; and Maillet observes, that the succory and endive are eaten with great relish by the people in Egypt: some or all of these may be meant.
LEEK, Hay, is mentioned in Numbers 11:5, translated as leek; in 1 Kings 18:5; 2 Kings 19:26; Job 40:15; Psalm 37:2; 90:5; 103:15; 104:14; 129:6; 147:8; Isaiah 35:7; 37:27; 40:6, it is referred to as grass; in Job 8:12, it is called herb; in Proverbs 27:25; Isaiah 15:6, it is described as hay; and in Isaiah 34:13, as a court. It is similar in nature to the onion. The type known as karrat by the Arabs, allium porrum according to Linnaeus, is said by Hasselquist to have certainly been one of those items craved by the Israelites, as it has been grown and valued in Egypt since ancient times. The locals enjoy eating it raw as a garnish for roasted meat, and poorer people consume it raw with their bread, particularly for breakfast. However, there is some doubt whether this plant is what is referred to in Numbers 11:5, as it is translated so differently elsewhere; it likely refers to vegetables that grow alongside grass. Ludolphus suggests it could mean lettuce and salads in general, and Maillet notes that people in Egypt enjoy succory and endive with great enthusiasm; any or all of these might be what is intended.
LEGION. The Roman legions were composed each of ten cohorts; a cohort, of fifty maniples; a maniple, of fifteen men; consequently, a full legion contained six thousand soldiers. Jesus cured one who called himself legion,” as if possessed by a legion of devils, Mark v, 9. He also said to Peter, who drew his sword to defend him in the olive garden: Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father, who shall presently give me 579more than twelve legions of angels?” Matt. xxvi, 53.
LEGION. The Roman legions each consisted of ten cohorts; a cohort had fifty maniples; a maniple was made up of fifteen men; therefore, a full legion contained six thousand soldiers. Jesus healed someone who called himself "Legion," as if he were possessed by a legion of demons, Mark 5:9. He also said to Peter, who drew his sword to protect him in the olive garden: "Do you think that I cannot now ask my Father, and he will immediately give me more than twelve legions of angels?" Matt. 26:53.
LEMUEL. See Agur.
LEMUEL. Check __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
LENTIL, עדשים, Gen. xxv, 34; 2 Sam. xvii, 28; xxiii, 11; Ezek. iv, 9, a sort of pulse; in the Septuagint φακὸς, and Vulgate lens. The lentils of Egypt were very much esteemed among the ancients. St. Austin says, they grow abundantly in Egypt, are much used as a food there, and those of Alexandria are considered particularly valuable. Dr. Shaw says, beans, lentils, kidney beans, and garvancos are the chief of their pulse kind. Beans, when boiled and stewed with oil and garlic, are the principal food of persons of all distinctions. Lentils are dressed in the same manner as beans, dissolving easily into a mass, and making a pottage of a chocolate colour. This, we find, was the red pottage” which Esau, from thence called Edom, exchanged for his birthright.
LENTIL, עדשים, Gen. xxv, 34; 2 Sam. xvii, 28; xxiii, 11; Ezek. iv, 9, a type of pulse; in the Septuagint φακὸς, and Vulgate camera lens. The lentils from Egypt were highly valued by the ancients. St. Augustine mentions that they grow abundantly in Egypt, are commonly used as food there, and those from Alexandria are considered especially prized. Dr. Shaw notes that beans, lentils, kidney beans, and garvancos are the main types of pulse. Beans, when boiled and cooked with oil and garlic, are the primary food for people of all backgrounds. Lentils are prepared in the same way as beans, breaking down easily into a thick mixture and creating a stew with a chocolate color. This, we learn, was the "red stew" for which Esau, who was later called Edom, traded his birthright.
LEOPARD, נמר, Cant. iv, 8; Isaiah xi, 6; Jer. v, 6; xiii, 23; Hosea xiii, 7; Hab. i, 8; Dan. vii, 6; ϖάρδαλις, Rev. xiii, 2; Ecclus. xxviii, 23. There can be no doubt that the pard or leopard is the animal mentioned. Bochart shows that the name is similar in the Chaldee, Syriac, Arabic, and Ethiopic. The LXX uniformly render it by ϖάρδαλις; and Jerom, pardus. Probably, these animals were numerous in Palestine; as we find places with a name intimating their having been the haunts of leopards: Nimrah, Num. xxxii, 3; Beth-Nimrah, Num. xxxii, 36; Joshua xiii, 27; and waters of Nimrim,” Isa. xv, 6; Jer. xlviii, 34; and mountains of leopards,” Cant. iv, 8. Nimrod might have his name from this animal: He was a mighty hunter before the Lord; wherefore it is said, Even as Nimrod the mighty hunter before the Lord,” Gen. x, 9. It is supposed, however, that his predations were not confined to the brute creation. Dr. Geddes remarks, that the word hunter” expresses too little. He was a freebooter, in the worst sense of the word; a lawless despot:
LEOPARD, טיגריס, Cant. iv, 8; Isaiah xi, 6; Jer. v, 6; xiii, 23; Hosea xiii, 7; Hab. i, 8; Dan. vii, 6; ϖάρδαλις, Rev. xiii, 2; Ecclus. xxviii, 23. There's no doubt that the animal being referred to is the leopard. Bochart shows that the name is similar in Chaldean, Syriac, Arabic, and Ethiopic. The LXX consistently translates it as ϖάρδαλις; and Jerom, pardus. These animals were probably common in Palestine since we find places named to suggest they were once the habitats of leopards: Nimrah, Num. xxxii, 3; Beth-Nimrah, Num. xxxii, 36; Joshua xiii, 27; and waters of Nimrim,” Isa. xv, 6; Jer. xlviii, 34; and mountains of leopards,” Cant. iv, 8. Nimrod might have gotten his name from this animal: He was a powerful hunter before the Lord; hence it says, "Even as Nimrod, the mighty hunter before the Lord,” Gen. x, 9. However, it’s thought that his hunting wasn’t limited to the animal kingdom. Dr. Geddes notes that the word "hunter" falls short. He was a plunderer, in the most negative sense of the term; a lawless tyrant:
Isaiah, describing the happy state of the reign of Messiah, says, The leopard shall lie down with the kid,” Isaiah xi, 6. Even animals shall lose their fierceness and cruelty, and become gentle and tame. Jeremiah, v, 6, mentions the artful ambuscades of this animal; and in xiii, 23, alludes to his spots: Can a Cushite change his skin; or a leopard his spots? Then may ye prevail with them to do good who are habituated to do evil;” and Habakkuk, i, 8, refers to its alertness.
Isaiah, describing the joyful state of the reign of the Messiah, says, “The leopard will lie down with the goat” (Isaiah 11:6). Even animals will lose their fierceness and cruelty, becoming gentle and tame. Jeremiah 5:6 mentions the crafty ambushes of this creature, and in 13:23, he refers to its spots: “Can a Cushite change his skin, or a leopard its spots? Then you may be able to persuade those who are used to doing evil to do good.” Habakkuk 1:8 refers to its quickness.
LEPROSY. See Diseases.
LEPROSY. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
LETTERS, marks for the purpose of expressing sounds, used in writing. Few subjects have given rise to more discussion than the origin of alphabetic characters. If they are of human invention, they must be considered as one of the most admirable efforts of the ingenuity of man. So wonderful is the facility which they afford for recording human thought; so ingenious, and at the same time so simple, is the analysis which they furnish for the sounds of articulate speech, and for all the possible variety of words; that we might expect the author of this happy invention to have been immortalized by the grateful homage of succeeding ages, and his name delivered down to posterity with the ample honours it so justly merited. But the author and the era of this discovery, if such it be, are both lost in the darkness of remote antiquity. Even the nation to which the invention is due cannot now be ascertained. The Egyptians, the Assyrians, the Phenicians, the Persians, the Indians, have all laid claim to the honour of it; and each has named its inventor among the remote, and probably fabulous, personages that figure in the earlier ages of their history. In consequence of this uncertainty respecting the author of alphabetic writing, and the high value and extreme difficulty of the invention itself, many have been inclined to attribute this art to an immediate revelation from the Deity; contending that it was communicated with other invaluable gifts from above, in remote ages, to the descendants of Abraham, and probably to the Patriarch Moses, who was the author of the most ancient compositions in alphabetical writing that we at present possess. The arguments which are brought in support of the divine revelation of the alphabet, are chiefly these: 1. The high antiquity of the use of letters; the Hebrew characters having existed in a perfect state when Moses composed the Pentateuch, the most ancient writing now known to be extant. 2. The similarity between the various alphabets of different nations, which, for the most part, are the same, in the order, power, and even form, of their letters with the Hebrew. 3. The complete want of alphabetic characters among those nations, which have been cut off from all communication with the ancient civilized world, as the aboriginal Americans; or that part of the human race which had no opportunity of borrowing the system of written characters revealed to the Hebrews, as China.
LETTERS are symbols used to represent sounds in writing. Few topics have sparked as much debate as the origins of alphabetic characters. If they were invented by humans, they stand as one of humanity's most impressive achievements. The convenience they provide for capturing human thoughts is remarkable; their clever yet simple method of breaking down the sounds of spoken language and the infinite variety of words leads one to expect that the creator of this brilliant invention would be celebrated throughout history, with their name honored by future generations. However, the identity of this inventor and the time when this discovery was made are both shrouded in the mists of ancient times. Even the civilization responsible for this innovation is no longer clear. The Egyptians, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Persians, and Indians have all claimed credit for it, each naming a legendary figure from their early history as the inventor. Because of the uncertainty surrounding the origin of alphabetic writing and the significant value and complexity of the invention itself, many have suggested that this art was given directly by a divine source; they argue that it was revealed along with other invaluable gifts to Abraham's descendants, possibly to the Patriarch Moses, who is credited with the oldest known writings in alphabetic form. Arguments supporting the idea of the divine origins of the alphabet include: 1. The ancient use of letters; Hebrew characters were fully developed when Moses wrote the Pentateuch, the oldest surviving text we know of. 2. The similarities across various alphabets from different cultures, which often share the same order, sounds, and forms of letters as the Hebrew. 3. The complete absence of alphabetic characters among cultures that have been isolated from the ancient civilized world, such as Indigenous Americans, or those parts of humanity that had no chance to adopt the writing system revealed to the Hebrews, like China.
Had man been left to himself, the first and most natural way of making his thoughts visible to the eye would be by pictorial representations. The second step would, for convenience’ sake, be to invent an abbreviated form of these pictures, sufficiently legible to call to mind the original picture in full, and yet so reduced and intermixed with a few easily remembered arbitrary characters, or symbols, as to be more extensively useful. The next and most difficult step would be the alphabet so formed as to express all the sounds of the language, by convenient combination. The Egyptian monuments show specimens of each; the hieroglyph, the mixed and abbreviated, and the alphabetical. The magnificent ruins of Persepolis, the capital of ancient Persia, exhibit also the pure pictorial style, and tablets of abbreviated emblems. The characters on the bricks dug up from the ruins of ancient Babylon have characters, which are supposed to be, not alphabetic, but abbreviated symbols, and therefore suppose the existence of the larger picture writing, whether the people 580possessed a proper alphabet or not. All the savage tribes of America had their picture writings, and this style was carried to great perfection by the Mexicans. The latter had, likewise, abbreviated marks, which were used as symbols; and thus made an approach to letters, although they never reached this discovery. It is a curious fact, that in our day a Cherokee chief has actually invented an alphabet, and that in the process he commenced with a pictorial representation of animals which uttered sounds somewhat like those of his own tongue; which thought seems not to have entered into the picture writing of the ancients, whose delineations spoke wholly to the eye, and not at all to the ear. Finding this method imperfect and cumbersome, he at last hit upon the expedient of arbitrary characters, which he gradually reduced in number, and so perfected, that, with a few European improvements, books are now printed in them for the use of his nation. In China the language is a complete system of abbreviated pictures, emblems, or symbols; and there is no proper alphabet to this day.
If humanity had been on its own, the most straightforward way to make thoughts visible would have been through pictures. The next step, for simplicity, would be to create a shorthand version of these images, clear enough to remind people of the complete picture, yet simplified and combined with a few easily remembered symbols, making it more practical. The following and more challenging step would be the development of an alphabet that captures all the sounds of the language through convenient combinations. The Egyptian monuments show examples of all three: hieroglyphs, mixed and abbreviated forms, and alphabetical writing. The impressive ruins of Persepolis, the capital of ancient Persia, also display pure pictorial styles and tablets with abbreviated symbols. The characters found on bricks unearthed from the ruins of ancient Babylon are believed to be shortened symbols rather than alphabetic, implying there was a larger system of pictorial writing, regardless of whether the people had a true alphabet. All the indigenous tribes in America had their forms of pictorial writing, which the Mexicans mastered remarkably well. The Mexicans also used abbreviated symbols, inching closer to letters, though they never fully developed them. Interestingly, in our time, a Cherokee chief has created an alphabet, starting with pictorial representations of animals that made sounds similar to those in his language. This concept seems to have been absent in the pictorial writing of ancient civilizations, which communicated entirely through visual means and not at all through sound. Realizing this method was flawed and unwieldy, he eventually came up with arbitrary characters, which he reduced in number and refined, leading to the current capability of printing books for his nation, enhanced by a few European improvements. In China, the language is a fully developed system of abbreviated pictures, emblems, or symbols, and an actual alphabet has yet to be established.
These facts are urged as direct proofs or strong presumptions that all alphabetical characters have been preceded by picture or imitative characters; and that as the whole is within the compass of human ingenuity, the notion of a divine suggestion of letters, or of the important art of alphabetical writing, is bringing in the divine agency without necessity. But the assumption that alphabets have in all cases been formed through this process, is wholly hypothetic. Certain it is that we can prove from the Scriptures that literal writing was in use at an earlier period than can be assigned to any picture writing whatever. Writing and reading were familiar to Moses and the Israelites when the law was given, and must have long previously existed among them, and, probably, among the Egyptians of the same age too; which is much earlier than any of those monuments bearing hieroglyphical characters reach. We have given sufficient reason to conclude that Job lived at an earlier period still, and as he expresses a wish that his words should be written in a book, and engraven on the rock, the knowledge of reading as well as writing must have been pretty general in his country, or the book and the inscription could not have been a testimony of his faith and hope to his countrymen, as he passionately desired it to be. Here, too, it is to be observed, that in the early Mosaic history we have not the least intimation of writing by pictures or symbols, nor any that the art of writing had been revealed from heaven in the days of Moses, preparatory to the giving of a written law and the introduction of inspired books for the religious instruction of the people. We must trace it up higher; though whether of divine revelation, or human invention, cannot certainly be determined. Its importance was assuredly worthy of the former; and if this was not done by particular revelation, doubtless we may reasonably and piously ascribe it to a divine suggestion.
These facts are presented as clear evidence or strong indications that all alphabetical characters were preceded by pictorial or imitative symbols; and since everything falls within the range of human creativity, the idea of a divine inspiration for letters or the vital craft of alphabetical writing is unnecessarily invoking divine intervention. However, the idea that alphabets were always created through this method is purely speculative. What we can confirm from the Scriptures is that literal writing was in use earlier than any forms of picture writing. Writing and reading were familiar to Moses and the Israelites when the law was given, and must have existed among them for a long time beforehand, and probably also among the Egyptians of that era, which is much earlier than the dates of any monuments with hieroglyphics. We have provided enough evidence to suggest that Job lived even earlier, and since he wished that his words be written in a book and inscribed on stone, the knowledge of reading as well as writing must have been quite widespread in his region, otherwise, the book and the engraving could not have served as a testament of his faith and hope to his fellow countrymen, as he fervently desired. Additionally, it is important to highlight that in the early Mosaic history, there is no indication of writing through pictures or symbols, nor any evidence that the art of writing was revealed from heaven during Moses' time as a precursor to the provision of a written law and the introduction of inspired texts for the religious education of the people. We need to look further back; although whether it originated from divine revelation or human invention remains uncertain. Its significance clearly merited the former; and if it wasn’t the result of specific revelation, we can reasonably and sincerely attribute it to divine inspiration.
It may, indeed, be asked, How then is it that in other nations we can so accurately trace the progress from the picture to the symbol, and thence on to the alphabet; as for instance in Egypt? We answer, that if this were allowed, still it might be, and probably was, a part of the divine procedure with reference to the preservation of the true religion, that the knowledge of letters should be early given to the Abrahamic family, or, at least, preserved among them, while many others of the more dispersed branches of the human race becoming barbarous, as stated under the article Language, might lose it; because picture writing was easily convertible to idolatrous purposes, and in reality was greatly encouraged from that source. The same care would be exerted to prevent pictorial representations of spiritual beings and things as the forming of images; and the race of true worshippers of God was never therefore placed under the necessity of thus expressing their thoughts by such delineations. But it is, in fact, far from being proved, that the hieroglyph, or picture writing, of Egypt for example, was more ancient among that people than alphabetic writing. One of the most recent writers on this side is the Marquis Spineto, in his Lectures on Egyptian Hieroglyphics.” His theory is, in fact, that of Warburton; and he thinks that the recent discoveries as to the hieroglyphics of Egypt fully establish it. The opinion of this learned prelate was, that the primitive mode of writing among the Egyptians was by figurative delineations or hieroglyphics; that this becoming too tedious and voluminous, by degrees they perfected another character, which he calls the running-hand of hieroglyphics, resembling the Chinese characters; which being at first formed only by the outlines of figures, became at length a kind of marks; and at last led to the compendious use of letters by an alphabet. His argument against the knowledge of letters by the immediate descendants of Noah is as follows: For, if the invention of the alphabet had preceded the dispersion, we should have found the use of it generally established among mankind, and hieroglyphics and picture writing entirely lain aside. But this is not the case. The Mexicans and the Peruvians, up to the fifteenth century, and, to this day, the Chinese, have no knowledge of the alphabet. They all, like the Egyptians, made use of hieroglyphics, more or less abridged, more or less symbolical, or, if you please, more or less arbitrary; but they had no knowledge of the alphabet. The invention of letters, therefore, must have happened after the dispersion, at a time when picture or hieroglyphical writing was generally used; it was thus imported into the respective countries, by the primitive inhabitants, as they separated themselves from the common society, carrying in their migrations those partly true and partly false notions of the Deity, and of the great event which had submerged the world; notions which, in fact, are to be found in the theology and ritual of all the nations in the universe, although more or less disfigured and altered.”
It may indeed be asked, how is it that in other nations we can clearly see the progress from pictures to symbols, and then to alphabets, as in Egypt? We respond that even if this were possible, it might have been, and probably was, part of the divine plan to preserve true religion by ensuring that the knowledge of letters was given early to the family of Abraham, or at least kept among them, while many other, more spread out groups of humanity became barbaric, as mentioned under the article Language, and might have lost it. This is because picture writing could easily be turned into idolatrous practices and was actually encouraged from that angle. The same effort would be made to prevent depicting spiritual beings and matters just as with creating images; true worshippers of God were never required to express their thoughts through such illustrations. However, it is not proven that the hieroglyphics, or picture writing, of Egypt, for example, were older among that people than alphabetic writing. One of the most recent writers on this topic is Marquis Spineto, in his Lectures on Egyptian Hieroglyphics. His theory is similar to Warburton’s; he believes that recent discoveries regarding Egyptian hieroglyphics fully support it. This learned bishop's view was that the original method of writing among the Egyptians was through figurative illustrations or hieroglyphics; as this became too cumbersome and lengthy, they gradually developed another form of writing, which he refers to as the running-hand of hieroglyphics, resembling Chinese characters. Initially formed only by outlines of figures, it eventually evolved into a type of marks and ultimately led to the concise use of letters in an alphabet. His argument against the knowledge of letters by the immediate descendants of Noah is as follows: If the alphabet had been invented before the dispersion, we would have seen its widespread use among people, and hieroglyphics and picture writing would have been completely set aside. But that is not the case. The Mexicans and Peruvians, up to the fifteenth century, and even today, the Chinese, have no knowledge of the alphabet. They all, like the Egyptians, used hieroglyphics—more or less simplified, more or less symbolic, or, if you prefer, more or less arbitrary; but they had no understanding of the alphabet. Therefore, the invention of letters must have occurred after the dispersion, at a time when pictorial or hieroglyphic writing was commonly used. It was brought into their respective countries by the early inhabitants as they separated from the common society, carrying with them those partly true and partly false ideas of the Deity and of the great event that had flooded the world; these ideas are reflected in the theology and rituals of all nations around the world, albeit in varying degrees of distortion and alteration.
581But as the running-hand hieroglyphics, spoken of by Warburton, were no more alphabetical than the hieroglyphics themselves, still we are left to make the inquiry, Who was the inventor of the Egyptian alphabet? This is supposed by the Marquis on the authority of a passage in Plato, to be a secretary of one of the kings of Egypt. This king is called Thamus; who forbade his ingenius secretary, Thouth, or Theuth, to make the invention public; lest the people should no longer pay attention to the hieroglyphics, which would then be soon forgotten. The secret, however, soon escaped; and as it diminished to a prodigious degree the difficulty of writing, it was generally adopted by the Egyptians, and from them passed into other nations. The first,” says the Marquis, who seem to have got a knowledge of this system, were the Phenicians; they imparted it to the Arabians, to the Jews, and carried it over to Greece. From that country it was exported to the several islands, carried to the continent, and reached the northern nations. The Chinese alone refused to adopt the valuable discovery; proud of the antiquity of their social establishment, believing themselves superior to the rest of mankind, they still adhered to their ancient mode of writing. This, as I have already observed, though originally the same with that used by the Egyptians, became, in process of time, materially different, being made up of arbitrary marks, which are for the most part ideographical. With the discovery of the alphabet, however, a very material change took place in regard to hieroglyphics. Originally, as we have seen, they had been the common, nay, the sole mode of writing, employed by the nation at large, in all the transactions of life, and through the policy of King Thamus, the alphabetical letters were kept secret: but, as soon as this discovery became known, the contrary happened; alphabetical writing became common, and hieroglyphics mysterious, not because they were purposely hidden in mystery, but simply because they required greater application and greater trouble. They indeed still continued to be used in matters of religion, funerals, public monuments, and the like; but in all business, and common transactions, the alphabetical writing was employed. This was a necessary consequence of the general use of hieroglyphics in their primitive state; for although the Egyptians might, and, in fact, did, give the preference to the alphabet, yet they did not think it necessary to erase the old hieroglyphical characters from their temples, from their obelisks, from their tombs, and religious vases. The priests, therefore, still continued to study and preserve the knowledge of hieroglyphics; and these, partly by their showy nature, partly by the continuation of the old custom, continued still to be used in public monuments of a votive and funeral nature. To distinguish them, therefore, from the alphabetical letters newly invented, they obtained the name of sacred, on the score of their being employed only in matters of religion. The priests, however, who had already invented a new set of arbitrary marks, as a shorter way of hieroglyphical writing, which they employed exclusively in transactions which concerned their body and their pursuits, after the invention of the alphabet turned these marks into letters, and thus they formed another set of characters, or mode of writing, to which they gave the appellation of hieratic, as belonging exclusively to their order. In these characters they wrote all historical, political, and religious transactions. And as the common, or demotic letters were employed in all the common business of life, and hieroglyphics confined to public monuments, and funereal and votive ceremonies, the Egyptians became possessed of at least three different modes of writing, or sets of characters, which were hieroglyphic, demotic, and hieratic. Whether the priests had invented another set of characters, unknown to the people, and in which they concealed their doctrine and their knowledge, is a question which cannot be solved at present. The want of monuments disables us from saying any thing of a decisive nature on this subject. One thing alone we can suppose with certainty, that if such a mode of writing did ever exist, and for the purpose for which it is supposed to have existed, the knowledge of it must have been confined to the priests only, and the records so written concealed with the greatest care from the eye of the nation. If, therefore, such records exist, they must be sought for in the dwelling of the hierophant, in the most recondite places of the temples; perhaps in those subterraneous passages which now lie hidden under mountains of sand, and in which no one but the priests were ever permitted to enter.”
581 But since the running-hand hieroglyphics mentioned by Warburton were not any more alphabetical than the hieroglyphics themselves, we are left to ask, who invented the Egyptian alphabet? The Marquis suggests, based on a passage in Plato, that it was a secretary to one of the kings of Egypt. This king is named Thamus, who forbade his clever secretary, Thouth or Theuth, from making the invention public, fearing that people would stop paying attention to the hieroglyphics, which would soon be forgotten. However, the secret quickly got out; and since it made writing significantly easier, it was widely adopted by the Egyptians and then spread to other nations. The first, the Marquis asserts, who seemed to gain knowledge of this system were the Phoenicians; they taught it to the Arabs, the Jews, and brought it to Greece. From there, it spread to various islands, reached the continent, and arrived in northern nations. The Chinese alone refused to adopt this valuable discovery; proud of their long-standing social structure and believing themselves superior to the rest of humanity, they continued to use their ancient writing system. As I’ve mentioned before, although it originated similarly to the Egyptian method, over time, it became quite different, consisting mainly of arbitrary symbols that are mostly ideographic. The discovery of the alphabet, however, led to a significant shift regarding hieroglyphics. Initially, as we have seen, they were the common and only writing method used by the nation in all aspects of life, and King Thamus kept the alphabetical letters a secret. But once this discovery became known, the opposite occurred: alphabetical writing became widespread, while hieroglyphics grew mysterious, not because they were deliberately concealed, but simply because they required more effort and attention. They still continued to be used for religious matters, funerals, public monuments, and similar purposes; however, for all business and everyday transactions, alphabetical writing was used. This was a natural outcome of the widespread use of hieroglyphics in their original form; for while the Egyptians preferred the alphabet and indeed did, they felt no need to erase the old hieroglyphs from their temples, obelisks, tombs, and religious vases. Therefore, the priests still studied and maintained the knowledge of hieroglyphics, and partly because of their impressive nature and partly due to the persistence of old customs, they continued to be used in public votive and funerary monuments. To differentiate them from the newly invented alphabetical letters, they were called sacred, as they were used solely for religious matters. However, the priests, who had already created a new set of arbitrary symbols as a shorthand version of hieroglyphics, which they used exclusively for their own activities, transformed these symbols into letters after the invention of the alphabet. This led to the creation of another set of characters or writing style that they named hieratic, which belonged specifically to their order. They used these characters to record all historical, political, and religious events. Since the common, or demotic letters were used for all daily business, while hieroglyphics were limited to public monuments and funerary ceremonies, the Egyptians ended up with at least three different writing systems or character sets: hieroglyphic, demotic, and hieratic. Whether the priests developed another set of characters unknown to the general populace, through which they concealed their teachings and knowledge, remains an unanswered question for now. The lack of monuments prevents us from making any definitive statements on this topic. One thing we can confidently assume, though, is that if such a writing system did exist for such purposes, its knowledge must have been restricted to the priests, and any records written in it would have been carefully hidden from the public eye. Therefore, if such records exist, they would likely be found in the priest's quarters, in the most obscure areas of the temples; perhaps in those underground passages, now buried under mountains of sand, which only the priests were allowed to access.
The whole of this account, we may however observe, is far from being satisfactory. Whether the early Egyptians wrote hieroglyphics at all, no monuments yet discovered are so ancient as to prove; since all such characters now known must have been written subsequently to the advancement of the kingdom into great power, and after considerable progress had been made in architecture and other arts. The passage, too, in Plato, on which the argument is made to depend, may just as well refer to the running-hand or abridged hieroglyphical signs, as to alphabetical writing; and the supposition, that the priests gave an alphabetical character to this kind of abridged pictorial writing after the discovery of the real alphabet, (and alphabetical Ackerblad and Dr. Young have proved it to be,) is quite hypothetic. We think it more probable that alphabetical writing is much older than the hieroglyphics; that the phonetic hieroglyphics were fanciful representations of the alphabetic characters, intermingled with those symbols which idolatry and the natural peculiarities of Egypt would suggest; that the whole was originally easy to be deciphered by those who knew letters at all; and that the leading motive of fixing them on public monuments in preference to literal inscriptions, was the taste of the day, which custom, 582and antiquity, and superstition at length consecrated. We have thus an easy way of accounting for the alphabetical, though obscure, character of the hieroglyphic running-hand, or hieratic writing, so much used in manuscripts. As an abridged form of the hieroglyphical outline, it would at least be phonetic wherever the hieroglyphic was so; and where that was symbolical, it would naturally present greater difficulty in deciphering, which, in fact, has been proved to be the case, by modern students in the art. It is, indeed, acknowledged by those who advocate the priority of the hieroglyphic to the alphabetic signs, that the number of ideas which could thus be expressed is few; and this the Marquis Spineto considers as a presumptive proof of his theory. In these early ages, the position of mankind after the flood,” he observes, was such as to preclude the possibility of supposing that they had many ideas and many wants; therefore we may reasonably conclude, that their language consisted of words only which were intended to express the things most necessary to life, and consequently contained a small number of words.” We know, indeed, that it is the notion of many infidel writers, that the original race or races of mankind were a sort of savages; and that a state of society gradually increased the ideas, and enriched the language of those who at first were capable of uttering but a few simple articulate sounds; but that any person should talk in a similar strain, who professes to receive the Mosaic history, is absurd. The antediluvians had surely much knowledge. Many arts were invented before the flood; and the ark itself is a vast monument of mechanical skill. Arts, science, morals, legislation, theology, were all known before the flood; and were all transmitted from the old world to the new, by Noah and his sons. These were not men of few ideas,” nor was the pastoral mode of life incompatible with great moral knowledge, eloquence, and the highest and richest poetry, as we see in the book of Job. Men were not then, as many moderns have supposed, a race of babies, able only to ask for what they needed to eat and drink, or childishly to play with; and we may therefore rest assured that they had a language so copious, and enunciations of ideas so various in their respective tongues, that picture writing neither was nor could be adequate to their full expression. The true origin of hieroglyphic writing is still unexplained; and will, after all, probably, remain inexplicable: but it has little claim to be considered as the first mode of expressing the sounds of language. As for the Chinese language, it is evident that it cannot be urged in proof of alphabetical writing having in all cases passed through the process above mentioned; for to this day the Chinese have no alphabet. As a language it is indeed peculiar, as being wholly monosyllabic; and we must be better acquainted with the early circumstances of that people before we can account for either. See Writing.
The entire account, however, is far from satisfactory. There’s no evidence that the early Egyptians actually wrote hieroglyphics, as none of the monuments discovered so far are ancient enough to prove it. All the known characters must have been created after the kingdom became powerful and after significant progress was made in architecture and other arts. Also, the passage in Plato that the argument depends on could just as easily refer to script or simplified hieroglyphics as to alphabetical writing. The idea that priests created an alphabetical system from this simplified pictorial writing after the real alphabet was discovered—something Ackerblad and Dr. Young have verified—is purely hypothetical. It seems more likely that written language predates hieroglyphics; that phonetic hieroglyphics were imaginative representations of alphabetic characters, combined with symbols inspired by idolatry and the unique features of Egypt; and that the whole system was originally easy to interpret for those familiar with letters. The main reason for using these signs on public monuments instead of literal inscriptions was probably the fashion of the day, which custom, tradition, and superstition eventually sanctified. This gives us a straightforward explanation for the somewhat obscure alphabetical quality of hieroglyphic running-hand, or hieratic writing, commonly used in manuscripts. As an abbreviated form of the hieroglyphic outline, it would at least be phonetic wherever the hieroglyphic was. In areas where it was symbolic, it would naturally be harder to decipher, which modern scholars have demonstrated to be the case. Those who argue that hieroglyphics came before alphabetic signs admit that the number of ideas expressible in this way is limited, which the Marquis Spineto sees as supporting his theory. He notes that in these early ages, the conditions of humanity after the flood were such that it’s hard to believe they had many ideas or wants; thus, it’s reasonable to conclude their language consisted only of words meant to express essential needs, resulting in a small vocabulary. Many skeptical authors suggest that the original humans were something like savages and that societal progress gradually enriched their ideas and language. However, it’s absurd for anyone who claims to accept the Mosaic history to suggest this. The people before the flood clearly had considerable knowledge. Many arts were developed before then, and the ark itself stands as a monument to mechanical skill. Arts, science, morals, laws, and theology all existed prior to the flood and were passed from the old world to the new by Noah and his sons. These were not people with few ideas, nor was a pastoral lifestyle incompatible with deep moral knowledge, eloquence, or rich poetry, as seen in the book of Job. The idea that they were like modern assumptions of a race of infants, only capable of asking for basic needs or playing, is incorrect. We can be sure they had a language rich enough, with diverse expressions of ideas across different tongues, that picture writing could never fully express what they wanted to convey. The true origin of hieroglyphic writing remains unclear, and likely will always be elusive; however, it shouldn’t be considered the first way to express spoken language. Regarding the Chinese language, it’s clear that it doesn’t support the notion that alphabetical writing always followed the aforementioned process, since the Chinese still do not have an alphabet. As a language, it’s unique in being entirely monosyllabic, and we need to know more about the early circumstances of that culture before we can explain it. See Writing.
LEVIATHAN, לויתן, Job iii, 8; xli, 1; Psalm lxxiv, 14; civ, 26; Isa. xxvii, 1. The old commentators concurred in regarding the whale as the animal here intended. Beza and Diodati were among the first to interpret it the crocodile: and Bochart has since supported this last rendering with a train of argument which has nearly overwhelmed all opposition, and brought almost every commentator over to his opinion. It is very certain that it could not be the whale, which does not inhabit the Mediterranean, much less the rivers that empty themselves into it; nor will the characteristics at all apply to the whale. The crocodile, on the contrary, is a natural inhabitant of the Nile, and other Asiatic and African rivers; of enormous voracity and strength, as well as fleetness in swimming; attacks mankind and the largest animals with most daring impetuosity; when taken by means of a powerful net, will often overturn the boats that surround it; has, proportionally, the largest mouth of all monsters whatever; moves both its jaws equally, the upper of which has not less than forty, and the lower than thirty-eight sharp, but strong and massy, teeth; and is furnished with a coat of mail, so scaly and callous as to resist the force of a musket ball in every part, except under the belly. Indeed, to this animal the general character of the leviathan seems so well to apply, that it is unnecessary to seek farther.
LEVIATHAN, לויתן, Job 3:8; 41:1; Psalm 74:14; 104:26; Isaiah 27:1. The early commentators generally thought the whale was the creature referred to here. Beza and Diodati were among the first to suggest it might be the crocodile, and Bochart later backed this interpretation with arguments that have almost completely convinced critics and swayed many commentators to his view. It is clear that it cannot be the whale, which doesn’t live in the Mediterranean, much less in the rivers that flow into it; the details don’t fit the whale at all. The crocodile, on the other hand, is a natural resident of the Nile and other rivers in Asia and Africa; it has tremendous appetite and strength, as well as speed in swimming; it attacks humans and the largest animals with bold ferocity; when caught in a powerful net, it often capsizes the boats that surround it; it has, proportionally, the largest mouth of any creature; it moves both jaws equally, the upper jaw having at least forty sharp teeth and the lower jaw at least thirty-eight strong, hefty teeth; and it has a tough, scaly hide that can resist the impact of a bullet everywhere except under its belly. In fact, the general description of the leviathan seems to fit this animal so well that there's no need to look any further.
LEVITES. Under this name may be comprised all the descendants of Levi; but it principally denotes those who were employed in the lowest ministries of the temple, by which they were distinguished from the priests, who, being descended from Aaron, were likewise of the race of Levi by Kohath, but were employed in higher offices. The Levites were descendants of Levi, by Gershom, Kohath, and Merari, excepting the family of Aaron; for the children of Moses had no part in the priesthood, and were only common Levites. God chose the Levites instead of the first-born of all Israel, for the service of his tabernacle and temple, Num. iii, 6, &c. They obeyed the priests in the ministrations of the temple, and brought to them wood, water, and other things necessary for the sacrifices. They sung and played on instruments, in the temple, &c; they studied the law, and were the ordinary judges of the country, but subordinate to the priests. God provided for the subsistence of the Levites, by giving them the tithe of corn, fruit, and cattle; but they paid to the priests the tenth of their tithes; and as the Levites possessed no estates in the land, the tithes which the priests received from them were looked on as the first-fruits which they were to offer to the Lord, Num. xviii, 21–24. God assigned them for their habitations forty-eight cities, with fields, pastures, and gardens, Num. xxxv. Of these thirteen were given to the priests, six of which were cities of refuge, Joshua xx, 7; xxi, 19, 20, &c. While the Levites were actually employed in the temple, they were subsisted out of the provisions in store there, and out of the daily offerings there made; and if any Levite quitted the place of his abode, to serve the temple, even out of the time of his half-yearly 583or weekly waiting, he was received there, kept and provided for, in like manner as his other brethren, who were regularly in waiting, Deut. xviii, 6–8. The consecration of Levites was without much ceremony. They wore no particular habit to distinguish them from the other Israelites, and God ordained nothing particularly for their mourning, 2 Chron. xxix, 34. The manner of their consecration may be seen in Num. viii, 5–7, &c.
LEVITES. This term includes all the descendants of Levi, but it mainly refers to those who served in the lower roles of the temple, distinguishing them from the priests. The priests, who descended from Aaron, were also from the Levi line through Kohath but held higher positions. The Levites came from Levi through Gershom, Kohath, and Merari, excluding Aaron's family, as Moses' children had no part in the priesthood and were just regular Levites. God chose the Levites instead of the firstborn of all Israel to serve in His tabernacle and temple (Num. iii, 6, & c.). They assisted the priests with temple duties and provided wood, water, and other essentials for sacrifices. They sang and played instruments in the temple and studied the law, serving as local judges under the priests. God ensured the Levites' support by giving them a tithe of grain, fruit, and livestock, though they gave a tenth of their tithes to the priests. Since the Levites owned no land, the tithes they passed on were considered the first fruits to be offered to the Lord (Num. xviii, 21–24). God designated forty-eight cities for them, with fields, pastures, and gardens (Num. xxxv). Out of these, thirteen were assigned to the priests, six of which were cities of refuge (Joshua xx, 7; xxi, 19, 20, & c.). When Levites worked in the temple, they were provided for from the supplies there and the daily offerings. If any Levite left his home to serve in the temple, even outside his scheduled waiting period, he was welcomed and supported just like his fellow Levites who were regularly on duty (Deut. xviii, 6–8). The consecration of Levites was straightforward. They did not wear special clothing to set them apart from other Israelites, and God did not require any specific mourning practices for them (2 Chron. xxix, 34). The details of their consecration can be found in Num. viii, 5–7, & c.
Josephus says, that in the reign of Agrippa, king of the Jews, about A. D. 62, six years before the destruction of the temple by the Romans, the Levites desired permission from that prince to wear the linen tunic like the priests; and this was granted. This innovation was displeasing to the priests; and the Jewish historian remarks, that the ancient customs of the country were never forsaken with impunity. He adds, that Agrippa permitted likewise the families of the Levites, whose duty it was to guard the doors, and perform other troublesome offices, to learn to sing and play on instruments, that they might be qualified for the temple service as musicians. The Levites were divided into different classes: Gershonites, Kohathites, Merarites, and Aaronites or priests, Num. iii, &c. The Gershonites, whose number was seven thousand five hundred, were employed in the marches through the wilderness in carrying the veils and curtains of the tabernacle; the Kohathites, whose number was eight thousand six hundred, in carrying the ark and sacred vessels of the tabernacle; the Merarites, whose number was six thousand two hundred, in carrying the several pieces of the tabernacle which could not be placed upon the chariots; and the Aaronites were the priests who served the sanctuary. When the Hebrews encamped in the wilderness, the Levites were placed around the tabernacle; Moses and Aaron at the east, Gershon at the west, Kohath at the south, and Merari at the north. Moses ordained that the Levites should not begin in the service of the tabernacle till they were five-and-twenty years of age, Num. viii, 24–26; or, as he says elsewhere, from thirty to fifty years old, Num. iv, 3. But David, finding that they were no longer employed in these grosser offices of transporting the vessels of the tabernacle, appointed them to enter on service at the temple at twenty years of age. The priests and Levites waited by turns, weekly, in the temple. They began their weeks on one Sabbath day, and on the Sabbath day in the following week went out of waiting, 1 Chronicles xxiii, 24; 2 Chron. xxi, 17; Ezra iii, 8. When an Israelite made a religious entertainment in the temple, God required that the Levites should be invited to it, Deut. xii, 18, 19.
Josephus states that during the reign of Agrippa, the king of the Jews, around A.D. 62, six years before the Romans destroyed the temple, the Levites requested permission from the king to wear the linen tunic similar to the priests, and this request was granted. This change upset the priests, and the Jewish historian notes that the ancient customs of the country were never abandoned without consequences. He also mentions that Agrippa allowed the families of the Levites, who were responsible for guarding the doors and performing other laborious tasks, to learn to sing and play instruments so they could serve as musicians in the temple. The Levites were divided into different groups: Gershonites, Kohathites, Merarites, and Aaronites (the priests). The Gershonites, numbering seven thousand five hundred, were tasked with carrying the veils and curtains of the tabernacle during their journeys through the wilderness. The Kohathites, with eight thousand six hundred members, carried the ark and sacred items of the tabernacle. The Merarites, numbering six thousand two hundred, handled the various parts of the tabernacle that couldn’t be transported on carts, and the Aaronites were the priests who served in the sanctuary. When the Hebrews camped in the wilderness, the Levites surrounded the tabernacle; Moses and Aaron were positioned at the east, Gershon at the west, Kohath at the south, and Merari at the north. Moses specified that the Levites should start serving in the tabernacle at the age of twenty-five; elsewhere, he indicated an age range of thirty to fifty years old. However, David, recognizing that the Levites were no longer engaged in the physical labor of moving the tabernacle's vessels, set the age for them to begin serving in the temple at twenty. The priests and Levites served in shifts, weekly, at the temple. Their weeks began on one Sabbath and ended the following Sabbath. When an Israelite held a religious gathering in the temple, God required that the Levites be invited to it.
LEVITICUS, a canonical book of Scripture, being the third book of the Pentateuch of Moses; thus called because it contains principally the laws and regulations relating to the Levites, priests, and sacrifices; for which reason the Hebrews call it the law of the priests, because it includes many ordinances concerning their services. See Pentateuch.
LEVITICUS, a recognized book of Scripture, is the third book of Moses' Pentateuch; it's named this because it mainly contains the laws and regulations related to the Levites, priests, and sacrifices. This is why the Hebrews refer to it as the law of the priests, as it includes many rules about their services. See Torah.
LIBATION. This word is used in sacrificial language, to express an affusion of liquors, poured upon victims to be sacrificed to the Lord. The quantity of wine for a libation was the fourth part of a hin, rather more than two pints. Libations among the Hebrews were poured on the victim after it was killed, and the several pieces of it were laid on the altar, ready to be consumed by the flames, Lev. vi, 20; viii, 25, 26; ix, 4; xvi, 12, 20. These libations consisted in offerings of bread, wine, and salt. The Greeks and Latins offered libations with the sacrifices, but they were poured on the victim’s head while it was living. So Sinon, relating the manner in which he was to be sacrificed, says he was in the priest’s hands ready to be slain, was loaded with bands and garlands; that they were preparing to pour upon him the libations of grain and salted meal:--
LIBATION. This term is used in sacrificial contexts to describe the pouring of liquids over victims meant to be sacrificed to the Lord. The amount of wine for a libation was a quarter of a hin, which is just over two pints. Among the Hebrews, libations were poured on the victim after it was killed, and the various pieces were placed on the altar, ready to be burned, as noted in Lev. vi, 20; viii, 25, 26; ix, 4; xvi, 12, 20. These libations typically included offerings of bread, wine, and salt. The Greeks and Romans also offered libations with their sacrifices, but these were poured over the victim’s head while it was still alive. In fact, Sinon, describing how he was to be sacrificed, mentions that he was in the priest’s grasp, ready to be killed, bound with ropes and decorated with garlands, and that they were preparing to pour libations of grain and salted meal on him:--
[And now the horrible day being come, they began to prepare for me the sacred rites.]
[And now that the awful day has arrived, they started to prepare the sacred ceremonies for me.]
And Dido, beginning to sacrifice, pours wine between the horns of the victim:--
And Dido, starting the sacrifice, pours wine between the horns of the animal:--
St. Paul describes himself, as it were, a victim about to be sacrificed, and that the accustomed libations of meal and wine were already, in a manner, poured upon him: For I am ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand,” 2 Tim. iv, 6. The same expressive sacrificial term occurs in Phil. ii, 17, where the Apostle represents the faith of the Philippians as a sacrifice, and his own blood as a libation poured forth to hallow and consecrate it: “Yea, and if I be offered, σπένδομαι, upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, ἐπῖ τῆ θυσίᾳ καὶ λειτουργίᾳ, I joy and rejoice with you all.”
St. Paul describes himself, in a sense, as a victim about to be sacrificed, and that the usual offerings of meal and wine were, in a way, already poured out for him: “For I am ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand,” 2 Tim. iv, 6. The same significant sacrificial term appears in Phil. ii, 17, where the Apostle portrays the faith of the Philippians as a sacrifice, and his own blood as a libation poured out to sanctify and dedicate it: “Yes, and if I am offered, σπένδομαι, on the sacrifice and service of your faith, ἐπῖ τῆ θυσίᾳ καὶ λειτουργίᾳ, I rejoice and celebrate with all of you.”
LIBERTINES. Mention is made of the synagogue of the Libertines, Acts vi, 9; concerning whom there are different opinions, two of which bid fairest for the truth. The first is that of Grotius and Vitringa, that they were Italian Jews or proselytes. The ancient Romans distinguished between libertus and libertinus. Libertus was one who had been a slave, and obtained his freedom; libertinus was the son of a libertus. But this distinction in after ages was not strictly observed; and libertinus also came to be used for one not born, but made free, in opposition to ingenuus, or one born free. Whether the libertini mentioned in this passage of the Acts were Gentiles, who had become proselytes to Judaism, or native Jews, who having been made slaves to the Romans were afterward set at liberty, and in remembrance of their captivity called themselves 584libertini, and formed a synagogue by themselves, is differently conjectured by the learned. It is probable the Jews of Cyrenia, Alexandria, &c, built synagogues at Jerusalem at their own charge, for the use of their brethren who came from those countries; as the Danes, Swedes, &c, build churches for the use of their own countrymen in London; and that the Italian Jews did the same; and because the greatest number of them were libertini, their synagogue was therefore called the synagogue of the Libertines. The other opinion, which is hinted by Œcumenius on the Acts, and mentioned by Dr. Lardner, as more lately advanced by Mr. Daniel Gerdes, professor of divinity in the university of Groningen, is this, that the Libertines are so called from a city or country called Libertus, or Libertina, in Africa, about Carthage. Suidas, in his Lexicon, on the word λιβερτινος, says it was ονομα εθνους, nomen gentis. [The name of a nation.] And the glossa interlinearis, of which Nicolas de Lyra made great use in his notes, hath over the word libertini, e regione, denoting that they were so styled from a country. In the acts of the famous conference with the Donatists at Carthage, A. D. 411, there is mentioned one Victor, bishop of the church of Libertina: and in the acts of the Lateran council, which was held in 649, there is mention of Januarius gratiâ Dei episcopus sanctæ ecclesiæ Libertinensis; [Januarius by the grace of God bishop of the holy church of Libertina;] and therefore Fabricius, in his Geographical Index of Christian Bishoprics,” has placed Libertina in what was called Africa Propria, or the proconsular province of Africa. Now, as all the other people of the several synagogues, mentioned in this passage of the Acts, are denominated from the places from whence they came, it is probable that the Libertines were so too; and as the Cyrenians and Alexandrians, who came from Africa, are placed next to the Libertines in that catalogue, it is probable they also belonged to the same country. So that, upon the whole, there is little reason to doubt of the Libertines being so called from the place from whence they came; and the order of the names in the catalogue might lead us to think, that they were farther off from Jerusalem than Alexandria and Cyrenia, which will carry us to the proconsular province in Africa about Carthage.
LIBERTINES. The synagogue of the Libertines is mentioned in Acts vi, 9; and there are various opinions about who they were, with two of them seeming the most plausible. The first is the view of Grotius and Vitringa, which suggests they were Italian Jews or converts. The ancient Romans made a distinction between libertus and libertinus. A libertus was someone who had been a slave and gained their freedom; a libertinus was the child of a libertus. However, over time, this distinction wasn't strictly maintained; libertinus also came to refer to someone made free rather than born free, as opposed to ingenious. Scholars debate whether the libertines mentioned in this part of Acts were Gentiles who converted to Judaism, or native Jews who had been enslaved by the Romans and later freed, referring to themselves as 584libertines in memory of their captivity, forming their own synagogue. It is likely that Jews from Cyrenia, Alexandria, etc., built synagogues in Jerusalem to serve their fellow countrymen visiting there, similar to how Danes, Swedes, etc., build churches for their countrymen in London; and the Italian Jews likely did the same. Since most of them were libertines, their synagogue was called the synagogue of the Libertines. The other opinion, suggested by Œcumenius on the Acts and noted by Dr. Lardner, and more recently advanced by Mr. Daniel Gerdes, a professor of divinity at the University of Groningen, is that the Libertines are named after a city or region called Libertus or Libertina in Africa, near Carthage. Suidas, in his Lexicon, states that it was ονομα εθνους, last name [the name of a nation]. Furthermore, the interlinear gloss, which Nicolas de Lyra frequently cited in his notes, indicates above the word libertini, and region that they were named after a region. In the records of the well-known conference with the Donatists in Carthage in A.D. 411, there is a reference to one Victor, bishop of the church of Libertina; and in the acts from the Lateran council held in 649, there is mention of Januarius, by God's grace, bishop of the holy church of Libertinensis, [Januarius by the grace of God bishop of the holy church of Libertina]; which is why Fabricius included Libertina in his Geographical Index of Christian Bishoprics, noting it was in what was known as Africa Propria, or the Proconsular province of Africa. Given that the other groups noted in this account from Acts are named after their places of origin, it is likely the Libertines were as well; and since the Cyrenians and Alexandrians, who came from Africa, are listed next to the Libertines in that catalog, it seems probable they were also from the same region. Therefore, overall, there is little reason to doubt that the Libertines were named for the place they came from; and the order of names might suggest they were farther from Jerusalem than Alexandria and Cyrenia, pointing toward the proconsular province in Africa near Carthage.
LIBNAH, a city in the southern part of the tribe of Judah, Joshua xv, 42, of which a cession was made to the priests for their habitation, and which was declared a city of refuge, 1 Chron. vi, 57.
LIBNAH, a city in the southern area of the tribe of Judah, as mentioned in Joshua 15:42, was designated as a residence for the priests, and it was also established as a city of refuge, according to 1 Chronicles 6:57.
LIBYA. The name, in its largest sense, was used by the Greeks to denote the whole of Africa. But Libya Proper, or the Libya of the New Testament, the country of the Lubims of the Old, was a large country lying along the Mediterranean, on the west of Egypt. It was called Pentapolitana Regio by Pliny, from its five chief cities, Berenice, Arsinoe, Ptolemais, Apollonia, and Cyrene; and Libya Cyrenaica by Ptolemy, from Cyrene its capital. Libya is supposed to have been first peopled by, and to have derived its name from, the Lehabim, or Lubim. These, its earlier inhabitants, appear in the times of the Old Testament, to have consisted of wandering tribes, who were sometimes in alliance with Egypt, and at others with the Ethiopians of Arabia; as they are said to have assisted both Shishak and Zerah in their expeditions into Judea, 2 Chron. xii, xiv, xvi. They were for a time sufficiently powerful to maintain a war with the Carthaginians, by whom they were in the end entirely overcome. Since that period, Libya, in common with the rest of the east, has successively passed into the hands of the Greeks, Romans, Saracens, and Turks. The city Cyrene, built by a Grecian colony, was the capital of this country, in which, and other parts, dwelt many Jews, who came up to Jerusalem at the feast of pentecost, together with those dispersed among other nations, and are called by St. Luke dwellers in the parts of Libya about Cyrene,” Acts ii, 10.
LIBYA. The term, in its broadest sense, was used by the Greeks to refer to all of Africa. However, Libya Proper, or the Libya mentioned in the New Testament, which was home to the Lubims in the Old Testament, was a large area along the Mediterranean, west of Egypt. Pliny called it Pentapolitana Regio because of its five main cities: Berenice, Arsinoe, Ptolemais, Apollonia, and Cyrene; while Ptolemy referred to it as Libya Cyrenaica, named after its capital, Cyrene. Libya is believed to have been first settled by the Lehabim, or Lubim, from whom it got its name. These early inhabitants, mentioned in the Old Testament, seemed to have been wandering tribes, sometimes allied with Egypt and at other times with the Ethiopians from Arabia. They reportedly aided both Shishak and Zerah in their campaigns into Judea, as noted in 2 Chronicles xii, xiv, xvi. For a time, they were strong enough to engage in battle with the Carthaginians, although they were ultimately defeated. Since then, Libya, like the rest of the east, has been successively ruled by the Greeks, Romans, Saracens, and Turks. The city of Cyrene, established by a Greek colony, served as the capital of this region, where many Jews lived. They traveled to Jerusalem for the Feast of Pentecost, alongside those scattered among other nations, and are referred to by St. Luke as "dwellers in the parts of Libya about Cyrene," in Acts ii, 10.
LICE. Swarms of lice was the third plague with which God punished the Egyptians, Exod. viii, 16. The Hebrew word בנים, which the LXX render σκνίφες, some translate flies,” and think them the same as gnats. Origen says that the sciniphe is so small a fly, that it is scarcely perceptible to the eye, but that it occasions a sharp stinging pain. However, the original, according to the Syriac, and several good interpreters, signifies lice.”
LICE. Swarms of lice was the third plague with which God punished the Egyptians, Exod. viii, 16. The Hebrew word Boys, which the LXX translate as σκνίφες, is sometimes translated as “flies,” and some believe they are the same as gnats. Origen mentions that the sciniphe is such a tiny fly that it’s barely visible to the eye, but it causes a sharp stinging pain. However, the original meaning, according to the Syriac and several reputable interpreters, signifies lice.
But Josephus, the Jewish rabbins, and most of the modern translators render the Hebrew word at large lice; and Bochart and Bryant support this interpretation. The former argues that gnats could not be meant. 1. Because the creatures here mentioned sprang from the dust of the earth, and not from the waters. 2. Because they were both on men and cattle, which cannot be spoken of gnats. 3. Because their name comes from the radix כון, which signifies to make firm, fix, establish, which can never agree to gnats, flies, &c, which are ever changing their place, and are almost constantly on the wing. 4. Because כנה is the term by which the talmudists express the term louse, &c. To which may be added, that if they were winged and stinging insects, as Jerom, Origen, and others have supposed, the plague of flies is unduly anticipated; and the next miracle will be only a repetition of the former. Mr. Bryant, in illustrating the aptness of this miracle, has the following remarks: “The Egyptians affected great external purity, and were very nice both in their persons and clothing; bathing and making ablutions continually. Uncommon care was taken not to harbour any vermin. They were particularly solicitous on this head; thinking it would be a great profanation of the temple which they entered, if any animalcule of this sort were concealed in their garments.”garments.” The priests, says Herodotus, are shaved, both as to their heads and bodies, every third day, to prevent any louse, or any other detestable creature, being found upon them when they are performing their duty to the gods. The same is mentioned by another author, who 585adds, that all woollen was considered as foul, as from a perishable animal; but flax is the product of the immortal earth, affords a delicate and pure covering, and is not liable to harbour lice. We may hence see what an abhorrence the Egyptians showed toward this sort of vermin, and what care was taken by the priests to guard against them. The judgments, therefore, inflicted by the hands of Moses, were adapted to their prejudices. It was, consequently, not only most noisome to the people in general, but was no small odium to the most sacred order in Egypt, that they were overrun with these filthy and detestable vermin.
But Josephus, the Jewish rabbis, and most modern translators interpret the Hebrew word as lice; and Bochart and Bryant support this view. The former argues that gnats cannot be what is meant. 1. Because the creatures mentioned came from the dust of the earth, not from the water. 2. Because they were found on both humans and cattle, which does not apply to gnats. 3. Because their name comes from the root נכון, which means to make firm, fix, establish, a meaning that doesn’t fit gnats, flies, etc., which are always changing their location and are almost constantly flying. 4. Because גזירת אמת is the term that the Talmudists use for lice, etc. Additionally, if they were flying and stinging insects, as Jerome, Origen, and others have suggested, the plague of flies would be prematurely anticipated, and the next miracle would just repeat the first. Mr. Bryant, while explaining the relevance of this miracle, makes the following comments: “The Egyptians prized external cleanliness highly and were very particular about their personal hygiene and clothing, frequently bathing and performing ablutions. They took great care to avoid harboring any vermin. They were especially concerned about this because they believed it would be a significant desecration of the temple they entered if any tiny creature of this sort were hidden in their garments.”garments.” According to Herodotus, the priests shave their heads and bodies every third day to prevent any lice or other disgusting creatures from being found on them while they perform their duties to the gods. Another author mentions the same, adding that all wool was considered unclean, as it comes from a mortal animal; however, flax is produced from the eternal earth, provides a fine and pure covering, and does not attract lice. Therefore, we can see how much the Egyptians loathed this kind of vermin and how diligently the priests worked to protect themselves from it. Thus, the judgments inflicted by Moses were suited to their biases. It was not only incredibly offensive to the general population but also a significant disgrace to the most sacred order in Egypt that they were infested with these filthy and abominable pests.
LIGHT, φῶς, is used in a physical sense, Matt. xvii, 2; Acts ix, 3; xii, 7; 2 Cor. iv, 6; for a fire giving light, Mark xiv, 54; Luke xxii, 56; for a torch, candle, or lamp, Acts xvi, 29; and for the material light of heaven, as the sun, moon, or stars, Psalm cxxxvi, 7; James i, 17. Figuratively taken, it signifies a manifest or open state of things, Matt. x, 27; Luke xii, 3; also prosperity, truth, and joy.
LIGHT, φῶς, refers to a physical sense, Matt. 17:2; Acts 9:3; 12:7; 2 Cor. 4:6; like fire that gives light, Mark 14:54; Luke 22:56; for a torch, candle, or lamp, Acts 16:29; and for the natural light of the heavens, like the sun, moon, or stars, Psalm 136:7; James 1:17. In a figurative sense, it represents a clear or open state of things, Matt. 10:27; Luke 12:3; as well as prosperity, truth, and joy.
God is said to dwell in light inaccessible, 1 Tim. vi, 16. This seems to contain a reference to the glory and splendour which shone in the holy of holies, where Jehovah appeared in the luminous cloud above the mercy seat, and which none but the high priest, and he only once a year, was permitted to approach unto, Lev. xvi, 2; Ezek. i, 22, 26, 28; but this was typical of the glory of the celestial world. It signifies, also, instruction, both by doctrine and example, Matt. v, 16; John v, 35; or persons considered as giving such light, Matt. v, 14; Rom. ii, 19. It is applied figuratively to Christ, the true Light, the Sun of Righteousness, who is that in the spiritual, which the material light is in the natural, world; who is the great Author, not only of illumination and knowledge, but of spiritual life, health, and joy to the souls of men.
God is said to live in light that is unreachable, 1 Tim. vi, 16. This seems to refer to the glory and brilliance that shone in the holy of holies, where God appeared in the radiant cloud above the mercy seat, and where only the high priest was allowed to approach, and only once a year, Lev. xvi, 2; Ezek. i, 22, 26, 28; but this was a symbol of the glory of the heavenly realm. It also means guidance, through both teaching and example, Matt. v, 16; John v, 35; or individuals seen as giving such light, Matt. v, 14; Rom. ii, 19. It is also used metaphorically for Christ, the true Light, the Sun of Righteousness, who represents in the spiritual sense what material light represents in the natural world; He is the great Source, not only of enlightenment and understanding but also of spiritual life, health, and joy for the souls of people.
The images of light and darkness, says Bishop Lowth, are commonly made use of in all languages to imply or denote prosperity and adversity, agreeably to the common sense and perception which all men have of the objects themselves. But the Hebrews employ those metaphors more frequently and with less variation than other people: indeed, they seldom refrain from them whenever the subject requires or will even admit of their introduction. These expressions, therefore, may be accounted among those forms of speech, which in the parabolic style are established and defined; since they exhibit the most noted and familiar images, and the application of them on this occasion is justified by an acknowledged analogy, and approved by constant and unvarying custom. In the use of images, so conspicuous and so familiar among the Hebrews, a degree of boldness is excusable. The Latins introduce them more sparingly, and therefore are more cautious in the application of them. But the Hebrews, upon a subject more sublime indeed, in itself, and illustrating it by an idea which was more habitual to them, more daringly exalt their strains, and give a loose rein to the spirit of poetry. They display, for instance, not the image of the spring, of Aurora, of the dreary night, but the sun and stars as rising with increased splendour in a new creation, or again involved in chaos and primeval darkness. Does the sacred bard promise to his people a renewal of the divine favour, and a recommencement of universal prosperity? In what magnificent colours does he depict it! Such, indeed, as no translation can illustrate, but such as none can obscure:--
The images of light and darkness, as Bishop Lowth points out, are commonly used in all languages to signify wealth and hardship, reflecting the universal understanding people have of these concepts. However, the Hebrews use these metaphors more often and with less variation than others do; they rarely miss an opportunity to include them when the topic is relevant or even somewhat related. Therefore, these expressions can be considered established forms of speech in the parabolic style; they showcase the most recognizable and familiar images, and their use in this context is justified by a well-known analogy and constant tradition. Given the prominent and familiar nature of these images among the Hebrews, a certain boldness is understandable. The Latins, on the other hand, use them more sparingly and are therefore more cautious in their application. Yet, when the Hebrews tackle a subject that is inherently more profound, they elevate their expressions more daringly, allowing the spirit of poetry to flow freely. For example, they illustrate not just the image of spring, dawn, or dreary night, but instead depict the sun and stars rising with greater brilliance in a new creation, or being engulfed in chaos and primeval darkness. When the sacred poet promises his people a renewal of divine favor and a return to widespread prosperity, just look at the magnificent colors he uses to describe it! They are so vivid that no translation can do them justice, but none can obscure them either:—
But even this is not sufficient:--
But even this isn't enough:
In another place he has admirably diversified the same sentiment:--
In another place, he has brilliantly varied the same sentiment:--
On the other hand, denouncing ruin against the proud king of Egypt:--
On the other hand, condemning destruction against the arrogant king of Egypt:--
These expressions are bold and daring; but the imagery is well known, the use of it is common, the signification definite: they are therefore perspicuous, clear, and truly magnificent.
These expressions are bold and daring; however, the imagery is familiar, the usage is common, and the meaning is clear: they are therefore obvious, clear, and truly magnificent.
LIGN-ALOES. See Aloe.
Lignaloes. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
LIGURE, לשם, Exod. xxviii, 19; xxxix, 12, a precious stone of a deep red colour, with a considerable tinge of yellow. Theophrastus and Pliny describe it as resembling the carbuncle, of a brightness sparkling like fire.
LIGURE, To there, Exod. xxviii, 19; xxxix, 12, is a precious stone that is a deep red color, with a noticeable hint of yellow. Theophrastus and Pliny describe it as looking like a carbuncle, shining with a brightness that sparkles like fire.
LILY, שישן, 1 Kings vii, 19, 22, 26; 2 Chron. iv, 5; Cant. ii, 2, 16; iv, 5; v, 13; vi, 2, 3; vii, 2; Hosea xiv, 5; κρίνον, Matt. vi, 28; Luke xii, 27; a well known sweet and beautiful flower, which furnished Solomon with a variety of charming images in his Song, and with graceful ornaments in the fabric and furniture of the temple. The title of some of the Psalms upon Shushan,” or Shoshanim,” Psalms xlv; lx; lxix; lxxx, probably means no more than that the music of these sacred compositions was to be regulated by that of some odes, which were known by those names or appellations. By the lily 586of the valley,” Cant. ii, 2, we are not to understand the humble flower, generally so called with us, the lilium convallium, but the noble flower which ornaments our gardens, and which in Palestine grows wild in the fields, and especially in the valleys. Pliny reckons the lily the next plant in excellency to the rose; and the gay Anacreon compares Venus to this flower. In the east, as with us, it is the emblem of purity and moral excellence. So the Persian poet, Sadi, compares an amiable youth to the white lily in a bed of narcissuses,” because he surpassed all the young shepherds in goodness. As, in Cant. v, 13, the lips are compared to the lily, Bishop Patrick supposes the lily here instanced to be the same which, on account of its deep red colour, is particularly called by Pliny rubens lilium, and which, he tells us, was much esteemed in Syria. Such may have been the lily mentioned in Matt. vi, 28–30; for the royal robes were purple: Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow; they toil not, neither do they spin: and yet I say unto you, that Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these:” so in Luke xii, 27. The scarcity of fuel in the east obliges the inhabitants to use, by turns, every kind of combustible matter. The withered stalks of herbs and flowers, the tendrils of the vine, the small branches of rosemary, and other plants, are all used in heating their ovens and bagnios. We can easily recognize this practice in that remark of our Lord, If God so clothe the grass of the field, which to-day is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe you, O ye of little faith?” Matt. vi, 30. The grass of the field, in this passage, evidently includes the lilies of which he had just been speaking, and, by consequence, herbs in general; and in this extensive sense the word χόρτος is not unfrequently taken. Those beautiful productions of nature, so richly arrayed, and so exquisitely perfumed, that the splendour even of Solomon is not to be compared to theirs, shall soon wither and decay, and be used as fuel. God has so adorned these flowers and plants of the field, which retain their beauty and vigour but for a few days, and are then applied to some of the meanest purposes of life: will he not much more take care of his servants who are so precious in his sight, and designed for such important services in the world? This passage is one of those of which Sir Thomas Browne says, The variously interspersed expressions from plants and flowers elegantly advantage the significancy of the text.”
LILY, שישן, 1 Kings 7:19, 22, 26; 2 Chron. 4:5; Cant. 2:2, 16; 4:5; 5:13; 6:2, 3; 7:2; Hosea 14:5; κρίνον, Matt. 6:28; Luke 12:27; a well-known sweet and beautiful flower that provided Solomon with a variety of charming images in his Song and graceful decorations in the design and furnishings of the temple. The title of some Psalms called "Shushan" or "Shoshanim," Psalms 45, 60, 69, 80, likely just means that the music of these sacred compositions was to be set to the tunes of some odes known by those names. By the "lily of the valley," Cant. 2:2, we don't mean the simple flower commonly called that here, the lily of the valley, but rather the noble flower that beautifies our gardens, which grows wild in the fields of Palestine, especially in valleys. Pliny rates the lily as the second-best flower after the rose, and the cheerful Anacreon likens Venus to this flower. In the East, as here, it symbolizes purity and moral excellence. Likewise, Persian poet Sadi compares a charming young man to a white lily among narcissus flowers," since he outshone all the young shepherds in virtue. As in Cant. 5:13, where the lips are likened to a lily, Bishop Patrick suggests the lily referenced here is likely the one noted by Pliny for its deep red hue, specifically called rubens lilium, which he notes was highly valued in Syria. This might be the lily mentioned in Matt. 6:28–30; for the royal garments were purple: "Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow; they do not labor or spin: yet I tell you that even Solomon in all his splendor was not dressed like one of these;" and similarly in Luke 12:27. The scarcity of fuel in the East forces people to use any available combustible material. They use dried stalks of herbs and flowers, vine tendrils, and small rosemary branches to heat their ovens and baths. We see this reflected in our Lord's remark, "If God so clothes the grass of the field, which is here today and gone tomorrow, thrown into the oven, will he not much more clothe you, O you of little faith?" Matt. 6:30. The grass of the field in this context clearly includes the lilies he was just discussing and, by extension, herbs in general; and in this broad sense, the word χόρτος is often used. Those beautiful natural creations, so richly adorned and delicately scented that even Solomon's glory can't compare, will soon wither and fade, becoming fuel. God has beautifully dressed these flowers and field plants, which maintain their beauty and vitality for only a few days before being used for the most humble purposes: will he not take much greater care of his servants who are so precious in his eyes and meant for such significant roles in the world? This passage is one of those where Sir Thomas Browne remarks, "The variously interspersed expressions from plants and flowers elegantly enhance the significance of the text."
Mr. Salt, in his Voyage to Abyssinia,” says, “At a few miles from Adowa, we discovered a new and beautiful species of amaryllis, which bore from ten to twelve spikes of bloom on each stem, as large as those of the belladonna, springing from one common receptacle. The general colour of the corolla was white, and every petal was marked with a single streak of bright purple down the middle. The flower was sweet scented, and its smell, though much more powerful, resembled that of the lily of the valley. This superb plant excited the admiration of the whole party; and it brought immediately to my recollection the beautiful comparison used on a particular occasion by our Saviour: ‘I say unto you, that Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these.’” And Sir James E. Smith observes, “It is natural to presume the divine Teacher, according to his usual custom, called the attention of his hearers to some object at hand; and as the fields of the Levant are overrun with the amaryllis lutea, whose golden lilaceous flowers in autumn afford one of the most brilliant and gorgeous objects in nature, the expression of ‘Solomon in all his glory not being arrayed like one of these,’ is peculiarly appropriate. I consider the feeling with which this was expressed as the highest honour ever done to the study of plants; and if my botanical conjecture be right, we learn a chronological fact respecting the season of the year when the sermon on the mount was delivered.”
Mr. Salt, in his Voyage to Abyssinia,” says, “A few miles from Adowa, we found a new and beautiful species of amaryllis that had from ten to twelve flower spikes on each stem, as large as those of the belladonna, all coming from a single base. The overall color of the corolla was white, with each petal featuring a single bright purple streak down the middle. The flower was sweet-scented, and its fragrance, though much stronger, was similar to that of the lily of the valley. This stunning plant amazed everyone in our group; and it immediately reminded me of the lovely comparison made by our Savior on a specific occasion: 'I say to you, that Solomon in all his glory was not dressed like one of these.'” Sir James E. Smith adds, “It's natural to think that the divine Teacher, as was his custom, pointed out an object nearby; and since the fields of the Levant are filled with the amaryllis lutea, whose golden lilac flowers in autumn create one of the most brilliant sights in nature, the statement of 'Solomon in all his glory not being dressed like one of these' is especially fitting. I view the sentiment behind this expression as the greatest tribute ever paid to the study of plants; and if my botanical assumption is correct, we can learn a chronological detail about the season of the year when the Sermon on the Mount was given.”
LIME, שיד, Deut. xxvii, 2, 4; Isaiah xxxiii, 12; Amos ii, 1; a soft friable substance, obtained by calcining or burning stones, shells, or the like. From Isa. xxxiii, 12, it appears that it was made in a kiln lighted with thorn bushes; and from Amos ii, 1, that bones were sometimes calcined for lime. The use of it was for plaster or cement, the first mention of which is in Deut. xxvii, where Moses directed the elders of the people, saying, Keep all the commandments which I command you this day. And it shall be on the day when you shall pass over Jordan unto the land which the Lord your God giveth you, that you shall set up great stones, and plaster them with plaster, and shall write upon them all the words of this law,” &c. The book of the law, in order to render it the more sacred, was deposited beside the ark of the covenant. The guardians of the law, to whom was entrusted the duty of making faithful transcripts of it, were the priests. But Moses did not account even this precaution sufficient for the due preservation of his law in its original purity; for he commanded that it should beside be engraven on stones, and these stones kept on a mountain near Sichem, in order that a genuine exemplar of it might be transmitted even to the latest generations.
LIME, שיד, Deut. 27:2, 4; Isaiah 33:12; Amos 2:1; a soft, crumbly material made by burning stones, shells, or similar items. From Isaiah 33:12, it seems it was produced in a kiln fueled by thornbushes; and from Amos 2:1, we learn that bones were sometimes used to make lime. The purpose of lime was for plaster or cement, with the first mention occurring in Deut. 27, where Moses instructed the leaders of the people, saying, "Keep all the commandments I give you today. And when you cross the Jordan into the land the Lord your God is giving you, set up large stones, coat them with plaster, and write on them all the words of this law," etc. The book of the law, to make it more sacred, was placed alongside the ark of the covenant. The priests were responsible for making accurate copies of it. However, Moses believed this alone wasn't enough to ensure the law remained pure, so he ordered it to also be engraved on stones, which were to be kept on a mountain near Shechem, ensuring a true copy would be passed down through the generations.
LION, ארי, or ארה, Genesis xlix, 9; Deut. xxxiii, 22; Psalm vii, 2; xxii, 13; Hosea xiii, 8; Micah v, 8; a large beast of prey, for his courage and strength called the king of beasts. This animal is produced in Africa, and the hottest parts of Asia. It is found in the greatest numbers in the scorched and desolate regions of the torrid zone, in the deserts of Zaara and Billdulgerid, and in all the interior parts of the vast continent of Africa. In these desert regions, from whence mankind are driven by the rigorous heat of the climate, this animal reigns sole master. His disposition seems to partake of the ardour of his native soil. Inflamed by the influence of a burning sun, his rage is tremendous, and his courage undaunted. Happily, indeed, the species is not numerous, and is said to be 587greatly diminished; for, if we may credit the testimony of those who have traversed those vast deserts, the number of lions is not nearly so great as formerly. Mr. Shaw observes that the Romans carried more lions from Libya in one year for their public spectacles, than could be found in all that country at this time. The lion was also found in Palestine, and the neighbouring countries. The length of the largest lion is between eight and nine feet, the tail about four, and its height about four feet and a half. The female is about one-fourth part less, and without a mane. As the lion advances in years, his mane grows longer and thicker. The hair on the rest of the body is short and smooth, of a tawny colour, but whitish on the belly. Its roaring is loud and dreadful. When heard in the night it resembles distant thunder. Its cry of anger is much louder and shorter. The attachment of a lioness to her young is remarkably strong. For their support she is more ferocious than the lion himself; makes her incursions with greater boldness; destroys, without distinction, every animal that falls in her way, and carries it reeking to her cubs. She usually brings forth in the most retired and inaccessible places; and when afraid that her retreat should be discovered, endeavours to hide her track by brushing the ground with her tail. When much disturbed or alarmed, she will sometimes transport her young, which are usually three or four in number, from one place to another in her mouth; and, if obstructed in her course, will defend them to the last extremity. The habits of the lion and the lioness afford many spirited, and often sublime, metaphors to the sacred writers.
LION, ארי, or אֶרֶץ, Genesis 49:9; Deut. 33:22; Psalm 7:2; 22:13; Hosea 13:8; Micah 5:8; a large predator, known for its courage and strength, is called the king of beasts. This animal is found in Africa and the hottest regions of Asia. It thrives in the harsh and desolate areas of the tropical zone, including the deserts of Zaara and Billdulgerid, and throughout the interior of Africa. In these desert regions, where humans are driven away by the intense heat, this animal reigns supreme. Its temperament reflects the fierceness of its environment. Fueled by the scorching sun, its rage is fearsome, and its bravery is unmatched. Fortunately, this species is not very numerous and is said to be 587greatly reduced; for, according to those who have explored these vast deserts, there are far fewer lions than there used to be. Mr. Shaw notes that the Romans used to bring more lions from Libya in a single year for their public events than can be found in that region now. Lions were also present in Palestine and the surrounding areas. The largest lions measure between eight and nine feet long, with tails around four feet and a height of about four and a half feet. Females are about a quarter smaller and lack manes. As lions age, their manes grow longer and thicker. The fur on the rest of their bodies is short and smooth, tawny in color with a whitish belly. Their roar is loud and frightening. When heard at night, it sounds like distant thunder. Their angry growl is much louder and shorter. Lionesses have an incredibly strong bond with their cubs. To protect them, they can be more ferocious than the lions themselves, attacking with greater courage and indiscriminately killing any animal in their path to bring back to their young. They typically give birth in hidden and hard-to-reach places; when worried their den will be found, they try to cover their tracks by sweeping the ground with their tails. If disturbed or threatened, a lioness may carry her young, usually three or four, in her mouth from one location to another and will fiercely defend them if challenged. The behaviors of lions and lionesses provide many vivid and often profound metaphors for sacred writers.
The lion has several names in Scripture, according to his different ages or character: 1. גור, a little lion, a lion’s whelp, Deut. xxxiii, 22; Jer. li, 38; Ezek. xix, 2; Nahum ii, 13. 2. כפיר, a young lion that has done sucking the lioness, and, leaving the covert, begins to seek prey for himself. So Ezekiel xix, 2, 3: The lioness hath brought up one of her whelps; it became a chephir; it learned to catch the prey; it devoured men.” See Psalm xci, 13; Prov. xix, 12. 3. ארי, a grown and vigorous lion, having whelps, eager in pursuit of prey for them, Nahum ii, 12; valiant, 2 Sam. xvii, 10; arrogantly opposing himself, Num. xxiii, 24. This is, indeed, the general name, and occurs frequently. 4. שחל, one in the full strength of his age; a black lion, Job iv, 10; x, 16; Psalm xci, 13; Prov. xxvi, 13; Hosea v, 14; xiii, 7. 5. ליש, a fierce or enraged lion, Job iv, 11; Prov. xxx, 30; Isaiah xxv, 6. A regard to these characteristics and distinctions is very important for illustrating the passages of Scripture where the animal is spoken of, and discovering the propriety of the allusions and metaphors which he so often furnishes to the Hebrew poets. The lion of the tribe of Judah, mentioned Rev. v, 5, is Jesus Christ, who sprung from the tribe of Judah, and overcame death, the world, and the devil. The lion from the swelling of Jordan, Jer. l, 44, is Nebuchadnezzar marching against Judea, with the strength and fierceness of a lion. Isaiah, describing the happy time of the Messiah, says, that then the calf, and the young lion, and the fatling should lie down together; and that a little child should lead them; and that the lion should eat straw like the ox, Isaiah xi, 6, 7, which is hyperbolical, and signifies the peace and happiness which the church of Christ should enjoy. The lion hath roared, and who shall not fear?” Amos iii, 8. “The king’s wrath is as the roaring of a lion. Who provoketh him to anger sinneth against his own soul,” Prov. xix, 12; xx, 2; that is, he seeketh his own death. Solomon says, A living dog is better than a dead lion,” Eccles. x, 4; showing that death renders those contemptible who otherwise are the greatest, most powerful, and most terrible.
The lion has several names in the Bible, depending on its different ages or characteristics: 1. גור, a small lion, a lion cub, Deut. 33:22; Jer. 51:38; Ezek. 19:2; Nahum 2:13. 2. כפיר, a young lion that has finished nursing from its mother and starts to hunt on its own. Ezekiel 19:2-3: "The lioness raised one of her cubs; it became a chephir; it learned to catch prey; it devoured men." See Psalm 91:13; Prov. 19:12. 3. ארי, an adult and strong lion, with cubs, eagerly hunting for them, Nahum 2:12; brave, 2 Sam. 17:10; boldly opposing itself, Num. 23:24. This is actually the general term and is used frequently. 4. שחל, one at the peak of its strength; a black lion, Job 4:10; 10:16; Psalm 91:13; Prov. 26:13; Hosea 5:14; 13:7. 5. ליש, a fierce or angry lion, Job 4:11; Prov. 30:30; Isaiah 25:6. Understanding these characteristics and distinctions is crucial for interpreting theScriptures where the lion is mentioned and for uncovering the significance of the allusions and metaphors that often appear in Hebrew poetry. The lion from the tribe of Judah, mentioned in Rev. 5:5, refers to Jesus Christ, who came from the tribe of Judah and conquered death, the world, and the devil. The lion from the swelling of Jordan, Jer. 50:44, symbolizes Nebuchadnezzar marching against Judah with the strength and ferocity of a lion. Isaiah, describing the joyful era of the Messiah, states that then the calf, the young lion, and the fattened animal will lie down together, and a little child will lead them, and the lion will eat straw like the ox, Isaiah 11:6-7, which is a hyperbole signifying the peace and joy that the church of Christ will experience. "The lion has roared; who will not fear?" Amos 3:8. "The king's anger is like the roar of a lion. Whoever provokes him to anger sins against their own soul," Prov. 19:12; 20:2; meaning they are seeking their own destruction. Solomon says, "A living dog is better than a dead lion," Eccles. 10:4; showing that death makes those who were once the greatest, most powerful, and most terrifying, become contemptible.
Then went Samson down and, behold, a young lion roared against him, and the Spirit of the Lord came mightily upon him, and he rent him as he would have rent a kid, and he had nothing in his hand,” Judges xiv, 5, 6. An instance in quite modern times of an unarmed man attempting to combat a lion is related by Poiret: “In a douar, or a camp of Bedouin Arabs, near La Calle, a French factory, a young lion had seized a cow. A young Moor threw himself upon the savage beast, to tear his booty from him, and as it were to stifle him in his arms, but he would not let go his prey. The father of the young man hastened to him, armed with a kind of hoe; and aiming at the lion, struck his son’s hand, and cut off three of his fingers. It cost a great deal of trouble to rescue the prey from the lion. I saw this young man, who was attended by Mr. Gay, at that time surgeon to the hospital of La Calle.” David, according to 1 Sam. xvii, 34, had, when a shepherd, once fought with a lion, and another time with a bear, and rescued their prey from them. Tellez relates, that an Abyssinian shepherd had once killed a lion of extraordinary size with only two poles. Behold, he shall come up like a lion from the swelling of Jordan against the habitation of the strong,” Jer. xlix, 19. The comparison used by the prophet in these words will be perfectly understood by the account which Mr. Maundrell gives of the river Jordan: After having descended,” says he, “the outermost bank of Jordan, you go about a furlong upon a level strand, before you come to the immediate bank of the river. This second bank is so beset with bushes and trees, such as tamarisks, willows, oleanders, &c, that you can see no water till you have made your way through them. In this thicket anciently, and the same is reported of it at this day, several sorts of wild beasts were wont to harbour themselves, whose being washed out of the covert by the overflowings of the river gave occasion to that allusion: ‘He shall come up like a lion from the swelling of Jordan.’”
Then Samson went down, and suddenly, a young lion roared at him. The Spirit of the Lord came powerfully upon him, and he tore the lion apart as easily as if it were a young goat, and he had nothing in his hand.” Judges xiv, 5, 6. A more recent account of an unarmed man trying to fight a lion comes from Poiret: “In a douar, or camp of Bedouin Arabs, near La Calle, a French factory, a young lion had seized a cow. A young Moor jumped on the fierce beast to wrest the cow away and, in a way, to suffocate it in his embrace, but the lion wouldn’t let go of its prey. The young man’s father rushed to help him, armed with a hoe; aiming for the lion, he accidentally hit his son’s hand and severed three of his fingers. It took a lot of effort to get the cow back from the lion. I met this young man, who was with Mr. Gay, the surgeon at the La Calle hospital.” David, as mentioned in 1 Sam. xvii, 34, had once fought a lion and another time a bear when he was a shepherd, saving their prey from them. Tellez reports that an Abyssinian shepherd once killed an unusually large lion using just two poles. “Behold, he shall come up like a lion from the swelling of Jordan against the habitation of the strong,” Jer. xlix, 19. The comparison made by the prophet in these words will be clear from Mr. Maundrell’s description of the river Jordan: “After descending,” he says, “you walk about a furlong on a flat shore before reaching the immediate bank of the river. This second bank is so filled with bushes and trees, like tamarisks, willows, oleanders, etc., that you can’t see the water until you push your way through them. In this thicket, in ancient times, and still today, many wild beasts used to hide, and their being washed out by the river’s flooding inspired the phrase: ‘He shall come up like a lion from the swelling of Jordan.’”
He shall be cast into the den of lions,” Dan. vi, 7. In Morocco,” says Höst, “the king has a lions’ den, into which men, particularly Jews, are sometimes thrown; but the latter generally come off unhurt, because the 588keepers of these animals are Jews, who may safely be with them, with a rod in the hand, if they only take care to go out backward, as the lion does not suffer any one to turn his back upon him. The other Jews do not let their brethren remain longer than a night among the lions, as they might otherwise become too hungry; but ransom them with money, which is, in fact, the king’s object.” In another place in the same work we find the following description of the construction of this lions’ den: “At one end of the royal palace there is a place for ostriches and their young; and beyond the other end, toward the mountains, there is a large lions’ den, which consists of a large square hole in the ground, with a partition, in the middle of which there is a door, which the Jews, who are obliged to maintain and keep them for nothing, are able to open and shut from above, and can thus entice the lions, by means of the food, from one division to the other, to clean the other in the mean time. It is all in the open air, and a person may look down over a wall, which is a yard and a quarter high.”
“He will be thrown into the lions' den,” Dan. vi, 7. In Morocco,” Höst reports, “the king has a lions' den where men, especially Jews, are sometimes tossed in; however, the latter usually come out unscathed because the caretakers of these animals are Jews, who can safely be with them, a rod in hand, as long as they remember to back out, since the lion does not allow anyone to turn their back on him. The other Jews don’t let their fellow Jews stay among the lions for more than a night, as they might otherwise get too hungry; instead, they ransom them with money, which is, in fact, the king’s goal.” In another section of the same work, there’s a description of how this lions’ den is built: “At one end of the royal palace, there’s a place for ostriches and their young; beyond the other end, towards the mountains, is a large lions’ den, which is basically a big square pit in the ground, divided by a partition that has a door in the middle, which the Jews, who must maintain and manage them for free, can open and close from above, allowing them to lure the lions from one side to the other by using food to clean the other side in the meantime. It’s all outdoors, and someone can look down over a wall that’s a yard and a quarter high.”
LITANY, a solemn form of supplication to God. The word is derived from λιτανεία, supplication. At first the use of litanies was not fixed to any stated time; but they were employed only as exigencies required. They were observed in imitation of the Ninevites with ardent supplications and fastings, to avert the threatened judgments of fire, earthquake, inundations, or hostile invasions. The days on which they were used were called rogation days. Several of these days were appointed by the canons of different councils, till the seventeenth council of Toledo decreed that litanies should be used in every month. Thus, by degrees, these solemn supplications came to be used weekly, on Wednesdays and Fridays, the ancient stationary days in all churches. As to the form in which litanies are made, namely, in short petitions by the priest with responses by the people, St. Chrysostom derives the custom from the primitive ages, when the priest began and uttered by the Spirit some things fit to be prayed for, and the people joined the intercessions, saying, We beseech thee to hear us, good Lord.” When the miraculous gift of the Spirit began to cease, they wrote down several of these forms, which were the original of our present litanies. St. Ambrose has left us one, which agrees in many particulars with that of our own church. About the year 400, litanies began to be used in processions, the people walking barefoot, and repeating them with great devotion. It is pretended that several countries were delivered from great calamities by this means. About the year 600, Gregory the Great, from all the litanies extant, composed the famous sevenfold litany, by which Rome, it is said, was delivered from a grievous mortality. This has served as a pattern to all the western churches since; and to it ours of the church of England comes nearer than that of the Romish missal, in which later popes have inserted the invocation of saints, which our Reformers properly expunged. These processional litanies having occasioned much scandal, it was decreed that in future the litanies should be used only within the walls of the church. Before the last review of the Common Prayer, the litany was a distinct service by itself, and used some time after the morning prayer was ended. At present it forms one office with the morning service, being ordered to be read after the third collect for grace, instead of the intercessional prayers in the daily service.
LITANY, a serious form of prayer to God. The term comes from λιτανεία, supplication. Initially, litanies weren't used on specific occasions; instead, they were employed as needed. They were adopted in imitation of the Ninevites, who fervently prayed and fasted to avoid impending disasters like fire, earthquakes, floods, or enemy attacks. The days they were observed were called rogation days. Various councils established several of these days until the seventeenth council of Toledo declared that litanies should be used every month. Gradually, these solemn prayers began to be observed weekly on Wednesdays and Fridays, the traditional stationary days in all churches. Regarding how litanies are structured, they consist of short petitions from the priest with responses from the congregation. St. Chrysostom traces this custom back to the early days, when the priest would begin and speak, inspired by the Spirit, about matters appropriate for prayer, and the people would join in the intercessions saying, "We beseech thee to hear us, good Lord.” As the miraculous gift of the Spirit began to fade, these forms were written down, which became the basis for our current litanies. St. Ambrose has left us one that closely resembles that of our own church. Around the year 400, litanies started being used in processions, with people walking barefoot and reciting them devotionally. It is believed that several regions were saved from significant disasters through this practice. By around 600, Gregory the Great compiled the famous sevenfold litany from existing litanies, which supposedly helped deliver Rome from a severe plague. This litany has since served as a model for all Western churches, and the Church of England's version is closer to it than the Roman missal, which later popes added the invocation of saints to, a practice that our Reformers rightly removed. Due to the controversies surrounding these processional litanies, it was decided that they should only be used within the church walls from then on. Before the last revision of the Common Prayer, the litany was a separate service and was used sometime after the morning prayer. Currently, it is part of the morning service, scheduled to be read after the third collect for grace, replacing the intercessional prayers in the daily service.
LITURGY denotes all the ceremonies in general belonging to divine service. The word comes from the Greek, λειτȣργία, public service, or public ministry; formed of λεῖτος, public, and ἔργον, work. In a more restrained signification, liturgy is used among the Romanists to signify the mass; and among us, the common prayer. All who have written on liturgies agree that, in primitive days, divine service was exceedingly simple, clogged with very few ceremonies, and consisted of but a very small number of prayers; but, by degrees, they increased the number of ceremonies, and added new prayers, to render the office more awful and venerable to the people. At length, things were carried to such a pitch that a regulation became necessary; and it was found needful to put the service, and the manner of performing it, into writing; and this was what they called a liturgy. Liturgies have been different at different times and in different countries. We have the liturgy of St. Chrysostom, of St. Peter, the Armenian liturgy, Gallican liturgy, &c. The properties required in a public liturgy,” says Paley, are these: it must be compendious; express just conceptions of the divine attributes; recite such wants as a congregation are likely to feel, and no other; and contain as few controverted propositions as possible.” The liturgy of the church of England was composed A. D. 1547, and established in the second year of King Edward VI. In the fifth year of this prince, it was reviewed, because some things were contained in that liturgy which showed a compliance with the superstitions of those times; and exceptions were taken against it by learned men at home, and by Calvin abroad. Some alterations were made in it, which consisted in adding the general confession and absolution, and the communion service, to begin with the commandments. The use of oil in confirmation and extreme unction, was left out, and also prayers for souls departed, and what related to a belief of the real presence of Christ in the eucharist. The liturgy, so reformed, was established by the acts of 5th and 6th of Edward VI., chap. 1. However, it was abolished by Queen Mary, who enacted that the service should stand as it was commonly used in the last year of King Henry VIII. That of Edward VI. was reëstablished, with some few alterations, by Elizabeth. Some farther alterations were introduced, in consequence of the review of the Common Prayer Book, by order of King James, in the first year of his reign; particularly in the office of private baptism, in several rubrics, and other passages, with the 589addition of five or six new prayers and thanksgivings, and all that part of the catechism which contains the doctrines of the sacraments. This Book of Common Prayer, so altered, remained in force from the first year of King James to the fourteenth of Charles II. The last review of the liturgy was in the year 1661. It is an invidious cavil, says Dr. Nichols, that our liturgy was compiled out of popish books. Our reformers took nothing from them, but what was taken before from the oldest writers. We have many things out of the Greek liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom; more out of the litanies of Ambrose and Gregory; very much out of the ancient forms of the church dispersed in the works of the fathers, who wrote long before the Roman Breviary, and Canon of the Mass. Our Reformers added many prayers, and thanksgivings, and exhortations, to supply the defect.
LITURGY refers to all the ceremonies associated with divine service. The term comes from the Greek, λειτȣργία, public service or public ministry; made up of λεῖτος, public, and ἔργον, work. In a more limited sense, liturgy is used among Roman Catholics to refer to the mass; while among us, it typically means common prayer. Those who have studied liturgies all agree that, in early days, divine service was very straightforward, containing very few ceremonies and just a small number of prayers. However, over time, the number of ceremonies increased and new prayers were added to make the service feel more solemn and revered by the people. Eventually, regulation became necessary; it was deemed important to document the service and the way it was performed, which is what they called a liturgy. Liturgies have varied at different times and in different places. We have the liturgy of St. Chrysostom, St. Peter, the Armenian liturgy, the Gallican liturgy, and so on. The requirements for a public liturgy, according to Paley, are these: it must be concise; convey clear ideas about divine attributes; address the needs a congregation is likely to feel, and nothing more; and include as few disputed topics as possible. The liturgy of the Church of England was created in 1547 and established in the second year of King Edward VI. In the fifth year of his reign, it was reviewed because some elements in that liturgy reflected the superstitions of the time, and learned individuals both at home and abroad, including Calvin, raised objections. Some changes were made, which included adding the general confession and absolution, and starting the communion service with the commandments. The use of oil in confirmation and extreme unction was removed, as were prayers for the departed and anything related to the belief in the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist. The reformed liturgy was established by the acts of the 5th and 6th of Edward VI, chap. 1. However, it was abolished by Queen Mary, who ordered that the service revert to what was commonly used in the last year of King Henry VIII. Edward VI's liturgy was reinstated by Elizabeth, with some minor changes. Further adjustments were made following the review of the Book of Common Prayer, as ordered by King James in the first year of his reign; notably in the office of private baptism, several rubrics, and other sections, along with the addition of five or six new prayers and thanksgivings, and everything related to the catechism that addresses the doctrines of the sacraments. This altered Book of Common Prayer remained in effect from the first year of King James to the fourteenth of Charles II. The last review of the liturgy occurred in 1661. Dr. Nichols argues that it's an unfair criticism that our liturgy was compiled from Catholic texts. Our reformers only drew from what was taken earlier from the oldest writers. We have many elements from the Greek liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom, more from the litanies of Ambrose and Gregory, and a lot from the ancient forms of the church found in the writings of the early church fathers, who lived long before the Roman Breviary and the Canon of the Mass. Our Reformers added many prayers, thanksgivings, and exhortations to fill in the gaps.
LIZARD, לטאה, Levit. xi, 30. All interpreters agree that the original word here signifies a sort of lizard. Bochart takes it for that kind which is of a reddish colour, lies close to the earth, and is of a venomous nature.
LIZARD, לטאה, Levit. xi, 30. All experts agree that the original word here means a type of lizard. Bochart identifies it as the kind that is reddish, stays close to the ground, and is venomous.
LOCUST, ארבה. The word is probably derived from רבה, which signifies to multiply, to become numerous, &c; because of the immense swarms of these animals by which different countries, especially in the east, are infested. See this circumstance referred to, Judges vi, 5; vii, 12; Psalm cv, 34; Jer. xlvi, 23; li, 14; Joel i, 4; Nahum iii, 15; Judith ii, 19, 20; where the most numerous armies are compared to the arbeh, or locust.
LOCUST, locust. The word likely comes from רבה, which means to multiply, to become numerous, etc.; because of the huge swarms of these creatures that invade various countries, especially in the east. This situation is mentioned in Judges vi, 5; vii, 12; Psalm cv, 34; Jer. xlvi, 23; li, 14; Joel i, 4; Nahum iii, 15; Judith ii, 19, 20; where the largest armies are compared to the arbeh, or locust.
The locust, in entomology, belongs to a genus of insects known among naturalists by the name of grylli. The common greatσκνιφες brown locust is about three inches in length, has two antennæ about an inch long, and two pairs of wings. The head and horns are brown; the mouth, and insides of the larger legs, bluish; the upper side of the body, and upper wings, brown; the former spotted with black, and the latter with dusky, spots. The back is defended by a shield of a greenish hue; the under wings are of a light brown hue, tinctured with green, and nearly transparent. The general form and appearance of the insect is that of the grasshopper so well known in this country. These creatures are frequently mentioned in the Old Testament. They were employed as one of the plagues for the punishment of the Egyptians; and their visitation was threatened to the Israelites as a mark of the divine displeasure. Their numbers and destructive powers very aptly fit them for this purpose. When they take the field, they always follow a leader, whose motions they invariably observe. They often migrate from their native country, probably in quest of a greater supply of food. On these occasions they appear in such large flocks as to darken the air; forming many compact bodies or swarms, of several hundred yards square. These flights are very frequent in Barbary, and generally happen at the latter end of March or beginning of April, after the wind has blown from the south for some days. The month following, the young brood also make their appearance, generally following the track of the old ones. In whatever country they settle, they devour all the vegetables, grain, and, in fine, all the produce of the earth; eating the very bark off the trees; thus destroying at once the hopes of the husbandman, and all the labours of agriculture: for though their voracity is great, yet they contaminate a much greater quantity than they devour; as their bite is poisonous to vegetables, and the marks of devastation may be traced for several succeeding seasons. There are various species of them, which consequently have different names; and some are more voracious and destructive than others, though all are most destructive and insatiable spoilers. Bochart enumerates ten different kinds which he thinks are mentioned in the Scripture.
The locust, in entomology, is part of a genus of insects known to naturalists as grylli. The common large brown locust is about three inches long, has two antennae that are about an inch long, and two pairs of wings. The head and horns are brown; the mouth and the inside of the larger legs are bluish; the top of the body and the upper wings are brown, with the body spotted in black and the wings with dark spots. The back has a shield that is greenish; the underwings are a light brown tint with green hues and are nearly transparent. The general shape and appearance of this insect are similar to the grasshopper, which is well-known in this country. These creatures are often referenced in the Old Testament. They were part of one of the plagues sent to punish the Egyptians, and their presence was threatened to the Israelites as a sign of divine disapproval. Their large numbers and destructive nature make them well-suited for this purpose. When they swarm, they always follow a leader whose movements they closely mimic. They often migrate from their home country, likely in search of more food. During these migrations, they can appear in such massive swarms that they darken the sky, forming dense groups that can span several hundred yards. These swarms are quite common in Barbary and usually occur in late March or early April, after the wind has blown from the south for a few days. The following month, the young also emerge, typically following the path of the older ones. In any country they invade, they consume all types of vegetation, grain, and essentially all produce; they even eat the bark off trees, thereby destroying the hopes of farmers and all agricultural efforts. Despite their immense appetite, they damage even more vegetation than they consume, as their bite is harmful to plants, leaving signs of devastation that can last for several seasons. There are various species of locusts, which have different names; some are more voracious and destructive than others, though all are highly destructive and insatiable pests. Bochart lists ten different types that he believes are mentioned in the Bible.
Writers in natural history bear abundant testimony to the Scriptural account of these creatures. Dr. Shaw describes at large the numerous swarms and prodigious broods of those locusts which he saw in Barbary. Dr. Russel says, Of the noxious kinds of insects may well be reckoned the locusts, which sometimes arrive in such incredible multitudes, that it would appear fabulous to give a relation of them; destroying the whole of the verdure wherever they pass.” Captain Woodroffe, who was for some time at Astrachan, a city near the Volga, sixty miles to the north-west of the Caspian Sea, in latitude 47°, assures us, that, from the latter end of July to the beginning of October, the country about that city is frequently infested with locusts, which fly in such prodigious numbers as to darken the air, and appear at a distance as a heavy cloud. As for the Mosaic permission to the Jews of eating the locusts, Lev. xi, 22, however strange it may appear to the mere English reader, yet nothing is more certain than that several nations, both of Asia and Africa, anciently used these insects for food; and that they are still eaten in the east to this day. Niebhur gives some account of the several species of locusts eaten by the Arabs, and of their different ways of dressing them for food. The Europeans,” he adds, do not comprehend how the Arabs can eat locusts with pleasure; and those Arabs who have had no intercourse with the Christians will not believe, in their turn, that these latter reckon oysters, crabs, shrimps, cray-fish, &c, for dainties. These two facts, however, are equally certain.” Locusts are often used figuratively by the prophets, for invading armies; and their swarms aptly represented the numbers, the desolating march of the vast military hordes and their predatory followers, which the ancient conquerors of the east poured down upon every country they attacked.
Writers on natural history provide plenty of evidence to support the Biblical account of these creatures. Dr. Shaw describes in detail the countless swarms and enormous broods of locusts he observed in Barbary. Dr. Russel mentions that locusts are among the harmful types of insects, arriving in such astonishing numbers that it seems unbelievable to recount them, as they destroy all greenery in their path. Captain Woodroffe, who spent some time in Astrachan, a city near the Volga about sixty miles northwest of the Caspian Sea, at latitude 47°, confirms that from late July to early October, the area around that city is often plagued by locusts, flying in such vast numbers that they darken the sky and look like a thick cloud from a distance. As for the Mosaic allowance for the Jews to eat locusts (Lev. xi, 22), although it may seem odd to a typical English reader, it's well known that several nations in Asia and Africa have historically consumed these insects, and they are still eaten in the East today. Niebhur reports on the various species of locusts that Arabs eat and the different ways they prepare them. He notes that Europeans often can't understand how Arabs enjoy eating locusts, while Arabs who haven't interacted with Christians find it hard to believe that Christians consider oysters, crabs, shrimp, crayfish, etc., as delicacies. These two realities are both true. Locusts are often used metaphorically by the prophets to represent invading armies, and their swarms effectively illustrate the numbers and destructive advance of the vast military forces and their plundering followers that ancient conquerors from the East unleashed upon every country they invaded.
LOG, Lev. xiv, 12, a Hebrew measure for things liquid, containing five-sixths of a pint.
LOG, Lev. xiv, 12, a Hebrew measurement for liquids, equivalent to five-sixths of a pint.
LOLLARDS, the supposed followers of Walter Lollard, or rather of Walter the Lollard, who, according to Dr. Mosheim, was a Dutchman of remarkable eloquence and piety, though tinctured with mysticism, and who, for teaching sentiments contrary to the church of 590Rome, and nearly corresponding with those of Wickliffe, was burned alive at Cologne in 1322. But before this there existed, in different parts of Germany and Flanders, various societies of Cellites, to whom the term Lollards was applied, and who were protected by the magistrates and inhabitants, on account of their usefulness to the sick, and in burying the dead. They received the name Lollards, from the old German or Belgic word lullen, (Latin, lallo,) to sing with a low voice,” to lull to sleep,” (whence lullaby,) because when they carried to the grave, the bed of death, such as died of the plague, which at that period ravaged all Europe, they sung a dirge or hymn, probably, in a soft and mournful tone. These Lollards obtained many papal grants, by which their institution was confirmed, their persons exempted from the cognizance of the inquisitors, and subjected entirely to the jurisdiction of the bishops; and, at last, for their farther security, Charles, duke of Burgundy, in 1472, obtained a bull from Pope Sixtus IV., by which they were ranked among the religious orders, and delivered from the jurisdiction of their bishops; which privileges were yet more extended by Pope Julius II. in 1506.
LOLLARDS, the supposed followers of Walter Lollard, or rather Walter the Lollard, who, according to Dr. Mosheim, was a Dutchman known for his impressive eloquence and piety, though influenced by mysticism, was burned alive in Cologne in 1322 for teaching ideas that contradicted the Church of Rome and closely aligned with those of Wickliffe. However, before this, various societies of Cellites existed in different parts of Germany and Flanders, to whom the term Lollards was applied, and these groups were protected by local officials and residents because of their value in caring for the sick and burying the dead. The name Lollards comes from the old German or Belgian word lullen (Latin, lallo), meaning “to sing softly” or “to lull to sleep” (which is where the word bedtime song originates), because when they carried the corpses of those who died from the plague, which ravaged all of Europe at that time, they would sing a dirge or hymn, likely in a soft and mournful tone. These Lollards received many papal grants that confirmed their organization, exempted their members from the scrutiny of inquisitors, and placed them entirely under the authority of the bishops. Eventually, for further protection, Charles, duke of Burgundy, in 1472, secured a bull from Pope Sixtus IV. that recognized them among the religious orders and released them from the jurisdiction of their bishops; these privileges were further extended by Pope Julius II. in 1506.
In England the followers of Wickliffe were called Lollards by way of reproach, either on account of the humble offices of the original Lollards, (the Cellites,) or from the attachment of the Wickliffites to singing hymns. Their enemies probably meant to describe them as poor melancholy creatures, only fit to sing psalms at a funeral.
In England, the followers of Wycliffe were derogatorily called Lollards, either because of the lowly tasks of the original Lollards (the Cellites) or due to the Wycliffites' fondness for singing hymns. Their opponents likely aimed to portray them as sad, pitiful beings, only suitable for singing psalms at a funeral.
LOOKING GLASS. Moses states that the women who waited all night at the door of the tabernacle, cheerfully offered their looking glasses, to be employed in making a brazen laver for the purification of the priests, Exod. xxxviii, 8. These looking glasses were doubtless of brass, since the basin here mentioned, and the basis thereof, were made from them. The ancient looking glasses were mirrors, not made of glass as ours; but of brass, tin, silver, and a mixture of brass and silver, which last were the best and most valuable.
LOOKING GLASS. Moses mentions that the women who waited all night at the entrance of the tabernacle happily donated their mirrors to be used in creating a bronze basin for the purification of the priests, Exod. xxxviii, 8. These mirrors were likely made of brass, since the basin mentioned here and its base were crafted from them. The ancient mirrors were not made of glass like ours; instead, they were made from brass, tin, silver, and a combination of brass and silver, with the last option being the finest and most valuable.
LORD’s DAY. See Sabbath.
LORD’s DAY. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
LORD’s SUPPER, an ordinance instituted by our Saviour in commemoration of his death and sufferings. The institution of this sacrament is recorded by the first three evangelists, and by the Apostle Paul, whose words differ very little from those of his companion St. Luke; and the only difference between St. Matthew and St. Mark is, that the latter omits the words, for the remission of sins.” There is so general an agreement among them all, that it will only be necessary to recite the words of one of them: Now, when the even was come, he sat down with the twelve,” to eat the passover which had been prepared by his direction; and as they were eating, Jesus took bread, and blessed it, and brake it, and gave it to the disciples, and said, Take, eat: this is my body. And he took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, Drink ye all of it; for this is my blood of the New Testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins,” Matt. xxvi, 20, 26–28. The sacrament of the Lord’s Supper being thus instituted, was adopted by all the early Christians, with very few exceptions; and no modern sect rejects it, except the Quakers and some mystics, who make the whole of religion to consist of contemplative love.
LORD’s SUPPER is a practice established by our Savior to remember his death and suffering. The accounts of this sacrament are found in the first three Gospels and in the writings of the Apostle Paul, whose words are very similar to those of St. Luke; the only difference between St. Matthew and St. Mark is that the latter leaves out the phrase, “for the remission of sins.” There is such a strong agreement among them all that it suffices to quote one of the accounts: "Now, when evening had come, he sat down with the twelve" to eat the Passover that had been prepared by his direction; and while they were eating, Jesus took bread, blessed it, broke it, and gave it to the disciples, saying, "Take, eat: this is my body." Then he took the cup, gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, "Drink from it, all of you; for this is my blood of the New Covenant, which is shed for many for the forgiveness of sins," Matt. xxvi, 20, 26–28. The sacrament of the Lord’s Supper was adopted by all early Christians, with very few exceptions; and no modern denomination rejects it, except for the Quakers and some mystics who believe that true religion is all about contemplative love.
In the early times of the Gospel the celebration of the Lord’s Supper was both frequent and numerously attended. Voluntary absence was considered as a culpable neglect; and exclusion from it, by the sentence of the church, as a severe punishment. Every one brought an offering proportioned to his ability; these offerings were chiefly of bread and wine; and the priests appropriated as much as was necessary for the administration of the eucharist. The clergy had a part of what was left for their maintenance; and the rest furnished the repast called ἀγάπη, or love-feast, which immediately followed the celebration of the Lord’s Supper, and of which all the communicants, both rich and poor, partook. The sacrament of the Lord’s Supper greatly resembled the religious feasts to which the Jews were accustomed. At those feasts they partook of bread and wine in a serious and devout manner, after a solemn blessing or thanksgiving to God for his manifold mercies. This was particularly the case at the feast of the passover, which our Saviour was celebrating with his Apostles when he instituted this holy sacrament. At that feast, they commemorated the deliverance of their own peculiar nation from the bondage of Egypt; and there could not be a more suitable opportunity for establishing an ordinance which was to commemorate the infinitely more important deliverance of all mankind from the bondage of sin. The former deliverance was typical of the latter; and instead of keeping the Jewish passover, which was now to be abrogated, they were to commemorate Christ, their passover, who was sacrificed for them; the bread broken was to represent his body offered upon the cross; and the wine poured out was to represent his blood, which was shed for the salvation of men. The nourishment which these elements afford to our bodies is figurative of the salutary effects which the thing signified has upon our souls. And as the celebration of the passover was not only a constant memorial of the deliverance of the Israelites out of the land of Egypt, but also a symbolical action, by which they had a title to the blessings of the old covenant; so the celebration of the Lord’s Supper is not only a constant memorial of the death of Christ, but also a pledge or earnest to the communicant of the benefits promised by the new covenant. As the passover was instituted the night before the actual deliverance of the Israelites, so the Lord’s Supper was instituted the night before the redemption of man was accomplished by the crucifixion of the blessed Jesus. It is to be partaken of by all who look for remission of sins by the death of Christ; we are not only to cherish that trust in our minds, and express it in our devotions, but we are to give an outward proof of our reliance 591upon the merits of his passion as the means of our salvation, by eating that bread, and drinking that wine, which are typical representations of the body and blood of Christ, who by his one oblation of himself once offered, made a full, perfect, and sufficient sacrifice, oblation, and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world.” See Sacraments.
In the early days of the Gospel, the celebration of the Lord’s Supper was frequent and well-attended. Not showing up was seen as neglect, and being excluded by the church was regarded as a serious punishment. Everyone brought an offering based on their means; these offerings mainly consisted of bread and wine, and the priests took what was necessary for the administration of the eucharist. The clergy kept part of what was left for their support, while the rest was used for the meal called ἀγάπη, or love feast, which followed the Lord’s Supper and included all participants, both rich and poor. The sacrament of the Lord’s Supper was quite similar to the religious feasts the Jews were familiar with. At those feasts, they shared bread and wine in a serious and respectful way after a solemn blessing to God for his many mercies. This was especially true during the Passover feast, which our Savior was observing with his Apostles when he instituted this holy sacrament. During that feast, they remembered their nation’s deliverance from slavery in Egypt; it was the perfect moment to establish an ordinance that would commemorate the far more significant deliverance of all humanity from the bondage of sin. The earlier deliverance was a foreshadowing of the latter; and instead of continuing to observe the Jewish Passover, which was to be abolished, they were to celebrate Christ, their Passover, who was sacrificed for them. The broken bread was to symbolize his body offered on the cross, and the poured-out wine was to symbolize his blood, shed for the salvation of humanity. The nourishment these elements provide to our bodies signifies the beneficial effects they have on our souls. Just as the Passover was a constant reminder of the Israelites' deliverance from Egypt and a symbolic action granting them the blessings of the old covenant, the Lord’s Supper serves not only as a constant memorial of Christ's death but also as a pledge to the communicant of the benefits promised by the new covenant. Just as the Passover was established the night before the actual deliverance of the Israelites, the Lord’s Supper was instituted the night before humanity's redemption was fulfilled by the crucifixion of the blessed Jesus. It is meant to be shared by all who seek forgiveness of sins through Christ's death; we are not only to hold this trust in our hearts and express it in our worship, but we also need to show an outward sign of our reliance on the merits of his sacrifice as the means of our salvation by eating that bread and drinking that wine, which are symbolic representations of the body and blood of Christ, who, by offering himself once, made a full, perfect, and sufficient sacrifice for the sins of the whole world.” See Sacraments.
LOT, the son of Haran, and nephew to Abraham. He accompanied his uncle from Ur to Haran, and from thence to Canaan; a proof of their mutual attachment, and similarity of principles respecting the true religion. With Abraham he descended into Egypt, and afterward returned with him into Canaan: but the multiplicity of their flocks, and still more the quarrels of their servants, rendered a friendly separation necessary. When God destroyed the cities of the plain with fire and brimstone, he delivered just Lot” from the conflagration, according to the account of the divine historian. The whole time that Lot resided there was twenty-three years. During all this period he had been a preacher of righteousness among this degenerate people. In him they had before their eyes an illustrious example of the exercise of genuine piety, supported by unsullied justice and benevolent actions. And doubtless it was for these purposes that Divine Providence placed him for a time in that city. The losses which Lot sustained on this melancholy occasion were very great; his wife, property, and all the prospects of the future settlement of his family blasted. Pity must therefore draw a friendly veil over the closing scene of this man of affliction; and let him that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall into deeds more reprehensible than those of Lot, without having equal trials and sufferings to plead in his favour. Respecting his wife, whether grieving for the loss of her property, or inwardly censuring the severity of the divine dispensation, or whether moved by unbelief or curiosity, cannot now be known; but, looking back, she became a pillar of salt, Gen. xix, 26. It would be endless to present the reader with all the opinions on this subject. Some contend that nothing more is meant than that she was suffocated: others, that a column or monument of metallic salt was erected upon her grave: others affirm that she became encrusted with the sulphur, insomuch that she appeared like an Egyptian mummy, which is embalmed with salt. Our Lord warns his disciples to remember Lot’s wife in their flight from Jerusalem, and not to imitate her tardiness, Luke xvii, 32.
Lot, the son of Haran and nephew of Abraham, traveled with his uncle from Ur to Haran, and then to Canaan. This journey showed their strong bond and shared beliefs about true religion. He went to Egypt with Abraham and later returned to Canaan with him. However, the large number of their flocks and the conflicts between their servants made it necessary for them to part ways amicably. When God destroyed the cities of the plain with fire and brimstone, He saved "righteous Lot" from the destruction, according to the account given by the divine historian. Lot lived there for twenty-three years, during which he preached righteousness to the corrupt people around him. He served as a shining example of true piety, unwavering justice, and kind actions. It’s likely that Divine Providence placed him in that city for these reasons. Lot faced huge losses during this tragic event; he lost his wife, his possessions, and all hopes for his family’s future. Compassion must be extended to this troubled man's final moments; and let anyone who thinks they are strong be careful not to fall into worse actions than those of Lot, without having the same trials and suffering to justify them. Regarding his wife, whether she was lamenting for her lost property, questioning the harshness of God’s command, or driven by disbelief or curiosity, we cannot know for certain; but when she looked back, she turned into a pillar of salt, Gen. xix, 26. It would be endless to lay out all the interpretations on this matter. Some argue that it simply means she was suffocated; others believe a column or monument of salt was built over her grave; while others maintain she became covered with sulfur, appearing like an Egyptian mummy, which is embalmed with salt. Our Lord advises His disciples to remember Lot’s wife in their escape from Jerusalem and not to follow her example of hesitation, Luke xvii, 32.
2. Lot, any thing cast or drawn in order to determine any matter in question, Proverbs xviii, 18. We see the use of lots among the Hebrews in many places of Scripture: God commands, for example, that lots should be cast upon the two goats which were offered for the sins of the people, upon the solemn day of expiation, to know which of the two should be sacrificed, and which liberated, Lev. xvi, 8–10. He required also that the land of promise should be divided by lot as soon as it was conquered; which command Joshua accordingly executed, Num. xxvi, 55, 56; xxxiii, 54; xxxiv, 13, &c; Joshua xiv-xvi; hence the term lot” is used for an inheritance, Thou maintainest my lot;” and figuratively for a happy state or condition. The priests and Levites had their cities appointed by lot. Lastly, in the time of David, the four and twenty classes of the priests and Levites were distributed by lot, to determine in what order they should wait in the temple, 1 Chron. vi, 54, 61; xxiv, 5; xxv, 8. In the division of the spoil, after victory, lots were likewise cast, to give every man his portion, Obadiah 11; Nahum iii, 10, &c. In the New Testament, after the death of Judas, lots were cast to decide who should occupy the place of the traitor, Acts i, 26. From the above instances, it is clear that when men have recourse to this method, the matter ought to be of the greatest importance, and no other apparent way left to determine it; and the manner of making the appeal should be solemn and grave, if we would escape the guilt of taking the name of God in vain. It unquestionably implies a solemn appeal to the Most High to interpose by his decision; and so every thinking man will be very careful that he has a true and religious ground for so serious a proceeding; and few if any cases can now occur in which it can have any justification. The ancient manner of casting lots, was either in some person’s lap,” or fold of the robe; into a helmet, or urn, or other vessel, in which they might be shaken before they were drawn or cast.
2. Lot, anything cast or drawn to determine a question, Proverbs xviii, 18. We see the use of lots among the Hebrews in many places in the Bible: God commands, for example, that lots be cast on the two goats offered for the people's sins during the Day of Atonement, to know which goat should be sacrificed and which one set free, Lev. xvi, 8–10. He also required that the Promised Land be divided by lot as soon as it was conquered; which Joshua did, Num. xxvi, 55, 56; xxxiii, 54; xxxiv, 13, etc.; Joshua xiv-xvi; hence the term "lot" is used for an inheritance, "You maintain my lot," and figuratively for a happy state or condition. The priests and Levites had their cities designated by lot. Lastly, during David's time, the twenty-four classes of priests and Levites were assigned by lot to determine their order of service in the temple, 1 Chron. vi, 54, 61; xxiv, 5; xxv, 8. When dividing the spoils after victory, lots were also cast to give each person their share, Obadiah 11; Nahum iii, 10, etc. In the New Testament, after Judas' death, lots were cast to decide who should take his place, Acts i, 26. From these examples, it’s clear that when people resort to this method, the matter should be of great importance, and there shouldn’t be any other clear way to resolve it; and the way of making the appeal should be solemn and serious if we want to avoid the guilt of misusing God's name. It undoubtedly means a serious appeal to the Most High for His decision; therefore, every thoughtful person will be very cautious to ensure they have a true and religious basis for such a serious action; and very few, if any, situations today could justify this. The ancient method of casting lots involved either someone’s lap or a fold of the robe, or placing them in a helmet, urn, or another container, where they could be shaken before being drawn or cast.
LOVE-FEASTS. It is Godwin’s opinion, that the agapæ, or love-feasts, of the primitive Christians, were derived from the חגים or feasts upon the sacrifices, at which the Jews entertained their friends, and fed the poor; Deut. xii, 18; xxvi, 12. There were also feasts of much the same kind in use among the Greeks and Romans. The former were wont to offer certain sacrifices to their gods, which were afterward given to the poor. They had likewise public feasts for certain districts, suppose for a town or a city, toward which all who could afford it, contributed, in proportion to their different abilities, and all partook of it in common. Of this sort were the συσσίτια of the Cretans; and the φιδιτία of the Lacedæmonians, instituted by Lycurgus, and so called ϖαρὰ τῆς φιλίας, (the λ being changed into δ according to their usual orthography,) as denoting that love and friendship which they were intended to promote among neighbours and fellow citizens. The Romans likewise had a feast of the same kind, called charistia; which was a meeting only of those who were akin to each other; and the design of it was, that if any quarrel or misunderstanding had happened among any of them, they might there be reconciled. To this Ovid alludes in the second book of his Fasti:--
LOVE-FEASTS. Godwin believes that the agape, or love-feasts, practiced by the early Christians, were inspired by the Holidays (holidays) involving sacrifices, where the Jews hosted friends and helped the needy; see Deut. xii, 18; xxvi, 12. Similar feasts were also common among the Greeks and Romans. The Greeks often made offerings to their gods, which were then given to the poor. They also held public feasts for specific regions, like a town or city, where everyone who could afford it contributed based on their means, and everyone shared the food together. Examples include the συσσίτια of the Cretans and the φιδιτία of the Lacedæmonians, established by Lycurgus, named ϖαρὰ τῆς φιλίας (with the λ typically changed to δ in their writing), reflecting the love and friendship they aimed to foster among neighbors and fellow citizens. The Romans had a similar feast called charity; this gathering included only family members, with the purpose being to resolve any disputes or misunderstandings among them. Ovid references this in the second book of his Fasti:--
[The feasts next in order beloved relatives called charistia, at which the kindred throng assembled under their family household gods.]
[The next feasts, dear relatives, were called charity, at which the family gathered together under their household gods.]
592In imitation either of these Jewish or Gentile love-feasts, or probably of both, the primitive Christians, in each particular church, had likewise their love-feasts, which were supplied by the contribution of the members, according to their several abilities, and partaken of by all in common. And whether they were converts from among the Jews or Gentiles, they retained their old custom with very little alteration, and as their ἀγάπαι had been commonly annexed to their sacrifices, so they were now annexed to the commemoration of the sacrifice of Christ at the Lord’s Supper; and were therefore held on the Lord’s day before or after the celebration of that ordinance. It would seem at Corinth, in the Apostles’ days, they were ordinarily held before; for when the Corinthians are blamed for unworthily receiving the Lord’s Supper, it is partly charged upon this, that some of them came drunk to that ordinance, having indulged to excess at the preceding love-feast: Every one taketh before, ϖρολαμϐανει, his own supper, and one is hungry, and another is drunken,” 1 Cor. xi, 21. This shows, says Dr. Whitby, that this banquet, namely, the love-feast, was celebrated before the Lord’s Supper. But Chrysostom gives an account of it, as being in his time kept after it. It is commonly supposed, that when St. Jude mentions certain persons, who were spots in the feasts of charity, ἐν ταῖς ἀγάπαις, verse 12, he means in the Christian love-feasts; though Dr. Lightfoot and Dr. Whitby apprehend the reference in this passage is rather a custom of the Jews, who, on the evening of their Sabbath, had their κοινωνία, or communion, when the inhabitants of the same city met in a common place to eat together. However that be, all antiquity bears testimony to the reality of the Christian ἀγάπαι, or love-feasts.
592Following the example of either Jewish or Gentile love-feasts, or possibly both, the early Christians in each specific church also held their love-feasts. These gatherings were supported by contributions from the members based on their abilities and were shared collectively. Whether they came from Jewish or Gentile backgrounds, they kept their old practices with little change. Since their ἀγάπαι had typically been associated with their sacrifices, they were now linked to the commemoration of Christ's sacrifice during the Lord’s Supper. Therefore, these feasts took place on the Lord’s Day, either before or after the celebration of that ordinance. It seems that in Corinth during the time of the Apostles, they were usually held beforehand; this is suggested by the fact that the Corinthians were criticized for receiving the Lord’s Supper unworthily, partly because some of them arrived drunk, having overindulged at the preceding love-feast: “Each one takes his own supper first, and one is hungry, and another is drunk,” 1 Cor. xi, 21. Dr. Whitby points out that this indicates the love-feast was celebrated before the Lord’s Supper. However, Chrysostom describes the practice as being held after it in his time. It is commonly believed that when St. Jude refers to certain individuals as blemishes at the feasts of charity, ἐν ταῖς ἀγάπαις, in verse 12, he is talking about the Christian love-feasts; though Dr. Lightfoot and Dr. Whitby suggest that this passage refers more to a custom of the Jews, who would have their κοινωνία, or communion, on the evening of the Sabbath, when the people of the same city gathered in a common place to eat together. Regardless of this distinction, all of antiquity attests to the existence of the Christian ἀγάπαι, or love-feasts.
The most circumstantial account, says Dr. Townley, of the manner in which the ancient agapæ were celebrated, is given by Tertullian, in his Apology,” written in the second century: Our supper,” says he, which you accuse of luxury, shows its reason in its very name, for it is called ἀγάπη, that is, love. Whatever charge we are at, it is gain to be at expense upon the account of piety. For we therewith relieve and refresh the poor. There is nothing vile or immodest committed in it. For we do not sit down before we have first offered up prayer to God. We eat only to satisfy hunger, and drink only so much as becomes modest persons. We fill ourselves in such a manner, as that we remember still that we are to worship God by night. We discourse as in the presence of God, knowing that he hears us. Then, after water to wash our hands, and lights brought in, every one is moved to sing some hymn to God, either out of Scripture, or, as he is able, of his own composing, and by this we judge whether he has observed the rules of temperance in drinking. Prayer again concludes our feast; and thence we depart, not to fight and quarrel; not to run about and abuse all we meet; not to give up ourselves to lascivious pastime; but to pursue the same care of modesty and chastity, as men that have fed at a supper of philosophy and discipline, rather than a corporeal feast.” Ignatius, in his epistle to the church of Smyrna, in the first century, affords us the additional information, that it was not lawful to baptize, or celebrate the love-feasts, without the bishop, or minister.” Lucian, the epicurean, has also a passage which seems to refer to the agapæ. He tells us that when Peregrinus, a Christian, was in prison, you might have seen, early in the morning, old women, some widows, and orphans, waiting at the prison. Their presidents bribed the guards, and lodged in the prison with him. Afterward (that is, in the evening) various suppers (that is, suppers consisting of various dishes, and various kinds of meat, brought thither by various persons of the company) were brought in, and they held their sacred conversations, ἴεροι λογοι, or their sacred discourses were delivered.” Pliny, in his celebrated epistle to Trajan, mentions the “cibus promiscuus et innoxius,”--“common and harmless meal” of the Christians, which they ate together after the celebration of the eucharist. This primitive practice, though under a simpler form, and more expressly religious, is retained in modern times, only by the Moravians, and by the Wesleyan Methodists.
The most detailed account, according to Dr. Townley, of how the ancient agape were celebrated, is provided by Tertullian in his "Apology," written in the second century: "Our supper," he says, "which you accuse of being luxurious, shows its purpose in its very name, for it is called ἀγάπη, meaning love. Whatever cost we incur is worthwhile for the sake of piety, because with it we help and support the poor. There is nothing low or inappropriate in it. We do not sit down to eat before we have first prayed to God. We eat only to satisfy our hunger and drink only as much as is appropriate. We fill ourselves in a way that reminds us we are to worship God at night. We talk as if we are in God’s presence, knowing that He hears us. Then, after washing our hands and bringing in lights, everyone is inspired to sing a hymn to God, either from Scripture or, if they can, one they have composed themselves. By this, we can judge whether they have been moderate in their drinking. Prayer concludes our meal, and we leave not to fight or argue, not to run around and insult anyone we meet, not to indulge in immoral activities, but to maintain the same concern for modesty and chastity, like those who have partaken in a supper of philosophy and discipline rather than a physical feast." Ignatius, in his letter to the church of Smyrna in the first century, adds that it was not lawful to baptize or celebrate the love feasts without the bishop or minister. Lucian, the Epicurean, also mentions something that seems to refer to the agapæ. He notes that when Peregrinus, a Christian, was in prison, you could see early in the morning old women, some widows, and orphans, waiting outside the prison. Their leaders bribed the guards and stayed in the prison with him. Later (that is, in the evening), various dinners (composed of different dishes and types of food brought by various people from the group) were provided, and they held their sacred conversations, ἴεροι λογοι, or delivered their sacred discourses." Pliny, in his famous letter to Trajan, mentions the "safe and common food"—"common and harmless meal" of the Christians, which they shared after the celebration of the Eucharist. This early practice, while simpler and more explicitly religious, is still maintained in modern times only by the Moravians and the Wesleyan Methodists.
LOVE TO GOD. To serve and obey God on the conviction that it is right to serve and obey him, is in Christianity joined with that love to God which gives life and animation to service, and renders it the means of exalting our pleasures, at the same time that it accords with our convictions. The supreme love of God is the chief, therefore, of what have sometimes been called our theopathetic affections. It is the sum and the end of the law; and though it has been lost by us in Adam, it is restored to us by Christ. When it regards God absolutely, and in himself, as a Being of infinite and harmonious perfections and moral beauties, it is that movement of the soul toward him which is produced by admiration, approval, and delight. When it regards him relatively, it fixes upon the ceaseless emanations of his goodness to us all in the continuance of the existence which he at first bestowed; the circumstances which render that existence felicitous; and, above all, upon that great love wherewith he loved us,” manifested in the gift of his Son for our redemption, and in saving us by his grace; or, in the forcible language of St. Paul, upon the exceeding riches of his grace in his kindness to us through Christ Jesus.” Under all these views an unbounded gratitude overflows the heart which is influenced by this spiritual affection. But the love of God is more than a sentiment of gratitude: it rejoices in his perfections and glories, and devoutly contemplates them as the highest and most interesting subjects of thought; it keeps the idea of this supremely beloved object constantly present to the mind; it turns to it with adoring ardour from the business and distractions of life; it connects it with every scene of majesty and beauty in nature, and with every event of general and 593particular providence; it brings the soul into fellowship with God, real and sensible, because vital; it moulds the other affections into conformity with what God himself wills or prohibits, loves or hates; it produces an unbounded desire to please him, and to be accepted of him in all things; it is jealous of his honour, unwearied in his service, quick to prompt to every sacrifice in the cause of his truth and his church; and it renders all such sacrifices, even when carried to the extent of suffering and death, unreluctant and cheerful. It chooses God as the chief good of the soul, the enjoyment of which assures its perfect and eternal interest and happiness: Whom have I in heaven but thee? and there is none upon earth that I desire beside thee,” is the language of every heart, when its love of God is true in principle and supreme in degree.
LOVE TO GOD. Servicing and obeying God out of the belief that it's the right thing to do is, in Christianity, connected with the love for God that energizes our service and enriches our joy, all while aligning with our beliefs. The greatest love for God is, therefore, the primary one of what have at times been called our theopathetic feelings. It encapsulates the essence and goal of the law; and although we lost it through Adam, Christ brings it back to us. When it focuses on God absolutely, in himself as a Being of infinite and harmonious perfection and moral beauty, it represents that movement of the soul towards him, driven by admiration, approval, and joy. When it looks at him relatively, it pays attention to the continuous outpourings of his goodness towards us all in the ongoing existence he initially granted; the situations that make that existence joyful; and, most importantly, that immense love with which he loved us,” shown in the gift of his Son for our redemption and in saving us through his grace; or, in the powerful words of St. Paul, on the overwhelming riches of his grace in his kindness to us through Christ Jesus.” From all these perspectives, an overflowing gratitude fills the heart influenced by this spiritual affection. However, love for God is more than just a feeling of gratitude: it takes joy in his perfection and glory, and it reverently contemplates them as the most significant and fascinating topics; it keeps the thought of this supremely beloved presence constantly in mind; it turns to it with enthusiastic devotion away from the busyness and distractions of life; it connects it with every scene of majesty and beauty in nature and with every occurrence of both general and specific guidance; it brings the soul into a real and felt connection with God, because it’s alive; it shapes other feelings to align with what God himself wants or forbids, loves or hates; it creates an unbounded desire to please him and to be accepted by him in everything; it is protective of his honor, tireless in his service, prompt to make every sacrifice in support of his truth and his church; and it makes all such sacrifices, even when they lead to suffering and death, willing and joyful. It chooses God as the ultimate good for the soul, whose enjoyment ensures its complete and eternal well-being and happiness: “Whom have I in heaven but you? And there is no one on earth that I desire besides you,” is the sentiment of every heart when its love for God is genuine in principle and supreme in degree.
If, then, the will of God is the perfect rule of morals; and if supreme and perfect love to God must produce a prompt and unwearied, a delightful subjection to his will, or rather an entire and most free choice of it as the rule of all our principles, affections, and actions; the importance of this affection in securing that obedience to the law of God in which true morality consists, is manifest; and we clearly perceive the reason why an inspired writer has affirmed, that love is the fulfilling of the law.” The necessity of keeping this subject before us under those views in which it is placed in the Christian system, and of not surrendering it to mere philosophy, is, however, an important consideration. With the philosopher the love of God may be the mere approval of the intellect; or a sentiment which results from the contemplation of infinite perfection, manifesting itself in acts of power and goodness. In the Scriptures it is much more than either, and is produced and maintained by a different process. We are there taught that the carnal mind is enmity to God,” and is not, of course, capable of loving God. Yet this carnal mind may consist with deep attainments in philosophy, and with strongly impassioned poetic sentiment. The mere approval of the understanding, and the susceptibility of being impressed with feelings of admiration, awe, and even pleasure, when the character of God is manifested in his works, as both may be found in the carnal mind which is enmity to God, are not therefore the love of God. They are principles which enter into that love, since it cannot exist without them; but they may exist without this affection itself, and be found in a vicious and unchanged nature. The love of God is a fruit of the Holy Spirit; that is, it is implanted by him only in the souls which he has regenerated; and as that which excites its exercise is chiefly, and in the first place, a sense of the benefits bestowed by the grace of God in our redemption, and a well grounded persuasion of our personal interest in those benefits, it necessarily presupposes our reconciliation to God through faith in the atonement of Christ, and that attestation of it to the heart by the Spirit of adoption. We here see, then, another proof of the necessary connection of Christian morals with Christian doctrine, and how imperfect and deceptive every system must be which separates them. Love is essential to true obedience; for when the Apostle declares love to be the fulfilling of the law,” he declares, in effect, that the law cannot be fulfilled without love; and that every action which has not this for its principle, however virtuous in its show, fails of accomplishing the precepts which are obligatory upon us. But this love to God cannot be felt so long as we are sensible of his wrath, and are in dread of his judgments. These feelings are incompatible with each other, and we must be assured of his reconciliation to us, before we are capable of loving him. Thus the very existence of love to God implies the doctrines of atonement, repentance, faith, and the gift of the Spirit of adoption to believers; and unless it be taught in this connection, and through this process of experience, it will be exhibited only as a bright and beauteous object to which man has no access; or a fictitious and imitative sentimentalism will be substituted for it, to the delusion of the souls of men.
If the will of God is the perfect standard for ethics, and if supreme and perfect love for God leads to a quick and tireless, joyful submission to His will—or rather, a complete and free choice of it as the guiding principle for all our beliefs, feelings, and actions—then it’s clear how crucial this love is for ensuring our obedience to God’s law, which is the essence of true morality. This helps us understand why an inspired author stated that “love is the fulfillment of the law.” It's also important to keep this topic in mind as it’s presented in the Christian system, rather than just reducing it to mere philosophy. For philosophers, love for God may simply be an intellectual approval or a feeling that arises from contemplating infinite perfection, expressed in acts of power and goodness. However, in Scripture, it is much more than that and is formed and sustained through a different process. We learn that the carnal mind is hostile to God and therefore cannot truly love Him. Nevertheless, this carnal mind might still show profound insights in philosophy and passionate poetic feelings. The mere approval of the mind and the ability to feel admiration, awe, or pleasure when God's character is revealed in His works—both of which can exist in a carnal mind at odds with God—are not, in themselves, love for God. These elements contribute to love, as it cannot exist without them, but they can exist independently of that love in a corrupt and unchanged nature. Love for God is a result of the Holy Spirit; it’s something He instills only in the souls He has renewed. The primary motivator for expressing this love is a deep awareness of the blessings received through God's grace in our redemption, along with a firm belief that we are personally involved in these blessings. This inherently assumes our reconciliation with God through faith in Christ’s atonement, as well as the Spirit of adoption affirming this to our hearts. We can therefore see yet another confirmation of the essential link between Christian morals and Christian doctrine, and how imperfect and misleading any system must be that tries to separate them. Love is crucial to true obedience. When the Apostle states that love is the fulfillment of the law, he is essentially saying that the law cannot be fulfilled without love, and that any action lacking this principle, no matter how virtuous it appears, fails to meet the obligations placed upon us. However, this love for God cannot exist as long as we are aware of His wrath and fearful of His judgments. These feelings conflict with one another, and we must be assured of His acceptance before we can truly love Him. Consequently, the very existence of love for God assumes the doctrines of atonement, repentance, faith, and the gift of the Spirit of adoption to believers. Unless love is taught in this context and through this experiential process, it will only be presented as a beautiful and unattainable ideal or be replaced by a false and imitative sentimentalism, deceiving the souls of men.
LUCIAN, a philosopherphilosopher and wit, who appeared as one of the early opposers of the Christian religion and its followers. The hostile sentiments of the Heathens toward Christianity, says Dr. Neander, were different according to the difference of their philosophical and religious views. There entered then upon the contest two classes of men, who have never since ceased to persecute Christianity. These were the superstitious, to whom the honouring God in spirit and in truth was a stumbling stone, and the careless unbeliever, who, unacquainted with all feelings of religious wants, was accustomed to laugh and to mock at every thing which proceeded from them, whether he understood it or not, and at all which supposed such feelings, and proposed to satisfy them. Such was Lucian. To him Christianity, like every other remarkable religious phenomenon, appeared only as a fit object for his sarcastic wit. Without giving himself the trouble to examine and to discriminate, he threw Christianity, superstition, and fanaticism, into the same class. It is easy enough, in any system which lays deep hold on man’s nature, to find out some side open to ridicule, if a man brings forward only that which is external in the system, abstracted from all its inward power and meaning, and without either understanding, or attempting to understand, this power. He, therefore, who looked on Christianity with cold indifference, and the profane every-day feelings of worldly prudence, might easily here and there find objects for his satire. The Christian might indeed have profited by that ridicule, and have learned from the children of darkness to join the wisdom of the serpent with the meekness of the dove. In the end the scoffer brings himself to derision, because he ventures to pass sentence on the phenomena of a world of which he has not the slightest conception, and which to his eyes, buried as they are in the films of the earth, is entirely closed. Such was Lucian. He sought to bring 594forward all that is striking and remarkable in the external conduct and circumstances of Christians, which might serve for the object of his sarcastic raillery, without any deeper inquiry as to what the religion of the Christians really was. And yet even in that at which he scoffed, there was much which might have taught him to remark in Christianity no common power over the hearts of men, had he been capable of such serious impressions. The firm hope of eternal life which taught them to meet death with tranquillity, their brotherly love one toward another, might have indicated to him some higher spirit which animated these men; but instead of this he treats it all as delusion, because many gave themselves up to death with something like fanatical enthusiasm. He scoffs at the notion of a crucified man having taught them to regard all mankind as their brethren, the moment they should have abjured the gods of Greece; as if it were not just the most remarkable part of all this, that an obscure person in Jerusalem, who was deserted by every one, and executed as a criminal, should be able, a good century after his death, to cause such effects as Lucian, in his own time, saw extending in all directions, and in spite of every kind of persecution. How blinded must he have been to pass thus lightly over such a phenomenon! But men of his ready wit are apt to exert it with too great readiness on all subjects. They are able to illustrate every thing out of nothing; with their miserable nil admirari,” they can close their hearts against all lofty impressions. With all his wit and keenness, with all his undeniably fine powers of observation in all that has no concern with the deeper impulses of man’s spirit, he was a man of very little mind. But hear his own language: The wretched people have persuaded themselves that they are altogether immortal, and will live for ever; therefore they despise death, and many of them meet it of their own accord. Their first lawgiver has persuaded them also to regard all mankind as their brethren, as soon as they have abjured the Grecian gods, and, honouring their crucified Master, have begun to live according to his laws. They despise every thing Heathen equally, and regard all but their own notions as profaneness, while they have yet embraced those notions without sufficient examination.” He has no farther accusation to make against them here, except the ease with which they allowed their benevolence toward their fellow Christians to be abused by impostors, in which there may be much truth, but there is, nevertheless, some exaggeration.
LUCIAN, a philosopherphilosopher and wit, was one of the early critics of Christianity and its followers. Dr. Neander notes that the hostile attitudes of the pagans toward Christianity varied based on their philosophical and religious beliefs. Two groups entered into this conflict, and they have never stopped persecuting Christianity since. These groups were the superstitious, who found the genuine worship of God to be a stumbling block, and the indifferent skeptics, who, lacking any sense of spiritual need, mocked everything associated with them, regardless of whether they understood it. Lucian belonged to the latter group. To him, Christianity, like any other significant religious phenomenon, was just a target for his sarcastic humor. Without taking the time to examine or distinguish between them, he lumped together Christianity, superstition, and fanaticism. It's easy to find something to ridicule in any system that deeply engages human nature if one focuses only on its external aspects, ignoring its inner strength and meaning, and without attempting to truly understand that strength. Therefore, a person who views Christianity with indifference and the everyday perspective of worldly wisdom can easily find material for satire here and there. The Christian could have benefited from this ridicule, learning from the skeptics to balance the wisdom of the serpent with the gentleness of the dove. In the end, the mocker ends up ridiculed himself because he dares to judge the phenomena of a world he barely comprehends, which remains completely closed off to him. Such was Lucian. He aimed to highlight all the striking and unusual behavior and circumstances of Christians as fodder for his sarcastic jibes, without any deeper inquiry into what Christianity truly was. Yet even in the things he mocked, there was a lot that could have shown him that Christianity held a unique power over the hearts of people if he had been capable of serious reflection. The strong hope of eternal life that encouraged them to face death calmly, their brotherly love for one another, could have indicated to him some higher spirit motivating these individuals; but instead, he dismissed it all as illusion because many faced death with a kind of fanatical fervor. He scoffed at the idea of a crucified man teaching them to view all humanity as their brothers as soon as they rejected the gods of Greece; as if it weren't the most remarkable aspect of this that an unknown person in Jerusalem, abandoned by all and executed as a criminal, could, a century after his death, inspire such widespread effects, as Lucian himself witnessed, despite ongoing persecution. How blind must he have been to overlook such a phenomenon! But quick-witted individuals like him often wield their cleverness too readily on all topics. They can find illustrations in everything from nothing; with their miserable no amazement,” they can shut their hearts to all profound impressions. Despite his wit and sharpness, and his undeniably keen observational skills regarding everything unrelated to deeper human motivations, he was a person of very limited intellect. But listen to his own words: The miserable people have convinced themselves they are entirely immortal and will live forever; thus, they disregard death, with many facing it voluntarily. Their first lawgiver has also convinced them to treat all humanity as their brothers as soon as they have rejected the Grecian gods and, by honoring their crucified Master, have begun to follow his laws. They scorn everything pagan equally and view all other beliefs as profane, even though they have embraced their beliefs without sufficient examination. He does not make any further accusations against them here, except to mention how easily they allowed their goodwill towards fellow Christians to be exploited by fraudsters, which may hold some truth but is nevertheless somewhat exaggerated.
LUDIM. There were two Luds; the one the son of Shem, from whom the Lydians of Asia Minor are supposed to have sprung, and the other the son of Mizraim, whose residence was in Africa. The descendants of the latter only are mentioned in Scripture: they are joinedjoined by Isaiah, lxvi, 19, with Pul, whose settlement is supposed to have been about the island Philoe, near the first cataract of the Nile; by Jeremiah, xlvi, 9, with the Ethiopians and Libyans; by Ezekiel, xxvii, 10, with Phut, as the mercenary soldiers of Tyre, and xxx, 5, with the Ethiopians and Libyans; all plainly denoting their African position; but in what particular part of that continent this position was, is not known.
LUDIM. There were two Luds; one was the son of Shem, believed to be the ancestor of the Lydians in Asia Minor, and the other was the son of Mizraim, who lived in Africa. Only the descendants of the latter are mentioned in the Bible: they are joinedjoined by Isaiah, lxvi, 19, alongside Pul, whose settlement is thought to have been near the island of Philae, close to the first cataract of the Nile; by Jeremiah, xlvi, 9, with the Ethiopians and Libyans; by Ezekiel, xxvii, 10, with Phut, as the mercenary soldiers of Tyre, and xxx, 5, with the Ethiopians and Libyans; all clearly indicating their location in Africa; but the exact area of that continent where they were is not known.
LUKE. The New Testament informs us of very few particulars concerning St. Luke. He is not named in any of the Gospels. In the Acts of the Apostles, which were, as will hereafter be shown, written by him, he uses the first person plural, when he is relating some of the travels of St. Paul; and thence it is inferred, that at those times he was himself with that Apostle. The first instance of this kind is in the eleventh verse of the sixteenth chapter; he there says, Loosing from Troas, we came up with a straight course to Samothracia.” Thus, we learn that St. Luke accompanied St. Paul in this his first voyage to Macedonia. From Samothracia they went to Neapolis, and thence to Philippi. At this last place we conclude that St. Paul and St. Luke separated, because in continuing the history of St. Paul, after he left Philippi, St. Luke uses the third person, saying, Now when they had passed through Amphipolis,” &c, Acts xvii, 1; and he does not resume the first person till St. Paul was in Greece the second time. We have no account of St. Luke during this interval; it only appears that he was not with St. Paul. When St. Paul was about to go to Jerusalem from Greece, after his second visit into that country, St. Luke, mentioning certain persons, says, These going before tarried for us at Troas; and we sailed away from Philippi,” Acts xx, 5, 6. Thus again we learn that St. Luke accompanied St. Paul out of Greece, through Macedonia to Troas; and the sequel of St. Paul’s history in the Acts, and some passages in his epistles, 2 Tim. iv, 11; Col. iv, 14, Philemon 24, written while he was a prisoner at Rome, informs us that St. Luke continued from that time with Paul, till he was released from his confinement at Rome; which was a space of about five years, and included a very interesting part of St. Paul’s life, Acts xx-xxviii.
LUKE. The New Testament gives us very few details about St. Luke. He isn’t mentioned in any of the Gospels. In the Acts of the Apostles, which he wrote, he uses "we" when describing some of St. Paul’s travels. From this, we can gather that he was with the Apostle during those times. The first instance of this is in the eleventh verse of the sixteenth chapter, where he says, “Loosing from Troas, we came with a straight course to Samothracia.” This tells us that St. Luke joined St. Paul on his first trip to Macedonia. From Samothracia, they traveled to Neapolis and then to Philippi. It seems that St. Paul and St. Luke parted ways in Philippi, because after leaving there, St. Luke switches to third person, saying, “Now when they had passed through Amphipolis,” etc., Acts xvii, 1; and he only goes back to first person when St. Paul returns to Greece for a second time. We don’t have any information about St. Luke during this time; it only shows that he wasn’t with St. Paul. When St. Paul was about to head to Jerusalem from Greece after his second visit there, St. Luke mentions certain people by saying, “These going before tarried for us at Troas; and we sailed away from Philippi,” Acts xx, 5, 6. Again, we learn that St. Luke accompanied St. Paul out of Greece and through Macedonia to Troas. The rest of St. Paul’s story in Acts, along with some passages from his letters, 2 Tim. iv, 11; Col. iv, 14; Philemon 24, written while he was a prisoner in Rome, tells us that St. Luke stayed with Paul until he was released from prison in Rome; this lasted about five years and covered a significant part of St. Paul's life, Acts xx-xxviii.
Here ends the certain account of St. Luke. It seems probable, however, that he went from Rome into Achaia; and some authors have asserted that he afterward preached the Gospel in Africa. None of the most ancient fathers having mentioned that St. Luke suffered martyrdom, we may suppose that he died a natural death; but at what time, or in what place, is not known. We are told by some that St. Luke was a painter, and Grotius and Wetstein thought that he was in the earlier part of his life a slave; but I find, says Bishop Tomline, no foundation for either opinion in any ancient writer. It is probable that he was by birth a Jew, and a native of Antioch in Syria; and I see no reason to doubt that Luke, the beloved physician,” mentioned in the Epistle to the Colossians, iv, 14, was Luke the evangelist.
Here ends the detailed account of St. Luke. It seems likely, however, that he went from Rome to Achaia; and some authors have claimed that he later preached the Gospel in Africa. Since none of the earliest church fathers mentioned that St. Luke was martyred, we can assume he died a natural death; however, the exact time and place are unknown. Some say St. Luke was a painter, and Grotius and Wetstein believed he was a slave in the earlier part of his life; but, as Bishop Tomline notes, there’s no evidence for either claim in any ancient writings. It’s likely that he was a Jew by birth and a native of Antioch in Syria; and I see no reason to doubt that "Luke, the beloved physician," mentioned in the Epistle to the Colossians, 4:14, was Luke the evangelist.
Lardner thinks that there are a few allusions to this Gospel in some of the apostolical 595fathers, especially in Hermas and Polycarp; and in Justin Martyr there are passages evidently taken from it; but the earliest author, who actually mentions St. Luke’s Gospel, is Irenæus; and he cites so many peculiarities in it, all agreeing with the Gospel which we now have, that he alone is sufficient to prove its genuineness. We may however observe, that his testimony is supported by Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, Jerom, Chrysostom, and many others. Dr. Owen and Dr. Townson have compared many parallel passages of St. Mark’s and St. Luke’s Gospels; and Dr. Townson has concluded that St. Luke had seen St. Mark’s Gospel, and Dr. Owen, that St. Mark had seen St. Luke’s; but there does not appear to be a sufficient similarity of expression to justify either of these conclusions. There was among the ancients a difference of opinion concerning the priority of these two Gospels; and it must be acknowledged to be a very doubtful point.
Lardner believes there are a few references to this Gospel in some of the early church fathers, particularly in Hermas and Polycarp; and in Justin Martyr, there are clearly passages taken from it. However, the earliest author who explicitly mentions St. Luke’s Gospel is Irenæus, who cites so many unique aspects of it that align with the Gospel we have today that his testimony alone is enough to confirm its authenticity. It’s worth noting that his testimony is backed by Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, Jerome, Chrysostom, and many others. Dr. Owen and Dr. Townson have compared many similar passages between St. Mark’s and St. Luke’s Gospels; Dr. Townson has concluded that St. Luke had seen St. Mark’s Gospel, while Dr. Owen believes St. Mark had seen St. Luke’s. However, there doesn’t seem to be enough similarity in expression to support either conclusion. Among ancient scholars, there was a debate about which of these two Gospels came first, and it remains a very uncertain matter.
There is also great doubt about the place where this Gospel was published. It seems most probable that it was published in Greece, and for the use of Gentile converts. Dr. Townson observes, that the evangelist has inserted many explanations, particularly concerning the scribes and Pharisees, which he would have omitted if he had been writing for those who were acquainted with the customs and sects of the Jews. We must conclude that the histories of our Saviour, referred to in the preface to this Gospel, were inaccurate and defective, or St. Luke would not have undertaken this work. It does not, however, appear that they were written with any bad design; but being merely human compositions, and perhaps put together in great haste, they were full of errors. They are now entirely lost, and the names of their authors are not known. When the four authentic Gospels were published, and came into general use, all others were quickly disregarded and forgotten.
There is also a lot of uncertainty about where this Gospel was published. It seems most likely that it was published in Greece, intended for Gentile converts. Dr. Townson points out that the evangelist included several explanations, especially about the scribes and Pharisees, which he would have left out if he had been writing for people familiar with Jewish customs and sects. We must conclude that the accounts of our Savior mentioned in the introduction to this Gospel were inaccurate and lacking, or St. Luke wouldn't have taken on this task. However, it doesn’t seem that they were written with any ill intentions; they were simply human-made documents, and perhaps written quickly, which resulted in numerous errors. They are now completely lost, and we don’t know who wrote them. When the four authentic Gospels were published and widely accepted, all the others were quickly ignored and forgotten.
St. Luke’s Gospel is addressed to Theophilus; but there was a doubt, even in the time of Epiphanius, whether a particular person, or any good Christian in general, be intended by that name. Theophilus was probably a real person, that opinion being more agreeable to the simplicity of the sacred writings. We have seen that St. Luke was for several years the companion of St. Paul; and many ancient writers consider this Gospel as having the sanction of St. Paul, in the same manner as St. Mark’s had that of St. Peter. Whoever will examine the evangelist’s and the Apostle’s account of the eucharist in their respective original works, will observe a great coincidence of expression, Luke xxii; 1 Cor. xi. St. Luke seems to have had more learning than any other of the evangelists, and his language is more varied, copious, and pure. This superiority in style may perhaps be owing to his longer residence in Greece, and greater acquaintance with Gentiles of good education, than fell to the lot of the writers of the other three Gospels. This Gospel contains many things which are not found in the other Gospels; among which are the following: the birth of John the Baptist; the Roman census in Judea; the circumstances attending Christ’s birth at Bethlehem; the vision granted to the shepherds; the early testimony of Simeon and Anna; Christ’s conversation with the doctors in the temple when he was twelve years old; the parables of the good Samaritan, of the prodigal son, of Dives and Lazarus, of the wicked judge, and of the publican and Pharisee; the miraculous cure of the woman who had been bowed down by illness eighteen years; the cleansing of the ten lepers; and the restoring to life the son of a widow at Nain; the account of Zaccheus, and of the penitent thief; and the particulars of the journey to Emmaus. It is very satisfactory that so early a writer as Irenæus has noticed most of these peculiarities; which proves not only that St. Luke’s Gospel, but that the other Gospels also, are the same now that they were in the second century.
St. Luke's Gospel is addressed to Theophilus, but there was some doubt, even during Epiphanius's time, about whether this referred to a specific person or any good Christian in general. Theophilus was likely a real person, as that view aligns better with the straightforward nature of the sacred writings. It’s known that St. Luke was St. Paul's companion for many years, and many ancient writers believe this Gospel has St. Paul's endorsement, just as St. Mark's is associated with St. Peter. Anyone who examines the accounts of the eucharist in both the evangelist's and the Apostle’s original works will notice a significant similarity in phrasing, as seen in Luke xxii; 1 Cor. xi. St. Luke appears to be more educated than the other evangelists, with a style that is more varied, rich, and refined. This enhanced style may be attributed to his longer time spent in Greece and his greater exposure to well-educated Gentiles compared to the other three Gospel writers. This Gospel includes many unique elements that aren’t found in the others, such as: the birth of John the Baptist; the Roman census in Judea; the events surrounding Christ’s birth in Bethlehem; the vision seen by the shepherds; the early testimony of Simeon and Anna; Christ's discussion with the teachers in the temple when he was twelve; the parables of the good Samaritan, the prodigal son, Dives and Lazarus, the corrupt judge, and the publican and Pharisee; the miraculous healing of the woman who had been ill for eighteen years; the cleansing of the ten lepers; raising the widow's son at Nain; the story of Zaccheus, and the penitent thief; as well as the details of the journey to Emmaus. It’s quite reassuring that an early writer like Irenaeus noted most of these distinct features, which suggests that St. Luke's Gospel, as well as the others, remains unchanged since the second century.
LUNATICS, σεληνιαζομένους, lunatici, Matt. iv, 24. Thus those sick persons were called, who were thought to suffer most severely at the changes of the moon; for example, epileptical persons, or those who have the falling sickness, insane persons, or those tormented with fits of morbid melancholy. Mad people are still called lunatics, from an ancient, but now almost exploded, opinion, that they are much influenced by that planet. A sounder philosophy has taught us, that, if there be any thing in it, it must be accounted for, not in the manner the ancients imagined, nor otherwise than by what the moon has in common with other heavenly bodies, occasioning various alterations in the gravity of our atmosphere, and thereby affecting human bodies. However, there is considerable reason to doubt the fact; and it is certain that the moon has no perceivable influence on our most accurate barometers. It has been the fashion to decry and ridicule the doctrine of demoniacal possessions, and to represent the patients merely as lunatics or madmen. And some think that this is countenanced by the calumny of the unbelieving Jews concerning Christ, He hath a demon, and is mad,” John x, 20; both possession and madness often producing the same symptoms of convulsions, paralysis, &c, Matt. xvii, 15–18. But that they were distinct diseases, may be collected from the following considerations: 1. The evangelists, enumerating the various descriptions of patients, distinguish δαιμονιζόμενοι, demoniacs, σεληνιαζόμενοι, lunatics, and ϖαραλυτικοί, paralytics, from persons afflicted with other kinds of diseases, Matt. iv, 24; Mark i, 34; Luke vi, 17, 18. 2. That a real dispossession took place, seems to follow from the number of these impure inmates. Mary of Magdala, or the Magdalene, was afflicted with seven demons, Mark xvi, 9. A legion” besought Christ’s permission to enter into a numerous herd of two thousand swine; which they did, and drove the whole herd down a precipice into the sea, where they were all drowned. This remarkable case is noticed by the three evangelists 596most circumstantially, Matt. viii, 28; Mark v, 1; Luke viii, 26. 3. The testimony of the demoniacs to Christ was not that of madmen or idiots. It evinced an intimate knowledge both of his person and character, which was hidden from the wise and prudent” of the nation, the chief priests, scribes, and Pharisees. Their language was, What hast thou to do with us, Jesus of Nazareth? Art thou come to torment us before the time?” I know thee who thou art, the Holy One of God:” thou art the Christ, the Son of God, the Son of the most high God,” Matt. viii, 29; Mark i, 24; iii, 11; Luke iv, 34–41. And they repeatedly besought him not to torment them, not to order them to depart into the abyss, Luke viii, 28–31. See Demoniacs.
LUNATICS, σεληνιαζομένους, lunatics, Matt. iv, 24. These were the people believed to be severely affected by the changes of the moon, such as those with epilepsy or seizures, people with mental illnesses, or those suffering from extreme sadness. Today, we still refer to mentally ill people as lunatics due to an old belief that the moon significantly influences them. However, modern understanding shows that if there is any effect, it can’t be explained the way the ancients thought, but rather through what the moon shares with other celestial bodies, which can cause various changes in our atmosphere’s gravity, thus affecting human bodies. Nonetheless, there is substantial skepticism about this idea; it’s clear the moon has no noticeable impact on our precise barometers. The idea of demonic possession has often been dismissed and mocked, labeling those affected as simply lunatics or mad. Some believe this perception was supported by accusations from non-believing Jews about Christ, where they said, “He has a demon and is mad,” John x, 20; both possession and lunacy frequently showing the same symptoms like convulsions and paralysis, Matt. xvii, 15–18. However, we can gather that they were distinct conditions based on the following points: 1. The evangelists identify the different types of patients, separating δαιμονιζόμενοι, demoniacs, σεληνιαζόμενοι, lunatics, and ϖαραλυτικοί, paralytics, from those with other illnesses, Matt. iv, 24; Mark i, 34; Luke vi, 17, 18. 2. A genuine exorcism seems evident from the number of these unclean spirits. Mary Magdalene was said to be possessed by seven demons, Mark xvi, 9. A “legion” asked Christ if they could enter a large group of two thousand pigs, which they did, causing the whole herd to rush down a cliff into the sea, drowning them all. This extraordinary event is recorded in detail by all three evangelists, Matt. viii, 28; Mark v, 1; Luke viii, 26. 3. The testimonies of the demoniacs to Christ were not those of lunatics or fools. They demonstrated a deep understanding of his identity and nature, which was hidden from the wise and educated of the community, including the chief priests, scribes, and Pharisees. Their remarks included questions like, “What do you want with us, Jesus of Nazareth? Have you come to punish us before the proper time?” and acknowledgments like, “I know who you are, the Holy One of God; you are the Christ, the Son of God, the Most High,” Matt. viii, 29; Mark i, 24; iii, 11; Luke iv, 34–41. They repeatedly pleaded with him not to harm them or send them into the abyss, Luke viii, 28–31. See Possessed people.
LUTHERANS, or the LUTHERAN CHURCH, the disciples and followers of Martin Luther, an Augustine friar, who was born at Isleben, in Upper Saxony, in the year 1483. He possessed an invincible magnanimity, and uncommon vigour and acuteness of genius. He first took offence at the indulgences which were granted in 1517, by Pope Leo X., to those who contributed toward finishing St. Peter’s church at Rome, Luther being then professor of divinity at Wittemberg. Those indulgences promised remission of all sins, past, present, and to come, however enormous their nature, to all who were rich enough to purchase them. At this Luther raised his warning voice; and in ninety-five propositions, which he maintained publicly at Wittemberg, September 30, 1517, exposed the doctrine of indulgences, which led him to attack also the authority of the pope. This was the commencement of that memorable revolution in the church which is styled the Reformation; though Mosheim fixes the era of the Reformation from 1520, when Luther was excommunicated by the pope.
LUTHERANS, or the LUTHERAN CHURCH, refers to the followers of Martin Luther, an Augustinian friar born in Isleben, Upper Saxony, in 1483. He had remarkable bravery and a sharp, brilliant mind. He first became upset about the indulgences that Pope Leo X granted in 1517 to those who contributed to the construction of St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome, while Luther was a professor of theology at Wittenberg. These indulgences promised forgiveness of all sins—past, present, and future—no matter how serious, to anyone wealthy enough to buy them. Luther raised his voice in protest, and on September 30, 1517, he publicly presented ninety-five propositions at Wittenberg, criticizing the doctrine of indulgences and, by extension, the authority of the pope. This marked the beginning of the significant change in the church known as the Reformation, although Mosheim dates the start of the Reformation to 1520, when Luther was excommunicated by the pope.
In 1523 Luther drew up a liturgy, that, in many things, differed but little from the Mass Book; but he left his followers to make farther reforms, as they saw them necessary; and, in consequence, the forms of worship in the Lutheran churches vary in points of minor importance: but they agree in reading the Scriptures publicly, in offering prayers and praises to God through the Mediator in their own language, in popular addresses to the congregation, and the reverend administration of the sacraments.
In 1523, Luther created a liturgy that didn't differ much from the Mass Book in many ways; however, he allowed his followers to make additional reforms as they saw fit. As a result, worship practices in Lutheran churches vary in minor details, but they all agree on reading the Scriptures publicly, offering prayers and praises to God through the Mediator in their own language, delivering popular addresses to the congregation, and properly administering the sacraments.
The Augsburgh Confession (see Confessions) forms the established creed of the Lutheran church. The following are a few of the principal points of doctrine maintained by this great reformer, and a few of the Scriptures by which he supported them.
The Augsburg Confession (see Confessions) is the foundational belief of the Lutheran church. Here are some of the key doctrines upheld by this significant reformer, along with a selection of Scriptures that support them.
1. That the Holy Scriptures are the only source whence we are to draw our religious sentiments, whether they relate to faith or practice, John v, 39; 1 Cor. iv, 16; 2 Tim. iii, 15–17. Reason also confirms the sufficiency of the Scriptures; for, if the written word be allowed to be a rule in one case, how can it be denied to be a rule in another?
1. The Holy Scriptures are the only source we should rely on for our religious beliefs, whether they concern faith or practice, John 5:39; 1 Cor. 4:16; 2 Tim. 3:15-17. Reason also supports the sufficiency of the Scriptures; if we accept the written word as a guideline in one situation, how can we refuse to accept it as a guideline in another?
2. That justification is the effect of faith exclusive of good works; and that faith ought to produce good works purely in obedience to God, and not in order to our justification; for St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Galatians, strenuously opposed those who ascribed our justification, though but in part, to works: If righteousness come by the law, then Christ is dead in vain,” Gal. ii, 21. Therefore it is evident we are not justified by the law, or by our works; but to him that believeth, sin is pardoned, and Christ’s righteousness imputed. This article of justification by faith alone, Luther used frequently to call articulus stantis vel cadentis ecclesiæ;” that by which the church must stand or fall.
2. Justification comes from faith alone, not from good works. Faith should lead to good works purely out of obedience to God, not as a means to achieve our justification. St. Paul, in his letter to the Galatians, strongly challenged those who attributed even part of our justification to works: “If righteousness comes from the law, then Christ died for nothing,” Gal. ii, 21. So it’s clear we are not justified by the law or by our works; rather, for those who believe, sin is forgiven and Christ’s righteousness is credited to them. Luther often referred to this doctrine of justification by faith alone as article of a standing or falling church; the principle on which the church stands or falls.
3. That no man is able to make satisfaction for his sins; for our Lord teaches us to say, when we have done all things that are commanded us, We are unprofitable servants,” Luke xvii, 10. Christ’s sacrifice is alone sufficient to satisfy for sin, and nothing need be added to the infinite value of his atonement.
3. No one can make amends for their sins; our Lord teaches us to say, when we have done everything that is required of us, “We are unprofitable servants,” Luke 17:10. Christ’s sacrifice is enough to atone for sin, and nothing needs to be added to the infinite worth of his atonement.
Luther also rejected tradition, purgatory, penance, auricular confession, masses, invocation of saints, monastic vows, and other doctrines of the church of Rome. Luther differed widely from Calvin on matters of church discipline; and on the presence of Christ’s body in the sacrament. His followers also deviated from him in some things; but the following may be considered as a fair statement of their principles, and the difference between them and the Calvinists: 1. The Lutherans in Germany reject both Episcopacy and Presbyterianism, but appoint superintendents for the government of the church, who preside in their consistories, when that office is not supplied by a delegate from the civil government; and they hold meetings in the different towns and villages, to inquire into the state of the congregations and the schools. The appointment of superintendents, and the presentation to livings, is generally in the prince, or ecclesiastical courts. The Swedes and Danes have an ecclesiastical hierarchy, similar to that of England. 2. They differ in their views of the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. All the Lutherans reject trans-substantiation, but affirm that the body and blood of Christ are materially present in the sacrament, though in an incomprehensible manner: this they called con-substantiation. The Calvinists hold, on the contrary, that Jesus Christ is only spiritually present in the ordinance, by the external signs of bread and wine. 3. They differ as to the doctrine of the eternal decrees of God respecting man’s salvation. The modern Lutherans maintain that the divine decrees, respecting the salvation and misery of men, are founded upon the divine prescience. The Calvinists, on the contrary, consider these decrees as absolute and unconditional.
Luther also rejected tradition, purgatory, penance, confession, masses, praying to saints, monastic vows, and other teachings of the Roman church. Luther had significant disagreements with Calvin regarding church discipline and the presence of Christ’s body in the sacrament. His followers also diverged from him on some issues; however, the following can be seen as a fair representation of their principles and the differences between them and the Calvinists: 1. The Lutherans in Germany reject both Episcopacy and Presbyterianism but appoint superintendents to govern the church, who lead their councils when that role is not filled by a representative from the civil government. They hold meetings in various towns and villages to discuss the state of the congregations and schools. The appointment of superintendents and the allocation of church positions generally falls to the prince or ecclesiastical courts. The Swedes and Danes have an ecclesiastical hierarchy similar to that of England. 2. They have different views on the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. All Lutherans reject transubstantiation but affirm that the body and blood of Christ are materially present in the sacrament, though in a way that is beyond understanding; this is referred to as consubstantiation. The Calvinists, on the other hand, believe that Jesus Christ is only spiritually present in the ordinance through the external symbols of bread and wine. 3. They disagree on the doctrine of God’s eternal decrees regarding human salvation. Modern Lutherans believe that the divine decrees concerning the salvation and suffering of people are based on God's foreknowledge. In contrast, Calvinists view these decrees as absolute and unconditional.
The Lutherans are generally divided into the moderate and the rigid. The moderate Lutherans are those who submitted to the Interim published by the Emperor Charles V. Melancthon was the head of this party, and they were called Adiaphorists. The rigid Lutherans are those who would not endure 597any change in their master’s sentiments, of whom M. Flaccius was the head. The Lutherans are partial to the use of instrumental music in their churches, and admit statues and paintings, as the church of England does, without allowing them any religious veneration; but the rigid Calvinists reject these, and allow only the simplest forms of psalmody. The modern Lutherans, about the close of the seventeenth century, enlarged their liberality toward other sects, and gave up the supposed right of persecution; confessing that Christians are accountable to God only for their religious faith. They admit, also, into their sacred canon the Epistle of St. James, which Luther rashly rejected, because he could not reconcile it with St. Paul’s doctrine of justification; and the Revelation of St. John, which Luther also rejected, because he could not explain it.
The Lutherans are generally divided into the moderate and the strict. The moderate Lutherans are those who accepted the Interim published by Emperor Charles V. Melancthon was the leader of this group, and they were known as Adiaphorists. The strict Lutherans are those who wouldn’t tolerate any changes in their leader’s beliefs, with M. Flaccius at the forefront. The Lutherans support the use of instrumental music in their churches and allow statues and paintings, like the Church of England, without giving them any religious significance; however, the strict Calvinists reject these and permit only the simplest forms of singing psalms. By the late seventeenth century, modern Lutherans expanded their tolerance toward other denominations and renounced the idea of persecution, acknowledging that Christians are accountable to God only for their beliefs. They also included the Epistle of St. James in their sacred canon, which Luther hastily rejected because he couldn’t reconcile it with St. Paul’s doctrine of justification, and the Revelation of St. John, which Luther also dismissed due to his inability to explain it.
On some of the doctrines of the early German reformers the following remarks by Archbishop Laurence are entitled to high consideration:--Against the church of Rome, which always, when attacked, fled for protection to the shield of scholastical sophistry, Luther had waged a dauntless, unwearied, and effectual warfare. He entered the field of contest without distrust or apprehension, under a rooted persuasion that the victory over superstition would prove easy at an era when learning had already begun to extend itself in every direction, and was become closely allied to theological attainments. When the light of day appeared, the genuine doctrines of Scripture and the primitive opinions of antiquity began to be more distinctly perceived, and more accurately investigated. With an attachment to classical pursuits arose a zeal for Biblical inquiries. Taste and truth went hand in hand. Luther, than whom no one was more capable of infusing energy into the cause in which he had embarked, was of all men the worst adapted to conduct it with moderation: he was calculated to commence, but not to complete, reformation. Prompt, resolute, and impetuous, he laboured with distinguished success in the demolition of long established error; he also hastily threw together the rough and cumbrous materials of a better system. But the office of selecting, modelling, and arranging them was consigned to a correcter hand. Melancthon was of a character directly opposite to that of Luther, possessing every requisite to render truth alluring and reformation respectable; and hence upon him, in preference, the princes of Germany conferred the honour of compiling the public profession of their faith. But it ought not to be concealed, that, previously to the time when Lutheranism first became settled upon a permanent basis, and added public esteem to public notice, tenets were advanced, which retarded the progress of truth more than all the subtleties of scholastic argument, or the terrors of papal anathema. At the beginning of the Reformation, as Melancthon frankly observed to Cranmer, there existed among its advocates stoical disputations respecting fate, offensive in their nature, and noxious in their tendency. The duration, however, of these stoical disputations was but short; and the substitution of a more rational as well as practical system, for the space of more than twenty years before the appearance of our Articles, prevented the founders of our church from mistaking, for the doctrines of the Lutherans, those which they themselves wished to forget, and were anxious to obliterate. As we descend to particulars, it will be necessary to keep our eye upon one prominent doctrine, which was eminently conspicuous in all the controversies of the Lutherans,--the doctrine of complete redemption by CHRIST, which in their idea their adversaries (the Papists) disregarded, who denied in effect the depravity of our nature, believed the favour of Heaven in this life recoverable by what was denominated merit of congruity, and, in the life to come, by that which was termed merit of condignity, and founded predestination upon merits of such a description; thus in every instance, while retaining the name of Christians, rendering Christianity itself superfluous. In opposition to opinions so repugnant in many respects to reason, and in almost all so subversive of Scripture, the Lutherans constantly pressed the unsophisticated tenet of the atonement, not contractedly in a Calvinistical, but comprehensively in a Christian, point of view,--in one in which both Calvinists and Arminians alike embrace it.
On some of the beliefs of the early German reformers, the following comments by Archbishop Laurence are worth noting: Against the Roman church, which always turned to the shield of academic arguments when attacked, Luther fought a fearless, tireless, and effective battle. He entered the fray with no doubt or fear, firmly believing that defeating superstition would be easy at a time when knowledge was beginning to spread in all directions and was closely linked to theological insights. As understanding grew, the true teachings of Scripture and the early views of antiquity became clearer and were examined more closely. Along with a passion for classical studies came a fervor for Biblical exploration. Taste and truth went hand in hand. Luther, who was more capable than anyone else of energizing the cause he championed, was the least suited to lead it with moderation: he was meant to start the reformation but not to finish it. Quick, determined, and impetuous, he worked with great success to dismantle long-held errors; he also hastily pieced together the rough and clumsy components of a better system. But the task of selecting, shaping, and organizing them was left to a more precise hand. Melancthon had a character opposite to Luther's, possessing all the qualities needed to make truth appealing and reformation respectable; thus, the German princes entrusted him with the honor of compiling their public statement of faith. However, it shouldn't be overlooked that before Lutheranism became firmly established and gained public respect, doctrines were proposed that hindered the progress of truth more than all the academic subtleties or the threats of papal excommunication. At the start of the Reformation, as Melancthon candidly pointed out to Cranmer, there were stoical arguments about fate among its supporters, which were both offensive and harmful. However, these debates lasted only a short time; a more rational and practical system, introduced more than twenty years before the appearance of our Articles, prevented the founders of our church from confusing the doctrines of the Lutherans with those they wished to forget and erase. As we look into specifics, we need to focus on one key doctrine that stood out in all the Lutheran controversies—the doctrine of complete redemption through CHRIST, which, according to them, their opponents (the Papists) overlooked. The Papists denied the depravity of our nature, believed that the favor of Heaven in this life could be regained through what was called merit of congruity, and in the afterlife through what was termed merit of condignity, basing predestination on such merits; thus, in every instance, while keeping the name of Christians, they rendered Christianity itself unnecessary. In contrast to opinions that were often unreasonable and, in nearly all cases, undermined Scripture, the Lutherans consistently upheld the straightforward belief of atonement—not in a restricted Calvinistic sense, but broadly in a Christian context—one that both Calvinists and Arminians can agree on.
Upon original sin the doctrine of the schoolmen was no less fanciful and remote from every Scriptural idea, than flattering to human pride. They contended that the infection of our nature is not a mental but a mere corporeal taint; that the body alone receives and transmits the contagion, while the soul in all instances proceeds immaculate from the hands of her Creator. This disposition to disease, such as they allowed it to be, was considered by some of them as the effect of a peculiar quality in the forbidden fruit; by others, as having been contracted from the poisonous breath of the infernal spirit which inhabited the serpent’s body. On one point they were all united; by preserving to the soul the bright traces of her divine origin unimpaired, they founded on a deceitful basis an arrogant creed, which, in declaring peace and pardon to the sinner, rested more upon personal merit than the satisfaction of a Saviour. In commenting upon the celebrated Book of Sentences, a work once not much less revered than the Scriptures themselves, the disciples of Lombard never failed to improve every hint which tended to degrade the grace of God and exalt the pride of man. Original sin the Romish schoolmen directly opposed to original righteousness; and this they considered not as something connatural with man, but as a superinduced habit or adventitious ornament, the removal of which could not prove detrimental to the native powers of his mind. When, therefore, they contemplated the effects of the fall, by confining the evil to a corporeal taint, and not extending it to the nobler faculties of the soul, they regarded man 598as an object of divine displeasure, not because he possessed that which was offensive, but because he was defective in that which was pleasing to the Almighty. Adam, they said, received for himself and his posterity the gift of righteousness, which he subsequently forfeited; in his loins we were included, and by him were virtually represented: his will was ours, and hence the consequence of his lapse is justly imputable to us his descendants. By our natural birth, therefore, under this idea, we are alienated from God, innocent in our individual persons, but guilty in that of him from whom we derived our existence; a guilt which, although contracted through the fault of another, yet so closely adheres to us that it effectually precludes our entrance at the gate of everlasting life, until the reception of a new birth in baptism. Thus they contended, that the sin of Adam conveys to us solely imputed guilt; the corporeal infection which they admitted not being sin itself, but only the subject matter of it,--not peccatum, but, according to their phraseology, fomes peccati, a kind of fuel which the human will kindles or not at pleasure. Such was the outline of the doctrine maintained in the church of Rome. The tenet of the Lutherans, on the other hand, is remarkable for its simplicity and perspicuity. Avoiding all intricate questions upon the subject, they taught that original sin is a corruption of our nature in a general sense, a depravation of the mental faculties and the corporeal appetites; that the resplendent image of the Deity, which man received at the creation of the world, although not annihilated, is nevertheless greatly impaired; and that, in consequence, the bright characters of unspotted sanctity, once deeply engraven on his mind by the hand of the living God, are become obliterated, the injury extending to his intellect, and affecting as well his reason and his will as his affections and passions. To conceive that inclination to evil incurs not in itself the disapprobation of Heaven, appeared to them little better than an apology for crime, or at least a dangerous palliation of that which the Christian’s duty compels him not only to repress but abhor.
Upon original sin, the doctrine of the scholars was no less fanciful and distant from any Scripture ideas, than flattering to human pride. They argued that the taint of our nature is not a mental issue but just a physical one; that the body alone receives and spreads the contagion while the soul, in all instances, remains untouched by her Creator. This inclination to disease, which they acknowledged it to be, was seen by some as a result of a specific quality in the forbidden fruit; by others, as having been acquired from the poisonous breath of the evil spirit inhabiting the serpent. They all agreed on one point; by preserving the soul's pure traces of her divine origin, they built on a false basis an arrogant belief that, in offering peace and forgiveness to the sinner, relied more on personal merit than on the satisfaction of a Savior. When commenting on the renowned Book of Sentences, a work once nearly as revered as the Scriptures, the followers of Lombard never missed an opportunity to twist every hint that degraded God’s grace and elevated human pride. The Roman Catholic scholars directly opposed original sin to original righteousness; they viewed righteousness not as something inherent to humans but as an acquired habit or external quality, whose removal wouldn’t harm the innate abilities of the mind. Therefore, when they considered the consequences of the fall, confining the evil to a physical taint and not extending it to the nobler aspects of the soul, they regarded humans as objects of divine anger, not because they had something offensive, but because they were lacking in what was pleasing to God. Adam, they claimed, received for himself and his descendants the gift of righteousness, which he later lost; we were included in him, and through him were virtually represented: his will was ours, and so the consequences of his failure are justly attributed to us, his descendants. Because of our natural birth, under this view, we are separated from God, innocent as individuals, but guilty as a result of him from whom we came; a guilt which, although incurred through someone else's fault, sticks with us so closely that it effectively blocks our entrance at the gate of eternal life until we receive new birth through baptism. Thus, they argued that Adam’s sin gives us solely imputed guilt; the physical infection they accepted was not sin itself, but merely the subject of it— not sin, but, according to their terminology, fomes of sin, a kind of fuel that the human will can ignite or not at will. Such was the outline of the doctrine upheld in the Catholic Church. The belief of the Lutherans, on the other hand, is notable for its simplicity and clarity. Steering clear of all complicated questions on the matter, they taught that original sin is a general corruption of our nature, a deterioration of the mental faculties and physical desires; that the shining image of God, which humanity received at creation, while not destroyed, is nonetheless significantly diminished; and that, as a result, the clear marks of perfect holiness, once deeply engraved on the mind by the hand of the living God, have become erased, with the damage affecting not just the intellect but also reason, will, affections, and passions. To believe that the inclination toward evil does not incite disapproval from Heaven seemed to them little more than an excuse for wrongdoing, or at least a dangerous justification of what a Christian should not only suppress but detest.
The case of Cornelius, whose prayers and alms are said to have ascended up for a memorial before God, was often quoted, by the advocates of the church of Rome, to prove the merit of works before the reception of grace; to prove the human will capable, by its own inherent rectitude, of deserving the favour and approbation of Heaven. The Lutherans, on the other hand, contended, that the argument supported not the conclusion drawn from it, and was therefore irrelevant; that the works of Cornelius were not the causes but the effects of grace; and that this is sufficiently apparent from the context, in which he is described as a devout man, who feared God and prayed continually.” The disciples of Lombard, in whatever mode disposed to pervert reason and annihilate Scripture, universally held, that neither before nor after the fall was man in himself capable of meriting heaven; that by the gratuitous endowments of his creation, even in paradise, he was only enabled to preserve his innocence, and not to sin; and that he was utterly incompetent to proceed one step farther, efficaciously to will a remunerable good, and by his natural exertions to obtain a reward above his nature; original righteousness being reputed not a connate quality, but a supernatural habit. Thus, he could resist evil, but not advance good to perfection; could in some sense live well, by living free from sin, but could not without divine aid so live as to deserve everlasting life. For such a purpose they asserted that grace was necessary, to operate upon his will in its primary determinations, and to co-operate with it in its ultimate acts. It was, therefore, in the loss of this celestial aid, this superadded gift, and not in any depravity of his mind, that they supposed the principal evil derivable from his lapse to consist; a loss, however, which, by a due exertion of his innate abilities, they deemed to be retrievable; and hence sprung that offensive doctrine of human sufficiency which, in the Lutheran’s eye, completely obscured the glory of the Gospel, and which, when applied to the sinner’s conscience, taught the haughty to presume, and the humble to despair. According, then, to the system under consideration, the favour of God in this life, and his beatific vision in the life to come, are both attainable by personal merit; the former by congruous, as it was termed, the latter by condign; the one without, the other with, the assistance of grace. By our natural strength, it was said, we can fulfil the commands of God as far as their obligation extends; yet was it added, that we cannot fulfil them according to the intention of the divine Legislator; an intention of rewarding only those who obey them in virtue formed by charity, under the influence of a quality rather regulating the tendency, than augmenting the purity, of the action. They stated, that we may so prepare ourselves for grace as to become entitled to it congruously, not as to a debt which in strict justice God is bound to pay, but as to a grant which it is congruous in him to give, and which it would be inconsistent with his attributes to withhold. This favourite doctrine was supported by every denomination of scholastics, and by every individual of the church of Rome. Congruous merit was universally esteemed a pearl above all price, the intrinsic value of which attracted the regard, and conciliated the benevolence, of the Almighty. According to their conception, we are endowed with an innate propensity to good, which vice itself can never obliterate, and are able not only to reverence and adore the supreme Being, but to love him above other objects. They supposed man competent no less to the efficient practice, than to the barren admiration, of holiness; enabled as well to obey the laws, as to love the goodness, of the Almighty; and, if not to deserve the rewards, at least to discharge the obligations, of religion. Impressed, therefore, with such 599exalted notions of human ability, and forgetful of the Christian propitiation for sin, the sophists of the schools maintained, that the soul of man possesses in the freedom, or rather in the capacity, of her WILL a faculty almost divine. Stimulated by the most upright propensities, and undepraved in her noblest powers, she directs her progress in the path of truth and the road to bliss, by the pure and inextinguishable light of an unperverted reason. Although mutable in her decisions, nevertheless complete controller of her conduct, she becomes at pleasure either the servant of righteousness or the slave of sin; and, disdaining to be anticipated by God himself, prevents him in his supernatural gifts by a previous display of her own meritorious deeds, challenging, as a congruous right, that which only could have been otherwise conferred as a favour undeserved. By the bare observance of my holy order,” exclaimed the secluded devotee, I am able not solely to obtain grace for myself, but, by the works which I then may do, can accumulate merit sufficient both to supply my own wants and those of others; so that I may sell the superabundance of my acquired treasure.” Can we be surprised that a reformer of Luther’s manly disposition, who wrote without reserve and reasoned without control, when adverting to opinions of so noxious a tendency, should sometimes, from excess of zeal, lose sight of moderation in his censures? The Lutherans commenced the attack upon these unscriptural dogmas, under a persuasion that the position of their opponents militated against the leading principles of Christianity. If man,” they said, be capable of pleasing God by his own works abstractedly considered, without divine assistance, where is the necessity, and what is the utility, of that assistance?” They argued, that, were it possible for the moral virtues of the mind by their own efficiency to render our persons acceptable to God and obtain his lost favour, no need would exist of any other satisfaction for sin, and thus the whole scheme of Gospel redemption would have been fruitless, and Christ have died in vain. While, therefore, the doctrine of the atonement presented nothing but a cloud and darkness to their adversaries, it gave light by night to these; on them it shone, amidst surrounding gloom, with lustre unobscured. Luther advanced a proposition which proved highly offensive to the Papists, and which they never ceased to condemn and calumniate. His assertion was, that he who exerts himself to the utmost of his ability still continues to sin. On the other side, unassisted man was thought incapable of performing an action remunerably good, or, as it was usually termed, condignly meritorious, even before his lapse; and that consequently, in his fallen state, all to which he was conceived competent by his innate strength was not to sin. When Luther therefore drew up his thesis for public disputation against the tenet of congruous works, if little delicacy, yet some caution, and much discrimination, appeared requisite. Had he stated them to be thus good in a scholastic sense, he would have completely lost sight of his object, and allowed more than even his opponents themselves. Had he described them as not demeritorious, or, in other words, not sinful, he would have precisely maintained the adverse position, and might consequently have spared his labour, at the same time that he would have tacitly acknowledged them to possess, what he could not consistently with truth attribute to them, every natural perfection of virtue and holiness. Under what denomination, then, could he class them, except under that of sinful? a denomination which he the more readily adopted because, even among his adversaries themselves, the words SIN and GRACE, as he remarked, were in general immediately opposed to each other. Anxious to rescue Christian theology from the grasp of those who embraced only to betray, the Lutherans laboured to restore that importance to the doctrine of redemption with which the Scriptures invest it, but of which, by a subtle perversity, it had been deprived. The principal object, therefore, in their view evidently was, to Christianize the speculations of the schools; and the principal drift of their argument is to prove, that human virtue, how extravagantly soever extolled by a vain philosophy, is wholly insufficient (because imperfect) to merit the favour of Heaven. Allowing no medium between righteousness and unrighteousness, the approbation and disapprobation of the Almighty, characterizing that as sinful which is confessedly not holy, and thus annihilating every ground of self-presumption, they inculcated the necessity of contemplating with the eye of faith those means of reconciliation which Christianity alone affords. But it has been insinuated, that the Lutheran doctrine went to prove man’s total inability to extricate himself from crime, until the arrival of some uncertain moment, which brings with it a regeneration from on high, the sudden transfusion of a new light and new virtues. But those who thus conceive of it are not probably aware, that Melancthon, the venerable author of the Augsburgh Confession, warmly reprobates this precise idea, which he denominates a Manichean conceit and a horrible falsehood. Upon the abstract question of free will it is indeed true, that Melancthon, no less than Luther, at first held opinions which he was happy to retract. But when this is acknowledged it should be added, that he made ample amends for his indiscretion by not only expunging the offensive passages from the single work which contained them, but by introducing others of a nature diametrically opposite. And although the more inflexible coadjutor of Melancthon was too lofty to correct what he had once made public, and too magnanimous to regard the charge of inconsistency which his adversaries urged against him; yet what his better judgment approved clearly appears from a preface written not long before his death; in which, while he expressed an anxiety to have his own chaotic labours, as he styled them, buried in 600eternal oblivion, he recommended in strong terms, as a work admirably adapted to form the Christian divine, that very performance of his friend which was remarkable for something more than a mere recantation of the opinions alluded to. It was not against any conceived deficiency in the quality of our virtue that they argued, but against its supposed competency, whether wrought in or out of grace, with greater or less degrees of purity, to effect that which the oblation of Christ alone accomplishes. Upon both points Luther treated the doctrine of his adversaries as altogether frivolous, and incapable of corroboration by a single fact. Futile, however, as the scholastical tenet appeared to be, although deficient in proof and unsupported by example, upon this, he remarked with indignation and grief, was founded the whole system of papal delusion.
The case of Cornelius, whose prayers and charity are said to have been remembered by God, was often cited by supporters of the Roman Church to argue that good works hold value before receiving grace; to assert that human will is capable, by its own inherent goodness, of earning God's favor and approval. The Lutherans, however, argued that this reasoning did not support the conclusion drawn from it and was therefore irrelevant; that Cornelius' deeds were not the causes but the effects of grace; and this is clearly evident from the context, where he is described as a devout man who feared God and prayed constantly. The followers of Lombard, regardless of how they twisted reason and disregarded Scripture, universally believed that man, neither before nor after the fall, could merit heaven on his own; that by the gifts of creation, even in paradise, he could only maintain his innocence and was not able to sin; and that he was completely incapable of taking a further step, effectively willing a rewarding good and using his natural efforts to achieve a reward beyond his nature; original righteousness was seen not as an innate quality but as a supernatural habit. Thus, he could resist evil but not achieve good to perfection; he could live decently by avoiding sin, but could not do so without divine help to deserve eternal life. They argued that grace was required to act upon his will in its primary decisions and to cooperate with it in its final actions. The main issue they saw in humanity's downfall was the loss of this heavenly aid, this additional gift, rather than any corruption of the mind; however, they believed that, through proper use of his natural abilities, this loss could be recovered; hence arose the troublesome doctrine of human sufficiency which, in the eyes of the Lutherans, entirely eclipsed the glory of the Gospel, and which, when applied to a sinner's conscience, led the proud to overestimate themselves and the humble to despair. According to the system being questioned, God's favor in this life and the vision of heaven in the life to come are both attainable by personal merit; the former by congruous, as it was called, and the latter by condign; the former without, the latter with, grace's assistance. It was claimed that by our natural strength, we can fulfill God's commands as far as their obligation extends; yet it was added that we could not fulfill them according to the intention of the divine Lawgiver; an intention that rewards only those who obey with virtue formed by love, under the influence of a quality that guides the tendency rather than enhances the purity of the action. They asserted that we can prepare ourselves for grace so that we become entitled to it congruously, not as a debt God's strict justice requires him to pay, but as a gift he is inclined to give, which it would be inconsistent with his attributes to withhold. This favored doctrine was supported by every type of scholastic and every member of the Roman Church. Congruous merit was universally regarded as a treasure beyond all price, the intrinsic value of which gained the attention and favor of the Almighty. According to their belief, we have an inherent inclination towards good that vice can never erase, and we can not only respect and adore the supreme Being, but also love him more than anything else. They believed that man is capable not just of ineffective admiration, but also of actively practicing holiness; able to obey the laws as well as appreciate the goodness of the Almighty; and if not to deserve rewards, at least to fulfill the obligations of religion. Therefore, with such lofty views of human ability, and forgetting the Christian sacrifice for sin, the philosophers of the schools claimed that the human soul possesses a faculty almost divine in the freedom, or rather in the capacity, of her WILL. Fuelled by the purest inclinations, and untainted in her highest powers, she navigates the path of truth and the route to happiness with the clear and unending light of uncorrupted reason. Though she changes her decisions, she remains completely in control of her actions, becoming at will either the servant of righteousness or the slave of sin; and, refusing to let God act first, she preempts him in his supernatural gifts with a prior demonstration of her own good deeds, claiming, as a congruous right, what could only have been otherwise bestowed as an undeserved favor. "By simply following my holy order," exclaimed the isolated devotee, "I can not only obtain grace for myself, but, through the works I may do, I can gather enough merit both to meet my own needs and those of others; so I can sell the excess of my acquired wealth." Is it any surprise that a reformer of Luther's strong character, who wrote openly and reasoned freely, when confronted with ideas of such harmful tendencies, might sometimes lose sight of moderation in his criticisms due to excess zeal? The Lutherans began to challenge these unscriptural beliefs, convinced that their opponents' stance contradicted the core principles of Christianity. They argued, "If man can please God through his own works considered independently, without divine assistance, what is the need for that assistance, and what value does it have?" They contended that if moral virtues of the mind could by their own merit make us acceptable to God and regain his lost favor, there would be no need for any further satisfaction for sin, thus rendering the entire Gospel redemption scheme pointless, and making Christ's death in vain. While the doctrine of atonement appeared as nothing but a cloud and darkness to their adversaries, it illuminated the night for these; it shone on them, even amidst the surrounding darkness, with an unclouded brightness. Luther proposed an idea that was deeply offensive to the Papists, who continuously condemned and slandered it. His assertion was that someone who tries their hardest still continues to sin. On the other hand, unassisted man was thought to be incapable of performing a remuneratively good action, or, as it was typically said, a condignly meritorious one, even before his fall; and thus, all he was believed to be capable of with his innate strength in his fallen state was not to sin. Therefore, when Luther prepared his thesis for public debate against the concept of congruous works, it required little tact but much caution and sharp judgment. If he had referred to them as good in a scholastic sense, he would've totally missed his goal and conceded more than his opponents. If he had described them as not demeritorious, or in other words, not sinful, he would have effectively maintained the opposing view and might have saved effort, while also implicitly acknowledging that they possessed, which he could not truthfully attribute to them, every natural perfection of virtue and holiness. So under what category could he classify them, other than as sinful? He readily accepted this label partly because, even among his adversaries, the terms SINS and GRACE, as he noted, were generally seen as directly opposed to one another. Eager to rescue Christian theology from those who embraced only to betray it, the Lutherans worked to restore the significance of the doctrine of redemption that Scripture bestows upon it, which had been subtly stripped away. Their primary aim was clearly to make the theories of the schools compatible with Christianity, and the main thrust of their argument was to demonstrate that human virtue, however extravagantly praised by empty philosophy, is entirely insufficient (because imperfect) to earn the favor of Heaven. Allowing for no middle ground between righteousness and unrighteousness, God's approval and disapproval, they labeled as sinful what is evidently not holy, thus eliminating any basis for self-satisfaction, and emphasizing the necessity of viewing through faith the means of reconciliation that only Christianity provides. However, it has been suggested that the Lutheran doctrine implies that man is entirely unable to free himself from sin, until some uncertain moment arrives, bringing with it a regeneration from above, the sudden infusion of new light and new virtues. But those who think this way may not realize that Melancthon, the respected author of the Augsburg Confession, strongly denounced this exact idea, calling it a Manichean belief and a terrible falsehood. On the abstract issue of free will, it is indeed true that Melancthon, like Luther, initially held views he later retracted gladly. However, while this acknowledgment is important, it should also be noted that he made significant corrections for his mistakes, not only by removing the offending statements from the one work that contained them, but by introducing others that took an entirely opposite approach. Moreover, although Melancthon's more steadfast colleague was too proud to correct what he publicly announced and too magnanimous to be concerned about the accusations of inconsistency leveled against him, what his sound judgment supported is clearly shown in a preface written shortly before his death; in which, while he expressed a wish to have his own chaotic writings, as he labeled them, forgotten for good, he recommended in strong terms, as a work excellently suited to train the Christian minister, that very work of his friend which was noteworthy for something beyond just a mere recantation of the views previously mentioned. They were not arguing against any perceived deficiency in virtue's quality, but against its alleged competence, whether produced within or outside of grace, with varying levels of purity, to achieve what only the sacrifice of Christ accomplishes. On both counts, Luther deemed his opponents' doctrines utterly frivolous and unable to be supported by any single fact. However, despite the apparent futility of the scholastic tenet, lacking proof and examples, he lamented with indignation that this was the foundation of the entire papal deception.
Justification was on both sides supposed to consist entirely in the remission of sins. The popish scholastics, on this head, were remarkably distinct in their ideas, and express in their language. They represented it as an effect produced by the infusion of divine grace into the mind; not as a consequent to a well spent life, but as preceding all remunerable obedience, as the intervening point between night and day, the gloom of a guilty and the light of a self-approving conscience; or, in other words, and to adopt their own phraseology, as the exact boundary where merit of congruity ends and where merit of condignity begins, the infallible result of a previous disposition on our part, which never fails of alluring from on high that supernatural quality which, being itself love, renders the soul beloved. While the Lutherans, however, adhered to the general import of the term as understood in the schools, they waged an incessant warfare upon another point; while they allowed that justification consists in the remission of sin, they denied that this remission is to be acquired by the merit of the individual. Their scholastic opponents maintained that man is justified in the sight of God in consequence of his own preparation, and on account of his personal qualities. They, on the other band, argued with an inflexibility which admitted of no compromise, that, possessing not merits of his own to plead, man freely received forgiveness through the mercy of God solely on account of the merits of Christ. The effective principle, therefore, or meritorious cause of justification, was the great point contested. The doctrine of the popish divines, explained more at large, was this: When the sinner, conscious of his past transgressions, inquired where he was to seek the expiation of his crime, and deliverance from the dreadful consequences of it, the general answer was, In the merit of penitence; a merit capable of annihilating guilt, and appeasing the anger of incensed Omnipotence. He, they argued, who, having disobeyed the laws of Heaven, is desirous of returning into that state of acceptance from which he has fallen, must not expect free forgiveness; but previously by unfeigned sorrow of heart deserve the restoration of grace, and, with it, the obliteration of his offences. To effect this desirable purpose he is bound strictly to survey and detest his former conduct, accurately to enumerate his transgressions and deeply feel them; and, impressed with a due sense of their magnitude, impurity, and consequences, to condemn his folly and deplore his fault, which have made him an outcast of Heaven, and exposed him to eternal misery. So far he can proceed by that operation of the mind which they denominated ATTRITION, and which, being within the sphere of his natural powers, they regarded as congruous piety meritorious of justification, as a preparation of the soul more or less necessary to receive and merit justifying grace. When, therefore, he is arrived at this point, ATTRITION ceases and CONTRITION commences; the habit of sin is expelled, while that of holiness is superinduced in its stead, and with the infusion of charity, the plastic principle of a new obedience, justification becomes complete. But even here it was not conceived that a total deliverance takes place; a liberation from guilt and eternal punishment is effected, but not from temporal, which is never remitted unless either by the infliction of some personal suffering or satisfactory compensation required of him who is already justified and approved by Heaven. However, to accomplish this remaining object, nothing more is wanting than a continuation, to a sufficient intensity, of that compunction of heart which is now denominated CONTRITION, grace supplying the defects of nature, and enabling penitential merit not only to justify, but to obtain exemption from punishment of every species. But so great appeared to the popish scholastics the frailty of man and the severity of God, that no inconsiderable difficulty occurred in the due application of this favourite doctrine to individuals; for the means of expiation, they imagined, ought always to be proportionate to the magnitude of the offences. How,” they reasoned, are we to be assured that our contrition has been either sufficient or sincere, and whether it has been so in the obliteration not only of one crime, but of all; whether it has atoned for past transgressions of every kind, the number of which may perplex, as well as their guilt confound, us?” Instead, therefore, of penitence in its strictest acceptation as a perfect virtue, God, they said, in condescension to human infirmity, has substituted for general practice the sacrament of penitence, which, for the attainment of full remission, requires only a moderate compunction of soul, with confession to the priest, and the discharge of such satisfaction as he may enjoin. And, still lower to reduce the terms of acceptance, they even argued that it is not absolutely necessary for the penitent to experience an entire conversion of heart, but only not to oppose the impediment of mortal crime, to feel some displeasure at his past conduct, and to express a resolution of amending it in future. But, after all, and in spite of the boasted authority of the keys, complete confidence in divine forgiveness was never inculcated; for it was neither the 601interest nor the inclination of the church of Rome to teach the simple doctrine of Christian faith, but rather to involve it in metaphysical obscurity. Under the pretext, therefore, of relieving the throbbing breast from its apprehensions, they had recourse to numerous inventions for propping the insecure fabric of penitential hope; asserting, among other extravagancies, that the sacraments are in themselves efficacious by virtue of their own operation, exclusively of all merit in the recipient; and that the sacrament of the altar, in particular, acts so powerful in this respect as to communicate grace not only to those who partake of it, but to others from whom it is received by substitution, provided its operation be not hindered by confessedly flagrant immorality. So deeply rooted in the minds of the papists had become the persuasion of its thus effecting the best of purposes, and that even without the necessity of an actual participation of it by him upon whom the benefit is conferred, that the celebration of the mass was universally regarded as the means of appeasing the anger of Heaven, and obtaining pardon and peace, of procuring divine assistance for the living, and, for the dead, deliverance from the bitter pains of purgatory. Nor by the sacraments alone, but by every good external work, as well as internal disposition, was justifying grace supposed to be merited congruously, and satisfaction for sin to be made condignly. In monastical institutions, likewise, were found no mean materials for similar purposes; for in those feigned religions,” as the homily On Good Works describes them, the devotees boasted of having lamps which ran always over, able to satisfy not only for their own sins, but also for all other their benefactors, brothers and sisters of religion, as most ungodly and craftily they had persuaded the multitude of ignorant people; keeping in divers places marts or markets of merits, being full of their holy relics, images, shrines, and works of overflowing abundance, ready to be sold.” Yet, whether the dubious penitent was instructed to derive consolation from the efficacy of the sacraments, from his own personal qualities, or from any of what Cranmer aptly termed “the fantastical works of man’s invention,” it should be observed that he was not directly taught to consider these as wholly superseding the virtue of repentance, but as supplying his deficiencies in the performance of it; an incongruous system of atonement, fabricated by the avarice of Rome, and the obsequiousness of scholastical philosophy, to augment the treasures and extend the influence of the church, to extinguish the light of Gospel truth, and, while keeping the world at large in ignorance, to hold the conscience of the individual in slavery. Upon the whole, then, the scholastics maintained that justification is unattainable without repentance, at least, without some degree of attrition on our part; but in the common apprehension of the doctrine even this seems to have been forgotten, and merit of congruity considered in a general point of view as alone efficacious. Thus good works of every species preceding grace were said to deserve it, and, by deserving grace, to deserve the justifying principle. And always were they careful to impute the cause of forgiveness, not to the mercy of God in Christ, but to the sole change in the individual, to his transmutation from a state of unrighteousness to one of righteousness, to his possession of a quality which renders him a worthy object of divine approbation. For in every instance personal merit was conceived to be the solid basis upon which rests the complete remission of sin. Upon no one point, perhaps, has the opinion of Luther been more misrepresented than upon this. Some have ascribed to it a solifidian tendency, if not of the most enthusiastical, at least, of the most unqualified, description. But it seems indeed impossible accurately to comprehend the position which he maintained, if we examine it in an insulated point of view, unless we connect it with that of which in the church of Rome it properly formed a part, and from which he never intended to separate it,--the doctrine of penitence. In opposing the absurdity of papal indulgences, (the first impiety against which his manly mind revolted,) a ray of light, before unnoticed, darted upon him, and opened a completely new scene, which, while it stimulated his efforts as a reformer, animated his hopes as a Christian. Hence, averting with disdain from the speculations of sophists, and turning to the sacred page of revelation, he there beheld an affiance very different from what the schools inculcated; and thus, while their vain language was, Repent, and trust to the efficacy of your contrition, either with or without extraneous works, according to the degree of its intensity, for the expiation of your offences;” his, more Scriptural and more consoling, became simply this: Repent, and trust not for expiation to your own merits of any kind, but solely to those of your Redeemer.” Rejecting the dreams of their adversaries with respect to the nature and effects of this important duty, they represented it as consisting of two essential parts, CONTRITION and FAITH, the latter as always associated with the former. Hence, in the Apology of their Confession, they repeatedly declared a disavowal of all faith, except such as exists in the contrite heart. Far was it from their intention to encourage the presumptuous or fanatical sinner in a false security; their object was very different and laudable,--they laboured to fix the eye of him who both laments and detests his offences, upon the only deserving object of human confidence and divine complacency. Properly, then, as they frequently remarked, their doctrine of justification was appropriated to troubled consciences, at every period of true repentance, and particularly at the awful hour of death, when the time for habitual proofs of amendment has elapsed, and when the past appears replete with guilt and the future with terror. At such moments, they taught not, with the schools, an affiance in human merit, but in the gratuitous mercy of God through Christ: to contrition, as a preparatory qualification 602or previous requisite, they added faith; and from faith they deemed every principle of real piety and virtue inseparable. Good works, or the outward fruits of an inward renovation of mind, were said to follow remission of sins; internal necessarily preceding external reformation. For the individual, they argued, must himself be good before the action can be so denominated, be justified before it can be deemed just, and accepted before it can prove acceptable,--distinguishing between the primary admission into God’s favour, and the subsequent preservation of that favour.
Justification was thought to be entirely about the forgiveness of sins on both sides. The Catholic theologians had notably distinct ideas and clear language on this topic. They described it as a result of divine grace entering the mind; not as a result of living a righteous life, but as something that comes before any rewardable obedience, acting as the transition point between darkness and light, the shame of guilt and the comfort of a clear conscience; or, in their own terms, as the precise line separating congruous merit from condign merit, an unavoidable outcome of our previous readiness that consistently draws down that supernatural quality from above, which, being love itself, makes the soul beloved. On the other hand, while the Lutherans agreed with the general meaning of the term as it was understood in academic circles, they constantly battled over another issue; they accepted that justification consists in the forgiveness of sins, but they rejected the idea that this forgiveness could be earned through individual merit. Their scholastic opponents maintained that a person is justified in God’s eyes based on their own readiness and personal qualities. The Lutherans argued inflexibly, without compromise, that since people do not have merits of their own to claim, they receive forgiveness freely through God’s mercy solely because of the merits of Christ. Therefore, the key issue at stake was the effective principle, or the meritorious cause of justification. The doctrine of the Catholic theologians, explained further, was this: When a sinner, aware of their past wrongs, wanted to know where to find atonement for their crimes and relief from the dreadful consequences, the general response was, In the merit of penitence; a merit potent enough to erase guilt and calm the wrath of an angered Almighty. They argued that anyone who has disobeyed Heaven’s laws and wishes to return to that state of grace from which they fell must not expect to be forgiven freely; instead, they must genuinely feel sorrow in their heart to deserve the restoration of grace, along with the erasure of their offenses. To achieve this goal, they must closely examine and abhor their past behavior, accurately list their transgressions and really feel them; and, with an appropriate awareness of their severity, impurity, and consequences, they should condemn their folly and lament their faults, which have made them outcasts from Heaven and subject to eternal misery. They could only progress so far through a mental operation they called Attrition, which they saw as congruous piety meriting justification, a necessary preparation for the soul to receive and earn justifying grace. Once they reach this point, Attrition stops and Contrition begins; the habit of sin is cast out while the habit of holiness is established in its place, and with the infusion of love, the driving force of a new obedience, justification is completed. However, it was still believed that total release does not occur; liberation from guilt and eternal punishment is achieved, but not from temporal punishment, which is never lifted unless through some personal suffering or compensatory act required of someone who is already justified and accepted by Heaven. To accomplish this remaining goal, all that’s needed is a sustained intensity of that heart-felt sorrow now called Remorse, where grace compensates for the shortcomings of human nature, allowing penitential merit not only to justify but also to obtain exemption from all types of punishment. Yet, the Catholic theologians thought the weakness of humans and the strictness of God created significant challenges in applying this favored doctrine to individuals; as they believed the means of atonement should always match the seriousness of the offenses. They reasoned, “How can we be sure that our sorrow is either adequate or sincere, and whether it has successfully addressed not just one sin, but all? Whether it has atoned for every kind of past misdeed, considering the overwhelming number and severity?” Therefore, instead of treating penitence in its strictest sense as a perfect virtue, God, they said, recognizing human frailty, replaced the general practice with the sacrament of penitence, which, for complete remission, only requires a moderate amount of heart-felt sorrow, alongside confession to a priest, and fulfilling whatever satisfaction he may require. To further reduce the terms for acceptance, they even argued that it is not absolutely essential for the penitent to undergo a full transformation of heart, but merely to avoid opposing the barrier of serious sin, to feel some regret about their past behavior, and to express a desire to improve moving forward. Yet, despite all this, and in spite of the claimed authority of the church's keys, complete confidence in divine forgiveness was never taught; for it was neither in the best interest nor the inclination of the church of Rome to convey the simple doctrine of Christian faith, but rather to entangle it in metaphysical confusion. Thus, under the guise of alleviating anxiety from troubled hearts, they invented various methods to support the shaky foundation of penitential hope; asserting, among other outrageous ideas, that the sacraments are inherently effective by their own nature, independent of any merit from those who receive them; and that the sacrament of the altar, in particular, is so powerful that it grants grace not only to those who partake of it but also to others on whose behalf it is received, as long as its effect is not obstructed by obviously serious immorality. The belief that it could yield the best outcomes had become so entrenched in the minds of the Catholics, that the celebration of the mass was widely seen as the means to appease Heaven’s anger and gain forgiveness and peace, to procure divine help for the living, and, for the dead, to free them from the agonies of purgatory. Justifying grace was thought to be earned congruously through good external deeds, as well as internal attitudes—which were not just a series of good works. Monastic institutions too provided materials for similar purposes; as in those so-called religious [orders], the followers bragged about having lamps that always overflowed, capable of making amends not only for their own sins but also for all the sins of their benefactors, brothers, and sisters of the faith, as they deviously convinced the masses of ignorant people; maintaining various marketplaces of merits stocked with their holy relics, images, shrines, and copious works ready for sale. Yet, whether the uncertain penitent was advised to find comfort in the efficacy of the sacraments, from their personal qualities, or from any of what Cranmer aptly termed “the fanciful works of human invention,” it should be noted that they were not directly taught to view these as completely replacing the necessity of true repentance, but rather as compensating for their failures in fulfilling it; an illogical system of atonement, created by the greed of Rome and the servility of scholastic philosophy, aimed at bolstering the church's wealth and influence, extinguishing the light of Gospel truth, and keeping the world in ignorance while holding individual consciences captive. Overall, the scholastics asserted that justification cannot be achieved without repentance, at least without some degree of attrition on our part; but in the general understanding of the doctrine, even this seems to have been overlooked, viewing congruent merit as the only effective means. Thus, every kind of good work preceding grace was said to deserve it, and by deserving grace, to gain justification. And they were always careful to attribute the cause of forgiveness not to God’s mercy in Christ, but solely to the change in the individual, to their transition from a state of unrighteousness to one of righteousness, based on possessing a quality that makes them worthy of divine approval. Perhaps no aspect of Luther's opinion has been more misinterpreted than this one. Some have suggested it leans towards a belief in faith alone, if not the most fanatical kind, at least the most absolute. However, it seems truly impossible to fully comprehend his position if we only examine it in isolation without connecting it to what it was a part of in the church of Rome, the doctrine of penitence. In opposing the absurdity of papal indulgences—this was the first offense that repulsed his strong mind—a flash of insight, previously unnoticed, struck him, revealing a completely new perspective, which invigorated his efforts as a reformer and uplifted his hopes as a Christian. He then turned away with disdain from the speculations of complicated thinkers, focusing instead on the sacred texts, where he found a connection unlike that which the schools taught; and while their empty words were, “Repent, and rely on the effectiveness of your sorrow, whether through additional works or not, according to how intense it is, to atone for your wrongdoings;” his, which was more scriptural and comforting, simply became: “Repent, and do not rely on your own merits of any kind for atonement, but solely on those of your Redeemer.” Rejecting the fantasies of their opponents regarding the nature and effects of this vital duty, they portrayed it as involving two essential components, Contrition and FAITH, the latter always paired with the former. Thus, in the defense of their beliefs, they consistently stated that any faith must stem from a contrite heart. Far from encouraging presumptuous or fanatical sinners to feel falsely secure, their aim was quite different and noble—they wanted to direct the attention of those who mourn and detest their wrongdoings to the only rightful object of true human trust and divine acceptance. Properly understood, as they often mentioned, their doctrine of justification was meant for troubled consciences at every moment of genuine repentance, especially during the terrifying moments of death, when the time for proving behavioral changes has ended, and the past feels filled with guilt while the future is shrouded in dread. In those times, they taught not to rely on human merits as the schools did, but on the free mercy of God through Christ: they added faith to contrition as a necessary precondition, and they believed that every genuine principle of piety and virtue was inseparable from faith. Good works, or the visible fruits of an inner renewal, were expected to follow the forgiveness of sins; internal condition must always precede external actions. For the individual, they argued, must be good for the actions to be deemed good, justified before actions can be called just, and accepted before being acknowledged as acceptable—distinguishing between the initial acceptance into God's favor and the ongoing preservation of that favor.
The unfathomable depths of divine predestination and predetermination human reason in vain attempts to sound, finite faculties to scan infinite, or the limited intellect of man to comprehend the immensity of the Godhead. Erasmus, a peculiar favourite with the reformers of our own country, when contemplating this inexplicable subject, observed, that in the Holy Scriptures there are certain secret recesses, which God is unwilling for us too minutely to explore; and which, if we endeavour to explore, in proportion as we penetrate farther, our minds become more and more oppressed with darkness and stupefaction; that thus we might acknowledge the inscrutable majesty of the divine wisdom, and the imbecility of the human mind.” Congenial, also, with the feelings and sentiments of Erasmus upon this point were those of Luther. To acquire any knowledge,” he remarked, of a deity not revealed in Scripture, to know what his existence is, his actions and dispositions, belongs not to me. My duty is only this; to know what are his precepts, his promises, and his threatenings. Pernicious and pestilent is the thought of investigating causes, and brings with it inevitable ruin, especially when we ascend too high, and wish to philosophize upon predestination.” How differently Calvin felt upon the same subject, and with what little reserve, or rather with what bold temerity, he laboured to scrutinize the unrevealed Divinity, is too well known to require any thing beyond a bare allusion to the circumstance. His sentiments, however, were much less regarded than some are disposed to allow; and upon this particular question, so far were they from having attained their full celebrity at the period when the articles of the church of England were framed, that they were not taught without opposition even in his own unimportant territory of Geneva. For at that precise era he was publicly accused (by Sebastian Castellio) of making God the author of sin; and although, not contented with silencing, he first imprisoned and afterward banished his accuser, yet he could not expel the opinions of his adversary. While the church of Rome maintained a predestination to life of one man in preference to another individually on account of personal merit, the Lutherans taught a gratuitous predestination of Christians collectively, of those whom God has chosen in Christ out of mankind; and by this single point of difference were the contending opinions principally contradistinguished. With us the system of Calvin still retains so many zealous advocates, that to a modern ear the very term PREDESTINATION seems to convey a meaning only conformable with his particular system. It should, however, be observed that this word was in familiar use for centuries before the Reformation, in a sense, very different from what Calvin imputed to it, not as preceding the divine prescience, but as resulting from it, much in the same sense as that in which it has since been supported by the Arminians. Yet, obvious as this appears, writers of respectability strangely persuade themselves, that, immediately prior to the Reformation, the doctrines of the church of Rome were completely Calvinistical; a conclusion to which, certainly, none can subscribe who are sufficiently conversant with the favourite productions of that time. So far, indeed, was this from being the fact, that Calvin peculiarly prided himself on departing from the common definition of the term, which had long been adopted by the adherents of the schools, and retained with a scrupulous precision. For while they held that the expression predestinati is exclusively applicable to the elect, whom God, foreknowing as meritorious objects of his mercy, predestinates to life; and while they appropriated that of præsciti to the non-elect, whose perseverance in transgression is simply foreknown; Calvin, on the other side, treating the distinction as a frivolous subterfuge, contended that God, decreeing the final doom of the elect and non-elect irrespectively, predestinates both, not subsequently but previously to all foreknowledge of their individual dispositions, especially devotes the latter to destruction through the medium of crime, and creates them by a fatal destiny to perish. Whatever, therefore, modern conjecture may have attributed to the popish scholastics, it is certain that, abhorring every speculation which tends in the remotest degree to make God the author of sin, they believed that only salutary good is predestinated; grace to those who deserve it congruously, and glory to those who deserve it condignly. They maintained that almighty God, before the foundations of the world were laid, surveying in his comprehensive idea, or, as they phrased it, in his prescience of simple intelligence, the possibilities of all things before he determined their actual existence, foresaw that, if mankind were created, (although he willed the salvation of all, and was inclined to assist all indifferently, yet) some would deserve eternal happiness, and others eternal misery; and that therefore he approved and elected the former, but disapproved or reprobated the latter. Thus, grounding election upon foreknowledge, they contemplated it, not as an arbitrary principle, separating one individual from another under the influence of a blind chance or an irrational caprice; but, on the contrary, as a wise and just principle, which presupposes a diversity between those who are accepted and those who are rejected. Hence it was, that in order to systematize upon this principle of election, and to show how consistent it is as well with the justice as the benevolence of the Deity, the 603will of God was considered in a double point of view, as absolute and conditional, or, in the technical language of the schools, as antecedent and consequent. In the first instance, by his absolute or antecedent will, he was said to desire the salvation of every man; in the latter, by his conditional or consequent will, that only of those whom he foresaw abstaining from sin and obeying his commandments: the one expressed his general inclination, the other his particular resolution upon the view of individual circumstances and conditions. To the inquiry, why some are unendowed with grace, their answer was, Because some are not willing to receive it, and not because God is unwilling to give it.” He,” they said, offers his light to all. He is absent from none; but man absents himself from the present Deity, like one who shuts his eyes against the noon-day blaze.” To the foregoing statement it should be added, that they held an election, or rather an ordination, to grace (which they expressly asserted to be defectible) distinct from an election to glory; that according to them, a name may be written in the book of life at one period, which at another many be erased from it; and that predestination to eternal happiness solely depends upon final perseverance in well doing. On the whole it is evident, that they considered the dignity or worthiness of the individual as the meritorious basis of predestination; merit of congruity as the basis of a preordination to grace, and merit of condignity as that of a preordination to glory. Thus, not more fastidious in the choice of their terms than accurate in the use of them, while they denied that the prescience of human virtue, correctly speaking, could be the primary cause of the divine will, because nothing in time can properly give birth to that which has existed from eternity, they strenuously maintained it to be a secondary cause, the ratio or rule in the mind of the Deity which regulated his will in the formation of its ultimate decisions. Although in the established confession of their faith the Lutherans avoided all allusion to the subject of predestination, it was nevertheless introduced into another work of importance, and of considerable public authority, the Loci Theologici of Melancthon, a production which was every where received as the standard of Lutheran divinity. Both Luther and Melancthon, after the Diet of Augsburgh, kept one object constantly in view,--to inculcate only what was plain and practical, and never to attempt philosophizing. But to what, it may be asked, did the Lutherans object in the theory of their opponents when they themselves abandoned the tenet of necessity? Certainly, not to the sobriety and moderation of that part of it which vindicated the justice, and displayed the benevolence, of the Almighty; but, generally, to the principles upon which it proceeded; to the presumption, in overleaping the boundary which Heaven has prescribed to our limited faculties, and which we cannot pass without plunging into darkness and error; and to its impiety in disregarding, if not despising, the most important truths of Christianity. A system of such a nature they hesitated not to reject, anxious to conduct themselves by the light of Scripture alone, nor presuming to be wise above what God has been pleased to discover. Maintaining not a particular election of personal favourites, either by an absolute will, or even a conditional one, dependent upon the ratio of merit, but a general election of all who, by baptism in their infancy, or by faith and obedience in mature years, become the adopted heirs of Heaven; they conceived this to be the only election to which the Gospel alludes, and, consequently, the only one upon which we can speak with confidence, or reason without presumption. If it be observed, that the selection of an integral body necessarily infers that of its component parts, the answer is obvious: The latter, although indeed it be necessarily inferred by the former, is nevertheless not a prior requisite, but a posterior result of the divine ordination. What they deemed absolute on the part of God was his everlasting purpose to save his elect in Christ, or real Christians considered as a whole, and contrasted with the remainder of the human race; the completion of this purpose being regulated by peculiar circumstances, operating as inferior causes of a particular segregation. For, persuaded of his good will toward all men without distinction, of his being indiscriminately disposed to promote the salvation of all, and of his seriously (not fictitiously, as Calvin taught) including all in the universal promise of Christianity, they imputed to him nothing like a partial choice, no limitation of favours, no irrespective exclusion of persons; but assuming the Christian character as the sole ground of individual preference, they believed that every baptized infant, by being made a member of Christ, not by being comprised in a previous arbitrary decree, is truly the elect of God, and, dying in infancy, certain of eternal happiness; that he who, in maturer years, becomes polluted by wilful crime, loses that state of salvation which before he possessed; that nevertheless by true repentance, and conversion to the Father of mercy and God of all consolation, he is again reinstated in it; and that, by finally persevering in it, he at length receives the kingdom prepared for every sincere Christian before the foundation of the world. Can any man, whom prejudice has not blinded, rank these sentiments with those of Calvin? It may seem almost unnecessary to subjoin, that the Lutherans held the defectibility of grace; its indefectibility being a position supported but by those who think that the Redeemer died for a selected few alone. Upon the whole then it appears, that the Lutherans, affecting not in any way to philosophize, but committing themselves solely to the guidance of Scripture, differed from the church of Rome in several important particulars. For, although on some points they coincided with her, although they inculcated, with equal zeal and upon a better principle, both the universality and the defectibility of grace, as well as a conditional admission into the number of the elect, they nevertheless were entirely at variance 604with her upon the very foundation of the system. Thus while their opponents taught, that predestination consists in the prospective discrimination of individuals by divine favour, according to the foreseen ratio of every man’s own merit,--works of congruity deserving grace here, and works of condignity eternal life hereafter, and that in this way it principally rests upon human worth; the Lutherans, disclaiming every idea of such a discrimination, placed it upon the same basis as they assumed in the case of justification,--that of an effectual redemption by Christ. Instead, therefore, of holding the election of individuals as men on account of personal dignity or worthiness, they maintained the election of a general mass as Christians on account of Christ alone; adding that we are admitted into that number, or discarded from it, in the eye of Heaven, proportionably as we embrace or reject the salvation offered to all, embracing it with a faith inseparable from genuine virtue, or rejecting it by incredulity and crime. For neither in this, nor in the instance of justification, did they exclude repentance and a true conversion of the heart and life, as necessary requisites, but only as meritorious causes, from the contemplation of God’s omniscient intellect. Let those,” said Luther, who wish to be elected avoid an evil conscience, and not transgress the divine commandments.” Instructed then by the unerring page of truth, they asserted no other predestination than what is there expressly revealed; that of the good and gracious Father of mankind, who from eternity has been disposed to promote the happiness and welfare of all men, has destined Christ to be the Saviour of the whole world, and withholden from none the exalted hope of the Christian calling. Convinced that this is the only predestination which Christianity discloses, and consequently the only one which we can either with safety or certainty embrace, they discouraged every attempt at investigating the will, out of the word, of God; every attempt at effecting impossibilities, at unveiling the secret counsels of Him who shrouds his divine perfections in darkness impervious to mortal eyes. With such investigations, indeed, the world had already been sufficiently bewildered by the scholastics, who, endowed with a ready talent at perplexing what before was plain, and at rendering abstruseness still more abstruse, had made the subject totally inexplicable, vainly labouring to develope with precision that mysterious will upon which the wise must ever think it folly, and the good impiety, to speculate. Disquisitions of this presumptuous nature, from a personal experience of their mischievous tendency, Luther abjured himself, and deprecated in others. Are we, miserable men,” he exclaimed, “who as yet are incapable of comprehending the rays of God’s promises, the glimmerings of his precepts and his works, although confirmed by words and miracles, are we, infirm and impure, eager to comprehend all that is great and glorious in the solar light itself, in the incomprehensible light of a miraculous Godhead? Do we not know, that God dwells in splendour inaccessible? And yet do we approach, or rather do we presume to approach it? Are we not aware, that his judgments are inscrutable? And yet do we endeavour to scrutinize them? And these things we do, before we are habituated even to the faint lustre of his promises and precepts, with a vision still imperfect, blindly rushing into the majesty of that light which, secret and unseen, has never been by words or miracles exhibited. What wonder, then, if, while we explore its majesty, we are overwhelmed with its glory?” For a farther account of the Lutheran views on predestination, see the last pages of the article Calvinism.
The incomprehensible depths of divine predestination and predetermination leave human reason struggling to understand, as our limited abilities fail to grasp the infinite or comprehend the vastness of God. Erasmus, a unique favorite among reformers in our country, noted that the Holy Scriptures contain certain hidden truths that God doesn’t want us to explore too deeply. He observed that the more we try to investigate these mysteries, the more our minds become shrouded in darkness and confusion. This is meant to help us recognize the unsearchable majesty of divine wisdom and the weakness of the human mind. Luther shared similar sentiments. He remarked that acquiring knowledge of a deity beyond what is revealed in Scripture—understanding what His existence, actions, and intentions are—was not his concern. His only responsibility was to know His commandments, promises, and warnings. The idea of investigating causes can lead to harmful consequences, especially when we reach too high and attempt to philosophize about predestination. In contrast, Calvin approached the subject with boldness and less restraint, well-known for his efforts to analyze the unrevealed aspects of Divinity. However, his views were not as widely accepted as some might suggest; during the time when the Articles of the Church of England were formed, his ideas faced resistance even in his own territory of Geneva. At that time, he was publicly accused by Sebastian Castellio of making God the author of sin. Although Calvin silenced, imprisoned, and later exiled his accuser, he could not banish the opposing views. While the Roman Church maintained a predestination to life for one individual over another based on personal merit, the Lutherans taught a collective predestination of Christians whom God chose in Christ from humanity. This is the primary distinction between the two conflicting opinions. Today, Calvin's system still has many passionate supporters, making the term Predestination seem to resonate exclusively with his particular understanding. However, it is important to note that this term was commonly used for centuries before the Reformation, in a sense very different from what Calvin assigned to it—not as a precursor to divine foreknowledge but as a result of it, similar to the perspective held by the Arminians. Yet, despite how obvious this may seem, respected writers oddly convince themselves that prior to the Reformation, the doctrines of the Roman Church were completely Calvinist. This assertion can only be agreed upon by those unfamiliar with the prominent works of that era. In reality, Calvin took great pride in diverging from the traditional definitions of the term held by the schoolmen. While they believed that the term predestinati applied exclusively to the elect—those whom God, foreseeing as deserving of mercy, predestines to life—and the term præsciti applied to the non-elect, who are merely foreseen to persist in wrongdoing, Calvin dismissed this distinction as a frivolous excuse. He argued that God, in decreeing the ultimate fate of both the elect and non-elect without consideration of their individual actions, predestinates both in advance of any foreknowledge of their dispositions, particularly condemning the latter to destruction through their sins and creating them by unavoidable fate to perish. Whatever modern interpretations may suggest about the scholastics, it is clear that they rejected any speculation that would indirectly attribute sin to God, believing instead that only good is predestined—grace to those who deserve it congruously and glory to those who deserve it condignly. They believed that God, before the world's foundation, observing the possibilities of all things before determining their existence, foresaw that if humanity were created—though He desired everyone's salvation and was inclined to assist everyone—some would merit eternal happiness while others would merit eternal misery. Thus, He accepted and elected the former while rejecting the latter. By grounding election on foreknowledge, they saw it not as an arbitrary principle selecting one person over another by chance or irrational whim but as a wise and just principle that assumes a difference between those who are accepted and those who are rejected. Therefore, to systematize this principle of election and show how it aligns with both God's justice and benevolence, the divine will was viewed in two ways: absolute and conditional, or, using the school's terminology, antecedent and consequent. In the first case, through His absolute or antecedent will, God was said to desire the salvation of every person; in the latter, through His conditional or consequent will, only of those He foresaw would refrain from sin and obey His commandments: the former expressing His general inclination, the latter His specific determination based on individual circumstances and conditions. When asked why some lack grace, their answer was, “Because some are unwilling to accept it, not because God is unwilling to give it.” They asserted, “He offers His light to all. He is absent from none; instead, people distance themselves from the present God, like one who closes his eyes against the brightness of the midday sun.” Additionally, they maintained a distinction between an election, or rather an ordination, to grace (which they explicitly stated could fail) and an election to glory. They believed one could be written in the book of life at one point and erased from it at another, and that predestination to eternal happiness depended solely on the final perseverance in good works. Overall, they considered a person's worthiness as the meritorious foundation of predestination; merit of congruity serving as the basis for preordination to grace, while merit of condignity served as the basis for preordination to glory. Thus, not only were they careful in their choice of terms but also precise in their application of them; they denied that the foreknowledge of human virtue could be the primary cause of divine will since nothing that exists in time can cause that which has existed since eternity. However, they strongly maintained that it serves as a secondary cause, providing the rationale or principle in God's mind that governed His will in making ultimate decisions. Despite the established confession of faith avoiding references to predestination, it was nonetheless discussed in another important and authoritative work—the Loci Theologici by Melancthon, which was widely accepted as the standard of Lutheran theology. Both Luther and Melancthon, after the Diet of Augsburg, consistently focused on teaching what was clear and practical, avoiding philosophical speculation. But what, it may be asked, did the Lutherans oppose in their rivals' theory when they themselves had abandoned the tenet of necessity? Not to the sober and moderate parts that justified the justice and displayed the benevolence of the Almighty; instead, they opposed the principles upon which it was based—the presumption of crossing the boundaries set by Heaven for our limited understanding, which leads to darkness and error; and its impiety in overlooking, if not disregarding, critical truths of Christianity. They did not hesitate to reject a system of this nature, preferring to follow the guidance of Scripture alone, not presuming to understand more than what God has chosen to reveal. Rejecting a specific election of personal favorites, whether by an absolute will or a conditional one based on merit, they believed in a general election of all who become heirs of Heaven through infant baptism or mature faith and obedience. They considered this the only election mentioned in the Gospel and therefore the only one about which we can confidently speak without presumption. If one notes that the selection of a whole group implies the selection of its individual members, the response is clear: individual selection, while implied, is not a preceding requirement but rather a subsequent result of divine ordination. What they regarded as absolute on God's part was His eternal intention to save His elect in Christ—real Christians considered as a whole—and distinguished from the rest of humanity. The fulfillment of this intention was guided by specific circumstances acting as lesser causes for a particular separation. They believed that, convinced of His goodwill towards all humanity regardless of distinction, God was indiscriminately eager to promote everyone's salvation and genuinely (not fictitiously, as Calvin taught) included everyone in the universal promise of Christianity. They attributed to Him no partial selection, no limitation of benefits, no indiscriminate exclusion of individuals; instead, assuming the Christian identity as the sole basis for individual preference, they held that every baptized infant, by becoming part of Christ—not as a result of an arbitrary decree made beforehand—is genuinely the elect of God and, if they die in infancy, they are assured of eternal happiness. They also believed that someone who, in later years, becomes corrupted by willful sin loses that state of salvation they previously had; however, through true repentance and returning to the Father of mercy and God of all comfort, they can regain it. Ultimately, by continuing in it, they will receive the kingdom prepared for every sincere Christian before the world's foundation. Can any person not blinded by bias compare these beliefs with Calvin's? It may seem almost unnecessary to add that the Lutherans recognized grace's potential to fail, with its unending nature being a view held solely by those who believe that the Redeemer died for a chosen few. In summary, it appears that the Lutherans, not attempting philosophical speculation, but relying only on Scripture's guidance, differed from the Roman Church in several significant ways. While they agreed with her on some points, appreciating, with equal fervor and based on a better principle, both the universality and potential failure of grace, as well as a conditional admission to the elect, they remained entirely at odds with her on the foundational aspects of the system. Thus, while their opponents taught that predestination consists of divine favor’s prospective discrimination of individuals, based on the foreseen merit of each person's deeds—works deserving of grace here and deserving of eternal life hereafter—it primarily relies on human worth. The Lutherans, rejecting the idea of such discrimination, grounded their belief in the same framework as that of justification—that is, on Christ’s effective redemption. They did not hold that individuals are chosen based on personal merit or worth; instead, they believed in the election of a collective as Christians based solely on Christ. They added that whether one is included or excluded from that group in God's eyes depends on how much they embrace or reject the salvation offered to all, doing so with genuine faith inseparable from true virtue or denying it through unbelief and sin. In neither justification nor election did they exclude repentance and true conversion of heart and life as necessary conditions, but merely as meritorious causes in God’s all-knowing understanding. Luther stated, “Let those who wish to be elected avoid an evil conscience and not break the divine commandments.” Guided by the undeniable truth of Scripture, they accepted no predestination other than that clearly revealed: that of the good and gracious Father of mankind, who from eternity has been disposed to promote everyone's happiness and welfare, destined Christ to be the Savior for the entire world, and not withholding the exalted hope of the Christian calling from anyone. Convinced that this is the only predestination disclosed by Christianity and thus the only one we may embrace safely or with certainty, they discouraged any attempts to investigate God's will outside of His Word, rejecting efforts to accomplish impossibilities or unveil the secret intentions of Him who cloaks His divine qualities in shadows beyond human understanding. The scholarly world had already been vexed enough by prior scholars who had a knack for complicating what was once straightforward and making the complex even more enigmatic, rendering the topic utterly unclear, while futilely trying to precisely articulate that mysterious will—something wise individuals consider foolishness and the righteous regard as impiety to speculate on. Luther personally rejected such presumptuous inquiries, having experienced their harmful effects. “Are we, miserable men,” he cried, “who still cannot grasp the light of God’s promises, the glimpses of His commandments, or His works—though confirmed by words and miracles—are we, frail and unclean, eager to understand all that is grand and glorious in the sunlight itself, in the incomprehensible light of a miraculous God? Do we not realize that God dwells in inaccessible brilliance? And yet we approach, or rather presume to approach it? Are we unaware that His judgments are beyond understanding? And still, we seek to examine them? And all this takes place before we even become accustomed to the faint glow of His promises and commandments, with our sight still faulty, blindly rushing into the honor of that light which, hidden and unseen, has never been revealed by words or miracles. What reason is there to be surprised if, while attempting to explore its majesty, we become overwhelmed by its glory?” For more on Lutheran views concerning predestination, refer to the last pages of the article Calvinism.
After this very ample exposition of the sentiments of the German reformers on the chief points of Christian doctrine, it is only necessary to give a few additional particulars in corroboration of some portions of the preceding statement. The high estimation in which Luther held the productions of the judicious Melancthon is apparent from a passage in the preface to the first volume of Luther’s works, dated 1545. In that year also appeared the last amended edition of Melancthon’s Common Places,” to which he alludes. Long and earnestly,” he says, have I resisted the importunity of those who have wished me to publish my works, or, to speak more correctly, my confused and disorderly lucubrations; not only because I was unwilling that the labours of the ancients should be turned aside by my novelties, and that the reader should be hindered from perusing them, but likewise because now, by the grace of God, a great number of methodical books are extant; among which the Common Places of our Philip claim the preference, for by them a divine and a bishop may be abundantly and satisfactorily confirmed, so as to become powerful in the word of the doctrine of piety, especially when the Holy Bible itself can now be procured in almost every language. But the want of order in the matters to be discussed in my books induced, nay compelled, me to render them a sort of rude and indigested chaos, which it would now require even on my part no small exertion to digest into a methodical form. Under the influence of such motives as these, I was desirous that all my productions should be buried in perpetual oblivion, that they might give place to others of a better description.” In this preface Luther also gives the following testimony to the general usefulness of Melancthon’s labours: In the same year Philip Melancthon had been called to this university by Prince Frederick to fill the chair of Greek professor, but no doubt with the intention that I should have him as my colleague in the labours of the divinity professorship. For his works are sufficiently in proof of what the Lord hath effected by this his choice instrument, not only in polite literature, but in theology, although Satan be enraged and all his party.” Though the early opinions of Luther upon the doctrine of a philosophical necessity appear to have been occasionally expressed in a harsh 605and repulsive manner, yet his followers pertinaciously contend that even the harshest of them cannot, with propriety, be construed into a sense favourable to the Calvinistical system. Those of Melancthon in the first edition of his Loci Theologici, although occurring but in one or two instances, were nevertheless still more offensive, and less capable of a mitigated interpretation. So far indeed did he carry the doctrine of divine predetermination as to degrade man to a level with the brutes, as will be obvious from the following passage in the edition of 1525. Lastly, divine predestination takes away human liberty. For all things come to pass according to divine predestination, not only external works, but also internal thoughts in all creatures.” After the Diet of Augsburgh in 1530, we hear no more of this obnoxious tenet. Indeed so early as 1527 these reformers seem to have abandoned it. At least, when in that year a form of doctrine was drawn up for the churches of Saxony, free will in acts of morality was thus inculcated: The human will is so far free as to be able in some sort to perform the righteousness of the flesh, or civil justice, when it is obliged by the law and by force not to steal, not to kill, not to commit adultery, &c. Therefore let ministers teach, that it is in a measure in our own hands to restrain carnal affections, and to perform civil justice; and let them diligently exhort men to a strict and proper course of life, because God also requires this kind of righteousness, and will grievously punish those men who live so negligent of their duty. For as we are bound to make a good use of the other gifts of God, so is it likewise our duty to employ to good purpose those powers which God has bestowed on nature.” For God takes no delight in that ferocious mode of life which is adopted by some men, who, after having heard that we are not justified by our own powers and works, foolishly dream that they will wait until they be drawn by God, and in the mean time their course of life is most impure. Such persons God will most severely punish; and they must therefore be earnestly reprehended and admonished by those whose province it is to teach in the churches.” This work, which is generally termed, Libellus Visitationis Saxonic, was first composed in German by Melancthon in 1527, and afterward republished by Luther with a preface, in which he thus expresses himself: We do not publish these as rigorous precepts, nor do we again employ ourselves in drawing up pontifical decrees, but we relate matters of history and public deeds, and present the confession and symbol of our belief.” The previous controversy between Luther and Erasmus, on the topic of free will, had probably tended to produce an amelioration of the doctrinal system of the Lutheran church. In this view it was not without reason that Erasmus made the following reflections in a letter dated 1528, soon after he had seen this production: The Lutheran fever, every succeeding day, assumes a milder form; so that Luther himself now writes recantations on almost every thing, and on this account he is considered by the rest as a heretic and a madman.” Similar caustic remarks occur in other letters of Erasmus; and as, in those days of high religious excitement, taunts of this kind were considered too good to be confined as secrets within the breast of the correspondents to whom they were addressed, it is not improbable that Luther might be prevented through them, among other reasons, from making farther doctrinal concessions; it being no uncommon circumstance in the history of the human mind for persons of otherwise strong understandings to be under the influence of this pitiable weakness. That Melancthon not only abandoned but reprehended the doctrine in 1529, we cannot doubt, because his own express testimony in proof of it remains on record. In a letter to Christopher Stathmio, dated March 20th, 1559, which was not long before his death, he notices the subject in these words: Thirty years ago, not through the desire of contention, but on account of the glory of God, and for the sake of discipline, I sharply reprehended the Stoical paradoxes concerning necessity, because they are reproachful toward God and injurious to morals. At this time the legions of the Stoics are waging war against me; but in the answer which I have written in opposition to the Bavarian inquisition, I have once more pointed out in a modest manner that opinion (on fate or predestination) in which anxious minds may acquiesce and be at rest.” On consulting the tract to which his letter alludes, we find him employing this strong and unequivocal language: I also openly reject and abhor those Stoical and Manichean furies who affirm that all things necessarily happen, evil as well as good actions. But concerning these I refrain at present from any lengthened discussion; only I entreat young people to avoid these monstrous opinions, which are contumelious against God, and pernicious to morals.” From the Loci Theologici, in which Melancthon had first introduced this obnoxious tenet, he expunged necessity in the edition of 1533, and inserted in its place the opposite one of contingency. The following are extracts from this amended work: The discussion on the cause of sin and that on contingency have sometimes greatly agitated the church, and excited mighty tragedies. Men of acute minds collect multitudes of inextricable and absurd things about both these subjects. Because there is some danger in them, young people must be warned to abstain from these interminable disputes, and in preference to search out a simple and pious opinion, beneficial to religion and morals, in which they may abide, nor suffer themselves to be withdrawn from it by those fallacious tricks of disputations. But this is a pious and true sentiment to be embraced with both hands, and to be retained rather by the whole heart,--that God is not the cause of sin, and that he does not will sin. But the causes of sin are the will of the devil, and the will of man.” But this sentiment being once laid down, that God is not the cause of sin, it evidently follows that contingency 606must be granted. The freedom of the will is the cause of the contingency of our actions.” Neither must the delirious doatings about Stoical fate, or about necessity, be conveyed into the church, because they are inextricable and sometimes injurious to piety and morals.” From these opinions it becomes the pious to be abhorrent in their ears and in their hearts.” These extracts serve to prove, that Melancthon reprobated the idea of introducing into the church the doctrine of Stoical fate, before Calvin had distinguished himself either as an author or a reformer. Into his subsequent productions of almost every description Melancthon introduced the doctrine of contingency, and strenuously defended it, particularly in the amended edition of his Loci Theologici in 1545. Luther never formally revoked any of his own writings; but on this last corrected production of his friend, as we have shown, he bestowed the highest commendations. Yet he did not scruple publicly to assert, that at the beginning of the Reformation he had not completely settled his creed. In the seventh volume of his works this sentence is found: I have also published the confession of my faith; in which I have openly testified what and how I believe, and in what articles I think myself at length to be at rest.” He seems, indeed, to have generally avoided the subject, from the period of his controversy with Erasmus, to the publication of his Commentary on Genesis,--his last work of any importance. But in this, after a long argument to prove that, as we have no knowledge of the unrevealed Deity, we have nothing to do with those things which are above our comprehension; and that we are not to reason upon predestination out of Christianity; he thus apologizes for his former opinions: “It has been my wish diligently and accurately to deliver these charges and admonitions; because, after my death, many persons will publish my books to the world, and by that course will confirm errors of every kind and their own delirious ravings. But among other matters I have written, that all things are absolute and necessary; but at the same time I added, that we must behold God as he is revealed to us, as we sing in the Psalm, ‘Jesus Christ is the Lord of sabaoth, nor is there any other God.’ In several other passages I have used similar expressions. But these people will pass by all such passages, and will only seize upon those concerning a hidden Deity. You, therefore, who now hear me, recollect that I have taught this,--We must not inquire concerning the predestination of a hidden God, but we must abide and acquiesce in those things which are revealed by calling and by the ministry of the word.” But in other passages of my different works I have inculcated the same sentiments, and I now deliver them again with an audible voice; therefore I am excused.” For the more modern state of the Lutheran church see Neology.
After this extensive explanation of the feelings of the German reformers on the main points of Christian doctrine, it’s only necessary to add a few more details to support some parts of the earlier statement. Luther's high regard for the works of the thoughtful Melancthon is clear from a section in the preface to the first volume of Luther’s works, dated 1545. That year also saw the release of the final revised edition of Melancthon’s Common Places, which he refers to. “I have long and earnestly,” he says, “resisted the persistent requests of those who wanted me to publish my works, or, more accurately, my chaotic and disorganized notes; not only because I didn’t want the efforts of the ancients to be overshadowed by my novelties, which might keep the reader from studying them, but also because, by the grace of God, there are now many systematic books available; among which the Common Places of our Philip stand out, as they can confirm both a divine and a bishop in a powerful and fulfilling way, especially since the Holy Bible is now accessible in almost every language. However, the lack of organization in the topics I want to discuss in my works led me, indeed compelled me, to present them as a sort of rough and disordered chaos, which would now require considerable effort on my part to organize into a clearer form. Under the influence of these motivations, I wished for all my works to be buried in eternal oblivion, making way for others of higher quality.” In this preface, Luther also testifies to the general usefulness of Melancthon’s efforts: In the same year, Philip Melancthon was called to this university by Prince Frederick to take the position of Greek professor, likely intended for me to have him as my colleague in the divinity professorship. His works sufficiently prove what the Lord has accomplished through this chosen instrument, not just in polite literature but also in theology, despite Satan being furious and all his followers.” Although Luther’s early views on the doctrine of philosophical necessity were occasionally expressed in a harsh manner, his followers insist that even his harshest statements cannot properly be interpreted as supporting the Calvinist system. Those of Melancthon in the first edition of his Loci Theologici, though appearing in only a few instances, were even more offensive, capable of even less lenient interpretation. Indeed, he took the doctrine of divine predetermination so far as to equate man with beasts, as evident from the following passage in the 1525 edition: “Finally, divine predestination removes human freedom. For everything occurs according to divine predestination, not only external deeds, but also internal thoughts in all beings.” After the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, we hear no more about this controversial belief. In fact, as early as 1527, these reformers seem to have abandoned it. At least, when a doctrine was developed in that year for the churches of Saxony, the concept of free will in moral actions was emphasized: “The human will is so free that it can in some ways accomplish the righteousness of the flesh, or civil justice, when it is compelled by law and force not to steal, not to kill, not to commit adultery, etc. Therefore, ministers should teach that to some degree it is within our control to restrain carnal desires and to pursue justice, and they should actively encourage people to live strictly and properly since God also demands this sort of righteousness and will severely punish those who neglect their duties. Just as we should make good use of the other gifts of God, it is also our responsibility to wisely use the powers God has granted nature.” For God does not delight in the savage lifestyle chosen by some men, who, after hearing that we are not justified by our own powers and actions, foolishly think they will wait until they are drawn by God, while their actions are utterly immoral in the meantime. Such individuals God will punish harshly; thus, they must be seriously reprimanded and advised by those tasked to teach in the churches.” This work, commonly referred to as Libellus Visitationis Saxonic, was initially written in German by Melancthon in 1527 and later republished by Luther with a preface in which he states: “We do not present these as strict regulations, nor do we set out to create papal decrees; we simply recount history and public actions, and present the confession and symbols of our faith.” The previous debate between Luther and Erasmus on the subject of free will likely contributed to the improvement of the Lutheran church’s doctrinal framework. In this regard, it wasn’t unreasonable for Erasmus to make the following observations in a letter dated 1528, shortly after he reviewed this work: “The Lutheran fever, with each passing day, takes on a milder character; so much so that Luther himself now writes recantations on nearly everything, which is why he is viewed by others as a heretic and a madman.” Similar sharp remarks appear in other letters from Erasmus; and since these comments, during a period of intense religious turmoil, were considered too valuable to remain private between the correspondents, it’s likely that Luther was deterred for various reasons from making further doctrinal concessions; it is not an uncommon occurrence in human history for people who usually have strong minds to be influenced by such regrettable weaknesses. That Melancthon not only abandoned but also criticized the doctrine in 1529 is undeniable, as his own explicit testimony confirms this. In a letter to Christopher Stathmio, dated March 20, 1559, shortly before his death, he refers to the subject in these terms: “Thirty years ago, not out of a desire for conflict, but for the glory of God and for the sake of discipline, I sharply criticized the Stoic paradoxes regarding necessity, as they are insulting to God and harmful to morals. Currently, the followers of the Stoics are battling against me; but in the response I wrote against the Bavarian inquisition, I once again pointed out, in a modest manner, that opinion (on fate or predestination) wherein anxious minds may find peace.” Upon reviewing the tract his letter mentions, we find him using this strong and straightforward language: “I openly reject and loathe those Stoical and Manichean rants who claim that everything necessarily happens, both evil and good actions. However, I will hold off on a lengthier discussion about this for now; I only urge the youth to steer clear of these monstrous beliefs, which are contemptuous toward God and damaging to morals.” From the Loci Theologici, where Melancthon first introduced this contentious idea, he removed necessity in the 1533 edition and replaced it with the opposite concept of contingency. The following are extracts from this revised work: “The discussions regarding the cause of sin and contingency have often greatly stirred the church and led to intense conflict. Sharp-minded individuals gather countless convoluted and absurd ideas about both subjects. Because these discussions can be perilous, young people should be warned to avoid these endless debates and instead seek a simple and pious belief that benefits religion and morals, in which they can remain steadfast, not allowing themselves to be swayed by the deceptive tactics of arguments. But this is a pious and true belief to be embraced whole-heartedly, and held tight—that God is not the cause of sin and that He does not will sin. Instead, the causes of sin are the will of the devil and the will of man.” However, once we assert that God is not the cause of sin, it clearly follows that we must accept contingency. “The freedom of the will is the cause of the contingency of our actions.” Nor should the wild speculations about Stoic fate or necessity be brought into the church because they are convoluted and can sometimes be harmful to piety and morals. “Such opinions should be held in disdain in both our ears and our hearts.” These quotations demonstrate that Melancthon rejected the idea of introducing the doctrine of Stoic fate into the church, well before Calvin distinguished himself as either an author or a reformer. In nearly all his subsequent writings, Melancthon introduced the doctrine of contingency and vigorously defended it, especially in the revised edition of his Loci Theologici in 1545. Luther never formally retracted any of his writings; yet he gave significant praise to his friend’s last corrected work, as we have shown. Nevertheless, he did not hesitate to claim publicly that at the start of the Reformation, he had not fully settled his beliefs. In the seventh volume of his works, this statement can be found: “I have also published the confession of my faith; in which I have openly professed what and how I believe, and in what articles I finally feel at peace.” It seems he generally avoided the topic from the time of his dispute with Erasmus until the publication of his Commentary on Genesis—his last significant work. However, in this, after a length argument aimed at demonstrating that since we lack knowledge of the unrevealed Deity, we should not concern ourselves with things beyond our understanding; and that we should not reason about predestination outside of Christianity; he apologizes for his past beliefs: “I intended to carefully and accurately express these accusations and admonitions; because, after my death, many will publish my books, which may confirm all sorts of errors and their own foolish ideas. But among other things, I have written that everything is absolute and necessary; yet at the same time, I added that we must see God as He is revealed to us, as we sing in the Psalm, ‘Jesus Christ is the Lord of Sabaoth, and there is no other God.’ In several other passages, I have used similar expressions. But these people will overlook all such passages and only focus on those dealing with a concealed Deity. Therefore, you who hear me now, remember that I have taught this—we must not inquire into the predestination of a hidden God, but we must remain fixed in our understanding of those things revealed by our calling and the ministry of the word.” In other parts of my various works, I have conveyed the same beliefs, and I now repeat them again with a clear voice; thus, I am excused.” For the more modern state of the Lutheran church see New words.
The following account of the union between the Lutheran and Calvinistic churches, as given in the advertisement to Baron Von Wessenberg’s Correspondence with the Court of Rome,” may not be uninteresting to the reader: The Germans have just set the noble example of forming a union between these two branches of the Protestant faith. This union, which originated, we believe, in the grand duchy of Nassau, has taken place almost universally throughout Germany; and the separate appellations of Lutheran and Calvinistic churches have merged in the common appellation of the Evangelical church. The Lutheran and Reformed churches of Prussia met in synod together, on the invitation of their monarch, the first of October, 1817, and soon came to an agreement; and the union was celebrated on the day of the tri-centenary festival of the Reformation. A similar synod of the Lutherans and Calvinists in Hesse-Cassel was held at Hanau in May and June, 1818, and attended with the same result. The royal confirmation was given to the Bavarian union on the first of October following. Saxe-Weimar, and most of the other small states have followed this example. The Protestant Germans have now, therefore, only one Gospel, one temple, one divine Instructer, and one mode of communion; and, what is singular, and highly honourable to their liberality, this union was every where accomplished with the greatest ease, and without a dissentient voice having been raised against it.” How different was this result from that of the synods and councils of other times; and what a change in the state of public opinion does it indicate! And yet it is to be feared that the liberality from which this union has resulted, is rather indifference to the grand peculiarities of the Christian faith than mutual charity.
The following account of the union between the Lutheran and Calvinist churches, as mentioned in the advertisement for Baron Von Wessenberg’s "Correspondence with the Court of Rome," might be of interest to the reader: The Germans have recently set a great example by forming a union between these two branches of the Protestant faith. This union, which we believe began in the Grand Duchy of Nassau, has almost universally occurred throughout Germany; and the separate names of the Lutheran and Calvinist churches have combined under the common name of the Evangelical church. The Lutheran and Reformed churches of Prussia gathered in synod together, upon their monarch's invitation, on October 1, 1817, and quickly reached an agreement; the union was celebrated on the day of the three-hundredth anniversary of the Reformation. A similar synod of the Lutherans and Calvinists in Hesse-Cassel took place in Hanau in May and June 1818, leading to the same outcome. The royal confirmation of the Bavarian union was granted on the following October 1. Saxe-Weimar, along with most of the other small states, has followed suit. Protestant Germans now have one Gospel, one church, one divine Teacher, and one way of communion; and notably, this union was achieved everywhere with great ease, and no one raised any objections against it. How different this outcome is from the synods and councils of the past; what a significant change in public opinion it indicates! Yet, it is concerning that the liberality from which this union has emerged may reflect more of an indifference to the key principles of the Christian faith rather than genuine mutual charity.
LYCAONIA, a province of Asia Minor, accounted a part of Cappadocia, having Pisidia on the west, and Cilicia on the south. In it were the cities of Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, mentioned in the travels of St. Paul. The former was the capital, and the country itself at that time a Roman province. The speech of Lycaonia,” mentioned Acts xiv, 11, is supposed to have been a corrupt Greek, intermingled with many oriental words.
LYCAONIA, a province in Asia Minor, was part of Cappadocia, bordered by Pisidia to the west and Cilicia to the south. It included the cities of Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which are mentioned in the travels of St. Paul. Iconium was the capital, and the area was a Roman province at that time. The "speech of Lycaonia," referred to in Acts 14:11, is believed to have been a form of broken Greek mixed with many eastern words.
LYCIA, a country of Asia Minor, having Phrygia on the north, Pamphylia on the east, the Mediterranean on the south, and Caria on the west. The greatest part of the country, however, is a peninsula projecting into the Mediterranean. Lycia derived its name from Lycus, the son of Pandion, who settled here. It was conquered by Crœsus, king of Lydia, and passed with his kingdom into the hands of the Persians. It afterward, in common with the neighbouring countries of Asia Minor, formed part of the Macedonian empire, under Alexander; then of that of the Seleucidæ, his successors in those countries; and, at the time of the Apostles, was reduced to the state of a Roman province.
LYCIA, a region in Asia Minor, is bordered by Phrygia to the north, Pamphylia to the east, the Mediterranean Sea to the south, and Caria to the west. Most of the region is a peninsula that extends into the Mediterranean. Lycia got its name from Lycus, the son of Pandion, who settled there. It was conquered by Crœsus, the king of Lydia, and then transferred with his kingdom to the Persians. Later, like other neighboring regions in Asia Minor, it became part of the Macedonian empire under Alexander, and then the Seleucid empire, his successors in those areas. By the time of the Apostles, it had become a Roman province.
LYDDA, by the Greeks called Diospolis. It lay in the way from Jerusalem to Cæsarea, four or five leagues to the east of Joppa. Lydda belonged to the tribe of Ephraim. It seems to have been inhabited by the Benjamites, 607at the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity, Neh. xi, 35. St. Peter coming to Lydda, cured a sick man of the palsy named Eneas, Acts ix, 33, 34.
LYDDA, known by the Greeks as Diospolis. It was located on the route from Jerusalem to Cæsarea, about four or five leagues east of Joppa. Lydda was part of the tribe of Ephraim. It seems to have been settled by the Benjamites, 607when the Jews returned from Babylonian captivity, Neh. xi, 35. St. Peter came to Lydda and healed a man with palsy named Eneas, Acts ix, 33, 34.
LYDIA, a woman of Thyatira, a seller of purple, who dwelt in the city of Philippi, in Macedonia. She was converted to the faith by St. Paul, and both she and her family were baptized. She offered her house to the Apostle, and pressed him to abide there so earnestly, that he yielded to her entreaties. She was not a Jewess by birth, but a proselyte, Acts xvi, 14, 15, 40.
LYDIA, a woman from Thyatira, who sold purple goods, lived in the city of Philippi, in Macedonia. She converted to the faith through St. Paul, and both she and her family were baptized. She invited the Apostle to stay at her house and insisted so strongly that he agreed to her request. She was not a Jew by birth, but a convert, Acts xvi, 14, 15, 40.
2. Lydia, an ancient celebrated kingdom of Asia Minor, which, in the time of the Apostles, was reduced to a Roman province. Sardis was the capital.
2. Lydia, a historic and famous kingdom in Asia Minor, which, during the time of the Apostles, was turned into a Roman province. Sardis was its capital.
LYSTRA, a city of Lycaonia, the native place of Timothy. The Apostle Paul and Barnabas having preached here, and healed a cripple, were taken for gods. But so fickle are human praise and popular encomiums, that, in the space of a few hours, those who had been deemed gods were regarded as less than mortals, and were stoned by the very persons who so lately deified them. See Acts xiv.
LYSTRA, a city in Lycaonia, is the hometown of Timothy. The Apostle Paul and Barnabas preached here and healed a cripple, and people thought they were gods. But human praise and popular adoration are so inconsistent that within a few hours, those who were seen as gods were viewed as less than human and were stoned by the very people who had just worshipped them. See Acts xiv.
MAACAH, or BETH-MAACHA, a little province of Syria to the east and the north of the sources of the river Jordan, upon the road to Damascus. Abel or Abela was in this country, whence it was called Abelbeth-Maachah. We learn from Joshua xiii, 13, that the Israelites did not destroy the Maachathites, but permitted them to dwell in the land among them. The distribution of the half tribe of Manasseh, beyond Jordan, extended as far as this country, Deut. iii, 14; Joshua xii, 5.
MAACAH, or BETH-MAACHA, is a small area in Syria located to the east and north of the Jordan River's source, along the route to Damascus. Abel or Abela was situated in this region, which is why it was referred to as Abelbeth-Maachah. According to Joshua 13:13, the Israelites did not destroy the Maachathites but allowed them to live in the land among them. The territory allotted to the half tribe of Manasseh beyond the Jordan River extended to this area, as noted in Deuteronomy 3:14 and Joshua 12:5.
MACCABEES, two apocryphal books of Scripture, containing the history of Judas and his brothers, and their wars against the Syrian kings in defence of their religion and liberties, so called from Judas, the son of Mattathias, surnamed Maccabæus, as some authors say, from the word מכבי, formed of the initials of מי-כמכה באלים יהוה, Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the gods?” Exod. xv, 11, which was the motto of his standard; whence those who fought under his standard were called Maccabees, and the name was generally applied to all who suffered in the cause of true religion, under the Egyptian or Syrian kings. This name, formed by abbreviation according to the common practice of the Jews, distinguished Judas Maccabæus by way of eminence, as he succeeded his father, B. C. 166, in the command of those forces which he had with him at his death; and, being joined by his brothers, and all others that were zealous for the law, he erected his standard, on which he inscribed the above mentioned motto. Those, also, who suffered under Ptolemy Philopater of Alexandria, fifty years before this period, were afterward called Maccabees; and so were Eleazar, and the mother and her seven sons, though they suffered before Judas erected his standard with the motto from which the appellation originated. And therefore, as these books which contain the history of Judas and his brothers, and their wars against the Syrian kings, in defence of their religion and liberties, are called the first and second books of the Maccabees; so that book which gives us the history of those who, in the like cause, under Ptolemy Philopater, were exposed to his elephants at Alexandria, is called the third book of the Maccabees; and that which is written by Josephus, of the martyrdom of Eleazar, and the seven brothers and their mother, is called the fourth book of the Maccabees.
MACCABEES, two apocryphal books of Scripture, tell the story of Judas and his brothers and their battles against the Syrian kings to defend their faith and freedoms. They're named after Judas, the son of Mattathias, who was called Maccabæus, likely derived from the Hebrew word Maccabi, which represents the initials of Who is like You among the gods, Yahweh, "Who is like you, O Lord, among the gods?” Exod. xv, 11, the motto of his standard. Those who fought under his banner were known as Maccabees, a term also used for anyone who suffered for true faith under the Egyptian or Syrian kings. This name, shortened according to common Jewish practice, distinguished Judas Maccabæus as he took command of the forces his father led at his death in 166 B.C. Joined by his brothers and others passionate about the law, he raised his standard with the motto inscribed on it. Those who suffered under Ptolemy Philopater of Alexandria fifty years before this era were also called Maccabees, as were Eleazar and the mother with her seven sons, despite their suffering occurring before Judas raised his standard with the original motto. Therefore, the books that cover the history of Judas and his brothers and their battles against the Syrian kings for their faith and freedoms are referred to as the first and second books of the Maccabees. The book detailing the history of those who faced Ptolemy Philopater's elephants in Alexandria, fighting for a similar cause, is called the third book of the Maccabees, and the one written by Josephus about the martyrdom of Eleazar, the seven brothers, and their mother is called the fourth book of the Maccabees.
The first book of the Maccabees is an excellent history, and comes nearest to the style and manner of the sacred historians of any extant. It was written originally in the Chaldee language, of the Jerusalem dialect, and was extant in this language in the time of Jerom, who bad seen it. From the Chaldee it was translated into Greek, from the Greek into Latin. Theodotion is conjectured to have translated it into Greek; but this version was probably more ancient, as we may infer from its use by ancient authors, as Tertullian, Origen, and others. It is supposed to have been written by John Hyrcanus, the son of Simon, who was prince and high priest of the Jews near thirty years, and began his government at the time where this history ends. It contains the history of forty years, from the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes to the death of Simon, the high priest; that is, from the year of the world 3829 to the year 3869, B. C. 131. The second book of the Maccabees begins with two epistles sent from the Jews of Jerusalem to the Jews of Egypt and Alexandria, to exhort them to observe the feast of the dedication of the new altar erected by Judas, on his purifying the temple. The first was written in the 169th year of the era of the Seleucidæ, that is, B. C. 144; and the second, in the 188th year of the same era, or B. C. 125; and both appear to be spurious. After these epistles follows the preface of the author to his history, which is an abridgment of a larger work, composed by one Jason, a Jew of Cyrene, who wrote in Greek the history of Judas Maccabæus, and his brethren, and the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes, and Eupator his son. The two last chapters contain events under the reign of Demetrius Soter, the successor of Antiochus Eupator, and contain such varieties in their style, as render it doubtful whether they had the same author as the rest of the work. This second book does not by any means equal the accuracy and excellency of the first. It contains a history of about fifteen years, from the execution of Heliodorus’s commission, who was sent by Seleucus to fetch away the treasures of the temple, to the victory obtained by Judas Maccabæus over Nicanor; that is, from the year of the world 3828 to the year 3843, B. C. 157.
The first book of the Maccabees is a great historical account and comes closest in style and approach to the sacred historians of any that still exist. It was originally written in Chaldean, specifically the Jerusalem dialect, and was available in that language during the time of Jerome, who had seen it. From Chaldean, it was translated into Greek, and then from Greek into Latin. Theodotion is believed to have translated it into Greek, but this version was likely older, as we can infer from its use by early writers like Tertullian, Origen, and others. It’s thought to have been written by John Hyrcanus, the son of Simon, who served as prince and high priest of the Jews for nearly thirty years, starting his rule at the point where this history concludes. It spans forty years, covering the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes to the death of Simon, the high priest; specifically, from the year 3829 in the world to 3869, B.C. 131. The second book of the Maccabees starts with two letters sent from the Jews of Jerusalem to the Jews of Egypt and Alexandria, urging them to celebrate the feast of the dedication of the new altar that Judas set up when he purified the temple. The first letter was written in the 169th year of the Seleucid era, which is B.C. 144, and the second in the 188th year of the same era, or B.C. 125; both letters seem to be inauthentic. Following these letters is the author's introduction to his history, which is a summary of a larger work composed by a Jewish writer named Jason from Cyrene, who wrote in Greek about the history of Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, and the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes and his son Eupator. The last two chapters cover events during the reign of Demetrius Soter, the successor to Antiochus Eupator, and their differing styles raise doubts about whether they were written by the same author as the rest of the book. This second book doesn’t match the accuracy and quality of the first. It recounts a history of about fifteen years, from the execution of Heliodorus’s mission, who was sent by Seleucus to take the treasures of the temple, to the victory achieved by Judas Maccabeus over Nicanor; specifically, from the year 3828 in the world to 3843, B.C. 157.
There are in the Polyglott Bibles, both of Paris and London, Syriac versions of both these books; but they, as well as the English versions which we have among the apocryphal writers in our Bibles, are derived from the Greek. For a farther account of Judas Maccabæus, 608and of his brothers, whose history is recorded in the first and second books of the Maccabees, and also by Josephus, we refer to the article Jews. The third book of the Maccabees contains the history of the persecution of Ptolemy Philopater against the Jews in Egypt, and their sufferings under it; and seems to have been written by some Alexandrian Jew in the Greek language, not long after the time of Siracides. This book, with regard to its subject, ought to be called the first, as the things which are related in it occurred before the Maccabees, whose history is recorded in the first and second books; but as it is of less authority and repute than the other two, it is reckoned after them. It is extant in Syriac, though the translator did not seem to have well understood the Greek language. It is in most of the ancient manuscript copies of the Greek Septuagint, particularly in the Alexandrian and Vatican, but was never inserted into the vulgar Latin version of the Bible, nor, consequently, into any of our English copies. The first authentic mention we have of this book is in Eusebius’s Chronicon.” It is also named with two other books of the Maccabees in the eighty-fifth of the apostolic canons. But it is uncertain when that canon was added. Grotius thinks that this book was written after the two first books, and shortly after the book of Ecclesiasticus, from which circumstance it was called the third book of Maccabees. Moreover, Josephus’s history of the martyrs that suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes, is found in some manuscript Greek Bibles, under the name of the fourth book of the Maccabees. This book, ascribed to Josephus, occurs under the title, Concerning the Empire or Government of Reason;” but learned men have expressed a doubt whether this was the book known to the ancients as the fourth book of the Maccabees.
In the Polyglot Bibles from both Paris and London, there are Syriac versions of these two books; however, they, along with the English versions found among the apocryphal writings in our Bibles, are based on the Greek. For more information about Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, whose story is covered in the first and second books of the Maccabees, as well as by Josephus, we refer you to the article Jewish people. The third book of the Maccabees tells the story of the persecution of Ptolemy Philopater against the Jews in Egypt and their suffering during that time; it seems to have been written by an Alexandrian Jew in Greek shortly after the time of Siracides. This book should be considered the first regarding its subject, as the events described occurred before those of the Maccabees, whose history is found in the first and second books; however, because it holds less authority and recognition than the other two, it is listed after them. It exists in Syriac, though the translator didn’t seem to fully grasp the Greek language. It appears in most of the ancient manuscript copies of the Greek Septuagint, particularly in the Alexandrian and Vatican versions, but was never included in the Latin Vulgate Bible or, consequently, in any of our English translations. The first verified mention of this book is found in Eusebius’s Chronicon. It is also referenced along with two other books of the Maccabees in the eighty-fifth of the apostolic canons, though it’s uncertain when that canon was added. Grotius believes this book was written after the first two books and shortly after the book of Ecclesiasticus, which is why it was called the third book of Maccabees. Additionally, Josephus’s account of the martyrs who suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes appears in some manuscript Greek Bibles under the title of the fourth book of the Maccabees. This book, attributed to Josephus, is titled “Concerning the Empire or Government of Reason,” but scholars have expressed doubt about whether this is the same book known to ancient people as the fourth book of the Maccabees.
MACEDONIA, a kingdom of Greece, having Thrace to the north, Thessaly south, Epirus west, and the Ægean Sea east. Alexander the Great, son of Philip, king of Macedonia, having conquered Asia, and subverted the Persian empire, the name of the Macedonians became very famous throughout the east; and it is often given to the Greeks, the successors of Alexander in the monarchy. In like manner, the name of Greeks is often put for Macedonians, 2 Maccabees iv, 36. When the Roman empire was divided, Macedonia fell to the share of the emperor of the east. After it had long continued subject to the Romans, it fell under the power of the Ottoman Turks, who are the present masters of it.
MACEDONIA, a kingdom in Greece, is bordered by Thrace to the north, Thessaly to the south, Epirus to the west, and the Aegean Sea to the east. Alexander the Great, son of Philip, the king of Macedonia, conquered Asia and overthrew the Persian Empire, making the name of the Macedonians very famous throughout the east. It is often used to refer to the Greeks, the successors of Alexander in ruling. Similarly, the term Greeks is often used to refer to Macedonians, as noted in 2 Maccabees 4:36. When the Roman Empire was divided, Macedonia became part of the eastern emperor's realm. After being under Roman control for a long time, it eventually came under the power of the Ottoman Turks, who are its current rulers.
St. Paul was invited by an angel of the Lord, who appeared to him at Troas, to come and preach the Gospel in Macedonia, Acts xvi, 9. After this vision, the Apostle no longer doubted his divine call to preach the Gospel in Macedonia; and the success that attended his ministry confirmed him in his persuasion. Here he laid the foundation of the churches of Thessalonica and Philippi.
St. Paul was invited by an angel of the Lord, who appeared to him at Troas, to come and preach the Gospel in Macedonia, Acts xvi, 9. After this vision, the Apostle no longer doubted his divine call to preach the Gospel in Macedonia; and the success that followed his ministry reinforced his conviction. Here he established the foundations of the churches of Thessalonica and Philippi.
MAGDALA, a city on the west side of the sea of Galilee, near Dalmanutha; Jesus, after the miracle of the seven loaves, being said by St. Matthew to have gone by ship to the coasts of Magdala, Matt. xv, 39; and by St. Mark, to the parts of Dalmanutha,” Mark viii, 10. Mr. Buckingham came to a small village in this situation called Migdal, close to the edge of the lake, beneath a range of high cliffs, in which small grottoes are seen, with the remains of an old square tower, and some larger buildings, of rude construction, apparently of great antiquity. Migdol implies a tower, or fortress; and this place, from having this name particularly applied to it, was doubtless, like the Egyptian Migdol, one of considerable importance; and may be considered as the site of the Migdal of the Naphtalites, as well as the Magdala of the New Testament.
MAGDALA, a city on the west side of the Sea of Galilee, near Dalmanutha; after the miracle of the seven loaves, Jesus is said by St. Matthew to have traveled by ship to the shores of Magdala, Matt. xv, 39; and by St. Mark, to the areas of Dalmanutha, Mark viii, 10. Mr. Buckingham visited a small village in this location called Migdal, right by the edge of the lake, beneath a range of high cliffs, where you can see small grottoes, the remains of an old square tower, and some larger buildings that are roughly built and seemingly very ancient. Migdol means a tower or fortress; and this place, having this name specifically applied to it, was undoubtedly significant, similar to the Egyptian Migdol, and can be regarded as the site of the Migdal of the Naphtalites, as well as the Magdala mentioned in the New Testament.
The ancient magi, according to Aristotle and Laertius, were the sole authors and conservators of the Persian philosophy; and the philosophy principally cultivated among them was theology and politics; they being always esteemed as the interpreters of all law, both divine and human; on which account they were wonderfully revered by the people. Hence Cicero observes that none were admitted to the crown of Persia, but such as were well instructed in the discipline of the magi; who taught τὰ βασιλικὰ, and showed princes how to govern. Plato, Apuleius, Laertius, and others, agree that the philosophy of the magi related principally to the worship of the gods: they were the persons who were to offer prayers, supplications, and sacrifices, as if the gods would be heard by them alone. But, according to Lucian, Suidas, &c, this theology, or worship of the gods, as it is called, about which the magi were employed, was little more than the diabolical art of divination; so that μαγεί.ἁ, strictly taken, was the art of divination. These people were held in such veneration among the Persians, that Darius, the son of Hystaspes, among other things, had it engraven on his monument, that he was the master of the magi. Philo Judæus describes the magi to be diligent inquirers into nature, out of the love they bear to truth; and who, setting themselves apart from other things, contemplate the divine virtues the more clearly, and initiate others in the same mysteries. The magi, or magians, formed one of the two grand sects into which the idolatry of the world was divided between 500 and 600 years before Christ. These abominated all those images which were worshipped by the other sect, denominated Sabians, and paid their worship to the Deity under the emblem of fire. Their chief doctrine was, that there were two principles, one of which was the cause of all good, and the other the 609cause of all evil. The former was represented by light, and the latter by darkness, as their truest symbols; and of the composition of these two they supposed that all things in the world were made. The sect of the magians was revived and reformed by Zoroaster. This celebrated philosopher, called by the Persians Zerdusht, or Zaratush, began about the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Darius to restore and reform the magian system of religion. He was not only excellently skilled in all the learning of the east that prevailed in his time, but likewise thoroughly versed in the Jewish religion, and in all the sacred writings of the Old Testament that were then extant: whence some have inferred that he was a native Jew both by birth and profession; and that he had been servant to one of the prophets, probably Ezekiel or Daniel. He made his first appearance in Media, in the city of Xix, now called Aderbijan, as some say; or, according to others in Ecbatana, now called Tauris. Instead of admitting the existence of two first causes, with the magians, he asserted the existence of one supreme God, who created both these, and out of these two produced, according to his sovereign pleasure, every thing else. According to his doctrine, there was one supreme Being independently and self-existing from all eternity. Under him there are two angels: one the angel of light, the author and director of all good; and the other the angel of darkness, who is the author and director of all evil. These two, probably speaking figuratively, out of the mixture of light and darkness, made all things that are; and they are in a state of perpetual conflict; so that where the angel of light prevails, there the most is good; and where the angel of darkness prevails, there the most is evil. This struggle shall continue to the end of the world; and then there shall be a general resurrection, and a day of judgment: after which, the angel of darkness and his disciples shall go into a world of their own, where they shall suffer in everlasting darkness the punishment of their evil deeds; and the angel of light and his disciples shall go into a world of their own, where they shall receive in everlasting light the reward due unto their good deeds: and henceforward they shall for ever remain separate.
The ancient magi, according to Aristotle and Laertius, were the only authors and keepers of Persian philosophy. The main focus of their philosophy was theology and politics, as they were always regarded as the interpreters of all laws, both divine and human, which is why they were greatly respected by the people. Cicero noted that only those who were well-educated in the discipline of the magi were allowed to ascend to the Persian throne; they taught the principles of kingship and showed rulers how to govern. Plato, Apuleius, Laertius, and others agree that the magi’s philosophy was mainly about worshiping the gods; they were the ones who offered prayers, supplications, and sacrifices, as if they were the only ones heard by the divine. However, according to Lucian, Suidas, and others, this theology, or worship of the gods as it’s called, in which the magi were involved, was mostly just the deceptive art of divination; thus, μαγεί.ἁ, strictly interpreted, was the art of divination. These people were so revered among the Persians that Darius, the son of Hystaspes, had it inscribed on his monument that he was the master of the magi. Philo Judæus describes the magi as diligent seekers of knowledge out of love for the truth, who set themselves apart from other things to contemplate divine virtues more clearly and initiate others into the same mysteries. The magi, or magians, formed one of the two major sects into which the idolatry of the world was split around 500 to 600 years before Christ. They rejected all the images worshipped by the other sect, known as the Sabians, and worshipped the Deity under the symbol of fire. Their main belief was that there were two principles: one responsible for all good and the other for all evil. The former was symbolized by light and the latter by darkness, which they saw as the truest representations; they believed everything in the world was created from the interplay of these two. The magian sect was revitalized and reformed by Zoroaster. This well-known philosopher, called Zerdusht or Zaratush by the Persians, began around the thirty-sixth year of Darius's reign to restore and reform the magian religious system. He was not only highly skilled in all the eastern knowledge of his time but also thoroughly acquainted with the Jewish religion and the sacred writings of the Old Testament that were available then; some have inferred that he might have been a Jew both by birth and profession, potentially serving one of the prophets, possibly Ezekiel or Daniel. He first appeared in Media, in the city of Xix, now known as Aderbijan, or according to others, in Ecbatana, now Tauris. Instead of accepting the existence of two primary causes, as the magians did, he argued for one supreme God who created both, and from these two produced everything else according to His sovereign will. His doctrine proposed that there is one supreme Being who is independently and self-existing from all eternity. Under Him, there are two angels: one the angel of light, the source and guide of all good, and the other the angel of darkness, who is the source and guide of all evil. These two, possibly speaking metaphorically, out of the mix of light and darkness, created everything that exists; they exist in a constant struggle, so where the angel of light prevails, good flourishes, and where the angel of darkness prevails, evil dominates. This conflict will persist until the end of the world, followed by a general resurrection and a day of judgment: after which, the angel of darkness and his followers will enter a world of their own, where they will suffer eternal punishment in darkness for their wrongdoing; while the angel of light and his followers will enter a world of their own, where they will receive everlasting rewards in light for their good deeds; and from that point forward, they will remain forever separate.
Of the controversy as to Zoroaster, Zeratusht, or Zertushta, and the sacred books said to have been written by him, called Zend or Zendavesta, which has divided the most eminent critics, it would answer no important end to give an abstract. Those who wish for information on the subject are referred to Hyde’s Religio Veterum Persarum;” Prideaux’s Connection;” Warburton’s Divine Legation;” Bryant’s Mythology;” The Universal History;” Sir W. Jones’s Works, vol. iii, p. 115; M. Du Perron, and Richardson’s Dissertation,” prefixed to his Persian and Arabic Dictionary. But whatever may become of the authority of the whole or part of the Zendavesta, and with whatever fables the history of the reformer of the magian religion may be mixed, the learned are generally agreed that such a reformation took place by his instrumentality. Zeratusht,” says Sir W. Jones, reformed the old religion by the addition of genii or angels, of new ceremonies in the veneration shown to fire, of a new work which he pretended to have received from heaven, and, above all, by establishing the actual adoration of the supreme Being;” and he farther adds, The reformed religion of Persia continued in force till that country was conquered by the Musselmans; and, without studying the Zend, we have ample information concerning it in the modern Persian writings of several who profess it. Bahman always named Zeratusht with reverence; he was, in truth, a pure Theist, and strongly disclaimed any adoration of the fire or other elements; and he denied that the doctrine of two coëval principles, supremely good and supremely bad, formed any part of his faith.” The Zeratusht of Persia, or the Zoroaster of the Greeks,” says Richardson, was highly celebrated by the most discerning people of ancient times; and his tenets, we are told, were most eagerly and rapidly embraced by the highest in rank, and the wisest men in the Persian empire.” He distinguished himself by denying that good and evil, represented by light and darkness, were coëval, independent principles; and asserted the supremacy of the true God, in exact conformity with the doctrine contained in a part of that celebrated prophecy of Isaiah in which Cyrus is mentioned by name: I am the Lord, and there is none else, there is no God beside me,” no coëval power. I form the light, and create darkness, I make peace,” or good, and create evil, I the Lord do all these things.” Fire, by Zerdushta, appears to have been used emblematically only; and the ceremonies for preserving and transmitting it, introduced by him, were manifestly taken from the Jews, and the sacred fire of their tabernacle and temple.
Of the debate surrounding Zoroaster, Zeratusht, or Zertushta, and the sacred texts attributed to him, known as the Zend or Zendavesta, which have divided many prominent critics, it wouldn’t serve any significant purpose to summarize. Those looking for details on the topic can refer to Hyde’s Religion of Ancient Persians, Prideaux’s Connection, Warburton’s Divine Legation, Bryant’s Mythology, Universal History, Sir W. Jones’s Works, vol. iii, p. 115, M. Du Perron, and Richardson’s Dissertation prefixed to his Persian and Arabic Dictionary. Regardless of what happens to the authority of all or part of the Zendavesta, and whatever myths may surround the history of the reformer of the Magian religion, scholars generally agree that a reformation occurred through his influence. “Zeratusht,” as Sir W. Jones states, reformed the old religion by adding genii or angels, introducing new ceremonies for honoring fire, claiming to have received a new work from heaven, and, most importantly, by establishing the direct worship of the supreme Being; he further notes that the reformed faith of Persia lasted until the country was conquered by the Muslims, and without studying the Zend, we have plenty of information about it in the modern Persian writings of those who practice it. Bahman always spoke of Zeratusht with respect; he was genuinely a pure Theist and strongly rejected any worship of fire or other elements; he denied that the belief in two equal principles, one supremely good and one supremely bad, was part of his faith. The Zeratusht of Persia, or the Zoroaster of the Greeks, according to Richardson, was highly regarded by the most insightful people of ancient times; and we are told that his teachings were quickly and eagerly accepted by the highest ranks and the wisest individuals in the Persian Empire. He differentiated himself by denying that good and evil, represented by light and darkness, were equal, independent forces; he asserted the supremacy of the true God, which aligns with a portion of the well-known prophecy of Isaiah where Cyrus is mentioned by name: “I am the Lord, and there is none else, there is no God beside me,” no equal power. “I form the light, and create darkness; I make peace,” or good, and create evil; I, the Lord, do all these things.” Fire, according to Zerdushta, seems to have been used symbolically only; the rituals for preserving and transmitting it, introduced by him, were clearly adopted from the Jews, along with the sacred fire from their tabernacle and temple.
The old religion of the Persians was corrupted by Sabianism, or the worship of the host of heaven, with its accompanying superstition. The magian doctrine, whatever it might be at first, had degenerated; and two eternal principles, good and evil, had been introduced. It was therefore necessarily idolatrous also, and, like all other false systems, flattering to the vicious habits of the people. So great an improvement in the moral character and influence of the religion of a whole nation as was effected by Zoroaster, a change which is not certainly paralleled in the ancient history of the religion of mankind, can scarcely, therefore, be thought possible, except we suppose a divine interposition, either directly, or by the occurrence of some very impressive events. Now as there are so many authorities for fixing the time of Zoroaster or Zeratusht not many years subsequent to the death of the great Cyrus, the events connected with the conquest of Babylon may account for his success in that reformation of religion of which he was the author. For, had not the minds of men been prepared for this change by something extraordinary, it is not supposable that they would have adopted a purer faith from him. 610That he gave them a better doctrine, is clear from the admission of even Dean Prideaux, who has very unjustly branded him as an impostor. Let it then be remembered, that as the Most High ruleth in the kingdoms of men,” he often overrules great political events for moral purposes. The Jews were sent into captivity to Babylon to be reformed from their idolatrous propensities, and their reformation commenced with their calamity. A miracle was there wrought in favour of three Hebrew confessors of the existence of one only God, and that under circumstances to put shame upon a popular idol in the presence of the king and all the rulers of the provinces,” that the issue of this controversy between Jehovah and idolatry might be made known throughout that vast empire.--Worship was refused to the idol by a few Hebrew captives, and the idol had no power to punish the public affront:--the servants of Jehovah were cast into a furnace, and he delivered them unhurt; and a royal decree declared that there was no god who could deliver after this sort.” The proud monarch himself also is smitten with a singular disease;--he remains subject to it until he acknowledges the true God; and, upon his recovery, he publicly ascribes to him both the justice and the mercy of the punishment. This event takes place, also, in the accomplishment of a dream which none of the wise men of Babylon could interpret. It was interpreted by Daniel, who made the fulfilment to redound to the honour of the true God, by ascribing to him the perfection of knowing the future, which none of the false gods, appealed to by the Chaldean sages, possessed; as the inability of their servants to interpret the dream sufficiently proved. After these singular events, Cyrus takes Babylon, and he finds there the sage and the statesman, Daniel, the worshipper of the true God, who creates both good and evil,” who makes the light, and forms the darkness.” There is little doubt but that he and the principal Persians throughout the empire would have the prophecy of Isaiah respecting Cyrus, delivered more than a hundred years before he was born, and in which his name stood recorded, along with the predicted circumstances of the capture of Babylon, pointed out to them. Every reason, religious and political, urged the Jews to make the prediction a matter of notoriety; and from Cyrus’s decree in Ezra it is certain that he was acquainted with it; because there is in the decree an obvious reference to the prophecy. This prophecy, so strangely fulfilled, would give mighty force to the doctrine connected with it, and which it proclaims with so much majesty:--
The ancient religion of the Persians was tainted by Sabianism, or the worship of the heavenly bodies, along with its superstitions. The magian doctrine, whatever it originally was, had deteriorated; and two eternal principles, good and evil, were introduced. Thus, it inevitably became idolatrous and, like all other false systems, catered to the immoral tendencies of the people. Such a significant improvement in the moral character and impact of an entire nation's religion, as brought about by Zoroaster, is unmatched in the ancient history of humanity's religions. It’s hard to believe this change could happen without some divine intervention, whether directly or through remarkable events. Numerous sources place Zoroaster, or Zeratusht, shortly after the death of the great Cyrus, and the events tied to the conquest of Babylon may explain his success in the religious reform he initiated. If the people hadn’t been prompted for this change by something extraordinary, they probably wouldn’t have adopted a purer faith from him. The fact that he offered them a better doctrine is evident even from Dean Prideaux, who unfairly labeled him an impostor. Let’s remember that as the Most High governs in the realms of men, he often directs major political events for moral reasons. The Jews were taken into Babylonian captivity to be reformed from their idolatrous ways, and their reformation began with their suffering. A miracle occurred in favor of three Hebrew witnesses of the one true God, which shamed a popular idol before the king and all the provincial leaders, demonstrating the outcome of the conflict between Jehovah and idolatry throughout that vast empire. A few Hebrew captives refused to worship the idol, which had no power to punish their defiance; the servants of Jehovah were thrown into a furnace, and he saved them unscathed. A royal decree was issued stating that no god could save like this. The proud king was also afflicted with a peculiar illness, which he endured until he acknowledged the true God. Upon his recovery, he publicly acknowledged both the justice and mercy of his punishment. This happened in conjunction with a dream that none of Babylon’s wise men could interpret. Daniel interpreted it, attributing the fulfillment to the true God, emphasizing his ability to know the future, unlike the false gods that the Chaldean sages consulted, which was made evident by their servants' inability to interpret the dream. After these extraordinary events, Cyrus conquered Babylon and encountered Daniel, the true God-worshipper who creates both good and evil, who makes light and forms darkness. There is little doubt that he and the leading Persians across the empire were aware of Isaiah's prophecy regarding Cyrus, which was delivered over a hundred years before his birth and included his name along with the foretold details of Babylon's capture. Every religious and political motive urged the Jews to make this prediction well-known; Cyrus’s decree in Ezra confirms that he knew about it since the decree contains a clear reference to the prophecy. This remarkably fulfilled prophecy would lend significant weight to the doctrine associated with it, which it presents with great majesty:--
Here the great principle of corrupted magianism was directly attacked; and, in proportion as the fulfilment of the prophecy was felt to be singular and striking, the doctrine blended with it would attract notice. Its force was both felt and acknowledged, as we have seen, in the decree of Cyrus for the rebuilding of the temple. In that Cyrus acknowledged the true God to be supreme, and thus renounced his former faith; and the example, the public example, of a prince so beloved, and whose reign was so extended, could not fail to influence the religious opinions of his people. That the effect did not terminate in Cyrus, we know; for, from the book of Ezra, it appears that both Darius and Artaxerxes made decrees in favour of the Jews, in which Jehovah has the emphatic appellation repeatedly given to him, the God of heaven,” the very terms used by Cyrus himself. Nor are we to suppose the impression confined to the court; for the history of the three Hebrew youths, of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, sickness, and reformation from idolatry, of the interpretation of the hand writing on the wall by Daniel the servant of the living God, of his deliverance from the lions, and the publicity of the prophecy of Isaiah respecting Cyrus, were too recent, too public, and too striking in their nature, not to be often and largely talked of. Beside, in the prophecy respecting Cyrus, the intention of almighty God in recording the name of that monarch in an inspired book, and showing beforehand that he had chosen him to overturn the Babylonian empire, is expressly mentioned as having respect to two great objects, first, the deliverance of Israel, and, second, the making known his supreme divinity among the nations of the earth. We again quote Lowth’s translation:--
Here, the core principle of corrupted Magianism was directly challenged; and as the fulfillment of the prophecy became more evident and remarkable, the doctrine associated with it gained attention. Its impact was both recognized and acknowledged, as we have seen in Cyrus's decree to rebuild the temple. In that decree, Cyrus acknowledged the true God as supreme, thereby rejecting his previous faith. The public example of a widely loved prince, whose reign was so extensive, could not help but sway the religious views of his people. We know that the effect didn't stop with Cyrus; from the book of Ezra, it appears that both Darius and Artaxerxes issued decrees favoring the Jews, where Jehovah is repeatedly referred to as "the God of heaven," the very expression used by Cyrus himself. We shouldn't assume the influence was limited to the royal court; the stories of the three Hebrew youths, Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, his illness and shift away from idolatry, Daniel’s interpretation of the writing on the wall, his rescue from the lions, and the well-known prophecy of Isaiah regarding Cyrus were all too recent, too public, and too impactful to be overlooked. Moreover, in the prophecy about Cyrus, God’s intention in naming that king in an inspired text and foreshadowing his selection to dismantle the Babylonian empire is explicitly stated, with two main objectives: first, the liberation of Israel, and second, the revelation of His supreme divinity among the nations of the earth. We again quote Lowth’s translation:--
It was therefore intended by this proceeding on the part of Providence to teach, not only Cyrus, but the people of his vast empire, and surrounding nations, 1. That the God of the Jews was Jehovah, the self-subsistent, the eternal God; 2. That he was God alone, there being no deity beside himself; and, 3. That good and evil, represented by light and darkness, were neither independent nor eternal subsistences, but his great instruments, and under his control.
It was therefore meant by this action taken by Providence to teach not only Cyrus but also the people of his large empire and neighboring nations, 1. That the God of the Jews was Jehovah, the self-existent, eternal God; 2. That He was the only God, with no other deity besides Him; and, 3. That good and evil, symbolized by light and darkness, were not independent or eternal entities but rather His great tools and under His control.
The Persians, who had so vastly extended their empire by the conquest of the countries formerly held by the monarchs of Babylon, were thus prepared for such a reformation of their religion as Zoroaster effected. The principles he advocated had been previously adopted by Cyrus and other Persian monarchs, and probably by many of the principal persons of that nation. Zoroaster himself thus became acquainted with the great truths contained in this famous prophecy, which attacked the very foundations of every idolatrous and Manichean system. From the other sacred books of the Jews, who mixed with the Persians in every part of the empire, he evidently learned more. 611This is sufficiently proved from the many points of similarity between his religion and Judaism, though he should not be allowed to speak so much in the style of the Holy Scriptures as some passages in the Zendavesta would indicate. He found the people, however, prepared of the Lord” to admit his reformations, and he carried them. This cannot but be looked upon as one instance of several merciful dispensations of God to the Gentile world, through his own peculiar people, the Jews, by which the idolatries of the Heathen were often checked, and the light of truth rekindled among them. In this view the ancient Jews evidently considered the Jewish church as appointed not to preserve only but to extend true religion. God be merciful to us and bless us; that thy way may be known upon earth, thy saving health unto all nations.” This renders Pagan nations more evidently without excuse.” That this dispensation of mercy was afterward neglected among the Persians, is certain. How long the effect continued we know not, nor how widely it spread; perhaps longer and wider than may now distinctly appear. If the magi, who came from the east to seek Christ, were Persians, some true worshippers of God would appear to have remained in Persia to that day; and if, as is probable, the prophecies of Isaiah and Daniel were retained among them, they might be among those who waited for redemption,” not at Jerusalem, but in a distant part of the world. The Parsees, who were nearly extirpated by Mohammedan fanaticism, were charged by their oppressors with the idolatry of fire, and this was probably true of the multitude. Some of their writers, however, warmly defended themselves against the charge. A considerable number of them remain in India to this day, and profess to have the books of Zoroaster.
The Persians, who had greatly expanded their empire by conquering the lands once ruled by the kings of Babylon, were ready for the religious reform that Zoroaster brought about. The ideas he promoted had already been embraced by Cyrus and other Persian rulers, and likely by many prominent people in that nation. Zoroaster himself became familiar with the significant truths found in this well-known prophecy, which challenged the very foundations of every idolatrous and Manichean belief system. He also learned more from the other sacred texts of the Jews, who mingled with the Persians throughout the empire. 611 This is clearly shown by the many similarities between his religion and Judaism, although he shouldn't be considered to speak entirely in the style of the Holy Scriptures, as some sections in the Zendavesta seem to suggest. He discovered that the people were “prepared of the Lord” to accept his reforms, and he successfully implemented them. This can be seen as one instance of several compassionate acts from God to the Gentile world, through His special people, the Jews, which often curbed the idolatries of the heathens and reignited the light of truth among them. In this regard, the ancient Jews clearly viewed their religious community as meant not just to preserve true religion, but to spread it. “God be merciful to us and bless us; that your way may be known over the earth, your saving health among all nations.” This makes it clear that pagan nations are without excuse. It is certain that this act of mercy was later ignored among the Persians. We don’t know how long its effects lasted or how far it spread; perhaps longer and wider than we can now clearly discern. If the magi who came from the east to seek Christ were Persians, it seems some true worshippers of God remained in Persia to that time; and if it is likely that the prophecies of Isaiah and Daniel were still among them, they might have been among those waiting for redemption, not in Jerusalem, but in a distant part of the world. The Parsees, who were nearly wiped out by Mohammedan fanatics, were accused by their oppressors of fire worship, which was probably true for the majority. However, some of their writers strongly defended themselves against that accusation. A significant number of them still live in India today and claim to possess the books of Zoroaster.
2. The term magi was also anciently used generally throughout the east, to distinguish philosophers, and especially astronomers. Pliny and Ptolemy mention Arabi as synonymous with magi; and it was the opinion of many learned men in the first ages of Christianity, that the magi who presented offerings to the infant Saviour, Matt. ii, 1, came from southern Arabia; for it is certain that gold, frankincense, and myrrh,” were productions of that country. They were philosophers among whom the best parts of the reformed magian system, which was extensively diffused, were probably preserved. They were pious men, also, who had some acquaintance, it may be, with the Hebrew prophecies, and were favoured themselves with divine revelations. They are to be regarded as members of the old patriarchal church, never quite extinguished among the Heathen; and they had the special honour to present the homage of the Gentile world to the infant Saviour.
2. The term magi was also used in ancient times throughout the East to refer to philosophers and especially astronomers. Pliny and Ptolemy mention the Arabs as synonymous with magi, and many scholars in the early years of Christianity believed that the magi who brought gifts to the infant Savior, Matt. ii, 1, came from southern Arabia. It's clear that gold, frankincense, and myrrh were products of that region. They were philosophers who likely preserved the best aspects of the reformed magian system, which was widely spread. They were also devout men who might have had some knowledge of Hebrew prophecies and received divine revelations themselves. They are considered members of the ancient patriarchal church, which was never completely extinguished among the pagans, and they had the unique honor of presenting the homage of the Gentile world to the infant Savior.
MAGICIAN not unfrequently occurs in Scripture. Generally it signifies a diviner, a fortune teller, &c. Moses forbids recourse to such on pain of death: The soul that turneth after such as have familiar spirits, and after wizards, to go a whoring after them, I will even set my face against that soul, and even cut him off from among his people,” Leviticus xix, 31; xx, 6. The Hebrew is אל-האבת ואל-הידענים, which signify literally,--the first, those possessed with a spirit of Python, or a demon that fortels future events;--the second, knowers, they who boast of the knowledge of secret things. It was such sort of people that Saul extirpated out of the land of Israel, 1 Sam. xxviii, 3. Daniel also speaks of magicians and diviners in Chaldea, under Nebuchadnezzar, Daniel i, 20, &c; לחרטמים ולאשׁפים ולמכשׁפים ולכשדים. He names four sorts: Chartumim, Asaphim, Mecasphim, and Casdim, Daniel ii, 2. The first, Chartumim, according to Theodotion, signifies enchanters;” according to the LXX, sophists;” according to Jerom, hariolas, diviners, fortune tellers, casters of nativities.” The second word, Asaphim, has a great resemblance to the Greek word σοφὸς, wise man;” whether the Greeks took this word from the Babylonians, or vice versâ. Theodotion and Jerom have rendered it magicians;” the LXX, philosophers.” The third word, Mecasphim, by Jerom and the Greeks, is translated malefici, enchanters;” such as used noxious herbs and drugs, the blood of victims, and the bones of the dead, for their superstitious operations. The fourth word, Casdim, or Chaldeans, has two significations: first, the Chaldean people, over whom Nebuchadnezzar was monarch; the second, a sort of philosophers, who dwelt in a separate part of the city, who were exempt from all public offices and employments. Their studies were physic, astrology, divination, foretelling of future events by the stars, interpretation of dreams, augury, worship of the gods, &c. All these inquisitive and superstitious arts were prohibited among the Israelites, as founded on imposture or devilism, and as inconsistent with faith in God’s providence, and trust in his supremacy.
MAGICIANS come up quite often in Scripture. Generally, it refers to those who tell fortunes or practice divination. Moses forbids seeking out such individuals under the threat of death: "The soul that turns to those who have familiar spirits, and to wizards, to whore after them, I will set my face against that soul, and cut him off from among his people," Leviticus 19:31; 20:6. The Hebrew term is אל-האבת ואל-הידענים, which literally means—the first refers to those possessed by a spirit of Python, or a demon that predicts the future; the second refers to those who claim to know secret things. Saul eliminated these kinds of people from the land of Israel, 1 Sam. 28:3. Daniel also mentions magicians and diviners in Chaldea, during Nebuchadnezzar's reign, Daniel 1:20, etc.; לחרטמים, לאשפים, למכשפים ולכשדים. He lists four types: Chartumim, Asaphim, Mecasphim, and Casdim, Daniel 2:2. The term Chartumim, according to Theodotion, means enchanters; according to the LXX, it means sophists; according to Jerome, it refers to hariolas, diviners, fortune tellers, casters of nativities. The second term, Asaphim, closely resembles the Greek word σοφὸς, wise man; it’s unclear if the Greeks borrowed it from the Babylonians or vice versa. Theodotion and Jerome translated it as magicians; the LXX translated it as philosophers. The third term, Mecasphim, is translated by Jerome and the Greeks as malefici, enchanters, who used harmful herbs and drugs, the blood of sacrifices, and bones of the dead in their superstitious practices. The fourth term, Casdim, or Chaldeans, has two meanings: first, the people of Chaldea, ruled by Nebuchadnezzar; the second refers to a certain group of philosophers who lived in a separate part of the city, exempt from public office and jobs. Their studies included medicine, astrology, divination, predicting the future through the stars, dream interpretation, augury, and worship of the gods, etc. All these curious and superstitious practices were prohibited among the Israelites, as they were based on deception or devilry, and contradicted their faith in God’s providence and trust in His authority.
MAGOG. See Gog.
MAGOG. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
MAHANAIM, a city of the Levites, of the family of Merari, in the tribe of Gad, upon the brook Jabbok, Joshua xxi, 38; xiii, 26. The name Mahanaim signifies two hosts,” or two fields.” The patriarch gave it this name because in this place he had a vision of angels coming to meet him, Genesis xxxii, 2. Mahanaim was the seat of the kingdom of Ishbosheth, after the death of Saul, 2 Sam. ii, 9, 12. It was also to this place that David retired during the usurpation of Absalom, 2 Sam. xvii, 24; and this rebellious son was subdued, and suffered death, not far from this city.
MAHANAIM, a city of the Levites from the family of Merari in the tribe of Gad, is located by the Jabbok River, Joshua 21:38; 13:26. The name Mahanaim means “two hosts” or “two fields.” The patriarch named it this because he had a vision of angels meeting him there, Genesis 32:2. Mahanaim was the center of King Ishbosheth's rule after Saul's death, 2 Samuel 2:9, 12. It was also where David went during Absalom's rebellion, 2 Samuel 17:24; and this rebellious son was defeated and died not far from this city.
MAHOMETANISM. Mohammed, its distinguished founder, was born in Arabia, toward the conclusion of the sixth century. Although he had been reduced to poverty, he was descended from ancestors who had long been conspicuous by rank and by influence; but having been shut out from the advantages of education, which in his peculiar case might have rather cramped than invigorated the astonishing powers of his mind, he had been compelled to seek his subsistence by devoting 612himself to a menial occupation. Yet although thus unfavourably situated, he was led, in conducting the commercial transactions which, in the service of Cadijah, a woman of great wealth, he was employed to arrange, to survey the state of several of the neighbouring nations; became acquainted with the most striking features in the characters of those by whom he was surrounded; and he was enabled to profit by the information which he thus procured, from his adding to the graces of personal elegance and beauty, the most captivating manners, and the most winning address. Exalted by the partiality of Cadijah, who conferred on him her hand and her extensive possessions, he seems early to have formed the scheme of announcing himself as the author of a new religion, and, in virtue of this sacred office, of ascending to that supremacy of political influence which it was his singular fortune, soon after he unfolded his pretensions, to attain. Taking advantage of that insensibility into which, by the attacks of epilepsy, he was occasionally thrown, he pretended that he was wrapped in divine contemplation, or was actually holding communication with higher orders of beings, who were committing to him the divine instructions which he was to disseminate through the world.
MAHOMETANISM. Mohammed, its notable founder, was born in Arabia toward the end of the sixth century. Although he experienced poverty, he came from a lineage that had long been prominent in status and influence. However, lacking access to education—which might have stifled rather than stimulated his remarkable mind—he had to earn a living by taking on a menial job. Despite this challenging situation, while managing commercial dealings for Cadijah, a wealthy woman, he was prompted to observe the conditions of various neighboring nations. He got to know the most distinctive traits of those around him and was able to benefit from the insights he gained, combining his natural charm and beauty with captivating manners and an appealing way of speaking. Elevated by Cadijah's affection, who married him and shared her considerable wealth, he seems to have early envisioned himself as the founder of a new religion and, through this sacred role, aimed to achieve a level of political influence that he remarkably attained shortly after revealing his ambitions. Taking advantage of the seizures caused by epilepsy that he occasionally experienced, he claimed that he was in a state of divine contemplation or was communicating with higher beings, who were revealing divine messages for him to share with the world.
When the time which he conceived to be favourable for the grand object of his ambition had arrived, he openly declared that he was the prophet of the most high God; but the magistrates of Mecca, despising his pretensions, or dreading the evils which might result from religious innovation, vigorously opposed him, and he found himself compelled, in order to avoid the punishment which they were preparing to inflict on him, to have recourse to flight. He did not, however, relinquish the scheme upon which he had so long meditated, and which he was convinced that he was qualified to carry into execution. After his departure from Mecca, from which event the Mohammedan era of the hegira takes its commencement, he was joined by a few followers determined to share his fate; and having solemnly consecrated the banner under which he was to extend his power and propagate his tenets, he commenced hostilities against those by whom he had been opposed. His first efforts, however, were not crowned with success, but he had infused into his attendants a spirit which misfortune could not subdue: they renewed their enterprise, and Mecca at length submitted to his arms. From this period his exaltation was very rapid; he was venerated as the favoured messenger of Heaven, and his countrymen bowed down before a sovereign protected, as they believed, by the Omnipotent, and commissioned to reveal his will. There were many causes which satisfactorily account for his success. The Christian religion, in the corrupted form in which it existed in the regions contiguous to the country of the prophet, was not interwoven with the affections of its professors; they were split into factions, contending about the most frivolous distinctions and the most ridiculous tenets; and the sword of persecution was mutually wielded by them all, to spread misery where there should have been the ties of charity and love. Thus divided, they presented no steady resistance to the attempt made to wrest from them their religion; and, indeed, as many of them had adopted that religion, not from conviction, but from dread of the tyranny by which it had been imposed on them, they only did what they had previously done, when, shrinking from the ferocious zeal of the emissaries of the prophet, they submitted to his doctrine. With admirable address, too, he had framed his religious system, so as to gratify those to whom it was announced. Laying down the sublime and unquestionable doctrine of the unity of God, he professed to revere the patriarchs, whose memory the Arabs held in veneration; he admitted that Moses was a messenger from God; he acknowledged Jesus as an exalted prophet; and he founded his own pretensions upon the intimation which our Saviour had given that the Paraclete, or Comforter, was to be sent to lead the world into all truth. Thus each party found in the Koran much of what it had been accustomed to believe; and the transition was in this way rendered more easy to the admission that a new revelation had been vouchsafed.
When the moment he believed was right for the grand goal of his ambition came, he publicly declared that he was the prophet of the Most High God. However, the leaders of Mecca, either dismissing his claims or fearing the problems that could arise from religious change, strongly opposed him. To avoid the punishment they were planning to impose, he felt he had to flee. Nevertheless, he didn’t give up on the plan he had been contemplating for so long, convinced that he was capable of seeing it through. After leaving Mecca, which marks the start of the Islamic era of the Hegira, he was joined by a few followers who were determined to share his destiny. After solemnly consecrating the banner under which he would expand his influence and spread his beliefs, he began to fight against those who had opposed him. However, his initial attempts were not successful. Still, he had inspired his followers with a spirit that misfortune couldn’t break; they recommitted to their cause, and eventually, Mecca surrendered to his forces. From this point on, his rise was rapid; he was revered as the favored messenger of Heaven, and his fellow countrymen bowed before a ruler they believed was protected by the Almighty and tasked with revealing His will. Several reasons effectively explain his success. The Christian faith, in its corrupted form near the prophet's homeland, didn’t resonate deeply with its followers; they were divided into factions, arguing over trivial distinctions and absurd doctrines, and they all wielded the sword of persecution, spreading misery where love and charity should have reigned. Thus fragmented, they offered little consistent resistance to the attempts to take their religion from them; indeed, since many had adopted it not out of belief but out of fear of the tyranny that enforced it, they simply did what they had previously done—when they shrank from the fierce zeal of the prophet’s emissaries, they accepted his teachings. Moreover, he cleverly structured his religious system to appeal to those it was directed at. He established the lofty and undeniable principle of God’s unity, professed to honor the patriarchs revered by the Arabs, acknowledged Moses as a messenger from God, recognized Jesus as a great prophet, and based his own claims on the suggestion made by our Savior that the Paraclete, or Comforter, was to be sent to guide the world into all truth. In this way, each group found in the Koran much of what they already believed, making the transition to accepting a new revelation easier.
This effect was facilitated by the ignorance which prevailed in Arabia. Accustomed to a wandering life, the Arabs had devoted no time to the acquisition of knowledge; most of them were even unable to read the Koran, the sublimity and beauty of which were held forth to them as incontestable proofs of the inspiration of its author. Had Mohammed, indeed rested his doctrine upon miracles, it might have happened that the imposture by some would have been detected; but, with his usual policy, he avoided what he knew was so hazardous; and, with the exception of his reference to the Koran, as surpassing the capacity of man, he explicitly disclaimed having been authorized to do such mighty works as had been wrought to establish the previous dispensations of the Almighty. The fascinating representation that he gave of the joys of paradise, which he accommodated to the conceptions and wishes of the eastern nations, also made a deep and favourable impression; the wantonness of imagination was gratified with the anticipation of a state abounding with sensual gratification raised to the highest degree of exquisiteness; while the dismal fate allotted through eternity to all who rejected the message which he brought, alarmed the fears of the credulous and superstitious multitude whom he was eager to allure. When with these causes are combined the vigour of his administration, and the certainty of suffering or of death in the event of withstanding his doctrine, there is sufficient to account for the success of his religion; and there is in that success nothing which can, with the shadow of reason, be employed, as, with strange perversion of argument, it has sometimes been, to invalidate the proof for the truth of Christianity deduced from its rapid diffusion. That 613proof does not rest upon the mere circumstance that the religion of Jesus was widely and speedily propagated; there might, under particular circumstances, have been in this nothing wonderful; but on the facts that it was so propagated, when all the human means to which they who preached it could have recourse, would have retarded rather than promoted what actually took place; that it employed no force; that it held out no earthly advantages; that it accommodated itself to no previous religious prejudices; and that it opposed and reproved all, and did not gratify any, of the corruptions and lusts of human nature.
This effect was made easier by the ignorance that was common in Arabia. Used to a nomadic lifestyle, the Arabs had spent little time gaining knowledge; most of them couldn't even read the Koran, which was presented to them as undeniable proof of its author's divine inspiration. If Mohammed had based his teachings on miracles, some people might have figured out the deception; however, he cleverly avoided that risk. Aside from stating that the Koran exceeded human capability, he clearly denied being given the authority to perform the mighty works that had previously established God’s revelations. The captivating picture he painted of paradise, tailored to the beliefs and desires of Eastern nations, had a significant and positive impact; the wild imagination was satisfied with the expectation of a state filled with pleasure taken to the highest level of refinement. At the same time, the grim fate reserved for those who rejected his message stirred fear among the gullible and superstitious crowds he sought to attract. When you add to these reasons the strength of his leadership and the certainty of suffering or death for those who opposed his teachings, it explains the success of his religion. This success cannot be reasonably used to challenge the evidence for the truth of Christianity, despite how it has sometimes been twisted in argument. That proof doesn’t rely solely on the fact that Jesus’s religion spread quickly and widely; under different circumstances, that wouldn’t have been remarkable. Instead, it’s based on the reality that it spread at all when all the human resources available to those preaching it would have slowed down rather than helped what actually happened; that it used no force; that it offered no material gains; that it did not adapt to any existing religious biases; and that it opposed and criticized all the corruption and desires of human nature without indulging any of them.
But Mohammed did not limit his views to the sovereignty of Arabia: he was elevated by the hope of universal empire; and he moulded his system so as to promote what he was eager to attain. For this purpose he promised to all who enrolled themselves under his banner full license to plunder the nations against which they were led; and he made it a fundamental tenet of his faith that they who fell in the warlike enterprises destined to enlarge the number of believers were at once delivered from the guilt and misery of their sins, and were admitted to the happy scenes prepared for the faithful. He thus collected around him an army thoroughly devoted, prepared for meeting every danger, stimulated to the most laborious exertions by the hope of plunder, and steeled against all which can weaken courage or exhaust resolution, by the enthusiasm of hope; whatever was their fate, they had nothing to dread; if they escaped the weapons of their enemies, they were loaded with spoil, and invited to indulgence; and if they fell, they were canonized by those who survived, and exchanged the vicissitudes and troubles of this world for the delights of a sensual paradise. An army thus constituted and thus impelled must, under any circumstances, have been formidable; against them the usual methods to defeat invasion and to prevent conquest would have failed; they could have been successfully encountered only by men who had imbibed a similar spirit, and who identified patience and courage in the field with the most sacred duty required by religion. Of the advantages which, after Arabia had acknowledged his sway, and hailed him as the prophet of the Lord, he might confidently anticipate, Mohammed was abundantly sensible; but while he was preparing to bring into action the mighty machine which he had erected, his earthly career was terminated, and he left to others to execute the schemes which he had fondly devised.
But Mohammed didn’t just focus on dominating Arabia; he was inspired by the vision of a global empire and structured his beliefs to help him achieve that goal. To draw people to his cause, he promised anyone who joined him the freedom to plunder the nations they were sent against. He made it a core belief that those who died in battles aimed at expanding the number of believers would be free from the guilt and suffering of their sins and would enter the rewarding afterlife prepared for the faithful. This way, he gathered an army that was completely devoted, ready to face any danger, motivated by the promise of treasure, and boosted by the enthusiasm of hope; regardless of their fate, they had nothing to fear. If they survived the fight, they returned with riches and were encouraged to indulge; if they died, they were honored by those who lived on, trading the ups and downs of this life for the pleasures of a sensual paradise. An army like this, with such strong motivations, was undoubtedly formidable; the usual strategies to stop invasions and prevent conquest would have failed against them; they could only be faced by those who shared similar convictions and viewed patience and bravery in battle as the highest duty required by their faith. Mohammed was well aware of the benefits he could expect once Arabia recognized his leadership and acknowledged him as the prophet of the Lord; however, before he could set in motion the powerful force he had created, his earthly life came to an end, leaving others to carry out the plans he had eagerly envisioned.
The energy of the system remained after the author of it was removed from the world; and his successors lost no time in extending their dominions far beyond the bounds of Arabia. The obstacles opposed to them instantly yielded; a feeble and degenerate empire sinking under its own weight, and unable to resist any power acting against it, at once submitted to the host of fanatical plunderers, who spread desolation as they advanced; the richest provinces soon were wrested from it; and the most fertile regions of Asia fell under the conquering fury of the caliphs. Persia, which had long persecuted Christianity, was added to their increasing territories; Syria submitted to their yoke; and, what filled with horror and with anguish the believers in the Gospel, Palestine, that holy land from which the light of divine truth had beamed upon the nations, which had been the scene of those awful or interesting events recorded in the inspired Scriptures, which had witnessed the life, the ministry, the death, the resurrection, and ascension of the Redeemer of mankind, bent under the iron sceptre of an infidel sovereign, nominally, indeed, revering the Founder of its religion, but filled with bigoted and implacable hatred against the most attached and conscientious of his disciples. But the caliphs did not accomplish their principal object when they reduced to subjection the countries which they ravaged: to them it was of infinitely more moment to propagate the Musselman faith; and, accordingly, although in the commencement of that faith some indulgence was, from political considerations, granted to the Christians, there was soon no alternative left to the trembling captives but to embrace the doctrine of the prophet, or to submit to slavery or death. We cannot wonder that tenets thus enforced rapidly spread; they supplanted, in many extensive regions, the religion of Jesus; and, incorporating themselves with civil governments, or rather founding all governments upon the Koran, they continue, at the distance of eleven hundred years, to be believed through a large proportion of the world.
The energy of the system remained even after its creator was gone from the world; and his successors quickly expanded their territories far beyond the borders of Arabia. The obstacles in their way immediately gave in; a weak and decaying empire, collapsing under its own weight, could not resist any opposing force and instantly submitted to the waves of fanatic raiders, who spread destruction as they moved forward. The richest provinces were soon taken from it, and the most fertile regions of Asia fell to the conquering ambitions of the caliphs. Persia, which had long persecuted Christianity, was added to their growing territories; Syria fell under their control; and what filled the believers in the Gospel with horror and anguish was Palestine, that holy land from which the light of divine truth had shone upon the nations, the site of the profound or significant events recorded in the sacred Scriptures, which had witnessed the life, ministry, death, resurrection, and ascension of the Redeemer of mankind, now subjected to the iron rule of a non-believing ruler, who nominally respected the Founder of its religion but was filled with bigoted and relentless hatred against his most devoted and sincere disciples. However, the caliphs did not achieve their main goal by merely conquering the lands they devastated; it was of far greater importance to them to spread the Muslim faith. Accordingly, although at the beginning some tolerance was granted to Christians for political reasons, soon the trembling captives had no choice but to embrace the teachings of the prophet or face slavery or death. It’s no surprise that beliefs enforced in such a manner spread rapidly; they replaced, in many large areas, the religion of Jesus, and by integrating with civil governments—or rather, by basing all governments on the Koran—they continue, even after eleven hundred years, to be followed in a large portion of the world.
The effect of this signal revolution was first experienced by those Christians who inhabited the eastern parts of the empire; but the account of it must have been speedily conveyed throughout Christendom, and the gigantic enterprises of the Saracens soon threatened all nations with slavery and superstition. The successors of the prophet, in the eighth century, directed their steps toward Europe; and having at length crossed the narrow sea which separates Africa from Spain, they dispersed the troops of Roderick, king of the Goths, took possession of the greater part of his dominions, subverted the empire of the Visigoths, which had been established in Spain for upward of three centuries, and planted themselves along the coast of Gaul, from the Pyrenean mountains to the Rhine. Charlemagne, alarmed at their progress, made a great effort to crush them; but he failed in accomplishing his object, and they committed, in various parts of Europe which they visited, the most shocking devastations.
The impact of this signal revolution was first felt by Christians living in the eastern parts of the empire, but the news must have spread quickly throughout Christendom. The massive campaigns of the Saracens soon threatened all nations with slavery and superstition. The successors of the prophet, in the eighth century, set their sights on Europe. Eventually, they crossed the narrow sea that separates Africa from Spain, defeated the troops of Roderick, king of the Goths, took control of most of his territories, dismantled the Visigoth empire that had been established in Spain for over three centuries, and established themselves along the coast of Gaul, from the Pyrenees to the Rhine. Charlemagne, alarmed by their advance, made a significant effort to defeat them; however, he was unsuccessful, and they inflicted horrific destruction in various parts of Europe that they invaded.
When a great part of the life of Mohammed had been spent in preparatory meditation on the system he was about to establish, the chapters of the Alcoran or Koran, which was to contain the rule of the faith and practice of his followers, were dealt out slowly and separately during the long period of three-and-twenty years. He entrusted his beloved wife, Raphsa, the daughter of Omar, with the keeping of the chest of his apostleship, in which 614were laid up all the originals of the revelations he pretended to have received by the ministration of the Angel Gabriel, and out of which the Koran, consisting of one hundred and fourteen surats, or chapters, of very unequal length, was composed after his death. Yet, defective in its structure, and not less exceptionable in its doctrines and precepts, was the work which he thus delivered to his followers as the oracles of God. We will not detract from the real merit of the Koran; we allow it to be generally elegant and often sublime; but at the same time we reject with disdain its arrogant pretensions to any thing supernatural. Nay, if, descending to a minute investigation of it, we consider its perpetual inconsistency and absurdity, we shall indeed have cause for astonishment at that weakness of humanity which could ever have received such compositions as the work of the Deity, and which could still hold it in such high admiration as it is held by the followers of Mohammed to the present day. Far from supporting its arrogant claim to a supernatural work, it sinks below the level of many compositions confessedly of human original; and still lower does it fall when compared with that pure and perfect pattern which we justly admire in the Scriptures of truth. The first praise of all the productions of genius is invention; but the Koran bears little impression of this transcendent character. It does not contain one single doctrine which may not fairly be derived either from the Jewish and Christian Scriptures, from the spurious and apocryphal Gospels, then current in the east, from the Talmudical legends, or from the traditions, customs, and opinions of the Arabians. And the materials collected from these several sources are here heaped together with perpetual and needless repetitions, without any settled principle, or visible connection. The most prominent feature of the Koran, that point of excellence in which the partiality of its admirers has ever delighted to view it, is the sublime notion it generally impresses of the nature and attributes of God. But if its author had really derived these just conceptions from the inspiration of that Being whom they attempt to describe, they would not have been surrounded, as they now are, on every side with error and absurdity. By attempting to explain what is inconceivable, to describe what is ineffable, and to materialize what in itself is spiritual, he absurdly and impiously aimed to sensualize the purity of the divine essence. But it might easily be proved, that whatever the Koran justly defines of the divine attributes, was borrowed from our Holy Scriptures; which, even from their first promulgation, but especially from the completion of the New Testament, have extended the views, and enlightened the understandings, of mankind.
When a large part of Mohammed's life was spent in preparing to share the system he was about to establish, the chapters of the Alcoran or Koran, which would contain the guidelines for the faith and practices of his followers, were revealed slowly and individually over a long span of twenty-three years. He entrusted his cherished wife, Raphsa, daughter of Omar, with the care of the chest of his apostleship, which held all the original revelations he claimed to have received through the Angel Gabriel. From this, the Koran, made up of one hundred and fourteen surats or chapters of varying lengths, was compiled after his death. However, the work he presented to his followers as the word of God was flawed in its structure and contained doctrines and teachings that could be questioned. While we acknowledge the genuine merit of the Koran—it is generally elegant and often sublime—we also reject, with scorn, its arrogant claims to anything supernatural. Indeed, if we dig deeper into its content and consider its constant inconsistencies and absurdities, we can only be astonished at the human frailty that could accept such writings as divine and continue to hold it in such high regard as its followers do to this day. Rather than supporting its bold assertion of being a divine work, it falls beneath the standard of many other texts known to be of human origin, and it sinks even lower when compared to the pure and perfect example we find in the Scriptures of truth. The highest praise for any creative work is originality, yet the Koran shows little sign of this exceptional trait. It does not contain a single doctrine that cannot reasonably be traced back to the Jewish and Christian Scriptures, to the then-current spurious and apocryphal Gospels, to the Talmudic legends, or to the customs, traditions, and beliefs of the Arabs. The materials drawn from these various sources are thrown together with constant, unnecessary repetition and lack a coherent principle or connection. The most notable aspect of the Koran, which its admirers often praise, is the powerful impression it leaves regarding the nature and attributes of God. However, if its author had truly obtained these valid concepts from the inspiration of the Being they sought to describe, they would not be surrounded, as they are now, by errors and absurdities. By trying to explain what is beyond comprehension, describe what is indescribable, and materialize what is inherently spiritual, he foolishly and irreverently attempted to reduce the purity of the divine essence to sensory terms. It could be easily shown that whatever the Koran accurately defines about the divine attributes was borrowed from our Holy Scriptures, which, since their initial dissemination, and particularly since the completion of the New Testament, have broadened the perspectives and enlightened the minds of humanity.
The Koran, indeed, every where inculcates that grand and fundamental doctrine of the unity of the supreme Being, the establishment of which was constantly alleged by the impostor as the primary object of his pretended mission; but on the subject of the Christian trinity, its author seems to have entertained very gross and mistaken ideas, and to have been totally ignorant of the perfect consistency of that opinion with the unity of the Deity. With respect to the great doctrine of a future life, and the condition of the soul after its departure from the body, it must indeed be acknowledged that the prophet of Arabia has presented us with a nearer prospect of the invisible world, and disclosed to us a thousand particulars concerning it, which the Holy Scriptures had wrapped in the most profound and mysterious silence. But in his various representations of another life, he generally descends to an unnecessary minuteness and particularity, which excite disgust and ridicule, instead of reverence. He constantly pretended to have received these stupendous secrets by the ministry of the Angel Gabriel, from that eternal book in which the divine decrees have been written by the finger of the Almighty from the foundation of the world; but the learned inquirer will discover a more accessible, and a far more probable, source whence they might be derived, partly in the wild and fanciful opinions of the ancient Arabs, and chiefly in those exhaustless stores of marvellous and improbable fiction, the works of the rabbins. Hence, that romantic fable of the angel of death, whose peculiar office it is, at the destined hour, to dissolve the union between soul and body, and to free the departing spirit from its prison of flesh. Hence, too, the various descriptions of the general resurrection and final judgment with which the Koran every where abounds; and hence the vast but ideal balance in which the actions of all mankind shall then be impartially weighed, and their eternal doom be assigned them, either in the regions of bliss or misery, according as their good or evil deeds shall preponderate. Here, too, may be traced the grand and original outlines of that sensual paradise, and those luxurious enjoyments, which were so successfully employed in the Koran, to gratify the ardent genius of the Arabs, and allure them to the standard of the prophet.
The Koran clearly emphasizes the essential doctrine of the unity of the supreme Being, which the impostor claimed was the main goal of his supposed mission. However, regarding the Christian Trinity, its author seems to have had very inaccurate and misguided views, showing a lack of understanding of how that belief can actually be consistent with the unity of God. When it comes to the important idea of life after death and the state of the soul once it leaves the body, we must acknowledge that the prophet from Arabia gives us a clearer glimpse into the unseen world, revealing a multitude of details about it that the Holy Scriptures left shrouded in deep mystery. But in his various depictions of the afterlife, he often delves into unnecessary detail that leads to contempt and mockery instead of reverence. He frequently claimed to have received these profound secrets through the Angel Gabriel, from that eternal book where the divine plans have been inscribed by the hand of the Almighty since the world's inception. However, those who study the topic will find more accessible and likely sources for these ideas, partly in the wild and imaginative beliefs of the ancient Arabs and mostly in the rich and improbable stories from the rabbinical works. This includes the fanciful tale of the angel of death, who is tasked with separating the soul from the body at the appointed time, freeing the departing spirit from its fleshly prison. It also encompasses the various descriptions of the general resurrection and final judgment that permeate the Koran and the grand, yet abstract, balance where everyone's actions will be weighed fairly, deciding their eternal fate in either the realms of bliss or misery based on the weight of their good or bad deeds. The original themes of the indulgent paradise and luxurious pleasures intended to appeal to the passionate spirit of the Arabs and draw them to the prophet’s cause can also be traced back to this source.
The same observation which has been applied with respect to the sources whence the doctrines were drawn, may, with some few limitations, be likewise extended to the precepts which the Arabian legislator has enjoined. That the Koran, amidst a various and confused heap of ridiculous and even immoral precepts, contains many interesting and instructive lessons of morality, cannot with truth be denied. Of these, however, the merit is to be ascribed, not to the feeble imitation, but to the great and perfect original from which they were manifestly drawn. Instead of improving on the Christian precepts by a superior degree of refinement; instead of exhibiting a purer and more perfect system of morals than that of the Gospel; the prophet of Arabia has miserably debased and weakened even what he has borrowed from that system. We are told by our Saviour, that a man is to be the husband of one wife, and that there is to be an inseparable union between them. By Mohammed’s confession, 615Jesus Christ was a prophet of the true God, and the Holy Spirit was with him. Yet in the Koran we find permission for any person to have four wives, and as many concubines as he can maintain. Again: our Saviour expressly tells us, that, at the resurrection, they will neither marry nor be given in marriage; but be like the angels of God in heaven.” We are informed also by St. Paul, that we shall be changed, and have a spiritual and glorified body; for flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of heaven; neither can corruption inherit incorruption.” But Mohammed gives a very different account: it is clear, from his own confession, that the happiness promised in the Koran consists in base and corporeal enjoyments. According to its author, there will not only be marriage, but also servitude in the next world. The very meanest in paradise will have eighty thousand servants, and seventy-two wives of the girls of paradise, beside the wives he had in this world; he will also have a tent erected for him of pearls, hyacinths, and emeralds. And as marriage will take place, so a new race will be introduced in heaven; for, says the Koran, If any of the faithful in paradise be desirous of issue, it shall be conceived, born, and grown up in the space of an hour.” But on the contradictions in point of doctrine, though sufficient of themselves to confute the pretensions of Mohammed, we forbear to insist.
The same observation that has been made about the sources of the doctrines can, with some limitations, also be applied to the principles that the Arabian lawgiver has outlined. It's undeniable that the Koran, amidst a confusing mix of absurd and even immoral teachings, contains many valuable and insightful moral lessons. However, the credit for these lessons should not go to the weak imitation but rather to the great and perfect original from which they were clearly taken. Instead of enhancing Christian teachings with a higher level of refinement or presenting a purer and more perfect moral system than that of the Gospel, the prophet of Arabia has unfortunately degraded and weakened even what he borrowed from that system. We are told by our Savior that a man should have only one wife and that there should be an inseparable bond between them. According to Mohammed's own admission, Jesus Christ was a prophet of the true God, and the Holy Spirit was with him. Yet in the Koran, we see that any man can have four wives and as many concubines as he can support. Again, our Savior specifically states that at the resurrection, people will neither marry nor be given in marriage, but will be like the angels of God in heaven. We are also informed by St. Paul that we will be transformed and have spiritual, glorified bodies; for flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of heaven, nor can corruption inherit incorruption. But Mohammed presents a very different picture: it is clear from his own statements that the happiness promised in the Koran is based on base and physical pleasures. According to him, there will not only be marriage but also servitude in the afterlife. The lowest in paradise will have eighty thousand servants and seventy-two wives from the girls of paradise, in addition to the wives he had in this world; he will also have a tent made of pearls, hyacinths, and emeralds. And just as marriage will occur, so will the introduction of new offspring in heaven; for the Koran states, "If any of the faithful in paradise desires children, they will be conceived, born, and grown up in just an hour." However, we will refrain from emphasizing the contradictions in doctrine, as they are enough by themselves to refute Mohammed's claims.
The impure designs which gave birth to the whole system may be traced in almost every subordinate part; even its sublimest descriptions of the Deity, even its most exalted moral precepts, not unfrequently either terminate in, or are interwoven with, some provision to gratify the inordinate cravings of ambition, or some license for the indulgence of the corrupt passions of the human heart. It has allowed private revenge, in the case of murder; it has given a sanction to fornication; and, if any weight be due to the example of its author, it has justified adultery. It has made war, and rapine, and bloodshed, provided they be exercised against unbelievers, not only meritorious acts, but even essential duties to the good Musselman; duties by the performance of which he may secure the constant favour and protection of God and his prophet in this life, and in the next entitle himself to the boundless joys of paradise. In the Koran are advanced the following assertions, among others already noticed: That both Jews and Christians are idolaters; that the patriarchs and Apostles were Mohammedans; that the angels worshipped Adam, and that the fallen angels were driven from heaven for not doing so; that our blessed Saviour was neither God, nor the Son of God; and that he assured Mohammed of this in a conference with the Almighty and him; yet that he was both the word and Spirit of God: not to mention numberless absurdities concerning the creation, the deluge, the end of the world, the resurrection, the day of judgment, too gross to be received by any except the most debased understandings.
The flawed ideas that formed the entire system can be seen in nearly every minor aspect; even its highest portrayals of God, even its most noble moral teachings, often end in or are mixed with some means to satisfy excessive ambition or to allow for the indulgence of humanity's corrupt desires. It has permitted personal vengeance in cases of murder; it has condoned fornication; and, based on the example of its founder, it has legitimized adultery. It has made war, looting, and bloodshed, as long as they are directed against nonbelievers, not only commendable acts but even essential responsibilities for a good Muslim; by fulfilling these duties, one can earn the constant favor and protection of God and his prophet in this life, and in the afterlife, gain access to the endless joys of paradise. The Koran makes the following claims, among others previously mentioned: that both Jews and Christians are idol worshipers; that the patriarchs and Apostles were actually Muslims; that the angels worshipped Adam, and the fallen angels were cast out of heaven for refusing to do so; that our blessed Savior was neither God nor the Son of God; and that he told Mohammed this during a conversation with the Almighty; yet that he was both the word and Spirit of God: not to mention countless absurdities regarding creation, the flood, the end of the world, resurrection, and the day of judgment, too ridiculous to be accepted by anyone but the most ignorant minds.
It was frequently the triumphant boast of St. Paul, that the Gospel of Jesus Christ had for ever freed mankind from the intolerable burden of ceremonial observances. But the Koran renews and perpetuates the slavery, by prescribing to its votaries a ritual still more oppressive, and entangling them again in a yoke of bondage yet more severe than that of the law. Of this kind, amidst a variety of instances, is that great and meritorious act of Mohammedan devotion, the pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca; an act which the Koran has enjoined, and the pious Musselman implicitly performs, as necessary to the obtaining pardon of his sins, and qualifying him to be a partaker of the alluring pleasures and exquisite enjoyments of paradise. To the several articles of faith to which all his followers were to adhere, Mohammed added four fundamental points of religious practice; namely, prayer five times a day, fasting, alms-giving, and the pilgrimage to Mecca. Under the first of these are comprehended those frequent washings or purifications which he prescribed as necessary preparations for the duty of prayer. So necessary did he think them, that he is said to have declared, that the practice of religion is founded upon cleanliness, which is one half of faith, and the key of prayer. The second of these he conceived to be a duty of so great moment, that he used to say it was the gate of religion, and that the odour of the mouth of him who fasteth is more grateful to God than that of musk. The third is looked upon as so pleasing in the sight of God, that the Caliph Omar Ebn Abdalaziz used to say, Prayer carries us half way to God; fasting brings us to the door of his palace; and alms procure us admission.” The last of these practical religious duties is deemed so necessary, that, according to a tradition of Mohammed, he who dies without performing it, may as well die a Jew or a Christian.” As to the negative precepts and institutions of this religion, the Mohammedans are forbidden the use of wine, and are prohibited from gaming, usury, and the eating of blood and swine’s flesh, and whatever dies of itself, or is strangled, or killed by a blow, or by another beast. They are said, however, to comply with the prohibition of gaming, (from which chess seems to be excepted,) much better than they do with that of wine, under which all strong and inebriating liquors are included; for both the Persians and Turks are in the habit of drinking freely.
It was often the proud claim of St. Paul that the Gospel of Jesus Christ had forever freed humanity from the unbearable weight of ritual obligations. However, the Koran reinstates and continues this bondage by imposing an even more burdensome set of rituals on its followers, ensnaring them again in a tighter yoke of servitude than that of the law. One prominent example among many is the significant act of Muslim devotion, the pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca; an act mandated by the Koran, which devout Muslims perform without question, believing it essential for receiving forgiveness for their sins and qualifying them for the enticing pleasures and delights of paradise. Alongside various articles of faith required of all his followers, Mohammed added four key practices: praying five times a day, fasting, giving alms, and making the pilgrimage to Mecca. The first practice includes frequent washings or purifications that he deemed necessary preparation for prayer. He considered these so vital that it's said he declared religion is based on cleanliness, which constitutes half of faith and is the key to prayer. The second practice was seen as so important that he would say it is the gateway to religion and that the scent of the breath of someone who fasts is more appealing to God than that of musk. The third is regarded as so pleasing in God's eyes that Caliph Omar Ebn Abdalaziz would say, "Prayer takes us halfway to God; fasting brings us to the door of His palace; and almsgiving earns us entry." The last of these essential religious duties is viewed as so critical that, according to a tradition from Mohammed, anyone who dies without performing it might as well die a Jew or a Christian. Concerning the prohibitions and rules of this religion, Muslims are barred from consuming wine and are forbidden from gambling, usury, and eating blood, pork, or anything that dies of itself, is strangled, or is killed by another animal. However, they are said to adhere to the gambling prohibition (with chess seeming to be an exception) much better than to the wine ban, which includes all strong and intoxicating drinks; for both Persians and Turks often indulge freely in drinking.
However successful and triumphant from without, the progress of the followers of Mohammed received a considerable check by the civil dissensions which arose among themselves soon after his death. Abubeker and Ali, the former the father-in-law, the latter the son-in-law, of this pretended prophet, aspired both to succeed him in the empire which he had erected. Upon this arose a cruel and tedious contest, whose flames produced that schism which divided the Mohammedans into two great factions; and this separation not only gave rise to a variety of opinions and rites, but also excited the most implacable hatred, and the most deadly animosities, 616which have been continued to the present day. With such furious zeal is this contention still carried on between these two factions, who are distinguished by the name of Sonnites and Schiites, that each party detest and anathematize the other as abominable heretics, and farther from the truth than either the Christians or the Jews. The chief points in which they differ are: 1. The Schiites reject Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, the first three caliphs, as usurpers and intruders; but the Sonnites acknowledge and respect them as rightful caliphs or imams. 2. The Schiites prefer Ali to Mohammed, or, at least, esteem them both equal; but the Sonnites admit neither Ali, nor any of the prophets, to be equal to Mohammed. 3. The Sonnites charge the Schiites with corrupting the Koran, and neglecting its precepts; and the Schiites retort the same charge on the Sonnites.
However successful and triumphant from outside, the progress of Mohammed's followers faced a significant setback due to the internal conflicts that emerged among them shortly after his death. Abubeker and Ali, the former being the father-in-law and the latter the son-in-law of this self-proclaimed prophet, both aimed to succeed him in the empire he had built. This led to a cruel and prolonged struggle, igniting a split that divided Muslims into two major factions. This separation not only gave rise to a range of beliefs and practices but also fueled intense hatred and deadly rivalries, which persist to this day. The fierce conflict continues between these two factions, known as Sunnites and Schiites, with each side detesting and condemning the other as horrific heretics, claiming they are further from the truth than Christians or Jews. The main points of contention are: 1. The Schiites reject Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, the first three caliphs, as usurpers and intruders; meanwhile, the Sunnites acknowledge and respect them as legitimate caliphs or imams. 2. The Schiites prefer Ali over Mohammed or at least see them as equals, while the Sunnites believe that neither Ali nor any of the prophets is equal to Mohammed. 3. The Sunnites accuse the Schiites of corrupting the Koran and ignoring its teachings, while the Schiites retaliate with the same accusation against the Sunnites. 616
4. The Sonnites receive the Sonna, or book of traditions of their prophet, as of canonical authority; but the Schiites reject it as apocryphal, and unworthy of credit. The Sonnites are subdivided into four chief sects, of which the first is that of the Hanefites, who generally prevail among the Turks and Tartars; the second, that of the Malecites, whose doctrine is chiefly followed in Barbary, and other parts of Africa; the third, that of the Shafeites, who are chiefly confined to Arabia and Persia; and the fourth orthodox sect is that of the Hanbalites, who are not very numerous, and seldom to be met with out of the limits of Arabia. The heretical sects among the Mohammedans are those which are counted to hold heterodox opinions in fundamentals, or matters of faith; and they are variously compounded and decompounded of the opinions of four chief sects; the Motazalites, the Safatians, the Kharejites, and the Schiites.
4. The Sunnis accept the Sonna, or the book of traditions of their prophet, as having canonical authority, while the Shiites dismiss it as apocryphal and untrustworthy. The Sunnis are divided into four main sects: the first is the Hanafi sect, which is mostly found among Turks and Tartars; the second is the Maliki sect, whose teachings are primarily followed in North Africa and other parts of the continent; the third is the Shafi'i sect, mainly located in Arabia and Persia; and the fourth is the Hanbali sect, which is less common and typically only found within Arabia. The heretical sects among the Muslims are those that are considered to hold unorthodox views on fundamental beliefs or matters of faith, and they are a mix of the opinions from the four main sects: the Mu'tazilites, the Sufis, the Khawarij, and the Shiites.
Ever since the valour of John Sobieski rolled back the hosts of Islamism from eastern and central Europe, the civil dominion of the false prophet has been rather retrograde than advancing. A free philosophy in many places is destroying the influence of the system among the better informed; and the barbarism and misery which a bad government inflicts upon the people, weakens its power, and is preparing the way for great changes. The throwing off the Turkish yoke by the Greeks, and the rising greatness of Russia, are symptoms of the approaching subversion of Mohammedanism as a power; and thus the fall of this eastern antichrist cannot long be delayed. It is, indeed, even now supported only by the rival interests of Christian powers; and a new combination among them would suddenly withdraw its only support.
Ever since John Sobieski bravely pushed back the forces of Islam from Eastern and Central Europe, the influence of the false prophet has been more stagnant than growing. A free philosophy in many areas is diminishing the impact of this system among those who are better informed; and the violence and suffering that bad governments impose on their people weaken its hold and are paving the way for significant changes. The Greeks throwing off Turkish rule, along with Russia's rising power, are signs of the impending downfall of Mohammedanism as a dominant force; therefore, the collapse of this eastern antichrist cannot be delayed for much longer. In fact, it is currently only upheld by the competing interests of Christian powers; a new alliance among them could quickly remove its only source of support.
MALACHI, the last of the twelve minor prophets. Malachi prophesied about B. C. 400; and some traditionary accounts state that he was a native of Sapha, and of the tribe of Zebulun. He reproves the people for their wickedness, and the priests for their negligence in the discharge of their office; he threatens the disobedient with the judgments of God, and promises great rewards to the penitent and pious; he predicts the coming of Christ, and the preaching of John the Baptist; and with a solemnity becoming the last of the prophets, he closes the sacred canon with enjoining the strict observance of the Mosaic law, till the forerunner, already promised, should appear in the spirit of Elias, to introduce the Messiah, who was to establish a new and everlasting covenant.
MALACHI, the last of the twelve minor prophets. Malachi prophesied around 400 B.C.; some traditional accounts say he was from Sapha and belonged to the tribe of Zebulun. He calls out the people for their wrongdoing and the priests for their negligence in their duties; he warns the disobedient of God's judgments and promises great rewards to those who repent and are faithful. He predicts the coming of Christ and the preaching of John the Baptist; and with the seriousness fitting for the last of the prophets, he concludes the sacred canon by emphasizing the importance of following the Mosaic law until the prophesied forerunner appears in the spirit of Elijah, to introduce the Messiah who will establish a new and everlasting covenant.
MAMMON, a Syriac word which signifies riches, Matt. vi, 24.
MAMMON, a Syriac term that means wealth, Matt. vi, 24.
MAMRE, an Amorite, brother of Aner and Eshcol, and friend of Abraham, Gen. xiv, 13. It was with these three persons, together with his own and their domestics, that Abraham pursued and overcame the kings after their conquest of Sodom and Gomorrah.
MAMRE, an Amorite, brother of Aner and Eshcol, and friend of Abraham, Gen. xiv, 13. It was with these three, along with his own people and their servants, that Abraham went after and defeated the kings following their takeover of Sodom and Gomorrah.
2. Mamre, the same as Hebron. In Gen. xxiii, 19, it is said, that Abraham buried Sarah in the cave of the field of Machpelah, before Mamre: the same is Hebron in the land of Canaan.” And in Gen. xxxv, 27, it is said, that Jacob came unto Isaac his father, unto Mamre, unto the city of Arba, which is Hebron.” The city probably derived its name from that Mamre who joined Abraham in the pursuit of Chedorlaomer, and the rescue of Lot, Gen. xiv.
2. Mamre refers to the same place as Hebron. In Gen. xxiii, 19, it states that Abraham buried Sarah in the cave located in the field of Machpelah, near Mamre; this is the same as Hebron in the land of Canaan. Additionally, in Gen. xxxv, 27, it mentions that Jacob visited Isaac, his father, at Mamre, which is also called the city of Arba, or Hebron. The city's name likely comes from Mamre, who assisted Abraham in chasing after Chedorlaomer and rescuing Lot, as mentioned in Gen. xiv.
Mamre, Plain of, a plain near Mamre, or Hebron, said to be about two miles to the south of the town. Here Abraham dwelt after his separation from Lot; here he received from God himself a promise of the land, in which he was then a stranger, for his posterity; here he entertained the angels under an oak, and received a second promise of a son; and here he purchased a burying place for Sarah; which served also as a sepulchre for himself and the rest of his family.
Mamre, Plain of, a plain near Mamre, or Hebron, located about two miles south of the town. Here, Abraham lived after parting ways with Lot; here he received a promise from God regarding the land he was then a stranger in, for his descendants; here he welcomed the angels under an oak tree and received a second promise of a son; and here he bought a burial site for Sarah, which also served as a tomb for himself and the rest of his family.
MANAHEM was the sixteenth king of Israel, and son of Gadi. He revenged the death of his master Zachariah, by killing Shallum, son of Jabesh, who had usurped the crown of Israel, A. M. 3232, 2 Kings xv, 13, &c. Manahem reigned in his stead.
MANAHEM was the sixteenth king of Israel and the son of Gadi. He avenged the death of his master Zachariah by killing Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who had taken the crown of Israel, A. M. 3232, 2 Kings xv, 13, &c. Manahem ruled in his place.
MANASSEH, the eldest son of Joseph, and grandson of the patriarch Jacob, Gen. xii, 50, was born, A. M. 2290, B. C. 1714. The name Manasseh signifies forgetfulness, because Joseph said, “God hath made me forget all my toil, and all my father’s house.” When Jacob was going to die, Joseph brought his two sons to him, that his father might give them his last blessing, Gen. xlviii. Jacob, having seen them, adopted them. The tribe of Manasseh came out of Egypt in number thirty-two thousand two hundred men, upward of twenty years old, under the conduct of Gamaliel, son of Pedahzur, Num. ii, 20, 21. This tribe was divided in the land of promise. One half tribe of Manasseh settled beyond the river Jordan, and possessed the country of Bashan, from the river Jabbok, to Mount Libanus; and the other half tribe of Manasseh settled on this side Jordan, and possessed the country between the tribe of Ephraim south, and the tribe of Issachar north, having the river Jordan east, and the Mediterranean Sea west, Joshua xvi; xvii.
MANASSEH, the eldest son of Joseph and grandson of the patriarch Jacob, was born in A.M. 2290, B.C. 1714. The name Manasseh means forgetfulness, because Joseph said, “God has made me forget all my struggles and my father's household.” When Jacob was about to die, Joseph brought his two sons to him so his father could give them his final blessing. After seeing them, Jacob adopted them. The tribe of Manasseh left Egypt with thirty-two thousand two hundred men over twenty years old, led by Gamaliel, son of Pedahzur. This tribe was divided in the Promised Land. One half of the tribe of Manasseh settled beyond the Jordan River and inhabited the region of Bashan, from the river Jabbok to Mount Lebanon; the other half settled on this side of the Jordan, occupying the land between the tribe of Ephraim to the south and the tribe of Issachar to the north, with the Jordan River to the east and the Mediterranean Sea to the west.
6172. Manasseh, the fifteenth king of Judah, and son and successor of Hezekiah, was twelve years old when he began to reign, and reigned fifty-five years, 2 Kings xx, 21; xxi, 1, 2; 2 Chron. xxxiii, 1, 2, &c. His mother’s name was Hephzibah. He did evil in the sight of the Lord; worshipped the idols of the land of Canaan; rebuilt the high places that his father Hezekiah had destroyed; set up altars to Baal; and planted groves to false gods. He raised altars to the whole host of heaven, in the courts of God’s house; made his son pass through the fire in honour of Moloch; was addicted to magic, divinations, auguries, and other superstitions; set up the idol Astarte in the house of God; finally, he involved his people in all the abomination of the idolatrous nations to that degree, that Israel committed more wickedness than the Canaanites, whom the Lord had driven out before them. To all these crimes Manasseh added cruelty; and he shed rivers of innocent blood in Jerusalem. The Lord being provoked by so many crimes, threatened him by his prophets, I will blot out Jerusalem as a writing is blotted out of a writing tablet.” The calamities which God had threatened began toward the twenty-second year of this impious prince. The king of Assyria sent his army against him, who, seizing him among the briers and brambles where he was hid, fettered his hands and feet, and carried him to Babylon, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 11, 12, &c. It was probably Sargon or Esar-haddon, king of Assyria, who sent Tartan into Palestine, and who taking Azoth, attacked Manasseh, put him in irons, and led him away, not to Nineveh, but to Babylon, of which Esar-haddon had become master, and had reunited the empires of the Assyrians and the Chaldeans. Manasseh, in bonds at Babylon, humbled himself before God, who heard his prayers, and brought him back to Jerusalem; and Manasseh acknowledged the hand of the Lord. Manasseh was probably delivered out of prison by Saosduchin, the successor of Esar-haddon, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 13, 14, &c. Being returned to Jerusalem, he restored the worship of the Lord; broke down the altars of the false gods; abolished all traces of their idolatrous worship; but he did not destroy the high places: which is the only thing Scripture reproaches him with, after his return from Babylon. He caused Jerusalem to be fortified; and he inclosed with a wall another city, which in his time was erected west of Jerusalem, and which went by the name of the second city, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 14. He put garrisons into all the strong places of Judah. Manasseh died at Jerusalem, and was buried in the garden of his house, in the garden of Uzza, 2 Kings xxi, 18. He was succeeded by his son Amon.
6172. Manasseh, the fifteenth king of Judah, and the son and successor of Hezekiah, was twelve years old when he started his reign, which lasted fifty-five years, 2 Kings xx, 21; xxi, 1, 2; 2 Chron. xxxiii, 1, 2, &c. His mother’s name was Hephzibah. He did what was evil in the eyes of the Lord; he worshipped the idols of Canaan; rebuilt the high places that his father Hezekiah had destroyed; set up altars to Baal; and planted groves for false gods. He raised altars to the entire host of heaven in God's temple; made his son pass through fire as an offering to Moloch; was involved in magic, divination, and other superstitions; set up the idol Astarte in the house of God; and ultimately led his people into the same abominations as the idolatrous nations, to the point where Israel did more wickedness than the Canaanites, whom the Lord had ousted before them. To all these sins, Manasseh added cruelty, shedding rivers of innocent blood in Jerusalem. The Lord, angered by so many offenses, warned him through his prophets, “I will wipe out Jerusalem just like one erases writing from a tablet.” The disasters God threatened began around the twenty-second year of this ungodly king. The king of Assyria sent his army against him, who captured him in the thickets where he was hiding, shackled him, and took him to Babylon, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 11, 12, &c. It was likely Sargon or Esar-haddon, king of Assyria, who sent Tartan into Palestine, who took Azoth and attacked Manasseh, shackling him and leading him away, not to Nineveh, but to Babylon, which Esar-haddon had conquered, reuniting the empires of the Assyrians and Chaldeans. Manasseh, while in chains in Babylon, humbled himself before God, who heard his prayers and brought him back to Jerusalem; and Manasseh recognized the hand of the Lord. Manasseh was probably released from prison by Saosduchin, the successor of Esar-haddon, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 13, 14, &c. After returning to Jerusalem, he restored the worship of the Lord, dismantled the altars of false gods, and eliminated all signs of their idolatrous practices; however, he did not destroy the high places, which is the only thing Scripture criticizes him for after his return from Babylon. He fortified Jerusalem and built a wall around another city that was established west of Jerusalem at that time, which was called the second city, 2 Chron. xxxiii, 14. He stationed troops in all the strongholds of Judah. Manasseh died in Jerusalem and was buried in the garden of his house, in the garden of Uzza, 2 Kings xxi, 18. His son Amon succeeded him.
MANDRAKE, דודאים, Gen. xxx, 14–16; Cant. vii, 13. Interpreters have wasted much time and pains in endeavouring to ascertain what is intended by the Hebrew word dudaim. Some translate it by violet,” others, lilies,” jasmines,” truffle or mushroom,” and some think that the word means flowers,” or fine flowers,” in general. Bochart, Calmet, and Sir Thomas Browne, suppose the citron intended; Celsius is persuaded that it is the fruit of the lote tree; Hiller, that cherries are spoken of; and Ludolf maintains that it is the fruit which the Syrians call mauz, resembling in figure and taste the Indian fig; but the generality of interpreters and commentators understand by dudaim, mandrakes, a species of melon; and it is so rendered in the Septuagint, and in both the Targums, on Gen. xxx, 14. It appears from Scripture, that they were in perfection about the time of wheat harvest, have an agreeable odour, may be preserved, and are placed with pomegranates. Hasselquist, the pupil and intimate friend of Linnæus, who travelled into the Holy Land to make discoveries in natural history, imagines that the plant commonly called mandrake, is intended. Speaking of Nazareth, in Galilee, he says, “What I found most remarkable at this village was the great number of mandrakes which grew in a vale below it. I had not the pleasure to see this plant in blossom, the fruit now (May 5th, O. S.) hanging ripe on the stem, which lay withered on the ground. From the season in which this mandrake blossoms and ripens fruit, one may form a conjecture that it was Rachel’s dudaim. These were brought her in the wheat harvest, which in Galilee is in the month of May, about this time, and the mandrake was now in fruit.”
MANDRAKE, Mandrakes, Gen. xxx, 14–16; Cant. vii, 13. Scholars have spent a lot of time and effort trying to figure out what the Hebrew word dudaim means. Some translate it as "violet," others as "lilies," "jasmines," "truffle or mushroom," and some believe it refers to "flowers" or "fine flowers" in general. Bochart, Calmet, and Sir Thomas Browne think it refers to citron; Celsius believes it’s the fruit of the lote tree; Hiller suggests it means cherries; and Ludolf argues it’s the fruit the Syrians call mauz, which looks and tastes like Indian fig. However, most interpreters and commentators take dudaim to mean mandrakes, a type of melon. This is how it is rendered in the Septuagint and both Targums in Gen. xxx, 14. Scripture shows that they were in full bloom around the time of the wheat harvest, have a pleasant scent, can be preserved, and are found alongside pomegranates. Hasselquist, a student and close friend of Linnæus, who traveled to the Holy Land for natural history research, believes the commonly known mandrake is the plant in question. While discussing Nazareth in Galilee, he notes, “What I found most remarkable in this village was the abundance of mandrakes growing in a valley below it. I didn’t have the chance to see this plant in bloom; the fruit was hanging ripe on the stem, which was withered on the ground when I visited on May 5th (O.S.). From the time when the mandrake blooms and bears fruit, one can guess that it was Rachel’s dudaim. These were brought to her during the wheat harvest, which occurs in Galilee around this time in May, just when the mandrake was fruiting.”
MANICHÆANS, or MANICHEES, a denomination founded in the latter part of the third century, by Mani, Manes, or Manichæus. Being a Persian or Chaldean by birth, and educated among the magi, he attempted a coalition of their doctrine with the Christian system, or rather, the explication of the one by the other. Dr. Lardner, so far from taking Mani and his followers for enthusiasts, as some have done, thinks they erred on the other side, and were rather a sect of reasoners and philosophers, than visionaries and enthusiasts. So Faustus, one of their leaders, says, the doctrine of Mani taught him not to receive every thing recommended as said by our Saviour, but first to examine and consider whether it be true, sound, right, genuine; while the Catholics, he says, swallowed every thing, and acted as if they despised the benefit of human reason, and were afraid to examine and distinguish between truth and falsehood. St. Augustine, it is well known, was for some time among this sect; but they were not pretensions to inspiration, but specious and alluring promises of rational discoveries, by which Augustine was deluded, as he particularly states in his letter to his friend Honoratus. So Beausobre remarks: These heretics were philosophers, who, having formed certain systems, accommodated revelation to them, which was the servant of their reason, not the mistress.”
MANICHÆANS, or MANICHEES, is a group established in the late third century by Mani, also known as Manes or Manichæus. Born in Persia or Chaldea and educated among the magi, he tried to merge their beliefs with the Christian faith, or rather, to explain one using the other. Dr. Lardner, contrary to those who view Mani and his followers as mere enthusiasts, believes they erred in the opposite direction, being more of a group focused on reason and philosophy than on visions and excitement. One of their leaders, Faustus, stated that Mani’s teachings encouraged him not to accept everything attributed to our Savior without first examining if it was true, sound, right, or genuine; while, according to him, Catholics accepted everything blindly and acted as if they dismissed the value of human reason, fearing to differentiate between truth and falsehood. It's well-known that St. Augustine was part of this sect for a time; however, rather than claiming to have inspiration, they offered appealing promises of rational insights that deceived Augustine, as he mentions in his letter to his friend Honoratus. Beausobre notes: These heretics were philosophers who created certain systems and twisted revelation to fit them, using it as a tool for their reason rather than allowing it to lead them.
Mani, according to Dr. Lardner, believed in an eternal self-existent Being, completely happy and perfect in goodness, whom alone he called God, in a strict and proper sense; but he believed, also, in an evil principle or being, which he called hyle, or the devil, whom he considered as the god of this world, blinding 618the eyes of them that believe not, 2 Cor. iv, 4. God, the supreme and good, they considered as the Author of the universe; and, according to St. Augustine, they believed, also, in a consubstantial trinity, though they strangely supposed the Father to dwell in light inaccessible, the Son to have his residence in the solar orb, and the Holy Spirit to be diffused throughout the atmosphere; on which account they paid a superstitious, and perhaps an idolatrous, reverence to the sun and moon. Their belief in the evil principle was, no doubt, adopted to solve the mysterious question of the origin of evil, which, says Dr. Lardner, was the ruin of these men, and of many others. As to the hyle, or the devil, though they dared not to consider him as the creature of God, neither did they believe in his eternity; for they contended, from the Greek text of John viii, 44, that he had a father. But they admitted the eternity of matter, which they called darkness; and supposed hyle to be the result of some wonderful and unaccountable commotion in the kingdom of darkness, which idea seems to be borrowed from the Mosaic chaos. In this commotion darkness became mingled with light, and thus they account for good and evil being so mixed together in the world. Having thus brought hyle, or Satan, into being, they next found an empire and employment for him. Every thing, therefore, which they conceived unworthy of the fountain of goodness, they attributed to the evil being; particularly the material world, the Mosaic dispensation, and the Scriptures on which it was founded. This accounts for their rejecting the Old Testament. Dr. Lardner contends, however, that they received generally the books of the New Testament, though they objected to particular passages as corrupted, which they could not reconcile to their system. On Rom. vii, Mani founded the doctrine of two souls in man, two active principles; one, the source and cause of vicious passions, deriving its origin from matter; the other, the cause of the ideas of just and right, and of inclinations to follow those ideas, deriving its origin from God. Considering all sensual enjoyments to be in some degree criminal, they were enemies to marriage; though, at the same time, knowing that all men cannot receive this saying, they allowed it to the second class of their disciples, called auditors; but by no means to the perfect or confirmed believers. Another absurd consequence of believing the moral evil of matter was, that they denied the real existence of Christ’s human nature, and supposed him to suffer and die in appearance only. According to them, he took the form only of man; a notion that was afterward adopted by Mohammed, and which necessarily excludes all faith in the atonement. Construing too literally the assertion that flesh and blood could not inherit the kingdom of God, they denied the doctrine of the resurrection. Christ came, they said, to save the souls of men, and not the bodies. No part of matter, according to them, could be worthy of salvation. In many leading principles they thus evidently agreed with the Gnostics, of whom, indeed, they may be considered a branch.
Mani, according to Dr. Lardner, believed in a self-existent Being who is eternal, completely happy, and perfect in goodness, whom he referred to as God in a strict and proper sense. However, he also believed in an evil principle or being, which he called hyle, or the devil, who he viewed as the god of this world, blinding the eyes of those who do not believe, 2 Cor. iv, 4. They saw God, the supreme and good Being, as the Creator of the universe; and, according to St. Augustine, they also believed in a consubstantial trinity, although they oddly thought that the Father dwelled in inaccessible light, the Son resided in the sun, and the Holy Spirit was spread throughout the atmosphere. For this reason, they paid superstitious and perhaps idolatrous respect to the sun and moon. Their belief in the evil principle was likely adopted to answer the mysterious question of the origin of evil, which, Dr. Lardner notes, led to the downfall of these individuals and many others. Regarding hyle, or the devil, although they did not dare to see him as a creation of God, they also did not believe in his eternity; they argued from the Greek text of John viii, 44, that he had a father. However, they accepted the eternity of matter, which they called darkness, and thought hyle was the result of some strange and inexplicable turmoil in the kingdom of darkness, an idea that seems to be taken from the Mosaic chaos. In this turmoil, darkness became mixed with light, which is how they explained the presence of good and evil in the world. Having thus brought hyle, or Satan, into existence, they next found a role and purpose for him. Therefore, everything they considered unworthy of the source of goodness was attributed to the evil being, especially the material world, the Mosaic law, and the Scriptures on which it was based. This explains their rejection of the Old Testament. However, Dr. Lardner argues that they generally accepted the books of the New Testament, although they objected to certain passages as corrupted, which they could not align with their beliefs. From Rom. vii, Mani developed the doctrine of two souls in man—two active principles; one, the source of sinful passions, coming from matter, and the other, the source of ideas of justice and righteousness, stemming from God. Since they viewed all sensual pleasures as somewhat sinful, they opposed marriage; however, knowing that not everyone could accept this view, they permitted it for the second tier of their followers, called auditors, but not for the perfect or confirmed believers. Another ridiculous outcome of believing in the moral evil of matter was that they denied the real existence of Christ’s human nature and claimed he only seemed to suffer and die. According to them, he merely took on the appearance of a man; a notion later embraced by Mohammed, which inherently negates belief in the atonement. They too literally interpreted the statement that flesh and blood could not inherit the kingdom of God, which led them to reject the doctrine of resurrection. They claimed that Christ came to save the souls of men, not their bodies. They believed that no part of matter could be worthy of salvation. In many key beliefs, they clearly aligned with the Gnostics, of whom they may be considered a branch.
MANNA, מן, Exod. xvi, 15, 33, 35; Num. xi, 6, 7, 9; Josh. v, 12; Neh. ix, 20; Psa. lxxviii, 24; μάννα, John vi, 31, 49, 58; Heb. ix, 4; Rev. ii, 17; the food which God gave the children of Israel during their continuance in the deserts of Arabia, from the eighth encampment in the wilderness of Sin. Moses describes it as white like hoar frost, round, and of the bigness of coriander seed. It fell every morning upon the dew; and when the dew was exhaled by the heat of the sun, the manna appeared alone, lying upon the rocks or the sand. It fell every day except on the Sabbath, and this only around the camp of the Israelites. Every sixth day there fell a double quantity; and though it putrefied and bred maggots when it was kept any other day, yet on the Sabbath there was no such alteration. The same substance which was melted by the heat of the sun when it was left abroad, was of so hard a consistence when brought into the tent, that it was beaten in mortars, and would even endure the fire, being made into cakes and baked in pans. It fell in so great quantities during the whole forty years of their journey, that it was sufficient to feed the whole multitude of above a million of souls. Every man, that is, every male or head of a family, was to gather each day the quantity of an omer, about three quarts English measure; and it is observed that he that gathered much had nothing over, and he that gathered little had no lack,” because his gathering was in proportion to the number of persons for whom he had to provide. Or every man gathered as much as he could; and then, when brought home and measured by an omer, if he had a surplus, it went to supply the wants of some other family that had not been able to collect a sufficiency, the family being large, and the time in which the manna might be gathered, before the heat of the day, not being sufficient to collect enough for so numerous a household, several of whom might be so confined as not to be able to collect for themselves. Thus there was an equality; and in this light the words of St. Paul lead us to view the passage, 2 Cor. viii, 15. To commemorate their living upon manna, the Israelites were directed to put one omer of it into a golden vase; and it was preserved for many generations by the side of the ark.
MANNA, מן, Exod. xvi, 15, 33, 35; Num. xi, 6, 7, 9; Josh. v, 12; Neh. ix, 20; Psa. lxxviii, 24; μάννα, John vi, 31, 49, 58; Heb. ix, 4; Rev. ii, 17; the food that God gave the Israelites while they were in the deserts of Arabia, starting from the eighth camp in the wilderness of Sin. Moses describes it as white like frost, round, and about the size of coriander seeds. It fell every morning with the dew; and when the dew evaporated in the heat of the sun, the manna appeared alone, lying on the rocks or the sand. It fell every day except on the Sabbath, and only around the Israelite camp. Every sixth day, a double portion fell; and even though it spoiled and produced maggots when kept any other day, there was no such change on the Sabbath. The same substance that melted in the heat of the sun when left outside was so dense when brought into the tent that it was ground in mortars, and could even withstand fire, being made into cakes and baked in pans. It fell in such large amounts throughout their forty years of travel that it was enough to feed a whole multitude of over a million people. Each man, meaning every male or head of a family, was to gather each day the equivalent of an omer, about three quarts in English measurement; and it was noted that those who gathered a lot had nothing leftover, while those who gathered a little had no shortage because their gathering was proportional to the number of people they had to feed. Alternatively, each man collected as much as he could; and then, when taken home and measured by an omer, if he had extra, it would go to help another family that couldn't gather enough, especially if the family was large, and the time available to gather before the day got hot wasn’t enough for such a numerous household, many of whom might be unable to collect for themselves. This way, there was equality; and in this respect, St. Paul’s words guide us to consider this passage, 2 Cor. viii, 15. To remember their reliance on manna, the Israelites were instructed to place one omer of it into a golden jar; and it was kept for many generations next to the ark.
Our translators and others make a plain contradiction in the relation of this account of the manna, by rendering it thus: And when the children of Israel saw it, they said one to another, It is manna; for they knew not what it was;” whereas the Septuagint, and several authors, both ancient and modern, have translated the text according to the original: “The Israelites seeing this, said one to another, What is it? מן הוא; for they knew not what it was,” and therefore they could not give it a name. Moses immediately answers the question, and says, This is the bread which the Lord hath given you to eat.” From Exod. xvi, 31, we learn that this substance was afterward called מן, 619probably in commemoration of the question they had asked on its first appearance. What this substance was, we know not. It was nothing that was common in the wilderness. It is evident that the Israelites never saw it before; for Moses says, He fed thee with manna which thou knewest not, neither did thy fathers know,” Deut. viii, 3, 16; and it is very likely that nothing of the kind had ever been seen before; and by a pot of it being laid up in the ark, it is as likely that nothing of the kind ever appeared after the miraculous supply in the wilderness had ceased. The author of the book of Wisdom, xvi, 20, 21, says, that the manna so accommodated itself to every one’s taste that it proved palatable and pleasing to all. It has been remarked that at this day, what is called manna is found in several places; in Arabia, on Mount Libanus, Calabria, and elsewhere. The most famous is that of Arabia, which is a kind of condensed honey, which exudes from the leaves of trees, from whence it is collected when it has become concreted. Salmasius thinks this of the same kind which fed the children of Israel; and that the miracle lay, not in creating any new substance, but in making it fall duly at a set time every day throughout the whole year, and that in such plenty as to suffice so great a multitude. But in order for this, the Israelites must he supposed every day to have been in the neighbourhood of the trees on which this substance is formed; which was not the case, neither do these trees grow in those deserts. Beside, this kind of manna is purgative, and the stomach could not endure it in such quantity as is implied by its being eaten for food. The whole history of the giving the manna is evidently miraculous; and the manna was truly bread from heaven,” as sent by special interposition of God.
Our translators and others create a clear contradiction in their account of manna by translating it as: "And when the children of Israel saw it, they said to one another, 'It is manna; for they did not know what it was,'" while the Septuagint and various ancient and modern writers have translated the text according to the original: "The Israelites, seeing this, said to one another, 'What is it? מין הוא'; for they did not know what it was," hence they couldn't name it. Moses immediately responds to the question, saying, "This is the bread which the Lord has given you to eat." From Exod. xvi, 31, we learn that this substance was later called מן, 619 likely to commemorate the question asked at its first appearance. We don't know exactly what this substance was; it was not something common in the wilderness. It's clear that the Israelites had never seen it before, as Moses states, "He fed you with manna that you did not know, nor did your fathers know," Deut. viii, 3, 16; and it's very likely that nothing like it had ever been seen before. Since a pot of it was stored in the ark, it’s probable that nothing like it ever appeared after the miraculous supply in the wilderness ended. The author of the book of Wisdom, xxvi, 20, 21, says that manna adjusted to everyone's taste, making it enjoyable for all. It has been noted that what is called manna today can be found in several regions, including Arabia, on Mount Lebanon, Calabria, and others. The most renowned is from Arabia, which is a kind of concentrated honey that oozes from tree leaves and is collected once it hardens. Salmasius believes this is the same kind that fed the children of Israel, arguing that the miracle was not in creating a new substance but in having it fall daily at a set time throughout the year, in such abundance to support a vast multitude. However, this would mean the Israelites were presumed to be near the trees producing this substance every day, which was not the case, and these trees do not grow in those deserts. Furthermore, this type of manna is purgative, and the stomach couldn't handle it in the quantity implied by being used for sustenance. The entire account of the manna's provision is evidently miraculous; it was genuinely "bread from heaven," sent through God's special intervention.
MANOAH, the father of Samson, was of the tribe of Dan, and a native of the city of Zorah, Judges xiii, 6–23. See Samson.
MANOAH, the father of Samson, was from the tribe of Dan and was a native of the city of Zorah, Judges xiii, 6–23. See Samson.
MARAH, or MARA, a word which signifies bitterness. When the Israelites came out of Egypt, and had arrived at the desert of Etham, they found the water so bitter that neither themselves nor their cattle could drink of it, Exod. xv, 23. On this account they gave the name of Marah to that encampment. And here their murmurings began against Moses; for they asked, What shall we drink?” Moses prayed to the Lord, who instructed him to take a particular kind of wood, and cast it into the water, which he did; and immediately the water became palatable. According to the orientals, this wood was called Alnah.
MARAH, or MARA, a word that means bitterness. When the Israelites left Egypt and reached the desert of Etham, they found the water so bitter that neither they nor their cattle could drink it, Exod. xv, 23. Because of this, they named that campsite Marah. It was here that their complaints against Moses began, as they asked, “What are we going to drink?” Moses prayed to the Lord, who told him to take a specific type of wood and throw it into the water, which he did; and right away, the water became drinkable. According to the Orientals, this wood was called Alnah.
MARANATHA. See Anathema.
MARANATHA. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
MARBLE, שיש, 1 Chron. xxix, 2; Esther i, 6; Canticles v, 15; a valuable kind of stone, of a texture so hard and compact, and of a grain so fine, as readily to take a beautiful polish. It is dug out of quarries in large masses, and is much used in buildings, ornamental pillars, &c. Marble is of different colours, black, white, &c; and is sometimes elegantly clouded and variegated. The stone mentioned in the places cited above is called the stone of sis or sish: the LXX and Vulgate render it Parian stone,” which was remarkable for its bright white colour. Probably the cliff Ziz, 2 Chron. xx, 16, was so called from being a marble crag: the place was afterward called Petra. The variety of stones, בהט, שיש, דר, סחרת, mentioned in the pavement of Ahasuerus, might be marble of different colours. The ancients sometimes made pavements wherein were set very valuable stones.
MARBLE, marble, 1 Chron. xxix, 2; Esther i, 6; Canticles v, 15; a valuable type of stone that is very hard and compact, with a fine grain that takes a beautiful polish easily. It is extracted from quarries in large chunks and is widely used in buildings, decorative pillars, etc. Marble comes in various colors, such as black and white, and can sometimes be elegantly streaked and patterned. The stone referenced in the mentioned texts is called the stone of sis or sish: the LXX and Vulgate translate it as "Parian stone," known for its bright white color. It’s likely that the cliff Ziz, 2 Chron. xx, 16, was named for being a marble crag; this location was later called Petra. The variety of stones, בהט, marble, דר, Trading, mentioned in the pavement of Ahasuerus, could have been different colored marbles. The ancients sometimes created pavements that featured very valuable stones.
MARK was the nephew of Barnabas, being his sister’s son; and he is supposed to have been converted to the Gospel by St. Peter, who calls him his son, 1 Peter v, 13; but no circumstances of his conversion are recorded. The first historical fact mentioned of him in the New Testament is, that he went, in the year 44, from Jerusalem to Antioch, with Paul and Barnabas. Not long after, he set out from Antioch with those Apostles upon a journey, which they undertook by the direction of the Holy Spirit, for the purpose of preaching the Gospel in different countries: but he soon left them, probably without sufficient reason, at Perga in Pamphylia, and went to Jerusalem, Acts xiii. Afterward, when Paul and Barnabas had determined to visit the several churches which they had established, Barnabas proposed that they should take Mark with them; to which Paul objected, because Mark had left them in their former journey. This produced a sharp contention between Paul and Barnabas, which ended in their separation. Mark accompanied his uncle Barnabas to Cyprus, but it is not mentioned whither they went when they left that island. We may conclude that St. Paul was afterward reconciled to St. Mark, from the manner in which he mentions him in his epistles written subsequently to this dispute; and particularly from the direction which he gives to Timothy: Take Mark, and bring him with thee; for he is profitable to me for the ministry,” 2 Tim. iv, 11. No farther circumstances are recorded of St. Mark in the New Testament; but it is believed, upon the authority of ancient writers, that soon after his journey with Barnabas he met Peter in Asia, and that he continued with him for some time; perhaps till Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome. Epiphanius, Eusebius, and Jerom, all assert that Mark preached the Gospel in Egypt; and the two latter call him bishop of Alexandria.
MARK was the nephew of Barnabas, being his sister’s son, and he is believed to have converted to the Gospel through St. Peter, who refers to him as his son (1 Peter 5:13); however, the details of his conversion are not recorded. The first historical mention of him in the New Testament is that in 44 AD, he traveled from Jerusalem to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas. Soon after, he joined those Apostles on a journey they undertook under the direction of the Holy Spirit to preach the Gospel in various countries; but he quickly left them, likely without a good reason, in Perga of Pamphylia, and went to Jerusalem (Acts 13). Later, when Paul and Barnabas decided to revisit the churches they had established, Barnabas suggested they bring Mark along, but Paul disagreed because Mark had left them on their previous journey. This caused a sharp disagreement between Paul and Barnabas, leading to their separation. Mark traveled with his uncle Barnabas to Cyprus, but it's not mentioned where they went after leaving the island. We can infer that St. Paul later reconciled with St. Mark based on how he mentions him in his letters written after this dispute, particularly when he tells Timothy: "Take Mark and bring him with you, for he is useful to me for ministry" (2 Tim. 4:11). No further details about St. Mark are recorded in the New Testament, but it is believed, based on ancient writers, that shortly after his journey with Barnabas, he met Peter in Asia and stayed with him for a time, possibly until Peter was martyred in Rome. Epiphanius, Eusebius, and Jerome all claim that Mark preached the Gospel in Egypt, and the two latter refer to him as the bishop of Alexandria.
Dr. Lardner thinks that St. Mark’s Gospel is alluded to by Clement of Rome; but the earliest ecclesiastical writer upon record who expressly mentions it is Papias. It is mentioned, also, by Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Jerom, Augustine, Chrysostom, and many others. The works of these fathers contain numerous quotations from this Gospel; and, as their testimony is not contradicted by any ancient writer, we may safely conclude that the Gospel of St. Mark is genuine. The authority of this Gospel is not affected by the 620question concerning the identity of Mark the evangelist, and Mark the nephew of Barnabas; since all agree that the writer of this Gospel was the familiar companion of St. Peter, and that he was qualified for the work which he undertook, by having heard, for many years, the public discourses and private conversation of that Apostle.
Dr. Lardner believes that Clement of Rome references St. Mark’s Gospel, but the earliest church writer on record who specifically mentions it is Papias. It’s also mentioned by Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Jerome, Augustine, Chrysostom, and many others. The works of these fathers include numerous quotes from this Gospel, and since no ancient writer contradicts their testimony, we can confidently conclude that the Gospel of St. Mark is authentic. The authority of this Gospel isn’t affected by the question of whether Mark the evangelist is the same as Mark the nephew of Barnabas, as everyone agrees that the writer of this Gospel was a close companion of St. Peter, and that he was well-suited for the task because he had heard the public speeches and private conversations of that Apostle for many years.
Some writers have asserted that St. Peter revised and approved this Gospel, and others have not scrupled to call it the Gospel according to St. Peter; by which title they did not mean to question St. Mark’s right to be considered as the author of this Gospel, but merely to give it the sanction of St. Peter’s name. The following passage in Eusebius appears to contain so probable an account of the occasion of writing this Gospel, and comes supported by such high authority, that we think it right to transcribe it: “The lustre of piety so enlightened the minds of Peter’s hearers at Rome, that they were not contented with the bare hearing and unwritten instruction of his divine preaching, but they earnestly requested St. Mark, whose Gospel we have, being an attendant upon St. Peter, to leave with them a written account of the instructions which had been delivered to them by word of mouth; nor did they desist till they had prevailed upon him; and thus they were the cause of the writing of that Gospel, which is called according to St. Mark; and they say, that the Apostle being informed of what was done, by the revelation of the Holy Ghost, was pleased with the zeal of the men, and authorized the writing to be introduced into the churches. Clement gives this account in the sixth book of his Institutions; and Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, bears testimony to it.” Jerom also says, that St. Mark wrote a short Gospel from what he had heard from St. Peter, at the request of the brethren at Rome, which, when St. Peter knew, he approved, and published it in the church, commanding the reading of it by his own authority.
Some writers claim that St. Peter revised and endorsed this Gospel, while others have openly referred to it as the Gospel according to St. Peter. They didn’t intend to question St. Mark’s authorship of this Gospel but simply wanted to give it the approval of St. Peter’s name. The following excerpt from Eusebius seems to provide a convincing account of why this Gospel was written and is backed by significant authority, so we think it’s appropriate to quote it: “The brightness of piety inspired Peter’s listeners in Rome, who were not satisfied with just hearing his divine preaching and the unwritten teachings; they earnestly asked St. Mark, who authored the Gospel we have and was an assistant to St. Peter, to provide them with a written record of the oral teachings given to them. They did not stop until they convinced him, and this led to the writing of the Gospel called according to St. Mark. They say that when the Apostle learned of this through a revelation from the Holy Spirit, he was pleased with the enthusiasm of these believers and authorized the writing to be shared in the churches. Clement recounts this in the sixth book of his Institutions, and Papias, the bishop of Hierapolis, confirms it.” Jerome also mentions that St. Mark wrote a brief Gospel based on what he heard from St. Peter at the request of the brethren in Rome, and when St. Peter became aware of it, he approved it and ordered it to be read in the church with his own authority.
Different persons have assigned different dates to this Gospel; but there being almost a unanimous concurrence of opinion, that it was written while St. Mark was with St. Peter at Rome, and not finding any ancient authority for supposing that St. Peter was in that city till A. D. 64, we are inclined to place the publication of this Gospel about A. D. 65. St. Mark having written this Gospel for the use of the Christians at Rome, which was at that time the great metropolis and common centre of all civilized nations, we accordingly find it free from all peculiarities, and equally accommodated to every description of persons. Quotations from the ancient prophets, and allusions to Jewish customs, are, as much as possible, avoided; and such explanations are added as might be necessary for Gentile readers at Rome; thus, when Jordan is first mentioned in this Gospel, the word river is prefixed, Mark i, 5; the oriental word corban is said to mean a gift, Mark vii, 11; the preparation is said to be the day before the Sabbath, Mark xv, 42; and defiled hands are said to mean unwashed hands, Mark vii, 2; and the superstition of the Jews upon that subject is stated more at large than it would have been by a person writing at Jerusalem.
Different people have assigned various dates to this Gospel; however, there's almost unanimous agreement that it was written while St. Mark was with St. Peter in Rome. Since we don't find any ancient evidence suggesting that St. Peter was in that city until A.D. 64, we lean towards dating this Gospel's publication around A.D. 65. St. Mark wrote this Gospel for the Christians in Rome, which was then the major metropolis and central hub of all civilized nations. As a result, it avoids unique traits and is suitable for all types of readers. Quotations from ancient prophets and references to Jewish customs are mostly avoided, and explanations are provided as needed for Gentile readers in Rome. For example, when the Jordan is first mentioned in this Gospel, the word river is added, Mark i, 5; the term corban is explained as a gift, Mark vii, 11; the preparation is clarified as the day before the Sabbath, Mark xv, 42; and defiled hands are explained as unwashed hands, Mark vii, 2. The Jewish superstition on this topic is detailed more than it would be by someone writing in Jerusalem.
Some learned men, from a collation of St. Matthew’s and St. Mark’s Gospels have pointed out the use of the same words and expressions in so many instances that it has been supposed St. Mark wrote with St. Matthew’s Gospel before him; but the similarity is not strong enough to warrant such a conclusion; and seems no greater than might have arisen from other causes. St. Peter would naturally recite in his preaching the same events and discourses which St. Matthew recorded in his Gospel; and the same circumstances might be mentioned in the same manner by men who sought not after excellency of speech,” but whose minds retained the remembrance of facts or conversations which strongly impressed them, even without taking into consideration the idea of supernatural guidance. We may farther observe that the idea of St. Mark’s writing from St. Matthew’s Gospel does not correspond with the account given by Eusebius and Jerom as stated above.
Some knowledgeable people, by comparing St. Matthew’s and St. Mark’s Gospels, have pointed out that the same words and phrases appear in many instances, leading to the belief that St. Mark wrote with St. Matthew’s Gospel in front of him. However, the similarities aren't strong enough to support that conclusion and don’t seem greater than what might have happened for other reasons. St. Peter would naturally share in his preaching the same events and teachings that St. Matthew recorded in his Gospel, and the same details might be mentioned in a similar way by people who weren’t focused on eloquence but whose memories held onto facts or conversations that made a strong impression on them, even without considering the idea of divine inspiration. Furthermore, it's worth noting that the idea of St. Mark writing from St. Matthew’s Gospel doesn't align with the accounts given by Eusebius and Jerome mentioned earlier.
MARK ON THE FOREHEAD. See Forehead.
MARK ON THE FOREHEAD. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
MARONITES, a sect of eastern Christians who follow the Syrian rite, and are subject to the pope; their principal habitation being on Mount Libanus, or between the Ansarians to the north and the Druses to the south. Mosheim informs us, that the Monothelites, condemned and exploded by the council of Constantinople, found a place of refuge among the Mardaites, signifying in Syriac rebels, a people who took possession of Lebanon, A. D. 676, which became the asylum of vagabonds, slaves, and all sorts of rabble; and about the conclusion of the seventh century they were called Maronites, after Maro, their first bishop; a name which they still retain. None, he says, of the ancient writers, give any certain account of the first person who instructed these mountaineers in the doctrine of the Monothelites; it is probable, however, from several circumstances, that it was John Maro, whose name they have adopted; and that this ecclesiastic received the name of Maro from his having lived in the character of a monk, in the famous convent of St. Maro, upon the borders of the Orontes, before his settlement among the Mardaites of Mount Libanus. One thing is certain, from the testimony of Tyrius, and other unexceptionable witnesses, as also from the most authentic records, namely, that the Maronites retained the opinions of the Monothelites until the twelfth century, when, abandoning and renouncing the doctrine of one will in Christ, they were reädmitted into the communion of the Roman church. The most learned of the modern Maronites have left no method unemployed to defend their church against this accusation; they have laboured to prove, by a variety of testimonies, that their ancestors always persevered in the Catholic faith, and in their attachment to the Roman pontiff, 621without ever adopting the doctrine of the Monophysites or Monothelites. But all their efforts are insufficient to prove the truth of these assertions, and the testimonies they allege will appear absolutely fictitious and destitute of authority.
MARONITES are a group of Eastern Christians who follow the Syrian rite and are under the authority of the pope. They mainly live on Mount Lebanon, situated between the Ansarians to the north and the Druses to the south. Mosheim tells us that the Monothelites, who were condemned by the Council of Constantinople, found refuge among the Mardaites, which means "rebels" in Syriac; this group took control of Lebanon in 676 A.D. and it became a refuge for outcasts, slaves, and all kinds of troublemakers. By the end of the seventh century, they were referred to as Maronites after Maro, their first bishop, a name they still use today. According to Mosheim, no ancient authors have definitively identified who taught these mountain people the Monothelite doctrine. However, it is likely, based on various hints, that it was John Maro, whose name they took, and that he got the name Maro from his life as a monk in the well-known convent of St. Maro near the Orontes River before settling among the Mardaites of Mount Lebanon. One thing is certain, according to Tyrius and other credible witnesses, as well as from authentic records: the Maronites held onto the Monothelite beliefs until the twelfth century, when they abandoned and rejected the doctrine of one will in Christ and were readmitted into the communion of the Roman Church. The most educated of the modern Maronites have tried every possible way to defend their church against this claim; they have worked hard to show, using various testimonies, that their ancestors always maintained the Catholic faith and their loyalty to the Roman pontiff, without ever adopting the doctrine of the Monophysites or Monothelites. But all their efforts fall short of proving these claims, and the testimonies they present seem utterly fabricated and lack authority. 621
The nation may be considered as divided into two classes, the common people and the shaiks, by whom must be understood the most eminent of the inhabitants, who, from the antiquity of their families, and the opulence of their fortunes are superior to the ordinary class. They all live dispersed in the mountains, in villages, hamlets, and even detached houses; which is never the case in the plains. The whole nation consists of cultivators. Every man improves the little domain he possesses, or farms, with his own hands. Even the shaiks live in the same manner, and are only distinguished from the rest by a bad peliss, a horse, and a few slight advantages in food and lodging; they all live frugally, without many enjoyments, but also with few wants, as they are little acquainted with the inventions of luxury. In general, the nation is poor, but no one wants necessaries; and if beggars are sometimes seen, they come rather from the sea coast than the country itself. Property is as sacred among them as in Europe; nor do we see there those robberies and extortions so frequent with the Turks. Travellers may journey there, either by night or by day, with a security unknown in any other part of the empire, and the stranger is received with hospitality, as among the Arabs: it must be owned, however, that the Maronites are less generous, and rather inclined to the vice of parsimony. Conformably to the doctrines of Christianity, they have only one wife, whom they frequently espouse without having seen, and always without having been much in her company. Contrary to the precepts of that same religion, however, they have admitted, or retained, the Arab custom of retaliation, and the nearest relation of a murdered person is bound to avenge him. From a habit founded on distrust, and the political state of the country, every one, whether shaik or peasant, walks continually armed with a musket and poinards. This is, perhaps, an inconvenience; but this advantage results from it, that they have no novices in the use of arms among them, when it is necessary to employ them against the Turks. As the country maintains no regular troops, every man is obliged to join the army in time of war; and if this militia were well conducted, it would be superior to many European armies. From accounts taken in late years, the number of men fit to bear arms, amounts to thirty-five thousand.
The nation can be seen as divided into two classes: the common people and the shaiks, who are the most prominent residents. They are distinguished by the long history of their families and their wealth, setting them apart from the average class. They all live scattered in the mountains, in villages, hamlets, and even isolated houses, which is not the case in the plains. The entire nation consists of farmers. Each person works on the small piece of land or farm they own, using their own hands. Even the shaiks live this way and are only recognized by their slightly better clothing, a horse, and some minor advantages in food and housing. They all live simply, with few luxuries, as they are not very familiar with the trappings of wealth. Overall, the nation is poor, but no one lacks necessities. If beggars are sometimes seen, they are more likely from the coast rather than the country itself. Property is held as sacred among them, just as in Europe; there are no frequent thefts and extortions like those seen with the Turks. Travelers can safely journey there, both day and night, with a level of security not found elsewhere in the empire, and guests are welcomed with hospitality, much like among the Arabs. However, it's noted that the Maronites are less generous and tend to be somewhat stingy. According to Christian teachings, they have only one wife, whom they often marry without having seen beforehand, and usually without spending much time with her. In contradiction to that same religion's teachings, they have either accepted or retained the Arab tradition of revenge, meaning that the closest relative of a murdered person is expected to take revenge. Due to a distrustful nature and the country's political situation, everyone, whether shaik or peasant, is always armed with a musket and daggers. This may be a drawback, but it has the benefit that they are all skilled with weapons when needed to defend against the Turks. Since the country does not maintain regular troops, every man must join the army in times of war, and if this militia were well-organized, it would outmatch many European armies. Recent estimates suggest that the number of men fit for military service is around thirty-five thousand.
In religious matters the Maronites are dependent on Rome. Though they acknowledge the supremacy of the pope, their clergy continue, as heretofore, to elect a head, with the title of batrak, or patriarch of Antioch. Their priests marry, as in the first ages of the church; but their wives must be maidens, and not widows; nor can they marry a second time. They celebrate mass in Syriac, of which the greatest part of them comprehend not a word. The Gospel, alone, is read aloud in Arabic, that it may be understood by the people. The communion is administered in both kinds. In the small country of the Maronites there are reckoned upward of two hundred convents for men and women. These religious are of the order of St. Anthony, whose rules they observe with an exactness which reminds us of earlier times. The court of Rome, in affiliating the Maronites, has granted them a hospitium at Rome, to which they may send several of their youth to receive a gratuitous education. It should seem that this institution might introduce among them the ideas and arts of Europe; but the pupils of this school, limited to an education purely monastic, bring home nothing but the Italian language, which is of no use, and a stock of theological learning, from which as little advantage can be derived; they accordingly soon assimilate with the rest. Nor has a greater change been operated by the three or four missionaries maintained by the French capuchins at Gazir, Tripoli, and Bairout. Their labours consist in preaching in their church, in instructing children in the catechism, Thomas a Kempis, and the Psalms, and in teaching them to read and write. Formerly, the Jesuits had two missionaries at their house at Antoura, and the Lazarites have now succeeded them in their mission. The most valuable advantage that has resulted from these labours is, that the art of writing has become more common among the Maronites, and rendered them, in this country, what the Copts are in Egypt, that is, they are in possession of all the posts of writers, intendants, and kaiyas among the Turks, and especially of those among their allies and neighbours, the Druses.
In religious matters, the Maronites rely on Rome. While they accept the pope's authority, their clergy still elect a leader known as batrak, or patriarch of Antioch. Their priests can marry, just like in the early church, but their wives must be unmarried maidens and not widows; they cannot remarry. Mass is celebrated in Syriac, which most of them don’t understand. Only the Gospel is read aloud in Arabic so that the people can comprehend it. Communion is given in both forms. In the small Maronite region, there are over two hundred convents for men and women. These religious communities follow the order of St. Anthony and adhere to rules that remind us of earlier times. The Roman court, in connecting with the Maronites, has provided them with a hospitium in Rome, where they can send some of their youth for free education. It seems that this opportunity could introduce them to European ideas and skills; however, students from this school end up with nothing more than the Italian language, which is of little use, and a collection of theological knowledge that is equally unhelpful, leading them to quickly blend back in with the rest. The few missionaries supported by the French Capuchins in Gazir, Tripoli, and Bairout haven’t made a significant impact either. Their work mainly involves preaching in their church, teaching children the catechism, Thomas à Kempis, and the Psalms, along with reading and writing. Previously, the Jesuits had two missionaries at their location in Antoura, who have now been succeeded by the Lazarites. The most valuable outcome of these efforts is that writing has become more common among the Maronites, making them, in this country, what the Copts are in Egypt—they hold all the positions of writers, intendants, and kaiyas among the Turks, especially with their allies and neighbors, the Druses.
Mosheim observes, that the subjection of the Maronites to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff was agreed to with this express condition, that neither the popes nor their emissaries should pretend to change or abolish any thing that related to the ancient rites, moral precepts, or religious opinions of this people; so that, in reality, there is nothing to be found among the Maronites that savours of popery, if we except their attachment to the Roman pontiff. It is also certain that there are Maronites in Syria, who still behold the church of Rome with the greatest aversion and abhorrence; nay, what is still more remarkable, great numbers of that nation residing in Italy, even under the eye of the pontiff, opposed his authority during the seventeenth century, and threw the court of Rome into great perplexity. One body of these non-conforming Maronites retired into the valleys of Piedmont, where they joined the Waldenses; another, above six hundred in number, with a bishop, and several ecclesiastics at their head, flew into Corsica, and implored the protection of the republic of Genoa, against the violence of the inquisitors.
Mosheim notes that the Maronites agreed to be under the spiritual authority of the Roman pope with the clear condition that neither the popes nor their representatives would try to change or get rid of anything related to the ancient rituals, moral teachings, or religious beliefs of their community. As a result, there’s really nothing among the Maronites that reflects papal influence, except for their loyalty to the Roman pope. It’s also clear that there are Maronites in Syria who still view the Catholic Church with great dislike and disdain. Even more striking, many of these individuals living in Italy, right under the pope’s nose, opposed his authority during the seventeenth century, causing significant turmoil for the Roman court. One group of these non-conforming Maronites withdrew to the valleys of Piedmont, where they aligned with the Waldenses; another group, numbering over six hundred, along with a bishop and several clergy members, fled to Corsica and sought the protection of the Republic of Genoa against the inquisitors’ violence.
MARRIAGE, a civil and religious contract, by which a man is joined and united to a woman, for the ends of procreation. The essence 622of marriage consists in the mutual consent of the parties. Marriage is a part of the law of nations, and is in use among all people. The public use of marriage institutions consists, according to Archdeacon Paley, in their promoting the following beneficial effects: 1. The private comfort of individuals. 2. The production of the greatest number of healthy children, their better education, and the making of due provision for their settlement in life. 3. The peace of human society, in cutting off a principal source of contention, by assigning one or more women to one man, and protecting his exclusive right by sanctions of morality and law. 4. The better government of society, by distributing the community into separate families, and appointing over each the authority of a master of a family, which has more actual influence than all civil authority put together. 5. The additional security which the state receives for the good behaviour of its citizens, from the solicitude they feel for the welfare of their children, and from their being confined to permanent habitations. 6. The encouragement of industry.
MARRIAGE is a civil and religious contract that brings a man and a woman together for the purpose of having children. The core of marriage is the mutual consent of both parties. It is recognized in the laws of nations and practiced among all cultures. According to Archdeacon Paley, the public role of marriage institutions leads to several benefits: 1. The personal comfort of individuals. 2. The birth of more healthy children, their proper education, and ensuring their future stability. 3. The harmony of society by reducing major conflicts, assigning one or more women to one man, and safeguarding his exclusive rights through moral and legal standards. 4. The improved governance of society by dividing it into family units, with a family head who has more real influence than any civil authority. 5. The added security the state gains from the concern citizens have for their children's welfare and their commitment to stable homes. 6. The promotion of work and productivity.
Whether marriage be a civil or a religious contract, has been a subject of dispute. The truth seems to be that it is both. It has its engagements to men, and its vows to God. A Christian state recognizes marriage as a branch of public morality, and a source of civil peace and strength. It is connected with the peace of society by assigning one woman to one man, and the state protects him, therefore, in her exclusive possession. Christianity, by allowing divorce in the event of adultery, supposes, also, that the crime must be proved by proper evidence before the civil magistrate; and lest divorce should be the result of unfounded suspicion, or be made a cover for license, the decision of the case could safely be lodged no where else. Marriage, too, as placing one human being more completely under the power of another than any other relation, requires laws for the protection of those who are thus so exposed to injury. The distribution of society into families, also, can only be an instrument for promoting the order of the community, by the cognizance which the law takes of the head of a family, and by making him responsible, to a certain extent, for the conduct of those under his influence. Questions of property are also involved in marriage and its issue. The law must, therefore, for these and many other weighty reasons, be cognizant of marriage; must prescribe various regulations respecting it; require publicity of the contract; and guard some of the great injunctions of religion in the matter by penalties. In every well ordered society marriage must be placed under the cognizance and control of the state. But then those who would have the whole matter to lie between the parties themselves, and the civil magistrate, appear wholly to forget that marriage is also a solemn religious act, in which vows are made to God by both persons, who, when the rite is properly understood, engage to abide by all those laws with which he has guarded the institution; to love and cherish each other; and to remain faithful to each other until death. For if, at least, they profess belief in Christianity, whatever duties are laid upon husbands and wives in Holy Scripture, they engage to obey, by the very act of their contracting marriage. The question, then, is whether such vows to God as are necessarily involved in marriage, are to be left between the parties and God privately, or whether they ought to be publicly made before his ministers and the church. On this the Scriptures are silent; but though Michaëlis has shown that the priests under the law were not appointed to celebrate marriage; yet in the practice of the modern Jews it is a religious ceremony, the chief rabbi of the synagogue being present, and prayers being appointed for the occasion. This renders it probable that the character of the ceremony under the law, from the most ancient times, was a religious one. The more direct connection of marriage with religion in Christian states, by assigning its celebration to the ministers of religion, appears to be a very beneficial custom, and one which the state has a right to enjoin. For since the welfare and morals of society are so much interested in the performance of the mutual duties of the married state; and since those duties have a religious as well as a civil character, it is most proper that some provision should be made for explaining those duties; and for this a standing form of marriage is best adapted. By acts of religion, also, they are more solemnly impressed upon the parties. When this is prescribed in any state, it becomes a Christian cheerfully, and even thankfully, to comply with a custom of so important a tendency, as matter of conscientious subjection to lawful authority, although no Scriptural precept can be pleaded for it. That the ceremony should be confined to the clergy of an established church, is a different consideration. We think that the religious effect would be greater, were the ministers of each religious body to be authorized by the state to celebrate marriages among their own people, due provision being previously made by the civil magistrate for the regular and secure registry of them, and to prevent the laws respecting marriage from being evaded; which is indeed his business. The offices of religion would then come in by way of sanction and moral enforcement.
Whether marriage is a civil or a religious contract has been a topic of debate. The truth seems to be that it is both. It involves responsibilities to people and commitments to God. A Christian state sees marriage as part of public morality and a foundation for civil peace and strength. It helps maintain societal order by pairing one woman with one man, and the state protects that man's exclusive rights to her. Christianity, by allowing divorce in cases of adultery, assumes that such a crime must be substantiated with proper evidence before a civil authority, and to prevent divorce from stemming from baseless suspicion or becoming a cover for misconduct, the decision should be handled solely by the legal system. Additionally, because marriage places one person under the authority of another more completely than any other relationship, laws are necessary to protect those who might be vulnerable to harm. The structure of society into families can only effectively promote community order when the law recognizes the head of a family and holds them accountable for the actions of those in their care. Issues of property are also involved in marriage and its outcomes. Therefore, for these and many other important reasons, the law must recognize marriage, regulate it, require public acknowledgment of the contract, and enforce some of the significant religious obligations with penalties. In a well-ordered society, marriage should be under the oversight and control of the state. However, those who think that marriage should be solely a private matter between the individuals involved and the civil magistrate seem to overlook that it is also a solemn religious act, with vows made to God by both spouses, who, when the ceremony is properly understood, commit to uphold all the laws that protect the institution; to love and cherish each other; and to remain faithful until death. For those at least professing belief in Christianity, they agree to the responsibilities that scriptures assign to husbands and wives simply by entering into marriage. The question then is whether the vows to God that are inherently part of marriage should be made privately between the couple and God, or publicly before His ministers and the church. The Scriptures do not address this directly; however, while Michaëlis has pointed out that priests under the law were not designated to officiate marriages, the contemporary practice among modern Jews includes a religious ceremony with the chief rabbi present and specific prayers for the occasion. This suggests that the nature of the ceremony under the law has historically been religious. The closer connection of marriage to religion in Christian states, by requiring that its celebration be officiated by religious ministers, appears to be a beneficial tradition, one that the state has the right to impose. Given that the well-being and morals of society depend significantly on the fulfillment of mutual responsibilities within marriage, and since these duties have both religious and civil dimensions, it is appropriate to have a system in place for outlining these responsibilities; a standardized marriage ceremony suits this purpose best. Religious acts also reinforce these commitments solemnly for the parties involved. When this is mandated by the state, it is a source of joy and gratitude for Christians to adhere to such an important custom, viewing it as a matter of conscientious obedience to lawful authority, even if no specific scriptural injunction exists for it. Whether this ceremony should be restricted to clergy of an established church is a separate issue. We believe that the religious impact would be greater if ministers from each religious group were authorized by the state to officiate marriages for their congregants, provided that the civil authorities ensure proper and secure recording of these events to prevent evasion of marriage laws, which is indeed their responsibility. The functions of religion would then serve as a form of sanction and moral reinforcement.
When this important contract is once made, then certain rights are acquired by the parties mutually, who are also bound by reciprocal duties, in the fulfilment of which the practical virtue of each consists. And here the superior character of the morals of the New Testament, as well as their higher authority, is illustrated. It may, indeed, be within the scope of mere moralists to show that fidelity,and affection, and all the courtesies necessary to maintain affection, are rationally obligatory upon those who are connected by the nuptial bond; but in Christianity nuptial fidelity is guarded by the express law, Thou shalt not commit adultery;” and by our Lord’s exposition of the spirit of that 623law which forbids the indulgence of loose thoughts and desires, and places the purity of the heart under the guardianship of that hallowed fear which his authority tends to inspire. Affection, too, is made a matter of diligent cultivation upon considerations, and by a standard, peculiar to our religion. Husbands are placed in a relation to their wives, similar to that which Christ bears to his church, and his example is thus made their rule. As Christ loved the church, so husbands are to love their wives; as Christ gave himself,” his life, for the church,” Eph. v, 25, so are they to hazard life for their wives; as Christ saves his church, so is it the bounden duty of husbands to endeavour, by every possible means, to promote the religious edification and salvation of their wives. The connection is thus exalted into a religious one; and when love which knows no abatement, protection at the hazard of life, and a tender and constant solicitude for the salvation of a wife, are thus enjoined, the greatest possible security is established for the exercise of kindness and fidelity. The oneness of this union is also more forcibly stated in Scripture than any where beside. They twain shall be one flesh.” So ought men to love their wives as their own bodies; he that loveth his wife loveth himself. For no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as the Lord the church.” Precept and illustration can go no higher than this; and nothing evidently is wanting either of direction or authority to raise the state of marriage into the highest, most endearing, and sanctified relation in which two human beings can stand to each other.
When this important contract is made, both parties gain certain rights and also take on mutual responsibilities, which are essential to fulfilling their roles. This highlights the superior moral standards and higher authority found in the New Testament. While it might be up to moralists to argue that loyalty, affection, and all the courtesies necessary to maintain love are rationally required for those married, Christianity explicitly protects marital fidelity with the command, “You shall not commit adultery,” and through our Lord’s interpretation of this law, which prohibits careless thoughts and desires and safeguards the purity of the heart with a revered sense of respect inspired by His authority. Affection is also emphasized as something that should be diligently nurtured according to standards specific to our faith. Husbands are to relate to their wives in a way similar to how Christ relates to His church, making His example their guide. Just as Christ loved the church, husbands are to love their wives; just as Christ gave His life for the church (Eph. 5:25), so husbands must be willing to risk their lives for their wives; and just as Christ saves His church, husbands are bound to work in every possible way to support the spiritual growth and salvation of their wives. This connection is thus elevated to a spiritual level, and when love that never wavers, protection at the risk of life, and a caring and constant concern for a wife's salvation are mandated, the strongest possible foundation for kindness and fidelity is established. The unity of this relationship is stated more powerfully in Scripture than anywhere else: “The two shall become one flesh.” Men should love their wives as their own bodies; anyone who loves his wife loves himself. No one ever hated his own body but nourishes and cherishes it, just as the Lord does the church. Nothing could provide a clearer directive or stronger authority to elevate marriage into the most profound, affectionate, and sacred relationship that two people can share.
2. We find but few laws in the books of Moses concerning the institution of marriage. Though the Mosaic law no where obliges men to marry, the Jews have always looked upon it as an indispensable duty implied in the words, Increase and multiply,” Gen. i, 28; so that a man who did not marry his daughter before she was twenty years of age, was looked upon as accessary to any irregularities the young woman might be guilty of for want of being timely married. Moses restrained the Israelites from marrying within certain degrees of consanguinity; which had till then been permitted, to prevent their taking wives from among the idolatrous nations among whom they lived. Abraham gave this as a reason for choosing a wife for Isaac from among his own kindred, Gen. xxxiv, 3, &c. But when his descendants became so exceedingly multiplied, this reason ceased; and the great lawgiver prohibited, under pain of death, certain degrees of kindred as incestuous. Polygamy, though not expressly allowed, is however tacitly implied in the laws of Moses, Gen. xxxi; Exod. xxi, 10. This practice likewise was authorized by the example of the patriarchs. Thus Jacob married both the daughters of Laban. In respect to which custom, Moses enjoins that, upon the marriage of a second wife, a man shall be bound to continue to the first her food, raiment, and the duty of marriage. The Jews did not always content themselves with the allowance of two wives, as may be seen in the examples of David, Solomon, and many others. However, they made a distinction between the wives of the first rank, and those of the second. The first they called nashim, and the other pilgashim; which last, though most versions render it by the words concubines,” harlots,” and prostitutes,” yet it has no where in Scripture any such bad sense. There is a particular law called the Levirate, which obliged a man, whose brother died without issue, to marry his widow, and raise up seed to his brother, Deut. xxv, 5, &c. But Moses in some measure left it to a man’s choice, whether he would comply with this law or not; for in case of a refusal, the widow could only summon him before the judges of the place, when, if he persisted, she untied his shoe, and spit in his face, and said, “Thus shall it be done unto the man who refuses to build up his brother’s house.” A man was at liberty to marry not only in the twelve tribes, but even out of them, provided it was among such nations as used circumcision; such were the Midianites, Ishmaelites, Edomites, Moabites, and Egyptians. Accordingly, we find Moses himself married to a Midianite, and Boaz to a Moabite. Amasa was the son of Jether, an Ishmaelite, by Abigail, David’s sister; and Solomon, in the beginning of his reign, married Pharaoh’s daughter. Whenever we find him and other kings blamed for marrying strange women, we must understand it of those nations which were idolatrous and uncircumcised.
2. There are only a few laws in the books of Moses concerning marriage. Although the Mosaic law doesn't require men to marry, the Jews have always viewed it as an essential duty implied in the words, "Increase and multiply," Gen. i, 28; so a man who didn’t marry his daughter before she turned twenty was seen as responsible for any misbehavior she might engage in due to not being married in time. Moses prohibited the Israelites from marrying within certain degrees of family relationships, which had previously been allowed, to prevent them from taking wives from the idolatrous nations among whom they lived. Abraham cited this reason for choosing a wife for Isaac from among his own relatives, Gen. xxxiv, 3, &c. However, when his descendants became extremely numerous, this reason became irrelevant, and the great lawgiver banned, under threat of death, certain family relationships as incestuous. Polygamy, while not explicitly permitted, is implicitly suggested in the laws of Moses, Gen. xxxi; Exod. xxi, 10. This practice was also supported by the actions of the patriarchs. For example, Jacob married both of Laban's daughters. In relation to this custom, Moses mandated that when a man marries a second wife, he must continue to provide the first wife with food, clothing, and fulfill his marital duties to her. The Jews didn't always limit themselves to two wives, as seen in the cases of David, Solomon, and many others. However, they distinguished between wives of the first rank, referred to as nashim, and those of the second rank, called pilgashim; while many translations refer to the latter as "concubines," "harlots," and "prostitutes," the term does not hold any negative connotation in Scripture. There is a specific law known as the Levirate, which required a man whose brother died without children to marry his widow and raise offspring for his brother, Deut. xxv, 5, &c. However, Moses left it somewhat to a man's discretion whether to follow this law; if he refused, the widow could only take him before the local judges, and if he continued to refuse, she would remove his shoe, spit in his face, and say, “Thus shall it be done to the man who refuses to build up his brother’s house.” A man was free to marry not only within the twelve tribes but also outside of them, as long as it was among nations that practiced circumcision; these included the Midianites, Ishmaelites, Edomites, Moabites, and Egyptians. Consequently, we see Moses himself married to a Midianite, and Boaz to a Moabite. Amasa was the son of Jether, an Ishmaelite, by Abigail, David’s sister; and Solomon, at the beginning of his reign, married Pharaoh’s daughter. When we find him and other kings criticized for marrying foreign women, it refers to those nations that were idolatrous and uncircumcised.
It appears almost impossible to Europeans, says Mr. Hartley, that a deception like that of Laban’s could be practised. But the following extract, from a journal which I kept at Smyrna, presents a parallel case: “The Armenian brides are veiled during the marriage ceremony; and hence deceptions have occurred, in regard to the person chosen for wife. I am informed that, on one occasion, a young Armenian at Smyrna solicited in marriage a younger daughter, whom he admired. The parents of the girl consented to the request, and every previous arrangement was made. When the time for solemnizing the marriage arrived, the elder daughter, who was not so beautiful, was conducted by the parents to the altar, and the young man was unconsciously married to her. And ‘it came to pass, that in the morning, behold, it was the elder daughter.’ The deceit was not discovered, till it could not be rectified; and the manner in which the parents justified themselves was precisely that of Laban: ‘It must not be so done in our country, to give the younger before the first-born.’ It is really the rule among the Armenians, that neither a younger son nor daughter be married, till their elder brother or sister have preceded them.” I was once present at the solemnization of matrimony among the Armenians; and some recollections of it may tend to throw light on this and other passages of Scripture. The various festivities attendant on these occasions continue for three days; 624and during the last night the marriage is celebrated. I was conducted to the house of the bride, where I found a very large assemblage of persons. The company was dispersed through various rooms; reminding me of the directions of our Saviour, in regard to the choice of the lowermost rooms at feasts. On the ground floor I actually observed that the persons convened were of an inferior order of the community, while in the upper rooms were assembled those of higher rank. The large number of young females who were present, naturally reminded me of the wise and foolish virgins in our Saviour’s parable. These being friends of the bride, the virgins, her companions, had come to meet the bridegroom, Psalm xlv, 14. It is usual for the bridegroom to come at midnight; so that, literally, at midnight the cry is made, Behold, the bridegroom cometh! go ye out to meet him,” Matt. xxv, 6. But, on this occasion the bridegroom tarried: it was two o’clock before he arrived. The whole party then proceeded to the Armenian church, where the bishop was waiting to receive them; and there the ceremony was completed. See Divorce and Bride.
It seems almost impossible for Europeans, says Mr. Hartley, that a deception like Laban's could actually happen. But the following excerpt from my journal, which I kept in Smyrna, shows a similar situation: “The Armenian brides are veiled during the marriage ceremony; and because of this, deceptions have happened regarding the chosen bride. I learned about one instance where a young Armenian in Smyrna asked for the hand of his younger daughter, whom he admired. The girl's parents agreed to his request, and all the necessary arrangements were made. When the time for the marriage came, the parents brought the older daughter, who was not as attractive, to the altar, and the young man was unknowingly married to her. And ‘it came to pass, that in the morning, behold, it was the elder daughter.’ The deception wasn’t discovered until it was too late; and the way the parents justified themselves was exactly like Laban: ‘It must not be done this way in our country, to give the younger before the first-born.’ It is indeed a rule among Armenians that neither a younger son nor daughter can marry until their older brother or sister has done so first.” I once attended an Armenian wedding ceremony, and my memories of it might help clarify this and other biblical passages. The various celebrations that accompany these events last for three days; and during the final night, the marriage is celebrated. I was taken to the bride's house, where I found a large crowd of people. The guests were spread out across different rooms, reminding me of our Savior's instructions about choosing the lowest places at feasts. On the ground floor, I noticed that the attendees were from the lower ranks of the community, while those in the upper rooms were of higher status. The many young women present naturally brought to mind the wise and foolish virgins in our Savior's parable. These women, friends of the bride, were her companions who had come to meet the bridegroom, as noted in Psalm xlv, 14. It is customary for the bridegroom to arrive at midnight; so, at midnight, the call is made, “Behold, the bridegroom cometh! go ye out to meet him,” Matt. xxv, 6. However, on this occasion, the bridegroom was late: he arrived at two o’clock. The entire group then went to the Armenian church, where the bishop was waiting to greet them; and there the ceremony was concluded. See Divorce and Bride.
MARTHA was sister of Lazarus and Mary, and mistress of the house where our Saviour was entertained, in the village of Bethany. Martha is always named before Mary, probably because she was the elder sister.
MARTHA was the sister of Lazarus and Mary, and the head of the household where our Savior was welcomed, in the village of Bethany. Martha is always mentioned before Mary, likely because she was the older sister.
MARY, the mother of Jesus, and wife of Joseph. She is called by the Jews the daughter of Eli; and by the early Christian writers, the daughter of Joakim and Anna: but Joakim and Eliakim are sometimes interchanged, 2 Chron. xxxvi, 4; and Eli, or Heli, is therefore the abridgment of Eliakim, Luke iii, 23. She was of the royal race of David, as was also Joseph her husband; and she was also cousin to Elizabeth, the wife of Zacharias the priest, Luke i, 5, 36. Mary being espoused to Joseph, the Angel Gabriel appeared to her, to announce to her that she should be the mother of the Messiah, Luke i, 26, 27, &c. To confirm his message, and to show that nothing is impossible to God, he added that her cousin Elizabeth, who was old, and had been hitherto barren, was then in the sixth month of her pregnancy. Mary answered, Behold the handmaid of the Lord, be it unto me according to thy word;” and presently she conceived. She set out for Hebron, a city in the mountains of Judah, to visit her cousin Elizabeth. As soon as Elizabeth heard the voice of Mary, her child, John the Baptist, leaped in her womb; and she was filled with the Holy Ghost, and spake with a loud voice, saying, Blessed art thou among women,” &c. Then Mary praised God, saying, My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour,” &c. Mary continued with Elizabeth about three months, and then returned to her own house. An edict of Cæsar Augustus having decreed, that all subjects of the empire should go to their own cities, to register their names according to their families, Joseph and Mary, who were both of the lineage of David, went to Bethlehem, from whence sprung their family. But while they were here, the time being fulfilled in which Mary was to be delivered, she brought forth her first-born son. She wrapped him in swaddling clothes, and laid him in the manger of the stable or cavern whither they had retired, because there was no room in the inn. Angels made this event known to shepherds, who were in the fields near Bethlehem, and these came in the night to Joseph and Mary, and saw the child lying in the manger, and paid him their adoration. The presentation of Christ in the temple, the flight into Egypt, the slaughter of the innocents, and other events connected with the birth and infancy of our Lord, are plainly related in the Gospels.
MARY, the mother of Jesus and wife of Joseph. The Jews refer to her as the daughter of Eli, while early Christian writers call her the daughter of Joakim and Anna. Joakim and Eliakim are sometimes mixed up, as noted in 2 Chronicles 36:4, and Eli, or Heli, is a shortened form of Eliakim, according to Luke 3:23. She belonged to the royal lineage of David, just like her husband Joseph, and she was also a cousin of Elizabeth, the wife of Zacharias the priest, as mentioned in Luke 1:5, 36. While engaged to Joseph, the Angel Gabriel appeared to her to inform her that she would be the mother of the Messiah, as seen in Luke 1:26, 27, etc. To confirm his message and show that nothing is impossible for God, he added that her cousin Elizabeth, who was elderly and previously barren, was then six months pregnant. Mary replied, "I am the Lord's servant; may your word to me be fulfilled," and soon after, she became pregnant. She traveled to Hebron, a city in the mountains of Judah, to visit her cousin Elizabeth. When Elizabeth heard Mary's greeting, her baby, John the Baptist, leaped in her womb; she was filled with the Holy Spirit and exclaimed loudly, "Blessed are you among women," etc. Then Mary praised God, saying, "My soul glorifies the Lord, and my spirit rejoices in God my Savior," etc. Mary stayed with Elizabeth for about three months before returning home. An edict from Caesar Augustus mandated that all subjects of the empire go to their hometowns to register their names according to their families, so Joseph and Mary, both descendants of David, traveled to Bethlehem, the origin of their family line. While they were there, the time came for Mary to give birth, and she had her firstborn son. She wrapped him in cloth and laid him in a manger because there was no room at the inn. Angels announced this event to shepherds in the fields near Bethlehem, who came at night to see Joseph and Mary and found the baby lying in the manger, where they worshipped him. The Gospels clearly narrate the presentation of Christ in the temple, the flight into Egypt, the massacre of the innocents, and other significant events surrounding the birth and early life of our Lord.
Mary and Joseph went every year to Jerusalem to the passover; and when Jesus was twelve years of age, they took him with them. When they were returning, the youth continued at Jerusalem, without their perceiving it. Three days after, they found him in the temple, sitting among the doctors, hearing them and asking them questions. Afterward, he returned with them to Nazareth, and lived in filial submission to them. But his mother laid up all these things in her heart, Luke ii, 51, &c. The Gospel speaks nothing more of the Virgin Mary till the marriage at Cana of Galilee, at which she was present with her son Jesus. She was at Jerusalem at the last passover our Saviour celebrated there. There she saw all that was transacted; followed him to Calvary; and stood at the foot of his cross with an admirable constancy and courage. Jesus seeing his mother, and his beloved disciple near, he said to his mother, Woman, behold thy son; and to the disciple, Behold thy mother. And from that hour the disciple took her home to his own house.” No farther particulars of this favoured woman are mentioned, except that she was a witness of Christ’s resurrection. A veil is drawn over her character and history; as though with the design to reprove that wretched idolatry of which she was made the subject when Christianity became corrupt and paganized.
Mary and Joseph went every year to Jerusalem for Passover, and when Jesus was twelve years old, they took him with them. On their way back, the young Jesus stayed in Jerusalem without them realizing it. Three days later, they found him in the temple, sitting among the teachers, listening to them and asking them questions. After that, he went back to Nazareth with them and lived in obedience to them. But his mother kept all these things in her heart, Luke ii, 51, &c. The Gospel doesn’t mention the Virgin Mary again until the wedding at Cana in Galilee, where she was present with her son Jesus. She was in Jerusalem during the last Passover that our Savior celebrated there. She witnessed everything that happened; she followed him to Calvary and stood at the foot of his cross with remarkable strength and courage. Seeing his mother and his beloved disciple nearby, Jesus said to his mother, "Woman, here is your son," and to the disciple, "Here is your mother." From that hour, the disciple took her into his own home. No further details about this favored woman are given, except that she was a witness to Christ’s resurrection. A veil is drawn over her character and history, seemingly to condemn the miserable idolatry that she became a subject of when Christianity became corrupt and paganized.
2. Mary, the mother of John Mark, a disciple of the Apostles. She had a house in Jerusalem, whither, it is thought, the Apostles retired after the ascension of our Lord, and where they received the Holy Ghost. After the imprisonment of St. Peter, the faithful assembled in this house, and were praying there when Peter, delivered by the ministry of an angel, knocked at the door of the house, Acts xii, 12.
2. Mary, the mother of John Mark, a disciple of the Apostles, had a house in Jerusalem. It's believed that the Apostles went there after our Lord's ascension and where they received the Holy Spirit. After St. Peter was imprisoned, the faithful gathered in this house to pray, and it was while they were praying that Peter, freed by an angel, knocked on the door, Acts xii, 12.
3. Mary, of Cleophas. St. Jerom says, she bore the name of Cleophas, either because of her father, or for some other reason which cannot now be known. Others believe, with greater probability, that she was wife of Cleophas, as our version of the New Testament makes her, by supplying the word wife, John xix, 25, and mother of James the less, and of Simon, brethren of our Lord. These last mentioned authors take Mary mother of James, and Mary wife of Cleophas, to be the same person, Matthew xxvii, 56; Mark xv, 40, 41; 625Luke xxiv, 10; John xix, 25. St. John gives her the name of Mary of Cleophas; and the other evangelists, the name of Mary, mother of James. Cleophas and Alpheus are the same person; as James, son of Mary, wife of Cleophas, is the same as James, son of Alpheus. It is thought she was the sister of the Virgin Mary, and that she was the mother of James the less, of Joses, of Simon, and of Judas, who in the Gospel are named the brethren of Jesus Christ, Matt. xiii, 55; xxvii, 56; Mark vi, 3; that is, his cousin-germans. She was an early believer in Jesus Christ, and attended him on his journeys, to minister to him. She was present at the last passover, and at the death of our Saviour she followed him to Calvary; and during his passion she was with the mother of Jesus at the foot of the cross. She was also present at his burial; and on the Friday before had, in union with others, prepared the perfumes to embalm him, Luke xxiii, 56. But going to his tomb very early on the Sunday morning, with other women, they there learned from the mouth of an angel, that he was risen; of which they carried the news to the Apostles, Luke xxiv, 1–5; Matt. xxviii, 9. By the way, Jesus appeared to them; and they embraced his feet, worshipping him. This is all we know with certainty concerning Mary, the wife of Cleophas.
3. Mary, mother of James, was the wife of Cleophas. St. Jerome mentions that she was named Cleophas, either because of her father or for another reason that's now unknown. Others, more convincingly, believe that she was the wife of Cleophas, as our version of the New Testament suggests by adding the word wife in John xix, 25, and the mother of James the Less and Simon, who are Jesus' brothers. The authors who mention Mary, mother of James, and Mary, wife of Cleophas, consider them to be the same person, as seen in Matthew xxvii, 56; Mark xv, 40, 41; 625 Luke xxiv, 10; John xix, 25. St. John refers to her as Mary of Cleophas, while the other evangelists call her Mary, mother of James. Cleophas and Alpheus are the same individual, as James, son of Mary, wife of Cleophas, is the same as James, son of Alpheus. Some believe she was the sister of the Virgin Mary and the mother of James the Less, Joses, Simon, and Judas, who are referred to in the Gospel as the brothers of Jesus Christ, Matt. xiii, 55; xxvii, 56; Mark vi, 3; meaning his cousins. She was an early believer in Jesus Christ and traveled with him to support him. She was present at the last Passover and followed him to Calvary during his death; along with the mother of Jesus, she stood at the foot of the cross during his suffering. She also witnessed his burial; on the preceding Friday, she had joined others in preparing the perfumes to embalm him, Luke xxiii, 56. However, on the Sunday morning, she went to his tomb with other women and learned from an angel that he had risen; they shared the news with the Apostles, Luke xxiv, 1–5; Matt. xxviii, 9. On the way, Jesus appeared to them, and they embraced his feet, worshiping him. This is everything we know for sure about Mary, the wife of Cleophas.
4. Mary, sister of Lazarus, who has been preposterously confounded with that female sinner spoken of, Luke vii, 37–39. She lived with her brother and her sister Martha at Bethany; and Jesus Christ, having a particular affection for this family, often retired to their house with his disciples. Six days before the passover, after having raised Lazarus from the dead, he came to Bethany with his disciples, and was invited to sup with Simon the leper, John xii, 1, &c; Matthew xxvi, 6, &c; Mark xiv, 3, &c. Martha attended at the table, and Lazarus was one of the guests. Upon this occasion, Mary, taking a pound of spikenard, which is the most precious perfume of its kind, poured it upon the head and feet of Jesus. She wiped his feet with her hair, and the whole house was filled with the odour of the perfume. Judas Iscariot murmured at this; but Jesus justified Mary in what she had done, saying, that by this action she had prevented his embalmment, and in a manner had declared his death and burial, which were at hand. From this period the Scriptures make no mention of either Mary or Martha.
4. Mary, sister of Lazarus, who has been wrongly confused with the female sinner mentioned in Luke 7:37–39. She lived with her brother Lazarus and her sister Martha in Bethany; and Jesus, having a special bond with this family, often went to their home with his disciples. Six days before Passover, after raising Lazarus from the dead, he came to Bethany with his disciples and was invited to dinner at the house of Simon the leper, as noted in John 12:1, &c; Matthew 26:6, &c; Mark 14:3, &c. Martha served at the table, and Lazarus was one of the guests. On this occasion, Mary took a pound of pure nard, the most expensive perfume, and poured it on Jesus’ head and feet. She wiped his feet with her hair, and the entire house was filled with the fragrance of the perfume. Judas Iscariot complained about this, but Jesus defended Mary, saying that by doing this she had prepared him for burial, indicating that his death was imminent. After this, the Scriptures do not mention either Mary or Martha again.
5. Mary Magdalene, so called, it is probable, from Magdala, a town of Galilee, of which she was a native, or where she had resided during the early part of her life. Out of her, St. Luke tells us, Jesus had cast seven devils, Luke viii, 2. He informs us, also, in the same place, that Jesus, in company with his Apostles, preached the Gospel from city to city; and that there were several women with them, whom he had delivered from evil spirits, and healed of their infirmities; among whom was this Mary, whom some, without a shadow of proof, have supposed to be the sinful woman spoken of, Luke vii, 37–39; as others have as erroneously imagined her to be Mary, the sister of Lazarus. Mary Magdalene is mentioned by the evangelists as being one of those women that followed our Saviour, to minister to him, according to the custom of the Jews. She attended him in the last journey he made from Galilee to Jerusalem, and was at the foot of the cross with the holy virgin, John xix, 25; Mark xv, 47; after which she returned to Jerusalem, to buy and prepare with others certain perfumes, that she might embalm him after the Sabbath was over, which was then about to begin. All the Sabbath day she remained in the city; and the next day, early in the morning, went to the sepulchre along with Mary, the mother of James, and Salome, Mark xvi, 1, 2; Luke xxiv, 1, 2. For other particulars respecting her, see also Matt. xxviii, 1–5; John xx, 11–17. In Dr. Townley’s Essays, there is one of considerable research on Mary Magdalene; and his conclusion is, that it is probable that the woman mentioned by St. Luke, and called in the English translation a sinner,” had formerly been a Heathen; but whether subsequently a proselyte to Judaism or not, is uncertain; and that, having been brought to the knowledge of Christian truth, and having found mercy from the Redeemer, she pressed into Simon’s house, and gave the strongest proofs of her gratitude and veneration by anointing the Saviour’s feet, bedewing them with her tears, and wiping them with the hairs of her head:--that by a wilful and malicious misrepresentation, the Jews confounded Mary Magdalene with Mary the mother of Jesus, and represented her as an infamous character:--and that, from the blasphemous calumny of the Jews, a stigma of infamy has been affixed to the name of Mary Magdalene, and caused her to be regarded in the false light of a penitent prostitute. There is no doubt but that Mary Magdalene, both in character and circumstances, was a woman of good reputation.
5. Mary Magdalene likely got her name from Magdala, a town in Galilee, where she was either born or lived during part of her early life. St. Luke tells us that Jesus cast seven demons out of her, as mentioned in Luke viii, 2. He also notes that Jesus traveled with his Apostles, preaching the Gospel from city to city and that several women traveled with them who he had freed from evil spirits and healed of various illnesses; among those women was Mary. Some have wrongly assumed she is the sinful woman referred to in Luke vii, 37–39, while others have mistakenly thought she was Mary, the sister of Lazarus. The evangelists mention Mary Magdalene as one of the women who followed Jesus to support him, which was a common practice among the Jews. She was present during his final journey from Galilee to Jerusalem and stood at the foot of the cross with the holy virgin, as noted in John xix, 25; Mark xv, 47. After this, she returned to Jerusalem to buy and prepare perfumes with others to anoint his body after the Sabbath, which was about to begin. She spent the Sabbath in the city and the following morning went to the tomb with Mary, the mother of James, and Salome, as noted in Mark xvi, 1, 2; Luke xxiv, 1, 2. For more details about her, refer to Matt. xxviii, 1–5; John xx, 11–17. In Dr. Townley’s Essays, there is a detailed study on Mary Magdalene, concluding that the woman mentioned by St. Luke, referred to in English as a “sinner,” was probably once a pagan; whether she later became a convert to Judaism is uncertain. After discovering Christian truth and receiving mercy from the Redeemer, she entered Simon's house and expressed her gratitude and reverence by anointing Jesus’ feet, washing them with her tears, and drying them with her hair. Due to a deliberate and malicious distortion, the Jews conflated Mary Magdalene with Mary, the mother of Jesus, portraying her as a disreputable individual. As a result of the blasphemous slanders from the Jews, Mary Magdalene has been wrongly labeled and viewed as a penitent prostitute. There is no doubt that Mary Magdalene was a woman of good reputation in both character and circumstances.
MASCHIL, a title, or inscription, at the head of several psalms of David and others, in the book of Psalms. Thus Psalm xxxii is inscribed, A Psalm of David, Maschil;” and Psalm xlii, To the chief musician, Maschil, for the sons of Korah.” The word Maschil, in the Hebrew, signifies, he that instructs;” though some interpreters take it for the name of a musical instrument. Some of the rabbins believe that, in repeating the psalms which have this inscription, it was usual to add an interpretation or explication to them. Others, on the contrary, think it shows the clearness and perspicuity of such psalms, and that they needed no particular explication. The most probable opinion is, that Maschil means an instructive song.
MASCHIL is a title or inscription found at the beginning of several psalms by David and others in the book of Psalms. For example, Psalm xxxii is labeled, "A Psalm of David, Maschil," and Psalm xlii is titled, "To the chief musician, Maschil, for the sons of Korah." The word Maschil in Hebrew means "he that instructs," although some interpreters believe it refers to a musical instrument. Some rabbis think that when reciting the psalms with this inscription, it was common to provide an interpretation or explanation for them. Others, however, believe it indicates the clarity and straightforwardness of these psalms, suggesting they don’t require any special explanation. The most likely interpretation is that Maschil refers to an instructive song.
MASS, MISSA, in the church of Rome, the office of prayers used at the celebration of the eucharist; or, in other words, the consecrating the bread and wine so that it is transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ, and offer them as an expiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead. Nicod, after Baronius, observes that the word comes from the Hebrew 626missach, (oblatum,) or from the Latin missa missorum; because in former times the catechumens and excommunicated were sent out of the church, when the deacons said, Ite, missa est,” after sermon and reading of the epistle and Gospel; they not being allowed to assist at the consecration. Menage derives the word from missio, dismissing;” others, from missa, sending;” because in the mass the prayers of men on earth are sent up to heaven.
MASS, MISSA, in the Roman church, is the set of prayers used during the celebration of the Eucharist; in other words, it’s the act of consecrating the bread and wine so that they are transformed into the body and blood of Christ, which are then offered as a sacrificial atonement for the living and the dead. Nicod, following Baronius, notes that the word comes from the Hebrew 626missach (oblatum), or from the Latin missa missorum; because in earlier times, the catechumens and those excommunicated were sent out of the church when the deacons said, Mass is ended. after the sermon and the reading of the epistle and Gospel, as they were not allowed to participate in the consecration. Menage derives the term from mission, meaning “sending away”; others suggest mass, meaning “sending,” because in the Mass, the prayers of people on earth are sent up to heaven.
As the mass is in general believed to be a representation of the passion of our blessed Saviour, so every action of the priest, and every particular part of the service, are supposed to allude to the particular circumstances of his passion and death. The general division of masses is into high and low mass. The first is that sung by the choristers, and celebrated with the assistance of a deacon and sub-deacon: low masses are those in which the prayers are barely rehearsed without singing. There are a great number of different or occasional masses in the Romish church, many of which have nothing peculiar but the name. Such are the masses of the saints: that of St. Mary of the Snow, celebrated on the fifth of August; that of St. Margaret, patroness of lying-in women; that at the feast of St. John the Baptist, at which are said three masses; that of the Innocents, at which the Gloria in excelsis and Hallelujah are omitted; and, it being a day of mourning, the altar is of a violet colour. As to ordinary masses, some are said for the dead, and, as is supposed, contribute to extricate the soul out of purgatory. At these masses the altar is put in mourning, and the only decorations are a cross in the middle of six yellow wax lights; the dress of the celebrant, and the very mass book, are black; many parts of the office are omitted, and the people are dismissed without the benediction. If the mass be said for a person distinguished by his rank or virtues, it is followed with a funeral oration; they erect a chapelle ardente, that is, a representation of the deceased, with branches and tapers of yellow wax, either in the middle of the church, or near the deceased’s tomb, where the priest pronounces a solemn absolution of the deceased. There are likewise private masses said for stolen or strayed goods or cattle, for health, for travellers, &c, which go under the name of votive masses. There is still a farther distinction of masses, denominated from the countries in which they were used: thus the Gothic mass, or missa mosarabum, is that used among the Goths when they were masters of Spain, and which is still observed at Toledo and Salamanca; the Ambrosian mass is that composed by St. Ambrose, and used only at Milan, of which city he was bishop; the Gallic mass, used by the ancient Gauls; and the Roman mass, used by almost all the churches in the Roman communion.
As people generally believe that the mass reflects the suffering of our blessed Savior, every action of the priest and each specific part of the service are thought to refer to the details of His passion and death. Masses are mainly divided into high and low mass. High mass is sung by the choir and conducted with the help of a deacon and sub-deacon, while low masses are those where the prayers are simply recited without singing. There are many different or special masses in the Roman Catholic Church, most of which are only unique by their names. Examples include the masses of the saints: that of St. Mary of the Snow, celebrated on August 5th; that of St. Margaret, the patron saint of women in labor; the mass for the feast of St. John the Baptist, for which three masses are said; and that of the Innocents, where the Glory in the highest and Hallelujah are left out, and since it's a day of mourning, the altar is decorated in violet. For regular masses, some are said for the dead and are thought to help release the soul from purgatory. During these masses, the altar is draped in mourning, and the only decorations are a cross surrounded by six yellow wax candles; the celebrant's attire and the mass book are black; many parts of the service are omitted, and the congregation is dismissed without a blessing. If a mass is held for someone notable due to their status or virtues, it is followed by a funeral speech; they set up a wake chapel, which is a representation of the deceased adorned with branches and yellow wax candles, either in the middle of the church or near the tomb of the deceased, where the priest delivers a formal absolution for the deceased. Additionally, there are private masses said for lost or stray property or animals, for health, for travelers, etc., known as votive masses. There’s also another classification of masses named after the regions where they were practiced: the Gothic mass, or missa mosarabum, was used by the Goths when they ruled Spain and is still practiced in Toledo and Salamanca; the Ambrosian mass was composed by St. Ambrose and is only used in Milan, where he was bishop; the Gallic mass was used by the ancient Gauls; and the Roman mass is used by nearly all churches in the Roman communion.
MATERIALISM, the doctrine which resolves the thinking principle in man, or the immaterial and immortal soul with which God was pleased to endue Adam at his creation, into mere matter, or into a faculty resulting from its organization. Much has been written of late years against this doctrine, and the different modifications which it has assumed; but in substance nothing new has been said on either side; and the able and condensed argument of Wollaston in his Religion of Nature Delineated,” if well considered, will furnish every one with a most clear and satisfactory refutation of this antiscriptural and irrational error:--The soul cannot be mere matter: for if it is, then either all matter must think; or the difference must arise from the different modification, magnitude, figure, or motion of some parcels of matter in respect of others; or a faculty of thinking must be superadded to some systems of it, which is not superadded to others. But in the first place, that position, which makes all matter to be cogitative, is contrary to all the apprehensions and knowledge we have of the nature of it; nor can it be true, unless our senses and faculties be contrived only to deceive us. We perceive not the least symptom of cogitation or sense in our tables, chairs, &c. Why doth the scene of thinking lie in our heads, and all the ministers of sensation make their reports to something there, if all matter be apprehensive and cogitative? For in that case there would be as much thought and understanding in our heels, and every where else, as in our heads. If all matter be cogitative, then it must be so quatenus [so far forth as] matter, and thinking must be of the essence and definition of it; whereas by matter no more is meant than a substance extended and impenetrable to other matter. And since, for this reason, it cannot be necessary for matter to think, (because it may be matter without this property,) it cannot think as matter only; if it did, we should not only continue to think always, till the matter of which we consist is annihilated, and so the asserter of this doctrine would stumble upon immortality unawares; but we must also have thought always in time past, ever since that matter was in being; nor could there be any the least intermission of actual thinking; which does not appear to be our case. If thinking, self-consciousness, &c, were essential to matter, every part of it must have them; and then no system could have them. For a system of material parts would be a system of things conscious, every one by itself of its own existence and individuality, and, consequently, thinking by itself; but there could be no one act of self-consciousness or thought common to the whole. Juxtaposition, in this case, could signify nothing; the distinction and individuation of the several particles would be as much retained in their vicinity, as if they were separated by miles.
MATERIALISM, the belief that reduces the thinking aspect of humans, or the immaterial and immortal soul that God granted to Adam at his creation, to just matter or a function that arises from its organization. A lot has been written recently against this belief and its various versions; however, in essence, nothing new has been discussed on either side. Wollaston’s strong and concise argument in his "Religion of Nature Delineated," when thoroughly considered, provides a clear and satisfying refutation of this unbiblical and irrational mistake: The soul cannot be just matter. If it were, then either all matter would have to think, or the difference would come from variations in organization, size, shape, or motion among different pieces of matter; or a thinking ability would have to be added to some arrangements of matter that isn’t added to others. First, the claim that all matter can think contradicts everything we understand about its nature; it can’t be true unless our senses and faculties are designed solely to mislead us. We don’t see any signs of thought or perception in our tables, chairs, etc. Why is the act of thinking located in our heads, and all sensory inputs report to something there, if all matter is aware and thinking? In that case, there would be just as much thought and understanding in our heels and everywhere else as in our heads. If all matter can think, it must do so as matter, meaning thinking would be essential to its definition; yet by matter, we simply mean a substance that is extended and unable to be penetrated by other matter. And since it doesn't need to think to be matter, (because it can exist without this property,) it cannot think as just matter; if it did, we would have to keep thinking until the matter we are made of is destroyed, leading the supporter of this view to inadvertently encounter immortality. We would also have had thoughts from the very beginning of matter’s existence; there couldn’t be any pause in actual thinking, which doesn’t seem to be our reality. If thinking and self-awareness were essential to matter, every tiny piece would have them; therefore, no system could possess them. A system of material parts would imply that each piece is conscious of its own existence and individuality, and thus, thinks independently; however, there could not be a single moment of self-awareness or thought shared by the entire system. In this situation, being next to each other wouldn’t mean anything; the distinction and individuality of the various particles would be just as retained in their closeness as if they were miles apart.
In the next place, the faculties of thinking, &c, cannot arise from the size, figure, texture, or motion of it; because bodies by the alteration of these only become greater or less, round or square, &c, rare or dense, translated from one place to another with this or that new direction or velocity, or the like; all which ideas are quite different from that of thinking; 627there can be no relation between them. These modifications and affections of matter are so far from being principles or causes of thinking and acting, that they are themselves but effects, proceeding from the action of some other matter or thing upon it, and are proofs of its passivity, deadness and utter incapacity of becoming cogitative: this is evident to sense. They who place the essence of the soul in a certain motion given to some matter, (if any such men there really be,) should consider, among many other things, that to move the body spontaneously, is one of the faculties of the soul; and that this, which is the same with the power of beginning motion, cannot come from motion already begun, and impressed ab extra. Let the materialist examine well, whether he does not feel something within himself that acts from an internal principle; whether he does not experience some liberty, some power of governing himself, and choosing; whether he does not enjoy a kind of invisible empire in which he commands his own thoughts, sends them to this or that place, employs them about this or that business, forms such and such designs and schemes; and whether there is any thing like this in bare matter, however fashioned or proportioned; which, if nothing should protrude or communicate motion to it, would for ever remain fixed to the place where it happens to be, an eternal monument of its own being dead. Can such an active being as the soul is, the subject of so many powers, be itself nothing but an accident? When I begin to move myself, I do it for some reason, and with respect to some end, the means to effect which I have, if there be occasion for it, concerted within myself; and this does not at all look like motion merely material, or in which matter is only concerned, which is all mechanical. Who can imagine matter to be moved by arguments, or ever placed syllogisms and demonstrations among levers and pullies? We not only move ourselves upon reasons which we find in ourselves, but upon reasons imparted by words or writings from others, or perhaps merely at their desire or bare suggestion: in which case, again, nobody surely can imagine that the words spoken or written, the sound in the air, or the strokes on the paper, can, by any natural or mechanical efficience, cause the reader or hearer to move in any determinate manner, or at all. The reason, request, or friendly admonition, which is the true motive, can make no impression upon matter. It must be some other kind of being that apprehends the force and sense of them. Do not we see in conversation, how a pleasant thing said makes people break out into laughter, a rude thing into passion, and so on? These affections cannot be the physical effects of the words spoken; because then they would have the same effect, whether they were understood or not. And this is farther demonstrable from hence, that though the words do really contain nothing which is either pleasant or rude, or perhaps words are thought to be spoken which are not spoken; yet if they are apprehended to do that, or the sound to be otherwise than it was, the effect will be the same. It is therefore the sense of the words, which is an immaterial thing, that by passing through the understanding, and causing that which is the subject of the intellectual faculties to influence the body, produces these motions in the spirits, blood, and muscles.
In the next section, the ability to think and reason cannot come from the size, shape, texture, or movement of a body. Changes in these aspects only make things bigger or smaller, round or square, dense or light, or move them from one place to another in various directions and speeds. All of these concepts are completely different from thinking; there is no connection between them. These changes and characteristics of matter are far from being the basis or cause of thought and action; they are merely effects that arise from the influence of something else upon them, showing that matter is passive, lifeless, and completely incapable of thought. This is clear to anyone who observes. Those who believe the essence of the soul is in a specific motion of matter (if such people actually exist) should consider that the ability to move one's body on its own is a faculty of the soul. The power to initiate movement cannot stem from motion that has already started or been imposed from outside. A materialist should reflect on whether they feel something within themselves that acts from an internal source; whether they experience any freedom, and the ability to govern and make choices; whether they have an invisible control over their own thoughts, directing them to different places and focusing on various tasks, coming up with different plans and ideas; and whether anything similar exists in mere matter, no matter how shaped or arranged. If nothing were to apply motion to it, matter would remain forever still, a perpetual reminder of its own lifeless state. Can such an active being as the soul, with its many powers, simply be a result of circumstances? When I choose to move, I do so for a reason and with a purpose in mind, organizing how to achieve it within myself; this doesn’t seem to resemble mere mechanical movement, which is only concerned with matter. Who would think that matter could be moved by logic, or include reasoning and demonstrations among levers and pulleys? We not only act based on reasons we create ourselves but also on reasons communicated to us through words or writings from others, or even at their request or suggestion. In those cases, no one could logically believe that spoken or written words, sounds in the air, or marks on paper could, through any natural or mechanical means, make the reader or listener act in a specific way or at all. The actual reasoning, request, or friendly advice—that’s what truly motivates action, and it cannot affect mere matter. It must be some other type of being that perceives their significance. In conversation, we clearly see how something humorous can make people laugh, while something rude can provoke anger, and so forth. These reactions cannot be mere physical effects of the spoken words; otherwise, they would have the same impact whether they were understood or not. This can further be demonstrated by the fact that even if the words do not inherently express anything pleasant or rude, or if words are believed to have been said that were never spoken, if they are perceived to do so, the effect remains the same. Therefore, it is the meaning of the words, an immaterial essence, that, by passing through understanding and influencing what the intellectual faculties address, leads to reactions in the spirits, blood, and muscles.
They who can fancy that matter may come to live, think, and act spontaneously, by being reduced to a certain magnitude, or having its parts placed after a certain manner, or being invested with such a figure, or excited by such a particular motion; they, I say, would do well to discover to us that degree of fineness, that alteration in the situation of its parts, &c, at which matter may begin to find itself alive and cogitative; and which is the critical minute, that introduces these important properties. If they cannot do this, nor have their eye upon any particular crisis, it is a sign that they have no good reason for what they say. For if they have no reason to charge this change upon any particular degree or difference, one more than another, they have no reason to charge it upon any degree or difference at all; and then they have no reason by which they can prove that such a change is made at all. Beside all which, since magnitude, figure, and motion are but accidents of matter, not matter, and only the substance is truly matter; and since the substance of any one part of matter does not differ from that of another, if any matter can be by nature cogitative, all must be so: but this we have seen cannot be. So then, in conclusion, if there is any such thing as matter that thinks, &c, this must be a particular privilege granted to it; that is, a faculty of thinking must be superadded to certain parts or parcels of it; which, by the way, must infer the existence of some being able to confer this faculty; who, when the ineptness of matter has been well considered, cannot appear to be less than omnipotent, or God. But the truth is, matter seems not to be capable of such improvement, of being made to think. For since it is not the essence of matter, it cannot be made to be so without making matter another kind of substance from what it is. Nor can it be made to arise from any of the modifications or accidents of matter; and in respect of what else can any matter be made to differ from other matter.
Those who believe that matter can come to life, think, and act on its own simply by being a certain size, arranged in a specific way, shaped in a particular manner, or stimulated by certain motions; I say, they should explain to us the precise conditions, the arrangement of its parts, etc., at which matter might start to be alive and think; and what the critical moment is that brings about these significant properties. If they can't do this, nor focus on any specific moment, it indicates they have no solid backing for what they claim. Because if they have no reason to attribute this change to a particular condition or difference, more than another, they have no reason to attribute it to any condition or difference at all; and thus they have no reason to prove that such a change occurs at all. Moreover, since size, shape, and motion are just characteristics of matter, not the essence of matter itself, and since the substance of any part of matter is the same as that of another, if any matter could truly think, all must be able to do so: but we have seen this can't be the case. Therefore, in conclusion, if there is any matter that thinks, it must be a special privilege given to it; in other words, the ability to think must be added to certain parts or pieces of it; which implies the existence of a being capable of granting this ability; who, after considering the limitations of matter, must be nothing less than all-powerful, or God. The truth is, matter does not seem to be capable of such an advancement, of being able to think. Since thinking is not part of the essence of matter, it can't be made to think without changing the substance of matter itself. Nor can it emerge from any of the properties or characteristics of matter; and as for how any matter could be made to differ from another, that's another question.
The accidents of matter are so far from being made by any power to produce cogitation, that some even of them show it incapable of having a faculty of thinking superadded. The very divisibility of it does this. For that which is made to think must either be one part, or more parts joined together. But we know no such thing as a part of matter purely one, or indivisible. It may, indeed, have pleased the Author of nature, that there should be atoms, whose parts are actually indiscerptible, and which may be the principles of other bodies; but still they consist of parts, though firmly adhering together. And if the seat of cogitation be in more parts than one, whether they lie close together, or are loose, or in a state of fluidity, it is the same thing, how can 628it be avoided, but that either there must be so many several minds, or thinking substances, as there are parts, and then the consequence which has been mentioned would return upon us again; or else that there must be something else superadded for them to centre in, to unite their acts, and make their thoughts to be one? And then what can this be but some other substance, which is purely one?
The accidents of matter are far from being created by any power to produce thought, to the point that some of them even demonstrate it's incapable of having a thinking ability added to it. The very nature of its divisibility proves this. For something that is meant to think must either be one part or multiple parts combined. But we don’t know of any part of matter that is purely one or indivisible. It might, indeed, please the Creator of nature that there are atoms, whose parts are actually indivisible and could be the building blocks of other bodies; yet they still consist of parts, even though they are tightly bound together. And if the source of thought is in more than one part, whether they are closely packed, scattered, or fluid, how can it be avoided that there must be as many different minds or thinking substances as there are parts, and then the previously mentioned problem would arise again? Or there would need to be something else added for them to focus on, to unite their actions, and make their thoughts one? And then what could this be but another substance that is purely one? 628
Matter by itself can never entertain abstracted and general ideas, such as many in our minds are. For could it reflect upon what passes within itself, it could possibly find there nothing but material and particular impressions; abstractions and metaphysical ideas could not be printed upon it. How could one abstract from matter who is himself nothing but matter?
Matter by itself can never engage with abstract and general ideas, like many we have in our minds. If it could reflect on what happens inside it, it would only find material and specific impressions; abstractions and metaphysical ideas couldn't be imprinted on it. How could someone who is just made of matter abstract from matter itself?
If the soul were mere matter, external visible objects could only be perceived within us according to the impressions they make upon matter, and not otherwise. For instance: the image of a cube in my mind, or my idea of a cube, must be always under some particular prospect, and conform to the rules of perspective; nor could I otherwise represent it to myself; whereas now I can form an idea of it as it is in itself, and almost view all its hedræ at once, as it were encompassing it with my mind. I can within myself correct the external appearances and impressions of objects, and advance, upon the reports and hints received by my senses, to form ideas of things that are not extant in matter. By seeing a material circle I may learn to form the idea of a circle, or figure generated by the revolution of a ray about its centre; but then, recollecting what I know of matter upon other occasions, I can conclude there is no exact material circle. So that I have an idea, which perhaps was raised from the hints I received from without, but is not truly to be found there. If I see a tower at a great distance, which, according to the impressions made upon my material organs, seems little and round, I do not therefore conclude it to be either; there is something within that reasons upon the circumstances of the appearance, and as it were commands my sense, and corrects the impression; and this must be something superior to matter, since a material soul is no otherwise impressible itself but as material organs are: instances of this kind are endless. If we know any thing of matter, we know that by itself it is a lifeless thing, inert and passive only; and acts necessarily, or rather is acted, according to the laws of motion and gravitation. This passiveness seems to be essential to it. And if we know any thing of ourselves, we know that we are conscious of our own existence and acts, that is, that we live; that we have a degree of freedom; that we can move ourselves spontaneously; and, in short, that we can, in many instances, take off the effect of gravitation, and impress new motions upon our spirits, or give them new directions, only by a thought. Therefore, to make mere matter do all this is to change the nature of it; to change death into life, incapacity of thinking into cogitativity, necessity into liberty. And to say that God may superadd a faculty of thinking, moving itself, &c, to matter, if by this be meant, that he may make matter to be the suppositum of these faculties, that substance in which they inhere, is the same in effect as to say, that God may superadd a faculty of thinking to incogitativity, of acting freely to necessity, and so on. What sense is there in this? And yet so it must be, while matter continues to be matter.
If the soul were just matter, we could only perceive external visible objects based on the impressions they leave on matter, and nothing more. For example, the image of a cube in my mind, or my idea of a cube, must always be viewed from a specific angle and follow the rules of perspective; otherwise, I wouldn't be able to represent it to myself. Whereas now, I can imagine it as it truly is and almost see all its sides at once, as if I'm surrounding it with my mind. I can correct the external appearances and impressions of objects within myself and use the information and suggestions from my senses to form ideas about things that don't exist in physical form. By viewing a material circle, I can learn to form the idea of a circle or a figure created by rotating a line around its center; but when I remember what I know about matter in other contexts, I can conclude that there is no perfect material circle. So, I have an idea that may have come from the hints I received from the outside world, but that idea isn’t actually found there. If I see a tower far away that appears small and round according to the impressions on my physical senses, I don’t automatically assume it is both; there’s something inside me that reasons about the context of that appearance, guiding my perception and correcting the impression. This must be something beyond matter because a material soul can only be affected like material organs are: examples of this are endless. If we know anything about matter, we know that, by itself, it is lifeless, inert, and only reacts according to the laws of motion and gravity. This passiveness seems essential to it. And if we know anything about ourselves, we know that we are aware of our own existence and actions, meaning that we live; that we have some freedom; that we can move ourselves willingly; and, in short, that we can sometimes overcome the effects of gravity and influence our minds or give them new directions, simply by thinking. Therefore, to make mere matter do all of this is to change its nature; it would be turning death into life, the inability to think into thought, and necessity into freedom. To say that God can add the ability to think and move to matter—if that means making matter the basis for these abilities, the substance in which they exist—is essentially the same as saying that God can add the ability to think to something that cannot think, the ability to act freely to something that is bound by necessity, and so on. What sense does that make? And yet it must be the case as long as matter remains matter.
That faculty of thinking, so much talked of by some as superadded to certain systems of matter, fitly disposed, by virtue of God’s omnipotence, though it be so called, must in reality amount to the same thing as another substance with the faculty of thinking. For a faculty of thinking alone will not make up the idea of a human soul, which is endued with many faculties; apprehending, reflecting, comparing, judging, making deductions and reasoning, willing, putting the body in motion, continuing the animal functions by its presence, and giving life; and therefore, whatever it is that is superadded, it must be something which is endued with all those other faculties. And whether that can be a faculty of thinking, and so these other faculties be only faculties of a faculty, or whether they must not all be rather the faculties of some substance, which, being by their own concession, superadded to matter, must be different from it, we leave the unprejudiced to determine. If men would but seriously look into themselves, the soul would not appear to them as a faculty of the body, or a kind of appurtenance to it, but rather as some substance, properly placed in it, not only to use it as an instrument, and act by it, but also to govern it, or the parts of it, as the tongue, hands, feet, &c, according to its own reason. For I think it is plain enough, that the mind, though it acts under great limitations, doth, however, in many instances govern the body arbitrarily; and it is monstrous to suppose this governor to be nothing but some fit disposition or accident, superadded, of that matter which is governed. A ship, it is true, would not be fit for navigation, if it was not built and provided in a proper manner; but then, when it has its proper form, and is become a system of materials fitly disposed, it is not this disposition that governs it: it is the man, that other substance, who sits at the helm, and they who manage the sails and tackle, that do this. So our vessels without a proper organization and conformity of parts would not be capable of being acted as they are; but still it is not the shape, or modification, or any other accident, that can govern them. The capacity of being governed or used can never be the governor, applying and using that capacity. No, there must be at the helm something distinct, that commands the body, and without which the vessel would run adrift or rather sink.
That ability to think, often discussed by some as added to certain systems of matter, arranged appropriately through God's omnipotence, must, in reality, be the same as another substance with the ability to think. Just having the ability to think does not make up the concept of a human soul, which possesses many abilities: understanding, reflecting, comparing, judging, making deductions and reasoning, willing, moving the body, maintaining animal functions through its presence, and giving life. Therefore, whatever is added must include all those other abilities. Whether that can simply be the ability to think, with these other abilities just being abilities of that ability, or whether they are all rather the abilities of some other substance, which, being acknowledged as added to matter, must differ from it, is left for the unbiased to decide. If people would seriously introspect, the soul would not seem to them as just a body function or an accessory, but rather as a substance properly situated within it, not only to use it as a tool and operate through it but also to govern it and its parts like the tongue, hands, feet, etc., according to its own reasoning. It seems clear that the mind, even though it operates under significant constraints, often governs the body arbitrarily; it is absurd to think of this governor as merely a suitable arrangement or accident added to the matter being governed. A ship would indeed not be suitable for sailing if it weren't constructed and outfitted properly; however, once it has its correct form and is composed of well-arranged materials, it is not that arrangement that controls it. It is the person, that different substance, who steers, along with those who manage the sails and rigging. Similarly, our bodies without proper organization and alignment of parts wouldn't be able to function as they do; yet, it is not the shape, modification, or any other accident that can control them. The ability to be governed or used can never be the one that governs, initiating and applying that ability. No, there must be something distinct at the helm that commands the body, or else the vessel would drift off course or rather sink.
For the foregoing reasons it is plain, that matter cannot think, cannot be made to think. 629But if a faculty of thinking can be superadded to a system of matter, without uniting an immaterial substance to it; yet a human body is not such a system, being plainly void of thought, and organized in such a manner as to transmit the impressions of sensible objects up to the brain, where the percipient, and that which reflects upon them, certainly resides; and therefore that which there apprehends, thinks, and wills, must be that system of matter to which a faculty of thinking is superadded. All the premises then well considered, judge whether, instead of saying that this inhabitant of our heads (the soul) is a system of matter to which a faculty of thinking is superadded, it might not be more reasonable to say, it is a thinking substance intimately united to some fine material vehicle, which has its residence in the brain. Though I understand not perfectly the manner how a cogitative and spiritual substance can be thus closely united to such a material vehicle, yet I can understand this union as well as how it can be united to the body in general, perhaps as how the particles of the body itself cohere together, and much better than how a thinking faculty can be superadded to matter; and beside, several phenomena may more easily be solved by this hypothesis; which, in short, is this, that the human soul is a cogitative substance united to a material vehicle; that these act in conjunction, that which affects the one affecting the other; that the soul is detained in the body till the habitation is spoiled, and their mutual tendency interrupted, by some hurt or disease, or by the decays and ruins of old age, or the like.
For the reasons mentioned above, it's clear that matter can't think and can't be made to think. 629However, if a thinking ability can be added to a system of matter without joining it to a non-material substance, then a human body isn't such a system, as it is clearly devoid of thought and organized to transmit the impressions of sensory objects to the brain, where perception and reflection occur. Therefore, what perceives, thinks, and wills must be the system of matter that has a thinking ability added to it. After considering all the points, we should decide whether, instead of saying that this inhabitant of our heads (the soul) is a system of matter with a thinking ability added to it, it might be more reasonable to say it is a thinking substance closely united to a fine material vehicle residing in the brain. Although I don't completely understand how a thinking and spiritual substance can be so closely connected to a material vehicle, I can understand this connection just as well as how it can be united to the body in general—perhaps similarly to how particles of the body stick together—and much better than how a thinking ability can be added to matter. Additionally, several phenomena could be explained more easily by this hypothesis, which can be summarized as follows: the human soul is a thinking substance connected to a material vehicle; they act together, with whatever affects one also affecting the other; the soul remains in the body until the residence is damaged and their mutual connection is disrupted by some injury or illness, or by the decline and deterioration of old age, or something similar.
But many a man, says Mr. Rennell, has maintained, that the brain has the power of thought, from the conclusions which his own experience, and, perhaps, his extended knowledge of the human frame, have enabled him to draw. He has observed the action of the brain, has watched the progress of its diseases, and has seen the close connection which exists between many of its afflictions, and the power of thought. But in this, as in most other cases, partial knowledge leads him to a more mistaken view of the matter than total ignorance. Satisfied with the correctness of his observations, he hastily proceeds to form his opinion, forgetting that it is not on the truth only, but on the whole truth, that he should rest his decision. By an accidental blow, the scull is beaten in, the brain is pressed upon, and the patient lies without sense or feeling. No sooner is the pressure removed than the power of thought immediately returns. It is known, again, that the phenomena of fainting arise from a temporary deficiency of blood in the brain; the vessels collapse, and the loss of sense immediately ensues. Restore the circulation, and the sense is as instantly recovered. On the contrary, when the circulation in the brain is too rapid, and inflammation of the organ succeeds, we find that delirium, frenzy, and other disorders of the mind arise in proportion to the inflammatory action, by which they are apparently produced. It is observed, also, that when the stomach is disordered by an excess of wine, or of ardent spirits, the brain is also affected through the strong sympathies of the nervous system, the intellect is disordered, and the man has no longer a rational command over himself or his actions. From these, and other circumstances of a similar nature, it is concluded, that thought is a quality or function of the brain, that it is inseparable from the organ in which it resides, and as Mr. Lawrence, after the French physiologists, represents it, that medullary matter thinks.”
But many people, according to Mr. Rennell, argue that the brain has the ability to think, based on conclusions drawn from their own experiences and possibly their extensive knowledge of the human body. They have observed how the brain works, noted the progression of its diseases, and recognized the close link between various brain issues and the ability to think. However, just like in many situations, limited knowledge can lead to a more misguided perspective than complete ignorance. Confident in the validity of their observations, they quickly form opinions, overlooking the fact that their conclusions should be based not just on the truth but on the whole truth. If the skull is accidentally struck and the brain is compressed, the patient becomes unresponsive. As soon as the pressure is lifted, the ability to think returns immediately. It's also known that fainting results from a temporary lack of blood in the brain; when the blood vessels collapse, the person loses consciousness right away. Restore blood flow, and consciousness returns just as quickly. On the other hand, when blood flow to the brain is too fast, leading to inflammation, we see symptoms like delirium and madness that increase with the level of inflammation causing them. It is also noted that when the stomach is upset from too much alcohol, the brain is impacted due to the strong connections in the nervous system, leading to impaired judgment and a loss of rational control over one’s actions. From these and similar situations, it is concluded that thought is a function of the brain, inseparable from the organ where it exists, and as Mr. Lawrence, following the French physiologists, puts it, “medullary matter thinks.”
Now it must certainly be inferred from all these circumstances, that there is a close connection between the power of thinking and the brain; but it by no means follows, that they are, therefore, one and the same. Allowing, however, for a moment, the justice of the inference, from the premises which have been stated, we must remember, that we have not as yet taken in all the circumstances of the case. We have watched the body rather than the mind, and that only in a diseased state; and from this partial and imperfect view of the subject, our conclusions have been deduced. Let us take a healthy man in a sound sleep. He lies without sense or feeling, yet no part of his frame is diseased, nor is a single power of his life of vegetation suspended. All within his body is as active as ever. The blood circulates as regularly, and, almost as rapidly, in the sleeping as in the waking subject. Digestion, secretion, nutrition, and all the functions of the life of vegetation proceed, and yet the understanding is absent. Sleep, therefore, is an affection of the mind, rather than of the body; and the refreshment which the latter receives from it, is from the suspension of its active and agitating principle. Now if thought was identified with the brain, when the former was suspended, the latter would undergo a proportionate change. Memory, imagination, perception, and all the stupendous powers of the human intellect are absent; and yet the brain is precisely the same, the same in every particle of matter, the same in every animal function. Of not a single organ is the action suspended. When, again, the man awakens, and his senses return, no change is produced by the recovery; the brain, the organs of sense, and all the material parts of his frame remain precisely in the same condition. Dreaming may perhaps be adduced as an exception to this statement. But it is first to be remarked, that this affection is by no means general. There are thousands who never dream at all, and thousands who dream only occasionally. Dreaming therefore, even though it were to be allowed as an exception, could not be admitted to invalidate the rule. And if there be a circumstance, which to any philosophic mind will clearly intimate the independency of thought upon matter, it is the phenomenon of dreaming. Perception, that faculty of the soul which unites it with the external world, is then suspended, and the avenues of sense are closed. All communication with outward objects being thus removed, 630the soul is transported, as it were, into a world of its own creation. There appears to be an activity in the motions, and a perfection in the faculties, of the mind, when disengaged from the body, and disencumbered of its material organs. The slumber of its external perception seems to be but the awakening of every other power. The memory is far more keen, the fancy far more vividvivid, in the dreaming than in the waking man. Ideas rise in rapid succession, and are varied in endless combination; so that the judgment, which, next to the perception, depends most upon external objects, is unable to follow the imagination in all its wild and unwearied flights. A better notion of the separate and independent existence of the soul cannot be formed, than that which we derive from our observations on the phenomena of dreaming. Again: when the mind is anxiously engaged in any train of thought, whether in company or alone, it frequently neglects the impressions made upon the external organs. When a man is deeply immersed in meditation, or eagerly engaged in a discussion, he often neither hears a third person when he speaks, nor observes what he does, nor even when gently touched does he feel the pressure. Yet there is no defect either in the ear, the eye, or the nervous system; the brain is not disordered, for if his mind were not so fully occupied, he would perceive every one of those impressions which he now neglects. In this case, therefore, as in sleep, the independence of mind upon the external organ is clearly shown.
It can definitely be concluded from all these circumstances that there is a strong connection between the ability to think and the brain. However, this does not mean they are the same thing. Even if we accept this connection for a moment, we must remember that we haven’t considered all the factors involved. We have focused more on the body than on the mind, and only in a diseased state; our conclusions have been based on this limited and incomplete perspective. Let’s consider a healthy person in deep sleep. They lie there without any sense or feeling, yet no part of their body is sick, and none of their vital functions are paused. Everything inside their body is still active. The blood circulates just as regularly, and nearly as quickly, in sleep as it does when awake. Digestion, secretion, nutrition, and all other functions continue, even though awareness is absent. Thus, sleep is more related to the mind than to the body; the refreshment the body gets from sleep comes from the quieting of its active and restless nature. If thought were truly tied to the brain, then when thinking stops, the brain would change accordingly. Memory, imagination, perception, and all the incredible capabilities of the human intellect are missing; yet the brain itself remains unchanged, with every part of it and every function intact. When the person awakens, and their senses return, there are no changes caused by this recovery; the brain, the senses, and all physical parts of their body stay exactly as they were. Dreaming might be considered an exception to this, but it’s important to note that not everyone dreams; there are many who never do, and others who only dream occasionally. So, even if dreaming were an exception, it wouldn’t be enough to disprove the overall principle. One clear indication to any thoughtful observer that thought can exist independently of matter is the phenomenon of dreaming. During dreams, the mind’s ability to perceive, which connects it to the outside world, is shut down and the senses are closed off. With all communication with the external world cut off, the mind seems to be transported into a world of its own making. There appears to be heightened activity and efficiency in the mind’s processes when it is separate from the body and unburdened by its physical needs. The numbness of external perception appears to be just the awakening of every other mental power. Memory becomes sharper, imagination more vivid during dreaming than when a person is awake. Ideas come in quick succession and vary in countless combinations, making it impossible for the judgment—which relies heavily on outside stimuli—to keep pace with the imagination's wild and endless flights. A clearer understanding of the separate and independent nature of the mind can be gained from observing the phenomenon of dreaming. Moreover, when the mind is deeply focused on a particular line of thought, whether in the company of others or alone, it often overlooks the stimuli coming from the external world. When someone is absorbed in reflection or passionately engaged in a conversation, they may not hear a third person speaking, notice their own actions, or even feel a light touch. Yet, there is nothing wrong with their ears, eyes, or nervous system; the brain isn’t malfunctioning. If their mind weren't so completely engaged, they would notice all those stimuli they are currently ignoring. In this scenario, just like in sleep, the mind's independence from the external organs is clearly illustrated.
But let us take the matter in another point of view. We have observed the action of the brain upon thought, and have seen that when the former is unnaturally compressed, the latter is immediately disordered or lost. Let us now turn our attention to the action of thought upon the brain. A letter is brought to a man containing some afflicting intelligence. He casts his eye upon its contents, and drops down without sense or motion. What is the cause of this sudden affection? It may be said that the vessels have collapsed, that the brain is consequently disordered, and that loss of sense is the natural consequence. But let us take one step backward, and inquire what is the cause of the disorder itself, the effects of which are thus visible. It is produced by a sheet of white paper distinguished by a few black marks. But no one would be absurd enough to suppose, that it was the effect of the paper alone, or of the characters inscribed upon it, unless those characters conveyed some meaning to the understanding. It is thought then which so suddenly agitates and disturbs the brain, and makes its vessels to collapse. From this circumstance alone we discover the amazing influence of thought upon the external organ; of that thought which we can neither hear, nor see, nor touch, which yet produces an affection of the brain fully equal to a blow, a pressure, or any other sensible injury. Now this very action of thought upon the brain clearly shows that the brain does not produce it, while the mutual influence which they possess over each other, as clearly shows that there is a strong connection between them. But it is carefully to be remembered, that connection is not identity. While we acknowledge then, on the one side, the mutual connection of the understanding and the brain, we must acknowledge, on the other, their mutual independence. The phenomena which we daily observe lead us of necessity to the recognition of these two important principles. If then from the observations which we are enabled to make on the phenomena of the understanding and of the brain, we are led to infer mutual independence, we shall find our conclusions still farther strengthened by a consideration of the substance and composition of the latter. Not only is the brain a material substance, endowed with all those properties of matter which we have before shown to be inconsistent with thought, but it is a substance, which, in common with the rest of our body, is undergoing a perpetual change. Indeed experiments and observations give us abundant reason for concluding that the brain undergoes within itself precisely the same change with the remainder of the body. A man will fall down in a fit of apoplexy, and be recovered; in a few years he will be attacked by another, which will prove fatal. Upon dissection it will be found that there is a cavity formed by the blood effused from the ruptured vessel, and that a certain action had been going on, which gradually absorbed the coagulated blood. If then an absorbent system exists in the brain, and the organ thereby undergoes, in the course of a certain time, a total change, it is impossible that this flux and variable substance can be endowed with consciousness or thought. If the particles of the brain, either separately or in a mass, were capable of consciousness, then after their removal the consciousness which they produced must for ever cease. The consequence of which would be, that personal identity must be destroyed, and that no man could be the same individual being that he was ten years ago. But our common sense informs us, that as far as our understanding and our moral responsibility are involved, we are the same individual beings that we ever were. If the body alone, or any substance subject to the laws of body, were concerned, personal identity might reasonably be doubted: but it is something beyond the brain that makes the man at every period of his life the same: it is consciousness, that, amidst the perpetual change of our material particles, unites every link of successive being in one indissoluble chain. The body may be gradually changed, and yet by the deposition of new particles, similar to those which absorption has removed, it may preserve the appearance of identity. But in consciousness there is real, not an apparent, individuality, admitting of no change or substitution.
But let's look at this from a different angle. We've seen how the brain affects thought, and noted that when the brain is under unnatural pressure, thoughts can become disordered or even lost. Now, let's focus on how thoughts affect the brain. Suppose a man receives a letter with distressing news. He glances at it, and then collapses without any awareness or movement. What causes this sudden reaction? One might say that the blood vessels have constricted, leading to a disordered brain and resulting in loss of consciousness. But let's take a step back and ask what causes that disorder in the first place, the effects of which are so clear. It's triggered by a piece of white paper marked with a few black symbols. Yet, no one would be foolish enough to think that it's the paper itself or the letters on it that are solely responsible, unless those letters convey some meaning to the mind. So, it's thought that suddenly stirs and disturbs the brain, causing its vessels to constrict. This emphasizes the incredible influence of thought on a physical organ; thought that we cannot hear, see, or touch, yet it impacts the brain as much as a physical injury would. This interaction clearly indicates that the brain doesn't generate thought, while their mutual influence shows there's a strong connection between them. However, it's important to remember that connection is not the same as identity. While we acknowledge, on one hand, the connection between understanding and the brain, we must also recognize, on the other hand, their independence. The phenomena we observe daily compel us to accept these two critical principles. If our observations of understanding and the brain lead us to infer their mutual independence, our conclusions are further reinforced by considering the substance and structure of the brain. The brain is a physical substance, equipped with all the properties of matter that we've previously demonstrated to be incompatible with thought, and it continuously undergoes change, just like the rest of our body. In fact, experiments provide strong evidence that the brain changes in the same way as the rest of the body. A person might fall into a stroke and recover; a few years later, they might suffer another stroke that could be fatal. Upon dissection, we would find a cavity where blood has leaked from a burst vessel, and an action taking place that gradually absorbs the coagulated blood. So, if an absorbent system exists in the brain, and the organ thus undergoes a complete change over time, it's impossible for this flowing and variable substance to possess consciousness or thought. If the particles of the brain, individually or as a whole, were capable of consciousness, then after their removal, that consciousness would have to cease forever. The implication is that personal identity would be lost, and no person could remain the same individual they were a decade ago. However, common sense tells us that as far as our understanding and moral responsibility go, we remain the same individuals we've always been. If only the body, or any substance governed by physical laws, were involved, then personal identity could be reasonably questioned; but there's something beyond the brain that ensures a person remains the same throughout their life: it's consciousness, which, amidst the constant change of our material particles, links every part of our continuous existence in an unbreakable chain. The body may change gradually, yet by replacing new particles similar to those absorbed, it can maintain an appearance of identity. But in consciousness, there is genuine, not merely apparent, individuality, which cannot change or be substituted.
So inconsistent with reason is every attempt which has been made to reduce our thoughts to a material origin, and to identify our understanding with any part of our corporeal frame! 631The more carefully we observe the operation, both of the mind and of the brain, the more clearly we shall distinguish, and the more forcibly shall we feel, the independence of the one upon the other. We know that the brain is the organ or instrument by which the mind operates on matter, and we know that the brain again is the chain of communication between the mind and the material world. That certain disorders therefore in the chain should either prevent or disturb this communication is reasonably to be expected; but nothing more is proved from thence than we knew before, namely, that the link is imperfect. And when that link is again restored, the mind declares its identity, by its memory of things which preceded the injury or the disease; and where the recovery is rapid, the patient awakes as it were from a disturbed dream. How indeed the brain and the thinking principle are connected, and in what manner they mutually affect each other, is beyond the reach of our faculties to discover. We must, for the present, be contented with our ignorance of the cause, while from the effects we are persuaded both of their connection on the one hand, and of their independence on the other.
Every attempt to trace our thoughts back to a purely material origin and to link our understanding to any part of our physical body is completely illogical! 631 The more we observe how both the mind and the brain work, the clearer it becomes that they are independent of one another. We know that the brain is the tool through which the mind interacts with the physical world, and it serves as the connection between the mind and that world. It's reasonable to expect that certain disorders in this connection could either block or disrupt communication, but all that shows us is that the link isn’t perfect. When that link is restored, the mind proves its continuity by recalling memories from before the injury or illness; and when recovery happens quickly, it feels like waking up from a disturbed dream. How the brain and the thinking mind are linked, and how they influence each other, is beyond our understanding. For now, we must accept our lack of knowledge about the cause while still believing in their relationship on one side and their independence on the other.
MATTHEW, called also Levi, was the son of Alpheus, but probably not of that Alpheus who was the father of the Apostle James the less. He was a native of Galilee; but it is not known in what city of that country he was born, or to what tribe of the people of Israel he belonged. Though a Jew, he was a publican or tax-gatherer under the Romans; and his office seems to have consisted in collecting the customs due upon commodities which were carried, and from persons who passed, over the lake of Gennesareth. Our Saviour commanded him, as he was sitting at the place where he received these customs, to follow him. He immediately obeyed; and from that time he became a constant attendant upon our Saviour, and was appointed one of the twelve Apostles. St. Matthew, soon after his call, made an entertainment at his house, at which were present Christ and some of his disciples, and also several publicans. After the ascension of our Saviour, he continued, with the other Apostles, to preach the Gospel for some time in Judea; but as there is no farther account of him in any writer of the first four centuries, we must consider it as uncertain into what country he afterward went, and likewise in what manner and at what time he died.
MATTHEW, also known as Levi, was the son of Alpheus, but he was probably not the son of the Alpheus who was the father of the Apostle James the Less. He was from Galilee, but it's not clear which city in that region he was born in or what tribe of Israel he belonged to. Although he was a Jew, he worked as a tax collector for the Romans. His job involved collecting customs on goods that were transported and from people crossing the lake of Gennesareth. Our Savior told him, while he was sitting at his tax booth, to follow Him. He immediately complied and from that moment on, he became a devoted follower of our Savior and was chosen as one of the twelve Apostles. Shortly after his calling, St. Matthew hosted a gathering at his house that included Christ, some of his disciples, and several tax collectors. After our Savior's ascension, he continued to preach the Gospel in Judea with the other Apostles for a while; however, there are no further details about him in any writings from the first four centuries, so it remains uncertain which country he went to later or how and when he died.
In the few writings which remain of the apostolical fathers, Barnabas, Clement of Rome, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp, there are manifest allusions to several passages in St. Matthew’s Gospel; but the Gospel itself is not mentioned in any one of them. Papias, the companion of Polycarp, is the earliest author on record who has expressly named St. Matthew as the writer of a Gospel; and we are indebted to Eusebius for transmitting to us this valuable testimony. The work itself of Papias is lost; but the quotation in Eusebius is such as to convince us that in the time of Papias no doubt was entertained of the genuineness of St. Matthew’s Gospel. This Gospel is repeatedly quoted by Justin Martyr, but without mentioning the name of St. Matthew. It is both frequently quoted, and St. Matthew mentioned as its author, by Irenæus, Origen, Athanasius, Cyril, Epiphanius, Jerom, Chrysostom, and a long train of subsequent writers. It was, indeed, universally received by the Christian church; and we do not find that its genuineness was controverted by any early profane writer. We may therefore conclude, upon the concurrent testimony of antiquity, that this Gospel is rightly ascribed to St. Matthew. It is generally agreed, upon the most satisfactory evidence, that St. Matthew’s Gospel was the first which was written; but though this is asserted by many ancient authors, none of them, except Irenæus and Eusebius, have said any thing concerning the exact time at which it was written. The only passage in which the former of these fathers mentions this subject, is so obscure, that no positive conclusion can be drawn from it; Dr. Lardner, and Dr. Townson, understand it in very different senses; and Eusebius, who lived a hundred and fifty years after Irenæus, barely says, that Matthew wrote his Gospel just before he left Judea to preach the religion of Christ in other countries; but when that was, neither he nor any other ancient author informs us with certainty. The impossibility of settling this point upon ancient authority has given rise to a variety of opinions among moderns. Of the several dates assigned to this Gospel, which deserve any attention, the earliest is A.D. 38, and the latest, A.D. 64.
In the few writings that remain from the apostolic fathers—Barnabas, Clement of Rome, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp—there are clear references to several passages in St. Matthew’s Gospel, but the Gospel itself is never named in any of them. Papias, a companion of Polycarp, is the earliest known author to specifically mention St. Matthew as the writer of a Gospel, and we owe this valuable information to Eusebius. Papias's work is lost, but the quotation in Eusebius makes it clear that, during Papias's time, there was no doubt about the authenticity of St. Matthew’s Gospel. This Gospel is quoted multiple times by Justin Martyr, but without mentioning St. Matthew by name. It is frequently cited, and St. Matthew is named as its author by Irenaeus, Origen, Athanasius, Cyril, Epiphanius, Jerome, Chrysostom, and many other writers that followed. It was, indeed, universally accepted by the Christian church, and we do not find that any early non-Christian writer questioned its authenticity. Therefore, we can conclude, based on the consistent testimony of ancient sources, that this Gospel is rightly attributed to St. Matthew. It is widely agreed, based on strong evidence, that St. Matthew’s Gospel was the first one written; however, although many ancient authors assert this, only Irenaeus and Eusebius provide any details about when it was written. The only passage where Irenaeus mentions this topic is so vague that no definite conclusions can be made from it; Dr. Lardner and Dr. Townson interpret it very differently. Eusebius, who lived 150 years after Irenaeus, simply states that Matthew wrote his Gospel just before leaving Judea to spread the teachings of Christ in other countries, but he offers no certainty about when that was. The difficulty of establishing this point based on ancient sources has led to various opinions among modern scholars. Of the several dates proposed for this Gospel that are worth noting, the earliest is A.D. 38, and the latest is A.D. 64.
It appears very improbable that the Christians should be left any considerable number of years without a written history of our Saviour’s ministry. It is certain that the Apostles, immediately after the descent of the Holy Ghost, which took place only ten days after the ascension of our Saviour into heaven, preached the Gospel to the Jews with great success; and surely it is reasonable to suppose, that an authentic account of our Saviour’s doctrines and miracles would very soon be committed to writing, for the confirmation of those who believed in his divine mission, and for the conversion of others; and, more particularly, to enable the Jews to compare the circumstances of the birth, death, and resurrection of Jesus with their ancient prophecies relative to the Messiah; and we may conceive that the Apostles would be desirous of losing no time in writing an account of the miracles which Jesus performed, and of the discourses which he delivered, because the sooner such an account was published, the easier it would be to inquire into its truth and accuracy; and, consequently, when these points were satisfactorily ascertained, the greater would be its weight and authority. We must own that these arguments are so strong in favour of an early publication of some history of our Saviour’s ministry, that we cannot but accede to the opinion of Jones, Wetstein, and Dr. Owen, that St. Matthew’s Gospel was written A.D. 38.
It seems very unlikely that Christians would go many years without a written history of our Savior’s ministry. We know that the Apostles, right after the Holy Spirit came down, just ten days after our Savior ascended to heaven, preached the Gospel to the Jews with great success. It makes sense to think that an authentic account of our Savior’s teachings and miracles would be written down soon to confirm the faith of those who believed in his divine mission and to convert others; especially to help the Jews compare the details of Jesus’ birth, death, and resurrection with their ancient prophecies about the Messiah. We can imagine the Apostles wanting to quickly document the miracles Jesus performed and the teachings he shared because the sooner this account was published, the easier it would be to verify its truth and accuracy. Consequently, once these points were satisfactorily established, its significance and authority would grow. These arguments are so compelling for an early publication of some history of our Savior’s ministry that we can’t help but agree with the views of Jones, Wetstein, and Dr. Owen that St. Matthew’s Gospel was written in A.D. 38.
632There has also of late been great difference of opinion concerning the language in which this Gospel was originally written. Among the ancient fathers, Papias, as quoted by Eusebius, Irenæus, Origen, Cyril, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, and Jerom, positively assert that it was written by St. Matthew in Hebrew, that is, in the language then spoken in Palestine; and indeed Dr. Campbell says, that this point was not controverted by any author for fourteen hundred years. Erasmus was one of the first who contended that the present Greek is the original; and he has been followed by Le Clerc, Wetstein, Basnage, Whitby, Jortin, Hug, and many other learned men. On the other hand, Grotius, Du Pin, Simon, Walton, Cave, Hammond, Mill, Michaëlis, Owen, and Campbell have supported the opinion of the ancients. In a question of this sort, which is a question of fact, the concurrent voice of antiquity is decisive. Though the fathers are unanimous in declaring that St. Matthew wrote his Gospel in Hebrew, yet they have not informed us by whom it was translated into Greek. No writer of the first three centuries makes any mention whatever of the translator; nor does Eusebius: and Jerom tells us, that in his time it was not known who was the translator. It is, however, universally allowed, that the Greek translation was made very early, and that it was more used than the original. This last circumstance is easily accounted for. After the destruction of Jerusalem, the language of the Jews, and every thing which belonged to them, fell into great contempt; and the early fathers, writing in Greek, would naturally quote and refer to the Greek copy of St. Matthew’s Gospel, in the same manner as they constantly used the Septuagint version of the Old Testament. There being no longer any country in which the language of St. Matthew’s original Gospel was commonly spoken, that original would soon be forgotten; and the translation into Greek, the language then generally understood, would be substituted in its room. This early and exclusive use of the Greek translation is a strong proof of its correctness, and leaves us but little reason to lament the loss of the original.
632Recently, there has been a lot of disagreement about the original language of this Gospel. The early church fathers like Papias, as quoted by Eusebius, Irenæus, Origen, Cyril, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, and Jerome, all firmly state that it was written by St. Matthew in Hebrew, which was the language spoken in Palestine at the time; in fact, Dr. Campbell notes that this was not disputed by any author for fourteen hundred years. Erasmus was one of the first to argue that the Greek version we have now is the original, and he was followed by thinkers like Le Clerc, Wetstein, Basnage, Whitby, Jortin, Hug, and many other scholars. Conversely, Grotius, Du Pin, Simon, Walton, Cave, Hammond, Mill, Michaelis, Owen, and Campbell have backed the view of the ancients. In matters like this, which are factual, the widespread opinion of antiquity is decisive. While the fathers agree that St. Matthew composed his Gospel in Hebrew, they haven't told us who translated it into Greek. No writer from the first three centuries mentions the translator, and Eusebius also doesn’t. Jerome tells us that in his time, it was unknown who the translator was. However, it's widely accepted that the Greek translation was made quite early and was used more than the original. This is easily explained. After Jerusalem was destroyed, Jewish language and culture fell into significant disrepute; thus, early church fathers writing in Greek naturally referenced the Greek version of St. Matthew’s Gospel, much like they often cited the Septuagint version of the Old Testament. With no region where St. Matthew's original language was commonly spoken, it would quickly be forgotten; the Greek translation, which was widely understood, would take its place. This early and exclusive use of the Greek translation strongly supports its accuracy and gives us little reason to mourn the loss of the original.
As the sacred writers,” says Dr. Campbell, “especially the evangelists, have many qualities in common, so there is something in every one of them, which, if attended to, will be found to distinguish him from the rest. That which principally distinguishes St. Matthew, is the distinctness and particularity with which he has related many of our Lord’s discourses and moral instructions. Of these, his sermon on the mount, his charge to the Apostles, his illustrations of the nature of his kingdom, and his prophecy on Mount Olivet, are examples. He has also wonderfully united simplicity and energy in relating the replies of his Master to the cavils of his adversaries. Being early called to the apostleship, he was an eye-witness and ear-witness of most of the things which he relates; and though I do not think it was the scope of any of these historians to adjust their narratives to the precise order of time wherein the events happened, there are some circumstances which incline me to think, that St. Matthew has approached at least as near that order as any of them.” And this, we may observe, would naturally be the distinguishing characteristic of a narrative, written very soon after the events had taken place. The most remarkable things recorded in St. Matthew’s Gospel, and not found in any other, are the following: the visit of the eastern magi; our Saviour’s flight into Egypt; the slaughter of the infants at Bethlehem; the parable of the ten virgins; the dream of Pilate’s wife; the resurrection of many saints at our Saviour’s crucifixion; and the bribing of the Roman guard appointed to watch at the holy sepulchre by the chief priests and elders.
“As the sacred writers,” says Dr. Campbell, “especially the evangelists, share many qualities, each of them also has something unique that, if noticed, sets them apart from the others. What primarily distinguishes St. Matthew is the clarity and detail with which he has recorded many of our Lord’s teachings and moral lessons. His sermon on the mount, his instructions to the Apostles, his explanations of the nature of his kingdom, and his prophecy on Mount Olivet are prime examples. He also skillfully combines simplicity and strength in recounting his Master’s responses to the challenges from his opponents. Being called to be an apostle early on, he witnessed most of the events he describes; and while I don’t believe any of these historians intended to arrange their stories in the exact sequence of events, certain details lead me to think that St. Matthew has come closer to that sequence than any of the others.” This, we can observe, would naturally be the characteristic of a narrative written shortly after the events occurred. The most notable things recorded in St. Matthew’s Gospel, which aren’t found in any other, are: the visit of the eastern magi; our Savior’s flight into Egypt; the massacre of infants at Bethlehem; the parable of the ten virgins; the dream of Pilate’s wife; the resurrection of many saints at our Savior’s crucifixion; and the bribe given to the Roman guard assigned to watch the holy tomb by the chief priests and elders.
MATTHIAS the Apostle was first in the rank of our Saviour’s disciples, and one of those who continued with him from his baptism to his ascension, Acts i, 21, 22. It is very probable he was of the number of the seventy, as Clemens Alexandrinus and other ancients inform us. We have no particulars of his youth or education, for we may reckon as nothing what is read in Abdias, or Obadiah, concerning this matter. After the ascension of our Lord, the Apostles retiring to Jerusalem in expectation of the effusion of the Holy Ghost, as had been promised, Peter proposed to fill up the place of Judas: to this the disciples agreed. They then presented two persons, Joseph Barsabas, surnamed Justus, and Matthias. The lot falling on Matthias, he was from that time associated with the eleven Apostles. The Greeks believe that Matthias preached and died at Colchis.
MATTHIAS the Apostle was the first among our Savior’s disciples and one of those who stayed with him from his baptism to his ascension, as stated in Acts 1:21-22. It’s likely he was one of the seventy, according to Clemens Alexandrinus and other early sources. We don’t have any details about his youth or education, as what is mentioned in Abdias or Obadiah doesn’t count. After our Lord’s ascension, the Apostles returned to Jerusalem, waiting for the Holy Spirit to be sent as promised. Peter suggested they fill Judas’s position, and the other disciples agreed. They then nominated two candidates: Joseph Barsabas, also known as Justus, and Matthias. The lot fell on Matthias, and he became one of the eleven Apostles. The Greeks believe that Matthias preached and died in Colchis.
MEASURE, that by which any thing is measured, or adjusted, or proportioned, Prov. xx, 10; Micah vi, 10. Tables of Scripture measures of length and capacity are found at the end of this volume.
MEASURE, the standard used to determine the size or amount of something, Prov. xx, 10; Micah vi, 10. You can find Tables of Scripture measures of length and capacity at the end of this volume.
MEATS. The Hebrews had several kinds of animals which they refused to eat. Among domestic animals they only ate the cow, the sheep, and the goat; the hen and pigeon, among domestic birds; beside several kinds of wild animals. To eat the flesh with the blood was forbidden them, much more to eat the blood without the flesh. We may form a judgment of their taste by what the Scripture mentions of Solomon’s table, 1 Kings iv, 22, 23. Thirty measures of the finest wheat flour were provided for it every day, and twice as much of the ordinary sort; twenty stall-fed oxen, twenty pasture oxen, a hundred sheep, beside the venison of deer and roebucks, and wild fowls. It does not appear that the ancient Hebrews were very nice about the seasoning and dressing of their food. We find among them roast meat, boiled meat, and ragouts. They roasted the paschal lamb.
MEATS. The Hebrews avoided eating several types of animals. Among domestic animals, they only consumed cows, sheep, and goats; for birds, they had hens and pigeons; and they also ate various kinds of wild animals. Eating meat with blood was forbidden, even more so than consuming blood without meat. We can gauge their culinary preferences from what the Scripture says about Solomon’s table, 1 Kings iv, 22, 23. Every day, thirty measures of the finest wheat flour were prepared, along with twice as much of the regular flour; twenty stall-fed oxen, twenty grass-fed oxen, and a hundred sheep, in addition to venison from deer and roebucks, and wild birds. It doesn’t seem that the ancient Hebrews were particularly fussy about how their food was seasoned or cooked. They had roast meat, boiled meat, and stews. They roasted the paschal lamb.
At the first settling of the Christian church, very great disputes arose concerning the use of meats offered to idols. Some newly converted Christians, convinced that an idol was nothing, and that the distinction of clean and unclean creatures was abolished by our Saviour, ate indifferently of whatever was served up to 633them, even among Pagans, without inquiring whether these meats had been first offered to idols. They took the same liberty in buying meat sold in the markets, not regarding whether it was pure or impure according to the Jews, or whether it was that which had been offered to idols. But other Christians, weaker or less instructed, were offended at this liberty; and thought to eat of meat that had been once offered to idols, was a kind of partaking of that wicked and sacrilegious offering. This diversity in opinion produced some scandal, to which St. Paul thought it behoved him to provide a suitable remedy, Rom. xiv, 20; Titus i, 15. He determined, therefore, that all things were clean to such as were clean, and that an idol was nothing at all; that a man might safely eat of whatever was sold in the shambles, and though it might be a part of what had been previously offered in the temple, and there exposed to sale, he need not scrupulously inquire whence it came; that if an unbeliever should invite a believer to eat with him, the believer might eat of whatever was set before him, &c, 1 Cor. x, 25–27. But at the same time he enjoins, that the law of charity and prudence should be observed; that men should be cautious of scandalizing or offending weak minds; that though all things may be lawful, yet all things are not always expedient; that no one ought to seek his own accommodation or satisfaction, but that of his neighbour; that if any one should say to us, This has been offered to idols,” we may not then eat of it, for the sake of him who gives the information; not so much for fear of wounding our own conscience, but his; in a word, that he who is weak, and thinks he may not indifferently use all sorts of food, should forbear, and eat herbs, rather than offend a brother, Rom. xiv, 1, 2. Yet it is certain, that generally Christians abstained from eating meat that had been offered to idols.
At the beginning of the Christian church, there were significant debates about the consumption of meat that had been offered to idols. Some new Christians believed that an idol was nothing and that the distinction between clean and unclean animals no longer applied because of our Savior. They felt free to eat whatever was served to them, even by Pagans, without checking if the meat had been sacrificed to idols. They also bought meat in markets without considering if it was considered pure or impure by Jewish standards or if it had been offered to idols. However, other Christians, who were weaker or less knowledgeable, were offended by this freedom and thought eating meat that had been offered to idols was participating in that wicked and sacrilegious act. This difference in beliefs led to some scandal, which St. Paul felt needed to be addressed, as seen in Rom. xiv, 20; Titus i, 15. He concluded that all things are clean for those who are clean and that an idol is nothing at all, so one can eat anything sold in the market, even if it was previously offered in the temple, without needing to ask where it came from. If an unbeliever invited a believer to eat with them, the believer could eat whatever was put in front of them, as noted in 1 Cor. x, 25–27. However, he also emphasized the importance of charity and wisdom, advising that people should be cautious not to offend those with weaker beliefs. Although everything may be permissible, not everything is beneficial. No one should seek their own comfort but rather that of their neighbor. If someone mentions that food has been offered to idols, then we should refrain from eating it, out of consideration for the person who brought it up, not just for our own conscience but theirs as well. In short, those who are weak and believe they cannot eat all types of food should abstain and eat vegetables instead of causing their brother to stumble, as stated in Rom. xiv, 1, 2. Nevertheless, it’s clear that Christians generally avoided eating meat that had been offered to idols.
MEDIA. It has been commonly thought that Media was peopled by the descendants of Madai, son of Japheth, Gen. x, 2. The Greeks maintain that this country took its name from Medus, the son of Medea. If, however, Madai and his immediate descendants did not people this country, some of his posterity might have carried his name thither, since we find it so often given to Media, from the times of the Prophets Isaiah and Jeremiah, and from the transportation of the ten tribes, and the destruction of Samaria under Salmaneser, A. M. 3283. Media Proper was bounded by Armenia and Assyria Proper on the west, by Persia on the east, by the Caspian provinces on the north, and by Susiana on the south. It was an elevated and mountainous country, and formed a kind of pass between the cultivated parts of eastern and western Asia. Hence, from its geographical position, and from the temperature, verdure, and fertility of its climate, Media was one of the most important and interesting regions of Asia. Into this country the ten tribes who composed the kingdom of Israel were transplanted, in the Assyrian captivity, by Tiglath-pileser and Salmaneser. The former prince carried away the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasseh, on the east side of Jordan, to Halah, and Habor, and Hara, and to the river of Gozan. His successor carried away the remaining seven tribes and a half, to the same places, which are said to be cities of the Medes, by the river of Gozan,” 1 Chron. v, 26; 2 Kings xvii, 6. The geographical position of Media was wisely chosen for the distribution of the great body of the captives; for, it was so remote, and so impeded and intersected with great mountains and numerous and deep rivers, that it would be extremely difficult for them to escape from this natural prison, and return to their own country. They would also be opposed in their passage through Kir, or Assyria Proper, not only by the native Assyrians, but also by their enemies, the Syrians, transplanted thither before them. The superior civilization of the Israelites, and their skill in agriculture and in the arts, would tend to civilize and improve those wild and barbarous regions.
MEDIA. It’s commonly believed that Media was inhabited by the descendants of Madai, son of Japheth, Gen. x, 2. The Greeks claim that this country got its name from Medus, the son of Medea. However, even if Madai and his direct descendants didn’t settle this area, some of his descendants might have carried his name there, as it has frequently been associated with Media since the times of the prophets Isaiah and Jeremiah, and since the relocation of the ten tribes and the destruction of Samaria under Salmaneser, A. M. 3283. Media Proper was bordered by Armenia and Assyria to the west, Persia to the east, the Caspian regions to the north, and Susiana to the south. It was a high and mountainous area, creating a kind of passage between the agricultural regions of eastern and western Asia. Therefore, due to its geographical position, as well as the temperature, greenery, and fertility of its climate, Media was one of the most important and fascinating areas of Asia. The ten tribes that made up the kingdom of Israel were relocated to this country during the Assyrian captivity by Tiglath-pileser and Salmaneser. The former took the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh, on the east side of Jordan, to Halah, Habor, Hara, and to the river of Gozan. His successor brought the remaining seven tribes and a half to the same locations, which are said to be cities of the Medes, by the river of Gozan,” 1 Chron. v, 26; 2 Kings xvii, 6. The geographical position of Media was strategically chosen for the relocation of the large group of captives; because it was so far removed, with major mountains and numerous deep rivers, escaping from this natural prison and returning to their homeland would be extremely difficult. They would also face opposition in their passage through Kir, or Assyria Proper, not just from the native Assyrians, but also from their adversaries, the Syrians, who had been relocated there before them. The higher level of civilization among the Israelites, along with their skills in agriculture and the arts, would help to civilize and improve those wild and barbaric regions.
MEDIATOR, one who stands in a middle office or capacity between two differing parties, and has a power of transacting every thing between them, and of reconciling them to each other. Hence a mediator between God and man is one whose office properly is to mediate and transact affairs between them relating to the favour of almighty God, and the duty and happiness of man. No sooner had Adam transgressed the law of God in paradise, and become a sinful creature, than the Almighty was pleased in mercy to appoint a Mediator or Redeemer, who, in due time should be born into the world, to make an atonement both for his transgression, and for all the sins of men. This is what is justly thought to be implied in the promise, that “the seed of the woman should bruise the serpent’s head;” that is, that there should some time or other be born, of the posterity of Eve, a Redeemer, who, by making satisfaction for the sins of men, and reconciling them to the mercy of almighty God, should by that means bruise the head of that old serpent, the devil, who had beguiled our first parents into sin, and destroy his empire and dominion among men. Thus it became a necessary part of Adam’s religion after the fall, as well as that of his posterity after him, to worship God through hope in this Mediator. To keep up the remembrance of it God was pleased, at this time, to appoint sacrifices of expiation or atonement for sin, to be observed through all succeeding generations, till the Redeemer himself should come, who was to make the true and only proper satisfaction and atonement.
MEDIATOR, someone who acts as an intermediary between two opposing parties and has the authority to handle everything between them and help reconcile them. Therefore, a mediator between God and humanity is someone whose role is to manage and facilitate relationships between them regarding God's favor and human duty and happiness. As soon as Adam broke God's law in paradise and became a sinner, the Almighty graciously decided to appoint a Mediator or Redeemer, who would eventually be born into the world to atone for his sin and all human sins. This is what is understood in the promise that "the seed of the woman would crush the serpent’s head," meaning that at some point, a Redeemer would be born from Eve’s descendants, who, by atoning for humanity's sins and reconciling them with the mercy of Almighty God, would crush the head of the old serpent, the devil, who had deceived our first parents into sin and destroy his power over humanity. Thus, it became essential for Adam and his descendants to worship God with hope in this Mediator after the fall. To keep this remembrance alive, God instituted sacrifices for the expiation of sin to be observed through all future generations until the Redeemer himself would arrive to make the true and only proper atonement.
The particular manner in which Christ interposed in the redemption of the world, or his office as Mediator between God and man, is thus represented to us in the Scripture. He is the light of the world, John i; viii, 12; the revealer of the will of God in the most eminent sense. He is a propitiatory sacrifice, Rom. iii, 25; v, 11; 1 Cor. v, 7; Eph. v, 2; 1 John ii, 2; Matt. xxvi, 28; John i, 29, 36; and, as 634because of his peculiar offering, of a merit transcending all others, he is styled our High Priest. He was also described beforehand in the Old Testament, under the same character of a priest, and an expiatory victim, Isa. liii; Dan. ix, 24; Psa. cx, 4. And whereas it is objected, that all this is merely by way of allusion to the sacrifices of the Mosaic law, the Apostle on the contrary affirms, that the law was a shadow of good things to come, and not the very image of the things,” Heb. x, 1; and that the priests that offer gifts according to the law, serve unto the example and shadow of heavenly things, as Moses was admonished of God, when he was about to make the tabernacle: for see, saith he, that thou make all things according to the pattern showed to thee in the mount,” Heb. viii, 4, 5; that is, the Levitical priesthood was a shadow of the priesthood of Christ; in like manner as the tabernacle made by Moses was according to that showed him in the mount. The priesthood of Christ, and the tabernacle in the mount, were the originals; of the former of which, the Levitical priesthood was a type; and of the latter, the tabernacle made by Moses was a copy. The doctrine of this epistle, then, plainly is, that the legal sacrifices were allusions to the great atonement to be made by the blood of Christ; and not that it was an allusion to those. Nor can any thing be more express or determinate than the following passage: It is not possible that the blood of bulls and of goats should take away sin. Wherefore when he [Christ] cometh into the world, he saith, Sacrifice and offering,” that is, of bulls and of goats, thou wouldest not, but a body hast thou prepared me. Lo, I come to do thy will, O God! By which will we are sanctified, through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all,” Heb. x, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10. And to add one passage more of the like kind: Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many; and unto them that look for him shall he appear the second time, without sin;” that is, without bearing sin, as he did at his first coming, by being an offering for it; without having our iniquities again laid upon him; without being any more a sin-offering:--“And unto them that look for him shall he appear the second time without sin unto salvation,” Heb. ix, 28. Nor do the inspired writers at all confine themselves to this manner of speaking concerning the satisfaction of Christ; but declare that there was an efficacy in what he did and suffered for us, additional to and beyond mere instruction and example. This they declare with great variety of expression: that he suffered for sins, the just for the unjust,” 1 Peter iii, 18; that he gave his life a ransom,” Matt. xx, 28; Mark x, 45; 1 Tim. ii, 6; that we are bought with a price,” 2 Pet. ii, 1; Rev. xiv, 4; 1 Cor. vi, 20; that he redeemed us with his blood,” redeemed us from the curse of the law, being made a curse for us,” 1 Peter i, 19; Rev. v, 9; Gal. iii, 13; that he is our advocate, intercessor, and propitiation,” Heb. vii, 25; 1 John ii, 1, 2; that he was made perfect, through sufferings; and being thus made perfect, he became the author of salvation,” Heb. ii, 10; v, 9; that God was in Christ, reconciling the world to himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them,” 2 Cor. v, 19; Rom. v, 10; Eph. ii, 16; and that through death he destroyed him that had the power of death,” Heb. ii, 14. Christ, then, having thus humbled himself, and become obedient to death, even the death of the cross; God, also, hath highly exalted him, and given him a name which is above every name;” hath commanded us to pray in his name; constituted him man’s advocate and intercessor; distributes his grace only through him, and in honour of his death; hath given all things into his hands; and hath committed all judgment unto him; that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow,” and that all men should honour the Son even as they honour the Father,” Phil. ii, 8–10; John iii, 35; v, 22, 23.
The way in which Christ intervened in the redemption of the world, or his role as the Mediator between God and humanity, is shown to us in Scripture. He is the light of the world, John 1; 8:12; the one who reveals God's will in the most significant way. He is a sacrifice that brings peace, Romans 3:25; 5:11; 1 Corinthians 5:7; Ephesians 5:2; 1 John 2:2; Matthew 26:28; John 1:29, 36; and because of his unique sacrifice, which holds greater merit than all others, he is called our High Priest. He was also prophesied in the Old Testament, described as a priest and a sacrificial victim, Isaiah 53; Daniel 9:24; Psalm 110:4. While some argue that these references merely allude to the sacrifices of the Mosaic law, the Apostle confirms that the law was a “shadow of good things to come, and not the very image of the things,” Hebrews 10:1; and that the priests who offer gifts according to the law serve as examples and shadows of heavenly things, just as Moses was warned by God when he was about to build the tabernacle: “for see,” he said, “that you make everything according to the pattern showed to you in the mount,” Hebrews 8:4, 5; meaning that the Levitical priesthood was a shadow of Christ's priesthood; similarly, the tabernacle built by Moses was according to what was shown to him on the mountain. The priesthood of Christ and the tabernacle on the mountain were the originals, of which the Levitical priesthood was a type; and of the latter, the tabernacle made by Moses was a copy. The main point of this epistle is that the legal sacrifices were foreshadowing the great atonement to be made by the blood of Christ, not that they were merely allusions to those sacrifices. Nothing could be clearer than this passage: “It is impossible for the blood of bulls and goats to take away sins.” Therefore, when he [Christ] comes into the world, he says, “Sacrifice and offering,” meaning that of bulls and goats, “you did not want, but a body you have prepared for me. Here I am to do your will, O God! By that will we are made holy through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all,” Hebrews 10:4, 5, 7, 9, 10. And to add one more similar passage: “Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many; and to those who eagerly await him, he will appear a second time, without sin;” that is, without bearing sin, as he did in his first coming, when he was offered for it; without having our iniquities laid upon him again; and without being a sin-offering again: “And to those who eagerly await him, he will appear a second time without sin for salvation,” Hebrews 9:28. The inspired writers do not limit themselves to this manner of discussing the satisfaction of Christ; they declare that there was an effectiveness in what he did and suffered for us that goes beyond mere teaching and setting an example. They express this in various ways: that he suffered for sins, “the just for the unjust,” 1 Peter 3:18; that he gave his life as a ransom,” Matthew 20:28; Mark 10:45; 1 Timothy 2:6; that we are bought with a price,” 2 Peter 2:1; Revelation 14:4; 1 Corinthians 6:20; that he redeemed us with his blood,” redeemed us from the curse of the law by becoming a curse for us,” 1 Peter 1:19; Revelation 5:9; Galatians 3:13; that he is our advocate, intercessor, and peace offering,” Hebrews 7:25; 1 John 2:1, 2; that he was made perfect through suffering; and having been made perfect, he became the source of salvation,” Hebrews 2:10; 5:9; that God was in Christ, reconciling the world to himself, not counting their sins against them,” 2 Corinthians 5:19; Romans 5:10; Ephesians 2:16; and that through death he destroyed the one who has the power of death,” Hebrews 2:14. Christ, then, having humbled himself and become obedient to death, even the death of the cross; God has also highly exalted him and given him a name that is above every name; commanded us to pray in his name; appointed him as humanity’s advocate and intercessor; dispenses his grace only through him, in honor of his death; has given all things into his hands; and has committed all judgment to him; so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow,” and that everyone should honor the Son just as they honor the Father,” Philippians 2:8–10; John 3:35; 5:22, 23.
All the offices of Christ, therefore, arise out of his gracious appointment, and voluntary undertaking, to be the Mediator between God and man;” between God offended, and man offending; and therefore under the penalty of God’s violated law, which denounces death against every transgressor. He is the Prophet who came to teach us the extent and danger of our offences, and the means which God had appointed for their remission. He is the great High Priest of our profession,” who, having offered himself without spot to God,” has entered the holiest to make intercession for us, and to present our prayers and services to God, securing to them acceptance by virtue of his own merits. He is King, ruling over the whole earth, for the maintenance and establishment and enlargement of his church, and for the punishment of those who reject his authority; and he is the final Judge of the quick and the dead, to whom is given the power of distributing the rewards and penalties of eternity. See Atonement and Jesus Christ.
All the roles of Christ come from his gracious choice and willing commitment to be the Mediator between God and humanity; between an offended God and offending humanity; and therefore under the consequences of God's broken law, which declares death for every wrongdoer. He is the Prophet who came to show us the seriousness and danger of our wrongdoings, as well as the means God has set up for forgiveness. He is the great High Priest of our faith, who, having offered himself without blemish to God, has entered the holiest place to intercede for us and to present our prayers and services to God, ensuring their acceptance based on his own merits. He is King, reigning over the entire earth to uphold, establish, and expand his church, and to punish those who reject his authority; and he is the final Judge of the living and the dead, given the power to dispense the rewards and consequences of eternity. See Reparation and Jesus.
There is an essential connection between the mediation of our Lord and the covenant of grace. (See Covenant.) He is therefore called the Mediator of a better covenant,” and of a new covenant.” The word μεσίτης literally means a person in the middle,” between two parties; and the fitness of there being a Mediator of the covenant of grace arises from this, that the nature of the covenant implies that the two parties were at variance. Those who hold the Socinian principles understand a mediator to mean nothing more than a messenger sent from God to give assurance of forgiveness to his offending creatures. Those who hold the doctrine of the atonement understand, that Jesus is called the Mediator of the new covenant, because he reconciles the two parties, by having appeased the wrath of God which man had deserved, and by subduing that enmity to God by which their hearts were alienated from him. It is plain that this is being a mediator in the strict and proper sense of the word; and there seems to be no reason for resting in a meaning less proper and emphatical. This sense of the term mediator coincides with the 635meaning of another phrase applied to him, Heb. vii, 22, where he is called κρείττονος διαθήκης ἔγγυος. If he is a Mediator in the last sense, then he is also ἔγγυος, the sponsor, the surety, of the covenant. He undertook, on the part of the supreme Lawgiver, that the sins of those who repent shall be forgiven; and he fulfilled this undertaking by offering, in their stead, a satisfaction to divine justice. He undertook, on their part, that they should keep the terms of the covenant; and he fulfils this undertaking by the influence of his Spirit upon their hearts.
There is a crucial connection between the mediation of our Lord and the covenant of grace. (See Covenant.) He is therefore called the "Mediator of a better covenant" and "of a new covenant." The word μεσίτης literally means "a person in the middle" between two parties; the need for a Mediator in the covenant of grace arises from the fact that the two parties were in conflict. Those who follow Socinian principles see a mediator as simply a messenger sent from God to assure his wayward creatures of forgiveness. On the other hand, those who believe in the doctrine of atonement understand that Jesus is referred to as the Mediator of the new covenant because he reconciles the two parties by appeasing the wrath of God that humanity deserved, and by overcoming the hostility towards God that alienated their hearts from him. It's clear that this is mediating in the strictest and most accurate sense of the term; there's no reason to settle for a less precise and meaningful interpretation. This understanding of the term mediator aligns with the meaning of another phrase applied to him, Heb. vii, 22, where he is called κρείττονος διαθήκης ἔγγυος. If he is a Mediator in this deeper sense, then he is also ἔγγυος, the sponsor, the surety of the covenant. He committed, on behalf of the supreme Lawgiver, that the sins of those who repent will be forgiven; and he fulfilled this commitment by offering a satisfaction to divine justice in their place. He also committed, on their part, that they would adhere to the terms of the covenant; and he fulfills this commitment through the influence of his Spirit on their hearts.
If a mediator be essential to the covenant of grace, and if all who have been saved from the time of the first transgression were saved by that covenant, it follows that the Mediator of the new covenant acted in that character before he was manifested in the flesh. Hence the importance of that doctrine respecting the person of Christ; that all the communications which the Almighty condescended to hold with the human race were carried on from the beginning by this person; that it is he who spake to the patriarchs, who gave the law by Moses, and who is called in the Old Testament, the angel of the covenant.” These views open to us the full importance of a doctrine which manifestly unites in one faith all who obtain deliverance from that condition; for, according to this doctrine, not only did the virtue of the blood which he shed as a priest extend to the ages past before his manifestation, but all the intimations of the new covenant established in his blood were given by him as the great Prophet, and the blessings of the covenant were applied in every age by the Spirit, which he, as the King of his people, sends forth. The Socinians, who consider Jesus as a mere man, having no existence till he was born of Mary, necessarily reject the doctrine now stated: and the church of Rome, although they admit the divinity of our Saviour, yet, by the system which they hold with regard to the mediation of Christ, agree with the Socinians in throwing out of the dispensations of the grace of God that beautiful and complete unity which arises from their having been conducted by one person. The church of Rome considers Christ as Mediator only in respect of his human nature. As that nature did not exist till he was born of Mary, they do not think it possible that he could exercise the office of Mediator under the Old Testament; and as they admit that a mediator is essential to the covenant of grace, they believe that those who lived under the Old Testament, not enjoying the benefit of his mediation, did not obtain complete remission of sins. They suppose, therefore, that persons in former times who believed in a Saviour that was to come, and who obtained justification with God by this faith, were detained after death in a place of the infernal regions, which received the name of limbus patrum; a kind of prison where they did not endure punishment, but remained without partaking of the joys of heaven, in earnest expectation of the coming of Christ, who, after suffering on the cross, descended to hell that he might set them free. This fanciful system has no other foundation than the slender support which it appears to receive from some obscure passages of Scripture that admit of another interpretation. But if Christ acted as the Mediator of the covenant of grace from the time of the first transgression, this system becomes wholly unnecessary; and we may believe, according to the general strain of Scripture, and what we account the analogy of faith, that all who died in faith,” since the world began, entered immediately after death into that heavenly country which they desired.”
If a mediator is essential to the covenant of grace, and if everyone who has been saved since the first transgression was saved through that covenant, it follows that the Mediator of the new covenant played that role before he was revealed in the flesh. This highlights the significance of the doctrine concerning the person of Christ—that all the interactions the Almighty had with humanity were conducted from the very beginning through this person; that he spoke to the patriarchs, gave the law through Moses, and is referred to in the Old Testament as the angel of the covenant. These insights reveal the full significance of a doctrine that clearly unites all who find deliverance from that condition; for, according to this doctrine, not only did the power of the blood he shed as a priest reach back to the ages before his manifestation, but all the revelations of the new covenant established in his blood were given by him as the great Prophet, and the blessings of that covenant were applied in every age by the Spirit, which he sends forth as the King of his people. The Socinians, who view Jesus as just a man with no existence until his birth by Mary, naturally reject the doctrine presented. The Roman Catholic Church, while accepting the divinity of our Savior, aligns with the Socinians by dismissing the beautiful and complete unity of God’s grace that comes from being guided by one person, through their belief in Christ's mediation based solely on his human nature. Since that nature did not exist until he was born of Mary, they do not believe he could have served as a Mediator in the Old Testament; and acknowledging that a mediator is essential to the covenant of grace, they conclude that those living under the Old Testament, who did not benefit from his mediation, could not receive complete forgiveness for their sins. Thus, they believe that people in earlier times who believed in a Savior to come and were justified by this faith were held after death in a place in the infernal regions called limbo of the fathers; a sort of prison where they didn’t suffer punishment but remained without the joys of heaven, eagerly awaiting Christ’s coming. After suffering on the cross, he supposedly descended to hell to set them free. This fanciful system has no foundation other than the weak support it seems to gain from some obscure Scripture passages that could be interpreted differently. However, if Christ acted as the Mediator of the covenant of grace from the time of the first transgression, this system is completely unnecessary; and according to the overall message of Scripture and what we see as the analogy of faith, we can believe that all who died in faith since the world began entered immediately after death into the heavenly country they longed for.
Although the members of the church of Rome adopt the language of Scripture, in which Jesus is styled the Mediator of the new covenant, they differ from all Protestants in acknowledging other mediators; and the use which they make of the doctrine that Christ is Mediator only in his human nature is to justify their admitting those who had no other nature to share that office with him. Saints, martyrs, and especially the Virgin Mary, are called mediatores secundarii, because it is conceived that they hold this character under Christ, and that, by virtue of his mediation, the superfluity of their merits may be applied to procure acceptance with God for our imperfect services. Under this character, supplications and solemn addresses are presented to them; and the mediatores secundarii receive in the church of Rome, not only the honour due to eminent virtue, but a worship and homage which that church wishes to vindicate from the charge of idolatry, by calling it the same kind of inferior and secondary worship which is offered to the man Christ Jesus, who in his human nature acted as Mediator. In opposition to all this, we hold that Jesus Christ was qualified to act as Mediator by the union between his divine and his human nature; that his divine nature gave an infinite value to all that he did, rendering it effectual for the purpose of reconciling us to God, while the condescension by which he approached to man, in taking part of flesh and blood, fulfilled the gracious intention for which a Mediator was appointed; that the introducing any other mediator is unnecessary, derives no warrant from Scripture, and is derogatory to the honour of him who is there called the one Mediator between God and men;” and that as the union of the divine to the human nature is the foundation of that worship which in Scripture is often paid to the Mediator of the new covenant, this worship does not afford the smallest countenance to the idolatry and will worship of those who ascribe divine honours to any mortal.
Although the members of the church of Rome use the language of Scripture, where Jesus is called the Mediator of the new covenant, they differ from all Protestants by recognizing other mediators. They interpret the doctrine that Christ is Mediator only in his human nature as a justification for allowing others—who do not share that nature—to occupy that role alongside him. Saints, martyrs, and especially the Virgin Mary are referred to as secondary mediators, because they are believed to hold this position under Christ, and their merits can be applied, through his mediation, to gain acceptance with God for our imperfect services. In this context, prayers and formal requests are directed to them, and the secondary mediators in the church of Rome receive not only the honor due to their exceptional virtue but also a level of worship and reverence that the church defends against accusations of idolatry by claiming it is the same type of lesser worship offered to the man Christ Jesus, who in his human nature served as Mediator. In contrast, we believe that Jesus Christ was fully qualified to act as Mediator because of the union between his divine and human nature; his divine nature gave infinite value to all he did, making it effective for reconciling us to God, while his willingness to take on flesh and blood fulfilled the gracious purpose of having a Mediator. We assert that introducing any other mediator is unnecessary, has no support in Scripture, and diminishes the honor of the one called the sole Mediator between God and men. Furthermore, since the union of divine and human nature is the basis of the worship often given to the Mediator of the new covenant in Scripture, this worship does not support the idolatry and will-worship of those who attribute divine honors to any human being.
MEGIDDO, a city of the tribe of Manasseh, famous for the battle fought there between Pharaoh-Necho and King Josiah, in which the latter was defeated and mortally wounded, Josh. xvii, 11; Judges i, 27; 2 Kings xxiii, 29.
MEGIDDO, a city belonging to the tribe of Manasseh, known for the battle that took place there between Pharaoh-Necho and King Josiah, where Josiah was defeated and fatally wounded, Josh. xvii, 11; Judges i, 27; 2 Kings xxiii, 29.
MELCHIZEDEK. When Abram returned from the slaughter of the Assyrians, in his way to Hebron, he was met at Shaveh, or King’s Dale, afterward the valley of Jehoshaphat, 636between Jerusalem and Mount Olivet, by Melchizedek, king of Salem, the most ancient quarter of Jerusalem, a priest of the most high God, who gave him bread and wine, and blessed him in the name of the most high God, Creator of heaven and earth;” to whom Abram in return piously gave tithes, or the tenth part of all the spoils as an offering to God, Heb. vii, 2. This Canaanitish prince was early considered as a type of Christ in the Jewish church: Thou art a priest for ever, after the order of Melchizedek,” Psalm cx, 4. He resembled Christ in the following particulars: 1. In his name, Melchizedek, King of Righteousness;” 2. In his city, Salem, Peace;” 3. In his offices of king and priest of the most high God; and 4. In the omission of the names of his parents and genealogy, the time of his birth and length of his life, exhibiting an indefinite reign and priesthood, according to the Apostle’s exposition, Heb. vii, 5. The import of this is, that he came not to his office by right of primogeniture, (which implies a genealogy,) or by the way of succession, but was raised up and immediately called of God to it. In that respect Christ is said to be a priest after his order.” Then, again, that he had no successor, nor could have; for there was no law to constitute an order of succession, so that he was a priest only upon an extraordinary call. In this respect our Lord’s priesthood answers to his, because it is wholly in himself, who has no successor. An infinite number of absurd opinions have been at different times held respecting this mystic personage, as that he was Shem, or Ham; or, among those who think he was more than human, that he was the Holy Ghost, or the Son of God himself; absurdities which are too obsolete to need refutation.
MELCHIZEDEK. When Abram returned from defeating the Assyrians on his way to Hebron, he was met at Shaveh, or King’s Dale, later known as the valley of Jehoshaphat, between Jerusalem and Mount Olivet, by Melchizedek, the king of Salem, the oldest part of Jerusalem, and a priest of the Most High God. Melchizedek gave him bread and wine and blessed him in the name of the Most High God, Creator of heaven and earth. In return, Abram piously gave him tithes, or a tenth of all the spoils, as an offering to God, Heb. vii, 2. This Canaanite ruler was early viewed as a type of Christ in the Jewish church: “You are a priest forever, after the order of Melchizedek,” Psalm cx, 4. He resembled Christ in several ways: 1. In his name, Melchizedek, meaning “King of Righteousness”; 2. In his city, Salem, meaning “Peace”; 3. In his roles as king and priest of the Most High God; and 4. In the absence of any mention of his parents and genealogy, the time of his birth, or the duration of his life, suggesting an indefinite reign and priesthood, as explained by the Apostle, Heb. vii, 5. This implies that he didn't come to his position through inheritance (which would indicate a genealogy) or by succession but was divinely appointed to it. In this way, Christ is said to be a priest after his order. Furthermore, he had no successor, nor could he have one, since there was no law establishing an order of succession; thus, he was a priest solely by a unique calling. In this sense, our Lord’s priesthood is similar to his, because it relies entirely on himself, who has no successor. Many strange theories have emerged over time about this mysterious figure, suggesting he was Shem or Ham, or among those who think he was more than human, that he was either the Holy Spirit or the Son of God himself—absurdities that are now regarded as too outdated to require a rebuttal.
MELITA, now called Malta, an island in the African or Mediterranean Sea, between Africa and Sicily, twenty miles in length and twelve in breadth, formerly reckoned a part of Africa, but now belonging to Europe. St. Paul suffered shipwreck upon the coast of Malta, Acts xviii, 1–3. In the opinion of Dr. Hales, the island where this happened was not Malta, but Meleda. His words are: “That this island was Meleda, near the Illyrian coast, not Malta, on the southern coast of Sicily, may appear from the following considerations: 1. It lies confessedly in the Adriatic Sea, but Malta a considerable distance from it. 2. It lies nearer the mouth of the Adriatic than any other island of that sea; and would of course, be more likely to receive the wreck of any vessel driven by tempests toward that quarter. And it lies north-west by north of the south-west promontory of Crete; and came nearly in the direction of a storm from the south-east quarter. 3. An obscure island called Melite, whose inhabitants were ‘barbarous,’ was not applicable to the celebrity of Malta at that time, which Cicero represents as abounding in curiosities and riches, and possessing a remarkable manufacture of the finest linen; and Diodorus Siculus more fully: ‘Malta is furnished with many and very good harbours, and the inhabitants are very rich; for it is full of all sorts of artificers, among whom there are excellent weavers of fine linen. Their houses are very stately and beautiful, adorned with graceful eaves, and pargetted with white plaster. The inhabitants are a colony of Phenicians, who, trading as merchants, as far as the western ocean, resorted to this place on account of its commodious ports and convenient situation for maritime commerce; and by the advantage of this place, the inhabitants frequently became famous both for their wealth and their merchandise.’ 4. The circumstance of the viper, or venomous snake, which fastened on St. Paul’s hand, agrees with the damp and woody island of Meleda, affording shelter and proper nourishment for such, but not with the dry and rocky island of Malta, in which there are no serpents now, and none in the time of Pliny. 5. The disease with which the father of Publius was affected, dysentery combined with fever, probably intermittent, might well suit a country woody and damp, and probably, for want of draining, exposed to the putrid effluvia of confined moisture; but was not likely to affect a dry, rocky, and remarkably healthy island like Malta.”
MELITA, now known as Malta, is an island in the African or Mediterranean Sea, situated between Africa and Sicily, measuring twenty miles in length and twelve miles in width. It was once considered part of Africa, but now belongs to Europe. St. Paul was shipwrecked on the coast of Malta, as noted in Acts xviii, 1–3. According to Dr. Hales, the island where this event took place was not Malta, but Meleda. He states: “That this island was Meleda, near the Illyrian coast, not Malta, on the southern coast of Sicily, can be supported by the following points: 1. It is clearly in the Adriatic Sea, whereas Malta is a considerable distance from it. 2. It is closer to the mouth of the Adriatic than any other island in that sea, making it more likely to receive the wreckage of any ship cast adrift by storms in that area. Additionally, it lies north-west by north of the south-west promontory of Crete and was nearly in the path of a storm coming from the southeast. 3. An obscure island called Melite, whose inhabitants were considered ‘barbarous,’ does not fit the well-known reputation of Malta at that time, which Cicero described as rich in curiosities, wealth, and known for producing exceptional linen; and Diodorus Siculus elaborated: ‘Malta has many excellent harbors, and the people are quite wealthy because it is dense with various artisans, among whom are exceptional weavers of fine linen. Their homes are grand and beautiful, featuring elegant eaves and coated in white plaster. The inhabitants are a colony of Phoenicians who traded as merchants all the way to the western ocean and traveled to this place due to its convenient ports and prime location for maritime trade; because of this, the locals often became famous for their wealth and goods.’ 4. The incident involving the viper, or poisonous snake, that bit St. Paul’s hand aligns with the damp and wooded island of Meleda, which provides shelter and sustenance for such creatures, but does not match with the dry and rocky Malta, where there are currently no snakes and none reported during Pliny’s time. 5. The illness affecting Publius's father, likely dysentery mixed with intermittent fever, would be fitting for a moist and wooded area, which is likely to be subject to stagnant moisture, but would be unlikely to impact a dry, rocky, and generally healthy island like Malta.”
MELON, אבטחים, Numbers xi, 5, a luscious fruit so well known that a description of it would be superfluous. It grows to great perfection, and is highly esteemed in Egypt, especially by the lower class of people, during the hot months. The juice is peculiarly cooling and agreeable in that sultry climate, where it is justly pronounced one of the most delicious refreshments that nature, amidst her constant attention to the wants of man, affords in the season of violent heat. There are varieties of this fruit; but that more particularly referred to in the text must be the water melon. It is cultivated, says Hasselquist, on the banks of the Nile, in the rich clayey earth, which subsides during the inundation. This serves the Egyptians for meat, drink, and physic. It is eaten in abundance during the season, even by the richer sort of people; but the common people, on whom Providence has bestowed nothing but poverty and patience, scarcely eat any thing but these, and account this the best time of the year, as they are obliged to put up with worse fare at other seasons. This fruit sometimes serves them for drink, the juice refreshing these poor creatures, and they have less occasion for water than if they were to live on more substantial food in this burning climate. This well explains the regret expressed by the Israelites for the loss of this fruit, whose pleasant liquor had so often quenched their thirst, and relieved their weariness in their servitude, and which would have been exceedingly grateful in a dry scorching desert.
MELON, Security guards, Numbers xi, 5, a delicious fruit so famous that describing it seems unnecessary. It grows exceptionally well and is highly valued in Egypt, particularly by the lower class, during the hot months. The juice is especially refreshing and enjoyable in that sweltering climate, where it's rightly considered one of the most delightful treats that nature provides during intense heat. There are different varieties of this fruit, but the one specifically mentioned in the text is likely the watermelon. It is grown, according to Hasselquist, along the banks of the Nile in the rich clay soil that settles during the flooding. This serves the Egyptians for food, drink, and medicine. It's consumed in large quantities during the season, even by wealthier people; however, the common folks, who have been given little more than poverty and patience, eat almost nothing but watermelons and regard this time of year as the best since they have to endure poorer food at other times. This fruit sometimes acts as their drink, with its juice refreshing these individuals, reducing their need for water compared to a diet of heavier food in this hot climate. This clearly shows the sorrow felt by the Israelites over the loss of this fruit, whose tasty juice had often satisfied their thirst and eased their fatigue during their servitude, and which would have been incredibly appreciated in a dry, scorching desert.
MEMPHIS. See Noph.
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MENNONITES, a society of Baptists in Holland, so called from Menno Simon of Friesland, who lived in the sixteenth century. He was originally a Romish priest, but joined a party of the Anabaptists, and, becoming their leader, cured them of many extravagancies, 637and reduced the system to consistency and moderation. The Mennonites maintain that practical piety is the essence of religion, and that the surest mark of the true church is the sanctity of its members. They plead for universal toleration in religion, and debar none from their societies who lead pious lives, and own the Scriptures for the word of God. They teach that infants are not the proper subjects of baptism; that ministers of the Gospel ought to receive no salary. They also object to the terms person and trinity, as not consistent with the simplicity of the Scriptures. They are, like the Society of Friends, utterlyutterly averse to oaths and war, and to capital punishments, as contrary to the spirit of the Christian dispensation. In their private meetings every one has the liberty to speak, to expound the Scriptures, and to pray. They assemble, or used to do so, twice every year from all parts of Holland, at Rynsbourg, a village two leagues from Leyden, at which time they receive the communion, sitting at a table in the manner of the Independents; but in their form of discipline they are said more to resemble the Presbyterians. The ancient Mennonites professed a contempt of erudition and science, and excluded all from their communion who deviated in the least from the most rigorous rules of simplicity and gravity: but this primitive austerity is greatly diminished in their most considerable societies. Those who adhere to their ancient discipline are called Flemings or Flandrians. The whole sect were formerly called Waterlandians, from the district in which they lived. The Mennonites in Pennsylvania do not baptize by immersion, though they administer the ordinance to none but adult persons. Their common method is this: The person to be baptized kneels, the minister holds his hands over him, into which the deacon pours water, so that it runs on the head of the baptized; after which follow imposition of hands and prayer.
MENNONITES are a group of Baptists in Holland, named after Menno Simon from Friesland, who lived in the sixteenth century. He was originally a Roman Catholic priest but joined the Anabaptist movement. As their leader, he helped them eliminate many extreme practices and brought their beliefs into alignment with consistency and moderation. The Mennonites believe that practical piety is the core of religion and that the true church is marked by the holiness of its members. They advocate for universal religious tolerance and welcome anyone who leads a pious life and accepts the Scriptures as the word of God into their communities. They teach that infants should not be baptized and that ministers of the Gospel should not receive a salary. They also reject the terms person and trinity, seeing them as inconsistent with the simplicity of the Scriptures. Like the Quakers, they are completely opposed to oaths and war, as well as capital punishment, viewing these as contrary to the spirit of Christianity. In their private meetings, everyone has the freedom to speak, interpret the Scriptures, and pray. They used to gather twice a year from all over Holland in Rynsbourg, a village two leagues from Leyden, where they would have communion, sitting at a table similar to the Independents; however, their disciplinary practices are said to be more like those of the Presbyterians. The early Mennonites looked down on education and science and excluded anyone from their community who strayed even slightly from their strict rules of simplicity and seriousness. However, this strictness has decreased significantly in their larger groups. Those who stick to their traditional practices are referred to as Flemings or Flandrians. The entire group was previously known as Waterlandians, after the region where they lived. The Mennonites in Pennsylvania do not baptize by immersion, although they only administer the ordinance to adults. Their usual practice is this: the person being baptized kneels, the minister places his hands over them, and the deacon pours water into the minister's hands, allowing it to flow over the head of the person being baptized; afterward, there is laying on of hands and prayer.
Divine worship is conducted among the Mennonites much as among the churches of the reformed, or among the Dissenters in England, only with this peculiarity, that collections are made every Sabbath day, sometimes in the middle of the sermon, in two bags, one for the poor, and the other for the expenses of public worship. They have a Mennonite college at Amsterdam, and the ministers are chosen in some places by the congregation, and in others by the elders only. As they reject infant baptism, they refuse to commune at the Lord’s table with any who administer the ordinance to children, unless resprinkled. They train up catechumens under their ministers, and, about the age of sixteen, baptize them, taking from the candidate, before the minister and elders, an account of his repentance and faith. In some parts of North Holland, young people are baptized on the day of their marriage. They baptize by pouring or sprinkling thrice.
Divine worship among the Mennonites is conducted similarly to that of the Reformed churches or the Dissenters in England, with the unique practice of collecting offerings every Sunday, sometimes during the sermon, using two bags—one for the poor and the other for the costs of public worship. They have a Mennonite college in Amsterdam, and ministers are chosen either by the congregation in some places or solely by the elders in others. Since they do not practice infant baptism, they do not share communion with anyone who baptizes infants unless they've been re-baptized. They prepare catechumens under their ministers, and at around the age of sixteen, they baptize them after the candidate provides an account of their repentance and faith in front of the minister and elders. In certain areas of North Holland, young people are baptized on the day they get married. They practice baptism by pouring or sprinkling three times.
With respect to their confession of faith, as it is stated by one of their ministers, Mr. Gan, of Ryswick, they believe that in the fall man lost his innocence, and that all his posterity are born with a natural propensity to evil, and with fleshly inclinations, and are exposed to sickness and death. The posterity of Adam derive no moral guilt from his fall: sin is personal, and the desert of punishment cannot be inherited. The incarnate Son of God is set forth to us as inferior to the Father, not only in his state of humiliation, but in that of his exaltation, and as subject to the Father: he is nevertheless an object of religious trust and confidence in like manner as the Father. With respect to the number of Mennonites in Holland, they are calculated at only thirty thousand, including children, and form about a hundred and thirty churches. In the United States of America, it appears, there are more than two hundred Mennonite churches, some of which contain as many as three hundred members in each. They are mostly the descendants of the Mennonites who emigrated in great numbers from Paltz.
With regard to their statement of faith, as explained by one of their ministers, Mr. Gan, from Ryswick, they believe that through the fall, humanity lost its innocence, and that all people are born with a natural tendency toward evil and fleshly desires, and are susceptible to illness and death. Adam's descendants do not inherit moral guilt from his fall: sin is personal, and the consequences of punishment cannot be passed down. The incarnate Son of God is presented to us as being subordinate to the Father, not only in his state of humiliation but also in his exaltation, and as being subject to the Father; nevertheless, he is still an object of religious trust and confidence just like the Father. Regarding the number of Mennonites in Holland, they are estimated to be around thirty thousand, including children, and they consist of about one hundred thirty churches. In the United States, it seems there are over two hundred Mennonite churches, some of which have as many as three hundred members each. They are mostly descendants of Mennonites who emigrated in large numbers from Paltz.
MERCY SEAT, ἱλαϛήριον, propitiatory. This word is properly an adjective, agreeing with ἐπίθεμα, a lid, understood, which is expressed by the LXX, Exod. xxv, 17. In that version, ἱλαϛήριον generally answers to the Hebrew כפרת, from the verb כפר, to cover, expiate, and was the lid or covering of the ark of the covenant, made of pure gold, on and before which the high priest was to sprinkle the blood of the expiatory sacrifices on the great day of atonement, and where God promised to meet his people, Exod. xxv, 17, 22; xxix, 42; xxx, 36; Lev. xvi, 2, 14. St. Paul, by applying this name to Christ, Rom. iii, 25, assures us that he is the true mercy seat, the reality of what the כפרת represented to the ancient believers; by him our sins are covered or expiated, and through him God communes with us in mercy. The mercy seat also represents our approach to God through Christ; we come to the throne of grace;” which is only a variation of the term mercy seat.”
MERCY SEAT, ἱλαϛήριον, propitiatory. This word is primarily an adjective that goes with ἐπίθεμα, a lid, which is implied and shown in the LXX, Exod. xxv, 17. In that version, ἱλαϛήριον usually corresponds to the Hebrew atonement, derived from the verb Village, to cover, expiate, and was the lid or covering of the ark of the covenant, made of pure gold, where the high priest was to sprinkle the blood of the expiatory sacrifices on the great day of atonement, and where God promised to meet his people, Exod. xxv, 17, 22; xxix, 42; xxx, 36; Lev. xvi, 2, 14. St. Paul, by using this term for Christ, Rom. iii, 25, assures us that he is the true mercy seat, the reality of what the כפרה represented to the ancient believers; through him our sins are covered or expiated, and through him God connects with us in mercy. The mercy seat also symbolizes our approach to God through Christ; we come to the "throne of grace," which is just another way of saying "mercy seat."
MEROM, Waters of, or lacus Samechonitis: the most northern and the smallest of the three lakes which are supplied by the waters of the Jordan. Indeed the numerous branches of this river, descending from the mountains, unite in this small piece of water; out of which issues the single stream which may be considered as the Jordan Proper. It is at present called the lake of Houle; and is situated in a hollow or valley, about twelve miles wide, called the Ard Houle, formed by the Djebel Heish on the west, and Djebel Safat on the east, the two branches into which the mountains of Hasbeya, or Djebel Esheikh, the ancient Hermon, divides itself about fifteen miles to the north.
MEROM, Waters of, or lacus Samechonitis: the northernmost and smallest of the three lakes fed by the waters of the Jordan. In fact, the many branches of this river flow down from the mountains and converge in this small body of water; from it, the single stream that can be considered the true Jordan flows out. It's currently known as Lake Houle and is located in a valley, about twelve miles wide, called the Ard Houle, which is bordered by Djebel Heish to the west and Djebel Safat to the east. These two branches are where the mountains of Hasbeya, or Djebel Esheikh, the ancient Hermon, split off about fifteen miles to the north.
MEROZ, a place in the neighbourhood of the brook Kishon, whose inhabitants, refusing to come to the assistance of their brethren, when they fought with Sisera, were put under an anathema, Judges v, 23.
MEROZ, a location near the Kishon brook, whose people, refusing to help their fellow Israelites when they battled Sisera, were cursed, Judges v, 23.
MESHECH, Country of. Meshech was the sixth son of Japheth, and is generally mentioned in conjunction with his brother Tubal; and both were first seated in the northeastern 638angle of Asia Minor, from the shores of the Euxine, along to the south of Caucasus; where were the Montes Moschisi, and where, in after times, were the Iberi, Tibareni, and Moschi; near to whom also, or mingled with them, were the Chalybes, who, it is probable, derived their Grecian appellation from the general occupation of the families of Tubal and Meshech, as workers in brass and iron, as the inhabitants of the same countries have been in all ages, for the supply of Tyre, Persia, Greece, and Armenia. There appears also to have been in the same neighbourhood, namely, in Armenia, a river and country termed Rosh: for so, Bochart says, the river Araxes is called by the Arabs; and that there was a people in the adjoining country called Rhossi. That passage in Ezekiel, xxxviii, also, which in our Bibles is rendered the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal,” is, in the Septuagint, the prince of Rosh, Meshech, and Tubal.” These Rossi and Moschi, who were neighbours in Asia, dispersed their colonies jointly over the vast empire of Russia; and preserve their names still in those of Russians and Muscovites.
MESHECH, Country of. Meshech was the sixth son of Japheth and is usually mentioned alongside his brother Tubal. Both were initially located in the northeastern 638 corner of Asia Minor, stretching from the shores of the Black Sea southwards towards the Caucasus; this area included the Montes Moschisi. Later, it became home to the Iberi, Tibareni, and Moschi. Additionally, nearby, or possibly intertwined with them, were the Chalybes, likely named for their common occupation in brass and iron working, a trade that the local inhabitants have maintained throughout history to supply Tyre, Persia, Greece, and Armenia. In the same region, particularly in Armenia, there seems to have been a river and area called Rosh, as Bochart mentions that the river Araxes is referred to as such by the Arabs; there was also a group in the neighboring area known as Rhossi. Furthermore, the passage in Ezekiel 38, which our Bibles translate as “the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal,” is rendered in the Septuagint as “the prince of Rosh, Meshech, and Tubal.” These Rossi and Moschi, who were neighbors in Asia, spread their colonies across the vast empire of Russia and have left their names in those of Russians and Muscovites.
MESOPOTAMIA, an extensive province of Asia, the Greek name of which denotes between the rivers,” and on this account Strabo says, ὅτι κεῖται μεταξὺ τοῦ Εὐφράτου καὶ τοῦ Τίγρος, that it was situated between the Euphrates and the Tigris.” In Scripture this country is called Aram, and Aramea. But as Aram also signifies Syria, it is denominated Aram Naharaim, or the Syria of the rivers. This province, which inclines from the south-east to the north-west, commenced at 33° 20´ N. lat., and terminated near 37° 30´ N. lat. Toward the south it extended as far as the bend formed by the Jordan at Cunaxa, and to the wall of Semiramis which separated it from Messene. Toward the north, it comprehended part of Taurus and the Mesius, which lay between the Euphrates and the Tigris. The modern name, given by the Arabs to this part, is of the same import with the ancient appellation; they call it isle,” or, in their language, Al-Dgezera. In this northern part is found Osrhoene, which seems to have been the same place with Anthemusir. The northern part of Mesopotamia is occupied by chains of mountains passing from north-west to south-east, in the situation of the rivers. The central parts of these mountains were called Singaræ Montes. The principal rivers were Chaboras, (Al Kabour,) which commenced at Charræ, (Harran,) east of the mountains, and discharged itself into the Euphrates at Circesium (Kirkisieh;) the Mygdonius, (Hanali,) the source of which was near Nisibis, and its termination in the Chaboras. The principal towns in the eastern part along the Tigris and near it, are Nisibis, (Nisibin,) Bezabde, (Zabda,) Singora, (Sindja,) Labbana on the Tigris, (Mosul,) Hatru, (Harder,) and Apamea-Mesenes. At some distance to the south, upon the Tigris and on the borders of Mesopotamia, was the town of Antiochia, near which commenced the wall that passed from the Tigris to the Euphrates, under the name of Murus Mediæ, or Semiramidis. In the western part were Edessa, called also Callin-Rhæ, (Orfa,) Charræ, (Harran,) Nicephorium, (Racca,) Circesium at the mouth of the Chaboras, Anatho, (Anah,) Neharda, (Hadith Unnour,) upon the right of the Euphrates. There are several other towns of less importance. According to Strabo, this country was fertile in vines, and afforded abundance of good wine. According to Ptolemy, Mesopotamia had on the north a part of Armenia, on the west the Euphrates on the side of Syria, on the east the Tigris on the borders of Assyria, and on the south the Euphrates which joined the Tigris. Mesopotamia was a satrapy under the kings of Syria.
MESOPOTAMIA, a large region in Asia, gets its Greek name meaning “between the rivers,” which is why Strabo notes that it was located between the Euphrates and the Tigris. In the Bible, this area is referred to as Aram and Aramea. Since Aram also means Syria, it’s referred to as Aram Naharaim, or the Syria of the rivers. This province stretches from the southeast to the northwest, starting at 33° 20´ N latitude and ending near 37° 30´ N latitude. To the south, it reaches as far as the bend of the Jordan at Cunaxa and the wall of Semiramis that separated it from Messene. To the north, it includes parts of the Taurus and the Mesius, lying between the Euphrates and the Tigris. The modern Arabs call this region the same as the ancient name, referring to it as "isle," or in their language, Al-Dgezera. In the northern region, there is Osrhoene, which seems to be the same place as Anthemusir. The northern part of Mesopotamia is filled with chains of mountains stretching from northwest to southeast along the rivers. The central parts of these mountains were called Singaræ Montes. The main rivers were Chaboras (Al Kabour), which started at Charræ (Harran) east of the mountains and flowed into the Euphrates at Circesium (Kirkisieh); and Mygdonius (Hanali), which began near Nisibis and ended in the Chaboras. Key towns in the eastern part along and near the Tigris include Nisibis (Nisibin), Bezabde (Zabda), Singora (Sindja), Labbana on the Tigris (Mosul), Hatru (Harder), and Apamea-Mesenes. A bit further south on the Tigris and on the borders of Mesopotamia was the town of Antiochia, near which the wall that ran from the Tigris to the Euphrates, called Murus Mediæ or Semiramidis, began. In the western part, towns included Edessa, also known as Callin-Rhæ (Orfa), Charræ (Harran), Nicephorium (Racca), Circesium at the mouth of the Chaboras, Anatho (Anah), and Neharda (Hadith Unnour) on the right side of the Euphrates. There are several other lesser towns. According to Strabo, this region was rich in vineyards and produced a lot of good wine. Ptolemy states that Mesopotamia bordered part of Armenia to the north, the Euphrates on the west side toward Syria, the Tigris on the east near Assyria, and the Euphrates that joined the Tigris to the south. Mesopotamia was a satrapy under the kings of Syria.
In the earliest accounts we have of this country, subsequent to the time of Abraham, it was subject to a king, called Cushan-Rishathaim, then perhaps the most powerful potentate of the east, and the first by whom the Israelites were made captive, which happened soon after the death of Joshua, and about B. C. 1400, Judges iii, 8. The name of this king bespeaks him a descendant of Nimrod; and it was probably of the Lower Mesopotamia only, or Babylonia, of which he was sovereign; the northern parts being in the possession of the Arameans. This is implied in the history of Abraham; who, when ordered to depart from his country, namely, Chaldea, in the southern part of Mesopotamia, removed to Charran, still in Mesopotamia, but beyond the boundary of the Chaldees, and in the territory of Aram. About four hundred years after Cushan-Rishathaim, we find the northern parts of Mesopotamia in the hands of the Syrians of Zobah; as we are told, in 2 Sam. x, that Hadarezer, king of Zobah, after his defeat by Joab, sent and brought out the Syrians that were beyond the river” Euphrates. The whole country was afterward seized by the Assyrians; to whom it pertained till the dissolution of their empire, when it was divided between the Medes and the Babylonians. It subsequently formed a part of the Medo-Persian, second Syrian or Macedonian, and Parthian empires, as it does at the present day of the modern Persian. The southern part of Mesopotamia answers nearly to the country anciently called the land of Shinar; to which the Prophet Daniel, i, 2, refers, and Zechariah v, 11.
In the earliest accounts we have of this country, after the time of Abraham, it was ruled by a king named Cushan-Rishathaim, who was probably the most powerful ruler in the east at that time and the first to capture the Israelites, which occurred shortly after Joshua's death, around B.C. 1400 (Judges 3:8). The name of this king suggests he was a descendant of Nimrod, and his domain likely consisted only of Lower Mesopotamia or Babylonia, as the northern regions were held by the Arameans. This is indicated in the story of Abraham; when he was instructed to leave his homeland, Chaldea—which is in the southern part of Mesopotamia—he moved to Charran, which is still in Mesopotamia but outside of Chaldea and in Aram's territory. About four hundred years after Cushan-Rishathaim, the northern territories of Mesopotamia were controlled by the Syrians of Zobah; as noted in 2 Samuel 10, when Hadarezer, king of Zobah, after being defeated by Joab, called in the Syrians from beyond the Euphrates River. Eventually, the Assyrians took over the entire region; they ruled until their empire fell apart and it was split between the Medes and the Babylonians. The area then became part of the Medo-Persian, the second Syrian or Macedonian, and the Parthian empires, as it remains today as part of modern Persia. The southern part of Mesopotamia closely aligns with the area once known as the land of Shinar, which the Prophet Daniel refers to (Daniel 1:2) and also Zechariah (Zechariah 5:11).
On the fifth or sixth day after leaving Aleppo,” says Campbell in his Overland Journey to India, “we arrived at the city of Diarbeker, the capital of the province of that name; having passed over an extent of country of between three and four hundred miles, most of it blessed with the greatest fertility, and abounding with as rich pastures as I ever beheld, covered with numerous herds and flocks. The air was charmingly temperate in the day time, but, to my feeling, extremely cold at night. Yet notwithstanding the extreme fertility of this country, the bad administration of government, conspiring with the indolence of the inhabitants, leaves it unpeopled and uncultivated. 639Diarbeker Proper, called also Mesopotamia from its lying between two famous rivers, and by Moses called Padanaram, that is, ‘the fruitful Syria,’ abounds with corn, wine, oil, fruits, and all the necessaries of life. It is supposed to have been the seat of the earthly paradise; and all geographers agree that here the descendants of Noah settled immediately after the flood. To be treading that ground which Abraham trod, where Nahor the father of Rebecca lived, where holy Job breathed the pure air of piety and simplicity, and where Laban the father-in-law of Jacob resided, was to me a circumstance productive of delightful sensations. As I rode along, I have often mused upon the contemptible stratagems to which I was reduced, in order to get through this country, for no other reason than because I was a Christian; and I could not avoid reflecting with sorrow on the melancholy effects of superstition, and regretting that this fine tract of country, which ought to be considered above all others as the universal inheritance of mankind, should now be cut off from all except a horde of senseless bigots, barbarous fanatics, and inflexible tyrants.”
"On the fifth or sixth day after leaving Aleppo,” says Campbell in his Overland Journey to India, “we reached the city of Diarbeker, the capital of the province of the same name; having traveled across a region of about three or four hundred miles, most of it incredibly fertile and filled with as rich pastures as I’ve ever seen, dotted with numerous herds and flocks. The weather was pleasantly mild during the day, but it felt extremely cold at night. Yet despite the land's extreme fertility, poor governance, along with the laziness of the locals, leaves it sparsely populated and uncultivated. 639 Diarbeker Proper, also called Mesopotamia because it lies between two famous rivers, and referred to by Moses as Padanaram, meaning ‘the fruitful Syria,’ is rich in grain, wine, oil, fruits, and all life's necessities. It's believed to have been the location of the earthly paradise; all geographers agree that this is where Noah's descendants settled after the flood. Walking on the ground where Abraham walked, where Nahor, the father of Rebecca, lived, where the holy Job enjoyed the air of piety and simplicity, and where Laban, Jacob's father-in-law, resided filled me with delightful feelings. As I rode along, I often reflected on the ridiculous tricks I had to resort to just to pass through this region, solely because I was a Christian; and I couldn’t help but feel sorrow over the tragic consequences of superstition, regretting that this beautiful land, which should be viewed as a universal inheritance for all humanity, is now only accessible to a group of mindless extremists, barbaric fanatics, and unyielding tyrants.”
MESSIAH. The Greek word Χριϛὸς, from whence comes Christ and Christian, exactly answers to the Hebrew Messiah, which signifies him that hath received unction, a prophet, a king, or a priest. See Jesus Christ.
MESSIAH. The Greek word Χριϛὸς, which leads to Christ and Christian, corresponds directly to the Hebrew Messiah, meaning someone who has been anointed, a prophet, a king, or a priest. See Jesus Christ.
Our Lord warned his disciples that false messiahs should arise, Matt. xxiv, 24; and the event has verified the prediction. No less than twenty-four false Christs have arisen in different places and at different times: Caziba was the first of any note who made a noise in the world. Being dissatisfied with the state of things under Adrian, he set himself up as the head of the Jewish nation, and proclaimed himself their long expected messiah. He was one of those banditti that infested Judea, and committed all kinds of violence against the Romans; and had become so powerful that he was chosen king of the Jews, and by them acknowledged their messiah. However, to facilitate the success of this bold enterprise, he changed his name from Caziba, which it was at first, to that of Barchocheba, alluding to the star foretold by Balaam; for he pretended to be the star sent from heaven to restore his nation to its ancient liberty and glory. He chose a forerunner, raised an army, was anointed king, coined money inscribed with his own name, and proclaimed himself messiah and prince of the Jewish nation. Adrian raised an army, and sent it against him; he retired into a town called Bither, where he was besieged. Barchocheba was killed in the siege, the city was taken, and a dreadful havoc succeeded. The Jews themselves allow, that, during this short war against the Romans in defence of this false messiah, they lost five or six hundred thousand souls. This was in the former part of the second century. In the reign of Theodosius the younger, A. D. 434, another impostor arose, called Moses Cretensis. He pretended to be a second Moses, sent to deliver the Jews who dwelt in Crete, and promised to divide the sea, and give them a safe passage through it. Their delusion proved so strong and universal, that they neglected their lands, houses, and other concerns, and took only so much with them as they could conveniently carry. And on the day appointed, this false Moses, having led them to the top of a rock, men, women, and children threw themselves headlong down into the sea, without the least hesitation or reluctance, till so great a number of them were drowned as opened the eyes of the rest, and made them sensible of the cheat. They then began to look for their pretended leader; but he had disappeared, and escaped out of their hands. In the reign of Justin, about A. D. 520, another impostor appeared, who called himself the son of Moses. His name was Dunaan. He entered into a city of Arabia Felix, and there he greatly oppressed the Christians; but he was taken prisoner, and put to death by Elesban, an Ethiopian general. The Jews and Samaritans rebelled against the Emperor Justinian, A. D. 529, and set up one Julian for their king, and accounted him the messiah. The emperor sent an army against them, killed great numbers of them, took their pretended messiah prisoner, and immediately put him to death. In the time of Leo Isaurus, about A. D. 721, arose another false messiah in Spain; his name was Serenus. He drew great numbers after him, to their no small loss and disappointment; but all his pretensions came to nothing. The twelfth century was fruitful in messiahs. About A. D. 1137, there appeared one in France, who was put to death, and numbers of those who followed him. In A. D. 1138, the Persians were disturbed with a Jew, who called himself the messiah. He collected a vast army; but he too was put to death, and his followers treated with great inhumanity. A false messiah stirred up the Jews at Corduba in Spain, A. D. 1157. The wiser and better sort looked upon him as a madman, but the great body of the Jews in the nation believed in him. On this occasion nearly all the Jews in Spain were destroyed. Another false messiah arose in the kingdom of Fez, A. D. 1167, which brought great troubles and persecutions upon the Jews that were scattered throughout that country. In the same year, an Arabian professed to be the messiah, and pretended to work miracles. When search was made for him, his followers fled, and he was brought before the Arabian king. Being questioned by him, he replied, that he was a prophet sent from God. The king then asked him what sign he could show to confirm his mission. Cut off my head,” said he, and I will return to life again.” The king took him at his word, promising to believe him if his prediction was accomplished. The poor wretch, however, never came to life again, and the cheat was sufficiently discovered. Those who had been deluded by him were grievously punished, and the nation condemned to a very heavy fine. Not long after this, a Jew who dwelt 640beyond the Euphrates, called himself the messiah, and drew vast multitudes of people after him. He gave this for a sign of it, that he had been leprous, and had been cured in the course of one night. He, like the rest, perished, and brought great persecution on his countrymen. A magician and false christ arose in Persia, A. D. 1174, who seduced many of the common people, and brought the Jews into great tribulation. Another of these impostors arose, A. D. 1176, in Moravia, who was called David Almusser. He pretended he could make himself invisible; but he was soon taken and put to death, and a heavy fine laid upon the Jews. A famous cheat and rebel exerted himself in Persia, A. D. 1199, called David el David. He was a man of learning, a great magician, and pretended to be the messiah. He raised an army against the king, but was taken and imprisoned; and, having made his escape, was afterward retaken and beheaded. Vast numbers of the Jews were butchered for taking part with this impostor. Rabbi Lemlem, a German Jew of Austria, declared himself a forerunner of the messiah, A. D. 1500, and pulled down his own oven, promising his brethren that they should bake their bread in the holy land next year. A false christ arose in the East Indies, A. D. 1615, and was greatly followed by the Portuguese Jews who are scattered over that country. Another in the Low Countries declared himself to be the messiah of the family of David, and of the line of Nathan, A. D. 1624. He promised to destroy Rome, and to overthrow the kingdom of antichrist, and the Turkish empire. In A. D. 1666, appeared the false messiah Sabatai Tzevi, who made a great noise, and gained a great number of proselytes. He was born at Aleppo, and imposed on the Jews for a considerable time; but afterward, with a view of saving his life, he turned Mohammedan, and was at last beheaded. The last false christ that made any considerable number of converts was one rabbi Mordecai, a Jew of Germany: he appeared, A. D. 1682. It was not long before he was found out to be an impostor, and was obliged to flee from Italy to Poland to save his life: what became of him afterward does not seem to be recorded.
Our Lord warned his disciples that false messiahs would rise, Matt. xxiv, 24; and history has proven this prediction true. No less than twenty-four false Christs have appeared in various places and times: Caziba was the first notable one who made an impact. Discontent with the situation under Adrian, he proclaimed himself the leader of the Jewish nation and claimed to be their long-awaited messiah. He was one of the outlaws terrorizing Judea and committing violent acts against the Romans; he became so powerful that he was declared king of the Jews and acknowledged as their messiah. To ensure the success of his bold venture, he changed his name from Caziba to Barchocheba, referencing the star predicted by Balaam; he claimed to be the star sent from heaven to restore his nation’s ancient freedom and glory. He selected a forerunner, assembled an army, was crowned king, minted coins with his name, and declared himself the messiah and prince of the Jewish nation. Adrian sent an army against him; he took refuge in a town called Bither, where he was besieged. Barchocheba was killed during the siege, the city fell, and there was immense destruction. The Jews themselves admit that during this brief war against the Romans in defense of this false messiah, they lost five or six hundred thousand lives. This was in the early part of the second century. During the reign of Theodosius the Younger, A.D. 434, another impostor emerged, known as Moses Cretensis. He claimed to be a second Moses sent to free the Jews living in Crete, promising to part the sea and provide them safe passage. Their delusion was so powerful and widespread that they abandoned their lands, homes, and other responsibilities, taking only what they could carry. On the appointed day, this false Moses led them to the top of a rock, and men, women, and children jumped into the sea without hesitation, until so many were drowned that the rest realized the deceit. They began searching for their supposed leader, but he had vanished and escaped their grasp. During Justin’s reign, around A.D. 520, another impostor appeared, calling himself the son of Moses, named Dunaan. He entered a city in Arabia Felix and severely oppressed the Christians; however, he was captured and executed by Elesban, an Ethiopian general. The Jews and Samaritans revolted against Emperor Justinian in A.D. 529, appointing one Julian as their king, believing him to be the messiah. The emperor sent an army against them, killing many, capturing their pretended messiah, and quickly executing him. In the era of Leo Isaurus, around A.D. 721, another false messiah arose in Spain named Serenus. He attracted many followers, leading to significant loss and disappointment, but his claims ultimately fell flat. The twelfth century was abundant in messiahs. Around A.D. 1137, one appeared in France, who was executed along with many of his followers. In A.D. 1138, a Jew in Persia calling himself the messiah gathered a massive army but was also executed, with his followers facing severe brutality. A false messiah incited the Jews at Corduba in Spain, A.D. 1157. The wiser and more rational individuals viewed him as insane, but the majority of Jews in the nation believed in him. Nearly all the Jews in Spain were destroyed due to this event. Another false messiah emerged in the kingdom of Fez, A.D. 1167, causing significant troubles and persecution for the Jews scattered throughout that area. In the same year, an Arabian claimed to be the messiah, pretending to perform miracles. When he was sought after, his followers fled, and he was brought before the Arabian king. When questioned, he claimed to be a prophet sent by God. The king then asked for proof of his mission. “Cut off my head,” he said, “and I will come back to life.” The king took him up on the challenge, promising to believe him if his prediction came true. However, the poor man never returned to life, and his deception was thoroughly revealed. Those deceived by him were harshly punished, and the community was fined heavily. Soon after, a Jew living beyond the Euphrates declared himself the messiah, leading vast crowds after him. He claimed a sign of his divinity was that he had been cured of leprosy in a single night. He, like the others, was killed, inflicting severe persecution on his people. A magician posing as a false Christ appeared in Persia, A.D. 1174, deceiving many of the common folk and causing great tribulation for the Jews. Another impostor appeared in Moravia, A.D. 1176, known as David Almusser. He claimed he could make himself invisible but was swiftly caught and executed, with a heavy fine imposed on the Jews. A notorious con artist and rebel arose in Persia, A.D. 1199, named David el David. He was learned, a great magician, and claimed to be the messiah. He raised an army against the king, but he was captured and imprisoned; after managing to escape, he was eventually recaptured and executed. Countless Jews were killed for siding with this impostor. Rabbi Lemlem, a German Jew from Austria, declared himself a forerunner of the messiah in A.D. 1500 and dismantled his own oven, assuring his community that they would bake their bread in the Holy Land the following year. A false Christ surfaced in the East Indies, A.D. 1615, gaining significant followers among the Portuguese Jews there. Another in the Low Countries declared himself the messiah from the family of David and line of Nathan, A.D. 1624. He promised to destroy Rome and overthrow the kingdom of the Antichrist and the Turkish Empire. In A.D. 1666, the false messiah Sabatai Tzevi emerged, making a considerable impact and gaining many converts. Born in Aleppo, he deceived the Jews for a significant time but ultimately converted to Islam to save his life, and was eventually beheaded. The last false Christ to gain a notable following was Rabbi Mordecai, a Jew from Germany, who appeared in A.D. 1682. It wasn't long before he was revealed as an impostor and was forced to flee from Italy to Poland to escape with his life; what happened to him afterward is not well-documented.
METEMPSYCHOSIS, the doctrine of the transmigration of souls into other bodies. This tenet has been attributed to the sect of the Pharisees. Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee, gives this account of their doctrine in these points: Every soul is immortal; those of the good only enter into another body, but those of the bad are tormented with everlasting punishment.” From whence it has been pretty generally concluded, that the resurrection they held was only a Pythagorean one, namely, the transmigration of the soul into another body; from which they excluded all that were notoriously wicked, who were doomed at once to eternal punishment; but their opinion was, that those who were guilty only of lesser crimes were punished for them in the bodies into which their souls were next sent. It is also supposed, that it was upon this notion the disciples asked our Lord, Did this man sin, or his parents, that he was born blind?” John ix, 2; and that some said, Christ was John the Baptist, some Elias, others Jeremias, or one of the prophets,” Matt. xvi, 14. The transmigration of souls into other bodies was undoubtedly the opinion of the Pythagoreans and Platonists, and was embraced by some among the Jews; as by the author of the Book of Wisdom, who says, that being good, he came into a body undefiled,” viii, 20. Nevertheless, it is questioned by some persons, whether the words of Josephus, before quoted, are a sufficient evidence of this doctrine of the metempsychosis being received by the whole sect of the Pharisees; for passing into another or different body,” may only denote its receiving a body at the resurrection; which will be another, not in substance, but in quality; as it is said of Christ at his transfiguration, το ειδος του προσωπου αυτου ἑτερον, the fashion of his countenance was” another, or, as we render it, was altered,” Luke ix, 29. As to the opinion which some entertained concerning our Saviour, that he was either John the Baptist, or Elias, or Jeremias, or one of the prophets, Matt. xvi, 14, it is not ascribed to the Pharisees in particular, and if it were, one cannot see how it could be founded on the doctrine of the metempsychosis; since the soul of Elias, now inhabiting the body of Jesus, would no more make him to be Elias, than several others had been, in whose bodies the soul of Elias, according to this doctrine, is supposed to have dwelt since the death of that ancient prophet, near a thousand years before. Beside, how was it possible any person that saw Christ, who did not appear to be less than thirty years old, should, according to the notion of the metempsychosis, conceive him to be John the Baptist, who had been so lately beheaded? Surely this apprehension must be grounded on the supposition of a proper resurrection. It was probably, therefore, upon the same account, that others took him to be Elias, and others Jeremias. Accordingly, St. Luke expresses it thus: Others say, that one of the old prophets is risen from the dead,” Luke ix, 19. It may farther be observed, that the doctrine of the resurrection, which St. Paul preached, was not a present metempsychosis, but a real future resurrection, which he calls the hope and resurrection of the dead,” Acts xxiii, 6. This he professed as a Pharisee, and for this profession the partisans of that sect vindicated him against the Sadducees, Acts xxiii, 7–9. Upon the whole, therefore, it appears most reasonable to adopt the opinion of Reland, though in opposition to the sentiments of many other learned men, that the Pharisees held the doctrine of the resurrection in a proper sense.
METEMPSYCHOSIS, the belief in the transmigration of souls into different bodies. This belief has been linked to the Pharisees. Josephus, who was a Pharisee himself, explains their doctrine with these points: Every soul is immortal; only the souls of good people enter another body, while the souls of the bad suffer eternal punishment. From this, it has been widely concluded that the resurrection they believed in was similar to the Pythagorean idea, meaning the soul transferring into another body; they excluded those who were notoriously wicked, condemning them to eternal punishment right away, but thought that those who committed lesser sins would be punished in the bodies they were reborn into. It is also thought that this belief led the disciples to ask our Lord, “Did this man sin, or did his parents, that he was born blind?” John ix, 2; and that some believed Jesus was John the Baptist, some Elijah, others Jeremiah, or one of the prophets,” Matt. xvi, 14. The idea of souls entering other bodies was definitely held by the Pythagoreans and Platonists, and some Jews accepted it too; for instance, the author of the Book of Wisdom states that being good, he came into a body undefiled,” viii, 20. However, some people question whether Josephus's previously quoted words are enough proof that this doctrine of metempsychosis was accepted by all Pharisees; for "passing into another or different body" may simply refer to receiving a body at the resurrection, which would be different in quality, not in substance, just as it’s said of Christ at his transfiguration, το ειδος του προσωπου αυτου ἑτερον, that the fashion of his countenance was" another, or, as we translate, was altered,” Luke ix, 29. Regarding the belief that some had about our Savior being either John the Baptist, or Elijah, or Jeremiah, or one of the prophets, Matt. xvi, 14, this is not specifically attributed to the Pharisees, and even if it were, it’s hard to see how it could be based on the metempsychosis idea; since the soul of Elijah, now in the body of Jesus, wouldn’t make him Elijah any more than other people’s bodies who, according to this belief, the soul of Elijah is thought to have inhabited since that ancient prophet died nearly a thousand years earlier. Additionally, how could anyone who saw Christ, who appeared to be at least thirty years old, think he was John the Baptist, who had just been beheaded? This belief must be based on the idea of a proper resurrection. Therefore, it was likely that others thought he was Elijah, and others thought he was Jeremiah for the same reason. In line with this, St. Luke mentions: Others say, that one of the old prophets has risen from the dead,” Luke ix, 19. Furthermore, it should be noted that the resurrection that St. Paul preached was not a current metempsychosis, but a real future resurrection, which he referred to as the hope and resurrection of the dead,” Acts xxiii, 6. He proclaimed this as a Pharisee, and for this belief, the followers of that sect defended him against the Sadducees, Acts xxiii, 7–9. Overall, it seems most reasonable to agree with Reland's view, even if it contradicts the opinions of many other scholars, that the Pharisees believed in the resurrection in a proper sense.
METHODISTS, a name given in derision at different times to religious persons and parties which have appeared in this country; but which now principally designates the followers of the Rev. John Wesley. The societies raised up by the instrumentality of the Rev. George Whitefield were also called Methodists, 641and in Wales especially are still known by that appellation. For distinction’s sake, therefore, and also because a number of smaller sects have broken off from the Methodist societies since Mr. Wesley’s death, the religious body which he raised up and left organized under his rules, have of late been generally denominated the Wesleyan Methodists. In the year 1729, Mr. John Wesley, being then fellow of Lincoln College, began to spend some evenings in reading the Greek Testament with Charles Wesley, student, and Mr. Morgan, commoner of Christ Church, and Mr. Kirkham, of Merton College. Not long after, two or three of the pupils of Mr. John Wesley, and one pupil of Mr. Charles Wesley, obtained leave to attend these meetings. They then began to visit the sick in different parts of the town, and the prisoners also, who were confined in the castle. Two years after, they were joined by Mr. Ingham, of Queen’s College, Mr. Broughton, and Mr. Hervey; and in 1735, by the celebrated Mr. George Whitefield, then in his eighteenth year. At this time their number in Oxford amounted to about fourteen. They obtained the name of Methodists, from the exact regularity of their lives, and the manner of spending their time. In October, 1735, John and Charles Wesley, Mr. Ingham, and Mr. Delamotte, son of a merchant in London, embarked for Georgia, having been engaged by the trustees of that colony as chaplains; but their ultimate design was to preach the Gospel to the Indians. No favourable opportunity offering itself for this pious work, and the strict and faithful preaching of the Wesleys having involved them in much persecution, and many disputes with the colonists, they returned to England, Mr. Charles Wesley in 1737, Mr. John Wesley in 1738. On the passage to America, and while in Georgia, Mr. John had met with several pious Moravians; whose doctrines of justification by faith alone, conscious pardon of sin, and peace with God, confirmed by their own calmness in danger and freedom from the fear of death, greatly impressed him. On his return to England, he was more fully instructed in these views by Bohler, a Moravian minister; and having proved their truth in his own experience, he began to preach in the churches of the metropolis, and other places, and then in rooms, fields, and streets, the doctrine of salvation by faith. In this his brother Charles was his zealous coadjutor; and the effect was the awakening of great multitudes to a religious concern, and the commencement of a great revival of religion throughout the land, which has in its effects extended itself to the most distant parts of the world. At the time of Mr. Wesley’s death, the societies in connection with him in Europe, America, and the West Indies, amounted to eighty thousand members; they are now [1831] upward of three hundred thousand, beside about half a million in the United States of America, who since the acquisition of independence by that country have formed a separate church. The rules of this religious society were drawn up by Messrs. John and Charles Wesley in 1743, and continue to be in force. They state the nature and design of a Methodist society in the following words: “Such a society is no other than a company of men, having the form and seeking the power of godliness: united, in order to pray together, to receive the word of exhortation, and to watch over one another in love, that they may help each other to work out their own salvation. That it may the more easily be discerned whether they are indeed working out their own salvation, each society is divided into smaller companies, called classes, according to their respective places of abode. There are about twelve persons, sometimes fifteen, twenty, or even more, in each class; one of whom is styled the leader. It is his business, 1. To see each person in his class once a week, at least, in order to inquire how their souls prosper; to advise, reprove, comfort, or exhort, as occasion may require; to receive what they are willing to give to the poor, or toward the support of the Gospel. 2. To meet the minister and the stewards of the society once a week, to inform the minister of any that are sick, or of any that walk disorderly and will not be reproved; to pay to the stewards what they have received of their several classes in the week preceding; and to show their account of what each person has contributed. There is only one condition previously required of those who desire admission into these societies, namely, a desire to flee from the wrath to come; to be saved from their sins: but wherever this is really fixed in the soul, it will be shown by its fruits. It is therefore expected of all who continue therein, that they should continue to evidence their desire of salvation, 1. By doing no harm; by avoiding evil in every kind, especially that which is most generally practised, such as taking the name of God in vain; profaning the day of the Lord, either by doing ordinary work thereon, or by buying or selling; drunkenness; buying and selling spirituous liquors, or drinking them, unless in cases of extreme necessity; fighting, quarrelling, brawling; brother going to law with brother; returning evil for evil, or railing for railing; the using many words in buying or selling; the buying or selling uncustomed goods; the giving or taking things on usury, that is, unlawful interest; uncharitable or unprofitable conversation, particularly speaking evil of magistrates or of ministers; doing to others as we would not they should do unto us; doing what we know is not for the glory of God, as the putting on of gold or costly apparel; the taking such diversions as cannot be used in the name of the Lord Jesus; singing those songs, or reading those books, which do not tend to the knowledge or love of God; softness, or needless self-indulgence; laying up treasure upon earth; borrowing without a probability of paying; or taking up goods, without a probability of paying for them. It is expected of all who continue in these societies, that they should continue to evidence their desire of salvation, 2. By doing good; by being in every kind merciful after their power, 642as they have opportunity; doing good of every possible sort, and, as far as possible, to all men; to their bodies, of the ability which God giveth, by giving food to the hungry, by clothing the naked, by visiting or helping them that are sick or in prison; to their souls, by instructing, reproving, or exhorting all we have any intercourse with; trampling under foot that enthusiastic doctrine of devils,--that we are not to do good unless our hearts be free to it: by doing good, especially to them that are of the household of faith, or groaning so to be; employing them preferably to others; buying one of another; helping each other in business, and so much the more as the world will love its own, and them only; by all possible diligence and frugality, that the Gospel be not blamed; by running with patience the race set before them, denying themselves, and taking up their cross daily; submitting to bear the reproach of Christ; to be as the filth and off-scouring of the world, and looking that men should say all manner of evil of them falsely for the Lord’s sake. It is expected of all who continue in these societies, that they should continue to evidence their desire of salvation, 3. By attending on all the ordinances of God: such are, the public worship of God; the ministry of the word either read or expounded; the supper of the Lord; family and private prayer; searching the Scriptures, and fasting and abstinence. These are the general rules of our societies, all which we are taught of God to observe, even in his written word, the only rule, and the sufficient rule, both of our faith and practice; and all these we know his Spirit writes on every truly awakened heart. If there be any among us who observe them not, who habitually breaks any of them, let it be made known to them who watch over that soul, as they that must give an account. We will admonish him of the error of his ways; we will bear with him for a season; but then, if he repent not, he hath no more place among us: we have delivered our own souls.”
METHODISTS is a term that has been used at various times to mock religious individuals and groups in this country, but it now mainly refers to the followers of Rev. John Wesley. The societies formed through the efforts of Rev. George Whitefield were also called Methodists, and particularly in Wales, they are still known by that name. For clarity, and because several smaller sects have separated from the Methodist societies since Mr. Wesley's passing, the religious group he established and organized under his guidelines has recently been commonly referred to as the Wesleyan Methodists. In 1729, Mr. John Wesley, then a fellow at Lincoln College, began spending some evenings reading the Greek Testament with Charles Wesley, a student, Mr. Morgan from Christ Church, and Mr. Kirkham from Merton College. Shortly after, a few of Mr. John Wesley's students and one of Mr. Charles Wesley's students got permission to join these meetings. They started visiting the sick in different areas of town and also the prisoners held in the castle. Two years later, they were joined by Mr. Ingham from Queen’s College, Mr. Broughton, and Mr. Hervey; and in 1735, by the renowned Mr. George Whitefield, who was then only eighteen. At that point, their group in Oxford had about fourteen members. They obtained the name Methodists because of the strict regularity of their lives and their way of spending time. In October 1735, John and Charles Wesley, Mr. Ingham, and Mr. Delamotte, the son of a London merchant, set sail for Georgia, having been engaged by the colony’s trustees as chaplains; their main aim was to preach the Gospel to the Indians. However, as there were no favorable opportunities for this mission and the Wesleys faced significant persecution and disputes with the colonists, they returned to England—Mr. Charles Wesley in 1737 and Mr. John Wesley in 1738. On the journey to America and while in Georgia, Mr. John encountered several devout Moravians, whose beliefs in justification by faith alone, assurance of forgiveness, and peace with God, highlighted by their calmness in danger and lack of fear of death, tremendously influenced him. Upon returning to England, he learned more about these views from Bohler, a Moravian minister; having confirmed their truth through his own experience, he began preaching in churches across the capital city and later in rooms, fields, and streets about salvation through faith. His brother Charles was a passionate partner in this effort, resulting in a large number of people becoming more aware of their spiritual needs and initiating a significant revival across the country, which ultimately spread to the farthest corners of the globe. At the time of Mr. Wesley's death, the societies associated with him in Europe, America, and the West Indies had about eighty thousand members; today [1831], there are over three hundred thousand, in addition to approximately half a million in the United States, who after gaining independence formed a separate church. The rules for this religious community were created by John and Charles Wesley in 1743 and still remain in effect. They outline the nature and purpose of a Methodist society in these words: “A society is simply a gathering of people who have the structure and seek the power of godliness: united to pray together, receive encouragement from the word, and look after each other in love, helping one another to work out their own salvation. To help discern whether they are genuinely working out their own salvation, each society is split into smaller groups, called classes, based on their respective residences. Each class typically consists of about twelve people, sometimes fifteen, twenty, or even more; one member is designated as the leader. The leader’s responsibilities include: 1. Meeting each person in their class at least once a week to check on their spiritual health; providing counsel, correction, comfort, or encouragement as needed; collecting any contributions for the poor or the support of the Gospel. 2. Meeting weekly with the minister and stewards of the society to inform the minister about any sick members or those who are living disorderly and refuse correction; to report the contributions collected from their group in the previous week; and to account for what each member has contributed. The only condition required for those who wish to join these societies is a sincere desire to escape future wrath and be saved from their sins: however, where there is a genuine desire, it will be reflected in the person's actions. Therefore, all who remain in the society are expected to demonstrate their desire for salvation by: 1. Doing no harm; avoiding all kinds of evil, particularly the most commonly practiced ones, such as using God’s name in vain; desecrating the Lord’s Day by working, buying, or selling; drunkenness; buying or selling alcoholic beverages or consuming them unless absolutely necessary; fighting, arguing, or brawling; taking a brother to court; returning evil for evil or insults for insults; excessive chatter in buying or selling; trading untaxed goods; charging or accepting usury, which is unlawful interest; engaging in uncharitable or unproductive conversation, especially speaking ill of officials or pastors; treating others in ways we wouldn't want to be treated; doing things we know are not for the glory of God, like wearing gold or expensive clothing; participating in entertainment that cannot be enjoyed in Jesus’ name; listening to songs or reading books that do not enhance our knowledge or love of God; pampering ourselves unnecessarily; hoarding earthly treasures; borrowing without a fair chance of repayment; or acquiring goods without a reasonable hope of payment. It is also expected that all who continue in these societies should continue to show their desire for salvation by: 2. Doing good; being merciful in every possible way and assisting all people as much as they can; helping others physically, as God allows, by feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, and visiting or assisting the sick or imprisoned; helping others spiritually by instructing, correcting, or encouraging those we interact with; rejecting the misguided doctrine that we should do good only when we feel free to do so; especially doing good to those who share our faith or aspire to it; choosing to work with one another, helping each other in our efforts, especially since the world tends to favor its own; being diligent and frugal so that the Gospel is not discredited; patiently running the race set before us, denying ourselves, and taking up our cross daily; accepting the shame that comes from following Christ; being willing to be viewed as the dregs and refuse of the world, and expecting to endure false accusations against us for the Lord’s sake. It is also expected of all who remain in these societies to continue to show their desire for salvation by: 3. Participating in all the ordinances of God, such as public worship; ministry of the word, whether read or explained; the Lord’s Supper; private prayer and family prayers; searching the Scriptures; and fasting. These are the essential rules of our societies, which we believe God has commanded us to follow, as affirmed by His written word, the only and sufficient standard for our beliefs and actions; and all these we know are written in the hearts of those truly awakened by His Spirit. If any among us fail to follow these rules or habitually break any of them, it should be reported to those who oversee that individual, as they will have to give an account. We will address the errors in their ways; we will bear with them for a time, but if they do not repent, they will no longer belong with us: we have done our duty.”
The effect produced by the preaching of the two brothers in various parts of the kingdom, and those frequently the most populous and rude, rendered it necessary to call out preachers to their assistance, and especially since the clergy generally remained negligent, and rather opposed and persecuted, than encouraged, the Wesleys in their endeavours to effect a national reformation. The association of preachers with themselves in the work led to an annual meeting of the ministers, then and since called the conference. The first conference was held in June 1744, at which Mr. Wesley met his brother, two or three other clergymen, and a few of the preachers, whom he had appointed to come from various parts, to confer with them on the affairs of the societies. Monday, June 25,” observes Mr. Wesley, and the five following days, we spent in conference with our preachers, seriously considering by what means we might the most effectually save our own souls, and them that heard us; and the result of our consultations we set down to be the rule of our future practice.” Since that time a conference has been annually held; Mr. Wesley himself having presided at forty-seven. The subjects of their deliberations were proposed in the form of questions, which were amply discussed; and the questions, with the answers agreed upon, were afterward printed under the title of Minutes of several Conversations between the Rev. Mr. Wesley and others,” commonly called Minutes of Conference.
The impact of the preaching by the two brothers across different parts of the kingdom, often in the most populated and rough areas, made it necessary to call in other preachers to help. This was particularly crucial since the clergy were generally unhelpful, often opposing and persecuting the Wesleys rather than supporting their efforts for national reform. Their collaboration with other preachers led to the establishment of an annual gathering of ministers, now known as the conference. The first conference took place in June 1744, where Mr. Wesley met with his brother, a couple of other clergymen, and some of the preachers he had invited from various regions to discuss the matters of the societies. “On Monday, June 25,” Mr. Wesley notes, “and for the next five days, we spent time in conference with our preachers, seriously considering how we might best save our own souls and those who listened to us; the conclusions of our discussions became the guiding principles for our future actions.” Since then, a conference has been held every year, with Mr. Wesley leading forty-seven of them. The topics for their discussions were framed as questions, which were thoroughly debated, and the questions along with the agreed answers were later published under the title "Minutes of several Conversations between the Rev. Mr. Wesley and others," commonly referred to as the Minutes of Conference.
As the kingdom had been divided into circuits, to each of which several preachers were appointed for one or two years, a part of the work of every conference was to arrange these appointments and changes. In the early conferences various points of doctrine were discussed with reference to the agreement of all in a common standard; and when this was settled, and the doctrinal discussions discontinued, new regulations continued to be adopted, as the state of the societies, and the enlarging opportunities of doing good, required. The character of all those who were engaged in the ministry was also annually examined; and those who had passed the appointed term of probation, were solemnly received into the ministry. All the preachers were itinerants, and, animated by the example of Mr. Wesley, went through great labours, and endured many privations and persecutions, but with such success that societies and congregations were in a few years raised up in almost every part of England, and in a very considerable number of places in Ireland, Wales, and Scotland. The doctrines held by the Methodists, Mr. Wesley declared repeatedly in his writings to be those contained in the Articles of the church of England; for he understood the article on predestination, as many others have done, in a sense not contrary to the doctrine of the redemption and the possible salvation of the whole human race. It will, therefore, be merely necessary to state those views of certain doctrines which it has been thought the Wesleyan Methodists hold in a somewhat peculiar way, or on which they have been most liable to misrepresentation.
As the kingdom was divided into regions, each with several preachers assigned for a year or two, one of the main tasks of every conference was to organize these appointments and changes. In the early conferences, various points of doctrine were discussed to ensure everyone agreed on a common standard; once this was established and the doctrinal discussions stopped, new regulations were adopted based on the needs of the societies and the growing opportunities to do good. The character of everyone involved in the ministry was also reviewed annually, and those who completed the required probation period were officially received into the ministry. All the preachers were itinerant, inspired by Mr. Wesley's example, enduring significant hardships and facing persecution, but achieving such success that societies and congregations sprang up in almost every part of England and in many areas of Ireland, Wales, and Scotland within a few years. Mr. Wesley repeatedly asserted in his writings that the doctrines upheld by the Methodists were those found in the Articles of the Church of England; he interpreted the article on predestination, as many others have, in a way that did not contradict the doctrine of redemption and the possible salvation of all humanity. Therefore, it is necessary to clarify the views on certain doctrines that are thought to be held by Wesleyan Methodists in a somewhat unique way or those that have been most often misrepresented.
They maintain the total fall of man in Adam, and his utter inability to recover himself, or take one step toward his recovery, without the grace of God preventing him, that he may have a good will, and working with him when he has that good will.” They assert that Christ, by the grace of God, tasted death for every man.” This grace they call free, as extending itself freely to all. They say that Christ is the Saviour of all men, especially of them that believe;” and that, consequently, they are authorized to offer salvation to all, and to preach the Gospel to every creature.” They hold justification by faith. Justification,” says Mr. Wesley, “sometimes means our acquittal at the last day, Matt. xii, 37: but this is altogether out of the present question; for that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, signifies present forgiveness, pardon of sins, and consequently acceptance with God, who therein declares his righteousness, or justice, and mercy, by or for the remission 643of sins that are past, Romans iii, 25, saying, ‘I will be merciful to thy unrighteousness, and thine iniquities I will remember no more.’ I believe the condition of this is faith, Rom. iv, 5, &c; I mean, not only that without faith we cannot be justified, but also that as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. Faith, in general, is a divine supernatural evidence, or conviction, of things not seen, not discoverable by our bodily senses, as being either past, future, or spiritual. Justifying faith implies, not only a divine evidence, or conviction, that ‘God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself,’ but a full reliance on the merits of his death, a sure confidence that Christ died for my sins; that he loved me, and gave himself for me: and the moment a penitent sinner believes this, God pardons and absolves him.” This faith, Mr. Wesley affirms, “is the gift of God. No man is able to work it in himself. It is a work of Omnipotence. It requires no less power thus to quicken a dead soul, than to raise a body that lies in the grave. It is a new creation; and none can create a soul anew but He who at first created the heavens and the earth. It is the free gift of God, which he bestows not on those who are worthy of his favour, not on such as are previously holy, and so fit to be crowned with all the blessings of his goodness; but on the ungodly and unholy, on those who till that hour were fit only for everlasting destruction; those in whom is no good thing, and whose only plea was, ‘God be merciful to me, a sinner!’ No merit, no goodness, in man, precedes the forgiving love of God. His pardoning mercy supposes nothing in us but a sense of mere sin and misery; and to all who see and feel and own their wants, and their utter inability to remove them, God freely gives faith, for the sake of Him in whom he is always well pleased. Good works follow this faith, Luke vi, 43, but cannot go before it; much less can sanctification, which implies a continued course of good works springing from holiness of heart.” As to repentance he insisted that it is conviction of sin, and that repentance, and works meet for repentance, go before justifying faith; but he held, with the church of England, that all works, before justification, had the nature of sin;” and that, as they had no root in the love of God, which can only arise from a persuasion of his being reconciled to us, they could not constitute a moral worthiness preparatory to pardon. That true repentance springs from the grace of God, is most certain; but, whatever fruits it may bring forth, it changes not man’s relation to God. He is a sinner, and is justified as such; for it is not a saint, but a sinner, that is forgiven, and under the notion of a sinner.” God justifieth the ungodly, not the godly. Repentance, according to his statement, is necessary to true faith; but faith alone is the direct and immediate instrument of pardon. They hold also the direct internal testimony of the Holy Spirit to the believer’s adoption; for an exposition of which see Holy Spirit.
They believe in the complete fall of humanity in Adam and our total inability to recover on our own or take even one step towards recovery without God's grace intervening. This grace allows us to have a good will and works with us when we have that good will. They affirm that Christ, through God's grace, experienced death for everyone. They call this grace free, as it is offered to all. They claim that Christ is the Savior of all people, especially those who believe, and because of this, they are empowered to offer salvation to everyone and preach the Gospel to every person. They believe in justification by faith. Mr. Wesley states that justification sometimes refers to our acquittal on the last day, as mentioned in Matthew 12:37, but that's not the focus here; the justification discussed in our Articles and Homilies refers to present forgiveness, the pardon of sins, and acceptance with God, who shows His righteousness and mercy by forgiving past sins, as stated in Romans 3:25, saying, "I will be merciful to your unrighteousness, and I will remember your sins no more.” I believe that faith is the condition for this, as stated in Romans 4:5, meaning not only that we cannot be justified without faith, but also that the moment someone has true faith, they are justified. Faith, in general, is a divine supernatural assurance or conviction of things unseen, whether past, future, or spiritual, which cannot be discovered through our physical senses. Justifying faith not only includes the conviction that "God was in Christ, reconciling the world to Himself," but also complete trust in the merits of His death, a firm belief that Christ died for my sins, that He loved me and gave Himself for me. The moment a repentant sinner believes this, God forgives and absolves them. Mr. Wesley emphasizes that this faith is a gift from God. No one can produce it in themselves; it is a work of divine power. It takes just as much power to bring a dead soul to life as it does to raise a body from the grave. It is a new creation, and only He who originally created the heavens and the earth can recreate a soul. It is a free gift from God that He gives not to those who are worthy of His favor or to those who are already holy and thus prepared to receive all His blessings, but to the ungodly and unholy, those who until that moment were only fit for eternal destruction, who have no good within them, and whose only plea was, "God be merciful to me, a sinner!" No merit or goodness comes from man prior to God's forgiving love. His merciful forgiveness depends on nothing in us except an awareness of our sin and misery; and to all who see, feel, and acknowledge their needs and their total inability to address them, God freely gives faith because of Him in whom He is always pleased. Good works follow this faith, as stated in Luke 6:43, but they cannot precede it, and sanctification, which involves a consistent practice of good works stemming from a pure heart, cannot come before it either. Regarding repentance, he insisted that it is the recognition of sin, and that repentance along with deeds fitting for repentance take place before justifying faith. However, he agreed with the Church of England that all works before justification are sinful and that, since they have no foundation in God’s love—which only stems from the belief that He is reconciled to us—they cannot create a moral worthiness that leads to pardon. True repentance definitely arises from God’s grace, but whatever fruits it may bear do not alter man’s relationship with God. He remains a sinner and is justified as such, for it is not a saint, but a sinner, who is forgiven and is considered under the definition of a sinner. God justifies the ungodly, not the godly. Repentance, according to his interpretation, is necessary for true faith, but faith alone is the direct and immediate means of obtaining pardon. They also believe in the direct internal testimony of the Holy Spirit regarding the believer’s adoption; for a detailed explanation of this, see Holy Spirit.
They maintain also that, by virtue of the blood of Jesus Christ, and the operations of the Holy Spirit, it is their privilege to arrive at that maturity in grace, and participation of the divine nature, which excludes sin from the heart, and fills it with perfect love to God and man. This they denominate Christian perfection. On this doctrine Mr. Wesley observes, “Christian perfection does not imply an exemption from ignorance or mistake, infirmities or temptations; but it implies the being so crucified with Christ, as to be able to testify, ‘I live not, but Christ liveth in me,’ Gal. ii, 23, and ‘hath purified their hearts by faith,’ Acts xv, 9.” Again: To explain myself a little farther on this head: 1. Not only sin, properly so called, that is, a voluntary transgression of a known law; but sin, improperly so called, that is, an involuntary transgression of a divine law known or unknown, needs the atoning blood. 2. I believe there is no such perfection in this life as excludes these involuntary transgressions, which I apprehend to be naturally consequent on the ignorance and mistakes inseparable from mortality. 3. Therefore, sinless perfection is a phrase I never use, lest I should seem to contradict myself. 4. I believe a person filled with the love of God is still liable to these involuntary transgressions. 5. Such transgressions you may call sins, if you please; I do not, for the reasons above mentioned.”
They also argue that, thanks to the blood of Jesus Christ and the workings of the Holy Spirit, it's their privilege to reach a level of spiritual maturity and share in the divine nature, which removes sin from the heart and fills it with perfect love for God and others. They call this Christian perfection. Regarding this belief, Mr. Wesley notes, "Christian perfection does not mean being free from ignorance or mistakes, weaknesses, or temptations; rather, it means being so connected to Christ that one can say, 'I no longer live, but Christ lives in me,' Gal. ii, 23, and 'has purified their hearts by faith,' Acts xv, 9." To elaborate further on this topic: 1. Not just sin in the strict sense, which is a voluntary violation of a known law, but also what some might call sin in a broader sense, which is an involuntary violation of a divine law, whether known or unknown, requires the atoning blood. 2. I believe there is no perfection in this life that eliminates these unintentional violations, which I think naturally occur due to the ignorance and mistakes that come with being human. 3. Therefore, I never use the phrase “sinless perfection,” so as not to seem contradictory. 4. I believe a person filled with God's love can still be prone to these unintentional violations. 5. You can call these violations sins if you want; I do not, for the reasons stated above.
The rules of the Methodist societies have been already given; but, in order to have a general view of their ecclesiastical economy, it must be remarked, that a number of these societies united together form what is called a circuit. A circuit generally includes a large market town, and the circumjacent villages to the extent of ten or fifteen miles. To one circuit two or three, and sometimes four, preachers are appointed, one of whom is styled the superintendent; and this is the sphere of their labour for at least one year, or not more than three years. Once a quarter the preachers meet all the classes, and speak personally to each member. Those who have walked orderly the preceding quarter then receive a ticket. These tickets are in some respects analogous to the tesseræ of the ancients, and answer all the purposes of the commendatory letters spoken of by the Apostle. Their chief use is to prevent imposture. After the visitation of the classes a meeting is held, consisting of all the preachers, leaders, and stewards in the circuit. At this meeting the stewards deliver their collections to a circuit steward, and every thing relating to temporal matters is publicly settled. At this meeting the candidates for the ministry are proposed, and the stewards, after officiating a definite period, are changed. A number of circuits, from five to ten, more or fewer, according to their extent, form a district, the preachers of which meet annually. Every district has a chairman, who fixes the time of meeting. These assemblies have authority, 1. To examine candidates for the ministry, and probationers, and to try and suspend preachers who are found immoral, erroneous in doctrine, or deficient in abilities. 6442. To decide concerning the building of chapels. 3. To examine the demands from the poorer circuits respecting the support of the preachers and of their families, from the public funds. 4. To elect a representative to attend and form a committee to sit previously to the meeting of the conference, in order to prepare a draught of the stations of all the preachers for the ensuing year. The judgment of this meeting is conclusive until conference, to which an appeal is allowed in all cases.
The rules of the Methodist societies have already been provided; however, to understand their church structure, it's important to note that several of these societies come together to create what is known as a circuit. A circuit typically encompasses a major market town and the nearby villages within a ten to fifteen-mile radius. Each circuit is assigned two or three, and at times four, preachers, with one designated as the superintendent; they serve in this capacity for a minimum of one year and no more than three years. Every three months, the preachers meet with all the classes and connect with each member personally. Those who have behaved well in the previous quarter receive a ticket. These tickets are somewhat similar to the ancient tesseræ and function like the letters of recommendation mentioned by the Apostle. Their primary purpose is to prevent fraud. After visiting the classes, a meeting takes place that includes all the preachers, leaders, and stewards in the circuit. During this meeting, the stewards present their collections to a circuit steward, and all matters pertaining to finances are addressed publicly. This is also when candidates for the ministry are nominated, and the stewards, after serving a specified period, are rotated. Several circuits, ranging from five to ten, depending on their size, form a district, whose preachers convene annually. Each district has a chairman who determines the meeting schedule. These gatherings have the authority to 1. assess candidates for the ministry and probationers, and to evaluate and suspend preachers found to be immoral, incorrect in doctrine, or lacking in ability. 644 2. Make decisions about building chapels. 3. Review requests from the less affluent circuits concerning support for the preachers and their families from public funds. 4. Elect a representative to participate in and create a committee that meets prior to the conference to draft the assignments of all preachers for the coming year. The decisions made in this meeting are final until the conference, to which appeals can be made in all cases.
The conference, strictly speaking, consists only of a hundred of the senior preachers, according to the arrangements prescribed in a deed of declaration, executed by Mr. Wesley, and enrolled in chancery. But the preachers elected at the preceding district meetings as representatives, the superintendents of the circuits, and such preachers as the districts allow to attend, sit and vote usually as one body. At the conference, every preacher’s character undergoes the strictest scrutiny; and if any charge be proved against him, he is dealt with accordingly. The preachers are also stationed, the proceedings of the subordinate meetings reviewed, and the state of the connection at large is considered. The conference is commonly held in London, Leeds, Bristol, Manchester, Liverpool, and Sheffield, in rotation, at the latter end of July.
The conference, to be precise, consists only of a hundred senior preachers, as outlined in a declaration deed created by Mr. Wesley and recorded in chancery. However, the preachers chosen at the previous district meetings as representatives, the circuit superintendents, and any preachers allowed to attend by the districts usually sit and vote together as one group. During the conference, each preacher’s character is examined very closely, and if any allegations are proven against them, they are addressed accordingly. The preachers are assigned to their positions, the proceedings of the smaller meetings are reviewed, and the overall status of the connection is discussed. The conference typically takes place in London, Leeds, Bristol, Manchester, Liverpool, and Sheffield, in rotation, at the end of July.
By the minutes of the last conference, 1831, it appears that this religious body had three hundred and sixty-three circuits in England, Wales, and Scotland; forty-five in Ireland; and a hundred and fifty-six mission stations, most of them being also circuits, in Sweden, France, the Mediterranean, Continental India, Ceylon, the South Seas, Africa, the West Indies, and British America. The number of members in the societies were, in Great Britain, two hundred and forty-nine thousand one hundred and nineteen; in Ireland, twenty-two thousand four hundred and seventy; in the foreign stations, forty-two thousand seven hundred and forty-three. Their regular preachers were eight hundred and forty-six in Great Britain; in Ireland, a hundred and forty-six; in foreign stations, exclusive of catechists, a hundred and eighty-seven.
By the notes from the last conference in 1831, it shows that this religious group had three hundred sixty-three circuits in England, Wales, and Scotland; forty-five in Ireland; and one hundred fifty-six mission stations, most of which were also circuits, in Sweden, France, the Mediterranean, Continental India, Ceylon, the South Seas, Africa, the West Indies, and British America. The total number of members in the societies was two hundred forty-nine thousand one hundred nineteen in Great Britain; twenty-two thousand four hundred seventy in Ireland; and forty-two thousand seven hundred forty-three in foreign stations. Their regular preachers numbered eight hundred forty-six in Great Britain; one hundred forty-six in Ireland; and one hundred eighty-seven in foreign stations, not including catechists.
[The preceding account, so far as it respects the original history, the doctrines, and the moral discipline of Wesleyan Methodists, is equally applicable to those in America and in Europe. The Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States, however, which became a distinct and independent church in the year 1784, differs considerably in its organization, and in the details of its ecclesiastical economy, from the British Wesleyan connection. The circuits, into which the whole field of labour occupied by the itinerant ministry is divided, are in general much larger, nor is any preacher allowed to remain on them more than two years successively. Of these circuits, from five or six to fifteen or more, according to circumstances, constitute a district. Of the districts, from four or five to six or eight, usually, comprise the tract of country embraced within the boundaries of an annual conference; and of annual conferences, the whole of the United States and Territories, agreeably to the minutes of the last year, (1831,) were divided into nineteen. From all these annual conferences, delegates, in a certain prescribed ratio, are sent once in four years to constitute a general conference, the highest ecclesiastical assemblage among American Wesleyan Methodists. The minister or preacher first named of those appointed to each circuit or station, is thereby invested with the pastoral charge thereof, and is usually denominated the preacher in charge. Each district is committed to the care of an elder, denominated the presiding elder, who is appointed annually, and may remain four years successively on a district, but not longer; and all the districts comprising the whole extent of the church, are under the general superintendence of the bishops. These at present, (April, 1832,) are four in number, and like all others of our stated ministry, are required to be itinerant. If they cease to travel at large, without the consent of the general conference, they forfeit the exercise of their episcopal functions. Their visitations are annual and alternate, on a preconcerted plan, through the bounds of the entire work. They preside in the annual and general conferences, station the preachers, with (by established usage) the counsel of the presiding elders, and are jointly and severally responsible to the general conference for their administration and conduct. (See also the articles Episcopalians,” and Imposition of Hands.”)
[The previous account, in terms of the original history, beliefs, and moral guidance of Wesleyan Methodists, applies equally to those in America and Europe. However, the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States, which became a separate and independent church in 1784, differs significantly in its organization and the specifics of its church structure from the British Wesleyan connection. The circuits, which divide the entire area of work covered by the itinerant ministry, are generally much larger, and no preacher is allowed to stay on them for more than two consecutive years. Depending on the circumstances, each district consists of five or six to fifteen or more circuits. Typically, from four or five to six or eight districts make up the area covered by an annual conference; according to last year's minutes (1831), the entire United States and its territories were divided into nineteen annual conferences. From all these annual conferences, delegates are sent every four years in a specific ratio to form a general conference, which is the highest church gathering among American Wesleyan Methodists. The first minister or preacher named for each circuit or station takes on the pastoral role and is usually referred to as the preacher in charge. Each district is overseen by an elder, known as the presiding elder, who is appointed annually and may serve for four consecutive years, but not longer. All districts across the church are under the overall oversight of the bishops. As of now (April 1832), there are four bishops, and like all others in our established ministry, they are required to be itinerant. If they stop traveling without the general conference's consent, they lose their episcopal duties. Their visitations occur annually and alternately according to a planned schedule across the entire jurisdiction. They lead the annual and general conferences, assign the preachers, with established practice involving the presiding elders' advice, and are jointly and individually accountable to the general conference for their management and behavior. (See also the articles Episcopalians, and Laying on of hands.)]
For a more minute detail of the ecclesiastical economy, spiritual and temporal, of American Wesleyan Methodists, (which would lead us too far for a work of this sort,) reference may be had to the small volume published at the Conference Office, entitled ‘The Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church.’
For a more detailed look at the spiritual and practical aspects of American Wesleyan Methodists (which is beyond the scope of this work), you can refer to the small book published at the Conference Office, titled ‘The Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church.’
By the minutes of the annual conferences for the last year, (1831,) there were in the communion of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States, five hundred and thirteen thousand one hundred and twenty-four members; of whom four hundred and thirty-seven thousand and twenty-four were whites, seventy-one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine coloured, and four thousand five hundred and one Indians. The number of itinerant ministers was two thousand and ten, of whom one hundred and thirty four were superannuated, or worn out. In addition to these, there are also several thousand local ministers and preachers, many of whom were once itinerant; and who, though not statedly devoted to the work of the ministerial office, as the itinerant ministers are, yet, by their valuable services on the Sabbath, or at other times occasionally in their respective vicinities, constitute an important auxiliary branch of the system, and contribute much to its compactness and efficiency.
By the minutes of the annual conferences for last year (1831), there were 513,124 members in the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States; of those, 437,024 were white, 71,589 were people of color, and 4,501 were Native Americans. The number of traveling ministers was 2,010, of whom 134 were retired or no longer active. In addition to these, there are also several thousand local ministers and preachers, many of whom were once traveling ministers. Even though they are not fully dedicated to the ministerial role like the traveling ministers, their valuable services on Sundays or occasionally at other times in their local communities make them an important support branch of the system and greatly contribute to its effectiveness and cohesion.
Beside the above, there are in the United States several smaller associations of persons bearing the name of Methodists, who hold and teach, in general, the doctrines of Wesleyan Methodists, but are not in connection with the Methodist Episcopal Church, and differ from 645it in various points of ecclesiastical economy and discipline.
Beside the above, there are in the United States several smaller groups of people called Methodists, who generally hold and teach the beliefs of Wesleyan Methodists, but are not connected to the Methodist Episcopal Church, and differ from it in various aspects of church organization and discipline. 645
The Wesleyan Methodists in Upper Canada, who were formerly in connection with the church in the United States, have recently, with the consent of the general conference of the latter body, been constituted a distinct church, under an episcopal form. Its organization, however, has not yet been completed by the consecration of a bishop, though we understand that a reverend individual has been selected, who will probably shortly be set apart for that holy office. This branch of the American Wesleyan Methodists, agreeably to their minutes for the year 1831, consisted of sixty-five itinerant ministers, and twelve thousand five hundred and sixty-three members; of whom one thousand two hundred and thirty-three were Indians.]
The Wesleyan Methodists in Upper Canada, who were previously connected to the church in the United States, have recently, with the approval of the general conference of that body, become a separate church with an episcopal structure. However, their organization isn't fully established yet since a bishop hasn't been consecrated. We understand that a reverend individual has been chosen and will likely be ordained for that important role soon. According to their minutes for the year 1831, this branch of the American Wesleyan Methodists had sixty-five itinerant ministers and twelve thousand five hundred and sixty-three members, including one thousand two hundred and thirty-three who were Indigenous.
METHUSELAH, the son of Enoch, and father of Lamech, Gen. v, 21. He was born A. M. 687, and died A. M. 1656, being the very year of the deluge, at the age of nine hundred and sixty-nine, the greatest age to which any mortal man ever attained.
METHUSELAH, the son of Enoch and father of Lamech, Gen. v, 21. He was born in the year 687 and died in the year 1656, which was the same year as the flood, at the age of nine hundred sixty-nine, the oldest age that any human ever reached.
MICAH, the seventh in order of the twelve lesser prophets, is supposed to have prophesied about B. C. 750. He was commissioned to denounce the judgments of God against both the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, for their idolatry and wickedness. The principal predictions contained in this book are, the invasions of Shalmanezer and Sennecharib; the destruction of Samaria and of Jerusalem, mixed with consolatory promises of the deliverance of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, and of the downfall of the power of their Assyrian and Babylonian oppressors; the cessation of prophecy in consequence of their continued deceitfulness and hypocrisy; and a desolation in a then distant period, still greater than that which was declared to be impending. The birth of the Messiah at Bethlehem is also expressly foretold; and the Jews are directed to look to the establishment and extent of his kingdom, as an unfailing source of comfort amidst general distress. The style of Micah is nervous, concise, and elegant, often elevated, and poetical, but sometimes obscure from sudden transitions of subject; and the contrast of the neglected duties of justice, mercy, humility, and piety, with the punctilious observance of the ceremonial sacrifices, affords a beautiful example of the harmony which subsists between the Mosaic and Christian dispensations, and shows that the law partook of that spiritual nature which more immediately characterizes the religion of Jesus.
MICAH, the seventh of the twelve minor prophets, is believed to have prophesied around 750 B.C. He was tasked with condemning God's judgments against both Judah and Israel for their idolatry and wrongdoing. The main predictions in this book include the invasions by Shalmaneser and Sennacherib, the destruction of Samaria and Jerusalem, along with comforting promises about the Jews' deliverance from Babylonian captivity and the downfall of their Assyrian and Babylonian oppressors. It also mentions the end of prophecy due to their ongoing deceit and hypocrisy, and a future devastation that would be even worse than what was imminent. The birth of the Messiah in Bethlehem is explicitly foretold, and the Jews are encouraged to look to the establishment and expansion of his kingdom as a reliable source of hope during widespread suffering. Micah's style is strong, concise, and elegant—often elevated and poetic, but occasionally unclear due to sudden shifts in topic. The contrast between the neglected duties of justice, mercy, humility, and piety, and the strict adherence to ceremonial sacrifices, provides a beautiful example of the connection between the Mosaic and Christian faiths, showing that the law had a spiritual aspect that is more closely associated with the religion of Jesus.
The prophecy of Micah, contained in the fifth chapter, is, perhaps the most important single prophecy in all the Old Testament, and the most comprehensive respecting the personal character of the Messiah, and his successive manifestations to the world. It crowns the whole chain of predictions respecting the several limitations of the promised seed: to the line of Shem; to the family of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob; to the tribe of Judah; and to the royal house of David, terminating in his birth at Bethlehem, the city of David.” It carefully distinguishes his human nativity from his divine nature and eternal existence; foretels the casting off of the Israelites and Jews for a season; their ultimate restoration; and the universal peace which should prevail in the kingdom and under the government of the Messiah. This prophecy, therefore, forms the basis of the New Testament revelation which commences with the birth of the Messiah at Bethlehem, the miraculous circumstances of which are recorded by St. Matthew and St. Luke in the introduction to their respective histories; the eternal subsistence of Christ as the Word,” in the sublime introduction to St. John’s Gospel; his prophetic character and second coming, illustrated in the four Gospels and in the apostolic epistles.
The prophecy of Micah, found in the fifth chapter, is probably the most important single prophecy in the entire Old Testament and the most comprehensive regarding the personal nature of the Messiah and his various appearances to the world. It completes the whole series of predictions about the specific lineage of the promised offspring: from Shem; to the family of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; to the tribe of Judah; and to the royal house of David, culminating in his birth in Bethlehem, the city of David. It clearly distinguishes his human birth from his divine nature and eternal existence; predicts the temporary rejection of the Israelites and Jews; their eventual restoration; and the widespread peace that should exist in the kingdom and under the rule of the Messiah. This prophecy, therefore, serves as the foundation for the New Testament revelation that begins with the Messiah's birth in Bethlehem, which is recorded with miraculous details by St. Matthew and St. Luke in the introductions to their respective gospels; the eternal existence of Christ as the "Word," in the profound introduction to St. John’s Gospel; and his prophetic role and second coming, discussed in the four Gospels and the apostolic letters.
MICHAEL. See Archangel.
MICHAEL. Check __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
MIDIAN, Land of, a country of the Midianites, derived its name and its inhabitants from Midian, the son of Abraham by Keturah. This country extended from the east of the land of Moab, on the east of the Dead Sea, southward, along the Elanitic gulf of the Red Sea, stretching some way into Arabia. It farther passed to the south of the land of Edom, into the peninsula of Mount Sinai, where Moses met with the daughter of Jethro, the priest of Midian, whom he married. The Midianites, together with their neighbours, the Ishmaelites, were early engaged in the trade between the east and the west, as we find the party to whom Joseph was sold, carrying spices, the produce of the east, into Egypt; and, taking Gilead in their way, to add the celebrated and highly prized balm of that country to their merchandise. It appears that, at the time of the passage of the Israelites through the country of the Amorites, the Midianites had been subdued by that people, as the chiefs or kings of their five principal tribes are called dukes of Sihon, and dwelt in his country, Joshua xiii, 21. It was at this time that the Midianites, alarmed at the numbers and the progress of the Israelites, united with the Moabites in sending into Syria for Balaam, the soothsayer; thinking to do that by incantation which they despaired of effecting by force. The result of this measure, the constraint imposed on Balaam to bless instead of to curse, and the subsequent defeat and slaughter of the Midianites, forms one of the most interesting narratives in the early history of the Jews, Num. xxii-xxv, xxxi. About two hundred years after this, the Midianites, having recovered their numbers and their strength, were permitted by God to distress the Israelites for the space of seven years, as a punishment for their relapse into idolatry. But at length their armies, like grasshoppers for multitude, with camels out of number as sand by the sea side for multitude,” which had encamped in the valley of Jezreel, were miraculously defeated by Gideon, Judges vi-viii. The Midianites appear not to have survived this second discomfiture as a nation; but their remains became gradually incorporated with the Moabites and Arabians.
MIDIAN, Land of, a country of the Midianites, got its name and its inhabitants from Midian, the son of Abraham and Keturah. This land stretched from the east of Moab, on the east side of the Dead Sea, southwards along the Elanitic gulf of the Red Sea, reaching into Arabia. It also extended south of Edom into the Sinai Peninsula, where Moses met and married the daughter of Jethro, the priest of Midian. The Midianites, along with their neighbors, the Ishmaelites, were early involved in trade between the east and west, as shown when the group that sold Joseph carried spices, produced in the east, into Egypt, passing through Gilead to add the famous and highly valued balm from that region to their goods. It seems that during the time the Israelites traveled through the land of the Amorites, the Midianites had been conquered by them, as the leaders of their five main tribes were referred to as dukes of Sihon and lived in his territory, Joshua xiii, 21. At this time, the Midianites, concerned about the size and progress of the Israelites, teamed up with the Moabites to send for Balaam, the soothsayer, from Syria, thinking that he could accomplish through magic what they could not achieve with force. The outcome of this plan, Balaam's forced blessing instead of cursing, and the later defeat and slaughter of the Midianites, make up one of the most captivating stories in early Jewish history, Num. xxii-xxv, xxxi. About two hundred years later, the Midianites, having regained their numbers and strength, were allowed by God to afflict the Israelites for seven years as punishment for their return to idolatry. Eventually, their armies, vast like grasshoppers and with countless camels like sand by the sea, camped in the valley of Jezreel but were miraculously defeated by Gideon, Judges vi-viii. The Midianites seemed not to have continued as a nation after this defeat but gradually merged with the Moabites and Arabians.
646MIGDOL. Moses writes, that when the Israelites came out of Egypt, the Lord commanded them to encamp over against Pihahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-Zephon, Exod. xiv, 2. It is not known whether this Migdol was a city, or only a fortress: probably the latter, in which a garrison was stationed.
646MIGDOL. Moses writes that when the Israelites left Egypt, the Lord instructed them to camp in front of Pihahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, across from Baal-Zephon, Exod. xiv, 2. It's unclear whether this Migdol was a city or just a fortress; it's likely the latter, where a garrison was stationed.
MILE, a measure of length, containing a thousand paces. Eight stadia or furlongs make a mile. The Romans commonly measured by miles, and the Greeks by furlongs. The furlong was a hundred and twenty-five paces; the pace was five feet. The ancient Hebrews had neither miles, furlongs, nor feet, but only the cubit, the reed, and the line. The rabbins make a mile to consist of two thousand cubits, and four miles make a parasang.
MILE, a unit of length, is made up of a thousand paces. Eight stadiums or furlongs equal a mile. The Romans typically used miles for measurement, while the Greeks used furlongs. A furlong was one hundred and twenty-five paces, and a pace is five feet. The ancient Hebrews didn't use miles, furlongs, or feet; they only used the cubit, the reed, and the line. The rabbis say a mile consists of two thousand cubits, and four miles equal a parasang.
MILETUS, a city on the continent of Asia Minor, and in the province of Caria, memorable for being the birthplace of Thales, one of the seven wise men of Greece, of Anaximander and Anaximines, the philosophers, and of Timotheus, the musician. It was about thirty-six miles south of Ephesus, and the capital of both Caria and Ionia. The Milesians were subdued by the Persians, and the country passed successively into the power of the Greeks and Romans. At present the Turks call it Molas, and it is not far distant from the true Meander, which encircles all the plain with many mazes, and innumerable windings. It was to this place that St. Paul called the elders of the church of Ephesus, to deliver his last charge to them, Acts xx, 15, &c. There was another Miletus in Crete, mentioned 2 Tim. iv, 20.
MILETUS, a city in Asia Minor, located in the province of Caria, is famous for being the birthplace of Thales, one of the seven wise men of Greece, as well as Anaximander and Anaximenes, the philosophers, and Timotheus, the musician. It was about thirty-six miles south of Ephesus and served as the capital of both Caria and Ionia. The Milesians were conquered by the Persians, and the region subsequently came under the control of the Greeks and Romans. Today, the Turks refer to it as Molas, and it is not far from the true Meander River, which twists and turns throughout the plain in numerous ways. This is the place where St. Paul summoned the elders of the church of Ephesus to give them his final message, as seen in Acts xx, 15, etc. There was also another Miletus in Crete, mentioned in 2 Tim. iv, 20.
MILL. In the first ages they parched or roasted their grain; a practice which the people of Israel, as we learn from the Scriptures, long continued: afterward they pounded it in a mortar, to which Solomon thus alludes: Though thou shouldest bray a fool in a mortar among wheat with a pestle, yet will not his foolishness depart from him,” Prov. xxvii, 22. This was succeeded by mills, similar to the hand mills formerly used in this country, of which there were two sorts: the first were large, and turned by the strength of horses or asses; the second were smaller, and wrought by men, commonly by slaves condemned to this hard labour, as a punishment for their crimes. Chardin remarks, in his manuscript, that the persons employed are generally female slaves, who are least regarded, or are least fitted for any thing else; for the work is extremely laborious, and esteemed the lowest employment about the house. Most of their corn is ground by these little mills, although they sometimes make use of large mills, wrought by oxen or camels. Near Ispahan, and some of the other great cities of Persia, he saw water mills; but he did not meet with a single wind mill in the east. Almost every family grind their wheat and barley at home, having two portable mill stones for that purpose; of which the uppermost is turned round by a small handle of wood or iron that is placed in the rim. When this stone is large, or expedition is required, a second person is called in to assist; and as it is usual for the women only to be concerned in this employment, who seat themselves over against each other, with the mill stone between them, we may see the propriety of the expression in the declaration of Moses: And all the first-born in the land of Egypt shall die, from the first-born of Pharaoh that sitteth upon his throne even unto the first-born of the maid-servant that is behind the mill,” Exod. xi, 5. The manner in which the hand mills are worked is well described by Dr. E. D. Clarke, in his Travels: “Scarcely had we reached the apartment prepared for our reception, when, looking from the window into the court yard belonging to the house, we beheld two women grinding at the mill, in a manner most forcibly illustrating the saying of our Saviour: ‘Two women shall be grinding at the mill, the one shall be taken and the other left.’ They were preparing flour to make our bread, as it is always customary in the country when strangers arrive. The two women, seated upon the ground opposite to each other, held between them two round flat stones, such as are seen in Lapland, and such as in Scotland are called querns. In the centre of the upper stone was a cavity for pouring in the corn, and by the side of this an upright wooden handle for moving the stone. As this operation began, one of the women opposite received it from her companion, who pushed it toward her, who again sent it to her companion; thus communicating a rotatory motion to the upper stone, their left hands being all the while employed in supplying fresh corn, as fast as the bran and flour escaped from the sides of the machine.” When they are not impelled, as in this instance, to premature exertions by the arrival of strangers, they grind their corn in the morning at break of day: the noise of the mill is then to be heard every where, and is often so great as to rouse the inhabitants of the cities from their slumbers; for it is well known they bake their bread every day, and commonly grind their corn as it is wanted. The noise of the mill stone is therefore, with great propriety, selected by the prophet as one of the tokens of a populous and thriving country: Moreover, I will take from them the voice of mirth, and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the bride, the sound of mill stones and the light of a candle, and their whole land shall be a desolation,” Jer. xxv, 10. The morning shall no more be cheered with the joyful sound of the mill, nor the shadows of evening by the light of a candle; the morning shall be silent, and the evening dark and melancholy, where desolation reigns. At the earliest dawn of the morning,” says Mr. Forbes, in all the Hindoo towns and villages, the hand mills are at work, when the menials and widows grind meal for the daily consumption of the family: this work is always performed by women, who resume their task every morning, especially the forlorn Hindoo widows, divested of every ornament, and with their heads shaved, degraded 647to almost a state of servitude.” How affecting, then, is the call to the daughter of Babylon!--“Come down, and sit in the dust, O daughter of Babylon, sit on the ground: there is no throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans; for thou shalt no more be called tender and delicate. Take the mill stones, and grind meal; uncover thy locks, make bare the leg, uncover the thigh, pass over the rivers,” Isaiah xlvii, 1, 2.
MILL. In ancient times, they roasted or toasted their grain, a practice that the people of Israel continued for a long time, as we learn from the Scriptures. Later, they would crush it in a mortar, which Solomon refers to: “Though you grind a fool in a mortar among wheat with a pestle, his foolishness will not depart from him,” Prov. xxvii, 22. This was followed by the invention of mills, similar to the hand mills once used in this country, which came in two types: the first were large and operated by the strength of horses or donkeys; the second were smaller and operated by people, often by slaves forced into this harsh labor as punishment for their crimes. Chardin notes in his manuscript that the laborers are generally female slaves, who are least respected or least suited for anything else because the work is extremely tiring and considered the lowest form of household labor. Most of their grain is milled using these small mills, although they occasionally use larger mills powered by oxen or camels. Near Ispahan and some other major cities of Persia, he spotted water mills; however, he didn't find a single windmill in the East. Almost every family mills their wheat and barley at home, using two portable millstones for this purpose. The top stone is rotated by a small wooden or iron handle placed in its rim. When the stone is large or speed is needed, a second person is called in to help; and since it's typically the women who perform this task, they sit across from each other with the millstone between them, illustrating the expression used by Moses: “And all the first-born in the land of Egypt shall die, from the first-born of Pharaoh sitting on his throne to the first-born of the maidservant behind the mill,” Exod. xi, 5. The process of operating the hand mills is well described by Dr. E. D. Clarke in his Travels: “As soon as we arrived in the room prepared for us, we looked out of the window into the courtyard belonging to the house and saw two women grinding at the mill, which vividly represented our Savior's saying: ‘Two women will be grinding at the mill, one will be taken and the other left.’ They were making flour for our bread, as is customary when guests arrive. The two women, sitting on the ground opposite each other, held two round flat stones between them, similar to those seen in Lapland, called querns in Scotland. The upper stone had a hollow in the center for pouring in the grain, with an upright wooden handle beside it for turning the stone. As they worked, one woman passed the grain to her companion, who then pushed it back, creating a rotating motion with the upper stone, while their left hands continually added fresh grain as the bran and flour fell off the sides.” When they aren’t rushed by the arrival of guests, they grind their grain at dawn: the sound of the mill can be heard everywhere, often loud enough to wake the townspeople from their sleep, since they bake bread every day and usually grind their grain as needed. The sound of the millstone is thus rightly chosen by the prophet as one of the signs of a populous and prosperous land: “Moreover, I will take away from them the voice of mirth and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the bride, the sound of millstones and the light of a candle, and their whole land will be a desolation,” Jer. xxv, 10. The morning will no longer be brightened by the cheerful sound of the mill, nor the evening by the light of a candle; the morning will be silent, and the evening dark and dreary, ruled by desolation. “At the crack of dawn,” says Mr. Forbes, in all the Hindu towns and villages, the hand mills start working as housemaids and widows grind flour for the family's daily needs: this task is always done by women who start their work every morning, especially the sorrowful Hindu widows, stripped of all adornment and with shaved heads, reduced to near servitude. How touching, then, is the call to the daughter of Babylon! - “Come down and sit in the dust, O daughter of Babylon, sit on the ground: there is no throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans; for you will no longer be called delicate and pampered. Take the millstones and grind flour; uncover your hair, bare your legs, uncover your thighs, and cross over the rivers,” Isaiah xlvii, 1, 2.
The custom of daily grinding their corn for the family, shows the propriety of the law: “No man shall take the nether or the upper mill stone to pledge, for he taketh a man’s life to pledge;” because if he take either the upper or the nether mill stone, he deprives him of his daily provision, which cannot be prepared without them. That complete and perpetual desolation which, by the just allotment of Heaven, is ere long to overtake the mystical Babylon, is clearly signified by the same precept: The sound of the mill stone shall be heard no more at all in thee,” Rev. xviii, 22. The means of subsistence being entirely destroyed, no human creature shall ever occupy the ruined habitations more. In the book of Judges, the sacred historian alludes, with characteristic accuracy, to several circumstances implied in that custom, where he describes the fall of Abimelech. A woman of Thebez, driven to desperation by his furious attack on the tower, started up from the mill at which she was grinding, seized the upper mill stone, פלח רכב, and, rushing to the top of the gate, cast it on his head, and fractured his skull. This was the feat of a woman, for the mill is worked only by females; it was not a piece of a mill stone, but the rider, the distinguishing name of the upper mill stone, which literally rides upon the other, and is a piece or division of the mill: it was a stone of two feet broad, and therefore fully sufficient, when thrown from such a height, to produce the effect mentioned in the narrative. It displays, also, the vindictive contempt which suggested the punishment of Samson, the captive ruler of Israel, that the Philistines, with barbarous contumely, compelled him to perform the meanest service of a female slave; they sent him to grind in the prison, Judges xvi, 21, but not for himself alone; this, although extremely mortifying to the hero, had been more tolerable; they made him grinder for the prison, perhaps while the vilest malefactor was permitted to look on, and join in the mockery. Samson, the ruler and avenger of Israel, labours, as Isaiah foretold the virgin daughter of Babylon should labour: Come down, and sit in the dust, O virgin daughter of Babylon: there is no throne,” no seat for thee, O daughter of the Chaldeans. Take the mill stones and grind meal,” but not with the wonted song; Sit thou silent, and get thee into darkness,” there to conceal thy vexation and disgrace, Isaiah xlvii, 1, 2, 5. The females engaged in this operation, endeavoured to beguile the lingering hours of toilsome exertion with a song. We learn from an expression of Aristophanes, preserved by Athenæus, that the Grecian maidens accompanied the sound of the mill stones with their voices. This circumstance imparts force to the description of the prophet, the light of a candle was no more to be seen in the evening; the sound of the mill stones, the indication of plenty, and the song of the grinders, the natural expression of joy and happiness, were no more to be heard at the dawn. The grinding of corn at so early an hour throws light on a passage of considerable obscurity: And the sons of Rimmon the Beerothite, Rechab and Baanah, went, and came about the heat of the day to the house of Ishbosheth, who lay on a bed at noon; and they came thither into the midst of the house, as though they would have fetched wheat, and they smote him under the fifth rib; and Rechab and Baanah his brother escaped,” 2 Sam. iv, 5–7. It is still a custom in the east, according to Dr. Perry, to allow their soldiers a certain quantity of corn, with other articles of provisions, together with some pay; and as it was the custom, also, to carry their corn to the mill at break of day, these two captains very naturally went to the palace the day before to fetch wheat, in order to distribute it to the soldiers, that it might be sent to the mill at the accustomed hour in the morning. The princes of the east in those days, as the history of David shows, lounged in their divan, or reposed on their couch, till the cool of the evening began to advance. Rechab and Baanah, therefore, came in the heat of the day, when they knew that Ishbosheth, their master, would be resting on his bed; and as it was necessary, for the reason just given, to have the corn the day before it was needed, their coming at that time, though it might be a little earlier than usual, created no suspicion, and attracted no notice.
The habit of grinding corn daily for the family highlights the importance of the law: “No one shall take the lower or upper millstone as a pledge, for that means taking a person's life as a pledge;” because if either the upper or lower millstone is taken, it deprives someone of their daily sustenance, which cannot be prepared without them. The total and lasting destruction that is soon to come to the symbolic Babylon is clearly signified by this same principle: “The sound of the millstone will no longer be heard in you,” Rev. xviii, 22. With the means of living completely destroyed, no one will ever inhabit the ruined homes again. In the book of Judges, the sacred historian accurately references several aspects related to this tradition while describing the fall of Abimelech. A woman from Thebez, pushed to desperation by his violent attack on the tower, jumped up from the mill where she was grinding, grabbed the upper millstone, רכב חשמלי, and charging to the top of the gate, threw it on his head, fracturing his skull. This was the deed of a woman, as the mill is operated only by females; it wasn't just a piece of the millstone but the rider, which is the specific name of the upper millstone that literally rides on the lower one and is part of the mill: it was a two-foot-wide stone, making it heavy enough when thrown from such a height to cause the injury mentioned in the story. It also reflects the vindictive contempt that led to the punishment of Samson, the captured leader of Israel, whom the Philistines, in a cruel act of humiliation, forced to perform the lowest labor of a female slave; they made him grind in the prison, Judges xvi, 21, but not just for himself; while this was extremely degrading for the hero, it would have been more bearable if they had only made him grind for himself; instead, they forced him to grind for the prison, perhaps while the most despicable criminals were allowed to watch and mock him. Samson, the leader and avenger of Israel, worked hard, just as Isaiah predicted the virgin daughter of Babylon would have to work: “Come down, and sit in the dust, O virgin daughter of Babylon: there is no throne,” no place for you, O daughter of the Chaldeans. “Take the millstones and grind the meal,” but without the usual song; “Sit in silence, and get yourself into darkness,” there to hide your frustration and disgrace, Isaiah xlvii, 1, 2, 5. The women involved in this work attempted to make the arduous hours of labor more bearable with a song. An account from Aristophanes, preserved by Athenæus, shows that Greek maidens accompanied the sound of the millstones with their singing. This detail adds weight to the prophet's description; the light of a candle was no longer seen in the evening; the sound of the millstones, a sign of abundance, and the song of the grinders, a natural expression of joy and happiness, were no longer heard at dawn. The early morning grinding of corn clarifies a previously obscure passage: “And the sons of Rimmon the Beerothite, Rechab and Baanah, went and came about the heat of the day to the house of Ishbosheth, who was lying on a bed at noon; and they entered the house as if to fetch wheat, and they struck him under the fifth rib; and Rechab and Baanah, his brother, escaped,” 2 Sam. iv, 5–7. According to Dr. Perry, it is still customary in the East to provide soldiers with a certain amount of corn along with other provisions, along with some pay; and since they typically took their corn to the mill at dawn, these two captains logically went to the palace the day before to fetch wheat to distribute to the soldiers so it could be sent to the mill at the usual hour in the morning. The eastern princes of that era, as David’s history shows, lounged in their divan or rested on their couches until the evening coolness began. Therefore, Rechab and Baanah arrived in the heat of the day, knowing that Ishbosheth, their leader, would be resting on his bed; and because it was necessary to have the corn the day before it was needed, their arrival at that time, although slightly earlier than usual, raised no suspicions and drew no attention.
MILLENARIANS are those who believe, according to an ancient tradition in the church, grounded on some doubtful texts in the book of Revelation and other scriptures, that our Saviour shall reign a thousand years with the faithful upon earth after the first resurrection, before the full completion of final happiness; and their name, taken from the Latin word mille, a thousand,” has a direct allusion to the duration of this spiritual empire, which is styled the millennium. A millennium, or a future paradisaical state of the earth, is viewed by some as a doctrine not of Christian, but of Jewish, origin. The tradition which fixes the duration of the world, in its present imperfect state, to six thousand years, and announces the approach of a Sabbath of one thousand years of universal peace and plenty, to be ushered in by the glorious advent of the Messiah, has been traced up to Elias, a rabbinical writer, who flourished about two centuries before the birth of Christ. It certainly obtained among the Chaldeans from the earliest times; and it is countenanced by Barnabas, Irenæus, and other primitive writers, and also by the Jews at the present day. But though the theory may not be very improbable, yet, as it has not the sanction of Scripture to support it, we are not bound to respect it any farther 648than as a doubtful tradition. The Jews understood several passages of the prophets, as Zechariah xiv, 16, &c, of the millennium; in which, according to their carnal apprehensions, the Messiah is to reign on earth, and to bring all nations within the pale, and under subjection to the ordinances, of the Jewish church.
MILLENARIANS are those who believe, based on an old tradition in the church and some questionable texts in the book of Revelation and other scriptures, that our Savior will reign for a thousand years with the faithful here on earth after the first resurrection, before the complete fulfillment of ultimate happiness. Their name comes from the Latin word thousand, meaning “a thousand,” which directly refers to the length of this spiritual kingdom, known as the millennium. Some people see the idea of a millennium, or a future paradise on earth, as a doctrine of Jewish rather than Christian origin. The tradition that sets the duration of the world in its current flawed state at six thousand years, followed by a Sabbath of one thousand years of universal peace and abundance ushered in by the glorious arrival of the Messiah, is traced back to Elias, a rabbinical writer who lived about two centuries before Christ. This belief certainly existed among the Chaldeans from ancient times and is supported by Barnabas, Irenaeus, and other early writers, as well as by Jews today. However, while this theory may not seem very unlikely, it lacks the backing of Scripture, so we are not obligated to regard it any more than as a questionable tradition. The Jews interpreted several passages from the prophets, such as Zechariah 14:16, as relating to the millennium; in their literal understanding, the Messiah will reign on earth and bring all nations into the fold and under the authority of the Jewish church.
Justin Martyr, the most ancient of the fathers, was a great supporter of the doctrine of the millennium, or that our Saviour shall reign with the faithful upon earth, after the resurrection, for a thousand years; which he declares was the belief of all orthodox Christians. But this opinion is not generally followed; for, though there has been, perhaps, no age of the church in which this doctrine was not admitted by one or more divines of the first eminence, it yet appears, from the writings of Eusebius, Irenæus, and others among the ancients, as well as from the histories of Dupin, Mosheim, and other moderns, that it was never adopted by the whole church, nor formed an article of the established creed in any nation. Origen, the most learned of the fathers, and Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, usually, for his immense erudition, surnamed the Great, both opposed the doctrine that prevailed on the subject in their day; and Dr. Whitby, in his learned treatise on the subject, proves, first, that the millennium was never generally received in the church of Christ; and, secondly, that there is no just ground to think it was derived from the Apostles.
Justin Martyr, one of the earliest church fathers, was a strong proponent of the belief in the millennium, which holds that our Savior will reign with the faithful on earth for a thousand years after the resurrection. He stated that this was the belief of all orthodox Christians. However, this view is not widely accepted today; although there has probably never been a time in church history when this doctrine was not acknowledged by at least one prominent theologian, it seems from the writings of Eusebius, Irenæus, and others from ancient times, as well as the histories of Dupin, Mosheim, and other modern scholars, that it was never embraced by the entire church or included in the established creed of any nation. Origen, one of the most learned church fathers, and Dionysius, the bishop of Alexandria—often called the Great due to his vast knowledge—both opposed the prevailing doctrine of their time. Dr. Whitby, in his scholarly work on the topic, first argues that the belief in the millennium was never widely accepted in the church, and second, that there is no valid reason to think it originated with the Apostles.
On the other hand, Dr. T. Burnet and others maintain that it was very generally admitted till the Nicene council, in 325, or till the fourth century. The doctor supposes Dionysius of Alexandria, who wrote against Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, before the middle of the third century, to have been the first that attacked this doctrine; but Origen had previously assailed it in many of his fictitious additions. The truth seems to be, as one well remarks, that a spiritual reign of Christ was believed by all who carefully examined the Scriptures, though the popular notions of the millennium were often rejected; and ancient as well as modern writers assailed the extravagant superstructure, not the Scriptural foundation of the doctrine.” During the interregnum in England, in the time of Cromwell, there arose a set of enthusiasts sometimes called Millenarians, but more frequently Fifth Monarchy Men, who expected the sudden appearance of Christ, to establish on earth a new monarchy or kingdom. In consequence of this, some of them aimed at the subversion of all human government. In ancient history we read of four great monarchies; the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, and the Roman; and these men, believing that this new spiritual kingdom of Christ was to be the fifth, obtained the name by which they were called. They claimed to be the saints of God, and to have the dominion of saints, Dan. vii, 27; expecting that, when Christ was come into this kingdom, to begin his reign on earth, they, as his deputies, were to govern all things under him. They went so far as to give up their own Christian names, and assume others from Scripture, like the Manicheans of old.
On the other hand, Dr. T. Burnet and others believe that it was widely accepted until the Nicene council in 325 or until the fourth century. The doctor thinks Dionysius of Alexandria, who wrote against Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, before the middle of the third century, was the first to challenge this doctrine; however, Origen had already criticized it in many of his fictional additions. The truth seems to be, as one insightful observer notes, that a spiritual reign of Christ was believed by everyone who carefully studied the Scriptures, although the popular ideas about the millennium were often dismissed; both ancient and modern writers targeted the extravagant superstructure, not the Scriptural foundation of the doctrine. During the interregnum in England, during Cromwell's time, there emerged a group of enthusiasts sometimes called Millenarians, but more often referred to as Fifth Monarchy Men, who anticipated the sudden return of Christ to establish a new monarchy or kingdom on earth. Because of this, some of them sought to overthrow all human governments. In ancient history, we read of four great monarchies: the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman; these individuals, believing that this new spiritual kingdom of Christ would be the fifth, gained the name by which they were known. They claimed to be the saints of God and to have the dominion of saints, as seen in Dan. vii, 27; expecting that when Christ arrived in this kingdom to start his reign on earth, they, as his representatives, would govern everything under Him. They even went so far as to abandon their own Christian names and adopt others from Scripture, similar to the Manicheans of old.
The opinions of the moderns on this subject may be reduced to two: 1. Some believe that Christ will reign personally on the earth, and that the prophecies of the millennium point to a resurrection of martyrs and other just men, to reign with him a thousand years in a visible kingdom. 2. Others are inclined to believe that, by the reign of Christ and the saints for a thousand years on earth, nothing more is meant than that, before the general judgment, the Jews shall be converted, genuine Christianity be diffused through all nations, and mankind enjoy that peace and happiness which the faith and precepts of the Gospel are calculated to confer on all by whom they are sincerely embraced.” The state of the Christian church, say they, will be, for a thousand years before the general judgment, so pure and so widely extended, that, when compared with the state of the world in the ages preceding, it may, in the language of Scripture, be called a resurrection from the dead. In support of this interpretation, they quote two passages from St. Paul, in which a conversion from Paganism to Christianity, and a reformation of life is called a resurrection from the dead,” Rom. vi, 13; Ephesians v, 14. There is, indeed, an order in the resurrection, 1 Cor. xv, 24; but we no where observe mention made of a first and second resurrection at the distance of a thousand years from each other: yet, were the millenarian hypothesis well founded, the words should rather have run thus: Christ, the first-fruits, then the martyrs at his coming, and a thousand years afterward the residue of mankind,--then cometh the end,” &c.
The views of modern thinkers on this topic can be summarized into two main points: 1. Some believe that Christ will personally rule on Earth and that the prophecies about the millennium refer to a resurrection of martyrs and righteous individuals who will reign with him for a thousand years in a visible kingdom. 2. Others think that the reign of Christ and the saints for a thousand years on Earth simply means that, before the final judgment, the Jews will be converted, true Christianity will spread across all nations, and humanity will experience the peace and happiness that the faith and teachings of the Gospel can bring to those who sincerely embrace them. They argue that the state of the Christian church will be so pure and widespread during this thousand years before the final judgment that, when compared to earlier times, it could be referred to as a "resurrection from the dead," as described in Scripture. To support this interpretation, they reference two passages from St. Paul, where a conversion from paganism to Christianity and a change in life are described as a "resurrection from the dead" (Romans 6:13; Ephesians 5:14). There is indeed a sequence in the resurrection (1 Corinthians 15:24), but we don’t see any mention of a first and second resurrection separated by a thousand years. If the millenarian hypothesis were correct, the phrasing should likely have been: "Christ, the first-fruits, then the martyrs at his coming, and a thousand years afterward the rest of humanity—then the end" etc.
Mr. Joseph Mede, Dr. Gill, Bishop Newton, Mr. Winchester, Mr. Eyre, Mr. Kett, and a host of writers recently, are advocates for the first of these opinions, and contend for the personal reign of Christ on earth. When these great events shall come to pass,” says Bishop Newton, “of which we collect from the prophecies this to be the proper order,--the Protestant witnesses shall be greatly exalted, and the twelve hundred and sixty years of their prophesying in sackcloth, and of the tyranny of the beast, shall end together; the conversion and restoration of the Jews succeed; then follows the ruin of the Ottoman empire; and then the total destruction of Rome and of antichrist. When these great events, I say, shall come to pass, then shall the kingdom of Christ commence, or the reign of saints upon earth. So Daniel expressly informs us that the kingdom of Christ and the saints will be raised upon the ruins of the kingdom of antichrist, Daniel vii, 26, 27. So likewise St. John saith, that, upon the final destruction of the beast and of the false prophet, ‘Satan is bound,’ &c, Rev. xx, 2–6. It is, I conceive, to these great events, the fall of antichrist, the reëstablishment of the Jews, and the beginning of the glorious millennium, that the three different dates in Daniel, of twelve hundred and sixty years, twelve hundred 649and ninety years, and thirteen hundred and thirty-five years, are to be referred. And, as Daniel saith, ‘Blessed is he that waiteth, and cometh to the thirteen hundred and thirty-five years,’ Daniel xii, 12: so St. John saith, ‘Blessed and holy is he that hath part in the first resurrection,’ Rev. xx, 6. Blessed and happy, indeed, will be this period; and it is very observable, that the martyrs and confessors of Jesus, in papist as well as Pagan times, will be raised to partake of this felicity. Then shall all those gracious promises in the Old Testament be fulfilled, of the amplitude and extent of the peace and prosperity, of the glory and happiness, of the church in the latter days. Then, in the full sense of the words, ‘shall the kingdoms of this world become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, and he shall reign for ever and ever,’ Rev. xi, 15. According to tradition, these thousand years of the reign of Christ and the saints will be the seventh millenary of the world; for, as God created the world in six days, and rested on the seventh, so the world, it is argued, will continue six thousand years, and the seventh thousand will be the great sabbatism, or holy rest of the people of God; ‘one day being with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day,’ 2 Pet. iii, 8. According to tradition, too, these thousand years of the reign of Christ and the saints are the great day of judgment, in the morning or beginning whereof shall be the coming of Christ in flaming fire, and the particular judgment of antichrist, and the first resurrection; and in the evening or conclusion whereof shall be the general resurrection of the dead, small and great; ‘and they shall be judged every man according to his works.’”
Mr. Joseph Mede, Dr. Gill, Bishop Newton, Mr. Winchester, Mr. Eyre, Mr. Kett, and a number of recent writers support the idea of Christ's personal reign on earth. When these significant events take place,” says Bishop Newton, “which we gather from the prophecies to follow in this order,--the Protestant witnesses will be greatly exalted, and the twelve hundred sixty years of their prophesying in sackcloth, along with the tyranny of the beast, will come to an end; the conversion and restoration of the Jews will follow; then the downfall of the Ottoman Empire will happen; and after that, the complete destruction of Rome and the antichrist. When these major events happen, the kingdom of Christ will begin, or the reign of saints on earth will commence. Daniel clearly tells us that the kingdom of Christ and the saints will be established upon the ruins of the antichrist's kingdom, Daniel 7:26-27. Similarly, St. John says that, with the final destruction of the beast and the false prophet, ‘Satan is bound,’ etc., Rev. 20:2-6. I believe these major events, including the fall of the antichrist, the reestablishment of the Jews, and the start of the glorious millennium, are what the three different timelines in Daniel—twelve hundred sixty years, twelve hundred ninety years, and thirteen hundred thirty-five years—refer to. As Daniel states, ‘Blessed is he who waits, and reaches the thirteen hundred thirty-five years,’ Daniel 12:12; St. John also says, ‘Blessed and holy is the one who shares in the first resurrection,’ Rev. 20:6. This period will indeed be blessed and happy, and it’s noteworthy that the martyrs and confessors of Jesus, both in papal and pagan times, will be raised to enjoy this joy. All those gracious promises in the Old Testament regarding the vastness and extent of peace and prosperity, glory and happiness of the church in the last days will then be fulfilled. Then, in the fullest sense of the phrase, ‘the kingdoms of this world will become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, and he will reign forever and ever,’ Rev. 11:15. According to tradition, this thousand years of Christ's reign and that of the saints will be the seventh millennium of the world; for, just as God created the world in six days and rested on the seventh, it’s argued that the world will last six thousand years, and the seventh thousand will be a great sabbatism, or holy rest for the people of God; ‘one day with the Lord is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day,’ 2 Pet. 3:8. Also traditionally, this thousand years of Christ and the saints will be a great day of judgment, where in the morning or beginning Christ will return in flaming fire for the particular judgment of the antichrist and the first resurrection; and in the evening or conclusion, there will be the general resurrection of the dead, both small and great; ‘and they will be judged, each one according to his works.’”
Such is the representation of the millennium, as given by those who embrace the opinion of Christ’s reigning personally on earth during the period of one thousand years. But Dr. Whitby, Mr. Lowman, &c, contend against the literal interpretation of the millennium, both as to its nature and duration. Mr. Faber observes that, “respecting the yet future and mysterious millennium, the less that is said upon the subject the better. Unable myself to form the slightest conception of its specific nature, I shall weary neither my own nor my reader’s patience with premature remarks upon it. That it will be a season of great blessedness, is certain; farther than this we know nothing definitely.” The millenarians do not form a sect distinct from others; but their distinguishing tenet, in one view or other, prevails, in a greater or less degree, among most denominations into which the Christian world is divided.
This is the representation of the millennium, as described by those who believe that Christ will personally rule on earth for a thousand years. However, Dr. Whitby, Mr. Lowman, and others argue against the literal interpretation of the millennium, both in terms of its nature and duration. Mr. Faber notes that, “when it comes to the future and mysterious millennium, it’s better to say less. Personally, I can’t even begin to grasp its specific nature, so I won't tire either my or my reader’s patience with hasty comments on it. What is certain is that it will be a time of great blessing; beyond that, we don’t know anything for sure.” Millenarians do not form a separate sect from others; rather, their key belief exists, to varying degrees, among most denominations in the Christian world.
The following observations from Jones’s Biblical Cyclopædia are worthy great attention for their sobriety:--Some have supposed that the passage, Rev. xx, 4, is to be taken literally, as importing that at that time Jesus Christ will come, in his human nature, from heaven to earth, and set his kingdom up here, reigning visibly and personally, with distinguished glory on earth; that the bodies of the martyrs, and of other eminent Christians will then be raised from the dead, in which they shall live and reign with Christ here on earth a thousand years. And some suppose, that all the saints, the true friends to God and Christ, who have lived before that time, will then be raised from the dead, and live on earth perfectly holy, during this thousand years. And this they suppose is meant by the first resurrection. Those who agree in general in this notion of the millennium differ with respect to many circumstances, which it is needless to mention here. Others have understood this paragraph of Scripture in a figurative sense: that by this reign of Christ on earth, is not meant his coming from heaven to earth in his human visible nature; but his taking to himself his power, and utterly overthrowing the kingdom of Satan, and setting up his own kingdom throughout the world which, before this, had been confined to very narrow bounds; subduing all hearts to a willing subjection, and thus reigning generally over the men who shall then be in the world, and live in that thousand years. And by the souls of them which were beheaded for the witness of Jesus, and for the word of God, and which had not worshipped the beast, neither his image, neither had received his mark upon their foreheads, or in their hands,” living again and reigning with Christ a thousand years; they suppose, is not meant a literal resurrection, or the resurrection of their bodies, which is not asserted here, as there is nothing said of their bodies, or of their being raised to life; but that they shall live again, and reign with Christ, in the revival, prosperity, reign, and triumph of that cause and interest in which they lived, and for the promotion of which they died; and in whose death the cause seemed to languish and become extinct. Thus they shall live again in their successors, who shall arise and stand up with the same spirit, and in the same cause, in which they lived and died, agreeable to ancient prophecies. The meek shall inherit the earth.” And the kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High; whose kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve him.” And they suppose that this revival of the cause of Christ, by the numerous inhabitants of the earth rising up to a new and holy life, is that which is here called the first resurrection, in distinction from the second, which will consist in the resurrection of the body; whereas this is a spiritual resurrection; a resurrection of the cause of Christ, which had been, in a great degree, dead and lost; a resurrection of the souls of men, by the renovation of the Holy Spirit. That this important passage of Scripture is to be understood in the figurative sense, last mentioned, is probable, and the following considerations are thought sufficient to support it:--
The following observations from Jones’s Biblical Cyclopædia deserve great attention for their seriousness: Some people believe that the passage, Rev. xx, 4, should be taken literally, suggesting that at that time, Jesus Christ will come in his human form from heaven to earth and establish his kingdom here, reigning visibly and personally, with great glory on earth. They think the bodies of the martyrs and other notable Christians will then be resurrected, and they will live and rule with Christ here on earth for a thousand years. Others believe that all the saints—true friends of God and Christ who lived before that time—will also be resurrected and live on earth perfectly holy during this thousand years. They consider this the first resurrection. Those who generally agree with this idea about the millennium have different views on many details, which are unnecessary to mention here. Some interpret this paragraph of Scripture in a figurative way, believing that this reign of Christ on earth does not mean his coming from heaven to earth in his visible human form; rather, it refers to him taking his power and completely defeating the kingdom of Satan, establishing his own kingdom worldwide, which was previously limited in scope, subduing all hearts to willing submission, and thus reigning broadly over the people present in the world during those thousand years. They interpret the mention of "the souls of those who were beheaded for witnessing Jesus, for the word of God, who did not worship the beast or his image, nor received his mark on their foreheads or hands,” living again and reigning with Christ for a thousand years not as a literal resurrection or the resurrection of their bodies—since it doesn't mention their bodies or their coming back to life—but as them living again and reigning with Christ in the revival, prosperity, reign, and triumph of the cause they lived for and died for; a cause that seemed to fade and diminish with their deaths. In this way, they will live again in their successors, who will arise and stand with the same spirit and for the same cause they championed. This aligns with ancient prophecies: "The meek shall inherit the earth." And the kingdom, dominion, and greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven will be granted to the people of the saints of the Most High; whose kingdom is everlasting, and all dominions will serve him. They believe that this revival of Christ’s cause, with numerous people on earth rising to a new and holy life, is what is referred to as the first resurrection, in contrast to the second, which will involve the resurrection of the body, while this is a spiritual resurrection; a resurrection of Christ's cause, which had largely died out; a resurgence of the souls of people through the renewal by the Holy Spirit. It is likely that this important passage of Scripture should be understood in the figurative sense mentioned last, and the following considerations are considered sufficient to support this:--
1. Most if not all the prophecies in this book are delivered in figurative language, referring to types and events recorded in the Old Testament; and in imitation of the language 650of the ancient prophets. And this was proper, and even necessary, in the best manner to answer the ends of prophecy, as might easily be shown were it necessary. The first part of this passage, all must allow, is figurative. Satan cannot be bound with a literal, material chain. The key, the great chain, and the seal, cannot be understood literally. The whole is a figure, and can mean no more than, that, when the time of the millennium arrives, or rather previous to it, Jesus Christ will lay effectual restraints on Satan, so that his powerful and prevailing influence, by which he had before deceived and destroyed a great part of mankind, shall be wholly taken from him for a thousand years. And it is most natural to understand the other part of the description of this remarkable event to be represented in the same figurative language, as the whole is a representation of one scene; especially, since no reason can be given why it should not be so understood.
1. Most, if not all, of the prophecies in this book are expressed in figurative language, referencing types and events described in the Old Testament, and mimicking the style of the ancient prophets. This approach was appropriate and even necessary to effectively fulfill the purpose of prophecy, as could easily be demonstrated if needed. Everyone must agree that the first part of this passage uses figurative language. Satan cannot be literally bound with a physical chain. The key, the great chain, and the seal cannot be taken literally. The entire description is a figure, meaning that when the time of the millennium arrives—or rather, before it—Jesus Christ will impose effective restrictions on Satan, so that his powerful and influential ability, through which he previously deceived and harmed much of humanity, will be completely removed for a thousand years. It’s also reasonable to interpret the remaining part of the description of this significant event in the same figurative manner, as the whole represents one scene; especially since there’s no reason to interpret it otherwise.
2. To suppose that Christ shall come in his human nature to this earth, and live here in his whole person visible a thousand years before the day of judgment, appears to be contrary to several passages of Scripture. The coming of Christ, and his appearing at the day of judgment in his human nature, is said to be his second appearance, answering to his first appearance, in his human nature on earth, from his birth to his ascension into heaven, which was past. And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgment: so Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many; and unto them who look for him shall he appear the second time, without sin, unto salvation,” Heb. ix, 27, 28. The appearance here spoken of is the appearance of Christ at the day of judgment, to complete the salvation of his church. This could not be his appearing the second time, were he thus to appear, and to be bodily present in his human nature on earth, in the time of the millennium, which is to take place before the day of judgment. The coming of Christ does not always intend his coming visibly in his human nature; but he is said to come, when he destroyed the temple and nation of the Jews, and appeared in favour of his church. So his destruction of Heathen Rome, and delivering his church from that persecuting power, was an instance of his coming. And he will, in the same way, come to destroy antichrist, and the kingdom of Satan in the world, and introduce the millennium; and in these instances, and others, he may be said to appear. But his coming to judgment, and appearing to complete the final destruction of all his enemies, and to perfect the salvation of his church, is his last coming and appearance. But if he were here on earth, visible in his human nature, and reigning in his glorified body, during the millennium, he would be already here to attend the last judgment, and he could not be properly said to come from heaven, and to be revealed from heaven, because this was done a thousand years before. Beside, that Christ should come from heaven, and appear and reign in his human nature and presence before the day of judgment, seems to be contrary to the following scriptures: For the Lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with the trump of God: and the dead in Christ shall rise first.” When the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels, in flaming fire, taking vengeance on them that know not God,” &c. When he shall come to be glorified in his saints,” 1 Thess. iv, 16; 2 Thess. i, 7, 8, 10. This is evidently his appearing the second time, for the salvation of all them that look for him; but were he on earth before this, in the human nature, during the time of the millennium, how could he be said to be revealed, to descend and come from heaven to judge the world?
2. The idea that Christ will come to earth in his human form and be visibly present for a thousand years before the day of judgment seems to contradict several passages in the Scriptures. Christ's coming and his appearance on judgment day in his human nature is referred to as his second appearance, in contrast to his first appearance, which was on earth from his birth until his ascension into heaven, and that was in the past. Just as it is appointed for people to die once, followed by judgment: so Christ was offered once to bear the sins of many; and to those who are waiting for him, he will appear a second time, free from sin, for salvation,” Heb. ix, 27, 28. The appearance mentioned here is Christ's appearance on judgment day to finalize the salvation of his church. It couldn't be his second appearance if he were to come and be bodily present in his human nature on earth during the millennium, which will happen before judgment day. The coming of Christ doesn't always mean his visible arrival in human form; he is said to come when he destroyed the temple and the nation of the Jews and appeared in support of his church. Likewise, his destruction of pagan Rome and delivering his church from that oppressive power was also a sign of his coming. He will likewise come to destroy antichrist and the kingdom of Satan in the world and to establish the millennium; in these and other instances, he can be considered to appear. However, his coming for judgment, and his appearance to finalize the complete destruction of all his enemies, and to fulfill the salvation of his church, is his final coming and appearance. If he were visible on earth, reigning in his glorified body during the millennium, he would already be here for the final judgment, and it wouldn't be accurate to say he is coming down from heaven, and being revealed from heaven, because that would have already happened a thousand years prior. Moreover, the notion that Christ should come from heaven, appear and reign in his human nature and presence before the day of judgment, seems to conflict with the following scriptures: For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with the trumpet of God: and the dead in Christ will rise first." When the Lord Jesus is revealed from heaven, with his mighty angels, in flaming fire, taking vengeance on those who do not know God,” &c. When he comes to be glorified in his saints,” 1 Thess. iv, 16; 2 Thess. i, 7, 8, 10. This is clearly his second appearance for the salvation of all who are waiting for him; but if he were on earth in human form during the millennium, how could he be said to be revealed, to descend, and come from heaven to judge the world?
3. There is nothing expressly said of the resurrection of the body in this passage. The Apostle John saw the souls of them which were beheaded for the witness of Jesus, &c, and they lived and reigned with Christ. The resurrection of the body is no where expressed in Scripture by the soul’s living. And as there is nothing said of the body, and he only saw their souls to live: this does not appear to be a proper expression to denote the resurrection of the body, and their living in that. As this, therefore, does not seem to be the natural meaning of the words, and certainly is not the necessary meaning, we are warranted to look for another meaning, and to acquiesce in it, if one can be found which is more easy and natural, and more agreeable to the whole passage and to the Scripture in general. Therefore,
3. This passage doesn’t explicitly mention the resurrection of the body. The Apostle John saw the souls of those who were beheaded for their testimony of Jesus, and they lived and ruled with Christ. The resurrection of the body isn’t indicated in Scripture by the souls living. Since there’s nothing mentioned about the body and he only witnessed their souls living, this doesn’t seem to be a suitable way to express the resurrection of the body. Therefore, since this doesn’t appear to be the obvious meaning of the words and isn’t the necessary interpretation, we have the right to seek an alternative meaning and accept it if we can find one that is clearer, more natural, and more consistent with the entire passage and Scripture as a whole. So,
4. The most easy and probable meaning is, that the souls of the martyrs, and all the faithful followers of Christ, who have lived in the world, and have died before the millennium shall commence, shall revive and live again in their successors, who shall rise up in the same spirit, and in the same character, in which they lived and died; and in the revival and flourishing of that cause which they espoused, and spent their lives in promoting. This is therefore a spiritual resurrection, denoting that all Christ’s people shall appear in the spirit and power of those martyrs and holy men, who had before lived in the world, and who shall live again in these their successors, and in the revival of their cause, or in the resurrection of the church, from the very low state in which it had been before the millennium, to a state of great prosperity and glory. This is agreeable to the way of representing things in Scripture in other instances. John the Baptist was Elijah, because he rose in the spirit of Elijah, and promoted the same cause in which Elijah lived and died; and Elijah revived and lived in John the Baptist, because he went before Christ, in the spirit and power of Elijah, Luke i, 17. Therefore Christ says of John, This is Elijah who was to come,” Matt. xi, 14.
4. The simplest and most likely interpretation is that the souls of the martyrs, along with all the faithful followers of Christ who lived in the world and died before the millennium begins, will be revived and live again in their successors. These successors will rise up in the same spirit and character in which they lived and died, contributing to the revival and flourishing of the cause they dedicated their lives to promoting. This represents a spiritual resurrection, indicating that all of Christ’s people will manifest the spirit and power of those martyrs and holy individuals who lived before, and who will live again through their successors and the revival of their cause, or the resurrection of the Church, elevating it from its previously low state before the millennium to a state of great prosperity and glory. This aligns with how things are often depicted in Scripture. John the Baptist was considered Elijah because he embodied the spirit of Elijah and advanced the same cause that Elijah championed; likewise, Elijah revived and lived in John the Baptist because he prepared the way for Christ in the spirit and power of Elijah, as noted in Luke 1:17. Therefore, Christ refers to John, saying, "This is Elijah who was to come," in Matthew 11:14.
With regard to the nature of the millennial state, or the blessings which shall be more 651particularly enjoyed during that period, the following things seem to be marked out in prophecy:--
With respect to the characteristics of the millennial state, or the benefits that will be especially experienced during that time, the following aspects appear to be highlighted in prophecy:--
1. It is expressly said of those who shall partake of this first resurrection, that they shall be blessed and holy;” by which the inspired writer seems to denote that it will be a time of eminent holiness. This will constitute the peculiar glory and the source of the happiness of the millennium state, Zech. xiv, 20, 21. And that such will be the case, we may infer, also, from the consideration, that,
1. It is clearly stated that those who will be part of this first resurrection will be blessed and holy;” which the inspired writer seems to indicate will be a time of great holiness. This will be the unique glory and the source of happiness during the millennium, Zech. xiv, 20, 21. We can also deduce that this will be the case, based on the fact that,
2. There is reason to expect a remarkable effusion of the Spirit, about the commencement of this happy period, even as there was at the first setting up of Christ’s kingdom in the world. Beside the promises of the Spirit which were accomplished in the apostolic age, there are others which from the connection appear to refer to the time we are now speaking of. Thus Isaiah, after having described Christ’s kingdom which was set up at his first coming, and then the succeeding desolate state of the Jews, represents this as continuing until the Spirit be poured upon us from on high, and the wilderness be a fruitful field, and the fruitful field be counted for a forest,” Isa. xxxii, 15–19. The Apostle Paul, speaking of the conversion of the Jews at this period, refers to a passage in Isaiah where a promise of the Spirit is made to them: “As for me, this is my covenant with them, saith the Lord: My Spirit which is upon thee, and my words which I have put in thy mouth, shall not depart out of thy mouth, nor out of the mouth of thy seed, nor out of the mouth of thy seed’s seed, saith the Lord, from henceforth and for ever,” Isa. lix, 20, 21; Rom. xi, 26, 27. The Lord having mentioned the forlorn dispersed state of Israel throughout the nations, among whom they had profaned his name, promises to gather them, cleanse them, and give them a new heart and spirit, and adds, And I will put my Spirit within you, and cause you to walk in my statutes; and ye shall keep my judgments and do them,” Ezek. xxxvi, 27; xxxix, 28, 29. The promise of pouring upon them the spirit of grace and supplication has also a view to this period, Zech. xii, 10. Though we are not to expect the miraculous gifts of the apostolic age, yet the work of the Spirit will abundantly appear in qualifying men for propagating the Gospel throughout the world, filling them with light, zeal, courage, and activity, in that work; in giving success and effect to the Gospel by converting multitudes to the faith, quickening the dead in trespasses and sins, and translating them into the kingdom of Christ; and in enlightening, quickening, purifying, and comforting the children of God, stirring them up to greater liveliness, love, zeal, activity, and fruitfulness in his service.
2. There’s reason to anticipate a significant outpouring of the Spirit at the beginning of this joyful period, just like there was when Christ’s kingdom was first established in the world. In addition to the promises of the Spirit that came to fruition during the apostolic age, there are others that seem to refer to the time we're discussing now. In Isaiah, after describing Christ’s kingdom set up at His first coming and the subsequent desolation of the Jews, he portrays this condition continuing until the Spirit is poured out on us from above, turning the wilderness into a fruitful field, and that fruitful field into a forest,” Isa. xxxii, 15–19. The Apostle Paul, when talking about the conversion of the Jews during this time, references a passage from Isaiah where a promise of the Spirit is extended to them: “As for me, this is my covenant with them, says the Lord: My Spirit that is upon you, and my words that I have put in your mouth, will not depart from your mouth, nor from the mouths of your descendants, nor from the mouths of your descendants' descendants, says the Lord, from now on and forever,” Isa. lix, 20, 21; Rom. xi, 26, 27. The Lord, having mentioned the desolate, scattered state of Israel among the nations where they had dishonored His name, promises to gather them, cleanse them, and give them a new heart and spirit, adding, “And I will put my Spirit within you, and make you walk in my statutes; and you will keep my judgments and do them,” Ezek. xxxvi, 27; xxxix, 28, 29. The promise to pour out the spirit of grace and supplication is also aimed at this period, Zech. xii, 10. While we shouldn't expect the miraculous gifts of the apostolic age, the work of the Spirit will clearly be visible in equipping people to spread the Gospel worldwide, filling them with insight, passion, courage, and energy for that mission; giving success and results to the Gospel by converting many to the faith, reviving the dead in their sins, and bringing them into the kingdom of Christ; and in enlightening, quickening, purifying, and comforting the children of God, motivating them to greater vibrancy, love, zeal, engagement, and productivity in His service.
3. A universal spread of the Gospel, diffusing the knowledge of the Lord throughout the world in a more extensive and effectual manner than ever it was before. This is repeatedly promised: The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea;” and this shall take place in that day when the Gentiles shall seek to the branch of the root of Jesse, whose rest shall be glorious, and when the Lord shall set his hand again the second time to recover the remnant of his people, and shall set up an ensign for the nations, and shall assemble the outcasts of Israel, and gather together the dispersed of Judah, from the four corners of the earth,” Isaiah xi, 9–12. The same promise of the universal knowledge of the glory of the Lord is repeated in the prophecy of Habakkuk, ii, 14. This will be attended with corresponding effects: All the ends of the world shall remember and turn unto the Lord; and all the kindreds of the nations shall worship before him,” Psalm xxii, 27; yea, all kings shall fall down before him, all nations shall serve him,” Psalm lxxii, 11. And though we may not imagine that all the inhabitants of the globe will have the true and saving knowledge of the Lord; yet we may expect such a universal spread of light and religious knowledge as shall root up Pagan, Mohammedan, and antichristian delusions, and produce many good effects upon those who are not really regenerated, by awing their minds, taming their ferocity, improving their morals, and making them peaceable and humane.
3. A widespread sharing of the Gospel, spreading the knowledge of the Lord throughout the world more extensively and effectively than ever before. This is promised repeatedly: “The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea;” and this will happen on the day when the Gentiles seek out the branch from the root of Jesse, whose resting place will be glorious, and when the Lord will again raise his hand the second time to gather the remnant of his people, setting up a banner for the nations and gathering the outcasts of Israel and the dispersed of Judah from the four corners of the earth,” Isaiah xi, 9–12. The same promise of universal knowledge of the glory of the Lord is repeated in Habakkuk’s prophecy, ii, 14. This will bring about corresponding effects: “All the ends of the world shall remember and turn unto the Lord; and all the families of the nations shall worship before him,” Psalm xxii, 27; indeed, all kings will bow before him, and all nations will serve him,” Psalm lxxii, 11. While we may not think that all people on earth will have the true and saving knowledge of the Lord, we can expect such a widespread distribution of light and religious knowledge that it will uproot pagan, Muslim, and anti-Christian beliefs, producing many good effects on those who are not genuinely transformed by faith, by influencing their minds, calming their aggression, improving their morals, and making them peaceful and humane.
4. The Jews will then be converted to the faith of the Messiah, and partake with the Gentiles of the blessings of his kingdom. The Apostle Paul, in the eleventh chapter of his Epistle to the Romans, treats of this at large, and confirms it from the prophecies of the Old Testament. He is speaking of Israel in a literal sense, the natural posterity of Abraham; for he distinguishes them both from the believing Gentiles and the Jewish converts of his time, and describes them as the rest who were blinded, had stumbled and fallen, and so had not obtained, but were broken off and cast away, Rom. xi, 7, 11, 12, 15, 17. Yet he denies that they have stumbled that they should fall, that is, irrecoverably, so as in no future period to be restored; but shows that God’s design in permitting this was, that through their fall salvation might come unto the Gentiles, and that this again might provoke them to jealousy or emulation, verse 11. He argues that if their fall and diminishing was the riches of the Gentiles, and the casting away of them was the reconciling of the world, their fulness will be much more so, and the receiving of them be life from the dead, verses 12, 15. He farther argues, that if the Gentiles were grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree, how much more shall these which be the natural branches be grafted into their own olive tree?” verse 24. Nor did he consider this event as merely probable, but as absolutely certain; for he shows that the present blindness and future conversion of that people is the mystery or hidden sense of prophecies concerning them; and he cites two of these prophecies where the context foretels both their rejection and recovery, Isaiah lix, 20, 21; xxvii, 9.
4. The Jews will then be converted to the faith of the Messiah and will share the blessings of his kingdom with the Gentiles. The Apostle Paul, in the eleventh chapter of his letter to the Romans, discusses this in detail and supports it with prophecies from the Old Testament. He is referring to Israel in a literal sense, the biological descendants of Abraham; he distinguishes them from the believing Gentiles and the Jewish converts of his time, describing them as the rest who were blinded, who stumbled and fell, and therefore did not obtain salvation, but were broken off and cast away, Rom. xi, 7, 11, 12, 15, 17. However, he asserts that they have not stumbled in such a way that they will fall irreparably and never be restored; instead, he shows that God's purpose in allowing this was so that through their fall, salvation could come to the Gentiles, which might provoke them to jealousy or emulation, verse 11. He argues that if their fall and decline led to the riches of the Gentiles, and their being cast away meant the reconciliation of the world, then their fullness will mean even greater blessings, and their restoration will be like life from the dead, verses 12, 15. He further argues that if the Gentiles were grafted in contrary to nature into a good olive tree, how much more will the natural branches be grafted back into their own olive tree? verse 24. He does not view this event as merely possible, but as absolutely certain; for he indicates that the current blindness and future conversion of that people is the mystery or hidden meaning of the prophecies about them; and he cites two of these prophecies where the context predicts both their rejection and their recovery, Isaiah lix, 20, 21; xxvii, 9.
5. The purity of visible church communion, 652worship, and discipline, will then be restored according to the primitive apostolic pattern. During the reign of antichrist a corrupted form of Christianity was drawn over the nations, and established in the political constitutions of the kingdoms which were subject to that monstrous power. By this means the children of God were either mixed in visible religious communion with the profane world, in direct opposition to the word of God, or persecuted for their nonconformity. In reference to this state of things, the angel commands St. John to leave out the court which is without the temple, and not to measure it, for this reason, because it is given to the Gentiles; and the holy city shall they tread under foot forty and two months,” Rev. xi, 2; that is, they shall pollute and profane the worship and communion of the church during the one thousand two hundred and sixty years of antichrist’s reign, so that it cannot be measured by the rule of God’s word. But when the period we are speaking of shall arrive, the sanctuary shall be cleansed, Dan. viii, 14; the visible communion, worship, order, and discipline of the house of God will then be restored to their primitive purity, and accord with the rule of the New Testament. So it is promised to Zion, Henceforth there shall no more come into thee the uncircumcised and the unclean,” Isaiah lii, 1. Thy people shall be all righteous; they shall inherit the land for ever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified,” Isaiah lx, 21. And in that day there shall be no more the Canaanite in the house of the Lord of Hosts,” Zech. xiv, 21.
5. The purity of visible church communion, 652 worship, and discipline will be restored to match the original apostolic pattern. During the reign of the antichrist, a corrupted version of Christianity spread across the nations and became part of the political systems of the kingdoms under that monstrous power. As a result, the children of God were either mixed in visible religious communion with the secular world, directly opposing the word of God, or persecuted for not conforming. In response to this situation, the angel tells St. John to exclude the area outside the temple and not to measure it because it is given to the Gentiles; and the holy city will be trampled for forty-two months,” Rev. xi, 2; meaning they will pollute and dishonor the worship and communion of the church throughout the one thousand two hundred and sixty years of the antichrist’s reign, making it unmeasurable by the standards of God’s word. But when the time we are discussing arrives, the sanctuary will be cleansed, Dan. viii, 14; the visible communion, worship, order, and discipline of God's house will be restored to their original purity and will align with the teachings of the New Testament. It is promised to Zion, “From now on, no more will the uncircumcised and the unclean enter you,” Isaiah lii, 1. “Your people will all be righteous; they will inherit the land forever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, so that I may be glorified,” Isaiah lx, 21. And on that day, there will no longer be any Canaanite in the house of the Lord of Hosts,” Zech. xiv, 21.
6. The Lord’s special presence and residence will then be in the midst of his people. Christ hath promised to be with his people in every period of the church, even unto the end of the world, Matt. xxviii, 20, and that he will be in the midst even of two or three of them when gathered together in his name, Matt. xviii, 20. He also calls them to purity of communion and personal holiness, and promiseth to dwell in them and walk in them, 2 Cor. vi, 16, 17; but this will be fulfilled in an eminent and remarkable manner during the millennial period. The Lord, having promised to raise Israel out of their graves, to gather them from among the Heathen, and bring them into the church and kingdom of Christ, as one fold having one shepherd, adds, And I will set my sanctuary in the midst of them for evermore; my tabernacle also shall be with them; yea, I will be their God, and they shall be my people,” Ezek. xxxvii, 11–27. This alludes to his dwelling among Israel in the tabernacle and sanctuary of old, Lev. xxvi, 11, 12; and imports his manifesting himself unto them, admitting them into the most intimate correspondence and communion with himself in his ordinances, communicating light, life, and consolation to them by his Spirit; and also his protection and care of them as his peculiar people. It is intimated that there will be such visible tokens of the divine presence and residence among them as will fall under the notice of the world, and produce conviction and awe, as was in some measure the case in the first churches, Acts ii, 47; v, 11, 13; 1 Cor. xiv, 24, 25; for it is added, And the Heathen shall know that I the Lord do sanctify Israel, when my sanctuary shall be in the midst of them for evermore,” Ezek. xxxvii, 28. Indeed, this is that very promise which is represented to St. John as accomplished: And I heard a great voice out of heaven, saying, Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men, and he will dwell with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall be with them, and be their God,” Rev. xxi, 3.
6. The Lord’s special presence and home will then be among his people. Christ has promised to be with his people throughout every time in the church, even until the end of the world, Matt. xxviii, 20, and that he will be present even with just two or three gathered in his name, Matt. xviii, 20. He also calls them to maintain a pure relationship and personal holiness, promising to live in them and walk among them, 2 Cor. vi, 16, 17; but this will be fulfilled in a significant and extraordinary way during the millennial period. The Lord, having promised to raise Israel from their graves, to gather them from among the nations, and bring them into the church and kingdom of Christ, as one flock with one shepherd, adds, “And I will set my sanctuary among them forever; my tabernacle shall also be with them; yes, I will be their God, and they shall be my people,” Ezek. xxxvii, 11–27. This refers to his dwelling among Israel in the tabernacle and sanctuary of old, Lev. xxvi, 11, 12; and it signifies his revealing himself to them, allowing them to have the closest relationship and communion with him in his ordinances, sharing light, life, and comfort with them through his Spirit; as well as his protection and care for them as his special people. It is suggested that there will be visible signs of the divine presence and home among them that will be noticeable to the world, producing conviction and awe, as was somewhat the case in the early churches, Acts ii, 47; v, 11, 13; 1 Cor. xiv, 24, 25; for it is stated, “And the nations shall know that I, the Lord, sanctify Israel, when my sanctuary shall be in the midst of them forever,” Ezek. xxxvii, 28. Indeed, this is the same promise that is presented to St. John as fulfilled: “And I heard a great voice out of heaven, saying, Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men, and he will dwell with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall be with them, and be their God,” Rev. xxi, 3.
7. This will be a time of universal peace, tranquillity and safety. Persons naturally of the most savage, ferocious, and cruel disposition, will then be tame and harmless; so it is promised, Isaiah xi, 6–10. Whether we consider the persons represented by these hurtful animals to be converted or not, it is certain they will then be effectually restrained from doing harm, or persecuting the saints. There shall be no war nor bloodshed among the nations during this happy period; for we are told, that, in the last days, when the mountain of the Lord’s house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills, and all nations shall flow unto it; the Lord shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people; and they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more,” Isaiah ii, 4. The same promise is repeated word for word in the prophecies of Micah, iv, 3. Much to the same purpose is that promise in Hosea ii, 18. Though war has hitherto deluged the world with human blood, and been a source of complicated calamities to mankind, yet, when Satan is bound, his influence upon wicked men restrained, and the saints bear rule, it must necessarily cease.
7. This will be a time of universal peace, calm, and safety. People who are naturally savage, fierce, and cruel will then be gentle and harmless; this is promised in Isaiah 11:6–10. Whether we see those represented by these harmful animals as changed or not, it’s clear that they will then be effectively prevented from causing harm or persecuting the faithful. There will be no war or bloodshed among nations during this joyful time; we are told that in the last days, when the Lord’s house is established atop the mountains and exalted above the hills, all nations will come to it; the Lord will judge the nations and rebuke many people; they will turn their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks; nation will not lift sword against nation, nor will they learn war anymore,” Isaiah 2:4. This same promise is repeated word for word in Micah 4:3. A similar promise is found in Hosea 2:18. Although war has so far flooded the world with human blood and caused numerous disasters for humanity, when Satan is bound, his influence over wicked people is restricted, and the faithful are in control, it must come to an end.
8. The civil rulers and judges shall then be all maintainers of peace and righteousness. Though Christ will put down all that rule, power, and authority which opposeth the peace and prosperity of his kingdom; yet as rulers are the ordinance of God, and his ministers for good; as some form of government seems absolutely necessary to the order and happiness of society in this world; it is thought that when the kingdoms of this world are become our Lord’s and his Christ’s, the promise will be accomplished, I will also make thy officers peace, and thine exactors righteousness;” and in consequence of this, violence shall no more be heard in thy land, wasting nor destruction within thy borders; but thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise,” Isaiah lx, 17, 18. Peace and righteousness are the two great ends of government: Christ himself is king of righteousness, and king of peace, and the civil rulers during that happy period will resemble him in their character and administration; for then shall that promise be fulfilled: In righteousness shalt thou be established: thou shalt be far from 653oppression, for thou shalt not fear; and from terror, for it shall not come near thee,” Isaiah liv, 14.
8. The civil rulers and judges will then be the ones who maintain peace and justice. Even though Christ will remove all rule, power, and authority that opposes the peace and prosperity of his kingdom, rulers are still God's ordinance and his ministers for good. Since some form of government seems absolutely necessary for the order and happiness of society in this world, it is believed that when the kingdoms of this world become our Lord’s and his Christ’s, the promise will be fulfilled: “I will also make your officers peace, and your taskmasters righteousness;” and as a result, violence will no longer be heard in your land, nor will there be wasting or destruction within your borders; you’ll call your walls salvation and your gates praise,” Isaiah 60:17-18. Peace and righteousness are the two main goals of government: Christ is the king of righteousness and the king of peace, and the civil rulers during that blessed period will reflect him in their character and governance; for then that promise will be fulfilled: “In righteousness you shall be established: you shall be far from oppression, and you shall not fear; and from terror, for it shall not come near you,” Isaiah 54:14.
9. The saints shall then have the dominion, and the wicked shall be in subjection. This is clear from the united voice of prophecy: The kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High,” Dan. vii, 27. The saints of the Most High shall take the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for ever,” Dan. vii, 18. The meek shall inherit the earth,” Matt. v, 5; shall reign on the earth,” Rev. v, 10; shall reign with Christ a thousand years,” Rev. xx, 4; they shall be priests of God, and of Christ, and shall reign with him a thousand years,” Rev. xx, 6. The saints are at present made kings and priests unto God, a kingly priesthood, 1 Peter ii, 9; but then they shall be more eminently so, when, by the holiness of their lives, the purity of their faith and worship, and their diligence in promoting pure and undefiled religion, the earth shall he filled with the knowledge of the Lord. Then shall that promise be fully accomplished, Ye shall be named the priests of the Lord; men shall call you the ministers of our God,” Isaiah lxi, 6. With regard to the nature of their reign, it will undoubtedly correspond in all respects with the spiritual and heavenly nature of Christ’s kingdom, to the promotion of which all their power will be subservient. Those who cannot conceive of any reign upon earth, but such as consists in lordly and oppressive dominion, maintained by policy and force, and made subservient to the purposes of pride, ambition, avarice, and other worldly lusts, can have no idea at all of this reign of the saints with Christ, which is a reign of peace on earth and good will to men; a reign of truth and righteousness, of true godliness and universal humanity. In short, it is the prevalence and triumph of the cause of Christ in this world over that of Satan and all his instruments. How delightful then the prospects which open upon the eye of faith in the prophetic vision! Christianity prevails universally, and the consequences are most blissful. Our race assumes the appearance of one vast virtuous and peaceful family. Our world becomes the seat of one grand triumphant adoring assembly. At length the scene mingles with the heavens, and, rising in brightness, is blended with the glories on high. The mysteries of God on earth are finished, the times of the regeneration are fulfilled. The Son of God descends. The scene closes with divine grandeur: And I heard as it were the voice of a great multitude, and as the voice of many waters, and as the voice of many thunderings, saying, Alleluia; for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth. The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord and his Christ. And I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first earth were passed away; and there was no more sea. And I saw the holy city, New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven. And I heard a great voice out of heaven, saying, Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men, and he will dwell with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall be with them, and be their God.”
9. The saints will have authority, and the wicked will be in submission. This is evident from the collective message of prophecy: "The kingdom, authority, and greatness of the kingdom over the entire earth will be given to the people of the saints of the Most High" (Dan. 7:27). "The saints of the Most High will take the kingdom and possess it forever" (Dan. 7:18). "The meek will inherit the earth" (Matt. 5:5); "They will reign on the earth" (Rev. 5:10); "They will reign with Christ for a thousand years" (Rev. 20:4); "They will be priests of God and of Christ and will reign with Him for a thousand years" (Rev. 20:6). The saints are currently made kings and priests to God, a royal priesthood (1 Peter 2:9); but they will be even more so when, through their holy lives, pure faith and worship, and their efforts to promote true and unblemished religion, the earth will be filled with the knowledge of the Lord. Then the promise will be completely fulfilled: "You will be called the priests of the Lord; people will call you the ministers of our God" (Isaiah 61:6). Regarding the nature of their reign, it will definitely align with the spiritual and heavenly nature of Christ's kingdom, to which all their power will contribute. Those who cannot envision any reign on earth other than one characterized by oppressive authority, maintained through manipulation and force, and serving the purposes of pride, ambition, greed, and other worldly desires, cannot understand this reign of the saints with Christ, which is a reign of peace on earth and goodwill toward people; a reign of truth and righteousness, genuine piety, and universal humanity. In short, it represents the victory and success of Christ's cause in this world over that of Satan and all his agents. How delightful are the visions of hope that faith sees in prophecy! Christianity thrives everywhere, and the results are incredibly joyful. Humanity takes on the appearance of one large virtuous and peaceful family. Our world becomes the home of one grand, victorious, worshipful gathering. Ultimately, this scene blends with the heavens and, shining brightly, becomes one with the glories above. The mysteries of God on earth are complete, the times of renewal are fulfilled. The Son of God descends. The scene concludes with divine magnificence: "And I heard what sounded like the voice of a great multitude, like the sound of many waters, and like the sound of powerful thunder, saying, 'Hallelujah; for the Lord God Almighty reigns.' The kingdoms of this world have become the kingdoms of our Lord and His Christ. And I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first earth had passed away; and there was no more sea. And I saw the holy city, New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven. And I heard a great voice from heaven, saying, 'Look, the dwelling of God is with humanity, and He will live with them, and they will be His people, and God himself will be with them and be their God.'"
MILLET, דחן, Ezek. iv, 9, a kind of plant so called from its thrusting forth such a quantity of grains. Thus in Latin it is called millium, as if one stalk bore a thousand seeds. It has been supposed that the dochan means what is now called in the east durra; which, according to Niebuhr, is a sort of millet, and when made into bad bread with camel’s milk, oil, butter, or grease, is almost the only food which is eaten by the common people in Arabia Felix. I found it so disagreeable,” says he, that I should willingly have preferred plain barley bread to it.” This illustrates the appointment of it to the Prophet Ezekiel as a part of his hard fare. Durra is also used in Palestine and Syria, and it is generally agreed that it yields much more than any other kind of grain. Hiller and Celsius insist that the dochan is the panic; but Forskal has expressly mentioned the dokn, holcus dochna, as a kind of maize, of considerable use in food; and Brown, in his Travels, describes the mode of cultivating it.
MILLET, דחן, Ezek. iv, 9, is a type of plant named for its ability to produce a large quantity of grains. In Latin, it's referred to as millium, suggesting that one stalk can bear a thousand seeds. It's believed that dochan refers to what is currently known in the East as durra; according to Niebuhr, this is a variety of millet that, when made into poor bread with camel’s milk, oil, butter, or grease, is nearly the sole food consumed by the common people in Arabia Felix. He mentions, “I found it so unpleasant that I would have gladly chosen plain barley bread instead.” This highlights the hardship faced by the Prophet Ezekiel as part of his meager diet. Durra is also used in Palestine and Syria, and it’s generally acknowledged that it yields significantly more than any other type of grain. Hiller and Celsius argue that dochan is the panic; however, Forskal specifically mentions dokn, holcus dochna, as a type of maize that is quite useful for food, and Brown, in his Travels, details how it is cultivated.
MILLO, a part or suburb of Jerusalem. David built round about from Millo and inward,” 2 Sam. v, 9; that is, he built round about from the place where Millo was afterward erected by Solomon, or where more probably the senate house, or Millo of the Jebusites, had stood, which was pulled down to make room for the more sumptuous edifice of Solomon, to his own house; so that David built from Mount Zion, quite round to the opposite point. Hence, the residence of David, even in the reign of that renowned monarch, began to assume the size and splendour of a city.
MILLO, a part or neighborhood of Jerusalem. David built around Millo and inward,” 2 Sam. v, 9; meaning he constructed around the area where Millo was later established by Solomon, or more likely where the senate house, or Millo of the Jebusites, had been located, which was demolished to make way for the more magnificent structure of Solomon, extending to his own palace; so David built from Mount Zion all the way around to the opposite side. As a result, David's residence, even during the reign of that famous king, started to take on the size and grandeur of a city.
MINISTER, one who attends or waits on another; so we find Elisha was the minister of Elijah, and did him services of various kinds, 2 Kings iii, 11. So Joshua was the servant of Moses, Exod. xxiv, 13; xxxiii, 11. And these persons did not by any means feel themselves degraded by their stations, but in due time they succeeded to the offices of their masters. In like manner John Mark was minister to Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii, 5. Christ is called a minister of the true, that is, the heavenly, sanctuary. The minister of the synagogue was appointed to keep the book of the law, to observe that those who read it, read it correctly, &c, Luke iv, 20. The rabbins say he was the same as the angel of the church, or overseer. Lightfoot says, Baal Aruch expounds the chazan, or minister of the congregation, by sheliach hatzibbor, or angel of the congregation; and from this common platform and constitution of the synagogue, we may observe the Apostle’s expression of some elders ruling and labouring in word and doctrine, others in the general affairs of the synagogue. Ministers were servants, yet servants not menial, but honourable; those who explain the word, and conduct the service of God; 654those who dispense the laws and promote the welfare of the community; the holy angels who in obedience to the divine commands protect, preserve, succour, and benefit the godly, are all ministers, beneficial ministers, to those who are under their charge, Heb. viii, 2; Exod. xxx, 10; Lev. xvi, 15; 1 Cor. iv, 1; Romans xiii, 6; Psalm civ, 4.
MINISTER, someone who assists or serves another; for example, Elisha was the assistant to Elijah and performed various services for him, 2 Kings iii, 11. Likewise, Joshua served Moses, Exod. xxiv, 13; xxxiii, 11. These individuals did not feel belittled by their roles, but in time, they took over the positions of their mentors. Similarly, John Mark was an assistant to Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii, 5. Christ is referred to as a minister of the true, or heavenly, sanctuary. The synagogue minister was responsible for maintaining the book of the law and ensuring that it was read correctly, Luke iv, 20. The rabbis claim he was like the angel of the church, or overseer. Lightfoot notes that Baal Aruch interprets the chazan, or minister of the congregation, as sheliach hatzibbor, or angel of the congregation; and from this shared framework of the synagogue, we can see the Apostle's mention of some elders who lead and work in teaching and doctrine, while others manage the general affairs of the synagogue. Ministers were servants, but not in a degrading sense; they were honorable servants who explain the word and conduct the worship of God; 654 they are the ones who enforce the laws and promote the well-being of the community. The holy angels, who obey divine commands to protect, preserve, support, and benefit the faithful, are also ministers, beneficial ministers, to those they care for, Heb. viii, 2; Exod. xxx, 10; Lev. xvi, 15; 1 Cor. iv, 1; Romans xiii, 6; Psalm civ, 4.
MINT, Matt. xxiii, 23; Luke xi, 42; a garden herb well known. The law did not oblige the Jews to give the tithe of this sort of herbs; it only required it of those things which could be comprehended under the name of income or revenue. But the Pharisees, desirous of distinguishing themselves by a more scrupulous and literal observance of the law than others, gave the tithes of mint, anise, and cummin,” Matt. xxiii, 23. Christ reproved them because that, while they were so precise in these lesser matters, they neglected the more essential commandments of the law, and substituted observances, frivolous and insignificant, in the place of justice, mercy, and truth.
MINT, Matt. xxiii, 23; Luke xi, 42; a well-known garden herb. The law didn't require Jews to pay tithes on these types of herbs; it only mandated it for things that could be classified as income or revenue. However, the Pharisees, wanting to set themselves apart by adhering to the law more strictly than others, gave tithes on mint, anise, and cumin," Matt. xxiii, 23. Christ criticized them because, while they were meticulous about these minor details, they ignored the more important commandments of the law and replaced essential values like justice, mercy, and truth with trivial and insignificant practices.
MIRACLES. A miracle, in the popular sense, is a prodigy, or an extraordinary event, which surprises us by its novelty. In a more accurate and philosophic sense, a miracle is an effect which does not follow from any of the regular laws of nature, or which is inconsistent with some known law of it, or contrary to the settled constitution and course of things. Accordingly, all miracles presuppose an established system of nature, within the limits of which they operate, and with the order of which they disagree. Of a miracle in the theological sense many definitions have been given. That of Dr. Samuel Clarke is: A miracle is a work effected in a manner unusual, or different from the common and regular method of providence, by the interposition of God himself, or of some intelligent agent superior to man, for the proof or evidence of some particular doctrine, or in attestation of the authority of some particular person.” Mr. Hume has insidiously or erroneously maintained that a miracle is contrary to experience; but in reality it is only different from experience. Experience informs us that one event has happened often; testimony informs us that another event has happened once or more. That diseases should be generally cured by the application of external causes, and sometimes at the mere word of a prophet, and without the visible application of causes, are facts not inconsistent with each other in the nature of things themselves, nor irreconcilable according to our ideas. Each fact may arise from its own proper cause; each may exist independently of the other; and each is known by its own proper proof, whether of sense or testimony. As secret causes often produce events contrary to those we do expect from experience, it is equally conceivable that events should sometimes be produced which we do not expect. To pronounce, therefore, a miracle to be false, because it is different from experience is only to conclude against its general existence from the very circumstance which constitutes its particular nature; for if it were not different from experience, where would be its singularity? or what particular proof could be drawn from it, if it happened according to the ordinary train of human events, or was included in the operation of the general laws of nature? We grant that it does differ from experience; but we do not presume to make our experience the standard of the divine conduct. He that acknowledges a God must, at least, admit the possibility of a miracle. The atheist, that makes him inseparable from what is called nature, and binds him to its laws by an insurmountable necessity; that deprives him of will, and wisdom, and power, as a distinct and independent Being; may deny even the very possibility of a miraculous interposition, which can in any instance suspend or counteract those general laws by which the world is governed. But he who allows of a First Cause in itself perfect and intelligent, abstractedly from those effects which his wisdom and power have produced, must at the same time allow that this cause can be under no such restraints as to be debarred the liberty of controlling its laws as often as it sees fit. Surely, the Being that made the world can govern it, or any part of it, in such a manner as he pleases; and he that constituted the very laws by which it is in general conducted, may suspend the operation of those laws in any given instance, or impress new powers on matter, in order to produce new and extraordinary effects.
MIRACLES. A miracle, in common terms, is an amazing event that surprises us because it’s so unusual. In a more precise and philosophical view, a miracle is something that doesn’t follow the usual rules of nature or contradicts known laws, or goes against the established way things normally happen. Therefore, all miracles assume there’s a set system of nature they operate within, but they conflict with its order. Many definitions have been provided for a miracle in a theological sense. Dr. Samuel Clarke defines it as: A miracle is an action performed in an unusual way, or different from the common and regular method of divine providence, through the intervention of God himself, or some intelligent being that is above humans, to prove or support a particular doctrine or to confirm the authority of a specific individual.” Mr. Hume has misleadingly argued that a miracle goes against experience; but in fact, it is just different from experience. Experience tells us that one event has happened frequently; testimony tells us that another event has occurred once or more. That diseases are usually healed through external means, and sometimes simply by the word of a prophet, without any visible cause, are facts that can coexist logically and are not contradictory in their nature according to our understanding. Each fact may result from its specific cause; each can exist on its own; and each is verified by its own proof, whether through perception or testimony. Just as hidden causes can lead to outcomes that contradict our expectations from experience, it’s also possible for events to occur that we did not foresee. Therefore, declaring a miracle false simply because it differs from experience is to argue against its overall existence based only on the very characteristic that makes it unique; for if it weren’t different from experience, what would make it special? What proof could be drawn from it if it happened according to the normal course of human events or fell within the framework of general natural laws? We concede that it does differ from experience; however, we don’t consider our experience the standard for divine actions. Anyone who acknowledges a God must at least accept the possibility of a miracle. An atheist, who sees God as bound to what is called nature, restricted by unbreakable necessity, and deprived of will, wisdom, and power as a distinct and independent Being, may even deny the possibility of any miraculous intervention that could suspend or contradict the general laws governing the world. But anyone who accepts a perfect and intelligent First Cause, separate from the effects produced by its wisdom and power, must also accept that this cause is not bound by any limitations that would prevent it from having the freedom to alter its laws whenever it chooses. Surely, the Being that created the world can manage it, or any part of it, as it wishes; and the one who established the very laws governing it in general can suspend those laws in any specific case or bestow new powers upon matter to create new and extraordinary results.
In judging of miracles there are certain criteria, peculiar to the subject, sufficient to conduct our inquiries, and warrant our determination. Assuredly they do not appeal to our ignorance, for they presuppose not only the existence of a general order of things, but our actual knowledge of the appearance which that order exhibits, and of the secondary material causes from which it, in most cases, proceeds. If a miraculous event were effected by the immediate hand of God, and yet bore no mark of distinction from the ordinary effects of his agency, it would impress no conviction, and probably awaken no attention. Our knowledge of the ordinary course of things, though limited, is real; and therefore it is essential to a miracle, both that it differ from that course, and be accompanied with peculiar and unequivocal signs of such difference. We have been told that the course of nature is fixed and unalterable, and therefore it is not consistent with the immutability of God to perform miracles. But, surely, they who reason in this manner beg the point in question. We have no right to assume that the Deity has ordained such general laws as will exclude his interposition; and we cannot suppose that he would forbear to interfere where any important end could be answered. This interposition, though it controls, in particular cases, the energy, does not diminish the utility, of those laws. It leaves them to fulfil their own proper purposes, and effects only a distinct purpose, for which they were not calculated. If 655the course of nature implies the general laws of matter and motion, into which the most opposite phenomena may be resolved, it is certain that we do not yet know them in their full extent; and, therefore, that events, which are related by judicious and disinterested persons, and at the same time imply no gross contradiction, are possible in themselves, and capable of a certain degree of proof. If the course of nature implies the whole order of events which God has ordained for the government of the world, it includes both his ordinary and extraordinary dispensations, and among them miracles may have their place, as a part of the universal plan. It is, indeed, consistent with sound philosophy, and not inconsistent with pure religion, to acknowledge that they might be disposed by the supreme Being at the same time with the more ordinary effects of his power; that their causes and occasions might be arranged with the same regularity; and that, in reference chiefly to their concomitant circumstances of persons and times, to the specific ends for which they were employed, and to our idea of the immediate necessity there is for a divine agent, miracles would differ from common events, in which the hand of God acts as efficaciously, though less visibly. On this consideration of the subject, miracles, instead of contradicting nature, might form a part of it. But what our limited reason and scanty experience may comprehend should never be represented as a full and exact view of the possible or actual varieties which exist in the works of God.
In evaluating miracles, there are specific criteria that are unique to the subject, enough to guide our investigations and support our conclusions. They certainly don’t rely on our ignorance, as they assume not only the existence of a general order of things but also our actual understanding of how that order manifests and the secondary material causes that usually come into play. If a miraculous event were caused directly by God yet seemed indistinguishable from ordinary effects of His actions, it wouldn't convince us and probably wouldn’t catch our attention. Our understanding of the normal course of events, though limited, is real; thus, it’s essential for a miracle to be different from that course and accompanied by clear and distinct signs of that difference. We’ve been told that the natural order is fixed and unchangeable, so some argue it’s inconsistent with God’s unchanging nature to perform miracles. However, those who argue this way are missing the point. We shouldn’t assume that God has established such general laws that prevent His involvement; we shouldn’t think He would refrain from acting if an important purpose could be achieved. This involvement, while it may control specific instances, doesn’t lessen the usefulness of those laws. It allows them to fulfill their natural purposes while achieving a distinct objective that they weren't made for. If the natural order includes the general laws of matter and motion, which can explain even the most contradictory phenomena, it’s clear we don’t fully understand these laws yet. Thus, events reported by sensible and unbiased individuals, which don’t involve blatant contradictions, are possible in themselves and can be supported to a degree. If the natural order includes the entire scheme of events that God has arranged to govern the world, it encompasses both His usual and extraordinary actions, meaning miracles can fit within that universal plan. It is, in fact, consistent with sound reasoning and compatible with true religion to acknowledge that miracles could be orchestrated by the supreme Being alongside the more common effects of His power; that their causes and occasions could be set up with the same regularity; and that, considering mainly the accompanying circumstances of people and times, the specific purposes they serve, and our perception of the immediate necessity for a divine agent, miracles would stand apart from everyday occurrences where God’s hand operates as effectively, though less visibly. With this understanding, miracles could be seen as part of nature rather than against it. However, what our limited intellect and scarce experience can comprehend should never be portrayed as a complete and exact representation of the possible or actual variations that exist in God’s works.
2. If we be asked whether miracles are credible, we reply, that, abstractedly considered, they are not incredible; that they are capable of indirect proof from analogy, and of direct, from testimony; that in the common and daily course of worldly affairs, events, the improbability of which, antecedently to all testimony, was very great, are proved to have happened, by the authority of competent and honest witnesses; that the Christian miracles were objects of real and proper experience to those who saw them; and that whatsoever the senses of mankind can perceive, their report may substantiate. Should it be asked whether miracles were necessary, and whether the end proposed to be effected by them could warrant so immediate and extraordinary an interference of the Almighty, as such extraordinary operations suppose; to this we might answer, that, if the fact be established, all reasonings à priori concerning their necessity must be frivolous, and may be false. We are not capable of deciding on a question which, however simple in appearance, is yet too complex in its parts, and too extensive in its object, to be fully comprehended by the human understanding. Whether God could or could not have effected all the ends designed to be promoted by the Gospel, without deviating from the common course of his providence, and interfering with its general laws, is a speculation that a modest inquirer would carefully avoid; for it carries on the very face of it a degree of presumption totally unbecoming the state of a mortal being. Infinitely safer is it for us to acquiesce in what the Almighty has done, than to embarrass our minds with speculations about what he might have done. Inquiries of this kind are generally inconclusive, and always useless. They rest on no solid principles, are conducted by no fixed rules, and lead to no clear conviction. They begin from curiosity or vanity, they are prosecuted amidst ignorance and error, and they frequently terminate in impious presumption or universal skepticism. God is the best and indeed the only judge how far miracles are proper to promote any particular design of his providence, and how far that design would have been left unaccomplished, if common and ordinary methods only had been pursued. So, from the absence of miracles, we may conclude, in any supposed case, that they were not necessary; from their existence, supported by fair testimony, in any given case, we may infer with confidence that they are proper. A view of the state of the world in general, and of the Jewish nation in particular, and an examination of the nature and tendency of the Christian religion, will point out very clearly the great expediency of a miraculous interposition; and when we reflect on the gracious and important ends that were to be effected by it, we shall be convinced that it was not an idle and useless display of divine power; but that while the means effected and confirmed the end, the end fully justified and illustrated the means. If we reflect on the almost irresistible force of prejudice, and the strong opposition it universally made to the establishment of a new religion on the demolition of rites and ceremonies, which authority had made sacred, and custom had familiarized; if we reflect on the extent and importance, as well as the singularity, of the Christian plan; what was its avowed purpose to effect, and what difficulties it was necessarily called to struggle with before that purpose could be effected; how much it was opposed by the opinions and the practice of the generality of mankind, by philosophy, by superstition, by corrupt passions and inveterate habits, by pride and sensuality, in short, by every engine of human influence, whether formed by craft, or aided by power;--if we seriously reflect on these things, and give them their due force, (and experience shows us that we can scarcely give them too much,) we shall be induced to admit even the necessity of a miraculous interposition, at a time when common means must inevitably, in our apprehensions, have failed of success.
2. If we're asked whether miracles are believable, we say that, when considered on their own, they aren't unbelievable; they can be indirectly supported by analogy and directly validated through testimony. In everyday life, events that seemed highly unlikely before any testimony have been shown to have occurred, as confirmed by credible and honest witnesses. The Christian miracles were real experiences for those who witnessed them, and whatever people can perceive through their senses can be verified. If someone asks whether miracles were necessary, and whether the outcomes intended by them could justify such an immediate and extraordinary intervention by God, we might respond that if the events are proven, all prior reasoning about their necessity is irrelevant and may be incorrect. We are not equipped to settle a question that, though it seems simple, is complex in its components and too vast for human understanding. Whether God could have achieved all the goals of the Gospel without interrupting the regular course of His providence and interfering with its general laws is a question a thoughtful seeker would avoid; it carries an air of presumption unworthy of a mortal being. It's far safer for us to accept what God has done rather than complicate our minds with thoughts about what He might have done. These kinds of inquiries usually lead to inconclusive outcomes and are ultimately pointless. They are not based on solid principles, follow no established rules, and lead to no clear conclusions. They stem from curiosity or vanity, continue in ignorance and error, and often end in either arrogant presumption or general doubt. God is the best and indeed the only authority on how far miracles are suitable to advance any particular intention of His providence, and how far that intention would have been left unfulfilled if only ordinary methods had been used. Thus, from the lack of miracles, we can conclude that they weren't needed in any hypothetical scenario; from their occurrence, supported by credible testimony in any specific case, we can confidently infer that they are appropriate. A look at the state of the world in general, and the Jewish nation in particular, along with an examination of the nature and purpose of the Christian religion, clearly shows the significant need for miraculous intervention. When we think about the gracious and important goals that were to be achieved, we will be convinced that this was not just a show of divine power; rather, the means worked to achieve and confirm the end, and the end fully justified and explained the means. If we consider the almost overwhelming power of prejudice, and the strong resistance it generally posed to the establishment of a new religion on the destruction of rites and practices deemed sacred by authority and made familiar by custom; if we reflect on the scope and significance, as well as the uniqueness, of the Christian mission; its stated goals and the challenges it faced to achieve those goals; the strong opposition it encountered from popular beliefs and practices, philosophy, superstition, corrupt desires and deep-seated habits, pride, and sensuality—essentially, from every form of human influence, whether crafted by cunning or bolstered by power—if we genuinely consider these aspects and give them proper weight (and experience teaches us that we can hardly give them too much), we will be led to accept even the necessity of miraculous intervention at a time when ordinary means would likely have failed.
The revelation of the divine will by inspired persons is, as such, miraculous; and therefore, before the adversaries of the Gospel can employ with propriety their objections to the particular miracles on which its credibility is based, they should show the impossibility of any revelation. In whatever age the revelation is given, succeeding ages can know it only from testimony; and, if they admit, on the report of their fellow creatures, that God had inspired any being with the preternatural knowledge of his will, why should they deny that he had enabled the same being to heal the sick, or to 656cleanse the leprous? How, may it be asked, should the divine Teacher give a more direct and consistent proof of his preternatural commission, than by displaying those signs and wonders which mark the finger of God? That the Apostles could not be deceived, and that they had no temptation to deceive, has been repeatedly demonstrated. So powerful, indeed, is the proof adduced in support of their testimony, that the infidels of these later days have been obliged to abandon the ground on which their predecessors stood; to disclaim all moral evidences arising from the character and relation of eye-witnesses; and to maintain, upon metaphysical, rather than historical, principles, that miracles are utterly incapable, in their own nature, of existing in any circumstances, or of being supported by any evidence.
The revelation of God's will by inspired individuals is, by nature, miraculous; therefore, before the critics of the Gospel can properly use their objections to the specific miracles that support its credibility, they need to demonstrate the impossibility of any revelation. No matter what time the revelation occurs, future generations can only know about it through testimony; and if they accept, based on the accounts of others, that God inspired someone with extraordinary knowledge of His will, why would they deny that He also enabled that same person to heal the sick or cure lepers? One might ask, how could the divine Teacher provide clearer and more consistent proof of His extraordinary mission than by performing those signs and wonders that indicate the hand of God? It has been repeatedly shown that the Apostles could not have been deceived and had no reason to deceive others. The evidence supporting their testimony is so compelling that skeptics today have had to abandon the positions taken by those before them; they reject all moral evidence from the character and accounts of eyewitnesses and argue, based on metaphysical rather than historical grounds, that miracles are inherently impossible and cannot be substantiated by any evidence.
Miracles may be classed under two heads: those which consist in a train or combination of events, which distinguish themselves from the ordinary arrangements of Providence; and those particular operations which are performed by instruments and agents incompetent to effect them without a preternatural power. In the conduct of Providence respecting the Jewish people, from the earliest periods of their existence, as a distinct class of society, to the present time, we behold a singularity of circumstance and procedure which we cannot account for on common principles. Comparing their condition and situation with that of other nations, we can meet with nothing similar to it in the history of mankind. So remarkable a difference, conspicuous in every revolution of their history, could not have subsisted through mere accident. There must have been a cause adequate to so extraordinary an effect. Now, what should this cause be, but an interposition of Providence in a manner different from the course of its general government? For the phenomenon cannot be explained by an application of those general causes and effects that operate in other cases. The original propagation of Christianity was likewise an event which clearly discovered a miraculous interposition. The circumstances which attended it were such as cannot rationally be accounted for on any other postulatum. (See the article Christianity.) It may now be observed, that the institutions of the law and the Gospel may not only appeal for their confirmation to a train of events which, taken in a general and combined view, point out an extraordinary designation, and vindicate their claim to a divine authority; but also to a number of particular operations which, considered distinctly, or in a separate and detached light, evidently display a supernatural power, immediately exerted on the occasion.
Miracles can be categorized into two types: those that involve a series or combination of events that stand out from the usual workings of Providence, and those specific actions carried out by agents or means that wouldn’t be able to achieve them without a supernatural force. Looking at how Providence has guided the Jewish people since their early days as a distinct society up to now, we notice a uniqueness in their circumstances and actions that we can't explain by normal standards. Comparing their situation with that of other nations, there's nothing alike in human history. Such a striking difference, evident in every shift in their history, couldn't just happen by chance. There must be a reason significant enough to produce such an extraordinary result. What could this reason be, if not a specific intervention by Providence different from its usual governance? This phenomenon can't be explained by the same general causes and effects that apply in other situations. The initial spread of Christianity was also an event that clearly showed a miraculous intervention. The circumstances surrounding it are such that they can't be reasonably explained by any other assumption. (See the article Christianity.) It can also be noted that the institutions of the law and the Gospel not only support their credibility through a series of events that, when viewed together, suggest an extraordinary purpose and assert their claim to divine authority, but also through numerous specific actions that, when viewed separately, clearly demonstrate a supernatural power directly applied in these instances.
Since Christ himself constantly appealed to these works as the evidences of his divine mission and character, we may briefly examine how far they justified and confirmed his pretensions. That our Lord laid the greatest stress on the evidence they afforded; nay, that he considered that evidence as sufficient to authenticate his claims to the office of the Messiah with all reasonable and well disposed inquirers, is manifest not only from his own words, John x, 25, but also from a great variety of other passages in the evangelists. Thus, when the disciples of John were sent to Christ, to receive from his own lips the most satisfactory proofs of his divine mission, he referred them to his miracles. Go,” said he, and show to John again those things which ye hear and see: the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, and the dead are raised up,” Matt. xi, 4, 5. Again: If I do not the works of my Father, believe me not: but if I do, though ye believe not me, believe the works,” John x, 37. This appeal to miracles was founded on the following just and obvious grounds:--
Since Christ himself always pointed to these works as proof of his divine mission and character, we can examine how well they justified and confirmed his claims. It's clear that our Lord emphasized the strength of the evidence they provided; in fact, he viewed that evidence as sufficient to confirm his claims to the role of the Messiah for all reasonable and open-minded seekers. This is evident not just from his own words in John 10:25, but also from a variety of other passages in the gospels. For instance, when John the Baptist's disciples were sent to Christ to receive undeniable proof of his divine mission, he pointed them to his miracles. “Go,” he said, “and tell John what you hear and see: the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, and the dead are raised,” Matthew 11:4-5. Again, he stated: “If I don’t do the works of my Father, don’t believe me; but if I do them, even if you don’t believe me, believe the works,” John 10:37. This appeal to miracles was based on clear and reasonable grounds:—
First: That they are visible proofs of divine approbation, as well as of divine power: for it would have been quite inconclusive to rest an appeal on the testimony of the latter, if it had not at the same time included an evidence of the former; and it was, indeed a natural inference, that working of miracles, in defence of a particular cause, was the seal of Heaven to the truth of that cause. To suppose the contrary, would be to suppose that God not only permitted his creatures to be deceived, but that he deviated from the ordinary course of his providence, purposely with a view to deceive them. The conclusion which the man whom our Saviour restored to sight drew from this miracle was exceedingly just, and founded on the common sentiments and impressions of the human heart. We know,” says he, that God heareth not sinners: but if any man be a worshipper of God, and doeth his will, him he heareth. Since the world began was it not heard that any man opened the eyes of one that was born blind. If this man were not of God, he could do nothing,” John ix, 31–33. If the cause which our Saviour was engaged in had not been approved of by God, it would not have been honoured with the seal of miracles: for the divine power can never be supposed to counteract the divine will. This would be to set his nature at variance with itself; and, by destroying his simplicity, would destroy his happiness, and terminate in confusion and misery. Hence we may justly reject, as incredible, those miracles which have been ascribed to the interposition of wicked spirits. The possibility of their interference is a mere hypothesis, depending upon gratuitous assumption, and leading to very dangerous consequences; and the particular instances in which credulous superstition, or perverted philosophy, has supposed them to interfere, are, as facts, destitute of any clear and solid evidence; or, as effects, often resolvable into natural causes.
First: They are clear evidence of God's approval, as well as His power. It wouldn't make sense to base an argument solely on the latter if it didn't also include proof of the former. It’s a natural conclusion that performing miracles to support a specific cause serves as Heaven’s endorsement of that cause. To think otherwise would mean believing that God not only allowed His creations to be misled but also acted against His usual intentions to deceive them. The conclusion drawn by the man Jesus healed was very reasonable and based on common human understanding. He said, “We know that God doesn’t listen to sinners, but He does listen to anyone who worships Him and does His will. Since the beginning of time, no one has ever heard of someone opening the eyes of a person born blind. If this man were not from God, he could do nothing,” John 9:31-33. If the cause that Jesus was promoting hadn’t been approved by God, it wouldn’t have been validated by miracles. God's power cannot be seen as going against His will. Doing so would create conflict within His nature; it would undermine His simplicity, ruin His happiness, and result in chaos and suffering. Therefore, we can rightly dismiss as unbelievable the miracles attributed to the intervention of evil spirits. The possibility of their involvement is just a hypothesis based on unfounded assumptions and can lead to very harmful outcomes. The specific cases where gullible superstition or twisted philosophy claim they stepped in are either unsupported by clear and solid proof or can often be explained by natural causes.
Secondly: When our Lord appealed to his miracles, as proofs of his divine mission, it presupposed that those miracles were of such a nature as would bear the strictest examination; that they had all those criteria which could possibly distinguish them from the delusions of enthusiasm, and the artifices of imposture; else the appeal would have been fallacious and equivocal. He appealed to them with all the confidence of an upright mind, 657totally possessed with a consciousness of their truth and reality. This appeal was not drawn out into any laboured argument, nor adorned by any of the embellishments of language. It was short, simple, and decisive. He neither reasoned nor declaimed on their nature or their design: he barely pointed to them as plain and indubitable facts, such as spoke their own meaning, and carried with them their own authority. The miracles which our Lord performed were too public to be suspected of imposture; and, being objects of sense, they were secured against the charge of enthusiasm. An impostor would not have acted so absurdly as to have risked his credit on the performance of what, he must have known, it was not in his power to effect; and though an enthusiast, from the warmth of imagination, might have flattered himself with a full persuasion of his being able to perform some miraculous work; yet, when the trial was referred to an object of sense, the event must soon have exposed the delusion. The impostor would not have dared to say to the blind, Receive thy sight; to the deaf, Hear; to the dumb, Speak; to the dead, Arise; to the raging of the sea, Be still; lest he should injure the credit of his cause, by undertaking more than he could perform; and though the enthusiast, under the delusion of his passions, might have confidently commanded disease to fly, and the powers of nature to be subject to his control; yet their obedience would not have followed his command.
Secondly: When our Lord referred to his miracles as proof of his divine mission, it implied that those miracles were thoroughly examined; that they met all the criteria to set them apart from mere enthusiasm and deception; otherwise, his claims would have been misleading and unclear. He spoke of them with complete confidence, fully aware of their truth and reality. His appeal wasn’t dragged out into complex arguments or decorated with fancy language. It was brief, straightforward, and to the point. He didn’t analyze or make speeches about their nature or purpose: he simply pointed to them as clear and undeniable facts that spoke for themselves and carried their own authority. The miracles our Lord performed were too widely witnessed to be dismissed as imposture; and since they were tangible evidence, they couldn’t be dismissed as mere enthusiasm. An impostor wouldn’t have acted so foolishly as to risk his reputation on performing something he knew he couldn’t do; and while an enthusiast might have believed passionately that he could perform some miraculous act, when tested against reality, the truth would soon reveal the deception. The impostor wouldn’t have dared to say to the blind, “Receive your sight;” to the deaf, “Hear;” to the dumb, “Speak;” or to the dead, “Arise;” nor to the raging sea, “Be still,” fearing that he would damage his credibility by attempting more than he could achieve; and although the enthusiast might, in his fervor, confidently command diseases to disappear and the forces of nature to obey him, they wouldn’t have complied with his orders.
The miracles of Christ then were such as an impostor would not have attempted, and such as an enthusiast could not have effected. They had no disguise; and were in a variety of instances of such a nature as to preclude the very possibility of collusion. They were performed in the midst of his bitterest enemies; and were so palpable and certain, as to extort the following acknowledgment even from persons who were most eager to oppose his doctrines, and to discredit his pretensions: This man doeth many miracles. If we let him thus alone, all men will believe on him,” John xi, 47, 48. The miracles Christ performed were indeed sufficient to alarm the fears of those whose downfall was involved in his success. And it was impossible for them to deny the facts, which so many thousands were ready to attest on evidence too certain to admit even the possibility of mistake, delusion, or imposture. But his enemies, who admitted their reality and yet resisted their design, by not acknowledging the person who wrought them to be the Messiah, had recourse to the most impious and most absurd suppositions, in order to evade their evidence. The Heathen imputed them to some occult power of magic: and thus applied what has no existence in nature, in order to account for a phenomenon that existed out of its common course. The stories of the Jews, who confessed the miracles, but denied what they were intended to establish, are too ridiculous to be mentioned. We must not, however, omit to take notice of the wicked and blasphemous cavil of the Pharisees, and the noble reply which our Lord made to it. They could not deny the fact, but they imputed it to the agency of an infernal spirit: This fellow,” said they, doth not cast out devils, but by Beelzebub, the prince of the devils. And Jesus knew their thoughts, and said unto them, Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand: and if Satan cast out Satan, he is divided against himself; how shall then his kingdom stand?” Matt. xii, 24–26. The purity of the doctrine which was taught by our blessed Lord was totally adverse to the kingdom of darkness. It tended to overthrow it, by the introduction of principles far different from those which Satan would inspire, and by prosecuting objects totally opposite to those which that wicked and malignant spirit would tempt us to pursue: so that in proportion to the prevalence of the kingdom of Christ, the kingdom of Satan would of course be diminished. Now, supposing miracles to be in the power of an infernal spirit, can it be imagined that he would communicate an ability of performing them to persons who were counteracting his designs? Would he by them give credit to a cause that tended to bring his own into disgrace? Thus, as our Saviour appealed to miracles as proofs of his power; so he appealed to the inherent worth and purity of the doctrines they were intended to bear witness to, as a proof that the power was of God. In this manner do the external and internal evidences give and receive mutual confirmation and mutual lustre.
The miracles of Christ were such that no fake would have attempted them, and no enthusiast could have accomplished them. They were straightforward and, in many cases, so obvious that the possibility of collusion was out of the question. They occurred right in front of his fiercest enemies; and they were so clear and undeniable that even those most eager to oppose his teachings and undermine his claims had to acknowledge: "This man does many miracles. If we let him be, everyone will believe in him,” (John xi, 47, 48). The miracles Christ performed were truly enough to frighten those whose downfall depended on his success. It was impossible for them to deny the facts that so many thousands were ready to testify to, with evidence too clear to allow for any chance of mistake, delusion, or deceit. Yet, his enemies, who acknowledged their reality but resisted their purpose by refusing to recognize the one who performed them as the Messiah, resorted to the most wicked and absurd theories to dodge their evidence. The pagans attributed them to some hidden magical power: choosing to explain what doesn’t exist in nature to account for a phenomenon that was totally out of the ordinary. The stories from the Jews, who accepted the miracles but rejected their intended meaning, are too ridiculous to mention. However, we shouldn’t overlook the wicked and blasphemous objections from the Pharisees, and the noble response our Lord gave. They couldn't deny the fact, but they attributed it to the work of an evil spirit: "This man,” they said, “does not cast out demons except by Beelzebub, the prince of demons." And Jesus knew their thoughts and said to them, "Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to ruin; and every city or house divided against itself cannot stand. If Satan casts out Satan, he is divided against himself; how then will his kingdom stand?” (Matt. xii, 24–26). The purity of the doctrine taught by our blessed Lord was completely opposed to the kingdom of darkness. It aimed to dismantle it by introducing principles very different from those inspired by Satan and by pursuing goals that are entirely contrary to what that evil spirit would tempt us to chase after. So, as the kingdom of Christ flourished, the kingdom of Satan would naturally diminish. Now, if we suppose that miracles could be performed by an evil spirit, could we imagine he would empower individuals who were thwarting his plans? Would he use them to support a cause that would bring shame to his own? Just as our Savior pointed to miracles as evidence of his power, he also highlighted the inherent goodness and purity of the teachings they were meant to support as evidence that this power came from God. In this way, the external and internal evidence provide mutual confirmation and mutual strength.
The truth of the Christian religion does not, however, wholly depend on the miracles wrought by its divine Founder, though sufficient in themselves to establish his claims: but, in order to give the evidence of miracles the strongest force they could possibly acquire, that evidence was extended still farther; and the same power that our Lord possessed was communicated to his disciples, and their more immediate successors. While yet on earth he imparted to them this extraordinary gift, as the seal of their commission, when he sent them to preach the Gospel: and after his glorious resurrection and ascension into heaven, they were endowed with powers yet more stupendous. Sensible of the validity of this kind of evidence, the Apostles of our Lord, with the same artless simplicity, and the same boldness of conscious integrity, which distinguished their great Master, constantly insisted upon the miracles they wrought, as strong and undeniable proofs of the truth of their doctrines. Thus the miracles of our blessed Lord may be justly considered as the evidence of his divine mission and character. If we consider their nature, their greatness, and their number; and if to this consideration we add that which respects their end and design, we must acknowledge that no one could have performed them, unless God was with him. They were too public to be the artifices of imposture; too substantial and too numerous to afford the slightest suspicion of undesigned and fortuitous coincidence. 658In a word, supposing that the Most High should in any instance so far counteract the common laws of nature, as to produce a miracle; and should design that miracle as a monument to future times of the truth of any peculiar doctrine, we cannot conceive any mode of communicating it more effectual than that which he has chosen. Stronger proofs could not be afforded, consistently with the design of the Gospel, which is not to overpower our understandings by an irresistible and compulsory light, but to afford us such rational evidence as is sufficient to satisfy moral inquirers, who are endowed with faculties to perceive the truth; but at the same time who also have power totally to resist it, and finally to forfeit all its blessings. These miracles were of a nature too palpable to be mistaken. They were the objects of sense, and not the precarious speculations of reason concerning what God might do; or the chimerical suggestions of fancy concerning what he did. The facts were recorded by those who must have known whether they were true or false. The persons who recorded them were under no possible temptations to deceive the world. We can only account for their conduct on the supposition of their most perfect conviction and disinterested zeal. That they should assert what they knew to be false; that they should publish it with so much ardour; that they should risk every thing dear to humanity, in order to maintain it; and at last submit to death, in order to attest their persuasion of its truth in those moments when imposture usually drops its mask, and enthusiasm loses its confidence; that they should act thus in opposition to every dictate of common sense, and every principle of common honesty, every restraint of shame, and every impulse of selfishness, is a phenomenon not less irreconcilable to the moral state of things than miracles are to the natural constitution of the world. Falsehood naturally entangles men in contradiction, and confounds them with dismay: but the love of truth invigorates the mind; the consciousness of integrity anticipates the approbation of God; and conscience creates a fortitude, to which mere unsupported nature is often a stranger.
The truth of the Christian religion does not solely rely on the miracles performed by its divine Founder, although they are enough to support his claims. To give the evidence of miracles the strongest possible impact, that evidence was taken further; the same power that our Lord had was shared with his disciples and their immediate successors. While still on earth, he granted them this extraordinary gift as a confirmation of their mission when he sent them to spread the Gospel. After his glorious resurrection and ascension into heaven, they were given even more amazing powers. The Apostles of our Lord, aware of the strength of this type of evidence, insisted, with the same simple sincerity and courageous integrity that characterized their great Master, on the miracles they performed as strong and undeniable proof of the truth of their teachings. Thus, the miracles of our blessed Lord can justly be seen as evidence of his divine mission and character. If we look at their nature, magnitude, and number—and if we consider their purpose—we must recognize that no one could have performed them unless God was with him. They were too public to be tricks of deception; too substantial and numerous to raise even the slightest suspicion of coincidence. 658 In short, if the Most High were to counteract the usual laws of nature to produce a miracle, and intended that miracle to serve as a sign of the truth of a specific doctrine for future generations, we cannot imagine a more effective way to communicate it than the one he has chosen. There couldn't be stronger evidence provided in line with the Gospel's purpose, which is not to overwhelm our minds with an irresistible light, but to provide enough rational evidence to satisfy those who genuinely seek the truth. At the same time, it allows for the possibility of total resistance to that truth and the forfeiture of its benefits. These miracles were too concrete to be misunderstood. They were sensory experiences, not the uncertain speculations of reasoning about what God might do or imaginary suggestions about what he did. The accounts were recorded by those who would have known whether they were true or false. The individuals who documented these events had no temptations to deceive the world. We can only understand their actions by assuming their absolute conviction and selfless enthusiasm. For them to claim something they knew was false, to promote it fervently, to risk everything important to humanity to defend it, and ultimately to face death to confirm their belief in its truth at the moment when fraud usually reveals itself and enthusiasm falters—acting against every instinct of common sense and principle of honesty, every constraint of shame, and every impulse of self-interest—is a phenomenon that is just as hard to reconcile with the moral state of the world as miracles are with the natural order of things. Falsehood entangles people in contradictions and leaves them in confusion, but the love of truth energizes the mind; the awareness of integrity anticipates God’s approval; and conscience provides a strength that mere human nature often lacks.
3. How long miracles were continued in the church, has been a matter of keen dispute, and has been investigated with as much anxiety as if the truth of the Gospel depended upon the manner in which it was decided. Assuming, as we are here warranted to do, that real miraculous power was conveyed in the way detailed by the inspired writers, it is plain, that it may have been exercised in different countries, and may have remained, without any new communication of it, throughout the first, and a considerable part of the second century. The Apostles, wherever they went to execute their commission, would avail themselves of the stupendous gift which had been imparted to them; and it is clear, not only that they were permitted and enabled to convey it to others, but that spiritual gifts, including the power of working miracles, were actually conferred on many of the primitive disciples. Allusions to this we find in the epistles of St. Paul; such allusions, too, as it is utterly inconceivable that any man of a sound judgment could have made, had he not known that he was referring to an obvious fact, about which there could be no hesitation. Of the time at which several of the Apostles died, we have no certain knowledge. St. Peter and St. Paul suffered at Rome about A. D. 66, or 67; and it is fully established, that the life of John was much longer protracted, he having died a natural death, A. D. 100, or 101. Supposing that the two former of these Apostles imparted spiritual gifts till the time of their suffering martyrdom, the persons to whom they were imparted might, in the course of nature, have lived through the earlier part of the second century; and if John did the same till the end of his life, such gifts as were derived from him might have remained till more than the half of that century had elapsed. That such was the fact, is asserted by ancient ecclesiastical writers. Whether, after the generation immediately succeeding the Apostles had passed away, the power of working miracles was anew communicated, is a question, the solution of which cannot be nearly so satisfactory. The probability is, that there was no such renewal; and this opinion rests upon the ground that natural causes were now sufficient to accomplish the end for which miracles were originally designed; and it does not appear to have been any part of the scheme of the blessed Author of our religion, that, solely for the purpose of hastening that conversion of the nations which might gradually be accomplished, miracles should be wrought, when these could be of no use in establishing after ages in the faith.
3. How long miracles continued in the church has been a hot topic of debate and has been looked into with as much worry as if the truth of the Gospel depended on how it was decided. Assuming, as we can here, that real miraculous power was given as described by the inspired writers, it’s clear that it may have been exercised in different countries and could have persisted, without any new communication of it, throughout the first part of the second century. The Apostles, wherever they traveled to fulfill their mission, would use the incredible gift that had been given to them; and it is evident not only that they were allowed and able to pass it on to others, but that spiritual gifts, including the ability to perform miracles, were actually given to many of the early disciples. We find references to this in St. Paul's letters; such references, too, that it is hard to believe any reasonable person could make unless they knew they were talking about a clear fact, about which there could be no doubt. We don’t have definite knowledge of when several of the Apostles died. St. Peter and St. Paul died in Rome around A.D. 66 or 67; and it is well established that John's life lasted much longer, as he died naturally around A.D. 100 or 101. Assuming that the first two Apostles shared spiritual gifts until their martyrdom, the people who received them could have naturally lived through the earlier part of the second century; and if John did the same until the end of his life, the gifts he gave might have lasted until well into that century. Ancient church writers claim this was the case. Whether the power to perform miracles was communicated again after the generation immediately following the Apostles passed away is a question that doesn’t have a clear answer. It is likely that such a renewal did not happen; this belief is based on the idea that natural causes were now enough to achieve the goals for which miracles were originally intended; and it doesn’t seem to have been part of the plan of the blessed Author of our faith that miracles should be performed solely to speed up the conversion of nations that could happen gradually when they wouldn’t be useful for establishing faith in later generations.
MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. By this is meant, that the human nature of Jesus Christ was formed, not in the ordinary method of generation, but out of the substance of the Virgin Mary, by the immediate operation of the Holy Ghost. The evidence upon which this article of the Christian faith rests is found in Matt. i, 18–23, and in the more particular narration which St. Luke has given in the first chapter of his Gospel. If we admit this evidence of the fact, we can discern the emphatical meaning of the appellation given to our Saviour when he is called the seed of the woman,” Gen. iii, 15; we can perceive the meaning of a phrase which St. Luke has introduced into the genealogy of Jesus, Luke iii, 23, and of which, otherwise, it is not possible to give a good account, ων, ὡς ενομιζετο, ὑιος Ιωσηφ; [being, as was supposed, the son of Joseph;] and we can discover a peculiar significancy in an expression of the Apostle Paul, Gal. iv, 4, God sent forth his Son, made of a woman.” The conception of Jesus is the point from which we date the union between his divine and human nature; and, this conception being miraculous, the existence of the person in whom they are united, was not physically derived from Adam. But, as Dr. Horsley speaks in his sermon on the 659incarnation, the union with the uncreated Word is the very principle of personality and individual existence in the son of Mary. According to this view of the matter, the miraculous conception gives a completeness and consistency to the revelation concerning Jesus Christ. Not only is he the Son of God, but, as the Son of man, he is exalted above his brethren, while he is made like them. He is preserved from the contamination adhering to the race whose nature he assumed; and when the only begotten Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, was made flesh, the intercourse which, as man, he had with God, is distinguished, not in degree only, but in kind, from that which any prophet ever enjoyed, and it is infinitely more intimate, because it did not consist in communications occasionally made to him, but arose from the manner in which his human nature had its existence.
MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. This refers to the fact that the human nature of Jesus Christ was formed not in the usual way of generation, but from the substance of the Virgin Mary, through the direct action of the Holy Spirit. The evidence supporting this article of the Christian faith is found in Matt. i, 18–23, and in the detailed account provided by St. Luke in the first chapter of his Gospel. If we accept this evidence, we can understand the significant meaning behind the title given to our Savior when he is called “the seed of the woman” (Gen. iii, 15); we can grasp the importance of a phrase that St. Luke included in the genealogy of Jesus (Luke iii, 23), which is otherwise difficult to explain, ων, ὡς ενομιζετο, υιος Ιωσηφ; [being, as was supposed, the son of Joseph]; and we can see the unique significance in the Apostle Paul’s statement (Gal. iv, 4), “God sent forth his Son, made of a woman.” The conception of Jesus marks the point at which his divine and human natures unite, and since this conception is miraculous, the existence of the person who embodies them was not physically derived from Adam. However, as Dr. Horsley says in his sermon on the 659incarnation, the union with the uncreated Word is the very principle of personality and individual existence in the son of Mary. From this perspective, the miraculous conception adds completeness and coherence to the revelation regarding Jesus Christ. He is not only the Son of God but, as the Son of man, he is elevated above his peers while still being like them. He is kept free from the contamination associated with the human race he became part of; and when the only begotten Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, became flesh, the relationship he had with God as a man is different not just in degree but in kind compared to that of any prophet, and it's infinitely more intimate because it didn't consist of occasional revelations, but stemmed from the way his human nature was brought into existence.
MIRIAM, sister of Moses and Aaron, and daughter of Amram and Jochebed, was born about A. M. 2424. She might be ten or twelve years old when her brother Moses was exposed on the banks of the Nile, since Miriam was watching there, and offered herself to Pharaoh’s daughter to fetch her a nurse. The princess accepting the offer, Miriam fetched her own mother, to whom the young Moses was given to nurse, Exod. ii, 4, 5, &c. It is thought that Miriam married Hur, of the tribe of Judah; but it does not appear that she had any children by him, Exod. xvii, 10, 11. Miriam had the gift of prophecy, as she intimates, Num. xii, 2: Hath the Lord indeed spoken only by Moses? hath he not spoken also by us?” After the passage of the Red Sea, Miriam led the choirs and dances of the women, and sung with them the canticle, Sing ye to the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea:” while Moses led the choir of men, Exod. xv, 21. When Zipporah, the wife of Moses, arrived in the camp of Israel, Miriam and Aaron disputed with her, speaking against Moses on her account, Num. xii. This conduct the Lord punished by visiting Miriam with a leprosy. Aaron interceded with Moses for her recovery, and besought the Lord, who ordered her to be shut out of the camp seven days. We are acquainted with no subsequent particulars of the life of Miriam. Her death happened in the first month of the fortieth year after the exodus, at the encampment of Kadesh in the wilderness of Zin, Num. xx, 1. The people mourned for her, and she was there buried.
Miriam, sister of Moses and Aaron, and daughter of Amram and Jochebed, was born around 2424 AM. She was likely ten or twelve years old when her brother Moses was placed in the Nile, as Miriam was watching and offered to Pharaoh’s daughter to find a nurse for the baby. The princess agreed, and Miriam brought her own mother to nurse Moses, as noted in Exod. ii, 4, 5, etc. It’s believed that Miriam married Hur from the tribe of Judah, but there’s no evidence that they had any children together, as mentioned in Exod. xvii, 10, 11. Miriam was also gifted with prophecy, as she indicates in Num. xii, 2: “Has the Lord indeed spoken only through Moses? Has he not also spoken through us?” After crossing the Red Sea, Miriam led the women in songs and dances, singing the canticle, “Sing to the Lord, for he has triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider he has thrown into the sea,” while Moses led the men's choir, as seen in Exod. xv, 21. When Zipporah, Moses' wife, came to the Israelite camp, Miriam and Aaron argued with her and spoke against Moses, as noted in Num. xii. For this behavior, the Lord punished Miriam with leprosy. Aaron pleaded with Moses for her healing, and the Lord instructed that she be excluded from the camp for seven days. We don’t have any details about Miriam’s life after this. She died in the first month of the fortieth year after the exodus, at the camp in Kadesh in the wilderness of Zin, according to Num. xx, 1. The people mourned for her, and she was buried there.
MIRRORS, usually, but improperly, rendered looking glasses. The eastern mirrors were made of polished metal, and for the most part convex. So Callimachus describes Venus as taking the shining brass,” that is, to adjust her hair. If they were thus made in the country of Elihu, the image made use of by him will appear very lively: Hast thou with him spread out the sky, which is strong, and as a molten looking glass?” Job xxxvii, 18. Shaw informs us that “in the Levant, looking glasses are a part of female dress. The Moorish women in Barbary are so fond of their ornaments, and particularly of their looking glasses, which they bang upon their breasts, that they will not lay them aside, even when, after the drudgery of the day, they are obliged to go two or three miles with a pitcher or a goat’s skin, to fetch water.” The Israelitish women used to carry their mirrors with them, even to their most solemn place of worship. The word mirror should be used in the passages here referred to. To speak of looking glasses made of steel,” and glasses molten,” is palpably absurd; whereas the term mirror obviates every difficulty, and expresses the true meaning of the original.
MIRRORS, usually but incorrectly called looking glasses. The eastern mirrors were made of polished metal and were mostly convex. Callimachus describes Venus as taking the shining brass to fix her hair. If they were made in the land of Elihu, the image he used will seem very vivid: "Have you with him spread out the sky, which is strong, and like a molten mirror?" Job xxxvii, 18. Shaw tells us that "in the Levant, looking glasses are part of women's attire. The Moorish women in Barbary love their ornaments, especially their looking glasses, so much that they wear them on their chests and won't take them off, even when they have to trek two or three miles with a pitcher or a goat's skin to get water after a long day." The Israelite women used to carry their mirrors with them, even to their most sacred places of worship. The term mirror should be used in these references. Calling mirrors made of steel or molten "glasses" is clearly ridiculous; using the term mirror resolves any confusion and captures the original meaning perfectly.
MISHNA, or MISNA, משנה, signifies repetition, and is properly the code of the Jewish civil law. The Mishna contains the text; and the Gemara, which is the second part of the Talmud, contains the commentaries: so that the Gemara is, as it were, a glossary on the Mishna. The Mishna consists of various traditions of the Jews, and of explanations of several passages of Scripture. These traditions, serving as an explication of the written law, and supplementary to it, are said to have been delivered to Moses during the time of his abode upon the mount; which he afterward communicated to Aaron, Eleazar, and his servant Joshua. By these they were transmitted to the seventy elders; by them to the prophets, who communicated them to the men of the great sanhedrim, from whom the wise men of Jerusalem and Babylon received them. According to Dr. Prideaux, they passed from Jeremiah to Baruch, from him to Ezra, and from Ezra to the men of the great synagogue, the last of whom was Simon the Just, who delivered them to Antigonus of Socho. From him they came down in regular succession to Simeon, who took our Saviour in his arms; to Gamaliel, at whose feet St. Paul was brought up; and last of all to rabbi Judah the holy, who committed them to writing in the Mishna. Dr. Prideaux, rejecting this Jewish fiction, observes, that after the death of Simon the Just, about B. C. 299, arose the Tannaim or Mishnical doctors, who by their comments and conclusions, added to the number of those traditions which had been received and allowed by Ezra and the men of the great synagogue. Hence toward the middle of the second century after Christ, under the reign of the Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius, it was found necessary to commit these traditions to writing. This was requisite, because the traditions had been so much increased that they could no longer be preserved by the memory of man; and also because their country had suffered considerably in the reign of the Emperor Adrian, and many of their schools being dissolved, and their learned men cut off, the usual method of preserving their traditions had failed. Lest, therefore, the traditions should be forgotten and lost, it was resolved that they should be collected and committed to writing. Rabbi Judah, who was at that time rector of the school at Tiberias in Galilee, and president of the sanhedrim at that place, undertook the 660work. He compiled it in six books, each consisting of several tracts, which altogether form the number of sixty-three. Dr. Prideaux computes, that the Mishna was composed about A. D. 150. Dr. Lightfoot, however, says, that rabbi Judah compiled the Mishna about A. D. 190, in the latter end of the reign of Commodus; or, as some compute, A. D. 220. Dr. Lardner is of opinion, that this work could not have been finished before A. D. 190, or later. Thus the book called the Mishna was formed; a book which was received by the Jews with great veneration, and which has been always held in high esteem among them. Their opinion of it is, that all the particulars which it contains were dictated by God himself to Moses upon Mount Sinai, as well as the written word itself; and, consequently, that it must be of the same divine authority, and ought to be as religiously observed. See Cabbala, Gemara, Jews.
MISHNA, or MISNA, משנה, means repetition and is essentially the framework of Jewish civil law. The Mishna contains the main text, while the Gemara, the second part of the Talmud, includes commentaries, making the Gemara a sort of glossary for the Mishna. The Mishna consists of various Jewish traditions and explanations of different scripture passages. These traditions, which explain the written law and add to it, are said to have been given to Moses while he was on the mountain; he later shared them with Aaron, Eleazar, and his assistant Joshua. From them, the teachings were passed down to the seventy elders, then to the prophets, who conveyed them to the members of the great sanhedrim. It’s from these men that the sages of Jerusalem and Babylon received the teachings. According to Dr. Prideaux, the knowledge passed from Jeremiah to Baruch, then to Ezra, and finally to the leaders of the great synagogue, the last of whom was Simon the Just, who shared them with Antigonus of Socho. From him, the teachings continued down the lineage to Simeon, who held the Messiah in his arms; to Gamaliel, under whom St. Paul was educated; and finally to Rabbi Judah the Holy, who wrote them down in the Mishna. Dr. Prideaux dismisses this Jewish narrative and points out that after Simon the Just died around 299 B.C., the Tannaim or Mishnaic teachers emerged, who, through their comments and conclusions, added to the traditions accepted by Ezra and the Great Synagogue. Therefore, around the middle of the second century A.D., during the reign of Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius, it became necessary to write down these traditions. This was crucial because the traditions had grown too extensive to be remembered accurately and because their community faced significant challenges during Emperor Adrian's reign, leading to the dissolution of many schools and the loss of learned individuals, which disrupted their usual methods of preserving traditions. To prevent these traditions from being forgotten, a decision was made to collect and write them down. Rabbi Judah, who was the head of the school in Tiberias in Galilee and president of the local Sanhedrin, took on this effort. He organized the Mishna into six books, each with several sections, totaling sixty-three in all. Dr. Prideaux estimates the Mishna was completed around A.D. 150. However, Dr. Lightfoot argues that Rabbi Judah compiled the Mishna around A.D. 190, towards the end of Commodus' reign, or some say A.D. 220. Dr. Lardner believes the work couldn’t have been finished before A.D. 190 at the latest. Thus, the book known as the Mishna was created— a book that Jews regard with deep respect and has always been highly valued by them. They believe that everything contained in it was directly commanded by God to Moses at Mount Sinai, just like the written word itself; therefore, it holds the same divine authority and should be observed with equal reverence. See Kabbalah, Gemara, Jewish people.
MITE. See Money.
MITE. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
MITYLENE, the capital of the island of Lesbos, through which St. Paul passed as he went from Corinth to Jerusalem, Acts xx, 14.
MITYLENE, the capital of the island of Lesbos, where St. Paul traveled on his journey from Corinth to Jerusalem, Acts xx, 14.
MIZPAH, or MIZPEH, a city of the tribe of Benjamin, situated in a plain, about eighteen miles west of Jerusalem. Here Samuel dwelt; and here he called Israel together, to observe a solemn fast for their sins, and to supplicate God for his assistance against the Philistines; after which they sallied out on their enemies, already discomfited by the thunders of heaven, and gave them a total defeat, 1 Sam. vii. Here, also, Saul was anointed king, 1 Sam. x, 17–25. It appears that between this and the time of Asa, king of Judah, Mizpah had suffered probably in some of the intervening wars, as we are told that Asa built it with the stones and timber of Ramah, 1 Kings xv, 22. There was another Mizpeh in Gilead; on the spot where Jacob set up the pillar or heap of stones, to commemorate the covenant there made between him and Laban, Gen. xxxi, 49. (See Gilead.) There was also a third Mizpeh, in the land of Moab, where David placed his father and mother, while he remained in his retreat at Adullam, 1 Sam. xxii, 3. It is to be observed, that Mizpeh implies a beacon or watch tower, a pillar or heap of commemoration; and at all the places bearing this name, it is probable that a single pillar, or a rude pile, was erected as the witness and the record of some particular event. These, subsequently, became altars and places of convocation on public occasions, religious and civil.
MIZPAH, or MIZPEH, is a city of the tribe of Benjamin, located in a plain about eighteen miles west of Jerusalem. Here, Samuel lived and called the people of Israel together to hold a solemn fast for their sins and to ask God for help against the Philistines. After this, they charged at their enemies, who were already confused by the thunder from heaven, and gave them a complete defeat, 1 Sam. vii. Saul was also anointed king here, 1 Sam. x, 17–25. It seems that between this time and the reign of Asa, king of Judah, Mizpah likely suffered damage during some of the wars that took place, as we learn that Asa rebuilt it using stones and timber from Ramah, 1 Kings xv, 22. There was another Mizpah in Gilead, at the spot where Jacob set up a pillar or heap of stones to remember the covenant made between him and Laban, Gen. xxxi, 49. (See Gilead.) There was also a third Mizpah in the land of Moab, where David placed his father and mother while he was hiding at Adullam, 1 Sam. xxii, 3. It's important to note that Mizpah means a beacon or watchtower, a pillar or heap of commemoration; at all the places with this name, it’s likely a single pillar or a rough pile of stones was built as a witness and record of a specific event. These then became altars and gathering places for public occasions, both religious and civil.
MIZRAIM, or MESRAIM, son of Ham, and father of Ludim, Anamim, Lehabim, Naphtuhim, Pathrusim, and Casluhim, Gen. x, 6. Meser or Misor was father of the Mizraim, the Egyptians; and he himself is commonly called Mizraim, although there is very strong probability that Mizraim, being of the plural number, signifies rather the Egyptians themselves, than the father of that people. Mizraim is also put for the country of Egypt: thus it has three significations, which are perpetually confounded and used promiscuously, sometimes denoting the land of Egypt, sometimes him who first peopled Egypt, and sometimes the inhabitants themselves. Cairo, the capital of Egypt, and even Egypt itself, are to this day called Mezer by the Arabians. But the natives call Egypt Chemi, that is, the land of Cham, or Ham, as it is also sometimes called in Scripture, Psalm lxxviii, 12; cv, 23; cvi, 22. The Prophet Micah, vii, 15, gives to Egypt the name of Mezor, or Matzor; and rabbi Kimchi, followed in this by several learned commentators, explains by Egypt what is said of the rivers of Mezor, 2 Kings xix, 24; Isaiah xix, 6; xxxvii, 25.
MIZRAIM, or MESRAIM, son of Ham, and father of Ludim, Anamim, Lehabim, Naphtuhim, Pathrusim, and Casluhim, Gen. x, 6. Meser or Misor was the father of the Mizraim, the Egyptians; he is commonly called Mizraim, although it’s very likely that Mizraim, being plural, actually refers more to the Egyptians themselves than to their ancestor. Mizraim also refers to the land of Egypt: thus it has three meanings, which are often confused and used interchangeably, sometimes referring to the land of Egypt, sometimes to the one who first populated Egypt, and sometimes to the inhabitants themselves. Cairo, the capital of Egypt, and even Egypt itself, are still referred to as Mezer by the Arabians. However, the locals call Egypt Chemi, meaning the land of Cham, or Ham, as it is sometimes referred to in Scripture, Psalm lxxviii, 12; cv, 23; cvi, 22. The Prophet Micah, vii, 15, names Egypt Mezor, or Matzor; and rabbi Kimchi, followed by several learned commentators, explains that the rivers of Mezor refer to Egypt, 2 Kings xix, 24; Isaiah xix, 6; xxxvii, 25.
MOABMOAB was the son of Lot, and of his eldest daughter, Gen. xix, 31, &c. He was born about the same time as Isaac, A. M. 2108, and was father of the Moabites, whose habitation lay beyond Jordan and the Dead Sea, on both sides of the river Arnon. Their capital city was situated on that river, and was called Ar or Areopolis, or Ariol of Moab, or Rabbah Moab, that is, the capital of Moab, or Kir-haresh, that is, a city with brick walls. This country was originally possessed by a race of giants called Emim, Deut. ii, 11, 12. The Moabites conquered them, and afterward the Amorites took a part from the Moabites, Judges xi, 13. Moses conquered that part which belonged to the Amorites, and gave it to the tribe of Reuben. The Moabites were spared by Moses, for God had restricted him, Deut. ii, 9. But there always was a great antipathy between the Moabites and the Israelites, which occasioned many wars between them. Balaam seduced the Hebrews to idolatry and uncleanness, by means of the daughters of Moab, Num. xxv, 1, 2; and Balak, king of this people, endeavoured to prevail on Balaam to curse Israel. God ordained that the Moabites should not enter into the congregation of his people, because they had the inhumanity to refuse the Israelites a passage through their country, nor would they supply them with bread and water in their necessity. Eglon, king of the Moabites, was one of the first that oppressed Israel after the death of Joshua. Ehud killed Eglon, and Israel expelled the Moabites, Judges iii, 12, &c. Hanun king of the Ammonites having insulted David’s ambassadors, David made war against him, and subdued Moab and Ammon; under which subjection they continued till the separation of the ten tribes. The Ammonites and the Moabites continued in subjection to the kings of Israel to the death of Ahab. Presently after the death of Ahab the Moabites began to revolt, 2 Kings iii, 4, 5. Mesha, king of Moab, refused the tribute of a hundred thousand lambs, and as many rams, which till then had been customarily paid, either yearly, or at the beginning of every reign; which of these two is not clearly expressed in Scripture. The reign of Ahaziah was too short to make war with them; but Jehoram, son of Ahab, and brother to Ahaziah, having ascended the throne, thought of reducing them to obedience. He invited Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, who, with the king of Edom, then his vassal, entered 661Moab, where they were near perishing with thirst, but were miraculously relieved, 2 Kings iii, 16, &c.
MOABMOAB was the son of Lot and his oldest daughter, Gen. xix, 31, &c. He was born around the same time as Isaac, A. M. 2108, and was the father of the Moabites, who lived beyond the Jordan River and the Dead Sea, on both sides of the Arnon River. Their capital city was located on that river and was named Ar or Areopolis, or Ariol of Moab, or Rabbah Moab, meaning the capital of Moab, or Kir-haresh, which means a city with brick walls. This land was originally inhabited by a tribe of giants called Emim, Deut. ii, 11, 12. The Moabites defeated them, and later the Amorites took some land from the Moabites, Judges xi, 13. Moses conquered the land that belonged to the Amorites and gave it to the tribe of Reuben. Moses spared the Moabites because God had commanded him to, Deut. ii, 9. However, there was always intense hostility between the Moabites and the Israelites, leading to many wars. Balaam led the Hebrews into idolatry and immorality through the daughters of Moab, Num. xxv, 1, 2; and Balak, the king of the Moabites, tried to persuade Balaam to curse Israel. God determined that the Moabites should not be admitted into the assembly of his people because they cruelly refused the Israelites passage through their land and did not provide them with food and water when they needed it. Eglon, the king of the Moabites, was among the first to oppress Israel after Joshua's death. Ehud killed Eglon, and Israel drove out the Moabites, Judges iii, 12, &c. After Hanun, king of the Ammonites, insulted David’s envoys, David waged war against him and subdued Moab and Ammon; they remained under this control until the separation of the ten tribes. The Ammonites and Moabites remained under the rule of Israel's kings until the death of Ahab. Shortly after Ahab's death, the Moabites started to rebel, 2 Kings iii, 4, 5. Mesha, the king of Moab, refused to pay the tribute of one hundred thousand lambs and an equal number of rams that had been customary either annually or at the beginning of every reign; it isn’t clear which one from Scripture. The reign of Ahaziah was too brief for him to engage them in war, but Jehoram, Ahab's son and Ahaziah's brother, became king and sought to bring them back into obedience. He invited Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, who, along with the king of Edom, his vassal, entered Moab, where they were nearly dying of thirst but were miraculously saved, 2 Kings iii, 16, &c.
It is not easy to ascertain what were the circumstances of the Moabites from this time; but Isaiah, at the beginning of the reign of King Hezekiah, threatens them with a calamity, which was to happen three years after his prediction, and which probably referred to the war that Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, made with the ten tribes and the other people beyond Jordan. Amos, i, 13, &c, also foretold great miseries to them, which, probably, they suffered under Uzziah and Jothan, kings of Judah, or under Shalmaneser, 2 Chron. xxvi, 7, 8; xxvii, 5; or, lastly, in the war of Nebuchadnezzar, five years after the destruction of Jerusalem. This prince carried them captive beyond the Euphrates, as the prophets had threatened, Jer. ix, 26; xii, 14, 15; xxv, 11, 12; xlviii, 47, &c; xlix, 3, 6, 39; l, 16; and Cyrus sent them home again, as he did the rest of the captives. After their return from captivity they multiplied, and fortified themselves, as the Jews did, and other neighbouring people, still in subjection to the kings of Persia. They were afterward conquered by Alexander the Great, and were in obedience to the kings of Syria and Egypt successively, and finally to the Romans. There is a probability, also, that in the later times of the Jewish republic they obeyed the Asmonean kings, and afterward Herod the Great. The principal deities of the Moabites were Chemosh and Baal-peor.
It’s difficult to determine the situation of the Moabites during this time; however, Isaiah, at the start of King Hezekiah’s reign, warned them of a disaster that would occur three years later, likely related to the war that Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, waged against the ten tribes and other people across the Jordan. Amos, i, 13, etc., also predicted severe hardships for them, which they probably experienced under Uzziah and Jothan, kings of Judah, or during Shalmaneser’s time, 2 Chron. xxvi, 7, 8; xxvii, 5; or, finally, during Nebuchadnezzar’s war, five years after the destruction of Jerusalem. This king took them captive beyond the Euphrates, just as the prophets had warned, Jer. ix, 26; xii, 14, 15; xxv, 11, 12; xlviii, 47, etc.; xlix, 3, 6, 39; l, 16; and Cyrus eventually sent them back home, like the other captives. After their return from captivity, they grew in number and fortified themselves, similar to the Jews and other neighboring peoples, remaining under the rule of the Persian kings. They were later conquered by Alexander the Great and came under the control of the kings of Syria and Egypt in succession, and finally, the Romans. It is also likely that during the later times of the Jewish republic, they submitted to the Asmonean kings and afterward to Herod the Great. The main gods of the Moabites were Chemosh and Baal-peor.
The prophecies concerning Moab are numerous and remarkable. There are, says Keith, abundant predictions which refer so clearly to its modern state, that there is scarcely a single feature peculiar to the land of Moab, as it now exists, which was not marked by the prophets in their delineation of the low condition to which, from the height of its wickedness and haughtiness, it was finally to be brought down.
The prophecies about Moab are numerous and striking. According to Keith, there are many predictions that clearly relate to its current situation, so much so that almost every unique characteristic of modern Moab was highlighted by the prophets in their description of the low state it was destined to fall to, because of its extreme wickedness and arrogance.
The land of Moab lay to the east and south-east of Judea, and bordered on the east, north-east, and partly on the south of the Dead Sea. Its early history is nearly analogous to that of Ammon; and the soil, though perhaps more diversified, is, in many places where the desert and plains of salt have not encroached on its borders, of equal fertility. There are manifest and abundant vestiges of its ancient greatness: the whole of the plains are covered with the sites of towns, on every eminence or spot convenient for the construction of one; and as the land is capable of rich cultivation, there can be no doubt that the country now so deserted once presented a continued picture of plenty and fertility. The form of fields is still visible; and there are the remains of Roman highways, which in some places are completely paved, and on which there are mile stones of the times of Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and Severus, with the number of the miles legible upon them. Wherever any spot is cultivated the corn is luxuriant; and the riches of the soil cannot perhaps be more clearly illustrated than by the fact, that one grain of Heshbon wheat exceeds in dimensions two of the ordinary sort, and more than double the number of grains grow on the stalk. The frequency, and almost, in many instances, the close vicinity of the sites of the ancient towns, prove that the population of the country was formerly proportioned to its natural fertility. Such evidence may surely suffice to prove that the country was well cultivated and peopled at a period so long posterior to the date of the predictions, that no cause less than supernatural could have existed at the time when they were delivered, which could have authorized the assertion with the least probability or apparent possibility of its truth, that Moab would ever have been reduced to that state of great and permanent desolation in which it has continued for so many ages, and which vindicates and ratifies to this hour the truth of the Scriptural prophecies. The cities of Moab were to be desolate without any to dwell therein;” no city was to escape: Moab was to flee away.” And the cities of Moab have all disappeared. Their place, together with the adjoining part of Idumea, is characterized, in the map of Volney’s Travels, by the ruins of towns. His information respecting these ruins was derived from some of the wandering Arabs; and its accuracy has been fully corroborated by the testimony of different European travellers of high respectability and undoubted veracity, who have since visited this devastated region. The whole country abounds with ruins; and Burckhardt, who encountered many difficulties in so desolate and dangerous a land, thus records the brief history of a few of them: The ruins of Eleale, Heshbon, Meon, Medaba, Dibon, Aroer, still subsist to illustrate the history of the Beni Israel.” And it might with equal truth have been added, that they still subsist to confirm the inspiration of the Jewish Scriptures, or to prove that the seers of Israel were the prophets of God; for the desolation of each of these very cities was a theme of a prediction. Every thing worthy of observation respecting them has been detailed, not only in Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria,” but also by Seetzen, and, more recently, by Captains Irby and Mangles, who, along with Mr. Bankes and Mr. Leigh, visited this deserted district. The predicted judgment has fallen with such truth upon these cities, and upon all the cities of the land of Moab far and near, and they are so utterly broken down,” that even the prying curiosity of such indefatigable travellers could discover among a multiplicity of ruins only a few remains so entire as to be worthy of particular notice. The subjoined description is drawn from their united testimony: Among the ruins of El Aal (Eleale) are a number of large cisterns, fragments of buildings, and foundations of houses. At Heshban, (Heshbon,) are the ruins of a large ancient town, together with the remains of a temple, and some edifices. A few broken shafts of columns are still standing; and there are a number of deep wells cut in the rock. The ruins of Medeba are about two miles in circumference. There are many remains of the walls of private houses constructed with blocks of silex, but not a single 662edifice is standing. The chief object of interest is an immense tank or cistern of hewn stones, which, as there is no stream at Medeba,” Burckhardt remarks, might still be of use to the Bedouins, were the surrounding ground cleared of the rubbish to allow the water to flow into it; but such an undertaking is far beyond the views of the wandering Arabs.” There is also the foundation of a temple built with large stones, and apparently of great antiquity, with two columns near it. The ruins of Diban, (Dibon,) situated in the midst of a fine plain, are of considerable extent, but present nothing of interest. The neighbouring hot wells, and the similarity of the name, identify the ruins of Myoun with Meon, or Beth Meon of Scripture. Of this ancient city, as well as of Araayr, (Areor,) nothing is now remarkable but what is common to them with all the cities of Moab, their entire desolation. The extent of the ruins of Rabba, (Rabbath Moab,) formerly the residence of the kings of Moab, sufficiently proves its ancient importance; though no other object can be particularized among the ruins, than the remains of a palace or temple, some of the walls of which are still standing, a gate belonging to another building, and an insulated altar. There are many remains of private buildings, but none of them is entire. There being no springs on the spot, the town had two birkets, the largest of which is cut entirely out of the rocky ground, together with many cisterns. Mount Nebo was completely barren when Burckhardt passed over it, and the site of the ancient city had not been ascertained. Nebo is spoiled.”
The land of Moab was located to the east and southeast of Judea, bordering the eastern, northeastern, and partly southern edges of the Dead Sea. Its early history is quite similar to that of Ammon; and while the soil may be more diverse, in many areas where the desert and salt plains haven’t taken over, it is equally fertile. There are clear and abundant signs of its ancient greatness: the entire plains are dotted with the remains of towns, on every hill or suitable spot for building. Since the land can be richly cultivated, it’s certain that this now desolate country once displayed a continuous scene of abundance and fertility. The outlines of fields are still visible, and there are remnants of Roman roads that are fully paved in some areas, complete with mile markers from the times of Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and Severus, showing the distance. Wherever the land is cultivated, the crops are thriving; and the richness of the soil is illustrated by the fact that a single grain of Heshbon wheat is larger than two ordinary grains, and more than double the number of grains grow on each stalk. The frequent and often close proximity of ancient town sites indicates that the population was once proportionate to the land's natural fertility. This evidence strongly suggests that the country was well-farmed and populated long after the predictions were made, enough time passing that no less than a supernatural cause could have led to the claim—made with any chance of truth—that Moab would ever fall into such a state of lasting desolation, which it has remained in for centuries, affirming the accuracy of the Scriptural prophecies. The cities of Moab were to be desolate with no one living there; no city was to be spared: Moab was to flee away. And all the cities of Moab have vanished. Their location, along with the adjacent part of Idumea, is marked on the map of Volney’s Travels by the ruins of towns. His knowledge of these ruins came from wandering Arabs, and its accuracy has been backed by various European travelers of high reputation and unquestioned integrity who have since explored this devastated region. The entire area is filled with ruins; and Burckhardt, who faced many challenges in such a desolate and dangerous land, recorded a brief history of some of them: The ruins of Eleale, Heshbon, Meon, Medaba, Dibon, Aroer, still exist to illustrate the history of the Beni Israel. And it could equally be stated that they still exist to validate the inspiration of the Jewish Scriptures or to prove that the seers of Israel were prophets of God; because the desolation of each of these cities was foretold. Everything worth noting about them has been detailed not only in Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria, but also by Seetzen, and more recently, by Captains Irby and Mangles, who, along with Mr. Bankes and Mr. Leigh, visited this abandoned area. The predicted judgment has truly fallen upon these cities and on all the cities of the land of Moab, near and far, and they are so utterly destroyed that even the curious eyes of such tireless travelers could find among the ruins only a few remains complete enough to merit particular attention. The following description is based on their combined accounts: Among the ruins of El Aal (Eleale) are several large cisterns, fragments of buildings, and foundations of houses. At Heshban (Heshbon), there are ruins of a large ancient town, along with the remains of a temple and several structures. A few broken column shafts still stand, and there are numerous deep wells cut into the rock. The ruins of Medeba cover about two miles in circumference. There are many remains of the walls of private homes built with silex blocks, but not a single building remains intact. The main point of interest is a huge tank or cistern made of hewn stones which, as there is no stream at Medeba, Burckhardt notes, could still be useful to the Bedouins if the surrounding area were cleared of rubbish to let the water flow into it; but such a project is far beyond the intentions of the wandering Arabs. There's also the foundation of a temple built with large stones, appearing very old, with two columns nearby. The ruins of Diban (Dibon), located in the midst of a beautiful plain, are quite extensive, but offer nothing of interest. The nearby hot springs, along with the similarity of the name, link the ruins of Myoun with Meon, or Beth Meon from Scripture. Of this ancient city, as well as of Araayr (Aroer), only their total desolation stands out, a feature they share with all cities of Moab. The size of the ruins of Rabba (Rabbath Moab), formerly home to the kings of Moab, clearly indicates its ancient importance; however, no specific objects can be highlighted among the ruins other than the remains of a palace or temple, some of whose walls still stand, a gate from another building, and a solitary altar. Many remnants of private buildings exist, but none are complete. With no springs nearby, the town had two reservoirs, the largest entirely carved out of rock, along with many cisterns. Mount Nebo was completely barren when Burckhardt crossed it, and the location of the ancient city remains undetermined. Nebo is ruined.
While the ruins of all these cities still retain their ancient names, and are the most conspicuous amidst the wide scene of general desolation, and while each of them was in like manner particularized in the visions of the prophet, they yet formed but a small number of the cities of Moab; and the rest are also, in similar verification of the prophecies, desolate, without any to dwell therein.” None of the ancient cities of Moab now remain as tenanted by men. Kerek, which neither bears any resemblance in name to any of the cities of Moab which are mentioned as existing in the time of the Israelites, nor possesses any monuments which denote a very remote antiquity, is the only nominal town in the whole country, and, in the words of Seetzen, who visited it, in its present ruined state it can only be called a hamlet; and the houses have only one floor.” But the most populous and fertile province in Europe, especially any situated in the interior of a country like Moab, is not covered so thickly with towns as Moab is plentiful in ruins, deserted and desolate though now it be. Burckhardt enumerates about fifty ruined sites within its boundaries, many of them extensive. In general they are a broken down and undistinguishable mass of ruins; and many of them have not been closely inspected. But, in some instances, there are the remains of temples, sepulchral monuments; the ruins of edifices constructed of very large stones, in one of which buildings some of the stones are twenty feet in length, and so broad that one constitutes the thickness of the wall; traces of hanging gardens; entire columns lying on the ground, three feet in diameter, and fragments of smaller columns; and many cisterns out of the rock. When the towns of Moab existed in their prime, and were at ease; when arrogance, and haughtiness, and pride prevailed among them; the desolation, and total desertion and abandonment of them all, must have utterly surpassed all human conception. And that such numerous cities which subsisted for many ages, some of them being built on eminences, and naturally strong; others on plains, and surrounded by the richest soil; some situated in valleys by the side of a plentiful stream; and others where art supplied the deficiencies of nature, and where immense cisterns were excavated out of the rock, and which exhibit in their ruins many monuments of ancient prosperity, and many remains easily convertible into present utility; should have all fled away, all met the same indiscriminate fate, and be all desolate, without any to dwell therein,” notwithstanding all these ancient indications of permanent durability, and their existing facilities and inducements for becoming the habitations of men, is a matter of just wonder in the present day. They shall cry of Moab, How is it broken down!”
While the ruins of all these cities still keep their ancient names and are the most noticeable in the vast landscape of general desolation, and while each of them was similarly mentioned in the prophet's visions, they still represent only a small fraction of the cities of Moab; the rest are also, in similar fulfillment of the prophecies, desolate, with no one living there.” None of the ancient cities of Moab still remain inhabited. Kerek, which bears no resemblance in name to any of the cities of Moab mentioned as existing during the time of the Israelites, nor has any monuments indicating a very remote antiquity, is the only named town in the entire region, and, in the words of Seetzen, who visited it, in its current ruined state it can only be called a hamlet; and the houses have only one floor.” But the most populated and fertile province in Europe, especially any that are located in the interior of a country like Moab, is not so densely covered with towns as Moab is filled with ruins, deserted and desolate though it currently is. Burckhardt lists about fifty ruined sites within its boundaries, many of them extensive. Generally, they are a collapsed and indistinguishable mass of ruins; and many have not been closely examined. However, in some cases, there are the remains of temples, tomb monuments; the ruins of buildings made from very large stones, where some of the stones are twenty feet long, and so broad that one makes up the thickness of the wall; traces of hanging gardens; entire columns lying on the ground, three feet in diameter, and pieces of smaller columns; and many cisterns carved out of the rock. When the towns of Moab flourished and were prosperous; when arrogance, pride, and haughtiness ruled among them; the desolation, total abandonment, and desertion of them all must have been beyond all human imagination. That so many cities, which lasted for many ages, some built on high ground and naturally fortified; others on plains, surrounded by rich soil; some located in valleys next to abundant streams; and others where engineering compensated for nature’s shortcomings, and where enormous cisterns were carved out of the rock, showcasing many signs of ancient wealth and many remnants easily convertible into practical use; should all have vanished, met the same fate, and become desolate, with no one living there,” despite all these ancient signs of lasting durability, and their existing facilities and attractions for becoming places of habitation, is indeed a wonder today. They will say of Moab, "How is it shattered!”
The strong contrast between the ancient and the actual state of Moab is exemplified in the condition of the inhabitants as well as of the land; and the coincidence between the prediction and the fact is as striking in the one case as in the other. The days come, saith the Lord, that I will send unto him (Moab) wanderers that shall cause him to wander, and shall empty his vessels.” The Bedouin (wandering) Arabs are now the chief and almost the only inhabitants of a country once studded with cities. Traversing the country, and fixing their tents for a short time in one place, and then decamping to another, depasturing every part successively, and despoiling the whole land of its natural produce, they are wanderers who have come up against it, and who keep it in a state of perpetual desolation. They lead a wandering life; and the only regularity they know or practise, is to act upon a systematic scheme of spoliation. They prevent any from forming a fixed settlement who are inclined to attempt it; for although the fruitfulness of the soil would abundantly repay the labour of settlers, and render migration wholly unnecessary, even if the population were increased more than tenfold; yet the Bedouins forcibly deprive them of the means of subsistence, compel them to search for it elsewhere, and, in the words of the prediction, literally cause them to wander.” It may be remarked generally of the Bedouins,” says Burckhardt, in describing their extortions in this very country, that wherever they are the masters of the cultivators, the latter are soon reduced to beggary by their unceasing demands.” “O ye that dwell in Moab, leave the cities and dwell in the rock, and be like the dove that maketh her nest in the sides of 663the hole’s mouth.” In a general description of the condition of the inhabitants of that extensive desert which now occupies the place of these ancient flourishing states, Volney in plain but unmeant illustration of this prediction, remarks, that the wretched peasants live in perpetual dread of losing the fruit of their labours; and no sooner have they gathered in their harvest, than they hasten to secrete it in private places, and retire among the rocks which border on the Dead Sea.” Toward the opposite extremity of the land of Moab, and at a little distance from its borders, Seetzen relates, that there are many families living in caverns;” and he actually designates them the inhabitants of the rocks.” And at the distance of a few miles from the ruined site of Heshbon, according to Captains Irby and Mangles, there are many artificial caves in a large range of perpendicular cliffs, in some of which are chambers and small sleeping apartments.” While the cities are desolate, without any to dwell therein, the rocks are tenanted. But whether flocks lie down in the city without any to make them afraid, or whether men are to be found dwelling in the rocks, and are “like the dove that maketh her nest in the sides of the hole’s mouth,” the wonderful transition, in either case, and the close accordance, in both, of the fact to the prediction, assuredly mark it in characters that may be visible to the purblind mind, as the word of that God before whom the darkness of futurity is as light, and without whom a sparrow cannot fall unto the ground.
The stark difference between ancient Moab and its current state is evident in the lives of its people and the land itself; the alignment of the prophecy with reality is just as remarkable in this context. “The days are coming,” says the Lord, “when I will send wanderers to Moab, and they will make him wander, and empty his vessels.” Today, the Bedouin Arabs are the primary inhabitants of a land that was once filled with cities. They move across the country, setting up their tents briefly in one spot before relocating to another, grazing livestock in various areas, and stripping the land of its natural resources, keeping it perpetually desolate. They live a nomadic lifestyle, and the only consistency they follow is a routine of plundering. They prevent anyone from establishing permanent settlements, despite the fact that the fertile soil could easily support settlers and make migration unnecessary, even with a tenfold increase in population. The Bedouins forcibly take away their means of survival, driving them to seek it elsewhere, thus fulfilling the prophecy and literally making them wander. Burckhardt notes that wherever the Bedouins dominate, the local cultivators quickly become destitute due to their relentless demands. "O you who live in Moab, leave the cities and dwell in the rocks, and be like the dove that nests in the sides of the cave." In describing the dreadful conditions of the inhabitants of the vast desert now occupying what were once flourishing states, Volney illustrates the prophecy by stating that the miserable peasants live in constant fear of losing their harvest; as soon as they gather it, they rush to hide it in safe places and retreat to the rocky areas near the Dead Sea. At the opposite end of Moab, Seetzen mentions that many families live in caves, calling them the "inhabitants of the rocks." A few miles from the ruins of Heshbon, Captains Irby and Mangles describe artificial caves in steep cliffs, some of which contain small chambers and sleeping areas. While the cities lie deserted with no one to inhabit them, the rocks are occupied. Whether the flocks rest in the cities without fear or people dwell in the rocks like doves nesting in caves, the striking shift in either case, and the precise alignment of fact with prophecy, undeniably highlights the reality of that God before whom the darkness of the future is as clear as day, and without whom even a sparrow cannot fall to the ground.
MOLE. This word, in our version of Lev. xi, 30, answers to the word תנשמת, which Bochart has shown to be the cameleon; but he conjectures, with great propriety, that חלד, translated weasel,” in the preceding verse, is the true word for the mole. The present name of the mole in the east is khuld, which is undeniably the same word as the Hebrew choled. The import of the Hebrew word is, to creep into,” and the same Syriac word implies, to creep underneath,” to creep into by burrowing; which are well known characteristics of the mole.
MOLE. In our version of Lev. xi, 30, this word corresponds to the Hebrew word Breath, which Bochart has identified as the chameleon; however, he rightly suggests that חלד, translated as “weasel” in the previous verse, is actually the correct term for the mole. The current name for the mole in the east is khuld, which is clearly related to the Hebrew choled. The meaning of the Hebrew word is "to creep into," and the same Syriac term suggests "to creep underneath," or to burrow in; these behaviors are well-known characteristics of the mole.
MOLOCH, מלך, signifies king. Moloch, Molech, Milcom, or Melchom, was a god of the Ammonites. The word Moloch signifies king,” and Melchom signifies their king.” Moses in several places forbids the Israelites, under the penalty of death, to dedicate their children to Moloch, by making them pass through the fire in honour of that god, Lev. xviii, 21; xx, 2–5. God himself threatens to pour out his wrath against such offenders. There is great probability that the Hebrews were addicted to the worship of this deity, even before their coming out of Egypt; since the Prophet Amos, v, 26, and after him St. Stephen, reproach them with having carried in the wilderness the tabernacle of their god Moloch, Acts vii, 43. Solomon built a temple to Moloch upon the Mount of Olives, 1 Kings xi, 7; and Manasseh a long time after imitated his impiety, making his son pass through the fire in honour of Moloch, 2 Kings xxi, 3–6. It was chiefly in the valley of Tophet and Hinnom, east of Jerusalem, that this idolatrous worship was paid, Jer. xix, 5, 6, &c. Some are of opinion that they contented themselves with making their children leap over a fire sacred to Moloch, by which they consecrated them to some false deity: and by this lustration purified them; this being a usual ceremony among the Heathens on other occasions. Some believe that they made them pass through two fires opposite to each other, for the same purpose. But the word העביר, to cause to pass through,” and the phrase to cause to pass through the fire,” are used in respect to human sacrifices in Deut. xii, 31; xviii, 10; 2 Kings xvi, 3; xxi, 6; 2 Chron. xxviii, 3; xxxiii, 6. These words are not to be considered as meaning in these instances literally to pass through, and that alone. They are rather synonymous with שרף, to burn, and זבח, to immolate, with which they are interchanged, as may be seen by an examination of Jer. vii, 31; xix, 5; Ezek. xvi, 20, 21; Psalm cvi, 38. In the later periods of the Jewish kingdom, this idol was erected in the valley south of Jerusalem, namely, in the valley of Hinnom, and in the part of that valley called Tophet, תפת, so named from the drums, תפים תף, which were beaten to prevent the groans and cries of children sacrificed from being heard, Jer. vii, 31, 32; xix, 6–14; Isaiah xxx, 33; 2 Kings xxiii, 10. The place was so abhorrent to the minds of the more recent Jews, that they applied the name ge hinnom or gehenna to the place of torments in a future life. The word gehenna is used in this way, namely, for the place of punishment beyond the grave, very frequently in oriental writers, as far as India. There are various sentiments about the relation that Moloch had to the other Pagan divinities. Some believe that Moloch was the same as Saturn, to whom it is well known that human sacrifices were offered; others think it was the same with Mercury; others, Venus; others, Mars, or Mithra. Calmet has endeavoured to prove that Moloch signified the sun, or the king of heaven.
MOLOCH, King, means king. Moloch, Molech, Milcom, or Melchom, was a god of the Ammonites. The term Moloch means "king,” and Melchom means “their king.” Moses repeatedly forbids the Israelites, under the penalty of death, from dedicating their children to Moloch by making them pass through fire in honor of that god, Lev. xviii, 21; xx, 2–5. God himself threatens to unleash his wrath against such offenders. There is a strong likelihood that the Hebrews practiced the worship of this deity even before leaving Egypt; as the Prophet Amos, v, 26, and later St. Stephen, accuse them of having carried the tabernacle of their god Moloch in the wilderness, Acts vii, 43. Solomon built a temple to Moloch on the Mount of Olives, 1 Kings xi, 7; and Manasseh later followed his example, making his son pass through fire in honor of Moloch, 2 Kings xxi, 3–6. Worship mainly took place in the valley of Tophet and Hinnom, east of Jerusalem, Jer. xix, 5, 6, &c. Some think they only made their children jump over a fire dedicated to Moloch, consecrating them to a false deity; this was a common ritual among the Heathens on other occasions. Others believe they made them pass through two opposing fires for the same reason. However, the term Transfer, to "cause to pass through,” and the phrase "to cause to pass through the fire,” relate to human sacrifices in Deut. xii, 31; xviii, 10; 2 Kings xvi, 3; xxi, 6; 2 Chron. xxviii, 3; xxxiii, 6. These terms should not be interpreted as meaning only to pass through literally. They are more synonymous with שרף, to burn, and Sacrifice, to immolate, which are used interchangeably as seen in Jer. vii, 31; xix, 5; Ezek. xvi, 20, 21; Psalm cvi, 38. In later periods of the Jewish kingdom, this idol was set up in the valley south of Jerusalem, specifically in the valley of Hinnom, and the part called Tophet, תפת, named for the drums, תופים תוף, that were beaten to drown out the cries of children being sacrificed, Jer. vii, 31, 32; xix, 6–14; Isaiah xxx, 33; 2 Kings xxiii, 10. The place was so repugnant to later Jews that they referred to it as ge hinnom or gehenna, which came to denote a place of torment in the afterlife. The term gehenna is used this way in many Oriental writings, extending to as far as India. There are various opinions regarding the connection Moloch had to other Pagan gods. Some believe Moloch was the same as Saturn, known for human sacrifices; others consider it to be the same as Mercury, Venus, Mars, or Mithra. Calmet attempted to argue that Moloch represented the sun, or the king of heaven.
MONEY. Scripture often speaks of gold, silver, brass, of certain sums of money, of purchases made with money, of current money, of money of a certain weight; but we do not observe coined or stamped money till a late period; which makes it probable that the ancient Hebrews took gold and silver only by weight; that they only considered the purity of the metal, and not the stamp. The most ancient commerce was conducted by barter, or exchanging one sort of merchandise for another. One man gave what he could spare to another, who gave him in return part of his superabundance. Afterward, the more precious metals were used in traffic, as a value more generally known and fixed. Lastly, they gave this metal, by public authority, a certain mark, a certain weight, and a certain degree of alloy, to fix its value, and to save buyers and sellers the trouble of weighing and examining the coins. At the siege of Troy in Homer, 664no reference is made to gold or silver coined; but the value of things is estimated by the number of oxen they were worth. For instance: they bought wine, by exchanging oxen, slaves, skins, iron, &c, for it. When the Greeks first used money, it was only little pieces of iron or copper, called oboli or spits, of which a handful was a drachma, says Plutarch. Herodotus thinks that the Lydians were the first that stamped money of gold or silver, and introduced it into commerce. Others say it was Ishon, king of Thessaly, a son of Deucalion. Others ascribe this honour to Erichthonius; who had been educated by the daughters of Cecrops, king of Athens: others, again, to Phidon, king of Argos. Among the Persians it is said Darius, son of Hystaspes, first coined golden money. Lycurgus banished gold and silver from his commonwealth of Lacedæmon, and only allowed a rude sort of money, made of iron. Janus, or rather the kings of Rome, made a kind of gross money of copper, having on one side the double face of Janus, on the other the prow of a ship. We find nothing concerning the money of the Egyptians, Phenicians, Arabians, or Syrians, before Alexander the Great. In China, to this day, they stamp no money of gold or silver, but only of copper. Gold and silver pass as merchandise. If gold or silver be offered, they take it and pay it by weight, as other goods: so that they are obliged to cut it into pieces with shears for that purpose, and they carry a steel yard at their girdles to weigh it.
MONEY. The Bible often refers to gold, silver, brass, specific amounts of money, purchases made with money, current currency, and money by weight; however, we don't see coined or stamped money until a later time. This suggests that the ancient Hebrews dealt with gold and silver based solely on weight, focusing on the metal's purity rather than any markings. The earliest trade was done through barter, where one person exchanged what they could spare for something another had in excess. Later on, more valuable metals were used in transactions as a more widely recognized and stable form of value. Eventually, these metals were officially marked, weighed, and had a specific composition to establish their value, relieving buyers and sellers from having to weigh and inspect coins each time. During the Trojan War described by Homer, there is no mention of gold or silver coins; instead, the value of items was determined by how many oxen they were worth. For example, wine was purchased by trading oxen, slaves, pelts, iron, etc. When the Greeks first started using money, it consisted of small pieces of iron or copper, known as oboli or spits, with a handful equating to a drachma, according to Plutarch. Herodotus believes that the Lydians were the first to create stamped gold or silver money for trade. Some credit this innovation to Ishon, the king of Thessaly and son of Deucalion, while others attribute it to Erichthonius, who was raised by the daughters of Cecrops, the king of Athens, and still others to Phidon, the king of Argos. Among the Persians, it's said that Darius, the son of Hystaspes, was the first to mint gold coins. Lycurgus expelled gold and silver from his society in Lacedæmon, permitting only a crude type of money made from iron. Janus, or more accurately the Roman kings, produced a form of rough copper money, depicting Janus's double face on one side and the prow of a ship on the other. There is little information about the currencies of the Egyptians, Phoenicians, Arabians, or Syrians before Alexander the Great. In China, even today, they do not mint gold or silver coins, only coins made of copper. Gold and silver are treated as commodities. When gold or silver is offered, it is accepted and paid for by weight like other goods, necessitating the cutting of the metal into pieces with shears for this purpose, and they carry a balance at their sides to weigh it.
But to return to the Hebrews. Abraham weighed out four hundred shekels of silver, to purchase Sarah’s tomb, Genesis xxiii, 15, 16; and Scripture observes that he paid this in current money with the merchant.” Joseph was sold by his brethren to the Midianites for twenty pieces (in Hebrew twenty shekels) of silver, Gen. xxxvii, 28. The brethren of Joseph bring back with them into Egypt the money they found in their sacks, in the same weight as before, Gen. xliii, 21. The bracelets that Eliezer gave Rebekah weighed ten shekels, and the ear rings two shekels, Gen. xxiv, 22. Moses ordered that the weight of five hundred shekels of myrrh, and two hundred and fifty shekels of cinnamon, of the weight of the sanctuary, should be taken, to make the perfume which was to be burnt to the Lord on the golden altar, Exod. xxx, 24. He acquaints us that the Israelites offered for the works of the tabernacle seventy-two thousand talents of brass, Exod. xxxviii, 29. We read, in the books of Samuel, that the weight of Absalom’s hair was two hundred shekels of the ordinary weight, or of the king’s weight, 2 Sam. xiv, 26. Isaiah, xlvi, 6, describes the wicked as weighing silver in a balance, to make an idol of it; and Jeremiah, xxxii, 10, weighs seventeen pieces of silver in a pair of scales, to pay for a field he had bought. Isaiah says, Come, buy wine and milk without money and without price. Wherefore do ye weigh money for that which is not bread?” Amos, viii, 5, represents the merchants as encouraging one another to make the ephah small, wherewith to sell, and the shekel great, wherewith to buy, and to falsify the balances by deceit.
But back to the Hebrews. Abraham weighed out four hundred shekels of silver to buy Sarah’s tomb, Genesis 23:15-16, and the Scripture notes that he paid this in current money with the merchant. Joseph was sold by his brothers to the Midianites for twenty pieces (in Hebrew, twenty shekels) of silver, Gen. 37:28. Joseph's brothers brought back to Egypt the money they found in their sacks, the same weight as before, Gen. 43:21. The bracelets that Eliezer gave Rebekah weighed ten shekels, and the earrings two shekels, Gen. 24:22. Moses instructed that the weight of five hundred shekels of myrrh and two hundred and fifty shekels of cinnamon, according to the sanctuary's weight, should be taken to make the incense to be burned to the Lord on the golden altar, Exod. 30:24. We're told that the Israelites contributed seventy-two thousand talents of brass for the tabernacle's construction, Exod. 38:29. In the books of Samuel, it says that the weight of Absalom’s hair was two hundred shekels, either the regular weight or the king’s weight, 2 Sam. 14:26. Isaiah 46:6 describes the wicked as weighing silver on a scale to make an idol; and Jeremiah 32:10 weighs seventeen pieces of silver on a pair of scales to pay for a field he had bought. Isaiah invites, "Come, buy wine and milk without money and without price. Why do you spend money on what isn't bread?" Amos 8:5 depicts merchants urging each other to make the ephah small for selling and the shekel large for buying, and to distort the scales dishonestly.
In all these passages three things only are mentioned: 1. The metal, that is, gold or silver, and never copper, that not being used in traffic as money. 2. The weight, a talent, a shekel, a gerah or obolus, the weight of the sanctuary, and the king’s weight. 3. The alloy (standard) of pure or fine gold and silver, and of good quality, as received by the merchant. The impression of the coinage is not referred to; but it is said they weighed the silver, or other commodities, by the shekel and by the talent. This shekel, therefore, and this talent, were not fixed and determined pieces of money, but weights applied to things used in commerce. Hence those deceitful balances of the merchants, who would increase the shekel, that is, would augment the weight by which they weighed the gold and silver they were to receive, that they might have a greater quantity than was their due; hence the weight of the sanctuary, the standard of which was preserved in the temple to prevent fraud; hence those prohibitions in the law, Thou shalt not have in thy bag divers weights,” in Hebrew, stones, a great and a small,” Deut. xxv, 13; hence those scales that the Hebrews wore at their girdles, Hosea xii, 7, and the Canaanites carried in their hands, to weigh the gold and silver which they received in payment. It is true that in the Hebrew we find Jacob bought a field for a hundred kesitahs, Gen. xxxiii, 19; and that the friends of Job, after his recovery, gave to that model of patience each a kesitah, and a golden pendant for the ears, Job xlii, 11. We also find there darics, (in Hebrew, darcmonim or adarcmonim,) and minæ, stateræ, oboli; but this last kind of money was foreign, and is put for other terms, which in the Hebrew only signifies the weight of the metal. The kesitah is not well known to us: some take it for a sheep or a lamb; others, for a kind of money, having the impression of a lamb or a sheep: but it was more probably a purse of money. The darcmonim or darics are money of the kings of Persia; and it is agreed that Darius, son of Hystaspes, first coined golden money. Ezekiel, xlv, 12, tells us that the mina makes fifty shekels: he reduces this foreign money to the weight of the Hebrews. The mina might probably be a Persian money originally, and adopted by the Greeks and by the Hebrews. But under the dominion of the Persians, the Hebrews were hardly at liberty to coin money of their own, being in subjection to those princes, and very low in their own country. They were still less able under the Chaldeans, during the Babylonish captivity; or afterward under the Grecians, to whom they were subject till the time of Simon Maccabæus, to whom Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, granted the privilege of coining money in Judea, 1 Mac. xv, 6. And this is the first Hebrew money, properly so called, that we know of. There were shekels and demi-shekels, also the 665third part of a shekel, and a quarter of a shekel, of silver.
In all these passages, only three things are mentioned: 1. The metal, which is gold or silver, and never copper, as it wasn't used as money in trade. 2. The weight, which includes a talent, a shekel, a gerah, or obolus, the sanctuary's weight, and the king's weight. 3. The alloy (standard) of pure or fine gold and silver of good quality as accepted by the merchant. The actual design of the coinage isn’t discussed; instead, it's noted that they weighed silver or other goods using the shekel and the talent. Thus, this shekel and talent weren't fixed amounts of money but rather weights used in commerce. This led to the dishonest practices of merchants who would increase the shekel, meaning they would raise the weight used to weigh the gold and silver they received, so they could end up with more than they deserved; hence the weight of the sanctuary, a standard kept in the temple to prevent fraud; consequently, the prohibitions in the law, “You shall not have in your bag different weights,” in Hebrew, meaning stones, one heavy and one light,” Deut. xxv, 13; this also explains the scales that the Hebrews wore at their sides, Hosea xii, 7, and that the Canaanites carried in their hands to weigh the gold and silver they received as payment. We do see that in Hebrew, Jacob bought a field for a hundred kesitahs, Gen. xxxiii, 19; and that the friends of Job, after his recovery, each gave him a kesitah and a gold earring, Job xlii, 11. We also find references to darics (in Hebrew, darcmonim or adarcmonim), along with mine, stateræ, oboli; but this last type of currency was foreign and represents other terms that in Hebrew only denote the weight of the metal. The kesitah isn't well understood: some consider it to mean a sheep or a lamb; others view it as a type of currency with a lamb or sheep design; however, it's more likely a purse of money. The darcmonim or darics are the currency of the Persian kings, and it’s agreed that Darius, son of Hystaspes, was the first to mint gold coins. Ezekiel, xlv, 12 states that the mina equals fifty shekels, translating this foreign money into Hebrew weights. The mina may have originally been a Persian currency, later adopted by the Greeks and Hebrews. However, under Persian rule, the Hebrews were hardly free to mint their own coins, being subject to those leaders and very low in their own land. They had even less opportunity under the Chaldeans during the Babylonian captivity; or afterward under the Greeks, whom they were under until the time of Simon Maccabeus when Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, granted them the right to mint coins in Judea, 1 Mac. xv, 6. This is the first proper Hebrew money that we know of. There were shekels, demi-shekels, and also the 665 third of a shekel, and a quarter of a shekel, all in silver.
The shekel of silver, or the silverling, Isa. vii, 23, originally weighed three hundred and twenty barleycorns; but it was afterward increased to three hundred and eighty-four barleycorns, its value, being considered equal to four Roman denarii, was two shillings and seven pence, or, according to Bishop Cumberland, two shillings and four pence farthing. It is said to have had Aaron’s rod on the one side, and the pot of manna on the other. The bekah was equal to half a shekel, Exod. xxxviii, 26. The denarius was one-fourth of a shekel, seven pence three farthings of our money. The gerah, or meah, Exod. xxx, 13, was the sixth part of the denarius, or diner, and the twenty-fourth part of the shekel. The assar, or assarion, Matt. x, 29, was the ninety-sixth part of a shekel: its value was rather more than a farthing. The farthing, Matt. v, 26, was in value the thirteenth part of a penny sterling. The mite was the half of a farthing, or the twenty-sixth part of a penny sterling. The mina, or maneh, Ezek. xlv, 12, was equal to sixty shekels, which, taken at two shillings and seven pence, was seven pounds fifteen shillings. The talent was fifty minas; and its value, therefore, three hundred and eighty-seven pounds ten shillings. The gold coins were as follows: a shekel of gold was about fourteen and a half times the value of silver, that is, one pound seventeen shillings and five pence halfpenny. A talent of gold consisted of three thousand shekels. The drachma was equal to a Roman denarius, or seven pence three farthings of our money. The didrachma, or tribute money, Matt. xvii, 24, was equal to fifteen pence halfpenny. It is said to have been stamped with a harp on one side, and a vine on the other. The stater, or piece of money which Peter found in the fish’s mouth, Matt. xvii, 27, was two half shekels. A daric, dram, 1 Chron. xxix, 7; Ezra viii, 27, was a gold coin struck by Darius the Mede. According to Parkhurst its value was one pound five shillings. A gold penny is stated by Lightfoot to have been equal to twenty-five silver pence.
The shekel of silver, or the silverling, Isa. vii, 23, originally weighed three hundred and twenty barleycorns; but it was later increased to three hundred and eighty-four barleycorns. Its value, considered equivalent to four Roman denarii, was two shillings and seven pence, or, according to Bishop Cumberland, two shillings and four pence farthing. It’s said to have had Aaron’s rod on one side and the pot of manna on the other. The bekah was equal to half a shekel, Exod. xxxv, 26. The denarius was one-fourth of a shekel, or seven pence three farthings in our currency. The gerah, or meah, Exod. xxx, 13, was one-sixth of a denarius and one-twenty-fourth of a shekel. The assar, or assarion, Matt. x, 29, was one ninety-sixth of a shekel, worth just over a farthing. The farthing, Matt. v, 26, was worth one-thirteenth of a penny sterling. The mite was half a farthing or one-twenty-sixth of a penny sterling. The mina, or maneh, Ezek. xlv, 12, was equal to sixty shekels, which, at two shillings and seven pence, totaled seven pounds fifteen shillings. The talent was fifty minas, making it worth three hundred and eighty-seven pounds ten shillings. The gold coins were as follows: a shekel of gold was about fourteen and a half times the value of silver, meaning it was one pound seventeen shillings and five pence halfpenny. A talent of gold consisted of three thousand shekels. The drachma equaled a Roman denarius or seven pence three farthings in our money. The didrachma, or tribute money, Matt. xvii, 24, was worth fifteen pence halfpenny. It’s said to have been stamped with a harp on one side and a vine on the other. The stater, or the coin that Peter found in the fish’s mouth, Matt. xvii, 27, was two half shekels. A daric, or dram, 1 Chron. xxix, 7; Ezra viii, 27, was a gold coin minted by Darius the Mede. According to Parkhurst, its value was one pound five shillings. A gold penny was stated by Lightfoot to be equivalent to twenty-five silver pence.
Hug derives a satisfactory argument for the veracity of the Gospels from the different kinds of money mentioned in them:--The admixture of foreign manners and constitutions proceeded through numberless circumstances of life. Take, for example, the circulation of coin; at one time it is Greek coin; at another, Roman; at another time ancient Jewish. But how accurately is even this stated according to history, and the arrangement of things! The ancient imposts which were introduced before the Roman dominion were valued according to the Greek coinage; for example, the taxes of the temple, the διδραχμον, Matt. xvii, 24. The offerings were paid in these, Mark xii, 42; Luke xxi, 2. A payment which proceeded from the temple treasury was made according to the ancient national payment by weight, Matt. xxvi, 15; but in common business, trade, wages, sale, &c, the assis and denarius and Roman coin were usual, Matt. x, 29; xx, 3; Luke xii, 6; Mark xiv, 5; John xii, 5; vi, 7. The more modern state taxes are likewise paid in the coin of the nation which exercises at the time the greatest authority, Matthew xxii, 19; Mark xii, 15; Luke xx, 24. Writers, who, in each little circumstance, which otherwise would pass by unnoticed, so accurately describe the period of time, must certainly have had a personal knowledge of it.
Hug presents a solid argument for the truth of the Gospels based on the different types of money mentioned in them. The mix of foreign customs and systems arose from countless aspects of life. For instance, consider the coins in circulation; sometimes it's Greek coins, other times Roman, and at other times it's ancient Jewish coins. The historical accuracy of this is remarkable, reflecting the structure of society! The ancient taxes that were established before Roman rule were valued according to the Greek currency; for instance, the temple tax, the διδραχμον, mentioned in Matt. xvii, 24. Offerings were made using these coins, as noted in Mark xii, 42; Luke xxi, 2. Payments from the temple treasury were made according to the ancient national payment system by weight, as seen in Matt. xxvi, 15; however, in everyday trade, wages, sales, etc., the assis and denarius, along with Roman currency, were common, as referenced in Matt. x, 29; xx, 3; Luke xii, 6; Mark xiv, 5; John xii, 5; vi, 7. Modern state taxes are also paid in the currency of the nation that is currently in power, as found in Matthew xxii, 19; Mark xii, 15; Luke xx, 24. Writers who detail even the smallest details that would otherwise go unnoticed certainly must have had firsthand knowledge of that period.
MONEY-CHANGERS, in the Gospels, were persons who exchanged native for foreign coin, to enable those who came to Jerusalem from distant countries to purchase the necessary sacrifices. In our Lord’s time they had established themselves in the court of the temple; a profanation which had probably grown up with the influence of Roman manners, which allowed the argentarii [money-dealers] to establish their usurious mensas, tables, by the statues of the gods, even at the feet of Janus, in the most holy places, in porticibus Basilicarum, or in the temples, pone ædem Castoris. The following extract from Buckingham’s Travels among the Arabs, is illustrative:--“The mosque at the time of our passing through it was full of people, though these were not worshippers, nor was it at either of the usual hours of public prayers. Some of the parties were assembled to smoke, others to play at chess, and some apparently to drive bargains of trade, but certainly none to pray. It was, indeed, a living picture of what we might believe the temple at Jerusalem to have been, when those who sold oxen, and sheep, and doves, and the changers of money sitting there, were driven out by Jesus, with a scourge of cords, and their tables overturned. It was, in short, a place of public resort and thoroughfare, a house of merchandise, as the temple of the Jews had become in the days of the Messiah.”
MONEY-CHANGERS, in the Gospels, were people who exchanged local currency for foreign coins to help those traveling to Jerusalem from far away buy the necessary sacrifices. By the time of our Lord, they had set up shop in the temple courtyard; this desecration likely developed with the influence of Roman customs, which permitted the bankers [money-dealers] to set up their usurious mensas, tables, near the statues of the gods, even at the feet of Janus, in the most sacred areas, in the porticoes of Basilicas, or in the temples, Castor's temple. The following excerpt from Buckingham’s Travels among the Arabs illustrates this: “When we passed through the mosque, it was full of people, but they were not worshippers, nor was it during one of the usual public prayer times. Some groups were there to smoke, others to play chess, and some seemed to be negotiating trades, but certainly no one was there to pray. It was indeed a living picture of what we might imagine the temple in Jerusalem to have been like, when those selling oxen, sheep, and doves, and the money-changers sitting there, were driven out by Jesus with a whip made of cords, and their tables were overturned. In short, it was a place of gathering and traffic, a marketplace, just as the Jewish temple had turned into during the days of the Messiah.”
MONK anciently denoted a person who retired from the world to give himself up wholly to God, and to live in solitude and abstinence. The word is derived from the Latin monachus, and that from the Greek μοναχὸς, solitary. The original of monks seems to have been this: The persecutions which attended the first ages of the Gospel forced some Christians to retire from the world, and live in deserts and places more private and unfrequented, in hopes of finding that peace and comfort among beasts which were denied them among men; and this being the case of some very extraordinary persons, their example gave such reputation to retirement, that the practice was continued when the reason of its commencement ceased. After the empire became Christian, instances of this kind were numerous; and those whose security had obliged them to live separately and apart became afterward united into societies. We may also add, that the mystic theology, which gained ground toward the close of the third century, contributed to produce the same effect, and to drive men into solitude, for the purposes of devotion. The monks, at least 666the ancient ones, were distinguished into solitaries, cœnobites, and sarabaites. The first were those who lived in places remote from all towns and habitations of men, as do still some of the hermits. The cœnobites were those who lived in community with several others in the same house, and under the same superiors. The sarabaites were strolling monks, having no fixed rule of residence. Those who are now called monks are cœnobites, who live together in a convent or monastery, who make vows of living according to a certain rule established by the founder, and wear a habit which distinguishes their order. Those that are endowed, or have a fixed revenue, are most properly called monks, monachi; as the Chartereux, Benedictines, Bernardines, &c. The Mendicants, or those that beg, as the Capuchins and Franciscans, are more properly called religious, and friars, though the names are frequently confounded.
MONK originally referred to someone who withdrew from society to fully dedicate themselves to God and live in solitude and self-denial. The term comes from the Latin monachus, which in turn comes from the Greek μοναχὸς, meaning solitary. The origin of monks appears to be linked to the persecutions faced by early Christians, which led some to retreat into deserts and secluded areas, hoping to find the peace and comfort among animals that they couldn't find among people. Because of the extraordinary nature of their experiences, these individuals' examples lent significant respect to the idea of retreat, leading to the continuation of this practice even after the initial reasons for starting it had disappeared. After the empire became Christian, more people began to live in seclusion, and those who had lived separately eventually formed communities. Additionally, the rise of mystic theology towards the end of the third century also played a role in encouraging solitude for the sake of devotion. The monks, especially the earlier ones, were categorized into solitaries, cœnobites, and sarabaites. Solitaries lived far from towns and human settlements, similar to some hermits today. The cœnobites lived together with others in the same place under shared leaders. The sarabaites were wandering monks without a fixed home. Today’s monks are primarily cœnobites, who reside together in a convent or monastery, take vows to live by a specific rule set by their founder, and wear a distinctive habit that identifies their order. Those with resources or a stable income are most accurately referred to as monks, monachi; examples include the Chartereux, Benedictines, Bernardines, etc. The Mendicants, or those who beg, like the Capuchins and Franciscans, are more appropriately called religious and friars, though these names are often mixed up.
The first monks were those of St. Anthony, who, toward the close of the fourth century, formed them into a regular body, engaged them to live in society with each other, and prescribed to them fixed rules for the direction of their conduct. These regulations, which Anthony had made in Egypt, were soon introduced into Palestine and Syria by his disciple Hilarion. Almost about the same time, Aones, or Eugenius, with their companions, Gaddanus and Azyzas, instituted the monastic order in Mesopotomia, and the adjacent countries; and their example was followed with such rapid success, that in a short time the whole east was filled with a lazy set of mortals, who, abandoning all human connections, advantages, pleasures, and concerns, wore out a languishing and miserable existence amidst hardships of want, and various kinds of suffering, in order to arrive at a more close and rapturous communication with God and angels. From the east this gloomy institution passed into the west, and first into Italy and its neighbouring islands, though it is uncertain who transplanted it thither. St. Martin, the celebrated bishop of Tours, erected the first monasteries in Gaul, and recommended this religious solitude with such power and efficacy, both by his instruction and example, that his funeral is said to have been attended by no less than two thousand monks. From hence the monastic discipline extended its progress gradually through the other provinces and countries of Europe. There were beside, the monks of St. Basil, called in the east calogeri, from καλος γερων, a good old man, and those of St. Jerom, the hermits of St. Augustine, and afterward those of St. Benedict and St. Bernard: at length came those of St. Francis and St. Dominic, with a legion of others.
The first monks were followers of St. Anthony, who, towards the end of the fourth century, organized them into a structured community, encouraging them to live together and establishing fixed guidelines for their behavior. These rules, created by Anthony in Egypt, were soon brought to Palestine and Syria by his disciple Hilarion. Around the same time, Aones, or Eugenius, along with their companions Gaddanus and Azyzas, founded the monastic order in Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions. Their example quickly inspired many others, leading to a rapid increase in monks throughout the East, where many abandoned all human relationships, benefits, pleasures, and concerns to lead a weary and miserable life full of hardships and suffering, aiming for a deeper and more ecstatic connection with God and angels. From the East, this somber institution spread to the West, first to Italy and its neighboring islands, although it’s unclear who brought it there. St. Martin, the famous bishop of Tours, established the first monasteries in Gaul and strongly promoted this life of religious solitude through his teachings and example, reportedly attracting around two thousand monks to his funeral. From there, monastic discipline gradually spread to other provinces and countries in Europe. Additionally, there were monks of St. Basil, known in the East as calogeri, meaning a good old man, along with those of St. Jerome, the hermits of St. Augustine, and later those of St. Benedict and St. Bernard; eventually, the followers of St. Francis and St. Dominic joined, along with many others.
Toward the close of the fifth century, the monks who had formerly lived only for themselves in solitary retreats, and had never thought of assuming any rank among the sacerdotal order, were gradually distinguished from the populace, and endowed with such opulence and honourable privileges that they found themselves in a condition to claim an eminent station among the pillars and supporters of the Christian community. The fame of their piety and sanctity was so great, that bishops and presbyters were often chosen out of their order; and the passion of erecting edifices and convents, in which the monks and holy virgins might serve God in the most commodious manner, was at this time carried beyond all bounds. However, their licentiousness, even in this century, was become a proverb; and they are said to have excited the most dreadful tumults and seditions in various places. The monastic orders were at first under the immediate jurisdiction of the bishops, from which they were exempted by the Roman pontiff about the end of the seventh century; and the monks in return devoted themselves wholly to advance the interest and to maintain the dignity of the bishop of Rome. This immunity which they obtained was a fruitful source of licentiousness and disorder, and occasioned the greatest part of the vices with which they were afterward so justly charged.
Toward the end of the fifth century, the monks who had previously lived only for themselves in solitary retreats and had never considered taking on any role in the priesthood gradually became recognized apart from the general population. They gained such wealth and esteemed privileges that they found themselves in a position to claim a significant role among the pillars and supporters of the Christian community. Their reputation for piety and holiness was so immense that bishops and presbyters were often chosen from their ranks. The desire to build churches and monasteries where the monks and holy virgins could serve God in the best possible way grew wildly during this time. However, their excesses had already become notorious, and they are said to have caused some of the most terrible riots and disturbances in various locations. Initially, the monastic orders were directly overseen by the bishops, but by the end of the seventh century, they were exempted from this oversight by the Roman pope. In return, the monks devoted themselves entirely to promoting the interests and maintaining the authority of the bishop of Rome. This exemption led to a wave of indulgence and chaos, contributing to many of the vices they would later be justly accused of.
In the eighth century the monastic discipline was extremely relaxed, both in the eastern and western provinces, and all efforts to restore it were ineffectual. Nevertheless, this kind of institution was in the highest esteem; and nothing could equal the veneration that was paid about the close of the ninth century to such as devoted themselves to the sacred gloom and indolence of a convent. This veneration caused several kings and emperors to call them to their courts, and to employ them in civil affairs of the greatest moment. Their reformation was attempted by Louis the meek, but the effect was of short duration. In the eleventh century, they were exempted by the popes from the authority of their sovereigns, and new orders of monks were continually established, insomuch that in the council of Lateran, that was held A. D. 1215, a decree was passed, by the advice of Innocent III., to prevent any new monastic institutions; and several were entirely suppressed. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, it appears, from the testimony of the best writers, that the monks were generally lazy, illiterate, profligate, and licentious epicures, whose views in life were confined to opulence, idleness, and pleasure. However, the reformation had a manifest influence in restraining their excesses, and rendering them more circumspect and cautious in their external conduct.
In the eighth century, monastic discipline was very relaxed in both the eastern and western provinces, and all attempts to restore it were ineffective. However, these institutions were held in high regard; nothing could match the respect given at the end of the ninth century to those who dedicated themselves to the solemnity and idleness of a convent. This respect led several kings and emperors to invite them to their courts and involve them in important civil matters. Louis the Meek tried to reform them, but the changes didn’t last long. By the eleventh century, popes had exempted them from the authority of their rulers, and new monastic orders kept being established. So much so that at the Lateran Council in 1215, a decree was passed, based on the advice of Innocent III, to prevent any new monastic institutions, and several existing ones were completely dissolved. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, according to the best writers of the time, monks were generally seen as lazy, uneducated, indulgent, and pleasure-seeking, with their lives focused on wealth, idleness, and enjoyment. However, the Reformation clearly helped curb their excesses and made them more careful and discreet in their outward behavior.
Monks are distinguished by the colour of their habits, into black, white, gray, &c. Among the monks, some are called monks of the choir, others, professed monks, and others, lay monks; which last are destined for the service of the convent, and have neither clericate nor literature. Cloistered monks are those who actually reside in the house, in opposition to extra monks, who have benefices depending on the monastery. Monks are also distinguished into reformed, whom the civil and ecclesiastical authority have made masters of ancient convents, and empowered to retrieve the ancient discipline, which had been relaxed; and ancient, who remain in the convent, to 667live in it according to its establishment at the time when they made their vows, without obliging themselves to any new reform. Anciently the monks were all laymen, and were only distinguished from the rest of the people by a peculiar habit and an extraordinary piety or devotion. Not only the monks were prohibited the priesthood, but even priests were expressly prohibited from becoming monks, as appears from the letters of St. Gregory. Pope Syricius was the first who called them to the clericate, on account of some great scarcity of priests that the church was supposed to labour under; and since that time the priesthood has been usually united to the monastical profession.
Monks are identified by the color of their robes: black, white, gray, etc. Within the monastic community, there are those known as choir monks, professed monks, and lay monks; the latter serve the convent and lack clerical status or formal education. Cloistered monks live in the monastery, as opposed to external monks who hold positions that depend on the monastery. Monks can also be categorized as reformed, those appointed by civil and church authorities to lead ancient convents and restore previous disciplines that had become relaxed, and ancient, who stay in the convent living by the rules established at the time of their vows without having to commit to new reforms. In the past, all monks were laypeople and were primarily distinguished from the general public by their unique habits and exceptional devotion. Not only were monks banned from the priesthood, but priests were also explicitly forbidden from becoming monks, as evident in the letters of St. Gregory. Pope Syricius was the first to allow them to enter the clergy due to a significant shortage of priests that the church faced; since then, the priesthood has typically been linked to the monastic vocation.
MONOPHYSITES. See Hypostatic Union.
MONOPHYSITES. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
MONOTHELITES, a denomination in the seventh century. See Hypostatic Union.
MONOTHELITES, a group in the seventh century. See Hypostatic Union.
MONTHS, ירחים, sometimes also called חדשים, new moons, from the circumstance of their commencing with the new moon, anciently had no separate names, with the exception of the first, which was called Abib, that is, the month of the young ears of corn,” Exod. xiii, 4; xxiii, 15; xxxiv, 18; Deut. xvi, 1. During the captivity, the Hebrews adopted the Babylonian names for their months; which were as follows, and they were reckoned thus:--
MONTHS, Months, also known as new, new moons, started with the new moon and originally didn’t have unique names except for the first one, called Abib, meaning “the month of the young ears of corn,” as seen in Exod. xiii, 4; xxiii, 15; xxxiv, 18; Deut. xvi, 1. During their captivity, the Hebrews took on the Babylonian names for their months, which were as follows, and they were counted like this:--
1. Nissan, Nisan, from the new moon | of April, Neh. ii, 1. |
2. Ziv, Zif or Ziv, also called Iyar, | of May, 1 Kings vi, 1. |
3. Sivan, Sivan, | of June, Esther viii, 9. |
4. תמוז, Tammuz, | of July. |
5. אבא, Ab, | of August. |
6. Elul, Elul, | of September, Neh. vi, 15. |
7. Tishrei, Tishri, also Moon of the Titans, | of October, 1 Kings viii, 2. |
8. Got it, Bul, also Marheshvan, | of November, 1 Kings vi, 38. |
9. Kislev, Kislev, | of December, Neh. i, 1. |
10. Tevet, Tebeth, | of January, Esther ii, 16. |
11. Tribe, Shebat, | of February, Zech. i, 7. |
12. Adar, Adar, | of March, Esther iii, 7. |
The first month here mentioned, Nisan, was originally called Abib. The intercalary month is denominated in Hebrew Adar. |
MOON. Particular sacrifices were enjoined by Moses at every new moon, which day was also celebrated as a feast. It is promised in Psalm cxxi, 6, The sun shall not smite thee by day, nor the moon by night.” The effect of a coup de soleil, or stroke of the sun, is well known; and in some climates the beams of the moon are reputed hurtful. Anderson, in his Description of the East,” says, One must here (in Batavia) take great care not to sleep in the beams of the moon uncovered. I have seen many people whose neck has become crooked, so that they look more to the side than forward. I will not decide whether it is to be ascribed to the moon, as people imagine here.” In some of the southern parts of Europe the same opinions are entertained of the pernicious influence of the moon beams. An English gentleman walking in the evening in the garden of a Portuguese nobleman at Lisbon, was most seriously admonished by the owner to put on his hat, to protect him from the moon beams. The fishermen in Sicily are said to cover, during the night, the fish which they expose to dry on the sea shore, alleging that the beams of the moon cause them to putrefy.
MOON. Moses instructed specific sacrifices to be made at each new moon, which was also celebrated as a feast. Psalm 121:6 promises, "The sun shall not strike you by day, nor the moon by night." The effects of a sunstroke are well known, and in some regions, the moon's rays are believed to be harmful. Anderson, in his "Description of the East," states, "Here (in Batavia), one must be very careful not to sleep uncovered in the moonlight. I’ve seen many people whose necks have become crooked, causing them to look more sideways than straight ahead. I won’t judge whether this is actually caused by the moon, as people here believe." In some southern parts of Europe, similar beliefs exist regarding the damaging effects of moonlight. An English gentleman walking in the garden of a Portuguese nobleman in Lisbon was seriously advised by the host to wear a hat for protection against the moonlight. Fishermen in Sicily reportedly cover the fish they dry on the shore at night, claiming that moonlight causes them to spoil.
MORAL OBLIGATION. Different opinions have been held as to the ground of moral obligation. Grotius, Balguy, and Dr. Samuel Clarke, place it in the eternal and necessary fitness of things. To this there are two objections. The first is, that it leaves the distinction between virtue and vice, in a great measure, arbitrary and indefinite, dependent upon our perception of fitness and unfitness, which, in different individuals will greatly differ. The second is, that when a fitness or unfitness is proved, it is no more than the discovery of a natural essential difference or congruity, which alone cannot constitute a moral obligation to choose what is fit, and to reject what is unfit. When we have proved a fitness in a certain course of action, we have not proved that it is obligatory. A second step is necessary before we can reach this conclusion. Cudworth, Butler, Price, and others, maintain, that virtue carries its own obligation in itself; that the understanding at once perceives a certain action to be right, and therefore it ought to be performed. Several objections lie to this notion: 1. It supposes the understandings of men to determine precisely in the same manner concerning all virtuous and vicious actions; which is contrary to fact. 2. It supposes a previous rule, by which the action is determined to be right; but if the revealed will of God is not to be taken into consideration, what common rule exists among men? There is evidently no such rule, and therefore no means of certainly determining what is right. 3. If a common standard were known among men, and if the understandings of men determined in the same manner as to the conformity, or otherwise, of an action to that standard; what renders it a matter of obligation that any one should perform it? The rule must be proved to be binding, or no ground of obligation is established.
MORAL OBLIGATION. Different views have been expressed regarding the basis of moral obligation. Grotius, Balguy, and Dr. Samuel Clarke argue that it lies in the eternal and necessary nature of things. There are two main objections to this idea. The first is that it makes the distinction between virtue and vice largely arbitrary and vague, relying on our perception of what is fit or unfit, which can vary greatly between individuals. The second is that proving a fit or unfit situation merely reveals a natural essential difference or alignment, which alone doesn’t establish a moral obligation to choose what's right and reject what's wrong. Just because we recognize a fit in a certain action doesn't mean we've proven that it's obligatory. We need a further step to reach that conclusion. Cudworth, Butler, Price, and others argue that virtue carries its own obligation; that our understanding instantly recognizes a certain action as right, and therefore it should be done. Several objections arise from this idea: 1. It assumes that everyone thinks the same way regarding all virtuous and vicious actions, which is not true. 2. It presumes there is a prior rule that makes the action right; but if we don’t consider the revealed will of God, what common rule exists among people? Clearly, there is no such rule, and without it, we have no reliable way to determine what is right. 3. Even if there were a common standard among people, and if everyone interpreted an action's conformity to that standard in the same way, why would it be obligatory for anyone to act upon it? The rule must be shown to be binding; otherwise, no basis for obligation is established.
An action is obligatory, say others, because it is agreeable to the moral sense. This is the theory of Lord Shaftesbury and Dr. Hutcheson. By moral sense appears to be meant an instinctive approbation of right, and abhorrence 668of wrong, prior to all reflection on their nature, or their consequences. If any thing else were understood by it, then the moral sense must be the same with conscience, which we know to vary with the judgment, and cannot therefore be the basis of moral obligation. If conscience be not meant, then the moral sense must be considered as instinctive: a notion, certainly, which is disproved by the whole moral history of man. It may, indeed, be conceded, that such is the constitution of the human soul, that when those distinctions between actions, which have been taught by religious tradition or direct revelation, are known in their nature, relations, and consequences, the calm and sober judgments of men will approve of them; and that especially when they are considered abstractedly, that is, as not affecting and controlling their own interests and passions immediately, virtue may command complacency, and vice provoke abhorrence: but that, independent of reflection on their nature or their consequences, there is an instinctive principle in man which abhors evil, and loves good, is contradicted by that variety of opinion and feeling on the vices and virtues, which obtains among all uninstructed nations. We applaud the forgiveness of an injury as magnanimous; a savage despises it as mean. We think it a duty to support and cherish aged parents; many nations, on the contrary, abandon them as useless, and throw them to the beasts of the field. Innumerable instances of this contrariety might be adduced, which are all contrary to the notion of instinctive sentiment. Instincts operate uniformly, but this assumed moral sense does not. Beside, if it be mere matter of feeling, independent of judgment, to love virtue, and abhor vice, the morality of the exercise of this principle is questionable; for it would be difficult to show, that there is any more morality, properly speaking, in the affections and disgusts of instinct than in those of the palate. If judgment, the knowledge and comparison of things, be included, then this principle supposes a uniform and universal individual revelation as to the nature of things to every man, or an intuitive faculty of determining their moral quality; both of which are too absurd to be maintained.
Some say an action is mandatory because it aligns with our moral instincts. This idea is associated with Lord Shaftesbury and Dr. Hutcheson. By "moral sense," it seems to refer to an instinctive approval of what's right and a rejection of what's wrong, existing before any thought about their essence or consequences. If this means something else, then the moral sense would be identical to conscience, which we know varies by individual judgment and cannot be the foundation of moral obligation. If conscience isn’t the point, then we must view moral sense as instinctive—a notion indeed challenged by humanity's entire moral history. It might be conceded that the human soul is structured in such a way that, when we grasp the distinctions between actions taught through religious tradition or direct revelation in their nature, relationships, and outcomes, the clear and rational judgments of people will endorse them. Especially when considered in the abstract—not immediately affecting or swaying their interests and emotions—virtue can inspire approval, and vice can elicit disgust. However, the claim that there's an instinctive principle in humans that naturally despises evil and cherishes good is contradicted by the vast differences in opinions and feelings about virtues and vices across various uninstructed societies. We celebrate forgiving an injury as noble; a primitive person sees it as cowardly. We view it as our duty to support and care for elderly parents; many cultures, on the other hand, abandon them as unproductive and leave them to wild animals. Countless examples of these contradictions could be presented, all opposing the idea of instinctive sentiment. Instincts function consistently, but this so-called moral sense does not. Furthermore, if it’s merely about feelings that exist separately from judgment to love virtue and loathe vice, then the morality connected to exercising such a principle is questionable; it’s hard to argue there's any more genuine morality in instincts and feelings than in our taste preferences. If we include judgment—knowledge and comparisons—then this principle implies an individual, universal revelation concerning the nature of things for everyone, or an intuitive ability to determine their moral qualities; both of which are too absurd to support.
The only satisfactory conclusion on this subject, is that which refers moral obligation to the will of God. Obligation,” says Warburton, necessarily implies an obliger, and the obliger must be different from, and not one and the same with, the obliged. Moral obligation, that is, the obligation of a free agent, farther implies a law, which enjoins and forbids; but a law is the imposition of an intelligent superior, who hath power to exact conformity thereto.” This lawgiver is God; and whatever may be the reasons which have led him to enjoin this, and to prohibit that, it is plain that the obligation to obey lies not merely in the fitness and propriety of a creature obeying an infinitely wise and good Creator, (though such a fitness exists,) but in that obedience being enjoined. For, since the question respects the duty of a created being with reference to his Creator, nothing can be more conclusive than that the Creator has an absolute right to the obedience of his creatures; and that the creature is in duty obliged to obey him from whom it not only has received being, but by whom that being is constantly sustained. It has, indeed, been said, that even if it be admitted, that I am obliged to obey the will of God, the question is still open, Why am I obliged to obey his will?” and that this brings us round to the former answer; because he can only will what is upon the whole best for his creatures. But this is confounding that which may be, and doubtless is, a rule to God in the commands which he issues, with that which really obliges the creature. Now, that which in truth obliges the creature is not the nature of the commands issued by God; but the relation in which the creature itself stands to God. If a creature can have no existence, nor any power or faculty independently of God, it can have no right to employ its faculties independently of him; and if it have no right to employ its faculties in an independent manner, the right to rule its conduct must rest with the Creater alone; and from this results the obligation of absolute and universal obedience.
The only reasonable conclusion on this topic is that moral obligation comes from the will of God. "Obligation," Warburton says, "necessarily implies an obliger, and the obliger must be different from the obliged." Moral obligation, which refers to the obligation of a free agent, also implies a law that commands and forbids. However, a law comes from an intelligent authority who has the power to enforce compliance. This lawgiver is God; and regardless of the reasons that lead Him to command this or prohibit that, it's clear that the obligation to obey lies not just in the suitability and appropriateness of a creature obeying an infinitely wise and good Creator (although such suitability does exist) but in the fact that obedience is commanded. Since the question pertains to the duty of a created being in relation to its Creator, nothing could be more definitive than the Creator having an absolute right to the obedience of His creatures, and that the creature is duty-bound to obey Him from whom it has received existence and by whom that existence is continually maintained. It has been said that even if we accept that I am obliged to obey God's will, the question remains: Why am I obliged to obey His will? This leads us back to the earlier answer: because He can only will what is ultimately best for His creatures. But this confuses what may indeed be a guiding principle for God in the commands He gives with what genuinely obliges the creature. In reality, what obligates the creature is not the nature of the commands from God but the relationship of the creature to God. If a creature cannot exist or possess any power or ability independent of God, it has no right to use its abilities independently of Him. Therefore, if it has no right to act independently, the right to govern its actions must belong solely to the Creator, leading to the obligation of absolute and universal obedience.
MORAVIANS, or UNITED BRETHREN. The name of Moravians, or Moravian Brethren, was in England given to the members of a foreign Protestant church, calling itself the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren. This church formerly consisted of three branches, the Bohemian, Moravian, and Polish. After its renovation in the year 1722, some of its members came to England in 1728, who being of the Moravian branch, became known by that appellation; and all those who joined them, and adopted their doctrines and discipline, have ever since been called Moravians. Strictly speaking, however, that name is not applicable to them, nor generally admitted, either by themselves, or in any public documents, in which they are called by their proper names, the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren.
MORAVIANS, or UNITED BRETHREN. The term Moravians, or Moravian Brethren, was used in England to refer to members of a foreign Protestant church that calls itself the Unity of the Brethren, or United Brethren. This church originally had three branches: the Bohemian, Moravian, and Polish. After it was revitalized in 1722, some of its members came to England in 1728. Since they were from the Moravian branch, they became known by that name; everyone who joined them and accepted their beliefs and practices has been called Moravians ever since. However, strictly speaking, that name is not entirely accurate for them and is not generally accepted by the members themselves or in any official documents, where they are identified by their proper name, the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren.
The few remaining members of the ancient church of the United Brethren in Bohemia, Moravia, and Poland, being much persecuted by the popish clergy, many of them left all their possessions, and fled with their families into Silesia and Saxony. In Saxony they found protection from a Saxon nobleman, Nicholas Lewis, count of Zinzendorff, who gave them some waste land on one of his estates, on which, in 1722, they built a village at the foot of a hill, called the Hut-Berg, or Watch-Hill. This occasioned them to call their settlement Herrnhut, the watch of the Lord.” Hence their enemies designated them in derision by the name of Herrnhuters, which is altogether improper, but by it they are known in some countries abroad. By their own account, the community derive their origin from the ancient Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, who existed as a distinct people ever since the year 1457, when, separating from those who took up arms in defence of 669their protestations against popish errors, they formed a plan for church fellowship and discipline, agreeable to their insight into the Scriptures, and called themselves at first, Fratres Legis Christi, or Brethren after the Law of Christ; and afterward, on being joined by others of the same persuasion in other places, Unitas Fratrum, or Fratres Unitatis. By degrees, they established congregations in various places, and spread themselves into Moravia and other neighbouring states. Being anxious to preserve among themselves regular episcopal ordination, and, at a synod held at Lhota in 1467, taking into consideration the scarcity of ministers regularly ordained among them, they chose three of their priests ordained by Calixtine bishops, and sent them to Stephen, bishop of the Waldenses, then residing in Austria, by whom they were consecrated bishops; co-bishops and conseniores being appointed from the rest of their presbyters. In 1468 a great persecution arose against them, and many were put to death. In 1481 they were banished from Moravia, when many of them fled as far as Mount Caucasus, and established themselves there, till driven away by subsequent troubles.
The few remaining members of the ancient church of the United Brethren in Bohemia, Moravia, and Poland faced severe persecution from the Catholic clergy. Many of them gave up all their possessions and fled with their families to Silesia and Saxony. In Saxony, they found refuge with a nobleman named Nicholas Lewis, Count of Zinzendorff, who granted them some unused land on one of his estates. In 1722, they built a village at the base of a hill called the Hut-Berg, or Watch-Hill. This led them to name their settlement Herrnhut, meaning "the watch of the Lord." Their enemies mockingly referred to them as Herrnhuters, a term that is not entirely accurate, but they are known by this name in some countries abroad. According to their own history, the community traces its roots back to the ancient Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, who were a distinct group since 1457. They separated from those who took up arms to defend their beliefs against Catholic errors and established a plan for church fellowship and discipline based on their understanding of the Scriptures. Initially, they called themselves Brothers of the Law of Christ, or Brethren after the Law of Christ, and later, when joined by others of the same beliefs in various locations, they adopted the name Unitas Fratrum, or Brothers of Unity. Gradually, they set up congregations in different areas and spread into Moravia and neighboring states. Aiming to maintain proper episcopal ordination, they held a synod in Lhota in 1467, considering the shortage of regularly ordained ministers among them. They chose three of their priests, who had been ordained by Calixtine bishops, and sent them to Stephen, bishop of the Waldenses, living in Austria, who consecrated them as bishops. Co-bishops and conseniores were appointed from the rest of their presbyters. In 1468, a major persecution erupted against them, resulting in many deaths. In 1481, they were expelled from Moravia, and many fled as far as Mount Caucasus, where they settled until subsequent troubles forced them to leave.
In the mean time, disputes respecting points of doctrine, the enmity of the papists, and other causes, raised continual disturbances and great persecutions at various periods, till the Reformation by Luther, when they opened a correspondence with that eminent reformer and his associates, and entered into several negotiations, both with him and Calvin, concerning the extension of the Protestant cause. But their strict adherence to the discipline of their own church, founded, in their view, on that of the primitive churches, and the acknowledged impossibility of its application among the mixed multitude, of which the Lutheran and Calvinist churches consisted, occasioned a cessation of coöperation, and, in the sequel, the Brethren were again left to the mercy of their persecutors, by whom their churches were destroyed, and their ministers banished, till the year 1575, when they obtained an edict from the emperor of Germany, for the public exercise of their religion. This toleration was renewed in 1609, and liberty granted them to erect new churches. But a civil war, which broke out in Bohemia in 1612, and a violent persecution which followed it in 1621, again occasioned the dispersion of their ministers, and brought great distress upon the Brethren in general. Some fled into England, others to Saxony and Brandenburg; while many, overcome by the severity of the persecution, conformed to the rites of the church of Rome.
In the meantime, debates over doctrinal issues, hostility from Catholics, and other factors caused ongoing conflicts and significant persecution at different times, until the Reformation led by Luther. At that point, they started communicating with that prominent reformer and his colleagues, engaging in various discussions with both him and Calvin about promoting the Protestant movement. However, their firm commitment to their own church's practices, which they believed were based on the early churches, along with the clear challenge of applying those practices within the diverse groups that made up the Lutheran and Calvinist churches, led to a halt in their collaboration. Eventually, the Brethren were once again left vulnerable to their persecutors, who destroyed their churches and exiled their ministers, until 1575, when they received an edict from the German emperor allowing them to publicly practice their faith. This tolerance was renewed in 1609, granting them the right to build new churches. However, a civil war that erupted in Bohemia in 1612, followed by severe persecution in 1621, caused their ministers to scatter and brought significant hardship to the Brethren as a whole. Some fled to England, others to Saxony and Brandenburg, while many, overwhelmed by the harshness of the persecution, conformed to the rituals of the Catholic Church.
About the year 1640, by incessant persecution, and the most oppressive measures, this ancient church was brought to so low an ebb, that it appeared nearly extinct. The persecutions which took place at the beginning of the eighteenth century, were the occasion that many of the scattered descendants of the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren at length resolved to quit their native land, and seek liberty of conscience in foreign countries. Some emigrated into Silesia, and others into Upper Lusatia, a province of Saxony, adjoining to Bohemia. The latter, as before observed, found a protector in Nicholas Count Zinzendorff, a pious, zealous man, and a Lutheran by education. He hoped that the religious state of the Lutherans in his neighbourhood would be greatly improved by the conversation and example of these devout emigrants; and he therefore sought to prevail upon the latter to join the Lutheran church altogether. To this the Brethren objected, being unwilling to give up their ancient discipline, and would rather proceed to seek an asylum in another place; when the count, struck with their steadfast adherence to the tenets of their forefathers, began more maturely to examine their pretensions; and being convinced of the justness of them, he procured for the Brethren the renovation of their ancient constitution, and ever after proved a most zealous promoter of their cause. He is, therefore, very justly esteemed by them as the chief instrument, in the hand of God, in restoring the sinking church, and, in general, gratefully remembered for his disinterested and indefatigable labours in promoting the interests of religion, both at home and abroad. In 1735, having been examined and received into the clerical order, by the theological faculty at Tuebingen, in the duchy of Wurtemburg, he was consecrated a bishop of the Brethren’s church.
Around 1640, due to relentless persecution and extremely harsh measures, this ancient church faced such severe decline that it seemed almost extinct. The persecution that occurred at the beginning of the eighteenth century led many of the scattered descendants of the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren to decide to leave their homeland in search of freedom of conscience in other countries. Some moved to Silesia, while others went to Upper Lusatia, a region in Saxony next to Bohemia. The latter group found a protector in Nicholas Count Zinzendorff, a devout and passionate man who was educated as a Lutheran. He believed that the religious condition of the Lutherans in his area would significantly improve with the presence and influence of these devout migrants, and he therefore tried to persuade them to join the Lutheran church completely. The Brethren opposed this, unwilling to abandon their ancient practices, and preferred to find refuge elsewhere. Impressed by their firm commitment to their ancestors' beliefs, the count decided to look more closely into their claims. Convicted of their righteousness, he worked to restore their old constitution and became a strong advocate for their cause. He is rightly regarded by them as the main instrument of God in reviving the struggling church and is fondly remembered for his selfless and tireless efforts to advance the cause of religion, both locally and globally. In 1735, after being examined and accepted into the clergy by the theological faculty at Tuebingen in Wurttemberg, he was consecrated as a bishop of the Brethren's church.
After the establishment of a regular congregation of the United Brethren at Herrnhut, multitudes of pious persons from various parts flocked to it, many of whom had private opinions in religious matters, to which they were strongly attached. This occasioned great disputes, which even threatened the destruction of the society; but, by the indefatigable exertions of Count Zinzendorff, these disputes were allayed, and the statutes being drawn up, and agreed to in 1727, for better regulation, brotherly love and union were reëstablished, and no schism whatever, in point of doctrine, has since that period disturbed the peace of the church.
After the formation of a regular congregation of the United Brethren at Herrnhut, many devout people from different areas came to join. Many of them held strong personal beliefs about religion, which led to significant disagreements that almost threatened the existence of the group. However, through the tireless efforts of Count Zinzendorff, these disputes were resolved. In 1727, statutes were created and accepted to better regulate the community, restoring brotherly love and unity. Since then, no doctrinal divisions have disturbed the peace of the church.
Though the Brethren acknowledge no other standard of truth than the sacred Scriptures, they in general profess to adhere to the Augsburg Confession of Faith. Their church is episcopal; but though they consider episcopal ordination as necessary to qualify the servants of the church for their respective functions, they allow to their bishops no elevation of rank or preëminent authority. The Moravian church, from its first establishment, has been governed by synods, consisting of deputies from all the congregations, and by other subordinate bodies, which they call conferences. According to their regulations, episcopal ordination, of itself, does not confer any power to preside over one or more congregations; and a bishop can discharge no office except by the appointment of a synod, or of its delegate, the elders’ conference of the unity. Presbyters among them can perform every function of the bishop, except ordination. Deacons are assistants to presbyters, much in the same 670way as in the church of England. Deaconesses are retained for the purpose of privately admonishing their own sex, and visiting them in their sickness; but they are not permitted to teach in public, and, far less, to administer the sacraments. They have also seniores civiles, or lay elders, in contradistinction to spiritual elders or bishops, who are appointed to watch over the constitution and discipline of the unity of the Brethren, &c. The synods are generally held once in seven years; and beside all the bishops, and the deputies sent by each congregation, those women who have appointments as above described, if on the spot, are also admitted as hearers, and may be called upon to give their advice in what relates to the ministerial labour among their own sex; but they have no decisive vote in the synod. The votes of all the other members are equal. In questions of importance, or of which the consequence cannot be foreseen, neither the majority of votes, nor the unanimous consent of all present, can decide: but recourse is had to the lot, which, however, is never made use of except after mature deliberation and prayer; nor is any thing submitted to its decision which does not, after being thoroughly weighed, appear to the assembly eligible in itself.
Although the Brethren recognize no other standard of truth than the sacred Scriptures, they generally claim to follow the Augsburg Confession of Faith. Their church structure is episcopal; however, while they view episcopal ordination as necessary for church servants to fulfill their roles, they do not grant their bishops any rank or superior authority. Since its inception, the Moravian church has been governed by synods made up of representatives from all congregations, along with other subordinate groups they refer to as conferences. According to their rules, episcopal ordination does not inherently give any authority to lead one or more congregations; a bishop can only perform their duties through the appointment of a synod or its delegate, the elders' conference of the unity. Presbyters within their organization can carry out all of the bishop's functions except for ordination. Deacons serve as assistants to presbyters, much like in the Church of England. Deaconesses are included to provide private guidance to women and visit them when they are ill; however, they are not allowed to teach publicly or administer sacraments. They also have senior citizens, or lay elders, in contrast to spiritual elders or bishops, who are tasked with overseeing the constitution and discipline of the unity of the Brethren, etc. Synods are usually held every seven years; alongside all the bishops and representatives from each congregation, women with appointed roles as previously mentioned, if present, are also allowed as listeners and can be called upon to share their insights regarding ministerial work among women; yet, they do not have a decisive vote in the synod. The votes of all other members carry equal weight. In matters of significance, or those whose outcomes cannot be predicted, neither a majority nor unanimous consent can resolve the issue: instead, casting lots is used, which is only done after careful consideration and prayer; nothing is left to this method unless it is thoroughly evaluated and deemed appropriate by the assembly.
MORDECAI was the son of Jair, of the race of Saul, and a chief of the tribe of Benjamin. He was carried captive to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, with Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah, king of Judah, A. M. 3405, Esther ii, 5, 6. He settled at Shushan, and there lived to the first year of Cyrus, when it is thought he returned to Jerusalem, with several other captives; but he afterward returned to Shushan. There is great probability that Mordecai was very young when taken into captivity. The book of Esther gives the whole history of Mordecai’s elevation, the punishment of Haman, and the wonderful deliverance of the Jews, in clear and regular narrative. But it may be asked, For what reason did Mordecai refuse to pay that respect to Haman, the neglect of which incensed him against the Jews? Esther iii, 1–6. Some think the reason was, because Haman was an Amalekite; a people whom the Israelites had been commissioned from God to destroy, because of the injuries they had formerly done them, Deut. xxv, 17–19. But this scarcely seems to be a sufficient account of Mordecai’s refusing civil respect to Haman, who was first minister of state; especially when by so doing he exposed his whole nation to imminent danger. Beside, if nothing but civil respect had been intended to Haman, the king need not have enjoined it on his servants after he had made him his first minister and chief favourite, Esther iii, 1, 2; they would have been ready enough to show it on all occasions. Probably, therefore, the reverence ordered to be done to this great man was a kind of divine honour, such as was sometimes addressed to the Persian monarchs themselves; which, being a species of idolatry, Mordecai refused for the sake of a good conscience. And perhaps it was because Haman knew that his refusal was the result of his Jewish principles, that he determined to attempt the destruction of the Jews in general, knowing they were all of the same mind. As to another question, why Haman cast lots, in order to fix the day for the massacre of the Jews, Esther iii, 7; from whence the feast of purim, which is a Persic word, and signifies lots, took its name, Esther ix, 26; it was no doubt owing to the superstitious conceit which anciently prevailed, of some days being more fortunate than others for any undertaking; in short, he endeavoured to find out, by this way of divining, what month, and what day of the month, was most unfortunate to the Jews, and most fortunate for the success of his bloody design against them. It is very remarkable, that while Haman sought for direction in this affair from the Persian idols, the God of Israel so over-ruled the lot as to fix the intended massacre to almost a year’s distance, from Nisan the first month to Adar the last of the year, in order to give time and opportunity to Mordecai and Esther to defeat the conspiracy.
MORDECAI was the son of Jair, from the lineage of Saul, and a leader of the tribe of Benjamin. He was taken captive to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar along with Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah, the king of Judah, in the year 3405, Esther ii, 5, 6. He settled in Shushan and lived there until the first year of Cyrus, when it’s believed he returned to Jerusalem with several other captives; however, he later returned to Shushan. It’s quite likely that Mordecai was very young when he was taken into captivity. The book of Esther tells the full story of Mordecai’s rise to prominence, the punishment of Haman, and the miraculous rescue of the Jews in a clear and organized manner. But one might wonder why Mordecai refused to show respect to Haman, leading Haman to become furious with the Jews, Esther iii, 1–6. Some believe that the reason was that Haman was an Amalekite, a group that the Israelites were commanded by God to destroy because of the harm they had previously caused, Deut. xxv, 17–19. But that alone doesn’t fully explain why Mordecai refused to show normal respect to Haman, who was the king's chief minister; especially since doing so put his entire nation at risk. Moreover, if all that was expected from Haman was civil respect, the king wouldn’t have needed to command it from his servants after making Haman his top advisor and favorite, Esther iii, 1, 2; they would have gladly shown it. Therefore, it's likely that the honor expected for this important man was akin to a divine respect, similar to what was sometimes given to Persian kings themselves; and since that kind of honor bordered on idolatry, Mordecai refused it to maintain his conscience. It’s possible that Haman realized Mordecai’s refusal stemmed from his Jewish beliefs, which led him to plot the destruction of all Jews, knowing they would share the same views. Regarding why Haman cast lots to determine the day for the massacre of the Jews, Esther iii, 7; which gave rise to the feast of Purim, a Persian word meaning lots, Esther ix, 26; it was likely due to the superstitious belief that some days were luckier than others for such endeavors. In short, he was trying to figure out through this method what month and day would be most unlucky for the Jews and most favorable for his vicious plan against them. It’s noteworthy that while Haman sought guidance through Persian idols, the God of Israel controlled the outcome of the lot, which postponed the planned massacre by almost a year, from Nisan, the first month, to Adar, the last month of the year, to allow time for Mordecai and Esther to thwart the conspiracy.
MORIAH, Mount. A hill on the north-east side of Jerusalem, once separated from that of Acra by a broad valley, which, according to Josephus, was filled up by the Asmoneans, and the two hills converted into one. In the time of David it stood apart from the city, and was under cultivation; for here was the threshing floor of Araunah, the Jebusite, which David bought, on which to erect an altar to God, 2 Sam. xxiv, 15–25. On the same spot Solomon afterward built the temple, 2 Chron. iii, 1; when it was included within the walls of the city. Here, also, Abraham is supposed to have been directed to offer his son Isaac, Gen. xxii, 1, 2. Moriah implies vision;” and the land of Moriah,” mentioned in the above passage in the history of Abraham, was probably so called from being seen afar off.” It included the whole group of hills on which Jerusalem was afterward built.
Mount Moriah. A hill on the northeast side of Jerusalem, once separated from Acra by a wide valley, which, according to Josephus, was filled in by the Asmoneans, merging the two hills into one. During David's time, it stood separately from the city and was used for farming; this is where the threshing floor of Araunah, the Jebusite, was located, which David purchased to build an altar to God, 2 Sam. xxiv, 15–25. Later, Solomon built the temple on the same site, 2 Chron. iii, 1; at that point, it was included within the city walls. Here, it is also believed that Abraham was instructed to offer his son Isaac, Gen. xxii, 1, 2. Moriah means “vision;” and the “land of Moriah,” mentioned in Abraham's story, was likely named because it could be seen from a distance. It encompassed the entire group of hills on which Jerusalem was later established.
MOSES. This illustrious legislator of the Israelites was of the tribe of Levi, in the line of Koath and of Amram, whose son he was, and therefore in the fourth generation after the settlement of the Israelites in Egypt. The time of his birth is ascertained by the exode of the Israelites, when Moses was eighty years old, Exod. vii, 7. By a singular providence, the infant Moses, when exposed on the river Nile, through fear of the royal decree, after his mother had hid him three months, because he was a goodly child, was taken up and adopted by Pharaoh’s daughter, and nursed by his own mother, whom she hired at the suggestion of his sister Miriam. Thus did he find an asylum in the very palace of his intended destroyer; while his intercourse with his own family and nation was still most naturally, though unexpectedly, maintained: so mysterious are the ways of Heaven. And while he was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians,” and bred up in the midst of a luxurious court, he acquired at home the knowledge of the promised redemption of Israel; and, by faith” in the Redeemer Christ, “refused 671to be called the son of Pharaoh’s daughter; choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; esteeming the reproach of Christ,” or persecution for Christ’s sake, greater riches than the treasures of Egypt: for he had respect to the recompense of reward,” Exodus ii, 1–10; Acts vii, 20–22; Heb. xi, 23–26; or looked forward to a future state.
MOSES. This famous lawgiver of the Israelites was from the tribe of Levi, descended from Koath and Amram, his father, making him the fourth generation after the Israelites settled in Egypt. His birth is dated based on the Exodus of the Israelites, when Moses was eighty years old, Exod. vii, 7. In a remarkable twist of fate, the infant Moses was placed in the Nile River to avoid the royal decree after his mother hid him for three months because he was a beautiful child. He was discovered and adopted by Pharaoh’s daughter, who even arranged for him to be nursed by his own mother, at the suggestion of his sister Miriam. This allowed him to find refuge in the palace of the very person who sought to destroy him, while still maintaining a connection with his family and community in a way that was unexpected yet natural; the ways of Heaven are indeed mysterious. Although he was educated in all the wisdom of the Egyptians and raised in a luxurious court, he also learned at home about the promised redemption for Israel. By faith in the Redeemer Christ, he chose not to be called the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, preferring to suffer with the people of God rather than enjoy the fleeting pleasures of sin; he regarded the shame of Christ, or persecution for Christ’s sake, as greater wealth than the treasures of Egypt, for he looked forward to the reward to come, Exodus ii, 1–10; Acts vii, 20–22; Heb. xi, 23–26.
When Moses was grown to manhood, and was full forty years old, he was moved by a divine intimation, as it seems, to undertake the deliverance of his countrymen; for he supposed that his brethren would have understood how that God, by his hand, would give them deliverance; but they understood not.” For when, in the excess of his zeal to redress their grievances, he had slain an Egyptian, who injured one of them, in which he probably went beyond his commission, and afterward endeavoured to reconcile two of them that were at variance, they rejected his mediation; and the man who had done wrong said, Who made thee a judge and a ruler over us? Intendest thou to kill me, as thou killedst the Egyptian yesterday?” So Moses, finding it was known, and that Pharaoh sought to slay him, fled for his life to the land of Midian, in Arabia Petræa, where he married Zipporah, the daughter of Jethro, or Reuel, prince and priest of Midian; and, as a shepherd, kept his flocks in the vicinity of Mount Horeb, or Sinai, for forty years, Exodus ii, 11–21; iii, 1; xviii, 5; Num. x, 29; Acts vii, 23–30. During this long exile Moses was trained in the school of humble circumstances for that arduous mission which he had prematurely anticipated; and, instead of the unthinking zeal which at first actuated him, learned to distrust himself. His backwardness, afterward, to undertake that mission for which he was destined from the womb, was no less remarkable than his forwardness before, Exod. iv, 10–13.
When Moses became an adult and was about forty years old, he felt a divine call to help free his people. He thought that his fellow Israelites would realize that God was planning to use him to rescue them, but they didn't understand. In his eagerness to solve their problems, he killed an Egyptian who was hurting one of them, which was probably beyond what he should have done. Later, when he tried to mediate a dispute between two Israelites, they rejected his help; the wrongdoer asked, "Who made you a judge and ruler over us? Are you planning to kill me like you did the Egyptian yesterday?" Moses, realizing that his actions were known and that Pharaoh wanted to kill him, fled to Midian in Arabia. There, he married Zipporah, the daughter of Jethro (also known as Reuel), who was the prince and priest of Midian. He worked as a shepherd, tending his flocks near Mount Horeb (or Sinai) for forty years, as referenced in Exodus 2:11–21; 3:1; 18:5; Numbers 10:29; Acts 7:23–30. During this long exile, Moses learned humility and prepared for the challenging mission he had anticipated too soon. Instead of the impulsive zeal he had initially, he learned to doubt himself. His later reluctance to take on the mission he was destined for was just as notable as his earlier eagerness, as seen in Exodus 4:10–13.
At length, when the oppression of the Israelites was come to the full, and they cried to God for succour, and the king was dead, and all the men in Egypt that sought his life, the God of glory” appeared to Moses in a flame of fire, from the midst of a bush, and announced himself as the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob,” under the titles of Jahoh and Æhjeh, expressive of his unity and sameness; and commissioned him first to make known to the Israelites the divine will for their deliverance; and next to go with the elders of Israel to Pharaoh, requiring him, in the name of “the Lord, the God of the Hebrews, to suffer the people to go three days’ journey into the wilderness, to sacrifice unto the Lord their God,” after such sacrifices had been long intermitted during their bondage; for the Egyptians had sunk into bestial polytheism, and would have stoned them, had they attempted to sacrifice to their principal divinities, the apis, or bull, &c, in the land itself: foretelling, also, the opposition they would meet with from the king, the mighty signs and wonders that would finally compel his assent, and their spoiling of the Egyptians, by asking or demanding of them (not borrowing) jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment, (by way of wages or compensation for their services,) as originally declared to Abraham, that they should go out from thence with great substance,” Gen. xv, 14; Exod. ii, 23–25; iii, 2–22; viii, 25, 26.
At last, when the suffering of the Israelites reached a breaking point and they cried out to God for help, with the king dead and all the men in Egypt who sought his life, the God of glory appeared to Moses in a flame of fire from the middle of a bush. He introduced himself as the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, using the names Jahoh and Æhjeh, which signify his oneness and unchanging nature. He first instructed Moses to tell the Israelites about his plan for their freedom, and then to go with the elders of Israel to Pharaoh, demanding that, in the name of “the Lord, the God of the Hebrews,” he allow the people to travel three days into the wilderness to sacrifice to the Lord their God. These sacrifices had been long neglected during their oppression because the Egyptians had sunk into a corrupt form of polytheism and would have stoned them if they tried to sacrifice to their main gods, like the apis, or bull, in the land. God also warned of the resistance they would face from the king, the powerful signs and wonders that would eventually force his agreement, and their stripping of the Egyptians by asking for jewels of silver, jewels of gold, and clothing (as compensation for their labor), just as it was originally promised to Abraham that they would leave with great wealth. Gen. xv, 14; Exod. ii, 23–25; iii, 2–22; viii, 25, 26.
To vouch his divine commission to the Israelites, God enabled Moses to work three signal miracles: 1. Turning his rod into a serpent, and restoring it again: 2. Making his hand leprous as snow, when he first drew it out of his bosom, and restoring it sound as before when he next drew it out: and, 3. Turning the water of the river into blood. And the people believed the signs, and the promised deliverance, and worshipped. To assist him, also, in his arduous mission, when Moses had represented that he was not eloquent, but slow of speech,” and of a slow or stammering tongue, God inspired Aaron, his elder brother, to go and meet Moses in the wilderness, to be his spokesman to the people, Exod. iv, 1–31, and his prophet to Pharaoh; while Moses was to be a god to both, as speaking to them in the name, or by the authority, of God himself, Exod. vii, 1, 2. At their first, interview with Pharaoh, they declared, Thus saith the Lord, the God of Israel, Let my people go, that they may hold a feast unto me in the wilderness. And Pharaoh said, Who is the Lord, that I should obey his voice to let Israel go? I know not,” or regard not, the Lord, neither will I let Israel go.” In answer to this haughty tyrant, they styled the Lord by a more ancient title, which the Egyptians ought to have known and respected, from Abraham’s days, when he plagued them in the matter of Sarah: “The God of the Hebrews hath met with us: Let us go, we pray thee, three days’ journey into the desert, and sacrifice unto the Lord our God, lest he fall upon us with pestilence or with the sword:” plainly intimating to Pharaoh, also, not to incur his indignation, by refusing to comply with his desire. But the king not only refused, but increased the burdens of the people, Exod. v, 1–19; and the people murmured, and hearkened not unto Moses, when he repeated from the Lord his assurances of deliverance and protection, for anguish of spirit, and for cruel bondage, Exod. v, 20–23; vi, 1–9.
To confirm his divine commission to the Israelites, God empowered Moses to perform three significant miracles: 1. Turning his staff into a serpent and then back again; 2. Making his hand leprous like snow when he first pulled it out from his cloak, and restoring it to normal when he pulled it out again; and 3. Turning the water from the river into blood. The people believed the signs, the promise of deliverance, and worshipped. To help him in his challenging mission, when Moses mentioned that he wasn’t eloquent and had a speech impediment, God inspired Aaron, his older brother, to go meet Moses in the wilderness to be his spokesperson to the people, Exod. iv, 1–31, and his prophet to Pharaoh; while Moses would act as a god to both, speaking to them in the name and authority of God himself, Exod. vii, 1, 2. During their first meeting with Pharaoh, they declared, “Thus says the Lord, the God of Israel, Let my people go, so they may hold a feast for me in the wilderness.” Pharaoh replied, “Who is the Lord, that I should listen to his voice and let Israel go? I don’t know the Lord and I won’t let Israel go.” In response to this arrogant ruler, they referred to the Lord by an older title that the Egyptians should have recognized and respected since Abraham’s time, when he afflicted them regarding Sarah: “The God of the Hebrews has met with us: Please let us go three days' journey into the desert to sacrifice to the Lord our God, or he may strike us with pestilence or the sword,” clearly warning Pharaoh not to provoke his anger by refusing their request. But not only did the king refuse, he also increased the people’s burdens, Exod. v, 1–19; and the people complained and did not listen to Moses when he reiterated the Lord’s promises of deliverance and protection, due to their anguish and harsh slavery, Exod. v, 20–23; vi, 1–9.
At their second interview with Pharaoh, in obedience to the divine command, again requiring him to let the children of Israel go out of his land; Pharaoh, as foretold, demanded of them to show a miracle for themselves, in proof of their commission, when Aaron cast down his rod, and it became a serpent before Pharaoh and before his servants, or officers of his court. The king then called upon his wise men and magicians, to know if they could do as much by the power of their gods, “and they did so with their enchantments; for they cast down every man his rod, and they became serpents; but Aaron’s rod swallowed up their serpents.” Here the original 672phrase, ויעשו כן, and they did so,” or in like manner,” may only indicate the attempt, and not the deed; as afterward, in the plague of lice, when they did so with their enchantments, but could not,” Exod. viii, 18. And, indeed, the original term, להטיהם, rendered their enchantments,” as derived from the root לאט, or לוט, to hide or cover, fitly expresses the secret deceptions of legerdemain, or sleight-of-hand, to impose on spectators: and the remark of the magicians, when unable to imitate the production of lice, which was beyond their skill and dexterity, on account of their minuteness,--“This is the finger of a God!”--seems to strengthen the supposition; especially as the Egyptians were famous for legerdemain and for charming serpents: and the magicians, having had notice of the miracle they were expected to imitate, might make provision accordingly, and bring live serpents, which they might have substituted for their rods. And though Aaron’s serpent swallowed up their serpents, showing the superiority of the true miracle over the false, 2 Thess. ii, 9, it might only lead the king to conclude, that Moses and Aaron were more expert jugglers than Jannes and Jambres, who opposed them, 2 Timothy iii, 8. And the heart of Pharaoh was hardened, so that he hearkenedhearkened not unto them, as the Lord had said,” or foretold, Exod. vi, 10, 11; vii, 8–13. For the conduct of Moses as the deliverer and lawgiver of the Israelites, see Plagues of Egypt, Red Sea, and Law.
At their second meeting with Pharaoh, following the divine command to let the children of Israel go from his land, Pharaoh, as predicted, asked them to show a miracle as proof of their mission. Aaron threw down his rod, and it turned into a serpent in front of Pharaoh and his officials. The king then called upon his wise men and magicians to see if they could do the same with the power of their gods, “and they did so with their enchantments; for each one of them threw down their rod, and they became serpents; but Aaron’s rod swallowed up their serpents.” Here, the original phrase, They did so., meaning “and they did so,” may only suggest that they attempted it, not that they succeeded; as later in the plague of lice, when they tried with their enchantments, but could not,” Exod. viii, 18. Indeed, the original term, Their passions, translated as “their enchantments,” comes from the root Slowly, or לוט, meaning to hide or cover, which aptly describes the secret tricks of sleight-of-hand to deceive the audience. The magicians’ remark, when they couldn’t replicate the creation of lice, which was beyond their skill due to its small size,--“This is the finger of a God!”--seems to support this idea, especially since the Egyptians were known for their sleight-of-hand and for enchanting serpents. The magicians, having been informed of the miracle they were supposed to imitate, might have prepared accordingly and brought live snakes to replace their rods. Although Aaron’s serpent swallowed their serpents, demonstrating the superiority of the true miracle over the false, 2 Thess. ii, 9, it might have led the king to conclude that Moses and Aaron were better jugglers than Jannes and Jambres, who opposed them, 2 Timothy iii, 8. Pharaoh’s heart was hardened, so he listenedhearkened not unto them, as the Lord had said,” or foretold, Exod. vi, 10, 11; vii, 8–13. For the actions of Moses as the deliverer and lawgiver of the Israelites, see Egyptian plagues, Red Sea, and Law.
At Mount Sinai the Lord was pleased to make Moses, the redeemer of Israel, an eminent type of the Redeemer of the world. I will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren, like unto thee, and will put my words in his mouth; and he shall speak unto them all that I shall command him: and it shall come to pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto my words, which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him:” which Moses communicated to the people. The Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a prophet, from the midst of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me: unto him shall ye hearken,” Deut. xviii, 15–19. This prophet like unto Moses was our Lord Jesus Christ, who was by birth a Jew, of the middle class of the people, and resembled his predecessor, in personal intercourse with God, miracles, and legislation, which no other prophet did, Deut. xxxiv, 10–12; and to whom God, at his transfiguration, required the world to hearken, Matt. xvii, 5. Whence our Lord’s frequent admonition to the Jewish church, He that hath ears to hear, let him hear,” Matthew xiii, 9, &c; which is addressed, also, by the Spirit to the Christian churches of Asia Minor, Rev. iii, 22.
At Mount Sinai, the Lord chose Moses, the savior of Israel, to be a significant representative of the Savior of the world. "I will raise up for them a prophet from among their own people, like you, and I will put my words in his mouth; he will tell them everything I command him. Anyone who does not listen to my words that he speaks in my name, I will hold them accountable," which Moses shared with the people. "The Lord your God will raise up for you a prophet from among you, from your own people, like me; you must listen to him," Deut. xviii, 15–19. This prophet, like Moses, was our Lord Jesus Christ, who was born a Jew from the middle class and shared similarities with his predecessor in his relationship with God, performing miracles, and in giving laws, which no other prophet did, Deut. xxxiv, 10–12; and for whom God, at his transfiguration, commanded the world to listen, Matt. xvii, 5. Hence, our Lord frequently urged the Jewish church, "Whoever has ears, let them hear," Matthew xiii, 9, etc.; which is also directed, by the Spirit, to the Christian churches of Asia Minor, Rev. iii, 22.
In the affair of the Golden Calf, (see Calf,) the conduct of Moses showed the greatest zeal for God’s honour, and a holy indignation against the sin of Aaron and the people. And when Moses drew nigh, and saw their proceedings, his anger waxed hot, and he cast away the tables of the covenant, or stone tablets on which were engraven the ten commandments by the finger of God himself, and brake them beneath the mount, in the presence of the people; in token that the covenant between God and them was now rescinded on his part, in consequence of their transgression. He then took the golden calf, and burned it in the fire, and ground it to powder, and mixed it with water, and made the children of Israel drink of it. After thus destroying their idol, he inflicted punishment on the idolaters themselves; for he summoned all that were on the Lord’s side to attend him; and all the Levites having obeyed the call, he sent them, in the name of the Lord, to slay all the idolaters, from one end of the camp to the other, without favour or affection either to their neighbour or to their brother; and they slew about three thousand men. The Lord also sent a grievous plague among them for their idolatry, Exodus xxxii, 2–35, on which occasion Moses gave a signal proof of his love for his people, by interceding for them with the Lord; and of his own disinterestedness, in refusing the offer of the Almighty to adopt his family in their room, and make of them a great nation.” He prayed that God would blot him out of his book, that is, take away his life, if he would not forgive the great sin of his people;” and prevailed with God to alter his determination of withdrawing his presence from them, and sending an inferior angel to conduct them to the land of promise. So wonderful was the condescension of God to the voice of a man, and so mighty the power of prayer.
In the situation with the Golden Calf (see Calf), Moses showed intense commitment to God’s honor and righteous anger at the wrongdoing of Aaron and the people. When he approached and saw what they were doing, he became furious, threw down the stone tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments by God's own hand, and shattered them at the base of the mountain in front of the people. This was a sign that the covenant between God and them had been broken due to their sin. Then he took the golden calf, burned it, ground it to dust, mixed it with water, and made the Israelites drink it. After destroying their idol, he punished the idolaters by calling all those who were on the Lord’s side to join him; all the Levites responded, and he commanded them, in the name of the Lord, to kill all the idolaters throughout the camp, showing no mercy to neighbors or brothers; they ended up killing about three thousand men. The Lord also sent a severe plague upon them for their idolatry (Exodus xxxii, 2–35), during which Moses demonstrated his deep love for his people by interceding with the Lord on their behalf and showed his selflessness by refusing God’s offer to make him a great nation instead of them. He prayed that God would erase him from His book—essentially asking for his life to be taken—if He would not forgive the significant sin of His people, and he convinced God to change His mind about withdrawing His presence from them and instead send a lesser angel to lead them to the promised land. Such was the amazing humility of God in response to a human voice and the profound power of prayer.
When the Lord had pardoned the people, and taken them again into favour, he commanded Moses to hew two tablets of stone, like the former which were broken, and to present them to him on the top of the mount; and on these the Lord wrote again the ten commandments, for a renewal of the covenant between him and his people. To reward and strengthen the faith of Moses, God was pleased, at his request, to grant him a fuller view of the divine glory, or presence, than he had hitherto done. And, to confirm his authority with the people on his return, after the second conference of forty days, he imparted to him a portion of that glory or light by which his immediate presence was manifested: for the face of Moses shone so that Aaron and all the people were afraid to come nigh him, until he had put a veil on his face, to hide its brightness. This was an honour never vouchsafed to mortal before nor afterward till Christ, the Prophet like Moses, in his transfiguration also, appeared arrayed in a larger measure of the same lustre. Then Moses again beheld the glory of the Word made flesh, and ministered thereto in a glorified form himself, Exod. xxxiv, 1–35; Matt. xvii, 1–8.
When the Lord forgave the people and welcomed them back, He told Moses to carve two new stone tablets, just like the ones he broke, and bring them to Him on the mountain. On these tablets, the Lord wrote the ten commandments again to renew the covenant with His people. To reward and strengthen Moses's faith, God agreed to show him a more complete view of His divine glory or presence than before. To affirm Moses's authority with the people upon his return, after another forty days of meeting, God shared a part of that glory or light that revealed His immediate presence. Moses's face shone so brightly that Aaron and all the people were afraid to approach him until he covered his face with a veil to hide its brightness. This was an honor never given to anyone before or since, until Christ, the Prophet like Moses, also appeared in a greater measure of the same radiance during his transfiguration. Then Moses saw the glory of the Word made flesh and participated in that glorified state himself, Exod. xxxiv, 1–35; Matt. xvii, 1–8.
At Kibroth Hataavah, when the people loathed the manna, and longed for flesh, Moses betrayed great impatience, and wished for death. He was also reproved for unbelief. At Kadesh-barnea, Moses having encouraged the people to proceed, saying, Behold, the Lord thy God hath set the land before thee, 673go up and possess it, as the Lord God of thy fathers hath said unto you: fear not,” Deut. i, 19–21; they betrayed great diffidence, and proposed to Moses to send spies to search out the land, and point out to them the way they should enter, and the course they should take. And the proposal pleased him well,” and with the consent of the Lord he sent twelve men, one out of each tribe, to spy out the land, Deut. i, 22, 23; Num. xiii, 1–20. All these, except Caleb and Joshua, having brought an evil report,” so discouraged the people, that they murmured against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them, Would God that we had died in the land of Egypt; or would God that we had died in the wilderness! And wherefore hath the Lord brought us unto this land to fall by the sword, that our wives and our children shall be a prey? Were it not better for us to return into Egypt? And they said one to another, Let us make a captain, and return into Egypt.” They even went so far as to propose to stone Joshua and Caleb, because they exhorted the people not to rebel against the Lord, nor to fear the people of the land, Num. xiv, 1–10; Deut. i, 26–28. Here again the noble patriotism of Moses was signally displayed. He again refused the divine offer to disinherit the Israelites, and make of him and his family a greater and mightier nation than they.” He urged the most persuasive motives with their offended God, not to destroy them with the threatened pestilence, lest the Heathen might say, that the Lord was not able to bring them into the land which he sware unto them.” He powerfully appealed to the long-tried mercies and forgivenesses they had experienced ever since their departure from Egypt; and his energetic supplication prevailed; for the Lord graciously said, I have pardoned, according to thy word: but verily, as I live, all the earth shall be filled with the glory of the Lord;” or shall adore him for his righteous judgments; for all these men which have seen my glory and my miracles which I did in Egypt, and in the wilderness, and have tempted me these ten times, and have not hearkened to my voice, surely shall not see the land which I sware unto their fathers: neither shall any of them that provoked me see it. As ye have spoken in my ears, so will I do unto you,” by a righteous retaliation: your carcasses shall fall in this wilderness. But your little ones, which ye said should be a prey, them will I bring in; and they shall wander in the wilderness forty years, and bear your whoredoms, after the number of the days in which ye searched the land, each day for a year, until your carcasses be wasted in the wilderness.” And immediately after this sentence, as the earnest of its full accomplishment, all the spies, except Caleb and Joshua, were cut off, and died by the plague before the Lord, Num. xiv, 11–37; Deut. i, 34–39.
At Kibroth Hataavah, when the people hated the manna and craved meat, Moses became very impatient and wished for death. He was also rebuked for his lack of faith. At Kadesh-barnea, after encouraging the people to move forward by saying, "Look, the Lord your God has laid the land before you; go up and take possession of it, as the Lord God of your ancestors has told you: do not be afraid," Deut. i, 19–21; they showed great hesitation and suggested to Moses that he send spies to explore the land and advise them on how to enter and what path to take. This proposal pleased him, so with the Lord's approval, he sent twelve men, one from each tribe, to scout out the land, Deut. i, 22, 23; Num. xiii, 1–20. All the spies except Caleb and Joshua brought back a negative report that discouraged the people, causing them to complain against Moses and Aaron, saying, "We wish we had died in Egypt, or we wish we had died in the wilderness! Why has the Lord brought us to this land to be killed by the sword? Our wives and children will be taken as captives! Wouldn't it be better for us to go back to Egypt?" They then said to each other, "Let’s choose a leader and go back to Egypt." They even tried to stone Joshua and Caleb because they urged the people not to rebel against the Lord or fear the inhabitants of the land, Num. xiv, 1–10; Deut. i, 26–28. Once again, Moses displayed his strong patriotism. He refused the Lord's offer to disinherit the Israelites and make a greater nation from him and his family. He passionately appealed to their offended God not to destroy them with the plague so the nations wouldn’t claim that the Lord was unable to bring them into the land He promised them. He powerfully recalled the mercies and forgiveness they had received since leaving Egypt, and his fervent prayer was answered; the Lord graciously replied, "I have forgiven them as you asked, but truly, as I live, the whole earth will be filled with the glory of the Lord," or will worship Him for His righteous judgments. For all the people who have seen my glory and the miracles I performed in Egypt and in the wilderness, and have tested me these ten times and not listened to my voice, they certainly will not see the land I promised their ancestors; none of those who provoked me will see it. "As you have spoken in my hearing, so will I do to you," as just punishment: your bodies will fall in this wilderness. However, your little ones, whom you said would be taken as captives, I will bring in; they will wander in the wilderness for forty years, bearing the consequences of your unfaithfulness, for the number of days you explored the land, one year for each day, until your bodies waste away in the wilderness." Immediately following this judgment, as a confirmation of its fulfillment, all the spies except Caleb and Joshua were struck down and died by a plague before the Lord, Num. xiv, 11–37; Deut. i, 34–39.
The people now, to repair their fault, contrary to the advice of Moses, presumptuously went to invade the Amalekites and Canaanites of Mount Seir, or Hor; who defeated them, and chased them as bees to Hormah, Num. xiv, 39–45; Deut. i, 41–44. On the morrow they were ordered to turn away from the promised land, and to take their journey south-westward, toward the way of the Red Sea: and they abode in the wilderness of Kadesh many days, or years, Num. xiv, 25; Deut. i, 40–46. The ill success of the expedition against the Amalekites, according to Josephus, occasioned the rebellion of Korah, which broke out shortly after, against Moses and Aaron, with greater violence than any of the foregoing, under Korah, the ringleader, who drew into it Dathan and Abiram, the heads of the senior tribe of Reuben, and two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, among whom were even several of the Levites. (See Korah.) But although all Israel round about had fled at the cry of the devoted families of Dathan and Abiram, for fear that the earth should swallow them up also;” yet, on the morrow, they returned to their rebellious spirit, and murmured against Moses and Aaron, saying, Ye have killed the people of the Lord.” On this occasion also, the Lord threatened to consume them as in a moment; but, on the intercession of Moses, only smote them with a plague, which was stayed by an atonement made by Aaron, after the destruction of fourteen thousand seven hundred souls, Num. xvi, 41–50.
The people, trying to fix their mistake, went to attack the Amalekites and Canaanites of Mount Seir or Hor against Moses’s advice. They were defeated and chased away like bees to Hormah, Num. xiv, 39–45; Deut. i, 41–44. The next day, they were told to turn away from the promised land and head southwest toward the Red Sea. They stayed in the wilderness of Kadesh for many days or years, Num. xiv, 25; Deut. i, 40–46. The failure of the mission against the Amalekites, according to Josephus, led to Korah’s rebellion against Moses and Aaron, which was more intense than previous conflicts and was led by Korah, who brought in Dathan and Abiram, leaders of the tribe of Reuben, along with two hundred and fifty community leaders, including some Levites. (See Korah.) Even though all of Israel had fled at the cries of Dathan and Abiram’s families, fearing they would also be swallowed by the earth, the next day they returned to their rebellious ways and complained against Moses and Aaron, saying, “You have killed the people of the Lord.” At this point, the Lord threatened to destroy them in an instant, but after Moses intervened, He only sent a plague, which was stopped by an atonement made by Aaron, after fourteen thousand seven hundred people had died, Num. xvi, 41–50.
On the return of the Israelites, after many years’ wandering, to the same disastrous station of Kadesh-barnea, even Moses himself was guilty of an offence, in which his brother Aaron was involved, and for which both were excluded, as a punishment, from entering the promised land. At Meribah Kadesh the congregation murmured against Moses, for bringing them into a barren wilderness without water; when the Lord commanded Moses to take his rod, which had been laid up before the Lord, and with Aaron to assemble the congregation together, and to speak to the rock before their eyes; which should supply water for the congregation and their cattle. But Moses said unto the congregation, when they were assembled, Hear now, ye rebels, must we fetch you water out of this rock? And he smote the rock twice with his rod, and the water came out abundantly; and the congregation drank, and their cattle also. And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron, Because ye believed me not, to sanctify me in the eyes of the children of Israel; therefore ye shall not bring this congregation into the land which I have given them,” Num. xx, 1–13; and afterward in stronger terms: Because ye rebelled against my commandment,” &c, Numbers xxvii, 14.
On the return of the Israelites, after many years of wandering, to the same disastrous spot of Kadesh-barnea, even Moses himself committed an offense, in which his brother Aaron was involved, and for which both were punished by being excluded from entering the promised land. At Meribah Kadesh, the congregation complained against Moses for bringing them into a barren wilderness without water. The Lord commanded Moses to take his rod, which had been kept before the Lord, and to gather the congregation with Aaron, and to speak to the rock in front of them; it should provide water for the congregation and their cattle. But Moses said to the congregation when they were gathered, "Listen now, you rebels, must we bring you water out of this rock?" And he struck the rock twice with his rod, and water gushed out abundantly, and the congregation drank, and their cattle too. The Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying, "Because you did not trust me enough to show my holiness in the eyes of the Israelites, you will not bring this congregation into the land I have given them," Num. xx, 1–13; and later in stronger terms, "Because you rebelled against my command," etc., Numbers xxvii, 14.
The offence of Moses, as far as may be collected from so concise an account, seems to have been, 1. He distrusted or disbelieved that water could be produced from the rock only by speaking to it; which was a higher miracle than he had performed before at Rephidim, Exod. xvii, 6. 2. He unnecessarily smote the rock twice; thereby betraying an unwarrantable impatience. 3. He did not, at least in the 674phrase he used, ascribe the glory of the miracle wholly to God, but rather to himself and his brother: Must we fetch you water out of this rock?” And he denominated them rebels” against his and his brother’s authority, which, although an implied act of rebellion against God, ought to have been stated, as on a former occasion, Ye have been rebels against the Lord, from the day that I knew you,” Deut. ix, 24, which he spake without blame. For want of more caution on this occasion, he spake unadvisedly with his lips, because they provoked his spirit,” Psalm cvi, 33. Thus was God sanctified at the waters of Meribah,” by his impartial justice, in punishing his greatest favourites when they did amiss, Num. xx, 13. How severely Moses felt his deprivation, appears from his humble, and it should seem repeated, supplications to the Lord to reverse the sentence: O Lord of gods, thou hast begun to show thy servant thy greatness, and thy mighty hand; for what god is there in heaven or in earth that can do according to thy works, and according to thy might? I pray thee let me go over and see the good land beyond Jordan, even that goodly mountain Lebanon,” or the whole breadth of the land. But the Lord was wroth with me for your sakes, and would not hear me: and he said unto me, Let it suffice thee; speak no more unto me of this matter. Get thee up unto the top of Pisgah, and lift up thine eyes westward, and northward, and southward, and eastward, and behold it with thine eyes: for thou shalt not go over this Jordan,” Deut. iii, 23–27.
The offense of Moses, based on this brief account, seems to have been: 1. He didn't trust or believe that water could be brought from the rock just by speaking to it; this was a greater miracle than he had performed before at Rephidim, Exod. xvii, 6. 2. He unnecessarily struck the rock twice, showing an unwarranted impatience. 3. He didn't, at least in the words he used, fully attribute the glory of the miracle to God, but rather to himself and his brother: "Must we fetch you water out of this rock?" He called them “rebels” against his and his brother’s authority, which, although implying rebellion against God, should have been phrased, as he did on a previous occasion, “You have been rebels against the Lord from the day that I knew you,” Deut. ix, 24, a statement he made without blame. Due to a lack of caution this time, he spoke rashly, as they “provoked his spirit,” Psalm cvi, 33. Thus, God was honored at the waters of Meribah by his impartial justice, punishing even his greatest favorites when they erred, Num. xx, 13. Moses felt the impact of his exclusion deeply, as shown by his humble, seemingly repeated, pleas to the Lord to reverse the decision: “O Lord of gods, you have begun to show your servant your greatness and your mighty hand; for what god is there in heaven or on earth that can do what you do, according to your might? Please let me go over and see the good land beyond Jordan, even that goodly mountain Lebanon,” or the entire breadth of the land. But the Lord was angry with me because of you and would not listen to me: He said to me, “That’s enough; don’t speak to me about this matter anymore. Go up to the top of Pisgah and look west, north, south, and east, and see it with your own eyes, for you shall not cross this Jordan,” Deut. iii, 23–27.
The faculties of this illustrious legislator, both of mind and body, were not impaired at the age of a hundred and twenty years, when he died. His eye was not dim, nor his natural strength abated,” Deut. xxxiv, 7: and the noblest of all his compositions was his Song, or the Divine Ode, which Bishop Lowth elegantly styles, Cycnea Oratio, “the Dying Swan’s Oration.” His death took place after the Lord had shown him, from the top of Pisgah, a distant view of the promised land, throughout its whole extent. He then buried his body in a valley opposite Beth-peor, in the land of Moab; but no man knoweth his sepulchre unto this day,” observes the sacred historian, who annexed the circumstances of his death to the book of Deuteronomy, xxxiv, 6. From an obscure passage in the New Testament, in which Michael the archangel is said to have contended with the devil about the body of Moses, Jude 9, some have thought that he was buried by the ministry of angels, near the scene of the idolatry of the Israelites; but that the spot was purposely concealed, lest his tomb might also be converted into an object of idolatrous worship among the Israelites, like the brazen serpent. Beth-peor lay in the lot of the Reubenites, Joshua xiii, 20. But on so obscure a passage nothing can be built. The body of Moses,” may figuratively mean the Jewish church; or the whole may be an allusion to a received tradition which, without affirming or denying its truth, might be made the basis of a moral lesson.
The abilities of this famous lawmaker, both mentally and physically, were intact at the age of 120 when he died. His eyesight was clear, and his natural strength was not diminished,” Deut. xxxiv, 7: and his greatest work was his Song, or the Divine Ode, which Bishop Lowth elegantly calls, Cycnea Oratio, “the Dying Swan’s Oration.” He died after the Lord showed him, from the top of Pisgah, a distant view of the promised land in all its glory. He then buried his body in a valley opposite Beth-peor, in the land of Moab; but no one knows where his grave is to this day,” notes the sacred historian, who included the details of his death in the book of Deuteronomy, xxxiv, 6. From a vague passage in the New Testament, where it mentions that Michael the archangel argued with the devil about the body of Moses, Jude 9, some think he was buried by angels near the site of the Israelites' idolatry; but that the location was intentionally hidden to prevent his tomb from becoming an object of idol worship among the Israelites, like the bronze serpent. Beth-peor was part of the territory of the Reubenites, Joshua xiii, 20. However, nothing concrete can be established from such an unclear passage. The "body of Moses" may symbolically refer to the Jewish church; or the whole could allude to a tradition that could serve as the basis for a moral lesson, without affirming or denying its truth.
Josephus, who frequently attempts to embellish the simple narrative of Holy Writ, represents Moses as attended to the top of Pisgah by Joshua, his successor, Eleazar, the high priest, and the whole senate; and that, after he had dismissed the senate, while he was conversing with Joshua and Eleazar, and embracing them, a cloud suddenly came over and enveloped him; and he vanished from their sight, and he was taken away to a certain valley. In the sacred books,” says he, it is written, that he died; fearing to say that on account of his transcendent virtue, he had departed to the Deity.” The Jewish historian has here, perhaps, imitated the account of our Lord’s ascension, furnished by the evangelist, Luke xxiv, 50; Acts i, 9; wishing to raise Moses to a level with Christ. The preëminence of Moses’s character is briefly described by the sacred historian, Samuel or Ezra: And there arose not a prophet since, in Israel, like unto Moses, whom the Lord knew face to face; in all the signs and the wonders which the Lord sent him to do in the land of Egypt, to Pharaoh, and all his servants, and all his land; and in all that mighty hand, and in all the great terror which Moses showed in the sight of all Israel,” Deut. xxxiv, 10–12.
Josephus, who often tries to enhance the straightforward stories of the Scriptures, describes Moses as being accompanied to the top of Pisgah by Joshua, his successor, Eleazar, the high priest, and the entire senate. After he sent the senate away, while he was talking with Joshua and Eleazar and embracing them, a cloud suddenly covered him and enveloped him. He vanished from their sight and was taken away to a certain valley. “In the sacred books,” he says, “it is written that he died; I hesitate to assert that because of his extraordinary virtue, he departed to God.” The Jewish historian may have echoed the account of our Lord’s ascension provided by the evangelist, Luke (xxiv, 50; Acts i, 9), aiming to elevate Moses to the same status as Christ. The superiority of Moses’s character is briefly outlined by the sacred historian, Samuel or Ezra: “And there arose not a prophet since, in Israel, like unto Moses, whom the Lord knew face to face; in all the signs and the wonders which the Lord sent him to do in the land of Egypt, to Pharaoh, and all his servants, and all his land; and in all that mighty hand, and in all the great terror which Moses showed in the sight of all Israel,” (Deut. xxxiv, 10–12).
So marked and hallowed is the character of this, the most eminent of mere men, that it has often been successfully made the basis of an irresistible argument for the truth of his divine mission. Thus Cellérier observes, Every imposture has an object in view, and an aim more or less selfish. Men practise deceit for money, for pleasure, or for glory. If, by a strange combination, the love of mankind ever entered into the mind of an impostor, doubtless, even then, he has contrived to reconcile, at least, his own selfish interests with those of the human race. If men deceive others, for the sake of causing their own opinions or their own party to triumph, they may sometimes, perhaps, forget their own interests during the struggle, but they again remember them when the victory is achieved. It is a general rule, that no impostor forgets himself long. But Moses forgot himself, and forgot himself to the last. Yet there is no middle supposition. If Moses was not a divinely inspired messenger, he was an impostor in the strongest sense of the term. It is not, as in the case of Numa, a slight and single fraud, designed to secure some good end, that we have to charge him with, but a series of deceits, many of which were gross; a profound, dishonest, perfidious, sanguinary dissimulation, continued for the space of forty years. If Moses was not a divinely commissioned prophet, he was not the saviour of the people, but their tyrant and their murderer. Still, we repeat, this barbarous impostor always forgot himself; and his disinterestedness, as regarded himself personally, his family, and his tribe, is one of the most extraordinary features in his administration. As to himself personally: He is destined to die in the wilderness; he is never to taste the tranquillity, the plenty, and the delight, the possession of 675which he promises to his countrymen; he shares with them only their fatigues and privations; he has more anxieties than they, on their account, in their acts of disobedience, and in their perpetual murmurings. As to his family: He does not nominate his sons as his successors; he places them, without any privileges or distinctions, among the obscure sons of Levi; they are not even admitted into the sacerdotal authority. Unlike all other fathers, Moses withdraws them from public view, and deprives them of the means of obtaining glory and favour. Samuel and Eli assign a part of their paternal authority to their sons, and permit them even to abuse it; but the sons of Moses, in the wilderness, are only the simple servants of the tabernacle; like all the other sons of Kohath, if they even dare to raise the veil which covers the sacred furniture, the burden of which they carry, death is denounced against them. Where can we find more complete disinterestedness than in Moses? Is not his the character of an upright man, who has the general good, not his own interests, at heart; of a man who submissively acquiesces in the commands of God, without resistance and without demur? When we consider these several things; when we reflect on all the ministry of Moses, on his life, on his death, on his character, on his abilities, and his success; we are powerfully convinced that he was the messenger of God. If we consider him only as an able legislator, as a Lycurgus, as a Numa, his actions are inexplicable: we find not in him the affections, the interests, the views which usually belong to the human heart. The simplicity, the harmony, the verity of his natural character are gone; they give place to an incoherent union of ardour and imposture; of daring and of timidity, of incapacity and genius, of cruelty and sensibility. No! Moses was inspired by God: he received from God the law which he left his countrymen.
The character of this, the most remarkable of ordinary men, is so distinct and revered that it's often used as a strong point in arguments supporting the truth of his divine mission. Cellérier notes that every deception has a purpose and is usually driven by some selfish motive. People deceive for money, pleasure, or fame. If, in a rare twist, an impostor truly cared for humanity, he would still manage to align his selfish interests with those of others. When people deceive others to promote their own beliefs or parties, they might temporarily overlook their own interests during the struggle, but they will remember them after victory. Generally, no impostor stays selfless for long. But Moses did forget himself, right until the end. There’s no middle ground in this: if Moses wasn’t a divinely inspired messenger, he was a true impostor. Unlike Numa, whose deception was minor and aimed at a good outcome, Moses is accused of a long series of significant deceptions, marked by deep dishonesty and betrayal, carried out over forty years. If Moses wasn’t a prophet commissioned by God, he was not a savior for the people but rather their oppressor and killer. Yet, we must emphasize that this brutal deceiver always put himself aside; his selflessness, regarding his own life, family, and tribe, is one of the most remarkable aspects of his leadership. As for himself: He is fated to die in the wilderness; he will never enjoy the peace, abundance, and joy that he promises his people; he endures their hardships and deprivation, bearing greater worries than they over their disobedience and constant complaints. Regarding his family: He doesn’t name his sons as his successors; he places them among the lesser-known descendants of Levi, without any privileges or recognition; they aren’t even given positions of religious authority. Unlike other fathers, Moses keeps them out of the spotlight, stripping them of opportunities for glory and favor. Samuel and Eli let their sons take some authority and even let them misuse it; however, Moses’s sons, in the wilderness, are merely the humble servants of the tabernacle; like all the other sons of Kohath, if they dare to lift the veil covering the holy items they carry, death is threatened. Where can we find greater selflessness than in Moses? Doesn’t he embody the character of a righteous man, focused on the collective good rather than his own gain; someone who obeys God’s commands without resistance or complaint? When we consider all of this—Moses's ministry, his life, his death, his character, his talents, and his success—we are firmly convinced that he was indeed God’s messenger. If we only view him as a skilled lawgiver, like Lycurgus or Numa, his actions become inexplicable: he lacks the emotions, interests, and ambitions that usually drive people. The simplicity, harmony, and truthfulness of his natural character seem lost, replaced by an inconsistent mix of fervor and deceit, boldness and fear, incapacity and brilliance, cruelty and compassion. No! Moses was inspired by God; he received from God the law he passed on to his people.
To Moses we owe that important portion of Holy Scripture, the Pentateuch, which brings us acquainted with the creation of the world, the entrance of sin and death, the first promises of redemption, the flood, the peopling of the postdiluvian earth, and the origin of nations, the call of Abraham, and the giving of the law. We have, indeed, in it the early history of religion, and a key to all the subsequent dispensations of God to man. The genuineness and authenticity of these most venerable and important books have been established by various writers; but the following remarks upon the veracity of the writings of Moses have the merit of compressing much argument into few words:--1. There is a minuteness in the details of the Mosaic writings, which bespeaks their truth; for it often bespeaks the eye-witness, as in the adventures of the wilderness; and often seems intended to supply directions to the artificer, as in the construction of the tabernacle. 2. There are touches of nature in the narrative which bespeak its truth, for it is not easy to regard them otherwise than as strokes from the life; as where the mixed multitude,” whether half-castes or Egyptians, are the first to sigh for the cucumbers and melons of Egypt, and to spread discontent through the camp, Num. xi, 4; as the miserable exculpation of himself, which Aaron attempts, with all the cowardice of conscious guilt, I cast into the fire, and there came out this calf:” the fire, to be sure, being in the fault, Exod. xxxii, 24. 3. There are certain little inconveniences represented as turning up unexpectedly, that bespeak truth in the story; for they are just such accidents as are characteristic of the working of a new system and untried machinery. What is to be done with the man who is found gathering sticks on the Sabbath day? Num. xv, 32. (Could an impostor have devised such a trifle?) How is the inheritance of the daughters of Zelophehad to be disposed of, there being no heir male? Num. xxxvi, 2. Either of them inconsiderable matters in themselves, but both giving occasion to very important laws; the one touching life, and the other property. 4. There is a simplicity in the manner of Moses, when telling his tale, which bespeaks its truth: no parade of language, no pomp of circumstance even in his miracles, a modesty and dignity throughout all. Let us but compare him in any trying scene with Josephus; his description, for instance, of the passage through the Red Sea, Exod. xiv, of the murmuring of the Israelites and the supply of quails and manna, with the same as given by the Jewish historian, or rhetorician we might rather say, and the force of the observation will be felt. 5. There is a candour in the treatment of his subject by Moses, which bespeaks his truth; as when he tells of his own want of eloquence, which unfitted him for a leader, Exod. iv, 10; his own want of faith, which prevented him from entering the promised land, Num. xx, 12; the idolatry of Aaron his brother, Exod. xxxii, 21; the profaneness of Nadab and Abihu, his nephews, Lev. x; the disaffection and punishment of Miriam, his sister, Num. xii, 1. 6. There is a disinterestedness in his conduct, which bespeaks him to be a man of truth; for though he had sons, he apparently takes no measures during his life to give them offices of trust or profit; and at his death he appoints as his successor one who had no claims upon him, either of alliance, of clanship, or of blood. 7. There are certain prophetical passages in the writings of Moses, which bespeak their truth; as, several respecting the future Messiah, and the very sublime and literal one respecting the final fall of Jerusalem, Deut. xxviii. 8. There is a simple key supplied by these writings, to the meaning of many ancient traditions current among the Heathens, though greatly disguised, which is another circumstance that bespeaks their truth: as, the golden age; the garden of the Hesperides; the fruit tree in the midst, of the garden which the dragon guarded; the destruction of mankind by a flood, all except two persons, and those righteous persons,
To Moses, we owe the significant part of the Holy Scripture known as the Pentateuch, which introduces us to the creation of the world, the onset of sin and death, the first promises of redemption, the flood, the repopulation of the earth after the flood, the origins of nations, the calling of Abraham, and the giving of the law. It truly provides us with the early history of religion and serves as a key to all the subsequent ways God interacts with humanity. Various writers have established the genuineness and authenticity of these ancient and crucial texts; however, the following points about the truthfulness of Moses' writings summarize a lot of arguments in just a few words:--1. The detailed accounts in the writings of Moses indicate their truth; they often reflect an eyewitness perspective, especially in the events of the wilderness, and seem intended to offer guidance to those creating things, like the construction of the tabernacle. 2. There are real-life emotions in the narrative that also attest to its truth, as it's hard to see them as anything but lifelike; for example, the mixed crowd, whether they were half-castes or Egyptians, are the first to long for the cucumbers and melons of Egypt and to spread discontent throughout the camp (Num. xi, 4); or Aaron’s pitiful attempt to blame others, saying, “I threw it into the fire, and out came this calf,” where the fire is certainly the culprit (Exod. xxxii, 24). 3. There are minor inconveniences that unexpectedly arise, which point to the truth of the story; these are typical issues that come from launching a new system and untested processes. What should be done with a man caught gathering sticks on the Sabbath? (Num. xv, 32). (Could a liar have made up such a detail?) How should the inheritance of the daughters of Zelophehad be handled, since there are no male heirs? (Num. xxxvi, 2). Both are seemingly trivial matters on their own, yet they lead to significant laws regarding life and property. 4. Moses’ straightforwardness in telling his story speaks to its truth: no elaborate language, no grand displays even in his miracles, just a consistent modesty and dignity. If we compare his accounts of difficult events with those of Josephus—like his description of the crossing of the Red Sea (Exod. xiv) or the complaints of the Israelites and the provision of quails and manna—with the accounts given by the Jewish historian, or rather, the rhetorician, the difference in impact is clear. 5. Moses displays honesty in his treatment of his subject, which indicates his truthfulness; for example, he admits his lack of eloquence, which made him unfit to lead (Exod. iv, 10); he acknowledges his own lack of faith that prevented him from entering the promised land (Num. xx, 12); he points out the idolatry of his brother Aaron (Exod. xxxii, 21); the irreverence of his nephews Nadab and Abihu (Lev. x); and the dissent and punishment of his sister Miriam (Num. xii, 1). 6. There is a selflessness in his actions that reveals him to be a truthful person; despite having sons, he seems not to take steps during his life to give them positions of authority or profit, and upon his death, he chooses a successor who has no ties to him by family or blood. 7. Certain prophetic passages in Moses’ writings affirm their truth; several pertain to the future Messiah and notably one about the final destruction of Jerusalem (Deut. xxviii). 8. These writings offer a clear explanation for many ancient traditions among the pagans, even though they are heavily masked, which adds to their credibility: like the golden age, the garden of the Hesperides, the fruit tree in the middle of the garden that the dragon protected, and the destruction of humanity by a flood, with the exception of two righteous people.
676the rainbow, which Jupiter set in the cloud, a sign to men;” the seventh day a sacred day; with many others, all conspiring to establish the reality of the facts which Moses relates, because tending to show that vestiges of the like present themselves in the traditional history of the world at large. 9. The concurrence which is found between the writings of Moses and those of the New Testament bespeaks their truth: the latter constantly appealing to them, being indeed but the completion of the system which the others are the first to put forth. Nor is this an illogical argument; for, though the credibility of the New Testament itself may certainly be reasoned out from the truth of the Pentateuch once established, it is still very far from depending on that circumstance exclusively, or even principally. The New Testament demands acceptance on its own merits, on merits distinct from those on which the books of Moses rest, therefore (so far as it does so) it may fairly give its suffrage for their veracity, valeat quantum valet: [it may avail as far as it goes;] and surely it is a very improbable thing, that two dispensations, separated by an interval of some fifteen hundred years, each exhibiting prophecies of its own, since fulfilled; each asserting miracles of its own, on strong evidence of its own; that two dispensations, with such individual claims to be believed, should also be found to stand in the closest relation to one another, and yet both turn out impostures after all. 10. Above all, there is a comparative purity in the theology and morality of the Pentateuch, which argues not only its truth, but its high original; for how else are we to account for a system like that of Moses, in such an age and among such a people; that the doctrine of the unity, the self-existence, the providence, the perfections of the great God of heaven and earth, should thus have blazed forth (how far more brightly than even in the vaunted schools of Athens at its most refined era!) from the midst of a nation, of themselves ever plunging into gross and grovelling idolatry; and that principles of social duty, of benevolence, and of self-restraint, extending even to the thoughts of the heart, should have been the produce of an age which the very provisions of the Levitical law itself show to have been full of savage and licentious abominations? Exod. iii, 14; xx, 3–17; Lev. xix, 2, 18; Deut. vi, 4; xxx, 6. Such are some of the internal evidences for the veracity of the books of Moses. 11. Then the situation in which the Jews actually found themselves placed, as a matter of fact, is no slight argument for the truth of the Mosaic accounts; reminded, as they were, by certain memorials observed from year to year, of the great events of their early history, just as they are recorded in the writings of Moses, memorials universally recognised both in their object and in their authority. The passover, for instance, celebrated by all, no man doubting its meaning, no man in all Israel assigning to it any other origin than one, viz. that of being a contemporary monument of a miracle displayed in favour of the people of Israel; by right of which credentials, and no other, it summoned from all quarters of the world, at great cost, and inconvenience, and danger, the dispersed Jews, none disputing the obligation to obey the summons. 12. Then the heroic devotion with which the Israelites continued to regard the law, even long after they had ceased to cultivate the better part of it, even when that very law only served to condemn its worshippers, so that they would offer themselves up by thousands, with their children and wives, as martyrs to the honour of their temple, in which no image, even of an emperor, who could scourge them with scorpions for their disobedience, should be suffered to stand, and they live: so that rather than violate the sanctity of the Sabbath day, the bravest men in arms would lay down their lives as tamely as sheep, and allow themselves to be burned in the holes where they had taken refuge from their cruel and cowardly pursuers. All this points to their law, as having been at first promulgated under circumstances too awful to be forgotten even after the lapse of ages. 13. Then again, the extraordinary degree of national pride with which the Jews boasted themselves to be God’s peculiar people, as if no nation ever was or ever could be so nigh to him; a feeling which the early teachers of Christianity found an insuperable obstacle to the progress of the Gospel among them, and which actually did effect its ultimate rejection, this may well seem to be founded upon a strong traditional sense of uncommon tokens of the Almighty’s regard for them above all other nations of the earth, which they had heard with their ears, or their fathers had declared unto them, even the noble works that he had done in the old time before them. 14. Then again, the constant craving after a sign,” which beset them in the latter days of their history, as a lively certificate of the prophet; and not after a sign only, but after such a one as they would themselves prescribe: What sign showest thou, that we may see, and believe? Our fathers did eat manna in the desert,” John vi, 31. This desire, so frequently expressed, and with which they are so frequently reproached, looks like the relic of an appetite engendered in other times, when they had enjoyed the privilege of more intimate communion with God; it seems the wake, as it were, of miracles departed. 15. Lastly, the very onerous nature of the law; so studiously meddling with all the occupations of life, great and small;--this yoke would scarcely have been endured, without the strongest assurance, on the part of those who were galled by it, of the authority by which it was imposed. For it met them with some restraint or other at every turn. Would they plough? then it must not be with an ox and an ass. Would they sow? then must not the seed be mixed. Would they reap? then must they not reap clean. Would they make bread? then must they set apart dough enough for the consecrated loaf. Did they find a bird’s nest? then must they let the old bird fly away. Did they hunt? then they must shed the blood of their game, and 677cover it with dust. Did they plant a fruit tree? for three years was the fruit to be uncircumcised. Did they shave their beards? they were not to cut the corners. Did they weave a garment? then must it be only with threads prescribed. Did they build a house? they must put rails and battlements on the roof. Did they buy an estate? at the year of jubilee, back it must go to its owner. All these (and how many more of the same kind might be named!) are enactments which it must have required extraordinary influence in the lawgiver to enjoin, and extraordinary reverence for his powers to perpetuate.
676the rainbow, which Jupiter placed in the cloud, as a sign to people;” the seventh day is a sacred day; with many others, all working together to confirm the truth of the accounts that Moses shares, because they show that evidence of similar events appears in the traditional history of the world as a whole. 9. The agreement found between the writings of Moses and those of the New Testament supports their truth: the latter often references the former, being essentially the fulfillment of the system that the former introduced. This is not an illogical argument; for, while the credibility of the New Testament can indeed be reasoned from the truth of the Pentateuch once established, it does not solely or even primarily rely on that connection. The New Testament must be accepted based on its own merits, which are distinct from those of Moses' books; therefore (insofar as it does so), it can reasonably advocate for their truth, let it be as powerful: [it may count as far as it goes]; and it seems quite unlikely that two eras, separated by around fifteen hundred years, each presenting its own fulfilled prophecies and asserting miracles based on strong evidence of their own, could have such individual claims to belief, yet still be found in close relation and both turn out to be false. 10. Most importantly, there is a notable purity in the theology and morality of the Pentateuch that indicates not only its truth but its high origins; for how else can we explain a system like Moses's, in such an age and among such a people, that the doctrine of unity, self-existence, providence, and the perfections of the great God of heaven and earth should have brightly emerged (how much more brightly than even in the renowned schools of Athens at its peak!) from a nation that continually fell into gross and degrading idolatry; and that principles of social duty, benevolence, and self-restraint, even extending to the thoughts of the heart, should have originated from an age shown by the very provisions of the Levitical law to be rife with savage and immoral abominations? Exod. iii, 14; xx, 3–17; Lev. xix, 2, 18; Deut. vi, 4; xxx, 6. These are some of the internal evidences for the truth of Moses's books. 11. Furthermore, the situation in which the Jews actually found themselves is also a significant argument for the truth of the Mosaic accounts; they were reminded, by certain memorials observed yearly, of the great events of their early history, just as they are recorded in the writings of Moses, memorials universally recognized in both their purpose and authority. The Passover, for example, celebrated by all, with no one doubting its meaning, and no one in all Israel attributing to it any origin other than that of being a contemporary monument of a miracle shown in favor of the people of Israel; based on this credential, and no other, it summoned the dispersed Jews from all corners of the world, at great cost, inconvenience, and danger, with none disputing the obligation to obey the summons. 12. Then there is the heroic devotion with which the Israelites continued to regard the law, even long after they had stopped practicing its better aspects, even when that very law only served to condemn its worshippers, so that they would willingly offer themselves up in thousands, with their children and wives, as martyrs to the honor of their temple, in which no image, even of an emperor who could scourge them with scorpions for disobedience, should be tolerated to stand, and they continue to live: so that rather than violate the sanctity of the Sabbath day, the bravest men would lay down their lives just like sheep, and allow themselves to be burned in the places they had taken refuge from their cruel and cowardly pursuers. All this suggests that their law was originally given under circumstances too profound to be forgotten even after many ages. 13. Again, the extraordinary degree of national pride with which the Jews took pride in being God’s chosen people, as if no nation ever was or ever could be so close to Him; a feeling which the early teachers of Christianity found to be an insurmountable barrier to the progress of the Gospel among them, and which actually led to its ultimate rejection, seems to be based on a strong traditional sense of exceptional signs of the Almighty’s regard for them above all other nations on earth, which they had heard with their ears or been told by their fathers about the noble works He had done in the past before them. 14. Then, there was the constant craving for a sign,” which troubled them in the later days of their history, as a clear proof of the prophet; and not just any sign, but one they would prescribe themselves: What sign do you show that we may see, and believe? Our fathers ate manna in the desert,” John vi, 31. This desire, often expressed and for which they were frequently reproached, seems to be a remnant of a longing that developed in earlier times when they had the privilege of closer communion with God; it appears as the echo of miracles that had ceased. 15. Finally, the very onerous nature of the law; so invasive in all aspects of life, big and small; this burden would hardly have been tolerated without the strongest assurance from those who were troubled by it regarding the authority by which it was imposed. For it confronted them with some restriction or another at every turn. If they wanted to plow? Then it must not be with an ox and an ass. If they wanted to sow? Then the seed must not be mixed. If they wanted to reap? Then they must not reap clean. If they wanted to make bread? Then they must set aside enough dough for the consecrated loaf. If they found a bird’s nest? Then they must let the mother bird fly away. If they wanted to hunt? Then they must shed the blood of their game and cover it with dust. If they planted a fruit tree? For three years, the fruit must not be touched. If they shaved their beards? They could not cut the corners. If they wove a garment? Then it had to be made only with prescribed threads. If they built a house? They must put rails and battlements on the roof. If they bought land? At the year of jubilee, it must return to its original owner. All these (and how many more like them could be listed!) are rules that must have required extraordinary influence from the lawgiver to enforce, and extraordinary reverence for his authority to maintain. 677
Still, after all, says Mr. Blunt, unbelievers may start difficulties,--this I dispute not; difficulties, too, which we may not always be able to answer, though I think we may be always able to neutralize them. It may be a part of our trial, that such difficulties should exist and be encountered; for there can be no reason why temptations should not be provided for the natural pride of our understanding, as well as for the natural lusts of our flesh. To many, indeed, they would be the more formidable of the two, perhaps to the angels who kept not their first estate they proved so. With such facts, however, before me, as these which I have submitted to my readers, I can come to no conclusion but one,--that when we read the writings of Moses, we read no cunningly devised fables, but solemn and safe records of great and marvellous events, which court examination, and sustain it; records of such apparent veracity and faithfulness, that I can understand our Lord to have spoken almost without a figure, when he said, that he who believed not Moses, neither would he be persuaded though one rose from the dead.
Still, after all, Mr. Blunt says that unbelievers may create challenges—this I don’t dispute; challenges that we may not always be able to answer, though I think we can always find a way to counter them. It might be part of our test that such challenges exist and must be faced; there’s no reason why temptations shouldn't be laid for our natural pride as much as for our physical desires. For many, in fact, those intellectual challenges might be even more daunting than the latter, perhaps even to the angels who lost their original status. Given the facts I've shared with my readers, I can only conclude one thing—that when we read the writings of Moses, we are not reading cleverly crafted stories but serious and reliable accounts of great and amazing events that invite scrutiny and can withstand it; accounts with such clear truthfulness and accuracy that I can understand our Lord speaking almost literally when he said that if someone does not believe Moses, they wouldn't be convinced even if someone rose from the dead.
MOTH, עיש, Job iv, 19; and עשש, Job xiii, 28; xxvii, 18; Psalm vi, 7; xxxi, 9, 10; xxxix, 11; Isaiah l, 9; Hosea v, 12. The clothes moth is the tinea argentea; of a white, shining silver, or pearl colour. It is clothed with shells, fourteen in number, and these are scaly. Albin asserts this to be the insect that eats woollen stuffs; and says that it is produced from a gray speckled moth, that flies by night, creeps among woollens, and there lays her eggs, which, after a little time, are hatched as worms, and in this state they feed on their habitation, till they change into a chrysalis, and thence emerge into moths. The young moth, or moth worm,” says the Abbé Pluche, upon leaving the egg which a papilio had lodged upon a piece of stuff commodious for her purpose, finds a proper place of residence, grows and feeds upon the nap, and likewise builds with it an apartment, which is fixed to the groundwork of the stuff with several cords and a little glue. From an aperture in this habitation, the moth worm devours and demolishes all about him; and, when he has cleared the place, he draws out all the fastenings of his tent; after which he carries it to some little distance, and then fixes it with the slender cords in a new situation. In this manner he continues to live at our expense, till he is satisfied with his food, at which period he is first transformed into the nympha, and then changed into the papilio.”
MOTH, עיש, Job iv, 19; and עשש, Job xiii, 28; xxvii, 18; Psalm vi, 7; xxxi, 9, 10; xxxix, 11; Isaiah l, 9; Hosea v, 12. The clothes moth is the tinea argentea; it has a white, shiny silver or pearl color. It is covered with fourteen scaly shells. Albin claims that this is the insect that eats woolen fabrics and says it comes from a gray speckled moth that flies at night, creeps among woolens, and lays its eggs there. After a short time, these eggs hatch into worms, which then feed on the fabric until they transform into a chrysalis and finally emerge as moths. The young moth, or moth worm, as Abbé Pluche describes, leaves the egg that a papilio deposited on a suitable piece of fabric, finds a good place to live, grows, and eats the nap. It also builds a small apartment that is secured to the fabric with several threads and a bit of glue. Through an opening in this shelter, the moth worm devours everything around it; when it has cleared the area, it pulls out all the ties of its tent, carries it a little way off, and fixes it in a new spot with the fine threads. This is how it continues to live at our expense until it is full, at which point it first transforms into the nympha and then into the papilio.
The allusions to this insect in the sacred writings are very striking: Fear ye not the reproach of men, neither be ye afraid of their revilings. For the moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat them like wool.” They shall perish with as little noise as a garment under the tooth of a moth, Isaiah li, 7, 8. In the prophecies of Hosea, God himself says, I will be as a moth unto Ephraim, and as a lion;” that is, I will send silent and secret judgments upon him, which shall imperceptibly waste his beauty, corrode his power, and diminish his strength, and will finish his destruction with open and irresistible calamities. Or the meaning may be, As the moth crumbles into dust under the slightest pressure, or the gentlest touch, so man dissolves with equal ease, and vanishes into darkness, under the finger of the Almighty. Deeply sensible of this affecting truth, the royal Psalmist earnestly deprecates the judgments of God, humbly confessing his own weakness, and the inability of every man to endure his frown: Remove thy stroke away from me: I am consumed by the blow of thy hand. When thou with rebukes doth correct man for iniquity, thou makest his beauty to consume away like a moth: surely every man is vanity. Selah,” Psalm xxxix, 10, 11. Such, in the estimation of Job, is the fading prosperity of a wicked man: He buildeth his house as a moth, and as a booth that the keeper maketh,” Job xxvii, 18. His unrighteous acquisitions shall be of short continuance; they shall moulder insensibly away, returning to the lawful owner, or pass into the possession of others. It is in this sense that the Lord threatens: I will be unto Ephraim as a moth,” Hosea v, 12. By the secret curse of God he shall fade away, and whatever is most precious in his estimation shall be gradually dissolved and consumed, as a garment eaten by the moth. The same allusion is involved in the direction of our Lord to his disciples: Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon the earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal. But lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through nor steal,” Matthew vi, 19, 20. The word treasure commonly suggests to our minds the idea of some durable substance, as precious stones, gold, and silver, upon which the persevering industry of a moth can make no impression; but, in the language of inspiration, it denotes every thing collected together which men reckon valuable. The Jews had treasures of raiment as well as of corn, of wine, of oil, of honey, Jer. xli, 8; and of gold, silver, and brass, Ezek. xxxiii, 4; Dan. xi, 43. The robes of princes were a part of their treasure, upon which they often set a particular value. Rich vestments made a conspicuous figure in the treasury of Ulysses. These were, from their nature, exposed to the depredations of the moth; fabricated of perishing materials, they were liable to be prematurely 678consumed, or taken away by fraud or violence; but the favour of God, and the graces of his Spirit, and the enjoyment of eternal happiness, are neither liable to internal decay nor external violence, and by consequence, are the proper objects of our highest regard, chief solicitude, and constant pursuit. It is also likely, that by moth” our Lord meant all the kinds of small insects which devour or spoil the different kinds of property, such as corn, honey, fruits, &c, which were treasured up for the future. These, in warm countries, are very numerous and destructive.
The references to this insect in sacred texts are very striking: "Don’t be afraid of the criticism from people, and don’t fear their insults. For the moth will consume them like a garment, and the worm will eat them like wool.” They will disappear without a sound, like a garment under the bite of a moth, Isaiah 51:7-8. In Hosea’s prophecies, God says, “I will be like a moth to Ephraim, and like a lion;" meaning, I will bring quiet and hidden judgments upon him that will silently wear away his beauty, corrode his power, and lessen his strength, ultimately leading to his destruction with clear and unstoppable disasters. Or it could mean that just as the moth crumbles into dust with the slightest touch, so too does man dissolve easily and vanish into darkness under the grip of the Almighty. Aware of this poignant truth, the royal Psalmist earnestly pleads against God's judgments, humbly admitting his own weakness, and how no one can withstand His anger: "Remove your hand from me; I am consumed by the impact of your hand. When you correct man with rebukes for wrongdoing, you make his beauty waste away like a moth: truly, every man is nothing." Selah, Psalm 39:10-11. According to Job, this is how fleeting the prosperity of a wicked person is: “He builds his house like a moth, and like a shelter that a keeper makes," Job 27:18. His unjust gains will not last long; they will slowly fade away, returning to their rightful owner or passing on to others. This is what the Lord means when He threatens: “I will be like a moth to Ephraim,” Hosea 5:12. Through God’s hidden curse, he will fade away, and whatever he values most will gradually be destroyed, like a garment eaten by the moth. The same imagery is in Jesus’ instruction to His disciples: “Don’t store up for yourselves treasures on earth, where moths and rust destroy, and where thieves break in and steal. But store up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moths nor rust destroys, and where thieves do not break in or steal,” Matthew 6:19-20. The word treasure usually brings to mind durable things, like precious stones, gold, and silver, which a moth can’t damage; but in the language of Scripture, it means everything gathered that people value. The Jews had treasures of clothing as well as grains, wine, oil, honey, Jeremiah 41:8; and of gold, silver, and brass, Ezekiel 33:4; Daniel 11:43. The robes of princes were part of their treasure, often held in high regard. Luxurious garments were a prominent feature in Ulysses’ treasury. These were, by nature, vulnerable to the ravages of moths; made from perishable materials, they were likely to be destroyed early or taken away by deceit or force; however, the favor of God, the gifts of His Spirit, and the experience of eternal happiness are not prone to decay or invasion, and therefore, are the true objects of our highest respect, greatest concern, and persistent pursuit. It is also likely that when Jesus mentions moths, He referred to all small insects that destroy or spoil various properties, like grains, honey, fruits, etc., which were saved for the future. In warm climates, these pests are numerous and destructive.
MOUSE, עבבר, in Chaldee acalbar, probably the same with the aliarbui of the Arabians or the jerboa, Leviticus xi, 29; 1 Samuel vi, 4, 5, 11, 18; Isaiah xlvi, 17. All interpreters acknowledge that the Hebrew word achbar signifies a mouse,” and more especially a field mouse.” Moses declares it to be unclean, which insinuates that it was sometimes eaten; and, indeed, it is affirmed that the Jews were so oppressed with famine during the siege of Jerusalem by the Romans, that, notwithstanding this prohibition, they were compelled to eat dogs, mice, and rats. Isaiah, lxvi, 17, justly reproaches the Jews with eating the flesh of mice and other things that were impure and abominable. It is known what spoil was made by mice in the fields of the Philistines, 1 Sam. vi, 5, 6, &c, after this people had brought into the country the ark of the Lord; so that they were obliged to take the resolution to send it back, accompanied with mice and emerods of gold, as an atonement for the irreverence they had committed, and to avert from their land the vengeance that pursued them. Judea has suffered by these animals in other times. William, archbishop of Tyre, records, that in the beginning of the twelfth century a penitential council was held at Naplouse, where five and twenty canons were framed for the correction of the manners of the inhabitants of the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, who, they apprehended, had provoked God to bring upon them the calamities of earthquakes, war, and famine. This last the archbishop ascribes to locusts and devouring mice, which had for four years together so destroyed the fruits of the earth, as seemed to cause almost a total failure in their crops. Bochart has collected many curious accounts relative to the terrible devastation made by these animals.
MOUSE, עבבר, in Chaldean acalbar, likely the same as the aliarbui of the Arabs or the jerboa, mentioned in Leviticus xi, 29; 1 Samuel vi, 4, 5, 11, 18; Isaiah xlvi, 17. All scholars agree that the Hebrew word achbar means "mouse," specifically a "field mouse." Moses states that it is unclean, suggesting it was sometimes eaten; indeed, it is said that the Jews faced such severe famine during the Roman siege of Jerusalem that, despite this prohibition, they were forced to eat dogs, mice, and rats. Isaiah lxvi, 17 rightly condemns the Jews for eating the flesh of mice and other impure, detestable things. It is noted what damage mice caused in the fields of the Philistines, 1 Sam. vi, 5, 6, etc., after this people brought the ark of the Lord into their land; they had to decide to send it back, along with mice and gold emerods, as an act of atonement for their disrespect and to prevent further punishment. Judea has suffered from these creatures at other times as well. William, archbishop of Tyre, recorded that in the early twelfth century, a penitential council was held at Naplouse, where twenty-five canons were created to correct the behavior of the inhabitants of the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, who were thought to have provoked God to bring upon them disasters like earthquakes, war, and famine. The archbishop attributed this last to locusts and ravaging mice, which had devastated crops for four consecutive years, nearly leading to total crop failure. Bochart has gathered many fascinating accounts regarding the severe destruction caused by these animals.
MULBERRY TREE, בכא, 2 Sam. v, 23, 24; 1 Chronicles xiv, 14, 15; Psalm lxxxiv, 7. The LXX, in Chronicles, render the word by ἀπίων, pear trees;” so Aquila and the Vulgate, both in Samuel and Chronicles, pyrorum.” Others translate it the mulberry tree.” More probably it is the large shrub which the Arabs still call baca;” and which gave name to the valley where it abounded. Of this valley Celsius remarks, that it was rugged and embarrassed with bushes and stones, which could not be passed through without labour and tears;” referring to Psalm lxxxiv, 7; and the rough valley,” Deut. xxi, 4; and he quotes from a manuscript of Abu'l Fideli a description of the tree which grew there, and mentions it as bearing a fruit of an acrid taste.
MULBERRY TREE, בכא, 2 Sam. v, 23, 24; 1 Chronicles xiv, 14, 15; Psalm lxxxiv, 7. The LXX, in Chronicles, translates the word as ἀπίων, "pear trees;" so do Aquila and the Vulgate, both in Samuel and Chronicles, pyrorum. Others translate it as "the mulberry tree." More likely, it refers to the large shrub that Arabs still call "baca;" and which named the valley where it was plentiful. Celsius notes that this valley was rugged and filled with bushes and stones, which could only be traversed with great effort and difficulty;” referencing Psalm lxxxiv, 7; and the rough valley,” Deut. xxi, 4; and he quotes from a manuscript of Abu'l Fideli a description of the tree that grew there, mentioning it as producing fruit with a bitter taste.
MULE, פרד, 2 Sam. xiii, 29; 1 Kings i, 33; x, 25, &c. A mongrel kind of quadruped, between the horse and the ass. Its form bears a considerable resemblance to the last mentioned animal; but in its disposition it is rather vicious and intractable; so that its obstinacy has become a proverb. With this creature the early ages were probably unacquainted. It is very certain the Jews did not breed mules, because it was forbidden them to couple together two creatures of different species, Lev. xix, 19. But they were not prohibited the making use of them: thus we find in David’s time that they had become very common, and made up a considerable part of the equipage of princes, 2 Sam. xiii, 29; xviii, 9; 1 Kings i, 33, 38, 44; x, 25; 2 Chron. ix, 24.
MULE, פרד, 2 Sam. xiii, 29; 1 Kings i, 33; x, 25, &c. A mixed breed of animal, between a horse and a donkey. Its appearance is quite similar to that of the donkey, but its temperament is generally fierce and stubborn, making its obstinacy a popular saying. It’s likely that people in ancient times were not familiar with this animal. It’s certain that the Jews did not breed mules because they were forbidden from mating different species, Lev. xix, 19. However, they were allowed to use them: thus, in David's time, they became quite common and were a significant part of royal transportation, 2 Sam. xiii, 29; xviii, 9; 1 Kings i, 33, 38, 44; x, 25; 2 Chron. ix, 24.
MURDER. Among the Hebrews murder was always punished with death; but involuntary homicide, only by banishment. Cities of refuge were appointed for involuntary manslaughter, whither the slayer might retire and continue in safety till the death of the high priest, Num. xxxv, 28. Then the offender was at liberty to return to his own house, if he pleased. A murderer was put to death without remission, and the kinsman of the murdered person might kill him with impunity. Money could not redeem his life: he was dragged away from the altar, if he had there taken refuge. When a dead body was found in the fields of a person slain by a murderer unknown, Moses commanded that the elders and judges of the neighbouring places should resort to the spot, Deut. xxi, 1–8. The elders of the city nearest to it were to take a heifer which had never yet borne the yoke, and were to lead it into some rude and uncultivated place, which had not been ploughed or sowed, where they were to cut its throat. The priests of the Lord, with the elders and magistrates of the city, were to come near the dead body, and, washing their hands over the heifer that had been slain, were to say, Our hands have not shed this blood, nor have our eyes seen it shed. Lord, be favourable to thy people Israel, and impute not to us this blood, which has been shed in the midst of our country.” This ceremony may inform us how much horror they conceived at the crime of murder; and it shows their fear that God might avenge it on the whole country; which was supposed to contract pollution by the blood spilt in it, unless it were expiated, and avenged on him who had occasioned it, if he could be discovered.
MURDER. Among the Hebrews, murder was always punished with death, but accidental killing only led to banishment. Cities of refuge were designated for those guilty of unintentional manslaughter, where the person could go and remain safe until the high priest's death, Num. xxxv, 28. After that, the offender was free to return home if they wanted. A murderer faced death without mercy, and a relative of the murdered could kill them without consequence. Money couldn’t save a murderer’s life; they would be taken from the altar if they sought refuge there. When a body was found in the fields of someone murdered by an unknown assailant, Moses instructed that the elders and judges of the nearby towns should go to the location, Deut. xxi, 1–8. The elders of the closest city were to take a young heifer that had never been yoked and lead it to a rough, uncultivated area that wasn’t plowed or planted, where they would kill it. The priests of the Lord, along with the city elders and officials, were to approach the dead body, and after washing their hands over the slain heifer, they would say, “Our hands have not shed this blood, nor have our eyes seen it shed. Lord, be gracious to your people Israel, and do not hold this blood against us, which has been shed in our land.” This ceremony reflects how much horror they associated with the crime of murder and their concern that God might punish the entire country for it, as the land was believed to become tainted by the blood spilled within it, unless it was atoned for and the perpetrator was found and punished.
MUSIC is probably nearly coeval with our race, or, at least, with the first attempts to preserve the memory of transactions. Before the invention of writing, the history of remarkable events was committed to memory, and handed down by oral tradition. The knowledge of laws and of useful arts was preserved in the same way. Rhythm and song were probably soon found important helps to the memory; and thus the muses became the early instructers of mankind. Nor was it long, we 679may conjecture, before dancing and song united contributed to festivity, or to the solemnities of religion. The first instruments of music were probably of the pulsatile kind; and rhythm, it is likely, preceded the observation of those intervals of sound which are so pleasing to the ear. The first mention of stringed instruments, however, precedes the deluge. Tubal, the sixth descendant from Cain, was the father of all such as handle the harp and the organ.” About five hundred and fifty years after the deluge, or B. C. 1800, according to the common chronology, both vocal and instrumental music are spoken of as things in general use: And Laban said, What hast thou done, that thou hast stolen away unawares to me, and carried away my daughters, as captives taken with the sword? Wherefore didst thou flee away secretly, and steal away from me; and didst not tell me, that I might have sent thee away with mirth and with songs, with tabret and with harp?” Gen. xxxi, 26, 27.
MUSIC has likely been around as long as humanity, or at least since people first tried to remember significant events. Before writing was invented, notable happenings were memorized and passed down through storytelling. Knowledge of laws and practical skills was shared in the same way. Rhythm and song quickly became important tools for memory, making the muses the early teachers of humankind. We can assume that it didn’t take long for dancing and singing to come together to create celebrations or play a role in religious ceremonies. The first musical instruments were probably percussion-based, and rhythm likely came before the discovery of pleasing sound intervals. However, the first references to string instruments date back before the flood. Tubal, the sixth generation from Cain, is considered the father of everyone who plays the harp and the organ. About five hundred and fifty years after the flood, around 1800 B.C. according to common timelines, both vocal and instrumental music are mentioned as widely used: “And Laban said, What have you done that you’ve sneaked away from me and taken my daughters like captives taken by the sword? Why did you run off secretly without telling me, so I could have sent you away with joy and songs, with tambourines and harps?” Gen. xxxi, 26, 27.
Egypt has been called the cradle of the arts and sciences, and there can be no doubt of the very early civilization of that country. To the Egyptian Mercury, or Thoth, who is called Trismegistos, or thrice illustrious,” is ascribed the invention of the lyre, which had at first only three strings. It would be idle to mention the various conjectures how these strings were tuned, or to try to settle the chronology of this invention. The single flute, which they called photinx, is also ascribed to the Egyptians. Its shape was that of a horn, of which, no doubt, it was originally made. Before the invention of these instruments, as Dr. Burney justly observes, music could have been little more than metrical, as no other instruments except those of percussion were known. When the art was first discovered of refining and sustaining tones, the power of music over mankind was probably irresistible, from the agreeable surprise which soft and lengthened sounds must have occasioned.” The same learned writer has given a drawing, made under his own eye, of an Egyptian musical instrument, represented on a very ancient obelisk at Rome, brought from Egypt by Augustus. This obelisk is supposed to have been erected at Heliopolis, by Sesostris, near four hundred years before the Trojan war. The most remarkable thing in this instrument is, that it is supplied with a neck, so that its two strings were capable of furnishing a great number of sounds. This is a contrivance which the Greeks, with all their ingenuity, never hit upon. I have never been able,” says the doctor, to discover in any remains of Greek sculpture, an instrument furnished with a neck; and Father Montfaucon says that in examining the representations of near five hundred ancient lyres, harps, and citharas, he never met with one in which there was any contrivance for shortening the strings during the time of performance, as by a neck and finger board.” From the long residence of the Hebrews in Egypt, it is no improbable conjecture that their music was derived from that source. However that may be, music, vocal and instrumental, made one important part of their religious service. If the excellence of the music was conformable to the sublimity of the poetry which it accompanied, there would be no injustice in supposing it unspeakably superior to that of every other people; and the pains that were taken to render the tabernacle and temple music worthy of the subjects of their lofty odes, leaves little doubt that it was so. That the instruments were loud and sonorous, will appear from what follows; but as the public singing was performed in alternate responses, or the chorus of all succeeded to those parts of the psalm which were sung only by the appointed leaders, instruments of this kind were necessary to command and control the voices of so great a number as was usually assembled on high occasions.
Egypt has often been referred to as the birthplace of the arts and sciences, and it's clear that the civilization there is very ancient. To the Egyptian Mercury, known as Thoth and Trismegistos, or "thrice illustrious," we credit the invention of the lyre, which initially had only three strings. It would be pointless to dive into the different guesses about how these strings were tuned or to attempt to determine the timeline of this invention. The single flute, called photinx, is also attributed to the Egyptians. Its shape resembled a horn, likely made from one originally. Before these instruments were created, as Dr. Burney accurately points out, music could have only been rhythmic since there were no other known instruments aside from percussion. When the ability to refine and sustain tones was discovered, music's power over people was likely overwhelming due to the delightful surprise that soft and prolonged sounds would have created. This knowledgeable writer has provided a drawing, made under his own observation, of an Egyptian musical instrument depicted on a very ancient obelisk in Rome, which was brought from Egypt by Augustus. This obelisk is thought to have been erected at Heliopolis by Sesostris nearly four hundred years before the Trojan War. The most noteworthy feature of this instrument is that it has a neck, allowing its two strings to produce a wide range of sounds. This is an innovation that the Greeks, despite their creativity, never developed. "I have never been able,” the doctor states, “to find any Greek sculpture remnants of an instrument with a neck,” while Father Montfaucon mentions that in his exploration of nearly five hundred ancient lyres, harps, and citharas, he never encountered an example that included a mechanism for shortening the strings during performance, such as a neck and fingerboard. Given the long time the Hebrews spent in Egypt, it's not unreasonable to think their music originated from that influence. Regardless, music, both vocal and instrumental, was a significant part of their religious practices. If the quality of the music matched the grandeur of the accompanying poetry, it would not be unfair to assume it was far superior to that of any other culture; the effort put into making the music for the tabernacle and temple worthy of their inspiring odes suggests this was indeed the case. The instruments were loud and resonant, as will be shown next; however, since the public singing was done in alternating responses, or a chorus from everyone following the parts of the psalm sung by the designated leaders, such instruments were essential to project and manage the voices of the large gatherings that typically occurred during significant events.
The Hebrews insisted on having music at marriages, on anniversary birth days, on the days which reminded them of victories over their enemies, at the inauguration of their kings, in their public worship, and when they were coming from afar to attend the great festivals of their nation, Isaiah xxx, 29. In the tabernacle and the temple, the Levites were the lawful musicians; but on other occasions any one might use musical instruments who chose. There was this exception, however: the holy silver trumpets were to be blown only by the priests, who, by the sounding of them, proclaimed the festival days, assembled the leaders of the people, and gave the signal for the battle and for the retreat, Num. x, 1–10. David, in order to give the best effect to the music of the tabernacle, divided the four thousand Levites into twenty-four classes, who sung psalms, and accompanied them with music. Each of these classes was superintended by a leader, placed over it; and they performed the duties which devolved upon them, each class a week at a time in succession, 1 Chron. xvi, 5; xxiii, 4, 5; xxv, 1–31; 2 Chron. v, 12, 13. The classes collectively, as a united body, were superintended by three directors. This arrangement was subsequently continued by Solomon after the erection of the temple, and was transmitted till the time of the overthrow of Jerusalem. It was indeed sometimes interrupted, during the reign of the idolatrous kings, but was restored by their successors, 2 Chron. v, 12–14; xxix, 27; xxxv, 15. It was even continued after the captivity, Ezra iii, 10; Neh. xii, 45–47; 1 Mac. iv, 54; xiii, 51. It should be remarked, however, that neither music nor poetry attained to the same excellence after the captivity as before that period.
The Hebrews insisted on having music at weddings, on birthdays, on days that celebrated their victories over enemies, during the inauguration of their kings, in public worship, and when they traveled from afar to attend the significant festivals of their nation, Isaiah 30:29. In the tabernacle and the temple, the Levites were the official musicians; however, on other occasions, anyone could use musical instruments if they wished. There was one exception, though: the holy silver trumpets could only be blown by the priests, who used them to announce festival days, gather the leaders of the people, and signal for battle and retreat, Numbers 10:1-10. David organized the music of the tabernacle by dividing the four thousand Levites into twenty-four groups to sing psalms and accompany them with music. Each group had a leader overseeing it, and they performed their duties for one week at a time in rotation, 1 Chronicles 16:5; 23:4-5; 25:1-31; 2 Chronicles 5:12-13. The groups, as a unified body, were overseen by three directors. This system was later maintained by Solomon after the temple was built and continued until the fall of Jerusalem. It was occasionally disrupted during the reign of idolatrous kings but was restored by their successors, 2 Chronicles 5:12-14; 29:27; 35:15. It even continued after the Babylonian exile, Ezra 3:10; Nehemiah 12:45-47; 1 Maccabees 4:54; 13:51. However, it's worth noting that music and poetry did not reach the same level of excellence after the exile as they had before.
There were women singers as well as men in the temple choir; for in the book of Ezra, among those who returned from the Babylonish captivity, there are said to have been two hundred, Ezra ii, 65; and in Nehemiah vii, 67, we read of two hundred and forty-five singing men and women. The Jewish doctors will, indeed, by no means admit there were any female voices in the temple choir; and as for those משררות, meshoreroth, as they are called in the Hebrew, they suppose them to be the 680wives of those who sung. Nevertheless, the following passage makes it evident that women, likewise, were thus employed: God gave to Heman fourteen sons and three daughters; and all these were under the hands of their father for song in the house of the Lord, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps, for the service of the house of God,” 1 Chron. xxv, 5, 6. Instrumental music was first introduced into the Jewish service by Moses; and afterward, by the express command of God, was very much improved with the addition of several instruments in the reign of David. When Hezekiah restored the temple service, which had been neglected in his predecessor’s reign, “he set the Levites in the house of the Lord, with cymbals, with psalteries, and with harps, according to the commandment of David, and of Gad the king’s seer, and Nathan the prophet; for so was the commandment of the Lord by his prophets,” 2 Chron. xxix, 25.
There were women singers as well as men in the temple choir; in the book of Ezra, among those who returned from the Babylonian captivity, it states there were two hundred, Ezra ii, 65; and in Nehemiah vii, 67, it mentions two hundred and forty-five singing men and women. Jewish scholars, however, refuse to accept that there were any female voices in the temple choir; they believe that those Ministries, meshoreroth in Hebrew, were the wives of the singers. Nevertheless, the following passage clearly shows that women were also involved: God gave Heman fourteen sons and three daughters, and all of them worked under their father for song in the house of the Lord, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps, for the service of the house of God,” 1 Chron. xxv, 5, 6. Instrumental music was first introduced into the Jewish service by Moses and was later greatly enhanced with the addition of several instruments under God's direct command during David's reign. When Hezekiah restored the temple service, which had been neglected during his predecessor’s reign, “he appointed the Levites in the house of the Lord, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps, according to the commandment of David, and of Gad the king’s seer, and Nathan the prophet; for this was the commandment of the Lord through his prophets,” 2 Chron. xxix, 25.
The harp, כנור, kinnor, was the most ancient of the class of stringed instruments, Gen. iv, 21. It was sometimes called שמינית, or eight stringed,” 1 Chron. xv, 21; Psalm vi, 1; xii, 1; although, as we may gather from the coins or medals of the Maccabean age, there were some harps which were furnished with only three strings. The nablum or psaltery, ναϐλίον, ναύλα, נבל, is first mentioned in the Psalms of David. In Psalms xxxiii, 2, and cxliv, 9, it is called עשור, a ten-stringed instrument;” but in Psalm xcii, 3, it is distinguished from it. Josephus assigns to it twelve strings, which, taken in connection with the fact above stated, leaves us to conclude that it sometimes had ten and sometimes twelve strings. It was not played with a bow or fret, but with the fingers: the act of playing it is expressed in Hebrew by the word מזר. It resembled in form a right-angled triangle, or the Greek delta, ▽, inverted. The body of it was of wood and hollow, and was enclosed with a piece of leather tensely drawn. The chords were extended on the outside of the leather, and were fixed at one end into the transverse part of the triangular body of the instrument. Such is its form at the present day in the east; but it has only five strings in its modern shape, 2 Sam. vi, 5; 1 Kings x, 12. There was another instrument of this kind used in Babylonia: it was triangular in form. In Greek it is called σαμϐύκη; in Hebrew, סבכא and שבכא. It had originally only four, but subsequently twenty, strings, Dan. iii, 5, 7, 10, 15. Among their wind instruments was the organ, so called in the English version, in Hebrew, עוגב, Gen. iv, 21. It may be styled the ancient shepherd’s pipe, corresponding most nearly to the σύριγξ, or the pipe of Pan among the Greeks. It consisted at first of only one or two, but afterward of about seven, pipes made of reeds, and differing from each other in length. The instrument called משרוקיתא, used in Babylon, Dan. iii, 5, was of a similar construction. חלול, נחילות, and נקב, chalil, nechiloth, and nekeb, are wind instruments made of various materials, such as wood, reeds, horns, and bones. As far as we may be permitted to judge from the three kinds of pipes now used in the east, the Hebrew instrument called nechiloth is the one that is double in its structure; chalil is perhaps the one of simpler form, having a single stem with an orifice through it; while nekeb answers to the one without an orifice, Isaiah v, 12; xxx, 29; Jer. xlviii, 36; Psalm v, 1; Ezek. xxviii, 13. סומפוניה, or, according to the marginal reading, סיפניא, Dan. iii, 5, 10, was a wind instrument made of reeds, by the Syrians called sambonja, by the Greeks samponja, and by the Italians zampogna. According to Servius, it was of a crooked shape. קרן, the horn or crooked trumpet, was a very ancient instrument. It was made of the horns of oxen, which were cut off at the smaller extremity, and thus presented an orifice which extended through. In progress of time, rams’ horns were hollowed and employed for the same purpose. It is probable that in some instances it was made of brass, fashioned so as to resemble a horn. It was greatly used in war, and its sound resembled thunder. תץוץרה, chatsoteroth, the silver trumpet, was straight, a cubit in length, hollow throughout, and at the larger extremity shaped so as to resemble the mouth of a small bell. In times of peace, when the people or the rulers were to be assembled together, this trumpet was blown softly. When the camps were to move forward, or the people to march to war, it was sounded with a deeper note.
The harp, כרומנגה, kinnor, was the oldest type of string instrument, Gen. iv, 21. It was sometimes referred to as Eighth, or "eight-stringed," 1 Chron. xv, 21; Psalm vi, 1; xii, 1; although, based on coins from the Maccabean era, some harps had only three strings. The nablum or psaltery, ναϐλίον, ναύλα, נבל, is first mentioned in the Psalms of David. In Psalms xxxiii, 2, and cxliv, 9, it’s called עשור, a "ten-stringed instrument," but in Psalm xcii, 3, it is set apart from it. Josephus mentions it had twelve strings, which, together with the above fact, suggests it sometimes had ten and sometimes twelve strings. It wasn’t played with a bow or fret, but with the fingers: the act of playing it is represented in Hebrew by the word מזרון. Its shape resembled a right-angled triangle or the Greek delta, ▽, inverted. The body was made of wood and hollow, covered with a piece of tightly drawn leather. The strings were stretched over the leather and fixed at one end into the transverse part of the triangular body of the instrument. This is its current form in the east; however, it only has five strings in its modern version, 2 Sam. vi, 5; 1 Kings x, 12. There was another similar instrument used in Babylonia: it was triangular. In Greek, it's called σαμϐύκη; in Hebrew, סבכא and שבכא. Originally, it had only four strings but later had twenty, Dan. iii, 5, 7, 10, 15. Among the wind instruments was the organ, referred to as such in the English version, in Hebrew אורגני, Gen. iv, 21. It could be described as the ancient shepherd’s pipe, similar to the σύριγξ, or the pipe of Pan in Greek culture. Initially, it consisted of just one or two pipes, but later expanded to about seven pipes made of reeds, differing in length. The instrument called Whistle, used in Babylon, Dan. iii, 5, was similarly constructed. Hollow, נחילות, and נקב, chalil, nechiloth, and nekeb, are wind instruments made from various materials like wood, reeds, horns, and bones. From the three types of pipes used in the east, we may conclude that the Hebrew instrument called nechiloth is the one built in a double structure; chalil is likely the simpler form, having a single stem with a hole through it; while nekeb refers to one without an orifice, Isaiah v, 12; xxx, 29; Jer. xlviii, 36; Psalm v, 1; Ezek. xxviii, 13. סימפוניה, or סיפריה, according to the marginal reading, Dan. iii, 5, 10, was a wind instrument made of reeds, called sambonja by Syrians, samponja by Greeks, and zampogna by Italians. According to Servius, it had a crooked shape. קרן, the horn or crooked trumpet, was a very ancient instrument. It was made from the horns of oxen, cut off at the smaller end, creating an opening that extended through. Over time, rams’ horns were hollowed out and used for the same purpose. It’s also possible some were made of brass, shaped to resemble a horn. It was widely used in war, its sound reminiscent of thunder. תץוץרה, chatsoteroth, the silver trumpet, was straight, one cubit long, hollow throughout, and at the larger end shaped like the mouth of a small bell. During peaceful times, this trumpet was sounded softly to gather the people or rulers. When the camps were to advance or the people to march to war, it was sounded with a deeper note.
There were several sorts of drums. The תפים תף, toph, rendered in the English version tabret and timbrel, Gen. xxxi, 27, consisted of a circular hoop, either of wood or brass, three inches and six-tenths wide, was covered with a skin tensely drawn, and hung round with small bells. It was held in the left hand, and beaten to notes of music with the right. The ladies through all the east, even to this day, dance to the sound of this instrument, Exod. xv, 20; Job xvii, 6; xxi, 12; 2 Sam. vi, 5. The cymbals, צלצלים, tseltselim, מצלות, were of two kinds formerly, as there are to this day, in the east. The first consisted of two flat pieces of metal or plates: the musician held one of them in his right hand, the other in his left, and smote them together, as an accompaniment to other instruments. This cymbal and the mode of using it may be often seen in modern armies. The second kind of cymbals, consisted of four small plates attached, two to each hand, which the ladies, as they danced, smote together. But מצלות, Zech. xiv, 20, rendered in the English version bells, are not musical instruments, as some suppose, nor indeed bells, but concave pieces or plates of brass, which were sometimes attached to horses for the sake of ornament.
There were several types of drums. The תופים תופפים, toph, translated in English as tabret and timbrel, Gen. xxxi, 27, had a circular hoop made of wood or brass, three inches and six-tenths wide, covered with a stretched skin, and adorned with small bells. It was held in the left hand and played with the right. Women across the East continue to dance to the sound of this instrument today, Exod. xv, 20; Job xvii, 6; xxi, 12; 2 Sam. vi, 5. The cymbals, Onions, tseltselim, מזרנים, were traditionally of two kinds, just as they are today in the East. The first type consisted of two flat pieces of metal: the musician held one in the right hand and the other in the left, striking them together as an accompaniment to other instruments. This style of cymbal playing can often be seen in modern armies. The second type of cymbals consisted of four small plates, two in each hand, which women struck together as they danced. However, This appears to be a Hebrew word meaning "counsel" or "advice." I cannot modernize it directly without further context., Zech. xiv, 20, translated in English as bells, are not musical instruments as some believe, nor are they bells, but concave pieces or plates of brass, sometimes attached to horses for decoration.
MUSTARD, σίναπι, Matt. xiii, 32; xvii, 20; Mark iv, 31; Luke xiii, 19; xvii, 6; a well known garden herb. Christ compares the kingdom of heaven to a grain of mustard seed, which a man took and sowed in the earth, which indeed,” said he, is the least of all seeds; but when it is grown is the greatest among herbs, and becometh a tree, so that the birds of the air come and lodge in the branches 681thereof,” Matt. xiii, 31, 32. This expression will not appear strange,” says Sir Thomas Browne, if we recollect that the mustard seed, though it be not simply and in itself the smallest of seeds, yet may be very well believed to be the smallest of such as are apt to grow unto a ligneous substance, and become a kind of tree.” The expression, also, that it might grow into such dimensions that birds might lodge on its branches, may be literally conceived, if we allow the luxuriancy of plants in India above our northern regions. And he quotes upon this occasion what is recorded in the Jewish story, of a mustard tree that was to be climbed like a fig tree. The Talmud also mentions one whose branches were so extensive as to cover a tent. Without insisting on the accuracy of this, we may gather from it that we should not judge of eastern vegetables by those which are familiar to ourselves. Scheuchzer describes a species of mustard which grows several feet high, with a tapering stalk, and spreads into many branches. Of this arborescent or treelike vegetable, he gives a print; and Linnæus mentions a species whose branches were real wood, which he names sinapi erucoides. But whatever kind of tree our Lord meant, it is clear, from the fact that he never takes his illustrations from any objects but such as were familiar, and often present in the scene around him, that he spoke of one which the Jews well knew to have minute seeds, and yet to be of so large growth as to afford shelter for the birds of the air.
MUSTARD, σίναπι, Matt. xiii, 32; xvii, 20; Mark iv, 31; Luke xiii, 19; xvii, 6; a well-known garden herb. Christ compares the kingdom of heaven to a grain of mustard seed that a man took and sowed in the ground. He said, “it is indeed the smallest of all seeds, but when it has grown, it is the greatest among herbs and becomes a tree, so that the birds of the air come and nest in its branches,” Matt. xiii, 31, 32. This statement won't seem strange, says Sir Thomas Browne, if we remember that while the mustard seed may not literally be the smallest of all seeds, it can well be believed to be the smallest among those that can grow into a woody plant and become a sort of tree. The idea that it could grow to such heights that birds could nest in its branches is plausible if we consider how plants thrive in India compared to our northern regions. He also quotes a Jewish story about a mustard tree that could be climbed like a fig tree. The Talmud mentions one whose branches were so wide that they could cover a tent. Without debating the accuracy of this, we can conclude that we shouldn't judge eastern vegetables by those we’re used to. Scheuchzer describes a type of mustard that grows several feet tall, with a tapering stem, spreading out into many branches. He provides an illustration of this tree-like plant, and Linnæus notes a species with woody branches, which he names sinapi erucoides. Regardless of which kind of tree Jesus referred to, it’s clear that he always used examples that were familiar and often present in his surroundings, indicating that he was referring to one which the Jews recognized as having tiny seeds and yet growing large enough to provide shelter for birds.
MYRRH, מור, Exod. xxx, 23; Esther ii, 12; Psalm xiv, 8; Prov. vii, 17; Cant. i, 13; iii, 6; iv, 6, 14; v, 1, 5, 13; σμύρνα, Ecclus. xxiv, 15; Matt. ii, Mark xv, 23; John xix, 39; a precious kind of gum issuing by incision, and sometimes spontaneously, from the trunk and larger branches of a tree growing in Egypt, Arabia, and Abyssinia. Its taste is extremely bitter, but its smell, though strong, is not disagreeable; and among the ancients it entered into the composition of the most costly ointments. As a perfume, it appears to have been used to give a pleasant fragrance to vestments, and to be carried by females in little caskets in the bosoms. The magi, who came from the east to worship our Saviour at Bethlehem, made him a present of myrrh among other things, Matt. ii, 11.
MYRRH, מור, Exod. xxx, 23; Esther ii, 12; Psalm xiv, 8; Prov. vii, 17; Cant. i, 13; iii, 6; iv, 6, 14; v, 1, 5, 13; σμύρνα, Ecclus. xxiv, 15; Matt. ii, Mark xv, 23; John xix, 39; a valuable type of resin that oozes from cuts made in the trunk and larger branches of a tree found in Egypt, Arabia, and Abyssinia. Its flavor is very bitter, but its scent, while strong, is not unpleasant; and in ancient times, it was used in the most expensive perfumes. As a fragrance, it seems to have been used to add a pleasant scent to clothing and carried by women in small boxes kept close to their bodies. The Magi who traveled from the East to honor our Savior in Bethlehem gifted him myrrh, along with other offerings, Matt. ii, 11.
MYRTLE, הדס, Neh. viii, 15; Isaiah xli, 19; lv, 13; Zech. i, 8–10; a shrub, sometimes growing to a small tree, very common in Judea. It has a hard woody root that sends forth a great number of small flexible branches, furnished with leaves like those of box, but much less, and more pointed: they are soft to the touch, shining, smooth, of a beautiful green, and have a sweet smell. The flowers grow among the leaves, and consist of five white petals disposed in the form of a rose: they have an agreeable perfume, and ornamental appearance. Savary, describing a scene at the end of the forest of Platanea, says, Myrtles, intermixed with laurel roses, grow in the valleys to the height of ten feet. Their snow-white flowers, bordered with a purple edging, appear to peculiar advantage under the verdant foliage. Each myrtle is loaded with them, and they emit perfumes more exquisite than those of the rose itself. They enchant every one, and the soul is filled with the softest sensations.” The myrtle is mentioned in Scripture among lofty trees, not as comparing with them in size, but as contributing with them to the beauty and richness of the scenery. Thus Isaiah, xii, 19, intending to describe a scene of varied excellence: I will plant in the wilderness the cedar, and the shittah tree, and the myrtle, and the oil tree;” that is, I will adorn the dreary and barren waste with trees famed for their stature and the grandeur of their appearance, the beauty of their form, and also the fragrance of their odour. The apocryphal Baruch, v, 8, speaking of the return from Babylon, expresses the protection afforded by God to the people by the same image: Even the woods and every sweet-smelling tree shall overshadow Israel by the commandment of God.”
MYRTLE, הדס, Neh. viii, 15; Isaiah xli, 19; lv, 13; Zech. i, 8–10; is a plant that can sometimes grow into a small tree, and it’s very common in Judea. It has a hard, woody root that produces many small, flexible branches covered in leaves resembling boxwood, but they are much smaller and more pointed. The leaves are soft to the touch, shiny, smooth, and a beautiful green, giving off a sweet scent. The flowers grow among the leaves and have five white petals arranged like a rose: they have a pleasant fragrance and ornamental look. Savary, when describing a scene at the edge of the Platanea forest, notes that myrtles, mixed with laurel roses, grow in the valleys up to ten feet high. Their snow-white flowers, edged in purple, stand out beautifully against the green foliage. Each myrtle is full of these flowers, and they release scents more exquisite than those of roses. They captivate everyone, filling the soul with the softest sensations. The myrtle is mentioned in Scripture alongside majestic trees, not in terms of their size, but as part of the beauty and richness of the landscape. For example, in Isaiah xii, 19, when describing a scene of great beauty: “I will plant in the wilderness the cedar, and the shittah tree, and the myrtle, and the oil tree;” meaning that I will beautify the bleak and barren land with trees known for their height, grandeur, lovely shape, and fragrant smell. The apocryphal Baruch, v, 8, referring to the return from Babylon, uses a similar imagery to express God’s protection over the people: “Even the woods and every sweet-smelling tree shall overshadow Israel by the commandment of God.”
MYSIA, a country of Asia Minor, having the Propontis on the north, Bithynia on the north-east and east, Phrygia on the south-east, Lydia (from which it was separated by the river Hermus) on the south, the Ægean Sea on the west, and the narrow strait, called the Hellespont, on the north-west. Mysia was visited by St. Paul in his circuit through Asia Minor; but he was not suffered by the Spirit to remain there, being directed to pass over into Macedonia, Acts xvi, 7–10. In this country stood the ancient city Troy; as also that of Pergamus, one of the seven churches of Asia. Under the Romans it was made a province of the empire, and called Hellespontus; and its inhabitants are represented by Cicero as base and contemptible to a proverb.
MYSIA, a region of Asia Minor, is bordered by the Propontis to the north, Bithynia to the northeast and east, Phrygia to the southeast, Lydia (separated by the river Hermus) to the south, the Aegean Sea to the west, and the narrow strait known as the Hellespont to the northwest. St. Paul visited Mysia during his journey through Asia Minor, but the Spirit did not allow him to stay there, directing him to go over to Macedonia, Acts xvi, 7–10. This region was home to the ancient city of Troy, as well as Pergamus, one of the seven churches of Asia. Under Roman rule, it became a province of the empire and was called Hellespontus; its people were described by Cicero as generally low and contemptible to the point of being a saying.
MYSTERY. The Greek word μυϛηριον denotes, 1. Something hidden, or not fully manifest. Thus, 2 Thess. ii, 7, we read of the mystery of iniquity,” which began to work in secret, but was not then completely disclosed or manifested. 2. Some sacred thing hidden or secret, which is naturally unknown to human reason, and is only known by the revelation of God. Thus, Great is the mystery of godliness; God was manifest in the flesh, justified by the Spirit,” &c, 1 Tim. iii, 16. The mystery of godliness, or of true religion, consisted in the several particulars here mentioned by the Apostle; particulars, indeed, which it would never have entered into the heart of man to conceive,” 1 Cor. ii, 9, had not God accomplished them in fact, and published them by the preaching of his Gospel; but which, being thus manifested, are intelligible, as facts, to the meanest understanding. In like manner, the term mystery, Rom. xi, 25; 1 Cor. xv, 51, denotes what was hidden or unknown, till revealed; and thus the Apostle speaks of a man’s understanding all mysteries,” 1 Cor. xiii, 2; that is, all the revealed truths of the Christian religion, which is elsewhere called the mystery of faith,” 1 Tim. iii, 9. And when he who 682spake in an unknown tongue is said to speak mysteries,” 1 Cor. xiv, 2, it is plain, that these mysteries, however unintelligible to others on account of the language in which they were spoken, were yet understood by the person himself, because he hereby edified himself,” 1 Cor. xiv, 4; Acts ii, 11; x, 46. And though in 1 Cor. ii, 7, 8, we read of the wisdom of God in a mystery, even the hidden wisdom, which none of the princes of this world knew;” yet, says the Apostle, we speak or declare this wisdom; and he observes, verse 10, that God had revealed the particulars of which it consisted to them by his Spirit. So when the Apostles are called stewards of the mysteries of God,” 1 Cor. iv, 1, these mysteries could not mean what were, as facts, unknown to them; (because to them it was given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of God,” Matt. xiii, 11;) yea, the character here ascribed to them implies not only that they knew these mysteries themselves, but that as faithful stewards they were to dispense or make them known to others, Luke xii, 42; 1 Pet. iv, 10. In Col. ii, 2, St. Paul mentions his praying for his converts, that their hearts might be comforted to the knowledge of the mystery of God, even of the Father, and of Christ;” for thus the passage should be translated. But if, with our translators, we render ἐπίγνωσιν, acknowledgment, still the word μυϛηριον can by no means exclude knowledge; for this is life eternal,” saith our Lord, John xvii, 3, that they may know thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom thou hast sent.” And, lastly, whatever be the particular meaning of the mystery of God,” mentioned Rev. x, 7, yet it was something he had declared to (or rather by) his servants the prophets.” 3. The word mystery is sometimes in the writings of St. Paul applied in a peculiar sense to the calling of the Gentiles, which he styles the mystery,” Eph. iii, 3–6; and the mystery of Christ, which in other generations was not made known to the sons of men, as it is now revealed to his holy Apostles and prophets by the Spirit, that the Gentiles should be fellow heirs, and of the same body, and partakers of Christ by the Gospel,” Rom. xvi, 25; Eph. i, 9; iii, 9; vi, 19; Col. i, 26, 27; iv, 3. 4. It denotes a spiritual truth couched under an external representation or similitude, and concealed or hidden thereby, unless some explanation of it be otherwise given. Thus, Rev. i, 20, The mystery,” that is, the spiritual meaning, of the seven stars: The seven stars are the angels of the seven churches.” So Rev. xvii, 5, And upon her forehead a name written, Mystery, Babylon the Great,” that is, Babylon in a spiritual sense, the mother of idolatry and abominations;” and, verse 7, I will tell thee the mystery” or spiritual signification of the woman.” Compare Matt. xiii, 11; Mark iv, 11; Luke viii, 10; Eph. v, 32; and their respective contexts.
MYSTERY. The Greek word μυϛηριον means, 1. Something hidden or not fully revealed. In 2 Thess. ii, 7, we read about the "mystery of iniquity," which started to operate in secret but was not fully revealed at that time. 2. A sacred thing that is hidden or secret, which human reason naturally doesn’t understand and is known only through God's revelation. For example, "Great is the mystery of godliness; God was revealed in the flesh, justified by the Spirit," etc., in 1 Tim. iii, 16. The mystery of godliness, or true religion, consists of several details mentioned by the Apostle—details that would never have entered anyone's mind to conceive, 1 Cor. ii, 9, had not God made them real and shared them through the preaching of His Gospel. However, once revealed, they are understandable, even to the simplest minds. Similarly, the term mystery, as in Rom. xi, 25; 1 Cor. xv, 51, refers to what was hidden or unknown until revealed; thus, the Apostle mentions a person understanding "all mysteries," 1 Cor. xiii, 2, meaning all the revealed truths of Christianity, which is also referred to as the "mystery of faith," 1 Tim. iii, 9. When someone who speaks in an unknown tongue is said to "speak mysteries," 1 Cor. xiv, 2, it's clear that, despite being unintelligible to others because of the language used, these mysteries were understood by the person speaking, as he built up himself, 1 Cor. xiv, 4; Acts ii, 11; x, 46. And even though 1 Cor. ii, 7, 8 talks about the wisdom of God as a mystery, the hidden wisdom that none of this world’s rulers understood, the Apostle states that they do speak or declare this wisdom; and in verse 10, he notes that God revealed its details to them through His Spirit. When the Apostles are called "stewards of the mysteries of God," 1 Cor. iv, 1, these mysteries can't refer to facts unknown to them (since they were given to know “the mysteries of the kingdom of God," Matt. xiii, 11); the title given to them implies that they understood these mysteries and, as faithful stewards, were meant to share them with others, Luke xii, 42; 1 Pet. iv, 10. In Col. ii, 2, St. Paul mentions praying for his converts so that their hearts might be comforted to understand the mystery of God, the Father, and Christ, as the passage should be translated. But even if we translate ἐπίγνωσιν as acknowledgment, the word μυϛηριον cannot exclude knowledge; as our Lord says, "this is eternal life," John xvii, 3, "that they may know you, the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom you have sent." Lastly, whatever the specific meaning of "the mystery of God" in Rev. x, 7, it was something He declared to (or rather by) His servants the prophets. 3. The term "mystery" is sometimes used in St. Paul's writings in a specific sense regarding the calling of the Gentiles, which he calls a “mystery,” Eph. iii, 3–6; and the mystery of Christ, which was not revealed in previous generations but is now disclosed to His holy Apostles and prophets by the Spirit, showing that the Gentiles are fellow heirs, part of the same body, and share with Christ through the Gospel, Rom. xvi, 25; Eph. i, 9; iii, 9; vi, 19; Col. i, 26, 27; iv, 3. 4. It signifies a spiritual truth that is expressed through an external representation or analogy and is concealed unless explained otherwise. For example, Rev. i, 20 mentions "the mystery" or the spiritual meaning of the seven stars: "The seven stars are the angels of the seven churches." In Rev. xvii, 5, "And on her forehead, a name written, Mystery, Babylon the Great," refers to Babylon in a spiritual sense, as "the mother of idolatry and abominations"; and in verse 7, "I will tell you the mystery" or spiritual meaning of the woman. Compare Matt. xiii, 11; Mark iv, 11; Luke viii, 10; Eph. v, 32; and their respective contexts.
MYSTICS, who have also been sometimes called Quietists, are those who profess a pure and sublime devotion, accompanied with a disinterested love of God, free from all selfish considerations; and who believe that the Scriptures have a mystic and hidden sense, which must be sought after, in order to understand their true import. Under this name some comprehend all those who profess to know that they are inwardly taught of God. The system of the Mystics proceeded upon the known doctrine of the Platonic school, which was also adopted by Origen and his disciples, that the divine nature was diffused through all human souls; or that the faculty of reason, from which proceed the health and vigour of the mind, was an emanation from God into the human soul, and comprehended in it the principles and elements of all truth, human and divine. They denied that men could, by labour or study, excite this celestial flame in their breasts; and, therefore, they disapproved highly of the attempts of those who, by definitions, abstract theorems, and profound speculations, endeavoured to form distinct notions of truth, and discover its hidden nature. On the contrary, they maintained that silence, tranquillity, repose, and solitude, accompanied with such acts as might tend to attenuate and exhaust the body, were the means by which the hidden and internal word was excited to produce its latent virtues, and to instruct men in the knowledge of divine things. They reasoned as follows: Those who behold, with a noble contempt, all human affairs, who turn away their eyes from terrestrial vanities, and shut all the avenues of the outward senses against the contagious influence of a material world, must necessarily return to God, when the spirit is thus disengaged from the impediments which prevented that happy union. And, in this blessed frame, they not only enjoy inexpressible raptures from that communion with the supreme Being, but also are invested with the inestimable privilege of contemplating truth undisguised and uncorrupted in its native purity, while others behold it in a vitiated and delusive form.” The number of the Mystics increased in the fourth century, under the influence of the Grecian fanatic, who gave himself out for Dionysius the Areopagite, a disciple of St. Paul, and who probably lived about this period; and, by pretending to higher degrees of perfection than other Christians, and practising great austerities, their cause gained ground, especially in the eastern provinces, in the fifth century. A copy of the pretended works of Dionysius was sent by Balbus to Lewis the meek, A. D. 824, which kindled the holy flame of Mysticism in the western provinces, and filled the Latins with the most enthusiastic admiration of this new system. In the twelfth century, these Mystics took the lead in their method of expounding the Scriptures. In the thirteenth, they were the most formidable antagonists of the schoolmen; and, toward the close of the fourteenth, many of them resided and propagated their tenets in almost every part of Europe. They had, in the fifteenth century, many persons of distinguished merit in their number. In the sixteenth, previously to the reformation, if any sparks of real piety subsisted under 683the despotic empire of superstition, they were chiefly to be found among the Mystics; and in the seventeenth, the radical principle of Mysticism was adopted by the Behmists, Bourignonists, and Quietists.
MYSTICS, who have also been referred to as Quietists, are those who express a pure and elevated devotion, paired with a selfless love for God, free from any selfish motives. They believe that the Scriptures hold a mystical and hidden meaning that must be pursued to grasp their true significance. Under this term, some include all who assert that they are directly taught by God. The Mystics' beliefs stem from the well-known teachings of the Platonic school, which were also embraced by Origen and his followers, asserting that the divine nature is spread across all human souls; or that the capacity for reason, which generates the health and vitality of the mind, is an emanation from God into the human soul, containing the principles and elements of all truth, both human and divine. They argued that humans couldn’t spark this celestial fire within themselves through effort or study, thus they strongly opposed those who, through definitions, abstract theories, and profound speculations, sought to create clear concepts of truth and uncover its hidden essence. Instead, they advocated for silence, peace, stillness, and solitude, along with actions that might thin and tire the body, as the means to awaken the hidden and internal word to unleash its dormant qualities and teach people about divine matters. They reasoned like this: Those who look down on all human concerns, turning away from worldly distractions and blocking the senses from the overwhelming influence of the material world, will naturally return to God when their spirit is freed from the obstacles preventing that joyous connection. In this blessed state, they not only experience indescribable ecstasy from their communion with the supreme Being but also hold the priceless privilege of seeing truth in its unblemished and pure form, while others perceive it in a distorted and misleading way. The number of Mystics grew in the fourth century, influenced by the Greek fanatic who claimed to be Dionysius the Areopagite, a disciple of St. Paul, who likely lived around this time. By claiming to have achieved higher levels of perfection than other Christians and practicing severe self-discipline, their movement gained traction, especially in the eastern provinces, during the fifth century. A copy of the supposed works of Dionysius was sent by Balbus to Lewis the Meek in A.D. 824, igniting the holy flame of Mysticism in the western regions and filling the Latins with enthusiastic admiration for this new system. In the twelfth century, these Mystics became prominent in their interpretation of the Scriptures. In the thirteenth century, they emerged as the most significant challengers of the schoolmen; and by the late fourteenth century, many were living and spreading their ideas throughout nearly all of Europe. In the fifteenth century, they included many individuals of notable distinction within their ranks. In the sixteenth century, just before the Reformation, if any genuine piety existed under the oppressive rule of superstition, it was mainly found among the Mystics; and in the seventeenth century, the core principles of Mysticism were adopted by the Behmists, Bourignonists, and Quietists.
The Mystics propose a disinterestedness of love, without other motives, and profess to feel, in the enjoyment of the temper itself, an abundant reward; and passive contemplation in the state of perfection to which they aspire. They lay little or no stress upon the outward ceremonies and ordinances of religion, but dwell chiefly upon the inward operations of the mind. It is not uncommon for them to allegorize certain passages of Scripture; at the same time they do not deny the literal sense, as having an allusion to the inward experience of believers. Thus, according to them, the word Jerusalem, which is the name of the capital of Judea, signifies, allegorically, the church militant; morally, a believer; and mysteriously, heaven. That sublime passage also in Genesis, Let there be light, and there was light,” which is, according to the letter, corporeal light, signifies, allegorically, the Messiah; morally, grace; and mysteriously, beatitude, or the light of glory. All this appears to be harmless; yet we must be careful not to give way to the sallies of a lively imagination in interpreting Scripture. Woolston is said to have been led to reject the Old Testament by spiritualizing and allegorizing the New.
The Mystics suggest a selfless form of love, driven by nothing but the pure emotions themselves, claiming to find great joy in the inner state they seek. They put little to no emphasis on the outward rituals and rules of religion, focusing instead on the inner workings of the mind. It's common for them to interpret certain Scriptures allegorically; however, they don't dismiss the literal meaning, as it refers to the inner experiences of believers. For instance, they interpret the word Jerusalem, which is the name of the capital of Judea, to symbolically represent the church in battle; morally, it stands for a believer; and mysteriously, it signifies heaven. Similarly, the profound phrase from Genesis, "Let there be light, and there was light," which literally refers to physical light, is understood by them as an allegory for the Messiah; morally, it represents grace; and mysteriously, it stands for bliss or the light of glory. All of this seems harmless, yet we should be cautious not to indulge our vivid imaginations when interpreting Scripture. Woolston is said to have turned away from the Old Testament by overly spiritualizing and allegorizing the New.
The Mystics are not confined to any particular denomination of Christians, but may be found in most countries, and among many descriptions of religionists. Among the number of Mystics may be reckoned many singular characters, especially Behmen, a shoemaker at Gorlitz, in Germany; Molinos, a Spanish priest, in the seventeenth century; Madam Guion, a French lady who made a great noise in the religious world; and the celebrated Madame Bourignon, who wrote a work entitled, The Light of the World,” which is full of Mystic extravagancies. Fenelon, also, the learned and amiable archbishop of Cambray, favoured the same sentiments, for which he was reprimanded by the pope. His work, entitled, An Explication of the Maxims of the Saints,” which abounds with Mystical sentiments was condemned; and to the pope’s sentence against him, the good archbishop quietly submitted, and even read it publicly himself in the cathedral of Cambray. In this whole affair, his chief opponent is said to have been the famous Bossuet, bishop of Meaux. Mr. William Law, author of the Serious Call,” &c, degenerated in the latter part of his life, into all the singularities of Mysticism. In the best sense, Mysticism is to be regarded as an error arising out of partial views of the truth, or truth made erroneous, as being put out of its proper relation to, and connection with, other truths. As it respects the inward life of religion, its tendency is to a species of fanaticism, and to induce a contempt for divinely appointed ordinances. In many, however, it has been happily tempered by good principles; and too frequently has all Scriptural Christianity, in its inward influence, been branded with the name of Mysticism.
The Mystics are not limited to any specific denomination of Christians; they can be found in many countries and among various types of religious groups. Many unique individuals can be counted among the Mystics, including Behmen, a shoemaker from Gorlitz, Germany; Molinos, a Spanish priest from the seventeenth century; Madame Guion, a French woman who made quite an impact in the religious scene; and the renowned Madame Bourignon, who wrote a book titled "The Light of the World," full of mystical ideas. Fenelon, the learned and kind archbishop of Cambray, shared these views and was reprimanded by the pope for it. His work, "An Explication of the Maxims of the Saints," which is rich in mystical ideas, was condemned, and the good archbishop calmly accepted the pope's judgment, even reading it publicly himself in the cathedral of Cambray. It is said that his main opponent in this matter was the famous Bossuet, bishop of Meaux. Mr. William Law, author of "A Serious Call," etc., later in life embraced the peculiarities of Mysticism. In the best sense, Mysticism should be seen as an error stemming from a limited understanding of the truth or truth being misrepresented, as it is disconnected from and not related to other truths. When it comes to the inner life of religion, its tendency can lean toward a kind of fanaticism and foster a disregard for divinely appointed practices. However, in many individuals, it has been positively balanced by sound principles, and too often, genuine Scriptural Christianity, in its inner influence, has been unfairly labeled as Mysticism.
NAAMAN, general of the army of Benhadad, king of Syria, mentioned 2 Kings v. He appears to have been a Gentile idolater; but being miraculously cured of his leprosy by the power of the God of Israel, and the direction of his Prophet Elisha, he renounced his idolatry, and acknowledged this God to be the only true God: Behold, now I know that there is no God in all the earth, but in Israel,” 2 Kings v, 15, and promised, for the time to come, that he would worship none other but Jehovah, verse 17. He also requested the prophet, that he might have two mules’ load of earth to carry home with him from the land of Israel, most probably intending to build an altar with it in his own country; which seems, indeed, to be implied in the reason with which he enforces his request: “Shall there not, I pray thee, be given to thy servant two mules’ burden of earth; for thy servant will henceforth offer neither burnt-offering nor sacrifice to other gods but unto Jehovah.” He farther says, In this the Lord pardon thy servant, that when my master goes into the house of Rimmon, to worship there, and he leaneth upon my hand, and I bow myself in the house of Rimmon; when I bow down in the house of Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant in this thing,” verse 18; which some understand to be a reserve, denoting that he would renounce idolatry no farther than was consistent with his worldly interest, with his prince’s favour, and his place at court. But, if so, the prophet would hardly have dismissed him with a blessing, saying, Go in peace,” verse 19. Others, therefore, suppose, that in these words he begs pardon for what he had done in times past, not for what he should continue to do. They observe, that השתחויתי, though rendered in the future tense by the Targum, and by all the ancient versions, is really the preterperfect; and they, therefore, understand it,--“when I have bowed myself,” or, because I have bowed myself” in the house of Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant. With this sense Dr. Lightfoot agrees, and it is defended by the learned Bochart in a large dissertation on the case of Naaman. Yet it does not seem very probable, that, if he meant this for a penitential acknowledgment of his former idolatry, he should only mention what he had done as the king’s servant, and omit his own voluntary worship of the idol. The more probable opinion, therefore, is, that he consulted the prophet, whether it was lawful for him, having renounced idolatry, and publicly professed the worship of the true God, still, in virtue of his office, to attend his master in the temple of Rimmon, in order that he might lean upon him, either out of state, or perhaps out of bodily weakness; because, if he attended him, as he had formerly done, he could not avoid bowing down when he did. To this the prophet returns no direct answer; making no other reply than, Go in peace;” putting it, 684probably, upon his conscience to act as that should dictate, and not being willing to relieve him from this trial of his recent faith.
NAAMAN, the commander of the army of Benhadad, king of Syria, is mentioned in 2 Kings 5. He seems to have been a Gentile idolater; however, after being miraculously healed of his leprosy by the power of the God of Israel and the guidance of the prophet Elisha, he renounced his idol worship and recognized this God as the only true God: “Now I know that there is no God in all the earth, except in Israel,” 2 Kings 5:15. He promised that from then on, he would worship no one but Jehovah, as stated in verse 17. He also asked the prophet if he could take two mules’ loads of earth back home from the land of Israel, likely intending to build an altar with it in his own country. This is suggested by his reasoning for the request: “Please give your servant two mules’ loads of earth, for your servant will no longer offer burnt offerings or sacrifices to any other gods but to Jehovah.” He further added, “In this, may the Lord pardon your servant for when my master goes into the house of Rimmon to worship there, and he leans on my hand, and I bow in the house of Rimmon; when I bow down in the house of Rimmon, may the Lord pardon your servant in this matter,” verse 18. Some interpret this as a reservation, indicating that he would only renounce idolatry as far as it aligned with his worldly interests, his master's favor, and his position at court. However, if that were the case, the prophet probably wouldn’t have sent him away with a blessing, saying, “Go in peace,” verse 19. Therefore, others believe that in these words he seeks forgiveness for his past actions, not for what he intended to continue doing. They note that השתחנתי, though translated in the future tense by the Targum and all the ancient versions, is actually in the perfect tense; so they understand it as “when I have bowed down” or “because I have bowed down” in the house of Rimmon, may the Lord pardon your servant. Dr. Lightfoot agrees with this interpretation, and it is supported by the scholar Bochart in a detailed dissertation on Naaman’s case. Yet it seems unlikely that if he meant to express a genuine acknowledgment of his former idol worship, he would only mention what he had done as the king’s servant and ignore his personal worship of the idol. Therefore, the more likely view is that he consulted the prophet about whether it was lawful for him, having renounced idolatry and publicly professed the worship of the true God, to continue attending his master in the temple of Rimmon, for the sake of either formality or perhaps his own physical weakness, because if he accompanied the king as he had before, he would have to bow down when the king did. The prophet did not give a direct answer, responding only with “Go in peace,” likely leaving it to Naaman’s conscience to decide how to act and not wanting to relieve him of this test of his newfound faith.
After this we have no farther mention of Naaman. But in the following account of the wars between Syria and Israel, Benhadad seems to have commanded his army in person; from whence Mr. Bedford infers, that Naaman was dismissed from the command for refusing to worship Rimmon. But the premises are not sufficient to support the conclusion; for it appears that Benhadad had commanded his army in person twice before; once in the siege of Samaria, 1 Kings xx, 1, and once at Aphek, verse 26. Yet, from the total silence concerning Naaman, it is probably enough conjectured, that he either died, or resigned, or was dismissed, soon after his return.
After this, we don’t hear anything more about Naaman. In the following description of the wars between Syria and Israel, it seems Benhadad led his army himself; from this, Mr. Bedford suggests that Naaman was removed from command for refusing to worship Rimmon. However, the evidence isn’t strong enough to back up that conclusion; for it’s shown that Benhadad had led his army personally two times before: once during the siege of Samaria, 1 Kings xx, 1, and once at Aphek, verse 26. Still, given the complete silence about Naaman, it’s likely he either died, resigned, or was dismissed soon after his return.
NABOTH, an Israelite of the city of Jezreel, who lived under Ahab, king of the ten tribes, and had a fine vineyard near the king’s palace. Ahab coveted his property; but Naboth, according to the law, Lev. xxv, 23, 24, refused to sell it: and beside, it was a disgrace for a Hebrew to alienate the inheritance of his ancestors. Ahab, returning into his house, threw himself on his bed, and refused to eat, when Jezebel, his wife, took upon herself to procure the vineyard. She wrote letters in Ahab’s name, and sealed them with the king’s seal, and sent them to the elders of Jezreel, directing them to publish a fast, to place Naboth among the chief of the people, suborn against him two sons of Belial, or two false witnesses, who might depose, that Naboth had blasphemed God and the king. Accordingly, Naboth was condemned and stoned for the supposed crime, which brought upon Ahab and Jezebel the severest maledictions, 1 Kings xxi. See Ahab.
NABOTH, an Israelite from the city of Jezreel, lived during the reign of Ahab, king of the ten tribes, and owned a beautiful vineyard near the king’s palace. Ahab desired Naboth's land, but Naboth refused to sell it according to the law, Lev. xxv, 23, 24, and it was also a shame for a Hebrew to sell off his ancestral inheritance. Ahab went home, lay on his bed, and refused to eat. His wife, Jezebel, decided to take matters into her own hands to acquire the vineyard. She wrote letters in Ahab’s name, sealed them with the king’s seal, and sent them to the elders of Jezreel, instructing them to declare a fast, to seat Naboth among the prominent people, and to hire two false witnesses to claim that Naboth had insulted God and the king. As a result, Naboth was wrongly condemned and stoned for this alleged crime, which brought severe curses upon Ahab and Jezebel, 1 Kings xxi. See Ahab.
NADAB, son of Aaron, and brother to Abihu. He offered incense to the Lord with strange fire, that is, with common fire, and not with that which had been miraculously lighted upon the altar of burnt-offerings. Therefore, he was slain by the Lord, together with his brother Abihu, Lev. x, 1, &c.
NADAB, son of Aaron and brother of Abihu, offered incense to the Lord using unauthorized fire, meaning he used regular fire instead of the miraculous fire that had been lit on the altar of burnt offerings. As a result, he was killed by the Lord, along with his brother Abihu, Lev. x, 1, &c.
NAHOR, son of Terah, and brother of Abraham, Gen. xi, 26. Neither the year of his birth nor of his death is exactly known. Nahor married Milcah, the daughter of Haran, by whom he had several sons, namely, Huz, Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Hazo, Pildash, Jidlaph, and Bethuel. Nahor fixed his habitation at Haran, which is therefore called the city of Nahor, Gen. xi, 29; xxii, 20–22; xxiv, 10.
NAHOR, son of Terah and brother of Abraham, Gen. xi, 26. The exact years of his birth and death are not known. Nahor married Milcah, the daughter of Haran, and they had several sons: Huz, Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Hazo, Pildash, Jidlaph, and Bethuel. Nahor settled in Haran, which is why it's referred to as the city of Nahor, Gen. xi, 29; xxii, 20–22; xxiv, 10.
NAHUM is supposed to have been a native of Elcosh or Elcosha, a village in Galilee, and to have been of the tribe of Simeon. There is great uncertainty about the exact period in which he lived; but it is generally allowed that he delivered his predictions between the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities, and probably about B. C. 715. They relate solely to the destruction of Nineveh by the Babylonians and Medes, and are introduced by an animated display of the attributes of God. Of all the minor prophets, says Bishop Lowth, none seems to equal Nahum in sublimity, ardour, and boldness. His prophecy forms an entire and regular poem. The exordium is magnificent and truly august. The preparation for the destruction of Nineveh, and the description of that destruction, are expressed in the most glowing colours; and at the same time the prophet writes with a perspicuity and elegance which have a just claim to our highest admiration.
NAHUM is believed to have come from Elcosh or Elcosha, a village in Galilee, and was part of the tribe of Simeon. There’s a lot of uncertainty about the exact time he lived, but it’s generally accepted that he made his predictions between the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities, likely around 715 B.C. His prophecies focus exclusively on the destruction of Nineveh by the Babylonians and Medes, beginning with a powerful display of God’s attributes. According to Bishop Lowth, of all the minor prophets, none seems to match Nahum in greatness, passion, and boldness. His prophecy is a complete and structured poem. The introduction is magnificent and truly grand. The buildup to Nineveh’s destruction and the depiction of that destruction are conveyed in the most vivid terms, and at the same time, the prophet writes with clarity and elegance that certainly deserve our highest admiration.
NAIL. The nail of Jael’s tent with which she killed Sisera, is called יתד; it was formed for penetrating earth, or other hard substances, when driven by sufficient force, as with a hammer, &c; it includes the idea of strength. The orientals, in fitting up their houses, were by no means inattentive to the comfort and satisfaction arising from order and method. Their furniture was scanty and plain; but they were careful to arrange the few household utensils they needed, so as not to encumber the apartments to which they belonged. Their devices for this purpose, which, like every part of the structure, bore the character of remarkable simplicitysimplicity, may not correspond with our ideas of neatness and propriety; but they accorded with their taste, and sufficiently answered their design. One of these consisted in a set of spikes, nails, or large pegs fixed in the walls of the house, upon which they hung up the movables and utensils in common use that belonged to the room. These nails they do not drive into the walls with a hammer or mallet, but fix them there when the house is building; for if the walls are of brick, they are too hard, or if they consist of clay, too soft and mouldering, to admit the action of the hammer. The spikes, which are so contrived as to strengthen the walls, by binding the parts together, as well as to serve for convenience, are large, with square heads like dice, and bent at the ends so as to make them cramp irons. They commonly place them at the windows and doors, in order to hang upon them, when they choose, veils and curtains, although they place them in other parts of the room, to hang up other things of various kinds. The care with which they fixed these nails, may be inferred, as well from the important purposes they were meant to serve, as from the promise of the Lord to Eliakim: And I will fasten him as a nail in a sure place,” Isa. xxii, 23. It is evident from the words of the prophet, that it was common in his time to suspend upon them the utensils belonging to the apartment: Will men take a pin of it to hang any vessel thereon?” Ezek. xv, 3. The word used in Isaiah for a nail of this sort, is the same which denotes the stake, or large pin of iron, which fastened down to the ground the cords of their tents. These nails, therefore, were of necessary and common use, and of no small importance in all their apartments; and if they seem to us mean and insignificant, it is because they are unknown to us, and inconsistent with our notions of propriety, and because we have no name for them but what conveys to our ear a low and contemptible idea. It is evident from the frequent allusions in Scripture to these instruments, 685that they were not regarded with contempt or indifference by the natives of Palestine. Grace has been shown from the Lord our God,” said Ezra, to leave us a remnant to escape, and to give us a nail in his holy place,” Ezra ix, 8; or, as explained in the margin, a constant and sure abode. The dignity and propriety of the metaphor appear from the use which the Prophet Zechariah makes of it: Out of him cometh forth the corner, out of him the nail, out of him the battle bow, out of him every oppressor together,” Zech. x, 4. The whole frame of government, both in church and state, which the chosen people of God enjoyed, was the contrivance of his wisdom and the gift of his bounty; the foundations upon which it rested, the bonds which kept the several parts together, its means of defence, its officers and executors, were all the fruits of distinguishing goodness: even the oppressors of his people were a rod of correction in the hand of Jehovah, to convince them of sin, and restore them to his service.
NAIL. The nail of Jael’s tent that she used to kill Sisera is called יתד; it was designed to penetrate the earth or other hard materials when struck with enough force, like a hammer, etc.; it implies strength. In setting up their homes, people in the East paid attention to the comfort and satisfaction that come from order and organization. Their furniture was minimal and simple, but they took care to arrange the few household items they had so that they didn’t clutter the rooms. Their methods for this purpose, which, like every part of their structure, reflected a remarkable simplicitysimplicity, might not align with our standards of tidiness and appropriateness; however, they suited their taste and successfully fulfilled their purpose. One such method involved a series of spikes, nails, or large pegs fixed into the walls of the house, onto which they hung the common movable items belonging to that room. They didn’t hammer these nails into the walls; instead, they fixed them in place while the house was being built, because if the walls were made of brick, they were too hard, or if they were made of clay, too soft and crumbly, to allow for hammering. The spikes were designed not only to provide convenience but also to reinforce the walls by binding the components together. They were large, with square heads similar to dice, and the ends were bent to act as cramps. They typically placed these at windows and doors to hang veils and curtains if they wanted, although they also placed them in other areas of the room for hanging various other items. The care taken in installing these nails can be deduced from the important functions they were intended to serve, as well as from the Lord’s promise to Eliakim: “And I will fasten him as a nail in a sure place,” Isaiah xxii, 23. It’s clear from the prophet's words that it was common at that time to hang the items belonging to the apartment on them: “Will men take a pin of it to hang any vessel thereon?” Ezekiel xv, 3. The term used in Isaiah for this type of nail is the same one that refers to the stake or large iron pin that secured the cords of their tents to the ground. These nails were therefore essential and widely used, holding significant importance in all their spaces; and if they seem trivial or insignificant to us, it’s because we’re unfamiliar with them and they don’t align with our standards of propriety, compounded by the fact that we have no word for them that doesn’t convey a low and disdainful connotation. From the frequent references to these tools in Scripture, it’s clear they were not viewed with contempt or indifference by the people of Palestine. “Grace has been shown from the Lord our God,” Ezra said, “to leave us a remnant to escape, and to give us a nail in his holy place,” Ezra ix, 8; or, as explained in the margin, a stable and secure home. The dignity and appropriateness of this metaphor are apparent in how the Prophet Zechariah used it: “Out of him cometh forth the corner, out of him the nail, out of him the battle bow, out of him every oppressor together,” Zechariah x, 4. The entire structure of government, both in the church and state, that the chosen people of God experienced was the result of His wisdom and the gift of His grace; the foundations that upheld it, the connections that held its various parts together, its means of defense, its officers and executors, were all manifestations of His unique goodness: even the oppressors of His people served as a rod of correction in the hand of the Lord, to bring them to understand their sins and restore them to His service.
NAIN, a city of Palestine, in which Jesus Christ restored the widow’s son to life, as they were carrying him out to be buried. Eusebius says, that this was in the neighbourhood of Endor, and Scythopolis, two miles from Tabor, toward the south.
NAIN, a city in Palestine, where Jesus Christ brought the widow’s son back to life as they were taking him out for burial. Eusebius mentions that this was near Endor and Scythopolis, two miles south of Tabor.
NAKEDNESS, NUDITY. These terms, beside their ordinary and literal meaning, sometimes signify void of succour, disarmed. So, after worshipping the golden calf, the Israelites found themselves naked in the midst of their enemies. Nakedness of the feet” was a token of respect. Moses put off his shoes to approach the burning bush. Most commentators are of opinion, that the priests served in the tabernacle with their feet naked; and afterward in the temple. In the enumeration that Moses makes of the habit and ornaments of the priests, he no where mentions any dress for the feet. Also the frequent ablutions appointed them in the temple seem to imply that their feet were naked. To uncover the nakedness of any one, is commonly put for a shameful and unlawful conjunction, or an incestuous marriage, Lev. xx, 19; Ezek. xvi, 37. Nakedness is sometimes put for being partly undressed; en déshabillé. Saul continued naked among the prophets; that is, having only his under garments on. Isaiah received orders from the Lord to go naked; that is, clothed as a slave, half clad. Thus it is recommended to clothe the naked; that is, such as are ill clothed. St. Paul says, that he was in cold, in nakedness; that is, in poverty and want of raiment. Naked is put for discovered, known, manifest. So Job xxvi, 6: Hell is naked before him.” The sepulchre, the unseen state, is open to the eyes of God. St. Paul says, in the same sense, Neither is there any creature that is not manifest in his sight; but all things are naked and open unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do,” Heb. iv, 13.
NAKEDNESS, NUDITY. These words, in addition to their usual and literal meanings, can sometimes mean being defenseless or helpless. After worshiping the golden calf, the Israelites realized they were exposed in front of their enemies. “Nakedness of the feet” was a sign of respect. Moses took off his shoes to approach the burning bush. Most commentators believe that the priests served in the tabernacle with bare feet and later in the temple. In the list that Moses provides about the clothing and ornaments of the priests, there’s no mention of any footwear. Furthermore, the frequent washing rituals assigned to them in the temple suggest that they went barefoot. To uncover someone's nakedness typically refers to a shameful or unlawful union, or incestuous marriage, as seen in Lev. xx, 19; Ezek. xvi, 37. Nakedness can also refer to being partially undressed, in a bathrobe. Saul remained naked among the prophets, meaning he was only in his undergarments. Isaiah was commanded by the Lord to be naked, which means dressed like a slave, half-clothed. Thus, it is advised to clothe the naked, referring to those who are poorly dressed. St. Paul mentions that he experienced cold and nakedness, meaning he was in poverty and lacking clothing. Naked can also mean uncovered, known, or obvious. As in Job xxvi, 6: “Hell is naked before him.” The grave, the invisible state, is visible to God's eyes. St. Paul similarly states, “Neither is there any creature that is not manifest in his sight; but all things are naked and open unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do,” Heb. iv, 13.
NAME. A name was given to the male child at the time of its circumcision, but it is probable, previous to the introduction of that rite, that the name was given immediately after its birth. Among the orientals the appellations given as names are always significant. In the Old Testament, we find that the child was named in many instances from the circumstances of its birth, or from some peculiarities in the history of the family to which it belonged, Gen. xvi, 11; xix, 37; xxv, 25, 26; Exod. ii, 10; xviii, 3, 4. Frequently the name was a compound one, one part being the name of the Deity, and among idolatrous nations the name of an idol. The following instances may be mentioned among others, and may stand as specimens of the whole, namely, שמואל, Samuel, hear God;” אדניה, Adonijah, God is lord;” יהוצדק, Josedech, God is just;” אתבעל, Ethbaal, a Canaanitish name, the latter part of the compound being the name of the idol deity, Baal; בלשאצר, Belshazzar, Bel,” a Babylonish deity, is ruler and king.” Sometimes the name had a prophetic meaning, Gen. xvii, 15; Isa. vii, 14; viii, 3; Hos. i, 4, 6, 9; Matt. i, 21; Luke i, 13, 60, 63. In the later times names were selected from those of the progenitors of a family; hence in the New Testament hardly any other than ancient names occur, Matt. i, 12; Luke i, 61; iii, 23, &c. The inhabitants of the east very frequently change their names, and sometimes do it for very slight reasons. This accounts for the fact of so many persons having two names in Scripture, Ruth i, 20, 21; 1 Sam. xiv, 49; xxxi, 2; 1 Chron. x, 2; Judges vi, 32; vii, 1; 2 Sam. xxiii, 8. Kings and princes very often changed the names of those who held offices under them, particularly when they first attracted their notice, and were taken into their employ, and when subsequently they were elevated to some new station, and crowned with additional honours, Gen. xli, 45; xvii, 5; xxxii, 28; xxxv, 10; 2 Kings xxiii, 34, 35; xxiv, 17; Dan. i, 6; John i, 42; Mark iii, 17. Hence a name, a new name, occurs tropically, as a token or proof of distinction and honour in the following among other passages, Phil. ii, 9; Heb. i, 4; Rev. ii, 17. Sometimes the names of the dead were changed; for instance that of Abel, הבל, a word which signifies breath, or something transitory as a breath, given to him after his death, in allusion to the shortness of his life, Gen. ii, 8. Sometimes proper names are translated into other languages, losing their original form, while they preserve their signification. This appears to have been the case with the proper names, which occur in the first eleven chapters of Genesis, and which were translated into the Hebrew from a language still more ancient. The orientals in some instances, in order to distinguish themselves from others of the same name, added to their own name the name of their father, grandfather, and even great grandfather. The name of God often signifies God himself; sometimes his attributes collectively; sometimes his power and authority. Of the Messiah it is said, And he hath on his vesture and on his thigh a name written, King of kings, and Lord of lords,” Rev. xix, 16. In illustration of this it may be remarked, that it appears to have been an ancient custom among 686several nations, to adorn the images of their deities, princes, victors at their public games, and other eminent persons, with inscriptions expressive of their names, character, titles, or some circumstance which might contribute to their honour. There are several such images yet extant, with an inscription written either on the garment, or one of the thighs. Herodotus mentions two figures of Sesostris, king of Egypt, cut upon rocks in Ionia, after his conquest of that country, with the following inscription across the breast, extending from one shoulder to the other: I conquered this country by the force of my arms.” Gruter has published a naked statue made of marble, and supposed to represent the genius either of some Roman emperor, or of Antinöus, who was deified by Hadrian, with an inscription on the inside of the right thigh, written perpendicularly in Roman letters, and containing the names of three persons. Near the statue, on the same side of it, stands an oval shield with the names of two other persons written round the rim in letters of the same form. In the appendix to Dempster’s Etruria Regalis” is a female image of brass, clothed in a loose tunic down to the feet, with a shorter garment over it, on the right side of which is a perpendicular inscription in Etrurian characters, extending partly on the lower garment. This figure, from the diadem on the head, and other circumstances which accompany it, Philip Bonarota, the editor of that work, supposes to have been designed for some Etrurian deity. Montfaucon has given us a male image of the same metal, dressed in a tunic, and over that another vestment something like a Roman toga, reaching to the middle of the legs, on the bottom of which is an Etrurian inscription written horizontally. There are likewise in both those writers two male figures crowned with laurel, which Montfaucon calls combatants, as the laurel was an emblem of victory. But Bonarota takes one of them for an image of Apollo, which has a chain round the neck, a garment wrapped over the right arm, and a bracelet on the left, with half boots on the legs; the rest of the body being naked has an Etrurian inscription written downward in two lines on the inside of the left thigh. The other figure has the lower part of the body clothed in a loose vestment, with an inscription upon it over the right thigh, perpendicularly written in Roman letters, which Bonarota has thus expressed in a more distinct manner than they appear in Montfaucon: POMPONIO VIRIO I. To these may be added from Montfaucon, a marble statue of a naked combatant, with a fillet about his head in token of victory. It is drawn in two views, one exhibiting the back and the other the fore part of the body, the latter of which has in Greek letters, ΚΑΦΙΣΟΔΟΡΟΣ for ΚΑΦΙΣΟΔΩΡΟΣ, perpendicularly inscribed on the outside of the left thigh; and the former the name ΑΙΣΧΛΑΜΙΟΥ in the like characters and situation on the right thigh; these together make one inscription signifying Caphisodorus filius Æschlamii. [Caphisodorus the son of Æschlamius.]
NAME. A name was given to the male child during its circumcision, but it’s likely that before this rite was introduced, the name was given right after birth. Among people in the East, names always have meaning. In the Old Testament, we see that children were named based on the circumstances of their birth or from unique family histories, as seen in Gen. xvi, 11; xix, 37; xxv, 25, 26; Exod. ii, 10; xviii, 3, 4. Often, names were compounds, with one part being a name of God and, among idol-worshiping nations, the name of an idol. For example, שמואל, Samuel, means “hear God”; אדניות, Adonijah, means “God is lord”; יהוצדק, Josedech, means “God is just”; אתבעל, Ethbaal, is a Canaanite name where the latter part refers to the idol Baal; בלשאצר, Belshazzar, where Bel, a Babylonian god, is called “ruler and king.” Sometimes names had a prophetic meaning, as seen in Gen. xvii, 15; Isa. vii, 14; viii, 3; Hos. i, 4, 6, 9; Matt. i, 21; Luke i, 13, 60, 63. In later times, names were often chosen from the ancestors of a family, which is why only ancient names appear in the New Testament, Matt. i, 12; Luke i, 61; iii, 23, &c. People in the East frequently change their names, sometimes for minor reasons. This explains why so many individuals in Scripture have two names, as found in Ruth i, 20, 21; 1 Sam. xiv, 49; xxxi, 2; 1 Chron. x, 2; Judges vi, 32; vii, 1; 2 Sam. xxiii, 8. Kings and princes often changed the names of individuals in their service, especially when they first noticed them and employed them, and later when they were raised to new positions and honored, Gen. xli, 45; xvii, 5; xxxii, 28; xxxv, 10; 2 Kings xxiii, 34, 35; xxiv, 17; Dan. i, 6; John i, 42; Mark iii, 17. Thus, a new name often signifies distinction and honor in various passages, such as Phil. ii, 9; Heb. i, 4; Rev. ii, 17. Sometimes the names of the deceased were changed; for example, Abel’s name, הבלים, means breath or something fleeting, reflecting the brevity of his life, Gen. ii, 8. Proper names can be translated into different languages, losing their original form but retaining their meaning. This was likely the case with proper names in the first eleven chapters of Genesis, which were translated into Hebrew from an even older language. In some instances, to distinguish themselves from others with the same name, people added their father’s, grandfather’s, and even great-grandfather’s names to their own. The name of God often refers to God himself or his attributes, power, and authority. About the Messiah, it is said, “And he has on his robe and on his thigh a name written, King of kings, and Lord of lords,” Rev. xix, 16. It’s worth noting that it was an ancient custom among several nations to embellish statues of their deities, princes, victors in public games, and other prominent individuals with inscriptions reflecting their names, characteristics, titles, or notable attributes. Some of these statues still exist, featuring inscriptions on their garments or thighs. Herodotus mentions two figures of Sesostris, king of Egypt, carved into rocks in Ionia after his conquest, with an inscription across the chest proclaiming, “I conquered this country by the force of my arms.” Gruter has published a naked marble statue, believed to represent either a Roman emperor or Antinous, who was deified by Hadrian, inscribed on the inside of the right thigh in Roman letters, containing the names of three individuals. Nearby, there’s an oval shield with the names of two others inscribed around its edge in the same letter style. In the appendix to Dempster’s Etruria Royal,” there’s a female brass figure clad in a long tunic with a shorter garment on top, featuring a vertical inscription in Etruscan characters extending onto the lower garment. This figure, based on the diadem on its head and other features, is thought by Philip Bonarota, the editor of that work, to represent some Etruscan deity. Montfaucon has provided an image of a male figure made of the same metal, dressed in a tunic and another garment akin to a Roman toga, reaching to the middle of the legs, with a horizontal Etruscan inscription at the bottom. Both authors have also documented images of two male figures crowned with laurel, with Montfaucon referring to them as combatants since laurel symbolized victory. However, Bonarota identifies one as an image of Apollo, adorned with a chain around its neck, a garment draped over the right arm, and a bracelet on the left, with the rest of the body bare, featuring an Etruscan inscription vertically in two lines on the inside of the left thigh. The other figure has the lower body covered with a loose garment, inscribed over the right thigh in Roman letters, which Bonarota has detailed more clearly than appears in Montfaucon: POMPONIO VIRIO I. Additionally, from Montfaucon, there’s a marble statue of a naked fighter, with a wreath on his head as a sign of victory. It is depicted in two views, one showing the back and the other the front, the latter holding the Greek inscription, ΚΑΦΙΣΟΔΟΡΟΣ for ΚΑΦΙΣΟΔΩΡΟΣ, inscribed vertically on the outside of the left thigh; and the former has the name ΑΙΣΧΛΑΜΙΟΥ in similar characters on the right thigh; together these inscriptions mean Caphisodorus son of Aeschlamius. [Caphisodorus the son of Æschlamius.]
NAOMI. See Ruth.
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NAPHTALI, the sixth son of Jacob by Bilhah, Rachel’s handmaid. The word Naphtali signifies wrestling, or struggling. When Rachel gave him this name, she said, With great wrestlings have I wrestled with my sister, and I have prevailed,” Gen. xxx, 8. Naphtali had but four sons, and yet at the coming out of Egypt his tribe made up fifty-three thousand four hundred men, able to bear arms. Moses, in the blessing he gave to the same tribe, says, O Naphtali, satisfied with favour, and full with the blessing of the Lord, possess thou the west and the south,” Deut. xxxiii, 23. The Vulgate reads it, the sea and the south,” and the Hebrew will admit of either interpretation, that is, the sea of Gennesareth, which was to the south by the inheritance of this tribe. His soil was very fruitful in corn and oil. His limits were extended into upper and lower Galilee, having Jordan to the east, the tribes of Asher and Zebulun to the west, Libanus to the north, and the tribe of Issachar to the south. Under Barak, their general, they and the Zebulunites fought with distinguished bravery against the army of Jabin the younger; and at the desire of Gideon they pursued the Midianites, Judges iv, 10; v, 18; vii, 23. A thousand of their captains, with thirty-seven thousand of their troops, assisted at David’s coronation, and brought great quantities of provision with them, 1 Chron. xii, 34, 40. We find no person of distinguished note among them, save Barak, and Hiram the artificer. Instigated by Asa, Benhadad the elder, king of Syria, terribly ravaged the land of Naphtali; and what it suffered in after invasions by the Syrians we are partly told, 1 Kings xv, 20. The Naphtalites were, many, if not most of them, carried captive by Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, 2 Kings xv, 29. Josiah purged their country from idols. Our Saviour and his disciples, during his public ministry, resided much and preached frequently in the land of Naphtali, Isaiah ix, 1; Matt. iv, 13, 15.
NAPHTALI, the sixth son of Jacob by Bilhah, Rachel’s maid. The name Naphtali means wrestling or struggling. When Rachel named him, she said, “With great wrestlings have I wrestled with my sister, and I have prevailed,” Gen. xxx, 8. Naphtali had only four sons, yet when they left Egypt, his tribe numbered fifty-three thousand four hundred men ready for battle. Moses, in his blessing for this tribe, says, “O Naphtali, satisfied with favor, and full with the blessing of the Lord, possess thou the west and the south,” Deut. xxxiii, 23. The Vulgate says “the sea and the south,” and the Hebrew can mean either, referring to the Sea of Gennesareth, which was south of this tribe’s land. Their land was very fertile in crops and oil. Their territory extended into upper and lower Galilee, bordered by the Jordan River to the east, the tribes of Asher and Zebulun to the west, Lebanon to the north, and the tribe of Issachar to the south. Under their leader Barak, they bravely fought alongside the Zebulunites against the army of Jabin the younger; and at Gideon’s request, they pursued the Midianites, Judges iv, 10; v, 18; vii, 23. A thousand of their leaders, along with thirty-seven thousand troops, attended David’s coronation, bringing lots of provisions, 1 Chron. xii, 34, 40. We don’t find many notable figures among them, except for Barak and Hiram the craftsman. Encouraged by Asa, Benhadad the elder, king of Syria, severely damaged the land of Naphtali; and we get some insight into its suffering from later Syrian invasions, 1 Kings xv, 20. Many of the Naphtalites, if not most, were taken captive by Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, 2 Kings xv, 29. Josiah cleansed their territory of idols. Our Savior and his disciples often lived and preached in the land of Naphtali during his ministry, Isaiah ix, 1; Matt. iv, 13, 15.
NAPHTUHIM, a son, or rather the descendants of a son, of Mizraim, whose proper name is Naphtuch. Naphtuch is supposed to have given his name to Naph, Noph, or Memphis, and to have been the first king of that division of Egypt. He is, however, placed by Bochart in Libya; and is conjectured to be the Aphtuchus, or Autuchus, who had a temple somewhere here. He is farther conjectured, and not without reason, to be the original of the Heathen god Neptune; who is represented to have been a Libyan, and whose temples were generally built near the sea coast. By others, he is supposed to have peopled that part of Ethiopia between Syene and Meroe, the capital of which was called Napata.
NAPHTUHIM, a son, or more accurately the descendants of a son, of Mizraim, whose actual name is Naphtuch. Naphtuch is believed to have given his name to Naph, Noph, or Memphis, and to have been the first king of that region of Egypt. However, Bochart places him in Libya; he is also thought to be the Aphtuchus, or Autuchus, who had a temple somewhere in that area. Additionally, there are reasonable grounds to suggest that he is the origin of the pagan god Neptune, who is depicted as being Libyan, with his temples typically located near the coastline. Others believe he settled that portion of Ethiopia between Syene and Meroe, with its capital called Napata.
NATHAN, a prophet of the Lord, who appeared in Israel in the time of King David, and had a great share in the confidence of this prince. His country is unknown, as also the time in which he began to prophesy. The first time we find him mentioned, is when David designed to build the temple, 2 Sam. vii, 3, &c. We find him mentioned again in the 687affair of David and Bathsheba, when he faithfully reproved the king for his wicked conduct, 2 Sam. xii, 1–14. And when Adonijah began to take upon him the state, and to assume the dignity, of a sovereign, and to form a party in opposition to his brother Solomon, Nathan repaired to Bathsheba, and sent her immediately to the king with instructions what to say; and while she was yet discoursing with the king, Nathan came in, reminded David of his promise, that Solomon should be his successor, and procured Solomon to be immediately anointed king of Israel.
NATHAN, a prophet of the Lord, appeared in Israel during King David's reign and earned the king's trust. His origins and the timing of his prophetic work are unclear. The first time he is mentioned is when David planned to build the temple, 2 Sam. vii, 3, &c. He is mentioned again in connection with David and Bathsheba, where he courageously rebuked the king for his wrongdoing, 2 Sam. xii, 1–14. When Adonijah started to take on royal authority and build a faction against his brother Solomon, Nathan went to Bathsheba and instructed her to speak to the king. As she was discussing matters with the king, Nathan entered, reminded David of his promise that Solomon would be his successor, and ensured that Solomon was anointed as king of Israel right away.
NATHANAEL, a disciple of our Lord. He appears to have been a pious Jew who waited for the Messiah: and upon Jesus saying to him, Before Philip called thee, I saw thee under the fig tree,” Nathanael, convinced, by some circumstance not explained, of his omniscience, exclaimed, Master, thou art the Son of God, and the King of Israel.” Many have thought that Nathanael was the same as Bartholomew. The evangelists, who mention Bartholomew, say nothing of Nathanael; and St. John, who mentions Nathanael, takes no notice of Bartholomew. We read at the end of St. John’s Gospel, that our Saviour, after his resurrection, manifested himself to Peter, Thomas, Nathanael, and the sons of Zebedee, as they were fishing in the lake of Gennesareth. We know no other circumstances of the life of this holy man.
NATHANAEL, a disciple of our Lord. He seems to have been a devout Jew who was waiting for the Messiah. When Jesus said to him, “Before Philip called you, I saw you under the fig tree,” Nathanael, convinced by some unexplained circumstance of Jesus' omniscience, exclaimed, “Master, you are the Son of God and the King of Israel.” Many believe that Nathanael was the same person as Bartholomew. The evangelists who mention Bartholomew do not refer to Nathanael, and St. John, who talks about Nathanael, does not mention Bartholomew. At the end of St. John’s Gospel, we read that our Savior, after his resurrection, revealed himself to Peter, Thomas, Nathanael, and the sons of Zebedee while they were fishing in the lake of Gennesaret. We don't know any other details about the life of this holy man.
NATURAL, ψυχικὸς, is a term that frequently occurs in the apostolic writings: The natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God, neither can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned,” 1 Cor. ii, 14. Here it is plain that by the natural man,” is not meant a person devoid of natural judgment, reason, or conscience, in which sense the expression is often used among men. Nor does it signify one who is entirely governed by his fleshly appetites, or what the world calls a voluptuary, or sensualist. Neither does it signify merely a man in the rude state of nature, whose faculties have not been cultivated by learning and study, and polished by an intercourse with society. The Apostle manifestly takes his natural man” from among such as the world hold in the highest repute for their natural parts, their learning, and their religion. He selects him from among the philosophers of Greece, who sought after wisdom, and from among the Jewish scribes, who were instructed in the revealed law of God, 1 Cor. i, 22, 23. These are the persons whom he terms the wise, the scribes, the disputers of this world--men to whom the Gospel was a stumbling block and foolishness, 1 Cor. i, 20, 23. The natural man is here evidently opposed to, ὁ πνευματικὸς, him that is spiritual,” 1 Cor. ii, 15, even as the natural body which we derive from Adam is opposed to the spiritual body which believers will receive from Christ at the resurrection, according to 1 Cor. xv, 44, 45. Now the spiritual man is one who has the Spirit of Christ dwelling in him, Rom. viii, 9, not merely in the way of miraculous gifts, as some have imagined, (for these were peculiar to the first age of the Christian church, and even then not common to all the saints, nor inseparably connected with salvation, 1 Cor. xiii, 1–4; Heb. vi, 4–7,) but in his saving influences of light, holiness, and consolation, whereby the subject is made to discern the truth and excellency of spiritual things, and so to believe, love, and delight in them as his true happiness. If therefore a man is called spiritual” because the Spirit of Christ dwells in him, giving him new views, dispositions, and enjoyments, then the natural man,” being opposed to such, must be one who is destitute of the Spirit, and of all his saving and supernatural effects, whatever may be his attainments in human learning and science. It is obviously upon this principle that our Lord insists upon the necessity of the new birth in order to our entering into the kingdom of heaven, John iii, 3, 5.
NATURAL, ψυχικὸς, is a term that often appears in the apostolic writings: "The natural man does not receive the things of the Spirit of God, nor can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned," 1 Cor. ii, 14. Here, it's clear that "the natural man" does not refer to someone lacking judgment, reason, or conscience, as the phrase is often used in everyday language. It also doesn't mean someone who is completely ruled by their bodily desires or what society calls a pleasure-seeker or sensualist. Nor does it simply refer to a person in a primitive state, whose abilities haven't been refined by education and interaction with others. The Apostle clearly identifies the "natural man" among those whom society holds in high regard for their intellect, education, and religious beliefs. He draws from the philosophers of Greece, who pursued wisdom, and from the Jewish scribes, who were trained in God’s revealed law, 1 Cor. i, 22, 23. These are the people he refers to as the wise, the scribes, and the debaters of this world—men for whom the Gospel was a stumbling block and nonsense, 1 Cor. i, 20, 23. The natural man is clearly contrasted with ὁ πνευματικὸς, the spiritual man, 1 Cor. ii, 15, similar to how the physical body we inherit from Adam contrasts with the spiritual body believers will receive from Christ at the resurrection, according to 1 Cor. xv, 44, 45. The spiritual man is someone who has the Spirit of Christ living in him, Rom. viii, 9, not just in the form of miraculous gifts, as some believe (since those were unique to the early Christian church, and even then, not all saints had them and they weren't necessarily tied to salvation, 1 Cor. xiii, 1–4; Heb. vi, 4–7), but through the life-changing influences of illumination, holiness, and comfort, which enable a person to recognize the truth and value of spiritual matters, leading them to believe, love, and find joy in them as their true happiness. Therefore, if someone is considered "spiritual" because the Spirit of Christ is in them, giving them new perspectives, attitudes, and joys, then the "natural man," being opposed to this, must be someone who lacks the Spirit and all its saving and supernatural effects, irrespective of their achievements in human knowledge and education. It is clearly on this basis that our Lord emphasizes the need for being born again to enter the kingdom of heaven, John iii, 3, 5.
NATURE. In Scripture the word nature expresses the orderly and usual course of things established in the world. St. Paul says, to ingraft a good olive tree into a wild olive is contrary to nature, Rom. xi, 24; the customary order of nature is thereby in some measure inverted. Nature is also put for natural descent: We who are Jews by nature,” by birth, and not Gentiles,” Gal. ii, 15. We were by nature the children of wrath,” Eph. ii, 3. Nature also denotes common sense, natural instinct: Doth not even nature itself teach you, that if a man have long hair, it is a shame to him?” 1 Cor. xi, 14.
NATURE. In the Bible, the term nature refers to the regular and typical order of things established in the world. St. Paul mentions that to graft a good olive tree onto a wild olive is against nature, Rom. xi, 24; this in a way disrupts the usual natural order. Nature also refers to natural descent: "We who are Jews by nature," meaning by birth, and not Gentiles, Gal. ii, 15. We were by nature the children of wrath, Eph. ii, 3. Nature also represents common sense and natural instinct: "Does not even nature itself teach you that if a man has long hair, it is a shame for him?" 1 Cor. xi, 14.
NAZARENES, or NAZARÆANS, a name originally given to Christians in general, on account of Jesus Christ’s being of the city of Nazareth; but was, in the second century, restrained to certain judaizing Christians, who blended Christianity and Judaism together. They held that Christ was born of a virgin, and was also in a certain manner united to the divine nature. They refused to abandon the ceremonies prescribed by the law of Moses; but were far from attempting to impose the observance of these ceremonies upon Gentile Christians. They rejected those additions that were made to the Mosaic institutions by the Pharisees and doctors of the law, and admitted the Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament. The fathers frequently mention the Gospel of the Nazarenes, which differs nothing from that of St. Matthew, but was afterward corrupted by the Ebionites. These Nazarenes preserved this first Gospel in its primitive purity. Some of them were still in being in the time of St. Jerome, who does not reproach them with any errors.
NAZARENES, or NAZARÆANS, was a term originally used to refer to all Christians because Jesus Christ was from the city of Nazareth. However, by the second century, it became limited to certain Judaizing Christians who mixed Christianity with Judaism. They believed that Christ was born of a virgin and was also somehow connected to the divine nature. They didn't give up the ceremonies outlined in the law of Moses, but they didn't try to force Gentile Christians to observe these practices either. They rejected the additional rules made by the Pharisees and teachers of the law and accepted the Scriptures from both the Old and New Testaments. The church fathers often mention the Gospel of the Nazarenes, which is essentially the same as that of St. Matthew, but was later corrupted by the Ebionites. These Nazarenes kept this original Gospel in its pure form. Some were still around during St. Jerome's time, and he does not blame them for any errors.
NAZARETH, a little city in the tribe of Zebulun, in Lower Galilee, to the west of Tabor, and to the east of Ptolemais. This city is much celebrated in the Scriptures for having been the usual place of the residence of Jesus Christ, during the first thirty years of his life, Luke ii, 51. It was here he lived in obedience to Joseph and Mary, and hence he took the name of Nazarene. After he had begun to execute his mission he preached here sometimes in the synagogue, Luke iv, 16. But because his countrymen had no faith in him, 688and were offended at the meanness of his original, he did not many miracles here, Matt. xiii, 54, 58, nor would he dwell in the city. So he fixed his habitation at Capernaum for the latter part of his life, Matt. iv, 13. The city of Nazareth was situated upon an eminence, and on one side was a precipice, from whence the Nazarenes designed, at one time, to cast Christ down headlong, because he upbraided them for their incredulity, Luke iv, 29.
NAZARETH, a small town in the tribe of Zebulun, located in Lower Galilee, to the west of Tabor and east of Ptolemais. This town is well-known in the Scriptures for being the home of Jesus Christ during the first thirty years of his life, as mentioned in Luke 2:51. Here, he lived in obedience to Joseph and Mary, earning the title Nazarene. After starting his mission, he occasionally preached in the synagogue here, as noted in Luke 4:16. However, because his fellow townspeople did not believe in him and were offended by his humble beginnings, he performed very few miracles here, according to Matt. 13:54, 58, and chose not to stay in the city. Instead, he settled in Capernaum for the latter part of his life, as indicated in Matt. 4:13. The city of Nazareth was situated on a hill, and on one side was a cliff from which the people of Nazareth once intended to throw Christ down because he confronted them about their lack of faith, as referenced in Luke 4:29.
The present state of this celebrated place is thus described by modern travellers:--Nassara, or Naszera, is one of the principal towns in the pashalic of Acre. Its inhabitants are industrious, because they are treated with less severity than those of the country towns in general. The population is estimated at three thousand, of whom five hundred are Turks; the remainder are Christians. There are about ninety Latin families, according to Burckhardt; but Mr. Connor reports the Greeks to be the most numerous: there is, beside, a congregation of Greek Catholics, and another of Maronites. The Latin convent is a very spacious and commodious building, which was thoroughly repaired and considerably enlarged in 1730. The remains of the more ancient edifice, ascribed to the mother of Constantine, may be observed in the form of subverted columns, with fragments of capitals and bases of pillars, lying near the modern building. Pococke noticed, over a door, an old alto-relief of Judith cutting off the head of Holofernes. Within the convent is the church of the annunciation, containing the house of Joseph and Mary, the length of which is not quite the breadth of the church; but it forms the principal part of it. The columns and all the interior of the church are hung round with damask silk, which gives it a warm and rich appearance. Behind the great altar is a subterranean cavern, divided into small grottoes, where the virgin is said to have lived. Her kitchen, parlour, and bed room, are shown, and also a narrow hole in the rock, in which the child Jesus once hid himself from his persecutors. The pilgrims who visit these holy spots are in the habit of knocking off small pieces of stone from the walls, which are thus considerably enlarging. In the church a miracle is still exhibited to the faithful. In front of the altar are two granite columns, each two feet one inch in diameter, and about three feet apart. They are supposed to occupy the very places where the angel and the virgin stood at the precise moment of the annunciation. The innermost of these, that of the virgin, has been broken away, some say by the Turks, in expectation of finding treasure under it; so that,” as Maundrell states, “eighteen inches’ length of it is clean gone between the pillar and the pedestal.” Nevertheless, it remains erect, suspended from the roof, as if attracted by a loadstone. It has evidently no support below; and, though it touches the roof, the hierophant protests that it has none above. All the Christians of Nazareth,” says Burckhardt, with the friars, of course, at their head, affect to believe in this miracle; though it is perfectly evident that the upper part of the column is connected with the roof.” The fact is,” says Dr. E. D. Clarke, that the capital and a piece of the shaft of a pillar of gray granite have been fastened on to the roof of the cave; and so clumsily is the rest of the hocus pocus contrived, that what is shown for the lower fragment of the same pillar resting upon the earth, is not of the same substance, but of Cipolino marble. About this pillar, a different story has been related by almost every traveller since the trick was devised. Maundrell, and Egmont and Heyman, were told that it was broken, in search of hidden treasure, by a pasha, who was struck with blindness for his impiety. We were assured that it was separated in this manner when the angel announced to the virgin the tidings of her conception. The monks had placed a rail, to prevent persons infected with the plague from coming to rub against these pillars: this had been, for many years, their constant practice, whenever afflicted with any sickness. The reputation of the broken pillar, for healing every kind of disease, prevails all over Galilee.”
The current condition of this famous place is described by modern travelers as follows: Nassara, or Nazareth, is one of the main towns in the Acre district. Its residents are hardworking because they face less harshness than those in other country towns. The population is estimated to be around three thousand, with five hundred being Turks; the rest are Christians. There are about ninety Latin families, according to Burckhardt, but Mr. Connor reports that the Greeks are the largest group: in addition, there’s a congregation of Greek Catholics and another of Maronites. The Latin convent is a very large and comfortable building, which was thoroughly renovated and significantly expanded in 1730. The remains of the older structure, attributed to the mother of Constantine, can be seen in the form of toppled columns and fragments of capitals and bases of pillars lying near the modern building. Pococke noticed an old alto-relief of Judith beheading Holofernes above a door. Inside the convent is the Church of the Annunciation, which includes the house of Joseph and Mary; its length is just slightly less than the width of the church, but it makes up the main part of it. The columns and all the interior of the church are draped in damask silk, giving it a warm and rich look. Behind the main altar is a subterranean cave divided into small grottoes, where it’s said the Virgin lived. Her kitchen, parlor, and bedroom are pointed out, as well as a narrow hole in the rock where the child Jesus supposedly hid from his persecutors. Pilgrims who visit these holy sites often chip off small pieces of stone from the walls, which are significantly wearing down. Within the church, a miracle is still presented to the faithful. In front of the altar stand two granite columns, each two feet one inch in diameter and about three feet apart. They are believed to be located where the angel and the Virgin stood at the precise moment of the Annunciation. The innermost column, that of the Virgin, has been broken, some say by the Turks, who expected to find treasure underneath it; thus, as Maundrell states, “eighteen inches’ length of it is completely gone between the pillar and the pedestal.” Still, it remains upright, hanging from the roof as if drawn by a magnet. It clearly has no support below, and although it touches the roof, the guide insists that it has none above. “All the Christians of Nazareth,” says Burckhardt, with the friars leading them, seem to believe in this miracle, even though it’s quite clear that the upper part of the column connects to the roof." The truth is,” says Dr. E. D. Clarke, “that the capital and a piece of the shaft of a gray granite pillar have been attached to the roof of the cave; and so poorly is the rest of the hocus pocus contrived that what is presented as the lower fragment of the same pillar resting on the ground is not made of the same material but of Cipolino marble. Many different stories about this pillar have been shared by almost every traveler since the trick was invented. Maundrell, and Egmont and Heyman, were told that it was broken while searching for hidden treasure by a pasha, who was then blinded for his sacrilege. We were told it was broken in this way when the angel announced the news of her conception to the Virgin. The monks had put up a railing to prevent people infected with the plague from coming to touch these pillars; this had been their practice for many years whenever they were ill. The reputation of the broken pillar for healing all kinds of ailments is well-known throughout Galilee.”
Burckhardt says that this church, next to that of the holy sepulchre, is the finest in Syria, and contains two tolerably good organs. Within the walls of the convent are two gardens, and a small burying ground: the walls are very thick, and serve occasionally as a fortress to all the Christians in the town. There are, at present, eleven friars in the convent: they are chiefly Spaniards. The yearly expenses of the establishment are stated to amount to upward of nine hundred pounds; a small part of which is defrayed by the rent of a few houses in the town, and by the produce of some acres of corn land: the rest is remitted from Jerusalem. The whole annual expenses of the Terra Santa convents are about fifteen thousand pounds; of which the pasha of Damascus receives about twelve thousand pounds. The Greek convent of Jerusalem, according to Burckhardt’s authority, pays much more, as well to maintain its own privileges, as with a view to encroach upon those of the Latins. To the north-west of the convent is a small church, built over Joseph’s work shop. Both Maundrell and Pococke describe it as in ruins; but Dr. E. D. Clarke says, This is now a small chapel, perfectly modern, and neatly whitewashed.” To the west of this is a small arched building, which, they say, is the synagogue where Christ exasperated the Jews, by applying the language of Isaiah to himself. It once belonged to the Greeks; but, Hasselquist says, was taken from them by the Arabs, who intended to convert it into a mosque, but afterward sold it to the Latins. This was then so late a transaction that they had not had time to embellish it. The Mountain of the Precipitation” is at least two miles off; so that, according to this authentic tradition, the Jews must have led our Lord a marvellous way. But the said precipice is shown as that which the Messiah leaped down to escape from the Jews; and as the monks could not pitch upon any other 689place frightful enough for the miracle, they contend that Nazareth formerly stood eastward of its present situation, upon a more elevated spot. Dr. E. D. Clarke, however, remarks that the situation of the modern town answers exactly to the description of St. Luke. “Induced, by the words of the Gospel, to examine the place more attentively than we should otherwise have done, we went, as it is written, out of the city, ‘to the brow of the hill whereon the city is built,’ and came to a precipice corresponding to the words of the evangelist. It is above the Maronite church, and, probably, the precise spot alluded to by the text.”
Burckhardt claims that this church, next to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, is the finest in Syria and has two reasonably good organs. Inside the convent walls, there are two gardens and a small cemetery: the walls are very thick and sometimes serve as a fortress for all the Christians in the town. Currently, there are eleven friars in the convent, mostly from Spain. The yearly costs of running the establishment are said to be over nine hundred pounds; a small portion of this is covered by the rent from a few houses in town and the yield from some acres of farmland, while the rest is sent from Jerusalem. The total annual expenses of the Terra Santa convents amount to about fifteen thousand pounds, of which the pasha of Damascus receives around twelve thousand pounds. The Greek convent in Jerusalem, according to Burckhardt’s sources, pays significantly more to maintain its privileges and to encroach upon those of the Latins. To the north-west of the convent is a small church built over Joseph’s workshop. Maundrell and Pococke describe it as a ruin, but Dr. E. D. Clarke states, "This is now a small chapel, perfectly modern, and neatly whitewashed." West of this is a small arched building, which is said to be the synagogue where Christ angered the Jews by referring to Isaiah in connection with himself. It once belonged to the Greeks, but Hasselquist mentions that it was taken from them by the Arabs, who then intended to convert it into a mosque but later sold it to the Latins. This happened so recently that the Latins had not yet had time to decorate it. The "Mountain of the Precipitation" is at least two miles away, so according to this traditional account, the Jews must have led our Lord quite a distance. However, this precipice is believed to be the one from which the Messiah jumped to escape from the Jews; and since the monks couldn't find any other place terrifying enough for the miracle, they argue that Nazareth used to be situated east of its current location, on a higher ground. Dr. E. D. Clarke, however, points out that the modern town's location matches St. Luke's description perfectly. “Prompted by the Gospel's words, we examined the site more closely than we might have otherwise and went, as it is written, out of the city, ‘to the brow of the hill whereon the city is built,’ and arrived at a precipice that corresponds with the evangelist's description. It is located above the Maronite church and is likely the exact spot referred to by the text.”
NAZARITES, those under the ancient law who engaged by a vow to abstain from wine and all intoxicating liquors, to let their hair grow, not to enter any house polluted by having a dead corpse in it, nor to be present at any funeral. If, by accident, any one should have died in their presence, they recommenced the whole of their consecration and Nazariteship. This vow generally lasted eight days, sometimes a month, and sometimes their whole lives. When the time of their Nazariteship was expired, the priest brought the person to the door of the temple, who there offered to the Lord a he-lamb for a burnt-offering, a she-lamb for an expiatory sacrifice, and a ram for a peace-offering. They offered, likewise, loaves and cakes, with wine, for libations. After all was sacrificed and offered, the priest, or some other, shaved the head of the Nazarite at the door of the tabernacle, and burned his hair on the fire of the altar. Then the priest put into the hands of the Nazarite the shoulder of the ram roasted, with a loaf and a cake, which the Nazarite returning into the hands of the priest, he offered them to the Lord, lifting them up in the presence of the Nazarite. And from this time he might again drink wine, his Nazariteship being accomplished.
NAZARITES are those under the ancient law who made a vow to stay away from wine and any intoxicating drinks, to let their hair grow, not to enter any house that had a dead body in it, and to avoid funerals. If someone died unexpectedly in their presence, they would have to restart their entire period of consecration and being a Nazarite. This vow generally lasted eight days, sometimes a month, and in some cases, for their entire lives. When their time as a Nazarite was over, the priest would bring the person to the entrance of the temple, where they would offer a male lamb as a burnt offering, a female lamb as a sin offering, and a ram as a peace offering to the Lord. They would also offer loaves and cakes, along with wine for libations. Once all the offerings were made, the priest or another person would shave the Nazarite's head at the entrance of the tabernacle and burn their hair on the altar's fire. Then the priest would place in the Nazarite's hands the roasted shoulder of the ram, along with a loaf and a cake, which the Nazarite would then give back to the priest, who would offer them to the Lord, lifting them up in the Nazarite's presence. From that point on, they could drink wine again, having completed their period as a Nazarite.
Perpetual Nazarites, as Samson and John the Baptist, were consecrated to their Nazariteship by their parents, and continued all their lives in this state, without drinking wine or cutting their hair. Those who made a vow of Nazariteship out of Palestine, and could not come to the temple when their vow was expired, contented themselves with observing the abstinence required by the law, and cutting off their hair in the place where they were: the offerings and sacrifices prescribed by Moses, to be offered at the temple, by themselves or by others for them, they deferred till a convenient opportunity. Hence it was that St. Paul, being at Corinth, and having made the vow of a Nazarite, had his hair cut off at Cenchrea, a port of Corinth, and deferred the rest of his vow till he came to Jerusalem, Acts xviii, 18. When a person found he was not in a condition to make a vow of Nazariteship, or had not leisure fully to perform it, he contented himself by contributing to the expense of sacrifices and offerings of those who had made and were fulfilling this vow; and by this means he became a partaker in such Nazariteship. When St. Paul came to Jerusalem, A. D. 58, St. James, with other brethren, said to him, that to quiet the minds of the converted Jews he should join himself to four persons who had a vow of Nazariteship, and contribute to their charges and ceremonies; by which the new converts would perceive that he did not totally disregard the law, as they had been led to suppose, Acts xxi, 23, 24. The institution of Nazaritism is involved in much mystery; and no satisfactory reason has ever been given of it. This is certain, that it had the approbation of God, and may be considered as affording a good example of self-denial in order to be given up to the study of the law, and the practice of exact righteousness.
Perpetual Nazarites, like Samson and John the Baptist, were dedicated to their Nazarite vow by their parents and remained in this state throughout their lives, avoiding wine and not cutting their hair. Those who made a vow of Nazariteship outside of Palestine and couldn’t come to the temple when their vow ended, followed the law by abstaining and cutting their hair wherever they were. They postponed the offerings and sacrifices required by Moses to be made at the temple until a later date, either by themselves or by others on their behalf. This is why St. Paul, while in Corinth and having taken the Nazarite vow, cut his hair at Cenchrea, a port of Corinth, and postponed the rest of his vow until he arrived in Jerusalem, as mentioned in Acts 18:18. If someone realized they couldn’t take a vow of Nazariteship or had no time to fulfill it, they could still participate by contributing to the costs of sacrifices and offerings for those who did take and fulfill the vow, thus sharing in that Nazarite commitment. When St. Paul reached Jerusalem in A.D. 58, St. James and other brethren advised him to join four men who had taken a Nazarite vow and to help with their expenses and rituals, so that the new converts would see he didn’t completely disregard the law, as they had thought, as noted in Acts 21:23-24. The concept of Nazaritism remains quite mysterious, and no clear explanation has ever been provided for it. What is certain is that it had God’s approval and serves as a strong example of self-denial aimed at dedicating oneself to the study of the law and practicing true righteousness.
NEBO, the name of an idol of the Babylonians: Bel boweth down, Nebo stoopeth,” Isaiah xlvi, 1. The word Nebo comes from a root that signifies to prophesy,” and therefore may stand for an oracle. There is some probability in the opinion of Calmet, that Bel and Nebo are but one and the same deity, and that Isaiah made use of these names as synonymous. The god Bel was the oracle of the Babylonians. The name Nebo, or Nabo, is found in the composition of the names of several princes of Babylon; as Nabonassar, Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuzar-adan, Nebushasban, &c.
NEBO, the name of a Babylonian idol: "Bel bows down, Nebo stoops," Isaiah 46:1. The word Nebo comes from a root that means "to prophesy," and thus can refer to an oracle. Calmet suggests that Bel and Nebo might actually be the same deity, and that Isaiah used these names interchangeably. The god Bel was the oracle for the Babylonians. The name Nebo, or Nabo, appears in the names of several Babylonian princes, such as Nabonassar, Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuzar-adan, Nebushasban, etc.
NEBUCHADNEZZAR THE GREAT, son and successor of Nabopolassar, succeeded to the kingdom of Chaldea, A. M. 3399. Some time previously to this, Nabopolassar had associated him in the kingdom, and sent him to recover Carchemish, which had been conquered from him four years before by Necho, king of Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar, having been successful, marched against the governor of Phenicia, and Jehoiakim, king of Judah, who was tributary to Necho, king of Egypt. He took Jehoiakim, and put him in chains in order to carry him captive to Babylon; but afterward left him in Judea, on condition of paying a large tribute. He took away several persons from Jerusalem; among others Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, all of the royal family, whom the king of Babylon caused to be carefully instructed in the language and in the learning of the Chaldeans, that they might be employed at court, Dan. i. Nabopolassar dying about the end of A. M. 3399, Nebuchadnezzar, who was then either in Egypt or in Judea, hastened to Babylon, leaving to his generals the care of bringing to Chaldea the captives whom he had taken in Syria, Judea, Phenicia, and Egypt; for, according to Berosus, he had subdued all those countries. He distributed these captives into several colonies; and deposited the sacred vessels of the temple of Jerusalem, and other rich spoils in the temple of Belus. Jehoiakim, king of Judah, continued three years in fealty to King Nebuchadnezzar; but being then weary of paying tribute, he threw off the yoke. The king of Chaldea sent troops of Chaldeans, Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, who harassed Judea during three or four years, and at last Jehoiakim was besieged and taken in Jerusalem, put to death, and his body thrown 690to the birds of the air, according to the predictions of Jeremiah. See Jehoiakim.
NEBUCHADNEZZAR THE GREAT, son and successor of Nabopolassar, took over the kingdom of Chaldea in A.M. 3399. Before this, Nabopolassar had made him a co-regent and sent him to reclaim Carchemish, which Necho, the king of Egypt, had taken four years earlier. Nebuchadnezzar was successful and then marched against the governor of Phenicia and Jehoiakim, the king of Judah, who was a vassal of Necho. He captured Jehoiakim and put him in chains to take him to Babylon, but later decided to leave him in Judea on the condition that he paid a large tribute. He took several people from Jerusalem, including Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, all from the royal family, whom the king of Babylon had carefully trained in the Chaldean language and knowledge, so they could serve at court, Dan. i. Nabopolassar died near the end of A.M. 3399, and Nebuchadnezzar, who was either in Egypt or Judea at the time, rushed back to Babylon, leaving his generals in charge of bringing the captives from Syria, Judea, Phenicia, and Egypt to Chaldea; according to Berosus, he had conquered all those territories. He settled these captives into various colonies and stored the sacred vessels from the Jerusalem temple and other valuable spoils in the temple of Belus. Jehoiakim, king of Judah, remained loyal to King Nebuchadnezzar for three years, but eventually tired of paying tribute and revolted. The king of Chaldea sent troops of Chaldeans, Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, who troubled Judea for three or four years. Eventually, Jehoiakim was besieged and captured in Jerusalem, executed, and his body was left for the birds, just as Jeremiah had predicted. See Jehoiakim.
In the mean time, Nebuchadnezzar being at Babylon in the second year of his reign, had a mysterious dream, in which he saw a statue composed of several metals, a head of gold, a breast of silver, belly and thighs of brass, legs of iron, and feet half of iron and half clay; and a little stone rolling by its own impulse from the mountain struck the statue and broke it. This dream gave him great uneasiness, yet it faded away from his memory, and he could not recover more than the general impression of it. He ordered all his diviners and interpreters of dreams to be sent for; but none could tell him the dream or the interpretation: and, in wrath, he sentenced them all to death, which was about to be put in execution, when Daniel was informed of it. He went immediately to the king, and desired him to respite the sentence a little, and he would endeavour to satisfy his desire. God in the night revealed to him the king’s dream, and also the interpretation: Thou,” said Daniel, art represented by the golden head of the statue. After thee will arise a kingdom inferior to thine, represented by the breast of silver; and after this, another, still inferior, denoted by the belly and thighs of brass. After these three empires,” which are the Chaldeans, Persians, and Greeks, will arise a fourth, denoted by the legs of iron,” the Romans. Under this last empire God will raise a new one, of greater strength, power, and extent, than all the others. This last is that of the Messiah, represented by the little stone coming out from the mountain and overthrowing the statue.” Then the king raised Daniel to great honour, set him over all the wise men of Babylon, and give him the government of that province. At his request he granted to Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, the oversight of the works of the same province of Babylon.
In the meantime, Nebuchadnezzar was in Babylon during the second year of his reign when he had a strange dream. In his dream, he saw a statue made of different metals: a head of gold, a chest of silver, a belly and thighs of bronze, legs of iron, and feet that were partly iron and partly clay. Then a small stone rolled from a mountain and struck the statue, breaking it into pieces. This dream troubled him deeply, but he couldn't remember much about it and only had a vague impression. He ordered all his magicians and dream interpreters to be called, but none could tell him what the dream was or what it meant. Enraged, he ordered their execution, and just as this was about to happen, Daniel heard about it. He went straight to the king and asked for a little time to find out what the dream meant. That night, God revealed the king's dream and its interpretation to Daniel: “You,” said Daniel, “are represented by the golden head of the statue. After you, a kingdom that is less impressive will rise, represented by the silver chest; then another one, even lesser, indicated by the bronze belly and thighs. After these three empires,” which are the Chaldeans, Persians, and Greeks, “a fourth will arise, represented by the iron legs,” referring to the Romans. Under this last empire, God will establish a new one, stronger, more powerful, and larger than all the others. This last one is the kingdom of the Messiah, depicted by the small stone that comes from the mountain and knocks down the statue.” After hearing this, the king honored Daniel greatly, made him head over all the wise men of Babylon, and gave him control of that province. At Daniel’s request, he also appointed Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego to oversee the affairs of the same province of Babylon.
In the same year, as Dr. Hales thinks, in which he had this dream, he erected a golden statue, whose height was sixty cubits, and breadth six cubits, in the plains of Dura, in the province of Babylon. Having appointed a day for the dedication of this statue, he assembled the principal officers of his kingdom, and published by a herald, that all should adore this image, at the sound of music, on penalty of being cast into a burning fiery furnace. The result, as to the three Jews, companions of Daniel, who would not bend the knee to the image, is stated in Dan. iii. Daniel probably was absent. The effect of the miracle was so great that Nebuchadnezzar gave glory to the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego; and he exalted the three Hebrews to great dignity in the province of Babylon, Dan. iv.
In the same year, as Dr. Hales believes, in which he had this dream, he set up a gold statue that was sixty cubits tall and six cubits wide in the plains of Dura, in the Babylon province. He scheduled a day for the statue’s dedication and gathered the main officials of his kingdom, announcing through a herald that everyone should worship this image when the music played, or they would be thrown into a blazing furnace. The outcome for the three Jews who were Daniel's friends and refused to kneel to the statue is described in Dan. iii. Daniel was likely not present. The miracle had such a strong impact that Nebuchadnezzar praised the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego and promoted the three Hebrews to high positions in the Babylon province, as noted in Dan. iv.
Jehoiachin, king of Judah, having revolted against Nebuchadnezzar, this prince besieged him in Jerusalem, and forced him to surrender. Nebuchadnezzar took him, with his chief officers, captive to Babylon, with his mother, his wives, and the best workmen of Jerusalem, to the number of ten thousand men. Among the captives were Mordecai, the uncle of Esther, and Ezekiel the prophet. He took, also, all the vessels of gold which Solomon made for the temple, and the king’s treasury, and he set up Mattaniah, Jehoiachin’s uncle by his father’s side, whom he named Zedekiah. This prince continued faithful to Nebuchadnezzar nine years: being then weary of subjection, he revolted, and confederated with the neighbouring princes. The king of Babylon came into Judea, reduced the chief places of the country, and besieged Jerusalem: but Pharaoh-Hophra coming out of Egypt to assist Zedekiah, Nebuchadnezzar overcame him in battle, and forced him to retire into his own country. After this he returned to the siege of Jerusalem, and was three hundred and ninety days before the place before he could take it. But in the eleventh year of Zedekiah, A. M. 3416, the city was taken. Zedekiah attempted to escape, but was taken and brought to Nebuchadnezzar, who was then at Riblah in Syria. The king of Babylon condemned him to die, caused his children to be put to death in his presence, and then bored out his eyes, loaded him with chains, and sent him to Babylon.
Jehoiachin, king of Judah, revolted against Nebuchadnezzar, who besieged him in Jerusalem and forced him to surrender. Nebuchadnezzar took him, along with his top officials, captive to Babylon, along with his mother, his wives, and the best craftsmen of Jerusalem, totaling ten thousand men. Among the captives were Mordecai, Esther's uncle, and the prophet Ezekiel. He also took all the gold items that Solomon made for the temple, as well as the king’s treasury, and he appointed Mattaniah, Jehoiachin’s uncle, whom he renamed Zedekiah. This prince remained loyal to Nebuchadnezzar for nine years, but then grew tired of being subordinate, revolted, and allied with neighboring princes. The king of Babylon came into Judea, took control of the major cities, and besieged Jerusalem. However, Pharaoh-Hophra came from Egypt to support Zedekiah, but Nebuchadnezzar defeated him in battle and forced him to retreat to his own country. After this, he returned to besiege Jerusalem, and he spent three hundred and ninety days around the city before he could capture it. But in the eleventh year of Zedekiah, A. M. 3416, the city fell. Zedekiah tried to escape but was captured and brought to Nebuchadnezzar, who was then at Riblah in Syria. The king of Babylon sentenced him to death, had his children killed in front of him, then blinded him, shackled him, and sent him to Babylon.
Three years after the Jewish war Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city of Tyre, which siege held thirteen years. But during this interval, he made war, also, on the Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Idumeans; and these he treated in nearly the same manner as the Jews. Josephus says these wars happened five years after the destruction of Jerusalem, consequently in A. M. 3421. The city of Tyre was taken in A. M. 3432. Ithobaal, who was then king, was put to death, and Baal succeeded him. The Lord, as a reward to the army of Nebuchadnezzar, which had lain so long before Tyre, gave up to them Egypt and its spoils. Nebuchadnezzar made an easy conquest of it, because the Egyptians were divided by civil wars among themselves: he enriched himself with booty, and returned in triumph to Babylon, with a great number of captives. Being now at peace, he applied himself to the adorning, aggrandizing, and enriching of Babylon with magnificent buildings. To him some ascribe those famous gardens, supported by arches, reckoned among the wonders of the world; and also the walls of Babylon, though many give the honour of this work to Semiramis.
Three years after the Jewish war, Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city of Tyre, and the siege lasted for thirteen years. During this time, he also fought against the Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Idumeans, treating them almost the same as the Jews. Josephus mentions that these wars occurred five years after the destruction of Jerusalem, which means in A. M. 3421. The city of Tyre fell in A. M. 3432. Ithobaal, the king at that time, was executed, and Baal took his place. As a reward for Nebuchadnezzar's army, which had been stationed outside Tyre for so long, the Lord handed Egypt and its treasures over to them. Nebuchadnezzar easily conquered it since the Egyptians were embroiled in civil wars. He gained a wealth of spoils and returned triumphantly to Babylon with many captives. Now at peace, he focused on beautifying, expanding, and enriching Babylon with grand buildings. Some attribute the famous gardens supported by arches, considered one of the wonders of the world, to him, as well as the walls of Babylon, though many credit Semiramis with this achievement.
About this time Nebuchadnezzar had a dream of a great tree, loaded with fruit. Suddenly, an angel descending from heaven, commanded that the tree should be cut down, but that the root should be preserved in the earth, Dan. iv. The king sent for all the diviners in the country, but none could explain his dream, till Daniel, by divine revelation, showed that it represented his present greatness, his signal approaching humiliation, and his restoration to reason and dignity. A year after, as Nebuchadnezzar was walking on his palace at Babylon, he began to say, Is not this great Babylon, which I have built for the 691house of the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of my majesty?” and scarcely had he pronounced these words, when he fell into a distemper or distraction, which so altered his imagination that he fled into the fields and assumed the manners of an ox. After having been seven years in this state, God opened his eyes, his understanding was restored to him, and he recovered his royal dignity.
About this time, Nebuchadnezzar had a dream about a great tree filled with fruit. Suddenly, an angel came down from heaven and commanded that the tree be cut down, but that the root remain in the ground, Dan. iv. The king called for all the diviners in the land, but none could interpret his dream until Daniel, through divine insight, revealed that it represented his current greatness, his imminent humiliation, and his return to sanity and dignity. A year later, as Nebuchadnezzar was walking on the roof of his palace in Babylon, he began to say, "Isn't this the great Babylon that I have built for the house of the kingdom, by the strength of my power, and for the glory of my majesty?" And hardly had he spoken these words when he fell into a madness that completely changed his perception, causing him to run into the fields and behave like an ox. After spending seven years in this condition, God opened his eyes, his understanding was restored, and he regained his royal dignity.
Nebuchadnezzar died, A. M. 3442, after having reigned forty-three years. Megasthenes, quoted by Eusebius, says, that this prince having ascended to the top of his palace, was there seized with a fit of divine enthusiasm, and cried out, O Babylonians, I declare to you a misfortune, that neither our father Belus, nor Queen Baltis has been able to prevent. A Persian mule shall one day come into this country, who, supported by the power of your gods, shall bring you into slavery. He shall be assisted by the Mede, the glory of the Assyrians.” This Persian mule is Cyrus, whose mother was a Mede, and whose father was a Persian. The Mede who assisted Cyrus was Cyaxares, or Darius the Mede. This story at least shows that the Heathens had traditions of an extraordinary kind respecting this monarch, and that the fate of Babylon had been the subject of prophecy.
Nebuchadnezzar died in the year 3442 A.M., after reigning for forty-three years. Megasthenes, as quoted by Eusebius, mentions that this king climbed to the top of his palace and was suddenly filled with a divine frenzy. He exclaimed, “O Babylonians, I have to tell you about a disaster that neither our father Belus nor Queen Baltis could stop. One day, a Persian mule will come to this land, and backed by the power of your gods, he will enslave you. He will be supported by the Mede, the pride of the Assyrians.” This Persian mule refers to Cyrus, whose mother was a Mede and whose father was a Persian. The Mede who aided Cyrus was Cyaxares, or Darius the Mede. This account shows that the pagans had remarkable traditions regarding this king and that the fate of Babylon had been predicted.
NEBUZAR-ADAN, a general of Nebuchadnezzar’s army, and the chief officer of his household. He managed the siege of Jerusalem, and made himself master of the city, while his sovereign was at Riblah in Syria, 2 Kings xxv; Jer. xxxix; xl; lii.
NEBUZAR-ADAN, a general in Nebuchadnezzar’s army and the head of his household, oversaw the siege of Jerusalem and took control of the city while his king was at Riblah in Syria, 2 Kings xxv; Jer. xxxix; xl; lii.
NECESSITARIANS. The doctrine of necessity regards the origin of human actions, and the specific mode of the divine government; and it seems to be the immediate result of the materiality of man; for mechanism is the undoubted consequence of materialism. Hence all materialists are of course necessitarians; but it does not follow that all necessitarians are or must be materialists. Whatever is done by a cause or power that is irresistible, is by necessity; in which sense this term is opposed to freedom. Man is, therefore, a necessary agent, if all his actions be so determined by the causes preceding each action, that not one past action could possibly not have come to pass, or have been otherwise than it hath been; and not one future action can possibly not come to pass, or be otherwise than it shall be. But man is a free agent, if he be able at any time, in the circumstances in which he is placed, to do different things; or, in other words, if he be not unavoidably determined in every point of time by the circumstances he is in, and the causes he is under, to do that one thing he does, and not possibly to do any other thing. This abstruse subject has occasioned much controversy, and has been debated by writers of the first eminence, from Hobbes and Clarke, to Priestley and Gregory. The anti-necessitarians allege, that the doctrine of necessity charges God as the author of sin; that it takes away the freedom of the will; renders man unaccountable to his Maker; makes sin to be no evil, and morality or virtue to be no good; and that it precludes the use of means, and is of the most gloomy tendency. The necessitarians, on the other hand, deny these to be legitimate consequences of their doctrine, which they declare to be the most consistent mode of explaining the divine government; and they observe, that the Deity acts no more immorally in decreeing vicious actions, than in permitting all those irregularities which he could so easily have prevented. All necessity, say they, doth not take away freedom. The actions of a man may be at one and the same time both free and necessary. Thus, it was infalliblyinfallibly certain that Judas would betray Christ, yet he did it voluntarily; Jesus Christ necessarily became man, and died, yet he acted freely. A good man doth naturally and necessarily love his children, yet voluntarily. They insist that necessity doth not render actions less morally good; for, if necessary virtue be neither moral nor praiseworthy, it will follow that God himself is not a moral being, because he is a necessary one; and the obedience of Christ cannot be good, because it was necessary. Farther, say they, necessity does not preclude the use of means; for means are no less appointed than the end. It was ordained that Christ should be delivered up to death; but he could not have been betrayed without a betrayer, nor crucified without crucifiers. That it is not a gloomy doctrine they allege, because nothing can be more consolatory than to believe, that all things are under the direction of an all-wise Being, that his kingdom ruleth over all, and that he doeth all things well. They also urge, that to deny necessity, is to deny the foreknowledge of God, and to wrest the sceptre from the hand of the Creator, and to place that capricious and undefinable principle, the self-determining power of man, upon the throne of the universe. In these statements there is obviously a confused use of terms in different meanings, so as to mislead the unwary. For instance: necessity is confounded with certainty; but an action may be certain, though free; that is to say, certain to an omniscient Being, who knows how a free agent will finally resolve; but this certainty is, in fact, a quality of the prescient Being, not that of the action, to which, however, men delusively transfer it. Again: God is called a necessary Being, which, if it mean any thing, signifies, as to his moral acts, that he can only act right. But then this is a wrong application of the term necessity, which properly implies such a constraint upon actions, exercised ab extra, as renders choice or will impossible. But such necessity cannot exist as to the supreme Being. Again: the obedience of Christ unto death was necessary, that is to say, unless he had died guilty man could not have been forgiven; but this could not make the act of the Jews who put him to death a necessary act, that is to say, a forced and constrained one; nor did this necessity affect the act of Christ himself, who acted voluntarily, and might have left man without salvation. That the Jews acted freely, is evident from their being held liable to punishment, 692although unconsciously they accomplishedaccomplished the great designs of Heaven, which, however, was no excuse for their crime. Finally: as to the allegation, that the doctrine of free agency puts man’s self-determining power upon the throne of the universe, that view proceeds upon notions unworthy of God, as though he could not accomplish his plans without compelling and controlling all things by a fixed fate; whereas it is both more glorious to him, and certainly more in accordance with the Scriptures, to say that he has a perfect foresight of the manner in which all creatures will act, and that he, by a profound and infinite wisdom, subordinates every thing without violence to the evolution and accomplishment of his own glorious purposes.
NECESSITARIANS. The belief in necessity relates to the origin of human actions and the specific way that divine governance works. It seems to be a direct result of human materiality, as mechanism is an undeniable consequence of materialism. Therefore, all materialists are necessarily necessitarians, but not all necessitarians are or have to be materialists. Any action that is caused by an irresistible force happens out of necessity, which contrasts with the concept of freedom. Thus, a person is seen as a necessary agent if all their actions are determined by prior causes, such that no past action could possibly not have occurred or could have happened differently, and no future action can possibly not occur or be different than it is destined to be. A person is a free agent if they can choose different actions in their circumstances; in other words, if they are not inevitably influenced at every moment by their situations and causes to take one specific action without the possibility of doing something else. This complex topic has sparked much debate among prominent thinkers, from Hobbes and Clarke to Priestley and Gregory. Anti-necessitarians argue that the doctrine of necessity implies that God is the author of sin; that it negates free will; makes humans unaccountable to their Creator; suggests that sin is not evil and that morality or virtue has no value; and that it discourages the use of means and has a profoundly negative impact. Necessitarians, however, dispute these claims and assert that they do not follow logically from their viewpoint, which they describe as the most coherent way to explain divine governance. They point out that God is no more immoral for decreeing wrongful actions than for allowing the irregularities He could easily prevent. They claim that necessity does not eliminate freedom. A person's actions can simultaneously be both free and necessary. For example, it was certain that Judas would betray Christ, yet he chose to do it willingly; Jesus had to become human and die, yet He acted freely. A good person naturally and necessarily loves their children, but they do so willingly. They argue that necessity does not diminish the moral value of actions; if necessary virtue is not moral or worthy of praise, then it would follow that God Himself is not a moral being because He is necessary, and Christ's obedience could not be good if it was necessary. Moreover, they contend that necessity does not eliminate the use of means; both means and endpoints are predetermined. It was ordained that Christ should be handed over to death, but He could not have been betrayed without a betrayer, nor crucified without those who crucified Him. They argue that necessity is not a negative doctrine because believing that everything is overseen by an all-wise Being who governs everything is greatly comforting, knowing that He does everything well. They also argue that denying necessity essentially denies God’s foreknowledge, removes authority from the Creator, and places the unpredictable and indefinable principle of man's self-determining power on the throne of the universe. In these claims, there is clearly a confusing use of terms with different meanings that can mislead those who aren't careful. For instance, the term necessity is confused with certainty; an action can be certain while still being free—specifically certain to an omniscient Being who understands how a free agent will ultimately choose, but this certainty is actually a feature of the all-knowing Being, not of the action itself, which people mistakenly apply to the action. Additionally, God is referred to as a necessary Being, which, if it means anything, indicates that He can only act rightly in His moral decisions. However, this is an incorrect usage of the term necessity, which properly signifies such constraints on actions, applied from outside, that eliminate choice or will. But such necessity cannot apply to the supreme Being. Also, Christ's obedience unto death was necessary in the sense that without His death, humanity could not have been forgiven; yet this does not mean that the actions of the Jews who executed Him were forced or constrained, nor did this necessity affect Christ's own actions, as He acted willingly and could have chosen to leave humanity without salvation. It is clear that the Jews acted freely, as evidenced by their accountability for punishment, even if they unknowingly fulfilled the great purposes of Heaven, which does not excuse their wrongdoing. Finally, the claim that the doctrine of free agency puts man's self-determining power on the throne is based on ideas that do not honor God, as if He could not fulfill His plans without enforcing and controlling everything through a fixed fate. In reality, it is both more glorious for Him and in strong agreement with Scripture to say that He possesses perfect foresight of how all creatures will act and that, through profound and infinite wisdom, He organizes everything without coercion to fulfill His glorious designs.
The doctrine of necessity is nearly connected with that of predestination, which, of late years, has assumed a form very different from that which it formerly possessed; for, instead of being considered as a point to be determined almost entirely by the sacred writings, it has, in the hands of a number of able writers, in a great measure resolved itself into a question of natural religion, under the head of the philosophical liberty or necessity of the will; or, whether all human actions are, or are not, necessarily determined by motives arising from the character which God has impressed on our minds, and the train of circumstances amidst which his providence has placed us? The Calvinistic doctrine of predestination is, that God for his own glory, hath foreordained whatsoever comes to pass.” The scheme of philosophical necessity, as stated by the most celebrated necessitarian of the age, is, that every thing is predetermined by the divine Being; that whatever has been, must have been; and that whatever will be, must be; that all events are preordained by infinite wisdom and unlimited goodness; that the will, in all its determinations, is governed by the state of mind; that the state of mind is, in every instance, determined by the Deity; and that there is a continued chain of causes and effects, of motives and actions, inseparably connected, and originating from the condition in which we are brought into existence by the Author of our being.” On the other hand, it is justly remarked, that “those who believe the being and perfections of God, and a state of retribution, in which he will reward and punish mankind according to the diversity of their actions, will find it difficult to reconcile the justice of punishment with the necessity of crimes punished. And they that believe all that the Scripture says on the one hand, of the eternity of future punishments, and on the other, of God’s compassion to sinners, and his solemn assurance that he desires not their death, will find the difficulty greatly increased.” It is doubtless an article of the Christian faith, that God will reward or punish every man hereafter according to his actions in this life. But we cannot maintain his justice in this particular, if men’s actions be necessary either in their own nature, or by the divine decrees. Activity and self-determining powers are the foundation of all morality; and to prove that such powers belong to man, it is urged that we ourselves are conscious of possessing them. We blame and condemn ourselves when we do amiss; but guilt, and inward sense of shame, and remorse of conscience, are feelings which are inconsistent with the scheme of necessity. It is also agreed that some actions deserve praise, and afford an inward satisfaction; but for this, there would be no foundation, if we were invincibly determined in every volition: so that approbation and blame are consequent on free actions only. Nor is the matter at all relieved by bringing in a chain of circumstances as motives necessarily to determine the will. This comes to the same result in sound argument, as though there was an immediate coäction of omnipotent power compelling one kind of volitions only; which is utterly irreconcilable to all just notions of the nature and operations of will, and to all accountability. Necessity, in the sense of irresistible control, and the doctrine of Scripture, cannot coëxist.
The doctrine of necessity is closely related to predestination, which in recent years has changed significantly from its earlier understanding. Instead of being viewed mainly through sacred texts, it has largely become a topic of natural religion. This involves the philosophical question of whether our will is free or determined by motives shaped by God's design and the circumstances He has placed us in. The Calvinistic view of predestination claims that God, for His glory, has predetermined everything that happens. The philosophical necessity perspective, as articulated by the leading thinker of the time, asserts that everything is preordained by the divine; that what has happened must have happened; and what will happen must happen. All events are dictated by infinite wisdom and goodness, with the will being influenced by one's state of mind, which is itself determined by God. There is a continuous chain of causes and effects, motives and actions, that originates from the existence we owe to our Creator. Conversely, it's been rightly noted that those who believe in God's existence and attributes, along with a system of justice where He rewards and punishes people based on their behavior, will struggle to reconcile the justice of punishment with the necessity of the crimes being punished. Additionally, those who accept Scripture's teachings about the eternity of punishments and God's compassion for sinners—along with His assurance that He does not desire their demise—will find their challenge significantly heightened. It is indeed a tenet of Christian faith that God will judge every person in the afterlife based on their actions in this life. However, we can't uphold God's justice in this regard if people's actions are necessary either by their nature or by divine decree. Activity and the ability to make choices are fundamental to morality. To argue that humans possess these abilities, it is pointed out that we are consciously aware of them. We blame and condemn ourselves when we do wrong, but feelings of guilt, shame, and remorse are incompatible with the idea of necessity. It's also noted that some actions deserve praise and provide inner satisfaction; however, if we were unavoidably determined in every decision, there would be no basis for this praise. Thus, approval and disapproval arise only from free actions. Referring to a series of circumstances as the forces that determine will doesn't change the conclusion; it's similar to suggesting that there is an immediate compulsion from an omnipotent power directing specific choices, which fundamentally clashes with the true nature of will and responsibility. The necessity of irresistible control and the doctrines of Scripture cannot coexist.
NECROMANCY, νεκρομαντεία, is the art of raising up the ghosts of deceased persons, to get information from them concerning future events. This practice, no doubt, the Israelites brought with them from Egypt, which affected to be the mother of such occult sciences; and from thence it spread into the neighbouring countries, and soon infected all the east. The injunction of the law is very express against this vice; and the punishment to be inflicted on the practisers of it was stoning to death, Lev. xx, 27. What forms of enchantment were used in the practice of necromancy we are at a loss to know, because we read of none that the pythoness of Endor employed; however, that there were several rites, spells, and invocations used upon these occasions, we may learn from almost every ancient author, but from none more particularly than from Lucan in his Pharsalia. Whether the art of conversing with the dead was mere imposture, or grounded upon diabolical agency, is a question which has been disputed in all ages.
NECROMANCY, νεκρομαντεία, is the practice of bringing back the spirits of the dead to gain insights into future events. This practice was likely brought to the Israelites from Egypt, which was known as the origin of such mystical arts; from there, it spread to nearby regions and quickly influenced the entire east. The law explicitly prohibits this practice, and the punishment for those who engage in it was stoning to death, as stated in Lev. xx, 27. We don’t have a clear understanding of the specific enchantments used in necromancy, as there are none described that the witch of Endor utilized; however, we know from numerous ancient texts that various rituals, spells, and invocations were part of these practices, with Lucan’s Pharsalia providing one of the most detailed accounts. The debate over whether the practice of communicating with the dead was simply a fraud or involved demonic influence has been contested throughout history.
NEHEMIAH professes himself the author of the book which bears his name, in the very beginning of it, and he uniformly writes in the first person. He was of the tribe of Judah, and was probably born at Babylon during the captivity. He was so distinguished for his family and attainments, as to be selected for the office of cup bearer to the king of Persia, a situation of great honour and emolument. He was made governor of Judea, upon his own application, by Artaxerxes Longimanus; and his book, which in the Hebrew canon was joined to that of Ezra, gives an account of his appointment and administration through a space of about thirty-six years to A. M. 3595, at which time the Scripture history closes; and, consequently, the historical books, from Joshua to Nehemiah inclusive, contain the history of the Jewish people from the death of Moses, A. M. 2553, to the reformation established by Nehemiah, after the return from captivity, being a period of one thousand and forty-two years.
NEHEMIAH declares himself as the author of the book that carries his name right at the beginning, and he consistently writes in the first person. He was from the tribe of Judah and was probably born in Babylon during the captivity. He was notable for his lineage and accomplishments, which led to his selection as the cupbearer to the king of Persia, a position of great honor and benefit. He became governor of Judea at his own request from Artaxerxes Longimanus, and his book, which in the Hebrew canon is linked with Ezra’s, details his appointment and governance over a period of about thirty-six years until A.M. 3595, when the scriptural history ends; thus, the historical texts from Joshua to Nehemiah encompass the narrative of the Jewish people from Moses's death, A.M. 2553, to the reforms initiated by Nehemiah after the return from captivity, covering a span of one thousand and forty-two years.
693NEOLOGY. This term, which signifies new doctrine, has been used to designate a species of theology and Biblical criticism which has of late years much prevailed among the Protestant divines of Germany, and the professors of their universities. It is now, however, more frequently termed rationalism, and is supposed to occupy a sort of middle place between the orthodox system and pure deism. The German divines themselves speak of naturalism, rationalism, and supernaturalism. The term naturalism arose first in the sixteenth century, and was spread in the seventeenth. It was understood to be the system of those who allowed no other knowledge of religion than the natural, which man could shape out by his own strength, and, consequently, excluded all supernatural revelation. As to the different forms of naturalism, theologians say there are three: the first, which they call Pelagianism, and which considers human dispositions and notions as perfectly pure, and the religious knowledge derived from them as sufficiently explicit. A grosser kind denies all particular revelation; and the grossest of all considers the world as God. Rationalism has been thus explained: Those who are generally termed rationalists,” says Dr. Bretschneider, admit universally in Christianity, a divine, benevolent, and positive appointment for the good of mankind, and Jesus as a messenger of Divine Providence, believing that the true and everlasting word of God is contained in the Holy Scripture, and that by the same the welfare of mankind will be obtained and extended. But they deny therein a supernatural and miraculous working of God, and consider the object of Christianity to be that of introducing into the world such a religion as reason can comprehend; and they distinguish the essential from the unessential, and what is local and temporary from that which is universal and permanent in Christianity.” There is, however, a third class of divines who in fact differ very little from this, though very widely in profession. They affect to allow a revealing operation of God, but establish on internal proofs rather than on miracles the divine nature of Christianity. They allow that revelation may contain much out of the power of reason to explain, but say that it should assert nothing contrary to reason, but rather what may be proved by it. Supernaturalism consists in general in the conviction that God has revealed himself supernaturally and immediately. The notion of a miracle cannot well be separated from such a revelation, whether it happens out of, on, or in men. What is revealed may belong to the order of nature, but an order higher and unknown to us, which we could never have known without miracles, and cannot bring under the laws of nature.
693NEOLOGY. This term, which means new doctrine, is used to refer to a type of theology and Biblical criticism that has recently gained popularity among Protestant theologians in Germany and their university professors. It is now more commonly called rationalism and is thought to occupy a middle ground between orthodox beliefs and pure deism. The German theologians themselves refer to naturalism, rationalism, and supernaturalism. The term naturalism first appeared in the sixteenth century and spread in the seventeenth. It was understood as the system of those who accepted no knowledge of religion other than what could be understood naturally, shaped by human strength, and therefore excluded all supernatural revelation. Regarding the different forms of naturalism, theologians identify three: the first, called Pelagianism, views human dispositions and ideas as perfectly pure, believing that the religious knowledge derived from them is clear enough. A more extreme version denies all specific revelation, and the most extreme considers the world as God. Rationalism is explained as follows: Those commonly called “rationalists,” according to Dr. Bretschneider, universally acknowledge a divine, benevolent, and positive purpose in Christianity for the good of humanity, accepting Jesus as a messenger of Divine Providence. They believe that the true and everlasting word of God is contained in the Holy Scripture and that through it, the welfare of humanity can be achieved and expanded. However, they deny any supernatural and miraculous actions of God and view the goal of Christianity as introducing a religion that reason can grasp. They distinguish between what is essential and nonessential, and what is local and temporary from what is universal and permanent in Christianity. However, there is a third group of theologians who, in practice, differ very little from this rationalism despite having a different outlook. They claim to acknowledge a revealing action of God but base the divine nature of Christianity on internal proofs rather than miracles. They accept that revelation may include aspects beyond reason's ability to explain, but argue that it should assert nothing contrary to reason while affirming what can be demonstrated by it. Supernaturalism generally involves the belief that God has revealed himself in a supernatural and immediate manner. The concept of a miracle is closely tied to such a revelation, whether it occurs outside of, upon, or within people. What is revealed may align with the order of nature, but it is an order that is higher and unknown to us, which we could never have understood without miracles, and cannot be explained within the laws of nature.
The difference between the naturalists and the rationalists, as Mr. Rose justly remarks, is not quite so wide either as it would appear to be at first sight, or as one of them assuredly wishes it to appear. For if I receive a system, be it of religion, of morals, or of politics, only so far as it approves itself to my reason, whatever be the authority that presents it to me, it is idle to say that I receive the system out of any respect to that authority. I receive it only because my reason approves it; and I should, of course, do so if an authority of far inferior value were to present the system to me. This is what that division of rationalists, which professes to receive Christianity, and at the same time to make reason the supreme arbiter in matters of faith, has done. Their system, in a word, is this: They assume certain general principles, which they maintain to be the necessary deductions of reason from an extended and unprejudiced contemplation of the natural and moral order of things, and to be in themselves immutable and universal. Consequently, any thing which, on however good authority, may be advanced in apparent opposition to them must either be rejected as unworthy of rational belief, or, at least, explained away till it is made to accord with the assumed principles; and the truth or falsehood of all doctrines proposed is to be decided according to their agreement or disagreement with those principles.
The difference between naturalists and rationalists, as Mr. Rose accurately points out, isn't as vast as it might seem at first glance, or as one of them would like it to appear. If I accept a system, whether it's about religion, morals, or politics, only because it makes sense to me—regardless of who presents it—it’s pointless to claim that I accept it out of respect for that authority. I accept it *only* because my reason finds it acceptable; and I would do the same if a much less credible authority presented it. This is what the rationalists, who claim to embrace Christianity while also making reason the ultimate judge in matters of faith, have done. Their approach is simple: they assume certain general principles, which they argue are necessary conclusions of reason derived from a broad and unbiased examination of the natural and moral world, and they consider these principles to be unchanging and universal. Therefore, anything presented as contradictory, no matter how credible the authority, must either be dismissed as unworthy of rational belief, or at least reinterpreted until it aligns with the assumed principles; the validity or invalidity of all proposed doctrines is to be determined by how well they match those principles.
It is easy, then, to anticipate how, with such principles, the Biblical critics of Germany, distinguished as many of them have been for learning, would proceed to interpret the Scriptures. Many of the sacred books and parts of others have, of course, been rejected by them as spurious, the strongest external evidence being thought by them insufficient to prove the truth of what was determined to be contradictory to their reason; and the inspiration of the rest was understood in no higher a sense, to use the language of one of their professors, than the expressions of Cicero as to the inspiration of the poets, or those of Quintilian respecting Plato. It would be disgusting, says Rose, to go through all the strange fancies which were set afloat, and which tended only to set Scripture on the same footing as an ingenious but improbable romance. They all proceeded from the determination that whatever was not intelligible was incredible, that only what was of familiar and easy explanation deserved belief, and that all which was miraculous and mysterious in Scripture must be rejected; and they rested perpetually on notions and reasonings which were in themselves miracles of incredibility. But there were many of the German divines of this rationalist period who went much farther, and who imputed a deception to our Lord and his disciples, not for evil but for good purposes. In reading or in hearing of these wretched productions, the mind is divided between disgust at folly, and indignation at wickedness. What can be said for the heart which could suppose that the founders of Christianity could have taught the sublime and holy doctrines of the Gospel with a lie in their hearts and on their lips? or for the intellect which could believe that ambitious and designing men would encounter years of poverty, and shame, and danger, with no prospect but that of an ignominious death? But 694where the supernatural and miraculous accounts were not rejected, they were, by many of the most eminent of these writers, explained away by a monstrous ingenuity, which, on any other subject, and applied to any ancient classic or other writer, would provoke the most contemptuous ridicule. When Korah, Dathan, and Abiram were swallowed up, Moses had previously secretly undermined the earth.” Jacob wrestled with the angel in a dream;” and a rheumatic pain in his thigh during sleep suggested the incident in his dream of the angel touching the sinew of his thigh. Professor Paulus gravely explains the miracle of the tribute money thus: That Christ only meant to give a moral lesson, that is, that we are not, if we can avoid it by trifling sacrifices, to give offence to our brethren; that he probably reasoned thus with St. Peter: Though there is no real occasion for us to pay the tribute, yet, as we may be reckoned as enemies of the temple, and not attended to when we wish to teach what is good, why should not you who are a fisherman,” a remark which might very properly be made at a place where St. Peter had been engaged in a fishery for two years, “and can easily do it, go and get enough to pay the demand? Go, then, to the sea, cast your hook, and take up ϖρῶτον ἴχθυν, the first and best fish.” St. Peter was not to stay longer at his work this time than to gain the required money: ϖρῶτος often refers not to number but to time; and ἴχθυν may undoubtedly be taken as a collective. St. Peter must either have caught so many fish as would be reckoned worth a stater at Capernaum, (so near to a sea rich in fish,) or one so large and fine as would have been valued at that sum. As it was uncertain whether one or more would be necessary, the expression is indefinite, τὸν ἀναϐάντα ϖρῶτον ἴχθυν; [the fish first coming up;] but it would not be ambiguous to St. Peter, as the necessity and the event would give it a fixed meaning. Ἀνοίξας τὸ ϛόμα. [Opening the mouth.] This opening of the mouth might have different objects, which must be fixed by the context. If the fisherman opens the mouth of a fish caught with a hook, he does it first to release him from the hook; for if he hangs long he is less saleable: he soon decays. The circumstantiality in the account is picturesque. Take the hook out his mouth!” Ἑυρήσεις ἑυρίσκειν is used in Greek in a more extended sense than the German finden, as in Xenophon, where it is to get by selling.” When such a word is used of saleable articles, like fish, and in a connection which requires the getting a piece of money, it is clear that getting by sale and not by finding is referred to. “And this from a professor’s chair!” In like manner the miracle of feeding the five thousand in the desert is resolved into the opportune passing by of a caravan with provisions, of which the hungry multitude were allowed to partake, according to eastern hospitality; and the Apostles were merely employed in conveying it out in baskets. Christ’s walking upon the sea is explained by his walking upon the sea shore, and St. Peter’s walking on the sea is resolved into swimming. The miracles of healing were the effect of fancy operating favourably upon the disorders; and Ananias and Sapphira died of a fright; with many other absurdities, half dreams and half blasphemies; and of which the above are given but as a specimen.
It’s easy to see how, with these principles, the Biblical critics in Germany, many of whom were notably learned, would go about interpreting the Scriptures. Naturally, they rejected many sacred texts and parts of others as inauthentic, believing that the strongest external evidence was inadequate to prove the truth of anything they deemed contrary to their reason; and they understood the inspiration of the remaining texts no differently, to quote one of their professors, than Cicero’s remarks on the inspiration of poets, or Quintilian’s thoughts on Plato. It would be revolting, Rose says, to sift through all the bizarre ideas that were thrown around, which served only to place Scripture on the same level as a clever but unlikely novel. They all stemmed from a belief that anything unclear was unbelievable, that only what was straightforward and easy to explain deserved trust, and that anything miraculous or mysterious in Scripture must be dismissed; they constantly relied on notions and reasoning that were, in themselves, miracles of insincerity. However, many German theologians from this rationalist era went much further, accusing our Lord and his disciples of deception, not out of malice but with good intentions. In reading or hearing about these miserable works, one’s mind is torn between disgust at the absurdity and anger at the wickedness. What can be said of the heart that believes the founders of Christianity could have taught the profound and sacred teachings of the Gospel while harboring a lie? Or of the intellect that thinks ambitious and scheming individuals would spend years in poverty, disgrace, and danger, with nothing to gain but a shameful death? But where accounts of the supernatural and miraculous weren’t outright rejected, many of the leading writers explained them away with a twisted ingenuity that would elicit scornful ridicule if applied to any other ancient author. When Korah, Dathan, and Abiram were swallowed up, Moses had secretly “undermined the earth.” Jacob wrestled with an angel in a “dream,” and a lingering pain in his thigh while asleep inspired the incident in his dream of the angel touching the sinew of his thigh. Professor Paulus seriously interprets the miracle of the tribute money like this: Christ merely intended to teach a moral lesson, that we shouldn’t offend our fellow men if we can avoid it through trivial sacrifices; he probably argued with St. Peter, saying that while we don’t really need to pay the tax, it would look like we’re against the temple and we wouldn’t be listened to when we try to teach goodness, so why shouldn’t you, being a fisherman,” a comment that makes sense since St. Peter had been fishing there for two years, “go catch some fish to pay the bill? So, go to the sea, throw in your hook, and catch the first and best fish.” St. Peter wasn’t to linger at his work but only long enough to get the needed money: the word “first” often refers to time rather than quantity; and “fish” can indeed be considered collective. St. Peter must have caught enough fish to be worth a “stater” in Capernaum, which is close to a fish-rich sea, or one so large and fine it would have been valued at that amount. Since it was unclear whether he would need one or more, the phrase is indefinite, but it would have been clear to St. Peter, as the need and the reality would give it a precise meaning. “Opening the mouth.” This action could have different purposes, which must be clarified by context. If a fisherman opens the mouth of a fish caught on a hook, he does this first to free it from the hook; otherwise, it won't sell well if it hangs there too long: it spoils quickly. The details in the account are “vivid.” “Take the hook out of its mouth!” “You will find,” in Greek, is used more broadly than the German “finden,” as in Xenophon, where it means to obtain by selling.” When such a word is used regarding items for sale, like fish, and in a context that implies getting some money, it clearly refers to acquiring by sale, not by finding. “And this from a professor’s chair!” Similarly, the miracle of feeding the five thousand in the wilderness is reduced to the timely arrival of a caravan with provisions, which the hungry crowd was allowed to share, in keeping with Eastern hospitality; and the Apostles were merely tasked with distributing it in baskets. Christ’s walking “on” the sea is explained as him walking along the shore, and St. Peter's walking on the sea is interpreted as swimming. The healing miracles were just the result of positive thinking affecting the ailments; and Ananias and Sapphira died from shock; with many other absurdities, half-dreams, and half-blasphemies; the above is just a small sample.
The first step in this sorrowful gradation down to a depth of falsehood and blasphemy, into which certainly no body of Christian ministers, so large, so learned, and influential, in any age or period of the church ever before fell, was, contempt for the authority of the divines of the Reformation, and of the subsequent age. They were about to set out on a voyage of discovery; and it was necessary to assume that truth still inhabited some terra incognita, [unknown region,] to which neither Luther, Melancthon, nor their early disciples, had ever found access. One of this school is pleased, indeed, to denominate the whole even of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century, the age of theological barbarism; an age, notwithstanding, which produced in the Lutheran church alone Calovius, Schmidt, Hackspan, Walther, Glass, and the Carpzoffs, and others, as many and as great writers as any church can boast in an equal space of time; writers whose works are, or ought to be, in the hands of the theological student. The general statements of the innovators amount to this, that the divines of the age of which we speak had neither the inclination nor the power to do any thing but fortify their own systems, which were dogmatical, and not to search out truth for themselves from Scripture; that theology, as a science, was left from the epoch of the Reformation as it had been received from the schoolmen; that the interpretation of the Bible was made the slave, not the mistress, of dogmatical theology, as it ought to be.
The first step in this sad decline into a pit of falsehood and blasphemy—into which no large, educated, and influential group of Christian ministers has ever before stumbled—was the disrespect for the authority of the theologians from the Reformation and the following era. They were about to embark on a journey of discovery, assuming that truth still resided in some unknown territory, [unknown region], which neither Luther, Melancthon, nor their early followers had ever reached. One member of this group even refers to the entire period of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century as the age of theological barbarism; yet this was the same period that produced notable figures in the Lutheran church such as Calovius, Schmidt, Hackspan, Walther, Glass, the Carpzoffs, and others, who are just as esteemed as any writers in church history over a similar timeframe—writers whose works should be in the hands of every theological student. The innovators generally claim that the theologians of this period lacked both the desire and the capability to do anything other than reinforce their own dogmatic systems and did not seek out the truth for themselves from Scripture; that theology, as a discipline, remained as it was inherited from the scholastics since the Reformation; and that biblical interpretation was treated as a servant to dogmatic theology rather than as its master, which it ought to be.
The vain conceit that the doctrines of religion were capable of philosophic demonstration, which obtained among the followers of Wolf, is considered by Mr. Rose as having hastened onward the progress of error. We find some of them not content with applying demonstration to the truth of the system, but endeavouring to establish each separate dogma, the Trinity, the nature of the Redeemer, the incarnation, the eternity of punishment, on philosophical and, strange as it may appear, some of these truths on mathematical, grounds. We have had instances of this in our own country; and the reason why they have done little injury is, that none of those who thus presumed, whether learned or half learned, had success enough to form a school. So far as such a theory does obtain influence, it must necessarily be mischievous. The first authors may hold the mysteries of Christianity sacred; they may fancy that they can render faith in them more easy by affecting demonstrative evidence, which, indeed, were the subjects capable of it, would render faith unnecessary; but they are equally guilty of a vain presumption in their own powers, and of a want of real reverence to God, and to his revelation. 695With them, this boast of demonstration generally ends in the rejection of some truth, or the adoption of some positive error; while their followers fail not to bound over the limits at which they have stopped. The fallacy of the whole lies in assuming that divine things are on the same level with those which the human mind can grasp, and may therefore be compared with them. One of these consequences must therefore follow: either that the mind is exalted above its own sphere, or that divine things are brought down below theirs. In the former case, a dogmatical pride is the result; in the latter, the scheme of revelation is stripped of its divinity, and sinks gradually into a system of human philosophy, with the empty name of a revelation still appended to it to save appearances. What can bear the test of the philosophical standard is retained, and what cannot be thus proved is, by degrees, rejected; so that the Scripture is no longer the ground of religious truth; but a sort of witness to be compelled to assent to any conclusions at which this philosophy may arrive.
The arrogant belief that the principles of religion could be proven through philosophy, which was popular among the followers of Wolf, is seen by Mr. Rose as having accelerated the spread of falsehood. Some of these followers were not satisfied with proving the truth of the entire system but tried to justify each individual doctrine—like the Trinity, the nature of the Redeemer, the incarnation, and eternal punishment—using philosophical and, as strange as it may seem, sometimes even mathematical arguments. We have seen examples of this in our own country; however, the reason it has caused little harm is that none of those who dared to make these claims, whether well-educated or only partially knowledgeable, managed to create a lasting school of thought. Wherever such theories gain traction, they inevitably lead to harm. The original proponents may hold the mysteries of Christianity in high regard; they may think they can make belief in these mysteries easier by providing demonstrative evidence, which, if the subjects were truly capable of it, would actually make faith unnecessary. Yet they share the same guilty arrogance about their own abilities and a lack of genuine reverence for God and His revelation. 695 For them, this claim of demonstration usually results in rejecting some truths or adopting outright errors, while their followers often leap beyond the limits at which they have paused. The fallacy in all of this lies in assuming that divine matters are on the same level as those within human understanding, making them comparable. Therefore, one of two conclusions must follow: either the mind is elevated beyond its proper boundaries, or divine matters are diminished below theirs. In the first case, dogmatic pride is the outcome; in the second, the framework of revelation loses its divine character and gradually devolves into a system of human philosophy, with the hollow title of revelation still attached to it for appearances' sake. What can withstand philosophical scrutiny is retained, while what cannot is gradually discarded, so that Scripture no longer serves as the foundation of religious truth but becomes merely a form of evidence to support any conclusions that this philosophy may reach.
The effect in Germany was speedily developed, though Wolf, the founder of this school, and most of his followers, were pious and faithful Christians. By carrying demonstrative evidence beyond its own province, they had nurtured in their followers a vain confidence in human reason; and the next and still more fatal step was, that it was the province of human reason in an enlightened and intellectual age to perfect Christianity, which, it was contended, had hitherto existed in a low and degraded state, and to perfect that system of which the elements only were contained in the Scripture. All restraint was broken by this principle. Philosophy, good and bad, was left to build up these elements” according to its own views; and as, after all, many of these elements were found to be too untractable and too rudely shaped to accord with the plans of these manifold constructions, formed according to every pattern,” except that in the mount;” when the stone could not be squared and framed by any art which these builders possessed, it was rejected,” even to the head stone of the corner.” Semler appears to have been the author of that famous theory of accommodation, which, in the hands of his followers, says Mr. Rose, became the most formidable weapon ever devised for the destruction of Christianity.” As far as Germany is concerned, this language is not too strong; and we may add, that it was the most impudent theory ever advocated by men professing still to be Christians, and one, the avowal of which can scarcely be accounted for, except on the ground, that as, because of their interests, it was not convenient for these teachers of theology and ministers of the German churches to disavow Christianity altogether; it was devised and maintained, in order to connect the profits of the Christian profession with substantial and almost undisguised deism. This theory was, that we are not to take all the declarations of Scripture as addressed to us; but to consider them as, in many points, purposely adapted to the feelings and dispositions of the age when they originated; but by no means to be received by another and more enlightened period; that, in fact, Jesus himself and his Apostles had accommodated themselves in their doctrines to the barbarism, ignorance, and prejudices of the Jews; and that it was therefore our duty to reject the whole of this temporary part of Christianity, and retain only what is substantial and eternal. In plain words they assumed, as the very basis of their Scriptural interpretations, the blasphemous principle, that our Lord and his Apostles taught, or, at least, connived at doctrines absolutely false, rather than they would consent to shock the prejudices of their hearers! This principle is shown at length by Mr. Rose, to run through the whole maze of error into which this body of Protestant divines themselves wandered, and led their flocks. Thus the chairs of theology and the very pulpits were turned into the seats of the scornful;” and where doctrines were at all preached, they were too frequently of this daring and infidel character. It became even, at least, a negative good, that the sermons delivered were often discourses on the best modes of cultivating corn and wine, and the preachers employed the Sabbath and the church in instructing their flocks how to choose the best kinds of potatoes, or to enforce upon them the benefits of vaccination. Undisguised infidelity has in no country treated the grand evidences of the truth of Christianity with greater contumely, or been more offensive in its attacks upon the prophets, or more ridiculous in its attempts to account, on natural principles, for the miracles. Extremes of every kind were produced, philosophic mysticism, pantheism, and atheism.
The impact in Germany developed quickly, although Wolf, the founder of this school, and most of his followers, were devout Christians. By expanding demonstrative evidence beyond its intended limits, they instilled a misguided confidence in human reason among their followers. The next and even more dangerous step was the belief that it was the role of human reason in an enlightened and intellectual age to improve Christianity, which was said to have existed in a low and degraded state until then, and to enhance that system, of which only the basic elements were found in Scripture. This principle broke all constraints. Both good and bad philosophy were allowed to reconstruct these elements according to their own interpretations; and as many of these elements proved too unruly and poorly shaped to fit the various constructions, designed after every model except the one intended, any that couldn't be squared and framed by the builders' skills was cast away, even to the cornerstone. Semler seems to have authored the well-known theory of accommodation, which, in the hands of his followers, became, according to Mr. Rose, the most powerful tool ever created for destroying Christianity. Regarding Germany, this statement is not too extreme; we can add that it was the most brazen theory ever promoted by those still claiming to be Christians, and its acceptance is only understandable if we consider that, due to their interests, it was inconvenient for these theological teachers and ministers of German churches to completely disavow Christianity; they created and upheld this theory to tie the benefits of the Christian profession to a significant and nearly overt deism. This theory claimed that not all the declarations in Scripture were meant for us but were intentionally tailored to the feelings and attitudes of the age in which they arose and should not be applied to a more enlightened era; that, in fact, Jesus and his Apostles had adjusted their teachings to the ignorance, barbarism, and prejudices of the Jews; and that it was our duty to discard this temporary component of Christianity and keep only what was essential and eternal. Simply put, they based their Scriptural interpretations on the blasphemous idea that our Lord and his Apostles taught, or at least tolerated, teachings that were outright false just to avoid offending their audience's beliefs! Mr. Rose elaborates on how this principle pervaded the entire web of errors in which this group of Protestant theologians became entangled, leading their followers astray. Consequently, theology chairs and even pulpits turned into seats of mockery, and where doctrines were preached, they often took on this audacious and unbelieving character. At least it became somewhat positive that the sermons were often discussions about the best ways to grow corn and wine, with preachers spending Sundays in church teaching their congregations how to select the best potatoes or emphasizing the benefits of vaccination. Unconcealed disbelief has in no country shown more contempt for the grand evidence of Christianity's truth, nor been more brazen in its attacks on the prophets, or more ludicrous in its attempts to explain miracles using natural principles. Extremes of all types emerged, including philosophical mysticism, pantheism, and atheism.
We have hitherto referred chiefly to Mr. Rose’s work on this awful declension in the Lutheran and other continental churches. In a work on the same subject by Mr. Pusey, the stages of the apostasy are more carefully marked, and more copiously and deeply investigated. Our limits will, however, but allow us to advert to two or three points. In Mr. Pusey’s account of the state of German theology in the seventeenth century, he opens to us the sources of the evil. Francke, he observes, assigns as a reason for attaching the more value to the opportunities provided at Halle for the study of Scripture, that “in former times, and in those which are scarcely past, one generally found at universities opportunities for every thing rather than a solid study of God’s word.” In all my university years,” says Knapp, I was not happy enough to hear a lecture upon the whole of Scripture; we should have regarded it as a great blessing which came down from heaven.” It is said to be one only of many instances, that at Leipzig, Carpzoff, having in his lectures for one half year completed the first chapter of Isaiah, did not again lecture on the Bible for twenty years, while Olearius suspended his for ten. Yet Olearius, as well as Alberti, Spener says, were diligent theologians, but that most pains were employed on doctrinal theology 696and controversy.” It is, moreover, a painful speaking fact, which is mentioned by Francke, (1709,) that in Leipzig, the great mart of literature as well as of trade, “twenty years ago, in no bookseller’s shop was either Bible or Testament to be found.” Of the passages in Francke, which prove the same state of things, I will select one or two only: Youth are sent to the universities with a moderate knowledge of Latin; but of Greek, and especially of Hebrew next to none. And it would even then have been well, if what had been neglected before had been made up in the universities. There, however, most are borne, as by a torrent, with the multitude; they flock to logical, metaphysical, ethical, polemical, physical, pneumatical lectures, and what not; treating least of all those things whose benefit is most permanent in their future office, especially deferring, and at last neglecting, the study of the sacred languages.” “To this is added, that, they comfort themselves, that in examinations for orders these things are not generally much attended to. Hence most who are anxious about a maintenance, hurry to those things which may hasten their promotion, attend above all things a lecture on the art of preaching, and if they can remain so long at the university, one on doctrinal theology, (would that all were anxious about a salutary knowledge of the sacred doctrines,) and having committed these things to paper and memory, return home, as if excellently armed against Satan, are examined, preach, are promoted, provide for their families.” And having spoken farther on the superficial knowledge, pedantry, and other faults of those few who acquired knowledge of these subjects, he sums up: As the vernacular Scriptures are ordinarily neglected or ill employed by the illiterate, so are the original by the lettered: whence there cannot but arise either ignorance in matters of faith, or an unfruitful and vain knowledge; a pleasurable fancy is substituted for the substance of the faith; impiety daily increases. In a word, from the neglect of Scripture all impiety is derived; and so again from the impiety or unbelief of men, there is derived a contempt of Scripture, or at all events an abuse, and an absurd and perverted employment of it: and hence follows either a neglect of the original languages, or a senseless method, or an unfitting employment of them; which evils, since they are continued from the teachers to the disciples, the corrupted state of the schools and universities continually increases: and these we cannot remedy, unless we can prevail upon ourselves to make the word of God our first object, to look for Christ in it, and to embrace him, when found, with genuine faith, and perseveringly to follow him.” Pfaff thus describes the previous state of doctrinal theology: All the compendia of holy doctrines, which have hitherto appeared, are of such a character, that, though their excellence has been hitherto extolled by the common praise of our countrymen, and they still enjoy considerable reputation, (suâ utique luce niteat,) they can even on this ground not be satisfactory to our age,--that since one system was extracted and worked out of the other, with a very few variations, they dwell uniformly on the same string; and that metaphysical clang of causes, which sounds somewhat harshly and unpleasantly to well cultivated ears, constantly reverberates in them, the same terms uniformly recurring in all. To this is added, that a certain coldness appears to prevail in the common mode of treating these subjects, especially in the practical topics of theology; these being set forth as theoretical propositions, so that scarcely any life or any religious influence finds its way into the minds of readers; and the edification of mind, (though it should be the principal object in sacred theology,) derived from them is very slight. Nor does it appear less a subject of blame, that various theological τόποι, and those the very chief, are here altogether omitted; that every thing is choked with the thorns of scholasticism; and that divine truths are often made secondary to the zeal for authority: nor is there sufficient reference to the language of the symbolical books, to the promotion of the peace of the church, to the exhibition of what is of real importance in controverted points, and of the unreality of the mere logomachies, with which all theology abounds; nor again, to destroy theological pedantry and a sectarian spirit, or to treat the subjects themselves in a style becoming to them: but most of all, sufficient pains are not bestowed upon that which is of chief importance, the building up the kingdom of God in the hearts of men, and the influencing their hearts more thoroughly with vivid conceptions of true Christianity.”
We have primarily referenced Mr. Rose’s work on the significant decline in the Lutheran and other continental churches. In a similar work by Mr. Pusey, the stages of the fall from faith are detailed more thoroughly and examined in depth. However, we can only touch on two or three points due to our limits. In Mr. Pusey’s discussion of the state of German theology in the seventeenth century, he reveals the roots of the problem. Francke notes that one reason to value the opportunities available at Halle for studying Scripture is that “in the past, and even in more recent times, universities offered opportunities for everything except solid study of God’s word.” Knapp says, “During all my university years, I was never fortunate enough to attend a lecture covering the entire Bible; we would have considered that a great blessing from heaven.” It is mentioned as just one of many examples that at Leipzig, Carpzoff, after spending a half year on the first chapter of Isaiah, did not lecture on the Bible again for twenty years, while Olearius took a ten-year break from it. Yet Olearius, like Alberti, was considered a diligent theologian, although most of their effort was focused on doctrinal theology and controversy. It is also a painful reality pointed out by Francke (1709) that in Leipzig, a major center of literature and trade, “twenty years ago, you couldn’t find a Bible or Testament in any bookseller’s shop.” From Francke's observations that highlight the same situation, I will mention just one or two: Young people are sent to the universities with a basic knowledge of Latin, but almost none of Greek and especially of Hebrew. It would have been acceptable if what was previously neglected had been compensated for at the universities. There, however, most are swept away by the crowd; they flock to lectures on logic, metaphysics, ethics, polemics, physics, and pneumatics, with the topics that hold the most lasting benefit for their future work being the least covered, especially postponing and ultimately neglecting the study of the sacred languages. “Additionally, they reassured themselves that these subjects are not generally emphasized in ordination examinations. Thus, most who are concerned about making a living rush toward matters that might accelerate their promotion, focusing especially on lectures about the art of preaching, and if they can stay at the university long enough, one on doctrinal theology (if only everyone were just as concerned about understanding the sacred doctrines). After committing these topics to paper and memory, they return home as if they are excellently equipped against Satan, get examined, preach, get promoted, and provide for their families.” After discussing the superficial knowledge, pretentiousness, and other flaws of the few who do learn these subjects, he concludes: Just as the vernacular Scriptures are usually neglected or misused by the uneducated, so too are the original texts by the educated: this inevitably leads to either ignorance regarding faith or a barren and useless knowledge; a mere pleasurable fantasy replaces the essence of faith; impiety grows daily. In short, all impiety stems from the neglect of Scripture; and likewise, from the impiety or disbelief of individuals, comes a disdain for Scripture or, at the very least, a misuse and a distorted and perverse application of it: leading to either a neglect of the original languages or a senseless method or an inappropriate use of them; these issues, since they are passed from teachers to students, cause the decline of schools and universities to continue: and we cannot address this unless we can commit ourselves to making the word of God our main focus, to seek for Christ in it, and to embrace him, when found, with true faith and to follow him persistently.” Pfaff describes the previous state of doctrinal theology this way: All compendiums of holy doctrines that have been published until now have such a character that, even though their quality has been praised by our countrymen and they still have considerable reputation, they cannot fully satisfy our time because one system has been derived and developed from another with only a few variations, continuously focusing on the same points; and that harsh, unpleasant metaphysical clang of causes resonates throughout them, with the same terms appearing repeatedly in all. Furthermore, a certain coldness seems to dominate the typical approach to these topics, especially the practical aspects of theology, as they are presented as theoretical propositions, resulting in hardly any life or religious impact entering the minds of readers; the spiritual enrichment that should be the primary goal in sacred theology is minimal. It’s also a fault that various key theological topics are entirely omitted; that everything is suffocated by the thorns of scholasticism; and that divine truths are often secondary to the insistence on authority: there is insufficient reference to the language of the symbolic books, to promoting church peace, to demonstrating what is crucial in contentious points, and the insignificance of the mere logomachies that saturate all theology; nor is there adequate effort to eliminate theological pretentiousness and a sectarian spirit, or to present the subjects in an appropriate manner: but most troubling of all, insufficient attention is paid to what is of chief importance, building up the kingdom of God in people’s hearts, and influencing their hearts more profoundly with clear visions of true Christianity.”
Yet these were but effects of a still higher cause,--the rapid decay of piety in this century, of which the statements of Mr. Pusey, and the authorities he quotes, present a melancholy picture. Speaking of J. V. Andrea, he says, the want of practical religious instruction in the early schools, the perverted state of all education, the extravagance and dissoluteness of the universities, the total unfitness of the teachers whom they sent forth and authorized, the degraded state of general as well as of theological science, the interested motives for entering into holy orders, the canvassing for benefices, the simony in obtaining them, the especial neglect of the poorer, the bad lives, the carelessness and bitter controversies of the preachers, and the general corruption of manners in all ranks, are again and again the subjects of his deep regrets or of his censure. “After the evangelic church,” he says, in an energetic comparison of the evils which reigned in the beginning of this period with those which had occasioned the yoke of Rome to be broken, “after the evangelic church had thrown off the yoke of human inventions, they should have bowed their neck under the easy yoke of the Lord. But now one set of human inventions are but exchanged for another, equally, or indeed very little, human; and these are called the word of God, though in reality things are nothing milder than before. Idols were cast out, but the idols of sins 697are worshipped. The primacy of the pope is denied, but we constitute lesser popes. The bishops are abrogated, but ministers are still introduced or cast out at will; simony came into ill repute, but who now rejects a hand laden with gold? the monks were reproached for indolence,--as if there were too much study at our universities; the monasteries were dissolved,--to stand empty, or to be stalls for cattle; the regularly recurring prayers are abolished, yet so that now most pray not at all; the public fasts were laid aside, now the command of Christ is held to be but useless words; not to say any thing of blasphemers, adulterers, extortioners,” &c. After many testimonies of a similar and even stronger kind from other pious divines, who lifted up their voice strongly but almost ineffectually against the growing corruption of the universities, the clergy, and the people, Mr. Pusey adds the following passages from Francke: “The works of the flesh are done openly and unrestrainedly, with so little shame, that one who does not approve of many things not consistent with the truth which is in Jesus, would almost be enrolled among heretics. Ambition, pride, love of pleasure, luxury, impurity, wantonness, and all the crop of foulest wickednesses which spring from these; injustice also, avarice, and a species of rivalry among all vices every where sensibly increases, atheism joining itself with epicurism and libertinism. Thus while Christ is held to, while orthodoxy is presented as a shield, all imitation of Christ, all anxiety for true and spiritual holiness, “without which no one shall see the Lord,” nay, all the decorum befitting a Christian, is banished, is exterminated, that it may not disturb the societies of perverse men.” Into the state of the clergy he enters more fully in another work. I remember,” he says, “that a theologian of no common learning, piety, and practical knowledge, νῦν ἐν ἁγίοις, told me, that a certain monarch, at his suggestion, applied to a university, where there was a large concourse of students of theology, for two candidates for holy orders, who, by the excellence and purity of their doctrine, and by holiness of life, might serve as an example to the congregation committed to their charge; the professors candidly answered that there was no such student of theology among them. Nor is this surprising. I remember that Kortholt used to say with pain, that in the disgraceful strifes, disturbances, and tumults in the universities, which were, alas, but too frequent, it scarcely ever happened that theological students were not found to be accomplices, nay, the chiefs. I remember that another theologian often lamented, that there was such a dearth in the church of such persons as the Apostle would alone think worthy of the ministerial functions, that it was to be regarded as a happiness if, of many applicants, some one of outwardly decent life could at length be found.”
Yet these were just the results of a deeper issue—the rapid decline of religious devotion in this century, which the comments of Mr. Pusey and the sources he cites depict a sorrowful image. Referring to J. V. Andrea, he states the lack of practical religious education in early schools, the distorted nature of all education, the extravagance and moral looseness of universities, the complete unfitness of the teachers they produced and endorsed, the degraded state of both general and theological knowledge, the selfish motives for entering the clergy, the campaigning for church positions, the corrupt practices in obtaining them, the particular neglect of the poor, the sinful behavior, the carelessness and bitter disputes among the preachers, and the widespread moral decay in all social classes are repeatedly the focus of his deep concerns or criticisms. “After the evangelical church,” he says, drawing a powerful comparison of the evils that plagued the start of this period with those that led to the breaking of Rome’s control, “after the evangelical church had shed the burden of human inventions, they should have submitted themselves to the easy yoke of the Lord. But now one set of human inventions has simply been replaced with another, equally, or perhaps even less, human; and these are labeled the word of God, even though in truth, things are no gentler than before. Idols were cast out, but the idols of sin are revered. The supremacy of the pope is denied, yet we create lesser popes. Bishops are abolished, but ministers can still be appointed or dismissed at whim; simony fell out of favor, but who now refuses a hand filled with gold? The monks were criticized for laziness—as if there were too much studying at our universities; the monasteries were dissolved—to stand empty or become stables for cattle; the regular prayers are abolished, yet now most people don’t pray at all; the public fasts were abandoned, now the command of Christ is seen as mere useless words; not to mention blasphemers, adulterers, extortionists,” etc. After many testimonies of a similar and even stronger nature from other devout theologians, who raised their voices powerfully yet almost ineffectively against the growing corruption of the universities, clergy, and the people, Mr. Pusey includes the following statements from Francke: “The works of the flesh are carried out openly and without restraint, with so little shame that someone who does not condone many things inconsistent with the truth in Jesus would almost be labeled a heretic. Ambition, pride, love of pleasure, luxury, impurity, debauchery, and all the most vile wickedness springing from these; injustice too, greed, and a sort of rivalry among all vices are noticeably increasing everywhere, with atheism joining forces with epicureanism and libertinism. Thus, while Christ is professed, and orthodoxy is held up as a shield, all imitation of Christ, all concern for true and spiritual holiness, “without which no one shall see the Lord,” indeed, all the proper behavior expected of a Christian, is expelled and eradicated, so that it does not disturb the gatherings of corrupt individuals.” He discusses the condition of the clergy more thoroughly in another work. I remember,” he says, “that a theologian of notable learning, piety, and practical understanding, νῦν ἐν ἁγίοις, told me that a certain king, at his suggestion, approached a university with a large number of theology students, seeking two candidates for holy orders, who, through the excellence and purity of their teachings, and their holy lives, might serve as role models for the congregation entrusted to them; the professors candidly replied that there were no such theology students among them. Nor is this surprising. I recall that Kortholt used to say with regret that in the disgraceful conflicts, disturbances, and upheavals at the universities, which were, sadly, all too common, it hardly ever occurred that theological students were not found to be complicit, or even the leaders. I remember another theologian frequently lamenting that there was such a shortage in the church of people whom the Apostle would consider worthy of ministerial duties that it was seen as a blessing if, among many applicants, someone with at least a respectable outward life could finally be found.”
With several happy exceptions, and the raising up of a few pious people in some places, and a partial revival of evangelical doctrines, which, however, often ran at length into mysticism and antinomianism, the evil, both doctrinally and morally, continued to increase to our own day; for if any ask what has been the moral effect of the appalling apostasy of the teachers of religion, above described, upon the people of Germany, the answer may be given from one of these rationalizing divines themselves, whose statement is not therefore likely to be too highly coloured. It is from a pamphlet of Bretschneider, published in 1822, and the substance is, Indifference to religion among all classes; that formerly the Bible used to be in every house, but now the people either do not possess it, or, as formerly, read it; that few attend the churches, which are now too large, though fifty years ago they were too small; that few honour the Sabbath; that there are now few students of theology, compared with those in law and medicine; that if things go on so, there will shortly not be persons to supply the various ecclesiastical offices; that preaching had fallen into contempt; and that distrust and suspicion of the doctrines of Christianity prevailed among all classes.” Melancholy as this picture is, nothing in it can surprise any one, except that the very persons who have created the evil should themselves be astonished at its existence, or even affect to be so. But the mercy of God has begun to answer the prayers of the few faithful who are left as the gleanings of grapes after the vintage; and to revive, in some active, learned, and influential men, the spirit of primitive faith and zeal. The effect of the exertions of these excellent men, both from the professor’s chair, the pulpit, and the press, has been considerable; and it is remarked by Mr. Rose, that no small degree of disgust at the past follies of the rationalists prevails; that the cold and comfortless nature of their system has been perceived; that a party of truly Christian views has arisen; and that there is a disposition alike in the people, the better part of the divines, and the philosophers, to return to that revealed religion which alone can give them comfort and peace. It is equally clear that some at least of the governments perceive the dangerous tendency of the rationalist opinions, and that they are sincerely desirous of promoting a better state of religious feeling.
With a few happy exceptions and the rise of some devout individuals in certain areas, along with a partial revival of evangelical beliefs—though these often led into mysticism and antinomianism—the moral and doctrinal issues have continued to grow up to the present day. If anyone asks about the moral impact of the shocking betrayal by religious teachers, as described above, we can get an answer from one of those rationalizing theologians themselves, whose comments are unlikely to be overly dramatized. This comes from a pamphlet by Bretschneider published in 1822, which states that there is widespread indifference to religion among all classes; that the Bible used to be in every home, but now people either don’t own it or, like before, don’t read it; that few go to church, which are now too large, even though fifty years ago they were too small; that few honor the Sabbath; that there are now fewer theology students compared to those in law and medicine; that if things continue this way, there will soon be no one left to fill various church positions; that preaching has fallen into disrepute; and that distrust and skepticism about Christian teachings are common among all classes. As depressing as this picture is, nothing in it should be surprising, except that those who created the problem should be astonished by its existence, or even pretend to be. However, the mercy of God has begun to answer the prayers of the few faithful who remain, like gleanings of grapes after the harvest, and to revive the spirit of early faith and zeal in some active, knowledgeable, and influential individuals. The efforts of these admirable people, whether from the professor’s chair, the pulpit, or the press, have had a significant impact. Mr. Rose notes that there is quite a bit of disgust at the past mistakes of the rationalists; that the cold and uninviting nature of their system has been recognized; that a group with genuinely Christian views has emerged; and that there is a growing desire among the people, the better part of the clergy, and the philosophers to return to the revealed religion that can truly provide comfort and peace. It is also clear that at least some of the governments recognize the dangerous direction of rationalist views and sincerely wish to foster a healthier state of religious sentiment.
We close this article with the excellent remarks of Dr. Tittman of Dresden, on the neological interpreters: What is the interpretation of the Scriptures, if it relies not on words, but things, not on the assistance of languages, but on the decrees of reason that is, of modern philosophy? What is all religion, what the knowledge of divine things, what are faith and hope placed in Christ, what is all Christianity, if human reason and philosophy is the only fountain of divine wisdom, and the supreme judge in the matter of religion? What is the doctrine of Christ and the Apostles more than some philosophical system? But what, then, I pray you, is, to deny, to blaspheme Jesus the Lord, to render his divine mission doubtful, nay vain and useless, to impugn his doctrinedoctrine, to disfigure it shamefully, to attack it, to expose it to ridicule, and, if possible, to suppress it, to remove 698all Christianity out of religion, and to bound religion within the narrow limits of reason alone, to deride miracles, and hold them up to derision, to accuse them as vain, to bring them into disrepute, to torture sacred Scripture into seeming agreement with the fancies of human wisdom, to alloy it with human conjectures, to bring it into contempt, and to break down its divine authority, to undermine, to shake, to overthrow utterly the foundations of Christian faith? What else can be the event than this, as all history, a most weighty witness in this matter, informs us, namely, that when sacred Scripture, its grammatical interpretation and a sound knowledge of languages are, as it were, despised and banished, all religion should be contemned, shaken, corrupted, troubled, undermined, utterly overturned, and should be entirely removed and reduced to natural religion; or that it should end in a mystical theology, than which nothing was ever more pernicious to the Christian doctrine, and be converted into an empty μυθολογία, or even into a poetical system, hiding every thing in figures and fictions, to which latter system not a few of the sacred orators and theologians of our time seem chiefly inclined.”
We wrap up this article with the insightful comments of Dr. Tittman from Dresden about the new-style interpreters: What is the interpretation of the Scriptures if it doesn’t rely on words, but rather on things, not on the help of languages, but on the judgments of reason—specifically, modern philosophy? What does all religion mean, what does our understanding of divine matters signify, what are faith and hope in Christ, what is the essence of Christianity, if human reason and philosophy are the only sources of divine wisdom and the ultimate authority in religious matters? What is the teaching of Christ and the Apostles if not just another philosophical system? But then, I ask you, what does it mean to deny or insult Jesus as Lord, to cast doubt on his divine mission, to view it as futile and useless, to challenge his doctrinedoctrine, to disgrace it, to attack it, to make it a subject of mockery, and, if possible, to suppress it, to eliminate all Christianity from religion, and to limit religion strictly to reason alone? To mock miracles and present them as foolish, to label them as pointless, to tarnish them, to twist sacred Scripture to align with human reasoning, to mix it with personal theories, to bring it into disrepute, and to erode its divine authority, to undermine, to shake, to completely destroy the foundations of Christian faith? What else could happen, as all of history—an important witness in this regard—tells us, but that when sacred Scripture, its grammatical interpretation, and a solid grasp of languages are, in a way, disregarded and expelled, all religion becomes scorned, shaken, corrupted, troubled, undermined, entirely overturned, and reduced to mere natural religion; or that it spirals into a mystical theology, which has proven to be the most harmful to Christian doctrine, transforming into an empty μυθολογία, or even becoming a poetic system that conceals everything in symbols and fictions, to which many of today’s sacred speakers and theologians appear largely drawn.
NEOMENIA, νεομηνία, new moon, Col. ii, 16, a Greek word, signifying the first day of the moon or month. The Hebrews had a particular veneration for the first day of every month; and Moses appointed peculiar sacrifices for the day, Num. xxviii, 11, 12; but he gave no orders that it should be kept as a holy day, nor can it be proved that the ancients observed it so: it was a festival of merely voluntary devotion. It appears that even from the time of Saul they made, on this day, a sort of family entertainment, since David ought then to have been at the king’s table; and Saul took his absence amiss, 1 Sam. xx, 5, 18. Moses insinuates that, beside the national sacrifices then regularly offered, every private person had his particular sacrifices of devotion, Num. x, 10. The beginning of the month was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, at the offering of the solemn sacrifices. But the most celebrated neomenia was that at the beginning of the civil year, or first day of the month Tizri, Lev. xxiii, 24. This was a sacred day, on which no servile labour was performed; on this they offered public or national burnt-sacrifices, and sounded the trumpets in the temple. In the kingdom of the ten tribes, the serious among the people used to assemble at the houses of the prophets, to hear their instructions. The Shunamite, who entertained Elisha, proposing to visit that prophet, her husband said to her, Why do you go to-day, since it is neither Sabbath nor new moon?” 2 Kings iv, 23. Isaiah declares that the Lord abhors the new moons, the Sabbaths, and other days of festival and assembly of those Jews who in other things neglected his laws, Isaiah i, 13, 14. Ezekiel says that the burnt-offerings offered on the day of the new moon were provided at the king’s expense, and that on this day was to be opened the eastern gate of the court of the priests, Ezek. xiv, 17; xlvi, 1, 2; 1 Chron. xxiii, 31; 2 Chron. viii, 13. Judith kept no fast on festival days, or on the new moon, Judith viii, 6. The modern Jews keep the neomenia only as a feast of devotion, to be observed or not at pleasure. They think it rather belongs to the women than to the men. The women forbear work, and indulge a little more on this day than on others. In the prayers of the synagogue, they read from Psalm cxiii, to cxviii. They bring forth the roll of the law, and read therein to four persons. They call to remembrance the sacrifice that on this day used to be offered in the temple. On the evening of the Sabbath which follows the new moon, or some other evening following, when the new moon first appears, they assemble and pray to God, as the Creator of the planets, and the restorer of the new moon; raising themselves toward heaven, they entreat of God to be preserved from misfortune; then, after mentioning David, they salute each other, and separate. See Moon.
NEOMENIA, νεομηνία, new moon, Col. ii, 16, a Greek term meaning the first day of the moon or month. The Hebrews held a special respect for the first day of every month; Moses designated specific sacrifices for that day, Num. xxviii, 11, 12; however, he did not instruct that it be treated as a holy day, nor is there evidence that it was observed as such by the ancients: it was merely a festival of voluntary devotion. It seems that even during Saul's time, families held a kind of gathering on this day, as David was expected to be at the king’s table, and Saul was displeased with his absence, 1 Sam. xx, 5, 18. Moses hinted that besides the national sacrifices regularly offered, every individual was to present his own sacrifices of devotion, Num. x, 10. The start of the month was announced with the sound of a trumpet during the offering of solemn sacrifices. The most notable neomenia occurred at the beginning of the civil year, on the first day of the month Tizri, Lev. xxiii, 24. This day was sacred, with no servile work permitted; public or national burnt sacrifices were made, and trumpets were sounded in the temple. In the kingdom of the ten tribes, the more serious among the people gathered at the houses of the prophets to hear their teachings. When the Shunamite who hosted Elisha intended to visit him, her husband asked her, "Why are you going today, since it’s neither the Sabbath nor new moon?" 2 Kings iv, 23. Isaiah states that the Lord detests the new moons, Sabbaths, and other festival days of those Jews who neglected his laws in other respects, Isaiah i, 13, 14. Ezekiel mentions that the burnt offerings on the new moon were funded by the king, and that on this day the eastern gate of the priests' courtyard was to be opened, Ezek. xiv, 17; xlvi, 1, 2; 1 Chron. xxiii, 31; 2 Chron. viii, 13. Judith did not fast on festival days or during the new moon, Judith viii, 6. Today, modern Jews observe the neomenia simply as a feast of devotion, which can be kept or not as desired. They believe it is more relevant to women than to men. Women refrain from work and allow themselves a little more enjoyment on this day than usual. In synagogue prayers, they read from Psalm cxiii to cxviii. They bring out the scroll of the law and read from it to four people. They remember the sacrifice that used to be offered in the temple on this day. On the evening of the Sabbath following the new moon, or another evening soon after when the new moon is first seen, they gather to pray to God, the Creator of the planets and the restorer of the new moon; raising themselves toward heaven, they ask God to keep them safe from misfortune; then, after mentioning David, they greet each other and part ways. See Moon.
NEONOMIANISM, so called from the Greek νέος, new, and νόμος, law. This is not the appellation of a separate sect, but of those both among Arminians and Calvinists who regard Christianity as a new law, mitigated in its requisitions for the sake of Christ. This opinion has many modifications, and has been held by persons very greatly differing from each other in the consequences to which they carry it, and in the principles from which they deduce it. One opinion is, that the new covenant of grace which, through the medium of Christ’s death, the Father made with men, consists, according to this system, not in our being justified by faith, as it apprehends the righteousness of Christ; but in this, that God, abrogating the exaction of perfect legal obedience, reputes or accepts of faith itself, and the imperfect obedience of faith, instead of the perfect obedience of the law, and graciously accounts them worthy of the reward of eternal life. Toward the close of the seventeenth century, a controversy was agitated among the English Dissenters, in which the one side, who were partial to the writings of Dr. Crisp, were charged with antinomianism, and the other, who favoured those of Mr. Baxter, were accused of neonomianism. Dr. Daniel Williams was a principal writer on what was called the neonomian side.
NEONOMIANISM, named after the Greek words νέος, new, and νόμος, law. This term doesn’t refer to a separate sect but to those among both Arminians and Calvinists who see Christianity as a new law, softened in its demands for the sake of Christ. This view has many variations and has been held by people who greatly differ in the implications they draw from it and the principles they base it on. One perspective is that the new covenant of grace, established by the Father through Christ’s death, doesn’t focus on being justified by faith as it relates to Christ's righteousness; instead, it suggests that God, relaxing the demand for perfect legal obedience, accepts faith itself and the imperfect obedience of faith in place of the perfect obedience of the law and graciously considers them deserving of eternal life. Toward the end of the seventeenth century, a controversy arose among English Dissenters, where one side, sympathetic to Dr. Crisp's writings, was accused of antinomianism, while the other side, supportive of Mr. Baxter's writings, was accused of neonomianism. Dr. Daniel Williams was a key writer on what was called the neonomian side.
The following objection, among others, was made by several ministers in 1692, against Dr. Williams’s Gospel Truth Stated,” &c: “To supply the room of the moral law, vacated by him, he turns the Gospel into a new law, in keeping of which we shall be justified for the sake of Christ’s righteousness, making qualifications and acts of ours a disposing subordinate righteousness, whereby we become capable of being justified by Christ’s righteousness.” To this, among other things, he answers: “The difference is not, 1. Whether the Gospel be a new law in the Socinian, popish, or Arminian sense. This I deny. Nor, 2. Is faith, or any other grace or acts of ours, any atonement for sin, satisfaction to justice, meriting qualification, or any part of that righteousness 699for which we are justified at God our Creator’s bar. This I deny in places innumerable. Nor, 3. Whether the Gospel be a law more new than is implied in the first promise to fallen Adam, proposed to Cain, and obeyed by Abel, to the differencing him from his unbelieving brother. This I deny. 4. Nor whether the Gospel be a law that allows sin, when it accepts such graces as true, though short of perfection, to be the conditions of our personal interest in the benefits purchased by Christ. This I deny. 5. Nor whether the Gospel be a law, the promises whereof entitle the performers of its conditions to the benefits as of debt. This I deny. The difference is, 1. Is the Gospel a law in this sense; namely, God in Christ thereby commandeth sinners to repent of sin, and receive Christ by a true operative faith, promising that thereupon they shall be united to him, justified by his righteousness, pardoned, and adopted; and that, persevering in faith and true holiness, they shall be finally saved; also threatening that if any shall die impenitent, unbelieving, ungodly, rejecters of his grace, they shall perish without relief, and endure sorer punishments than if these offers had not been made to them? 2. Hath the Gospel a sanction, that is, doth Christ therein enforce his commands of faith, repentance, and perseverance, by the foresaid promises and threatenings, as motives to our obedience? Both these I affirm, and they deny; saying, the Gospel in the largest sense is an absolute promise without precepts and conditions, and a Gospel threat is a bull. 3. Do the Gospel promises of benefits to certain graces, and its threats that those benefits shall be withheld, and the contrary evils inflicted for the neglect of such graces, render these graces the condition of our personal title to those benefits? This they deny, and I affirm,” &c.
The following objection, among others, was raised by several ministers in 1692 against Dr. Williams’s “Gospel Truth Stated,” etc.: “To fill the void left by the moral law, he turns the Gospel into a new law, by following which we will be justified because of Christ’s righteousness, making our qualifications and actions a lesser form of righteousness that allows us to be justified by Christ’s righteousness.” To this, among other things, he responds: “The difference is not, 1. Whether the Gospel is a new law in the Socinian, Catholic, or Arminian sense. I deny that. Nor, 2. Is faith, or any other grace or actions of ours, any atonement for sin, satisfaction of justice, merit qualifications, or any part of the righteousness for which we are justified at the bar of God our Creator. I deny this in countless instances. Nor, 3. Whether the Gospel is a law more new than what is implied in the first promise to fallen Adam, presented to Cain, and obeyed by Abel, which distinguished him from his unbelieving brother. I deny this. 4. Nor whether the Gospel is a law that permits sin when it accepts such graces as true, despite falling short of perfection, as the conditions for our personal interest in the benefits purchased by Christ. I deny this. 5. Nor whether the Gospel is a law whose promises entitle those who fulfill its conditions to the benefits as a matter of debt. I deny this. The difference is, 1. Is the Gospel a law in this sense; namely, that God in Christ commands sinners to repent of sin and receive Christ through a true working faith, promising that they will be united to him, justified by his righteousness, pardoned, adopted, and that if they continue in faith and true holiness, they will ultimately be saved; also threatening that those who die unrepentant, unbelieving, ungodly, and rejecters of his grace will perish without relief and suffer greater punishments than if these offers had never been made to them? 2. Does the Gospel have a sanction, that is, does Christ enforce his commands of faith, repentance, and perseverance through the aforementioned promises and threats as motivations for our obedience? I affirm both of these, and they deny it, claiming that the Gospel in its broadest sense is an absolute promise without precepts and conditions, and that a Gospel threat is meaningless. 3. Do the Gospel promises of benefits for certain graces, and its threats that these benefits will be withheld, and that negative consequences will follow for neglecting such graces, make these graces the conditions for our personal claim to those benefits? They deny this, and I affirm,” etc.
It does not appear to have been a question in this controversy, whether God in his word commands sinners to repent, and believe in Christ, nor whether he promises life to believers, and threatens death to unbelievers; but whether it be the Gospel under the form of a new law that thus commands or threatens, or the moral law on its behalf, and whether its promises to believing render such believing a condition of the things promised. In another controversy, however, which arose about forty years afterward among the same people, it became a question whether God did by his word, call it law or Gospel, command unregenerate sinners to repent and believe in Christ, or do any thing also, which is spiritually good. Of those who took the affirmative side of this question, one party maintained it on the ground of the Gospel being a new law, consisting of commands, promises, and threatenings, the terms or conditions of which were repentance, faith, and sincere obedience. But those who first engaged in the controversy, though they allowed the encouragement to repent and believe to arise merely from the grace of the Gospel, yet considered the formal obligation to do so as arising merely from the moral law, which, requiring supreme love to God, requires acquiescence in any revelation which he shall at any time make known.
It doesn't seem to have been questioned in this debate whether God, through His word, commands sinners to repent and believe in Christ, or whether He promises life to believers and threatens death to unbelievers. The question was whether it's the Gospel in the form of a new law that gives these commands or threats, or if it's the moral law in support of it. Another question arose about forty years later among the same group: whether God, calling it law or Gospel, commands unregenerate sinners to repent and believe in Christ, or to do anything spiritually good. Those who agreed with this question's affirmative side argued that the Gospel is a new law made up of commands, promises, and threats, with repentance, faith, and sincere obedience being the required conditions. However, the original participants in the debate accepted that the encouragement to repent and believe comes solely from the grace of the Gospel, while they believed that the obligation to do so arises solely from the moral law, which, by requiring supreme love for God, necessitates acceptance of any revelation He chooses to make known.
NERO. The Emperor Nero is not named in Scripture; but he is indicated by his title of emperor, and by his surname Cæsar. To him St. Paul appealed after his imprisonment by Felix, and his examination by Festus, who was swayed by the Jews. St. Paul was therefore carried to Rome, where he arrived A. D. 61. Here he continued two years, preaching the Gospel with freedom, till he became famous even in the emperor’s court, in which were many Christians; for he salutes the Philippians in the name of the brethren who were of the household of Cæsar, that is, of Nero’s court, Phil. i, 12, 13; iv, 22. We have no particular information how he cleared himself from the accusations of the Jews, whether by answering before Nero, or whether his enemies dropped their prosecutions, which seems probable, Acts xxviii, 21. However, it appears that he was liberated in the year 63. Nero is reckoned the first persecutor of the Christian church: his persecution was A. D. 64. Nero, the most cruel and savage of all men, and also the most wicked and depraved, began his persecution against the Christian church, A. D. 64, on pretence of the burning of Rome, of which some have thought himself to be the author. He endeavoured to throw all the odium on the Christians: those were seized first that were known publicly as such, and by their means many others were discovered. They were condemned to death, and were even insulted in their sufferings. Some were sewed up in skins of beasts, and then exposed to dogs to be torn in pieces; some were nailed to crosses; others perished by fire. The latter were sewed up in pitched coverings, which, being set on fire, served as torches to the people, and were lighted up in the night. Nero gave leave to use his own gardens, as the scene of all these cruelties. From this time edicts were published against the Christians, and many martyrs suffered, especially in Italy. St. Peter and St. Paul are thought to have suffered martyrdom, consequent on this persecution, A. D. 65. The revolt of the Jews from the Romans happened about A. D. 65 and 66, in the twelfth and thirteenth of Nero. The city of Jerusalem making an insurrection, A. D. 66, Florus there slew three thousand six hundred persons, and thus began the war. A little while afterward, those of Jerusalem killed the Roman garrison. Cestius on this came to Jerusalem to suppress the sedition; but he was forced to retire, after having besieged it about six weeks, and was routed in his retreat, A. D. 66. About the end of the same year, Nero gave Vespasian the command of his troops against the Jews. This general carried on the war in Galilee and Judea during A. D. 67 and 68, the thirteenth and fourteenth of Nero. But Nero killing himself in the fourteenth year of his reign, Jerusalem was not besieged till after his death, A. D. 70, the first and second of Vespasian.
NERO. The Emperor Nero isn’t specifically mentioned in the Bible, but he’s referred to by his title of emperor and his surname, Caesar. St. Paul appealed to him following his imprisonment by Felix and his trial by Festus, who was influenced by the Jews. As a result, St. Paul was taken to Rome, arriving in A.D. 61. He stayed there for two years, preaching the Gospel freely, gaining fame even in the emperor’s court, which had many Christians; he greets the Philippians in the name of the brethren from Caesar’s household, meaning Nero’s court, Phil. i, 12, 13; iv, 22. We don’t have specific details on how he defended himself against the Jews’ accusations, whether he spoke before Nero or if his opponents abandoned their cases, which seems likely, Acts xxviii, 21. Nonetheless, it seems he was released in 63. Nero is considered the first persecutor of the Christian church: his persecution began in A.D. 64. Nero, the most cruel and vicious of men, and also the most immoral and corrupt, started his attack against the Christian church in A.D. 64 under the pretense of the burning of Rome, which some believe he instigated. He sought to place the blame entirely on the Christians: those who were publicly known as Christians were the first to be arrested, leading to the discovery of many others. They were sentenced to death and faced humiliation during their suffering. Some were wrapped in animal skins and thrown to dogs to be torn apart; some were nailed to crosses; others died by fire. The latter were sewn into tar-covered wrappings, which were set aflame, serving as torches for the crowd and illuminating the night. Nero allowed his gardens to be the stage for these atrocities. From then on, edicts were issued against Christians, and many martyrs were made, especially in Italy. St. Peter and St. Paul are believed to have been martyred as a result of this persecution in A.D. 65. The Jewish revolt against the Romans occurred around A.D. 65 and 66, during the twelfth and thirteenth years of Nero's reign. In A.D. 66, as the city of Jerusalem rebelled, Florus killed three thousand six hundred people, marking the beginning of the war. Shortly after, the people of Jerusalem killed the Roman garrison. Cestius came to Jerusalem to quell the uprising but was forced to retreat after besieging the city for about six weeks, in A.D. 66. Toward the end of that year, Nero appointed Vespasian to command his forces against the Jews. This general conducted the war in Galilee and Judea during A.D. 67 and 68, the thirteenth and fourteenth years of Nero. However, after Nero took his own life in the fourteenth year of his reign, Jerusalem wasn’t besieged until after his death, in A.D. 70, during the first and second years of Vespasian.
NESTORIANS, a denomination which arose in the fifth century, from Nestorius, bishop of 700Constantinople; a man of considerable learning and eloquence, and of an independent spirit. The Catholic clergy were fond of calling the Virgin Mary Mother of God,” to which Nestorius objected, as implying that she was mother of the divine nature, which he very properly denied; and this raised against him, from Cyril and others, the cry of heresy, and perhaps led him into some improper forms of expression and explication. It is generally agreed, however, by the moderns, that Nestorius showed a much better spirit in controversy than his antagonist, St. Cyril. As to the doctrine of the trinity, it does not appear that Nestorius differed from his antagonists, admitting the coëquality of the divine Persons; but he was charged with maintaining two distinct persons, as well as natures, in the mysterious character of Christ. This, however, he solemnly and constantly denied; and from this, as a foul reproach, he has been cleared by the moderns, and particularly by Martin Luther, who lays the whole blame of this controversy on the turbulent and angry Cyril. (See Hypostatic Union.) The discordancy not only between the Nestorians and other Christians, but also among themselves, arose, no doubt, in a great measure, from the ambiguity of the Greek terms hypostasis and prosopon. The councils assembled at Seleucia on this occasion decreed that in Christ there were two hypostases. But this word, unhappily, was used both for person and subsistence, or existence; hence the difficulty and ambiguity: and of these hypostases it is said the one was divine, and the other human;--the divine Word, and the man Jesus. Now of these two hypostases it is added, they had only one barsopa, the original term used by Nestorius, and usually translated by the Greeks, person;” but to avoid the appearance of an express contradiction, Dr. Mosheim translates this barbarous word aspect,” as meaning a union of will and affection, rather than of nature or of person. And thus the Nestorians are charged with rejecting the union of two natures in one person, from their peculiar manner of expressing themselves, though they absolutely denied the charge.
NESTORIANS, a sect that emerged in the fifth century, stemmed from Nestorius, the bishop of 700Constantinople; he was a well-educated and articulate man with a strong independent streak. The Catholic clergy liked to refer to the Virgin Mary as “Mother of God,” which Nestorius opposed, as it suggested that she was the mother of the divine nature, a claim he rightly rejected. This sparked accusations of heresy against him from Cyril and others, and may have led him to use some questionable phrases and explanations. Nevertheless, most contemporary scholars agree that Nestorius exhibited a much more reasonable attitude in debates than his opponent, St. Cyril. Regarding the doctrine of the Trinity, it seems Nestorius did not differ from his opponents, affirming the equality of the divine Persons; however, he was accused of upholding two distinct persons and natures in the complex nature of Christ. He firmly and consistently denied this accusation; modern scholars, including Martin Luther, have cleared him of this serious allegation, laying the blame for the controversy on the restless and aggressive Cyril. (See Hypostatic Union.) The conflict not only between the Nestorians and other Christians but also among the Nestorians themselves, largely stemmed from the ambiguity of the Greek terms hypostasis and prosopon. The councils convened at Seleucia stated that Christ had two hypostases. Unfortunately, this term was confusingly used to mean both person and existence, leading to complications and misunderstandings. It was noted that one hypostasis was divine and the other human; that is, the divine Word and the man Jesus. It was also stated that the two hypostases shared one barsopa, the original term used by Nestorius, typically translated into Greek as “person.” To avoid seeming contradictory, Dr. Mosheim translates this unusual word as “aspect,” implying a union of will and affection rather than of nature or person. Thus, the Nestorians are accused of rejecting the union of two natures in one person based on their unique way of expressing their beliefs, even though they completely denied the accusation.
In the earliest ages of Nestorianism, the various branches of that numerous and powerful sect were under the spiritual jurisdiction of the Catholic patriarch of Babylon,--a vague appellation which has been successively applied to the sees of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and Bagdad,--but who now resides at Mousul. In the sixteenth century the Nestorians were divided into two sects; for in 1551 a warm dispute arose among them about the creation of a new patriarch, Simeon Barmamas, or Barmana, being proposed by one party, and Sulaka, otherwise named Siud, earnestly desired by the other; when the latter, to support his pretensions the more effectually, repaired to Rome, and was consecrated patriarch in 1553, by Pope Julius III., whose jurisdiction he had acknowledged, and to whose commands he had promised unlimited submission and obedience. Upon this new Chaldean patriarch’s return to his own country, Julius sent with him several persons skilled in the Syriac language, to assist him in establishing and extending the papal empire among the Nestorians; and from that time, that unhappy people have been divided into two factions, and have often been involved in the greatest dangers and difficulties, by the jarring sentiments and perpetual quarrels of their patriarchs. In 1555, Simeon Denha, archbishop of Gelu, adopted the party of the fugitive patriarch, who had embraced the communion of the Latin church; and, being afterward chosen patriarch himself, he fixed his residence in the city of Van, or Ormia, in the mountainous parts of Persia, where his successors still continue, and are all distinguished by the name of Simeon; but they seem of late to have withdrawn themselves from their communion with the church of Rome. The great Nestorian pontiffs who form the opposite party, and who have, since 1559, been distinguished by the general denomination of Elias, and reside constantly at Mousul, look with a hostile eye on this little patriarch; but since 1617 the bishops of Ormus have been in so low and declining a state, both in opulence and credit, that they are no longer in a condition to excite the envy of their brethren at Mousul, whose spiritual dominion is very extensive, taking in great part of Asia, and comprehending within its circuit the Arabian Nestorians, as also the Christians of St. Thomas, who dwell along the coast of Malabar.
In the early days of Nestorianism, the different branches of this large and powerful group were under the spiritual authority of the Catholic patriarch of Babylon—a broad term that has been used for the sees of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and Bagdad—but who now lives in Mousul. In the sixteenth century, the Nestorians split into two sects; in 1551, a heated debate broke out over the appointment of a new patriarch. One faction proposed Simeon Barmamas, or Barmana, while the other strongly supported Sulaka, also known as Siud. To bolster his claims, the latter went to Rome and was consecrated as patriarch in 1553 by Pope Julius III., whom he acknowledged and promised complete submission and obedience to. After this new Chaldean patriarch returned to his homeland, Julius sent along several experts in the Syriac language to help him establish and spread the papal influence among the Nestorians. Since then, this unfortunate community has been split into two factions, often facing significant dangers and challenges from the conflicting beliefs and ongoing disputes of their patriarchs. In 1555, Simeon Denha, the archbishop of Gelu, joined the faction of the exiled patriarch who had embraced communion with the Latin church; later, after being selected as patriarch himself, he settled in the city of Van, or Ormia, in the mountainous area of Persia, where his successors still reside and are all known by the name Simeon. However, they seem to have distanced themselves from their communion with the Roman church recently. The prominent Nestorian leaders who represent the opposing faction, who have been referred to generically as Elias since 1559 and continuously reside in Mousul, view this lesser patriarch with hostility. Yet, since 1617, the bishops of Ormus have been in such a low and declining position, both financially and in reputation, that they no longer provoke the envy of their peers in Mousul, whose spiritual authority extends widely across Asia, including the Arabian Nestorians and the Christians of St. Thomas living along the Malabar coast.
NETHINIMS. The Nethinims were servants who had been given up to the service of the tabernacle and temple, to perform the meanest and most laborious services therein, in supplying wood and water. At first the Gibeonites were appointed to this service, Joshua ix, 27. Afterward the Canaanites who surrendered themselves, and whose lives were spared, were consigned to the performance of the same duties. We read, Ezra viii, 20, that the Nethinims were slaves devoted by David and the other princes to the ministry of the temple; and elsewhere, that they were slaves given by Solomon; the children of Solomon’s servants, Ezra ii, 58; and we see, in 1 Kings ix, 20, 21, that this prince had subdued the remains of the Canaanites, and had constrained them to several servitudes; and, it is very probable, he gave a good number of them to the priests and Levites for the service of the temple. The Nethinims were carried into captivity with the tribe of Judah, and there were great numbers of them near the coast of the Caspian Sea, from whence Ezra brought some of them back, Ezra viii, 17. After the return from the captivity, they dwelt in the cities appointed them, Ezra ii, 17. There were some of them also at Jerusalem, who inhabited that part of the city called Ophel, Neh. iii, 26. Those who returned with Ezra were to the number of two hundred and twenty, Ezra viii, 20; and those who followed Zerubbabel made up three hundred and ninety-two, Ezra ii, 58. This number was but small in regard to the offices that were imposed on them; so that we find them afterward instituting a solemnity called Xylophoria, in which 701the people carried wood to the temple with great ceremony, to keep up the fire on the altar of burnt sacrifices.
NETHINIMS. The Nethinims were servants dedicated to the upkeep of the tabernacle and temple, carrying out the most menial and labor-intensive tasks, like supplying wood and water. Initially, the Gibeonites were assigned to this job, as noted in Joshua 9:27. Later, the Canaanites who surrendered and had their lives spared were also tasked with these duties. In Ezra 8:20, we read that the Nethinims were slaves appointed by David and other leaders for temple service; it is also mentioned that they were slaves given by Solomon, specifically the descendants of Solomon’s workers (Ezra 2:58). We see in 1 Kings 9:20-21 that Solomon defeated the remaining Canaanites and forced them into various types of labor; it's likely that he assigned a good number of them to the priests and Levites for temple service. The Nethinims were taken into exile along with the tribe of Judah, and many of them lived near the Caspian Sea, from where Ezra brought some back (Ezra 8:17). After returning from captivity, they settled in the designated cities (Ezra 2:17). Some were also in Jerusalem, residing in an area of the city called Ophel (Neh. 3:26). The number of those who returned with Ezra was two hundred and twenty (Ezra 8:20), while those who followed Zerubbabel totaled three hundred and ninety-two (Ezra 2:58). This number was quite small compared to the tasks required of them, leading them to establish a ceremony called Xylophoria, where the people ceremoniously brought wood to the temple to maintain the fire on the altar of burnt offerings.
NETTLES. We find this name given to two different words in the original. The first is חרול, Job xxx, 7; Proverbs xxiv, 31; Zeph. ii, 9. It is not easy to determine what species of plant is here meant. From the passage in Job, the nettle could not be intended; for a plant is referred to large enough for people to take shelter under. The following extract from Denon’s Travels may help to illustrate the text, and show to what an uncomfortable retreat those vagabonds must have resorted. One of the inconveniences of the vegetable thickets of Egypt is, that it is difficult to remain in them; as nine-tenths of the trees and the plants are armed with inexorable thorns, which suffer only an unquiet enjoyment of the shadow which is so constantly desirable, from the precaution necessary to guard against them.” The קימוש, Prov. xxiv, 31; Isaiah xxxiv, 13; Hosea ix, 6; is by the Vulgate rendered urtica,” which is well defended by Celsius, and very probably means the nettle.”
NETTLES. This name corresponds to two different words in the original text. The first is Chickpea, found in Job xxx, 7; Proverbs xxiv, 31; Zephaniah ii, 9. It's tough to pinpoint exactly which plant is being referred to here. From the passage in Job, the nettle likely isn't what’s meant; the text describes a plant large enough for people to find shelter beneath. An excerpt from Denon’s Travels may shed light on this and illustrate how uncomfortable the refuge must have been for those wanderers. One of the downsides of the dense vegetation in Egypt is that it's hard to stay hidden there; about 90% of the trees and plants are covered in sharp thorns, making it nearly impossible to enjoy the much-desired shade without being cautious. The קימוש, mentioned in Prov. xxiv, 31; Isaiah xxxiv, 13; Hosea ix, 6; is translated by the Vulgate as urtica, which Celsius defends well, and likely refers to the nettle.
NICE or NICENE CREED is so denominated, because the greater part of it, namely, as far as the words, Holy Ghost,” was drawn up and agreed to at the council of Nice, or Nicæa, in Bithynia, A. D. 325. This council was assembled against Arius, who, though he brought down the Son to the condition of a creature, inferior, for that reason, in nature to the Father, yet acknowledged his personal subsistence before the world, and his superiority in nature to all the things that were created by him. So that there was need of some higher expression in this case than the other, to import his equal dignity of nature with the Father and Creator of all; and nothing was found to answer the purpose so well as the term ὁμοούσιος. The rest of this creed was added at the council of Constantinople, A. D. 581, except the words, and the Son,” which follow the words, who proceedeth from the Father,” and they were inserted A. D. 447. The addition made at Constantinople was caused by the denial of the divinity of the Holy Ghost by Macedonius and his followers; and the creed, thus enlarged, was immediately received by all orthodox Christians. The insertion of the words, and the Son,” was made by the Spanish bishops; and they were soon after adopted by the Christians in France. The bishops of Rome for some time refused to admit these words into the creed; but at last, A. D. 883, when Nicholas the First was pope, they were allowed, and from that time they have stood in the Nicene creed, in all the western churches; but the Greek church has never received them. See Arius.
NICE or NICENE CREED is named as such because most of it, specifically the phrase “Holy Ghost,” was formulated and agreed upon at the council of Nice, or Nicæa, in Bithynia in A.D. 325. This council was convened in response to Arius, who, although he lowered the Son to the status of a creature, thus making him inferior in nature to the Father, still acknowledged that the Son existed personally before the world and was superior in nature to everything created by him. Therefore, a more elevated expression was needed to convey his equal dignity of nature with the Father and Creator of all; and the term ὁμοούσιος was found to be the best fit. The rest of the creed was added at the council of Constantinople in A.D. 581, except for the words “and the Son,” which follow the phrase “who proceedeth from the Father,” and were inserted in A.D. 447. The addition made at Constantinople was a response to Macedonius and his followers denying the divinity of the Holy Ghost; the enlarged creed was quickly accepted by all orthodox Christians. The phrase “and the Son” was added by the Spanish bishops and was soon adopted by Christians in France. The bishops of Rome initially refused to include these words in the creed, but ultimately, in A.D. 883, during the papacy of Nicholas the First, they were accepted, and since then, they have been part of the Nicene creed in all the western churches; however, the Greek church has never accepted them. See Arius.
NICODEMUS, a disciple of Jesus Christ, a Jew by nation, and a Pharisee, John iii, 1, &c. At the time when the priests and Pharisees had sent officers to seize Jesus, Nicodemus declared himself openly in his favour, John vii, 45, &c; and still more so when he went with Joseph of Arimathea to pay the last duties to his body, which they took down from the cross, embalmed, and laid in a sepulchre.
NICODEMUS, a disciple of Jesus Christ, a Jew by nationality, and a Pharisee (John 3:1), At the time when the priests and Pharisees sent officers to arrest Jesus, Nicodemus openly expressed his support for Him (John 7:45), and even more so when he went with Joseph of Arimathea to honor His body, which they took down from the cross, prepared for burial, and laid in a tomb.
NICOLAITANS. St. John says in his Revelation, to the angel of the church of Ephesus, But this thou hast, that thou hatest the deeds of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate,” Rev. ii, 6; and again, to the angel of the church of Pergamos: So hast thou also them that hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, which thing I hate,” Rev. ii, 15. These are the only two places where the Nicolaitans are mentioned in the New Testament: and it might appear at first, that little could be inferred from these concerning either their doctrine or their practice. It is asserted, however, by all the fathers, that the Nicolaitans were a branch of the Gnostics: and the epistles, which were addressed by St. John to the seven Asiatic churches, may perhaps lead us to the same conclusion. Thus to the church at Ephesus he writes: Thou hast tried them which say they are Apostles and are not, and hast found them liars,” Rev. ii, 2. This may be understood of the Gnostic teachers, who falsely called themselves Christians, and who would be not unlikely to assume also the title of Apostles. It appears from this and other passages, that they had distinguished themselves at Ephesus; and it is when writing to that church, that St. John mentions the Nicolaitans. Again, when writing to the church at Smyrna, he says: I know the blasphemy of them which say they are Jews, and are not, but are the synagogue of Satan,” Rev. ii, 9. The Gnostics borrowed many doctrines from the Jews, and thought by this means to attract both the Jews and Christians. We might therefore infer, even without the testimony of the fathers, that the Gnostic doctrines were prevalent in these churches, where St. John speaks of the Nicolaitans: and if so, we have a still more specific indication of their doctrine and practice, when we find St. John saying to the church in Pergamos, I have a few things against thee, because thou hast there them that hold the doctrine of Balaam, who taught Balak to cast a stumbling block before the children of Israel, to eat things sacrificed unto idols, and to commit fornication,” Rev. ii, 14. Then follow the words already quoted, So hast thou also them that hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, which thing I hate.” There seems here to be some comparison between the doctrine of Balaam and that of the Nicolaitans: and I would also point out, that to the church in Thyatira the Apostle writes, I have a few things against thee, because thou sufferest that woman Jezebel, which calleth herself a prophetess, to teach and to seduce my servants to commit fornication, and to eat things sacrificed unto idols,” Rev. ii, 20. The two passages are very similar, and may enable us to throw some light upon the history of the Nicolaitans. Tertullian has preserved a tradition, that the person here spoken of as Jezebel was a female heretic, who taught what she had learned from the Nicolaitans: and whether the tradition be true or not, it seems certain, that to eat things sacrificed unto 702idols, and to commit fornication, was part of the practice of the Nicolaitans.
NICOLAITANS. St. John says in his Revelation, to the angel of the church of Ephesus, "But this you have, that you hate the deeds of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate,” Rev. ii, 6; and again, to the angel of the church of Pergamos: "So you also have those who hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, which I hate,” Rev. ii, 15. These are the only two places where the Nicolaitans are mentioned in the New Testament; and it might seem at first that there isn’t much to infer about their beliefs or practices from these references. However, all the church fathers assert that the Nicolaitans were a branch of the Gnostics. The letters St. John wrote to the seven Asiatic churches might lead us to the same conclusion. To the church at Ephesus, he writes: "You have tested those who say they are Apostles and are not, and have found them to be liars,” Rev. ii, 2. This could refer to Gnostic teachers who falsely identified themselves as Christians and possibly claimed the title of Apostles as well. From this and other passages, it appears that they made a name for themselves in Ephesus; and it's in this context that St. John mentions the Nicolaitans. When addressing the church at Smyrna, he says: "I know the blasphemy of those who say they are Jews and are not, but are the synagogue of Satan,” Rev. ii, 9. The Gnostics borrowed many teachings from the Jews, hoping to attract both Jews and Christians. Thus, we might deduce, even without the fathers' testimony, that Gnostic teachings were widespread in these churches where St. John refers to the Nicolaitans. If that's the case, we have an even clearer indication of their beliefs and practices when St. John tells the church in Pergamos, "I have a few things against you, because you have those who hold the doctrine of Balaam, who taught Balak to put a stumbling block before the children of Israel, to eat things sacrificed to idols, and to commit fornication,” Rev. ii, 14. Then he adds, "So you also have those who hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans, which I hate.” There seems to be a comparison here between the doctrine of Balaam and that of the Nicolaitans. I would also like to note that when writing to the church in Thyatira, the Apostle says, "I have a few things against you, because you tolerate that woman Jezebel, who calls herself a prophetess, to teach and seduce my servants to commit fornication, and to eat things sacrificed to idols,” Rev. ii, 20. The two passages are quite similar and may help us understand the history of the Nicolaitans better. Tertullian preserved a tradition that the person referred to as Jezebel was a female heretic who taught what she had learned from the Nicolaitans; and whether this tradition is true or not, it seems clear that eating things sacrificed to idols and committing fornication was part of the Nicolaitans' practices.
These two sins are compared to the doctrine of Balaam: and though the Bible tells us little of Balaam’s history, beyond his prophecies and his death, yet we can collect enough to enable us to explain this allusion of St. John. We read, that when Israel abode in Shittim, the people began to commit whoredom with the daughters of Moab: and they,” that is, the women, called the people unto the sacrifices of their gods: and the people did eat, and bowed down to their gods,” Num. xxv, 1, 2. But we read farther, that when the Midianites were spoiled and Balaam slain, Moses said of the women who were taken, Behold, these caused the children of Israel, through the counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass against the Lord in the matter of Peor,” Num. xxxi, 16. This, then, was the insidious policy and advice of Balaam. When he found that he was prohibited by God from cursing Israel, he advised Balak to seduce the Israelites by the women of Moab, and thus to entice them to the sacrifices of their gods. This is what St. John calls the doctrine of Balaam,” or the wicked artifice which he taught the king of Moab: and so he says, that in the church of Pergamos there were some who held the doctrine of the Nicolaitans. We have therefore the testimony of St. John, as well as of the fathers, that the lives of the Nicolaitans were profligate and vicious; to which we may add, that they ate things sacrificed to idols. This is expressly said of Basilides and Valentinus, two celebrated leaders of Gnostic sects: and we perhaps are not going too far, if we infer from St. John, that the Nicolaitans were the first who enticed the Christians to this impious practice, and obtained from thence the distinction of their peculiar celebrity. Their motive for such conduct is very evident. They wished to gain proselytes to their doctrines; and they therefore taught that it was lawful to indulge the passions, and that there was no harm in partaking of an idol sacrifice. This had now become the test to which Christians must submit, if they wished to escape persecution: and the Nicolaitans sought to gain converts by telling them that they might still believe in Jesus though they ate of things sacrificed unto idols.” The fear of death would shake the faith of some; others would be gained over by sensual arguments: and thus many unhappy Christians of the Asiatic churches were found by St. John in the ranks of the Nicolaitans.
These two sins are linked to the teachings of Balaam: and while the Bible gives us little information about Balaam's story, other than his prophecies and his death, we can gather enough to understand this reference made by St. John. We read that when Israel camped in Shittim, the people started to engage in sexual immorality with the daughters of Moab: and they,” meaning the women, invited the people to the sacrifices of their gods: and the people ate and bowed down to their gods,” Num. xxv, 1, 2. Additionally, we read that after the Midianites were defeated and Balaam was killed, Moses remarked about the women who were taken, "Behold, these caused the children of Israel, through the advice of Balaam, to sin against the Lord in the matter of Peor,” Num. xxxi, 16. This was the deceitful strategy and counsel of Balaam. When he realized that God forbade him from cursing Israel, he advised Balak to entice the Israelites with the women of Moab, thus leading them to the sacrifices of their gods. This is what St. John refers to as the "doctrine of Balaam," or the wicked scheme that he taught the king of Moab: and he mentions that in the church of Pergamos, some held the doctrine of the Nicolaitans. We have the testimony of St. John, as well as early church leaders, that the lives of the Nicolaitans were immoral and corrupt; we can also note that they participated in idol sacrifices. This is specifically noted about Basilides and Valentinus, two prominent leaders of Gnostic sects: and it's not too far-fetched to infer from St. John that the Nicolaitans were the first to lead Christians into this sinful practice, achieving a unique notoriety from it. Their motivation for this behavior is quite clear. They wanted to attract followers to their beliefs; therefore, they taught that it was okay to indulge in desires and that there was no issue with participating in idol sacrifices. This had now become the test Christians needed to pass to avoid persecution: and the Nicolaitans aimed to win converts by claiming they could still believe in Jesus while partaking in what had been sacrificed to idols.” The fear of death might shake the faith of some; others could be swayed by sensual arguments: and as a result, St. John found many distressed Christians from the Asian churches among the Nicolaitans.
We might wish perhaps to know at what time the sect of the Nicolaitans began; but we cannot define it accurately. If Irenæus is correct in saying that it preceded by a considerable time the heresy of Cerinthus, and that the Cerinthian heresy was a principal cause of St. John writing his Gospel, it follows, that the Nicolaitans were in existence at least some years before the time of their being mentioned in the Revelation; and the persecution under Domitian, which was the cause of St. John being sent to Patmos, may have been the time which enabled the Nicolaitans to exhibit their principles. Irenæus indeed adds, that St. John directed his Gospel against the Nicolaitans as well as against Cerinthus: and the comparison which is made between their doctrine and that of Balaam, may perhaps authorize us to refer to this sect what is said in the second Epistle of St. Peter. The whole passage contains marked allusions to Gnostic teachers. There is another question concerning the Nicolaitans, which has excited much discussion. It is a question entirely of evidence and detail; and the two points to be considered are, 1. Whether the Nicolaitans derived their name from Nicolas of Antioch, who was one of the seven deacons: 2. Supposing this to be the fact, whether Nicolas had disgraced himself by sensual indulgence. Those writers who have endeavoured to clear the character of Nicolas have generally tried also to prove that he was not the man whom the Nicolaitans claimed as their head. But the one point may be true without the other: and the evidence is so overwhelming, which states that Nicolas the deacon was at least the person intended by the Nicolaitans, that it is difficult to come to any other conclusion upon the subject. We must not deny that some of the fathers have also charged him with falling into vicious habits, and thus affording too true a support to the heretics who claimed him as their leader. These writers, however, are of a late date; and some, who are much more ancient, have entirely acquitted him, and furnished an explanation of the calumnies which attach to his name. We know that the Gnostics were not ashamed to claim as their founders the Apostles, or friends of the Apostles. The same may have been the case with Nicolas the deacon; and though we allow, that if the Nicolaitans were distinguished as a sect some time before the end of the century, the probability is lessened that his name was thus abused; yet if his career was a short one, his history, like that of the other deacons, would soon be forgotten: and the same fertile invention, which gave rise in the two first centuries to so many apocryphal Gospels, may also have led the Nicolaitans to give a false character to him whose name they had assumed.
We might want to know when the sect of the Nicolaitans started, but we can't pinpoint it accurately. If Irenaeus is right in saying it existed quite a while before the heresy of Cerinthus, and that the Cerinthian heresy was a major reason why St. John wrote his Gospel, then it makes sense that the Nicolaitans were around at least a few years before they were mentioned in Revelation. The persecution under Domitian, which led to St. John's exile to Patmos, might have been when the Nicolaitans were able to show their beliefs. Irenaeus also says that St. John directed his Gospel against the Nicolaitans as well as against Cerinthus. The comparison made between their teachings and that of Balaam might justify linking this sect to what is mentioned in the second Epistle of St. Peter. The entire passage has clear references to Gnostic teachers. There’s another question about the Nicolaitans that has sparked a lot of debate. It’s a question of evidence and detail, and the two points to consider are: 1. Whether the Nicolaitans got their name from Nicolas of Antioch, one of the seven deacons; 2. Assuming this is true, whether Nicolas disgraced himself through indulgence. Those writers who have tried to defend Nicolas's character often also argue that he wasn't the man the Nicolaitans claimed as their leader. However, one could be true without the other: the evidence is so strong that Nicolas the deacon was at least the person referred to by the Nicolaitans that it's hard to reach any other conclusion on the matter. We can't deny that some of the early church fathers accused him of falling into immoral habits, thus giving a valid argument to the heretics who claimed him as their leader. However, these writers are from a later time, while some much earlier ones completely cleared him of any wrongdoing and explained the slanders against him. We know that the Gnostics weren't shy about claiming the Apostles or their friends as their founders. The same could have happened with Nicolas the deacon; and while it's true that if the Nicolaitans were recognized as a sect some time before the century ended, it makes it less likely that his name was misused, if his time was brief, his story, like that of the other deacons, could quickly be forgotten. The same creativity that led to so many apocryphal Gospels in the first two centuries may have also encouraged the Nicolaitans to misrepresent the person whose name they took.
NICOPOLIS, a city of Epirus, on the gulf of Ambracia, whither, as some think, St. Paul wrote to Titus, then in Crete, to come to him, Titus iii, 12; but others, with greater probability, are of opinion, that the city of Nicopolis, where St. Paul was, was not that of Epirus, but that of Thrace, on the borders of Macedonia, near the river Nessus. Emmaus in Palestine was also called Nicopolis by the Romans.
NICOPOLIS, a city in Epirus, located by the gulf of Ambracia, where some believe St. Paul wrote to Titus, who was then in Crete, to come to him (Titus iii, 12); however, others, with more convincing arguments, think that the Nicopolis where St. Paul was is not the one in Epirus, but rather the one in Thrace, near the border of Macedonia, close to the river Nessus. Emmaus in Palestine was also referred to as Nicopolis by the Romans.
NIGHT. The ancient Hebrews began their artificial day in the evening, and ended it the next evening; so that the night preceded the day, whence it is said, evening and morning one day,” Gen. i, 5. They allowed twelve hours to the night, and twelve to the day. Night is put for a time of affliction and adversity: Thou hast proved mine heart, thou 703hast visited me in the night, thou hast tried me,” Psalm xvii, 3; that is, by adversity and tribulation. And the morning cometh, and also the night,” Isaiah xxi, 12. Night is also put for the time of death: The night cometh, wherein no man can work,” John ix, 4. Children of the day, and children of the night, in a moral and figurative sense, denote good men and wicked men, Christians and Gentiles. The disciples of the Son of God are children of light: they belong to the light, they walk in the light of truth; while the children of the night walk in the darkness of ignorance and infidelity, and perform only works of darkness. Ye are all the children of the light, and the children of the day; we are not of the night, nor of darkness,” 1 Thess. v, 5.
NIGHT. The ancient Hebrews started their day in the evening and ended it the next evening, so the night came before the day. That's why it says, “evening and morning one day,” Gen. i, 5. They divided the time equally, with twelve hours for night and twelve for the day. Night represents a time of suffering and hardship: “You have tested my heart; you have examined me at night; you have tried me,” Psalm xvii, 3; meaning through hardship and trials. And “the morning comes, and also the night,” Isaiah xxi, 12. Night also symbolizes death: “The night comes when no one can work,” John ix, 4. Children of the day and children of the night, in a moral and figurative sense, refer to good people and evil people, Christians and non-Christians. The followers of the Son of God are children of light: they belong to the light and walk in the light of truth, while the children of the night walk in the darkness of ignorance and disbelief, only doing works of darkness. “You are all children of the light and children of the day; we are not of the night, nor of darkness,” 1 Thess. v, 5.
NIGHT-HAWK, תחמס, Lev. xi, 16; Deut. xiv, 15. That this is a voracious bird seems clear from the import of its name; and interpreters are generally agreed to describe it as flying by night. On the whole, it should seem to be the strix orientalis, which Hasselquist thus describes: It is of the size of the common owl, and lodges in the large buildings or ruins of Egypt and Syria, and sometimes even in the dwelling houses. The Arabs settled in Egypt call it massasa,” and the Syrians banu.” It is extremely voracious in Syria; to such a degree, that if care is not taken to shut the windows at the coming on of night, he enters the houses and kills the children: the women, therefore, are very much afraid of him.
NIGHT-HAWK, תחמס, Lev. xi, 16; Deut. xiv, 15. It’s clear that this is a greedy bird based on the meaning of its name, and most interpreters agree that it flies at night. Overall, it seems to be the Eastern screech owl, which Hasselquist describes as being the size of a common owl and nesting in the large buildings or ruins of Egypt and Syria, and sometimes even in homes. The Arabs living in Egypt call it “massasa,” and the Syrians refer to it as “banu.” It is extremely greedy in Syria; so much so that if people don’t close their windows at night, it enters homes and attacks children. Because of this, women are very scared of it.
NILE, the river of Egypt, whose fountain is in the Upper Ethiopia. After having watered several kingdoms, the Nile continues its course far into the kingdom of Goiam. Then it winds about again, from the east to the north. Having crossed several kingdoms and provinces, it falls into Egypt at the cataracts, which are waterfalls over steep rocks of the length of two hundred feet. At the bottom of these rocks the Nile returns to its usual pace, and thus flows through the valley of Egypt. Its channel, according to Villamont, is about a league broad. At eight miles below Grand Cairo, it is divided into two arms, which make a triangle, whose base is at the Mediterranean Sea, and which the Greeks call the Delta, because of its figure Δ. These two arms are divided into others, which discharge themselves into the Mediterranean, the distance of which from the top of the Delta is about twenty leagues. These branches of the Nile the ancients commonly reckoned to be seven. Ptolemy makes them nine, some only four, some eleven, some fourteen. Homer, Xenophon, and Diodorus Siculus testify, that the ancient name of this river was Egyptus; and the latter of these writers says, that it took the name Nilus only since the time of a king of Egypt called by that name. The Greeks gave it the name of Melas; and Diodorus Siculus observes, that the most ancient name by which the Grecians have known the Nile was Oceanus. The Egyptians paid divine honours to this river, and called it Jupiter Nilus.
NILE, the river of Egypt, which originates in Upper Ethiopia. After watering several kingdoms, the Nile continues its journey deep into the kingdom of Goiam. It then curves around from the east to the north. After crossing multiple kingdoms and provinces, it enters Egypt at the cataracts, which are waterfalls over steep rocks that are two hundred feet tall. At the base of these rocks, the Nile resumes its normal flow and continues through the valley of Egypt. According to Villamont, its width is about a league. Eight miles below Grand Cairo, it splits into two arms, forming a triangle whose base is at the Mediterranean Sea, known to the Greeks as the Delta due to its Δ shape. These two branches further divide into others that flow into the Mediterranean, which is about twenty leagues from the top of the Delta. The ancients commonly counted seven branches of the Nile, while Ptolemy listed nine, some counted four, some eleven, and others fourteen. Homer, Xenophon, and Diodorus Siculus state that the ancient name of this river was Egyptus; the latter mentions that it was called Nilus only after a king of Egypt who bore that name. The Greeks referred to it as Melas, and Diodorus Siculus notes that the earliest name the Greeks knew for the Nile was Oceanus. The Egyptians honored this river as sacred and called it Jupiter Nilus.
Very little rain ever falls in Egypt, never sufficient to fertilize the land; and but for the provision of this bountiful river, the country would be condemned to perpetual sterility. As it is, from the joint operation of the regularity of the flood, the deposit of mud from the water of the river and the warmth of the climate, it is the most fertile country in the world; the produce exceeding all calculation. It has in consequence been, in all ages, the granary of the east; and has on more than one occasion, an instance of which is recorded in the history of Joseph, saved the neighbouring countries from starvation. It is probable, that, while in these countries, on the occasion referred to, the seven years’ famine was the result of the absence of rain, in Egypt it was brought about by the inundation being withheld: and the consternation of the Egyptians, at witnessing this phenomenon for seven successive years, may easily be conceived. The origin and course of the Nile being unknown to the ancients, its stream was held, and is still held by the natives, in the greatest veneration; and its periodical overflow was viewed with mysterious wonder. But both of these are now, from the discoveries of the moderns, better understood. It is now known, that the sources, or permanent springs, of the Nile are situated in the mountains of Abyssinia, and the unexplored regions to the west and south-west of that country; and that the occasional supplies, or causes of the inundation, are the periodical rains which fall in those districts. For a correct knowledge of these facts, and of the true position of the source of that branch of the river, which has generally been considered to be the continuation of the true Nile, we are indebted to our countryman, the intrepid and indefatigable Bruce. Although the Nile, by way of eminence, has been called the river of Egypt,” it must not be confounded with another stream so denominated in Scripture, an insignificant rivulet in comparison, which falls into the Mediterranean below Gaza.
Very little rain falls in Egypt, and it’s never enough to fertilize the land. Without the generous river, the country would be stuck in permanent drought. However, thanks to the regular flooding, the mud deposits from the river, and the warm climate, Egypt is the most fertile country in the world, producing more than anyone can imagine. Because of this, it has always been the grain store of the East and has, on several occasions, saved neighboring countries from starvation, an example of which is found in the story of Joseph. It’s likely that, during the mentioned famine, the lack of rain caused problems in those countries, while Egypt suffered due to the absence of flooding. One can easily imagine the fear of the Egyptians as they watched this happen for seven years in a row. Since the ancients did not know where the Nile came from or where it flowed, its waters were held in great respect, and its regular flooding was viewed with mystique. But now, thanks to modern discoveries, we understand both. It is now known that the Nile's sources, or permanent springs, are in the mountains of Abyssinia and the uncharted areas to the west and southwest of that region. The periodic rains in those areas are what cause the flooding. We owe our understanding of these facts and the true location of the source of the part of the river that is often considered to be the continuation of the Nile to our fellow countryman, the courageous and tireless Bruce. Although the Nile is often referred to as the "river of Egypt," it should not be confused with another river of the same name mentioned in the Bible, which is a much smaller stream that flows into the Mediterranean below Gaza.
NIMROD. He is generally supposed to have been the immediate son of Cush, and the youngest, or sixth, from the Scriptural phrase, Cush begat Nimrod,” after the mention of his five sons, Gen. x, 8. But the phrase is used with considerable latitude, like father” and son,” in Scripture. And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar: out of that land he went forth to invade Assyria; and built Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and Resin, between Nineveh and Calah: the same is a great city,” Gen. x, 8–12. Though the main body of the Cushites was miraculously dispersed, and sent by Providence to their destinations along the sea coasts of Asia and Africa, yet Nimrod remained behind, and founded an empire in Babylonia, according to Berosus, by usurping the property of the Arphaxadites in the land of Shinar; where the beginning of his kingdom was Babel,” or Babylon, and other towns: and, not satisfied with this, he next invaded Assur, or Assyria, east of the Tigris, where he built Nineveh, and several other towns. 704The marginal reading of our English Bible, He went out into Assyria,” or to invade Assyria, is here adopted in preference to that in the text: And out of that land went forth Ashur, and builded Nineveh,” &c. The meaning of the word Nineveh may lead us to his original name, Nin, signifying a son,” the most celebrated of the sons of Cush. That of Nimrod, or Rebel,” was probably a parody, or nickname, given him by the oppressed Shemites, of which we have several instances in Scripture. Thus nahash, the brazen serpent” in the wilderness, was called by Hezekiah, in contempt, nehushtan, a piece of brass,” when he broke it in pieces, because it was perverted into an object of idolatrous worship by the Jews, 2 Kings xviii, 4. Nimrod, that arch rebel, who first subverted the patriarchal government, introduced also the Zabian idolatry, or worship of the heavenly host; and, after his death, was deified by his subjects, and supposed to be translated into the constellations of Orion, attended by his hounds, Sirius and Canicula, and still pursuing his favourite game, the great bear; supposed also to be translated into ursa major, near the north pole; as admirably described by Homer,--
NIMROD. He is generally thought to have been the direct son of Cush and the youngest, or sixth, according to the Scriptural phrase, "Cush begat Nimrod," following the mention of his five sons, Gen. x, 8. However, the phrase is used quite flexibly, like "father" and "son" in Scripture. His kingdom started with Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar. From that land, he went out to conquer Assyria and built Nineveh, along with the cities Rehoboth, Calah, and Resin, located between Nineveh and Calah; this is called "a great city," Gen. x, 8–12. Although most of the Cushites were miraculously scattered and sent by Providence to their destinations along the coasts of Asia and Africa, Nimrod stayed behind and established an empire in Babylonia. According to Berosus, he did this by taking over the lands of the Arphaxadites in the land of Shinar, where the start of his kingdom was Babel, or Babylon, and other towns. Not content with this, he then invaded Assur, or Assyria, to the east of the Tigris, where he built Nineveh and several other towns. 704 The margin note in our English Bible, "He went out into Assyria," or to invade Assyria, is preferred here over the text's note: "And out of that land went forth Ashur, and built Nineveh," etc. The meaning of the word Nineveh might point to his original name, Nin, which means "a son," a title for the most famous of the sons of Cush. The name Nimrod, meaning "Rebel," was likely a mocking nickname given to him by the oppressed Shemites, and there are several examples of this in Scripture. For instance, the "brazen serpent" in the wilderness was referred to by Hezekiah, in a derogatory way, as "nehushtan," meaning "a piece of brass," when he destroyed it because it had been turned into an idol by the Jews, 2 Kings xviii, 4. Nimrod, that great rebel who first overturned the patriarchal government, also introduced the Zabian idolatry, or the worship of celestial bodies. After his death, he was deified by his followers and believed to have been transformed into the constellations of Orion, accompanied by his hunting dogs, Sirius and Canicula, still chasing his favored prey, the great bear, and thought to be represented in Ursa Major, near the north pole; as beautifully described by Homer,--
And the bear, surnamed also the wain, by the Egyptians, who is turning herself about there, and watching Orion.” Homer also introduces the shade of Orion, as hunting in the Elysian fields,--
And the bear, also known as the wain by the Egyptians, is turning around there and watching Orion.” Homer also mentions the spirit of Orion, who is hunting in the Elysian fields,--
The Grecian name of this mighty hunter” may furnish a satisfactory clue to the name given him by the impious adulation of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Ὠρίων nearly resembles, Ὀυρίαν, the oblique case of Ὀυρίας, which is the Septuagint rendering of Uriah, a proper name in Scripture, 2 Sam. xi, 6–21. But Uriah, signifying the light of the Lord,” was an appropriate appellation of that most brilliant constellation. He was also called Baal, Beel, Bel, or Belus, signifying lord,” or master,” by the Phenicians, Assyrians, and Greeks; and Bala Rama, by the Hindus. At a village called Bala-deva, or Baldeo in the vulgar dialect, thirteen miles east by south from Muttra, in Hindustan, there is a very ancient statue of Bala Rama, in which he is represented with a ploughshare in his left hand, and a thick cudgel in his right, and his shoulders covered with the skin of a tiger. Captain Wilford supposes that the ploughshare was designed to hook his enemies; but may it not more naturally denote the constellation of the great bear, which strikingly represents the figure of a plough in its seven bright stars; and was probably so denominated by the earliest astronomers, before the introduction of the Zabian idolatry, as a celestial symbol of agriculture? The thick cudgel corresponds to the brazen mace of Homer. And it is highly probable that the Assyrian Nimrod, or Hindu Bala, was also the prototype of the Grecian Hercules, with his club and lion’s skin.
The Greek name of this great hunter could provide a clue to the name given to him by the misguided praise of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Ὠρίων closely resembles Ὀυρίαν, which is the oblique case of Ὀυρίας, the Septuagint translation of Uriah, a name from Scripture, 2 Sam. xi, 6–21. Since Uriah means "light of the Lord," it was a fitting name for that brilliant constellation. He was also referred to as Baal, Beel, Bel, or Belus, meaning "lord" or "master," by the Phoenicians, Assyrians, and Greeks; and as Bala Rama by the Hindus. In a village called Bala-deva, or Baldeo in the local dialect, located thirteen miles east-southeast of Muttra in Hindustan, there is an ancient statue of Bala Rama, depicted with a ploughshare in his left hand and a thick club in his right, his shoulders draped with a tiger skin. Captain Wilford suggests that the ploughshare was meant to hook his enemies; however, could it not more naturally represent the constellation of the Great Bear, which strikingly resembles a plough with its seven bright stars? It’s likely that this name was used by the earliest astronomers as a celestial symbol of agriculture before the rise of Zabian idol worship. The thick club is similar to the brazen mace described by Homer. It seems very probable that the Assyrian Nimrod, or Hindu Bala, was also the inspiration for the Greek Hercules, complete with his club and lion's skin.
Nimrod is said to have been a mighty hunter before the Lord;” which the Jerusalem paraphrast interprets of a sinful hunting after the sons of men to turn them off from the true religion. But it may as well be taken in a more literal sense, for hunting of wild beasts; inasmuch as the circumstance of his being a mighty hunter is mentioned with great propriety to introduce the account of his setting up his kingdom; the exercise of hunting being looked upon in ancient times as a means of acquiring the rudiments of war; for which reason, the principal heroes of Heathen antiquity, as Theseus, Nestor, &c, were, as Xenophon tells us, bred up to hunting. Beside, it may be supposed, that by this practice Nimrod drew together a great company of robust young men to attend him in his sport, and by that means increased his power. And by destroying the wild beasts, which, in the comparatively defenceless state of society in those early ages, were no doubt very dangerous enemies, he might, perhaps, render himself farther popular; thereby engaging numbers to join with him, and to promote his chief design of subduing men, and making himself master of many nations.
Nimrod is described as a great hunter before the Lord; the Jerusalem commentator interprets this as him sinfully hunting people to lead them away from true religion. However, it could also be taken literally as hunting wild animals since mentioning him as a mighty hunter fits well with the story of him establishing his kingdom. In ancient times, hunting was seen as a way to learn the basics of warfare, which is why key heroes from pagan history, like Theseus and Nestor, were trained in hunting, as Xenophon tells us. Additionally, it’s likely that through this practice, Nimrod attracted a large group of strong young men to join him in his pursuits, thus increasing his power. By eliminating wild beasts that were very dangerous to the relatively vulnerable society of that time, he may have gained further popularity, encouraging many to support him in his main goal of conquering people and becoming the ruler over many nations.
NINEVEH. This capital of the Assyrian empire could boast of the remotest antiquity. Tacitus styles it, Vetustissima sedes Assyriæ;” [the most ancient seat of Assyria;] and Scripture informs us that Nimrod, after he had built Babel, in the land of Shinar, invaded Assyria, where he built Nineveh, and several other cities, Genesis x, 11. Its name denotes the habitation of Nin,” which seems to have been the proper name of that rebel,” as Nimrod signifies. And it is uniformly styled by Herodotus, Xenophon, Diodorus, Lucian, &c, Ἡ Νίνος, the city of Ninus.” And the village of Nunia, opposite Mosul, in its name, and the tradition of the natives, ascertains the site of the ancient city, which was near the castle of Arbela, according to Tacitus, so celebrated for the decisive victory of Alexander the Great over the Persians there; the site of which is ascertained by the village of Arbil, about ten German miles to the east of Nunia, according to Niebuhr’s map. Nineveh at first seems only to have been a small city, and less than Resen, in its neighbourhood; which is conjectured by Bochart, and not without reason, to have been the same as Larissa, which Xenophon describes as the ruins of a great city, formerly inhabited by the Medes,” and which the natives might have described as belonging la Resen, to Resen.” Nineveh did not rise to greatness for many ages after, until its second founder, Ninus II., about B. C. 1230, enlarged and made it the greatest city in the 705world. According to Diodorus, it was of an oblong form, a hundred and fifty stadia long, and ninety broad, and, consequently, four hundred and eighty in circuit, or forty-eight miles, reckoning ten stadia to an English mile, with Major Rennel. And its walls were a hundred feet high, and so broad that three chariots could drive on them abreast; and on the walls were fifteen hundred towers, each two hundred feet high. We are not, however, to imagine that all this vast enclosure was built upon: it contained great parks and extensive fields, and detached houses and buildings, like Babylon, and other great cities of the east even at the present day, as Bussorah, &c. And this entirely corresponds with the representations of Scripture. In the days of the Prophet Jonah, about B. C. 800, it seems to have been a “great city, an exceeding great city, of three days’ journey,” Jonah i, 2; iii, 3; perhaps in circuit. The population of Nineveh, also, at that time was very great. It contained more than sixscore thousand persons that could not discern between their right hand and their left, beside much cattle,” Jonah iv, 11. Reckoning the persons to have been infants of two years old and under, and that these were a fifth part of the whole, according to Bochart, the whole population would amount to six hundred thousand souls. The same number Pliny assigns for the population of Seleucia, on the decline of Babylon. This population shows that a great part of the city must have been left open and unbuilt.
NINEVEH. This capital of the Assyrian empire boasts a history going back to ancient times. Tacitus calls it Ancient seat of Assyria [the most ancient seat of Assyria], and the Bible tells us that Nimrod, after building Babel in the land of Shinar, conquered Assyria, where he established Nineveh and other cities (Genesis x, 11). The name suggests it was the dwelling of Nin, likely the proper name of that rebel, as Nimrod means. Herodotus, Xenophon, Diodorus, Lucian, and others consistently refer to it as Ἡ Νίνος, the city of Ninus. The village of Nunia, across from Mosul, confirms the location of the ancient city, which was near the castle of Arbela, famous for Alexander the Great's decisive victory over the Persians; this site is marked by the village of Arbil, about ten German miles east of Nunia, according to Niebuhr’s map. Initially, Nineveh seems to have started as a small city, even smaller than nearby Resen, which Bochart reasonably suggested might be the same as Larissa, described by Xenophon as the ruins of a once-great city inhabited by the Medes, which locals might have called la Resen, belonging to Resen. Nineveh only began to grow significantly later when its second founder, Ninus II, around 1230 B.C., expanded it into the largest city in the 705world. According to Diodorus, it had an oblong shape, measuring one hundred and fifty stadia long and ninety wide, totaling four hundred and eighty stadia in circumference, or about forty-eight miles, based on ten stadia to an English mile per Major Rennel. Its walls were a hundred feet high, wide enough for three chariots to drive side by side, and hosted fifteen hundred towers, each two hundred feet tall. However, we shouldn't assume that the entire vast area was built upon; it included large parks and open fields, with standalone houses and buildings, similar to Babylon and other major Eastern cities today, like Bussorah, etc. This aligns with the descriptions in Scripture. During the time of the Prophet Jonah, around 800 B.C., it appeared to be a “great city, an exceedingly great city, of three days’ journey” (Jonah i, 2; iii, 3), possibly in circumference. The population of Nineveh then was also very large, exceeding sixty thousand people who couldn't tell their right hand from their left, not counting much cattle (Jonah iv, 11). Assuming those were infants two years old and under, making up a fifth of the total, according to Bochart, the entire population would be about six hundred thousand individuals. Pliny stated the same figure for the population of Seleucia during Babylon's decline. This population indicates that a significant part of the city must have been left open and undeveloped.
The threatened overthrow of Nineveh within three days, was, by the general repentance and humiliation of the inhabitants, from the highest to the lowest, suspended for near two hundred years, until their iniquity came to the full;” and then the prophecy was literally accomplished, in the third year of the siege of the city, by the combined Medes and Babylonians; the king, Sardanapalus, being encouraged to hold out in consequence of an ancient prophecy, that Nineveh should never be taken by assault, till the river became its enemy; when a mighty inundation of the river, swollen by continual rains, came up against a part of the city, and threw down twenty stadia of the wall in length; upon which, the king, conceiving that the oracle was accomplished, burned himself, his concubines, eunuchs, and treasures; and the enemy, entering by the breach, sacked and rased the city, about B. C. 606. Diodorus, also, relates that Belesis, the governor of Babylon, obtained from Arbaces, the king of Media, the ashes of the palace, to erect a mount with them near the temple of Belus at Babylon; and that he forthwith prepared shipping, and, together with the ashes, carried away most of the gold and silver, of which he had private information given him by one of the eunuchs who escaped the fire. Dr. Gillies thinks it incredible that these could be transported from Nineveh to Babylon, three hundred miles distant; but likely enough, if Nineveh was only fifty miles from Babylon, with a large canal of communication between them, the Nahar Malka, or Royal River. But we learn from Niebuhr, that the conveyance of goods from Nosul to Bagdat by the Tigris is very commodious, in the very large boats called helleks; in which, in spring, when the river is rapid, the voyage may be made in three or four days, which would take fifteen by land. The complete demolition of such immense piles as the walls and towers of Nineveh may seem matter of surprise to those who do not consider the nature of the materials of which they were constructed, that is, of bricks, dried or baked in the sun, and cemented with bitumen, which were apt to be dissolved” by water, or to moulder away by the injuries of the weather. Beside, in the east, the materials of ancient cities have been often employed in the building of new ones in the neighbourhood. Thus Mosul was built with the spoils of Nineveh. Tauk Kesra, or the Palace of Chosroes, appears to have been built of bricks brought from the ruins of Babylon; and so was Hellah, as the dimensions are nearly the same, and the proportions so singular. And when such materials could conveniently be transported by inland navigations, they are to be found at very great distances from their ancient place, much farther, indeed, than are Bagdat and Seleucia, or Ctesiphon, from Babylon.
The threatened fall of Nineveh within three days was delayed for nearly two hundred years due to the collective repentance and humility of its people, from the highest to the lowest, until their wrongdoing reached its peak. Then, the prophecy was literally fulfilled in the third year of the city's siege by the combined Medes and Babylonians. King Sardanapalus, motivated by an old prophecy that Nineveh wouldn't be captured until the river turned against it, held out. Eventually, a massive flood from the river, caused by continuous rain, breached a section of the city walls, taking down twenty stadia of the fortifications. Believing the oracle was realized, the king set himself and his concubines, eunuchs, and treasures on fire. The enemy then entered through the gap, looted, and destroyed the city around 606 B.C. Diodorus also mentions that Belesis, the governor of Babylon, obtained the ashes of the palace from Arbaces, the king of Media, to build a mound near the temple of Belus in Babylon. He quickly arranged for shipping and took away most of the gold and silver after being tipped off by one of the eunuchs who escaped the fire. Dr. Gillies finds it hard to believe that these could be transported from Nineveh to Babylon, a distance of three hundred miles. However, it’s likely possible if Nineveh were only fifty miles away from Babylon, connected by a large canal known as the Nahar Malka, or Royal River. Niebuhr notes that transporting goods from Nosul to Bagdat via the Tigris is very convenient using large boats called helleks; during spring, when the river is fast, the trip may take only three or four days compared to fifteen by land. The complete destruction of the enormous walls and towers of Nineveh may surprise those who don't consider the materials they were built from, mainly sun-dried or baked bricks, cemented with bitumen, which could easily be eroded by water or wear away due to weather conditions. Moreover, in the East, materials from ancient cities have often been reused to construct new ones nearby. For instance, Mosul was built using remnants from Nineveh. Tauk Kesra, or the Palace of Chosroes, seems to be made of bricks sourced from the ruins of Babylon, as well as Hellah, since their sizes are nearly identical and the proportions are quite unique. Additionally, when such materials could be conveniently transported via inland waterways, they can be found at great distances from their original locations, much farther indeed than Bagdat and Seleucia or Ctesiphon are from Babylon.
The book of Nahum was avowedly prophetic of the destruction of Nineveh; and it is there foretold that the gates of the river shall be opened, and the palace shall be dissolved. Nineveh of old, like a pool of water, with an overflowing flood he will make an utter end of the place thereof,” Nahum ii, 6; i, 8, 9. The historian describes the facts by which the other predictions of the prophet were as literally fulfilled. He relates that the king of Assyria, elated with his former victories, and ignorant of the revolt of the Bactrians, had abandoned himself to scandalous inaction; had appointed a time of festivity, and supplied his soldiers with abundance of wine; and that the general of the enemy, apprised by deserters, of their negligence and drunkenness, attacked the Assyrian army while the whole of them were fearlessly giving way to indulgence, destroyed great part of them, and drove the rest into the city. The words of the prophet were hereby verified: While they be folden together as thorns, and while they are drunken as drunkards, they shall be devoured as stubble fully dry,” Nahum i, 10. The prophet promised much spoil to the enemy: Take the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold; for there is no end of the store and glory out of all the pleasant furniture,” Nahum ii, 9. And the historian affirms that many talents of gold and silver, preserved from the fire, were carried to Ecbatana. According to Nahum, iii, 15, the city was not only to be destroyed by an overflowing flood, but the fire, also, was to devour it; and, as Diodorus relates, partly by water, partly by fire, it was destroyed.
The book of Nahum clearly predicts the destruction of Nineveh; it foretells that the river gates will be opened, and the palace will fall apart. Nineveh, once like a pool of water, will be completely wiped out with a flood,” Nahum ii, 6; i, 8, 9. The historian describes the events that led to the literal fulfillment of the prophet's other predictions. He mentions that the Assyrian king, high on his past victories and unaware of the Bactrians' revolt, succumbed to scandalous inaction; he held a festive celebration and provided his soldiers with plenty of wine. The enemy's general, informed by deserters about their negligence and drunkenness, launched an attack on the Assyrian army while they were carelessly indulging. He destroyed a large part of them and forced the rest into the city. This confirmed the prophet's words: “While they are all tangled up like thorns, and while they are drunk like drunks, they will be devoured like dry stubble,” Nahum i, 10. The prophet promised a great deal of loot to the enemy: “Take the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold; for there is no end to the wealth and glory from all the beautiful furnishings,” Nahum ii, 9. The historian confirms that many talents of gold and silver, saved from the fire, were taken to Ecbatana. According to Nahum, iii, 15, the city was not only to be destroyed by a flood but also consumed by fire; and as Diodorus reports, it was destroyed partly by water and partly by fire.
The utter and perpetual destruction and desolation of Nineveh were foretold: The Lord will make an utter end of the place thereof. Affliction shall not rise up the second time. 706She is empty, void, and waste,” Nahum i, 8, 9; ii, 10; iii, 17–19. The Lord will stretch out his hand against the north, and destroy Assyria, and will make Nineveh a desolation, and dry like a wilderness. How is she become a desolation, a place for beasts to lie down in,” Zeph. ii, 13–15. In the second century, Lucian, a native of a city on the banks of the Euphrates, testified that Nineveh was utterly perished, that there was no vestige of it remaining, and that none could tell where once it was situated. This testimony of Lucian, and the lapse of many ages during which the place was not known where it stood, render it at least somewhat doubtful whether the remains of an ancient city, opposite to Mosul, which have been described as such by travellers, be indeed those of ancient Nineveh. It is, perhaps, probable that they are the remains of the city which succeeded Nineveh, or of a Persian city of the same name, which was built on the banks of the Tigris by the Persians subsequently to A. D. 230, and demolished by the Saracens, A. D. 632. In contrasting the then existing great and increasing population, and the accumulating wealth of the proud inhabitants of the mighty Nineveh, with the utter ruin that awaited it, the word of God by the Prophet Nahum, was, Make thyself many as the canker worm, make thyself many as the locusts. Thou hast multiplied thy merchants above the stars of heaven: the canker worm spoileth and flieth away. Thy crowned are as the locusts, and thy captains as the great grasshoppers which camp in the hedges in the cold day: but when the sun riseth, they flee away; and their place is not known where they are,” or were. Whether these words imply that even the site of Nineveh would in future ages be uncertain or unknown; or, as they rather seem to intimate, that every vestige of the palaces of its monarchs, of the greatness of its nobles, and of the wealth of its numerous merchants, would wholly disappear; the truth of the prediction cannot be invalidated under either interpretation. The avowed ignorance respecting Nineveh, and the oblivion which passed over it, for many an age, conjoined with the meagreness of evidence to identify it, still prove that the place where it stood was long unknown, and that, even now, it can scarcely with certainty be determined. And if the only spot that bears its name, or that can be said to be the place where it was, be indeed the site of one of the most extensive of cities on which the sun ever shone, and which continued for many centuries to be the capital of Assyria,--the principal mounds, few in number, which show neither bricks, stones, nor other materials of building,--but are in many places overgrown with grass, and resemble the mounds left by intrenchments and fortifications of ancient Roman camps, and the appearances of other mounds and ruins less marked than even these, extending for ten miles, and widely spread, and seeming to be the wreck of former buildings,--show that Nineveh is left without one monument of royalty, without any token whatever of its splendour or wealth; that their place is not known where they were; and that it is indeed a desolation, empty, void, and waste,” its very ruins perished, and less than the wreck of what it was. Such an utter ruin, in every view, has been made of it; and such is the truth of the divine predictions!
The complete and ongoing destruction of Nineveh was predicted: The Lord will completely destroy the place. Affliction won't arise a second time. 706 "She is empty, void, and waste," Nahum 1:8-9; 2:10; 3:17-19. The Lord will extend His hand against the north, destroy Assyria, and turn Nineveh into a wasteland, dry like a desert. "How has she become a desolation, a place for beasts to lie down in?" Zephaniah 2:13-15. In the second century, Lucian, who lived in a city by the Euphrates, reported that Nineveh had completely vanished, that there was nothing left of it, and that no one knew where it once was. This statement from Lucian and the many ages during which the exact location of Nineveh was unknown cast some doubt on whether the ancient city ruins across from Mosul, described by travelers, are actually remains of Nineveh. It’s likely these ruins belong to the city that followed Nineveh or a Persian city of the same name built along the Tigris by the Persians after A.D. 230, which was destroyed by the Saracens in A.D. 632. When comparing the thriving population and growing wealth of the proud residents of mighty Nineveh to the total ruin that awaited it, the word of God through the Prophet Nahum said, "Make yourself numerous like the cankerworm, make yourself numerous like the locusts. You've increased your merchants more than the stars in the sky; the cankerworm destroys and flies away. Your rulers are like locusts, and your captains are like great grasshoppers camping in the hedges on a cold day: but when the sun rises, they flee away, and their place is not known where they are," or were. Whether these words suggest that the site of Nineveh would be uncertain or unknown in the future, or if they imply that all traces of its palaces, the greatness of its nobles, and the wealth of its many merchants would completely vanish, the truth of the prophecy remains valid either way. The acknowledged ignorance about Nineveh and the oblivion that enveloped it for many ages, along with the scarcity of evidence to pinpoint it, still show that the location where it stood was for a long time unknown, and even now, it is difficult to determine with certainty. If the only spot that bears its name or can be said to be where it was is indeed the site of one of the largest cities ever to exist, which was the capital of Assyria for many centuries, the primary mounds that remain—few in number—show no bricks, stones, or building materials. Instead, they are often covered in grass and resemble mounds left by ancient Roman camps’ fortifications, with other less defined mounds and ruins extending for ten miles, widely spread, appearing to be the remnants of former buildings—these demonstrate that Nineveh is left with no monuments of royalty, no sign of its splendor or wealth; their place is unknown where they were; and it is indeed a desolation, empty, void, and waste, its very ruins have perished, and it is less than the remains of what it once was. Such complete ruin, in every sense, has befallen it; and this is the truth of the divine predictions!
NISAN, a month of the Hebrews, answering to our March, and which sometimes takes from February or April, according to the course of the moon. It was made the first month of the sacred year, at the coming out of Egypt, Exod. xii, 2; and it was the seventh month of the civil year. By Moses it is called Abib. The name Nisan was introduced only since the time of Ezra, and the return from the captivity of Babylon.
Nisan, a month in the Hebrew calendar, corresponds to our March and can sometimes extend from February or into April, depending on the moon's cycle. It was established as the first month of the sacred year when the Israelites left Egypt (Exod. xii, 2) and was the seventh month in the civil year. Moses referred to it as Abib. The name Nisan has only been used since the time of Ezra and the return from Babylonian captivity.
NISROCH, a god of the Assyrians. Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons, while he was paying his adorations in the temple of this deity, 2 Kings xix, 37; Isaiah xxxvii, 38. It is uncertain who this god was.
NISROCH, a god of the Assyrians. Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons while he was worshiping in the temple of this deity, 2 Kings xix, 37; Isaiah xxxvii, 38. It's unclear who this god was.
NITRE, נתר, Prov. xxv, 20; Jer. ii, 22. This is not the same that we call nitre, or saltpetre, but a native salt of a different kind, distinguished among naturalists by the name of natrum. The natrum of the ancients was an earthy alkaline salt. It was found in abundance separated from the water of the lake Natron in Egypt. It rises from the bottom of the lake to the top of the water, and is there condensed by the heat of the sun into the hard and dry form in which it is sold. This salt thus scummed off is the same in all respects with the Smyrna soap earth. Pliny, Matthiolus, and Agricola, have described it to us: Hippocrates, Galen, Dioscorides, and others, mention its uses. It is also found in great plenty in Sindy, a province in the inner part of Asia, and in many other parts of the east; and might be had in any quantities. The learned Michaëlis plainly demonstrates, from the nature of the thing and the context, that this fossil and natural alkali must be that which the Hebrews called nether. Solomon must mean the same when he compares the effect which unseasonable mirth has upon a man in affliction to the action of vinegar upon nitre, Prov. xxv, 20; for vinegar has no effect upon what we call nitre, but upon the alkali in question has a great effect, making it rise up in bubbles with much effervescence. It is of a soapy nature, and was used to take spots from clothes, and even from the face. Jeremiah alludes to this use of it, ii, 22.
NITRE, נדב, Prov. xxv, 20; Jer. ii, 22. This isn't the same as what we call nitre or saltpeter, but a different natural salt, known among naturalists as natrum. The natrum of ancient times was an earthy alkaline salt found in large quantities separated from the water of Lake Natron in Egypt. It rises from the lake bottom to the surface, where it's condensed by the sun's heat into the hard, dry form sold today. This salt, skimmed off, is identical to the Smyrna soap earth. Pliny, Matthiolus, and Agricola have described it, while Hippocrates, Galen, Dioscorides, and others mention its uses as well. It's also found in large amounts in Sindy, a province in inner Asia, and many other regions in the east; it could be obtained in any quantity. The learned Michaëlis clearly demonstrates, through the nature of the substance and the context, that this fossil and natural alkali must be what the Hebrews referred to as nether. Solomon likely intended the same when he compares the effect of inappropriate laughter on a person in distress to the impact of vinegar on nitre, Prov. xxv, 20; because vinegar doesn't affect what we refer to as nitre, but it significantly impacts the alkali in question, causing it to bubble up with a lot of fizz. It's soapy in nature and was used to remove stains from clothes and even from the face. Jeremiah alludes to this use in ii, 22.
NO, or NO-AMMON, a city of Egypt, supposed to be Thebes.
NO, or NO-AMMON, a city in Egypt, believed to be Thebes.
NOAH, the son of Lamech. Amidst the general corruption of the human race, Noah only was found righteous, Gen. vi, 9. He therefore found grace in the sight of the Lord,” and was directed for his preservation to make an ark, the shape and dimensions of which were prescribed by the Lord. In A. M. 1656, and in the six hundredth year of his age, Noah, by divine appointment, entered the ark with his family, and all the animals collected for the renewal of the world. (See Deluge.) After the ark had stranded, and the earth was 707in a measure dried, Noah offered a burnt-sacrifice to the Lord, of the pure animals that were in the ark; and the Lord was pleased to accept of his offering, and to give him assurance that he would no more destroy the world by water, Genesis ix. He gave Noah power over all the brute creation, and permitted him to kill and eat of them, as of the herbs and fruits of the earth, except the blood, the use of which was prohibited. After the deluge Noah lived three hundred and fifty years; and the whole time of his life having been nine hundred and fifty years, he died, A. M. 2006. According to common opinion, he divided the earth among his three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. To Shem he gave Asia, to Ham Africa, and to Japheth Europe. Some will have it, that beside these three sons he had several others. St. Peter calls Noah a preacher of righteousness, because before the deluge he was incessantly preaching and declaring to men, not only by his discourses, but by the building of the ark, in which he was employed a hundred and twenty years, that the cloud of divine vengeance was about to burst upon them. But his faithful ministry produced no effect, since, when the deluge came, it found mankind practising their usual enormities, Matt. xxiv, 37. Several learned men have observed that the Heathens confounded Saturn, Deucalion, Ogyges, the god Cœlus or Ouranus, Janus, Protheus, Prometheus, &c, with Noah. The fable of Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha is manifestly drawn from the history of Noah. The rabbins pretend that God gave Noah and his sons certain general precepts, which contain, according to them, the natural duties which are common to all men indifferently, and the observation of which alone will be sufficient to save them. After the law of Moses was given, the Hebrews would not suffer any stranger to dwell in their country, unless he would conform to the precepts of Noah. In war, they put to death without quarter all who were ignorant of them. These precepts are seven in number: the first was against the worship of idols; the second, against blasphemy, and required to bless the name of God; the third, against murder; the fourth, against incest and all uncleanness; the fifth, against theft and rapine; the sixth required the administration of justice; the seventh was against eating flesh with life. But the antiquity of these precepts is doubted, since no mention of them is made in the Scripture, or in the writings of Josephus, or in Philo; and none of the ancient fathers knew any thing of them.
NOAH, the son of Lamech. In the midst of the widespread corruption of humanity, Noah was the only one found to be righteous, Gen. vi, 9. So, he found favor in the sight of the Lord and was instructed to build an ark, with specific dimensions and design given by God. In A.M. 1656, when he was 600 years old, Noah entered the ark with his family and all the animals gathered to repopulate the earth, as directed by God. (See Deluge.) After the ark came to rest and the earth was drying out, Noah made a burnt offering to the Lord from the clean animals on the ark. The Lord accepted his offering and assured him that He would never again destroy the world with water, Genesis ix. God granted Noah authority over all animals and allowed him to kill and eat them, just like the herbs and fruits of the earth, but prohibited the consumption of blood. After the flood, Noah lived for another 350 years, making his total lifespan 950 years, and he died in A.M. 2006. It is commonly believed he divided the earth among his three sons: Shem, Ham, and Japheth. He gave Asia to Shem, Africa to Ham, and Europe to Japheth. Some say that he had several other sons as well. St. Peter refers to Noah as a preacher of righteousness because before the flood, he constantly warned people not only through his words but also by spending 120 years building the ark, signaling that God’s judgment was coming. However, his efforts had no impact, as when the flood arrived, people were still living their sinful lives, Matt. xxiv, 37. Several scholars have noted that the pagans confused figures like Saturn, Deucalion, Ogyges, the god Cœlus or Ouranus, Janus, Protheus, and Prometheus with Noah. The myth of Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha is clearly based on Noah’s story. The rabbis claim that God gave Noah and his sons certain general rules, which they believe contain the natural duties applicable to all people, and that following these rules is enough for salvation. After the law of Moses was given, the Hebrews would not allow any outsider to live in their land unless they adhered to Noah's precepts. In times of war, they would kill without mercy anyone who was unaware of these rules. There are seven of these precepts: the first prohibits idol worship; the second, blasphemy, and it emphasizes the need to bless God’s name; the third forbids murder; the fourth bans incest and all forms of immorality; the fifth prohibits theft and robbery; the sixth requires the administration of justice; and the seventh prohibits eating flesh while it is still alive. However, the ancient origin of these precepts is questioned, as they are not mentioned in Scripture, the writings of Josephus, or in Philo; none of the early Church Fathers seemed to have knowledge of them.
NOD, Land of, the country to which Cain withdrew after the murder of Abel. As the precise situation of this country cannot possibly be known, so it has given rise to much ingenious speculation. All that we are told of it is, that it was on the east of Eden,” or, as it may be rendered, before Eden;” which very country of Eden is no sure guide for us, as the situation of that also is disputed. But, be it on the higher or lower Euphrates, (see Eden,) the land of Nod which stood before it with respect to the place where Moses wrote, may still preserve the curse of barrenness passed on it for Cain’s sake, namely, in the deserts of Syria or Arabia. The Chaldee interpreters render the word Nod, not as the proper name of a country, but as an appellative applied to Cain himself, signifying a vagabond or fugitive, and read, He dwelt a fugitive in the land.” But the Hebrew reads expressly, He dwelt in the land of Nod.”
Nod, Land of, is the place where Cain went after killing Abel. Since we can't know the exact location of this place, it has led to a lot of creative theories. All we know is that it was to the east of Eden, or as it could be interpreted, before Eden; and since the location of Eden itself is also debated, it's not a reliable reference. Whether it was by the upper or lower Euphrates (see Eden), the land of Nod, as it relates to where Moses wrote, may still carry the curse of barrenness placed upon it for Cain’s actions, potentially in the deserts of Syria or Arabia. The Chaldean interpreters suggest that the word Nod isn't just a country name but a term for Cain himself, meaning a wanderer or fugitive, and interpret it as, “He lived as a fugitive in the land.” However, the Hebrew text clearly states, “He dwelt in the land of Nod.”
NONCONFORMISTS, dissenters from the church of England; but the term applies more particularly to those ministers who were ejected from their livings by the Act of Uniformity in 1662; the number of whom, according to Dr. Calamy, was nearly two thousand; and to the laity who adhered to them. The celebrated Mr. Locke says, Bartholomew-day (the day fixed by the Act of Uniformity) was fatal to our church and religion, by throwing out a very great number of worthy, learned, pious, and orthodox divines, who could not come up to this and other things in that act. And it is worth your knowledge, that so great was the zeal in carrying on this church affair, and so blind was the obedience required, that if you compare the time of passing the act with the time allowed for the clergy to subscribe the book of Common Prayer thereby established, you shall plainly find, it could not be printed and distributed, so as one man in forty could have seen and read the book before they did so perfectly assent and consent thereto.”
NONCONFORMISTS, those who disagreed with the Church of England; but the term specifically refers to the ministers who were removed from their positions by the Act of Uniformity in 1662. According to Dr. Calamy, nearly two thousand were affected, along with the laypeople who supported them. The well-known Mr. Locke states that Bartholomew Day (the date set by the Act of Uniformity) was disastrous for our church and religion because it expelled a significant number of worthy, educated, devout, and orthodox ministers who could not adhere to this and other requirements in that act. It’s also important to note that the zeal for enforcing this church matter was so intense and the required obedience so strict that if you compare the time when the act was passed to the time allowed for the clergy to subscribe to the established Book of Common Prayer, you'll clearly see that it couldn’t be printed and distributed in time for even one in forty to have seen and read the book before they had to fully agree and consent to it.
By this act, the clergy were required to subscribe, ex animo, [sincerely,] their assent and consent to all and every thing contained in the book of Common Prayer,” which had never before been insisted on, so rigidly as to deprive them of their livings and livelihood. Several other acts were passed about this time, very oppressive both to the clergy and laity. In the preceding year 1661, the Corporation Act incapacitated all persons from offices of trust and honour in a corporation, who did not receive the sacrament in the established church. The Conventicle Act, in 1663 and 1670, forbade the attendance at conventicles; that is, at places of worship other than the establishment, where more than five adults were present beside the resident family; and that under penalties of fine and imprisonment by the sentence of magistrates without a jury. The Oxford Act of 1665 banished nonconforming ministers five miles from any corporate town sending members to parliament, and prohibited them from keeping or teaching schools. The Test Act of the same year required all persons, accepting any office under government, to receive the sacrament in the established church.
By this law, the clergy were required to sincerely agree to everything in the Book of Common Prayer, which had never been enforced so strictly as to take away their jobs and livelihoods. Several other laws were passed around this time that were very oppressive to both the clergy and the general public. In the previous year, 1661, the Corporation Act disqualified anyone who did not receive communion in the established church from holding any positions of trust and honor in a corporation. The Conventicle Act, enacted in 1663 and 1670, prohibited attendance at religious gatherings (conventicles) that were not part of the established church, where more than five adults were present in addition to the household. Violators faced fines and imprisonment handed down by magistrates without a jury. The Oxford Act of 1665 expelled nonconforming ministers from within five miles of any corporate town that sent representatives to parliament and banned them from running or teaching schools. The Test Act of the same year required anyone accepting a government position to receive communion in the established church.
Such were the dreadful consequences of this intolerant spirit, that it is supposed that near eight thousand died in prison in the reign of Charles II. It is said that Mr. Jeremiah White had carefully collected a list of those who had suffered between Charles II. and the revolution, which amounted to sixty thousand. The same persecutions were carried on in Scotland; and there, as well as in England, numbers, to avoid the persecution, left their 708country. But, notwithstanding all these dreadful and furious attacks upon the dissenters, they were not extirpated. Their very persecution was in their favour. The infamous character of their informers and persecutors; their piety, zeal, and fortitude, no doubt, had influence on considerate minds; and, indeed, they had additions from the established church, which several clergymen in this reign deserted as a persecuting church, and took their lot among them. King William coming to the throne, the famous Toleration Act passed, by which they were exempted from suffering the penalties above mentioned, and permission was given them to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences. In the reign of George III., the Act for the Protection of Religious Worship superseded the Act of Toleration, by still more liberal provisions in favour of religious liberty; and in the last reign the Test and Corporation Acts were repealed.
Such were the terrible consequences of this intolerant attitude that it is believed nearly eight thousand people died in prison during the reign of Charles II. It's said that Mr. Jeremiah White carefully compiled a list of those who suffered between Charles II and the revolution, which totaled sixty thousand. The same persecutions took place in Scotland; there, as in England, many people fled their country to escape the oppression. But despite all these horrifying and aggressive attacks on dissenters, they were not wiped out. Their persecution actually worked in their favor. The despicable nature of their informers and oppressors, along with their piety, passion, and resilience, undoubtedly influenced thoughtful individuals; indeed, they gained support from the established church, as several clergymen during this reign left it, viewing it as a persecuting institution, and joined the dissenters. When King William ascended to the throne, the Toleration Act was passed, which exempted them from the previously mentioned penalties and allowed them to worship God according to their own beliefs. During the reign of George III, the Act for the Protection of Religious Worship replaced the Toleration Act with even more generous provisions for religious freedom; and in the last reign, the Test and Corporation Acts were repealed.
NOPH, Memphis, a celebrated city of Egypt, and, till the time of the Ptolemies, who removed to Alexandria, the residence of the ancient kings of Egypt. It stood above the dividing of the river Nile, where the Delta begins. Toward the south of this city stood the famous pyramids, two of which were esteemed the wonders of the world; and in this city was fed the ox Apis, which Cambyses slew, in contempt of the Egyptians who worshipped it as a deity. The kings of Egypt took much pleasure in adorning this city; and it continued in all its beauty till the Arabians made a conquest of Egypt under the Caliph Omar. The general who took it built another city near it, named Fustal, merely because his tent had been a long time set up in that place; and the Fatimite caliphs, when they became masters of Egypt, added another to it, which is known to us at this day by the name of Grand Cairo. This occasioned the utter decay of Memphis, and led to the fulfilment of the prophecy, that it should be waste and without inhabitant.” The prophets often speak of this city, and foretel the miseries it was to suffer from the kings of Chaldea and Persia, Isaiah xix, 13; Jer. xliv, 1; xlvi, 14, 19; Hosea ix, 6; Ezek. xxx, 13, 16.
NOPH, Memphis, a famous city in Egypt, was the capital of the ancient Egyptian kings until the Ptolemies moved to Alexandria. It was located above the point where the Nile splits, at the start of the Delta. To the south of this city were the famous pyramids, two of which were considered wonders of the world. In this city, the sacred bull Apis was raised, which Cambyses killed out of disdain for the Egyptians who worshipped it as a god. The kings of Egypt took great pride in beautifying this city, and it remained splendid until the Arabs conquered Egypt under Caliph Omar. The general who captured it built a new city nearby called Fustat, simply because his tent had been set up there for a while; and when the Fatimid caliphs took control of Egypt, they built another city we now call Cairo. This led to the complete decline of Memphis, fulfilling the prophecy that it would become desolate and uninhabited. The prophets frequently mentioned this city, predicting the suffering it would endure at the hands of the Chaldean and Persian kings, as found in Isaiah 19:13; Jeremiah 44:1; 46:14, 19; Hosea 9:6; and Ezekiel 30:13, 16.
NOVATIANS, the followers of Novatian, a priest of Rome, and of Novatus, a priest of Carthage, in the third century. They were distinguished merely by their discipline; for their religious and doctrinal tenets do not appear to be at all different from those of the church. They condemned second marriages, and for ever excluded from their communion all those who after baptism had fallen into sin. They affected very superior purity; and, though they conceived that the worst might possibly hope for eternal life, they absolutely refused to reädmit into their communion any who had lapsed into sin. They separated from the church of Rome, because the members of it admitted into their communion many who had, during a season of persecution, rejected the Christian faith.
NOVATIANS were followers of Novatian, a priest from Rome, and Novatus, a priest from Carthage, in the third century. They were primarily known for their strict discipline since their religious beliefs and doctrines didn’t seem significantly different from those of the church. They condemned second marriages and permanently excluded from their community anyone who had sinned after baptism. They aimed for a higher level of purity and, while they believed that even the worst could hope for eternal life, they completely refused to allow back into their community anyone who had sinned. They broke away from the church of Rome because its members accepted many who, during a time of persecution, had rejected the Christian faith.
NUMBERS, a canonical book of the Old Testament, being the fourth of the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses; and receives its denomination from the numbering of the families of Israel by Moses and Aaron, who mustered the tribes, and marshalled the army, of the Hebrews in their passage through the wilderness. A great part of this book is historical, relating several remarkable events which happened in that journey, and also mentioning various of their journeyings in the wilderness. This book comprehends the history of about thirty-eight years, though the greater part of the things recorded fell out in the first and last of those years; and it does not appear when those things were done which are recorded in the middle of the book. See Pentateuch.
NUMBERS is a key book in the Old Testament, being the fourth of the Pentateuch, or the five books of Moses. It gets its name from the counting of the families of Israel by Moses and Aaron, who organized the tribes and assembled the army of the Hebrews during their journey through the wilderness. A significant portion of this book is historical, detailing several important events that occurred during that journey and outlining various travels in the wilderness. This book covers about thirty-eight years of history, although most of the events recorded happened in the first and last years. It’s unclear when the events mentioned in the middle of the book took place. See Five Books of Moses.
NURSE. The nurse in an eastern family is always an important personage. Modern travellers inform us, that in Syria she is considered as a sort of second parent, whether she has been foster-mother or otherwise. She always accompanies the bride to her husband’s house, and ever remains there an honoured character. Thus it was in ancient Greece. This will serve to explain Genesis xxiv, 59: And they sent away Rebekah their sister, and her nurse.” In Hindostan the nurse is not looked upon as a stranger, but becomes one of the family, and passes the remainder of her life in the midst of the children she has suckled, by whom she is honoured and cherished as a second mother. In many parts of Hindostan are mosques and mausoleums, built by the Mohammedan princes, near the sepulchres of their nurses. They are excited by a grateful affection to erect these structures in memory of those who with maternal anxiety watched over their helpless infancy: thus it has been from time immemorial.
NURSE. In an eastern family, the nurse is always a significant person. Modern travelers tell us that in Syria, she is regarded as a kind of second parent, whether she is a foster mother or not. She always accompanies the bride to her husband’s home and remains a respected figure there. This was also the case in ancient Greece. This helps to explain Genesis xxiv, 59: "And they sent away Rebekah their sister, and her nurse." In Hindostan, the nurse is seen not as a stranger, but as part of the family, and she spends the rest of her life among the children she has nursed, who honor and cherish her as a second mother. In many parts of Hindostan, mosques and mausoleums have been built by Muslim princes near the graves of their nurses. They feel a deep sense of gratitude to erect these structures in memory of those who cared for them with maternal love during their helpless infancy: this has been the case for ages.
OAK. The religious veneration paid to this tree, by the original natives of our island in the time of the Druids, is well known to every reader of British history. We have reason to think that this veneration was brought from the east; and that the Druids did no more than transfer the sentiments their progenitors had received in oriental countries. It should appear that the Patriarch Abraham resided under an oak, or a grove of oaks, which our translators render the plain of Mamre; and that he planted a grove of this tree, Gen. xiii, 18. In fact, since in hot countries nothing is more desirable than shade, nothing more refreshing than the shade of a tree, we may easily suppose the inhabitants would resort for such enjoyment to
OAK. The religious respect that the original natives of our island had for this tree during the time of the Druids is well known to anyone familiar with British history. We believe that this respect came from the east, and that the Druids simply adopted the beliefs that their ancestors received in eastern lands. It seems that the Patriarch Abraham lived under an oak, or a grove of oaks, which our translators refer to as the plain of Mamre; and that he planted a grove of this tree, Gen. xiii, 18. In fact, since shade is highly valued in hot climates, and nothing is more refreshing than the shade of a tree, we can easily imagine that the locals would gather there to enjoy it.
Oaks, and groves of oaks, were esteemed proper places for religious services; altars were set up under them, Joshua xxiv, 26; and, probably, in the east as well as in the west, appointments to meet at conspicuous oaks were made, and many affairs were transacted or treated of under their shade, as we read in Homer, Theocritus and other poets. It was common among the Hebrews to sit under oaks, 709Judges vi, 11; 1 Kings xiii, 14. Jacob buried idolatrous images under an oak, Gen. xxxv, 4; and Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, was buried under one of these trees, Genesis xxxv, 8. See 1 Chron. x, 12. Abimelech was made king under an oak, Judges ix, 6. Idolatry was practised under oaks, Isaiah i, 29; lvii, 5; Hosea iv, 13. Idols were made of oaks, Isa. xliv, 14.
Oaks and groves of oaks were considered ideal locations for religious gatherings; altars were set up beneath them, as noted in Joshua 24:26. Likely, both in the east and the west, people made plans to meet at notable oaks and conducted many matters under their shade, as we read in Homer, Theocritus, and other poets. It was common among the Hebrews to sit under oaks, as seen in Judges 6:11 and 1 Kings 13:14. Jacob buried idol images under an oak (Genesis 35:4), and Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, was buried under one of these trees (Genesis 35:8; see also 1 Chronicles 10:12). Abimelech was declared king under an oak (Judges 9:6). Idolatry took place under oaks (Isaiah 1:29; 57:5; Hosea 4:13), and idols were made from oaks (Isaiah 44:14).
OATH, a solemn invocation of a superior power, admitted to be acquainted with all the secrets of our hearts, with our inward thoughts as well as our outward actions, to witness the truth of what we assert, and to inflict his vengeance upon us if we assert what is not true, or promise what we do not mean to perform. Almost all nations, whether savage or civilized, whether enjoying the light of revelation or led only by the light of reason, knowing the importance of truth, and willing to obtain a barrier against falsehood, have had recourse to oaths, by which they have endeavoured to make men fearful of uttering lies, under the dread of an avenging Deity. Among Christians, an oath is a solemn appeal for the truth of our assertions, the sincerity of our promises, and the fidelity of our engagements, to the one only God, the Judge of the whole earth, who is every where present, and sees, and hears, and knows, whatever is said, or done, or thought in any part of the world. Such is that Being whom Christians, when they take an oath, invoke to bear testimony to the truth of their words, and the integrity of their hearts. Surely, then, if oaths be a matter of so much moment, it well behoves us not to treat them with levity, nor ever to take them without due consideration. Hence we ought, with the utmost vigilance, to abstain from mingling oaths in our ordinary discourse, and from associating the name of God with low or disgusting images, or using it on trivial occasions, as not only a profane levity in itself, but tending to destroy that reverence for the supreme Majesty which ought to prevail in society, and to dwell in our own hearts.
OATH, a serious appeal to a higher power, recognized as knowing all the secrets of our hearts, our inner thoughts as well as our outer actions, to witness the truth of what we claim, and to impose consequences on us if we say what isn't true or promise something we don't intend to fulfill. Almost all nations, whether primitive or advanced, whether guided by revelation or just reason, understand the importance of truth and seek a safeguard against dishonesty, have relied on oaths, hoping to make people afraid of lying due to the fear of a vengeful deity. Among Christians, an oath is a serious appeal for the truth of our statements, the sincerity of our promises, and the faithfulness of our commitments to the one true God, the Judge of the whole earth, who is always present, sees, hears, and knows whatever is said, done, or thought anywhere in the world. Such is the Being whom Christians invoke when taking an oath to witness the truth of their words and the integrity of their hearts. Therefore, if oaths are so significant, we should not treat them lightly or take them without careful thought. We should, with the greatest vigilance, avoid mixing oaths into our everyday conversations, and refrain from connecting God's name with trivial or offensive ideas, or using it for unimportant matters, as it is not only disrespectful but also undermines the reverence for the supreme Majesty that should exist in society and in our own hearts.
The forms of oaths,” says Dr. Paley, like other religious ceremonies, have in all ages been various; consisting, however, for the most part of some bodily action, and of a prescribed form of words.” Among the Jews, the juror held up his right hand toward heaven, Psalm cxliv, 8; Rev. x, 5. The same form is retained in Scotland still. Among the Jews, also, an oath of fidelity was taken by the servant’s putting his hand under the thigh of his lord, Genesis xxiv, 2. Among the Greeks and Romans, the form varied with the subject and occasion of the oath: in private contracts, the parties took hold of each other’s hands, while they swore to the performance; or they touched the altar of the god by whose divinity they swore: upon more solemn occasions, it was the custom to slay a victim; and the beast being struck down with certain ceremonies and invocations, gave birth to the expression, ferire pactum; and to our English phrase, translated from this, of striking a bargain.” The form of oaths in Christian countries is also very different; but in no country in the world worse contrived, either to convey the meaning or impress the obligation of an oath, than in our own. The juror with us, after repeating the promise or affirmation which the oath is intended to confirm, adds, So help me God;” or, more frequently, the substance of the oath is repeated to the juror by the magistrate, who adds in the conclusion, So help you God.” The energy of this sentence resides in the particle so: So, that is, hâc lege, upon condition of my speaking the truth, or performing this promise, and not otherwise, may God help me! The juror, while he hears or repeats the words of the oath, holds his right hand upon a Bible, or other book containing the Gospels, and at the conclusion kisses the book. This obscure and elliptical form, together with the levity and frequency of them, has brought about a general inadvertency to the obligation of oaths, which, both in a religious and political view, is much to be lamented; and it merits public consideration, whether the requiring of oaths upon so many frivolous occasions, especially in the customs, and in the qualification for petty offices, has any other effect than to make such sanctions cheap in the minds of the people. A pound of tea cannot travel regularly from the ship to the consumer, without costing half a dozen oaths at least; and the same security for the due discharge of their office, namely, that of an oath, is required from a churchwarden and an archbishop; from a petty constable and the chief justice of England. Oaths, however, are lawful; and, whatever be the form, the signification is the same. Historians have justly remarked, that when the reverence for an oath began to diminish among the Romans, and the loose epicurean system, which discarded the belief of providence, was introduced, the Roman honour and prosperity from that period began to decline. The Quakers refuse to swear upon any occasion, founding their scruples concerning the lawfulness of oaths upon our Saviour’s prohibition, Swear not at all,” Matt. v, 34. But it seems our Lord there referred to the vicious, wanton, and unauthorized swearing in common discourse, and not to judicial oaths; for he himself answered, when interrogated, upon oath, Matt. xxvi, 63, 64; Mark xiv, 61. The Apostle Paul also makes use of expressions which contain the nature of oaths, Romans i, 9; 1 Cor. xv, 31; 2 Cor. i, 18; Gal. i, 20; Heb. vi, 13–17. The administration of oaths supposes that God will punish false swearing with more severity than a simple lie, or breach of promise; for which belief there are the following reasons: 1. Perjury is a sin of greater deliberation. 2. It violates a superior confidence. 3. God directed the Israelites to swear by his name, Deut. vi, 13; x, 20; and was pleased to confirm his covenant with that people by an oath; neither of which, it is probable, he would have done, had he not intended to represent oaths as having some meaning and effect beyond the obligation of a bare promise.
“The forms of oaths,” says Dr. Paley, “like other religious ceremonies, have varied throughout history; however, they mostly involve some physical action and a set phrasing.” Among the Jews, the juror raised his right hand toward heaven (Psalm cxliv, 8; Rev. x, 5). This same practice is still observed in Scotland today. Among the Jews, a servant would take an oath of loyalty by placing his hand under his lord's thigh (Genesis xxiv, 2). In Greece and Rome, the form of the oath differed based on the subject and situation: in private contracts, the parties would grasp each other's hands while swearing to fulfill their agreement; or they would touch the altar of the deity by whom they swore. On more formal occasions, it was customary to sacrifice a victim, and the animal being struck down with specific rituals and invocations led to the phrase, strike a deal and to our English expression, “striking a bargain.” The way oaths are framed in Christian countries is also quite different; yet, no country seems to have a worse method for conveying the meaning or impressing the commitment of an oath than our own. Here, after repeating the promise or affirmation that the oath is meant to support, the juror adds, “So help me God;” or, more often, the magistrate restates the oath's core elements to the juror and concludes with, “So help you God.” The power of this statement lies in the word so: So, meaning this law, on the condition that I speak the truth or fulfill this promise, and nothing else, may God help me! While hearing or repeating the oath, the juror places his right hand on a Bible or another book containing the Gospels and kisses the book at the end. This unclear and abbreviated form, combined with its frequent use, has led to a general neglect of the importance of oaths, which is regrettable from both a religious and political perspective; it deserves public attention whether requiring oaths for so many trivial matters, especially customs and qualifications for minor positions, does anything more than cheapen these commitments in people's minds. A pound of tea can't be delivered from the ship to the consumer without at least half a dozen oaths; yet the same level of assurance through an oath is demanded from both a churchwarden and an archbishop, as well as from a small-town constable and the Chief Justice of England. Oaths, however, are lawful; and whatever their form, their meaning remains the same. Historians have rightly observed that when respect for oaths began to fade among the Romans and the loose hedonistic philosophy that dismissed the belief in providence took hold, Roman honor and prosperity began to decline from that point on. The Quakers refuse to take oaths under any circumstances, citing our Savior’s directive, “Swear not at all” (Matt. v, 34). However, it appears that our Lord was referring to the careless and unauthorized swearing common in conversation rather than judicial oaths; because He Himself responded when questioned under oath (Matt. xxvi, 63, 64; Mark xiv, 61). The Apostle Paul also uses phrases that imply the essence of oaths (Romans i, 9; 1 Cor. xv, 31; 2 Cor. i, 18; Gal. i, 20; Heb. vi, 13–17). The administration of oaths assumes that God punishes false swearing more severely than simple lying or breaking a promise, for several reasons: 1. Perjury is a sin requiring greater intention. 2. It breaks a higher trust. 3. God instructed the Israelites to swear by His name (Deut. vi, 13; x, 20) and confirmed His covenant with that people through an oath; likely, He would not have done this if He didn’t mean to convey that oaths have a significance and effect beyond mere promises.
710OBADIAH the prophet is thought to have been the same as the governor of Ahab’s house, 1 Kings xviii, 3, &c; and some are of opinion, he was that Obadiah whom Josiah made overseer of the works of the temple, 2 Chron. xxxiv, 12. Indeed, the age in which this prophet lived is very uncertain. Some think that he was contemporary with Hosea, Amos, and Joel; while others are of opinion that he lived in the time of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and that he delivered his prophecy about B. C. 585, soon after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. His book, which consists of a single chapter, is written with great beauty and elegance, and contains predictions of the utter destruction of the Edomites, and of the future restoration and prosperity of the Jews.
710Obadiah the prophet is believed to be the same person as the governor of Ahab's household, referenced in 1 Kings xviii, 3, and some think he was the Obadiah appointed by Josiah as overseer of the temple works in 2 Chronicles xxxiv, 12. The time in which this prophet lived is quite uncertain. Some believe he was contemporary with Hosea, Amos, and Joel, while others think he lived during the time of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, delivering his prophecy around 585 B.C., shortly after Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem. His book, which consists of a single chapter, is beautifully and elegantly written and contains predictions of the complete destruction of the Edomites, along with the eventual restoration and prosperity of the Jews.
OBED-EDOM, son of Jeduthun, a Levite, 1 Chron. xvi, 38, and the father of Shemaiah and others, 1 Chron. xvi, 5. We learn that the Lord blessed this man exceedingly, on account of the ark resting under his roof, 2 Sam. vi, 10, 11. David having removed the ark to the place he had previously prepared for its reception, Obed-Edom and his sons were appointed to be keepers of the doors of the temple, 1 Chron. xv, 18, 21. Obed-Edom is called the Gittite, probably because he was of Gathrimmon, a city of the Levites beyond Jordan, Joshua xxi, 24, 25.
OBED-EDOM, the son of Jeduthun, a Levite, 1 Chron. xvi, 38, and the father of Shemaiah and others, 1 Chron. xvi, 5. We learn that the Lord blessed this man greatly because the ark was kept in his home, 2 Sam. vi, 10, 11. After David moved the ark to the place he had prepared for it, Obed-Edom and his sons were appointed as keepers of the temple doors, 1 Chron. xv, 18, 21. Obed-Edom is referred to as the Gittite, likely because he was from Gathrimmon, a Levitical city across the Jordan, Joshua xxi, 24, 25.
ODED, a prophet of the Lord, who, being at Samaria when the Israelites of the ten tribes returned from the war with their King Pekah, together with two hundred thousand of the people of Judah, whom they had taken captive, went out to meet them; and through his remonstrances the captives were liberated, 2 Chron. xxviii. This circumstance is all that is recorded concerning Oded.
ODED, a prophet of the Lord, was in Samaria when the Israelites from the ten tribes returned from the war with their King Pekah, along with two hundred thousand people from Judah whom they had taken captive. He went out to meet them, and through his protests, the captives were freed, 2 Chron. xxviii. This is all that is recorded about Oded.
Burnt-offerings, or holocausts, sacrifices in which the victims were wholly consumed, were expiatory, and more ancient than any others, and were, for that reason, held in special honour. It was in consideration of these circumstances that Moses gave precepts in regard to this kind of sacrifices first, Lev. i, 3. Holocausts might be offered by means of the Hebrew priests, when brought by the Heathen, or those who had originated from another nation; such persons being unable to offer sin or trespass-offerings, since this sort of sacrifices had particular reference to some neglect or violation of the Mosaic law, by whose authority they did not acknowledge themselves bound. Holocausts were expiatory, and we accordingly find that they were offered sometimes for the whole people; for instance, the morning and the evening sacrifices; and sometimes by an individual for himself alone, either from the free impulse of his feelings, or in fulfilment of a vow, Psalm li, 19; lxvi, 13, 14. They were required to be offered under certain combinations of circumstances pointed out in the Mosaic laws; namely, by a Nazarite, who had been unexpectedly rendered unclean, or who had completed the days of his separation, Num. vi, 11–16; by those who had been healed of leprosy; and by women after child-birth, Lev. xii, 6, 8. The victims immolated at a holocaust were bullocks of three years old, goats and lambs of a year old, turtle doves, and young pigeons. Not only the parts which were expressly destined for the altar, but also the other parts of the victims, were burned. A libation of wine was poured out upon the altar. It was the practice among the Gentile nations, (an allusion to which occurs in Phil. ii, 17, and 2 Tim. iv, 6,) to pour the wine out between the horns of the victims which they immolated to their idols. The priest partially wrung or cut off the heads of the turtle doves and young pigeons, sprinkled the blood on the side of the altar, plucked out the feathers and the crop, and cast them to the east of the altar into the place for the reception of ashes, and placed the remainder, after having cleft or broken the wings, upon the fire, Lev. i, 3–17.
Burnt offerings, also known as holocausts, were sacrifices where the entire victim was consumed. They were meant for atonement and are older than any other type of sacrifices, which is why they were held in high regard. Because of this significance, Moses established guidelines for these types of sacrifices first, as outlined in Lev. i, 3. Holocausts could be offered by Hebrew priests when presented by non-Hebrews or people from other nations. These individuals couldn't offer sin or trespass offerings since those were specifically tied to violations of the Mosaic law, which they didn't consider themselves obligated to follow. Holocausts served as a form of atonement, and it was common to offer them for the entire community, like the morning and evening sacrifices, or by an individual for personal reasons, whether driven by their feelings or to fulfill a vow, as found in Psalm li, 19; lxvi, 13, 14. They had to be offered under certain specific conditions set forth in the Mosaic laws, such as by a Nazarite who had unexpectedly become unclean or completed their period of separation, as detailed in Num. vi, 11–16; by those healed of leprosy; and by women after giving birth, as stated in Lev. xii, 6, 8. The animals used for these sacrifices included three-year-old bulls, one-year-old goats and lambs, turtledoves, and young pigeons. Not just the parts intended for the altar, but also other parts of the victims were burned. A wine offering was poured out on the altar. This practice, which is referenced in Phil. ii, 17, and 2 Tim. iv, 6, was common among Gentile nations, where they poured wine between the horns of animals sacrificed to their idols. The priest would partially wring or sever the heads of the turtledoves and young pigeons, sprinkle the blood on the side of the altar, remove the feathers and crop, and dispose of them to the east of the altar in the designated area for ashes, while placing the remainder, after splitting or breaking the wings, on the fire, as outlined in Lev. i, 3–17.
Drink-offerings. With a bullock, half a hin of wine, with three-tenth deals of flour, and half a hin of oil. With a ram, one-third of a hin of wine, with two-tenth deals of flour, and one-third of a hin of oil. With a lamb or a kid of the goats, one quarter of a hin of wine, one-tenth deal of flour, and one quarter of a hin of oil. With a sheaf of the first-fruits, one quarter of a hin of wine, one-tenth deal of flour, with oil.
Drink offerings. With a bull, half a hin of wine, three-tenths of a deal of flour, and half a hin of oil. With a ram, one-third of a hin of wine, two-tenths of a deal of flour, and one-third of a hin of oil. With a lamb or a kid of the goats, one-quarter of a hin of wine, one-tenth of a deal of flour, and one-quarter of a hin of oil. With a sheaf of the first fruits, one-quarter of a hin of wine, one-tenth of a deal of flour, and oil.
Meat-offerings. These, like the drink-offerings, were appendages to the sacrifices. They were of thin cakes or wafers. In some instances they were offered alone.
Meat offerings. These, like the drink offerings, were additions to the sacrifices. They consisted of thin cakes or wafers. In some cases, they were offered on their own.
Heave-offerings. So called from the sacrifice being lifted up toward heaven, in token of its being devoted to Jehovah.
Heave-offerings. This term comes from the act of lifting the sacrifice up toward heaven, symbolizing its dedication to Jehovah.
Peace-offerings. Bullocks, heifers, goats, rams, and sheep, were the only animals sacrificed on these occasions, Lev. iii, 1–17; vii, 23–27. These sacrifices, which were offered as an indication of gratitude, were accompanied with unleavened cakes, covered with oil, by pouring it upon them; with thin cakes or wafers, likewise unleavened, and besmeared with oil; also with another kind of cakes, made of fine meal, and kneaded with oil. The priest, who sprinkled the blood, presented one of each of these kinds of cakes as an offering, Lev. vii, 11–14, 28–35. The remainder of the animal substance and of the cakes was converted by the person who made the offering into an entertainment, to which widows, orphans, the poor, slaves, and Levites were invited. What was not eaten on the day of the offering might be reserved till the succeeding; but that which remained till the third was to be burned: a regulation which was made in order to prevent the omission or putting off of the season of this benevolence and joy, Lev. vii, 15–21; Deut. xii, 18. This feast could be celebrated beyond the limits of the tabernacle, or temple, but not beyond the city.
Peace offerings. Bullocks, heifers, goats, rams, and sheep were the only animals sacrificed on these occasions, Lev. iii, 1–17; vii, 23–27. These sacrifices, made as a sign of gratitude, were accompanied by unleavened cakes that were drizzled with oil, along with thin cakes or wafers, also unleavened, and smeared with oil; there was also another kind of cake made from fine flour and mixed with oil. The priest, who sprinkled the blood, presented one of each type of cake as an offering, Lev. vii, 11–14, 28–35. The rest of the animal and the cakes were used by the person making the offering to host a meal, inviting widows, orphans, the poor, slaves, and Levites. Anything not eaten on the day of the offering could be saved for the next day; however, what was left by the third day had to be burned. This rule was established to ensure that the occasion of generosity and joy was not neglected or postponed, Lev. vii, 15–21; Deut. xii, 18. This feast could be held outside the tabernacle or temple, but not outside the city.
Sin-offerings were for expiation of particular 711sins, or legal imperfections, called therefore sin-offerings: the first sort were for sins of ignorance or surprise, either from the high priest, or body of the community, from the rulers, or any one of the common people. The other sort of sin-offerings were for voluntary sins; but as to the more capital violations of the moral law, as murder, adultery, or the worship of idols, no expiatory sacrifice was admitted.
Sin offerings were meant to atone for specific sins or legal flaws, hence their name. The first type was for unintentional sins or unexpected wrongdoings, whether committed by the high priest, the community, the leaders, or any individual among the common people. The second type of sin offerings was for deliberate sins. However, for serious violations of moral law like murder, adultery, or idol worship, no atonement sacrifice was allowed.
Trespass-offerings were not required of the people as a body. They were to be offered by individuals, who, through ignorance, mistake, or want of reflection, had neglected some of the ceremonial precepts of Moses, or some of those natural laws, which had been introduced into his code, and sanctioned with the penalty of death; and who were subsequently conscious of their error. The person who, being sworn as a witness, concealed the truth by keeping silent; the man who, having become contaminated without knowing it, had omitted purification, but had afterward become acquainted with the fact; the person who had rashly sworn to do a thing, and had not done it; all these delinquents offered a lamb or kid, or, in case of poverty, two doves or young pigeons, the one for a trespass, the other for a sin-offering. In case the person was unusually poor, he was required to offer merely the tenth part of an ephah of fine meal, without oil or frankincense, Lev. iii, 1–16. Whoever appropriated to himself any thing consecrated, or any thing that was promised, or found, or stolen, or deposited in his possession for keeping; whoever swore falsely, or omitted to restore the goods that belonged to another, or injured him in any other way, presented for his trespass a ram, which had been submitted to the estimation of the priest, and not only made restitution, but allowed an additional amount of a fifth part by way of indemnification. He who had committed fornication with a betrothed bondmaid, previously to her being redeemed from servitude, offered a ram for the trespass, Lev. xix, 20–22. Nazarites, who had been unexpectedly rendered unclean, presented a lamb of a year old, Num. vi, 11. Finally, lepers, when restored to health, and purified, sacrificed a ram, Lev. xiv, 10–14. The ceremonies were the same as in the sin-offerings.
Trespass offerings weren't something the whole community had to provide. Instead, they were meant for individuals who, due to ignorance, mistakes, or lack of thought, had failed to follow some of the ceremonial rules set by Moses or the natural laws included in his teachings, which carried serious penalties. Those individuals later realized their mistakes. Anyone who was sworn in as a witness but hid the truth by staying quiet; someone who became contaminated unknowingly and skipped purification but later learned about it; or a person who hastily swore to do something and then didn’t follow through—these offenders would bring a lamb or goat for the offering, or if they were poor, two doves or young pigeons, one for a trespass offering and the other for a sin offering. If the person was especially poor, they only needed to offer a tenth of an ephah of fine flour, without oil or frankincense, Lev. iii, 1–16. Anyone who took something consecrated, promised, found, stolen, or kept in their possession; anyone who lied under oath or didn’t return someone else's property, or harmed them in another way, would present a ram assessed by the priest for their trespass, and not only return what was taken but also add a fifth of its value as compensation. A man who had relations with a betrothed servant before she was freed would offer a ram for the trespass, Lev. xix, 20–22. Nazarites who unexpectedly became unclean would present a year-old lamb, Num. vi, 11. Finally, lepers, once healed and purified, would sacrifice a ram, Lev. xiv, 10–14. The rituals were the same as those for sin offerings.
Wave-offering. It was so called, because it was waved up and down, and toward the east, west, north, and south, to signify, that he to whom it was offered was Lord of the universe, the God who fills all space, and to whom all things of right belong. See Sacrifices>.
Wave-offering. It was named that because it was waved up and down, and toward the east, west, north, and south, to signify that the one to whom it was offered was the Lord of the universe, the God who fills all space, and to whom all things rightfully belong. See Sacrifices>.
OG, a king of Bashan; being a giant of the race of the Rephaim. Moses records the conquest of Og, and his destruction. After which his country was given to the tribe of Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, Num. xxi, 33. See Giants.
OG, a king of Bashan; he was a giant from the Rephaim lineage. Moses notes the defeat of Og and his demise. Afterward, his land was assigned to the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of the tribe of Manasseh, Num. xxi, 33. See Giants.
OIL, שמן. The invention and use of oil is of the highest antiquity. It is said that Jacob poured oil upon the pillar which he erected at Bethel, Gen. xxviii, 18. The earliest kind was that which is extracted from olives. Before the invention of mills, this was obtained by pounding them in a mortar, Exod. xxvii, 20; and sometimes by treading them with the feet in the same manner as were grapes, Deut. xxxiii, 24; Micah vi, 15. The Hebrews used common oil with their food, in their meat-offerings, for burning in their lamps, &c. As vast quantities of oil were made by the ancient Jews, it became an article of exportation. The great demand for it in Egypt led the Jews to send it thither. The Prophet Hosea thus upbraids his degenerate nation with the servility and folly of their conduct: Ephraim feedeth on wind, and followeth after the east wind; he daily increaseth falsehood and vanity: and a league is made with Assyria, and oil carried into Egypt,” Hosea xii, 1. The Israelites, in the decline of their national glory, carried the produce of their olive plantations into Egypt as a tribute to their ancient oppressors, or as a present to conciliate their favour, and obtain their assistance in the sanguinary wars which they were often compelled to wage with the neighbouring states. There was an unguent, very precious and sacred, used in anointing the priests, the tabernacle, and furniture. This was compounded of spicy drugs; namely, myrrh, sweet cinnamon, sweet calamus, and cassia, mixed with oil olive.
OIL, Oil. The invention and use of oil dates back to ancient times. It's said that Jacob poured oil on the pillar he set up at Bethel, Gen. xxviii, 18. The earliest type was extracted from olives. Before mills were invented, this was obtained by grinding them in a mortar, Exod. xxvii, 20; and sometimes by crushing them with feet, similar to how grapes were processed, Deut. xxxiii, 24; Micah vi, 15. The Hebrews used common oil in their food, in meat offerings, for lighting their lamps, etc. Since the ancient Jews produced large amounts of oil, it became an export item. The high demand for it in Egypt led the Jews to send it there. The Prophet Hosea criticizes his wayward nation for their servile and foolish behavior: “Ephraim feeds on wind and pursues the east wind; he continually increases deceit and emptiness; and a treaty is made with Assyria, and oil is sent to Egypt,” Hosea xii, 1. During the decline of their national glory, the Israelites sent the produce of their olive farms to Egypt as tribute to their old oppressors, or as a gift to win their favor and gain assistance in the bloody wars they often had to fight with neighboring states. There was a very precious and sacred ointment used for anointing the priests, the tabernacle, and its furnishings. This was made from aromatic substances, including myrrh, sweet cinnamon, sweet calamus, and cassia, mixed with olive oil.
OLIVE TREE, וית, ἐλαία, Matt. xxi, 1; Rom. xi, 17, 24; James iii, 12; ἀγριέλαιος, oleaster, the wild olive, Rom. xi, 17, 24. Tournefort mentions eighteen kinds of olives; but in the Scripture we only read of the cultivated and wild olive. The cultivated olive is of a moderate height, and thrives best in a sunny and warm soil. Its trunk is knotty; its bark is smooth, and of an ash colour; its wood is solid, and yellowish; its leaves are oblong, and almost like those of the willow, of a dark green colour on the upper side, and a whitish below. In the month of June it puts forth white flowers, growing in bunches, each of one piece, and widening toward the top, and dividing into four parts. After this flower succeeds the fruit, which is oblong and plump. It is first green, then pale, and, when quite ripe, becomes black. Within it is enclosed a hard stone, filled with oblong seeds. The wild olives were of a less kind. Canaan much abounded with olives. It seems almost every proprietor, whether kings or subjects, had their olive yards. The olive branch was, from most ancient times, used as the symbol of reconciliation and peace.
OLIVE TREE, וית, ἐλαία, Matt. xxi, 1; Rom. xi, 17, 24; James iii, 12; ἀγριέλαιος, oleaster, the wild olive, Rom. xi, 17, 24. Tournefort notes eighteen types of olives; however, in the Bible, we only find references to the cultivated and wild olive. The cultivated olive grows to a moderate height and thrives best in sunny, warm soil. Its trunk is gnarled, the bark is smooth and ash-colored, the wood is solid and yellowish, and its leaves are long and resemble those of the willow, dark green on top and whitish underneath. In June, it produces white flowers in bunches, each flower consisting of one piece that flares out at the top and splits into four segments. This flower is followed by the fruit, which is elongated and plump. It starts off green, then turns pale, and when fully ripe, becomes black. Inside, it has a hard pit containing oblong seeds. The wild olives are of a lesser quality. Canaan was rich in olives, and it seems almost every landowner, whether a king or a commoner, had their own olive groves. The olive branch has been a symbol of reconciliation and peace since ancient times.
OLIVES. The Mount of Olives was situated to the east of Jerusalem, and divided from the city only by the brook Kidron, and by the valley of Jehoshaphat, which stretches out from the north to the south. It was upon this mount that Solomon built temples to the gods of the Ammonites, 1 Kings xi, 7, and the Moabites, out of complaisance to his wives of those nations. Hence it is that the Mount of Olives is called the mountain of corruption, 2 Kings xxiii, 13. The Mount of Olives forms part of a ridge of limestone hills, extending to the north and the south west. Pococke describes it as having four summits. On the 712lowest and most northerly of these, which, he tells us, is called Sulman Tashy, the stone of Solomon, there is a large domed sepulchre, and several other Mohammedan tombs. The ascent to this point, which is to the north-east of the city, he describes as very gradual, through pleasant corn fields, planted with olive trees. The second summit is that which overlooks the city: the path to it rises from the ruined gardens of Gethsemane, which occupy part of the valley. About half way up the ascent is a ruined monastery, built, as the monks tell us, on the spot where our Saviour wept over Jerusalem. From this point, the spectator enjoys, perhaps, the best view of the holy city. On reaching the summit, an extensive view is obtained toward the east, embracing the fertile plain of Jericho, watered by the Jordan, and the Dead Sea, enclosed by mountains of considerable grandeur. Here there is a small village, surrounded by some tolerable corn land. This summit is not relatively high, and would more properly be termed a hill than a mountain: it is not above two miles distant from Jerusalem. At a short distance from the summit is shown the supposed print of our Saviour’s left foot; Chateaubriand says the mark of the right was once visible, and Bernard de Breidenbach saw it in 1483! This is the spot fixed upon by the mother of Constantine, as that from which our Lord ascended, and over which she accordingly erected a church and monastery, the ruins of which still remain. Pococke describes the building which was standing in his time, as a small Gothic chapel, round within, and octagonal without, and tells us that it was converted into a mosque. The Turks, for a stipulated sum, permit the Christian pilgrims to take an impression of the foot print in wax or plaster, to carry home. Twice,” says Dr. Richardson, I visited this memorable spot; and each time it was crowded with devout pilgrims, taking casts of the holy vestige. They had to purchase permission of the Turks; but, had it not been in the possession of the Turks, they would have had to purchase it from the more mercenary and not less merciless Romans or Greeks.” On ascension eve, the Christians come and encamp in the court, and that night they perform the offices of the ascension. Here, however, as with regard to Calvary and almost all the supposed sacred places, superstition has blindly followed the blind. That this is not the place of the ascension, is certain from the words of St. Luke, who says that our Lord led out his disciples as far as Bethany, and lifted up his hands, and blessed them. And it came to pass, while he blessed them, he was parted from them, and carried up to heaven,” Acts i. Bethany is a small village to the east of the Mount of Olives, on the road to Jericho, not farther from Jerusalem than the pinnacle of the hill. There are two roads to it; one passes over the Mount of Olives; the other, which is the shorter and easier, winds round the eastern end, having the greater part of the hill on the north or left hand, and on the right the elevation called by some writers the Mount of Offence, which is, however, very little above the valley of Jehoshaphat. The village of Bethany is small and poor, and the cultivation of the soil is much neglected; but it is a pleasant and somewhat romantic spot, sheltered by Mount Olivet on the north, and abounding with trees and long grass. The inhabitants are Arabs.
OLIVES. The Mount of Olives was located to the east of Jerusalem, separated from the city only by the Kidron Valley and the valley of Jehoshaphat, which stretches from north to south. It was on this mountain that Solomon built temples for the gods of the Ammonites, 1 Kings xi, 7, and the Moabites, to please his wives from those nations. That's why the Mount of Olives is referred to as the mountain of corruption, 2 Kings xxiii, 13. The Mount of Olives is part of a ridge of limestone hills that runs to the north and southwest. Pococke describes it as having four peaks. On the lowest and northernmost peak, which he calls Sulman Tashy, the stone of Solomon, there is a large domed sepulchre along with several other Muslim tombs. The path to this point, located northeast of the city, is very gradual, passing through pleasant fields of corn and olive trees. The second peak overlooks the city: the trail to it rises from the ruined gardens of Gethsemane, which occupy part of the valley. About halfway up the ascent is a ruined monastery, built, as the monks say, on the spot where our Savior wept over Jerusalem. From here, visitors enjoy perhaps the best view of the holy city. At the summit, there is an expansive view to the east, including the fertile plain of Jericho, watered by the Jordan, and the Dead Sea, surrounded by impressive mountains. There is a small village here, surrounded by some decent farmland. This peak isn’t really high and would more accurately be called a hill than a mountain; it’s only about two miles from Jerusalem. Not far from the summit, you can see the supposed imprint of our Savior’s left foot; Chateaubriand noted that the mark of the right was once visible, and Bernard de Breidenbach saw it in 1483! This is the location identified by Constantine’s mother as the spot from which our Lord ascended, leading her to build a church and monastery, the ruins of which still exist. Pococke describes the building that was standing in his time as a small Gothic chapel, round inside and octagonal outside, and notes that it had been converted into a mosque. The Turks allow Christian pilgrims to take a wax or plaster impression of the footprint for a fee. "Twice," says Dr. Richardson, "I visited this memorable spot; and each time it was crowded with devout pilgrims, taking casts of the holy imprint. They had to purchase permission from the Turks; but if it hadn't been in the possession of the Turks, they would have had to buy it from the more mercenary and no less merciless Romans or Greeks." On ascension eve, Christians come and camp in the courtyard, where they hold ascension services that night. However, here, as with Calvary and almost all so-called sacred places, superstition has blindly followed the blind. It's clear that this isn’t the actual place of the ascension, as stated by St. Luke, who says that our Lord brought his disciples as far as Bethany and, lifting up his hands, blessed them. "And it came to pass, while he blessed them, he was parted from them and carried up to heaven," Acts i. Bethany is a small village east of the Mount of Olives, on the way to Jericho, not farther from Jerusalem than the peak of the hill. There are two paths to it; one goes over the Mount of Olives, while the other, shorter and easier, winds around the eastern end, keeping most of the hill on the left and to the right the elevation some writers call the Mount of Offense, which is only slightly above the valley of Jehoshaphat. The village of Bethany is small and poor, and the farming is largely neglected; yet it’s a pleasant and somewhat picturesque spot, sheltered by Mount Olivet to the north, filled with trees and tall grass. The residents are Arabs.
The olive is still found growing in patches at the foot of the mount to which it gives its name; and as a spontaneous produce, uninterruptedly resulting from the original growth of this part of the mountain, it is impossible,” says Dr. E. D. Clarke, to view even these trees with indifference.” Titus cut down all the wood in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem; but there would seem to have been constantly springing up a succession of these hardy trees. It is truly a curious and interesting fact,” adds the learned traveller, that, during a period of little more than two thousand years, Hebrews, Assyrians, Romans, Moslems, and Christians, have been successively in possession of the rocky mountains of Palestine; yet, the olive still vindicates its paternal soil, and is found, at this day, upon the same spot which was called by the Hebrew writers Mount Olivet and the Mount of Olives, eleven centuries before the Christian era,” 2 Sam. xv, 30; Zech. xiv, 4.
The olive tree still grows in clusters at the base of the mountain after which it is named; and because it naturally thrives from the original growth of this part of the mountain, it’s hard,” says Dr. E. D. Clarke, to look at these trees without feeling something.” Titus cut down all the trees around Jerusalem, but it seems that these resilient trees have always been sprouting back up. It’s quite a fascinating fact,” adds the knowledgeable traveler, that over more than two thousand years, Hebrews, Assyrians, Romans, Muslims, and Christians have all taken control of the rocky mountains of Palestine; yet, the olive tree still claims its ancestral land and is found today in the same place that was known to Hebrew writers as Mount Olivet and the Mount of Olives, eleven centuries before the Christian era,” 2 Sam. xv, 30; Zech. xiv, 4.
OMEGA, the last letter in the Greek alphabet, Rev. i, 8; a title of Christ.
OMEGA, the final letter in the Greek alphabet, Rev. i, 8; a title of Christ.
OMNIPOTENCE. See Almighty.
ALL-POWERFUL. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
OMNIPRESENCE, that attribute of God by which he is present in all places. The statement of this doctrine in the inspired records, like that of all the other attributes of God, is made in their own peculiar tone and emphasis of majesty and sublimity. Whither shall I go from thy Spirit, or whither shall I flee from thy presence? If I ascend up to heaven, thou art there; if I make my bed in hell, behold thou art there; if I take the wings of the morning, and dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea, even there shall thy hand lead me, and thy right hand shall hold me. Can any hide himself in secret places that I shall not see him? Do not I fill heaven and earth, saith the Lord? Am I a God at hand, saith the Lord, and not a God afar off?” “Thus saith the Lord, Behold, heaven is my throne, and the earth is my footstool.” Behold, heaven, and the heaven of heavens cannot contain thee.” “Though he dig into hell, thence shall my hand take him; though he climb up into heaven, thence will I bring him down; and though he hide himself in the top of Carmel, I will search and take him out from thence.” In him we live, and move, and have our being.” “He filleth all things.”
OMNIPRESENCE, the characteristic of God that means He is present everywhere. The way this doctrine is expressed in the inspired writings, like all the other attributes of God, carries its own unique tone and grandeur. Where can I go from your Spirit, or where can I escape from your presence? If I go up to heaven, you’re there; if I make my bed in the grave, look, you’re there; if I take the wings of the dawn and settle at the farthest parts of the sea, even there your hand will guide me, and your right hand will hold me. Can anyone hide in secret places that I cannot see him? Do I not fill heaven and earth, says the Lord? Am I a God who is near, says the Lord, and not a God who is far away?” “Thus says the Lord, look, heaven is my throne, and the earth is my footstool.” Look, heaven and the highest heaven cannot contain you.” “Even if he digs down to the grave, my hand will find him; even if he climbs up to heaven, I will bring him down; and even if he hides on the top of Mount Carmel, I will search and take him from there.” “In Him we live, we move, and we exist.” “He fills all things.”
Some striking passages on the ubiquity of the divine presence may be found in the writings of some of the Greek philosophers, arising out of this notion, that God was the soul of the world; but their very connection with this speculation, notwithstanding the imposing phrase occasionally adopted, strikingly marks the difference between their most exalted views, and those of the Hebrew prophets on this subject. To a large proportion of those who hold a distinguished 713rank among the ancient theistical philosophers, the idea of the personality of the Deity was in a great measure unknown. The Deity by them was considered not so much an intelligent Being, as an animating power, diffused throughout the world, and was introduced into their speculative system to account for the motion of that passive mass of matter, which was supposed coëval, and indeed coëxistent, with himself. These defective notions are confessed by Gibbon, a writer not disposed to undervalue their attainments: The philosophers of Greece deduced their morals from the nature of man, rather than from that of God. They meditated, however, on the divine nature, as a very curious and important speculation; and, in the profound inquiry, they displayed the strength and weakness of the human understanding. Of the four most considerable sects, the Stoics and the Platonicians endeavoured to reconcile the jarring interests of reason and piety. They have left us the most sublime proofs of the existence and perfections of the First Cause; but as it was impossible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the workman, in the Stoic philosophy, was not sufficiently distinguished from the work; while, on the contrary, the spiritual god of Plato and his disciples resembled more an idea than a substance.”
Some striking passages about the everywhere presence of the divine can be found in the writings of certain Greek philosophers, stemming from the idea that God was the soul of the world. However, their connection to this idea highlights a clear distinction between their highest concepts and those of the Hebrew prophets. For many of the noteworthy ancient theistic philosophers, the idea of a personal Deity was largely unknown. They viewed the Deity not as an intelligent Being, but rather as an animating force spread throughout the world, included in their philosophies to explain the movement of a passive mass of matter that was thought to exist alongside and at the same time as Himself. Gibbon, a writer who doesn't downplay their achievements, acknowledges these flawed views: the philosophers of Greece derived their morals from human nature rather than from God’s. They did ponder the divine nature as a fascinating and significant speculation, and in their deep inquiry, they revealed both the strength and limitations of human understanding. Among the four main philosophical schools, the Stoics and Platonists tried to reconcile the conflicting interests of reason and piety. They provided us with the most profound evidence of the existence and qualities of the First Cause; however, since they couldn’t fully grasp the creation of matter, the creator in Stoic philosophy wasn’t clearly differentiated from the creation itself, whereas the spiritual God of Plato and his followers resembled more of an idea than an actual substance.
Similar errors have been revived in the infidel philosophy of modern times, from Spinoza down to the later offspring of the German and French schools. The same remark applies also to the oriental philosophy, which presents at this day a perfect view of the boasted wisdom of ancient Greece, which was brought to nought” by the foolishness” of apostolic preaching. But in the Scriptures there is nothing confused in the doctrine of the divine ubiquity. God is every where, but he is not every thing. All things have their being in him, but he is distinct from all things; he fills the universe, but is not mingled with it. He is the intelligence which guides, and the power which sustains; but his personality is preserved, and he is independent of the works of his hands, however vast and noble. So far is his presence from being bounded by the universe itself, that, as we are taught in the passage above quoted from the Psalms, were it possible for us to wing our way into the immeasurable depths and breadths of space, God would there surround us, in as absolute a sense as that in which he is said to be about our bed and our path in that part of the world where his will has placed us.
Similar errors have resurfaced in the unbelieving philosophies of modern times, from Spinoza to the later developments of the German and French schools. The same can be said for Eastern philosophy, which today mirrors the so-called wisdom of ancient Greece, a wisdom that was rendered meaningless by the "foolishness" of apostolic preaching. However, in the Scriptures, the doctrine of God's omnipresence is clear. God is everywhere, but he is not everything. Everything exists within him, yet he is separate from all things; he fills the universe but is not mixed with it. He is the intelligence that guides and the power that sustains, but his personality remains intact, and he is independent of the work of his hands, no matter how vast and grand. Far from being limited by the universe, as we learn from the quoted passage from the Psalms, if we could fly into the infinite depths and expanses of space, God would surround us there just as he does around our bed and our path in the part of the world where his will has placed us.
On this, as on all similar subjects, the Scriptures use terms which are taken in their common-sense acceptation among mankind; and though the vanity of the human mind disposes many to seek a philosophy in the doctrine thus announced deeper than that which its popular terms convey, we are bound to conclude, if we would pay but a common respect to an admitted revelation, that, where no manifest figure of speech occurs, the truth of the doctrine lies in the tenor of the terms by which it is expressed. Otherwise there would be no revelation, we do not say of the modus, [manner,] (for that is confessedly incomprehensible,) but of the fact. In the case before us, the terms presence and place are used according to common notions; and must be so taken, if the Scriptures are intelligible. Metaphysical refinements are not Scriptural doctrines, when they give to the terms chosen by the Holy Spirit an acceptation out of their general and proper use, and make them the signs of a perfectly distinct class of ideas; if, indeed, all distinctness of idea is not lost in the attempt. It is therefore in the popular and just, because Scriptural, manner, that we are to conceive of the omnipresence of God. If we reflect upon ourselves, we may observe that we fill but a small space, and that our knowledge or power reaches but a little way. We can act at one time in one place only, and the sphere of our influence is narrow at largest. Would we be witnesses to what is done at any distance from us, or exert there our active powers, we must remove ourselves thither. For this reason we are necessarily ignorant of a thousand things which pass around us, incapable of attending and managing any great variety of affairs, or performing at the same time any number of actions, for our own good, or for the benefit of others. Although we feel this to be the present condition of our being, and the limited state of our intelligent and active powers, yet we can easily conceive there may exist beings more perfect, and whose presence may extend far and wide: any one of whom, present in what are to us various places, at the same time, may know at once what is done in all these, and act in all of them; and thus be able to regard and direct a variety of affairs at the same instant: and who farther being qualified, by the purity and activity of their nature, to pass from one place to another, with great ease and swiftness, may thus fill a large sphere of action, direct a great variety of affairs, confer a great number of benefits, and observe a multitude of actions at the same time, or in so swift a succession as to us would appear but one instant. Thus perfect we may readily believe the angels of God.
On this topic, as with all similar subjects, the Scriptures use terms that are understood in their everyday meanings. While many people, driven by their own vanity, might look for a deeper philosophy in the doctrine than what its common terms convey, we must conclude, if we wish to respect an accepted revelation, that where there is no obvious figure of speech, the truth of the doctrine is in the straightforward meaning of the terms used. Otherwise, there would be no revelation—we aren’t talking about the modus (the manner), since that is admittedly incomprehensible, but rather about the fact itself. In this case, the terms presence and place are used according to common understandings, and they must be taken this way for the Scriptures to make sense. Metaphysical complications are not Scriptural doctrines when they distort the terms chosen by the Holy Spirit into meanings that stray from their general, proper use, potentially losing all distinctness of idea in the process. Therefore, we should understand God's omnipresence in a popular and accurate, because Scriptural, manner. If we reflect on ourselves, we can see that we occupy only a small space and that our knowledge or power reaches only a limited distance. We can only act in one place at a time, and our influence is narrow at best. If we want to be present to see what's happening far away or to take action there, we have to go there ourselves. This is why we are necessarily unaware of thousands of things happening around us, unable to manage a wide variety of affairs, or to perform many actions simultaneously for our own benefit or for others'. While we recognize this as our current condition, with our intelligence and active powers being limited, we can easily imagine that more perfect beings might exist, whose presence could extend far and wide. Any one of these beings could be present in places far apart at the same time and know what is happening everywhere and act on all of it, managing various matters simultaneously. Furthermore, being pure and active by nature, they could move easily and quickly from one place to another, thereby covering a large area of action, handling many affairs, providing numerous benefits, and observing many actions at once, or in such rapid succession that it would seem to us like just one instant. Hence, it is easy to believe that the angels of God are this perfect.
We can farther conceive this extent of presence, and of ability for knowledge and action, to admit of degrees of ascending perfection approaching to infinite. And when we have thus raised our thoughts to the idea of a being, who is not only present throughout a large empire, but throughout our world; and not only in every part of our world, but in every part of all the numberless suns and worlds which roll in the starry heavens,--who is not only able to enliven and actuate the plants, animals, and men who live upon this globe, but countless varieties of creatures every where in an immense universe,--yea, whose presence is not confined to the universe, immeasurable as that is by any finite mind, but who is present every where in infinite space; and who is therefore able to create still new worlds, and fill them with proper inhabitants, attend, supply, and govern them all,--when we have thus gradually raised and enlarged our conceptions, we have the best idea we can form of the universal 714presence of the great Jehovah, who filleth heaven and earth. There is no part of the universe, no portion of space, uninhabited by God; none wherein this Being of perfect power, wisdom, and benevolence is not essentially present. Could we with the swiftness of a sun beam dart ourselves beyond the limits of the creation, and for ages continue our progress in infinite space, we should still be surrounded with the divine presence; nor ever be able to reach that space where God is not. His presence also penetrates every part of our world; the most solid parts of the earth cannot exclude it; for it pierces as easily the centre of the globe as the empty air. All creatures live and move and have their being in him. And the inmost recesses of the human heart can no more exclude his presence, or conceal a thought from his knowledge, than the deepest caverns of the earth.
We can further imagine this extent of presence and ability for knowledge and action as having levels of ascending perfection that approach infinity. And when we elevate our thoughts to the idea of a being who is not only present throughout a vast empire, but also throughout our world; and not just in every part of our world, but in every corner of all the countless suns and worlds that orbit in the starry skies—who is not only capable of bringing to life and energizing the plants, animals, and humans that inhabit this planet, but also countless varieties of creatures everywhere in an immense universe—indeed, whose presence is not limited to the universe, no matter how immeasurable it is to any finite mind, but who is present everywhere in infinite space; and therefore able to create new worlds and fill them with suitable inhabitants, attend to, supply, and govern them all—when we have gradually expanded and enriched our understanding in this way, we form the best idea we can of the universal presence of the great Jehovah, who fills heaven and earth. There is no part of the universe, no area of space, that is uninhabited by God; none in which this Being of perfect power, wisdom, and benevolence is not inherently present. If we could, with the speed of a sunbeam, propel ourselves beyond the limits of creation, and continue our journey through infinite space for ages, we would still be enveloped by divine presence, never able to reach a place where God is not. His presence also permeates every part of our world; the most solid parts of the earth cannot exclude it; for it penetrates the center of the globe as easily as it does the empty air. All creatures live and move and have their existence in him. The deepest corners of the human heart can no more shut out his presence or hide a thought from his knowledge than the deepest caverns of the earth.
The illustrations and confirmatory proofs of this doctrine which the material world furnishes, are numerous and striking. It is a most evident and acknowledged truth that a being cannot act where it is not: if, therefore, actions and effects, which manifest the highest wisdom, power, and goodness in the author of them, are continually produced every where, the author of these actions, or God, must be continually present with us, and wherever he thus acts. The matter which composes the world is evidently lifeless and thoughtless: it must therefore be incapable of moving itself, or designing or producing any effects which require wisdom or power. The matter of our world, or the small parts which constitute the air, the earth, and the waters, is yet continually moved, so as to produce effects of this kind; such are the innumerable herbs, and trees, and fruits which adorn the earth, and support the countless millions of creatures who inhabit it. There must therefore be constantly present, all over the earth, a most wise, mighty, and good Being, the author and director of these motions.
The examples and proof of this idea that the material world provides are numerous and impressive. It is a clear and widely accepted truth that a being cannot act where it is not present: therefore, if actions and outcomes that show the highest wisdom, power, and goodness are continually happening everywhere, the source of these actions, or God, must be constantly present with us, wherever He acts. The matter that makes up the world is clearly lifeless and mindless: it must be incapable of moving itself, or designing or producing any effects that require wisdom or power. The elements of our world, or the small parts that make up the air, earth, and water, are still constantly in motion, producing effects of this nature; such as the countless herbs, trees, and fruits that beautify the earth and support the countless millions of creatures that live here. Therefore, there must always be a very wise, powerful, and good Being present all over the earth, who is the source and guide of these movements.
We cannot, it is true, see him with our bodily eyes, because he is a pure Spirit; yet this is not any proof that he is not present. A judicious discourse, a series of kind actions, convince us of the presence of a friend, a person of prudence and benevolence. We cannot see the present mind, the seat and principle of these qualities; yet the constant regular motion of the tongue, the hand, and the whole body, (which are the instruments of our souls, as the material universe and all the various bodies in it are the instruments of the Deity,) will not suffer us to doubt that there is an intelligent and benevolent principle within the body which produces all these skilful motions and kind actions. The sun, the air, the earth, and the waters, are no more able to move themselves, and produce all that beautiful and useful variety of plants, and fruits, and trees, with which our earth is covered, than the body of a man, when the soul hath left it, is able to move itself, form an instrument, plough a field, or build a house. If the laying out judiciously and well cultivating a small estate, sowing it with proper grain at the best time of the year, watering it in due season and quantities, and gathering in the fruits when ripe, and laying them up in the best manner,--if all these effects prove the estate to have a manager, and the manager possessed of skill and strength,--certainly the enlightening and warming the whole earth by the sun, and so directing its motion and the motion of the earth as to produce in a constant useful succession day and night, summer and winter, seed time and harvest; the watering the earth continually by the clouds, and thus bringing forth immense quantities of herbage, grain, and fruits,--certainly all these effects continually produced, must prove that a Being of the greatest power, wisdom, and benevolence is continually present throughout our world, which he thus supports, moves, actuates, and makes fruitful.
We can’t see him with our physical eyes because he is a pure Spirit; however, this doesn’t mean he isn’t present. A thoughtful conversation and a series of kind actions can convince us of a friend’s presence—someone who is wise and caring. We can’t see the mind that is the source of these qualities, but the consistent, purposeful movements of the tongue, hands, and body—which are the instruments of our souls, just as the material universe and all its various bodies are the instruments of the Deity—leave no doubt that there is an intelligent and caring force within the body that produces all these skillful movements and kind actions. The sun, air, earth, and water can’t move themselves or create the beautiful and useful variety of plants, fruits, and trees that cover our planet any more than a dead body can move itself, create tools, farm a field, or build a house. If managing and cultivating a small estate well—sowing it with the right grain at the optimal time, watering it appropriately, harvesting when ripe, and storing the produce properly—proves that the estate has a manager with skill and strength, then surely the way the sun enlightens and warms the entire earth, directing its motion to create a constant and beneficial cycle of day and night, summer and winter, planting and harvest; how the clouds continually water the earth to produce vast amounts of grass, grain, and fruit—these ongoing effects must demonstrate that a Being of the greatest power, wisdom, and kindness is always present throughout our world, supporting, moving, guiding, and nurturing it.
The fire which warms us knows nothing of its serviceableness to this purpose, nor of the wise laws according to which its particles are moved to produce this effect. And that it is placed in such a part of the house, where it may be greatly beneficial and no way hurtful, is ascribed without hesitation to the contrivance and labour of a person who knew its proper place and uses. And if we came daily into a house wherein we saw this was regularly done, though we never saw an inhabitant in it, we could not doubt that the house was occupied by a rational inhabitant. That huge globe of fire in the heavens, which we call the sun, and on the light and influences of which the fertility of our world, and the life and pleasure of all animals, depend, knows nothing of its serviceableness to these purposes, nor of the wise laws according to which its beams are dispensed, nor what place or motions were requisite for these beneficial purposes. Yet its beams are darted constantly in infinite numbers, every one according to those well chosen laws, and its proper place and motion are maintained. Must not, then, its place be appointed, its motion regulated, and beams darted, by almighty wisdom and goodness, which prevent the sun’s ever wandering in the boundless spaces of the heavens, so as to leave us in disconsolate cold and darkness, or coming so near, or emitting his rays in such a manner, as to burn us up? Must not the great Being who enlightens and warms us by the sun, his instrument, who raises and sends down the vapours, brings forth and ripens the grain and fruits, and who is thus ever acting around us for our benefit, be always present in the sun, throughout the air, and all over the earth, which he thus moves and actuates?
The fire that warms us doesn't know how useful it is for this purpose, nor the smart laws that govern how its particles move to create this effect. That it’s located in a part of the house where it can be very beneficial and not harmful at all is easily attributed to the design and effort of someone who understood its right place and uses. If we walked into a house where this was routinely done, even if we never saw anyone living there, we would have no doubt that the house was inhabited by a rational being. That massive ball of fire in the sky, which we call the sun, and on whose light and influence the fertility of our world and the life and enjoyment of all animals depend, is unaware of how useful it is for these purposes, nor does it understand the smart laws governing how its rays are spread, nor what position or movements are necessary for those beneficial effects. Yet its rays are constantly shot out in infinite numbers, each one following those well-defined laws, and its proper position and motion are maintained. Mustn't its position be set, its motion regulated, and its rays directed by supreme wisdom and goodness, preventing the sun from wandering aimlessly in the vast spaces of the heavens, leaving us in unbearable cold and darkness, or coming too close, or shining its rays in such a way that it would burn us up? Mustn't the great Being who lights and warms us through the sun, its instrument, who raises and releases the vapors, brings forth and ripens grains and fruits, and who continuously acts around us for our benefit, always be present in the sun, throughout the air, and all over the earth, which He thus moves and energizes?
This earth is in itself a dead, motionless mass, and void of all counsel; yet proper parts of it are continually raised through the small pipes which compose the bodies of plants and trees, and are made to contribute to their growth, to open and shine in blossoms and leaves, and to swell and harden into fruit. Could blind, thoughtless particles thus continually keep on their way, through numberless windings, without once blundering, if they 715were not guided by an unerring hand? Can the most perfect human skill from earth and water form one grain, much more a variety of beautiful and relishing fruits? Must not the directing mind, who does all this constantly, be most wise, mighty, and benevolent? Must not the Being who thus continually exerts his skill and energy around us, for our benefit, be confessed to be always present and concerned for our welfare? Can these effects be ascribed to any thing below an all-wise and almighty cause? And must not this cause be present wherever he acts? Were God to speak to us every month from heaven, and with a voice loud as thunder declare that he observes, provides for, and governs us; this would not be a proof, in the judgment of sound reason, by many degrees so valid: since much less wisdom and power are required to form such sounds in the air, than to produce these effects; and to give, not merely verbal declarations, but substantial evidences of his presence and care over us. In every part and place of the universe, with which we are acquainted, we perceive the exertion of a power, which we believe, mediately or immediately, to proceed from the Deity. For instance: in what part or point of space, that has ever been explored, do we not discover attraction? In what regions do we not find light? In what accessible portion of our globe do we not meet with gravity, magnetism, electricity; together with the properties also and powers of organized substances, of vegetable or of animated nature? Nay, farther, what kingdom is there of nature, what corner of space, in which there is any thing that can be examined by us, where we do not fall upon contrivance and design? The only reflection, perhaps, which arises in our minds from this view of the world around us, is, that the laws of nature every where prevail; that they are uniform and universal. But what do we mean by the laws of nature, or by any law? Effects are produced by power, not by laws. A law cannot execute itself. A law refers us to an agent.
This earth is essentially a lifeless, unmoving mass, lacking any guidance; yet specific parts of it are constantly lifted through the tiny tubes that make up plants and trees, contributing to their growth, blooming into flowers and leaves, and developing into fruit. Could blind, thoughtless particles keep moving through countless twists and turns without ever making a mistake if they weren’t directed by an infallible force? Can the most skilled human create a single grain from earth and water, let alone a variety of beautiful and tasty fruits? Doesn’t the guiding mind, which continuously accomplishes all this, have to be incredibly wise, powerful, and kind? Mustn’t the Being who tirelessly exercises this skill and energy around us, for our benefit, be acknowledged as always present and caring for our well-being? Can these outcomes be attributed to anything less than an all-wise and all-powerful cause? And doesn't this cause have to be present wherever it acts? If God were to speak to us every month from heaven, proclaiming loudly like thunder that he watches over, provides for, and governs us; this wouldn’t be nearly as convincing, in the view of sound reason, since much less wisdom and power would be needed to make such sounds in the air than to create these effects; and to provide not just words, but real evidence of his presence and care for us. In every part and place of the universe we know, we see the display of a power that we believe, directly or indirectly, comes from the Deity. For example, in any space that has been explored, where do we not find attraction? In what areas do we not see light? In what accessible part of our planet do we not encounter gravity, magnetism, electricity, along with the properties and powers of living and organic substances? Moreover, what part of nature or corner of space can we examine and not find complexity and design? The only thought that might come to our mind from observing the world around us is that the laws of nature prevail everywhere; that they are consistent and universal. But what do we mean by the laws of nature, or by any law for that matter? Effects are brought about by power, not by laws. A law can’t enforce itself. A law points us to an agent.
The usual argument a priori, on this attribute of the divine nature, has been stated as follows; but, amidst such a mass of demonstration of a much higher kind, it cannot be of any great value:--The First Cause, the supreme all-perfect Mind, as he could not derive his being from any other cause, must be independent of all other, and therefore unlimited. He exists by an absolute necessity of nature; and as all the parts of infinite space are exactly uniform and alike, for the same reason that he exists in any one part he must exist in all. No reason can be assigned for excluding him from one part, which would not exclude him from all. But that he is present in some parts of space, the evident effects of his wisdom, power, and benevolence continually produced, demonstrate beyond all rational doubt. He must therefore be alike present every where, and fill infinite space with his infinite Being.
The common argument a priori regarding this attribute of the divine nature is stated like this; however, amidst so much stronger evidence, it doesn’t hold much weight: The First Cause, the ultimate all-perfect Mind, cannot have derived his existence from any other cause, so he must be independent of everything else and therefore unlimited. He exists by an absolute necessity of nature; and since all parts of infinite space are exactly uniform and similar, for the same reason he exists in one part, he must exist in all. There's no reason to exclude him from one part that wouldn't also exclude him from all. However, the clear effects of his wisdom, power, and benevolence that are constantly displayed demonstrate without doubt that he is present in some parts of space. Therefore, he must be present everywhere and fill infinite space with his infinite Being.
Among metaphysicians, it has been matter of dispute, whether God is present every where by an infinite extension of his essence. This is the opinion of Newton, Dr. S. Clarke, and their followers; others have objected to this notion, that it might then be said, God is neither in heaven nor in earth, but only a part of God in each. The former opinion, however, appears most in harmony with the Scriptures; though the term extension, through the inadequacy of language, conveys too material an idea. The objection just stated is wholly grounded on notions taken from material objects, and is therefore of little weight, because it is not applicable to an immaterial substance. It is best to confess with one who had thought deeply on the subject, There is an incomprehensibleness in the manner of every thing about which no controversy can or ought to be concerned.” That we cannot comprehend how God is fully, and completely, and undividedly present every where, need not surprise us, when we reflect that the manner in which our own minds are present with our bodies is as incomprehensible as the manner in which the supreme Mind is present with every thing in the universe.
Among metaphysicians, there has been a debate about whether God is present everywhere by an infinite extension of His essence. This is the view of Newton, Dr. S. Clarke, and their followers. Others have challenged this idea, arguing that if that were true, then God would be neither in heaven nor on earth, but only a part of God would exist in each. However, the former view seems to align more closely with Scripture, although the term "extension" suggests too material of a concept due to the limitations of language. The objection mentioned is completely based on ideas derived from material objects, which makes it of little significance since it doesn't apply to an immaterial being. It's best to agree with someone who has thought deeply about this: "There is an incomprehensibility in the manner of everything about which no controversy can or ought to exist." That we can't understand how God can be fully, completely, and undividedly present everywhere shouldn't surprise us, especially when we consider that the way our own minds connect with our bodies is as incomprehensible as how the supreme Mind is connected with everything in the universe.
OMNISCIENCE. This attribute of God is constantly connected in Scripture with his omnipresence, and forms a part of almost every description of that attribute; for, as God is a Spirit, and therefore intelligent, if he is every where, if nothing can exclude him, not even the most solid bodies, nor the minds of intelligent beings, then are all things naked and opened to the eyes of him with whom we have to do. Where he acts, he is; and where he is, he perceives. He understands and considers things absolutely, and as they are in their own natures, powers, properties, differences, together with all the circumstances belonging to them. Known unto him are all his works from the beginning of the world,” rather, απ αιωνος, from, all eternity; known, before they were made, in their possible, and known, now they are made, in their actual, existence. Lord, thou hast searched me and known me; thou knowest my down-sitting and mine uprising, thou understandest my thought afar off. Thou compassest my path and my lying down, and art acquainted with all my ways. For there is not a word in my tongue, but lo, O Lord, thou knowest it altogether. The darkness hideth not from thee; but the night shineth as the day. The ways of man are before the eyes of the Lord, and he pondereth all his goings; he searcheth their hearts, and understandeth every imagination of their thoughts.” Nor is this perfect knowledge to be confined to men or angels; it reaches into the state of the dead, and penetrates the regions of the damned. Hell,” hades, is naked before him; and destruction,” the seats of destruction, hath no covering.” No limits at all are to be set to this perfection: Great is the Lord, his understanding is infinite.”
OMNISCIENCE. This quality of God is always linked in Scripture to his omnipresence and appears in almost every description of that attribute. Since God is a Spirit and therefore intelligent, if He is everywhere and nothing can keep Him out—not even the most solid objects or the minds of intelligent beings—then everything is exposed and open to the eyes of Him with whom we deal. Where He acts, He is, and where He is, He perceives. He understands and considers things completely, as they are in their true nature, powers, properties, and differences, along with all the circumstances related to them. "Known unto him are all his works from the beginning of the world,” or rather, απ αιωνος, from, all eternity; known before they were created in their possible forms, and known now that they are created in their actual existence. Lord, you have searched me and known me; you know when I sit down and when I rise up, you understand my thoughts from far away. You surround my path and my resting place, and are familiar with all my ways. For there isn’t a word on my tongue, but behold, O Lord, you know it completely. The darkness doesn’t hide from you; the night shines just like the day. The ways of man are before the eyes of the Lord, and He considers all his actions; He examines their hearts and understands every thought they have.” This complete knowledge isn’t limited to humans or angels; it extends into the realm of the dead and penetrates the regions of the damned. Hell,” hades, is bare before Him; and destruction,” the places of destruction, has no cover.” There are no limits to this perfection: Great is the Lord, His understanding is infinite.”
In Psalm xciv, the knowledge of God is argued from the communication of it to men: Understand, ye brutish among the people; and, ye fools, when will ye be wise? He that planted the ear, shall he not hear? He that 716formed the eye, shall he not see? He that chastiseth the Heathen, shall not he correct? He that teacheth man knowledge, shall not he know?” This argument is as easy as it is conclusive, obliging all who acknowledge a First Cause, to admit his perfect intelligence, or to take refuge in atheism itself. It fetches not the proof from a distance, but refers us to our bosoms for the constant demonstration that the Lord is a God of knowledge, and that by him actions are weighed. We find in ourselves such qualities as thought and intelligence, power and freedom, &c, for which we have the evidence of consciousness as much as for our own existence. Indeed, it is only by our consciousness of these, that our existence is known to ourselves. We know, likewise, that these are perfections, and that to have them is better than to be without them. We find also that they have not been in us from eternity. They must, therefore, have had a beginning, and consequently some cause, for the very same reason that a being beginning to exist in time requires a cause. Now this cause, as it must be superior to its effect, must have those perfections in a superior degree; and if it be the First Cause it must have them in an infinite or unlimited degree, since bounds or limitations, without a limiter, would be an effect without a cause. If God gives wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to men of understanding; if he communicates this perfection to his creatures, the inference must be that he himself is possessed of it in a much more eminent degree than they; that his knowledge is deep and intimate, reaching to the very essence of things, theirs but slight and superficial; his clear and distinct, theirs confused and dark; his certain and infallible, theirs doubtful and liable to mistake; his easy and permanent, theirs obtained with much pains, and soon lost again by the defects of memory or age; his universal and extending to all objects, theirs short and narrow, reaching only to some few things, while that which is wanting cannot be numbered; and therefore, as the heavens are higher than the earth, so, as the prophet has told us, are his ways above our ways, and his thoughts above our thoughts.
In Psalm 94, the knowledge of God is shown through how it is shared with people: “Understand, you senseless ones among the people; and you fools, when will you be wise? He who made the ear, will he not hear? He who formed the eye, will he not see? He who punishes the nations, will he not correct? He who teaches humanity knowledge, will he not know?” This argument is straightforward and convincing, requiring anyone who accepts a First Cause to acknowledge His complete understanding, or to turn to atheism instead. It doesn’t seek proof from afar, but asks us to look within ourselves for the ongoing proof that the Lord is a God of knowledge, and that He weighs our actions. We find within ourselves traits like thought and intelligence, power and freedom, which we are conscious of as much as we are aware of our own existence. In fact, it is only through our awareness of these qualities that we know we exist. We also understand that these are positive attributes, and having them is better than lacking them. Furthermore, we realize these traits did not exist in us eternally. Therefore, they must have had a beginning, and consequently a cause, for just like anything that starts to exist in time requires a cause. This cause, being greater than its effect, must have these qualities to a greater extent; and if it is the First Cause, it must possess them infinitely and without limits, since limits without a limiter imply an effect without a cause. If God grants wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to those with understanding; if He shares this quality with His creations, the conclusion must be that He possesses it in a much greater way than they do; that His knowledge is deep and profound, penetrating to the essence of things, while theirs is only shallow and surface-level; His is clear and distinct, theirs confused and murky; His is certain and infallible, theirs uncertain and prone to error; His is steady and lasting, theirs gained with great effort and easily lost due to memory or age; His is universal and covers all things, theirs is limited and narrow, reaching only a few things, while what is lacking is countless; and thus, as the heavens are higher than the earth, so, as the prophet tells us, are His ways above our ways, and His thoughts above our thoughts.
But his understanding is infinite; a doctrine which the sacred writers not only authoritatively announce, but confirm by referring to the wisdom displayed in his works. The only difference between wisdom and knowledge is, that the former always supposes action, and action directed to an end. But wherever there is wisdom there must be knowledge; and as the wisdom of God in the creation consists in the formation of things which, by themselves, or in combination with others, shall produce certain effects, and that in a variety of operation which is to us boundless, the previous knowledge of the possible qualities and effects inevitably supposes a knowledge which can have no limit. For as creation out of nothing argues a power which is omnipotent; so the knowledge of the possibilities of things which are not, (a knowledge which, from the effect, we are sure must exist in God,) argues that such a Being must be omniscient. For all things being not only present to him, but also entirely depending upon him, and having received both their being itself, and all their powers and faculties from him; it is manifest that, as he knows all things that are, so he must likewise know all possibilities of things, that is, all effects that can be. For, being himself alone self-existent, and having alone given to all things all the powers and faculties they are endued with; it is evident he must of necessity know perfectly what all and each of those powers and faculties, which are derived wholly from himself, can possibly produce: and seeing, at one boundless view, all the possible compositions and divisions, variations and changes, circumstances and dependencies of things; all their possible relations one to another, and their dispositions or fitnesses to certain and respective ends, he must, without possibility of error, know exactly what is best and properest in every one of the infinite possible cases or methods of disposing things; and understand perfectly how to order and direct the respective means, to bring about what he so knows to be, in its kind, or in the whole, the best and fittest in the end. This is what we mean by infinite wisdom.
But his understanding is limitless; a belief that the sacred writers not only state with authority, but also support by referring to the wisdom shown in his works. The only difference between wisdom and knowledge is that wisdom always involves action, and action aimed at a purpose. However, wherever there is wisdom, there must also be knowledge; and since God's wisdom in creation consists of forming things that, by themselves or in combination with others, will produce certain effects, and that in ways that seem endless to us, the prior knowledge of the possible qualities and effects must imply a knowledge that has no limits. Just as creation from nothing indicates a power that is all-powerful, the knowledge of what things that do not exist could be (a knowledge we are sure must exist in God based on the effects we see) suggests that such a Being must be all-knowing. For all things are not only present to him but also completely reliant on him, having received their very existence, along with all their abilities and faculties, from him; it is clear that, since he knows all that exists, he must likewise know all possible things, that is, all potential effects. For, being the only self-existent being, and having alone granted to all things the powers and abilities they possess, it is evident that he must necessarily know perfectly what each of those powers and abilities, which are entirely derived from him, can possibly produce. And seeing, in a single boundless view, all the possible combinations and divisions, variations and changes, circumstances and dependencies of things; all their potential relationships to one another, and their suitability or appropriateness to specific ends, he must, without the possibility of error, know precisely what is best and most suitable in every one of the infinite possible situations or methods of arranging things; and understand perfectly how to plan and direct the appropriate means to achieve what he knows to be, in its nature or in the overall picture, the best and most fitting outcome. This is what we mean by infinite wisdom.
On the subject of the divine omniscience, many fine sentiments are to be found in the writings of Pagans; for an intelligent First Cause being in any sense admitted, it was most natural and obvious to ascribe to him a perfect knowledge of all things. They acknowledge that nothing is hid from God, who is intimate to our minds, and mingles himself with our very thoughts; nor were they all unaware of the practical tendency of such a doctrine, and of the motive it affords to a cautious and virtuous conduct. But among them it was not held, as by the sacred writers, in connection with other right views of the divine nature, which are essential to give to this its full moral effect. Not only on this subject does the manner in which the Scriptures state the doctrine far transcend that of the wisest Pagan theists; but the moral of the sentiment is infinitely more comprehensive and impressive. With them it is connected with man’s state of trial; with a holy law, all the violations of which, in thought, word, and deed, are both infallibly known, and strictly marked; with promises of grace, and of a mild and protecting government as to all who have sought and found the mercy of God in forgiving their sins and admitting them into his family. The wicked are thus reminded, that their hearts are searched, and their sins noted; that the eyes of the Lord are upon their ways; and that their most secret works will be brought to light in the day when God the witness shall become God the judge. But as to the righteous, the eyes of the Lord are said to be over them; that they are kept by him who never slumbers or sleeps; that he is never far from them; that his eyes run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to show himself strong in their behalf; that foes, to them invisible, are seen by his eye, and 717controlled by his arm; and that this great attribute, so appalling to wicked men, affords to them, not only the most influential reason for a perfectly holy temper and conduct, but the strongest motive to trust, and joy, and hope, amidst the changes and afflictions of the present life. Socrates, as well as other philosophers, could express themselves well, so long as they expressed themselves generally, on this subject. The former could say, Let your own frame instruct you. Does the mind inhabiting your body dispose and govern it with ease? Ought you not then to conclude, that the universal Mind with equal ease actuates and governs universal nature; and that, when you can at once consider the interest of the Athenians at home, in Egypt, and in Sicily, it is not too much for the divine wisdom to take care of the universe? These reflections will soon convince you, that the greatness of the divine mind is such, as at once to see all things, hear all things, be present every where, and direct all the affairs of the world.” These views are just, but they wanted that connection with others relative both to the divine nature and government, which we see only in the Bible, to render them influential; they neither gave correct moral distinctions nor led to a virtuous practice, no, not in Socrates, who, on some subjects, and especially on the personality of the Deity, and his independence on matter, raised himself far above the rest of his philosophic brethren, but in moral feeling and practice was perhaps as censurable as they. See Prescience.
On the topic of divine omniscience, there are many insightful ideas found in the writings of Pagans. Once an intelligent First Cause is accepted, it's only natural to attribute perfect knowledge of all things to him. They recognize that nothing is hidden from God, who is close to our minds and mixes with our very thoughts. They were also aware of the practical implications of such a belief and the motivation it provides for cautious and virtuous behavior. However, unlike the sacred writers, they didn’t connect this idea with other essential views of the divine nature that are necessary for it to have its full moral impact. Not only does the way the Scriptures express this doctrine surpass that of the wisest Pagan theists, but the moral implications of the belief are also far more comprehensive and impactful. For them, it is linked to humanity's state of trial, a holy law, all the violations of which—whether in thought, word, or deed—are both infallibly known and strictly noted; it is accompanied by promises of grace and a gentle, protective governance for all who seek and find God's mercy in forgiving their sins and welcoming them into his family. The wicked are reminded that their hearts are examined and their sins recorded, that the Lord's eyes are on their actions, and that their most secret deeds will be revealed on the day when God, the witness, becomes God, the judge. In contrast, for the righteous, it is said that the Lord's eyes are upon them, that they are protected by him who never slumbers or sleeps, that he is always close, and that his gaze roams the whole earth to show himself strong for them. Enemies, even those unseen by them, are perceived by his sight and controlled by his power. This significant attribute, which terrifies wicked individuals, provides the righteous with not only the most compelling reason for maintaining a holy attitude and conduct but also the strongest incentive to trust, rejoice, and hope amid the changes and struggles of life. Socrates and other philosophers could articulate their thoughts well when discussing this topic generally. Socrates once said, “Let your own nature teach you. Does the mind within your body manage and run it with ease? Then shouldn’t you conclude that the universal Mind equally effortlessly directs and governs universal nature? And when you can simultaneously consider the interests of the Athenians at home, in Egypt, and in Sicily, isn’t it reasonable to believe that divine wisdom can take care of the universe?” These thoughts will quickly lead you to understand that the greatness of the divine mind allows it to simultaneously see all things, hear all things, be present everywhere, and manage all the affairs of the world. These perspectives are valid, but they lack the connections with other concepts regarding the divine nature and governance, which we only see in the Bible, that would make them effective; they didn’t provide accurate moral distinctions nor lead to virtuous actions, not even in Socrates, who on certain topics, particularly concerning the nature of the Deity and his independence from matter, elevated himself far above his philosophical peers but, in terms of moral sentiment and practice, was perhaps just as flawed as they were. See Awareness.
ON, or AVEN, a city of Egypt, situated in the land of Goshen, on the east of the Nile, and about five miles from the modern Cairo. It was called Heliopolis by the Greeks, and Bethshemeth by the Hebrews, Jer. xliii, 13; both of which names, as well as its Egyptian one of On, imply the city or house of the sun. The inhabitants of this city are represented by Herodotus as the wisest of the Egyptians; and here Moses resided, and received that education which made him learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.” But notwithstanding its being the seat of the sciences, such were its egregious idolatries, that it was nicknamed Aven, or Beth-Aven, the house of vanity,” or idolatry, by the Jews. A village standing on part of its site, at the present day, is called Matarea; while the spring of excellent water, or fountain of the sun, which is supposed to have given rise to the city, is still called Ain Shems, or fountain of the sun, by the Arabs. This is one of the most ancient cities of the world of which any distinct vestige can now be traced. It was visited eighteen hundred and fifty years ago by Strabo, whose description proves it to have been nearly as desolate then as now. Most of the ruins of this once famous city, described by that geographer, are buried in the accumulation of the soil: but that which marks its site, and is, perhaps, the most ancient work at this time existing in the world, in a perfect state, is a column of red granite, seventy feet high, and covered with hieroglyphics. Dr. E. D. Clarke has given a very good representation of this column; to whom, also, the curious reader is referred for a learned dissertation on the characters engraved upon it.
ON, or AVEN, is a city in Egypt, located in the land of Goshen, east of the Nile and about five miles from modern Cairo. The Greeks named it Heliopolis, while the Hebrews called it Bethshemeth (Jer. xliii, 13); all these names, including its Egyptian name On, mean the city or house of the sun. Herodotus describes the residents of this city as the wisest of the Egyptians, and it is here that Moses lived and received the education that made him knowledgeable in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. However, despite being a center of learning, its extreme idolatries earned it the nickname Aven, or Beth-Aven, which translates to "the house of vanity" or idolatry, given by the Jews. Today, a village on part of its former site is called Matarea, and the spring of excellent water, believed to be the source of the city, is still known as Ain Shems, or fountain of the sun, by the Arabs. This is one of the oldest cities in the world for which any clear remains can still be identified. Strabo visited it about eighteen hundred and fifty years ago, and his description indicates it was almost as desolate then as it is now. Most of the ruins of this once-famous city, noted by that geographer, are buried under layers of soil, but what marks its site today, and is perhaps the oldest fully intact structure in the world, is a seventy-foot tall red granite column covered with hieroglyphics. Dr. E. D. Clarke has provided an excellent representation of this column, and curious readers are also directed to him for an in-depth discussion on the characters engraved upon it.
The city On, according to Josephus, was given to the Israelites to dwell in, when they first went into Egypt; and it was a daughter of a priest of the temple of the sun at this place, who was given in marriage to Joseph by Pharaoh. Here, also, in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, leave was obtained of that king by Onias, high priest of the Jews, to build a temple, when dispossessed of his office by Antiochus; which was long used by the Hellenist Jews. It was predicted by Jeremiah, xliii, 13, and by Ezekiel, xxx, 17, that this place, with its temples and inhabitants, should be destroyed; which was probably fulfilled by Nebuchadnezzar. See Noph.
The city On, according to Josephus, was given to the Israelites to live in when they first entered Egypt; and it was a daughter of a priest of the sun temple there who was married to Joseph by Pharaoh. Additionally, during the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, Onias, the high priest of the Jews, obtained permission from the king to build a temple after being removed from his position by Antiochus; this temple was used for a long time by the Hellenistic Jews. It was foretold by Jeremiah (43:13) and Ezekiel (30:17) that this place, along with its temples and people, would be destroyed, which likely happened under Nebuchadnezzar. See Noph.
ONESIMUS was a Phrygian by nation, a slave to Philemon, and a disciple of the Apostle Paul. Onesimus having run away from his master, and also having robbed him, Philemon v, 18, went to Rome while St. Paul was there in prison the first time. As Onesimus knew him by repute, (his master Philemon being a Christian,) he sought him out. St. Paul brought him to a sense of the greatness of his crime, instructed him, baptized him, and sent him back to his master Philemon with a letter, inserted among St. Paul’s epistles, which is universally acknowledged as canonical. This letter had all the good success he could desire. Philemon not only received Onesimus as a faithful servant, but rather as a brother and a friend. A little time after, he sent him back to Rome to St. Paul, that he might continue to be serviceable to him in his prison. And we see that after this Onesimus was employed to carry such epistles as the Apostle wrote at that time. He carried, for example, that which was written to the Colossians, while St. Paul was yet in his bonds.
ONESIMUS was a Phrygian by nationality, a slave to Philemon, and a follower of the Apostle Paul. After Onesimus ran away from his master and also stole from him, Philemon v, 18, he went to Rome while St. Paul was there in prison for the first time. Knowing St. Paul by reputation (since Philemon was a Christian), he sought him out. St. Paul made him aware of the seriousness of his crime, taught him, baptized him, and sent him back to his master Philemon with a letter, included among St. Paul’s epistles, which is widely recognized as canonical. This letter had all the positive outcomes he could hope for. Philemon not only welcomed Onesimus back as a faithful servant but also as a brother and friend. Shortly after, he sent him back to Rome to St. Paul so he could continue to assist him in his prison. We see that after this, Onesimus was used to deliver letters that the Apostle wrote during that time. For instance, he delivered the letter written to the Colossians while St. Paul was still in chains.
ONESIPHORUS is mentioned, 2 Tim. i, 16, 17, and highly commended by St. Paul.
ONESIPHORUS is mentioned in 2 Tim. 1:16-17 and is highly praised by St. Paul.
ONION, בצל, Num. xi, 5; a well known garden plant with a bulbous root. Onions and garlics were highly esteemed in Egypt; and not without reason, this country being admirably adapted to their culture. The allium cepa, called by the Arabs basal, Hasselquist thinks one of the species of onions for which the Israelites longed. He would infer this from the quantities still used in Egypt, and their goodness. Whoever has tasted onions in Egypt,” says he, “must allow that none can be had better in any part of the universe. Here they are sweet; in other countries they are nauseous and strong. Here they are soft; whereas in the northern and other parts they are hard, and their coats so compact that they are difficult of digestion. Hence they cannot in any place be eaten with less prejudice, and more satisfaction, than in Egypt.” The Egyptians are reproached with swearing by the leeks and onions of their gardens. Juvenal ridicules some of these superstitious people who did not dare to eat leeks, garlic, or onions, for fear of injuring their gods:--
ONION, Shade, Num. xi, 5; a well-known garden plant with a bulbous root. Onions and garlic were highly valued in Egypt, and for good reason, as this country was perfectly suited for their cultivation. The onion, known by the Arabs as basal, is thought by Hasselquist to be one of the types of onions that the Israelites craved. He deduces this from the large amounts still used in Egypt and their superior quality. “Anyone who has tasted onions in Egypt,” he says, “must agree that none can be found that are better anywhere else in the world. Here they are sweet; in other countries, they can be unpleasant and pungent. Here they are tender; whereas in northern and other regions, they are tough, and their skins so thick that they are hard to digest. Therefore, they can be eaten with less discomfort and more enjoyment in Egypt than anywhere else.” The Egyptians are criticized for swearing by the leeks and onions from their gardens. Juvenal mocks some of these superstitious people who were afraid to eat leeks, garlic, or onions for fear of offending their gods:--
So Lucian in his Jupiter, where he is giving an account of the different deities worshipped by the several inhabitants of Egypt, says, Πηλουσίωταις δὲ κρόμμυον, those of Pelusium worship the onion.” Hence arises a question, how the Israelites durst venture to violate the national worship, by eating those sacred plants. We may answer, in the first place, that whatever might be the case of the Egyptians in later ages, it is not probable that they were arrived at such a pitch of superstition in the time of Moses; for we find no indications of this in Herodotus, the most ancient of the Greek historians: secondly, the writers here quoted appear to be mistaken in imagining these plants to have been generally the objects of religious worship. The priests, indeed, abstained from the use of them, and several other vegetables; and this might give rise to the opinion of their being reverenced as divinities: but the use of them was not prohibited to the people, as is plain from the testimonies of ancient authors, particularly of Diodorus Siculus.
So Lucian, in his work "Jupiter," talks about the different gods worshipped by the various people in Egypt, mentioning that "the people of Pelusium worship the onion." This raises a question about how the Israelites felt comfortable breaking the national worship by eating these sacred plants. We can first say that, whatever the later Egyptians' beliefs might have been, it’s unlikely they had reached such a level of superstition during Moses’s time; there’s no evidence of that in Herodotus, the earliest Greek historian. Secondly, the authors mentioned seem to be mistaken in thinking these plants were widely worshipped. The priests did avoid using them along with several other vegetables, which might have led to the idea that they were treated as divine, but the general populace was not forbidden from using them, as is clear from the writings of ancient authors, especially Diodorus Siculus.
ONYX, שהם, Gen. ii, 12; Exod. xxv, 7; xxviii, 9, 20; xxxv, 27; xxxix, 6; 1 Chron. xxix, 2; Job xxviii, 16; Ezekiel xxviii, 13. A precious stone, so called from the Greek ὅνυξ, the nail, to the colour of which it nearly approaches. It is first mentioned with the gold and bdellium of the river Pison in Eden; but the meaning of the Hebrew word is not easily determined. The Septuagint render it, in different places, the sardius, beryl, sapphire, emerald, &c. Such names are often ambiguous, even in Greek and Latin, and no wonder if they are more so in Hebrew. In Exodus xxviii, 9, 10, a direction is given that two onyx stones should be fastened on the ephod of the high priest, on which were to be graven the names of the children of Israel, like the engravings on a signet; six of the names on one stone, and six on the other. In 1 Chron. xxix, 2, onyx stones are among the things prepared by David for the temple. The author of Scripture Illustrated” observes, upon this passage, that “the word onyx is equivocal; signifying, first, a precious stone or gem; and, secondly, a marble called in Greek onychites, which Pliny mentions as a stone of Caramania. Antiquity gave both these stones this name, because of their resemblance to the nail of the fingers. The onyx of the high priest’s pectoral was, no doubt, the gem onyx; the stone prepared by David was the marble onyx, or rather onychus; for one would hardly think that gems of any kind were used externally in such a building, but variegated marble may readily be admitted.”
ONYX, that they, Gen. ii, 12; Exod. xxv, 7; xxviii, 9, 20; xxxv, 27; xxxix, 6; 1 Chron. xxix, 2; Job xxviii, 16; Ezekiel xxviii, 13. A precious stone, named after the Greek word ὅνυξ, the nail, due to its similar color. It is first mentioned alongside the gold and bdellium from the river Pison in Eden; however, the exact meaning of the Hebrew term is hard to pinpoint. The Septuagint translates it in various places as sardius, beryl, sapphire, emerald, etc. These names can be vague, even in Greek and Latin, so it's not surprising if they are even more uncertain in Hebrew. In Exodus xxviii, 9, 10, there’s an instruction that two onyx stones should be attached to the high priest's ephod, with the names of the children of Israel engraved on them, six names on one stone and six on the other, similar to signet engravings. In 1 Chron. xxix, 2, onyx stones are listed among the items David prepared for the temple. The author of “Scripture Illustrated” notes regarding this passage that “the word onyx is ambiguous; it can refer first to a precious stone or gem, and second to a marble known in Greek as onychites, which Pliny mentioned as a stone from Caramania. Ancient sources named both stones this way because they resemble the nail of the fingers. The onyx in the high priest’s breastplate was likely the gem onyx; the stone prepared by David was the marble onyx, or more accurately, onychus; as it’s unlikely that any type of gem was used externally in such a building, but variegated marble would certainly fit.”
OPHIR, a place or country remote from Judea, to which the ships of Solomon traded. There has been much discussion respecting the situation of this place; some supposing it to have been the island of Socotora, without the straits of Babelmandel; others, that anciently called Tabrobana, which is supposed by some to have been Ceylon, and by others Sumatra; while others fix its situation on the continent of India. M. Huet and, after him, Bruce, place Ophir at Sofala, in South Africa, where mines of gold and silver have been found, which show marks of having been very anciently and extensively worked. The latter says, also, that the situation of this place explains the period of three years which the Ophir ships were absent, from the different courses of the monsoons and trade winds, which they would have to encounter going and returning. Ruins of ancient buildings have also been found in the neighbourhood of these mines. In confirmation of this opinion, Bruce says there was a place called Tarshish near Melinda.
OPHIR was a distant place or country from Judea where Solomon’s ships traded. There’s been a lot of debate about its location. Some think it was the island of Socotra, beyond the straits of Bab el Mandeb; others believe it was what was once known as Tabrobana, which some associate with Ceylon and others with Sumatra; while some place it on the Indian continent. M. Huet and later Bruce suggest Ophir was at Sofala in South Africa, where ancient gold and silver mines show signs of extensive early extraction. Bruce also notes that the location helps explain the three-year absence of the Ophir ships due to the varying paths of the monsoons and trade winds they would face in their journeys. Ruins of ancient structures have also been discovered near these mines. To support this view, Bruce mentions that there was a place called Tarshish close to Melinda.
In the same direction with Ophir lay Tarshish; the voyage to both places being accomplished under one, and always, as it would seem, in the same space of time, three years; by which it may be inferred that, notwithstanding the imperfect navigation of the times, they must be at a considerable distance from the ports of Judea. But the true situation of these places must ever remain matter of conjecture; and all that can be considered as certain respecting them is, that from the articles imported from them, namely, gold, silver, ivory, apes, peacocks, and precious stones, they must have been situated in the tropical parts of either Africa or Asia.
In the same direction as Ophir was Tarshish; the journey to both locations took place together and consistently in the same time frame—three years. This suggests that, despite the limited navigational skills of the time, they must have been quite far from the ports of Judea. However, the exact locations of these places will always be a matter of speculation. The only certain information we have about them is that based on the goods imported from these areas, such as gold, silver, ivory, monkeys, peacocks, and precious stones, they must have been located in the tropical regions of either Africa or Asia.
ORACLE denotes something delivered by supernatural wisdom; and the term is also used in the Old Testament to signify the most holy place from whence the Lord revealed his will to ancient Israel, 1 Kings vi, 5, 19–21, 23. But when the word occurs in the plural number, as it mostly does, it denotes the revelations contained in the sacred writings of which the nation of Israel were the depositaries. So Moses is said by Stephen to have received the lively oracles” to give unto the Israelites. These oracles contained the law, both moral and ceremonial, with all the types and promises relating to the Messiah which are to be found in the writings of Moses. They also contained all the intimations of the divine mind which he was pleased to communicate by means of the succeeding prophets who prophesied beforehand of the coming and of the sufferings of the Messiah with the glory that should follow. The Jews were a highly privileged people in many and various respects, Rom. ix, 4, 5; but the Apostle Paul mentions it as their chief advantage that unto them were committed the oracles of God,” Romans iii, 2. What nation,” says Moses, is there that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all this law which I set before you this day?” Deut. iv, 8. The psalmist David enumerates their excellent properties under various 719epithets; such as the law of the Lord, his testimony, his statutes, his commandments, his judgments, &c. Their properties are extolled as perfect, sure, right, pure, clean, true, and righteous altogether; more to be desired than much fine gold; sweeter than honey and the honey comb. Their salutary effects are all mentioned; such as their converting the soul, making wise the simple, rejoicing the heart, enlightening the eyes; and the keeping of them is connected with a great reward, Psalm xix. The hundred and nineteenth Psalm abounds with praises of the lively oracles, the word of the living God; it abounds with the warmest expressions of love to it, of delight in it, and the most fervent petitions for divine illumination in the knowledge of it. Such was the esteem and veneration which the faithful entertained for the lively oracles under the former dispensation, when they had only Moses and the prophets; how, then, ought they to be prized by Christians, who have also Christ and his Apostles!
An ORACLE refers to something given through supernatural wisdom; the term is also used in the Old Testament to signify the most sacred place where the Lord communicated His will to ancient Israel, as seen in 1 Kings 6:5, 19–21, 23. However, when the word appears in the plural, which is often the case, it refers to the revelations found in the sacred scriptures that the nation of Israel was entrusted with. Stephen mentions that Moses received the "lively oracles" to share with the Israelites. These oracles included the law, both moral and ceremonial, along with all the types and promises related to the Messiah found in Moses' writings. They also contained all the insights the divine mind chose to share through the subsequent prophets who foretold the coming and the sufferings of the Messiah, along with the glory that would follow. The Jews were a highly privileged people in many aspects, as noted in Romans 9:4-5; yet the Apostle Paul highlights their greatest advantage: they were entrusted with the oracles of God (Romans 3:2). Moses asks, "What nation has statutes and judgments as righteous as all this law which I present to you today?" (Deut. 4:8). The psalmist David lists their excellent qualities using various titles such as the law of the Lord, His testimony, His statutes, His commandments, and His judgments. Their characteristics are praised as perfect, trustworthy, right, pure, clean, true, and altogether righteous; more desirable than much fine gold and sweeter than honey and the honeycomb. The positive effects they have are noted, such as converting the soul, making the simple wise, rejoicing the heart, and enlightening the eyes; following them comes with a great reward, as stated in Psalm 19. Psalm 119 is filled with praises for the lively oracles, the word of the living God; it expresses deep love and delight in them, along with fervent prayers for divine understanding of them. This shows the respect and reverence that the faithful had for the lively oracles during the earlier covenant when they had only Moses and the prophets; how much more should they be valued by Christians who also have Christ and His apostles!
Among the Heathen the term oracle is usually taken to signify an answer, generally couched in very dark and ambiguous terms, supposed to be given by demons of old, either by the mouths of their idols, or by those of their priests, to the people, who consulted them on things to come. Oracle is also used for the demon who gave the answer, and the place where it was given. Seneca defines oracles to be enunciations by the mouths of men of the will of the gods; and Cicero simply calls them, deorum oratio, the language of the gods. Among the Pagans they were held in high estimation; and they were consulted on a variety of occasions pertaining to national enterprises and private life. When they made peace or war, enacted laws, reformed states, or changed the constitution, they had in all these cases recourse to the oracle by public authority. Also, in private life, if a man wished to marry, if he proposed to take a journey, or to engage in any business of importance, he repaired to the oracle for counsel. Mankind have had always a propensity to explore futurity; and conceiving that future events were known to their gods, who possessed the gift of prophecy, they sought information and advice from the oracles, which, in their opinion, were supernatural and divine communications. The institution of oracles seemed to gratify the prevalent curiosity of mankind, and proved a source of immense wealth, as well as authority and influence, to those who had the command of them. Accordingly, every nation, in which idolatry has subsisted, had its oracles, by means of which imposture practised on superstition and credulity. The principal oracles of antiquity are, that of Abæ, mentioned by Herodotus; that of Amphiaraus, at Oropus in Macedonia; that of the Branchidæ at Didymeum; that of the camps at Lacedæmon; that of Dodona; that of Jupiter Ammon; that of Nabarca in the country of the Anariaci, near the Caspian Sea; that of Trophonius, mentioned by Herodotus; that of Chrysopolis; that of Claros, in Ionia; that of Amphilochus at Mallos; that of Petarea; that of Pella in Macedonia; that of Phaselides in Cilicia; that of Sinope in Paphlagonia; that of Orpheus’s head at Lesbos, mentioned by Philostratus. But of all oracles, the oracle of Apollo Pythius at Delphi was the most celebrated; this was consulted in the dernier resort by most of the princes of those ages.
Among the pagans, the term oracle usually refers to an answer, often expressed in very vague and ambiguous language, supposedly given by ancient demons, either through their idols or through their priests, to people seeking guidance about the future. The term oracle can also refer to the demon providing the answer and the place where it was delivered. Seneca defines oracles as statements from the mouths of men that express the will of the gods, while Cicero simply refers to them as prayer to the gods, the speech of the gods. The pagans held oracles in high regard, consulting them on various occasions related to both national decisions and personal matters. Whenever they declared war or peace, enacted laws, reformed governments, or altered constitutions, they turned to the oracle through official means. Likewise, in personal life, if someone wanted to get married, go on a journey, or undertake any important business, they sought the oracle for advice. Humanity has always had a natural curiosity about the future, believing that their gods, who had the gift of prophecy, knew upcoming events. This led them to seek information and guidance from oracles, which they considered to be supernatural and divine messages. The practice of consulting oracles satisfied the widespread curiosity of people and became a significant source of wealth, power, and influence for those who controlled them. As a result, every nation that embraced idolatry had its own oracles, which often took advantage of superstition and gullibility. The main oracles from ancient times include those of Abæ, mentioned by Herodotus; Amphiaraus at Oropus in Macedonia; the Branchidæ at Didymeum; the camps at Lacedæmon; Dodona; Jupiter Ammon; Nabarca in the region of the Anariaci near the Caspian Sea; Trophonius, also mentioned by Herodotus; Chrysopolis; Claros in Ionia; Amphilochus at Mallos; Petarea; Pella in Macedonia; Phaselides in Cilicia; Sinope in Paphlagonia; and Orpheus’s head at Lesbos, noted by Philostratus. However, of all the oracles, the oracle of Apollo Pythius at Delphi was the most renowned; it was the last resort for many rulers during those times.
Most of the Pagan deities had their appropriate oracles. Apollo had the greatest number: such as those of Claros, of the Branchidæ, of the suburbs of Daphne at Antioch, of Delos, of Argos, of Troas, Æolis, &c, of Baiæ in Italy, and others in Cilicia, in Egypt, in the Alps, in Thrace, at Corinth, in Arcadia, in Laconia, and in many other places enumerated by Van Dale. Jupiter, beside that of Dodona and some others, the honour of which he shared with Apollo, had one in Bœotia under the name of Jupiter the Thunderer, and another in Elis, one at Thebes and at Meroe, one near Antioch, and several others. Æsculapius was consulted in Cilicia, at Apollonia, in the isle of Cos, at Epidaurus, Pergamos, Rome, and elsewhere. Mercury had oracles at Patras, upon Hæmon, and in other places; Mars, in Thrace, Egypt, and elsewhere; Hercules, at Cadiz, Athens, in Egypt, at Tivoli, in Mesopotamia, where he issued his oracles by dreams, whence he was called Somnialis. Isis, Osiris, and Serapis delivered in like manner their oracles by dreams, as we learn from Pausanias, Tacitus, Arrian, and other writers; that of Amphilochus was also delivered by dreams; the ox Apis had also his oracle in Egypt. The gods, called Cabiri, had their oracle in Bœotia. Diana, the sister of Apollo, had several oracles in Egypt, Cilicia, Ephesus, &c. Those of fortune at Præneste, and of the lots at Antium are well known. The fountains also delivered oracles, for to each of them a divinity was ascribed: such was the fountain of Castalia at Delphi, another of the same name in the suburbs of Antioch, and the prophetic fountain near the temple of Ceres in Achaia. Juno had several oracles: one near Corinth, one at Nysa, and others at different places. Latona had one at Butis in Egypt; Leucothea had one in Colchis; Memnon in Egypt; Machaon at Gerania in Laconia; Minerva had one in Egypt, in Spain, upon mount Ætna, at Mycenæ and Colchis, and in other places. Those of Neptune were at Delphos, at Calauria, near Neocesarea, and elsewhere. The nymphs had theirs in the cave of Corycia. Pan had several, the most famous of which was that in Arcadia. That of the Palici was in Sicily. Pluto had one at Nysa. Saturn had oracles in several places, but the most famous were those of Cumæ in Italy, and of Alexandria in Egypt. Those of Venus were dispersed in several places, at Gaza, upon Mount Libanus, at Paphos, in Cyprus, &c. Serapis had one at Alexandria, consulted by Vespasian. Venus Aphacite had one at Aphaca between Heliopolis and Byblus. Geryon, the three-headed monster slain by Hercules, had an oracle in Italy near Padua, consulted by Tiberius; that 720of Hercules was at Tivoli, and was given by lots, like those of Præneste and Antium. The demi-gods and heroes had likewise their oracles, such were those of Castor and Pollux at Lacedæmon, of Amphiaraus, of Mopsus in Cilicia, of Ulysses, Amphilochus, Sarpedon in Troas, Hermione in Macedonia, Pasiphäe in Laconia, Chalcas in Italy, Aristæus in Bœotia, Autolycus at Sinope, Phryxus among the Colchi, Zamolxis among the Getæ, Hephæstion the minion of Alexander, and Antinous, &c.
Most Pagan gods had their own oracles. Apollo had the most, including those at Claros, the Branchidae, the suburbs of Daphne at Antioch, Delos, Argos, Troas, Æolis, Baiæ in Italy, and others in Cilicia, Egypt, the Alps, Thrace, Corinth, Arcadia, Laconia, and many other places listed by Van Dale. Jupiter, in addition to Dodona and a few others he shared with Apollo, had one in Bœotia called Jupiter the Thunderer, another in Elis, one at Thebes and Meroe, one near Antioch, and several more. Æsculapius was consulted in Cilicia, at Apollonia, on the island of Cos, at Epidaurus, Pergamos, Rome, and elsewhere. Mercury had oracles at Patras, on Hæmon, and in other locations; Mars, in Thrace, Egypt, and elsewhere; Hercules, at Cadiz, Athens, in Egypt, Tivoli, in Mesopotamia, where he delivered oracles in dreams, earning the name Somnialis. Isis, Osiris, and Serapis also delivered their oracles in dreams, as noted by Pausanias, Tacitus, Arrian, and other writers; the oracle of Amphilochus was likewise given through dreams; the bull Apis had his oracle in Egypt. The gods called Cabiri had their oracle in Bœotia. Diana, Apollo's sister, had several oracles in Egypt, Cilicia, Ephesus, and so on. The oracles of fortune at Præneste and of the lots at Antium are well known. Fountains also delivered oracles, with each one attributed to a deity: like the fountain of Castalia at Delphi, another with the same name in the suburbs of Antioch, and the prophetic fountain near the temple of Ceres in Achaia. Juno had several oracles: one near Corinth, one at Nysa, and others in various places. Latona had one at Butis in Egypt; Leucothea had one in Colchis; Memnon in Egypt; Machaon at Gerania in Laconia; Minerva had one in Egypt, in Spain, on Mount Ætna, at Mycenæ and Colchis, and in other areas. Neptune's oracles were at Delphi, Calauria, near Neocesarea, and elsewhere. The nymphs had theirs in the cave of Corycia. Pan had several, with the most famous in Arcadia. The one of the Palici was in Sicily. Pluto had one at Nysa. Saturn had oracles in various places, but the most famous were those at Cumæ in Italy, and Alexandria in Egypt. Venus's oracles were scattered in different areas, at Gaza, on Mount Libanus, at Paphos, in Cyprus, and so on. Serapis had one at Alexandria, consulted by Vespasian. Venus Aphacite had one at Aphaca between Heliopolis and Byblus. Geryon, the three-headed monster killed by Hercules, had an oracle in Italy near Padua, consulted by Tiberius; Hercules’s oracle was at Tivoli and was delivered by lots, similar to those at Præneste and Antium. Demi-gods and heroes also had their oracles, such as those of Castor and Pollux at Lacedæmon, of Amphiaraus, of Mopsus in Cilicia, of Ulysses, Amphilochus, Sarpedon in Troas, Hermione in Macedonia, Pasiphäe in Laconia, Chalcas in Italy, Aristæus in Bœotia, Autolycus at Sinope, Phryxus among the Colchi, Zamolxis among the Getæ, Hephæstion, Alexander's favorite, and Antinous, and so on.
The responses of oracles were delivered in a variety of ways: at Delphi, they interpreted and put into verse what the priestess pronounced in the time of her furor. Mr. Bayle observes that at first this oracle gave its answers in verse; and that it fell at length to prose, upon the people’s beginning to laugh at the poorness of its versification. The Epicureans made this the subject of their jests, and said, in raillery, it was surprising enough, that Apollo, the god of poetry, should be a much worse poet than Homer, whom he himself had inspired. By the railleries of these philosophers, and particularly by those of the Cynics and Peripatetics, the priests were at length obliged to desist from the practice of versifying the responses of the Pythia, which, according to Plutarch, was one of the principal causes of the declension of the oracle of Delphos. At the oracle of Ammon, the priests pronounced the response of their god; at Dodona, the response was issued from the hollow of an oak; at the cave of Trophonius, the oracle was inferred from what the suppliant said before he recovered his senses; at Memphis, they drew a good or bad omen, according as the ox Apis received or rejected what was presented to him, which was also the case with the fishes of the fountain of Limyra. The suppliants, who consulted the oracles, were not allowed to enter the sanctuaries where they were given; and, accordingly, care was taken that neither the Epicureans nor Christians should come near them. In several places, the oracles were given by letters sealed up, as in that of Mopsus, and at Mallus in Cilicia. Oracles were frequently given by lot, the mode of doing which was as follows: the lots were a kind of dice, on which were engraven certain characters or words, whose explanations they were to seek on tables made for the purpose. The way of using these dice for knowing futurity, was different, according to the places where they were used. In some temples, the person threw them himself; in others, they were dropped from a box; whence came the proverbial expression, The lot is fallen.” This playing with dice was always preceded by sacrifices and other customary ceremonies. The ambiguity of the oracles in their responses, and their double meaning, contributed to their support.
The responses of oracles were given in different ways: at Delphi, they interpreted and put into verse what the priestess said during her prophetic state. Mr. Bayle notes that initially, this oracle responded in verse, but eventually switched to prose when people started laughing at the poor quality of its poetry. The Epicureans made jokes about this, playfully pointing out that it was quite surprising for Apollo, the god of poetry, to be a much worse poet than Homer, whom he had inspired. Due to these jokes from philosophers, especially the Cynics and Peripatetics, the priests eventually had to stop putting the Pythia's responses into verse, which Plutarch mentions as one of the main reasons for the decline of the Delphi oracle. At the oracle of Ammon, the priests delivered the god's response; at Dodona, it came from the hollow of an oak; at the cave of Trophonius, the oracle was based on what the seeker said before regaining consciousness; at Memphis, they determined good or bad omens based on whether the bull Apis accepted or rejected offerings, similar to the fish at the fountain of Limyra. Those who consulted the oracles were not allowed to enter the sacred spaces, ensuring that neither the Epicureans nor Christians could get too close. In some locations, oracles were given through sealed letters, like in Mopsus and at Mallus in Cilicia. Oracles were often determined by drawing lots, which were dice with specific characters or words engraved on them, and their meanings were sought on special tables. The method of using these dice to predict the future varied by location. In some temples, the seeker would throw them themselves; in others, they were released from a box, leading to the saying, "The lot has fallen." This dice casting always involved sacrifices and other traditional ceremonies beforehand. The ambiguous nature of the oracles and their double meanings helped maintain their appeal.
Ablancourt observes, that the study or research of the meaning of oracles was but a fruitless thing; and that they were never understood till after their accomplishment. Historians relate, that Crœsus was tricked by the ambiguity and equivocation of the oracle:
Ablancourt notes that studying the meaning of oracles was mostly pointless, as they were never understood until after they had come true. Historians say that Crœsus was deceived by the oracle's ambiguity and vague wording:
Thus rendered in Latin:
Thus translated into Latin:
Thus, if the Lydian monarch had conquered Cyrus, he overthrew the Assyrian empire; if he himself was routed, he overturned his own. That delivered to Pyrrhus, which is comprised in this Latin verse,
Thus, if the Lydian king had defeated Cyrus, he would have toppled the Assyrian empire; if he was defeated, he brought down his own. That was handed to Pyrrhus, which is captured in this Latin verse,
had the same advantage; for, according to the rules of syntax, either of the two accusatives may be governed by the verb, and the verse be explained, either by saying the Romans shall conquer the Æacidæ, of whom Pyrrhus was descended, or those shall conquer the Romans. When Alexander fell sick at Babylon, some of his courtiers who happened to be in Egypt, or who went thither on purpose, passed the night in the temple of Serapis, to inquire if it would not be proper to bring Alexander to be cured by him. The god answered, it was better that Alexander should remain where he was. This in all events was a very prudent and safe answer. If the king recovered his health, what glory must Serapis have gained by saving him the fatigue of the journey! If he died, it was but saying he died in a favourable juncture after so many conquests; which, had he lived, he could neither have enlarged nor preserved. This is actually the construction they put upon the response; whereas had Alexander undertaken the journey, and died in the temple, or by the way, nothing could have been said in favour of Serapis. When Trajan had formed the design of his expedition against the Parthians, he was advised to consult the oracle of Heliopolis, to which he had no more to do but send a note under a seal. That prince, who had no great faith in oracles, sent thither a blank note; and they returned him another of the same kind. By this Trajan was convinced of the divinity of the oracle. He sent back a second note to the god, in which he inquired whether he should return to Rome after finishing the war he had in view. The god, as Macrobius tells the story, ordered a vine, which was among the offerings of his temple, to be divided into pieces, and brought to Trajan. The event justified the oracle; for the emperor dying in that war, his bones were carried to Rome, which had been represented by that broken vine. As the priests of that oracle knew Trajan’s design, which was no secret, they happily devised that response, which, in all events, was capable of a favourable interpretation, whether he routed and cut the Parthians in pieces, or if his army met with the same fate. Sometimes the responses of the oracles were mere banter, as in the case of the man who wished to know by what means he might become rich, and who received for answer from the god, that he had only to make himself master of all that lay between Sicyon 721and Corinth. Another, wanting a cure for the gout, was answered by the oracle, that he was to drink nothing but cold water.
had the same advantage; because, according to the rules of grammar, either of the two accusatives can be governed by the verb, and the line can be interpreted as either the Romans will defeat the Æacidæ, from whom Pyrrhus descended, or they will conquer the Romans. When Alexander got sick in Babylon, some of his courtiers who were in Egypt, or who traveled there specifically, spent the night in the temple of Serapis to see if it would be wise to bring Alexander there for treatment. The god replied that it was better for Alexander to stay where he was. This was, in any case, a very wise and safe answer. If the king recovered, Serapis would have gained glory for sparing him the trouble of the journey! If he died, it just meant he died at a favorable moment after so many victories; victories he wouldn’t have been able to either expand or protect if he had lived. This is actually how they interpreted the response; on the other hand, if Alexander had made the journey and died in the temple or along the way, nothing could have been said to defend Serapis. When Trajan planned his campaign against the Parthians, he was advised to consult the oracle of Heliopolis, which only required him to send a note under seal. That prince, who didn’t have much faith in oracles, sent a blank note; they returned the same. This convinced Trajan of the oracle's divine nature. He sent back a second note asking whether he should return to Rome after finishing the planned war. The god, as Macrobius tells the story, commanded a vine in his temple offerings to be cut into pieces and given to Trajan. The outcome validated the oracle; the emperor died during that campaign, and his bones were taken to Rome, which was symbolized by that broken vine. The priests of that oracle knew Trajan’s plan, which was no secret, and they cleverly crafted a response that could be interpreted positively, whether he defeated the Parthians or if his army met the same fate. Sometimes the oracle's responses were just mocking, like in the case of a man who wanted to know how to get rich and was told by the god that he just needed to take control of everything between Sicyon 721 and Corinth. Another person, looking for a cure for gout, was told by the oracle that he should drink nothing but cold water.
There are two points in dispute on the subject of oracles; namely, whether they were human, or diabolical machines; and whether or not they ceased upon the publication or preaching of the Gospel. Most of the fathers of the church supposed that the devil issued oracles; and looked on it as a pleasure he took to give dubious and equivocal answers, in order to have a handle to laugh at them. Vossius allows that it was the devil who spoke in oracles; but thinks that the obscurity of his answers was owing to his ignorance as to the precise circumstances of events. That artful and studied obscurity in which the answers were couched, says he, showed the embarrassment the devil was under; as those double meanings they usually bore provided for their accomplishment. Where the thing foretold did not happen accordingly, the oracle, forsooth, was misunderstood. Eusebius has preserved some fragments of a philosopher, called Œnomaus; who, out of resentment for his having been so often fooled by the oracles, wrote an ample confutation of all their impertinencies: When we come to consult thee,” says he to Apollo, “if thou seest what is in futurity, why dost thou use expressions that will not be understood? Dost thou not know, that they will not be understood? If thou dost, thou takest pleasure in abusing us; if thou dost not, be informed of us, and learn to speak more clearly. I tell thee, that if thou intendest an equivoque, the Greek word whereby thou affirmedst that Crœsus should overthrow a great empire was ill chosen; and that it could signify nothing but Crœsus’s conquering Cyrus. If things must necessarily come to pass, why dost thou amuse us with thy ambiguities? What doest thou, wretch as thou art, at Delphi? employed in muttering idle prophecies!” But Œnomaus is still more out of humour with the oracle, for the answer which Apollo gave the Athenians, when Xerxes was about to attack Greece with all the strength of Asia. The Pythian declared, that Minerva, the protectress of Athens, had endeavoured in vain to appease the wrath of Jupiter; yet that Jupiter, in complaisance to his daughter, was willing the Athenians should save themselves within wooden walls; and that Salamis should behold the loss of a great many children, dear to their mothers, either when Ceres was spread abroad, or gathered together. Here Œnomaus loses all patience with the god of Delphi. This contest,” says he, “between father and daughter is very becoming the deities! It is excellent, that there should be contrary inclinations and interests in heaven. Poor wizard, thou art ignorant whose the children are that Salamis shall see perish; whether Greeks or Persians. It is certain they must be either one or the other; but thou needest not to have told so openly, that thou knewest not which. Thou concealest the time of the battle under those fine poetical expressions, ‘either when Ceres is spread abroad, or gathered together;’ and wouldest thou cajole us with such pompous language? Who knows not, that if there be a sea fight, it must either be in seed time or harvest? It is certain it cannot be in winter. Let things go how they will, thou wilt secure thyself by this Jupiter, whom Minerva is endeavouring to appease. If the Greeks lose the battle, Jupiter proved inexorable to the last; if they gain it, why then Minerva at length prevailed.”
There are two main debates about oracles: whether they were human or devilish machines, and whether they stopped functioning after the Gospel was published or preached. Most church fathers believed oracles came from the devil, viewing it as a source of amusement for him to deliver vague and ambiguous answers, giving him the chance to mock them. Vossius agrees that the devil spoke through oracles but thinks that the confusion in his answers stemmed from his lack of knowledge about specific events. He argues that the deliberate vagueness of the answers showed the devil's confusion, as the double meanings allowed for different outcomes. Whenever the prediction didn't turn out as expected, it was claimed that the oracle was misunderstood. Eusebius preserved some fragments from a philosopher named Œnomaus, who, frustrated by being misled by the oracles, wrote a thorough rebuttal of their nonsense. Addressing Apollo, he asks, “If you can see the future, why do you use terms that are unintelligible? Don't you realize they won’t be understood? If you do know, then you’re just enjoying deceiving us; if you don’t, learn to communicate more clearly. I say, if you mean to be ambiguous, your Greek term suggesting that Crœsus would overthrow a great empire was poorly chosen; it only meant Crœsus would defeat Cyrus. If events must happen as foretold, why do you entertain us with your uncertainties? What are you doing, poor wretch, at Delphi? mumbling useless prophecies?” But Œnomaus is even more irritated by the oracle's response to the Athenians when Xerxes was about to attack Greece with all of Asia's might. The Pythian proclaimed that Minerva, the protector of Athens, had tried in vain to calm Jupiter's anger; yet Jupiter, out of favor for his daughter, permitted the Athenians to save themselves within wooden walls, and that Salamis would witness many beloved children perish, either during planting or harvesting. Œnomaus lost all patience with the god of Delphi at this point. “This conflict between father and daughter is quite fitting for the gods! It’s wonderful that there are opposing desires and interests among the deities. Poor oracle, you don’t even know whose children Salamis will see perish; whether they’re Greeks or Persians. They must be one or the other, yet you openly reveal your ignorance. You hide the timing of the battle under those poetic phrases ‘either when Ceres is spread abroad, or gathered together’; and you really think you can fool us with such grand language? Who doesn’t know that if there’s a sea battle, it must occur during planting or harvest? It certainly can’t be in winter. Regardless of the outcome, you’ll ensure your safety with this Jupiter, whom Minerva is trying to appease. If the Greeks lose the battle, Jupiter remained unyielding until the end; if they win, then Minerva finally succeeded.”
It is a very general opinion among the more learned, that oracles were all mere cheats and impostures; either calculated to serve the avaricious ends of the Heathen priests, or the political views of the princes. Bayle says positively, they were mere human artificers, in which the devil had no hand. He was strongly supported by Van Dale and Fontenelle, who have written expressly on the subject. Father Balthus, a Jesuit, wrote a treatise in defence of the fathers with regard to the origin of oracles; but without denying the imposture of the priests, often blended with the oracles. He maintains the intervention of the devil in some predictions, which could not be ascribed to the cheats of the priests alone. The Abbé Banier espouses the same side of the question, and objects that oracles would not have lasted so long, and supported themselves with so much splendour and reputation, if they had been merely owing to the forgeries of the priests. Bishop Sherlock, in his Discourses concerning the Use and Intent of Prophecy,” expresses his opinion, that it is impious to disbelieve the Heathen oracles, and to deny them to have been given out by the devil; to which assertion, Dr. Middleton, in his Examination,” &c, replies, that he is guilty of this impiety, and that he thinks himself warranted to pronounce from the authority of the best and wisest of the Heathens themselves, and the evidence of plain facts, which are recorded of those oracles, as well as from the nature of the thing itself, that they were all mere imposture, wholly invented and supported by human craft, without any supernatural aid or interposition whatsoever. He alleges, that Cicero, speaking of the Delphic oracle, the most revered of any in the Heathen world, declares, that nothing was become more contemptible, not only in his days, but long before him; that Demosthenes, who lived about three hundred years earlier, affirmed of the same oracle, in a public speech to the people of Athens, that it was gained to the interests of King Philip, an enemy to that city; that the Greek historians tell us, how, on several other occasions, it had been corrupted by money, to serve the views of particular persons and parties, and the prophetess sometimes had been deposed for bribery and lewdness; that there were some great sects of philosophers, who, on principle, disavowed the authority of all oracles; agreeably to all which Strabo tells us, that divination in general and oracles had been in high credit among the ancients, but in his days were treated with much contempt; lastly, that Eusebius also, the great historian of the primitive church, declares, that there were six hundred writers among the Heathens themselves who had publicly 722written against the reality of them. Plutarch has a treatise on the ceasing of some oracles; and Van Dale, a Dutch physician, has a volume to prove they did not cease at the coming of Christ; but that many of them ceased long before, and that others held till the fall of Paganism, under the empire of Theodosius the Great, when Paganism being dissipated, these institutions could no longer subsist. Van Dale was answered by a German, one Mœbius, professor of theology at Leipsic, in 1685. Fontenelle espoused Van Dale’s system, and improved upon it in his History of Oracles;” and showed the weakness of the argument used by many writers in behalf of Christianity, drawn from the ceasing of oracles. Cicero says, the oracles became dumb in proportion as people, growing less credulous, began to suspect them for cheats. Plutarch alleges two reasons for the ceasing of oracles: the one was Apollo’s chagrin; who, it seems, took it in dudgeon to be interrogated about so many trifles. The other was, that in proportion as the genii, or demons, who had the management of the oracles, died, and became extinct, the oracles must necessarily cease. He adds a third and more natural cause for the ceasing of oracles; namely, the forlorn state of Greece, ruined and desolated by wars; for, hence, the smallness of the gains let the priests sink into a poverty and contempt too bare to cover the fraud. That the oracles were silenced about or soon after the time of our Saviour’s advent, may be proved, says Dr. Leland, in the first volume of his learned work on The Necessity and Advantage of Revelation,” &c, from express testimonies, not only of Christian but of Heathen authors. Lucan, who wrote his Pharsalia” in the reign of Nero, scarcely thirty years after our Lord’s crucifixion, laments it as one of the greatest misfortunes of that age, that the Delphian oracle, which he represents as one of the choicest gifts of the gods, was become silent.
It is a widely held view among the more educated that oracles were nothing but tricks and frauds, either designed to serve the greedy interests of pagan priests or the political aims of rulers. Bayle states outright that they were simply human fabrications, with no involvement from the devil. He is strongly backed by Van Dale and Fontenelle, who have both written specifically on the topic. Father Balthus, a Jesuit, authored a piece defending the origins of oracles concerning the fathers; however, he doesn’t deny the deception of the priests that often mixed with the oracles. He argues that the devil played a role in some predictions that couldn’t be attributed solely to the priests' trickery. The Abbé Banier supports this view, arguing that oracles wouldn’t have lasted as long or maintained their prestige and reputation if they were just the result of the priests' forgeries. Bishop Sherlock, in his “Discourses concerning the Use and Intent of Prophecy,” expresses the belief that it is wrong to disbelieve the pagan oracles and assert they weren’t divinely inspired; to which Dr. Middleton responds in his “Examination,” claiming he does consider this wrong and believes he’s justified in asserting, based on the insights of the greatest and wisest of the pagans and the evidence of documented facts about those oracles, that they were all just fabrications, entirely contrived and sustained by human ingenuity, without any supernatural intervention whatsoever. He cites Cicero, who remarked that the Delphic oracle, the most respected in the pagan world, had become increasingly contemptible, not only in his time but long before. Demosthenes, who lived about three hundred years earlier, claimed in a public address to the people of Athens that it had become aligned with the interests of King Philip, an adversary of the city. Greek historians noted that, on several occasions, it had been corrupted by money to benefit specific individuals and groups, and the oracle’s priestess had sometimes been removed for bribery and misconduct. There were significant groups of philosophers who outright rejected the authority of all oracles. In line with this, Strabo informs us that while divination and oracles had once been highly esteemed among the ancients, they were regarded with disdain in his time. Lastly, Eusebius, the great historian of the early church, stated that there were six hundred authors among the pagans who had publicly written against the validity of oracles. Plutarch wrote a treatise on the decline of certain oracles, and Van Dale, a Dutch physician, published a book to argue that they did not end with the arrival of Christ; rather, many had ceased long before, while others continued until the collapse of paganism during the reign of Theodosius the Great, when once paganism was dismantled, these institutions could no longer survive. Van Dale’s perspective was countered by a German named Mœbius, a theology professor at Leipzig, in 1685. Fontenelle adopted and expanded upon Van Dale’s ideas in his “History of Oracles,” demonstrating the flaws in the arguments presented by many authors in support of Christianity, which stemmed from the cessation of oracles. Cicero noted that oracles became silent as people grew more skeptical and started to suspect they were fraudulent. Plutarch provided two reasons for the decline of oracles: one was Apollo's annoyance at being questioned about trivial matters. The other was that as the spirits or demons managing the oracles died off, the oracles had to cease as well. He added a third, more practical reason for the end of oracles: the dire condition of Greece, devastated by wars; thus, the meager income led the priests to fall into poverty and disgrace that exposed their deceptions. Dr. Leland argues in the first volume of his scholarly work “The Necessity and Advantage of Revelation” that the silencing of oracles around the time of our Savior's arrival can be supported by clear testimonies from both Christian and pagan authors. Lucan, who composed his “Pharsalia” during Nero's reign, barely thirty years after Christ’s crucifixion, mourned it as one of the greatest tragedies of that era that the Delphian oracle, which he portrayed as one of the finest gifts from the gods, had gone silent.
In like manner, Juvenal says,
Similarly, Juvenal says,
Lucian says, that when he was at Delphi, the oracle gave no answer, nor was the priestess inspired. This likewise appears from Plutarch’s treatise, why the oracles cease to give answers, already cited; whence it is also manifest, that the most learned Heathens were very much at a loss how to give a tolerable account of it. Porphyry, in a passage cited from him by Eusebius, says, The city of Rome was overrun with sickness, Æsculapius and the rest of the gods having withdrawn their converse with men; because since Jesus began to be worshipped, no man had received any public help or benefit from the gods.” With respect to the origin of oracles, they were probably imitations, first, of the answers given to the holy patriarchs from the divine presence or Shechinah, and secondly, of the responses to the Jewish high priest from the mercy seat: for all Paganism is a parody of the true religion.
Lucian mentions that when he was at Delphi, the oracle provided no answers, and the priestess wasn't inspired. This is also shown in Plutarch’s essay on why the oracles stopped giving responses, which has already been referenced; it's clear that the most learned pagans were quite confused about how to explain it. Porphyry, in a passage quoted by Eusebius, states that the city of Rome was plagued by illness because Æsculapius and the other gods had cut off their communication with people; since Jesus started being worshipped, no one had received any public assistance or benefit from the gods. Regarding the origin of oracles, they were likely imitations, first of the answers given to the holy patriarchs from the divine presence or Shechinah, and secondly, of the responses to the Jewish high priest from the mercy seat: because all Paganism is a parody of the true religion.
ORDINATION, the act of conferring holy orders, or of initiating a person into the ministry of the Gospel, by prayer and with or without the laying on of hands. In the church of England, ordination has always been esteemed the principal prerogative of bishops; and bishops still retain the function as a mark of their spiritual sovereignty in their diocess. Without ordination no person can receive any benefice, parsonage, vicarage, &c. A person must be twenty-three years of age, or near it, before he can be ordained deacon, or have any share in the ministry; and full twenty-four before he can be ordained priest, and by that means be permitted to administer the holy communion. A bishop, on the ordination of clergymen, is to examine them in the presence of the ministers, who in the ordination of priests, but not of deacons, assist him at the imposition of hands; but this is only done as a mark of assent, not because it is thought necessary. In case any crime, as drunkenness, perjury, forgery, &c, is alleged against any one that is to be ordained, either priest or deacon, the bishop ought to desist from ordaining him. The person to be ordained is to bring a testimonial of his life and doctrine to the bishop, and to give an account of his faith in Latin; and both priests and deacons are obliged to subscribe to the thirty-nine articles. In the ancient discipline there was no such thing as a vague and absolute ordination; but every one was to have a church, whereof he was to be ordained clerk or priest. In the twelfth century the bishops grew more remiss, and ordained without any title or benefice. The council of Trent, however, restored the ancient discipline, and appointed that none should be ordained but those who were provided with a benefice; which practice still obtains in the church of England.
ORDINATION is the act of granting holy orders or initiating someone into the ministry of the Gospel through prayer, with or without the laying on of hands. In the Church of England, ordination has always been regarded as the main privilege of bishops, who still hold this role as a symbol of their spiritual authority in their dioceses. Without ordination, no one can receive any benefice, parsonage, vicarage, etc. A person must be at least twenty-three years old or close to it before they can be ordained as a deacon or participate in the ministry, and at least twenty-four before they can be ordained as a priest, which allows them to administer holy communion. When ordaining clergymen, a bishop is to examine them in front of the ministers, who assist him during the ordination of priests, but not deacons, when he lays on hands. This assistance is just a sign of agreement, not something considered necessary. If any crime, such as drunkenness, perjury, forgery, etc., is alleged against someone set to be ordained, whether as a priest or deacon, the bishop should refrain from ordaining them. The candidate for ordination must present evidence of their life and teachings to the bishop and explain their faith in Latin; both priests and deacons must agree to the thirty-nine articles. In ancient times, there was no such thing as a vague or absolute ordination; instead, everyone was required to have a church for which they were being ordained as clerk or priest. However, in the twelfth century, bishops became more lenient and ordained individuals without any title or benefice. The Council of Trent, however, reinstated the old practice, stating that only those with a benefice should be ordained, a rule that still applies in the Church of England.
The reformed held the call of the people the only thing essential to the validity of the ministry; and teach, that ordination is only a ceremony, which renders the call more august and authentic. Accordingly the Protestant churches of Scotland, France, Holland, Switzerland, Germany, Poland, Hungary, Denmark, &c, have no episcopal ordination. For Luther, Calvin, Bucer, Melancthon, &c, and all the first reformers and founders of these churches, who ordained ministers among them, were themselves presbyters, and no other. And though in some of these churches there are ministers called superintendents, or bishops, yet these are only primi inter pares, the first among equals; not pretending to any superiority of orders. Having themselves no other orders than what either presbyters gave them, or what was given them as presbyters, they can convey no other to those they ordain. 723On this ground the Protestant Dissenters plead that their ordination, though not episcopal, is the same with that of all the illustrious Protestant churches abroad; and object, that a priest ordained by a popish bishop should be received into the church of England as a valid minister, rightfully ordained; while the orders of another, ordained by the most learned religious presbyter, which any foreign country can boast, are pronounced not valid, and he is required to submit to be ordained afresh. In opposition to episcopal ordination, they urge that Timothy was ordained by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery, 1 Tim. iv, 14; that Paul and Barnabas were ordained by certain prophets and teachers in the church of Antioch, and not by any bishop presiding in that city, Acts xiii, 1–3; and that it is a well known fact, that presbyters in the church of Alexandria ordained even their own bishops for more than two hundred years in the earliest ages of Christianity. They farther argue, that bishops and presbyters are in Scripture the same, and not denominations of distinct orders or offices in the church, referring to Phil. i, 1; Titus i, 5, 7; Acts xx, 27, 28; 1 Peter v, 1, 2. To the same purpose they maintain, that the superiority of bishops to presbyters is not pretended to be of divine, but of human, institution; not grounded on Scripture, but only upon the custom or ordinances of this realm, by the first reformers and founders of the church of England; nor by many of its most learned and eminent doctors since. See Stillingfleet’s Irenicum, in which the learned author affirms and shows this to be the sentiment of Cranmer, and other chief reformers both in Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth’s reign, of Archbishop Whitgift, Bishop Bridges, Lee, Hooker, Sutcliff, Hales, Chillingworth, &c. Moreover, the book entitled, the Institution of a Christian Man,” subscribed by the clergy in convocation, and confirmed by parliament, owns bishops and presbyters by Scripture to be the same. Beside, the Protestant Dissenters allege, that if episcopal ordination be really necessary to constitute a valid minister, it does not seem to be enjoined by the constitution of the church of England; because the power of ordination which the bishops exercise in this kingdom, is derived entirely and only from the civil magistrate; and he authoritatively prescribes how, and to whom ordination is to be given: that if an ordination should be conducted in other manner and form than that prescribed by him, such ordination would be illegal, and of no authority in the church. Accordingly the bishop at the ordination of the candidate asks, Are you called according to the will of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the due order of this realm?” The constitution and law of England seem to know nothing of uninterrupted lineal descent, but considers the king vested, by act of parliament, or the suffrage of the people, with a fulness of all power ecclesiastical in these realms, as empowering and authorizing bishops to ordain: and this power of ordination was once delegated to Cromwell, a layman, as vicegerent to the king. They farther think it strange, that the validity of orders and ministrations should be derived, as some have contended, from a succession of popish bishops; bishops of a church, which, by the definition of the nineteenth article of the church, can be no part of the true visible church of Christ, and bishops, likewise, who consider the Protestant clergy, although ordained by Protestant bishops, as mere common unconsecrated laymen.
The reformers believed that the call from the people was the only thing that mattered for the validity of the ministry; they taught that ordination is merely a ceremony that makes the call more significant and legitimate. As a result, the Protestant churches in Scotland, France, Holland, Switzerland, Germany, Poland, Hungary, Denmark, etc., do not have episcopal ordination. Luther, Calvin, Bucer, Melancthon, and all the early reformers and founders of these churches who ordained ministers among them were themselves presbyters and nothing more. Although some of these churches have ministers called superintendents or bishops, they are only first among equals, first among equals; they do not claim any superiority in their orders. Since they have no other orders than what presbyters gave them or what they received as presbyters, they cannot confer anything else to those they ordain. 723For this reason, the Protestant Dissenters argue that their ordination, even if not episcopal, is on par with that of all the esteemed Protestant churches abroad. They point out that a priest ordained by a Catholic bishop is accepted into the Church of England as a valid minister, while someone ordained by the most learned religious presbyter in any foreign country is deemed not valid and must be re-ordained. They oppose episcopal ordination by citing that Timothy was ordained through the laying on of hands by the presbytery (1 Tim. iv, 14); that Paul and Barnabas were ordained by certain prophets and teachers in the church of Antioch, not by any bishop presiding in that city (Acts xiii, 1–3); and that it is a well-known fact that presbyters in the church of Alexandria ordained their own bishops for over two hundred years in the earliest days of Christianity. They further argue that bishops and presbyters are considered the same in Scripture and not distinct orders or offices in the church, referring to Phil. i, 1; Titus i, 5, 7; Acts xx, 27, 28; 1 Peter v, 1, 2. In the same vein, they contend that the supposed superiority of bishops over presbyters is not claimed to be divine but rather a human institution; it is not based on Scripture, but solely on the customs or ordinances of this realm as set forth by the first reformers and founders of the Church of England, as well as by many of its most knowledgeable and respected doctors since. See Stillingfleet’s Irenicum, in which the author affirms and demonstrates this to be the view of Cranmer and other leading reformers during both Edward VI and Queen Elizabeth’s reign, including Archbishop Whitgift, Bishop Bridges, Lee, Hooker, Sutcliff, Hales, Chillingworth, etc. Moreover, the book titled "The Institution of a Christian Man," which was endorsed by the clergy in convocation and confirmed by parliament, asserts that bishops and presbyters, according to Scripture, are the same. Additionally, the Protestant Dissenters claim that if episcopal ordination is truly essential for a valid minister, it doesn’t appear to be mandated by the constitution of the Church of England; because the power of ordination that the bishops exercise in this country is entirely derived from the civil magistrate, who authoritatively dictates how and to whom ordination should be given: if an ordination is performed in a way that does not follow his prescribed method, such ordination would be considered illegal and have no authority in the church. Consequently, at the ordination of the candidate, the bishop asks, “Are you called according to the will of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the proper order of this realm?" The constitution and laws of England seem to disregard any notion of an unbroken line of succession, viewing the king as empowered, through an act of parliament or the will of the people, with full ecclesiastical authority in these realms, thus authorizing bishops to ordain; this power of ordination was once granted to Cromwell, a layman, acting as the king's deputy. They also find it perplexing that the validity of orders and ministrations should be said, as some have argued, to come from a succession of Catholic bishops; bishops from a church that, according to the definition in the nineteenth article of the church, cannot be part of the true visible church of Christ, and bishops who regard the Protestant clergy, even if ordained by Protestant bishops, as mere regular unordained laymen.
On reviewing the whole of this controversy, says Dr. Watts, that since there are some texts in the New Testament, wherein single persons, either Apostles, as Paul and Barnabas, ordained ministers in the churches, or evangelists, as Timothy and Titus; and since other missions or ordinations are intimated to be performed by several persons, namely, prophets, teachers, elders, or a presbytery, Acts xiii, 1; 1 Timothy iv, 14; since there is sometimes mention made of the imposition of hands in the mission of a minister, and sometimes no mention is made of it; and since it is evident that in some cases popular ordinations are and must be valid without any bishop or elder,--I think none of these differences should be made a matter of violent contest among Christians; nor ought any words to be pronounced against each other by those of the episcopal, presbyterian, or independent way. Surely all may agree thus far, that various forms or modes, seeming to be used in the mission or ordination of ministers in primitive times, may give a reasonable occasion or colour for sincere and honest searchers after truth to follow different opinions on this head, and do therefore demand our candid and charitable sentiments concerning those who differ from us. Among the Wesleyan Methodists, the ordination of their ministers is in the annual conference, with a president at its head, and is by prayer without imposition of hands. The latter they hold to be a circumstance of ordination, not an essential. They sometimes therefore use it, and at others omit it. The missionaries sent out by that body, if not previously ordained by the conference, are set apart by a few senior ministers; and ordinarily in this case, the service of the church of England, with some alterations, is used, with imposition of the hands of the ministers present.
On reviewing the entire controversy, Dr. Watts says that since there are some texts in the New Testament where individual people, like Apostles Paul and Barnabas, ordained ministers in the churches, or evangelists like Timothy and Titus; and since other missions or ordinations are indicated to be performed by multiple individuals, specifically prophets, teachers, elders, or a presbytery (Acts xiii, 1; 1 Timothy iv, 14); and since there are times when the laying on of hands is mentioned in a minister's ordination, and other times when it isn’t; and since it is clear that in some instances, popular ordinations can be valid without any bishop or elder— I believe none of these differences should lead to heated disputes among Christians; nor should any harsh words be exchanged among those who follow episcopal, presbyterian, or independent traditions. Surely everyone can agree that the various forms or methods that seem to have been used in the ordination of ministers in early times provide a reasonable basis for sincere seekers of truth to hold different opinions on this matter and therefore require our understanding and kindness towards those who disagree with us. Among the Wesleyan Methodists, the ordination of their ministers happens at the annual conference, led by a president, and involves prayer without laying on of hands. They consider the latter to be a matter of circumstance rather than an essential part of ordination. Therefore, they sometimes include it and sometimes leave it out. The missionaries sent out by them, if not previously ordained by the conference, are set apart by a few senior ministers; usually, in this case, the service of the Church of England is used, with some changes, and the laying on of hands by the present ministers.
OSSIFRAGE, פרס, Lev. xi, 13; Deut. xiv, 12. Interpreters are not agreed on this bird; some read vulture,” others the black eagle,” others the falcon.” The name peres, by which it is called in Hebrew, denotes to crush, to break;” and this name agrees with our version, which implies the bone-breaker,” which name is given to a kind of eagle, from the circumstance of its habit of breaking the bones of its prey, after it has eaten the flesh: some say also, that he even swallows the bones thus broken. Onkelos uses a word which signifies naked,” and leads us to the vulture: indeed, if we were to take the classes of birds in any thing like a natural order in the passages here referred to, the vulture should follow the eagle as an unclean bird. The Septuagint interpreter also renders vulture; and 724so do Munster, Schindler, and the Zurick versions.
OSSIFRAGE, Prize, Lev. xi, 13; Deut. xiv, 12. Scholars don’t agree on this bird; some say “vulture,” others “black eagle,” and others “falcon.” The name peres, which it’s called in Hebrew, means “to crush” or “to break,” and this matches our version, which suggests “bone-breaker,” a name given to a type of eagle because it breaks the bones of its prey after eating the flesh. Some even claim it swallows the broken bones. Onkelos uses a term meaning “naked,” which points us towards the vulture. In fact, if we were to classify these birds in a natural order based on the passages mentioned, the vulture would come after the eagle as an unclean bird. The Septuagint translator also uses the term vulture, and so do Munster, Schindler, and the Zurick versions. 724
OSTRICH, יענה; in Arabic neamah; in Greek ϛρȣθοκάμηλος, the camel bird; and still in the east, says Niebuhr, it is called thar edsjammel, the camel bird,” Lev. xi, 16; Deut. xiv, 15; Job xxx, 29; Isaiah xiii, 21; xxxiv, 13; xliii, 20; Jer. 1, 39; Lam. iv, 3; Micah i, 8; רננים, Job xxxix, 13. The first name in the places above quoted is, by our own translators, generally rendered owls.” “Now it should be recollected,” says the author of Scripture Illustrated,” “that the owl is not a desert bird, but rather resides in places not far from habitations, and that it is not the companion of serpents; whereas, in several of these passages, the joneh is associated with deserts, dry, extensive, thirsty deserts, and with serpents, which are their natural inhabitants. Our ignorance of the natural history of the countries which the ostrich inhabits has undoubtedly perverted the import of the above passages; but let any one peruse them afresh, and exchange the owl for the ostrich, and he will immediately discover a vigour of description, and an imagery much beyond what he had formerly perceived.” The Hebrew phrase בת היענה, means the daughter בת היענה of vociferation,” and is understood to be the female ostrich, probably so called from the noise which this bird makes. It is affirmed by travellers of good credit, that ostriches make a fearful, screeching, lamentable noise.
OSTRICH, יענה; in Arabic neamah; in Greek ϛρȣθοκάμηλος, the camel bird; and still in the east, as Niebuhr mentions, it is called thar edsjammel, the camel bird,” Lev. xi, 16; Deut. xiv, 15; Job xxx, 29; Isaiah xiii, 21; xxxiv, 13; xliii, 20; Jer. 1, 39; Lam. iv, 3; Micah i, 8; Rennin, Job xxxix, 13. The first name in the passages referenced above is generally translated by our own translators as “owls.” “Now it should be noted,” says the author of Scripture Illustrated, “that the owl is not a desert bird, but instead lives near human settlements, and that it does not associate with serpents; whereas, in several of these passages, the joneh is connected with deserts—dry, vast, thirsty deserts—and with serpents, which are their natural residents. Our lack of knowledge about the natural history of the regions where the ostrich lives has likely distorted the meaning of the passages above; however, if anyone reads them again and substitutes the owl for the ostrich, they will quickly recognize a richness in the description and imagery that they didn’t notice before.” The Hebrew phrase Ostrich girl means the daughter of vociferation and is understood to refer to the female ostrich, probably named for the noise this bird makes. Travelers with good credibility assert that ostriches make a horrifying, screeching, sorrowful sound.
Ostriches are inhabitants of the deserts of Arabia, where they live chiefly upon vegetables; lead a social and inoffensive life, the male assorting with the female with connubial fidelity. Their eggs are very large, some of them measuring above five inches in diameter, and weighing twelve or fifteen pounds. These birds are very prolific, laying forty or fifty eggs at a clutch. They will devour leather, grass, hair, stones, metals, or any thing that is given to them; but those substances which the coats of the stomach cannot act upon pass whole. It is so unclean an animal as to eat its own ordure as soon as it voids it. This is a sufficient reason, were others wanting, why such a fowl should be reputed unclean, and its use as an article of diet prohibited. The ostrich,” says M. Buffon, was known in the remotest ages, and mentioned in the most ancient books. How indeed could an animal so remarkably large, and so wonderfully prolific, and peculiarly suited to the climate as is the ostrich, remain unknown in Africa, and part of Asia, countries peopled from the earliest ages, full of deserts indeed, but where there is not a spot which has not been traversed by the foot of man? The family of the ostrich, therefore, is of great antiquity. Nor in the course of ages has it varied or degenerated from its native purity. It has always remained on its paternal estate; and its lustre has been transmitted unsullied by foreign intercourse. In short, it is among the birds what the elephant is among the quadrupeds, a distinct race, widely separated from all the others by characters as striking as they are invariable.” “On the least noise,” says Dr. Shaw, “or trivial occasion, she forsakes her eggs, or her young ones; to which perhaps she never returns; or if she does, it may be too late either to restore life to the one, or to preserve the lives of the others. Agreeably to this account the Arabs meet sometimes with whole nests of these eggs undisturbed: some of them are sweet and good, others are addle and corrupted; others again have their young ones of different growth, according to the time, it may be presumed, they have been forsaken of the dam. The Arabs often meet with a few of the little ones no bigger than well grown pullets, half starved, straggling and moaning about like so many distressed orphans for their mother. In this manner the ostrich may be said to be hardened against her young ones as though they were not hers; her labour, in hatching and attending them so far, being vain, without fear, or the least concern of what becomes of them afterward. This want of affection is also recorded, Lam. iv, 3, ‘the daughter of my people is become cruel, like ostriches in the wilderness;’ that is, by apparently deserting their own, and receiving others in return.” Natural affection and sagacious instinct are the grand instruments by which providence continues the race of other animals: but no limits can be set to the wisdom and power of God. He preserveth the breed of the ostrich without those means, and even in a penury of all the necessaries of life. Notwithstanding the stupidity of this animal, its Creator hath amply provided for its safety, by endowing it with extraordinary swiftness, and a surprising apparatus for escaping from its enemy. They, when they raise themselves up for flight, laugh at the horse and his rider.” They afford him an opportunity only of admiring at a distance the extraordinary agility and the stateliness likewise of their motions, the richness of their plumage, and the great propriety there was in ascribing to them an expanded quivering wing. Nothing certainly can be more entertaining than such a sight, the wings, by their rapid but unwearied vibrations, equally serving them for sails and oars; while their feet, no less assisting in conveying them out of sight, seem to be insensible of fatigue.
Ostriches are found in the deserts of Arabia, where they mostly eat plants; they lead a social and harmless life, with males being faithful to females. Their eggs are quite large, some measuring over five inches in diameter and weighing twelve to fifteen pounds. These birds are very prolific, laying forty or fifty eggs at a time. They will eat leather, grass, hair, stones, metals, or anything given to them; however, items that their stomachs can't digest come out whole. They are so unclean that they eat their own waste right after excreting it. This is a good enough reason, if there were no other, for considering such a bird unclean, making its consumption prohibited. “The ostrich,” says M. Buffon, “was known from ancient times and mentioned in the oldest books. How could an animal so notably large, so incredibly prolific, and so well-suited to its environment remain unknown in Africa and parts of Asia, regions populated since the earliest ages, full of deserts, but that no spot has escaped being walked on by humans? Therefore, the ostrich family is quite ancient. Over time, it has not changed or degenerated from its original form. It has always remained in its native territory, and its brilliance has been passed down unchanged by outside influences. In essence, it stands among birds like the elephant does among quadrupeds, a distinct species clearly separated from all others by remarkable and constant features.” “At the slightest noise,” says Dr. Shaw, “or for trivial reasons, she leaves her eggs or young ones; she may never return, or if she does, it could be too late to revive the one or save the others. According to this, the Arabs sometimes find entire nests of these eggs untouched: some are sweet and good, while others are rotten or corrupt; and some have chicks at different stages of growth, presumably based on how long they’ve been abandoned. The Arabs often find a few chicks no bigger than well-grown pullets, half-starved, wandering and crying like distressed orphans looking for their mother. In this way, the ostrich seems indifferent to her chicks as if they aren’t hers; her effort in hatching and caring for them up to that point is wasted, without any fear or concern for what happens to them afterward. This lack of affection is also noted in Lam. iv, 3, ‘the daughter of my people is become cruel, like ostriches in the wilderness,’ meaning by seemingly deserting their own and taking others in exchange.” Natural affection and keen instinct are the main ways Providence sustains the species of other animals; however, no boundaries can be set to God's wisdom and power. He preserves the ostrich's breed without those means, even when deprived of life's essentials. Despite this animal’s dullness, its Creator has ensured its safety by granting it exceptional speed and impressive means to escape its enemies. When ostriches take flight, they mock the horse and its rider.” They give only the horseman a chance to admire from afar their remarkable agility and grace, the beauty of their feathers, and the appropriateness of describing their wings as wide and quivering. Nothing is surely more entertaining than such a display, with their wings, through rapid and tireless movements, serving as both sails and oars; while their feet, equally helping them disappear from view, seem completely unbothered by fatigue.
OWL. There are several varieties of this species, all too well known to need a particular description. They are nocturnal birds of prey, and have their eyes better adapted for discerning objects in the evening or twilight than in the glare of day. 1. כוס, Lev. xi, 17; Deut. xiv, 16; Psalm cii, 6, is in our version rendered the little owl.” Aquila, Theodotion, Jerom, Kimchi, and most of the older interpreters, are quoted to justify this rendering. Michaëlis, at some length, supports the opinion that it is the horned owl. Bochart, though with some hesitation, suspected it to be the onocrotalus, a kind of pelican, because the Hebrew name signifies cup, and the pelican is remarkable for a pouch or bag under the lower jaw; but there are good reasons for supposing that bird to be the קאת of the next verse. Dr. Geddes thinks this bird the cormorant; and as it begins the list of water fowl, and is mentioned always in 725the same contexts with קאת, confessedly a water bird, his opinion may be adopted. 2. קאת, Lev. xi, 17; Deut. xiv, 16; Isaiah xxxiv, 11. In the two first places our translators render this the great owl,” which is strangely placed after the little owl, and among water birds. Our translators,” says the author of Scripture Illustrated,” “seem to have thought the owl a convenient bird, as we have three owls in two verses.” Some critics think it means a species of night bird, because the word may be derived from נשף, which signifies the twilight, the time when owls fly about. But this interpretation, says Parkhurst, seems very forced; and since it is mentioned among water fowls, and the LXX. have, in the first and last of those texts, rendered it by ἴβις, the ibis, we are disposed to adopt it here, and think the evidence strengthened by this, that in a Coptic version of Lev. xi, 17, it is called ip or hip, which, with a Greek termination, would very easily make ιβις. 3. קפון, which occurs only in Isaiah xxxiv, 15, is in our version rendered the great owl.” 4. לילית, Isa. xxxiv, 14, in our version the screech owl.” The root signifies night; and as undoubtedly a bird frequenting dark places and ruins is referred to, we must admit some kind of owl.
OWL. There are several types of this species, which are so familiar that they don’t need a specific description. They are nocturnal birds of prey, with eyes that are better suited for seeing in the evening or twilight than in bright daylight. 1. כוס, Lev. xi, 17; Deut. xiv, 16; Psalm cii, 6, is translated in our version as “the little owl.” Aquila, Theodotion, Jerome, Kimchi, and many older interpreters are cited to support this translation. Michaëlis, in detail, argues that it refers to the horned owl. Bochart, though somewhat unsure, suspected it might be the onocrotalus, a type of pelican, because the Hebrew name means cup, and pelicans are known for the pouch or bag under their lower jaw; however, there are solid reasons to think that bird is the קאת in the next verse. Dr. Geddes believes this bird is the cormorant; since it starts the list of waterfowl and is always mentioned in contexts with קאת, admittedly a water bird, his view can be accepted. 2. קאת, Lev. xi, 17; Deut. xiv, 16; Isaiah xxxiv, 11. In the first two instances, our translators call it “the great owl,” which is oddly placed after the little owl and among water birds. Our translators,” says the author of Scripture Illustrated,” “seem to have thought the owl was a useful bird, as there are three owls mentioned in two verses.” Some critics believe it refers to a type of night bird, as the word may come from פארטי, which means twilight, the time when owls are active. But Parkhurst argues that this interpretation is quite forced, and since it appears among waterfowl, and the LXX has translated it as ἴβις, the ibis, in the first and last of those texts, we lean towards that interpretation, especially since a Coptic version of Lev. xi, 17 calls it ip or hip, which could easily become ιβις with a Greek ending. 3. קפון, which appears only in Isaiah xxxiv, 15, is rendered in our version as “the great owl.” 4. Lilith, Isa. xxxiv, 14, is translated in our version as “the screech owl.” The root means night; and since it undoubtedly refers to a bird that inhabits dark places and ruins, we must acknowledge it as some type of owl.
OX, בקר, in Arabic bœkerre and bykar, the male of horned cattle of the beeve kind, at full age, when fit for the plough. Younger ones are called bullocks. Michaëlis, in his elaborate work on the laws of Moses, has proved that castration was never practised. The rural economy of the Israelites led them to value the ox as by far the most important of domestic animals, from the consideration of his great use in all the operations of farming. In the patriarchal ages, the ox constituted no inconsiderable portion of their wealth. Thus Abraham is said to be very rich in cattle, Gen. xxiv, 35. Men of every age and country have been much indebted to the labours of this animal. So early as in the days of Job, who was probably contemporary with Isaac, the oxen were ploughing, and the asses were feeding beside them,” when the Sabeans fell upon them, and took them away. In times long posterior, when Elijah was commissioned to anoint Elisha, the son of Shaphat, prophet in his stead, he found him ploughing with twelve yoke of oxen, 1 Kings xix, 19. For many ages the hopes of oriental husbandmen depended entirely on their labours. This was so much the case in the time of Solomon, that he observes, in one of his proverbs, Where no oxen are, the crib is clean,” or rather empty; but much increase is by the strength of the ox,” Prov. xiv, 4. The ass, in the course of ages was compelled to bend his stubborn neck to the yoke, and share the labours of the ox; but still the preparation of the ground in the time of spring depended chiefly on the more powerful exertions of the latter. When this animal was employed in bringing home the produce of the harvest, he was regaled with a mixture of chaff, chopped straw, and various kinds of grain, moistened with acidulated water. But among the Jews, the ox was best fed when employed in treading out the corn; for the divine law, in many of whose precepts the benevolence of the Deity conspicuously shines, forbad to muzzle him, and, by consequence, to prevent him from eating what he would of the grain he was employed to separate from the husks. The ox was also compelled to the labour of dragging the cart or wagon. The number of oxen commonly yoked to one cart appears to have been two, Num. vii, 3, 7, 8; 1 Sam. vi, 7; 2 Sam. vi, 3, 6.
OX, Morning, in Arabic bœkerre and bykar, refers to the male of horned cattle of the beef kind, when fully grown and suitable for plowing. Younger ones are called bullocks. Michaëlis, in his detailed work on the laws of Moses, has shown that castration was never practiced. The farming lifestyle of the Israelites made them consider the ox as the most important domestic animal, due to its significant role in all farming activities. In the patriarchal era, the ox was a considerable part of their wealth. For example, Abraham is noted to have been very wealthy in cattle, as mentioned in Gen. xxiv, 35. People throughout history have greatly relied on the work of this animal. Even in the days of Job, who likely lived around the same time as Isaac, there were oxen plowing and donkeys feeding beside them when the Sabeans attacked and stole them. Much later, when Elijah was tasked with anointing Elisha, the son of Shaphat, to be his prophet, he found Elisha plowing with twelve pairs of oxen, as stated in 1 Kings xix, 19. For many years, the hopes of farmers in the East were entirely dependent on their work. In fact, during Solomon's time, he noted in one of his proverbs, “Where no oxen are, the crib is clean,” or rather empty; “but much increase comes from the strength of the ox,” Prov. xiv, 4. Over time, the donkey was forced to submit to the yoke and share the work of the ox; however, the preparation of the land in spring largely relied on the stronger efforts of the ox. When this animal was used to transport the harvest home, it was fed a mix of chaff, chopped straw, and various grains soaked in acidic water. Among the Jews, the ox was best fed when it was treading out the corn; the divine law, which showcases the kindness of God in many of its commandments, prohibited muzzling the ox, thus allowing it to eat as much grain as it wanted while separating it from the husks. The ox was also made to pull carts or wagons. It seems the standard number of oxen usually yoked to a cart was two, as referenced in Num. vii, 3, 7, 8; 1 Sam. vi, 7; 2 Sam. vi, 3, 6.
The wild ox, תאן, Deut. xiv, 5, is supposed to be the oryx of the Greeks, which is a species of large stag.
The wild ox, תאן, Deut. xiv, 5, is thought to be the oryx of the Greeks, which is a type of large stag.
PADAN-ARAM, called also Sedan-Aram in Hosea; both names denoting Aram or Syria the fruitful, or cultivated, and apply to the northern part of Mesopotamia, in which Haran or Charran was situated. See Mesopotamia.
PADAN-ARAM, also known as Sedan-Aram in Hosea; both names referring to Aram or Syria the fruitful, or cultivated, and relevant to the northern part of Mesopotamia, where Haran or Charran was located. See Mesopotamia.
PAGANS, Heathens, and particularly those who worship idols. The term came into use after the establishment of Christianity, the cities and great towns affording the first converts. The Heathens were called Pagans, from pagus, a village,” because they were then found chiefly in remote country places; but we use the term commonly for all who do not receive the Jewish, Christian, or Mohammedan religions.
PAGANS, Heathens, and especially those who worship idols. The term started being used after Christianity was established, with cities and large towns being the first places to have converts. Heathens were labeled Pagans, from pagus, meaning “village,” because they were mostly found in remote rural areas at the time; however, we commonly use the term to refer to anyone who does not follow the Jewish, Christian, or Islamic religions.
PALESTINE, taken in a limited sense, denotes the country of the Philistines or Palestines, including that part of the land of promise which extended along the Mediterranean Sea, from Gaza south to Lydda north. The LXX. were of opinion that the word Philistiim, which they generally translate Allophyli, signified strangers,” or men of another tribe. Palestine, taken in a more general sense, signifies the whole country of Canaan, the whole land of promise, as well beyond as on this side Jordan, though pretty frequently it is restrained to the country on this side that river; so that in later times the words Judea and Palestine were synonymous. We find, also, the name of Syria Palestina given to the land of promise, and even sometimes this province is comprehended in Cœlo-Syria, or the Lower Syria. Herodotus is the most ancient writer we know that speaks of Syria Palestina. He places it between Phenicia and Egypt. See Canaan.
PALESTINE, in a limited sense, refers to the land of the Philistines or Palestinians, covering the area along the Mediterranean Sea from Gaza in the south to Lydda in the north. The LXX believed that the word Philistines, which they usually translate as Allophyli, meant "strangers" or people from another tribe. In a broader sense, Palestine refers to all of Canaan, the entire promised land, both beyond and this side of the Jordan River, although it often specifically refers to the land on this side of the river. Thus, in later times, the terms Judea and Palestine became interchangeable. We also see the name Syria Palestina used to describe the promised land, and at times this region is included in Cœlo-Syria or Lower Syria. Herodotus is the earliest known writer to mention Syria Palestina, placing it between Phoenicia and Egypt. See Canaan.
PALM TREE, תמר, Exodus xv, 27, &c. This tree, sometimes called the date tree, grows plentifully in the east. It rises to a great height. The stalks are generally full of rugged knots, which are the vestiges of the decayed leaves; for the trunk of this tree is not solid, like other trees, but its centre is filled with pith, round which is a tough bark full of strong fibres when young, which, as the tree grows old, hardens and becomes ligneous. 726To this bark the leaves are closely joined, which in the centre rise erect; but, after they are advanced above the vagina which surrounds them, they expand very wide on every side the stem; and, as the older leaves decay, the stalk advances in height. The leaves, when the tree has grown to a size for bearing fruit, are six or eight feet long, are very broad when spread out, and are used for covering the tops of houses, &c. The fruit, which is called date, grows below the leaves in clusters and is of a sweet and agreeable taste. The learned Kæmpfer, as a botanist, an antiquary, and a traveller, has exhausted the whole subject of palm trees. The diligent natives,” says Mr. Gibbon, celebrated, either in verse or prose, the three hundred and sixty uses to which the trunk, the branches, the leaves, the juice, and the fruit, were skilfully applied.” “The extensive importance of the date tree,” says Dr. E. D. Clarke, is one of the most curious subjects to which a traveller can direct his attention. A considerable part of the inhabitants of Egypt, of Arabia, and Persia, subsist almost entirely upon its fruit. They boast also of its medicinal virtues. Their camels feed upon the date stone. From the leaves they make couches, baskets, bags, mats, and brushes; from the branches, cages for their poultry, and fences for their gardens; from the fibres of the boughs, thread, ropes, and rigging; from the sap is prepared a spirituous liquor; and the body of the tree furnishes fuel. It is even said that from one variety of the palm tree, the phœnix farinifera, meal has been extracted, which is found among the fibres of the trunk, and has been used for food.”
PALM TREE, תמר, Exodus xv, 27, &c. This tree, often called the date tree, grows abundantly in the east. It reaches a significant height. The trunks are usually covered in rough knots, which are remnants of the fallen leaves; the trunk itself is not solid like other trees, but rather has a core filled with pith, surrounded by tough bark with strong fibers when it's young. As the tree ages, the bark hardens and becomes woody. 726 The leaves are tightly packed with the bark, standing upright in the center; but after they grow out from the sheath that encloses them, they spread wide around the stem. As the older leaves die off, the trunk continues to grow taller. The leaves, when the tree is mature enough to bear fruit, can reach six to eight feet long, are very broad when fully unfurled, and are used for covering the tops of houses, etc. The fruit, known as dates, grows in clusters beneath the leaves and has a sweet, pleasant taste. The knowledgeable Kæmpfer, who was a botanist, historian, and traveler, thoroughly covered the topic of palm trees. “The hardworking locals,” states Mr. Gibbon, celebrated, either in poetry or prose, the three hundred and sixty uses for which the trunk, branches, leaves, juice, and fruit were skillfully utilized. “The vast significance of the date tree,” notes Dr. E. D. Clarke, is one of the most fascinating subjects for a traveler to explore. A significant portion of people in Egypt, Arabia, and Persia depend almost entirely on its fruit for sustenance. They also take pride in its medicinal benefits. Their camels eat the date stones. From the leaves, they make bedding, baskets, bags, mats, and brushes; from the branches, they create cages for their birds and fences for their gardens; from the fibers of the branches, they produce thread, ropes, and rigging; from the sap, they brew an alcoholic beverage; and the trunk provides firewood. It's even said that from one type of palm tree, the phoenix farinifera, flour can be obtained from the fibers of the trunk, which has been used for food.
In the temple of Solomon were pilasters made in the form of palm trees, 1 Kings vi, 29. It was under a tree of this kind that Deborah dwelt between Ramah and Bethel, Judges iv, 5. To the fair, flourishing, and fruitful condition of this tree, the psalmist very aptly compares the votary of virtue, Psalm xcii, 12, 13, 14:--
In Solomon's temple, there were columns shaped like palm trees, 1 Kings 6:29. It was under a tree like this that Deborah lived between Ramah and Bethel, Judges 4:5. The psalmist cleverly compares the beautiful, thriving, and fruitful state of this tree to the person devoted to virtue, Psalm 92:12-14:--
The palm tree is crowned at its top with a large tuft of spiring leaves about four feet long, which never fall off, but always continue in the same flourishing verdure. The tree, as Dr. Shaw was informed, is in its greatest vigour about thirty years after it is planted, and continues in full vigour seventy years longer; bearing all this while, every year, about three or four hundred pounds’ weight of dates. The trunk of the tree is remarkably straight and lofty. Jeremiah, speaking of the idols that were carried in procession, says they were upright as the palm tree, Jer. x, 5. And for erect stature and slenderness of form, the spouse, in Canticles vii, 7, is compared to this tree:--
The palm tree is topped with a big bunch of spiky leaves about four feet long, which never fall off and always stay green and healthy. According to Dr. Shaw, the tree is most vigorous around thirty years after planting and remains strong for another seventy years, producing about three to four hundred pounds of dates each year during that time. The trunk of the tree is notably tall and straight. Jeremiah mentions that the idols carried in procession were upright like the palm tree, Jer. x, 5. The bride in Canticles vii, 7 is compared to this tree for its uprightness and slender shape:--
On this passage Mr. Good observes, that “the very word tamar, here used for the palm tree, and whose radical meaning is ‘straight,’ or ‘upright,’ (whence it was afterward applied to pillars or columns, as well as to the palm,) was also a general name among the ladies of Palestine, and unquestionably adopted in honour of the stature they had already acquired, or gave a fair promise of attaining.”
On this point, Mr. Good notes that the word tamar, used here for the palm tree, which originally means “straight” or “upright” (and was later applied to pillars or columns, as well as to the palm), was also a common name among the women of Palestine. This was likely adopted in recognition of the height they had already reached or were expected to achieve.
A branch of palm was a signal of victory, and was carried before conquerors in the triumphs. To this, allusion is made, Rev. vii, 9: and for this purpose were they borne before Christ in his way to Jerusalem, John xii, 13. From the inspissated sap of the tree, a kind of honey, or dispse, as it is called, is produced, little inferior to that of bees. The same juice, after fermentation, makes a sort of wine much used in the east. It is once mentioned as wine, Num. xxviii, 7; Exodus xxix, 40; and by it is intended the strong drink, Isaiah v, 11; xxiv, 9. Theodoret and Chrysostom, on these places, both Syrians, and unexceptionable witnesses in what belongs to their own country, confirm this declaration. This liquor,” says Dr. Shaw, which has a more luscious sweetness than honey, is of the consistence of a thin syrup, but quickly grows tart and ropy, acquiring an intoxicating quality, and giving by distillation an agreeable spirit, or arâky, according to the general name of these people for all hot liquors, extracted by the alembic.” Its Hebrew name is שכר, the σικερα of the Greeks; and from its sweetness, probably, the saccharum of the Romans. Jerom informs us that in Hebrew any inebriating liquor is called sicera, whether made of grain, the juice of apples, honey, dates, or any other fruit.”
A palm branch was a symbol of victory and was carried before conquerors during their triumphs. This is referenced in Rev. 7:9, and for this reason, it was carried before Christ on his way to Jerusalem, John 12:13. From the thick sap of the tree, a kind of honey, or "dispse," is produced, which is slightly less than that made by bees. The same juice, after fermentation, turns into a type of wine that's widely used in the East. It's mentioned as wine in Numbers 28:7 and Exodus 29:40, and it refers to strong drink in Isaiah 5:11 and 24:9. Theodoret and Chrysostom, both Syrians and reliable sources concerning their own country, support this claim. Dr. Shaw describes this liquid as having a sweeter taste than honey, with a consistency similar to thin syrup, but it quickly becomes tart and viscous, gaining an intoxicating quality, and when distilled, produces a pleasant spirit, or arâky, which is the general term used by these people for all hot liquors made by distillation. Its Hebrew name is Salary, the σικερα of the Greeks, and likely from its sweetness, the sugar of the Romans. Jerom tells us that in Hebrew, any intoxicating beverage is called sicera, whether it's made from grain, apple juice, honey, dates, or any other fruit.
This tree was formerly of great value and esteem among the Israelites, and so very much cultivated in Judea, that, in after times, it became the emblem of that country, as may be seen in a medal of the Emperor Vespasian upon the conquest of Judea. It represents a captive woman sitting under a palm tree, with this inscription, Judea capta;” [Judea captivated;] and upon a Greek coin, likewise, of his son Titus, struck upon the like occasion, we see a shield suspended upon a palm tree, with a Victory writing upon it. Pliny also calls Judea palmis inclyta, renowned for palms.” Jericho, in particular, was called the city of palms,” Deut. xxxiv, 3; 2 Chron. xxviii, 15; because, as Josephus, Strabo, and Pliny, have remarked, it anciently abounded in palm trees. And so Dr. Shaw remarks, that, though these trees are not now either plentiful or fruitful in other parts of the holy land, yet there are several of them at Jericho, where there is the conveniency they require of being often watered; where, likewise, the climate is warm, and the soil sandy, such as they thrive and delight in. Tamar, a city built in the desert by Solomon, 1 Kings ix, 18; Ezekiel xlvii, 19; xlviii, 28, was probably so named from the palm trees growing about it; as it was afterward by the Romans called Palmyra, or rather Palmira, on the same account, from palma, a palm tree.”
This tree was once very valuable and respected among the Israelites. It was so widely cultivated in Judea that, in later times, it became a symbol of that region, as seen on a coin from Emperor Vespasian commemorating the conquest of Judea. The coin shows a captive woman sitting under a palm tree, with the inscription, Judea capta; [Judea captivated]. A similar coin from his son Titus, created for the same occasion, depicts a shield hanging from a palm tree with a Victory writing on it. Pliny also refers to Judea as palmis inclyta, famous for palms. Jericho, in particular, was known as the "city of palms" (Deut. xxxiv, 3; 2 Chron. xxviii, 15) because, as noted by Josephus, Strabo, and Pliny, it historically had a lot of palm trees. Dr. Shaw observes that although palm trees are not abundant or fruitful in other areas of the Holy Land today, there are still many in Jericho, where they receive the water they need and thrive in the warm, sandy soil. Tamar, a city built in the desert by Solomon (1 Kings ix, 18; Ezekiel xlvii, 19; xlviii, 28), was likely named for the palm trees growing around it; the Romans later called it Palmyra, or more accurately, Palmira, for the same reason, from palma, meaning palm tree.
727PALMER WORM, גום, Joel i, 4; Amos iv, 9. Bochart says that it is a kind of locust, furnished with very sharp teeth, with which it gnaws off grass, corn, leaves of trees, and even their bark. The Jews support this idea by deriving the word from גוז or גזן, to cut, to shear, or mince. Notwithstanding the unanimous sentiments of the Jews that this is a locust, yet the LXX. read κάμπη, and the Vulgate eruca, a caterpillar;” which rendering is supported by Fuller. Michaëlis agrees with this opinion, and thinks that the sharp cutting teeth of the caterpillar, which, like a sickle, clear away all before them, might give name to this insect. Caterpillars also begin their ravages before the locust, which seems to coincide with the nature of the creature here intended.
727PALMER WORM, גום, Joel 1:4; Amos 4:9. Bochart suggests that it's a type of locust equipped with very sharp teeth, which it uses to gnaw through grass, corn, tree leaves, and even the bark. The Jews support this notion by linking the word to גז or גזן, meaning to cut, to shear, or mince. Despite the Jewish consensus that this refers to a locust, the LXX translates it as κάμπη, and the Vulgate uses eruca, which means caterpillar; this interpretation is backed by Fuller. Michaëlis also agrees with this view, believing that the sharp, cutting teeth of the caterpillar, which clear everything in their path like a sickle, may have led to this insect's name. Additionally, caterpillars start their destruction before locusts, which aligns with the nature of the creature in question.
PALSY. See Diseases.
PALSY. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
PAMPHYLIA, a province of Asia Minor which gives name to that part of the Mediterranean Sea which washes its coast, Acts xxvii, 5. To the south it is bounded by the Mediterranean, and to the north by Pisidia; having Lycia to the west, and Cilicia to the east. Paul and Barnabas preached at Perga, in Pamphylia, Acts xiii, 13; xiv, 24.
PAMPHYLIA, a region of Asia Minor that names the section of the Mediterranean Sea along its coast, Acts xxvii, 5. To the south, it is bordered by the Mediterranean, and to the north by Pisidia, with Lycia to the west and Cilicia to the east. Paul and Barnabas preached in Perga, in Pamphylia, Acts xiii, 13; xiv, 24.
PANTHEISM, a doctrine into which some of the sages of antiquity fell by revolting at the monstrous absurdities of Polytheism. Not knowing the true God as an infinite and personal subsistence, a cause above and distinct from all effects, they believed that God was every thing, and every thing God. This monstrous, and in its effects immoral, notion, is still held by the Brahmins of India.
PANTHEISM is a belief that some ancient thinkers adopted as a response to the ridiculous contradictions of Polytheism. Not understanding the true God as an infinite and personal being, a cause that is separate from all effects, they believed that God was everything and everything was God. This flawed and, in its consequences, immoral idea is still accepted by the Brahmins of India.
PAPER REED, גמא, Exod. ii, 3; Job viii, 11; Isaiah xviii, 2; xxxv, 7. When the outer skin, or bark, is taken off, there are several films, or inner pellicles, one within another. These, when separated from the stalk, were laid on a table artfully matched and flatted together, and moistened with the water of the Nile, which, dissolving the glutinous juices of the plant, caused them to adhere closely together. They were afterward pressed, and then dried in the sun, and thus were prepared sheets or leaves for writing upon in characters marked by a coloured liquid passing through a hollow reed. The best papyrus was called ἱερατικὴ, or paper of the priests. On this the sacred documents of Egypt were written. Ancient books were written on papyrus, and those of the New Testament among the rest. In the fourth century however these sacred writings are found on skins. This was preferred for durability; and many decayed copies of the New Testament, belonging to libraries, were early transferred to parchment. Finally came paper, the name of which was taken from the Egyptian reed; but the materials of which it was fabricated were cotton and linen. See Bulrush and Book.
PAPER REED, גמא, Exod. ii, 3; Job viii, 11; Isaiah xviii, 2; xxxv, 7. When the outer skin or bark is removed, there are several layers or inner films, one inside another. These layers, once separated from the stalk, were arranged neatly on a table, flattened together, and moistened with water from the Nile. This dissolved the plant's sticky juices, making them stick tightly together. They were then pressed and dried in the sun, resulting in sheets or leaves ready for writing with a colored liquid that passed through a hollow reed. The finest papyrus was called ἱερατικὴ, or priestly paper. This is what the sacred documents of Egypt were written on. Ancient books, including those of the New Testament, were written on papyrus as well. However, in the fourth century, these sacred texts started to be found on animal skins. This was chosen for its durability, and many worn copies of the New Testament from libraries were soon transferred to parchment. Eventually, paper was introduced, a name derived from the Egyptian reed, but it was made from cotton and linen instead. See Cattail and Book.
PAPHOS, a celebrated city of Cyprus, lying on the western coast of the island, where Venus (who from hence took the name of Paphia) had her most ancient and most famous temple; and here the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, resided, whom St. Paul converted to Christianity, Acts xiii, 6.
PAPHOS, a renowned city in Cyprus, located on the western coast of the island, was home to Venus (who got her name Paphia from here) and had her oldest and most famous temple. This is also where the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, lived, and he was converted to Christianity by St. Paul, as mentioned in Acts xiii, 6.
PARABLE, ϖαραβολή, formed from ϖαραβάλλειν, to oppose or compare, an allegorical instruction, founded on something real or apparent in nature or history, from which a moral is drawn, by comparing it with some other thing in which the people are more immediately concerned. (See Allegory.) Aristotle defines parable, a similitude drawn from form to form. Cicero calls it a collation; others, a simile. F. de Colonia calls it a rational fable; but it may be founded on real occurrences, as many parables of our Saviour were. The Hebrews call it משל, from a word which signifies either to predominate or to assimilate; the Proverbs of Solomon are by them also called >משלים, parables, or proverbs.
PARABLE, παραβολή, derived from παραβάλλειν, to oppose or compare, is a story that teaches a lesson, based on something real or apparent in nature or history, from which a moral is derived by comparing it with another thing that people are more familiar with. (See Allegory.) Aristotle defines a parable as a similarity drawn from one form to another. Cicero refers to it as a collation; others call it a simile. F. de Colonia describes it as a rational fable; however, it can be based on real events, as many of the parables of our Savior were. The Hebrews refer to it as משל, from a word that means either to dominate or to assimilate; the Proverbs of Solomon are also called >Fables, parables, or proverbs.
Parable, according to the eminently learned Bishop Lowth, is that kind of allegory which consists of a continued narration of a fictitious or accommodated event, applied to the illustration of some important truth. The Greeks call these αἶνοι, allegories, or apologues; the Latins, fabulæ, or fables;” and the writings of the Phrygian sage, or those composed in imitation of him, have acquired the greatest celebrity. Nor has our Saviour himself disdained to adopt the same method of instruction; of whose parables it is doubtful whether they excel most in wisdom and utility, or in sweetness, elegance, and perspicuity. As the appellation of parable has been applied to his discourses of this kind, the term is now restricted from its former extensive signification to a more confined sense. But this species of composition occurs very frequently in the prophetic poetry, and particularly in that of Ezekiel. If to us they should sometimes appear obscure, we must remember, that, in those early times when the prophetical writings were indited, it was universally the mode throughout all the eastern nations to convey sacred truths under mysterious figures and representations. In order to our forming a more certain judgment upon this subject, Dr. Lowth has briefly explained some of the primary qualities of the poetic parables; so that, by considering the general nature of them, we may decide more accurately on the merits of particular examples.
A parable, according to the highly knowledgeable Bishop Lowth, is a type of allegory that involves a continuous story of a fictional or adjusted event, used to illustrate some important truth. The Greeks refer to these as αἶνοι, allegories, or apologues; the Romans call them stories, or fables; and the works of the Phrygian sage, or those written in his style, have gained great fame. Even our Savior has used this method of teaching; it's uncertain whether his parables stand out more in wisdom and usefulness or in charm, elegance, and clarity. The term "parable" has now shifted from its broader meaning to a more specific one related to his teachings. However, this type of composition is very common in prophetic poetry, especially in that of Ezekiel. If they sometimes seem unclear to us, we must remember that in the early days when prophetic writings were created, it was customary throughout Eastern nations to express sacred truths through mysterious symbols and representations. To help us form a clearer judgment on this topic, Dr. Lowth has briefly outlined some of the key characteristics of poetic parables, so we can evaluate individual examples more accurately.
It is the first excellence of a parable to turn upon an image well known and applicable to the subject, the meaning of which is clear and definite; for this circumstance will give it perspicuity, which is essential to every species of allegory. If the parables of the sacred prophets are examined by this rule, they will not be found deficient. They are in general founded upon such imagery as is frequently used, and similarly applied by way of metaphor and comparison in the Hebrew poetry. Examples of this kind occur in the parable of the deceitful vineyard, Isaiah v, 1–7, and of the useless vine, Ezek. xv; xix, 10–14; for under this imagery the ungrateful people of God are more than once described; Ezek. xix, 1–9; xxxi; xvi; xxiii. Moreover, the image must not only be apt and familiar, but it must be also elegant and beautiful in itself; since it is the purpose of a poetic parable, not only to 728explain more perfectly some proposition, but frequently to give it some animation and splendour. As the imagery from natural objects is in this respect superior to all others, the parables of the sacred poets consist chiefly of this kind of imagery. It is also essential to the elegance of a parable, that the imagery should not only be apt and beautiful, but that all its parts and appendages should be perspicuous and pertinent. Of all these excellencies, there cannot be more perfect examples than the parables that have been just specified; to which we may add the well known parable of Nathan, 2 Sam. xii, 1–4, although written in prose, as well as that of Jotham, Judges ix, 7–15, which appears to be the most ancient extant, and approaches somewhat nearer to the poetical form. It is also the criterion of a parable, that it be consistent throughout, and that the literal be never confounded with the figurative sense; and in this respect it materially differs from that species of allegory, called the continued metaphor, Isaiah v, 1–7. It should be considered, that the continued metaphor and the parable have a very different view. The sole intention of the former is to embellish a subject, to represent it more magnificently, or at the most to illustrate it, that, by describing it in more elevated language, it may strike the mind more forcibly; but the intent of the latter is to withdraw the truth for a moment from our sight, in order to conceal whatever it may contain ungrateful or reproving, and to enable it secretly to insinuate itself, and obtain an ascendency as it were by stealth. There is, however, a species of parable, the intent of which is only to illustrate the subject; such is that remarkable one of the cedar of Lebanon, Ezek. xxxi; than which, if we consider the imagery itself, none was ever more apt or more beautiful; or the description and colouring, none was ever more elegant or splendid; in which, however, the poet has occasionally allowed himself to blend the figurative with the literal description, verses 11, 14–17; whether he has done this because the peculiar nature of this kind of parable required it, or whether his own fervid imagination alone, which disdained the stricter rules of composition, was his guide, our learned author can scarcely presume to determine.
The main strength of a parable lies in its use of a familiar and relevant image that has a clear and definite meaning; this clarity is crucial for any form of allegory. If we analyze the parables of the sacred prophets using this standard, we will see they meet the mark. Generally, they are based on images that are commonly used and similarly applied as metaphors and comparisons in Hebrew poetry. For instance, we find examples in the parable of the deceitful vineyard (Isaiah 5:1-7) and the useless vine (Ezekiel 15; 19:10-14), which depict the ungrateful people of God multiple times (Ezekiel 19:1-9; 31; 16; 23). Additionally, the imagery needs to be not only suitable and familiar but also elegant and beautiful; a poetic parable aims not just to clarify a statement but often to add some life and brilliance to it. Imagery drawn from nature is especially superior in this regard, which is why the parables of sacred poets primarily use this type of imagery. Furthermore, it's key for a parable’s elegance that the imagery is not only fitting and beautiful but that all its elements and details are clear and relevant. Among all these qualities, perfect examples can be found in the previously mentioned parables, as well as in the well-known parable of Nathan (2 Samuel 12:1-4), which, although written in prose, and Jotham's parable (Judges 9:7-15), which appears to be one of the oldest existing and is somewhat closer to a poetic form. Additionally, a parable must remain consistent throughout, ensuring that the literal meaning is never mixed up with the figurative sense; this distinguishes it significantly from a type of allegory known as a continued metaphor (Isaiah 5:1-7). It's important to recognize that continued metaphors and parables serve very different purposes. The sole aim of the former is to enhance a subject, making it more grandiose or, at most, to illustrate it by using more elevated language to impact the mind more forcefully. On the other hand, the purpose of a parable is to temporarily obscure the truth to conceal aspects that may be unpleasant or accusatory, allowing it to subtly insinuate itself and gain influence almost unnoticed. However, there is a type of parable that aims solely to illustrate the subject, such as the notable one about the cedar of Lebanon (Ezekiel 31); if we consider the imagery alone, it has never been more fitting or beautiful, and the description and richness of detail have never been more elegant or splendid. In this case, the poet occasionally blends figurative and literal descriptions (verses 11, 14-17); it is uncertain whether he did this because the unique nature of this type of parable required it or if it was simply driven by his own vivid imagination, which disregarded the stricter rules of composition.
In the New Testament, the word parable is used variously: in Luke iv, 23, for a proverb, or adage; in Matt. xv, 15, for a thing darkly and figuratively expressed; in Heb. ix, 9, &c, for a type; in Luke xiv, 7, &c, for a special instruction; in Matt. xxiv, 32, for a similitude or comparison.
In the New Testament, the word parable is used in different ways: in Luke 4:23, it refers to a proverb or saying; in Matthew 15:15, it's used for something expressed in a dark or figurative way; in Hebrews 9:9, etc., it means a type; in Luke 14:7, etc., it indicates a specific instruction; in Matthew 24:32, it refers to a similarity or comparison.
PARADISE, according to the original meaning of the term, whether it be of Hebrew, Chaldee, or Persian derivation, signifies, a place enclosed for pleasure and delight.” The LXX., or Greek translators of the Old Testament, make use of the word paradise, when they speak of the garden of Eden, which Jehovah planted at the creation, and in which he placed our first parents. There are three places in the Hebrew text of the Old Testament where this word is found, namely, Neh. ii, 8; Cant. iv, 13; Eccles. ii, 5. The term paradise is obviously used in the New Testament, as another word for heaven; by our Lord, Luke xxiii, 43; by the Apostle Paul, 2 Cor. xii, 4; and in the Apocalypse, ii, 7. See Eden.
PARADISE, based on the original meaning of the word, whether from Hebrew, Chaldee, or Persian roots, signifies a place enclosed for enjoyment and pleasure. The Greek translators of the Old Testament, known as the LXX, use the word paradise when referring to the Garden of Eden, which God created and where He placed our first parents. There are three instances in the Hebrew text of the Old Testament where this word appears: Neh. ii, 8; Cant. iv, 13; Eccles. ii, 5. The term paradise is clearly used in the New Testament as another term for heaven, by our Lord in Luke xxiii, 43; by the Apostle Paul in 2 Cor. xii, 4; and in the book of Revelation, ii, 7. See Eden.
PARAN, Desert of, a great and terrible wilderness” which the children of Israel entered after leaving Mount Sinai, Num. x, 12; Deut. i, 19; and in which thirty-eight of their forty years of wandering were spent. It extended from Mount Sinai on the south, to the southern border of the land of Canaan on the north; having the desert of Shur, with its subdivisions, the deserts of Etham and Sin, on the west, and the eastern branch of the Red Sea, the desert of Zin and Mount Seir, on the east. Burckhardt represents this desert, which he entered from that of Zin, or valley of El Araba, about the parallel of Suez, as a dreary expanse of calcareous soil, covered with black flints.
PARAN, Desert of, a vast and harsh wilderness that the children of Israel entered after leaving Mount Sinai, Num. x, 12; Deut. i, 19; where they spent thirty-eight of their forty years wandering. It stretched from Mount Sinai in the south to the southern edge of Canaan in the north, bordered by the desert of Shur and its subdivisions, the deserts of Etham and Sin, to the west, and the eastern branch of the Red Sea, the desert of Zin, and Mount Seir to the east. Burckhardt described this desert, which he entered from the desert of Zin, or valley of El Araba, near the parallel of Suez, as a bleak expanse of calcareous soil covered with black flints.
PARTRIDGE, קדא, 1 Samuel xxvi, 20; Jer. xvii, 11; ϖέρδιξ, Ecclus. xi, 30. In the first of these places David says, The king of Israel is come out to hunt a partridge on the mountains;” and in the second, The partridge sitteth,” on eggs, and produceth,” or hatcheth, not; so he that getteth riches, and not by right, shall leave them in the midst of his days, and at his end shall be contemptible.” This passage does not necessarily imply that the partridge hatches the eggs of a stranger, but only that she often fails in her attempts to bring forth her young. To such disappointments she is greatly exposed from the position of her nest on the ground, where her eggs are often spoiled by the wet, or crushed by the foot. So he that broods over his ill-gotten gains will often find them unproductive; or, if he leaves them, as a bird occasionally driven from her nest, may be despoiled of their possession. As to the hunting of the partridge, which, Dr. Shaw observes, is the greater, or red-legged kind, the traveller says: The Arabs have another, though a more laborious, method of catching these birds; for, observing that they become languid and fatigued after they have been hastily put up twice or thrice, they immediately run in upon them, and knock them down with their zerwattys, or bludgeons as we should call them.” Precisely in this manner Saul hunted David, coming hastily upon him, putting him up incessantly, in hopes that at length his strength and resources would fail, and he would become an easy prey to his pursuer. Forskal mentions a partridge whose name in Arabic is kurr; and Latham says, that, in the province of Andalusia in Spain, the name of the partridge is churr; both taken, no doubt, like the Hebrew, from its note.
PARTRIDGE, קדא, 1 Samuel xxvi, 20; Jer. xvii, 11; ϖέρδιξ, Ecclus. xi, 30. In the first of these passages, David says, “The king of Israel has come out to hunt a partridge on the mountains;” and in the second, “The partridge sits on eggs and does not hatch them;” so he who gains wealth unjustly will leave it in the middle of his days and will be despised at his end.” This passage doesn’t necessarily suggest that the partridge hatches someone else’s eggs, but rather that she often fails to raise her own young. She is vulnerable to failures because her nest is on the ground, where her eggs can be ruined by rain or crushed. Similarly, someone who hoards ill-gotten wealth may find it unfruitful, or if he abandons it, he may be as vulnerable as a bird forced from her nest and lose what he possesses. Regarding hunting partridges, Dr. Shaw notes that the larger, red-legged type is targeted by travelers: “The Arabs have another, though more labor-intensive, method of catching these birds; observing they become worn out after being startled a couple of times, they quickly rush in on them and knock them down with their zerwattys, or bludgeons, as we would call them.” This process is similar to how Saul pursued David, continuously tracking him in hopes that he would eventually tire and become an easy target. Forskal mentions a type of partridge called kurr in Arabic, and Latham states that in the Andalusia region of Spain, it’s called churr; both names are likely derived from their call.

Map of the
COUNTRIES
Travelled by the
APOSTLES
with the
ROUTES OF ST. PAUL
through
Asia & Europe
Map of the
COUNTRIES
Travelled by the
APOSTLES
with the
ROUTES OF ST. PAUL
through
Asia & Europe
PASSOVER, פסח, signifies leap, passage. The passover was a solemn festival of the Jews, instituted in commemoration of their coming out of Egypt; because the night before their departure the destroying angel that slew the first-born of the Egyptians passed over the 729houses of the Hebrews without entering them, because they were marked with the blood of the lamb, which, for this reason, was called the paschal lamb. The following is what God ordained concerning the passover: the month of the coming out of Egypt was after this to be the first month of the sacred or ecclesiastical year; and the fourteenth day of this month, between the two evenings, that is, between the sun’s decline and its setting, or rather, according to our reckoning, between three o’clock in the afternoon and six in the evening, at the equinox, they were to kill the paschal lamb, and to abstain from leavened bread. The day following, being the fifteenth, reckoned from six o’clock of the preceding evening, was the grand feast of the passover, which continued seven days; but only the first and seventh days were peculiarly solemn. The slain lamb was to be without defect, a male, and of that year. If no lamb could be found, they might take a kid. They killed a lamb or a kid in each family; and if the number of the family was not sufficient to eat the lamb, they might associate two families together. With the blood of the lamb they sprinkled the door posts and lintel of every house, that the destroying angel at the sight of the blood might pass over them. They were to eat the lamb the same night, roasted, with unleavened bread, and a sallad of wild lettuces, or bitter herbs. It was forbid to eat any part of it raw, or boiled; nor were they to break a bone; but it was to be eaten entire, even with the head, the feet, and the bowels. If any thing remained to the day following it was thrown into the fire, Exod. xii, 46; Num. ix, 12; John xix, 36. They who ate it were to be in the posture of travellers, having their reins girt, shoes on their feet, staves in their hands, and eating in a hurry. This last part of the ceremony was but little observed; at least, it was of no obligation after that night when they came out of Egypt. During the whole eight days of the passover no leavened bread was to be used. They kept the first and last day of the feast; yet it was allowed to dress victuals, which was forbidden on the Sabbath day. The obligation of keeping the passover was so strict, that whoever should neglect it was condemned to death, Num. ix, 13. But those who had any lawful impediment, as a journey, sickness, or uncleanness, voluntary or involuntary, for example, those who had been present at a funeral, &c, were to defer the celebration of the passover till the second month of the ecclesiastical year, the fourteenth day of the month Jair, which answers to April and May. We see an example of this postponed passover under Hezekiah, 2 Chron. xxx, 2, 3, &c.
PASSOVER, Passover, means to leap or to pass by. Passover was a significant festival for the Jews, established to remember their exodus from Egypt. The night before they left, the angel of death, who killed the firstborn of the Egyptians, passed over the houses of the Hebrews because they were marked with the blood of the lamb, which is why it’s called the paschal lamb. Here’s what God commanded regarding Passover: the month they left Egypt was to be the first month of the sacred year, and on the fourteenth day of this month, between the two evenings—meaning between sunset and nightfall, or, according to our time, between 3 PM and 6 PM, at the equinox—they were to kill the paschal lamb and avoid eating leavened bread. The next day, the fifteenth day, starting from 6 PM the night before, was the main Passover feast, which lasted seven days. Only the first and last days were considered especially sacred. The lamb had to be a male, without any defects, and of that year. If they couldn’t find a lamb, they could use a goat. Each family would sacrifice a lamb or a goat, and if there weren’t enough family members to eat it, they could join with another family. They would paint the blood of the lamb on the doorposts and lintel of each house so that the angel of death would pass over them. They were to eat the lamb that same night, roasted, with unleavened bread and a salad of wild lettuce or bitter herbs. They were not allowed to eat any of it raw or boiled, nor break any bones; it was to be eaten whole, including the head, feet, and insides. If any remnants were left by the next day, they had to be burned, Exod. xii, 46; Num. ix, 12; John xix, 36. Those who ate it needed to be dressed like travelers, with their belts fastened, shoes on, staff in hand, and eating quickly. This last part of the ritual wasn’t strictly followed after that night when they left Egypt. Throughout the eight days of Passover, no leavened bread was to be eaten. They observed the first and last days of the feast, although they could prepare food, unlike on the Sabbath. The requirement to keep Passover was so serious that anyone who neglected it faced the death penalty, Num. ix, 13. However, those with legitimate reasons, like traveling, illness, or being ritually unclean—such as having attended a funeral—could postpone celebrating Passover until the second month of the sacred year, on the fourteenth day of the month of Jair, which falls in April and May. An example of this delayed Passover can be seen under Hezekiah, 2 Chron. xxx, 2, 3, etc.
The modern Jews observe in general the ceremonies practised by their ancestors in the celebration of the passover. While the temple was in existence, the Jews brought their lambs thither, and there sacrificed them; and they offered their blood to the priest, who poured it out at the foot of the altar. The paschal lamb was an illustrious type of Christ, who became a sacrifice for the redemption of a lost world from sin and misery; but resemblances between the type and antitype have been strained by many writers into a great number of fanciful particulars. It is enough for us to be assured, that as Christ is called our passover;” and the Lamb of God,” without spot,” by the sprinkling of whose blood” we are delivered from guilt and punishment; and as faith in him is represented to us as eating the flesh of Christ,” with evident allusion to the eating of the paschal sacrifice; so, in these leading particulars, the mystery of our redemption was set forth. The paschal lamb therefore prefigured the offering of the spotless Son of God, the appointed propitiation for the sins of the whole world; by virtue of which, when received by faith, we are delivered from the bondage of guilt and misery; and nourished with strength for our heavenly journey to that land of rest, of which Canaan, as early as the days of Abraham, became the divinely instituted figure.
Modern Jews generally follow the ceremonies practiced by their ancestors during Passover. When the temple existed, Jews would bring their lambs there to be sacrificed, offering the blood to the priest, who would pour it out at the base of the altar. The paschal lamb is a significant symbol of Christ, who became a sacrifice for the redemption of a lost world from sin and suffering; however, many writers have stretched the comparisons between the symbol and its fulfillment into various fanciful details. It is enough for us to understand that since Christ is referred to as our "Passover" and the "Lamb of God," who is "without spot," and by whose "sprinkling of blood" we are freed from guilt and punishment, and since faith in Him is described as "eating the flesh of Christ," clearly referencing the consumption of the paschal sacrifice, the central aspects of our redemption are highlighted. Therefore, the paschal lamb foreshadowed the offering of the sinless Son of God, destined to be the atonement for the sins of the entire world; and by embracing this through faith, we are released from the shackles of guilt and despair, and strengthened for our journey towards the heavenly rest, which Canaan, as early as the days of Abraham, was established as a divine symbol.
PATMOS, a small rocky island in the Ægean Sea, about eighteen miles in circumference; which, on account of its dreary and desolate character, was used by the Roman emperors as a place of confinement for criminals. To this island St. John was banished by the Emperor Domitian; and here he had his revelation, recorded in the Apocalypse.
PATMOS, a small rocky island in the Aegean Sea, about eighteen miles around; due to its bleak and desolate nature, was used by the Roman emperors as a prison for criminals. This is where St. John was exiled by Emperor Domitian, and it was here that he received his revelation, recorded in the Apocalypse.
PATRIARCHS. This name is given to the ancient fathers, chiefly those who lived before Moses, as Adam, Lamech, Noah, Shem, &c, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, the sons of Jacob, and heads of the tribes. The Hebrews call them princes of the tribes, or heads of the fathers. The name patriarch is derived from the Greek patriarcha, head of a family.”
PATRIARCHS. This term refers to the ancient fathers, especially those who lived before Moses, such as Adam, Lamech, Noah, Shem, and others including Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, his sons, and the leaders of the tribes. The Hebrews refer to them as princes of the tribes or heads of the families. The term patriarch comes from the Greek patriarcha, meaning head of a family.
PAUL was born at Tarsus, the principal city of Cilicia, and was by birth both a Jew and a citizen of Rome, Acts xxi, 39; xxii, 25. He was of the tribe of Benjamin, and of the sect of the Pharisees, Phil. iii, 5. In his youth he appears to have been taught the art of tent making, Acts xviii, 3; but we must remember that among the Jews of those days a liberal education was often accompanied by instruction in some mechanical trade. It is probable that St. Paul laid the foundation of those literary attainments, for which he was so eminent in the future part of his life, at his native city of Tarsus; and he afterward studied the law of Moses, and the traditions of the elders, at Jerusalem, under Gamaliel, a celebrated rabbi, Acts xxii, 4. St. Paul is not mentioned in the Gospels; nor is it known whether he ever heard our Saviour preach, or saw him perform any miracle. His name first occurs in the account given in the Acts of the martyrdom of St. Stephen, A. D. 34, to which he is said to have consented, Acts viii, 1: he is upon that occasion called a young man; but we are no where informed what was then his precise age. The death of St. Stephen was followed by a severe persecution of the church at Jerusalem, and St. Paul became distinguished among its enemies by his activity and violence, Acts viii, 3. Not contented with displaying his hatred to the Gospel in Judea, he obtained authority from the high priest to go to Damascus, 730and to bring back with him bound any Christians whom he might find in that city. As he was upon his journey thither, A. D. 35, his miraculous conversion took place, the circumstances of which are recorded in Acts ix, and are frequently alluded to in his epistles, 1 Cor. xv, 9; Gal. i, 13; 1 Tim. i, 12, 13.
PAUL was born in Tarsus, the main city of Cilicia, and was both a Jew and a Roman citizen by birth, Acts xxi, 39; xxii, 25. He belonged to the tribe of Benjamin and was part of the Pharisees, Phil. iii, 5. In his youth, he seems to have learned the trade of tent making, Acts xviii, 3; but it’s important to note that back then, among the Jews, a good education often included training in a practical trade. It's likely that St. Paul built the foundation of his impressive literary skills in his hometown of Tarsus; later, he studied the law of Moses and the traditions of the elders in Jerusalem under Gamaliel, a well-known rabbi, Acts xxii, 4. St. Paul is not mentioned in the Gospels, and we don’t know if he ever heard our Savior preach or saw him perform any miracles. His name first appears in the account of the martyrdom of St. Stephen, A.D. 34, where he is said to have approved of it, Acts viii, 1; he is referred to as a young man, but we aren’t given any details about his exact age at that time. The death of St. Stephen resulted in a fierce persecution of the church in Jerusalem, and St. Paul became notable among its opponents for his zeal and aggression, Acts viii, 3. Not satisfied with demonstrating his animosity towards the Gospel in Judea, he got permission from the high priest to go to Damascus, 730 and to capture any Christians he found in that city. While on his way there in A.D. 35, he experienced a miraculous conversion, the details of which are recorded in Acts ix and mentioned frequently in his letters, 1 Cor. xv, 9; Gal. i, 13; 1 Tim. i, 12, 13.
Soon after St. Paul was baptized at Damascus, he went into Arabia; but we are not informed how long he remained there. He returned to Damascus; and being supernaturally qualified to be a preacher of the Gospel, he immediately entered upon his ministry in that city. The boldness and success with which he enforced the truths of Christianity so irritated the unbelieving Jews, that they resolved to put him to death, Acts ix, 23; but, this design being known, the disciples conveyed him privately out of Damascus, and he went to Jerusalem, A. D. 38. The Christians of Jerusalem, remembering St. Paul’s former hostility to the Gospel, and having no authentic account of any change in his sentiments or conduct, at first refused to receive him; but being assured by Barnabas of St. Paul’s real conversion, and of his exertions at Damascus, they acknowledged him as a disciple, Acts ix, 27. He remained only fifteen days among them, Gal. i, 18; and he saw none of the Apostles except St. Peter and St. James. It is probable that the other Apostles were at this time absent from Jerusalem, exercising their ministry at different places. The zeal with which St. Paul preached at Jerusalem had the same effect as at Damascus: he became so obnoxious to the Hellenistic Jews, that they began to consider how they might kill him, Acts ix, 29; which when the brethren knew, they thought it right that he should leave the city. They accompanied him to Cæsarea, and thence he went into the regions of Syria and Cilicia, where he preached the faith which once he destroyed, Gal. i, 21, 23.
Soon after St. Paul was baptized in Damascus, he went into Arabia, but we don’t know how long he stayed there. He returned to Damascus and, being supernaturally equipped to preach the Gospel, quickly began his ministry in that city. The boldness and success with which he shared the truths of Christianity upset the unbelieving Jews so much that they decided to kill him (Acts 9:23). However, when the disciples learned of this plan, they helped him escape from Damascus, and he went to Jerusalem in A.D. 38. The Christians in Jerusalem, remembering St. Paul’s previous hostility to the Gospel and lacking any reliable information about a change in his beliefs or behavior, initially refused to accept him. But after Barnabas assured them of St. Paul’s genuine conversion and his efforts in Damascus, they recognized him as a disciple (Acts 9:27). He stayed with them for only fifteen days (Gal. 1:18) and met none of the Apostles except St. Peter and St. James. It’s likely that the other Apostles were absent from Jerusalem during this time, preaching in different places. The enthusiasm with which St. Paul preached in Jerusalem had the same outcome as in Damascus; he became so disliked by the Hellenistic Jews that they started plotting to kill him (Acts 9:29). When the brothers found out, they thought it best for him to leave the city. They accompanied him to Caesarea, and from there he traveled to the regions of Syria and Cilicia, where he preached the faith he once tried to destroy (Gal. 1:21, 23).
Hitherto the preaching of St. Paul, as well as of the other Apostles and teachers, had been confined to the Jews; but the conversion of Cornelius, the first Gentile convert, A. D. 40, having convinced all the Apostles that to the Gentiles, also, God had granted repentance unto life,” St. Paul was soon after conducted by Barnabas from Tarsus, which had probably been the principal place of his residence since he left Jerusalem, and they both began to preach the Gospel to the Gentiles at Antioch, A. D. 42, Acts xi, 25. Their preaching was attended with great success. The first Gentile church was now established at Antioch; and in that city, and at this time, the disciples were first called Christians, Acts xi, 26. When these two Apostles had been thus employed about a year, a prophet called Agabus predicted an approaching famine, which would affect the whole land of Judea. Upon the prospect of this calamity, the Christians of Antioch made a contribution for their brethren in Judea, and sent the money to the elders at Jerusalem by St. Paul and Barnabas, A. D. 44, Acts xi, 28, &c. This famine happened soon after, in the fourth or fifth year of the Emperor Claudius. It is supposed that St. Paul had the vision, mentioned in Acts xxii, 17, while he was now at Jerusalem this second time after his conversion.
Until now, the preaching of St. Paul, along with that of the other Apostles and teachers, had been limited to the Jews. However, the conversion of Cornelius, the first Gentile convert, in A.D. 40, convinced all the Apostles that God had also granted repentance that leads to life for the Gentiles. Soon after, St. Paul was brought by Barnabas from Tarsus, which he had likely been calling home since leaving Jerusalem, and they both began preaching the Gospel to the Gentiles in Antioch starting in A.D. 42, as noted in Acts xi, 25. Their preaching was very successful, and the first Gentile church was established in Antioch. It was in that city that the disciples were first called Christians, as mentioned in Acts xi, 26. After the two Apostles had been working there for about a year, a prophet named Agabus predicted a coming famine that would affect all of Judea. In anticipation of this disaster, the Christians in Antioch contributed to help their fellow believers in Judea and sent the money to the elders in Jerusalem through St. Paul and Barnabas in A.D. 44, as stated in Acts xi, 28, etc. This famine occurred soon after, during the fourth or fifth year of Emperor Claudius. It’s believed that St. Paul had the vision mentioned in Acts xxii, 17 while he was in Jerusalem for the second time after his conversion.
St. Paul and Barnabas, having executed their commission, returned to Antioch; and soon after their arrival in that city they were separated, by the express direction of the Holy Ghost, from the other Christian teachers and prophets, for the purpose of carrying the glad tidings of the Gospel to the Gentiles of various countries, Acts xiii, 1. Thus divinely appointed to this important office, they set out from Antioch, A. D. 45, and preached the Gospel successively at Salamis and Paphos, two cities of the isle of Cyprus, at Perga in Pamphylia, Antioch in Pisidia, and at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, three cities of Lycaonia. They returned to Antioch in Syria, A. D. 47, nearly by the same route. This first apostolical journey of St. Paul, in which he was accompanied and assisted by Barnabas, is supposed to have occupied about two years; and in the course of it many, both Jews and Gentiles, were converted to the Gospel.
St. Paul and Barnabas completed their mission and went back to Antioch. Soon after they arrived in the city, they were set apart by the Holy Spirit from the other Christian teachers and prophets to share the good news of the Gospel with Gentiles in various countries (Acts xiii, 1). Chosen for this important role, they left Antioch in A.D. 45 and preached the Gospel in sequence at Salamis and Paphos, two cities on the island of Cyprus, then at Perga in Pamphylia, Antioch in Pisidia, and the cities of Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe in Lycaonia. They returned to Antioch in Syria in A.D. 47, following almost the same route. This first apostolic journey of St. Paul, where he was accompanied and supported by Barnabas, is believed to have lasted about two years, during which many people, both Jews and Gentiles, were converted to the Gospel.
Paul and Barnabas continued at Antioch a considerable time; and while they were there, a dispute arose between them and some Jewish Christians of Judea. These men asserted, that the Gentile converts could not obtain salvation through the Gospel, unless they were circumcised; Paul and Barnabas maintained the contrary opinion, Acts xv, 1, 2. This dispute was carried on for some time with great earnestness; and it being a question in which not only the present but all future Gentile converts were concerned, it was thought right that St. Paul and Barnabas, with some others, should go up to Jerusalem to consult the Apostles and elders concerning it. They passed through Phenicia and Samaria, and upon their arrival at Jerusalem, A. D. 49, a council was assembled for the purpose of discussing this important point, Gal. ii, 1. St. Peter and St. James the less were present, and delivered their sentiments, which coincided with those of St. Paul and Barnabas; and after much deliberation it was agreed, that neither circumcision, nor conformity to any part of the ritual law of Moses, was necessary in Gentile converts; but that it should be recommended to them to abstain from certain specified things prohibited by that law, lest their indulgence in them should give offence to their brethren of the circumcision, who were still very zealous for the observance of the ceremonial part of their ancient religion. This decision which was declared to have the sanction of the Holy Ghost, was communicated to the Gentile Christians of Syria and Cilicia by a letter written in the name of the Apostles, elders, and whole church at Jerusalem, and conveyed by Judas and Silas, who accompanied St. Paul and Barnabas to Antioch for that purpose.
Paul and Barnabas stayed in Antioch for quite a while, and while they were there, a disagreement came up between them and some Jewish Christians from Judea. These men argued that Gentile converts couldn't be saved through the Gospel unless they were circumcised. Paul and Barnabas disagreed. This dispute went on for some time with a lot of intensity. Since it was an issue that affected not only the current Gentile converts but also future ones, it was decided that Paul and Barnabas, along with others, should go to Jerusalem to consult with the Apostles and elders about it. They traveled through Phoenicia and Samaria, and when they arrived in Jerusalem in A.D. 49, a council was convened to discuss this important issue. Peter and James the Less were present and shared their views, which aligned with those of Paul and Barnabas. After much discussion, it was agreed that neither circumcision nor following any part of the Mosaic law was necessary for Gentile converts. However, they recommended that these converts should avoid certain specific things prohibited by that law to prevent offending their fellow believers who were still very committed to the ceremonial aspects of their ancient faith. This decision, which was said to have the approval of the Holy Spirit, was communicated to the Gentile Christians in Syria and Cilicia through a letter written in the name of the Apostles, elders, and the entire church in Jerusalem. It was delivered by Judas and Silas, who went with Paul and Barnabas to Antioch for this purpose.
St. Paul, having preached a short time at Antioch, proposed to Barnabas that they should visit the churches which they had founded in different cities, Acts xv, 36. Barnabas readily consented; but while they were preparing for 731the journey, there arose a disagreement between them, which ended in their separation. In consequence of this dispute with Barnabas, St. Paul chose Silas for his companion, and they set out together from Antioch, A. D. 50. They travelled through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches, and then came to Derbe and Lystra, Acts xvi. Thence they went through Phrygia and Galatia; and, being desirous of going into Asia Propria, or the Proconsular Asia, they were forbidden by the Holy Ghost. They therefore went into Mysia; and, not being permitted by the Holy Ghost to go into Bithynia as they had intended, they went to Troas. While St. Paul was there, a vision appeared to him in the night: There stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, saying, Come over into Macedonia, and help us.” St. Paul knew this vision to be a command from Heaven, and in obedience to it immediately sailed from Troas to Samothracia, and the next day to Neapolis, a city of Thrace; and thence he went to Philippi, the principal city of that part of Macedonia. St. Paul remained some time at Philippi, preaching the Gospel; and several occurrences which took place in that city, are recorded in Acts xvii. Thence he went through Amphipolis and Apollonia to Thessalonica, Acts xvii, where he preached in the synagogues of the Jews on three successive Sabbath days. Some of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles of both sexes, embraced the Gospel; but the unbelieving Jews, moved with envy and indignation at the success of St. Paul’s preaching, excited a great disturbance in the city, and irritated the populace so much against him, that the brethren, anxious for his safety, thought it prudent to send him to Berea, where he met with a better reception than he had experienced at Thessalonica. The Bereans heard his instructions with attention and candour, and having compared his doctrines with the ancient Scriptures, and being satisfied that Jesus, whom he preached, was the promised Messiah, they embraced the Gospel; but his enemies at Thessalonica, being informed of his success at Berea, came thither, and, by their endeavours to stir up the people against him, compelled him to leave that city also. He went thence to Athens, where he delivered that discourse recorded in Acts xvii. From Athens, Paul went to Corinth, Acts xviii, A. D. 51, and lived in the house of Aquila and Priscilla, two Jews, who, being compelled to leave Rome in consequence of Claudius’s edict against the Jews, had lately settled at Corinth. St. Paul was induced to take up his residence with them, because, like himself, they were tent makers. At first he preached to the Jews in their synagogue; but upon their violently opposing his doctrine, he declared that from that time he would preach to the Gentiles only; and, accordingly, he afterward delivered his instructions in the house of one Justus, who lived near the synagogue. Among the few Jews who embraced the Gospel, were Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, and his family; and many of the Gentile Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized.” St. Paul was encouraged in a vision to persevere in his exertions to convert the inhabitants of Corinth; and although he met with great opposition and disturbance from the unbelieving Jews, and was accused by them before Gallio, the Roman governor of Achaia, he continued there a year and six months, teaching the word of God.” During this time he supported himself by working at his trade of tent making, that he might not be burdensome to the disciples. From Corinth St. Paul sailed into Syria, and thence he went to Ephesus: thence to Cæsarea; and is supposed to have arrived at Jerusalem just before the feast of pentecost. After the feast he went to Antioch, A. D. 53; and this was the conclusion of his second apostolical journey, in which he was accompanied by Silas; and in part of it, Luke and Timothy were also with him.
St. Paul, after preaching for a brief time in Antioch, suggested to Barnabas that they should visit the churches they had established in various cities, Acts xv, 36. Barnabas agreed, but as they were getting ready for the journey, a disagreement arose between them, leading to their separation. Because of this dispute with Barnabas, St. Paul chose Silas as his companion, and they set out together from Antioch in A.D. 50. They traveled through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches, and then arrived at Derbe and Lystra, Acts xvi. From there, they went through Phrygia and Galatia; however, when they wanted to go into Asia Propria, or the Proconsular Asia, they were prevented by the Holy Spirit. So, they traveled into Mysia; and when they were not allowed by the Holy Spirit to go into Bithynia as they intended, they went to Troas. While St. Paul was there, he had a vision at night: a man from Macedonia stood before him, pleading, "Come over to Macedonia and help us." St. Paul recognized this vision as God's command and immediately sailed from Troas to Samothracia, and the next day to Neapolis, a city in Thrace; from there, he went to Philippi, the main city of that area in Macedonia. St. Paul stayed in Philippi for some time, preaching the Gospel, and several events that occurred in that city are detailed in Acts xvii. From Philippi, he traveled through Amphipolis and Apollonia to Thessalonica, Acts xvii, where he preached in the Jewish synagogues on three consecutive Sabbath days. Some Jews and many Gentiles of both genders accepted the Gospel, but the unbelieving Jews, envious and upset about St. Paul's success, stirred up a big commotion in the city and incited the people against him so much that the brothers, concerned for his safety, decided it was best to send him to Berea, where he was received more positively than he had been in Thessalonica. The Bereans listened to his teachings with interest and openness, and after comparing his messages with the ancient Scriptures, they were convinced that Jesus, whom he preached, was the promised Messiah, and thus they accepted the Gospel. However, his enemies from Thessalonica, hearing about his success in Berea, came there and tried to incite the people against him, forcing him to leave that city as well. He then traveled to Athens, where he gave the speech recorded in Acts xvii. From Athens, Paul went to Corinth, Acts xviii, A.D. 51, and stayed in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, two Jews who had recently settled in Corinth after being forced to leave Rome due to Claudius's edict against the Jews. St. Paul chose to live with them because they were also tent makers like him. Initially, he preached in the Jewish synagogue; but when they opposed his teachings violently, he declared that from then on, he would only preach to the Gentiles; and he then taught in the house of a man named Justus, who lived close to the synagogue. Among the few Jews who accepted the Gospel were Crispus, the synagogue ruler, and his family; and many of the Gentile Corinthians heard his message, believed, and were baptized. St. Paul was encouraged in a vision to keep working to convert the people of Corinth; and even though he faced strong opposition and unrest from the unbelieving Jews, who accused him before Gallio, the Roman governor of Achaia, he stayed there for a year and a half, teaching the word of God. During this time, he supported himself by working as a tent maker to avoid being a burden to the disciples. From Corinth, St. Paul sailed to Syria, then went to Ephesus; from there to Cæsarea; and is thought to have arrived in Jerusalem just before the Feast of Pentecost. After the feast, he went to Antioch, A.D. 53; and this marked the end of his second apostolic journey, in which he was accompanied by Silas; and for part of it, Luke and Timothy were also with him.
Having made a short stay at Antioch, St. Paul set out upon his third apostolical journey. He passed through Galatia, and Phrygia, A. D. 54, confirming the Christians of those countries; and thence, according to his promise, he went to Ephesus, Acts xix. He found there some disciples, who had only been baptized with John’s baptism: he directed that they should be baptized in the name of Jesus, and then he communicated to them the Holy Ghost. He preached for the space of three months in the synagogue; but the Jews being hardened beyond conviction, and speaking reproachfully of the Christian religion before the multitude, he left them; and from that time he delivered his instructions in the school of a person called Tyrannus, who was probably a Gentile. St. Paul continued to preach in this place about two years, so that all the inhabitants of that part of Asia Minor heard the word of the Lord Jesus, both Jews and Greeks.” He also performed many miracles at Ephesus; and not only great numbers of people were converted to Christianity, but many also of those who in this superstitious city used incantations and magical arts, professed their belief in the Gospel, and renounced their former practices by publicly burning their books. Previous to the disturbance raised by Demetrius, Paul had intended to continue at Ephesus till Titus should return, whom he had sent to inquire into the state of the church at Corinth, 2 Cor. xii, 18. He now thought it prudent to go from Ephesus immediately, Acts xx, A. D. 56; and having taken an affectionate leave of the disciples, he set out for Troas, 2 Cor. ii, 12, 13, where he expected to meet Titus. Titus, however, from some cause which is not known, did not come to Troas; and Paul was encouraged to pass over into Macedonia, with the hope of making converts. St. Paul, after preaching in Macedonia, receiving from the Christians of that country liberal contributions for their poor brethren in Judea, 2 Cor. viii, 1, went to Corinth, A. D. 57, and remained there about three months. The Christians also of Corinth, and of the rest of Achaia, contributed to the relief of their brethren in Judea. St. Paul’s intention was to have sailed from Corinth into Syria; but being 732informed that some unbelieving Jews, who had discovered his intention, lay in wait for him, he changed his plan, passed through Macedonia, and sailed from Philippi to Troas in five days, A. D. 58. He stayed at Troas seven days, and preached to the Christians on the first day of the week, the day on which they were accustomed to meet for the purpose of religious worship. From Troas he went by land to Assos; and thence he sailed to Mitylene; and from Mitylene to Miletus. Being desirous of reaching Jerusalem before the feast of pentecost, he would not allow time to go to Ephesus, and therefore he sent for the elders of the Ephesian church to Miletus, and gave them instructions, and prayed with them. He told them that he should see them no more, which impressed them with the deepest sorrow. From Miletus he sailed by Cos, Rhodes, and Patara in Lycia, to Tyre, Acts xxi. Finding some disciples at Tyre, he stayed with them several days, and then went to Ptolemais, and thence to Cæsarea. While St. Paul was at Cæsarea, the Prophet Agabus foretold by the Holy Ghost, that St. Paul, if he went to Jerusalem, would suffer much from the Jews. This prediction caused great uneasiness to St. Paul’s friends, and they endeavoured to dissuade him from his intention of going thither. St. Paul, however, would not listen to their entreaties, but declared that he was ready to die at Jerusalem, if it were necessary, for the name of the Lord Jesus. Seeing him thus resolute, they desisted from their importunities, and accompanied him to Jerusalem, where he is supposed to have arrived just before the feast of pentecost, A. D. 58. This may be considered as the end of St. Paul’s third apostolical journey.
Having briefly stayed in Antioch, St. Paul set out on his third missionary journey. He traveled through Galatia and Phrygia in A.D. 54, strengthening the Christians in those regions. As he had promised, he then went to Ephesus, as described in Acts xix. There he met some disciples who had only been baptized with John’s baptism. He instructed them to be baptized in the name of Jesus, and then he imparted the Holy Spirit to them. He preached in the synagogue for three months, but since the Jews were stubborn and openly criticized the Christian faith in front of the crowd, he left them. From then on, he taught in the school of a man named Tyrannus, who was likely a Gentile. St. Paul continued his preaching in this location for about two years, ensuring that all the people in that part of Asia Minor heard the message of the Lord Jesus, both Jews and Greeks. He also performed many miracles in Ephesus; not only were many people converted to Christianity, but numerous practitioners of magic and incantations in that superstitious city publicly burned their books, renouncing their old ways. Before the unrest stirred up by Demetrius, Paul had planned to stay in Ephesus until Titus returned, whom he had sent to check on the church in Corinth, as seen in 2 Cor. xii, 18. However, he decided it was wise to leave Ephesus immediately, as recorded in Acts xx, A.D. 56. After saying a heartfelt goodbye to the disciples, he set off for Troas, referring to 2 Cor. ii, 12, 13, expecting to meet Titus there. For reasons unknown, Titus did not arrive in Troas, and Paul felt encouraged to travel to Macedonia in hopes of making new converts. After preaching in Macedonia and collecting generous contributions from its Christians for their less fortunate brethren in Judea, as noted in 2 Cor. viii, 1, he went to Corinth, A.D. 57, and stayed there for about three months. The Christians in Corinth and the surrounding region of Achaia also contributed to support their brethren in Judea. St. Paul intended to sail from Corinth to Syria, but upon learning that some unbelieving Jews had discovered his plans and were waiting to ambush him, he changed his route. He traveled through Macedonia and sailed from Philippi to Troas in five days, A.D. 58. He spent seven days in Troas, preaching to the Christians on the first day of the week, when they typically gathered for worship. After Troas, he traveled overland to Assos, then sailed to Mitylene, and from Mitylene to Miletus. Wanting to arrive in Jerusalem before the Feast of Pentecost, he didn’t have time to go to Ephesus, so he called for the elders of the Ephesian church to meet him in Miletus, where he gave them instructions and prayed with them. He told them he wouldn’t see them again, which made them very sad. From Miletus, he sailed by Cos, Rhodes, and Patara in Lycia to Tyre, as mentioned in Acts xxi. In Tyre, he found some disciples and stayed with them for several days before heading to Ptolemais, and then to Cæsarea. While St. Paul was in Cæsarea, the prophet Agabus, inspired by the Holy Spirit, predicted that St. Paul would face great suffering from the Jews if he went to Jerusalem. This prediction caused considerable worry among St. Paul’s friends, who tried to persuade him not to go. However, St. Paul refused to listen to their pleas, asserting that he was ready to die in Jerusalem if necessary for the name of the Lord Jesus. Seeing his determination, they stopped insisting and accompanied him to Jerusalem, where he is thought to have arrived just before the Feast of Pentecost, A.D. 58. This can be seen as the conclusion of St. Paul’s third missionary journey.
St. Paul was received by the Apostles and other Christians at Jerusalem with great joy and affection; and his account of the success of his ministry, and of the collections which he had made among the Christians of Macedonia and Achaia, for the relief of their brethren in Judea, afforded them much satisfaction; but not long after his arrival at Jerusalem, some Jews of Asia, who had probably in their own country witnessed St. Paul’s zeal in spreading Christianity among the Gentiles, seeing him one day in the temple, endeavoured to excite a tumult, by crying out that he was the man who was aiming to destroy all distinction between Jew and Gentile; who taught things contrary to the law of Moses; and who had polluted the holy temple, by bringing into it uncircumcised Heathens. This representation did not fail to enrage the multitude against St. Paul; they seized him, dragged him out of the temple, beat him, and were upon the point of putting him to death, when he was rescued out of their hands by Lysias, a Roman tribune, and the principal military officer then at Jerusalem. What followed,--his defence before Felix and Agrippa,--his long detention at Cæsarea, and his appeal to the emperor, which occasioned his voyage to Rome, are all circumstantially stated in the latter chapters of the Acts. Upon his arrival at Rome, St. Paul was committed to the care of the captain of the guard, A. D. 61. The Scriptures do not inform us whether he was ever tried before Nero, who was at this time emperor of Rome; and the learned are much divided in their opinion upon that point. St. Luke only says, Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a soldier that kept him. And Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house, and received all that came in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, no man forbidding him.” During his confinement he converted some Jews resident at Rome, and many Gentiles, and, among the rest, several persons belonging to the emperor’s household, Phil. iv, 22.
St. Paul was welcomed by the Apostles and other Christians in Jerusalem with great joy and warmth. His account of the success of his ministry and the collections he made among the Christians in Macedonia and Achaia for the support of their fellow believers in Judea greatly pleased them. However, shortly after he arrived in Jerusalem, some Jews from Asia, who had likely seen St. Paul’s enthusiasm for spreading Christianity among the Gentiles back home, saw him one day in the temple and tried to stir up a riot by shouting that he was the one trying to eliminate the differences between Jew and Gentile; that he taught things against the law of Moses; and that he had defiled the holy temple by bringing in uncircumcised non-Jews. This accusation stirred up rage in the crowd against St. Paul; they seized him, dragged him out of the temple, beat him, and were about to kill him when he was saved by Lysias, a Roman tribune and the chief military officer in Jerusalem at the time. What happened next—his defense before Felix and Agrippa, his lengthy detention in Cæsarea, and his appeal to the emperor that led to his journey to Rome—is all detailed in the later chapters of Acts. Upon arriving in Rome, St. Paul was placed under the care of the captain of the guard in A.D. 61. The Scriptures do not tell us whether he was ever tried before Nero, who was the emperor of Rome at that time, and scholars have differing opinions on that matter. St. Luke simply notes that Paul was allowed to live by himself with a soldier who was guarding him. Paul spent two whole years in his own rented house, welcoming anyone who came to him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ with complete confidence, unhindered by anyone. During his time in confinement, he converted some Jews living in Rome, many Gentiles, and even several people from the emperor’s household, as noted in Phil. iv, 22.
The Scripture history ends with the release of St. Paul from his two years’ imprisonment at Rome, A. D. 63; and no ancient author has left us any particulars of the remaining part of this Apostle’s life. It seems probable, that, immediately after he recovered his liberty, he went to Jerusalem; and that afterward he travelled through Asia Minor, Crete, Macedonia, and Greece, confirming his converts, and regulating the affairs of the different churches which he had planted in those countries. Whether at this time he also preached the Gospel in Spain, as some have imagined, is very uncertain. It was the unanimous tradition of the church, that St. Paul returned to Rome, that he underwent a second imprisonment there, and at last was put to death by the Emperor Nero. Tacitus and Suetonius have mentioned a dreadful fire which happened at Rome in the time of Nero. It was believed, though probably without any reason, that the emperor himself was the author of that fire; but to remove the odium from himself, he chose to attribute it to the Christians; and, to give some colour to that unjust imputation, he persecuted them with the utmost cruelty. In this persecution St. Peter and Paul suffered martyrdom, probably, A. D. 65; and if we may credit Sulpitius Severus, a writer of the fifth century, the former was crucified, and the latter beheaded.
The Scripture history concludes with St. Paul's release from his two years of imprisonment in Rome, A.D. 63, and no ancient author has provided details about the rest of this Apostle's life. It's likely that right after he regained his freedom, he went to Jerusalem; afterward, he traveled through Asia Minor, Crete, Macedonia, and Greece, strengthening his converts and organizing the affairs of the various churches he had established in those regions. It's uncertain whether he also preached the Gospel in Spain during this time, as some have suggested. The church unanimously believes that St. Paul returned to Rome, faced a second imprisonment there, and was eventually executed by Emperor Nero. Tacitus and Suetonius mentioned a terrible fire that occurred in Rome during Nero's reign. It was thought, though likely without justification, that the emperor was responsible for that fire; to deflect blame from himself, he claimed it was the Christians who were to blame, and to lend some credibility to that false accusation, he persecuted them with extreme cruelty. In this persecution, St. Peter and Paul were martyred, likely around A.D. 65; and if we can trust Sulpitius Severus, a fifth-century writer, Peter was crucified and Paul was beheaded.
St. Paul was a person of great natural abilities, of quick apprehension, strong feelings, firm resolution, and irreproachable life. He was conversant with Grecian and Jewish literature; and gave early proofs of an active and zealous disposition. If we may be allowed to consider his character independent of his supernatural endowments, we may pronounce that he was well qualified to have risen to distinction and eminence, and that he was by nature peculiarly adapted to the high office to which it pleased God to call him. As a minister of the Gospel, he displayed the most unwearied perseverance and undaunted courage. He was deterred by no difficulty or danger, and endured a great variety of persecutions with patience and cheerfulness. He gloried in being thought worthy of suffering for the name of Jesus, and continued with unabated zeal to maintain the truth of Christianity against its bitterest and most powerful enemies. He was the principal instrument under Providence of spreading the Gospel among the Gentiles; and we have seen that 733his labours lasted through many years, and reached over a considerable extent of country. Though emphatically styled the great Apostle of the Gentiles, he began his ministry, in almost every city, by preaching in the synagogue of the Jews; and though he owed by far the greater part of his persecutions to the opposition and malice of that proud and obstinate people, whose resentment he particularly incurred by maintaining that the Gentiles were to be admitted to an indiscriminate participation of the benefits of the new dispensation, yet it rarely happened in any place, that some of the Jews did not yield to his arguments, and embrace the Gospel. He watched with paternal care over the churches which he had founded; and was always ready to strengthen the faith, and regulate the conduct of his converts, by such directions and advice as their circumstances might require.
St. Paul was an incredibly talented person, quick to understand things, with strong emotions, a determined mindset, and a life without blame. He was knowledgeable in both Greek and Jewish literature and showed early signs of being active and passionate. If we look at his character apart from his extraordinary gifts, we can say that he was well-suited to achieve greatness and that he was naturally equipped for the high role God chose for him. As a minister of the Gospel, he demonstrated relentless perseverance and fearless courage. No challenge or risk could stop him, and he faced a wide range of persecutions with patience and optimism. He took pride in being seen as worthy of suffering for the name of Jesus and continued to passionately defend the truth of Christianity against its fiercest and strongest opponents. He was the main tool, under God’s guidance, for spreading the Gospel among the Gentiles; and his efforts lasted many years, reaching a large area. Although he is known as the great Apostle of the Gentiles, he often started his ministry in different cities by preaching in Jewish synagogues; and while he faced most of his persecutions from the stubborn and proud people who were upset with him for arguing that Gentiles should equally share in the benefits of the new faith, it was still common for some Jews to be convinced by his reasoning and accept the Gospel. He closely and carefully watched over the churches he established and was always available to strengthen the faith and guide the behavior of his converts with the advice and directions they needed based on their situations.
The exertions of St. Paul in the cause of Christianity were not confined to personal instruction: he also wrote fourteen epistles to individuals or churches which are now extant, and form a part of our canon. These letters furnish evidence of the soundness and sobriety of his judgment. His caution in distinguishing between the occasional suggestions of inspiration, and the ordinary exertions of his natural understanding, is without example in the history of enthusiasm. His morality is every where calm, pure, and rational; adapted to the condition, the activity, and the business of social life, and of its various relations; free from the overscrupulousness and austerities of superstition, and from, what was more perhaps to be apprehended, the abstractions of quietism, and the soarings or extravagancies of fanaticism. His judgment concerning a hesitating conscience, his opinion of the moral indifferency of many actions, yet of the prudence and even the duty of compliance, where non-compliance would produce evil effects upon the minds of the persons who observed it, are all in proof of the calm and discriminating character of his mind; and the universal applicability of his precepts affords strong presumption of his inspiration. What Lord Lyttleton has remarked of the preference ascribed by St. Paul to rectitude of principle above every other religious accomplishment, is weighty: Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal,” &c, 1 Cor. xiii, 1–3. Did ever enthusiast prefer that universal benevolence, meant by charity here, (which, we may add, is attainable by every man,) to faith, and to miracles, to those religious opinions which he had embraced, and to those supernatural graces and gifts which he imagined he had acquired, nay, even to the merit of martyrdom? Is it not the genius of enthusiasm to set moral virtues infinitely below the merit of faith; and of all moral virtues to value that least which is most particularly enforced by St. Paul, a spirit of candour, moderation, and peace? Certainly, neither the temper nor the opinions of a man subject to fanatic delusions are to be found in this passage. His letters, indeed, every where discover great zeal and earnestness in the cause in which he was engaged; that is to say, he was convinced of the truth of what he taught; he was deeply impressed, but not more so than the occasion merited, with a sense of its importance. This produces a corresponding animation and solicitude in the exercise of his ministry. But would not these considerations, supposing them to have been well founded, have holden the same place, and produced the same effect, in a mind the strongest and the most sedate? Here, then, we have a man of liberal attainments, and in other respects of sound judgment, who had addicted his life to the service of the Gospel. We see him in the prosecution of his purpose, travelling from country to country, enduring every species of hardship, encountering every extremity of danger, assaulted by the populace, punished by the magistrates, scourged, beaten, stoned, left for dead; expecting, wherever he came, a renewal of the same treatment, and the same dangers; yet, when driven from one city, preaching in the next; spending his whole time in the employment; sacrificing to it his pleasures, his ease, his safety; persisting in this course to old age, unaltered by the experience of perverseness, ingratitude, prejudice, desertion; unsubdued by anxiety, want, labour, persecutions; unwearied by long confinement; undismayed by the prospect of death. Such was St. Paul; and such were the proofs of Apostleship found in him.”
The efforts of St. Paul in promoting Christianity went beyond just teaching individuals; he also wrote fourteen letters to various people and churches that are still available today and are part of our religious texts. These letters demonstrate the clarity and soundness of his judgment. He was careful to separate the moments of inspiration from his regular reasoning, which is unmatched in the history of religious zeal. His morals were consistently calm, pure, and rational; tailored to the realities, actions, and duties of social life and its many connections; devoid of the excessive strictness and harshness of superstition, as well as the detachment of quietism, and the outbursts or extremes of fanaticism. His views about a conflicted conscience, his beliefs on the moral neutrality of many actions, yet recognizing the wisdom and even the obligation of going along with certain actions to avoid negative effects on others, all show the level-headed and discerning nature of his mind. His teachings being widely relevant suggests strong evidence of his inspiration. What Lord Lyttleton noted about St. Paul's emphasis on moral integrity over all other religious achievements is significant: "Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity, I am as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal,” etc., 1 Cor. xiii, 1–3. Has any zealous person ever placed the universal goodwill, which is meant by charity here (and which we might add, is attainable by everyone), above faith, miracles, the religious beliefs they have embraced, and the supernatural gifts they think they've received, even above the honor of martyrdom? Isn't it typical of zealots to regard moral virtues as less important than faith; and of all the moral virtues, to undervalue most the one that St. Paul stresses the most— a spirit of kindness, moderation, and peace? Clearly, you won't find the mindset or views of someone caught up in fanaticism in this passage. His letters show considerable enthusiasm and commitment to his mission; in other words, he was fully convinced of the truth of what he preached; he felt its importance deeply, but not more than the situation warranted. This yields a matching energy and concern in the way he carried out his ministry. But wouldn't these factors, assuming they were well grounded, have a similar impact on a strong and composed mind? Here we have a man with broad knowledge and sound judgment who dedicated his life to spreading the Gospel. We see him pursuing his goal, traveling from place to place, bearing all kinds of hardships, facing extreme dangers, attacked by mobs, punished by authorities, whipped, beaten, stoned, and left for dead; always expecting the same treatment and dangers wherever he went; yet, when forced out of one city, he would preach in another; spending all his time in this work; sacrificing his pleasures, comfort, and safety for it; sticking to this path into old age, unshaken by experiences of ungratefulness, bias, abandonment; unfazed by worry, deprivation, toil, persecution; tireless despite long imprisonments; unafraid of the prospect of death. This was St. Paul; and these were the signs of his apostleship.
The following remarks of Hug on the character of this Apostle are equally just and eloquent: This most violent man, having such terrible propensities, whose turbulent impulses rendered him of a most enterprising character, would have become nothing better than a John of Gishala, a blood-intoxicated zealot, εμπνεων απειλης και φονου, breathing out threatenings and slaughter, Acts ix, 1, had not his whole soul been changed. The harsh tone of his mind inclined him to the principles of Pharisaism, which had all the appearance of severity, and was the predominant party among the Jews. Nature had not withholden from him the external endowments of eloquence, although he afterward spoke very modestly of them. At Lystra he was deemed the tutelar god of eloquence. This character, qualified for great things, but, not master of himself from excess of internal power, was an extreme of human dispositions, and, according to the natural course, was prone to absolute extremities. His religion was a destructive zeal, his anger was fierceness, his fury required victims. A ferocity so boisterous did not psychologically qualify him for a Christian nor a philanthropist; but, least of all, for a quietly enduring man. He, nevertheless, became all this on his conversion to Christianity, and each bursting emotion of his mind subsided directly into a well regulated and noble character. Formerly hasty and irritable, now only spirited and resolved; formerly violent, now full of energy and enterprising: once ungovernably refractory 734against every thing which obstructed him, now only persevering; once fanatical and morose, now only serious; once cruel, now only firm; once a harsh zealot, now fearing God; formerly unrelenting, deaf to sympathy and commiseration, now himself acquainted with tears, which he had seen without effect in others. Formerly the friend of none, now the brother of mankind, benevolent, compassionate, sympathizing; yet never weak, always great; in the midst of sadness and sorrow manly and noble; so he showed himself at his deeply moving departure from Miletus, Acts xx: it is like the departure of Moses, like the resignation of Samuel, sincere and heart-felt, full of self-recollection, and in the midst of pain full of dignity. His writings are a true expression of this character, with regard to the tone predominant in them. Severity, manly seriousness, and sentiments which ennoble the heart, are interchanged with mildness, affability, and sympathy: and their transitions are such as nature begets in the heart of a man penetrated by his subject, noble and discerning. He exhorts, reproaches, and consoles again; he attacks with energy, urges with impetuosity, then again he speaks kindly to the soul; he displays his finer feelings for the welfare of others, his forbearance and his fear of afflicting any body: all as the subject, time, opposite dispositions, and circumstances require. There prevails throughout in them an importuning language, an earnest and lively communication. Rom. i, 26–32, is a comprehensive and vigorous description of morals. His antithesis, Rom. ii, 21–24; 2 Cor. iv, 8–12; vi, 9–11; ix, 22–30; his enumerations, 1 Cor. xiii, 4–10; 2 Cor. vi, 4–7; 2 Tim. iii, 1–5; Eph. iv, 4–7; v, 3–6; his gradations, Romans viii, 29, 30; Titus iii, 3, 4; the interrogations, exclamations, and comparisons, sometimes animate his language even so as to give a visible existence to it. That, however, which we principally perceive in Paul, and from which his whole actions and operations become intelligible, is the peculiar impression which the idea of a universal religion has wrought upon his mind. This idea of establishing a religion for the world had not so profoundly engrossed any soul, no where kindled so much vigour, and projected it into such a constant energy. In this he was no man’s scholar; this he had immediately received from the Spirit of his Master; it was a spark of the divine light which enkindled him. It was this which never allowed him to remain in Palestine and in Syria, which so powerfully impelled him to foreign parts. The portion of some others was Judea and its environs: but his mission was directed to the nations, and his allotment was the whole of the Heathen world. Thus he began his career among the different nations of Asia Minor, and when this limit also became too confined for him, he went with equal confidence to Europe, among other nations, ordinances, sciences, and customs; and here likewise he finally with the same indefatigable spirit circulated his plans, even to the pillars of Hercules. In this manner Paul prepared the overthrow of two religions, that of his ancestors, and that of the Heathens.
The following comments by Hug on the character of this Apostle are equally insightful and eloquent: This intense man, with such severe tendencies, whose restless impulses made him incredibly ambitious, would have ended up nothing better than a John of Gishala, a zealot drunk on blood, breathing out threats and murder, Acts ix, 1, if his whole being hadn’t been transformed. His harsh mindset inclined him toward Pharisee principles, which seemed strict and were the leading belief among the Jews. Nature didn’t deny him the external gifts of eloquence, even though he later downplayed them. At Lystra, he was considered the patron god of eloquence. This character, capable of great things but not in control of himself due to overwhelming inner power, was an extreme case of human disposition, and, according to the natural order, was prone to absolute extremes. His religion was destructive zeal, his anger was fierce, and his fury demanded victims. Such a wild intensity did not psychologically qualify him to be a Christian or a philanthropist; definitely not a person who could remain calm and patient. Yet, he became all of this after converting to Christianity, and his once explosive emotions settled into a well-regulated and noble character. Once hasty and irritable, he was now spirited and determined; once violent, now full of energy and initiative: once ungovernably defiant against anything that stood in his way, now simply persistent; once fanatical and gloomy, now just serious; once cruel, now steadfast; once a harsh zealot, now fearing God; once unyielding and deaf to sympathy and compassion, now acquainted with tears he had witnessed in others. Once a friend to none, now a brother to all humanity, benevolent, compassionate, empathetic; yet never weak, always great; amid sadness and sorrow, manly and noble; he demonstrated this at his deeply emotional farewell from Miletus, Acts xx: reminiscent of the departure of Moses, like Samuel's resignation, sincere and heartfelt, full of self-reflection, and dignified even in pain. His writings truly reflect this character in the prevailing tone. Severity, manly seriousness, and sentiments that uplift the heart are interwoven with gentleness, friendliness, and empathy; and their transitions are natural, arising from a man deeply engaged with his subject, noble and perceptive. He exhorts, reproaches, and comforts; he attacks with vigor, urges with intensity, then speaks kindly to the soul; he expresses his deeper feelings for the well-being of others, his patience, and his concern not to hurt anyone: all as the topic, time, contrasting emotions, and circumstances require. Throughout, there is a heartfelt language, an earnest and vibrant communication. Rom. i, 26–32, offers a thorough and powerful depiction of morals. His contrast, Rom. ii, 21–24; 2 Cor. iv, 8–12; vi, 9–11; ix, 22–30; his lists, 1 Cor. xiii, 4–10; 2 Cor. vi, 4–7; 2 Tim. iii, 1–5; Eph. iv, 4–7; v, 3–6; his gradations, Romans viii, 29, 30; Titus iii, 3, 4; the questions, exclamations, and comparisons sometimes animate his language so much that it feels alive. However, what we primarily observe in Paul, and from which his entire actions and efforts become clear, is the unique impression that the concept of a universal religion has made on his mind. This vision of establishing a religion for the world had not deeply captivated any other soul, sparking as much energy and driving it toward such relentless action. In this regard, he was nobody’s pupil; he received it directly from the Spirit of his Master; it was a spark of divine light that ignited him. It was this which never allowed him to remain in Palestine and Syria and which forcefully urged him to foreign lands. Some others were assigned to Judea and its surroundings: but his mission was aimed at the nations, and his commission extended to the entire pagan world. Thus, he began his journey among the various nations of Asia Minor, and when that area also became too limiting for him, he confidently ventured into Europe, among other nations, laws, sciences, and customs; and there as well, he tirelessly spread his plans, even to the pillars of Hercules. In this way, Paul laid the groundwork for the downfall of two religions: that of his ancestors and that of the pagans.
PEACOCK, תוכיים, 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 21; a bird distinguished by the length of its tail, and the brilliant spots with which it is adorned; which displays all that dazzles in the sparkling lustre of gems, and all that astonishes in the rainbow. The peacock is a bird originally of India; thence brought into Persia and Media. Aristophanes mentions Persian peacocks; and Suidas calls the peacock the Median bird. From Persia it was gradually dispersed into Judea, Egypt, Greece, and Europe. If the fleet of Solomon visited India, they might easily procure this bird, whether from India itself, or from Persia; and certainly the bird by its beauty was likely to attract attention, and to be brought among other rarities of natural history by Solomon’s servants, who would be instructed to collect every curiosity in the countries they visited.
PEACOCK, תוכיים, 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 21; a bird known for its long tail and the stunning spots that decorate it; it showcases everything that sparkles like gems and all that amazes with its rainbow colors. The peacock is originally from India and was later brought into Persia and Media. Aristophanes refers to Persian peacocks, and Suidas calls it the Median bird. From Persia, it gradually spread into Judea, Egypt, Greece, and Europe. If Solomon's fleet visited India, they could have easily gotten this bird, either directly from India or from Persia; and certainly, its beauty would have caught attention, leading Solomon’s servants to bring it back along with other natural wonders they gathered during their travels.
PEARL, a hard, white, shining body, usually roundish, found in a shell fish resembling an oyster. The oriental pearls have a fine polished gloss, and are tinged with an elegant blush of red. They are esteemed in the east beyond all other jewels.
PEARL, a hard, white, shiny object, typically round, found in a shellfish similar to an oyster. Oriental pearls have a beautifully polished shine and are lightly tinted with a sophisticated blush of red. They are valued in the East more than any other gemstones.
PELAGIANS, a sect that arose in the fifth century. Pelagius was a British monk, of some rank, and very exalted reputation. He, with his friend Celestius, travelled to Rome, where they resided very early in the fifth century, and opposed with warmth certain received notions respecting original sin, and the necessity of divine grace. What reception their doctrines met with at Rome does not appear; but their virtue excited general approbation. On the approach of the Goths, they retired to Africa, where Celestius remained, with a view of gaining admittance as a presbyter into the church of Carthage. Pelagius proceeded to Palestine, where he enjoyed the favour and protection of John, bishop of Jerusalem. But his friend and his opinions met with a very different reception from St. Augustine, the celebrated bishop of Hippo. Whatever parts were visited by these unorthodox friends, they still asserted their peculiar opinions; and they were gradually engaged in a warm contest, in the course of which they were probably led to advance more than had originally occurred to them. In contending for the truth of their doctrines, they are said to have asserted, that mankind derived no injury from the sin of Adam; that we are now as capable of obedience to the will of God as he was; that, otherwise, it would have been cruel and absurd to propose to mankind the performance of certain duties, with the sanction of rewards, and the denunciation of punishments; and that, consequently, men are born without vice, as well as without virtue.” Pelagius is charged also with having maintained, that it is possible for men, provided they fully employ the powers and faculties with which they are endued, to live without sin;” and though he did not deny that external grace, or the doctrines and motives of the Gospel, are necessary, yet 735he is said to have rejected the necessity of internal grace, or the aids of the divine Spirit. He acknowledged, that the power we possess of obeying the will of God, is a divine gift;” but asserted, that the direction of this power depends upon ourselves; that natural death is not a consequence of the sin of Adam, but of the frame of man; and that Adam would have died, though he had not sinned.” Isidore, Chrysostom, and Augustine strenuously opposed these opinions; and the latter procured their condemnation in a synod held at Carthage in 412. They were, however, favourably received at Rome, and Pope Zozimus was at the head of the Pelagian party: but his decision against the African bishops, who had opposed Pelagianism, was disregarded by them, and the pontiff yielded at length to their reasonings and remonstrances, and condemned the men whom he had before honoured with his approbation. The council of Ephesus likewise condemned the opinions of Pelagius and Celestius; and the Emperor Honorius, in 418, published an edict, which ordained that the leaders of the sect should be expelled from Rome, and their followers exiled. Some of the Pelagians taught that Christ was a mere man, and that men might lead sinless lives, because Christ did so; that Jesus became Christ after his baptism, and God after his resurrection; the one arising from his unction, the other from the merit of his passion. The Pelagian controversy, which began with the doctrines of grace and original sin, was extended to predestination, and excited continual discord and division in the church. It must however be recollected, that we are acquainted with the sentiments of Pelagius only through the medium of his opponents; and that it is probable that they were much misrepresented. See Augustine.
PELAGIANS, a movement that emerged in the fifth century. Pelagius was a British monk of some stature and a very high reputation. He, along with his friend Celestius, traveled to Rome, where they lived early in the fifth century and vigorously challenged certain accepted beliefs about original sin and the need for divine grace. The reception their teachings got in Rome isn’t clear; however, their character earned them widespread approval. As the Goths approached, they moved to Africa, where Celestius stayed, hoping to be accepted as a presbyter in the church of Carthage. Pelagius moved on to Palestine, where he gained the favor and protection of John, the bishop of Jerusalem. In contrast, his friend and ideas received a very different reaction from St. Augustine, the renowned bishop of Hippo. Wherever these unorthodox friends went, they continued to uphold their unique views, becoming increasingly engaged in heated debates, likely pushing them to assert more than they had initially considered. In defending their beliefs, they reportedly claimed that humanity was not harmed by Adam's sin; that we are just as capable of obeying God's will as he was; that otherwise, it would be cruel and unreasonable to ask people to perform certain duties, with promises of rewards and threats of punishments; and therefore, humans are born without vice as well as without virtue. Pelagius is also accused of claiming that it's possible for people, if they fully utilize their natural abilities, to live without sin; and while he did not deny the necessity of grace from teachings and motivations provided by the Gospel, he is said to have rejected the need for internal grace or help from the divine Spirit. He acknowledged that our ability to obey God's will is a divine gift, but claimed that how we use that power depends on us; that natural death isn’t a result of Adam's sin, but rather a part of human nature; and that Adam would have died even if he hadn’t sinned. Isidore, Chrysostom, and Augustine strongly opposed these views, and Augustine facilitated the condemnation of Pelagius and Celestius in a synod held in Carthage in 412. They were, however, well-received in Rome, with Pope Zozimus leading the Pelagian group; but his decision against the African bishops who opposed Pelagianism was ignored by them, and he eventually conceded to their arguments and condemned the individuals he had previously supported. The council of Ephesus also denounced the views of Pelagius and Celestius; and Emperor Honorius, in 418, issued an edict that ordered the expulsion of the leaders of the sect from Rome and the exile of their followers. Some Pelagians taught that Christ was merely a man and that people could live sinless lives because Christ did; that Jesus became Christ after his baptism and God after his resurrection, one as a result of his anointing and the other from the merit of his sacrifice. The Pelagian controversy, which began with debates over grace and original sin, expanded to discussions about predestination and caused ongoing conflict and division in the church. However, it’s important to remember that we know Pelagius's beliefs only through the lens of his opponents, and it’s likely that they were often misrepresented. See Augustine.
The followers of the truly evangelical Arminius, or those who hold the tenet of general redemption with its concomitants, have often been greatly traduced, by the ignorant among their doctrinal opponents, as Pelagians, or at least as Semi-Pelagians. It may therefore serve the cause of truth to exhibit the appropriate reply which the Dutch Arminians gave to this charge when urged against them at the synod of Dort, and which they verified and maintained by arguments and authorities that were unanswerable. In their concluding observations they say, “From all these remarks a judgment may easily be formed at what an immense distance our sentiments stand from the dogmatical assertions of the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians on the grace of God in the conversion of man. Pelagius, in the first instance, attributed all things to nature: but we acknowledge nothing but grace. When Pelagius was blamed for not acknowledging grace, he began indeed to speak of it, but it is evident that by grace he understood the power of nature as created by God, that is, the rational will: but by grace we understand a supernatural gift. Pelagius, when afterward pressed with passages of Scripture, also admitted this supernatural grace; but he placed it solely in the external teaching of the law: though we affirm that God offers his word to men, yet we likewise affirm that he inwardly causes the understanding to believe. Subsequently Pelagius joined to this external grace that by which sins are pardoned: we acknowledge not only the grace by which sins are forgiven, but also that by which men are assisted to refrain from the commission of sin. In addition to his previous concessions Pelagius granted, that the grace of Christ was requisite beside the two kinds which he had enumerated; but he attributed it entirely to the doctrine and example of Christ that we are aided in our endeavours not to commit sin: we likewise admit that the doctrine and example of Christ afford us some aid in refraining from sin, but in addition to their influence we also place the gift of the Holy Spirit with which God endues us, and which enlightens our understandings, and confers strength and power upon our will to abstain from sinning. When Pelagius afterward owned the assistance of divine power inwardly working in man by the Holy Spirit, he placed it solely in the enlightening of the understanding: but we believe, that it is not only necessary for us to know or understand what we ought to do, but that it is also requisite for us to implore the aid of the Holy Spirit that we may be rendered capable of performing, and may delight in the performance of, that which it is our duty to do. Pelagius admitted grace,--but it has been a question with some whether he meant only illumination, or, beside this, a power communicated to the will;--he admitted grace, but he did this only to show that by means of it man can with greater ease act aright: we, on the contrary, affirm that grace is bestowed, not that we may be able with greater ease to act aright, (which is as though we can do this even without grace,) but that grace is absolutely necessary to enable us to act at all aright. Pelagius asserted, that man, so far from requiring the aid of grace for the performance of good actions, is, through the powers implanted in him at the time of his creation, capable of fulfilling the whole law, of loving God, and of overcoming all temptations: we, on the contrary, assert that the grace of God is required for the performance of every act of piety. Pelagius declared, that by the works of nature man renders himself worthy of grace: but we, in common with the church universal, condemn this dogma. When Pelagius afterward himself condemned this tenet, he understood by grace, partly natural grace, which is antecedent to all merit, and partly remission of sins, which he acknowledged to be gratuitous; but he added, that through works performed by the powers of nature alone, at least through the desire of good and the imperfect longing after it, men merit that spiritual grace by which they are assisted in good works: but we declare, that men will that which is good on account of God’s prevenience or going before them by his grace, and exciting within them a longing after good; otherwise grace would no longer be grace, because it would not be gratuitously 736bestowed, but only on account of the merit of man.” That many who have held some tenets in common with the true Arminians have been, in different degrees, followers of Pelagius is well known; but the original Arminians were in truth as far from Pelagian or Semi-Pelagian errors, granting the opinions of Pelagius to be fairly reported by his adversaries, as the Calvinists themselves. This is also the case with the whole body of Wesleyan Methodists, and of the cognate societies to which they have given rise, both in Great Britain and America.
The followers of the truly evangelical Arminius, or those who believe in the idea of general redemption and its related concepts, have often been misrepresented by the uninformed among their doctrinal opponents as Pelagians, or at least as Semi-Pelagians. It may therefore serve the truth to present the appropriate response that the Dutch Arminians gave to this accusation when it was brought against them at the synod of Dort, which they backed up with compelling arguments and authorities. In their concluding comments, they stated, “From all these remarks, it’s easy to see how far our beliefs are from the dogmatic claims of the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians about the grace of God in the conversion of man. Pelagius initially attributed everything to nature: we recognize nothing but grace. When Pelagius was criticized for not acknowledging grace, he began to speak of it, but it’s clear that by grace he meant the power of nature as created by God, which is the rational will: however, we understand grace as a supernatural gift. When Pelagius was later challenged with passages of Scripture, he also recognized this supernatural grace; but he viewed it only as the external teaching of the law: we assert that God offers his word to people, but we also affirm that he internally enables understanding to believe. Later, Pelagius added to this external grace that by which sins are pardoned: we acknowledge not only the grace that forgives sins but also that which helps people avoid committing sin. In addition to his previous concessions, Pelagius also acknowledged that the grace of Christ was necessary alongside the two types he mentioned; however, he attributed it entirely to the doctrine and example of Christ that we receive help in our efforts not to sin: we likewise admit that the teachings and example of Christ provide us with some assistance in refraining from sin, but we also emphasize the gift of the Holy Spirit, which God gives us, that enlightens our understanding and strengthens and empowers our will to avoid sinning. When Pelagius later accepted the assistance of divine power working within people through the Holy Spirit, he limited it to enlightening understanding: we believe that it’s not only necessary for us to know or understand what we should do, but we also need to seek the help of the Holy Spirit so we can be enabled and take joy in doing what is our duty. Pelagius recognized grace,--but there has been some debate about whether he meant only illumination or, besides this, a power given to the will;--he recognized grace, but he did this only to show that through it, one can more easily act correctly: we, in contrast, affirm that grace is given, not so we can easily act correctly (as if we could do this even without grace), but that grace is absolutely essential to enable us to act correctly at all. Pelagius claimed that a person, far from needing the aid of grace to perform good actions, is, through the abilities instilled in him at his creation, capable of fulfilling the entire law, loving God, and overcoming all temptations: we, on the other hand, maintain that God's grace is needed for every act of piety. Pelagius claimed that through the works of nature, a person makes himself deserving of grace: but we, along with the universal church, reject this belief. When Pelagius later condemned this view himself, he understood grace as partly natural grace, which comes before any merit, and partly as the remission of sins, which he recognized as free; but he added that through works carried out by the powers of nature alone, or at least through the desire for good and imperfect longing for it, people earn that spiritual grace by which they are supported in good works: we declare that people will what is good because of God’s prevenient grace, which inspires a desire for good within them; otherwise, grace would no longer be grace, as it wouldn’t be freely given, but rather because of man’s merit.” It is well known that many who share certain beliefs with true Arminians have, to varying degrees, followed Pelagius, but the original Arminians were indeed as far removed from Pelagian or Semi-Pelagian errors, conceding that the opinions of Pelagius were accurately portrayed by his opponents, as the Calvinists themselves. This is also true for the entire body of Wesleyan Methodists and the related societies they have founded, both in Great Britain and America.
PELICAN, קאת, Lev. xi, 18; Deut. xiv, 17; Psa. cii, 7; Isa. xxxiv, 11; Zeph. ii, 14; a very remarkable aquatic bird, of the size of a large goose. Its colour is a grayish white, except that the neck looks a little yellowish, and the middle of the back feathers are blackish. The bill is long, and hooked at the end, and has under it a lax membrane, extended to the throat, which makes a bag or sack, capable of holding a very large quantity. Feeding her young from this bag has so much the appearance of feeding them with her own blood, that it caused this fabulous opinion to be propagated, and made the pelican an emblem of paternal, as the stork had been before chosen, more justly, of filial affection. The voice of this bird is harsh and dissonant, which some say resembles that of a man grievously complaining. David compares his groaning to it, Psalm cii, 7.
PELICAN, קאת, Lev. xi, 18; Deut. xiv, 17; Psa. cii, 7; Isa. xxxiv, 11; Zeph. ii, 14; a striking aquatic bird, about the size of a large goose. Its color is a grayish-white, with a slightly yellowish neck and blackish feathers down the middle of its back. It has a long, hooked bill, and underneath it is a loose membrane that extends to its throat, forming a pouch capable of holding a substantial amount. When it feeds its young from this pouch, it can look so much like it's feeding them its own blood that this led to a mythical belief, making the pelican a symbol of parental care, just as the stork was more appropriately seen as a symbol of filial love. The voice of this bird is harsh and discordant, which some say sounds like a person in deep distress. David likens his groaning to it in Psalm cii, 7.
PENTATEUCH. This word, which is derived from the Greek Πεντάτευχος, from ϖέντε, five, and τεῦχος, a volume, signifies the collection of the five books of Moses, which are Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. That the Jews have acknowledged the authenticity of the Pentateuch, from the present time back to the era of their return from the Babylonish captivity, a period of more than two thousand three hundred years, admits not a possibility of doubt. The five books of Moses have been during that period constantly placed at the head of the Jewish sacred volume, and divided into fixed portions, one of which was read and explained in their synagogues, not only every Sabbath with the other Scriptures, but in many places twice a week, and not unfrequently every evening, when they alone were read. They have been received as divinely inspired by every Jewish sect, even by the Sadducees, who questioned the divinity of the remaining works of the Old Testament. In truth, the veneration of the Jews for their Scriptures, and above all for the Pentateuch, seems to have risen almost to a superstitious reverence. Extracts from the Mosaic law were written on pieces of parchment, and placed on the borders of their garments, or round their wrists and foreheads: nay, they at a later period counted, with the minutest exactness, not only the chapters and paragraphs, but the words and letters, which each book of their Scriptures contains. Thus also the translation, first of the Pentateuch, and afterward of the remaining works of the Old Testament, into Greek, for the use of the Alexandrian Jews, disseminated this sacred volume over a great part of the civilized world, in the language most universally understood, and rendered it accessible to the learned and inquisitive in every country; so as to preclude all suspicion that it could be materially altered by either Jews or Christians, to support their respective opinions as to the person and character of the Messiah; the substance of the text being, by this translation, fixed and authenticated at least two hundred and seventy years before the appearance of our Lord.
PENTATEUCH. This term comes from the Greek Πεντάτευχος, where ϖέντε means five and τεῦχος means a volume. It refers to the collection of the five books of Moses: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. There is no doubt that Jews have recognized the authenticity of the Pentateuch from their return from Babylonian exile over two thousand three hundred years ago. Throughout that period, the five books of Moses have been consistently placed at the beginning of the Jewish sacred texts and divided into specific portions. One portion was read and explained in their synagogues not only every Sabbath with the other Scriptures, but in many places twice a week, and often every evening when they were read alone. All Jewish sects, including the Sadducees, who questioned the divine nature of other Old Testament writings, accepted these texts as divinely inspired. Truly, the reverence that Jews have for their Scriptures, especially the Pentateuch, seems to have reached an almost superstitious level. Excerpts from the Mosaic law were written on pieces of parchment and attached to the edges of their garments or worn around their wrists and foreheads. Later, they counted every chapter and paragraph, as well as the words and letters in each book of their Scriptures with meticulous precision. Additionally, the translation of the Pentateuch, followed by the rest of the Old Testament, into Greek for the Alexandrian Jews helped spread this sacred text across much of the civilized world in the most commonly understood language, making it accessible to scholars and the curious in every country. This widespread distribution prevented any suspicion that it could be significantly altered by either Jews or Christians to support their differing views about the identity and character of the Messiah, as the essence of the text was fixed and validated at least two hundred seventy years before the arrival of our Lord.
But, long previous to the captivity, two particular examples, deserving peculiar attention, occur in the Jewish history, of the public and solemn homage paid to the sacredness of the Mosaic law as promulgated in the Pentateuch; and which, by consequence, afford the fullest testimony to the authenticity of the Pentateuch itself: the one in the reign of Hezekiah, while the separate kingdoms of Judah and Israel still subsisted; and the other in the reign of his great grandson Josiah, subsequent to the captivity of Israel. In the former we see the pious monarch of Judah assembling the priests and Levites and the rulers of the people; to deplore with him the trespasses of their fathers against the divine law, to acknowledge the justice of those chastisements which, according to the prophetic warnings of that law, had been inflicted upon them; to open the house of God which his father had impiously shut, and restore the true worship therein according to the Mosaic ritual, 2 Kings xviii; 2 Chron. xxix; xxx; with the minutest particulars of which he complied, in the sin-offerings and the peace-offerings which, in conjunction with his people, he offered for the kingdom and the sanctuary and the people, to make atonement to God for them and for all Israel; restoring the service of God as it had been performed in the purest times. And Hezekiah,” says the sacred narrative, rejoiced, and all the people, that God had prepared the people; for the thing was done suddenly,” 2 Chron. xxix, 36; immediately on the king’s accession to the throne, on the first declaration of his pious resolution. How clear a proof does this exhibit of the previous existence and clearly acknowledged authority of those laws which the Pentateuch contains!
But long before the exile, there are two specific examples in Jewish history that show the public and serious respect for the sacredness of the Mosaic law as presented in the Pentateuch. These examples provide strong evidence of the authenticity of the Pentateuch itself: one during the reign of Hezekiah, while the separate kingdoms of Judah and Israel still existed, and the other during the reign of his great-grandson Josiah, after the captivity of Israel. In the first instance, we see the faithful king of Judah gathering the priests, Levites, and leaders of the people to mourn over their ancestors' violations of divine law, admit the justice of the punishments that had been inflicted on them according to the prophetic warnings in that law, and to reopen the house of God that his father had shamefully closed, restoring true worship according to the Mosaic ritual, as detailed in 2 Kings 18 and 2 Chronicles 29 and 30. He followed the regulations closely in the sin-offerings and peace-offerings he presented with his people for the kingdom, the sanctuary, and the people, seeking atonement from God for them and all Israel, bringing back the service of God as it had been observed in the purest times. And "Hezekiah," the sacred narrative states, "rejoiced, and all the people, that God had prepared the people; for the thing was done suddenly," 2 Chronicles 29:36; right after the king took the throne, at the first announcement of his pious intent. This clearly demonstrates the prior existence and acknowledged authority of the laws contained in the Pentateuch.
But a yet more remarkable part of this transaction still remains. At this time Hoshea was king of Israel, and so far disposed to countenance the worship of the true God, that he appears to have made no opposition to the pious zeal of Hezekiah; who, with the concurrence of the whole congregation which he had assembled, sent out letters and made a proclamation, not only to his own people of Judah, 2 Chron. xxx, 1, but to Ephraim and Manasseh and all Israel, from Beersheba even unto Dan, that they should come to the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, to keep the passover unto the Lord God of Israel; saying, Ye children of Israel, turn again to the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and he will return to the remnant of you who are escaped 737out of the hands of the kings of Assyria; and be not ye like your fathers and your brethren, which trespassed against the Lord God of their fathers, who therefore gave them up to desolation as ye see. Now be ye not stiff-necked, as your fathers were; but yield yourselves unto the Lord, and enter into his sanctuary which he hath sanctified for ever, and serve the Lord your God, that the fierceness of his wrath may turn away from you. So the posts passed from city to city through the country of Ephraim and Manasseh even unto Zebulun,” 2 Chron. xxx, 6, &c.
But an even more remarkable part of this story remains. At this time, Hoshea was king of Israel and seemed to support the worship of the true God, as he did not oppose the devoted efforts of Hezekiah. Hezekiah, with the agreement of the entire assembly he gathered, sent out letters and made an announcement, not only to his own people of Judah, 2 Chron. xxx, 1, but also to Ephraim and Manasseh and all of Israel, from Beersheba to Dan, inviting them to come to the Lord's house in Jerusalem to celebrate the Passover to the Lord God of Israel. He said, "Children of Israel, return to the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and he will turn back to the remnant of you who have escaped from the hands of the kings of Assyria. Don’t be like your fathers and brothers, who went against the Lord God of their fathers, leading to their destruction, as you can see. Don’t be stubborn like your fathers were; instead, surrender yourselves to the Lord and enter his sanctuary, which he has made holy forever, and serve the Lord your God, so that his fierce anger may turn away from you." So the messengers went from city to city throughout the land of Ephraim and Manasseh all the way to Zebulun, 2 Chron. xxx, 6, &c.
Now, can we conceive that such an attempt as this could have been made, if the Pentateuch containing the Mosaic code had not been as certainly recognized through the ten tribes of Israel as in the kingdom of Judah? The success was exactly such as we might reasonably expect if it were so acknowledged; for, though many of the ten tribes laughed to scorn and mocked the messengers of Hezekiah, who invited them to the solemnity of the passover, from the impious contempt which through long disuse they had conceived for it; Nevertheless,” says the sacred narrative, divers of Asher and Manasseh and of Zebulun humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem; and there assembled at Jerusalem much people, to keep the feast of unleavened bread in the second month, a very great congregation; and they killed the passover, and the priests and Levites stood in their places after their manner, according to the law of Moses, the man of God. So there was great joy in Jerusalem; for since the time of Solomon, the son of David, king of Israel, there was not the like at Jerusalem: and when all this was finished, all Israel that were present went out to the cities of Judah, and brake the images in pieces, and cut down the groves, and threw down the high places and the altars out of all Judah and Benjamin, in Ephraim also and Manasseh, until they had utterly destroyed them all,” 2 Chronicles xxx, 11; xxxi. Can any clearer proof than this be desired of the constant and universal acknowledgment of the divine authority of the Pentateuch throughout the entire nation of the Jews, notwithstanding the idolatries and corruptions which so often prevented its receiving such obedience as that acknowledgment ought to have produced? The argument from this certain antiquity of the Pentateuch, a copy of which existed in the old Samaritan character as well as in the modern Hebrew, is most conclusive as to the numerous prophecies of Christ, and the future and present condition of the Jews which it contains. These are proved to have been delivered many ages before they were accomplished; they could be only the result of divine prescience, and the uttering of them by Moses proves therefore the inspiration and the authority of his writings. See Law and Moses.
Now, can we imagine that such an effort could have happened if the Pentateuch, which includes the Mosaic code, hadn't been recognized as clearly among the ten tribes of Israel as it was in the kingdom of Judah? The outcome was just what we would reasonably expect if it was accepted; for, even though many of the ten tribes scoffed and mocked the messengers of Hezekiah who invited them to the Passover celebration, due to their disdain developed from years of neglect, “Nevertheless,” says the sacred narrative, several from Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun humbled themselves and traveled to Jerusalem; and a large crowd gathered there to celebrate the feast of unleavened bread in the second month, a very large assembly; and they sacrificed the Passover, and the priests and Levites stood in their designated places as per their practice, according to the law of Moses, the man of God. So there was great joy in Jerusalem; for since the time of Solomon, the son of David, king of Israel, there had not been anything like this in Jerusalem: and when all this was over, all of Israel that was present went out to the cities of Judah, broke the idols into pieces, cut down the groves, and demolished the high places and the altars throughout all of Judah and Benjamin, as well as in Ephraim and Manasseh, until they had completely destroyed them all,” 2 Chronicles xxx, 11; xxxi. Is there any clearer evidence needed of the consistent and widespread acknowledgment of the divine authority of the Pentateuch across the entire Jewish nation, despite the idolatries and corruptions that often hindered it from receiving the obedience such acknowledgment should have inspired? The argument from the ancient authenticity of the Pentateuch, a copy of which existed in the old Samaritan script as well as in modern Hebrew, is very compelling regarding the numerous prophecies of Christ and the future and current situation of the Jews contained within it. These are shown to have been given many ages before they came to pass; they could only be the outcome of divine foresight, and the fact that they were expressed by Moses confirms the inspiration and authority of his writings. See Law and Moses.
PENTECOST, Πεντεκοϛὴ, a solemn festival of the Jews; so called, because it was celebrated on the fiftieth day after the sixteenth of Nisan, which was the second day of the passover. The Hebrews call it the feast of weeks, because it was kept seven weeks after the passover. They then offered the first fruits of the wheat harvest, which was then completed; beside which, they presented at the temple seven lambs of that year, one calf, and two rams for a burnt-offering; two lambs for a peace-offering; and a goat for a sin-offering, Lev. xxiii, 15, 16; Exod. xxxiv, 22; Deut. xvi, 9, 10. The feast of pentecost was instituted among the Israelites, first, to oblige them to repair to the temple of the Lord, there to acknowledge his absolute dominion over the whole country, by offering him the first fruits of the harvest; and, secondly, to commemorate and give thanks to God for the law which he had given them from Sinai, on the fiftieth day after their coming out of Egypt. The modern Jews celebrate the pentecost for two days. They deck the synagogues, where the law is read, and their own houses, with garlands of flowers. They hear an oration in praise of the law, and read from the Pentateuch and prophets lessons which have a relation to this festival, and accommodate their prayers to the same occasion. It was on the feast of pentecost that the Holy Ghost descended in the miraculous manner related, Acts ii.
PENTECOST, Πεντεκοϛὴ, a significant festival of the Jews; it's named so because it takes place on the fiftieth day after the sixteenth of Nisan, which is the second day of Passover. The Hebrews refer to it as the Feast of Weeks because it is celebrated seven weeks after Passover. During this time, they offer the first fruits of the wheat harvest, which is then complete; in addition, they bring to the temple seven lambs of that year, one calf, and two rams for a burnt offering; two lambs for a peace offering; and a goat for a sin offering, Lev. xxiii, 15, 16; Exod. xxxiv, 22; Deut. xvi, 9, 10. The Feast of Pentecost was established among the Israelites to require them to go to the Lord's temple, acknowledging His complete authority over the land by offering the first fruits of the harvest; and to remember and give thanks to God for the law He gave them from Sinai, fifty days after their exodus from Egypt. Modern Jews celebrate Pentecost for two days. They decorate the synagogues, where the law is read, as well as their homes, with flower garlands. They listen to a speech praising the law and read from the Pentateuch and prophets lessons related to this festival, adjusting their prayers for the occasion. It was during the Feast of Pentecost that the Holy Spirit descended in the miraculous manner described in Acts ii.
PERGAMUS, a city of Troas, very considerable in the time of John the evangelist, Rev. ii, 12, 13. This city was, for the space of one hundred and fifty years, the capital of a kingdom of the same name founded by Philetærus, B. C. 283; who treacherously made use of the treasures committed to his care by Lysimachus after the battle of Ipsus, and, seizing on Pergamus, established an independent kingdom. After Philetærus were five kings of the same race; the last of whom, Attalus Philopater, left his kingdom, which comprehended Mysia, Æolis, Ionia, Lydia, and Caria, to the Roman empire; to which it belonged when the first Christian church was established there. This church early became corrupted by the Nicolaitans, for which it was reproved by St. John, and charged quickly to repent, Rev. ii, 14–16. Pergamus, now called Bergamo, like most other places which have been cursed by the presence of the Turks, is reduced to comparative decay, containing a poor population, who are too indolent or too oppressed to profit by the richness of their soil and the beauty of the climate. The number of inhabitants, however, is still said to amount to thirty thousand, of whom three thousand are Greek Christians. Many remains of former magnificence are still to be found; among which are those of several Christian churches. It is about sixty miles north of Smyrna. The celebrated physician Galen was a native of this place.
PERGAMUS, a notable city in Troas during the time of John the evangelist, Rev. ii, 12, 13. This city served for one hundred and fifty years as the capital of a kingdom of the same name founded by Philetærus in 283 B.C. He deceitfully took advantage of the treasures entrusted to him by Lysimachus after the battle of Ipsus, seized Pergamus, and established an independent kingdom. After Philetærus, there were five kings from the same lineage, the last being Attalus Philopater, who bequeathed his kingdom—covering Mysia, Æolis, Ionia, Lydia, and Caria—to the Roman Empire, to which it belonged when the first Christian church was established there. This church soon became corrupt due to the Nicolaitans, resulting in a rebuke from St. John and a call to repentance, Rev. ii, 14–16. Pergamus, now known as Bergamo, like many other places affected by the presence of the Turks, is in a state of decline, home to a poor population that is either too lazy or too oppressed to take advantage of their fertile land and beautiful climate. However, its population is still said to be around thirty thousand, including three thousand Greek Christians. Many remnants of its former glory remain, including several Christian churches. It is located about sixty miles north of Smyrna. The renowned physician Galen was born here.
PERIZZITES. The ancient inhabitants of Palestine, mingled with the Canaanites. There is also a great probability that they themselves were Canaanites, but, having no fixed habitations, were wandering about here and there, and scattered over all the country. Thus, in the time of Abraham and Lot, the 738Canaanite and Perizzite were in the land, Gen. xiii, 7; Josh. xvii, 15. Solomon subdued the remains of the Canaanites and Perizzites, which the children of Israel had not rooted out, and made them tributary to him, 1 Kings ix, 20, 21; 2 Chron. viii, 7. There still remained some of this people as late as the time of Ezra, ix, 1.
PERIZZITES. The ancient inhabitants of Palestine who mixed with the Canaanites. It's likely they were actually Canaanites themselves, but since they had no permanent homes, they roamed around and were scattered throughout the region. During the time of Abraham and Lot, the Canaanites and Perizzites were present in the land, Gen. xiii, 7; Josh. xvii, 15. Solomon conquered what remained of the Canaanites and Perizzites that the Israelites hadn't driven out, making them pay tribute to him, 1 Kings ix, 20, 21; 2 Chron. viii, 7. Some of this group still existed as late as the time of Ezra, ix, 1.
PERSECUTION is any pain or affliction which a person designedly inflicts upon another; and, in a more restrained sense, the sufferings of Christians on account of their religion. The establishment of Christianity was opposed by the powers of the world, and occasioned several severe persecutions against Christians, during the reigns of several Roman emperors. Though the absurdities of polytheism were openly derided and exposed by the Apostles and their successors, yet it does not appear that any public laws were enacted against Christianity till the reign of Nero, A. D. 64, by which time it had acquired considerable stability and extent. As far the greater number of the first converts to Christianity were of the Jewish nation, one secondary cause for their being so long preserved from persecution may probably be deduced from their appearing to the Roman governors only as a sect of Jews, who had seceded from the rest of their brethren on account of some opinion, trifling in its importance, and perhaps difficult to be understood. Nor, when their brethren were fully discovered to have cast off the religion of the synagogue, did the Jews find it easy to infuse into the breasts of the Roman magistrates that rancour and malice which they themselves experienced. But the steady and uniform opposition made by the Christians to Heathen superstition could not long pass unnoticed. Their open attacks upon Paganism made them extremely obnoxious to the populace, by whom they were represented as a society of atheists, who, by attacking the religious constitution of the empire, merited the severest animadversion of the civil magistrate. Horrid tales of their abominations were circulated throughout the empire; and the minds of the Pagans were, from all these circumstances, prepared to regard with pleasure or indifference every cruelty which could be inflicted upon this despised sect. Historians usually reckon ten general persecutions.
PERSECUTION is any pain or suffering that one person deliberately inflicts on another; and, in a more limited sense, it refers to the hardships faced by Christians because of their faith. The rise of Christianity faced opposition from powerful authorities, leading to several severe persecutions against Christians during the reign of various Roman emperors. Although the Apostles and their followers openly criticized and exposed the absurdities of polytheism, there seems to have been no public laws against Christianity until the reign of Nero, A.D. 64, by which point it had gained significant stability and reach. Since most of the early converts to Christianity were Jewish, one possible reason they were largely spared from persecution for so long is that they appeared to Roman governors merely as a sect of Jews, who had separated from their fellow Jews over relatively minor beliefs that were perhaps hard to understand. Moreover, when their fellow Jews were fully recognized to have abandoned the synagogue's religion, it was not easy for them to convince the Roman officials to adopt the hatred and malice they felt. However, the consistent and unified opposition of Christians to pagan superstition couldn't be ignored for long. Their public criticism of Paganism made them very unpopular with the general population, who viewed them as a group of atheists that, by challenging the empire's religious foundations, deserved the harshest punishments from the authorities. Horrific stories about their supposed abominations spread throughout the empire, and, due to all these factors, the Pagans were mentally prepared to enjoy or disregard any cruelty inflicted upon this despised group. Historians typically recognize ten major persecutions.
First general persecution.--Nero selected the Christians as a grateful sacrifice to the Roman people, and endeavoured to transfer to this hated sect the guilt of which he was strongly suspected; that of having caused and enjoyed the fire which had nearly desolated the city. (See Nero.) This persecution was not confined to Rome: the emperor issued edicts against the Christians throughout most of the provinces of the empire. He was far, however, from obtaining the object of his hopes and expectations; and the virtues of the Christians, their zeal for the truth, and their constancy in suffering, must have considerably contributed to make their tenets more generally known.
First general persecution.--Nero chose the Christians as a convenient scapegoat for the Roman people and tried to shift the blame for a fire that had nearly destroyed the city onto this despised group, amidst strong suspicions surrounding him. (See Nero.) This persecution wasn't limited to Rome; the emperor issued orders against Christians across most provinces of the empire. However, he was far from achieving his intended goals, and the virtues of the Christians, their commitment to the truth, and their resilience in suffering likely helped spread awareness of their beliefs more widely.
Second general persecution.--From the death of Nero to the reign of Domitian, the Christians remained unmolested and daily increasing; but toward the close of the first century, they were again involved in all the horrors of persecution. In this persecution many eminent Christians suffered; but the death of Domitian soon delivered them from this calamity.
Second general persecution.--From the death of Nero to the reign of Domitian, the Christians were left alone and were growing in numbers every day; however, towards the end of the first century, they faced a new wave of horrific persecutions. Many prominent Christians endured suffering during this persecution; but the death of Domitian quickly freed them from this hardship.
Third general persecution.--This persecution began in the third year of the Emperor Trajan, A. D. 100. Many things contributed toward it; as the laws of the empire, the emperor’s zeal for his religion, and aversion to Christianity, and the prejudices of the Pagans, supported by falsehoods and calumnies against the Christians. Under the plausible pretence of their holding illegal meetings and societies, they were severely persecuted by the governors and other officers; in which persecution great numbers fell by the rage of popular tumult, as well as by laws and processes. This persecution continued several years, with different degrees of severity in many parts of the empire; and was so much the more afflicting, because the Christians generally suffered under the notion of malefactors and traitors, and under an emperor famed for his singular justice and moderation. The most noted martyr in this persecution was Clement, bishop of Rome. After some time the fury of this persecution was abated, but did not cease during the whole reign of Trajan. In the eighth year of his successor Adrian, it broke out with new rage. This is by some called the fourth general persecution; but is more commonly considered as a revival or continuance of the third.
Third general persecution.--This persecution started in the third year of Emperor Trajan, A.D. 100. Several factors contributed to it, including the laws of the empire, the emperor’s commitment to his religion, his dislike of Christianity, and the biases of the Pagans, fueled by lies and slanders against Christians. Under the believable pretext that they were having illegal meetings and gatherings, Christians were harshly persecuted by governors and other officials; during this persecution, many lost their lives due to the fury of the mob, as well as through legal actions. This persecution lasted several years, varying in severity across different parts of the empire; it was especially distressing because Christians were often viewed as criminals and traitors, especially under an emperor known for his unique sense of justice and moderation. The most prominent martyr of this persecution was Clement, the bishop of Rome. After a time, the intensity of this persecution lessened, but it continued throughout Trajan's reign. In the eighth year of his successor Hadrian, it flared up with renewed intensity. Some refer to this as the fourth general persecution; however, it is more commonly regarded as a revival or continuation of the third.
Fourth general persecution.--This took place under Antoninus the philosopher; and at different places, with several intermissions, and different degrees of severity, it continued the greater part of his reign. Antoninus himself has been much excused as to this persecution. As the character of the virtuous Trajan, however, is sullied by the martyrdom of Ignatius, so the reign of the philosophic Marcus is for ever disgraced by the sacrifice of the venerable Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, the friend and companion of St. John. A few days previous to his death, he is said to have dreamed that his pillow was on fire. When urged by the proconsul to renounce Christ, he replied, Fourscore and six years have I served him, and he has never done me an injury: can I blaspheme my King and my Saviour?” Several miracles are reported to have happened at his death. The flames, as if unwilling to injure his sacred person, are said to have arched over his head; and it is added, that at length, being despatched with a sword, a dove flew out of the wound; and that from the pile proceeded a most fragrant smell. It is obvious that the arching of the flames might be an accidental effect, which the enthusiastic veneration of his disciples might convert into a miracle; and as to the story of the dove, &c, Eusebius himself apparently did not credit it; since he has omitted it in his narrative of the transaction. Among 739many other victims of persecution in this philosophic reign, we must also record that of the excellent and learned Justin. But it was at Lyons and Vienne in Gaul, that the most shocking scenes were acted. Among many nameless sufferers, history has preserved from oblivion Pothinus, the respectable bishop of Lyons, who was then more than ninety years of age; Sanctus, a deacon of Vienne; Attalus, a native of Pergamus; Maturus, and Alexander; some of whom were devoured by wild beasts, and some of them tortured in an iron chair made red hot. Some females, also, and particularly Biblias and Blandina, reflected honour both upon their sex and religion by their constancy and courage.
Fourth general persecution.--This occurred during the reign of Antoninus the philosopher and took place in various locations, with several breaks and varying levels of severity, lasting for most of his time as emperor. Antoninus himself has been largely defended regarding this persecution. However, just as the virtuous Trajan's legacy is tainted by the execution of Ignatius, the reign of the philosophical Marcus is forever dishonored by the martyrdom of the esteemed Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who was a friend and companion of St. John. A few days before his death, he reportedly dreamed that his pillow was on fire. When the proconsul pressured him to renounce Christ, he replied, “Eighty-six years I’ve served Him, and He has never wronged me. How could I blaspheme my King and Savior?” Several miracles are said to have occurred at his death. The flames, as if reluctant to harm his holy body, reportedly arched over his head; and it is said that when he was finally killed with a sword, a dove flew out of the wound, and from the pyre came a delightful fragrance. It’s clear that the arching of the flames could have been a coincidental effect, which the enthusiastic devotion of his followers might have turned into a miracle, and regarding the story of the dove, even Eusebius seems not to have believed it, as he left it out of his account. Among 739 many other victims of persecution during this philosophical reign, we also need to mention the excellent and learned Justin. However, it was in Lyons and Vienne in Gaul where the most horrifying events took place. Among many unnamed victims, history has preserved the memory of Pothinus, the respected bishop of Lyons, who was over ninety years old at the time; Sanctus, a deacon from Vienne; Attalus, a native of Pergamus; Maturus, and Alexander; some of whom were killed by wild beasts, and some tortured in a red-hot iron chair. A few women, particularly Biblias and Blandina, brought honor to both their gender and faith through their steadfastness and bravery.
Fifth general persecution.--A considerable part of the reign of Severus proved so far favourable to the Christians, that no additions were made to the severe edicts already in force against them. For this lenity they were probably indebted to Proculus, a Christian, who, in a very extraordinary manner, cured the emperor of a dangerous distemper by the application of oil. But this degree of peace, precarious as it was, and frequently interrupted by the partial execution of severe laws, was terminated by an edict, A. D. 197, which prohibited every subject of the empire, under severe penalties, from embracing the Jewish or Christian faith. This law appears, upon a first view, designed merely to impede the farther progress of Christianity; but it incited the magistracy to enforce the laws of former emperors, which were still existing, against the Christians; and during seven years they were exposed to a rigorous persecution in Palestine, Egypt, the rest of Africa, Italy, Gaul, and other parts. In this persecution Leonidas, the father of Origen, and Irenæus, bishop of Lyons, suffered martyrdom. On this occasion Tertullian composed his Apology.” The violence of Pagan intolerance was most severely felt in Egypt, and particularly at Alexandria.
Fifth general persecution.--A significant part of Severus's reign was relatively favorable for Christians, as no new harsh laws were added to the existing ones against them. They likely owed this leniency to Proculus, a Christian who remarkably cured the emperor of a serious illness using oil. However, this fragile peace, often disturbed by the selective enforcement of harsh laws, came to an end in A.D. 197 with an edict that severely punished anyone in the empire who embraced Judaism or Christianity. At first glance, this law seemed intended only to hinder the spread of Christianity, but it also motivated officials to enforce previous laws against Christians that were still in effect. For seven years, Christians endured intense persecution in Palestine, Egypt, the rest of Africa, Italy, Gaul, and other regions. During this time, Leonidas, the father of Origen, and Irenaeus, the bishop of Lyons, were martyred. Tertullian wrote his Apology in response to these events. The impact of Pagan intolerance was felt most harshly in Egypt, especially in Alexandria.
Sixth general persecution.--This persecution began with the reign of the Emperor Maximinus, A. D. 235, and seems to have arisen from that prince’s hatred to his predecessor, Alexander, in whose family many Christians had found shelter and patronage. Though this persecution was very severe in some places, yet we have the names of only a few martyrs. Origen at this time was very industrious in supporting the Christians under these fiery trials.
Sixth general persecution.--This persecution started with the reign of Emperor Maximinus in A.D. 235 and seems to have come from his resentment toward his predecessor, Alexander, who had provided shelter and support to many Christians. Although this persecution was quite intense in some areas, we only have a few names of martyrs. During this time, Origen was very active in helping Christians endure these harsh trials.
Seventh general persecution.--This was the most dreadful persecution that ever had been known in the church. During the short reign of Decius, the Christians were exposed to greater calamities than any they had hitherto suffered. It has been said, and with some probability, that the Christians were involved in this persecution by their attachment to the family of the Emperor Philip. Considerable numbers were publicly destroyed; several purchased safety by bribes, or secured it by flight; and many deserted from the faith, and willingly consented to burn incense on the altars of the gods. The city of Alexandria, the great theatre of persecution, had even anticipated the edicts of the emperor, and had put to death a number of innocent persons, among whom were some women. The imperial edict for persecuting the Christians was published A. D. 249; and shortly after, Fabianus, bishop of Rome, with a number of his followers, was put to death. The venerable bishops of Jerusalem and Antioch died in prison, the most cruel tortures were employed, and the numbers that perished are by all parties confessed to have been very considerable.
Seventh general persecution.--This was the most terrible persecution ever faced by the church. During the brief rule of Decius, Christians experienced greater suffering than ever before. It's been suggested, with some credibility, that their connection to the family of Emperor Philip brought them into this persecution. Many were publicly executed; some secured their safety through bribes, while others fled; and many renounced their faith, willingly agreeing to burn incense at the altars of the gods. The city of Alexandria, a major center of persecution, went so far as to act before the emperor’s orders, putting to death several innocent people, including women. The imperial decree to persecute Christians was issued in A.D. 249, and shortly after, Fabianus, the bishop of Rome, along with several of his followers, was executed. The respected bishops of Jerusalem and Antioch died in prison after enduring brutal torture, and it's widely accepted that the number of victims was substantial.
Eighth general persecution.--The Emperor Valerian, in the fourth year of his reign, A. D. 257, listening to the suggestions of Macrinus, a magician of Egypt, was prevailed upon to persecute the Christians, on pretence that by their wicked and execrable charms they hindered the prosperity of the emperor. Macrinus advised him to perform many impious rites, sacrifices, and incantations; to cut the throats of infants, &c; and edicts were published in all places against the Christians, who were exposed without protection to the common rage. We have the names of several martyrs, among whom were the famous St. Laurence, archdeacon of Rome, and the great St. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage.
Eighth general persecution.--In the fourth year of his reign, A.D. 257, Emperor Valerian, influenced by Macrinus, a magician from Egypt, decided to persecute Christians, claiming that their supposed evil and detestable spells were harming the emperor's prosperity. Macrinus advised him to conduct various sinful rituals, make sacrifices, and perform incantations, including the slaughter of infants, etc. As a result, edicts were issued everywhere against Christians, leaving them vulnerable to public outrage. We have records of several martyrs, including the renowned St. Laurence, archdeacon of Rome, and the great St. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage.
Ninth general persecution.--This persecution took place under the Emperor Aurelian, A. D. 274; but it was so small and inconsiderable, that it gave little interruption to the peace of the church.
Ninth general persecution.--This persecution happened under Emperor Aurelian in A.D. 274; however, it was so minor and insignificant that it barely disrupted the peace of the church.
Tenth general persecution.--The tenth and last general persecution of the Christians began in the nineteenth year of the Emperor Diocletian, A. D. 303. The most violent promoters of it were Hierocles the philosopher, who wrote against the Christian religion, and Galerius, whom Diocletian had declared Cæsar. This latter was excited not only by his own cruelty and superstition, but likewise by his mother, who was a zealous Pagan. Diocletian, contrary to his inclination, was prevailed upon to authorize the persecution by his edicts. Accordingly, it began in the city of Nicomedia, whence it spread into other cities and provinces, and became at last universal. Great numbers of Christians suffered the severest tortures in this persecution, though the accounts given of it by succeeding historians are probably exaggerated. There is, however, sufficient of well authenticated facts to assure us amply of the cruel and intolerant disposition of the professors of Pagan philosophy. The human imagination was, indeed, almost exhausted in inventing a variety of tortures. Some were impaled alive; some had their limbs broken, and in that condition were left to expire. Some were roasted by slow fires; and some suspended by their feet with their heads downward, and, a fire being placed under them, were suffocated by the smoke. Some had melted lead poured down their throats, and the flesh of some was torn off with shells, and others had splinters of reeds thrust under the nails of their fingers and toes. The few who were not capitally punished had their limbs 740and their features mutilated. It would be endless to enumerate the victims of superstition. The bishops of Nicomedia, of Tyre, of Sidon, of Emesa, several matrons and virgins of the purest character, and a nameless number of plebians, arrived at immortality through the flames of martyrdom. At last it pleased God that the Emperor Constantine, who himself afterward became a Christian, openly declared for the Christians, and published the first law in favour of them. The death of Maximin, emperor of the east, soon after put a period to all their troubles; and this was the great epoch when Christianity triumphantly got possession of the thrones of princes.
Tenth general persecution.--The tenth and final general persecution of Christians started in the nineteenth year of Emperor Diocletian, A.D. 303. The main instigators were Hierocles the philosopher, who wrote against Christianity, and Galerius, whom Diocletian appointed as Cæsar. Galerius was fueled not only by his cruelty and superstition but also by his mother, who was a devoted Pagan. Diocletian, against his better judgment, was convinced to endorse the persecution through his edicts. It began in Nicomedia and then spread to other cities and provinces, ultimately becoming widespread. Many Christians endured horrific tortures during this persecution, although later historians' accounts are likely exaggerated. However, there is enough well-documented evidence to confirm the brutal and intolerant nature of those promoting Pagan philosophy. The human imagination was nearly exhausted in devising various tortures. Some were impaled alive; others had their limbs broken and were left to die in agony. Some were slowly roasted; others were hung by their feet with their heads downwards, suffocated by smoke from a fire placed underneath them. Some had molten lead poured down their throats, and the flesh of others was scraped off with shells, while some had sharp splinters of reeds driven under their fingernails and toenails. The few who weren’t executed had their limbs and faces mutilated. It would take too long to list all the victims of superstition. Bishops from Nicomedia, Tyre, Sidon, Emesa, several devout matrons and virgins, and countless common people achieved immortality through martyrdom. Eventually, it pleased God that Emperor Constantine, who later became a Christian, publicly supported Christians and enacted the first law in their favor. The death of Maximin, the eastern emperor, soon afterwards brought an end to their suffering; this marked a significant moment when Christianity firmly established itself among the ruling powers.
The guilt of persecution has, however, been attached to professing Christians. Had men been guided solely by the spirit and the precepts of the Gospel, the conduct of its blessed Author, and the writings and example of his immediate disciples, we might have boldly affirmed that among Christians there could be no tendency to encroach upon freedom of discussion, and no approach to persecution. The Gospel, in every page of it, inculcates tenderness and mercy; it exhibits the most unwearied indulgence to the frailties and errors of men; and it represents charity as the badge of those who in sincerity profess it. In St. Paul’s inimitable description of this grace he has drawn a picture of mutual forbearance and kindness and toleration, upon which it is scarcely possible to dwell, without being raised superior to every contracted sentiment, and glowing with the most diffusive benevolence. In the churches which he planted he had often to counteract the efforts of teachers who had laboured to subvert the foundation which he had laid, to misrepresent his motives, and to inculcate doctrines which, through the inspiration that was imparted to him, he discerned to proceed from the most perverted views, and to be inconsistent with the great designs of the Gospel. These teachers he strenuously and conscientiously opposed; he endeavoured to show the great importance of those to whom he wrote being on their guard against them; and he evinced the most ardent zeal in resisting their insidious purposes: but he never, in the most distant manner, insinuated that they should be persecuted, adhering always to the maxim which he had laid down, that the weapons of a Christian’s warfare are not carnal but spiritual. He does, indeed, sometimes speak of heretics; and he even exhorts that, after expostulation with him, a heretic should be rejected, and not acknowledged to be a member of the church to which he had once belonged. But that precept of the Apostle has no reference to the persecution which it has sometimes been conceived to sanction, and which has been generally directed against men quite sincere in their belief, however erroneous that belief may be esteemed.
The guilt of persecution has, however, been associated with professing Christians. If people had been guided solely by the spirit and teachings of the Gospel, the actions of its blessed Author, and the writings and example of his immediate disciples, we could confidently say that among Christians, there would be no tendency to restrict freedom of discussion, and no inclination towards persecution. The Gospel, on every page, promotes kindness and mercy; it shows the greatest patience for the weaknesses and mistakes of people; and it marks charity as the hallmark of those who honestly profess it. In St. Paul’s unique description of this grace, he paints a picture of mutual patience, kindness, and tolerance, which makes it hard to reflect on without rising above narrow-minded thoughts and feeling a warm, wide-reaching compassion. In the churches he established, he frequently had to counter the efforts of teachers who tried to undermine the foundation he laid, misrepresent his motives, and promote doctrines that, through the inspiration he received, he recognized as stemming from distorted views and being inconsistent with the main purposes of the Gospel. He strongly and sincerely opposed these teachers; he sought to emphasize the importance for those he wrote to be cautious of them; and he showed great enthusiasm in resisting their deceptive goals. However, he never in any way suggested that they should be persecuted, always sticking to the principle that a Christian’s weapons are not physical but spiritual. Indeed, he sometimes refers to heretics; he even advises that after discussing with him, a heretic should be rejected and not recognized as a member of the church to which they once belonged. But that directive from the Apostle does not relate to the persecution that has sometimes been thought to endorse, which has generally targeted people who are sincere in their beliefs, no matter how mistaken those beliefs may be viewed.
Upon a subject thus enforced by precept and example, it is not to be supposed that the first converts, deriving their notions of Christianity immediately from our Lord or his Apostles, could have any opinion different in theory, at least, from that which has been now established. Accordingly, we find that the primitive fathers, although, in many respects, they erred, unequivocally express themselves in favour of the most ample liberty as to religious sentiment, and highly disapprove of every attempt to control it. Passages from many of these writers might be quoted to establish that this was almost the universal sentiment till the age of Constantine. Lactantius in particular has, with great force and beauty, delivered his opinion against persecution: There is no need of compulsion and violence, because religion cannot be forced; and men must be made willing, not by stripes, but by arguments. Slaughter and piety are quite opposite to each other; nor can truth consist with violence, or justice with cruelty. They are convinced that nothing is more excellent than religion, and therefore think that it ought to be defended with force; but they are mistaken, both in the nature of religion, and in proper methods to support it; for religion is to be defended, not by murder, but by persuasion; not by cruelty, but by patience; not by wickedness, but by faith. If you attempt to defend religion by blood, and torments, and evil, this is not to defend, but to violate and pollute it; for there is nothing that should be more free than the choice of religion, in which, if consent be wanting, it becomes entirely void and ineffectual.”
Upon a subject so emphasized by teaching and example, it’s not reasonable to think that the first converts, who got their ideas about Christianity directly from our Lord or his Apostles, would hold any opinion that differs in theory, at least, from what has now been established. Therefore, we see that the early church fathers, although they made mistakes in many ways, clearly expressed support for the widest freedom in religious beliefs and strongly disapproved of any attempt to control it. There are many writings from these authors that could be cited to show that this was almost a universal view until the time of Constantine. Lactantius, in particular, has articulated his stance against persecution with great clarity and beauty: There is no need for coercion and violence, because religion cannot be imposed; people should be persuaded, not with punishment, but with reason. Violence and piety are entirely opposed to one another; truth cannot exist alongside force, nor can justice coexist with brutality. They believe that nothing is more valuable than religion, and therefore think it should be defended with force; but they are wrong, both in understanding the nature of religion and the right ways to uphold it; for religion should be defended, not through violence, but through dialogue; not through cruelty, but through patience; not through wrongdoing, but through faith. If you try to uphold religion with bloodshed, torture, and evil, that doesn't protect it but rather desecrates it; for nothing should be more free than the choice of religion, which, if consent is absent, becomes entirely null and pointless.
The general conduct of Christians during the first three centuries was in conformity with the admirable maxims now quoted. Eusebius has recorded that Polycarp, after in vain endeavouring to persuade Anicetus, who was bishop of Rome, to embrace his opinion as to some point with respect to which they differed, gave him, notwithstanding, the kiss of peace, while Anicetus communicated with the martyr; and Irenæus mentions that although Polycarp was much offended with the Gnostic heretics, who abounded in his days, he converted numbers of them, not by the application of constraint or violence, but by the facts and arguments which he calmly submitted for their consideration. It must be admitted, however, that even during the second century some traces of persecution are to be found. Victor, one of the early pontiffs, because the Asiatic bishops differed from him about the rule for the observation of Easter, excommunicated them as guilty of heresy; and he acted in the same manner toward a person who held what he considered as erroneous notions respecting the trinity. This stretch of authority was, indeed, reprobated by the generality of Christians, and remonstrances against it were accordingly presented. There was, however, in this proceeding of Victor, too clear a proof that the church was beginning to deviate from the perfect charity by which it had been adorned, and too sure an indication that the example of one who held so high an office, when it was in harmony with the corruption or with the worst passions of our nature, would be extensively followed. But still there was, in the excommunication rashly pronounced 741by the pope, merely an exertion of ecclesiastical power, not interfering with the personal security, with the property, or with the lives of those against whom it was directed; and we may, notwithstanding this slight exception, consider the first three centuries as marked by the candour and the benevolence implied in the charity which judgeth not, and thinketh no evil.
The overall behavior of Christians during the first three centuries reflected the wonderful principles now mentioned. Eusebius recorded that Polycarp, after unsuccessfully trying to convince Anicetus, the bishop of Rome, to accept his view on a certain disagreement, still gave him the kiss of peace, while Anicetus communicated with the martyr. Irenaeus noted that even though Polycarp was quite upset with the Gnostic heretics who were prevalent during his time, he managed to convert many of them, not through force or violence, but by presenting the facts and arguments in a calm manner. However, it’s important to acknowledge that even in the second century, there were some signs of persecution. Victor, one of the early popes, excommunicated the Asian bishops for disagreeing with him over the way to observe Easter, considering them guilty of heresy; he took similar action against someone he believed had incorrect views about the Trinity. This overreach of authority was criticized by the majority of Christians, who voiced their objections. Yet, Victor’s actions clearly showed that the church was starting to stray from the perfect love that had once defined it, and it indicated that the behavior of a figure in such a prominent position, when aligned with the flaws or worst impulses of human nature, would likely be widely imitated. Still, the excommunication hastily declared by the pope was merely an exercise of church authority and did not threaten the personal safety, property, or lives of those it targeted; and despite this minor exception, we can view the first three centuries as characterized by the openness and kindness suggested by a love that doesn’t judge and holds no ill will.
It was after Christianity had been established as the religion of the empire, and after wealth and honour had been conferred on its ministers, that the monstrous evil of persecution acquired gigantic strength, and threw its blasting influence over the religion of the Gospel. The causes of this are apparent. Men exalted in the scale of society were eager to extend the power which had been intrusted to them; and they sought to do so by exacting from the people acquiescence in the peculiar interpretations of tenets and doctrines which they chose to publish as articles of faith. The moment that this was attempted, the foundation was laid for the most inflexible intolerance; because reluctance to submit was no longer regarded solely as a matter of conscience, but as interfering with the interest and the dominion of the ruling party. It was therefore proceeded against with all the eagerness which men so unequivocally display when the temporal blessings that gratify their ambition or add to their comfort are attempted to be wrested from them. To other dictates than those of the word of God the members of the church now listened; and opinions were viewed, not in reference to that word, but to the effect which they might produce upon the worldly advancement or prosperity of those by whom they were avowed. From the era, then, of the conversion of Constantine we may date, if not altogether the introduction, at least the decisive influence of persecution.
It was after Christianity had become the official religion of the empire and after wealth and honor had been granted to its leaders that the terrible evil of persecution gained enormous power and cast its destructive influence over the Gospel. The reasons for this are clear. Elevated individuals in society were eager to expand the authority that had been given to them; they sought to do this by forcing the people to accept their specific interpretations of beliefs and doctrines, which they claimed as articles of faith. The moment this was attempted, it laid the groundwork for relentless intolerance, as any hesitation to comply was seen not just as a matter of conscience but as a threat to the interests and control of those in power. Thus, it was pursued with the same fervor that people show when their worldly rewards, which feed their ambitions or comfort, are threatened. The members of the church now listened to voices other than those of the word of God; opinions were assessed not based on that word, but on how they might impact the worldly success or wellbeing of those who expressed them. From the time of Constantine’s conversion, we can trace, if not the complete emergence, at least the significant influence of persecution.
PERSIA, an ancient kingdom of Asia, bounded on the north by Media, on the west by Susiana, on the east by Carmania, and on the south by the Persian Gulf. The Persians became very famous from the time of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy. Their ancient name was Elamites, and in the time of the Roman emperors they went by the name of Parthians; but now Persians. See Cyrus; and for the religion of the ancient Persians, Magi.
PERSIA, an ancient kingdom in Asia, located to the north of Media, to the west of Susiana, to the east of Carmania, and to the south of the Persian Gulf. The Persians gained significant fame starting from the era of Cyrus, who established the Persian monarchy. Their original name was Elamites, and during the time of the Roman emperors, they were known as Parthians; today, they are referred to as Persians. See Cyrus; and for information about the religion of the ancient Persians, Wise Men.
PESTILENCE, or plague, generally is used by the Hebrews for all epidemic or contagious diseases. The prophets usually connect together sword, pestilence, and famine, being three of the most grievous inflictions of the Almighty upon a guilty people. See Diseases.
PESTILENCE, or plague, is typically used by the Hebrews to refer to all epidemic or contagious diseases. The prophets often link sword, pestilence, and famine, as they are three of the most severe punishments from the Almighty on a sinful people. See Health issues.
PETER, the great Apostle of the circumcision, was the son of Jona, and born at Bethsaida, a town situated on the western shore of the lake of Gennesareth, but in what particular year we are not informed, John i, 42, 43. His original name was Simon or Simeon, which his divine Master, when he called him to the Apostleship, changed for that of Cephas, a Syriac word signifying a stone or rock; in Latin, petra, from whence is derived the term Peter. He was a married man, and had his house, his mother-in-law, and his wife, at Capernaum, on the lake of Gennesareth, Matt. viii, 14; Mark i, 29; Luke iv, 38. He had also a brother of the name of Andrew, who had been a disciple of John the Baptist, and was called to the knowledge of the Saviour prior to himself. Andrew was present when the venerable Baptist pointed his disciples to Jesus, and added, Behold the Lamb of God that taketh away the sin of the world;” and, meeting Simon shortly afterward, said, We have found the Messiah,” and then brought him to Jesus, John i, 41. When the two brothers had passed one day with the Lord Jesus, they took their leave of him, and returned to their ordinary occupation of fishing. This appears to have taken place in the thirtieth year of the Christian era. Toward the end of the same year, as Jesus was one morning standing on the shore of the lake of Gennesareth, he saw Andrew and Peter engaged about their employment. They had been fishing during the whole night, but without the smallest success; and, after this fruitless expedition, were in the act of washing their nets, Luke v, 1–3. Jesus entered into their boat, and bade Peter throw out his net into the sea, which he did; and now, to his astonishment, the multitude of fishes was so immense that their own vessel, and that of the sons of Zebedee, were filled with them. Peter evidently saw there was something supernatural in this, and, throwing himself at the feet of Jesus, he exclaimed, Depart from me, O Lord, for I am a sinful man.” The miracle was no doubt intended for a sign to the four disciples of what success should afterward follow their ministry in preaching the doctrine of his kingdom; and therefore Jesus said unto them, Follow me, and I will make you fishers of men;” on which they quitted their boats and nets, and thenceforth became the constant associates of the Saviour, during the whole of his public ministry, Luke xviii, 28.
PETER, the great Apostle of the circumcision, was the son of Jona and born in Bethsaida, a town on the western shore of the Sea of Gennesareth, though we don’t know the exact year, John i, 42, 43. His original name was Simon or Simeon, but his divine Master changed it to Cephas when He called him to be an Apostle, which is a Syriac word meaning a stone or rock; in Latin, it’s petra, from which we get the name Peter. He was married and lived with his wife and mother-in-law in Capernaum by the Sea of Gennesareth, Matt. viii, 14; Mark i, 29; Luke iv, 38. He also had a brother named Andrew, who had been a disciple of John the Baptist and learned about the Savior before Peter. Andrew was there when the respected Baptist directed his followers to Jesus, saying, “Behold the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world,” and when he met Simon shortly after, he said, “We have found the Messiah,” then brought him to Jesus, John i, 41. After spending a day with the Lord Jesus, the two brothers returned to their usual work as fishermen. This happened around the thirtieth year of the Christian era. Later that same year, as Jesus stood on the shore of the Sea of Gennesareth one morning, He saw Andrew and Peter working. They had been fishing all night without any luck and were currently washing their nets, Luke v, 1–3. Jesus got into their boat and told Peter to throw his net into the sea, which he did, and to his amazement, they caught so many fish that both their boat and that of the sons of Zebedee were filled. Peter recognized there was something miraculous about this and, falling at Jesus’ feet, exclaimed, “Depart from me, O Lord, for I am a sinful man.” This miracle was certainly meant to show the four disciples what success would follow their preaching of His kingdom's doctrine; therefore, Jesus said to them, “Follow me, and I will make you fishers of men,” and they left their boats and nets to become His constant companions throughout His public ministry, Luke xviii, 28.
From the instant of his entering upon the apostolic office, we find St. Peter on almost every occasion evincing the strength of his faith in Jesus as the Messiah, and the most extraordinary zeal in his service, of which many examples are extant in the Gospels. When Jesus in private asked his disciples, first, what opinion the people entertained of him; next, what was their own opinion: Simon Peter answered and said, Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God,” Matt. xvi, 16. Having received this answer, Jesus declared Peter blessed on account of his faith; and in allusion to the signification of his name, added, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church; and I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth,” &c. Many think these things were spoken to St. Peter alone, for the purpose of conferring on him privileges and powers not granted to the rest of the Apostles. But others, with more reason, suppose that, though Jesus directed his discourse to St. Peter, it was intended for them all; and 742that the honours and powers granted to St. Peter by name were conferred on them all equally. For no one will say that Christ’s church was built upon St. Peter singly: it was built on the foundation of all the Apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone. As little can any one say that the power of binding and loosing was confined to St. Peter, seeing it was declared afterward to belong to all the Apostles, Matt. xviii, 18; John xx, 23. To these things add this, that as St. Peter made his confession in answer to a question which Jesus put to all the Apostles, that confession was certainly made in the name of the whole; and, therefore, what Jesus said to him in reply was designed for the whole without distinction; excepting this, which was peculiar to him, that he was to be the first who, after the descent of the Holy Ghost, should preach the Gospel to the Jews, and then to the Gentiles: an honour which was conferred on St. Peter in the expression, I will give thee the keys,” &c.
From the moment St. Peter took on the apostolic role, he consistently demonstrated a strong faith in Jesus as the Messiah and an exceptional enthusiasm for his service, as shown by many examples in the Gospels. When Jesus privately asked his disciples first what the people thought of him and then what their own opinion was, Simon Peter replied, “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God” (Matt. 16:16). After this response, Jesus declared Peter blessed because of his faith and, referring to the meaning of his name, added, “You are Peter, and on this rock I will build my church; and I will give you the keys to the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth…” Many believe these statements were directed only to St. Peter to grant him privileges and powers not given to the other Apostles. However, others reasonably argue that, although Jesus spoke to St. Peter, his message was intended for all of them, and the honors and powers given to St. Peter were conferred equally upon all. No one would claim that Christ's church was built solely on St. Peter; it was built on the foundation of all the Apostles and prophets, with Jesus Christ himself as the chief cornerstone. Similarly, it cannot be said that the power of binding and loosing was limited to St. Peter, as it was later declared to belong to all the Apostles (Matt. 18:18; John 20:23). Additionally, since St. Peter made his confession in response to a question posed to all the Apostles, that confession was certainly made on behalf of all of them; therefore, what Jesus said to him in response was meant for everyone without exception, except for the specific detail that he would be the first to preach the Gospel to the Jews and then to the Gentiles after the descent of the Holy Spirit—an honor conferred on St. Peter in the phrase, “I will give you the keys…”
St. Peter was one of the three Apostles whom Jesus admitted to witness the resurrection of Jairus’s daughter, and before whom he was transfigured, and with whom he retired to pray in the garden the night before he suffered. He was the person who in the fervour of his zeal for his Master cut off the ear of the high priest’s slave, when the armed band came to apprehend him. Yet this same Peter, a few hours after that, denied his Master three different times in the high priest’s palace, and that with oaths. In the awful defection of the Apostle on this occasion we have melancholy proof of the power of human depravity even in regenerate men, and of the weakness of human resolutions when left to ourselves. St. Peter was fully warned by his divine Master of his approaching danger; but confident in his own strength, he declared himself ready to accompany his Lord to prison and even to judgment. After the third denial Jesus turned and looked upon Peter;” that look pierced him to the heart; and, stung with deep remorse, he went out, and wept bitterly.” St. Peter, however, obtained forgiveness; and, when Jesus had risen from the dead, he ordered the glad tidings of his resurrection to be conveyed to St. Peter by name: Go tell my disciples and Peter,” Mark xvi, 8. He afterward received repeated assurances of his Saviour’s love, and from that time uniformly showed the greatest zeal and fortitude in his Master’s service.
St. Peter was one of the three Apostles who Jesus allowed to witness the resurrection of Jairus’s daughter, was present during the Transfiguration, and prayed with him in the garden the night before his suffering. He was the one who, in a moment of great zeal for his Master, cut off the ear of the high priest’s servant when the armed group came to arrest Jesus. Yet, just a few hours later, Peter denied knowing his Master three times in the high priest’s palace, even swearing that he didn’t. This painful failure of the Apostle highlights the reality of human depravity, even in those who are renewed, and shows how fragile our resolutions can be when we're left to our own devices. St. Peter had been warned by Jesus about the impending danger, but confident in his strength, he insisted he was ready to follow his Lord to prison and even to trial. After the third denial, Jesus turned and looked at Peter; that look pierced him to the heart, and feeling deep remorse, he went out and cried bitterly. However, St. Peter was forgiven, and when Jesus rose from the dead, he specifically instructed that the message of his resurrection be delivered to St. Peter by name: “Go tell my disciples and Peter,” Mark xvi, 8. Later, he received repeated reassurances of his Savior’s love and, from then on, displayed great zeal and courage in serving his Master.
Soon after our Lord’s ascension, in a numerous assembly of the Apostles and brethren, St. Peter gave it as his opinion, that one should be chosen to be an Apostle in the room of Judas. To this they all agreed; and, by lot, chose Matthias, whom on that occasion they numbered with the eleven Apostles. On the day of pentecost following, when the Holy Spirit fell on the Apostles and disciples, St. Peter, standing up with the eleven, lifted up his voice; that is, St. Peter, rising up, spake with a loud voice, in the name of the Apostles, as he had done on various occasions in his Master’s lifetime, and gave the multitude an account of that great miracle, Acts ii, 14. St. Peter now began to experience the fulfilment of Christ’s promise to make him a fisher of men, and also that he would give him the keys of the kingdom of heaven. His sermon on this occasion produced an abundant harvest of converts to Christ. Three thousand of his audience were pricked to the heart, and cried out, Men and brethren, what shall we do?” St. Peter proclaimed to them the riches of pardoning mercy through the divine blood of the Son of God; and they that gladly received his doctrine were baptized and added to the church, Acts ii, 37–43. The effects produced on the mind of this great Apostle of the circumcision by the resurrection of his divine Master, and the consequent effusion of the Holy Spirit, were evidently of the most extraordinary kind, and such as it is impossible to account for upon natural principles. He was raised superior to all considerations of personal danger and the fear of man. And though all the Apostles could now say, God hath not given us the spirit of fear, but of power, and of love, and of a sound mind;” yet an attentive reader of the Acts of the Apostles cannot fail to perceive that upon almost every occasion of difficulty St. Peter is exhibited to our view as standing foremost in the rank of Apostles. When St. Peter and John were brought before the council to be examined concerning the miracle wrought on the impotent man, St. Peter spake. It was St. Peter who questioned Ananias and Sapphira about the price of their lands; and, for their lying in that matter, punished them miraculously with death. It is remarkable, also, that although by the hands of the Apostles many signs and wonders were wrought, it was by St. Peter’s shadow alone that the sick, who were laid in the streets of Jerusalem, were healed as he passed by. Lastly: It was St. Peter who replied to the council in the name of the Apostles, not obeying their command to preach no more in the name of Jesus.
Soon after our Lord’s ascension, during a large gathering of the Apostles and brothers, St. Peter suggested that they should choose someone to take Judas’s place as an Apostle. Everyone agreed, and they chose Matthias by lot, adding him to the eleven Apostles. On the following Pentecost, when the Holy Spirit came upon the Apostles and disciples, St. Peter stood up with the eleven and raised his voice; that is, St. Peter spoke loudly in the name of the Apostles, just as he had on many occasions during his Master’s life, and explained to the crowd the significance of that great miracle, Acts ii, 14. St. Peter began to witness the fulfillment of Christ’s promise to make him a fisher of men and to give him the keys to the kingdom of heaven. His sermon that day led to a huge influx of converts to Christ. Three thousand people in his audience were touched deeply and exclaimed, “Men and brothers, what should we do?” St. Peter told them about the abundant mercy found in the divine blood of the Son of God; those who accepted his message were baptized and added to the church, Acts ii, 37–43. The impact of his divine Master’s resurrection and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on St. Peter, the Apostle to the circumcision, was extraordinary and can’t be explained by natural reasons. He was above all thoughts of personal danger and fear of man. And although all the Apostles could claim, “God hasn’t given us a spirit of fear, but of power, and love, and a sound mind,” a careful reader of the Acts of the Apostles will notice that in almost every challenging situation, St. Peter is portrayed as the leader among the Apostles. When St. Peter and John were brought before the council to answer about the miracle performed on the lame man, it was St. Peter who spoke. He also confronted Ananias and Sapphira about the price of their land, and for their deception, he punished them with death in a miraculous way. Notably, while many signs and wonders were performed by the Apostles, it was only St. Peter’s shadow that healed the sick laid out in the streets of Jerusalem as he walked by. Finally, it was St. Peter who answered the council on behalf of the Apostles, refusing to obey their order to stop preaching in the name of Jesus.
St. Peter’s fame was now become so great, that the brethren of Joppa, hearing of his being in Lydda, and of his having cured Eneas miraculously of a palsy, sent, desiring him to come and restore a disciple to life, named Tabitha, which he did. During his abode in Joppa, the Roman centurion, Cornelius, directed by an angel, sent for him to come and preach to him. On that occasion the Holy Ghost fell on Cornelius and his company, while St. Peter spake. St. Peter, by his zeal and success in preaching the Gospel, having attracted the notice of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, Herod Agrippa, who, to please the Jews, had killed St. James, the brother of St. John, still farther to gratify them, cast St. Peter into prison. But an angel brought him out; after which he concealed himself in the city, or in some neighbouring town, till Herod’s death, which happened about the end of the year. Some learned men think St. Peter at that time went to Antioch or to Rome. But if he had gone to 743any celebrated city, St. Luke, as L’Enfant observes, would probably have mentioned it. Beside, we find him in the council of Jerusalem, which met not long after this to determine the famous question concerning the circumcision of the Gentiles. The council being ended, St. Peter went to Antioch, where he gave great offence, by refusing to eat with the converted Gentiles. But St. Paul withstood him to the face, rebuking him before the whole church for his pusillanimity and hypocrisy, Gal. ii, 11–21.
St. Peter's fame had grown so much that the believers in Joppa, hearing he was in Lydda and had miraculously healed Eneas of his paralysis, sent for him, asking him to come and bring a disciple named Tabitha back to life, which he did. While he was in Joppa, the Roman centurion Cornelius, guided by an angel, called for him to come and preach to him. While St. Peter spoke, the Holy Spirit came upon Cornelius and his group. St. Peter’s zeal and success in spreading the Gospel caught the attention of the people in Jerusalem. Herod Agrippa, wanting to please the Jews, had killed St. James, the brother of St. John, and to further satisfy them, he threw St. Peter in prison. However, an angel rescued him, and after that, he hid in the city or a nearby town until Herod died at the end of the year. Some scholars believe St. Peter went to Antioch or Rome during that time. But if he had gone to any well-known city, St. Luke would likely have mentioned it, as L’Enfant points out. We also find him at the council of Jerusalem, which met shortly after to address the important issue of the circumcision of Gentiles. After the council, St. Peter went to Antioch, where he caused a lot of unrest by refusing to eat with the converted Gentiles. But St. Paul confronted him openly, rebuking him in front of the entire church for his cowardice and hypocrisy, Gal. ii, 11–21.
In the Acts of the Apostles, no mention is made of St. Peter after the council of Jerusalem. But from Gal. ii, 11, it appears that after that council he was with St. Paul at Antioch. He is likewise mentioned by St. Paul, 1 Cor. i, 12; iii, 22. It is generally supposed that after St. Peter was at Antioch with St. Paul, he returned to Jerusalem. What happened to him after that is not told in the Scriptures. But Eusebius informs us that Origen wrote to this purpose: St. Peter is supposed to have preached to the Jews of the dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia; and at length, coming to Rome, was crucified with his head downward.
In the Acts of the Apostles, there's no mention of St. Peter after the council of Jerusalem. However, according to Gal. ii, 11, it seems that following that council, he was with St. Paul in Antioch. St. Paul also refers to him in 1 Cor. i, 12; iii, 22. It's generally believed that after St. Peter was in Antioch with St. Paul, he went back to Jerusalem. What happened to him after that isn’t detailed in the Scriptures. But Eusebius tells us that Origen wrote about this: St. Peter is thought to have preached to the Jews scattered in Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia; and finally, when he arrived in Rome, he was crucified upside down.
We are indebted to this Apostle for two epistles, which constitute a valuable part of the inspired writings. The first epistle of St. Peter has always been considered as canonical; and in proof of its genuineness we may observe that it is referred to by Clement of Rome, Hermas, and Polycarp; that, we are assured by Eusebius, that it was quoted by Papias; and that it is expressly mentioned by Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, and most of the later fathers. The authority of the second epistle of St. Peter was for some time disputed, as we learn from Origen, Eusebius, and Jerom; but since the fourth century it has been universally received, except by the Syriac Christians. It is addressed to the same persons as the former epistle, and the design of it was to encourage them to adhere to the genuine faith and practice of the Gospel.
We owe this Apostle for two letters that form an important part of the inspired writings. The first letter of St. Peter has always been recognized as canonical; to prove its authenticity, we can note that it is mentioned by Clement of Rome, Hermas, and Polycarp; that Eusebius assures us it was cited by Papias; and that it is specifically referred to by Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, and most of the later church fathers. The authority of the second letter of St. Peter was debated for a time, as noted by Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome; however, since the fourth century, it has been widely accepted, except by the Syriac Christians. It is addressed to the same audience as the first letter and aims to encourage them to stick to the true faith and teachings of the Gospel.
PETHOR, a city of Mesopotamia, of which the Prophet Balaam was a native. The Hebrews call this city Pethura. Ptolemy calls it Pachora; and Eusebius, Pathara. He places it in the Upper Mesopotamia.
PETHOR, a city in Mesopotamia, where the Prophet Balaam was originally from. The Hebrews refer to this city as Pethura. Ptolemy names it Pachora, and Eusebius calls it Pathara. He locates it in Upper Mesopotamia.
PHARAOH, a common name of the kings of Egypt. We meet with it as early as Gen. xii, 15. Josephus says, that all the kings of Egypt, from Minæus, the founder of Memphis, who lived several ages before Abraham, always had the name of Pharaoh, down to the time of Solomon, for more than three thousand three hundred years. He adds, that, in the Egyptian language, the word Pharaoh means king, and that these princes did not assume the name until they ascended the throne, at which time they quitted their former name.
PHARAOH, a common title for the kings of Egypt, appears as early as Genesis 12:15. Josephus states that all the kings of Egypt, starting with Minæus, the founder of Memphis, who lived many ages before Abraham, were called Pharaoh, all the way up to the time of Solomon, for over three thousand three hundred years. He also mentions that in Egyptian, the word Pharaoh means king, and these rulers did not take on this title until they became king, at which point they abandoned their previous names.
PHARISEES, a sect of the Jews. The earliest mention of them is by Josephus, who tells us that they were a sect of considerable weight when John Hyrcanus was high priest, B. C. 108. They were the most numerous, distinguished, and popular sect among the Jews. TheJews. The time when they first appeared is not known, but it is supposed to have been not long after the institution of the Sadducees, if, indeed the two sects did not gradually spring up together. They derived their name from the Hebrew word pharash, which signifies separated,” or set apart;” because they separated themselves from the rest of the Jews to superior strictness in religious observances. They boasted that, from their accurate knowledge of religion, they were the favourites of Heaven; and thus, trusting in themselves that they were righteous, despised others, Luke xi, 52; xviii, 9, 11. Among the tenets inculcated by this sect, we may enumerate the following: namely, they ascribed all things to fate or providence; yet not so absolutely as to take away the free will of man; for fate does not coöperate in every action, Acts v, 38, 39. They also believed in the existence of angels and spirits, and in the resurrection of the dead; Acts xxiii, 8. Lastly: the Pharisees contended that God stood engaged to bless the Jews, to make them all partakers of the terrestrial kingdom of the Messiah, to justify them, and make them eternally happy. The cause of their justification they derived from the merits of Abraham, from their knowledge of God, from their practising the rite of circumcision, and from the sacrifices they offered. And as they conceived works to be meritorious, they had invented a great number of supererogatory ones, to which they attached greater merit than to the observance of the law itself. To this notion St. Paul has some allusions in those parts of his Epistle to the Romans, in which be combats the erroneous suppositions of the Jews, Rom. i-xi.
PHARISEES, a group within the Jewish community. The earliest reference to them is by Josephus, who indicates that they were a significant sect when John Hyrcanus was high priest, around 108 B.C. They were the largest, most distinguished, and popular sect among the Jews. TheJews. The time when they first emerged isn’t clear, but it’s thought to have been not long after the establishment of the Sadducees, if indeed the two groups didn’t develop together. They got their name from the Hebrew word pharash, meaning “separated” or “set apart,” because they distanced themselves from the rest of the Jews, adhering to stricter religious practices. They claimed that their deep understanding of religion made them favorites of Heaven; thus, believing themselves to be righteous, they looked down on others (Luke xi, 52; xviii, 9, 11). Some of their key beliefs include the idea that everything is determined by fate or providence, but not in a way that removes human free will, as fate doesn’t influence every action (Acts v, 38, 39). They also believed in angels and spirits, as well as in the resurrection of the dead (Acts xxiii, 8). Additionally, the Pharisees argued that God had a duty to bless the Jews, granting them all a share in the earthly kingdom of the Messiah, justifying them, and providing eternal happiness. They believed their justification came from Abraham's merits, their knowledge of God, practicing circumcision, and the sacrifices they made. Since they viewed actions as deserving of merit, they created many additional works, which they thought were more rewarding than simply following the law itself. St. Paul refers to this idea in his letters to the Romans, where he addresses the mistaken beliefs of the Jews (Rom. i-xi).
The Pharisees were the strictest of the three principal sects that divided the Jewish nation, Acts xxvi, 5, and affected a singular probity of manners according to their system; which, however, was, for the most part, both lax and corrupt. Thus many things which Moses had tolerated in civil life, in order to avoid a greater evil, the Pharisees determined to be morally right: for instance, the law of divorce from a wife for any cause, Matt. v, 31, &c; xix, 3–12. (See Divorce.) Farther: they interpreted certain of the Mosaic laws most literally, and distorted their meaning so as to favour their own selfish system. Thus, the law of loving their neighbour, they expounded solely of the love of their friends, that is, of the whole Jewish race; all other persons being considered by them as natural enemies, whom they were in no respect bound to assist, Matt. v, 43; Luke x, 31–33. They also trifled with oaths. Dr. Lightfoot has cited a striking illustration of this from Maimonides. An oath, in which the name of God was not distinctly specified, they taught was not binding, Matt. v, 33; maintaining that a man might even swear with his lips, and at the same time annul it in his heart! And yet so rigorously did they understand the command of observing the Sabbath day, that they accounted it unlawful to pluck ears of corn, and heal the sick, &c, Matt. xii; Luke 744vi, 6, &c; xiv. Many moral rules they accounted inferior to the ceremonial laws, to the total neglect of mercy and fidelity, Matt. v, 19; xv, 4; xxiii, 23. Hence they accounted causeless anger and impure desires as trifles of no moment, Matt. v, 21, 22, 27–30; they compassed sea and land to make proselytes to the Jewish religion from among the Gentiles, that they might rule over their consciences and wealth; and these proselytes, through the influence of their own scandalous examples and characters, they soon rendered more profligate and abandoned than ever they were before their conversion, Matt. xxiii, 15. Esteeming temporal happiness and riches as the highest good, they scrupled not to accumulate wealth by every means, legal or illegal, Matt. v, 1–12; xxiii, 5; Luke xvi, 14; James ii, 1–8; vain and ambitious of popular applause, they offered up long prayers in public places, but not without self-complacency in their own holiness, Matt. vi, 2–5; Luke xviii, 11; under a sanctimonious appearance of respect for the memories of the prophets whom their ancestors had slain, they repaired and beautified their sepulchres, Matt. xxiii, 29; and such was their idea of their own sanctity, that they thought themselves defiled if they but touched or conversed with sinners, that is, with publicans or tax-gatherers, and persons of loose and irregular lives, Luke vii, 39; xv, 1.
The Pharisees were the strictest of the three main groups that divided the Jewish nation, Acts xxvi, 5, and claimed to have a unique level of morality in their behavior according to their beliefs; however, this was mostly lax and corrupt. Many things that Moses allowed in civil life to avoid greater evils, the Pharisees decided were morally acceptable: for example, the law allowing divorce for any reason, Matt. v, 31, &c; xix, 3–12. (See Divorce.) Furthermore, they interpreted certain Mosaic laws very literally and twisted their meanings to support their selfish system. They translated the law of loving your neighbor to mean only loving their friends, meaning all of the Jewish people; all others were seen as natural enemies whom they had no obligation to help, Matt. v, 43; Luke x, 31–33. They also played games with oaths. Dr. Lightfoot quoted a notable example from Maimonides. They taught that an oath that did not explicitly mention God's name wasn’t binding, Matt. v, 33; insisting that a person could even swear with their lips while nullifying it in their heart! Yet, they interpreted the command to observe the Sabbath so strictly that they deemed it unlawful to pick grain or heal the sick, Matt. xii; Luke 744vi, 6, &c; xiv. They considered many moral rules less important than ceremonial ones, completely disregarding mercy and faithfulness, Matt. v, 19; xv, 4; xxiii, 23. Consequently, they viewed pointless anger and impure desires as insignificant, Matt. v, 21, 22, 27–30; they went to great lengths to make converts to the Jewish religion from among the Gentiles to exert control over their beliefs and wealth; and these converts, influenced by the Pharisees' disgraceful examples, quickly became more disreputable than they were before converting, Matt. xxiii, 15. Valuing temporary happiness and wealth as the ultimate good, they didn’t hesitate to acquire riches by any means, legal or illegal, Matt. v, 1–12; xxiii, 5; Luke xvi, 14; James ii, 1–8; eager for public acclaim, they offered lengthy prayers in public places, but not without feeling proud of their own piety, Matt. vi, 2–5; Luke xviii, 11; under a pretense of honoring the memories of the prophets whom their ancestors killed, they repaired and beautified their tombs, Matt. xxiii, 29; and they believed so strongly in their own holiness that they thought they were contaminated if they merely touched or spoke with sinners, specifically tax collectors and people with questionable lifestyles, Luke vii, 39; xv, 1.
But, above all their other tenets, the Pharisees were conspicuous for their reverential observance of the traditions or decrees of the elders: these traditions, they pretended, had been handed down from Moses through every generation, but were not committed to writing; and they were not merely considered as of equal authority with the divine law, but even preferable to it. The words of the scribes,” said they, are lovely above the words of the law; for the words of the law are weighty and light, but the words of the scribes are all weighty.” Among the traditions thus sanctimoniously observed by the Pharisees, we may briefly notice the following: the washing of hands up to the wrist before and after meat, Matthew xv, 2; Mark vii, 3; which they accounted not merely a religious duty, but considered its omission as a crime equal to fornication, and punishable by excommunication: the purification of the cups, vessels, and couches used at their meals by ablutions or washings, Mark vii, 4; for which purpose the six large water pots mentioned by St. John, ii, 6, were destined: their fasting twice a week with great appearance of austerity, Luke xviii, 12; Matt. vi, 16; thus converting that exercise into religion which is only a help toward the performance of its hallowed duties: their punctilious payment of tithes, (temple-offerings,) even of the most trifling things, Luke xviii, 12; Matt. xxiii, 23. And their wearing broader phylacteries and larger fringes to their garments than the rest of the Jews, Matt. xxiii, 5. See Phylacteries.
But, more than anything else, the Pharisees were well-known for their strict adherence to the traditions or rules of the elders. They claimed these traditions had been passed down from Moses through each generation, but were never written down. They were not just seen as equal to divine law; in fact, they were considered even more important. "The words of the scribes," they said, "are more beautiful than the words of the law; because while the words of the law are significant yet light, the words of the scribes are all significant." Among the traditions that the Pharisees meticulously followed, we can briefly highlight the following: washing their hands up to the wrists before and after eating (Matthew 15:2; Mark 7:3), which they viewed not just as a religious duty but considered failing to do so as a crime on par with fornication, deserving of excommunication; purifying cups, utensils, and couches used during meals by washing them (Mark 7:4), for which the six large water pots mentioned by St. John (John 2:6) were used; fasting twice a week with an emphasis on austerity (Luke 18:12; Matthew 6:16), effectively making this practice a religious act rather than just a means to support its sacred responsibilities; their meticulous payment of tithes, even on insignificant items (Luke 18:12; Matthew 23:23); and their wearing of broader phylacteries and larger fringes on their garments than other Jews (Matthew 23:5). See Tefillin.
With all their pretensions to piety, the Pharisees entertained the most sovereign contempt for the people; whom, being ignorant of the law, they pronounced to be accursed, John vii, 49. Yet such was the esteem and veneration in which they were held by the populace, that they may almost be said to have given what direction they pleased to public affairs; and hence the great men dreaded their power and authority. It is unquestionable, as Mosheim has well remarked, that the religion of the Pharisees was, for the most part, founded in consummate hypocrisy; and that, at the bottom, they were generally the slaves of every vicious appetite, proud, arrogant, and avaricious, consulting only the gratification of their lusts, even at the very moment when they professed themselves to be engaged in the service of their Maker. These odious features in the character of the Pharisees caused them to be reprehended by our Saviour with the utmost severity, even more so than the Sadducees; who, although they had departed widely from the genuine principles of religion, yet did not impose on mankind by a pretended sanctity, or devote themselves with insatiate greediness to the acquisition of honours and riches. A few, and a few only of the sect of the Pharisees in those times, might be of better character,--men who, though self-righteous and deluded and bigoted, were not like the rest, hypocritical. Of this number was Saul of Tarsus; but as a body their attachment to traditions; their passionate expectation of deliverance from the Roman yoke by the Messiah, and the splendour of his civil reign, their pride, and above all their vices, sufficiently account for that unconquerable unbelief which had possessed their minds as to the claims of Christ, and their resistance to the evidence of his miracles. The sect of the Pharisees was not extinguished by the ruin of the Jewish commonwealth. The greater part of the Jews are still Pharisees, being as much devoted to traditions, or the oral law, as their ancestors were.
With all their claims to being righteous, the Pharisees held a deep contempt for the people, whom they deemed cursed for their ignorance of the law (John 7:49). Yet, they were so highly regarded and respected by the public that they practically controlled public affairs, making powerful figures wary of their influence and authority. It is clear, as Mosheim noted, that the religious practices of the Pharisees were largely rooted in extreme hypocrisy; at their core, they were typically slaves to their own desires—proud, arrogant, and greedy—pursuing their pleasures even while claiming to serve God. These unpleasant traits in the Pharisees' character led to them being harshly criticized by our Savior, even more so than the Sadducees, who, despite straying far from true religious principles, did not deceive others with false piety or pursue honors and wealth with unrelenting greed. Only a few members of the Pharisee sect at that time had better character—individuals who, though self-righteous, misguided, and bigoted, were not hypocritical like others. One of these was Saul of Tarsus; however, as a group, their attachment to traditions, their intense hope for liberation from Roman rule by the Messiah, and their pride—coupled with their vices—fully explain their overwhelming unbelief in Christ's claims and their rejection of evidence from his miracles. The Pharisee sect did not disappear with the fall of the Jewish state. Most Jews still align with Pharisaical views, remaining as committed to traditions, or the oral law, as their ancestors.
PHARPAR. See Abana.
PHARPAR. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
PHEBE, a deaconess of the port of Corinth, called Cenchrea. St. Paul had a particular esteem for this holy woman; and Theodoret thinks the Apostle lodged at her house for some time, while he continued in or near Corinth. It is thought she carried the epistle to Rome, which he wrote to the church of that city, in which she is so highly commended, Rom. xvi, 1, 2. It is thought that, in quality of deaconess, she was employed by the church in some ministrations suitable to her sex and condition; as to visit and instruct the Christian women, and attend them in their sickness, and distribute alms to them in their necessities.
PHEBE, a deaconess from the port city of Corinth, known as Cenchrea. St. Paul held this holy woman in high regard; Theodoret believes the Apostle stayed at her house for a while while he was in or near Corinth. It’s thought she delivered the letter to Rome that he wrote to the church in that city, where she is praised, Rom. xvi, 1, 2. It is believed that, as a deaconess, she was involved in church activities appropriate for her gender and position, such as visiting and teaching Christian women, caring for them when they were sick, and distributing aid to those in need.
PHENICIA, a province of Syria, the limits of which have been differently represented. Sometimes it has been defined as extending from north to south, from Orthosia as far as Pelusium. At other times its southern limit is said to have been Mount Carmel and Ptolemais. It is certain that, from the conquest of Palestine by the Hebrews, its limits were narrow, containing no part of the country of the Philistines, which occupied all the coast from 745Mount Carmel along the Mediterranean, as far as the borders of Egypt. It had also very little extent on the land side, because the Israelites, who possessed all Galilee, confined it to the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. The chief cities of Phenicia were Sidon, Tyre, Ptolemais, Ecdippe, Sarepta, Berythe, Biblos, Tripoli, Orthosia, Simira, Aradus. They formerly had possession of some cities in Libanus: and sometimes the Greek authors comprehend all Judea under the name of Phenicia. Phenicia may be considered as the birthplace of commerce, if not also of letters and the arts. It was a Phenician who introduced into Greece the knowledge and the use of letters. Phenician workmen built the temple of Solomon; Phenician sailors navigated his ships; Phenician pilots directed them; and before other nations had ventured to lose sight of their own shores, colonies of Phenicians were established in the most distant parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa. These early advantages were owing, doubtless, in part to their own enterprising character, and in part also to their central situation, which enabled them to draw into their own narrow territory all the commerce between the east and the west. Bochart has laboured to show that they sent colonies to almost all the isles and coasts of the Mediterranean Sea; but the most famous of all their colonies was that of Carthage.
PHENICIA, a region of Syria, has had its boundaries described in various ways. Sometimes it's said to stretch from north to south, from Orthosia to Pelusium. Other times, its southern boundary is considered to be Mount Carmel and Ptolemais. It's clear that since the Hebrews conquered Palestine, its borders were limited, not including any part of the Philistine territory, which covered the coast from Mount Carmel along the Mediterranean to the borders of Egypt. It also had a very small area inland, as the Israelites, who controlled all of Galilee, restricted it to the Mediterranean coastline. The main cities of Phenicia included Sidon, Tyre, Ptolemais, Ecdippe, Sarepta, Berythe, Biblos, Tripoli, Orthosia, Simira, and Aradus. They once controlled some cities in Libanus, and sometimes Greek writers referred to all of Judea as Phenicia. Phenicia can be seen as the birthplace of commerce, and possibly of writing and the arts as well. A Phenician was responsible for bringing the knowledge and use of writing to Greece. Phenician craftsmen built Solomon's temple; Phenician sailors manned his ships; Phenician pilots guided them; and even before other nations dared to venture beyond their own shores, Phenician colonies were established in far-off parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa. These early successes were likely due, in part, to their adventurous spirit and, in part, to their central location, which allowed them to monopolize all trade between east and west. Bochart has worked to demonstrate that they established colonies on nearly all the islands and coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, but the most famous of their colonies was Carthage.
PHILADELPHIA, a city of Lydia, in Asia Minor, and one of the seven churches of Asia. It derived its name from Attalus Philadelphus, its founder; and was seated on a branch of Mount Tmolus, about twenty-five miles south-east of Sardis, and seventy, in nearly the same direction, from Smyrna. It suffered greatly, in common with all this part of Asia, in the terrible earthquake during the reign of Tiberius, and in the seventeenth year of the Christian era. It has, however, retained a better fate than most of its neighbours; for under the name of Alahsher, or the city of God, it is still a place of some repute, chiefly supported by trade, it being in the route of the caravans to Smyrna. Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia,” says Gibbon, Philadelphia is still erect, a column in a scene of ruins.” Although this city is now in the possession of the Turks, it has about a thousand Christian inhabitants, chiefly Greeks; who have five churches with a resident bishop, and inferior clergy.
PHILADELPHIA, a city of Lydia in Asia Minor, is one of the seven churches of Asia. It got its name from Attalus Philadelphus, its founder. It was located on a branch of Mount Tmolus, about twenty-five miles southeast of Sardis and seventy miles in nearly the same direction from Smyrna. It suffered greatly, like the rest of this region, during the devastating earthquake in the reign of Tiberius and in the seventeenth year of the Christian era. However, it has fared better than many of its neighbors; under the name Alahsher, or the city of God, it remains a place of some standing, mainly supported by trade as it is along the route of caravans to Smyrna. Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia, Gibbon notes, “Philadelphia is still erect, a column in a scene of ruins.” Although this city is now under Turkish control, it has about a thousand Christian residents, mainly Greeks, who have five churches and a resident bishop, along with subordinate clergy.
PHILEMON was an inhabitant of Colosse; and from the manner in which he is addressed by St. Paul in his epistle to him, it is probable that he was a person of some consideration in that city. St. Paul seems to have been the means of converting him to the belief of the Gospel, Philemon 19. He calls him his fellow-labourer; and from that expression some have thought that he was bishop or deacon of the church at Colosse; but others have been of opinion, that he was only a private Christian, who had shown a zealous and active disposition in the cause of Christianity, without holding any ecclesiastical office. We learn from this epistle itself, that it was written when St. Paul was a prisoner, and when he had hope of soon recovering his liberty, Philemon 1, 22; and thence we conclude that it was written toward the end of his first confinement at Rome. This epistle has always been deservedly admired for the delicacy and address with which it is written; and it places St. Paul’s character in a very amiable point of view. He had converted a fugitive slave to the Christian faith; and he here intercedes with his master in the most earnest and affectionate manner for his pardon; he speaks of Onesimus in terms calculated to soften Philemon’s resentment, engages to make full compensation for any injury which he might have sustained from him, and conjures him to reconciliation and forgiveness by the now endearing connection of Christian brotherhood. See Onesimus.
PHILEMON was a resident of Colosse, and the way St. Paul addresses him in his letter suggests that he was a person of some importance in that city. St. Paul seems to have played a role in converting him to the faith of the Gospel, Philemon 19. He refers to him as his fellow worker; from this, some believe he may have been a bishop or deacon of the church in Colosse, while others think he was just a dedicated private Christian who showed a strong and active commitment to Christianity without holding any official position. We learn from this letter that it was written when St. Paul was a prisoner, with hope of soon being freed, Philemon 1, 22; this leads us to conclude that it was written toward the end of his first imprisonment in Rome. This letter has always been admired for its sensitivity and skill, and it presents St. Paul’s character in a very favorable light. He had converted a runaway slave to the Christian faith; here, he pleads with the master in a heartfelt and earnest way for his forgiveness. He describes Onesimus in a way meant to ease Philemon’s anger, promises to make full restitution for any wrong that may have occurred, and urges him to reconcile and forgive through the now cherished bond of Christian brotherhood. See Onesimus.
PHILIP, the Apostle, was a native of Bethsaida in Galilee. Jesus Christ having seen him, said to him, Follow me,” John i, 43, 44. Philip followed him; he was present at the marriage of Cana in Galilee. Philip was called at the beginning of our Saviour’s mission. He is mentioned, Luke vi, 13; Matt. x, 3; John vi, 5–7. Some Gentiles having a curiosity to see Jesus, a little before his passion, addressed themselves to Philip, John xii, 21, 22, who mentioned it to Andrew, and these two to Christ. At the last supper Philip desired the Saviour to show them the Father, John xiv, 8–10. This is all that we find concerning Philip in the Gospel.
PHILIP, the Apostle, was from Bethsaida in Galilee. When Jesus Christ saw him, he said, “Follow me,” John 1:43-44. Philip followed him; he was there at the wedding in Cana, Galilee. Philip was called at the start of our Savior’s mission. He is mentioned in Luke 6:13; Matthew 10:3; John 6:5-7. A little before his crucifixion, some Gentiles wanted to see Jesus and approached Philip, John 12:21-22. He brought this to Andrew, and they both told Christ. At the Last Supper, Philip asked Jesus to show them the Father, John 14:8-10. This is all we find about Philip in the Gospel.
2. Philip, the second of the seven deacons, Acts vi, 5, was, some say, of Cæsarea in Palestine. It is certain his daughters lived in that city, Acts xxi, 8, 9. After the death of Stephen all the Christians, except the Apostles, having left Jerusalem, and being dispersed in several places, Philip went to preach at Sebaste or Samaria, where he performed several miracles, and converted many persons, Acts viii, 1–3, &c. He baptized them; but informed the Apostles at Jerusalem that Samaria had received the word of God, that they might come and communicate the Holy Ghost to them. Peter and John came thither for that purpose. Philip was, probably, at Samaria, when an angel commanded him to go on the road that leads from Jerusalem to old Gaza. Philip obeyed, and there met with an Ethiopian eunuch, belonging to Candace, queen of Ethiopia, whom he converted and baptized, Acts viii, 26. Being come out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord took away Philip, and the eunuch saw him no more.
2. Phil, the second of the seven deacons, Acts vi, 5, is said to be from Cæsarea in Palestine. It’s clear that his daughters lived in that city, Acts xxi, 8, 9. After Stephen's death, all the Christians, except the Apostles, left Jerusalem and scattered to different places. Philip went to preach in Sebaste or Samaria, where he performed several miracles and converted many people, Acts viii, 1–3, &c. He baptized them but informed the Apostles in Jerusalem that Samaria had accepted the word of God so they could come and bestow the Holy Spirit on them. Peter and John came there for that purpose. Philip was probably in Samaria when an angel instructed him to go on the road leading from Jerusalem to old Gaza. Philip obeyed and encountered an Ethiopian eunuch, a servant of Candace, queen of Ethiopia, whom he converted and baptized, Acts viii, 26. After coming out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord took Philip away, and the eunuch saw him no more.
PHILIPPI, one of the chief cities of Macedonia, lying on the north-west of Neapolis, and formerly called Datum or Datos, but afterward taking its name from Philip, the celebrated king of Macedon, by whom it was repaired and beautified. In process of time, it became a Roman colony. It was the first place at which St. Paul preached the Gospel upon the continent of Europe, A. D. 51. He made many converts there, who soon afterward gave strong proofs of their attachment to him, 746Phil. iv, 15. He was at Philippi a second time, but nothing which then occurred is recorded. The Philippian Christians having heard of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, with their accustomed zeal, sent Epaphroditus to assure him of the continuance of their regard, and to offer him a supply of money. His epistle was written in consequence of that act of kindness; and it is remarkable for its strong expressions of affection. As the Apostle tells the Philippians that he hoped to see them shortly, Phil. ii, 24, and there are plain intimations in this epistle of his having been some time at Rome, Phil. i, 12; ii, 26, it is probable that it was written A. D. 62, toward the end of his confinement.
PHILIPPI, one of the main cities in Macedonia, located to the northwest of Neapolis, was originally named Datum or Datos. It was later named after Philip, the famous king of Macedon, who renovated and enhanced it. Over time, it became a Roman colony. It was the first place where St. Paul preached the Gospel in Europe in A.D. 51. He converted many people there, who soon showed strong support for him, 746 Phil. iv, 15. St. Paul visited Philippi a second time, but nothing significant from that visit is recorded. When the Philippian Christians learned about St. Paul’s imprisonment in Rome, they sent Epaphroditus, as they always did, to show their continued affection and to provide him with financial support. His letter was a response to this act of kindness and is notable for its heartfelt expressions of love. The Apostle mentions that he hoped to see the Philippians soon, Phil. ii, 24, and there are clear indications in this letter that he had spent some time in Rome, Phil. i, 12; ii, 26. Therefore, it is likely that it was written in A.D. 62, toward the end of his imprisonment.
It is a strong proof,” says Chrysostom, of the virtuous conduct of the Philippians, that they did not afford the Apostle a single subject of complaint; for, in the whole epistle which he wrote to them, there is nothing but exhortation and encouragement, without the mixture of any censure whatever.”
“It’s a strong indication,” says Chrysostom, “of the virtuous behavior of the Philippians that they gave the Apostle no reason for complaint; because in the entire letter he wrote to them, there’s nothing but encouragement and support, with no criticism whatsoever.”
PHILISTIM, or PHILISTINES, a people who are commonly said to have descended from Casluhim, the son of Mizraim or Mizr, who peopled Egypt. The Philistines, it is probable, continued with their progenitors in Egypt until they were sufficiently numerous and powerful to stretch themselves along the coast of Canaan; doubtless by driving out that portion of the family of Ham. It is certain that, in the time of Abraham, the Canaanites were in possession of the rest of the land, to which they gave their name: but the extreme south of Philistia, or Palestine, was even then possessed by the Philistines, whose king, Abimelech, reigned at Gerar. After this, in the time of Joshua, we find their country divided into five lordships or principalities; namely, Gaza, Askelon, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron; giving sometimes also, as it appears, the title of king to their respective rulers; Achish being termed king of Gath, I Sam. xxi, 10. The time of their coming to Palestine is unknown; but they had been long in Canaan when Abraham came thither, in the year of the world 2083. The name Philistine is not Hebrew. The Septuagint generally translate it Ἀλλόφυλοι, strangers. The Pelethites and Cherethites were also Philistines; and the Septuagint sometimes translate Cherethim, Κρῆται, Cretes. They were not of the cursed seed of Canaan. However, Joshua did not forbear to give their land to the Hebrews, and to attack them by command from the Lord, because they possessed a country promised to Israel. But these conquests of Joshua must have been ill maintained, since, under the Judges, under Saul, and at the beginning of the reign of King David, the Philistines had their kings, and their lords, whom they called Sazenim; since their state was divided into five little kingdoms, or satrapies; and since they oppressed the Israelites during the government of the high priest Eli, and of Samuel, and during the reign of Saul, for about a hundred and twenty years, from A. M. 2848 to A. M. 2960. True it is, that Shamgar, Samson, Samuel, and Saul, opposed them, and killed some of their people, but did not reduce their power. They continued independent till the time of David, who subdued them, 2 Sam. v, 17; viii, 1, 2, &c.
PHILISTIM, or PHILISTINES, a group of people who are commonly believed to have descended from Casluhim, the son of Mizraim or Mizr, who populated Egypt. The Philistines likely remained with their ancestors in Egypt until they grew large and strong enough to spread along the coast of Canaan, probably by driving out part of the family of Ham. It is certain that during Abraham's time, the Canaanites controlled the majority of the land, named after them; however, the southern tip of Philistia, or Palestine, was already occupied by the Philistines, whose king, Abimelech, ruled at Gerar. Later, during Joshua's time, their territory was divided into five lordships or principalities: Gaza, Askelon, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron; occasionally, it seems, their respective leaders were given the title of king, as Achish was called king of Gath, 1 Sam. xxi, 10. The exact timing of their arrival in Palestine is unclear, but they had been in Canaan for a long time before Abraham arrived in the year 2083 A.M. The name Philistine is not from Hebrew. The Septuagint usually translates it as Ἀλλόφυλοι, strangers. The Pelethites and Cherethites were also Philistines, and the Septuagint sometimes translates Cherethim as Κρῆται, Cretes. They were not part of the cursed lineage of Canaan. However, Joshua did give their land to the Hebrews and attacked them on God’s command because they occupied land promised to Israel. Yet, Joshua's victories must have been poorly upheld, as the Philistines had kings and lords, referred to as Sazenim, during the times of the Judges, under Saul, and at the beginning of King David's reign. Their state was divided into five small kingdoms, or satrapies, and they oppressed the Israelites during the leadership of high priest Eli, Samuel, and Saul for approximately one hundred twenty years, from A.M. 2848 to A.M. 2960. It's true that Shamgar, Samson, Samuel, and Saul resisted them and killed some of their people, but they did not diminish their power. They remained independent until the time of David, who defeated them, 2 Sam. v, 17; viii, 1, 2, & c.
They continued in subjection to the kings of Judah down to the reign of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, about two hundred and forty-six years, when they revolted from Jehoram, 2 Chron. xxi, 16. Jehoram made war against them, and probably reduced them to his obedience again; because it is observed in Scripture, that they revolted again from Uzziah, who kept them to their duty during his whole reign, 2 Chron. xxvi, 6, 7. Uzziah began to reign A. M. 3194. During the unfortunate reign of Ahaz, the Philistines made great havoc in the territory of Judah; but his son and successor Hezekiah subdued them again, 2 Chron. xxviii, 18; 2 Kings xviii, 8. Lastly, they regained their full liberty under the later kings of Judah; and we may see, by the menaces made against them by the Prophets Isaiah, Amos, Zephaniah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, that they brought a thousand hardships and calamities on the children of Israel, for which God threatened to punish them with great misfortunes.
They stayed under the control of the kings of Judah until the reign of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, for about two hundred and forty-six years, when they rebelled against Jehoram, 2 Chron. xxi, 16. Jehoram went to war against them and likely brought them back under his control; as noted in Scripture, they rebelled again during Uzziah's reign, who kept them in check for his entire time as king, 2 Chron. xxvi, 6, 7. Uzziah began to reign in A. M. 3194. During the troubled reign of Ahaz, the Philistines caused significant destruction in Judah; however, his son and successor Hezekiah defeated them again, 2 Chron. xxviii, 18; 2 Kings xviii, 8. Ultimately, they regained their full freedom under the later kings of Judah, and we can see from the warnings given to them by the prophets Isaiah, Amos, Zephaniah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel that they brought many hardships and disasters upon the people of Israel, for which God threatened them with severe punishments.
Esar-haddon, successor to Sennacherib, besieged Ashdod, or Azoth, and took it by the arms of his general, Thasthan, or Tartan. Psammetichus, king of Egypt, took the same city after a siege of twenty-nine years, according to Herodotus. During the siege of Tyre, which held out thirteen years, Nebuchadnezzar used part of his army to subdue the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Egyptians, and other nations bordering on the Jews. There is great probability that the Philistines could not withstand him, but were reduced to his obedience, as well as the other people of Syria, Phenicia, and Palestine. Afterward they fell under the dominion of the Persians; then under that of Alexander the Great, who destroyed the city of Gaza, the only city of the Phenicians that dared to oppose him. After the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Asmoneans took by degrees several cities from the country of the Philistines, which they subjected. Tryphon, regent of the kingdom of Syria, gave to Jonathan, the Asmonean, the government of the whole coast of the Mediterranean, from Tyre to Egypt; consequently, all the country of the Philistines.
Esar-haddon, who succeeded Sennacherib, besieged Ashdod, or Azoth, and captured it with the help of his general, Thasthan, or Tartan. Psammetichus, the king of Egypt, took the same city after a siege that lasted twenty-nine years, according to Herodotus. During the fourteen-year siege of Tyre, Nebuchadnezzar used part of his army to conquer the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Egyptians, and other nations surrounding the Jews. It's highly likely that the Philistines were unable to resist him and were forced into submission, just like the other people of Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine. Later, they came under Persian control, and then under Alexander the Great, who destroyed the city of Gaza, the only Phoenician city that dared to stand against him. After the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes, the Asmoneans gradually took several cities from the Philistine region, which they dominated. Tryphon, the regent of the kingdom of Syria, granted Jonathan, the Asmonean, control over the entire Mediterranean coast, from Tyre to Egypt; thus, all the territory of the Philistines was included.
The land of the Philistines bordered on the west and south-west of Judea, and lies on the south-east point of the Mediterranean Sea. The country to the north of Gaza is very fertile; and, long after the Christian era, it possessed a very numerous population, and strongly fortified cities. No human probability, says Keith, could have existed, in the time of the prophets, or at a much more recent date, of its eventual desolation. But it has belied, for many ages, every promise which the fertility of its soil, and the excellence both of its climate and situation, gave for many preceding centuries of its permanency as a rich and well cultivated region. And the voice of prophecy, which was not silent respecting it, 747proclaimed the fate that awaited it, in terms as contradictory, at the time, to every natural suggestion, as they are descriptive of what Philistia now actually is. I will stretch out my hand upon the Philistines, and destroy the remnant of the sea coasts,” Ezek. xxv, 16. Baldness is come upon Gaza; Ashkelon is cut off with the remnant of their valley,” Jer. xlvii, 5. Thus saith the Lord, For three transgressions of Gaza, and for four, I will not turn away the punishment thereof. I will send a fire upon the wall of Gaza, which shall devour the palaces thereof. And I will cut off the inhabitant from Ashdod, and him that holdeth the sceptre from Ashkelon; and I will turn my hand against Ekron; and the remnant of the Philistines shall perish, saith the Lord God,” Amos i, 6, 7, 8. For Ashkelon shall be a desolation;” it shall be cut off with the remnant of the valley; and Ekron shall be rooted up.--O Canaan, the land of the Philistines, I will even destroy thee, that there shall be no inhabitant; and the sea coast shall be dwellings and cottages for shepherds, and folds for flocks,” Zeph. ii, 4, 5, 6. The king shall perish from Gaza, and Ashkelon shall not be inhabited,” Zech. ix, 5.
The land of the Philistines was located to the west and southwest of Judea, at the southeastern tip of the Mediterranean Sea. The area north of Gaza is very fertile; and even long after the Christian era, it had a very large population and heavily fortified cities. According to Keith, there could have been no reasonable expectation during the time of the prophets, or even much later, that it would eventually become desolate. However, it has contradicted for many ages all the promises that the fertility of its soil, along with the quality of its climate and location, suggested about its permanence as a rich and well-cultivated region. Moreover, the prophetic voice that spoke about it was not silent, declaring the fate that awaited it in ways that were at the time completely opposite to common expectations, and that now describe what Philistia really is. “I will stretch out my hand against the Philistines and destroy the remnant of the coastline,” Ezek. xxv, 16. “Baldness has come upon Gaza; Ashkelon is cut off with the remnant of their valley,” Jer. xlvi, 5. “Thus says the Lord: For three sins of Gaza, and for four, I will not turn away the punishment. I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza that will consume its fortresses. I will destroy the inhabitants of Ashdod and him who holds the scepter from Ashkelon; I will turn my hand against Ekron; and the remnant of the Philistines will perish,” says the Lord God,” Amos i, 6, 7, 8. “For Ashkelon will be a desolation; it will be cut off with the remnant of the valley; and Ekron will be uprooted. — O Canaan, the land of the Philistines, I will destroy you, so that no one will live there; the coastline will become dwellings and camps for shepherds, and pens for flocks,” Zeph. ii, 4, 5, 6. “The king will perish from Gaza, and Ashkelon will not be inhabited,” Zech. ix, 5.
The land of the Philistines was to be destroyed. It partakes of the general desolation common to it with Judea and other neighbouring states. While ruins are to be found in all Syria, they are particularly abundant along the sea coast, which formed, on the south, the realm of the Philistines. But its aspect presents some existing peculiarities, which travellers fail not to particularize, and which, in reference both to the state of the country and the fate of its different cities, the prophets failed not to discriminate as justly as if their description had been drawn both with all the accuracy which ocular observation, and all the certainty which authenticated history, could give. Volney, (though, like one who in ancient times was instrumental to the fulfilment of a special prediction, he meant not so, neither did his heart think so,”) from the manner in which he generalizes his observations, and marks the peculiar features of the different districts of Syria, with greater acuteness and perspicuity than any other traveller whatever, is the ever ready purveyor of evidence in all the cases which came within the range of his topographical description of the wide field of prophecy: while, at the same time, from his known, open, and zealous hostility to the Christian cause, his testimony is alike decisive and unquestionable: and the vindication of the truth of the following predictions may safely be committed to this redoubted champion of infidelity. In the plain between Ramla and Gaza,” the very plain of the Philistines along the sea coast, we met with a number of villages badly built, of dried mud, and which, like the inhabitants, exhibit every mark of poverty and wretchedness. The houses, on a nearer view, are only so many huts, (cottages,) sometimes detached, at others ranged in the form of cells, around a court yard, enclosed by a mud wall. In winter, they and their cattle may be said to live together; the part of the dwelling allotted to themselves being only raised two feet above that in which they lodge their beasts:”--“dwellings and cottages for shepherds, and folds for flocks.”--“Except the environs of these villages, all the rest of the country is a desert, and abandoned to the Bedouin Arabs, who feed their flocks on it.”--Thus accomplishing the words of prophecy, The remnant shall perish; the land of the Philistines shall be destroyed, that there shall be no inhabitant; and the sea coast shall be dwellings and cottages for shepherds, and folds for flocks.” “The ruins of white marble, sometimes found at Gaza, prove that it was formerly the abode of luxury and opulence. It has shared in the general destruction; and, notwithstanding its proud title of the capital of Palestine, it is now no more than a defenceless village,” (baldness has come upon it,) peopled by, at most, only two thousand inhabitants.”--“It is forsaken,” says the prophet, and bereaved of its king.” “The sea coast, by which it was formerly washed, is every day removing farther from the deserted ruins of Ashkelon.” Amidst the various successive ruins, those of Edzoud,” Ashdod, so powerful under the Philistines, are now remarkable for their scorpions.”--Here again we are reminded of the words of inspiration: The inhabitants shall be cut off from Ashdod.”
The land of the Philistines is set to be destroyed. It shares the general desolation seen in Judea and neighboring states. While ruins can be found all over Syria, they are particularly plentiful along the coastline, which used to be the territory of the Philistines. However, it does have some distinctive features that travelers often highlight, which, in relation to the condition of the country and the fate of its various cities, the prophets accurately identified as if their descriptions had been made with the precision of firsthand observation and the reliability of documented history. Volney, (though, like someone in ancient times who played a role in fulfilling a specific prediction, he didn’t intend to do so nor did he intend it in his heart,) generalizes his observations and points out the unique characteristics of different regions in Syria with greater insight and clarity than any other traveler, making him a reliable source of evidence in all cases that fall within the scope of his topographical descriptions of the broad field of prophecy. At the same time, due to his known, open, and fervent opposition to the Christian faith, his testimony is both compelling and unquestionable: the validation of the truth behind the following prophecies can safely be entrusted to this formidable opponent of faith. In the plain between Ramla and Gaza, which is the very plain of the Philistines along the coast, we encountered several poorly constructed villages made of dried mud, which, like the people living there, show every sign of poverty and misery. Upon closer inspection, the houses are merely huts, sometimes isolated, and other times arranged in clusters around a courtyard, enclosed by a mud wall. In winter, the inhabitants and their livestock seem to live together, as the part of their dwelling designated for themselves is only two feet higher than the section where they keep their animals: “dwellings and cottages for shepherds, and folds for flocks.” Except for the areas surrounding these villages, the rest of the land is a desert, abandoned to the Bedouin Arabs who graze their flocks there.” This fulfills the words of prophecy: The remnant shall perish; the land of the Philistines shall be destroyed, leaving no inhabitants; and the coastline will be homes and cottages for shepherds, and folds for flocks.” “The ruins of white marble sometimes found at Gaza indicate that it was once a place of luxury and wealth. It has experienced the general devastation; and despite its proud title as the capital of Palestine, it is now merely a defenseless village,” (it has become bare,) home to at most only two thousand people.” “It is forsaken,” says the prophet, “and deprived of its king.” The coastline that once bordered it is now moving further away from the abandoned ruins of Ashkelon.” Among the many successive ruins, those of Edzoud, Ashdod, which was once powerful under the Philistines, are now known for their scorpions.” Again, we are reminded of the prophetic words: The inhabitants shall be cut off from Ashdod.”
Thus Volney becomes an unconscious commentator upon prophecy. But let us hear a Christian traveller. Ashkelon,” says Richardson, “was one of the proudest satrapies of the lords of the Philistines: now there is not an inhabitant within its walls; and the prophecy of Zechariah is fulfilled: ‘The king shall perish from Gaza, and Ashkelon shall not be inhabited.’ When the prophecy was uttered, both cities were in an equally flourishing condition; and nothing but the prescience of Heaven could pronounce on which of the two, and in what manner, the vial of its wrath should be poured out. Gaza is truly without a king. The lofty towers of Ashkelon lie scattered on the ground, and the ruins within its walls do not shelter a human being. How is the wrath of man made to praise his Creator! Hath he not said, and shall he not do it? The oracle was delivered by the mouth of the prophet more than five hundred years before the Christian era, and we beheld its accomplishment eighteen hundred years after that event.” There is yet another city which was noted by the prophets, the very want of any information respecting which, and the absence of its name from several modern maps of Palestine, while the sites of other ruined cities are marked, are really the best confirmation of the truth of the prophecy that could possibly be given. Ekron shall be rooted up.” It is rooted up. It was one of the chief cities of the Philistines; but, though Gaza still subsists, and while Ashkelon and Ashdod retain their names in their ruins, the very name of Ekron is missing.
Thus, Volney unintentionally comments on prophecy. But let's listen to a Christian traveler. Richardson says, “Ashkelon was one of the proudest territories of the Philistine lords: now there isn't a single inhabitant within its walls; and the prophecy of Zechariah has come true: ‘The king shall perish from Gaza, and Ashkelon shall not be inhabited.’ When the prophecy was given, both cities were thriving; and only the foresight of Heaven could predict which of the two would face its wrath and in what way. Gaza truly has no king. The tall towers of Ashkelon are scattered on the ground, and the ruins within its walls don’t shelter a living soul. How is the wrath of man turned into praise for his Creator! Has He not said it, and will He not do it? The oracle was given by the prophet more than five hundred years before the Christian era, and we saw its fulfillment eighteen hundred years after that event.” There is yet another city noted by the prophets, the complete lack of information about which, and the absence of its name from several modern maps of Palestine, while other ruined cities are marked, serve as the best confirmation of the truth of the prophecy. “Ekron shall be rooted up.” It has indeed been uprooted. It was one of the main cities of the Philistines; but while Gaza still exists, and Ashkelon and Ashdod retain their names in their ruins, the very name of Ekron is absent.
PHILOSOPHY, in general, is defined, the knowledge and study of nature and morality, founded on reason and experience.” Philosophy 748owes its name to the modesty of Pythagoras, who refused the high title of σοφός, wise, given to his predecessors, Thales, Pherecydes, &c, as too assuming; and contented himself with the simple appellation of φιλόσοφος, quasi φίλος τῆς σοφίας, a friend or lover of wisdom: but Chauvin rather chooses to derive the name from φιλία, desire to study, and σοφία, studium sapientiæ; and says that Pythagoras, conceiving that the application of the human mind ought rather to be called study than science, set aside the appellation of wise, and, in lieu thereof, took that of philosopher.
PHILOSOPHY, in general, is defined as the knowledge and study of nature and morality, based on reason and experience. Philosophy 748 gets its name from the modesty of Pythagoras, who declined the lofty title of σοφός, wise, given to his predecessors like Thales and Pherecydes, as it felt too presumptuous; instead, he embraced the simpler title of φιλόσοφος, friend or lover of wisdom: but Chauvin prefers to trace the name back to φιλία, desire to study, and σοφία, pursuit of knowledge; he suggests that Pythagoras believed the application of the human mind should be called study rather than science, thus rejecting the title of wise and opting for that of philosopher instead.
A knowledge of the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, or the science of natural history, was always an object of interest. We are informed that Solomon himself had given a description of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, 1 Kings iv, 33. Traces of philosophy, strictly so called, that is, the system of prevailing moral opinions, may be found in the book of Job, in the thirty-seventh, thirty-ninth, and seventy-third Psalms; also in the books of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, but chiefly in the apocryphal book of Wisdom, and the writings of the son of Sirach. During the captivity, the Jews acquired many new notions, particularly from the Mahestani, and appropriated them, as occasion offered, to their own purposes. They at length became acquainted with the philosophy of the Greeks, which makes its appearance abundantly in the book of Wisdom. After the captivity, the language in which the sacred books were written was no longer vernacular. Hence arose the need of an interpreter on the sabbatic year, a time when the whole law was read, and also on the Sabbath in the synagogues, which some think had been recently erected, in order to make the people understand what was read. These interpreters learned the Hebrew language at the schools. The teachers of these schools, who, for the two generations preceding the time of Christ, had maintained some acquaintance with the Greek philosophy, were not satisfied with a simple interpretation of the Hebrew idiom, as it stood, but shaped the interpretation so as to render it conformable to their philosophy. Thus arose contentions, which gave occasion for the various sects of Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. In the time of our Saviour, divisions had arisen among the Pharisees themselves. No less than eighteen nice questions, if we may believe the Jewish rabbins, were contested at that period between the schools of Hillel and Shammai; one of which questions was an inquiry, what cause was sufficient for a bill of divorce. If the Shammai and Hillel of the Talmud are the same with the learned men mentioned in Josephus, namely, Sameas and Pollio, who flourished thirty-four years before Christ, then Shammai or Sameas is undoubtedly the same with the Simeon who is mentioned, Luke ii, 25–35; and his son Gamaliel, so celebrated in the Talmud, is the same with the Gamaliel mentioned, Acts v, 34; xxii, 3.
A knowledge of the animal, plant, and mineral worlds, or the science of natural history, has always been of interest. We learn that Solomon himself described the animal and plant kingdoms, 1 Kings iv, 33. Signs of philosophy, meaning the system of prevailing moral views, can be found in the book of Job, in the thirty-seventh, thirty-ninth, and seventy-third Psalms; also in the books of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, but mainly in the apocryphal book of Wisdom and the writings of the son of Sirach. During the exile, the Jews picked up many new ideas, especially from the Mahestani, and adapted them for their own use as opportunities arose. They eventually became familiar with Greek philosophy, which notably appears in the book of Wisdom. After the exile, the language used in the sacred texts was no longer everyday speech. This created a need for interpreters during the sabbatical year, when the entire law was read, and also on the Sabbath in the synagogues, which some believe were recently established to help the people understand what was read. These interpreters learned Hebrew in schools. The teachers of these schools, who had some familiarity with Greek philosophy for the two generations before Christ, were not content with a straightforward interpretation of the Hebrew language as it was; instead, they shaped the interpretations to align with their philosophical views. This led to disputes, which contributed to the emergence of various sects like the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. By the time of our Savior, divisions had also developed among the Pharisees themselves. According to Jewish rabbis, no fewer than eighteen intricate questions were debated at that time between the schools of Hillel and Shammai; one of these questions concerned what grounds were sufficient for a divorce. If the Shammai and Hillel of the Talmud are indeed the same as the scholars mentioned by Josephus, namely Sameas and Pollio, who lived thirty-four years before Christ, then Shammai or Sameas is certainly the same as Simeon mentioned in Luke ii, 25–35; and his son Gamaliel, who is well-known in the Talmud, is the same as Gamaliel mentioned in Acts v, 34; xxii, 3.
Anciently, learned men were denominated among the Hebrews חכמים, as among the Greeks they were called σοφοὶ, wise men. In the time of Christ, the common appellative for men of that description was γραμματεὺς, in the Hebrew סופר, a scribe. They were addressed by the honorary title of rabbi, רבי, great,” or master.” The Jews, in imitation of the Greeks, had their seven wise men, who were called rabboni. Gamaliel was one of the number. They called themselves the children of wisdom; expressions which correspond very nearly to the Greek φιλόσοφος, Matthew xi, 19; Luke vii, 35. The heads of sects were called fathers;” the disciples were denominated sons,” or children,” Matt. xii, 27; xxiii, 1–9. The Jewish teachers, at least some of them, had private lecture rooms; but they also taught and disputed in synagogues, in temples, and, in fact, wherever they could find an audience. The method of these teachers was the same with that which prevailed among the Greeks. Any disciple who chose might propose questions, upon which it was the duty of the teachers to remark and give their opinions, Luke ii, 46. The teachers were not invested with their functions by any formal act of the church, or of the civil authority: they were self-constituted. They received no other salary than some voluntary present from the disciples, which was called an honorary,” τιμὴ, honorarium, 1 Tim. v, 17. They acquired a subsistence, in the main, by the exercise of some art or handicraft. That they took a higher seat than their auditors, although it was probably the case, does not follow, as is sometimes supposed, from Luke ii, 46. According to the Talmudists, they were bound to hold no conversation with women, and to refuse to sit at table with the lower class of people, Matt. ix, 11; John iv, 27. The subjects on which they taught were numerous, commonly intricate, and of no great consequence; of which there are abundant examples in the Talmud.
In ancient times, knowledgeable people were referred to as Sages among the Hebrews, while the Greeks called them σοφοὶ, or wise men. During Christ's time, the common term for such individuals was γραμματεὺς, which translates to Author, or a scribe. They were honored with the title rabbi, Rabbi, meaning “great” or “master.” The Jews, following the Greeks, had their seven wise men known as rabboni, one of whom was Gamaliel. They considered themselves the children of wisdom, a phrase that closely resembles the Greek φιλόσοφος, as seen in Matthew 11:19 and Luke 7:35. The leaders of different sects were called “fathers” and the disciples were referred to as “sons” or “children,” as noted in Matthew 12:27 and 23:1–9. Jewish teachers, at least some of them, had private classrooms but also taught and debated in synagogues, temples, and anywhere they could find an audience. Their teaching methods were similar to those of the Greeks. Any student could ask questions, and it was the teachers' responsibility to provide comments and opinions, as mentioned in Luke 2:46. Teachers were not formally appointed by the church or government; they were self-established. They received no formal salary, just voluntary gifts from their students known as an honorary, τιμὴ, or honorarium, as referenced in 1 Timothy 5:17. They mainly supported themselves through some trade or craft. While it’s often assumed that they sat in a higher position than their audience—though likely the case—this does not necessarily follow from Luke 2:46. According to the Talmudists, they were expected to avoid conversation with women and to refuse to dine with lower-class individuals, as mentioned in Matthew 9:11 and John 4:27. The subjects they taught were numerous, often complex, and not of much significance, with plenty of examples found in the Talmud.
St. Paul bids the Colossians beware lest any man should spoil them through philosophy and vain deceit;” that is, a vain and deceitful philosophy, such as was popular in that day, and had been compounded out of all preceding systems, Grecian and oriental. An explanation of this philosophy is given under Gnostics, and Cabbala.
St. Paul warns the Colossians to watch out so that no one deceives them through empty philosophy and false teachings; that is, a useless and misleading philosophy that was trendy at that time, made up of various earlier systems, both Greek and Eastern. An explanation of this philosophy is provided under Gnostics, and Kabbalah.
On these ancient systems of pretended wisdom, Dr. Burton justly remarks: “Philosophy is indeed the noblest stretch of intellect which God has vouchsafed to man; and it is only when man forgets that he received his reasoning powers from God, that he is in danger of losing himself in darkness when he sought for light. To measure that which is infinite, is as impossible in metaphysics as in physics. If it had not been for revelation, we should have known no more of the Deity than the Heathen philosophers knew before: and to what did their knowledge amount? They felt the necessity of a First Cause, and they saw that that Cause must be intrinsically good; but when they came to systems, they never went farther than the point from which they first set out, that evil is not good, and good is not evil. 749The Gnostics thought to secure the triumph of their scheme by veiling its weaker points in mystery, and by borrowing a part from almost every system. But popular, and even successful, as this attempt may have been, we may say with truth, that the scheme which flattered the vanity of human wisdom, and which strove to conciliate all opinions, has died away, and is forgotten; while the Gospel, the unpresuming, the uncompromising doctrine of the Gospel, aided by no human wisdom, and addressing itself not merely to the head, but to the heart, has triumphed over all systems and all philosophers; and still leads its followers to that true knowledge which some have endeavoured to teach ‘after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ.’”
On these old systems of false wisdom, Dr. Burton wisely notes: “Philosophy is truly the greatest use of intellect that God has granted to humanity; and it is only when people forget that their reasoning abilities come from God that they risk losing themselves in darkness while searching for light. Trying to measure the infinite is just as impossible in metaphysics as it is in physics. If it weren't for revelation, we would know no more about God than the pagan philosophers did before: and what did their knowledge really mean? They recognized the need for a First Cause and understood that this Cause must be inherently good; but when they developed their systems, they never advanced beyond the basic idea that evil is not good, and good is not evil. 749 The Gnostics attempted to secure the success of their scheme by shrouding its weaker points in mystery and by borrowing elements from nearly every system. But although this attempt was popular and even somewhat successful, we can honestly say that the scheme which catered to the pride of human intellect and aimed to bring together all opinions has faded away and is now forgotten; while the Gospel, the humble and unwavering doctrine of the Gospel, which relies on no human wisdom and speaks not just to the mind but to the heart, has triumphed over all systems and all philosophers; and still guides its followers to that true knowledge which some have tried to teach ‘after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ.’”
PHINEHAS, son of Eleazar, and grandson of Aaron, third high priest of the Jews, A. M. 2571 to about A. M. 2590, B. C. 1414. He is particularly commended in Scripture for zeal in vindicating the glory of God, when the Midianites had sent their daughters into the camp of Israel, to tempt the Hebrews to fornication and idolatry, Num. xxv, 7. On this account the Lord promised the priesthood to Phinehas by perpetual covenant; evidently including this tacit condition, that his children should continue faithful and obedient: for we know the priesthood passed out of the family of Eleazar and Phinehas to that of Ithamar, and that it returned not to the posterity of Eleazar until after about a hundred and fifty years.
PHINEHAS, the son of Eleazar and grandson of Aaron, was the third high priest of the Jews, serving from A.M. 2571 to about A.M. 2590, around B.C. 1414. He is particularly praised in the Scripture for his zeal in defending God's glory when the Midianites sent their daughters into the camp of Israel to tempt the Hebrews into fornication and idolatry, as noted in Num. xxv, 7. Because of this, the Lord promised Phinehas the priesthood as a lasting covenant; this clearly included an unspoken condition that his descendants should remain faithful and obedient. However, we know that the priesthood shifted from the family of Eleazar and Phinehas to that of Ithamar, and it did not return to Eleazar's descendants until about one hundred and fifty years later.
PHUT or PUT, the posterity of Phut, the son of Ham, Gen. x, 6. Calmet is of opinion that Phut, the third son of Ham, peopled either the canton of Phtemphu, Phtemphti, Phtembuti, of Pliny and Ptolemy, whose capital was Thara, in Lower Egypt, inclining toward Libya; or the canton called Phtenotes, of which Buthas was the capital. The prophets often speak of Phut. In the time of Jeremiah, xlvi, 9, Phut was under the obedience of Necho, king of Egypt. Nahum, iii, 9, reckons this people in the number of those who ought to come to the assistance of No-Ammon, or Diospolis.
PHUT or PUT, the descendants of Phut, the son of Ham, Gen. x, 6. Calmet thinks that Phut, the third son of Ham, populated either the area of Phtemphu, Phtemphti, Phtembuti, mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy, with its capital being Thara in Lower Egypt, leaning toward Libya; or the area called Phtenotes, with Buthas as its capital. The prophets frequently refer to Phut. During Jeremiah's time, in chapter 46, verse 9, Phut was under the rule of Necho, king of Egypt. Nahum, in chapter 3, verse 9, includes this people among those who were to aid No-Ammon, or Diospolis.
PHYLACTERIES, called by the Jews תפלין, are little scrolls of parchment, in which are written certain sentences of the law, enclosed in leather cases, and bound with thongs on the forehead and on the left arm. They are called in Greek φυλακτήρια, from φυλάττω, custodio, either because they were supposed to preserve the law in memory, or rather because they were looked upon as a kind of amulets or charms to keep them from danger. The making and wearing these phylacteries, as the Jews still do in their private devotions, is owing to a misinterpretation of those texts, on which they ground the practice, namely, God’s commanding them to bind the law for a sign on their hands, and to let it be as frontlets between their eyes,” &c, Deut. vi, 8. The command ought doubtless to be understood metaphorically, as a charge to remember it, to meditate upon it, to have it as it were continually before their eyes, and to conduct their lives by it; as when Solomon says, concerning the commandments of God in general, Bind them about thy neck, write them upon the table of thy heart,” Prov. iii, 1, 3; vi, 21. However, the Jews understanding the precept literally, wrote out the several passages wherever it occurs, and to which it seems to refer, and bound them upon their foreheads and upon their arms. It seems the Pharisees used to make broad their phylacteries.” This some understand of the knots of the thongs by which they were fastened, which were tied very artificially in the form of Hebrew letters; and that the pride of the Pharisees induced them to have these knots larger than ordinary, as a peculiar ornament. The Pharisees are farther said to enlarge the borders of their garments,” τὰ κράσπεδα τῶν ἱματίων, Matt. xxiii, 5. These κράσπεδα were the ציצית, the fringes which the Jews are commanded to wear upon the borders of their garments, Num. xv, 38, 39. The Targum of Onkelos calls them כרספדין, which has so near an affinity with the Greek word κράσπεδον, that there is no doubt but it signifies the same thing; which is, therefore, an evidence that the κράσπεδα were the ציצית. These were worn by our Saviour, as appears from the following passage: Behold, a woman, which was diseased with an issue of blood twelve years, came behind him, and touched the hem of his garment,” κράσπεδον του ἱματιου, Matt. ix, 20. Again: the inhabitants of Gennesaret are said to have brought unto him their diseased, and to have besought him, that they might only touch the hem of his garment,” κρασπεδον τοῦ ἱματίου, Matt. xiv, 36. Κράσπεδον τοῦ ἱματίου is, in both these passages, very improperly translated the hem of his garment.” It should have been rendered the fringe.” The Pharisees are censured by our Saviour for enlarging these fringes of their garments, which we may suppose they did partly from pride, and partly from hypocrisy, as pretending thereby an extraordinary regard for the precepts of the law. It is reported by Jerom, as quoted by Godwin, that they used to have fringes extravagantly long; sticking thorns in them, that, by pricking their legs as they walked, they might put them in mind of the law. See Frontlets.
PHYLACTERIES, known by the Jews as תפילין, are small scrolls made of parchment that contain specific sentences from the law, housed in leather cases and tied with straps on the forehead and left arm. They are termed φυλακτήρια in Greek, derived from φυλάττω, custodio, either because they are meant to keep the law in memory or because they were seen as some sort of protective charms to ward off danger. The creation and wearing of these phylacteries, which Jews still practice in their personal prayers, stem from a misinterpretation of texts that support this tradition, particularly God’s command to bind the law as a sign on their hands and as frontlets between their eyes,” & c, Deut. vi, 8. This command should be understood metaphorically, as a reminder to reflect on it, keep it in their thoughts, and guide their lives by it; similar to Solomon's advice regarding God’s commandments, “Bind them around your neck, write them on the tablet of your heart,” Prov. iii, 1, 3; vi, 21. However, the Jews took this command literally, writing down the relevant passages and fastening them to their foreheads and arms. It appears that the Pharisees were known for making their phylacteries larger. Some suggest this refers to the decorative knots of the straps, which were tied in a way resembling Hebrew letters, and the Pharisees, out of pride, made these knots bigger than usual as a special adornment. The Pharisees are also noted for “enlarging the borders of their garments,” τὰ κράσπεδα τῶν ἱματίων, Matt. xxiii, 5. These κράσπεδα were the Tzitzit, the fringes that Jews are commanded to wear on the borders of their garments, Num. xv, 38, 39. The Targum of Onkelos refers to them as כרספדין, which closely resembles the Greek word κράσπεδον, confirming that they refer to the same thing; thus, this supports the idea that the κράσπεδα were the Tassels. Our Savior wore these, as seen in the following passage: “Behold, a woman who had been suffering from a hemorrhage for twelve years came up behind him and touched the fringe of his garment,” κράσπεδον του ἱματιου, Matt. ix, 20. Furthermore, the people of Gennesaret are said to have brought their sick to him and begged him to let them just touch the fringe of his garment,” κρασπεδον τοῦ ἱματίου, Matt. xiv, 36. In both these instances, κράσπεδον τοῦ ἱματίου is inaccurately translated as “the hem of his garment.” It should have been translated as “the fringe.” Our Savior criticizes the Pharisees for enlarging the fringes of their garments, which we can assume they did partly out of pride and partly out of hypocrisy, pretending to show extra devotion to the law's commands. It is reported by Jerom, as quoted by Godwin, that they used to have excessively long fringes, sticking thorns in them so that they would prick their legs as they walked, reminding them of the law. See Tefillin.
PIETISTS, Protestant, a denomination in the seventeenth century, which owed its origin to the pious and learned Spener,” as Dr. Mosheim calls him, who formed private devotional societies at Frankfort, in order to cultivate vital and practical religion; and published a book entitled Pious Desires,” which greatly promoted this object. His followers laid it down as an essential maxim, that none should be admitted into the ministry but those who not only had received a proper education, but were also distinguished by their wisdom and sanctity of manners, and had hearts filled with divine love. Hence they proposed an alteration in the schools of divinity, which embraced the following points: 1. That the scholastic theology, which reigned in the academies, 750and was composed of intricate and disputable doctrines, and obscure and unusual forms of expression, should be totally abolished. 2. That polemical divinity, which comprehended the controversies subsisting between Christians of different communions, should be less eagerly studied, and less frequently treated, though not entirely neglected. 3. That all mixture of philosophy and human science with divine wisdom, was to be most carefully avoided; that is, that Pagan philosophy and classical learning should be kept distinct from, and by no means supersede, Biblical theology. But, 4. That, on the contrary, all those students, who were designed for the ministry, should be accustomed from their early youth to the perusal and study of the Holy Scriptures, and be taught a plain system of theology, drawn from these unerring sources of truth. 5. That the whole course of their education was to be so directed as to render them useful in life, by the practical power of their doctrine, and the commanding influence of their example. Such, in substance, is Mosheim’s account of the meditated reforms in the public schools. But it was not intended to confine these reforms to students and the clergy. Religious persons of every class and rank were encouraged to meet in what were called Biblical colleges, or colleges of piety, (we might call them prayer meetings,) where some exercised in reading the Scriptures, singing, and prayer, and others engaged in the exposition of the Scriptures; not in a dry and critical way, but in a strain of practical and experimental piety, by which they mutually edified each other. This practice, which always more or less obtains where religion flourishes, as, for instance, at the Reformation, raised the same sort of outcry as at the rise of Methodism; and those who entered not into the spirit of the design, were eager to catch at every instance of weakness or imprudence, to bring disgrace on that which, in fact, brought disgrace upon themselves, as lukewarm and formal Christians. In so saying, Master, thou reproachest us also.” This work began about 1670. In 1691 Dr. Spener removed from Dresden to Berlin, where he propagated the same principles, which widely spread, and were well supported in many parts of Germany by the excellent Professor Francke and others, until the general decline of religion which has unhappily prevailed in Germany for the last half century. See Neology.
PIETISTS, Protestantism, a movement in the seventeenth century that was founded by the devoted and knowledgeable Spener,” as Dr. Mosheim describes him, who created private devotional groups in Frankfort to foster genuine and practical religion; he also published a book titled “Pious Desires,” which greatly advanced this goal. His followers established a core belief that only those who not only had received a proper education but were also marked by their wisdom and moral integrity, and had hearts filled with divine love, should be allowed into the ministry. As a result, they suggested changes to the divinity schools that included the following points: 1. The scholarly theology that dominated the academies, consisting of complicated and debatable doctrines, and unclear and unusual expressions, should be entirely abolished. 2. The study of polemical divinity, which dealt with the disputes between different Christian denominations, should be pursued less zealously and discussed less often, though it shouldn’t be entirely ignored. 3. Any blend of philosophy and human knowledge with divine wisdom should be completely avoided; that is, pagan philosophy and classical learning should be kept separate from Biblical theology. However, 4. All students who were training for the ministry should be encouraged from a young age to read and study the Holy Scriptures and be taught a straightforward system of theology based on these reliable sources of truth. 5. Their entire education should be designed to enable them to be useful in life through the practical application of their teachings and the strong influence of their example. This is essentially Mosheim’s account of the proposed reforms in the public schools. However, these reforms were not meant to be limited to students and clergy. Religious individuals from all backgrounds and ranks were encouraged to gather in what were called Biblical colleges, or colleges of piety (which we might refer to as prayer meetings), where some would engage in reading the Scriptures, singing, and praying, while others focused on explaining the Scriptures; not in a dry and critical manner, but in a way that emphasized practical and experiential piety, where they mutually uplifted each other. This practice, which tends to occur wherever religion thrives, as seen during the Reformation, generated the same kind of outcry as the emergence of Methodism; and those who did not resonate with the spirit of the movement were quick to highlight any instance of weakness or indiscretion, seeking to discredit what, in fact, highlighted their own lukewarm and formal approach to Christianity. In doing so, they were reminded, “Master, you are accusing us too.” This movement began around 1670. In 1691, Dr. Spener moved from Dresden to Berlin, where he spread the same principles, which gained traction and were well supported in many areas of Germany by the esteemed Professor Francke and others, until the general decline of religion that has sadly prevailed in Germany for the past fifty years. See New words.
PI-HAHIROTH. The Hebrew pi answers to the modern Arabic word fum, signifying mouth;” and is generally applied to the passes in the mountains. In the English and Septuagint versions, Hahiroth is taken as a proper name; and the whole word would imply the mouth or pass of Hahiroth or Hiroth, whatever particular origin or signification may belong to that word. The name, however, sufficiently explains the situation of the children of Israel; who were hemmed in at this place, between the sea in front, and a narrow mountain pass behind; which no doubt encouraged Pharaoh to make his attack upon them in so disadvantageous a position; thinking that they must inevitably fall an easy prey into his hands, or be cut to pieces: when their deliverance, and his own destruction, were unexpectedly wrought by the parting of the waters of the sea. The place where this miracle is supposed to have happened, is still called Bahral-Kolsum, or the Sea of Destruction; and just opposite to the situation which answers to the opening called Pi-hahiroth, is a bay, where the north cape is called Ras Musa, or the Cape of Moses. That part of the western or Heroopolitan branch of the Red Sea where, from these coincidences, the passage most probably took place, is described by Bruce as about three leagues over, with fourteen fathoms of water in the channel, nine at the sides, and good anchorage every where. The farther side is also represented as a low sandy coast, and an easy landing place. See Red Sea.
PI-HAHIROTH. The Hebrew pi corresponds to the modern Arabic word fum, meaning mouth; and it is typically used to refer to mountain passes. In the English and Septuagint versions, Hahiroth is seen as a proper name; the entire word suggests the mouth or pass of Hahiroth or Hiroth, regardless of its specific origin or meaning. The name clearly illustrates the situation of the Israelites; they were trapped at this location, with the sea in front of them and a narrow mountain pass behind, which likely encouraged Pharaoh to attack them in such an unfavorable position, believing they would easily become his victims or be slaughtered. However, their rescue and his downfall occurred unexpectedly when the waters of the sea parted. The site where this miracle is thought to have occurred is still called Bahral-Kolsum, or the Sea of Destruction; just across from the location that corresponds to the opening known as Pi-hahiroth, there is a bay where the northern point is called Ras Musa, or the Cape of Moses. That section of the western or Heroopolitan branch of the Red Sea, where these coincidences suggest the crossing likely happened, is described by Bruce as approximately three leagues wide, with fourteen fathoms of water in the channel, nine on the sides, and good anchorage available everywhere. The opposite side is depicted as a low sandy shore, providing an easy landing spot. See Red Sea.
PILATE. It is not known of what country or family Pontius Pilate was, but it is believed that he was of Rome, or, at least, of Italy. He was sent to govern Judea in the room of Gratus, A. D. 26, or 27. He presided over this province for ten years, from the twelfth or thirteenth year of Tiberius, to the twenty-second of the same emperor. He is represented, both by Philo and Josephus, as a man of an impetuous and obstinate temper, and, as a judge, one who used to sell justice, and, for money, to pronounce any sentence that was desired. The same authors make mention of his rapines, his injuries, his murders, the torments that he inflicted upon the innocent, and the persons he put to death without any form of process. Philo, in particular, describes him as a man that exercised an excessive cruelty during the whole time of his government; who disturbed the repose of Judea; and was the occasion of the troubles and revolt that followed. St. Luke acquaints us, that Pilate had mingled the blood of the Galileans with their sacrifices; and that the matter, having been related to Jesus Christ, he introduced the subject into his discourse, Luke xiii. The reason why Pilate treated them in this manner, while sacrificing in the temple, is not known. At the time of our Saviour’s passion, Pilate made some attempts to deliver him out of the hands of the Jews. He knew the reasons of their enmity against him, Matthew xxvii, 18. His wife, also, having had a dream that alarmed her, requested he would not stain his hands with the blood of that just person, verse 19. He therefore attempted to appease the wrath of the Jews by scourging Jesus, John xix, 1; Matt. xxvii, 26; and also tried to take him out of their hands by proposing to deliver him or Barabbas on the day of the passover. Lastly, be thought to discharge himself from pronouncing judgment against him, by sending him to Herod, king of Galilee, Luke xxiii, 7, 8. When he saw all this would not satisfy the Jews, and that they even threatened him in some manner, saying, he could be no friend to the emperor if he suffered Jesus to be set at liberty, John xix, 12–15, he caused water to be brought, and washed his hands before all the people, and publicly declared himself innocent 751of the blood of that just person, Matthew xxvii, 23, 24. Yet at the same time he delivered him to his soldiers that they might crucify him. This was enough to justify Jesus Christ, as Calmet observes, and to prove that he held him as innocent; but it was not enough to vindicate the conscience and integrity of a judge, whose duty it was as well to assert the cause of oppressed innocence, as to punish the guilty. He ordered the inscription to be placed over the head of our Saviour, John xix, 19; and when requested by the Jews to alter it, peremptorily refused. He also gave leave for the removal of our Lord’s body, and to place a guard over the sepulchre, Matthew xxvii, 65. These are all the particulars that we learn concerning Pilate from the writers of the Gospels.
PILATE. It’s unclear where Pontius Pilate was from or what his background was, but it’s generally thought that he came from Rome or at least Italy. He began governing Judea in place of Gratus around A.D. 26 or 27. He ruled this province for ten years, from the twelfth or thirteenth year of Tiberius’s reign to the twenty-second year of the same emperor. Both Philo and Josephus describe him as having a hot-headed and stubborn temperament and as a judge who sold justice, ready to deliver any verdict if the price was right. These authors also mention his corrupt practices, his wrongdoings, his murders, and the torture he inflicted on the innocent, as well as others he executed without any legal process. Philo, in particular, paints him as someone who displayed extreme cruelty throughout his rule, disturbing the peace in Judea and causing the unrest and revolts that followed. St. Luke tells us that Pilate mixed the blood of Galileans with their sacrifices, and when this was brought to Jesus’s attention, he referenced it in his teaching, Luke xiii. The reason Pilate treated them this way while they were sacrificing in the temple isn’t clear. During our Savior's passion, Pilate tried to set him free from the Jews. He understood their reasons for hating him, Matthew xxvii, 18. His wife, having had a troubling dream, urged him not to involve himself in the killing of that innocent man, verse 19. To placate the Jews, he first ordered Jesus to be whipped, John xix, 1; Matt. xxvii, 26, and proposed releasing either Jesus or Barabbas on Passover. Finally, he thought he could avoid making a judgment against Jesus by sending him to Herod, the king of Galilee, Luke xxiii, 7, 8. When he realized this wouldn’t appease the Jews and they even threatened him, claiming that he couldn’t be a friend to the emperor if he let Jesus go free, John xix, 12–15, he had water brought in and washed his hands in front of everyone, publicly declaring his innocence of the blood of that innocent man, Matthew xxvii, 23, 24. Yet, at the same time, he handed Jesus over to his soldiers to be crucified. This action was enough to show that Jesus Christ was innocent, as Calmet notes, but it didn’t justify Pilate’s conscience or integrity as a judge, who had the duty to defend the cause of the innocent as much as to punish the guilty. He ordered the inscription to be placed above Jesus’s head, John xix, 19, and resolutely refused when the Jews asked him to change it. He also authorized the removal of our Lord’s body and the guarding of the tomb, Matthew xxvii, 65. This is all the information we get about Pilate from the Gospel writers.
The extreme reluctance of Pilate to condemn Christ, considering his merciless character, is signally remarkable, and still more his repeated protestations of the innocence of his prisoner; although, on occasions of massacre, he made no scruple of confounding the innocent with the guilty. But he was unquestionably influenced by the overruling providence of God, to make the righteousness of his Son appear as clear as the noon day, even when condemned and executed as a malefactor, by the fullest, the most authentic, and the most public evidence: 1. By the testimony even of his judges, Pilate and Herod, after examination of evidence. 2. By the message of Pilate’s wife, delivered to him on the tribunal. 3. By the testimony of the traitor Judas, who hanged himself in despair, for betraying the innocent blood. 4. By the testimony of the Roman centurion and guard, at his crucifixion, to his divinity and righteousness. And, 5. Of his fellow sufferer on the cross. Never was innocence so attested as his innocence.
The extreme reluctance of Pilate to condemn Christ, despite his ruthless character, is quite remarkable, as are his repeated claims about the innocence of his prisoner; although during times of massacre, he had no problem mixing the innocent with the guilty. But he was clearly influenced by God's overriding providence, which made the righteousness of his Son shine through as clearly as noon, even when he was condemned and executed as a criminal, backed by the fullest, most authentic, and most public evidence: 1. By the testimony of his judges, Pilate and Herod, after reviewing the evidence. 2. By the message from Pilate’s wife that he received while on the tribunal. 3. By the testimony of the traitor Judas, who hanged himself in despair for betraying the innocent blood. 4. By the testimony of the Roman centurion and guard at his crucifixion, who acknowledged his divinity and righteousness. And 5. By his fellow sufferer on the cross. Never was innocence so clearly affirmed as in his case.
Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Eusebius, and after them several others, both ancient and modern, assure us that it was formerly the custom for Roman magistrates to prepare copies of all verbal processes and judical acts, which they passed in their several provinces, and to send them to the emperor. And Pilate, in compliance with the custom, having sent word to Tiberius of what had passed relating to Jesus Christ, the emperor wrote an account of it to the senate, in a manner that gave reason to judge that he thought favourably of the religion of Jesus Christ, and showed that he should be willing for them to confer divine honours upon him; but the senate was not of the same opinion, and so the matter dropped. It appears by what Justin says of these acts, that the miracles of Christ were mentioned there, and even that the soldiers had divided his garments among them. Eusebius insinuates that they spoke of his resurrection and ascension. Tertullian and Justin refer to these acts with so much confidence, as would make one believe they had read and handled them. However, neither Eusebius nor Jerom, who were both inquisitive and understanding persons, nor any other author who wrote afterward, seems to have seen them, at least not the true and original acts. For as to what we have now in great number, they are not authentic, being neither ancient nor uniform. There are also some pretended letters of Pilate to Tiberius, giving a history of our Saviour; but they are universally allowed to be spurious. Pilate being a man who, by his excessive cruelties and rapine, had disturbed the repose of Judea, during the whole time of his government, was at length deposed by Vitellius, the proconsul of Syria, A. D. 36, and sent to Rome to give an account of his conduct to the emperor. But, though Tiberius died before Pilate arrived at Rome, yet his successor Caligula banished him to Vienne in Gaul, where he was reduced to such extremity that he laid violent hands upon himself. The evangelists call him governor, though in reality he was nothing more than procurator of Judea, not only because governor was a name of general use, but because Pilate, in effect, acted as one, by taking upon him to judge in criminal matters, as his predecessors had done, and as other procurators in the small provinces of the empire, where there was no proconsul, constantly did.
Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Eusebius, and several others, both ancient and modern, confirm that it used to be the practice for Roman magistrates to prepare copies of all verbal proceedings and judicial acts from their provinces and send them to the emperor. Pilate, following this custom, informed Tiberius about the events concerning Jesus Christ, and the emperor wrote a report to the senate that suggested he viewed the religion of Jesus Christ favorably and was open to them honoring him as divine. However, the senate disagreed, and the matter was dropped. According to Justin, these records mentioned the miracles of Christ, including that soldiers divided his garments. Eusebius hints that they discussed his resurrection and ascension. Tertullian and Justin refer to these records with such confidence that it seems they had read and examined them. Yet, neither Eusebius nor Jerome, who were both curious and knowledgeable, nor any other later author appears to have seen them, at least not the true and original documents. The versions we have today are numerous but not authentic, being neither ancient nor consistent. There are also some supposed letters from Pilate to Tiberius recounting the story of our Savior, but they are widely regarded as fake. Pilate, notorious for his extreme cruelty and plunder, disturbed the peace of Judea throughout his rule and was eventually deposed by Vitellius, the proconsul of Syria, in A.D. 36, and sent to Rome to account for his actions. Although Tiberius died before Pilate reached Rome, his successor Caligula banished him to Vienne in Gaul, where he fell into such despair that he took his own life. The evangelists refer to him as governor, although in reality, he was just the procurator of Judea, not only because "governor" was a commonly used title, but also because Pilate acted as one by assuming the role of judge in criminal matters, as his predecessors had done, and as other procurators in smaller provinces of the empire, where there was no proconsul, consistently did.
PILLAR properly means a column raised to support a building; but in Scripture the term mostly occurs in a metaphorical or figurative sense. Thus we have a pillar of cloud, a pillar of fire, a pillar of smoke, &c; signifying a cloud, a fire, a smoke raised up toward heaven in the form or shape of a pillar, Exod. xiii, 21; Judges xx, 40. Job speaks of the pillars of heaven and the pillars of the earth, Job ix, 6; xxvi, 11; which are strong metaphorical expressions, that suppose the heavens and the earth to be an edifice raised by the hand of the almighty Creator, and founded upon its basis. St. Paul speaks of the Christian church under the similitude of a pillar or column on which the truth, or doctrine of the glorious Gospel is inscribed, 1 Tim. iii, 15.
A PILLAR usually refers to a column that supports a building, but in the Bible, the term is often used in a metaphorical way. For example, we see references to a pillar of cloud, a pillar of fire, a pillar of smoke, etc.; these signify a cloud, fire, or smoke that rises up toward heaven in the shape of a pillar (Exod. xiii, 21; Judges xx, 40). Job mentions the pillars of heaven and the pillars of the earth (Job ix, 6; xxvi, 11), which are strong metaphorical expressions suggesting that the heavens and the earth are like a structure built by the hand of the almighty Creator, resting on its foundation. St. Paul describes the Christian church as a pillar or column that supports the truth or doctrine of the glorious Gospel (1 Tim. iii, 15).
PILLOWS. The prophet speaks of sewing pillows to arm holes.” There is here, probably, an allusion to the easy indulgence of the great. To this day in the east they cover the floors of their houses with carpets: and along the sides of the wall or floor, a range of narrow beds or mattresses is often placed upon these carpets; and, for their farther ease and convenience, several velvet or damask bolsters are placed upon these carpets or mattresses,--indulgences that seem to be alluded to by the stretching of themselves upon couches, and by the sewing of pillows to arm holes,” Ezekiel xiii, 18; Amos vi, 4.
PILLOWS. The prophet talks about sewing pillows for armholes. This likely refers to the comfortable lifestyles of the wealthy. Even today in the East, people cover their homes with carpets, and along the walls or floors, you often find a line of narrow beds or mattresses placed on these carpets. For extra comfort, several velvet or damask bolsters are arranged on the carpets or mattresses—luxuries that seem to be referenced by lounging on couches and sewing pillows to armholes,” Ezekiel xiii, 18; Amos vi, 4.
PINE TREE. The pine appears in our translation three times, Neh. viii, 15; Isaiah xli, 19; lx, 13. Nehemiah, viii, 15, giving directions for observing the feast of tabernacles, says, “Fetch olive branches, pine branches, myrtle branches, and branches of thick trees, to make booths.” The Hebrew phrase שמן, means literally “branches“branches of oily or gummy plants.” The LXX. say cypress. Scheuchzer says the Turks call the cypress zemin. The author of Scripture Illustrated” 752says, I should prefer the whole species called jasmin, on account of its verdure, its fragrance, and its flowers, which are highly esteemed. The word jasmin and jasemin of the Turks, resembles strongly the shemen of the Hebrew original here. The Persians also name this plant semen and simsyk.” The authority, however, of the Septuagint must prevail. In Isa. xli, 19; lx, 13, the Hebrew word is תדהר; a tree, says Parkhurst, so called from the springiness or elasticity of its wood. Luther thought it the elm, which is a lofty and spreading tree; and Dr. Stock renders it the ash. After all, it may be thought advisable to retain the pine. La Roche, describing, a valley near to Mount Lebanon, has this observation: “La continuelle verdure des pins et des chênes verds fait toujours sa beauté.” [The perpetual verdure of the pines and the live oaks makes it ever beautiful.]
PINE TREE. The pine shows up in our translation three times: Neh. viii, 15; Isaiah xli, 19; lx, 13. In Nehemiah, viii, 15, while giving instructions for celebrating the feast of tabernacles, it says, “Get olive branches, pine branches, myrtle branches, and branches from leafy trees to make booths.” The Hebrew phrase Oil literally means “branches“branches of oily or gummy plants.” The LXX refers to it as cypress. Scheuchzer mentions that the Turks call the cypress zemin. The author of “Scripture Illustrated” 752 expresses a preference for the entire jasmin species because of its greenery, fragrance, and flowers, which are highly valued. The term jasmin and the Turkish jasemin strongly resemble the shemen from the Hebrew original here. The Persians also refer to this plant as semen and simsyk. However, the authority of the Septuagint should take precedence. In Isaiah xli, 19; lx, 13, the Hebrew word is תדהר; a tree, according to Parkhurst, named for the springiness or flexibility of its wood. Luther believed it referred to the elm, which is a tall and wide-spreading tree, while Dr. Stock translated it as the ash. Ultimately, it might be best to stick with the pine. La Roche, while describing a valley near Mount Lebanon, notes: “The constant greenery of the pine and oak trees always adds to its beauty..” [The perpetual greenery of the pines and live oaks keeps it beautiful forever.]
PISGAH, a part of Mount Nebo, so called, being, in all probability, a distinct, and most likely the highest, summit of that mountain. Here Moses climbed to view the land of Canaan; and here he died.
PISGAH, a section of Mount Nebo, is likely a separate and probably the tallest peak of that mountain. This is where Moses climbed to see the land of Canaan; and this is where he died.
PISIDIA, a province of Asia Minor, having Lycaonia to the north, Pamphylia to the south, Cilicia and Cappadocia to the east, and the province of Asia to the west. St. Paul preached at Antioch in Pisidia, Acts xiii, 14; xiv, 24.
PISIDIA, a province in Asia Minor, bordered by Lycaonia to the north, Pamphylia to the south, Cilicia and Cappadocia to the east, and the province of Asia to the west. St. Paul preached at Antioch in Pisidia, Acts xiii, 14; xiv, 24.
PITCH, ופת, Exod. ii, 3; Isaiah xxxiv, 9; Septuagint ἄσφαλτος; a fat, combustible, oily matter, sometimes called asphaltos, from the lake Asphaltites, or Dead Sea, in Judea, on the surface of which it rises in the nature of liquid pitch, and floats like other oleaginous bodies; but is condensed by degrees, through the heat of the sun, and grows dry and hard. The word which our translators have rendered pitch in Gen. vi, 14, and חמר, slime, Gen. xi, 3; xiv, 10, is generally supposed to be bitumen. In the first of these places it is mentioned as used for smearing the ark, and closing its interstices. It was peculiarly adapted to this purpose. Being at first soft, viscous, and pliable, it might be thrust into every chasm and crevice with the greatest ease; but would soon acquire a tenacity and hardness superior to those of our pitch. A coat of it spread over both the inside and outside of the ark would make it perfectly water proof. The longer it was kept in the water, the harder and stronger it would grow. The Arabs still use it for careening their vessels. In the second passage it is described as applied for cement in building the tower of Babel. It was much used in ancient buildings in that region; and, in the ruins of Babylon, large masses of brick work cemented with it are discovered. It is known that the plain of Shinar did abound with it, both in its liquid and solid state; that there was there a cave and fountain which was continually casting it out; and that the famous tower and no less famous walls of Babylon were built by this kind of cement, is confirmed by the testimony of several ancient authors. The slime pits of Siddim, Gen. xiv, 10, were holes out of which issued this liquid bitumen, or naphtha. Bitumen was formerly much used by the Egyptians and Jews in embalming the bodies of their dead.
PITCH, ופת, Exod. ii, 3; Isaiah xxxiv, 9; Septuagint ἄσφαλτος; a thick, flammable, oily substance, sometimes referred to as asphaltos, from the lake Asphaltites, or Dead Sea, in Judea, where it surfaces like liquid pitch and floats like other oily materials; but it gradually hardens due to the sun's heat, becoming dry and solid. The term that our translators have rendered as pitch in Gen. vi, 14, and חמר, slime, in Gen. xi, 3; xiv, 10, is generally thought to be bitumen. In the first case, it’s mentioned as being used to coat the ark and seal its joints. This material was particularly well-suited for that purpose. Initially soft, sticky, and flexible, it could easily fill every gap and crevice; but it would soon gain a toughness and hardness greater than our modern pitch. A layer of it applied to both the inside and outside of the ark would make it completely waterproof. The longer it remained in water, the harder and stronger it would become. The Arabs still use it for repairing their boats. In the second reference, it’s described as being used as cement for constructing the tower of Babel. It was widely used in ancient buildings in that area, and large sections of brickwork bonded with it have been found in the ruins of Babylon. It's known that the plain of Shinar had plenty of this material, both in liquid and solid forms; there was a cave and spring that continuously produced it, and the famous tower and equally renowned walls of Babylon were built using this kind of cement, as confirmed by several ancient writers. The slime pits of Siddim, Gen. xiv, 10, were pits where this liquid bitumen, or naphtha, flowed out. Bitumen was commonly used by the Egyptians and Jews for embalming their deceased.
PITHOM, one of the cities that the Israelites built for Pharaoh in Egypt, during the time of their servitude, Exod. i, 11.
PITHOM, one of the cities that the Israelites built for Pharaoh in Egypt while they were enslaved, Exod. i, 11.
PLAGUES OF EGYPT. The design of these visitations, growing more awful and tremendous in their progress, was to make Pharaoh know, and confess, that the God of the Hebrews was the supreme Lord, and to exhibit his power and his justice in the strongest light to all the nations of the earth, Exod. ix, 16; 1 Sam. iv, 8, &c; to execute judgment upon the Egyptians and upon all their gods, inanimate and bestial, for their cruelty to the Israelites, and for their grovelling polytheism and idolatry, Exod. vii, 14–17; xii, 12. The Nile was the principal divinity of the Egyptians. According to Heliodorus, they paid divine honours to this river, and revered it as the first of their gods. They declared him to be the rival of heaven, since he watered the country without the aid of the clouds and rain. His principal festival was at the summer solstice, when the inundation commenced; at which season, in the dog days, by a cruel idolatrous rite, they sacrificed red-haired persons, principally foreigners, to Typhon, or the power that presided over tempests, at Busiris, Heliopolis, &c, by burning them alive, and scattering their ashes in the air, for the good of the people, as we learn from Plutarch. Hence Bryant infers the probability, that these victims were chosen from among the Israelites, during their residence in Egypt. The judgment then inflicted upon the river, and all the waters of Egypt, in the presence of Pharaoh and of his servants, as foretold,--when, as soon as Aaron had smitten the waters of the river, they were turned into blood, and continued in that state for seven days, so that all the fish died, and the Egyptians could not drink of the waters of the river, in which they delighted as the most wholesome of all waters, but were forced to dig wells for pure water to drink--was a significant sign of God’s displeasure for their senseless idolatry in worshipping the river and its fish, and also a manifest reproof of that bloody edict whereby the infants were slain,” Wisdom xi, 7.
PLAGUES OF EGYPT. The purpose of these disasters, which became more horrifying and intense over time, was to make Pharaoh recognize and admit that the God of the Hebrews is the ultimate Lord. It was also meant to show His power and justice clearly to all nations, as stated in Exod. ix, 16; 1 Sam. iv, 8, etc.; to bring judgment on the Egyptians and all their lifeless and animal gods for their cruelty towards the Israelites, as well as for their lowly polytheism and idolatry, as noted in Exod. vii, 14–17; xii, 12. The Nile was the main deity of the Egyptians. According to Heliodorus, they worshipped this river and regarded it as the foremost of their gods. They considered it to rival heaven since it nourished the land without needing clouds or rain. Its main festival was during the summer solstice when the annual flooding began; during this time, in the hot season, they performed a brutal idolatrous ritual, sacrificing red-haired individuals, especially foreigners, to Typhon, or the force governing storms, at places like Busiris and Heliopolis, by burning them alive and scattering their ashes in the air for the sake of the people, as we learn from Plutarch. This leads Bryant to suggest that these victims were likely chosen from among the Israelites while they were in Egypt. The judgment inflicted upon the river and all the waters of Egypt, in front of Pharaoh and his servants, as predicted, occurred when Aaron struck the waters of the river, turning them into blood, which lasted for seven days, resulting in the death of all the fish. The Egyptians could not drink the waters of the river, which they prized as the best of all waters, and were forced to dig wells for clean water to drink. This was a powerful symbol of God’s anger at their irrational idolatry in worshipping the river and its fish, and it was also a clear condemnation of the bloody decree that called for the killing of infants, as stated in Wisdom xi, 7.
In the plague of frogs, their sacred river itself was made an active instrument of their punishment, together with another of their gods. The frog was one of their sacred animals, consecrated to the sun, and considered as an emblem of divine inspiration in its inflations.
In the plague of frogs, their sacred river became a direct tool for their punishment, alongside another of their gods. The frog was one of their holy animals, dedicated to the sun, and seen as a symbol of divine inspiration in its expansions.
The plague of lice, which was produced without any previous intimation to Pharaoh, was peculiarly offensive to a people so superstitiously nice and cleanly as the Egyptians; and, above all, to their priests, who used to shave their whole body every third day, that neither louse, nor any other vermin, might be found upon them while they were employed in serving their gods, as we learn from Herodotus; and Plutarch informs us, that they 753never wore woollen garments, but linen only, because linen is least apt to produce lice. This plague, therefore, was particularly disgraceful to the magicians themselves; and when they tried to imitate it, but failed, on account of the minuteness of the objects, (not like serpents, water, or frogs, of a sensible bulk that could be handled,) they were forced to confess that this was no human feat of legerdemain, but rather the finger of God.” Thus were the illusions of their magic put down, and their vaunting in wisdom reproved with disgrace,” Wisdom xvii, 7. Their folly was manifest unto all men,” in absurdly and wickedly attempting at first to place the feats of human art on a level with the stupendous operations of divine power, in the first two plagues; and being foiled in the third, by shamefully miscarrying, they exposed themselves to the contempt of their admirers. Philo, the Jew, has a fine observation on the plagues of Egypt: Some, perhaps, may inquire, Why did God punish the country by such minute and contemptible animals as frogs, lice, flies, rather than by bears, lions, leopards, or other kinds of savage beasts which prey on human flesh? Or, if not by these, why not by the Egyptian asp, whose bite is instant death? But let him learn, if he be ignorant, first, that God chose rather to correct than to destroy the inhabitants; for, if he desired to annihilate them utterly, he had no need to have made use of animals as his auxiliaries, but of the divinely inflicted evils of famine and pestilence. Next, let him farther learn that lesson so necessary for every state of life, namely, that men, when they war, seek the most powerful aid to supply their own weakness; but God, the highest and the greatest power, who stands in need of nothing, if at any time he chooses to employ instruments, as it were, to inflict chastisement, chooses not the strongest and greatest, disregarding their strength, but rather the mean and the minute, whom he endues with invincible and irresistible power to chastise offenders.” The first three plagues were common to the Egyptians and the Israelites, to convince both that “there was none like the Lord;” and to wean the latter from their Egyptian idolatries, and induce them to return to the Lord their God. And when this end was answered, the Israelites were exempted from the ensuing plagues; for the Lord severed the land of Goshen from the rest of Egypt; whence the ensuing plagues, confined to the latter, more plainly appeared to have been inflicted by the God of the Hebrews, Exodus viii, 20–23, to convince both more clearly of “the goodness and severity of God,” Rom. xi, 22; that great plagues remain for the ungodly, but mercy embraceth the righteous on every side,” Psalm xxxii, 10.
The plague of lice, which came without any warning to Pharaoh, was especially upsetting to a people as superstitiously clean as the Egyptians; particularly to their priests, who shaved their entire bodies every third day to ensure that no lice or other pests could be found on them while they served their gods, as noted by Herodotus. Plutarch tells us they never wore woolen garments, only linen, because linen is less likely to attract lice. This plague was particularly embarrassing for the magicians themselves; when they tried to replicate it but failed due to the tiny size of the creatures (unlike serpents, water, or frogs, which could be handled), they were forced to admit that this was no trick of human skill, but rather the work of God.” Thus were their magical illusions defeated, and their pretensions to wisdom met with disgrace,” Wisdom xvii, 7. Their foolishness was evident to everyone,” as they absurdly and wickedly tried to equate their human tricks with the amazing acts of divine power in the first two plagues; and when they were thwarted in the third, by failing shamefully, they exposed themselves to the scorn of their followers. Philo, the Jew, has an interesting point about the plagues of Egypt: Some might ask, Why did God punish the land with such trivial and detestable creatures like frogs, lice, and flies instead of bears, lions, leopards, or other savage beasts that prey on humans? Or, if not those, why not the Egyptian asp, whose bite is instantly lethal? But one should understand, if they are unaware, that God chose to correct rather than destroy the inhabitants; for if He intended to wipe them out completely, He wouldn't need to use animals as His agents, but would have better resorted to the divinely inflicted evils of famine and disease. Furthermore, it's important to learn that in every situation, people seek the strongest help to compensate for their own weaknesses; but God, the highest and greatest power, who needs nothing, whenever He chooses to use instruments to deliver punishment, doesn't choose the strongest and biggest ones, ignoring their might, but rather the weak and small creatures, whom He empowers with unbeatable and irresistible strength to punish wrongdoers.” The first three plagues affected both the Egyptians and the Israelites, to convince both that “there was none like the Lord;” to draw the Israelites away from their Egyptian idolatries and lead them back to the Lord their God. Once this goal was achieved, the Israelites were spared from the subsequent plagues; for the Lord separated the land of Goshen from the rest of Egypt; thus the following plagues, confined to the latter, clearly demonstrated that they were inflicted by the God of the Hebrews, Exodus viii, 20–23, to make both more aware of “the goodness and severity of God,” Rom. xi, 22; that great plagues await the ungodly, but mercy surrounds the righteous on every side,” Psalm xxxii, 10.
The visitation of flies, of the gad fly, or hornet, was more intolerable than any of the preceding. By this, his minute, but mighty army, God afterward drove out some of the devoted nations of Canaan before Joshua, Exod. xxiii, 28; Deut. vii, 20; Josh. xxiv, 12. This insect was worshipped in Palestine and elsewhere under the title of Baal-zebub, lord of the gad fly,” 2 Kings i, 1, 2. Egypt, we learn from Herodotus, abounded with prodigious swarms of flies, or gnats; but this was in the heat of summer, during the dog days; whence this fly is called by the Septuagint κυνόμνια, the dog fly. But the appointed time of this plague was in the middle of winter; and, accordingly, this plague extorted Pharaoh’s partial consent, Go ye, sacrifice to your God, but in the land;” and when Moses and Aaron objected the offence they would give to the Egyptians, who would stone them for sacrificing the abomination of the Egyptians,” namely, animal sacrifices, he reluctantly consented, only ye shall not go very far away;” for he was apprehensive of their flight, like his predecessor, who first enslaved the Israelites, Exod. i, 10; and he again desired them to entreat for him.” But he again dealt deceitfully; and after the flies were removed so effectually that not one was left, when Moses entreated the Lord, Pharaoh hardened his heart this fifth time also, neither would he let the people go.”
The arrival of flies, specifically the gadfly or hornet, was more unbearable than any of the previous troubles. With this small but powerful army, God later drove out some of the nations in Canaan before Joshua, as mentioned in Exod. xxiii, 28; Deut. vii, 20; Josh. xxiv, 12. This insect was worshipped in Palestine and other places under the name Baal-zebub, "lord of the gadfly," (2 Kings i, 1, 2). According to Herodotus, Egypt had enormous swarms of flies or gnats, but this happened during the hot summer months, during the dog days; hence this fly is called by the Septuagint κυνόμνια, the dog fly. However, this plague occurred in the middle of winter; as a result, it forced Pharaoh to give his partial consent, saying, "Go, sacrifice to your God, but do it in this land." When Moses and Aaron pointed out the offense this would cause to the Egyptians, who would stone them for sacrificing what was considered an abomination to them—namely, animal sacrifices—he reluctantly agreed, saying, "Only you shall not go very far away," because he was worried they might escape, just like his predecessor who first enslaved the Israelites (Exod. i, 10). He then asked them to pray for him. But he acted deceitfully again; after the flies were completely removed so that not one was left, when Moses prayed to the Lord, Pharaoh hardened his heart for the fifth time and still would not let the people go.
This second breach of promise on the part of Pharaoh drew down a plague of a more deadly description than the preceding. The fifth plague of murrain destroyed all the cattle of Egypt, but of the cattle of the Israelites died not one.” It was immediately inflicted by God himself, after previous notification, and without the agency of Moses and Aaron, to manifest the divine indignation at Pharaoh’s falsehood. And though the king sent and found that not one of the Israelites was dead, yet his heart was hardened this sixth time also, and he would not let the people go, Exod. ix, 1–7.
This second broken promise by Pharaoh brought about a plague that was even deadlier than the one before. The fifth plague of disease wiped out all the cattle in Egypt, but not a single animal belonging to the Israelites died. This plague was directly sent by God after prior warning, without Moses and Aaron being involved, to show God's anger at Pharaoh's lies. Even though the king checked and saw that none of the Israelites had died, his heart was hardened again, and he still refused to let the people go, Exod. ix, 1–7.
At length, after Pharaoh had repeatedly abused the gracious respites and warnings vouchsafed to him and his servants, a sorer set of plagues, affecting themselves, began to be inflicted; and Moses now, for the first time, appears as the executioner of divine vengeance; for in the presence of Pharaoh, by the divine command, he sprinkled ashes of the furnace toward heaven, and it became a boil, breaking forth with blains upon man and upon beast. And the magicians could not stand before Moses because of the boil, which affected them and all the Egyptians, Exod. ix, 8–11. This was a very significant plague: the furnace from which the ashes were taken aptly represented the iron furnace” of Egyptian bondage, Deut. iv, 20, and the scattering of the ashes in the air might have referred to the usage of the Egyptians in their Typhonian sacrifices of human victims; while it converted another of the elements, and of their gods, the air, or ether, into an instrument of their chastisement. And now the Lord,” for the first time, hardened the heart of Pharaoh,” after he had so repeatedly hardened it himself, and he hearkened not unto them, as the Lord had foretold unto Moses,” Exod. ix, 12. Though Pharaoh probably felt, the scourge of the boil, as well as his people, it did not soften nor humble his heart; and when he wilfully and 754obstinately turned away from the light, and shut his eyes against the luminous evidences vouchsafed to him of the supremacy of the God of the Hebrews, and had twice broken his promise when he was indulged with a respite, and dealt deceitfully, he became a just object of punishment; and God now began to increase the hardness or obduracy of his heart. And such is the usual and the righteous course of his providence; when nations or individuals despise the warnings of Heaven, abuse their best gifts, and resist the means of grace, God then delivers them over to a reprobate” or undiscerning mind, to work all uncleanness with greediness,” Rom. i, 28.
At last, after Pharaoh had repeatedly ignored the gracious chances and warnings given to him and his servants, a harsher set of plagues began to strike them directly. It was now that Moses, for the first time, acted as the agent of divine punishment; in the presence of Pharaoh, following God's command, he sprinkled ashes from the furnace toward heaven, and it caused boils to break out on both people and animals. The magicians couldn't even stand before Moses because of the boils that afflicted them and all the Egyptians, Exod. ix, 8–11. This was a very significant plague: the furnace from which the ashes were taken symbolically represented the "iron furnace" of Egyptian bondage, Deut. iv, 20, and scattering the ashes in the air could refer to how the Egyptians used human sacrifices in their Typhonian rituals; it also turned another element, air or ether, one of their gods, into an instrument of their punishment. Now, for the first time, the Lord "hardened the heart of Pharaoh," after Pharaoh had repeatedly hardened it himself, and he did not listen to them, just as the Lord had warned Moses, Exod. ix, 12. Although Pharaoh likely suffered from the boils, just like his people, it did not soften or humble his heart; and when he stubbornly turned away from the truth and ignored the clear signs of the supremacy of the God of the Hebrews, having broken his promises twice when given a chance, he became deserving of punishment. God then began to further harden his heart. This reflects the usual and just action of God's providence; when nations or individuals disregard the warnings from Heaven, misuse their greatest gifts, and resist the means of grace, God delivers them over to a "reprobate" or unthinking mind, to indulge in all kinds of impurity with eagerness, Rom. i, 28.
In the tremendous plague of hail, the united elements of air, water, and fire, were employed to terrify and punish the Egyptians by their principal divinities. This plague was formally announced to Pharaoh and his people: I will at this season send all my plagues upon thine heart, and upon thy servants, and upon thy people, that thou mayest know that there is none like me in all the earth. For now I could stretch out my hand, and smite thee and thy people with pestilence,” or destroy thee at once, like thy cattle with the murrain, and thou shouldest be cut off from the earth; but, in truth, for this cause have I sustained thee, that I might manifest in thee my power, and that my name might be declared throughout the whole earth,” Exod. ix, 13–16. This rendering of the passage is more conformable to the context, the Chaldee paraphrase, and to Philo, than the received translation, For now I will stretch out my hand, that I may smite thee and thy people with pestilence;” for surely Pharaoh and his people were not smitten with pestilence; and they were preserved” or kept from immediate destruction, according to the Septuagint, διετηρήθης, to manifest the divine power,” by the number and variety of their plagues. Still, however, in the midst of judgment, God remembered mercy; he gave a gracious warning to the Egyptians, to avoid, if they chose, the threatened calamity: Send, therefore, now, and gather thy cattle, and all that thou hast in the field; every man and beast that shall be found in the field, and shall not be brought home, the hail shall come down upon them, and they shall die.” And this warning had some effect: He that feared the word of the Lord among the servants of Pharaoh, made his servants and his cattle flee into the houses; and he that regarded not the word of the Lord, left his servants and his cattle in the field,” Exod. ix, 17–21. But it may be asked, If all the cattle of the Egyptians were destroyed by the foregoing plague of murrain, as asserted Exod. ix, 6, how came there to be any cattle left? Surely the Egyptians might have recruited their stock from the land of Goshen, where not one of the cattle of the Israelites died.” And this justifies the supposition, that there was some respite, or interval, between the several plagues, and confirms the conjecture of the duration of the whole, about a quarter of a year. And that the warning, in this case, was respected by many of the Egyptians, we may infer from the number of chariots and horsemen that went in pursuit of the Israelites afterward. This was foretold to be a very grievous hail, such as had not been in Egypt since the foundation thereof: and the Lord sent thunder and hail, and the fire ran along the ground; and the hail smote throughout all the land of Egypt all that was in the field, both man and beast; and the hail smote every herb of the field, and brake every tree of the field. Only in the land of Goshen, where the children of Israel were, there was no hail.” Pharaoh sent and called for Moses and Aaron, and said unto them, I have sinned this time; the Lord is righteous, and I and my people are wicked: entreat the Lord,” for it is enough, that there might be no more mighty thunderings and hail; and I will let you go, and ye shall stay no longer.” But when there was respite, Pharaoh sinned yet more, and hardened his heart, he and his servants; neither would he let the people go,” Exod. ix, 27–35. In this instance, there is a remarkable suspension of the judicial infatuation. Pharaoh had humbled himself, and acknowledged his own and his people’s guilt, and the justice of the divine plague: the Lord, therefore, forbore this time to harden his heart. But he abused the long sufferance of God, and this additional respite; he sinned yet more, because he now sinned wilfully, after he had received information of the truth; he relapsed, and hardened his own heart a seventh time. He became, therefore, a vessel of wrath, fitted to destruction,” Heb. x, 26; Rom. ix, 22.
In the huge hailstorm, the combined forces of air, water, and fire were used to frighten and punish the Egyptians by their main gods. This plague was officially announced to Pharaoh and his people: "I will send all my plagues upon you, your servants, and your people, so you may know that there is no one like me in all the earth. Right now, I could reach out my hand and strike you and your people with a deadly disease, or wipe you out entirely, just like your livestock with the disease, and you would be cut off from the earth; but I have actually spared you for this reason: so I could show my power through you and that my name would be declared throughout the whole earth,” Exod. ix, 13–16. This interpretation of the passage aligns more with the context, the Chaldee paraphrase, and Philo than the common translation, “For now I will stretch out my hand, that I may smite thee and thy people with pestilence;” because surely Pharaoh and his people were not struck down with disease; they were preserved or kept from immediate destruction, according to the Septuagint, διετηρήθης, to show the divine power, by the number and variety of their plagues. Still, even in the midst of judgment, God remembered mercy; he gave a kind warning to the Egyptians, suggesting they avoid the impending disaster: "So send now and gather your livestock and everything you have in the field; every person and animal found in the field and not brought home, the hail will fall on them, and they will die.” This warning had some effect: Those who feared the word of the Lord among Pharaoh's servants made their servants and cattle run to safety, while those who ignored the word of the Lord left their servants and livestock in the field,” Exod. ix, 17–21. However, one might wonder, if all the cattle of the Egyptians were destroyed by the previous plague of disease, as stated in Exod. ix, 6, how could there be any cattle left? Surely the Egyptians could have replenished their stock from the land of Goshen, where not one of the Israelites' cattle died.” This supports the idea that there was some break or interval between the various plagues and confirms the guess that the entire duration was about a quarter of a year. And that many Egyptians respected the warning is evident from the number of chariots and horsemen that later pursued the Israelites. This was predicted to be a very severe hailstorm, such as had not occurred in Egypt since its foundation: and the Lord sent thunder and hail, and fire ran along the ground; and the hail struck down everything in the field across all of Egypt, both people and animals; it hit every plant in the field and broke every tree. Only in the land of Goshen, where the children of Israel were, was there no hail.” Pharaoh sent for Moses and Aaron and said to them, "I have sinned this time; the Lord is right, and I and my people are wrong. Pray to the Lord to stop the thunder and hail; that’s enough, and I will let you go, and you won’t have to stay any longer.” But when the relief came, Pharaoh sinned even more and hardened his heart, he and his servants; he still wouldn't let the people go,” Exod. ix, 27–35. In this case, there's a notable pause in judicial stubbornness. Pharaoh humbled himself and admitted his own and his people’s guilt, as well as the justice of the divine plague: the Lord, therefore, chose not to harden his heart this time. But he took advantage of God's patience and this extra relief; he sinned even more willfully after he had been informed of the truth; he fell back and hardened his heart again for the seventh time. He thus became "a vessel of wrath, fitted to destruction,” Heb. x, 26; Rom. ix, 22.
The design of the eighth and the ensuing plagues, was to confirm the faith of the Israelites: “That thou mayest tell in the ears of thy son, and of thy son’s son, what I have wrought in Egypt, and my signs which I have done among them; that ye may know how that I am the Lord.” This plague of locusts, inflicted on the now devoted Egyptians and their king, completed the havoc begun by the hail; by this the wheat and rye were destroyed, and every herb of the land, and all the fruit of the trees which the hail had left: and there remained not any verdure in the trees, nor in the herbs of the field, throughout the land of Egypt. Very grievous were they; before them were no such locusts as they, neither after them shall there be such,” Exod. x, 3–15.
The purpose of the eighth plague and the ones that followed was to strengthen the faith of the Israelites: “So that you can tell your children and your grandchildren about what I did in Egypt, and the signs I performed among them; so that you may know that I am the Lord.” This plague of locusts, unleashed on the now-devastated Egyptians and their king, completed the destruction started by the hail; it destroyed the wheat and rye, every herb in the land, and all the fruit from the trees that the hail had spared: nothing green remained on the trees or in the fields throughout Egypt. They were extremely severe; there had never been locusts like them before, and there will never be again,” Exod. x, 3–15.
The awful plague of darkness over all the land of Egypt, for three days, a thick darkness which might be felt,” in the emphatic language of Scripture, was inflicted on the Egyptians, and their chief god, the sun; and was, indeed, a most significant sign of the divine displeasure, and of that mental darkness under which they now laboured. Their consternation thereat is strongly represented by their total inaction; neither rose any from his place for three days, petrified, as they were, with horror. They were also scared with strange apparitions and visions, while a heavy night was spread over them, an image of that darkness which should afterward receive them. But yet, they were unto themselves more 755grievous than that darkness,” Wisdom xvii, 3–21; Psalm lxxviii, 49. This terrific and horrible plague compelled Pharaoh to relax; he offered to let the men and their families go; but he wished to keep the flocks and herds as security for their return; but Moses peremptorily declared, that not a hoof should be left behind. Again “the Lord hardened Pharaoh’s heart, so that he would not let them go,” Exod. x, 21–27. And the Lord said unto Moses, Pharaoh shall not hearken unto you, that my wonders may be multiplied in the land of Egypt. And Moses and Aaron did all these wonders before Pharaoh; and the Lord” ultimately “hardened Pharaoh’s heart, so that he would not let the children of Israel go out of his land,” Exod. xi, 9, 10. This passage forms the conclusion to the nine plagues, and should properly follow the preceding; for the result of the tenth and last plague was foretold, that Pharaoh should not only let them go, but surely thrust them out altogether, Exod. xi, 1.
The terrible plague of darkness over all the land of Egypt lasted three days, a thick darkness that could be felt, as the Scripture powerfully describes. This was inflicted on the Egyptians and their main god, the sun, and was indeed a significant sign of divine anger and the mental darkness they were experiencing. Their shock is evident in their complete inaction; nobody moved from their places for three days, frozen in horror. They were also troubled by strange apparitions and visions, as a heavy night covered them, reflecting the darkness that would eventually consume them. However, they were truly more troubled by this darkness, as noted in Wisdom xvii, 3–21; Psalm lxxviii, 49. This frightening and horrible plague forced Pharaoh to relent; he offered to let the men and their families go but wanted to keep the flocks and herds as a guarantee for their return. But Moses firmly stated that not a hoof would be left behind. Again, “the Lord hardened Pharaoh’s heart, so that he would not let them go,” as seen in Exod. x, 21–27. The Lord told Moses that Pharaoh would not listen to him, so His wonders could be multiplied in the land of Egypt. Moses and Aaron performed all these wonders before Pharaoh, and eventually, “the Lord” “hardened Pharaoh’s heart, so that he would not let the children of Israel go out of his land,” according to Exod. xi, 9, 10. This passage concludes the nine plagues and should properly follow the previous one; for it foretold the result of the tenth and final plague, that Pharaoh would not only let them go but would insist they leave entirely, as stated in Exod. xi, 1.
The tenth plague was announced to Pharaoh with much solemnity: Thus saith the Lord, About midnight will I go out into the midst of Egypt, and all the first-born in the land of Egypt shall die, from the first-born of Pharaoh that sitteth upon his throne, even to the first-born of the maid-servant that is behind the mill; and all the first-born of cattle. And there shall be a great cry throughout the land of Egypt, such as there was none like it, nor shall be any more. But against any of the children of Israel shall not a dog move his tongue, against man or beast; that ye may know, how that the Lord doth make a difference between the Egyptians and Israel. And all these thy servants shall come down unto me, and bow themselves unto me, saying, Get thee out, and all the people that follow thee. And after that I will go out,” Exod. xi, 4–8. Such a threat, delivered in so high a tone, both in the name of the God of Israel and of Moses, did not fail to exasperate the infatuated Pharaoh, and he said, Get thee from me; take heed to thyself; see my face no more: for in the day thou seest my face thou shalt die. And Moses said, Be it so as thou hast spoken; I will see thy face again no more. And he went out from Pharaoh in great anger,” Exod. x, 28, 29; xi, 8. And at midnight the Lord smote all the first-born in the land of Egypt; and there was a great cry in Egypt, for there was not a house in which there was not one dead,” Exod. xii, 1–30. This last tremendous judgment is described with much sublimity in the book of Wisdom, xviii, 14–18.
The tenth plague was announced to Pharaoh with great seriousness: "The Lord says, about midnight I will go through Egypt, and all the first-born in the land of Egypt will die, from the first-born of Pharaoh sitting on his throne to the first-born of the female servant grinding at the mill, and all the first-born of the livestock. There will be a loud cry throughout Egypt, unlike anything that has ever happened before or will happen again. But no dog will bark at any of the Israelites, neither at people nor animals, so you will know that the Lord makes a distinction between the Egyptians and Israel. All your officials will come to me and bow down, saying, 'Get out, and all the people that follow you.' After that, I will leave.” Exod. xi, 4–8. Such an ominous message, delivered in the name of the God of Israel and Moses, really angered the stubborn Pharaoh, and he said, “Get away from me; be careful; don’t let me see your face again, because the day you see my face, you will die.” Moses replied, “You’ve said it; I will not see your face again.” And he left Pharaoh in great anger,” Exod. x, 28, 29; xi, 8. At midnight, the Lord struck down all the first-born in the land of Egypt, and there was a loud cry in Egypt, for there was not a single house without someone dead,” Exod. xii, 1–30. This final, devastating judgment is beautifully described in the book of Wisdom, xviii, 14–18.
And Pharaoh rose up in the night, he and all his servants, and all the Egyptians; and he called for,” or sent to, Moses and Aaron by night, and said, Get you forth from among my people, both ye and the children of Israel; and go, serve the Lord, as ye said; take also your flocks and your herds, and be gone; and bless me also. And the Egyptians also were urgent upon the people, to send them out of the land in haste; for they said, We shall all be dead.” It is evident from the extreme urgency of the occasion, when all the Egyptians apprehended total destruction, if the departure of the Israelites was delayed any longer, that Pharaoh had no personal interview with Moses and Aaron, which would have wasted time, and was quite unnecessary; he only sent them a peremptory mandate to be gone on their own terms. And the children of Israel did according to the word of Moses; and they asked of the Egyptians jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment. And the Lord gave the people favour in the sight of the Egyptians, so that they freely gave what they required, and they spoiled the Egyptians,” Exod. xii, 31–36, as originally foretold to Abraham, Gen. xv, 14; and to Moses before the plagues began. This was an act of perfect retributive justice, to make the Egyptians pay for the long and laborious services of the Israelites, whom they had unjustly enslaved, in violation of their charter.
And Pharaoh got up in the night, he and all his officials, and all the Egyptians; and he called for Moses and Aaron by night, saying, “Get out from among my people, both you and the children of Israel; go, serve the Lord as you said; take your flocks and your herds, and leave; and also bless me.” The Egyptians were also urging the people to leave the land quickly, saying, “We’re all going to die.” It's clear from the intense urgency of the situation, when all the Egyptians feared total destruction if the Israelites stayed any longer, that Pharaoh didn't meet with Moses and Aaron personally, which would have wasted time and wasn’t necessary; he simply sent them a direct order to leave on their own terms. The children of Israel did as Moses instructed; they asked the Egyptians for silver and gold jewelry, and clothing. And the Lord made the people favorable in the eyes of the Egyptians, so they gave them what they asked for freely, and they took the Egyptians' valuables, as originally foretold to Abraham and to Moses before the plagues began. This was a clear act of retributive justice, making the Egyptians pay for the long and difficult labor of the Israelites, whom they had unjustly enslaved, violating their rights.
The Israelites were thrust out of Egypt on the fifteenth day of the first month, about six hundred thousand men on foot, beside women and children. And a mixed multitude went up also with them; and flocks and herds, even very much cattle,” Exod. xii, 37–38; Num. xi, 4; xxxiii, 3. And they went out with a high hand; for the Lord went before them by day, in a pillar of a cloud, to lead them the way; and by night in a pillar of fire, to give them light, to go by day and night. He took not away the pillar of the cloud by day, nor the pillar of fire by night, from before the people,” Exod. xiii, 22; Num. ix, 15–23. And the motion or rest of this divine guide regulated their marches, and their stations or encampments during the whole of their route, Num. x, 33–36. See Red Sea.
The Israelites were driven out of Egypt on the fifteenth day of the first month, about six hundred thousand men on foot, not including women and children. A mixed group also went with them, along with livestock, including a lot of cattle,” Exod. xii, 37–38; Num. xi, 4; xxxiii, 3. They left boldly because the Lord went ahead of them by day in a pillar of cloud to guide them on their journey, and by night in a pillar of fire to give them light, so they could travel day and night. The pillar of cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night did not leave the people,” Exod. xiii, 22; Num. ix, 15–23. The movement or resting of this divine guide determined their marches and their stops or camps throughout their entire journey, Num. x, 33–36. See Red Sea.
PLATONISTS. The Platonic philosophy is denominated from Plato, who was born about B. C. 426. He founded the old academy on the opinions of Heraclitus, Pythagoras, and Socrates; and by adding the information he had acquired to their discoveries, he established a sect of philosophers, who were esteemed more perfect than any who had before appeared in the world. The outlines of Plato’s philosophical system were as follows:--that there is one God, eternal, immutable, and immaterial; perfect in wisdom and goodness, omniscient, and omnipresent: that this all-perfect Being formed the universe out of a mass of eternally preëxisting matter, to which he gave form and arrangement: that there is in matter a necessary, but blind and refractory force, which resists the will of the supreme Artificer, so that he cannot perfectly execute his designs; and this is the cause of the mixture of good and evil which is found in the material world: that the soul of man was derived by emanation 756from God; but that this emanation was not immediate, but through the intervention of the soul of the world, which was itself debased by some material admixture: that the relation which the human soul, in its original constitution, bears to matter, is the source of moral evil; that when God formed the universe, he separated from the soul of the world inferior souls, equal in number to the stars, and assigned to each its proper celestial abode: that these souls were sent down to earth to be imprisoned in mortal bodies; hence arose the depravity and misery to which human nature is liable: that the soul is immortal; and by disengaging itself from all animal passions, and rising above sensible objects to the contemplation of the world of intelligence, it may be prepared to return to its original habitation: that matter never suffers annihilation, but that the world will remain for ever; and that by the action of its animating principle it accomplishes certain periods, within which every thing returns to its ancient place and state. This periodical revolution of nature is called the Platonic, or great year.
PLATONISTS. Platonic philosophy gets its name from Plato, who was born around 426 B.C. He established the old academy based on the ideas of Heraclitus, Pythagoras, and Socrates; by adding his insights to their discoveries, he created a group of philosophers regarded as more advanced than any who had come before them. The core ideas of Plato’s philosophical system were as follows: there is one God who is eternal, unchanging, and immaterial; perfect in wisdom and goodness, all-knowing, and present everywhere: this perfect Being created the universe from an existing mass of matter, giving it form and order: there is a necessary but blind and resistant force within matter that opposes the will of the supreme Creator, which prevents him from fully realizing his intentions; this is why there is a mix of good and evil in the material world: the human soul comes from God, but this connection is not direct; it occurs through the soul of the world, which itself has been tainted by some material mixture: the way the human soul is originally connected to matter is the root of moral evil; when God created the universe, he separated inferior souls from the soul of the world, equal in number to the stars, and assigned each one its proper celestial place: these souls were sent to earth to be trapped in mortal bodies; this is how the corruption and suffering inherent to human nature came about: the soul is immortal; by freeing itself from animal desires and rising above physical things to contemplate the world of ideas, it can prepare to return to its original home: matter never disappears completely, and the world will exist forever; through its animating principle, it goes through cycles during which everything returns to its former state and place. This repeated cycle of nature is called the Platonic or great year.
The Platonic system makes the perfection of morality to consist in living in conformity to the will of God, the only standard of truth, and teaches that our highest good consists in the contemplation and knowledge of the supreme Being. In this divine Being Plato admitted a sort of trinity of three hypostases. The first he considered as self-existent, calling him, by way of eminence, τὸ hὸν, the Being, or τὸ hὲν, the One. The only attribute which he acknowledged in this person was goodness; and therefore he frequently styles him, τὸ ἀγαθὸν, the good. The second he considered as, νοῦς, the mind, or, λογὸς, the wisdom or reason of the former, and the δημιȣργὸς, maker of the world. The third he always speaks of as, ψυχὴ, the soul of the world. He taught that the second is a necessary emanation from the first, and the third from the second, or perhaps from both; comparing these emanations to those of light and heat from the sun. From the above use of Logos for the second person of the Platonic trinity, it has been thought that St. John borrowed the term from Plato; but it is not likely that this Apostle was conversant with his writings, and therefore both Le Clerc and Dr. Campbell think it more probable that he took it from the Old Testament. The end of all knowledge, or philosophy, according to Plato, was to make us resemble the Deity as much as is compatible with human nature. This likeness consists in the possession and practice of all the moral virtues. After the death of Plato, many of his disciples deviated from his doctrines. His school was then divided into the old, the middle, and the new academy. The old academy strictly adhered to his tenets. The middle academy partially receded from his system, without entirely deserting it. The new academy almost entirely relinquished the original doctrines of Plato, and verged toward the skeptical philosophy. An infusion of Platonism, though in a perverted form, is seen in the philosophy most prevalent in the times of the Apostles. It was Judaized by the contemplative Hellenists, and, through them, their native Judaism was Platonized. The eclectic philosophy added other ingredients to the compound, from the oriental systems. All however issued in pride, and the domination of bewildering and monstrous imaginations.
The Platonic system defines the perfection of morality as living in accordance with the will of God, who is the only standard of truth, and teaches that our highest good lies in contemplating and understanding the supreme Being. In this divine Being, Plato recognized a sort of trinity of three hypostases. He viewed the first as self-existent, calling him, in a distinguished way, τὸ hὸν, the Being, or τὸ hὲν, the One. The only attribute he acknowledged in this entity was goodness, often referring to him as τὸ ἀγαθὸν, the good. The second he regarded as νοῦς, the mind, or λογὸς, the wisdom or reason of the first, and the δημιουργὸς, maker of the world. The third he always referred to as ψυχὴ, the soul of the world. He taught that the second is a necessary emanation from the first, and the third emanates from the second, or possibly from both; he compared these emanations to light and heat coming from the sun. The use of Logos for the second person of the Platonic trinity has led some to think that St. John borrowed the term from Plato. However, it's unlikely that this Apostle was familiar with his writings, and thus both Le Clerc and Dr. Campbell believe it's more probable he sourced it from the Old Testament. According to Plato, the purpose of all knowledge or philosophy was to make us resemble the Deity as much as human nature allows. This resemblance consists in possessing and practicing all moral virtues. After Plato's death, many of his followers strayed from his teachings. His school then split into the old, middle, and new academy. The old academy strictly adhered to his principles, while the middle academy partially departed from his system without fully abandoning it. The new academy almost entirely left behind Plato's original doctrines and moved towards skeptical philosophy. An infusion of Platonism, albeit in a distorted form, can be seen in the prevalent philosophy during the times of the Apostles. It was influenced by the contemplative Hellenists, who, in turn, blended their native Judaism with Platonism. The eclectic philosophy added various elements from oriental systems. Ultimately, all of this led to pride and the dominance of confusing and monstrous imaginations.
PLOUGH. The Syrian plough, which was probably used in all the regions around, is a very simple frame, and commonly so light, that a man of moderate strength might carry it in one hand. Volney states that in Syria it is often nothing else than the branch of a tree cut below a bifurcation, and used without wheels. It is drawn by asses and cows, seldom by oxen. And Dr. Russel informs us, the ploughing of Syria is performed often by a little cow, at most with two, and sometimes only by an ass. In Persia it is for the most part drawn by one ox only, and not unfrequently even by an ass, although it is more ponderous than in Palestine. With such an imperfect instrument, the Syrian husbandman can do little more than scratch the surface of his field, or clear away the stones or weeds that encumber it, and prevent the seed from reaching the soil. The ploughshare is a piece of iron, broad, but not large, which tips the end of the shaft.” So much does it resemble the short sword used by the ancient warriors, that it may with very little trouble, be converted into that deadly weapon; and when the work of destruction is over, reduced again into its former shape, and applied to the purposes of agriculture. In allusion to the first operation, the Prophet Joel summons the nations to leave their peaceful employments in the cultivated field, and buckle on their armour: Beat your ploughshares into swords, and your pruning hooks into spears,” Joel iii, 10. This beautiful image the Prophet Isaiah has reversed, and applied to the establishment of that profound and lasting peace which is to bless the church of Christ in the latter days: And they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more,” Isaiah ii, 4. The plough used in Syria is so light and simple in its construction, that the husbandman is under the necessity of guiding it with great care, bending over it, and loading it with his own weight, else the share would glide along the surface without making any incision. His mind should be wholly intent on his work, at once to press the plough into the ground, and direct it in a straight line. Let the ploughman,” said Hesiod, attend to his charge, and look before him; not turn aside to look on his associates, but make straight furrows, and have his mind attentive to his work.” And Pliny: Unless the ploughman stoop forward,” to press his plough into the soil, and conduct it properly, he will turn it aside.” To such careful and incessant exertion, our Lord alludes in that declaration, No man having put his hand to the plough, and looking back, is fit for the kingdom of heaven,” Luke ix, 62.
PLOUGH. The Syrian plough, likely used in all surrounding areas, is a very simple frame and is usually so light that a person of moderate strength can carry it with one hand. Volney notes that in Syria it often consists only of a tree branch cut just below a fork and used without wheels. It is typically pulled by donkeys and cows, and rarely by oxen. Dr. Russel tells us that ploughing in Syria is usually done by one or two cows, and sometimes just by a donkey. In Persia, it is mostly pulled by a single ox, and often even by a donkey, even though it’s heavier than the one in Palestine. With such a basic tool, the Syrian farmer can do little more than scratch the surface of his field, clear stones or weeds, and keep the seeds from reaching the soil. The ploughshare is a piece of iron, broad but not large, that forms the tip of the shaft. It resembles the short sword used by ancient warriors so closely that it can easily be turned into a deadly weapon; and when the destruction is done, it can be reverted back to its original shape for agricultural use. In reference to this first action, the Prophet Joel calls the nations to put aside their peaceful farming and arm themselves: “Beat your ploughshares into swords, and your pruning hooks into spears,” Joel 3:10. The Prophet Isaiah reverses this beautiful image and applies it to the establishment of a deep and lasting peace meant to bless the church of Christ in the later days: “And they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore,” Isaiah 2:4. The plough used in Syria is so light and simple that the farmer must guide it very carefully, bending over it and using his own body weight, or else the share will just glide over the surface without making any cut. His mind should be fully focused on his task, pressing the plough into the ground and steering it in a straight line. “Let the ploughman,” said Hesiod, “attend to his charge and look ahead; not turn aside to look at his companions, but make straight furrows and remain focused on his work.” Pliny added: “Unless the ploughman bends forward to press his plough into the soil and steer it correctly, he will veer off course.” To such diligent and constant effort, our Lord alludes in the statement, “No man having put his hand to the plough, and looking back, is fit for the kingdom of heaven,” Luke 9:62.
757POETRY OF THE HEBREWS. Among the books of the Old Testament, says Bishop Lowth, there is such an apparent diversity in style, as sufficiently discovers which of them are to be considered as poetical, and which as prose. While the historical books and legislative writings of Moses are evidently prosaic compositions, the book of Job, the Psalms of David, the Song of Solomon, the Lamentations of Jeremiah, a great part of the prophetical writings, and several passages scattered occasionally through the historical books, carry the most plain and distinguishing marks of poetical writing. There is not the least reason for doubting that originally these were written in verse, or some kind of measured numbers; though, as the ancient pronunciation of the Hebrew language is now lost, we are not able to ascertain the nature of the Hebrew verse, or at most can ascertain it but imperfectly. Let any person read the historical introduction to the book of Job, contained in the first and second chapters, and then go on to Job’s speech in the beginning of the third chapter, and he cannot avoid being sensible that he passes all at once from the region of prose to that of poetry. From the earliest times music and poetry were cultivated among the Hebrews. In the days of the judges mention is made of the schools or colleges of the prophets, where one part of the employment of the persons trained in such schools was to sing the praises of God, accompanied with various instruments. But in the days of King David music and poetry were carried to the greatest height. In 1 Chron. xxv, an account is given of David’s institutions relating to the sacred music and poetry, which were certainly more costly, more splendid and magnificent, than ever obtained in the public service of any other nation. See Psalms.
757POETRY OF THE HEBREWS. Among the books of the Old Testament, Bishop Lowth notes that there's a clear difference in style that shows which ones are poetic and which are prose. While the historical books and Moses' laws are clearly written in prose, the book of Job, the Psalms of David, the Song of Solomon, the Lamentations of Jeremiah, a large part of the prophetic writings, and various passages found throughout the historical books all have distinct characteristics of poetry. There’s no doubt that these were originally written in verse or some form of structured rhythm; however, since we’ve lost the ancient pronunciation of Hebrew, we can’t fully understand the nature of Hebrew verse, or at best, we can only grasp it partially. If anyone reads the historical introduction to the book of Job in the first two chapters, and then moves on to Job’s speech at the beginning of the third chapter, they will undoubtedly feel as if they've transitioned from prose into poetry. From the earliest days, music and poetry were important to the Hebrews. During the time of the judges, there were schools or colleges of prophets, where part of their training involved singing praises to God, accompanied by various instruments. However, it was during King David's reign that music and poetry reached their peak. In 1 Chronicles 25, there’s a description of David’s initiatives related to sacred music and poetry, which were undoubtedly more elaborate, extravagant, and impressive than anything seen in the public service of any other nation. See Psalms.
The general construction of the Hebrew poetry is of a singular nature, and peculiar to itself. It consists in dividing every period into correspondent, for the most part into equal, members, which answer to one another both in sense and sound. In the first member of the period a sentiment is expressed; and in the second member the same sentiment is amplified, or is repeated in different terms, or sometimes contrasted with its opposite; but in such a manner, that the same structure, and nearly the same number of words, is preserved. This is the general strain of all the Hebrew poetry. Instances of it occur every where on opening the Old Testament. Thus, in Psalm xcvi:--
The overall structure of Hebrew poetry is unique and specific to itself. It involves breaking each section into corresponding parts, typically of equal length, that mirror each other in meaning and sound. In the first part of the section, a sentiment is expressed; in the second part, the same sentiment is either elaborated on, repeated in different words, or sometimes contrasted with its opposite. However, the same structure and a similar word count are usually maintained. This is the common pattern seen throughout Hebrew poetry. You can find many examples of this by looking through the Old Testament. For instance, in Psalm 96:--
It is owing in a great measure to this form of composition, that our version, though in prose, retains so much of a poetical cast: for, the version being strictly word for word after the original, the form and order of the original sentence are preserved; which, by this artificial structure, this regular alternation and correspondence of parts, makes the ear sensible of a departure from the common style and tone of prose. The origin of this form of poetical composition among the Hebrews is clearly to be deduced from the manner in which their sacred hymns were wont to be sung. They were accompanied with music, and they were performed by choirs or bands of singers and musicians, who answered alternately to each other. When, for instance, one band began the hymn thus: The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice;” the chorus, or semi-chorus, took up the corresponding versicle, Let the multitude of the isles be glad thereof.” “Clouds and darkness are round about him,” sung the one; the other replied, Judgment and righteousness are the habitation of his throne.” And in this manner their poetry, when set to music, naturally divided itself into a succession of strophes and antistrophes correspondent to each other; whence it is probable the antiphon, or responsory, in the public religious service of so many Christian churches, derived its origin. The twenty-fourth Psalm, in particular, which is thought to have been composed on the great and solemn occasion of the ark of the covenant being brought back to Mount Zion, must have had a noble effect when performed after this manner, as Dr. Lowth has illustrated it. The whole people are supposed to be attending the procession. The Levites and singers, divided into their several courses, and accompanied with all their musical instruments, led the way. After the introduction to the Psalm, in the two first verses, when the procession begins to ascend the sacred mount, the question is put, as by a semi-chorus, Who shall ascend into the hill of the Lord, and who shall stand in his holy place?” The response is made by the full chorus with the greatest dignity: He that hath clean hands and a pure heart; who hath not lifted up his soul to vanity, nor sworn deceitfully.” As the procession approaches to the doors of the tabernacle, the chorus, with all their instruments, join in this exclamation: Lift up your heads, ye gates, and be ye lifted up, ye everlasting doors, and the King of glory shall come in.” Here the semi-chorus plainly breaks in, as with a lower voice, Who is this King of glory?” And at the moment when the ark is introduced into the tabernacle, the response is made by the burst of the whole chorus: The Lord, strong and mighty; the Lord, mighty in battle.”
It’s largely thanks to this style of writing that our version, even though it’s in prose, still has a poetic quality. Since the translation follows the original word for word, the structure and order of the original sentences are preserved. This deliberate structure, with its regular alternation and correspondence of parts, makes the reader aware of straying from the usual style and tone of prose. The origin of this poetic form among the Hebrews can be traced back to how their sacred hymns were traditionally sung. These hymns were performed with music and sung by choirs or groups of singers and musicians who responded to each other in turn. For example, when one group started the hymn with, “The Lord reigns, let the earth rejoice,” the chorus or semi-chorus would respond with the corresponding line, “Let the multitude of the isles be glad thereof.” One group would sing, “Clouds and darkness are around Him,” and the other would reply, “Judgment and righteousness are the foundation of His throne.” This way, their poetry, when set to music, naturally separated into a series of strophes and antistrophes that corresponded with each other; from this, it’s likely the antiphon, or responsory, in the public worship of many Christian churches got its start. The twenty-fourth Psalm, in particular, believed to have been composed for the significant occasion of the ark of the covenant being returned to Mount Zion, must have had a powerful impact when performed this way, as Dr. Lowth has explained. It’s thought that the whole community was present for the procession. The Levites and singers, divided into their groups and accompanied by all their musical instruments, led the way. After the introduction to the Psalm in the first two verses, as the procession ascends the sacred mount, a semi-chorus asks, “Who shall ascend into the hill of the Lord, and who shall stand in His holy place?” The full chorus responds with great dignity: “He that has clean hands and a pure heart; who has not lifted up his soul to vanity, nor sworn deceitfully.” As the procession approaches the doors of the tabernacle, the chorus, with all their instruments, joins in saying: “Lift up your heads, O gates, and be lifted up, O everlasting doors, and the King of glory shall come in.” Here, the semi-chorus clearly interjects with a softer voice, “Who is this King of glory?” And the moment the ark is brought into the tabernacle, the whole chorus bursts forth with the response: “The Lord, strong and mighty; the Lord, mighty in battle.”
The method of composition which has been explained, by correspondent versicles being universally introduced into the hymns or musical poetry of the Jews, easily spread itself through their other poetical writings, which were not designed to be sung in alternate portions, and which, therefore, did not so much require this mode of composition. But the mode became familiar to their ears, and 758carried with it a certain solemn majesty of style, particularly suited to sacred subjects. Hence, throughout the prophetical writings, we find it prevailing as much as in the Psalms of David. This form of writing is one of the great characteristics of the ancient Hebrew poetry; very different from, and even opposite to, the style of the Greek and Roman poets. Independently of this peculiar mode of construction, the sacred poetry is distinguished by the highest beauties of strong, concise, bold, and figurative expression. Conciseness and strength are two of its most remarkable characters. One might, indeed, imagine that the practice of the Hebrew poets, of always amplifying the same thought, by repetition or contrast, might tend to enfeeble their style. But they conduct themselves so as not to produce this effect. Their sentences are always short. Few superfluous words are used. The same thought is never dwelt upon long. To their conciseness and sobriety of expression their poetry is indebted for much of its sublimity; and all writers who attempt the sublime might profit much by imitating, in this respect, the style of the Old Testament.
The method of composing that has been described, with alternating verses being commonly used in the hymns and musical poetry of the Jews, easily spread to their other poetic writings, which weren’t meant to be sung in parts and didn’t need this style. However, this method became familiar to their ears and brought with it a certain solemn majesty of style, particularly suited to sacred topics. As a result, throughout the prophetic writings, we see it being used as much as in the Psalms of David. This form of writing is a key feature of ancient Hebrew poetry, which is very different from, and even opposite to, the style of Greek and Roman poets. Beyond this unique way of constructing lines, sacred poetry is noted for its strong, concise, bold, and figurative language. Conciseness and strength are two of its standout qualities. One might think that the Hebrew poets' practice of elaborating on the same idea through repetition or contrast could weaken their style. But they manage to avoid that effect. Their sentences are always brief. Few unnecessary words are included. The same idea is rarely lingered on for long. Their poetry’s sublimity owes much to its conciseness and clarity of expression; and any writers aiming for the sublime could greatly benefit from emulating the style of the Old Testament in this regard.
No writings whatever abound so much with the most bold and animated figures as the sacred books. In order to do justice to these, it is necessary that we transport ourselves as much as we can into the land of Judea, and place before our eyes that scenery and those objects with which the Hebrew writers were conversant. Natural objects are in some measure common to them with poets of all ages and countries. Light and darkness, trees and flowers, the forest and the cultivated field, suggest to them many beautiful figures. But, in order to relish their figures of this kind, we must take notice that several of them arise from the particular circumstances of the land of Judea. During the summer months little or no rain falls throughout all that region. While the heats continued, the country was intolerably parched; want of water was a great distress; and a plentiful shower falling, or a rivulet breaking forth, altered the whole face of nature, and introduced much higher ideas of refreshment and pleasure than the like causes can suggest to us. Hence, to represent distress, such frequent allusions among them, to a dry and thirsty land where no water is;” and hence, to describe a change from distress to prosperity, their metaphors are founded on the falling of showers, and the bursting out of springs in the desert. Thus: The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad, and the desert shall rejoice and blossom as the rose. For in the wilderness shall waters break out, and streams in the desert; and the parched ground shall become a pool, and the thirsty land, springs of water; in the habitation of dragons there shall be grass, with rushes and reeds,” Isaiah xxxv, 1, 6, 7. Images of this nature are very familiar to Isaiah, and occur in many parts of his book. Again: as Judea was a hilly country, it was, during the rainy months, exposed to frequent inundations by the rushing of torrents, which came down suddenly from the mountains, and carried every thing before them; and Jordan, their only great river, annually overflowed its banks. Hence the frequent allusions to the noise, and to the rushings of many waters;” and hence great calamities so often compared to the overflowing torrent, which, in such a country, must have been images particularly striking: Deep calleth unto deep at the noise of thy water spouts; all thy waves and thy billows are gone over me,” Psalm xlii, 7. The two most remarkable mountains of the country were Lebanon and Carmel; the former noted for its height, and the woods of lofty cedars that covered it; the latter, for its beauty and fertility, the richness of its vines and olives. Hence, with the greatest propriety, Lebanon is employed as an image of whatever is great, strong, or magnificent; Carmel, of what is smiling and beautiful. The glory of Lebanon shall be given to it, and the excellency of Carmel,” Isaiah xxxv, 2. Lebanon is often put metaphorically for the whole state or people of Israel, for the temple, for the king of Assyria; Carmel, for the blessings of peace and prosperity. His countenance is as Lebanon,” says Solomon, speaking of the dignity of a man’s appearance; but when he describes female beauty, Thine head is like Mount Carmel,” Cant. v, 15; vii, 5. It is farther to be remarked under this head, that, in the images of the awful and terrible kind, with which the sacred poets abound, they plainly draw their descriptions from that violence of the elements, and those great concussions of nature, with which their climate rendered them acquainted. Earthquakes were not unfrequent; and the tempests of hail, thunder, and lightning, in Judea and Arabia, accompanied with whirlwinds and darkness, far exceed any thing of that sort which happens in more temperate regions. Isaiah, xxiv, 20, describes, with great majesty, the earth, reeling to and fro like a drunkard, and removed like a cottage.” And in those circumstances of terror, with which an appearance of the Almighty is described, in Psalm xviii, when his pavilion round about him was darkness; when hail stones and coals of fire were his voice; and when, at his rebuke, the channels of the waters are said to be seen, and the foundations of the hills discovered; though there may be some reference, as Dr. Lowth thinks, to the history of God’s descent upon Mount Sinai; yet it seems more probable that the figures were taken directly from those commotions of nature with which the author was acquainted, and which suggested stronger and nobler images than those which now occur to us.
No writings have as many bold and lively images as the sacred texts. To truly appreciate these, we need to immerse ourselves in the landscape of Judea and visualize the scenery and elements that the Hebrew authors were familiar with. Many natural objects are shared with poets from all times and places—light and darkness, trees and flowers, forests and fields inspire beautiful imagery. However, to fully appreciate these images, we must recognize that many of them stem from the specific conditions of the land of Judea. During the summer, little to no rain falls in the region. When the heat is relentless, the countryside becomes unbearably dry; a heavy rain or a spring breaking forth transforms the landscape and evokes far greater notions of refreshment and joy than we might imagine. This explains their numerous references to a "dry and thirsty land where no water is" to depict distress, and their metaphors relating a shift from hardship to prosperity, based on the falling of rain and the emergence of springs in the desert. For example: "The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad, and the desert shall rejoice and blossom like a rose. For in the wilderness shall waters break out, and streams in the desert; and the parched ground shall become a pool, and the thirsty land, springs of water; in the dwelling of dragons there shall be grass, with rushes and reeds," Isaiah 35:1, 6, 7. Such imagery is common in Isaiah and appears throughout his writings. Furthermore, since Judea is hilly, during the rainy season it frequently experiences flooding from torrents rushing down from the mountains, sweeping everything away; the Jordan River, their main river, regularly overflows its banks. This results in frequent references to the "noise and rushings of many waters," and calamities compared to the overwhelming flood, which would have been especially poignant in that region: "Deep calls unto deep at the noise of thy water spouts; all thy waves and thy billows are gone over me," Psalm 42:7. The two most notable mountains in the area were Lebanon and Carmel; Lebanon is known for its height and the tall cedar forests, while Carmel is celebrated for its beauty and fertility, especially its vines and olives. Thus, Lebanon is fittingly used as a symbol of greatness, strength, or magnificence, while Carmel represents beauty and charm. “The glory of Lebanon shall be given to it, and the excellency of Carmel,” Isaiah 35:2. Lebanon is often used metaphorically for the entire nation or people of Israel, the temple, or the king of Assyria; Carmel symbolizes the blessings of peace and prosperity. Solomon remarked, "His countenance is like Lebanon," referring to a man’s dignified appearance, but when describing female beauty, he stated, "Thine head is like Mount Carmel," Song of Solomon 5:15; 7:5. Additionally, it’s worth noting that the sacred poets often draw their vivid descriptions of awe and devastation from the violent natural phenomena of their environment. Earthquakes were not uncommon, and the storms of hail, thunder, and lightning in Judea and Arabia, accompanied by whirlwinds and darkness, far surpass anything in more temperate climates. Isaiah 24:20 powerfully describes the earth "reeling to and fro like a drunkard, and removed like a cottage." In those terrifying moments that depict the Almighty's presence, as seen in Psalm 18, where "his pavilion round about him was darkness; when hail stones and coals of fire were his voice; and when, at his rebuke, the channels of the waters are said to be seen, and the foundations of the hills discovered," Dr. Lowth suggests there might be a reference to the history of God’s descent upon Mount Sinai; however, it seems more likely that these images came directly from the natural disruptions familiar to the author, evoking stronger and more profound images than those that currently come to mind.
Beside the natural objects of their own country, we find the rites of their religion, and the arts and employments of their common life, frequently employed as grounds of imagery among the Hebrews. Hence flowed, of course, the many allusions to pastoral life, to the green pastures and the still waters,” and to the care and watchfulness of a shepherd over his flock, which carry to this day so much 759beauty and tenderness in them, in Psalm xxiii, and in many other passages of the poetical writings of Scripture. Hence all the images founded upon rural employments, upon the wine press, the threshing floor, the stubble and the chaff. To disrelish all such images is the effect of false delicacy. Homer is at least as frequent, and much more minute and particular, in his similes, founded on what we now call low life; but, in his management of them, far inferior to the sacred writers, who generally mix with their comparisons of this kind somewhat of dignity and grandeur to ennoble them. What inexpressible grandeur does the following rural image in Isaiah, for instance, receive from the intervention of the Deity!--“The nations shall rush like the rushings of many waters; but God shall rebuke them, and they shall fly far off; and they shall be chased as the chaff of the mountain before the wind, and like the down of the thistle before the whirlwind.” Figurative allusions, too, we frequently find to the rites and ceremonies of their religion, to the legal distinctions of things clean and unclean, to the mode of their temple service, to the dress of their priests, and to the most noted incidents recorded in their sacred history; as, to the destruction of Sodom, the descent of God upon Mount Sinai, and the miraculous passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea. The religion of the Hebrews included the whole of their laws and civil constitution. It was full of splendid external rites, that occupied their senses; it was connected with every part of their national history and establishment; and hence, all ideas founded on religion possessed in this nation a dignity and importance peculiar to themselves, and were uncommonly suited to impress the imagination.
Alongside the natural elements in their own country, we see their religious rituals, as well as the arts and daily activities of their lives, frequently used as imagery among the Hebrews. This naturally led to many references to pastoral life, to the "green pastures and still waters," and to the care and vigilance of a shepherd over his flock, which still convey so much beauty and tenderness today, as seen in Psalm 23 and many other poetic passages in Scripture. Additionally, there are many images based on agricultural practices, such as the wine press, the threshing floor, the stubble, and the chaff. Disliking these images is a result of misplaced refinement. Homer is at least as frequent, and much more detailed, in his similes based on what we now refer to as lowly life; however, his treatment of them is far less effective than that of the sacred writers, who generally infuse their comparisons with a sense of dignity and grandeur to elevate them. Just look at the following rural image in Isaiah, which gains incredible grandeur through the presence of the Deity: “The nations shall rush like the rushings of many waters; but God shall rebuke them, and they shall fly far off; and they shall be chased like the chaff of the mountain before the wind, and like the down of the thistle before the whirlwind.” We also frequently find figurative references to the rituals and ceremonies of their faith, the legal distinctions of what is clean and unclean, the manner of their temple service, the attire of their priests, and the most notable events recorded in their sacred history, such as the destruction of Sodom, God's descent on Mount Sinai, and the miraculous crossing of the Red Sea by the Israelites. The religion of the Hebrews encompassed their entire legal and civil framework. It was rich with impressive external rituals that engaged the senses and was intertwined with every aspect of their national history and identity; thus, all ideas rooted in religion in this nation held a dignity and significance unique to them and were especially impactful on the imagination.
From all this it results that the imagery of the sacred poets is, in a high degree, expressive and natural; it is copied directly from real objects that were before their eyes; it has this advantage, of being more complete within itself, more entirely founded on national ideas and manners, than that of the most of other poets. In reading their works we find ourselves continually in the land of Judea. The palm trees, and the cedars of Lebanon, are ever rising in our view. The face of their territory, the circumstances of their climate, the manners of the people, and the august ceremonies of their religion, constantly pass under different forms before us. The comparisons employed by the sacred poets are generally short, touching on one point only of resemblance, rather than branching out into little episodes. In this respect they have an advantage over the Greek and Roman authors; whose comparisons, by the length to which they are extended, sometimes interrupt the narration too much, and carry too visible marks of study and labour; whereas, in the Hebrew poets, they appear more like the glowings of a lively fancy, just glancing aside to some resembling object, and presently returning to its track. Such is the following fine comparison, introduced to describe the happy influence of good government upon a people, in what are called the last words of David: He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain,” 2 Sam. xxiii, 3. This is one of the most regular and formal comparisons in the sacred books.
From all this, it follows that the imagery of the sacred poets is very expressive and natural; it is taken directly from real objects they saw before them. It has the advantage of being more complete within itself, more rooted in national ideas and customs, than that of most other poets. When we read their works, we find ourselves continually in the land of Judea. The palm trees and the cedars of Lebanon are ever rising in our view. The landscape, the climate, the customs of the people, and the solemn ceremonies of their religion constantly appear before us in various forms. The comparisons used by the sacred poets are generally brief, touching on just one point of similarity instead of expanding into little episodes. In this regard, they have an advantage over Greek and Roman authors, whose longer comparisons sometimes disrupt the narration and show too obvious signs of effort. In contrast, the Hebrew poets’ comparisons seem more like flashes of vivid imagination, glancing briefly at a similar object and then returning to their main point. A fine example is the following comparison, used to describe the positive influence of good governance on a people, in what are called the last words of David: "He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain," 2 Sam. xxiii, 3. This is one of the most regular and formal comparisons in the sacred texts.
Allegory, likewise, is a figure frequently found in them. But the poetical figure which, beyond all others, elevates the style of Scripture, and gives it a peculiar boldness and sublimity, is prosopopœia, or personification. No personifications employed by any poets are so magnificent and striking as those of the inspired writers. On great occasions they animate every part of nature, especially when any appearance or operation of the Almighty is concerned. Before him went the pestilence.” “The waters saw thee, O God, and were afraid.” The mountains saw thee, and they trembled.” “The overflowing of the water passed by.” The deep uttered his voice, and lifted up his hands on high.” When inquiry is made about the place of wisdom, Job introduces the deep, saying, It is not in me; and the sea saith, It is not in me. Destruction and death say, We have heard the fame thereof with our ears.” That noted sublime passage in the book of Isaiah, which describes the fall of the king of Assyria, is full of personified objects; the fir trees and cedars of Lebanon breaking forth into exultation on the fall of the tyrant; hell from beneath stirring up all the dead to meet him at his coming; and the dead kings introduced as speaking and joining in the triumph. In the same strain are those many lively and passionate apostrophes to cities and countries, to persons and things, with which the prophetical writings every where abound. O thou sword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet? Put thyself up into the scabbard, rest, and be still. How can it be quiet,” as the reply is instantly made, seeing the Lord hath given it a charge against Askelon, and the sea shore? there hath he appointed it,” Jer. xlvii, 6. In general, for it would carry us too far to enlarge upon all the instances, the style of the poetical books of the Old Testament is, beyond the style of all other poetical works, fervid, bold, and animated. It is extremely different from that regular correct expression to which our ears are accustomed in modern poetry. It is the burst of inspiration. The scenes are not coolly described, but represented as passing before our eyes. Every object and every person is addressed and spoken to, as if present. The transition is often abrupt; the connection often obscure; the persons are often changed; figures crowded, and heaped upon one another. Bold sublimity, not correct elegance, is its character. We see the spirit of the writer raised beyond himself, and labouring to find vent for ideas too mighty for his utterance.
Allegory is also a common figure used in these texts. However, the poetic device that most significantly elevates the style of Scripture, giving it a unique boldness and grandeur, is prosopopœia, or personification. The personifications used by inspired writers are more magnificent and striking than those of any other poets. In key moments, they bring every part of nature to life, especially when referring to the actions or presence of the Almighty. “Before Him went the pestilence.” “The waters saw You, O God, and were afraid.” “The mountains saw You, and they trembled.” “The overflowing of the water passed by.” “The deep uttered its voice and lifted up its hands on high.” When asked about the location of wisdom, Job refers to the deep, saying, “It is not in me;” and the sea responds, “It is not in me.” “Destruction and death say, ‘We have heard its fame with our ears.’” The well-known passage in the book of Isaiah that describes the fall of the king of Assyria is filled with personified elements; the fir trees and cedars of Lebanon burst into joy over the tyrant’s downfall; hell from below stirs up all the dead to greet him; and dead kings are introduced as speaking and celebrating. Similarly, the prophetical writings are full of lively and passionate addresses to cities and countries, to people and things. “O sword of the Lord, how long will you be still? Put yourself back in your scabbard, rest, and be quiet.” “How can it be quiet?” comes the quick response, “when the Lord has given it a charge against Askelon and the seashore? There He has appointed it,” Jer. xlvii, 6. Overall, while it would take too much time to explore all the examples, the style of the poetical books of the Old Testament is, more than any other poetic works, fervent, bold, and animated. It differs greatly from the structured, polished expression we’re used to in modern poetry. It embodies a rush of inspiration. The scenes aren’t described coolly but are portrayed as if unfolding right before our eyes. Every object and person is addressed as if they’re present. The transitions are often abrupt; the connections can be unclear; characters frequently change; and figures are piled upon one another. Bold sublimity, not refined elegance, defines it. We witness the writer's spirit elevated beyond his usual self, striving to express ideas too powerful for mere words.
The several kinds of poetical composition which we find in Scripture are chiefly the 760didactic, elegiac, pastoral, and lyric. Of the didactic species of poetry, the book of Proverbs is the principal instance. The first nine chapters of that book are highly poetical, adorned with many distinguished graces, and figures of expression. The book of Ecclesiastes comes, likewise, under this head; and some of the Psalms, as the hundred and nineteenth in particular. Of elegiac poetry, many very beautiful specimens occur in Scripture; such as the lamentation of David over his friend Jonathan; several passages in the prophetical books; and several of David’s Psalms, composed on occasions of distress and mourning. The forty-second Psalm, in particular, is, in the highest degree, tender and plaintive. But the most regular and perfect elegiac composition in the Scripture, perhaps in the whole world, is the Lamentations of Jeremiah. As the prophet mourns, in that book, over the destruction of the temple and the holy city, and the overthrow of the whole state, he assembles all the affecting images which a subject so melancholy could suggest. The Song of Solomon affords us a high exemplification of pastoral poetry. Considered with respect to its spiritual meaning, it is undoubtedly a mystical allegory; in its form it is a dramatic pastoral, or a perpetual dialogue between personages in the character of shepherds; and, suitably to that form, it is full of rural and pastoral images from beginning to end. Of lyric poetry, or that which is intended to be accompanied with music, the Old Testament is full. Beside a great number of hymns and songs, which we find scattered in the historical and prophetical books, such as the song of Moses, the song of Deborah, and many others of like nature, the whole book of Psalms is to be considered as a collection of sacred odes. In these we find the ode exhibited in all the varieties of its form, and supported with the highest spirit of lyric poetry; sometimes sprightly, cheerful, and triumphant; sometimes solemn and magnificent; sometimes tender and soft. From these instances it clearly appears, that there are contained in the Holy Scriptures full exemplifications of several of the chief kinds of poetical writing.
The different types of poetry found in Scripture include didactic, elegiac, pastoral, and lyric. An example of didactic poetry is the book of Proverbs, especially its first nine chapters, which are highly poetic and filled with notable grace and expressive figures. The book of Ecclesiastes also falls into this category, along with some Psalms, particularly the 119th. Elegiac poetry has many beautiful examples in Scripture, like David's lament for his friend Jonathan, various passages in the prophetic books, and several of David's Psalms written during times of sorrow and mourning. The 42nd Psalm is especially tender and plaintive. The most structured and perfect elegiac work in Scripture, perhaps in the entire world, is the Lamentations of Jeremiah. In this book, the prophet mourns the destruction of the temple and the holy city, gathering all the touching images a sad subject can evoke. The Song of Solomon is a prime example of pastoral poetry. Spiritually, it serves as a mystical allegory; in its form, it is a dramatic pastoral, or an ongoing dialogue between characters resembling shepherds, filled with rural and pastoral imagery throughout. The Old Testament is rich in lyric poetry, or poetry meant to be sung. Alongside numerous hymns and songs scattered throughout the historical and prophetic books, such as the song of Moses and the song of Deborah, the entire book of Psalms can be seen as a collection of sacred odes. Here, we find odes in various forms, brimming with the highest spirit of lyric poetry—sometimes lively, cheerful, and triumphant; other times solemn and grand; and at moments tender and gentle. These examples clearly show that the Holy Scriptures contain full representations of several major types of poetic writing.
POLLUX, a tutelar deity of mariners in ancient times, Acts xxviii, 11, whose image was placed either at the prow or stern of the ship.
POLLUX, a protective god of sailors in ancient times, Acts xxviii, 11, whose statue was positioned either at the front or back of the ship.
POMEGRANATE, רמון, Numbers xiii, 23; xx, 5; 1 Sam. xiv, 2, &c, a low tree growing very common in Palestine, and in other parts of the east. Its branches are very thick and bushy; some of them are armed with sharp thorns. They are garnished with narrow spear-shaped leaves. Its flowers are of an elegant red colour, resembling a rose. It is chiefly valued for the fruit, which is as big as a large apple, is quite round, and has the general qualities of other summer fruits, allaying heat and quenching thirst. The high estimation in which it was held by the people of Israel, may be inferred from its being one of the three kinds of fruit brought by the spies from Eshcol to Moses and the congregation in the wilderness, Num. xiii, 23; xx, 5; and from its being specified by that rebellious people as one of the greatest luxuries which they enjoyed in Egypt, the want of which they felt so severely in the sandy desert. The pomegranate, classed by Moses with wheat and barley, vines and figs, oil olive and honey, was, in his account, one principal recommendation of the promised land, Deut. viii, 8. The form of this fruit was so beautiful, as to be honoured with a place at the bottom of the high priest’s robe, Exodus xxviii, 33; Ecclus. xlv, 9; and was the principal ornament of the stately columns of Solomon’s temple. The inside is full of small kernels, replenished with a generous liquor. In short there is scarcely any part of the pomegranate which does not delight and recreate the senses.
POMEGRANATE, רמון, Numbers 13:23; 20:5; 1 Samuel 14:2, etc., is a low tree that grows abundantly in Palestine and other parts of the East. Its branches are thick and bushy, and some have sharp thorns. They are adorned with narrow spear-shaped leaves. Its flowers are an elegant red color, similar to a rose. It is mainly valued for its fruit, which is about the size of a large apple, round, and has the typical qualities of summer fruits, helping to cool and quench thirst. The high regard in which it was held by the people of Israel can be seen from it being one of the three types of fruit brought back by the spies from Eshcol to Moses and the congregation in the wilderness, Numbers 13:23; 20:5, and from the complaints of the rebellious people about missing it, one of the greatest luxuries they enjoyed in Egypt, which they sorely missed in the sandy desert. Moses classified the pomegranate alongside wheat, barley, vines, figs, olive oil, and honey, making it a key part of his description of the promised land, Deuteronomy 8:8. The fruit's beautiful shape was so esteemed that it was featured at the bottom of the high priest’s robe, Exodus 28:33; Ecclesiasticus 45:9, and was a major decoration of the grand columns in Solomon’s temple. Inside, it’s filled with small seeds soaked in a flavorful juice. In short, there’s hardly any part of the pomegranate that doesn’t please and refresh the senses.
PORTERS OF THE TEMPLE. The Levites discharged the office of porters of the temple both day and night, and had the care both of the treasure and offerings. The office of porter was in some sort military; properly speaking, they were the soldiers of the Lord, and the guards of his house, to whose charge the several gates of the courts of the sanctuary were appointed by lot, 1 Chronicles xxvi, 1, 13, 19. They waited at every gate; and were not permitted to depart from their service,” 2 Chron. xxxv, 15; and they attended by turns in their courses, as the other Levites did, 2 Chron. viii, 14. Their proper business was to open and shut the gates, and to attend at them by day, as a sort of peace officers, in order to prevent any tumult among the people; to keep strangers and the excommunicated and unclean persons, from entering into the holy court; and, in short, to prevent whatever might be prejudicial to the safety, peace, and purity of the holy place and service. They also kept guard by night about the temple and its courts; and they are said to have been twenty-four, including three priests, who stood sentry at so many different places. There was a superior officer over the whole guard, called by Maimonides, the man of the mountain of the house;” he walked the round as often as he pleased; when he passed a sentinel that was standing, he said, Peace be unto you;” but if he found one asleep, he struck him, and he had liberty to set fire to his garment. This custom may, perhaps, be alluded to in the following passage: Behold, I come as a thief,” that is, unawares; blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments,” Rev. xvi, 15. Psalm cxxxiv, seems to be addressed to these watchmen of the temple, who by night stand in the house of the Lord;” in which they are exhorted to employ their waking hours in acts of praise and devotion.
PORTERS OF THE TEMPLE. The Levites served as the porters of the temple both day and night and were responsible for the treasures and offerings. The role of porter was somewhat military; essentially, they were the soldiers of the Lord and guards of His house, assigned by lot to the various gates of the sanctuary, as noted in 1 Chronicles xxvi, 1, 13, 19. They stood watch at every gate and were not allowed to leave their duties, as stated in 2 Chronicles xxxv, 15. They took turns in their shifts like the other Levites did, according to 2 Chronicles viii, 14. Their main job was to open and close the gates and monitor them during the day as peace officers to prevent disturbances among the people; to keep out strangers, the excommunicated, and those deemed unclean from entering the holy courtyard; and, in general, to ensure the safety, peace, and purity of the holy place and service. They also stood guard at night around the temple and its courts, with a total of twenty-four guards, including three priests, who stood watch in different locations. There was a commanding officer over the entire guard, referred to by Maimonides as "the man of the mountain of the house;" he could patrol whenever he wanted. When he passed a standing guard, he would say, "Peace be unto you;" however, if he found one asleep, he would strike him and had the authority to set fire to his garment. This practice may be hinted at in the following passage: "Behold, I come as a thief," meaning unexpectedly; "blessed is he that watches and keeps his garments," as noted in Rev. xvi, 15. Psalm cxxxiv appears to be addressed to the temple watchmen, who stand in the house of the Lord at night, encouraging them to spend their awake hours in praise and devotion.
POST, a messenger or regulated courier, appointed to carry with expedition the despatches of princes, or the letters of private persons in general, Job ix, 25; Jer. li, 31; 2 Chron. xxx, 6; Esther iii, 13, &c. It is thought that the use of posts is derived from the Persians. Diodorus Siculus observes, that the kings of Persia, in order to have intelligence of what was passed through all the provinces of their vast dominions, placed centinels at eminences, at convenient distances, where towers were 761built. These centinels gave notice of public occurrences from one to another, with a very loud and shrill voice, by which news was transmitted from one extremity of the kingdom to another with great expedition. But as this could not be practised, except in the case of general news, which it was expedient that the whole nation should be acquainted with, Cyrus, as Xenophon relates, appointed couriers and places for post horses, building on purpose on all the high roads houses for the reception of the couriers, where they were to deliver their packets to the next, and so on. This they did night and day, so that no inclemency of weather was to stop them; and they are represented as moving with astonishing speed. In the judgment of many they went faster than cranes could fly. Herodotus owns, that nothing swifter was known for a journey by land. Xerxes, in his famous expedition against Greece, planted posts from the Ægean Sea to Shushan, or Susa, to send notice thither of what might happen to his army; he placed these messengers from station to station, to convey his packets, at such distances from each other as a horse might easily travel.
POST, a messenger or regulated courier, assigned to quickly deliver messages for princes or personal letters in general, as referenced in Job ix, 25; Jer. li, 31; 2 Chron. xxx, 6; Esther iii, 13, etc. It’s believed that the use of posts originated with the Persians. Diodorus Siculus notes that the kings of Persia set up sentries on high ground at convenient distances, where towers were constructed, to keep track of what was happening across their vast territories. These sentries communicated public news to one another with loud, piercing voices, allowing information to travel rapidly from one end of the kingdom to the other. However, since this method could only be used for general news that the whole nation should know, Cyrus, as Xenophon recounts, appointed couriers and designated stops for post horses, building houses along all major roads for couriers to drop off their packets to the next courier, and so on. They operated both day and night, undeterred by bad weather, and were noted for their astonishing speed. Many believed they traveled faster than cranes could fly. Herodotus claimed that nothing was swifter for land travel. Xerxes, during his famous campaign against Greece, established posts from the Aegean Sea to Shushan (or Susa) to keep informed about his army's situation; he positioned these messengers at intervals that a horse could easily cover.
POTTER. Frequent mention is made of the potter in Scripture, Jer. xviii, 3; Ecclus. xxxviii, 29, 30. Homer says, that the potter turns his wheel with his hands. But at the present day, the wheel on which the work is formed is turned by another.
POTTER. The potter is often mentioned in Scripture, Jer. xviii, 3; Ecclus. xxxviii, 29, 30. Homer says that the potter turns his wheel with his hands. But nowadays, the wheel that shapes the work is turned by someone else.
POTTER’s FIELD, the land that was bought with the money for which Judas sold our Saviour, Matt. xxvii, 7, 10, and which he returned. See Aceldama.
POTTER’s FIELD, the land purchased with the money Judas received for betraying our Savior, Matt. xxvii, 7, 10, and which he returned. See Field of Blood.
PRAYER has been well defined, the offering up of our desires unto God, for things agreeable to his will, in the name or through the mediation of Jesus Christ, by the help of the Holy Spirit, with a confession of our sins, and a thankful acknowledgment of his mercies. 1. Prayer is in itself a becoming acknowledgment of the all-sufficiency of God, and of our dependence upon him. It is his appointed means for the obtaining of both temporal and spiritual blessings. He could bless his creatures in another way: but he will be inquired of, to do for them those things of which they stand in need, Ezek. xxxvi, 37. It is the act of an indigent creature, seeking relief from the fountain of mercy. A sense of want excites desire, and desire is the very essence of prayer. One thing have I desired of the Lord,” says David: that will I seek after.” Prayer without desire is like an altar without a sacrifice, or without the fire from heaven to consume it. When all our wants are supplied, prayer will be converted into praise; till then Christians must live by prayer, and dwell at the mercy seat. God alone is able to hear and to supply their every want. The revelation which he has given of his goodness lays a foundation for our asking with confidence the blessings we need, and his ability encourages us to hope for their bestowment. O thou that hearest prayer; unto thee shall all flesh come,” Psalm lxv, 2. 2. Prayer is a spiritual exercise, and can only be performed acceptably by the assistance of the Holy Spirit, Rom. viii, 26. The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord, but the prayer of the upright is his delight.” The Holy Spirit is the great agent in the world of grace, and without his special influence there is no acceptable prayer. Hence he is called the Spirit of grace and of supplication: for he it is that enables us to draw nigh unto God, filling our mouth with arguments, and teaching us to order our cause before him, Zech. xii, 10. 3. All acceptable prayer must be offered in faith, or a believing frame of mind. If any man lack wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not, and it shall be given him. But let him ask in faith, nothing wavering--for let not the wavering man think that he shall receive any thing of the Lord,” James i, 5–7. He that cometh unto God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him,” Heb. xi, 6. It must be offered in the name of Christ, believing in him as revealed in the word of God, placing in him all our hope of acceptance, and exercising unfeigned confidence in his atoning sacrifice and prevalent intercession. 4. Prayer is to be offered for things agreeable to the will of God.” So the Apostle says: This is the confidence that we have in him, that, if we ask any thing according to his will, he heareth us; and if we know that he hear us, whatsoever we ask, we know that we have the petitions that we desired of him,” 1 John v, 14, 15. Our prayers must therefore be regulated by the revealed will of God, and come within the compass of the promises. These are to be the matter and the ground of our supplications. What God has not particularly promised he may nevertheless possibly bestow; but what he has promised he will assuredly perform. Of the good things promised to Israel of old not one failed, but all came to pass; and in due time the same shall be said of all the rest. 5. All this must be accompanied with confession of our sins, and thankful acknowledgment of God’s mercies. These are two necessary ingredients in acceptable prayer. I prayed,” says the Prophet Daniel, and made confession.” Sin is a burden, of which confession unloads the soul. Father,” said the returning prodigal, I have sinned against Heaven and in thy sight.” Thanksgiving is also as necessary as confession; by the one we take shame to ourselves; by the other, we give glory to God. By the one, we abase the creature; by the other we exalt the Creator. In petitioning favours from God, we act like dependent creatures; in confession, like sinners; but in thanksgiving, like angels.
PRAYER is defined as the act of presenting our desires to God for things that align with His will, in the name or through the mediation of Jesus Christ, with the help of the Holy Spirit, acknowledging our sins, and expressing gratitude for His mercies. 1. Prayer is a fitting acknowledgment of God's all-sufficiency and our dependence on Him. It's the way He has chosen to obtain both physical and spiritual blessings for us. He could bless His creations in other ways, but He wants us to ask for what we need, as stated in Ezekiel 36:37. It is an act of a needy being seeking help from the source of mercy. Recognizing our needs ignites our desires, and those desires are at the heart of prayer. David said, “One thing I have desired from the Lord; that will I seek after.” Prayer without desire is like an altar without a sacrifice or without the fire from heaven to consume it. Once all our needs are met, prayer will turn into praise; until then, Christians must live by prayer and stay at the mercy seat. Only God can hear and fulfill all our needs. The revelation of His goodness encourages us to ask confidently for the blessings we need, and His ability assures us that we can hope for their fulfillment. “O You who hears prayer; to You all flesh will come,” Psalm 65:2. 2. Prayer is a spiritual practice that can only be done acceptably with the help of the Holy Spirit, Romans 8:26. The sacrifice of the wicked is detestable to the Lord, but He delights in the prayers of the upright. The Holy Spirit is the main agent in the realm of grace, and without His special influence, there is no acceptable prayer. That's why He is called the Spirit of grace and supplication; He enables us to approach God, fills our mouths with arguments, and teaches us how to present our case before Him, Zechariah 12:10. 3. All acceptable prayer must be made in faith, or a believing mindset. If anyone lacks wisdom, let him ask of God, who generously gives to all without reproach, and it will be given to him. But he must ask in faith, without doubting—for the one who doubts shouldn’t expect to receive anything from the Lord, James 1:5-7. He who comes to God must believe that He exists and that He rewards those who earnestly seek Him, Hebrews 11:6. It must be made in the name of Christ, trusting in Him as revealed in the Word of God, relying entirely on Him for acceptance, and having genuine confidence in His atoning sacrifice and intercession. 4. Prayer is to be offered for things that align with God's will. The Apostle says: “This is the confidence we have in Him, that if we ask anything according to His will, He hears us; and if we know that He hears us, whatever we ask, we know that we have the petitions we desired from Him,” 1 John 5:14-15. Therefore, our prayers should be guided by God's revealed will and stay within the scope of His promises. These should be the basis of our requests. What God hasn’t specifically promised, He may still grant; but what He has promised, He will surely bring to pass. None of the good things promised to Israel of old failed; they all came to pass, and the same will be true for the rest in due time. 5. All of this must be accompanied by confession of our sins and grateful acknowledgment of God’s mercies. These are two essential components of acceptable prayer. “I prayed,” said the Prophet Daniel, “and confessed.” Sin is a burden that confession lifts from the soul. “Father,” said the returning prodigal, “I have sinned against Heaven and in your sight.” Thanksgiving is as vital as confession; through confession, we acknowledge our failures; through thanksgiving, we give glory to God. In seeking favors from God, we act as dependent beings; in confession, we recognize our guilt; but in thanksgiving, we act like angels.
The reason on which this great and efficacious duty rests, has been a subject of some debate. On this point, however, we have nothing stated in the Scriptures. From them we learn only, that God has appointed it; that he enjoins it to be offered in faith, that is, faith in Christ, whose atonement is the meritorious and procuring cause of all the blessings to which our desires can be directed; and that 762prayer so offered is an indispensable condition of our obtaining the blessings for which we ask. As a matter of inference, however, we may discover some glimpses of the reason in the divine Mind on which its appointment rests. That reason has sometimes been said to be the moral preparation and state of fitness produced in the soul for the reception of the divine mercies which the act and, more especially the habit of prayer must induce. Against this stands the strong, and, in a Scriptural view, fatal objection, that an efficiency is thus ascribed to the mere act of a creature to produce those great, and, in many respects, radical changes in the character of man, which we are taught, by inspired authority, to refer to the direct influences of the Holy Spirit. What is it that fits man for forgiveness, but simply repentance? Yet that is expressly said to be the gift” of Christ, and supposes strong operations of the illuminating and convincing Spirit of truth, the Lord and Giver of spiritual life; and if the mere acts and habit of prayer had efficiency enough to produce a Scriptural repentance, then every formalist attending with ordinary seriousness to his devotions must, in consequence, become a penitent. Again: if we pray for spiritual blessings aright, that is, with an earnestness of desire which arises from a due apprehension of their importance, and a preference of them to all earthly good, who does not see that this implies such a deliverance from the earthly and carnal disposition which characterizes our degenerate nature, that an agency far above our own, however we may employ it, must be supposed? or else, if our own prayers could be efficient up to this point, we might, by the continual application of this instrument, complete our regeneration, independent of that grace of God, which, after all, this theory brings in. It may indeed be said, that the grace of God operates by our prayers to produce in us a state of moral fitness to receive the blessings we ask. But this gives up the point contended for, the moral efficiency of prayer; and refers the efficiency to another agent working by our prayers as an instrument. Still, however, it may be affirmed, that the Scriptures no where represent prayer as an instrument for improving our moral state, in any other way than as the means of bringing into the soul new supplies of spiritual life and strength. It is therefore more properly to be considered as a condition of our obtaining that grace by which such effects are wrought, than as the instrument by which it effects them. In fact, all genuine acts of prayer depend upon a grace previously bestowed, and from which alone the disposition and the power to pray proceed. So it was said of Saul of Tarsus, Behold, he prayeth!” He prayed in fact then for the first time; but that was in consequence of the illumination of his mind as to his spiritual danger, effected by the miracle on the way to Damascus, and the grace of God which accompanied the miracle. Nor does the miraculous character of the means by which conviction was produced in his mind, affect the relevancy of this to ordinary cases. By whatever means God may be pleased to fasten the conviction of our spiritual danger upon our minds, and to awaken us out of the long sleep of sin, that conviction must precede real prayer, and comes from the influence of his grace, rendering the means of conviction effectual. Thus it is not the prayer which produces the conviction, but the conviction which gives birth to the prayer; and if we pursue the matter into its subsequent stages, we shall come to the same result. We pray for what we feel we want; that is, for something not in our possession; we obtain this either by impartation from God, to whom we look up as the only Being able to bestow the good for which we ask him; or else we obtain it, according to this theory, by some moral efficiency being given to the exercise of prayer to work it in us. Now, the latter hypothesis is in many cases manifestly absurd. We ask for pardon of sin, for instance; but this is an act of God done for us, quite distinct from any moral change which prayer may be said to produce in us, whatever efficiency we may ascribe to it; for no such change in us can be pardon, since that must proceed from the party offended. We ask for increase of spiritual strength; and prayer is the expression of that want. But if it supply this want by its own moral efficiency, it must supply it in proportion to its intensity and earnestness; which intensity and earnestness can only be called forth by the degree in which the want is felt, so that the case supposed is contradictory and absurd, as it makes the sense of want to be in proportion to the supply which ought to abate or remove it. And if it be urged, that prayer at least produces in us a fitness for the supply of spiritual strength, because it is excited by a sense of our wants, the answer is, that the fitness contended for consists in that sense of want itself which must be produced in us by the previous agency of grace, or we should never pray for supplies. There is, in fact, nothing in prayer simply which appears to have any adaptation, as an instrument, to effect a moral change in man, although it should be supposed to be made use of by the influence of the Holy Spirit. The word of God is properly an instrument, because it contains the doctrine which that Spirit explains and applies, and the motives to faith and obedience which he enforces upon the conscience and affections; and although prayer brings these truths and motives before us, prayer cannot properly be said to be an instrument of our regeneration, because that which is thus brought by prayer to bear upon our case is the word of God itself introduced into our prayers, which derive their sole influence in that respect from that circumstance. Prayer simply is the application of an insufficient to a sufficient Being for the good which the former cannot otherwise obtain, and which the latter only can supply; and as that supply is dependent upon prayer, and in the nature of the thing consequent, prayer can in no good sense be said to be the 763instrument of supplying our wants, or fitting us for their supply, except relatively, as a mere condition appointed by the Donor.
The reasoning behind this important and impactful duty has been debated quite a bit. However, the Scriptures don’t provide much clarity on this topic. What we do learn from them is that God has established it; He commands that it be offered in faith, specifically faith in Christ, whose atonement is the deserving cause of all the blessings we seek; and that prayer offered in this manner is essential for receiving the blessings we ask for. From this, we can glean some insights into the divine reasoning behind its establishment. This reasoning has often been described as a moral preparation and state of readiness in the soul for receiving God’s mercy, which prayer—especially the habit of praying—helps to cultivate. However, a strong and, from a Scriptural perspective, critical objection arises: it suggests that a mere act by a human can create significant and fundamental changes in a person's character, changes that we are taught to attribute directly to the influence of the Holy Spirit. What else prepares someone for forgiveness besides genuine repentance? Yet, this is explicitly noted as a gift from Christ, implying the strong workings of the enlightening and convincing Spirit of truth, the Lord and Giver of spiritual life. If mere acts and habits of prayer could effectively lead to true Scriptural repentance, then anyone who engages earnestly in their prayers would inevitably become penitent. Additionally, if we pray for spiritual blessings in the right way—meaning with a deep desire that recognizes their value and prioritizes them over earthly goods—it's clear that this implies a significant liberation from the worldly and sinful tendencies our fallen nature exhibits, which suggests a divine agency that surpasses our own. Otherwise, if our prayers alone could achieve such effects, we could attain our regeneration solely through continuous prayer, making God’s grace unnecessary—though this theory does acknowledge God’s grace. It might be said that God’s grace works through our prayers to create a moral readiness for receiving the blessings we seek. But this would concede the very point being argued about prayer's moral effectiveness; it would attribute that effectiveness to another agent working through our prayers as a tool. Still, it's worth noting that the Scriptures do not portray prayer as a means of improving our moral state in any way except as a means of bringing fresh supplies of spiritual life and strength into the soul. Thus, it is more accurately viewed as a condition for receiving the grace that produces such effects rather than as the tool that creates them. In fact, all authentic acts of prayer depend on a grace that has already been given, from which the willingness and ability to pray emerge. This was demonstrated with Saul of Tarsus, who was described as, “Behold, he prays!” That was in fact his first act of prayer, but it came as a result of the realization of his spiritual peril, brought about by the miracle on his way to Damascus, accompanied by God’s grace. The miraculous nature of how his conviction was sparked does not reduce its relevance to typical circumstances. Regardless of how God brings awareness of our spiritual danger to us and awakens us from our long slumber in sin, that awareness must come before genuine prayer and originates from His grace, making the means of that conviction effective. Therefore, it is not the prayer that generates the conviction, but rather the conviction that leads to the prayer. If we continue to explore this, we will arrive at the same conclusion. We pray for what we perceive as missing; that is, for something we don’t currently possess. We receive this either through God, whom we recognize as the only Being capable of granting what we ask, or, according to this theory, through some moral effectiveness that is attributed to the act of praying itself. The latter idea is clearly nonsensical in many scenarios. For instance, when we ask for forgiveness of sins, this is an act by God occurring for us, separate from any moral change that prayer might supposedly generate in us, regardless of how effective we claim it to be; because any such change in us does not equate to forgiveness, as that must come from the one wronged. When we ask for increased spiritual strength, prayer represents that need. But if it were to fulfill this need based on its own moral effectiveness, it would have to do so relative to the prayer’s intensity and sincerity; and that intensity and sincerity only emerge from how acutely we feel that need, rendering the scenario self-contradictory and absurd, since it implies that the sense of need would reduce as the fulfillment of that need increases. Moreover, if it’s argued that prayer at least makes us fit to receive spiritual strength because it’s prompted by our awareness of our needs, the response is that this sense of need itself must arise from God's prior grace, or we would never pray for help. In reality, there is nothing inherently within prayer that appears to function as a tool to effect moral change in a person, even if it is believed to be influenced by the Holy Spirit. The Word of God is rightly an instrument because it contains the doctrine that the Spirit clarifies and applies, and the motivations for faith and obedience that He impresses upon our consciences and emotions; while prayer brings these truths and motives to our attention, it cannot properly be said to be an instrument of our regeneration, because what is introduced through prayer is essentially the Word of God itself. The effectiveness of prayer in that context relies solely on this fact. Prayer is simply making a request from an insufficient being to a sufficient one for the good that the former cannot obtain on its own and that the latter can provide. Since that provision is contingent upon prayer and is a natural consequence of it, prayer cannot in any meaningful way be viewed as the instrument providing for our needs or preparing us for that provision, except in a relative sense, as a mere condition established by the Giver.
If we must inquire into the reason of the appointment of prayer, and it can scarcely be considered as a purely arbitrary institution, that reason seems to be, the preservation in the minds of men of a solemn and impressive sense of God’s agency in the world, and the dependence of all creatures upon him. Perfectly pure and glorified beings, no longer in a state of probation, and therefore exposed to no temptations, may not need this institution; but men in their fallen state are constantly prone to forget God; to rest in the agency of second causes; and to build upon a sufficiency in themselves. This is at once a denial to God of the glory which he rightly claims, and a destructive delusion to creatures, who, in forsaking God as the object of their constant affiance, trust but in broken reeds, and attempt to drink from broken cisterns which can hold no water.” It is then equally in mercy to us, as in respect to his own honour and acknowledgment, that the divine Being has suspended so many of his blessings, and those of the highest necessity to us, upon the exercise of prayer; an act which acknowledges his uncontrollable agency, and the dependence of all creatures upon him; our insufficiency, and his fulness; and lays the foundation of that habit of gratitude and thanksgiving which is at once so meliorating to our own feelings, and so conducive to a cheerful obedience to the will of God. And if this reason for the injunction of prayer is no where in Scripture stated in so many words, it is a principle uniformly supposed as the foundation of the whole scheme of religion which they have revealed.
If we need to understand why prayer was established, it can hardly be seen as merely an arbitrary practice. The reason seems to be to maintain a serious and profound awareness of God’s role in the world and our reliance on Him. Perfectly pure and glorified beings, who are no longer in a testing phase and therefore not subject to temptation, may not need this practice; but people in their fallen state are often forgetful of God, relying instead on secondary causes and their own abilities. This not only denies God the glory He rightfully deserves but also leads to a harmful illusion for creatures who, by turning away from God as their constant source of support, trust in fragile things and try to draw from broken cisterns that cannot hold water. It is, therefore, in mercy to us, as well as in regard to His own honor and recognition, that the divine Being has made many of His blessings—those that are most essential for us—dependent on the practice of prayer. This act recognizes His immense agency and our dependence on Him, our inadequacy, and His completeness, and establishes a habit of gratitude and thankfulness that benefits our own spirits and encourages cheerful obedience to God’s will. Even if this reason for the command of prayer isn’t stated verbatim in Scripture, it is a principle consistently assumed as the basis of the entire religious framework they have revealed.
To this duty objections have been sometimes offered, at which it may be well at least to glance. One has been grounded upon a supposed predestination of all things which come to pass; and the argument is, that as this established predetermination of all things cannot be altered, prayer, which supposes that God will depart from it, is vain and useless. The answer which a pious predestinarian would give to this objection is, that the argument drawn from the predestination of God lies with the same force against every other human effort, as against prayer; and that as God’s predetermination to give food to man does not render the cultivation of the earth useless and impertinent, so neither does the predestination of things shut out the necessity and efficacy of prayer. It would also be urged, that God has ordained the means as well as the end; and although he is an unchangeable Being, it is a part of the unchangeable system which he has established, that prayer shall be heard and accepted. Those who have not these views of predestination will answer the objection differently; for if the premises of such a predestination as is assumed by the objection, and conceded in the answer, be allowed, the answer is unsatisfactory. The Scriptures represent God, for instance, as purposing to inflict a judgment upon an individual or a nation, which purpose is often changed by prayer. In this case either God’s purpose must be denied, and then his threatenings are reduced to words without meaning; or the purpose must be allowed; in which case either prayer breaks in upon predestination, if understood absolutely, or it is vain and useless. To the objection so drawn out it is clear that no answer is given by saying that the means as well as the end are predestinated, since prayer in such cases is not a means to the end, but an instrument of thwarting it; or is a means to one end in opposition to another end, which, if equally predestinated with the same absoluteness, is a contradiction. The true answer is, that although God has absolutely predetermined some things, there are others which respect his government of free and accountable agents, which he has but conditionally predetermined. The true immutability of God consists, not in his adherence to his purposes, but in his never changing the principles of his administration; and he may therefore, in perfect accordance with his preördination of things, and the immutability of his nature, purpose to do, under certain conditions dependent upon the free agency of man, what he will not do under others; and for this reason, that an immutable adherence to the principles of a wise, just, and gracious government requires it. Prayer is in Scripture made one of these conditions; and if God has established it as one of the principles of his moral government to accept prayer, in every case in which he has given us authority to ask, he has not, we may be assured, entangled his actual government of the world with the bonds of such an eternal predestination of particular events, as either to reduce prayer to a mere form of words, or not to be able himself, consistently with his decrees, to answer it, whenever it is encouraged by his express engagements.
To this duty, some objections have been raised, and it's worth at least mentioning them. One objection is based on the belief that everything that happens is predetermined. The argument is that since this predetermination cannot be changed, any prayer that assumes God would deviate from it is pointless and ineffective. A devout believer in predestination might respond that this argument applies with the same strength against all human efforts, not just prayer. Just as God's decision to provide food for people doesn't make farming pointless, the fact that things are predetermined doesn’t eliminate the need or effectiveness of prayer. It would also be argued that God has established both the means and the ends; and while He is unchanging, part of His unchanging plan includes that prayer will be heard and accepted. Those who don’t share this view of predestination would respond differently. If we accept the premises of the predestination suggested by the objection, the reply is not convincing. The Scriptures depict God as planning to bring judgment on an individual or a nation, and this plan is often altered by prayer. In this case, either God's plan must be dismissed, leaving His threats meaningless, or the plan must be accepted. If that's the case, either prayer interrupts predestination, if understood absolutely, or it becomes pointless. To the objection in this context, it’s clear that merely saying that both means and ends are predestined doesn’t address the issue since prayer, in such instances, isn't a means to the end but a tool that contradicts it or serves one end against another, which creates a contradiction if both are equally predestined with the same certainty. The real answer is that while God has absolutely predetermined certain things, there are also other matters concerning His governance of free and accountable beings that are only conditionally predetermined. The true unchanging nature of God lies not in His sticking to His plans but in His consistency with the principles of His governance; thus, He can, in perfect harmony with His predetermined plans and the unchangeable nature of His character, decide to act under certain conditions that depend on human free will, which He wouldn’t do under different circumstances. This is necessary because a consistent adherence to the principles of a wise, just, and gracious governance demands it. In Scripture, prayer is established as one of these conditions; and if God has ordained it as a principle of His moral governance to accept prayer in every situation where He has given us the right to ask, we can be assured He hasn't tied His actual governance of the world to an unbreakable series of predestined events that would either turn prayer into a mere formality or prevent Him from answering it consistently with His decrees whenever He encourages it through His explicit promises.
A second objection is, that as God is infinitely wise and good, his wisdom and justice will lead him to bestow whatever is fit for us without praying; and if any thing be not fit for us, we cannot obtain it by praying.” To this Dr. Paley very well replies, that it may be agreeable to perfect wisdom to grant that to our prayers which it would not have been agreeable to the same wisdom to have given us without praying for.” This, independent of the question of the authority of the Scriptures which explicitly enjoin prayer, is the best answer which can be given to the objection; and it is no small confirmation of it, that it is obvious to every reflecting man, that for God to withhold favours till asked for, tends,” as the same writer observes, to encourage devotion among his rational creatures, and to keep up and circulate a knowledge and sense of their dependency upon him.” But it is urged, God will always do what is best from the moral perfection of his nature, whether we pray or not.” This objection, however, supposes that there is but one mode of acting for the best, and that the divine will is necessarily determined to that mode only; both which positions,” says Paley, 764presume a knowledge of universal nature, much beyond what we are capable of attaining.” It is, indeed, a very unsatisfactory mode of speaking, to say, God will always do what is best; since we can conceive him capable in all cases of doing what is still better for the creature, and also that the creature is capable of receiving more and more from his infinite fulness for ever. All that can be rationally meant by such a phrase is, that, in the circumstances of the case, God will always do what is most consistent with his own wisdom, holiness, and goodness; but then the disposition to pray, and the act of praying, add a new circumstance to every case, and often bring many other new circumstances along with them. It supposes humility, contrition, and trust, on the part of the creature; and an acknowledgment of the power and compassion of God, and of the merit of the atonement of Christ: all which are manifestly new positions, so to speak, of the circumstances of the creature, which, upon the very principle of the objection, rationally understood, must be taken into consideration.
A second objection is that since God is infinitely wise and good, His wisdom and justice will lead Him to give us what is right for us without needing prayer; and if something isn’t right for us, we can’t get it by praying. To this, Dr. Paley aptly replies that it may be in line with perfect wisdom to grant what we ask in our prayers, even if it wouldn’t be right to give it to us without our asking. Apart from the question of the authority of the Scriptures that clearly mandate prayer, this is the best response to the objection. It’s also significant that it’s clear to any thoughtful person that for God to withhold blessings until asked encourages devotion among His rational creatures and promotes an awareness of their dependence on Him. However, it’s argued that God will always do what is best due to the moral perfection of His nature, whether we pray or not. This objection, however, assumes there’s only one way to act for the best and that the divine will is limited to that method. As Paley says, this presumes a knowledge of universal nature that far exceeds our capabilities. In truth, it’s quite unsatisfying to say that God will always do what is best since we can imagine Him being able to do what is even better for creatures and that creatures can continuously receive more from His infinite generosity. What can rationally be meant by such a statement is that, in any situation, God will always act in a way that aligns with His own wisdom, holiness, and goodness. However, the intention to pray and the act of praying introduce new elements into every situation, often bringing along additional new circumstances. It involves humility, regret, and trust from the creature, as well as acknowledging God’s power, compassion, and the value of Christ’s atonement. All of these are clearly new factors in the creature’s situation, which, according to the principles of the objection, must be taken into account rationally.
But if the efficacy of prayer as to ourselves be granted, its influence upon the case of others is said to be more difficult to conceive. This may be allowed without at all affecting the duty. Those who bow to the authority of the Scriptures will see, that the duty of praying for ourselves and for others rests upon the same divine appointment; and to those who ask for the reason of such intercession in behalf of others, it is sufficient to reply, that the efficacy of prayer being established in one case, there is the same reason to conclude that our prayers may benefit others, as any other effort we may use. It can only be by divine appointment that one creature is made dependent upon another for any advantage, since it was doubtless in the power of the Creator to have rendered each independent of all but himself. Whatever reason, therefore, might lead him to connect and interweave the interests of one man with the benevolence of another, will be the leading reason for that kind of mutual dependence which is implied in the benefit of mutual prayer. Were it only that a previous sympathy, charity, and good will, are implied in the duty, and must, indeed, be cultivated in order to it, and be strengthened by it, the wisdom and benevolence of the institution would, it is presumed, be apparent to every well constituted mind. That all prayer for others must proceed upon a less perfect knowledge of them than we have of ourselves, is certain; that all our petitions must be, even in our own mind, more conditional than those which respect ourselves, though many of these must be subjected to the principles of a general administration, which we but partially apprehend; and that all spiritual influences upon others, when they are subject to our prayers, will be understood by us as liable to the control of their free agency, must also be conceded; and, therefore, when others are concerned, our prayers may often be partially or wholly fruitless. He who believes the Scriptures will, however, be encouraged by the declaration that the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man,” for his fellow creatures, availeth much;” and he who demands something beyond mere authoritative declaration, as he cannot deny that prayer is one of those instruments by which another may be benefited, must acknowledge that, like the giving of counsel, it may be of great utility in some cases, although it should fail in others; and that as no man can tell how much good counsel may influence another, or in many cases say whether it has ultimately failed or not, so it is with prayer. It is a part of the divine plan, as revealed in his word, to give many blessings to man independent of his own prayers, leaving the subsequent improvement of them to himself. They are given in honour of the intercession of Christ, man’s great Advocate;” and they are given, subordinately, in acceptance of the prayers of Christ’s church, and of righteous individuals. And when many or few devout individuals become thus the instruments of good to communities, or to whole nations, there is no greater mystery in this than in the obvious fact, that the happiness or misery of large masses of mankind is often greatly affected by the wisdom or the errors, the skill or the incompetence, the good or the bad conduct, of a few persons, and often of one.
But if we accept that prayer works for ourselves, its effect on others can be harder to understand. This can be acknowledged without diminishing our responsibility. Those who respect the authority of the Scriptures will recognize that the duty to pray for ourselves and for others comes from the same divine command. For those who wonder why we should pray for others, it's enough to explain that if prayer is effective in one case, then our prayers can benefit others just like any other action we take. It must be by divine design that one person relies on another for any advantage, as the Creator could have made each person independent of all but Himself. Therefore, whatever reasoning connects and intertwines one person's interests with another's kindness forms the basis for the mutual dependence implied in the benefits of praying for each other. Even if it's only that empathy, goodwill, and charity are involved in the duty, and must be nurtured and strengthened through it, the wisdom and kindness of this arrangement should be clear to anyone with good understanding. It's a fact that all prayers for others must rely on less knowledge about them than we have of ourselves, and that our requests are, even in our minds, more conditional than those we make for ourselves. Many of our requests are subject to general principles that we can only partially grasp, and any spiritual influence on others that we pray for will also be understood as being subject to their freedom of choice. Therefore, when it comes to others, our prayers may often be only partially or entirely ineffective. However, those who believe the Scriptures will find encouragement in the promise that "the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous person avails much" for their fellow beings. For those who seek more than just a straightforward declaration, while they can't deny that prayer can be a tool to help others, they must recognize that, like giving advice, it can be very useful in some situations, even if it fails in others. Just as no one can predict how much good advice will affect another person, or know if it has ultimately succeeded or not, the same applies to prayer. It’s part of the divine plan, as revealed in His word, to grant many blessings to people independently of their own prayers, trusting that they'll make the most of them afterwards. These blessings are granted in honor of Christ's intercession as mankind’s great Advocate, and they are also granted in response to the prayers of Christ's church and righteous individuals. When a few devoted people become the means of good to communities or even entire nations, there is no greater mystery in this than the clear truth that the happiness or suffering of large groups of people is often significantly influenced by the decisions, skills, mistakes, or behaviors of just a few individuals, and sometimes even one person alone.
PREACHING is the discoursing publicly on any religious subject. From the sacred records, says Robert Robinson, we learn that when men began to associate for the purpose of worshipping the Deity, Enoch prophesied, Jude 14, 15. We have a very short account of this prophet and his doctrine; enough, however, to convince us that he taught the principal truths of natural and revealed religion. Conviction of sin was in his doctrine, and communion with God was exemplified in his conduct, Gen. v, 24; Heb. xi, 5, 6. From the days of Enoch to the time of Moses, each patriarch worshipped God with his family: probably several assembled at new moons, and alternately instructed the whole company. Noah,” it is said, was a preacher of righteousness,” 1 Peter iii, 19, 20; 2 Peter ii, 5. Abraham commanded his household after him to keep the way of the Lord, and to do justice and judgment, Gen. xviii, 19; and Jacob, when his house lapsed to idolatry, remonstrated against it, and exhorted all them that were with him to put away the strange gods, and go up with him to Bethel, Gen. xxxv, 2, 3. Melchisedec, also, we may consider as the father, the priest, and the prince, of his people; publishing the glad tidings of peace and salvation, Gen. xiv; Heb. vii.
PREACHING is publicly discussing any religious topic. From the sacred texts, as Robert Robinson notes, we learn that when people began coming together to worship God, Enoch prophesied (Jude 14, 15). We have a brief account of this prophet and his teachings, enough to show that he communicated the essential truths of natural and revealed religion. His teachings included the conviction of sin, and his behavior exemplified communion with God (Gen. v, 24; Heb. xi, 5, 6). From Enoch's time to Moses, each patriarch worshipped God with their family: it's likely that several families gathered during new moons and took turns instructing everyone. Noah is described as a “preacher of righteousness” (1 Peter iii, 19, 20; 2 Peter ii, 5). Abraham instructed his household to follow the ways of the Lord and to practice justice and judgment (Gen. xviii, 19). When Jacob's family turned to idolatry, he protested and urged everyone with him to get rid of the foreign gods and go with him to Bethel (Gen. xxxv, 2, 3). Melchisedec can also be seen as the father, priest, and leader of his people, sharing the good news of peace and salvation (Gen. xiv; Heb. vii).
Moses was a most eminent prophet and preacher, raised up by the authority of God, and by whom, it was said, came the law, John i, 17. This great man had much at heart the promulgation of his doctrine: he directed it to be inscribed on pillars, to be transcribed in books, and to be taught both in public and private by word of mouth, Deut. iv, 9; vi, 9; xvii, 18; xxvii, 8; xxxi, 19; Num. v, 23. He himself set the example of each; and how he 765and Aaron preached, we may see by several parts of his writings. The first discourse was heard with profound reverence and attention; the last was both uttered and received with raptures, Exod. iv, 31; Deut. xxxiii, 7, 8, &c. Public preaching does not appear under this economy to have been attached to the priesthood: priests were not officially preachers; and we have innumerable instances of discourses delivered in assemblies by men of other tribes beside that of Levi, Psalm lxviii, 11. Joshua was an Ephraimite; but, being full of the spirit of wisdom, he gathered the tribes to Shechem, and harangued the people of God, Deut. xxxiv, 9; Joshua xxiv. Solomon was a prince of the house of Judah; Amos, a herdsman of Tekoa; yet both were preachers, and one at least was a prophet, 1 Kings ii; Amos vii, 14, 15. When the ignorant notions of Pagans, the vices of their practice, and the idolatry of their pretended worship, were in some sad periods incorporated into the Jewish religion by the princes of that nation, the prophets and all the seers protested against this apostasy; and they were persecuted for so doing. Shemaiah preached to Rehoboam, the princes, and all the people at Jerusalem, 2 Chron. xii, 5; Azariah and Hanani preached to Asa and his army, 2 Chron. xv, 1; xvi, 7; Micaiah, to Ahab. Some of them opened schools, or houses of instruction; and there to their disciples they taught the pure religion of Moses. At Naioth, in the suburbs of Ramah, there was one where Samuel dwelt; and there was one at Jericho, and a third at Bethel, to which Elijah and Elisha often resorted. Thither the people went on Sabbath days and at new moons, and received public lessons of piety and morality, 1 Sam. xix, 18; 2 Kings ii, 2, 5; iv, 2, 3. Through all this period, however, there was a dismal confusion of the useful ordinance of public preaching. Sometimes they had no open vision, and the word of the Lord was precious, or scarce; the people heard it only now and then. At other times they were left without a teaching priest, and without law. And at other seasons again, itinerants, both princes, priests, and Levites, were sent through all the country, to carry the book of the law, and to teach in the cities. In a word, preaching flourished when pure religion grew; and when the last decayed, the first was suppressed. Moses had not appropriated preaching to any order of men: persons, places, times, and manners, were all left open and discretional. Many of the discourses were preached in camps and courts, in streets, schools, cities, villages; sometimes, with great composure and coolness; at other times, with vehement action and rapturous energy; sometimes, in a plain, blunt style; at other times, in all the magnificent pomp of eastern allegory. On some occasions, the preachers appeared in public with visible signs, with implements of war, with yokes of slavery, or something adapted to their subject. They gave lectures on these, held them up to view, girded them on, broke them in pieces, rent their garments, rolled in the dust, and endeavoured, by all the methods they could devise, agreeably to the customs of their country, to impress the minds of their auditors with the nature and importance of their doctrines. These men were highly esteemed by the pious part of the nation; and princes thought proper to keep seers and others who were scribes, who read and expounded the law, 2 Chron. xxxiv, 29, 30; xxxv, 15. Hence, false prophets, bad men, who found their account in pretending to be good, crowded the courts of princes. Jezebel, an idolatress, had four hundred prophets of Baal; and Ahab, a pretended worshipper of Jehovah, had as many pretended prophets of his own profession, 2 Chron. xviii, 5.
Moses was a highly respected prophet and preacher, appointed by God, and from him, it was said, came the law, John i, 17. This great man was deeply committed to spreading his teachings: he ordered them to be written on pillars, copied into books, and shared both publicly and privately through spoken word, Deut. iv, 9; vi, 9; xvii, 18; xxvii, 8; xxxi, 19; Num. v, 23. He led by example in all these ways; we can see how he and Aaron preached through various parts of his writings. His first speech was received with great respect and focus; his final words were both spoken and welcomed with enthusiasm, Exod. iv, 31; Deut. xxxiii, 7, 8, &c. Public preaching doesn't seem to have been exclusively tied to the priesthood under this system: priests did not officially preach, and there are countless examples of messages given in gatherings by people from tribes other than Levi, Psalm lxviii, 11. Joshua was from the tribe of Ephraim, but filled with the spirit of wisdom, he gathered the tribes at Shechem and addressed the people of God, Deut. xxxiv, 9; Joshua xxiv. Solomon was a member of the tribe of Judah, while Amos was a herdsman from Tekoa; yet both engaged in preaching, and at least one was a prophet, 1 Kings ii; Amos vii, 14, 15. During some troubling times, when the misguided beliefs of pagans, their immoral practices, and their false worship infiltrated the Jewish faith due to the nation's leaders, the prophets and seers spoke out against this betrayal, often facing persecution for it. Shemaiah preached to Rehoboam, the leaders, and all the people in Jerusalem, 2 Chron. xii, 5; Azariah and Hanani delivered messages to Asa and his army, 2 Chron. xv, 1; xvi, 7; Micaiah to Ahab. Some of them established schools or places for learning, where they taught their followers the true religion of Moses. There was one such place at Naioth, near Ramah, where Samuel lived; another at Jericho, and a third at Bethel, which Elijah and Elisha often visited. People attended these places on Sabbath days and during new moons to receive lessons in piety and morality, 1 Sam. xix, 18; 2 Kings ii, 2, 5; iv, 2, 3. Throughout this period, however, there was significant confusion regarding public preaching. Sometimes there was no clear vision, and the word of the Lord was rare, so the people heard it only occasionally. At other times, they were left without a priest to teach them and without law. Yet during other times, itinerant preachers, including leaders, priests, and Levites, traveled the land to bring the book of the law and teach in the cities. In summary, preaching thrived when pure religion was present, and when that faded, preaching was stifled. Moses had not reserved preaching for any specific group of people; the choice of who, where, when, and how to preach was open and left to discretion. Many messages were delivered in various settings like camps, courts, streets, schools, cities, and villages; sometimes calmly, other times with passionate fervor; sometimes in straightforward language, other times using elaborate Eastern allegories. Occasionally, the preachers appeared publicly with visible symbols, items of war, or symbols of oppression, related to their message. They conducted lectures on these, holding them up for all to see, putting them on display, breaking them apart, tearing their clothes, rolling in the dust, and utilized various methods, in accordance with their culture, to impress upon their audience the significance of their teachings. These individuals were highly regarded by the devout in the nation; and leaders made it a point to keep seers and scribes, who read and interpreted the law, 2 Chron. xxxiv, 29, 30; xxxv, 15. Consequently, false prophets, dishonest individuals pretending to be righteous, crowded the courts of the powerful. Jezebel, an idol worshiper, had four hundred prophets of Baal, and Ahab, a supposed follower of Jehovah, had just as many false prophets of his own, 2 Chron. xviii, 5.
When the Jews were carried captive into Babylon, the prophets who were with them inculcated the principles of religion, and endeavoured to possess their minds with an aversion to idolatry; and, to the success of preaching, we may attribute the re-conversion of the Jews to the belief and worship of one God; a conversion that remains to this day. The Jews have since fallen into horrid crimes; but they have never since this period lapsed into gross idolatry, Hosea ii, iii; Ezekiel ii, iii, xxxiv. There were not wanting, however, multitudes of false prophets among them, whose characters are strikingly delineated by the true prophets, and which the reader may see in Ezek. xiii; Isa. lvi; Jer. xxiii. When the seventy years of the captivity were expired, the good prophets and preachers, Zerubbabel, Joshua, Haggai, and others, having confidence in the word of God, and being concerned to possess their natural, civil, and religious rights, endeavoured, by all means, to extricate themselves and their countrymen from that mortifying state into which the crimes of their ancestors had brought them. They wept, fasted, prayed, preached, prophesied, and at length prevailed. The chief instruments were Nehemiah and Ezra; the former was governor, and reformed the civil state; the latter was a scribe of the law of the God of heaven, and applied himself to ecclesiastical matters, in which he rendered the noblest service to his country, and to all posterity. He collected and collated MSS. of the sacred writings, and arranged and published the books of the holy canon in their present form. To this he added a second work, as necessary as the former: he revised and new modelled public teaching, and exemplified his plan in his own person. The Jews had almost lost, in the seventy years’ captivity, their original language; that was now become dead; and they spoke a jargon made up of their own language and that of the Chaldeans, and other nations, with whom they had been mingled. Formerly, preachers had only explained subjects: now they were obliged to explain words; words which, in the sacred code, were become obsolete, equivocal, or dead. Houses were now opened, not for ceremonial worship, as sacrificing, for this was confined to the temple; but for moral and religious instruction, as praying, preaching, reading the law, divine worship, and social duties. These houses were called synagogues: the people 766repaired thither for morning and evening prayer; and on Sabbaths and festivals, the law was read and expounded to them. We have a short but beautiful description of the manner of Ezra’s first preaching, Neh. viii. Upward of fifty thousand people assembled in a street, or large square, near the water gate. It was early in the morning of a Sabbath day. A pulpit of wood, in the fashion of a small tower, was placed there on purpose for the preacher; and this turret was supported by a scaffold, or temporary gallery, where, in a wing on the right hand of the pulpit, sat six of the principal preachers; and in another on the left, seven. Thirteen other principal teachers, and many Levites, were present also, on scaffolds erected for the purpose, alternately to officiate. When Ezra ascended the pulpit, he produced and opened the book of the law, and the whole congregation instantly rose up from their seats, and stood. Then he offered up prayer and praise to God. The people bowing their heads and worshipping the Lord with their faces to the ground; and at the close of the prayer, with uplifted hands, they solemnly pronounced, Amen! Amen!” Then all standing, Ezra, assisted at times by the Levites, read the law distinctly, gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading. The sermons delivered so affected the hearers, that they wept excessively; and about noon the sorrow became so exuberant and immeasurable, that it was thought necessary by the governor, the preacher, and the Levites, to restrain it. Go your way,” said they, eat the fat, and drink the sweet, send portions to them for whom nothing is prepared.” The wise and benevolent sentiments of these noble souls were imbibed by the whole congregation, and fifty thousand troubled hearts were calmed in a moment. Home they returned, to eat, to drink, to send portions, and rejoice, because they had understood the words that were declared unto them. Plato was living at this time, teaching dull philosophy to cold academics; but what was he, and what was Xenophon, or Demosthenes, or any of the Pagan orators, in comparison with these men? From this period to that of the appearance of Jesus Christ, public preaching was universal; synagogues were multiplied, vast numbers attended, and elders and rulers were appointed for the purpose of order and instruction.
When the Jews were taken captive into Babylon, the prophets who were with them taught the principles of their faith and aimed to instill a strong dislike for idol worship. Thanks to their preaching, we attribute the Jews' return to the belief and worship of one God, a shift that continues today. Although the Jews have committed terrible sins since then, they have never again fallen into blatant idolatry, as noted in Hosea ii, iii; Ezekiel ii, iii, xxxiv. However, there were many false prophets among them, whose characteristics are clearly described by the true prophets, which you can see in Ezek. xiii; Isa. lvi; Jer. xxiii. When the seventy years of captivity were over, the faithful prophets and preachers, like Zerubbabel, Joshua, Haggai, and others, who trusted in God's word and were determined to reclaim their natural, civil, and religious rights, did everything they could to free themselves and their people from the humiliating situation brought on by their ancestors' wrongdoings. They wept, fasted, prayed, preached, prophesied, and eventually succeeded. The main leaders were Nehemiah and Ezra; Nehemiah served as governor and reformed the civil system, while Ezra was a scribe of God's law, focusing on religious matters and providing incredible service to his nation and future generations. He gathered and organized manuscripts of sacred texts and arranged and published the holy books in their current form. He also undertook a vital second project: he revised and restructured public teaching, showing how to implement his plans himself. During their seventy years in captivity, the Jews nearly lost their original language; it had become obsolete, and they now spoke a mix of their own language alongside Chaldean and other languages from the nations they had interacted with. In the past, preachers only needed to explain topics; now they were required to explain words—words that had become outdated, ambiguous, or lost their meaning in the sacred texts. Houses were now opened not for ceremonial sacrifices, which were limited to the temple, but for moral and religious teaching, such as prayer, preaching, reading the law, worship, and social duties. These houses were called synagogues, where people gathered for morning and evening prayers. On Sabbaths and festivals, the law was read and explained to them. We have a brief but beautiful account of Ezra’s first sermon in Neh. viii. Over fifty thousand people assembled in a street or large square near the water gate early on a Sabbath morning. A wooden pulpit, designed like a small tower, was set up for the preacher, supported by a scaffold or temporary platform where six of the main preachers sat on one side and seven on the other. Thirteen other key teachers and many Levites were also present on platforms designated for them to take turns officiating. When Ezra stepped up to the pulpit, he opened the book of the law, and the entire congregation immediately stood up. He offered a prayer and praise to God, with the people bowing their heads and worshipping the Lord with their faces to the ground. At the end of the prayer, they raised their hands and solemnly exclaimed, “Amen! Amen!” Then, while they were all still standing, Ezra, along with the Levites at times, read the law clearly, explained its meaning, and helped them understand the reading. The sermons were so powerful that they touched the listeners deeply, causing them to weep profusely. By noon, their grief became so overwhelming that the governor, the preacher, and the Levites decided to intervene. “Go your way,” they said, “eat the rich foods, drink the sweet drinks, and send portions to those who have nothing prepared.” The wise and kind words of these noble leaders were embraced by the entire congregation, calming the fifty thousand troubled hearts in an instant. They returned home to eat, drink, send portions, and celebrate, knowing they had understood the words that had been shared with them. At the same time, Plato was teaching uninspired philosophy to indifferent academics; but how does he compare to these men, or to Xenophon, Demosthenes, or any of the pagan orators? From this time until the arrival of Jesus Christ, public preaching flourished; synagogues multiplied, large numbers of people attended, and elders and leaders were appointed for order and education.
The most celebrated preacher that arose before the appearance of Jesus Christ was John the Baptist. He was commissioned from heaven to be the harbinger of the Messiah. His subjects were few, plain, and important. His style was vehement, his images bold, his deportment solemn, his action eager, and his morals strict. But this bright morning star gave way to the illustrious Sun of Righteousness, who now arose on a benighted world. Jesus Christ certainly was the Prince of teachers. Who but can admire the simplicity and majesty of his style, the beauty of his images, the alternate softness and severity of his address, the choice of his subjects, the gracefulness of his deportment, and the indefatigableness of his zeal? Let the reader charm and solace himself in the study and contemplation of the character, excellency, and dignity of this divine teacher, as he will find them delineated in the evangelists.
The most celebrated preacher before Jesus Christ was John the Baptist. He was sent from heaven to prepare the way for the Messiah. His followers were few but genuine, and his message was important. He spoke passionately, used powerful imagery, carried himself solemnly, acted with urgency, and upheld strict morals. But this bright morning star gave way to the brilliant Sun of Righteousness, who rose over a dark world. Jesus Christ truly was the greatest teacher. Who wouldn’t admire the simplicity and majesty of his style, the beauty of his imagery, the blend of gentleness and firmness in his speech, the relevance of his topics, the grace of his demeanor, and the tirelessness of his passion? Let the reader find joy and comfort in studying and contemplating the character, excellence, and dignity of this divine teacher, as detailed by the gospel writers.
The Apostles copied their divine Master. They formed multitudes of religious societies, and were abundantly successful in their labours. They confined their attention to religion, and left the schools to dispute, and politicians to intrigue. The doctrines they preached they supported entirely by evidence; and neither had nor required such assistance as human laws or worldly policy, the eloquence of schools or the terror of arms, could afford them.
The Apostles followed their divine Master. They established many religious communities and were very successful in their work. They focused on religion, leaving the debates to the scholars and the scheming to the politicians. The teachings they shared were fully backed by evidence; they didn't need and weren't reliant on help from human laws, political agendas, academic rhetoric, or the fear of weapons.
The Apostles being dead, every thing came to pass as they had foretold; the whole Christian system, in time, underwent a miserable change; preaching shared the fate of other institutions, and the glory of the primitive church gradually degenerated. Those writers whom we call the fathers, however, held up to view by some as models for imitation, do not deserve that indiscriminate praise ascribed to them. Christianity, it is true, is found in their writings; but how sadly incorporated with Pagan philosophy and Jewish allegory! It must, indeed, be allowed, that, in general, the simplicity of Christianity was maintained, though under gradual decay, during the first three centuries. The next five centuries produced many pious and excellent preachers, both in the Latin and Greek church, though the doctrine continued to degenerate. The Greek pulpit was adorned with some eloquent orators. Basil, bishop of Cæsarea, John Chrysostom, preacher at Antioch, and afterward patriarch, as he was called, of Constantinople, and Gregory Nazianzen, who all flourished in the fourth century, seem to have led the fashion of preaching in the Greek church; Jerom and Augustine did the same in the Latin church. The first preachers differed much in pulpit action; the greater part used very moderate and sober gestures. They delivered their sermons all extempore, while there were notaries who took down what they said. Sermons in those days were all in the vulgar tongue: the Greeks preached in Greek, the Latins in Latin. They did not preach by the clock, so to speak, but were short or long as they saw occasion; though an hour was about the usual time. Sermons were generally both preached and heard standing; but sometimes both speaker and auditors sat, especially the aged and the infirm. The fathers were fond of allegory; for Origen, that everlasting allegorizer, had set them the example. Before preaching, the preacher usually went into a vestry to pray, and afterward to speak to such as came to salute him. He prayed with his eyes shut in the pulpit. The first word the preacher uttered to the people when he ascended the pulpit was, Peace be with you;” or, The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost, be with you all;” to whom the assembly first added, Amen,” and in after times they 767answered, And with thy spirit.” Degenerate, however, as these days were, in comparison of those of the Apostles, yet they were golden ages in comparison with the times that followed, when metaphysical reasoning, mystical divinity, yea, Aristotelian categories, and reading the lives of saints, were substituted in the place of sermons. The pulpit became a stage where ludicrous priests obtained the vulgar laugh by the lowest kind of wit, especially at the festivals of Christmas and Easter.
The Apostles passed away, and everything unfolded just as they had predicted; over time, the entire Christian system went through a dismal transformation. Preaching suffered the same fate as other institutions, leading to a gradual decline in the glory of the early church. Those writers we refer to as the Church Fathers, whom some hold up as role models, don't truly deserve the blanket praise they receive. It’s true that Christianity can be found in their writings, but it’s sadly mixed with pagan philosophy and Jewish allegory. It must be recognized that, generally, the simplicity of Christianity was preserved, albeit slowly fading, during the first three centuries. The next five centuries saw many devout and remarkable preachers in both the Latin and Greek churches, although the doctrine continued to deteriorate. The Greek pulpit featured some eloquent speakers like Basil, bishop of Caesarea; John Chrysostom, who preached in Antioch and later became patriarch of Constantinople; and Gregory Nazianzen, all of whom thrived in the fourth century and seemed to set the standard for preaching in the Greek church, while Jerome and Augustine did the same in the Latin church. The early preachers varied significantly in their style; most used moderate and restrained gestures. They delivered their sermons off-the-cuff, with notaries recording what they said. Back then, sermons were delivered in the common language: Greeks preached in Greek, and Latins in Latin. They didn’t time their sermons strictly but spoke for as long as they felt necessary, although an hour was typical. Sermons were usually both given and listened to while standing, though sometimes both the speaker and the audience would sit, especially the elderly and infirm. The fathers loved allegory; Origen, the master of allegory, had set that trend. Before preaching, the preacher typically went into a vestry to pray, and afterward would greet those who came to see him. He prayed with his eyes closed while in the pulpit. The first thing the preacher would say to the congregation upon ascending the pulpit was, "Peace be with you," or, "The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with you all," to which the congregation would initially respond, "Amen," and later, "And with your spirit." However, despite how much these times had deteriorated compared to the days of the Apostles, they seemed like golden ages compared to the periods that followed, when metaphysical reasoning, mystical divinity, and Aristotelian categories replaced sermons, and the pulpit became a stage for ridiculous priests who entertained with the lowest forms of humor, especially during Christmas and Easter festivals.
But the glorious Reformation was the offspring of preaching, by which mankind were reformed; there was a standard, and the religion of the times was put to the trial by it. The avidity of the common people to read the Scriptures, and to hear them expounded, was wonderful; and the papists were so fully convinced of the benefits of frequent public instruction, that they, who were justly called unpreaching prelates, and whose pulpits to use an expression of Latimer, had been bells without clappers” for many a long year, were obliged for shame to set up regular preaching again. The church of Rome has produced some great preachers since the Reformation, but none equal to the reformed preachers. And a question naturally arises here, which it would be unpardonable to pass over in silence, concerning the singular effect of the preaching of the reformed, which was general, national, universal reformation. In the dark times of popery there had arisen now and then some famous popular preachers, who had zealously inveighed against the vices of the times, and whose sermons had produced sudden and amazing effects on their auditors; but all these effects had died away with the preachers who had produced them, and all things had gone back into their old state. Law, learning, commerce, society at large had not been improved. Here a new scene opens; preachers arise less popular, perhaps less indefatigable and exemplary; their sermons produce less striking immediate effects; and yet their auditors go away and agree by whole nations to reform. Jerom Savonarola, Jerom Narni, Capistran, Connecte, and many others, had produced, by their sermons, great immediate effects. When Connecte preached, the ladies lowered their head dresses, and committed quilled caps by hundreds to the flames. When Narni taught the people in lent, from the pulpits of Rome, half the city went from his sermons crying along the streets, Lord, have mercy upon us;” so that in only one passion week, two thousand crowns’ worth of ropes were sold to make scourges with; and when he preached before the pope to the cardinals and bishops, and painted the sin of non-residence in its own colours, he frightened thirty or forty bishops, who heard him, home to their diocesses. In the pulpit of the university of Salamanca, he induced eight hundred students to quit all worldly prospects of honour, riches, and pleasure, and to become penitents in divers monasteries. We know the fate of Savonarola, and others might be added; but all lamented the momentary duration of the effects produced by their labours. Narni himself was so disgusted with his office, that he renounced preaching, and shut himself up in his cell to mourn over his irreclaimable contemporaries; for bishops went back to the court, and rope makers lay idle again.
But the glorious Reformation was the result of preaching, which transformed humanity; there was a standard, and the religion of the time was tested against it. The eagerness of ordinary people to read the Scriptures and hear them explained was remarkable; the papists realized the value of regular public teaching so thoroughly that they, rightly called unpreaching prelates, whose pulpits—using Latimer's words—had been "bells without clappers" for many years, had to sheepishly resume preaching. The church of Rome has produced some great preachers since the Reformation, but none match the reformed preachers. A question inevitably arises here, which cannot be overlooked, regarding the unique impact of reformed preaching that led to widespread national reform. During the dark days of popery, a few notable popular preachers had occasionally emerged, passionately denouncing the vices of the time, and their sermons often created immediate and astonishing reactions from their audiences; however, all these effects faded away with the preachers themselves, and everything reverted to its previous state. Law, education, commerce, and society as a whole had not improved. Here, a new chapter begins; preachers emerge who may be less popular, perhaps not as tireless or exemplary, their sermons generate less immediate impact, and yet their listeners leave and collectively choose to reform. Jerom Savonarola, Jerom Narni, Capistran, Connecte, and many others achieved great immediate results through their sermons. When Connecte preached, women lowered their headpieces and burned hundreds of quilled caps. When Narni taught during Lent from the pulpits of Rome, half the city went out from his sermons crying along the streets, “Lord, have mercy upon us,” so much so that during one Passion week, two thousand crowns’ worth of ropes were sold to be made into scourges; and when he preached to the pope, cardinals, and bishops, vividly portraying the sin of non-residence, he terrified thirty or forty bishops who heard him back to their dioceses. In the pulpit of the University of Salamanca, he convinced eight hundred students to abandon all worldly ambitions of honor, wealth, and pleasure to become penitent in various monasteries. We know the fate of Savonarola, and others could be mentioned; but all lamented how fleeting the impact of their efforts was. Narni himself became so disillusioned with his role that he gave up preaching and secluded himself in his cell to mourn over his unchangeable contemporaries; for bishops returned to the court, and rope makers were idle once more.
Our reformers taught all the good doctrines which had been taught by these men, and they added two or three more, by which they laid the axe to the root of the apostasy, and produced general reformation. Instead of appealing to popes and canons, and founders and fathers, they only quoted them, and referred their auditors to the Holy Scriptures for law. Pope Leo X. did not know this when he told Prierio, who complained of Luther’s heresy, Friar Martin has a fine genius.” They also taught the people what little they knew of Christian liberty; and so led them into a belief that they might follow their own ideas in religion, without the consent of a confessor, a diocesan, a pope, or a council. They went farther, and laid the stress of all religion on justifying faith.
Our reformers taught all the good principles that these men had shared, and they added a few more that targeted the root of the corruption, leading to widespread reform. Instead of turning to popes, church laws, and early church leaders, they merely referenced them and directed their listeners to the Holy Scriptures for guidance. Pope Leo X. was unaware of this when he told Prierio, who was troubled by Luther’s heresy, “Friar Martin has a great mind.” They also informed the people about what little they understood of Christian freedom, encouraging them to believe that they could pursue their own beliefs in religion without needing approval from a confessor, a bishop, a pope, or a council. They took it further and emphasized that all of religion centered around justifying faith.
Since the reformers we have had multitudes who have entered into their views with disinterestedness and success; and in the present times, both in the church and among other religious societies, names might be mentioned which would do honour to any nation; for though there are too many who do not fill up that important station with proportionate piety and talents, yet we have men who are conspicuous for their extent of knowledge, depth of experience, originality of thought, fervency of zeal, consistency of deportment, and great usefulness in the Christian church.
Since the reformers, many people have embraced their ideas with selflessness and success. Nowadays, both in the church and in other religious groups, there are names that would bring honor to any nation. Although there are too many who do not occupy that important role with the necessary piety and skills, we still have individuals who stand out for their vast knowledge, deep experience, original thinking, passionate commitment, consistent behavior, and significant contributions to the Christian church.
The preceding sketch will show how mighty an agent preaching has been in all ages, in raising, and maintaining, and reviving the spirit of religion. Wherever it has had this power, let it however be remarked, it has consisted in the declaration, the proclamation, of the truth of God, as contained in his early revelations to man, and afterward embodied in the Holy Scriptures. The effect too has been produced by preachers living themselves under the influence of this truth, and filled with faith and the Holy Ghost,” depending wholly upon God’s blessing for success, and going forth in his name, with ardent longing to win souls,” and to build up the church in knowledge and holiness. For preaching is not a profession; but a work of divine appointment, to be rightly discharged only by him who receives a commission from God, and fulfils it as under his eye, and in dependence upon his promise, Lo, I am with you alway.”
The previous overview will illustrate how powerful preaching has been throughout all ages in inspiring, sustaining, and revitalizing the spirit of religion. Wherever this influence has existed, it’s important to note that it has been rooted in the declaration and proclamation of God’s truth, as revealed to humanity in the early scriptures and later captured in the Holy Scriptures. This impact is also achieved by preachers who themselves are influenced by this truth, filled with faith and the Holy Spirit, relying entirely on God’s blessing for success, and going out in His name with a passionate desire to save souls and strengthen the church in knowledge and holiness. Preaching is not just a job; it’s a divine calling that should only be fulfilled by those who receive a commission from God and perform it with the awareness of His presence and reliance on His promise, “Lo, I am with you always.”
PREDESTINATION, according to some, is a judgment, or decree of God, by which he has resolved, from all eternity, to save a certain number of persons, hence named elect. Others define it, a decree to give faith in Jesus Christ to a certain number of men, and to leave the rest to their own malice and hardness of heart. A third, more Scripturally, God’s eternal purpose to save all that truly repent and unfeignedly believe his holy 768Gospel,”--according to the Apostle Paul, Whom he did foreknow” as believers them he also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his Son;” to his moral image here, and to the image of his glorified humanity in heaven. According to the Calvinistical scheme, the reason of God’s predestinating some to everlasting life is not founded in a foresight of their faith and obedience; nevertheless, it is also maintained on this scheme, that the means are decreed as well as the end, and that God purposes to save none but such as by his grace he shall prepare for salvation by sanctification. The Remonstrants define predestination to be God’s decree to save believers, and condemn unbelievers. Some represent the election and predestination spoken of in Scripture, as belonging only to nations, or, at least, bodies of men, and not to particular persons. The greatest difficulties with which the modern theology is clogged turn on predestination; both the Romish and Reformed churches are divided about it; the Lutherans speak of it with horror; the Calvinists contend for it with the greatest zeal; the Molinists and Jesuits preach it down as a most dangerous doctrine; the Jansenists assert it as an article of faith; the Arminians, Remonstrants, and many others, are all avowed enemies of absolute predestination. Those strenuous patrons of Jansenism, the Port-royalists, taught, that God predestinates those whom he foresees will coöperate with his grace to the end. Dupin adds, that men do not fall into sin because not predestinated to life, but they are not predestinated because God foresaw their sins. See Calvinism.
Predestination, according to some, is a judgment or decision by God, where He determined, from all eternity, to save a certain number of people, known as the elect. Others define it as a decision to grant faith in Jesus Christ to a specific group of individuals while leaving the rest to their own wickedness and stubbornness. A third, more biblically-based definition is God's eternal plan to save all who genuinely repent and sincerely believe in His holy Gospel. According to the Apostle Paul, "Whom he did foreknow" as believers, "them he also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his Son;" this refers to His moral image here and the image of His glorified humanity in heaven. In the Calvinistic view, the reason God predestines some to eternal life isn't based on a foresight of their faith and obedience; nonetheless, this view also holds that both the means and the end are determined by God, who intends to save only those He prepares for salvation through sanctification. The Remonstrants define predestination as God's decision to save believers and condemn non-believers. Some interpret the election and predestination mentioned in Scripture as applying only to nations, or at least groups of people, rather than to individual persons. The major issues that modern theology faces revolve around predestination; both the Roman Catholic and Reformed churches are divided on this topic. Lutherans regard it with horror, while Calvinists defend it passionately. Molinists and Jesuits denounce it as a highly dangerous doctrine, while Jansenists assert it as a matter of faith. The Arminians, Remonstrants, and many others openly oppose the idea of absolute predestination. The strong supporters of Jansenism, the Port-Royalists, taught that God predestines those He foresees will cooperate with His grace until the end. Dupin adds that people don’t sin because they aren't predestined to life, but they are not predestined because God saw their sins. See Calvinism.
This doctrine has been already treated of. We shall here therefore merely subjoin a sketch of its history previous to the Reformation. The apostolic fathers, men little accustomed to the intricacy of metaphysical disquisition, deeply impressed with the truth of the Gospel, powerfully influenced by its spirit, and from their particular situation naturally dwelling much upon it as a system of direction and consolation, do not, in their writings, at all advert to the origin of evil, or to predestination, so closely allied to it. They press, with much earnestness, upon those in whom they were interested the vast importance of practical holiness, exhibit the motives which appeared to them calculated to secure it, and represent the blessedness which awaits good men, and the condemnation reserved for the wicked; but they do not once attempt to determine whether the sin which they were solicitous to remove could be accounted for, in consistency with the essential holiness and the unbounded mercy of the Deity. In short, they just took that view of this subject which every man takes when he is not seeking to enter into philosophical disquisition; never for one moment doubting that whatever is wrong was ultimately to be referred to man, and that the economy of grace proceeding from God was the most convincing proof of the tenderness of his compassion for mankind.
This doctrine has already been discussed. Therefore, we will simply provide a brief overview of its history before the Reformation. The apostolic fathers, who weren't used to complex philosophical debates, were deeply moved by the truth of the Gospel. Influenced by its spirit and focusing on it as a source of guidance and comfort, they didn’t address the origin of evil or predestination, which is closely related. They strongly emphasized to their followers the immense importance of practical holiness, shared the motivations they believed would ensure it, and highlighted the blessings awaiting good people, along with the consequences for the wicked. However, they never attempted to explain whether the sin they wanted to eliminate could be reconciled with the essential holiness and boundless mercy of God. In short, they viewed this subject as anyone would who isn't trying to engage in philosophical discussions, firmly believing that whatever is wrong can ultimately be attributed to humanity, and that the grace bestowed by God is the most compelling evidence of His compassion for people.
When, however, the church received within its communion those who had been educated in the schools of philosophy, and to whom the question as to the origin of evil must, while they frequented these schools, have become familiar, it was not to be supposed that, even although they were convinced that we should be chiefly solicitous about the formation of the Christian character, there would be no allusion to what had formerly interested them, or that they would refrain from delivering their sentiments upon it. Agreeably to this, we find, in the works of Justin Martyr, Tatian, Irenæus, Tertullian, and Origen, sufficient intimations that they had directed their attention to the difficulty now under review; and that, whether upon adequate grounds or not, they had come to a decision as to the way in which it should be explained consistently with the divine perfections. It is evident that they did not investigate the subject to the depth to which it is requisite for the full discussion of it to go; and that various questions which must be put before it can be brought completely before us, they either did not put, or hastily regarded as of very little moment: but it is enough to dwell upon the fact, that they did employ their thoughts upon it, and have so expressed themselves as to leave no doubt of the light in which it was contemplated by them. Justin, in his dialogue with Trypho, remarks that “they who were foreknown as to become wicked, whether angels or men, did so not from any fault of God, ἀιτίᾳ τοῦ Θεοῦ, but from their own blame;” by which observation he shows it to have been his opinion that God foresaw in what manner his intelligent creatures would act; but that this did not affect their liberty, and did not diminish their guilt. A little after he says more fully, that God created angels and men free to the practice of righteousness, having planted in them reason, through which they knew by whom they were created and through whom they existed, when before they were not, and who prescribed to them a law by which they were to be judged, if they acted contrary to right reason. Wherefore, we, angels and men, are through ourselves convicted as being wicked, if we do not lay hold of repentance. But if the Logos of God foretels that some angels and men would go to be punished, he does so because he foreknew that they would certainly become wicked by no means, however, because God made them such.” Justin thus admits that man is wholly dependent upon God, deriving existence and every thing which he has from the Almighty; but he is persuaded that we were perfectly able to retain our integrity, and that, although it was foreseen that we should not do so, this did not abridge our moral power, or fix any imputation on the Deity in consequence of our transgression. Tatian, in his oration against the Greeks, an excellent work which, although composed after the death of Justin, was written, in all probability, before its author had adopted the wild opinions which he defended toward the conclusion of his life, expresses very much the same sentiments avowed by 769Justin. He says, Both men and angels were created free, so that man becoming wicked through his own fault may be deservedly punished, while a good man, who, from the right exercise of his free will, does not transgress the law of God, is entitled to praise; that the power of the divine Logos having in himself the knowledge of what was to happen, not through fate or unavoidable necessity, but from free choice, predicted future things, condemning the wicked and praising the righteous.”
When the church welcomed those educated in philosophy, who had likely considered the origins of evil while studying, it should not be expected that they would completely ignore their past interests or refrain from sharing their thoughts on it. Accordingly, we see in the writings of Justin Martyr, Tatian, Irenæus, Tertullian, and Origen clear indications that they engaged with this complex issue. Whether they had solid reasoning or not, they expressed views on how it could be understood in light of divine perfection. It's clear they didn’t explore the topic as deeply as necessary for a full discussion, and they either overlooked or dismissed various important questions as inconsequential. However, it is significant that they did contemplate this issue and articulated their views in a way that leaves no doubt about how they perceived it. Justin, in his dialogue with Trypho, states that “those who were foreknown to become wicked, whether angels or humans, did so not because of any fault of God, but because of their own choice.” This shows he believed God foresaw how His intelligent creatures would act, but this foresight did not hinder their freedom or lessen their guilt. Later, he elaborates that God created angels and humans free to choose righteousness, endowing them with reason, so they could understand who created them and who provided the laws they should follow. Therefore, we, both angels and humans, are guilty of wrongdoing if we do not seek repentance. However, if the Logos of God predicts that some angels and humans will be punished, it is because He foreknew they would choose to be wicked—not because God made them so. Justin acknowledges that human beings are entirely dependent on God, receiving their existence and everything they have from Him, but he believes we had the full ability to maintain our integrity. Even if it was foreseen that we would fail, this did not diminish our moral agency or attribute blame to God for our wrongdoings. Tatian, in his oration against the Greeks—an outstanding work likely written before he adopted the more radical views he held later in life—expresses similar sentiments as Justin. He states that both humans and angels were created free, so a person becomes wicked through their own choices and deserves punishment, while a good person, exercising their free will without breaking God's law, deserves praise; that the power of the divine Logos has knowledge of future events—not through fate or unavoidable necessity, but through free will—and predicts outcomes, condemning the wicked and praising the righteous.
Irenæus, in the third book of his work against heresies, has taken an opportunity to state his notions about the origin of evil. The seventy-first chapter of that book is entitled, A proof that man is free, and has power to this extent, that of himself he can choose what is good or the contrary.” In illustration of this he remarks, God gave to man the power of election as he did to the angels. They, therefore, who do not obey are justly not found with the good, and receive deserved punishment, because God having given them what was good, they did not keep it, but despised the riches of the divine mercy.” The next chapter is entitled, A proof that some men are not good by nature, and others wicked, and that what is good is within the choice of man.” In treating on this subject, Irenæus observes, that if the reverse were the case, the good would not merit praise nor the wicked blame, because being merely what, without any will of theirs, they had been made, they could not be considered as voluntary agents. But,” he adds, since all have the same nature, and are able to retain and to do what is good, and may, on the other hand, lose it and not do it, some are, even in the sight of men, and much more in that of God, deservedly praised and others blamed.” In support of this he introduces a great variety of passages from Scripture. It appears, however, that the real difficulty attending the subject had suggested itself to his mind; for he inquires in the seventy-third chapter, why God had not from the beginning made man perfect, all things being possible to him. He gives to this question a metaphysical and unsatisfactory answer, but which so far satisfied himself as to convince him that there could not, on this ground, be any imputation justly cast on the perfections of the Almighty, and that, consequently, a sufficient explanation of the origin of evil and of the justice of punishing it, was to be found in the nature of man as a free agent, or in the abuse of that liberty with which man had been endowed. Tertullian had also speculated upon the moral condition of man, and has recorded his sentiments with respect to it. He explicitly asserts the freedom of the will; lays down the position, that, if this be denied, there can be neither reward nor punishment; and, in answer to an objection, that since free will has been productive of such melancholy consequences, it would have been better that it had not been bestowed, he enters into a formal vindication of this part of our constitution. In reply to another suggestion, that God might have interposed to prevent the choice which was to be productive of sin and misery, he maintains that this could not have been done without destroying that admirable constitution by which alone the interests of virtue can be really promoted. He thus thought that sin was to be imputed wholly to man, and that it was perfectly consistent with the attributes of God, or rather illustrated these attributes, that there should be a system under which sin was possible, because without this possibility there could have been no accountable agents.
Irenaeus, in the third book of his work against heresies, takes the opportunity to share his views on the origin of evil. The seventy-first chapter of that book is titled, “Proof that man is free and has the power to choose for himself what is good or the opposite.” To illustrate this, he notes that God gave man the power of choice just as He did to the angels. Therefore, those who do not obey are rightfully not counted among the good and receive deserved punishment because, having been given what is good, they did not keep it but disregarded the riches of divine mercy. The next chapter is called, “Proof that some men are not good by nature, while others are wicked, and that what is good is within man’s choice.” In discussing this, Irenaeus points out that if the opposite were true, the good wouldn’t deserve praise nor the wicked blame, since they would simply be what they were made to be without any choice of their own, and therefore could not be seen as voluntary agents. But, he adds, since all share the same nature and can both keep and do what is good, or lose it and fail to do it, some are rightfully praised by men and even more so by God, while others are blamed. He backs this up with a wide range of passages from Scripture. It seems, however, that the real challenge of the topic crossed his mind because, in the seventy-third chapter, he asks why God didn’t make man perfect from the beginning, since all things are possible for Him. He provides a metaphysical but unsatisfactory answer to this question, which nevertheless convinced him that there couldn’t justly be any blame placed on the perfections of the Almighty. Consequently, he believed a sufficient explanation for the origin of evil and the justice of punishing it lies in man’s nature as a free agent or in the misuse of the freedom granted to him. Tertullian also reflected on the moral condition of man and recorded his thoughts about it. He clearly claims the freedom of the will and argues that if this freedom is denied, then there can be no reward or punishment. In response to the idea that free will has led to such unfortunate outcomes, it would have been better if it hadn’t been given, he formally defends this aspect of our nature. In reply to another suggestion that God could have intervened to prevent choices leading to sin and misery, he asserts that such intervention would destroy the wonderful design that truly promotes virtue. He believed that sin should be blamed entirely on man and that it perfectly aligns with God’s attributes—or rather illustrates them—that there exists a system where sin is possible, because without this possibility, there could be no accountable agents.
From what has been stated on this subject, it seems unquestionable that the apostolic fathers did not at all enter upon the subject of the origin of evil; that the writers by whom they were succeeded were satisfied that, in the sense in which the term is now most commonly used, there was no such thing as predestination; that they uniformly represented the destiny of man as regulated by the use or abuse of his free will; that, with the exception of Irenæus, they did not attempt to explain why such a creature as man, who was to fall into sin, was created by a Being of infinite goodness; that the sole objection to their doctrine seemed to them to be, that prescience was incompatible with liberty, and that, when they answered this, they considered that nothing more was requisite for receiving, without hesitation, the view of man upon which they often and fondly dwelt, as a free and accountable agent, who might have held fast his integrity, and whose fall from that integrity was to be ascribed solely to himself, as it did not at all result from any appointment of the supreme Being.
From what has been said about this topic, it seems clear that the apostolic fathers didn’t really address the origin of evil; the writers who came after them were convinced that, in the way the term is commonly understood today, predestination didn’t exist. They consistently portrayed human destiny as determined by how one uses or misuses their free will. With the exception of Irenæus, they didn’t try to explain why a being like man, who was destined to sin, was created by an infinitely good Being. The only criticism they seemed to have of their doctrine was that foreknowledge was incompatible with freedom, and once they addressed this, they felt that nothing more was needed to accept, without doubt, their view of man as a free and responsible being, who could have maintained his integrity, and whose fall from that integrity was entirely his own doing, as it didn’t arise from any decree of the supreme Being.
Although opinions respecting original sin, directly tending to a very different view of the subject than had been previously taken, had been stated by Cyprian, yet a thorough investigation of it, and the sentiments which afterward were widely received in the Christian church, took their rise from the discussions to which the Pelagian controversy gave occasion. Previous to the part which Augustine took in that controversy, he seems to have been very much of the same sentiments with Origen and the other early fathers. But, either from what he considered as a more deliberate and complete examination of Scripture, or from perceiving the necessity imposed on him, in consequence of some of the positions which he had laid down in his writings against Pelagius, he soon changed his opinion, and advanced a notion more in harmony with these positions. Having to show the absolute necessity of divine grace, he inculcated that, in consequence of original sin, man was infallibly determined to evil, and was therefore in a state of condemnation, and he thus took away the foundation upon which the prevailing tenets rested; because it was impossible that men could be predestined to life, or the reverse, from prescience of their actions, when, without the special grace of God, they were absolutely incapacitated for obedience to the divine law. To get rid of this difficulty, Augustine, in some degree, transferred the search for the origin of sin from the state of man to the purposes 770of God, asserting that from all eternity the Almighty had determined to choose from the mass of mankind, lost in guilt and corruption, a certain number to be transformed to holiness, and to be admitted after this life to eternal happiness; that he did this to promote his own glory; and that, by the operation of his Spirit, granted of his own free and undeserved mercy, he produced in the elect or chosen the fruits of righteousness, and qualified them for the enjoyment of heaven. The whole of the remainder of the human race were, according to this system, left in their condition by nature, or in other words, were given up to endless misery. There immediately arose out of this view of the subject, the formidable and heart-rending objection, that God was really the author of sin; that, having so created mankind that of themselves they could not be holy, there was on the part of those delivered no virtue, as there was on the other part no blame; the case being quite different from what it would have been had God interposed with respect to creatures who had not received from himself their physical and moral constitution. Accordingly, it has been asserted that a sect did arise, which, carrying out, as the members of it affirmed, the principles of Augustine, maintained that God not only predestinated the wicked to eternal punishment, but also to the guilt and transgression for which they were punished; that the human race was thus wholly passive, the good and bad actions of men, or what were commonly termed such, being determined from all eternity by a divine decree, or fixed by hopeless, irresistible necessity. These opinions it is said that the venerable and enlightened bishop of Hippo zealously opposed, labouring to show that they were not fairly deduced from what he had taught, making a distinction probably between his account of free will and the necessity here confounded with it, and perhaps reluctant to push his tenets so far as apparently they might be carried. The fact is, that although the doctrine of absolute predestination is occasionally clearly taught by Augustine, and obviously follows from his other principles, yet he does not always write consistently with regard to it; or, at least, there is sometimes so much vagueness in his assertions and illustrations, that his authority has been claimed in support of their peculiar tenets both by the Jansenists and the Jesuits, opposite to each other as the sentiments of these two orders are upon the subject of which we are treating. Still it is beyond a question that this celebrated theologian did fix the attention of the church upon that subject much more closely than before his age had been the case, and gave rise to those discussions in relation to it which have so often agitated Christians, and tended much more to destroy the mild and tolerant spirit of the Gospel, than to throw light upon its momentous truths. The subject of predestination, however, was long regarded as one which it was not esteemed requisite absolutely to define, and which might be very much left open to speculation; for although in different countries decrees were passed, guarding against what were viewed as errors resulting from it, it is plain, from what took place upon the revival of the controversy in an after age, that there had not been formed any standard to which ecclesiastical authority required that all who were esteemed orthodox should strictly conform. See Augustine.
Although Cyprian expressed opinions about original sin that differed from previous views, a comprehensive examination of the topic—and the ideas that later gained traction in the Christian church—originated from the debates sparked by the Pelagian controversy. Before Augustine entered that debate, he shared similar beliefs with Origen and other early church fathers. However, whether due to what he considered a more thorough and complete study of Scripture or an awareness of the necessity imposed by some of his arguments against Pelagius, he soon changed his stance and adopted a view that better aligned with those arguments. To illustrate the absolute necessity of divine grace, he argued that due to original sin, humanity was inevitably inclined toward evil and thus in a state of condemnation. This undermined the foundation of prevailing beliefs because it was impossible for people to be predestined for life—or the opposite—based on foreknowledge of their actions when, without God’s special grace, they were utterly unable to obey the divine law. To resolve this issue, Augustine somewhat shifted the discussion about the origin of sin from human nature to God's intentions, claiming that from all eternity, the Almighty had decided to select a certain number of people from a humanity lost in sin and corruption to be transformed into holiness and granted eternal happiness after this life. He argued that this was for the sake of his own glory, and through the operation of his Spirit, given by his own free and unearned mercy, he created the fruits of righteousness in the elect and made them fit for heaven. The remainder of humanity was left in their natural condition, meaning they were condemned to endless misery. This perspective led to a significant and distressing objection: that God was effectively the author of sin. Since he created humanity in such a way that they could not be holy on their own, there was no virtue on the part of those condemned and no blame on the other side; the situation was different from what it would have been had God intervened with those who hadn't received their physical and moral constitution from him. Consequently, it is claimed that a sect emerged which, asserting to follow Augustine's principles, maintained that God not only predestined the wicked to eternal punishment but also determined the guilt and transgressions for which they were punished. This implied that humanity was completely passive, with the good and bad actions of people—or what were typically labeled as such—being predetermined by divine decree or subjected to an unchangeable, unavoidable necessity. It is said that the respected and insightful bishop of Hippo vigorously opposed these views, striving to show they weren't logically derived from his teachings by making a distinction between his views on free will and the necessity confused with it, perhaps hesitating to allow his ideas to be interpreted so broadly. The fact is, while Augustine occasionally taught the doctrine of absolute predestination clearly, and it logically follows from his other principles, he sometimes wrote inconsistently about it. At times, his assertions and examples are vague enough that his authority has been claimed to support the unique tenets of both the Jansenists and the Jesuits, despite the stark contrast between the beliefs of those two groups on this topic. However, it is undeniable that this renowned theologian drew the church's attention to the subject much more than before his time and triggered discussions that often disturbed Christians and considerably undermined the gentle and tolerant spirit of the Gospel rather than clarifying its crucial truths. For a long time, the topic of predestination was considered one that did not require absolute definition and could largely be left open for speculation; although various countries issued decrees against what they saw as errors stemming from it, it is clear from what happened when the controversy resurfaced later that no standard had been established to which ecclesiastical authority mandated all deemed orthodox should strictly adhere. See Augustine.
In the ninth century, Godeschalchus, a man of illustrious birth, who had, contrary to his inclinations, been devoted by his parents to a monastic life, and who had, with unwearied diligence, studied the science of theology, inflamed by an unhappy desire to unravel all the difficulties with which that science abounds, occupied his mind with the consideration of the question of predestination, and finally adopted, with regard to it, the doctrine of Augustine. Not satisfied with having convinced himself, he conceived it to be his duty to labour for the conviction of others; and he accordingly openly and zealously inculcated that the elect were predestinated to life, and the rest of mankind to everlasting misery. Rabanus, archbishop of Mentz, who had for some reason before this been inspired with enmity to Godeschalchus, having been informed of the tenets which he was publishing, and, as has too often been the case, veiling private antipathy under the cloak of anxiety for the purity of divine truth, opposed him with the utmost vehemence; and, having assembled a council in his own metropolitan city, procured the condemnation of the views which he reprobated. The matter was afterward taken up by Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, who was the zealous friend of Rabanus; and he also having procured the meeting of a council, confirmed the sentence that had been already passed. Not satisfied with this, he degraded Godeschalchus from the priesthood; and, with an inhumanity infinitely more detestable than heresy, he put the unfortunate monk to the torture. The fortitude of Godeschalchus was for a moment overpowered, and he consented to commit to the flames a justification of his opinions which he had presented to his execrable tormentors. It was not to be supposed that by atrocious violence like this sincere conviction could be produced in the person against whom it was directed, or that others would be disposed universally to submit to it. The controversy, accordingly, soon was renewed; writers on both sides of the question contended with the utmost warmth, and eagerly displayed the extent of their erudition. New councils were summoned, by which the decrees of former councils were reversed, and the tenets of Godeschalchus were confirmed; and the whole agitation terminated by leaving the subject in the same undefined state on the part of the church in which it had been before it was thus intemperately and cruelly discussed.
In the ninth century, Godeschalchus, a man of noble heritage, who, against his wishes, had been dedicated by his parents to a monastic life, diligently studied theology. Driven by a frustrating desire to solve the complexities of that field, he focused on the question of predestination and ultimately embraced Augustine's teachings on the subject. Not content with just convincing himself, he felt it was his responsibility to persuade others; thus, he passionately advocated that the elect were destined for life, while others were condemned to eternal misery. Rabanus, the archbishop of Mentz, who had previously harbored resentment towards Godeschalchus for some reason, heard about the beliefs he was promoting. As often happens, he masked his personal animosity under the guise of concern for the purity of divine truth, vehemently opposing him. He convened a council in his own city and arranged for the condemnation of Godeschalchus's views. This issue was later taken up by Hincmar, the archbishop of Rheims and a staunch ally of Rabanus, who also called for a council that upheld the earlier judgment. Not stopping there, he defrocked Godeschalchus and, with a cruelty far worse than heresy, tortured the unfortunate monk. For a moment, Godeschalchus's resolve broke, and he agreed to burn a defense of his beliefs that he had presented to his vile tormentors. It was naive to think that such brutal violence could genuinely change someone’s sincere beliefs or that others would be willing to accept it universally. Consequently, the debate was reignited; writers from both sides passionately argued and showcased their knowledge. New councils were held that overturned the previous decrees and confirmed Godeschalchus's teachings. Ultimately, the entire debate left the church in the same ambiguous position it had occupied before this reckless and brutal discussion.
To the schoolmen, who delighted much more in losing themselves amidst inextricable difficulties and endless distinctions, than in opening the sources of knowledge and removing the difficulties with which these were surrounded, 771this subject, from its intricate or inexplicable nature, was admirably adapted; and they did not fail to exercise upon it their diligence and their ingenuity. Thomas Aquinas, who flourished during the thirteenth century, was a man who in more enlightened times would have really merited the high reputation which he enjoyed, and which procured for him from his contemporaries the appellation of the Angelic Doctor. He was capable of vast mental exertion, and, amidst all his avocations, produced works so voluminous that in modern days even students would shrink from the perusal of them as an overwhelming task. He wrote largely upon the nature of grace, and predestination, so intimately connected with it. His opinions upon these subjects were nearly the same with those of Augustine; and so much, indeed, was he conceived to resemble in genius and understanding that distinguished prelate, that it was asserted the soul of Augustine had been sent into the body of Aquinas. He taught that God had, from all eternity, and without any regard to their works, predestinated a certain number to life and happiness; but he found great delight in endeavouring to reconcile this position with the freedom of the human will. His celebrated antagonist, John Duns Scotus, an inhabitant of Britain, surnamed, from the acuteness and bent of his mind, the Subtile Doctor, also directed his attention, in the subsequent century, to the same thorny speculations, taking a different view of them from Aquinas; and we find in the works of these two brilliant lights of the schoolmen all that the most learned in the dark ages thought upon them.
To the scholars, who preferred getting lost in complicated challenges and endless details rather than uncovering knowledge and solving the issues that surrounded it, 771 this topic, due to its complex and puzzling nature, was perfectly suited for their interests; and they certainly applied their diligence and creativity to it. Thomas Aquinas, who lived during the thirteenth century, was a man who, in more enlightened times, would have truly deserved the high reputation he held, which earned him the title of the Angelic Doctor from his contemporaries. He was capable of tremendous mental effort, and despite his many commitments, produced such extensive works that even modern students would find them daunting to read. He wrote extensively on the nature of grace and predestination, which are closely linked. His views on these topics were almost identical to those of Augustine; indeed, he was believed to be so similar in intellect and understanding to that distinguished bishop that some claimed Augustine's soul had entered Aquinas's body. He taught that God had, from eternity, predestined a certain number of people to life and happiness, regardless of their actions; however, he found great pleasure in trying to reconcile this belief with the concept of human free will. His well-known opponent, John Duns Scotus, a British scholar nicknamed the Subtle Doctor due to his sharp mind, also explored these challenging ideas in the following century but from a different perspective than Aquinas. In the works of these two brilliant figures of the scholars, we find all the thoughts of the most learned individuals from the dark ages on these matters.
It is unnecessary to trace the various shades of opinion which existed in the church as to predestination from this era till the Reformation: it is enough to remark, that, after all which had been written upon it, it does not appear that any peculiar sentiments with respect to it were, by the reformers, judged essential to orthodoxy. It was more wisely considered that, upon a point involved in impenetrable difficulties, and raised far above human comprehension, men might be allowed to differ, while their attachment to the best interests of pure religion could not be called in question. See Calvinism and Lutherans.
It's not necessary to explore the different opinions within the church about predestination from this period until the Reformation. It's enough to say that, despite everything that had been written on the topic, the reformers didn't view any specific beliefs about it as essential to orthodoxy. It was considered wiser that on an issue fraught with deep challenges and beyond human understanding, people could be allowed to have differing views, as long as their commitment to the core principles of pure religion was not in doubt. See Calvinism and Lutherans.
The seventeenth article of the church of England is often adduced by Calvinists as favourable to their peculiar views of absolute predestination; but such a representation of it is rendered plausible only by adding to its various clauses qualifying expressions to suit that purpose. Under the articles Church of England, Confessions, and Calvinism, have been exhibited the just and liberal views of Cranmer and the principal English reformers on this subject,--the sources from which they drew the articles of religion and the public formularies of devotion,--and some of the futile attempts of the high predestinarians in the church to inoculate the public creed with their dogmas. Cartwright and his followers, in their second Admonition to the Parliament” in 1572, complained that the articles speak dangerously of falling from grace;” and in 1587 they preferred a similar complaint. The labours of the Westminster Assembly at a subsequent period, and their abortive result, in relation to this subject, are well known. Long before Arminius had turned his thoughts to the consideration of general redemption, a great number of the English clergy had publicly taught and defended the same doctrine. It was about 1571 when Dr. Peter Baroe, a zealous Anti-Calvinian,” as one of our church historians observes, was made Margaret Professor of Divinity in the university of Cambridge; and “he went on teaching in his lectures, preaching in his sermons, determining in the schools, and printing in several books, divers points contrary to Calvinism. And this he did for several years, without any manner of disturbance or interruption. The heads of the university, in a letter to the Lord Burleigh, dated March 8, 1595, say, he had done it for fourteen or fifteen years preceding and they might have said twenty; for he printed some of his lectures in 1574, and the prosecution he was at last under, which will be considered hereafter, was not till 1595. In 1584, Mr. Harsnet, afterward archbishop of York, preached against absolute reprobation at St. Paul’s Cross, the greatest audience then in the kingdom; as did the judicious Mr. Hooker at the Temple in the year following. In the year 1594, Mr. Barret preached at St. Mary’s in Cambridge against Calvinism, with very smart reflections upon Calvin himself, Beza, Zanchy, and several others of the most noted writers in that scheme. In the same year, Dr. Baroe preached at the same place to the same purpose. By this time Calvinism had gained considerable ground, being much promoted by the learned Whitaker and Mr. Perkins; and several of the heads of the university being in that scheme, they complained of the two sermons above mentioned to the Lord Burleigh their chancellor. Their heads endeavoured to bring Barret to a retraction, to which whether he ever submitted according to the form they drew up, may reasonably be doubted. At length the matter was laid before Archbishop Whitgift, who was offended at their proceedings, and writes to the Lord Burleigh, that some of the points which the heads had enjoined Barret to retract were such as the most learned Protestants, then living, varied in judgment upon; and that the most ancient and best divines in the land were in the chiefest points in opinion against the heads and their resolutions. Another letter he sent to the heads themselves, telling them that they had enjoined Barret to affirm that which was contrary to the doctrine holden and expressed by many sound and learned divines in the church of England, and in other churches likewise men of best account; and that which for his own part he thought to be false and contrary to the Scriptures; for the Scriptures are plain, that God by his absolute will did not hate and reject any man. There might be impiety in believing the one, there could be 772none in believing the other; neither was it contrary to any article of religion established by authority in this church of England, but rather agreeable thereto. This testimony of the archbishop is very remarkable; and though he afterward countenanced the Lambeth articles, that is of little or no weight in the case. The question is not about any man’s private opinion, but about the doctrine of the church; and supposing the archbishop to be a Calvinist, as he seems to have been at least in some points, this only adds the greater weight to his testimony, that our church has no where declared in favour of that scheme. The archbishop descended to the particulars charged against Barret, asking the heads what article of the church was contradicted by this or that notion of his; and Whitaker in his reply does not appeal to one of the articles, as against Barret, but forms his plea upon the doctrines which then generally obtained in pulpits. His words are, ‘We are fully persuaded that Mr. Barret hath taught untruth, if not against the articles, yet against the religion, of our church, publicly received, and always held in her majesty’s reign, and maintained in all sermons, disputations, and lectures.’ And even this pretence of his, weak as it would have been though true, is utterly false, directly contrary, not only to what has been already shown to be the facts of the case, but also to what the archbishop affirmed, and that too, as must be supposed, upon his own knowledge. As to Dr. Baroe, he met with many friends, who espoused his cause. Mr. Strype particularly mentions four, Mr. Overal, Dr. Clayton, Mr. Harsnet, Dr. Andrews; all of them great and learned men, men of renown, and famous in their generation. How many more there were, nobody can tell. The heads in their letter to the Lord Burleigh do not pretend that the preaching against Calvinism gave a general offence, but that it offended many; which implies that there were many others on the opposite side; and they expressly say there were divers in the Anti-Calvinian scheme, whom they represent as maintaining it with great boldness. But what put a stop to this prosecution against Baroe was, a reprimand from their chancellor, the Lord Burleigh, who wrote to the heads, that as good and as ancient were of another judgment, and that they might punish him, but it would be for well doing.”
The seventeenth article of the Church of England is often cited by Calvinists as supporting their unique belief in absolute predestination; however, this interpretation is only convincing when additional qualifying phrases are added to its clauses to fit that viewpoint. Under articles Church of England, Confessions, and Calvinism, the fair and reasonable perspectives of Cranmer and the leading English reformers on this topic have been presented, showing the sources from which they drew the articles of religion and the official forms of worship, along with some futile attempts by the high predestinarians in the church to infect the public creed with their doctrines. In their second "Admonition to the Parliament" in 1572, Cartwright and his followers complained that the articles "speak dangerously of falling from grace." They made a similar complaint in 1587. The efforts of the Westminster Assembly later on, and their unsuccessful outcomes related to this issue, are well known. Long before Arminius began exploring the concept of general redemption, numerous English clergy had publicly taught and defended the same doctrine. Around 1571, Dr. Peter Baroe, described by one of our church historians as a devoted "Anti-Calvinian," was appointed Margaret Professor of Divinity at the University of Cambridge. He continued to teach in his lectures, preach in his sermons, make determinations in the schools, and publish several books containing various points contrary to Calvinism for several years without any disturbance or interruption. The heads of the university, in a letter to Lord Burleigh dated March 8, 1595, noted that he had been doing this for fourteen or fifteen years, and they could have said twenty, since he published some of his lectures in 1574. The prosecution he eventually faced, which will be discussed later, didn't occur until 1595. In 1584, Mr. Harsnet, who later became Archbishop of York, preached against absolute reprobation at St. Paul’s Cross, which had the largest audience in the kingdom at that time; Mr. Hooker also delivered a similar message at the Temple the following year. In 1594, Mr. Barret preached at St. Mary’s in Cambridge against Calvinism, making sharp critiques of Calvin himself, Beza, Zanchy, and several other prominent writers in that tradition. That same year, Dr. Baroe preached at the same place on the same issue. By this time, Calvinism had gained significant traction, heavily supported by the learned Whitaker and Mr. Perkins, and several heads of the university were aligned with that belief; they complained to Lord Burleigh about the two mentioned sermons. They attempted to force Barret to retract his views, but it is uncertain whether he ever complied with the form they drafted. Eventually, the matter was brought to Archbishop Whitgift, who was displeased with their actions and wrote to Lord Burleigh, stating that some of the points the heads required Barret to retract were such that many of the most learned Protestants at the time had differing opinions on them, and that the most esteemed and best theologians in the land were, on key issues, opposed to the heads and their conclusions. He also wrote to the heads themselves, telling them that they had demanded Barret to assert something contrary to the doctrine held and articulated by many sound and learned theologians in the Church of England, as well as in other reputable churches; he believed what they asked him to affirm was false and contradicts Scripture, which clearly states that God, by His absolute will, did not hate or reject any person. It might be considered blasphemy to believe one perspective, but there could be none in believing the other; furthermore, it was not against any article of religion established by authority in the Church of England but rather aligned with it. This testimony from the archbishop is noteworthy; although he later supported the Lambeth articles, that has little relevance here. The issue isn't about anyone’s personal opinion but about the doctrine of the church. Even assuming the archbishop leaned toward Calvinism, as he seems to have in some matters, this adds further weight to his testimony that our church has never officially endorsed that perspective. The archbishop addressed the specific allegations against Barret, asking the heads what article of the church was contradicted by each of his viewpoints; in his response, Whitaker did not refer to one of the articles against Barret but formed his argument based on the doctrines that were generally accepted in sermons at the time. He stated, "We are fully convinced that Mr. Barret has taught falsehood, if not against the articles, then against the religion publicly accepted by our church, maintained throughout her majesty's reign, and upheld in all sermons, debates, and lectures." Even this argument of his, weak as it would be even if true, is utterly false, directly contradicting not only what has already been established as the facts of the case but also what the archbishop affirmed, presumably based on his own knowledge. As for Dr. Baroe, he found many supporters who backed his cause. Mr. Strype specifically mentions four: Mr. Overal, Dr. Clayton, Mr. Harsnet, and Dr. Andrews; all were prominent, learned men, well-respected in their time. There may have been many more who supported him, but nobody knows. In their letter to Lord Burleigh, the heads do not claim that preaching against Calvinism offended everyone, but that it upset many, implying there were many on the other side; they explicitly mention that there were several in the Anti-Calvinian camp who were very bold in advocating their views. What ultimately halted this prosecution against Baroe was a reprimand from their chancellor, Lord Burleigh, who wrote to the heads, reminding them that just as many good and respected individuals held different opinions, they could punish him, but it would be for doing good.
But Dr. Whitaker, Regius Professor of Divinity in Cambridge, could not endure the farther prevalence of the doctrines of general redemption in that university; he therefore, in 1595, drew up nine affirmations, elucidatory of his views of predestination, and obtained for them the sanction of several Calvinian heads of houses, with whom he repaired to Archbishop Whitgift. Having heard their ex parte statement, his grace summoned Bishops Flecher and Vaughan, and Dr. Tyndal, dean of Ely, to meet Dr. Whitaker and the Cambridge deputation at his palace in Lambeth, on the tenth of November, 1595; where, after much polishing and altering, they produced Whitaker’s affirmation in the following form, called the Lambeth Articles,” from the place in which their secret sittings had been held:--“1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life; certain men he hath reprobated. 2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life is not the foresight of faith or of perseverance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the person predestinated; but it is only the good will and pleasure of God. 3. A certain number of the predestinate is predetermined, which can neither be augmented nor diminished. 4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation shall be necessarily damned for their sins. 5. A true, living, and justifying faith, and the Spirit of God justifying, is not extinguished, doth not fall off, or vanish away, in the elect, either totally or finally. 6. A man who is a true believer, that is, one who is endued with a justifying faith, is assured with a plerophory, or firm persuasion, of faith concerning the remission of his sins, and his eternal salvation through Christ. 7. Saving grace is neither given, communicated, nor granted to all men, by which they can be saved if they will. 8. No one is able to come unto Christ unless it shall be given unto him, and unless the Father shall draw him; and all men are not drawn by the Father, that they may come unto the Son. 9. It is not placed in the choice, will, or capacity of every one to be saved.” Dr. Whitaker died a few days after his return from Lambeth, with the nine articles to which he had procured the patronage of the primate. After his demise, two competitors appeared for the vacant King’s Professorship, Dr. Wotton, of King’s College, a professed Calvinian, and Dr. Overal of Trinity College, almost as far,” says Heylin, from the Calvinian doctrine in the main platform of predestination as Baroe, Harsnet, or Barret are conceived to be. But when it came to the vote of the university, the place was carried for Overal by the major part; which plainly shows, that though the doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled here by most of the heads, yet the greater part of the learned body entertained them not.” “The Lambeth articles,” it is well observed, are no part of the doctrine of the church of England, having never had any the least sanction either from the parliament or the convocation. They were drawn up by Professor Whitaker; and though they were afterward approved by Archbishop Whitgift, and six or eight of the inferior clergy, in a meeting they had at Lambeth, yet this meeting was only in a private manner, and without any authority from the queen; who was so far from approving of their proceedings, that she not only ordered the articles to be suppressed, but was resolutely bent for some time to bring the archbishop and his associates under a premunire, for presuming to make them without any warrant or legal authority.” Such, in brief, was the origin and such the fate of the Lambeth articles, without the countenance of which the defenders of Calvinism in the church of England could find no semblance of support for their manifold affirmations on 773predestination and its kindred topics. These articles afford another instructive instance of the extreme ignorance of the real sentiments of their opponents, which often betrays itself in the conduct of many eminent men, when they rashly begin to fence off the reputed heterodoxy of their brethren from the sacred precincts of their own orthodoxy. Two of the ablest and most consistent Arminians of the old English school, Baroe and Plaifere, have lucidly shown how every one of these nine assertions may, without difficulty, be interpreted in accordance with their individual belief. Baroe’s clever dissertation on this subject will be found in Strype’s Life of Whitgift;” and that of Plaifere, in his own unanswerable Apello Evangelium.”
But Dr. Whitaker, Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, could not tolerate the continued influence of the doctrines of general redemption at the university; therefore, in 1595, he drafted nine affirmations to clarify his views on predestination and secured support from several Calvinist heads of houses, with whom he went to Archbishop Whitgift. After hearing their on behalf of one party statement, the Archbishop called Bishops Flecher and Vaughan, along with Dr. Tyndal, the dean of Ely, to meet Dr. Whitaker and the Cambridge delegation at his palace in Lambeth on November 10, 1595. After much refining and revising, they presented Whitaker’s affirmations in the following form, referred to as the "Lambeth Articles," named after the location of their private meetings: 1. God has predestined certain men to eternal life from eternity; certain others he has rejected. 2. The moving or effective cause of predestination to life is not the foresight of faith, perseverance, good works, or anything in the person being predestined; it is solely the good will and pleasure of God. 3. A specific number of the predestined has been predetermined, which cannot be increased or decreased. 4. Those who are not predestined to salvation will necessarily be damned for their sins. 5. A true, living, and justifying faith, along with the Spirit of God justifying, does not disappear, fall away, or vanish in the elect, either totally or finally. 6. A true believer, one endowed with justifying faith, is assured with a plerophory, or firm conviction, regarding the forgiveness of his sins and his eternal salvation through Christ. 7. Saving grace is not given, communicated, or granted to all men, by which they can be saved if they choose. 8. No one can come to Christ unless it is given to him, and unless the Father draws him; and not all are drawn by the Father to come to the Son. 9. It is not within the choice, will, or capacity of everyone to be saved. Dr. Whitaker passed away a few days after returning from Lambeth, with the nine articles for which he had gained the support of the primate. After his death, two candidates emerged for the vacant King’s Professorship: Dr. Wotton from King’s College, a staunch Calvinist, and Dr. Overal from Trinity College, who was, as Heylin noted, nearly as far removed from the Calvinist doctrine on predestination as Baroe, Harsnet, or Barret are thought to be. However, when it came to the university vote, Overal won by a majority, which clearly indicates that although most heads supported Calvin's doctrines, the majority of the scholarly body did not. The "Lambeth Articles," as it is often pointed out, are not part of the doctrine of the Church of England, having never received any approval from either parliament or the convocation. They were created by Professor Whitaker, and although they were later endorsed by Archbishop Whitgift and six or eight of the lower clergy at a meeting in Lambeth, this meeting was only private and lacked any authority from the queen. In fact, she was so opposed to their actions that she not only ordered the suppression of the articles but was determined for some time to place the archbishop and his associates under a premunire for presuming to create them without proper legal authority. Such was the brief origin and fate of the Lambeth articles, without which the defenders of Calvinism in the Church of England could find no semblance of support for their various affirmations on predestination and related topics. These articles illustrate another instructive example of the extreme ignorance regarding the true opinions of their adversaries, which often reveals itself in the actions of many prominent figures, when they recklessly attempt to exclude the perceived heterodoxy of their peers from the sacred boundaries of their own orthodoxy. Two of the most capable and consistent Arminians from the old English school, Baroe and Plaifere, have clearly demonstrated how each of these nine assertions can be easily interpreted in line with their beliefs. Baroe’s insightful essay on this topic can be found in Strype’s Life of Whitgift, and Plaifere’s work can be found in his own unrefutable Call to the Gospel.
PRE-EXISTENCE OF JESUS CHRIST is his existence before he was born of the Virgin Mary. That he really did exist, is plain from John iii, 13; vi, 50, &c; viii, 58; xvii, 5, 24; 1 John i, 2; but there are various opinions respecting this existence. Some acknowledging, with the orthodox, that in Jesus Christ there is a divine nature, a rational soul, and a human body, go into an opinion peculiar to themselves. His body was formed in the virgin’s womb; but his human soul, they suppose, was the first and most excellent of all the works of God; was brought into existence before the creation of the world, and subsisted in happy union in heaven with the second person of the Godhead, till his incarnation. These divines differ from those called Arians, for the latter ascribe to Christ only a created deity, whereas the former hold his true and proper divinity. They differ from the Socinians, who believe no existence of Jesus Christ before his incarnation: they differ from the Sabellians, who only own a trinity of names: they differ also from the generally received opinion, which is, that Christ’s human soul began to exist in the womb of his mother, in exact conformity to that likeness unto his brethren of which St. Paul speaks, Heb. ii, 17. The writers in favour of the preëxistence of Christ’s human soul recommend their opinion by these arguments: 1. Christ is represented as his Father’s messenger, or angel, being distinct from his Father, sent by his Father, long before his incarnation, to perform actions which seem to be too low for the dignity of pure Godhead. The appearances of Christ to the patriarchs are described like the appearance of an angel, or man really distinct from God; yet one, in whom God, or Jehovah, had a peculiar indwelling, or with whom the divine nature had a personal union. 2. Christ, when he came into the world, is said, in several passages of Scripture, to have divested himself of some glory which he had before his incarnation. Now if there had existed before this time nothing but his divine nature, this divine nature, it is argued, could not properly have divested itself of any glory, John xvii, 4, 5; 2 Cor. viii, 9. It cannot be said of God that he became poor: he is infinitely self-sufficient; he is necessarily and eternally rich in perfections and glories. Nor can it be said of Christ, as man, that he was rich, if he were never in a richer state before than while he was on earth. 3. It seems needful, say those who embrace this opinion, that the soul of Jesus Christ should preëxist, that it might have an opportunity to give its previous actual consent to the great and painful undertaking of making atonement for our sins. On the other side, it is affirmed that the doctrine of the preëxistence of the human soul of Christ weakens and subverts that of his divine personality. 1. A pure intelligent spirit, the first, the most ancient, and the most excellent of creatures, created before the foundation of the world, so exactly resembles the second person of the Arian trinity, that it is impossible to show the least difference except in name. 2. This preëxistent intelligence, supposed in this doctrine, is so confounded with those other intelligences called angels, that there is great danger of mistaking this human soul for an angel, and so of making the person of Christ to consist of three natures. 3. If Jesus Christ had nothing in common like the rest of mankind except a body, how could this semi-conformity make him a real man? 4. The passages quoted in proof of the preëxistence of the human soul of Jesus Christ, are of the same sort with those which others allege in proof of the preëxistence of all human souls. 5. This opinion, by ascribing the dignity of the work of redemption to this sublime human soul, detracts from the deity of Christ, and renders the last as passive as the first is active. 6. This notion is contrary to the Scripture. St. Paul says, In all things it behoved him to be made like unto his brethren,” Heb. ii, 17: he partook of all our infirmities, except sin. St. Luke says, He increased in stature and wisdom,” Luke ii, 52. Upon the whole, this scheme, adopted to relieve the difficulties which must always surround mysteries so great, only creates new ones. This is the usual fate of similar speculations, and shows the wisdom of resting in the plain interpretation of the word of God.
PRE-EXISTENCE OF JESUS CHRIST is his existence before he was born of the Virgin Mary. That he really did exist is clear from John 3:13; 6:50; 8:58; 17:5, 24; 1 John 1:2; but there are various opinions about this existence. Some, agreeing with the orthodox view, acknowledge that in Jesus Christ there is a divine nature, a rational soul, and a human body, but they have their own unique beliefs. His body was formed in the virgin’s womb; however, they believe his human soul was the first and greatest of all of God's creations, brought into existence before the world was made, and existed in joyful union in heaven with the second person of the Godhead until his incarnation. These theologians differ from those known as Arians, who only attribute a created deity to Christ, while the former maintain his true and proper divinity. They also differ from the Socinians, who do not believe in any existence of Jesus Christ before his incarnation; they differ from the Sabellians, who only acknowledge a trinity of names; and they differ from the generally accepted view, which is that Christ's human soul began to exist in his mother’s womb, in strict accordance with the similarity to his siblings that St. Paul mentions, Heb. 2:17. The proponents of the pre-existence of Christ’s human soul support their view with these arguments: 1. Christ is depicted as his Father’s messenger or angel, distinct from his Father, sent by his Father long before his incarnation to carry out actions that seem too lowly for the dignity of pure Godhead. The appearances of Christ to the patriarchs are described similarly to the appearance of an angel or a man truly distinct from God; yet one in whom God, or Jehovah, had a unique presence, or with whom the divine nature had a personal union. 2. When Christ came into the world, several passages of Scripture state that he set aside some glory he had before his incarnation. If only his divine nature existed prior to this, it is argued, then that divine nature could not rightly have set aside any glory, John 17:4, 5; 2 Cor. 8:9. It cannot be said of God that he became poor; he is infinitely self-sufficient; he is necessarily and eternally rich in perfections and glories. Nor can it be said of Christ, as a man, that he was rich if he had never been in a richer state before than while he was on earth. 3. This view argues that the soul of Jesus Christ must pre-exist to give its prior actual consent to the significant and painful task of making atonement for our sins. Conversely, it is claimed that the doctrine of the pre-existence of Christ's human soul undermines and contradicts the view of his divine personality. 1. A pure intelligent spirit, the first, most ancient, and most superior of creatures, created before the foundation of the world, closely resembles the second person of the Arian trinity, making it difficult to identify any difference apart from the name. 2. This pre-existent intelligence, as proposed by this doctrine, closely resembles other intelligences known as angels, creating a strong risk of confusing this human soul with an angel and thus suggesting that Christ's person consists of three natures. 3. If Jesus Christ had nothing in common with other humans except his body, how could this partial similarity make him a true man? 4. The passages cited as evidence for the pre-existence of Jesus Christ's human soul bear the same nature as those others use to argue for the pre-existence of all human souls. 5. This opinion, by attributing the dignity of the work of redemption to this elevated human soul, detracts from the deity of Christ, essentially making the latter as passive as the former is active. 6. This concept contradicts Scripture. St. Paul states, "In all things it was necessary for him to be made like his brethren," Heb. 2:17: he shared in all our weaknesses except sin. St. Luke says, “He increased in stature and wisdom,” Luke 2:52. Overall, this theory, created to address the challenges that always arise around such significant mysteries, only generates new ones. This is the typical outcome of similar speculations and highlights the wisdom of relying on the straightforward interpretation of the word of God.
PRESBYTERIANS are those that affirm there is no order in the church, as established by Christ and his Apostles, superior to that of presbyters; that all ministers, being ambassadors, are equal by their commission; and that elder, or presbyter, and bishop, are the same in name and office, and the terms synonymous. Their arguments against the Episcopalians are as follows:--With respect to the successors of the Apostles, they seem to have been placed on a footing of perfect equality, the διάκονοι, or deacons, not being included among the teachers. They were inferior officers, whose province it originally was to care for the poor, and to discharge those secular duties arising out of the formation of Christian communities, which could not be discharged by the ministers without interfering with the much higher duties which they had to perform. These ministers are sometimes in the New Testament styled ϖρεσϐύτεροι, or presbyters, at other times ἐπίσκοποι, or bishops; but the two appellations were indiscriminately applied to all the pastors who were the instructers of the different 774churches. Of this various examples may be given from the sacred writings. The Apostle Paul, upon a very affecting occasion, when he was convinced that he could never again have an opportunity of addressing them, sent for the elders or presbyters of Ephesus, the persons to whom the ministry in that church had been committed; and after mentioning all that he had done, and intimating to them the sufferings which awaited him, he addressed to them what may be considered as his dying advice, and as comprehending in it all that he judged it most essential for them to do. Take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops or overseers, to feed the church of God,” Acts xx, 17, 28. Here they whose duty it was to feed the church of God, as having been set apart through the Holy Spirit for that interesting work, are termed by the Apostle presbyters and bishops, and there is not the slightest allusion to the existence of any other ἐπίσκοπος, or bishop, superior to those ἐπίσκοποι, or bishops, to whom he gives the moving charge now recorded. In his epistle to Titus, St. Paul thus writes: For this purpose I left thee in Crete,” where, as yet, it is probable that no teachers had been appointed, that thou shouldest ordain elders, or presbyters, in every city.” He then points out the class of men from which the presbyters were to be selected, adding, as the reason of this, for a bishop must be blameless as the steward of God,” Titus i, 5, 7. It is quite plain that the epithet bishop is here applicable to the same persons who were a little before styled elders, and both are declared to be the stewards of God, the guardians and instructers of his church. The Apostle Peter, in his first epistle addressed to the Jewish converts, has these words: “The elders which are among you I exhort, who am also an elder, ὁ συμπρεσϐύτερος, and a witness of the sufferings of Christ, feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight of it, ἐπισκοποῦντες, being bishops of it, not by constraint but willingly,” 1 Peter v, 1, 2. This passage is a very strong one. The Apostle speaks of himself in his extraordinary capacity, a witness of the sufferings of Christ, and in his ordinary capacity as a teacher; showing, by the use of a very significant term, that as to it he was on a footing of equality with the other pastors or presbyters. He gives it in charge to them to feed the flock of God; the charge which, under most particular and affecting circumstances, he had received from the Lord after the resurrection, and which includes in it the performance of every thing requisite for the comfort and the edification of Christians; and he accordingly expresses this by the word ἐπισκοποῦντες, being bishops over them. It cannot, with any shadow of reason, be supposed that the Apostle would exhort the elders or presbyters to take to themselves the office, and to perform the duties, of a bishop, if that term really marked out a distinct and higher order; or that he would have considered the presbyters as fitted for the discharge of the whole ministerial office, if there were parts of that office which he knew that it was not lawful for them to exercise.
PRESBYTERIANS are those who confirm that there’s no church order established by Christ and his Apostles that’s above presbyters; that all ministers, being messengers, are equal in their role; and that elder, or presbyter, and bishop are the same in title and function, with these terms being interchangeable. Their arguments against the Episcopalians are as follows: Concerning the successors of the Apostles, they seem to have been placed on equal footing, as the διάκονοι, or deacons, were not included among the teachers. They were lower-ranking officers whose original job was to assist the poor and handle the secular tasks that came with establishing Christian communities, tasks that would interfere with the much more important duties of the ministers. These ministers are sometimes referred to in the New Testament as ϖρεσϐύτεροι, or presbyters, and at other times as ἐπίσκοποι, or bishops; however, both titles were applied indiscriminately to all pastors who taught the various 774 churches. There are several examples from the sacred writings. The Apostle Paul, in a very touching moment, when he believed he would never have the opportunity to speak to them again, called for the elders or presbyters of Ephesus, the individuals entrusted with the ministry in that church; and after recounting all he had done and hinting at the suffering that awaited him, he shared what can be seen as his final advice, which he deemed most essential for them to follow. "Therefore, take care of yourselves and of all the flock over which the Holy Spirit has made you bishops or overseers, to feed the church of God," Acts xx, 17, 28. Here, those whose duty it was to feed the church of God, as they were chosen through the Holy Spirit for this important task, are called presbyters and bishops by the Apostle, and there is no hint of any other ἐπίσκοπος, or bishop, superior to those ἐπίσκοποι, or bishops, to whom he gives his impactful charge. In his letter to Titus, St. Paul writes, "For this purpose I left you in Crete," where it’s likely no teachers had been appointed yet, "that you should ordain elders, or presbyters, in every city." He then identifies the type of men from whom the presbyters were to be chosen, adding the reason for this, "for a bishop must be blameless as the steward of God," Titus i, 5, 7. It’s clear that the term bishop applies here to the same individuals previously referred to as elders, and both are noted as stewards of God, the guardians and teachers of His church. The Apostle Peter, in his first letter to the Jewish converts, states: “The elders which are among you I exhort, who am also an elder, ὁ συμπρεσϐύτερος, and a witness of the sufferings of Christ, feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight of it, ἐπισκοποῦντες, being bishops of it, not by constraint but willingly,” 1 Peter v, 1, 2. This passage is very strong. The Apostle refers to himself in his unique role as a witness of Christ's sufferings and in his usual role as a teacher; by using a very significant term, he shows that, in this regard, he is equal to the other pastors or presbyters. He instructs them to care for the flock of God; this instruction, which he received from the Lord after the resurrection under very specific and emotional circumstances, involves everything necessary for the comfort and growth of Christians; and he expresses this by using the word ἐπισκοποῦντες, being bishops over them. It cannot reasonably be assumed that the Apostle would urge the elders or presbyters to take on the title and responsibilities of a bishop if that term really indicated a distinct and higher order; or that he would have regarded presbyters as capable of fulfilling the entire ministerial role if there were aspects of that role he knew they were not allowed to perform.
It seems, by the passages that have been quoted, to be placed beyond a doubt, that, in what the Apostles said respecting the ministers of Christ’s religion, they taught that the ἐπίσκοποι and the ϖρεσβύτεροι were the same class of instructers; and that there were, in fact, only two orders pointed out by them, bishops or presbyters, and deacons. This being the case, even although it should appear that there were bishops, in the common sense of that term, recognized in the apostolic age, all that could be deduced from the fact would be, that the equality at first instituted among the teachers, had, for prudential reasons, or under peculiar circumstances, been interrupted; but it would not follow either that the positive and general declarations on the subject by the inspired writers were not true, or that it was incumbent at all times, and upon all Christians, to disregard them. It has been strenuously contended that there were such bishops in the infancy of the church, and that allusion is made to them in Scripture; but without directly opposing the assertion, this much must be admitted, that the proof of it is less clear than that bishops and presbyters were represented as the same in rank and in authority. Indeed, there does not appear to have been any occasion for this higher order. To presbyters was actually committed the most important charge of feeding the church of God, that is, of promoting the spiritual improvement of mankind; and it is remarkable that their privilege of separating from the people by ordination the ministers of religion, is explicitly acknowledged in the case of Timothy, whom the Apostle admonishes not to neglect the gift that was in him, and which had been given by prophecy, and by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery; by which can be meant only the laying on of the hands of those who were denominated presbyters or bishops. But although all the parts of the ministerial duty had been intrusted to presbyters, it is still contended that the New Testament indicates the existence of bishops as a higher order. There has, however, been much diversity of opinion in relation to this point by those who contend for the divine institution of episcopacy. Some of them maintain that the Apostles, while they lived, were the bishops of the Christian church; but this, and upon irrefragable grounds, is denied by others. Some urge that Timothy and Titus were, in what they call the true sense of the term, bishops; but many deny that, founding their denial upon these evangelists not having resided within the bounds, or been limited to the administration of any one church, being sent wherever it was resolved to bring men to the knowledge of divine truth. Many conceive that the question is settled by the epistles in the book of Revelation being addressed to the angels of the respective churches named by the Apostle. But it is far from being obvious what is implied under the appellation angel; there has been much dispute about this point, and it is certainly a 775deviation from all the usual rules by which we are guided in interpreting Scripture, to bring an obscure and doubtful passage in illustration of one, about the import of which, if we attend to the language used, there can be no doubt. It may, therefore, be safely affirmed that there is nothing clear and specific in the writings of the New Testament which qualifies the positive declarations that bishops and presbyters were the same officers; that the ground upon which the distinction between them is placed, is, at least, far from obviously supporting it; and that there is not the slightest intimation that the observance of such a distinction is at all important, much less absolutely essential to a true Christian church, insomuch that, where it is disregarded, the ordinances of divine appointment cannot be properly dispensed. If therefore it be established,--and some of the most learned and zealous advocates for the hierarchy which afterward arose have been compelled to admit it,--that Scripture has not recognized any difference of rank or order between the ordinary teachers of the Gospel, all other means of maintaining this difference should be with Protestants of no force. It may be shown that the admission of the distinction is not incompatible with the great ends for which a ministry was appointed, and even in particular cases may tend to promote them; but still it is merely a matter of human regulation, not binding upon Christians, and not in any way connected with the vital influence of the Gospel dispensation. The whole of the writers of antiquity may be urged in support of it, if that could be done; and, after all, every private Christian would be entitled to judge for himself, and to be directed by his own judgment, unless it be maintained that where Scripture has affirmed the existence of equality, this is to be counteracted and set at nought by the testimonies and assertions of a set of writers, who, although honoured with the name of fathers, are very far, indeed, from being infallible, and who have, in fact, often delivered sentiments which even they who, upon a particular emergency, cling to them, must confess to be directly at variance with all that is sound in reason, or venerable and sublime in religion. It also follows, from the Scriptural identity of bishops and presbyters, that no church in which this identity is preserved, can on that account be considered as having departed from the apostolic model, or its ministers be viewed, at least with any good reason, as having less ground to hope for the blessing of God upon their spiritual labours; because if we admit the contrary, we must also admit that the inspired writers, instead of properly regulating the church, betrayed it into error, by omitting to make a distinction closely allied with the essence of religion. What is this but to say that it is safer to follow the erring direction of frail mortals, than to follow the admonitions of those who, it is universally allowed, were inspired by the Holy Spirit, or commissioned by him to be the instructers of the world?
It seems clear from the passages that have been quoted that, based on what the Apostles said about the ministers of Christ's religion, they taught that bishops and presbyters were the same group of leaders. They indicated that there were really only two roles identified by them: bishops (or presbyters) and deacons. This suggests that, even if it seems there were bishops in the traditional sense during the apostolic age, it would only mean that the initial equality established among the teachers was, for practical reasons or special circumstances, interrupted. However, this does not imply that the overall truths expressed by the inspired writers were untrue, or that all Christians should ignore them at all times. There's been strong argument that bishops existed in the early church, and references to them can be found in Scripture. Yet, without directly opposing this claim, it must be acknowledged that the evidence for it is not as clear as the proof that bishops and presbyters were seen as equal in rank and authority. In fact, there doesn’t seem to have been a need for this higher order. Presbyters were actually given the significant responsibility of nurturing the church of God, which means promoting people's spiritual growth. It's noteworthy that their right to separate from the community through ordination is clearly acknowledged in the case of Timothy, whom the Apostle tells not to neglect the gift that was in him, given by prophecy and by the laying on of hands of the presbytery, referring only to those called presbyters or bishops. Nevertheless, even though all parts of the ministerial duties were entrusted to presbyters, some argue that the New Testament indicates the presence of bishops as a higher rank. There has been much disagreement on this among those who support the divine establishment of episcopacy. Some assert that the Apostles were the bishops of the Christian church while they were alive; however, this claim is strongly rejected by others. Some argue that Timothy and Titus were, in what they call the true sense, bishops; yet many dispute this, asserting that these evangelists did not reside within the boundaries or have responsibilities limited to one church but were sent wherever it was decided to guide people towards divine truth. Many believe the issue is resolved by the epistles in the book of Revelation being addressed to the angels of the specific churches mentioned by the Apostle. However, it is not clear what is meant by the term angel; there’s been a lot of debate on this, and it certainly deviates from the usual rules we follow in interpreting Scripture to use an unclear and questionable passage to clarify a clear one. Therefore, it can be safely stated that there's nothing clear and specific in the New Testament writings that contradicts the clear declarations that bishops and presbyters were the same officers. The basis for distinguishing between them is not obviously supportive, and there’s no hint that observing such a distinction is important, let alone absolutely essential to a true Christian church, such that disregarding it would prevent the proper ministry of divinely appointed ordinances. If it is established—and some of the most knowledgeable and devoted advocates for the later hierarchy have had to admit this—that Scripture does not recognize any difference in rank or order among the ordinary Gospel teachers, then all other arguments for maintaining this difference should hold no weight for Protestants. It can be demonstrated that acknowledging the distinction is compatible with the main purposes for which a ministry was established, and in certain situations, it may even help achieve them; but ultimately, it is just a human arrangement, not mandatory for Christians, and not connected to the essential influence of the Gospel message. The writings of all ancient authors may be cited in support of this, if it can be done; and in the end, every individual Christian has the right to make their own judgment and follow it, unless it is claimed that where Scripture has affirmed equality, this should be overruled by the testimonies and assertions of a group of writers who, even if referred to as fathers, are far from infallible and often express views that, even those who cling to them during specific crises must admit, are directly contradictory to sound reasoning or the venerable and profound aspects of religion. It also follows from the Scriptural identity of bishops and presbyters that no church maintaining this identity can be seen as having strayed from the apostolic model, nor can its ministers, at least reasonably, be viewed as having less hope for God's blessing on their spiritual efforts; because if we accept the opposite, we must also accept that the inspired writers, instead of properly guiding the church, led it into error by failing to establish a distinction so closely related to the essence of religion. Isn't this just saying it's safer to follow the mistaken guidance of fallible humans than to heed the teachings of those who are universally acknowledged to have been inspired by the Holy Spirit or commissioned by Him to instruct the world?
It is to be observed, however, that although bishops and presbyters were the same when the epistles of the New Testament were written, it would be going too far to contend that no departure from this should ever take place; because, to justify such a position, it would be requisite that a positive injunction should have been given that equality must at all times be carefully preserved. There is, however, no such injunction. Unlike the Old Testament, which specified every thing, even the most minute, in relation to the priesthood, the New only alludes in general terms, and very seldom, to the ministry; and the reason probably is, that, being intended for all nations, it left Christians at liberty to make such modifications in the ecclesiastical constitution as in their peculiar situation appeared best adapted for religious edification. The simple test to be applied to the varying or varied forms of church government is that indicated by our Lord himself: By their fruits ye shall know them.” Wherever the regulations respecting the ministry are such as to divert it from the purposes for which it was destined, to separate those who form it from the flock of Christ, to relax their diligence in teaching, and to destroy the connection between them and their people, so as to render their exertions of little or of no use, there we find a church not apostolical. But wherever the blessed fruits of Gospel teaching are in abundance produced, where the people and the ministers are cordially united, and where every regulation is calculated to give efficacy to the labours of those who have entered into the vineyard, we have an apostolical church, or, to speak more properly, a church of Christ, built upon a rock, because devoted to the beneficent objects for which our Saviour came into the world.
It should be noted, however, that although bishops and presbyters were considered the same at the time the New Testament letters were written, it would be excessive to argue that no changes should ever occur. To support such a claim, there would need to be a clear mandate stating that equality must always be strictly maintained. However, there is no such mandate. Unlike the Old Testament, which detailed every aspect of the priesthood, the New Testament only makes general references to the ministry, and very rarely at that. The likely reason is that, since it was meant for all nations, it allowed Christians the freedom to make modifications to the church structure that best suited their specific situations for religious growth. The key test for evaluating different forms of church governance is the one indicated by our Lord himself: "By their fruits ye shall know them." Wherever the rules regarding the ministry lead it away from its intended purposes, separate its members from the community of Christ, lessen their commitment to teaching, and disrupt the bond with their congregation, we find a church that is not apostolic. However, wherever the positive outcomes of Gospel teaching are abundantly evident, where ministers and the congregation are united, and where every regulation enhances the effectiveness of those laboring in the vineyard, we have an apostolic church, or more accurately, a church of Christ, built on a solid foundation because it is dedicated to the noble aims for which our Savior came into the world.
The form of church government among the Scotch Presbyterians is as follows:--The kirk session, consisting of the minister and lay elders of the congregation, is the lowest ecclesiastical judicature. The next is the presbytery, which consists of all the pastors within a certain district, and one ruling elder from each parish. The provincial synods, of which there are fifteen, meet twice in the year, and are composed of the members of the several presbyteries within the respective provinces. From the kirk sessions appeal lies to the presbyteries, from these to the synods, and from them to the general assembly, which meets annually, and is the highest ecclesiastical authority in the kingdom. This is composed of delegates from each presbytery, from every royal borough, and from each of the Scotch universities; and the king presides by a commission of his own appointment. The Scotch ordain by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery,” before which persons may be licensed to preach as probationers, but cannot administer the sacraments. The clergy are maintained by the state, and nominated to livings by patrons, as in other establishments. Those properly called the English Presbyterians, have no connection with the Scotch kirk. They are now indeed broken into separate churches, and follow the same form of church government as the Congregationalists 776or Independents. The name Presbyterian, therefore, is now inapplicable to them although retained. So Dr. Doddridge: Those who hold every pastor to be so a bishop or overseer of his own congregation, as that no other person or body of men have, by divine institution, a power to exercise any superior or pastoral office in it, may, properly speaking, be called, so far at least, congregational; and it is by a vulgar mistake that any such are called Presbyterians.” See Episcopalians.
The structure of church governance among the Scottish Presbyterians is as follows: The kirk session, made up of the minister and lay elders from the congregation, is the lowest level of church authority. Next is the presbytery, which includes all pastors in a specific area and one ruling elder from each parish. There are fifteen provincial synods that meet twice a year, consisting of members from the various presbyteries in those provinces. Appeals can be made from the kirk sessions to the presbyteries, then to the synods, and finally to the general assembly, which meets every year and serves as the highest church authority in the kingdom. This assembly is made up of representatives from each presbytery, every royal borough, and each of the Scottish universities; the king presides over it through a delegate of his choosing. The Scottish ordain by laying on of hands from the presbytery, prior to which individuals may be licensed to preach as probationers but cannot administer sacraments. The clergy receive support from the state and are appointed to their positions by patrons, similar to other established churches. The group commonly referred to as the English Presbyterians has no connection to the Scottish kirk. They have now split into separate churches and follow the same governance structure as the Congregationalists or Independents. Therefore, the term Presbyterian is no longer appropriate for them, even though they retain it. As Dr. Doddridge stated: Those who believe that every pastor is a bishop or overseer of his own congregation, with no other person or group having the divine right to exercise a superior or pastoral role within it, may more accurately be described as congregational; it's a common misconception to label any such groups as Presbyterians. See Episcopalians.
PRESCIENCE, or foreknowledge, an attribute of God. (See Omniscience.) On this subject three leading theories have been resorted to, in order to evade the difficulties which are supposed to be involved in the opinion commonly received. The Chevalier Ramsay, among his other speculations, holds it a matter of choice in God, to think of finite ideas; and similar opinions, though variously worded, have been occasionally adopted. In substance these opinions are, that though the knowledge of God be infinite as his power is infinite, there is no more reason to conclude, that his knowledge should be always exerted to the full extent of its capacity, than that his power should be employed to the extent of his omnipotence; and that if we suppose him to choose not to know some contingencies, the infiniteness of his knowledge is not thereby impugned. To this it may be answered, that the infinite power of God is in Scripture represented, as in the nature of things it must be, as an infinite capacity, and not as infinite in act; but that the knowledge of God is on the contrary never represented there to us as a capacity to acquire knowledge, but as actually comprehending all things that are, and all things that can be. 2. That the notion of God’s choosing to know some things, and not to know others, supposes a reason why he refuses to know any class of things or events; which reason, it would seem, can only arise out of their nature and circumstances, and therefore supposes at least a partial knowledge of them, from which the reason for his not choosing to know them arises. The doctrine is therefore somewhat contradictory. But, 3. It is fatal to this opinion that it does not at all meet the difficulty arising out of the question of the consistency of divine prescience, and the free actions of men; since some contingent actions, for which men have been made accountable, we are sure, have been foreknown by God, because by his Spirit in the prophets they were foretold; and if the freedom of man can in these cases be reconciled to the prescience of God, there is no greater difficulty in any other case which can possibly occur.
PRESCIENCE, or foreknowledge, is an attribute of God. (See Omniscience.) On this topic, three main theories have been proposed to address the challenges associated with the commonly accepted view. The Chevalier Ramsay, among his other theories, argues that it is a matter of choice for God to consider finite ideas; and similar views, although expressed in different ways, have sometimes been adopted. Essentially, these views suggest that although God's knowledge is infinite just like His power, there's no reason to assume that His knowledge is always fully exercised, just as there’s no reason to believe His power is always used to the full extent of His omnipotence. If we suggest that He might choose not to know certain possibilities, that does not challenge the infinity of His knowledge. In response, it can be argued that God's infinite power in Scripture is depicted as a limitless capability, rather than as being infinitely active; however, God's knowledge is consistently presented to us not as a potential to gain knowledge, but as actually encompassing all that is and all that can be. 2. The idea that God chooses to know some things while not knowing others implies a reason for His refusal to acknowledge certain categories of things or events, which seems to arise from their nature and circumstances. Thus, it requires at least partial knowledge of those things, which then raises the question of why He would choose not to know them. This doctrine is therefore somewhat contradictory. But, 3. The critical flaw in this view is that it fails to address the issue of the compatibility of divine foreknowledge and human free will; since we know that some contingent actions, for which people are held accountable, have indeed been foreseen by God, as indicated by the prophecies in the scriptures. If human freedom can be reconciled with God's foreknowledge in these instances, then there’s no greater challenge in any other potential case.
A second theory is, that the foreknowledge of contingent events, being in its own nature impossible, because it implies a contradiction, it does no dishonour to the divine Being to affirm, that of such events he has, and can have, no prescience whatever; and thus the prescience of God, as to moral actions, being wholly denied, the difficulty in question is got rid of. To this the same answer must be given as to the former. It does not meet the case, so long as the Scriptures are allowed to contain prophecies of rewardable and punishable actions. The great fallacy in the argument, that the certain prescience of a moral action destroys its contingent nature, lies in supposing that contingency and certainty are the opposites of each other. It is, perhaps, unfortunate, that a word which is of figurative etymology, and which consequently can only have an ideal application to such subjects, should have grown into common use in this discussion, because it is more liable, on that account, to present itself to different minds under different shades of meaning. If, however, the term contingent in this controversy has any definite meaning at all, as applied to the moral actions of men, it must mean their freedom, and stands opposed, not to certainty, but to necessity. A free action is a voluntary one; and an action which results from the choice of the agent, is distinguished from a necessary one in this, that it might not have been, or have been otherwise, according to the self-determining power of the agent. It is with reference to this specific quality of a free action, that the term contingency is used; it might have been otherwise, in other words, it was not necessitated. Contingency in moral actions is, therefore, their freedom, and is opposed, not to certainty, but to constraint. The very nature of this controversy fixes this as the precise meaning of the term. The question is not, in point of fact, about the certainty of moral actions, that is, whether they will happen or not; but about the nature of them, whether free or constrained, whether they must happen or not. Those who advocate this theory care not about the certainty of actions, simply considered, that is, whether they will take place or not; the reason why they object to a certain prescience of moral actions, is this,--they conclude, that such a prescience renders them necessary. It is the quality of the action for which they contend, not whether it will happen or not. If contingency meant uncertainty, the sense in which such theorists take it, the dispute would be at an end. But though an uncertain action cannot be foreseen as certain, a free, unnecessitated action may; for there is nothing in the knowledge of the action, in the least, to affect its nature. Simple knowledge is, in no sense, a cause of action, nor can it be conceived to be causal, unconnected with exerted power: for mere knowledge, therefore, an action remains free or necessitated as the case may be. A necessitated action is not made a voluntary one by its being foreknown; a free action is not made a necessary one. Free actions foreknown will not, therefore, cease to be contingent. But how stands the case as to their certainty? Precisely on the same ground. The certainty of a necessary action foreknown, does not result from the knowledge of the action, but from the operation of the necessitating cause; and, in like manner, the certainty of a free action does not result from the knowledge of it, which is no cause at all, but from the voluntary cause, that is, the determination of the will. It alters not 777the case in the least, to say that the voluntary action might have been otherwise. Had it been otherwise, the knowledge of it would have been otherwise; but as the will which gives birth to the action, is not dependent upon the previous knowledge of God, but the knowledge of the action upon foresight of the choice of the will, neither the will nor the act is controlled by the knowledge; and the action, though foreseen, is still free or contingent. The foreknowledge of God has then no influence upon either the freedom or the certainty of actions, for this plain reason, that it is knowledge, and not influence; and actions may be certainly foreknown, without their being rendered necessary by that foreknowledge. But here it is said, If the result of an absolute contingency be certainly foreknown, it can have no other result, it cannot happen otherwise.” This is not the true inference. It will not happen otherwise; but it may be asked, Why can it not happen otherwise? Can is an expression of potentiality, it denotes power or possibility. The objection is, that it is not possible that the action should otherwise happen. But why not? What deprives it of that power? If a necessary action were in question, it could not otherwise happen than as the necessitating cause shall compel; but then that would arise from the necessitating cause solely, and not from the prescience of the action which is not causal. But if the action be free, and it enter into the very nature of a voluntary action to be unconstrained, then it might have happened in a thousand other ways, or not have happened at all; the foreknowledge of it no more affects its nature in this case than in the other. All its potentiality, so to speak, still remains, independent of foreknowledge, which neither adds to its power of happening otherwise, nor diminishes it. But then we are told, that the prescience of it, in that case, must be uncertain.” Not unless any person can prove, that the divine prescience is unable to dart through all the workings of the human mind, all its comparison of things in the judgment, all the influences of motives on the affections, all the hesitances and haltings of the will, to its final choice. Such knowledge is too wonderful for us,” but it is the knowledge of Him who understandeth the thoughts of man afar off.” “But if a contingency will have a given result, to that result it must be determined.” Not in the least. We have seen that it cannot be determined to a given result by mere precognition; for we have evidence in our own minds that mere knowledge is not causal to the actions of another. It is determined to its result by the will of the agent; but even in that case, it cannot be said, that it must be determined to that result, because it is of the nature of freedom to be unconstrained: so that here we have an instance in the case of a free agent that he will act in some particular manner; but it by no means follows from what will be, whether foreseen or not, that it must be.
A second theory is that knowing about uncertain events is inherently impossible because it involves a contradiction. Therefore, it doesn't dishonor the divine Being to claim that He has no foreknowledge of such events, and thus, denying God's prescience regarding moral actions resolves the issue. The same response applies here as to the previous point; it doesn't address the issue as long as the Scriptures are considered to contain prophecies about actions that can be rewarded or punished. The major flaw in the argument that certain foreknowledge of a moral action negates its uncertain nature lies in the assumption that uncertainty and certainty are opposites. It’s somewhat unfortunate that a term with a figurative origin, which can only be ideally applied to these topics, has become commonly used in this discussion, as it can lead to different interpretations among different people. However, if the term contingent has any clear meaning in this debate regarding moral actions, it must refer to their freedom and stands in opposition not to certainty but to necessity. A free action is voluntary, and an action that results from the agent's choice is distinct from a necessary one because it could have been different or not happened at all, depending on the agent's self-determining power. The term contingency is used regarding this specific quality of a free action; it could have been different, meaning it wasn’t compelled. Therefore, contingency in moral actions refers to their freedom and opposes constraint, not certainty. The essence of this debate defines this term's precise meaning. The question is not about whether moral actions are certain, that is, whether they will occur or not, but about their nature: whether they are free or constrained, whether they must occur or not. Those who support this theory are not concerned about the certainty of actions per se—whether they will take place or not. The reason they object to certain foreknowledge of moral actions is that they conclude such knowledge makes those actions necessary. They argue about the nature of the action, not its occurrence. If contingency meant uncertainty as these theorists interpret it, the dispute would be resolved. However, while an uncertain action cannot be anticipated as certain, a free, non-compelled action can be; there is nothing in the awareness of the action to alter its nature. Simple knowledge is not a cause of action in any sense, nor can it be thought of as causal without exerted power: thus, an action remains free or compelled based on that case. A compelled action is not made voluntary because it is foreseen, and a free action is not made necessary by being known. Therefore, foreseen free actions will not lose their contingent nature. But what about their certainty? It stands exactly on the same basis. The certainty of a necessary action that is foreseen does not arise from the knowledge of that action but from the action of the cause that compels it; similarly, the certainty of a free action does not come from its knowledge, which isn't causal, but from the will's determination. It doesn't change the fact that the voluntary action could have been otherwise. If it had been different, the knowledge of it would have been different as well, but since the will that produces the action is not determined by God’s prior knowledge, and the knowledge of the action depends on the foresight of the will's choice, neither the will nor the act is limited by that knowledge, and the action, while anticipated, remains free or contingent. Thus, God’s foreknowledge has no impact on the freedom or certainty of actions because it is knowledge, not influence; actions can be anticipated with certainty without being made necessary by that foresight. However, it is claimed, if the outcome of an absolute contingency is certainly foreseen, it can have no other outcome, it cannot occur differently. This is not the correct conclusion. It will not happen differently; however, one can ask, why can it not happen differently? Can indicates potential, meaning power or possibility. The objection is that it is impossible for the action to happen differently. But why not? What strips it of that power? If it were a necessary action, it couldn’t occur any other way than how the necessary cause compels it; however, that would stem solely from the necessitating cause, not from the prescience of the action, which is not causal. But if the action is free, and since it is inherently part of a voluntary action to be unconstrained, then it could have occurred in countless ways or not at all; its foreknowledge does not affect its nature any more than in the other scenario. All its potential remains, independent of foreknowledge, which neither enhances nor diminishes its ability to happen differently. Yet, it is said that, in this case, it must be uncertain. Not unless someone can prove that divine prescience cannot penetrate all the workings of the human mind, all its comparative thoughts in judgment, all the influences of motives on feelings, and all the hesitations of the will leading to its final choice. Such knowledge is beyond our understanding, but it belongs to Him who knows the thoughts of humans from afar. “But if a contingency will lead to a specific outcome, then it must be determined.” Not at all. We have seen that it cannot be determined to a specific outcome merely by foreknowledge; our own experiences show that knowledge alone does not cause another person's actions. The outcome is determined by the agent's will; even in that case, it cannot be claimed that it must lead to that outcome, because it is the essence of freedom to remain unconstrained: so here we have an instance where a free agent will act in a particular way; however, it does not follow from what will be, whether anticipated or not, that it must be.
The third theory amounts, in brief, to this, that the foreknowledge of God must be supposed to differ so much from any thing of the kind which we perceive in ourselves, and from any ideas which we can possibly form of that property of the divine nature, that no argument respecting it can be grounded upon our imperfect notions; and that all controversy on subjects connected with it, is idle and fruitless. But though foreknowledge in God should be admitted to be something of a very different nature” to the same quality in man, yet as it is represented as something equivalent to foreknowledge, whatever that something may be, since in consequence of it, prophecies have actually been uttered and fulfilled, and of such a kind, too, as relate to actions for which men have in fact been held accountable; all the original difficulty of reconciling contingent events to this something, of which human foreknowledge is a kind of shadow,” as a map of China is to China itself,” remains in full force. The difficulty is shifted, but not removed. It may, therefore, be certainly concluded, if at least the Holy Scriptures are to be our guide, that the omniscience of God comprehends his certain prescience of all events however contingent; and if any thing more were necessary to strengthen the argument above given, it might be drawn from the irrational, and, above all, the unscriptural consequences, which would follow from the denial of this doctrine. These are forcibly stated by President Edwards:--“It would follow from this notion, (namely, that the Almighty doth not foreknow what will be the result of future contingencies,) that as God is liable to be continually repenting what he has done; so he must be exposed to be constantly changing his mind and intentions as to his future conduct; altering his measures, relinquishing his old designs, and forming new schemes and projections. For his purposes, even as to the main parts of his scheme, namely, such as belong to the state of his moral kingdom, must be always liable to be broken, through want of foresight; and he must be continually putting his system to rights, as it gets out of order, through the contingence of the actions of moral agents: he must be a Being who, instead of being absolutely immutable, must necessarily be the subject of infinitely the most numerous acts of repentance, and changes of intention, of any being whatsoever; for this plain reason, that his vastly extensive charge comprehends an infinitely greater number of those things which are to him contingent and uncertain. In such a situation he must have little else to do, but to mend broken links as well as he can, and be rectifying his disjointed frame and disordered movements, in the best manner the case will allow. The supreme Lord of all things must needs be under great and miserable disadvantages, in governing the world which he has made, and has the care of, through his being utterly unable to find out things of chief importance, which hereafter shall befall his system; which, if he did but know, he might make seasonable provision for. In many cases, there may be very great necessity that he should make provision, in 778the manner of his ordering and disposing things, for some great events which are to happen, of vast and extensive influence, and endless consequence to the universe; which he may see afterward, when it is too late, and may wish in vain that he had known beforehand, that he might have ordered his affairs accordingly. And it is in the power of man, on these principles, by his devices, purposes, and actions, thus to disappoint God, break his measures, make him continually to change his mind, subject him to vexation, and bring him into confusion.”
The third theory essentially suggests that God's foreknowledge must be considered so different from anything we experience ourselves and from any ideas we can form about divine nature that no argument regarding it can be based on our limited understanding; therefore, any debate on related subjects is pointless. However, even if we accept that God's foreknowledge is fundamentally different from human foreknowledge, it is still seen as equivalent to foreknowledge in some way. Because of this, prophecies have been made and fulfilled, particularly regarding actions for which humans are held accountable. This original challenge of reconciling contingent events with this concept, which human foreknowledge merely reflects—much like a map of China reflects China itself—remains significant. The challenge may have shifted, but it hasn't been resolved. Thus, if we are to follow the Holy Scriptures, we can surely conclude that God's omniscience includes his certain knowledge of all events, no matter how unpredictable. If anything more is needed to reinforce the previous argument, it can be derived from the illogical and, most importantly, the unbiblical consequences that would follow from rejecting this doctrine. President Edwards powerfully articulated this: "From the idea that the Almighty does not foreknow the outcomes of future contingencies, it follows that God would constantly regret his past actions; he would have to frequently change his mind and intentions regarding his future actions; altering plans, abandoning previous designs, and creating new projects. His objectives, particularly those concerning the state of his moral kingdom, would always be at risk of failure due to lack of foresight; he would continually need to correct his system as it becomes disrupted by the unpredictable actions of moral agents. He would be a being who, rather than being absolutely unchanging, would necessarily go through an overwhelming number of acts of regret and shifts in intention—more than any other being; because his vast responsibilities encompass an infinite number of things that are contingent and uncertain. In such circumstances, he would find himself primarily focused on fixing broken links as best as he can, and trying to correct his disordered structure and chaotic movements in any way possible. The supreme Lord of all things would inevitably face tremendous challenges and distress in governing the world he created and cares for, due to his inability to foresee crucial events that will affect his system; if he were aware of these events, he could make timely arrangements. There may be significant occasions requiring him to prepare through his decisions and actions for major events that will occur, which he may realize only after it’s too late, wishing he had known earlier so that he could have arranged his affairs accordingly. And under these principles, it becomes possible for humans, through their plans, purposes, and actions, to thwart God, disrupt his plans, cause him to continually change his mind, and bring him distress and confusion."
Socinus and his early followers would not allow that God possesses any knowledge of future contingencies. The schoolmen, in reference to this species of knowledge in God, invented that called scientia media, and which they define as that by which God knows sub conditione, what men or angels will do according to the liberty which they have, when they are placed in these or those circumstances, or in this or in that order of things.” When Gomarus, the opponent of Arminius, found that his opinion concerning the object of reprobation was clogged with this absurdity--that it made God to be the author of Adam’s sin, he very astutely took refuge in this conditionate foreknowledge, and, in his corrected theses on predestination, published after the death of Arminius, he describes it as that by which God, through the infinite light of his own knowledge, foreknows some future things, not absolutely, but as placed under a certain condition.” Walæus, the celebrated antagonist of Episcopius, had recourse to the same expedient. This distinction has been adopted by very few of those who espouse the doctrines of general redemption; and who believe that every event, how contingent soever to the creature, is, with respect to God, certainly foreknown. An old English divine thinks, that, “in the sacred Scriptures certain not obscure vestiges are apparent of this kind of knowledge, of things that will happen thus or otherwise, on the supposition of the occurrence of this or that circumstance. Omitting the well known example of David in Keilah, 1 Sam. xxii, 12, and of Chorazin and Bethsaida, Matt. xi, 21; Luke x, 13, consult, among other sayings of the same description, the answer of our Saviour to the chief priests and scribes, who had asked, ‘Art thou the Christ? Tell us.’ And he said unto them, ‘If I tell you, ye will not believe.’ In the subsequent verse he adds, ‘If I also ask you, ye will not answer me, nor let me go,’ Luke xxii, 67, 68. You have here three events specified, which yet will not occur even on the supposition of Christ our Lord himself.” This kind of knowledge might very well be included in that of scientia visionis, because the latter ought to include, not what God will do and what his creatures will do under his appointment, but what they will do by his permission as free agents, and what he will do, as a consequence of this, in his character of Governor and Lord. But since the predestinarians had confounded scientia visionis with a predestinating decree, the scientia media well expressed what they had left quite unaccounted for, and which they had assumed did not really exist,--the actions of creatures endowed with free will, and the acts of Deity which from eternity were consequent upon them. If such actions do not take place, then men are not free; and if the rectoral acts of God are not consequent upon the actions of the creature in the order of the divine intention, and the conduct of the creature is consequent upon the foreordained rectoral acts of God, then we reach a necessitating eternal decree, which in fact, the predestinarian contends for; but it unfortunately brings after it consequences which no subtleties have ever been able to shake off,--that the only actor in the universe is God himself; and that the only distinction among events is, that one class is brought to pass by God directly, and the other indirectly, not by the agency, but by the mere instrumentality, of his creatures.
Socinus and his early followers wouldn’t accept that God has any knowledge of future events. The scholars, regarding this type of knowledge in God, came up with what they called media science, which they defined as that by which God knows under condition, what people or angels will do according to their free will when they are in certain situations or circumstances. When Gomarus, who opposed Arminius, realized that his view on the subject of reprobation had the absurd implication that God caused Adam’s sin, he cleverly turned to this conditional foreknowledge. In his revised theses on predestination, published after Arminius's death, he described it as the means by which God, through the infinite light of His knowledge, foresees some future events, not absolutely, but under certain conditions. Walæus, the well-known opponent of Episcopius, used the same approach. This distinction has been adopted by very few who support the doctrines of general redemption and believe that every event, no matter how contingent for the creature, is certainly foreknown by God. An old English theologian suggests that “in the sacred Scriptures, certain not obscure signs of this kind of knowledge, regarding things that will happen under specific circumstances, are evident. Aside from the well-known example of David in Keilah, 1 Sam. xxii, 12, and of Chorazin and Bethsaida, Matt. xi, 21; Luke x, 13, consider, among other similar sayings, the answer of our Savior to the chief priests and scribes, who asked, ‘Are you the Christ? Tell us.’ He said to them, ‘If I tell you, you won’t believe.’ In the next verse, He adds, ‘If I also ask you, you won’t answer me, nor let me go,’ Luke xxii, 67, 68. Here you have three specified events that won’t occur, even with the assumption of Christ Himself.” This kind of knowledge could be included in science of seeing, because the latter should encompass not just what God and His creatures will do under His direction, but also what they will do with His permission as free agents, and what He will do in response to that as the Governor and Lord. However, since the predestinarians had confused science of vision with a predestining decree, scientific media aptly expressed what they had left unexplained, which they assumed didn’t really exist—the actions of beings with free will and the divine actions that were eternally consequent upon them. If such actions do not take place, then people are not free; and if God's governing acts are not a result of the creature's actions in accordance with divine intention, and the creature's actions are a result of God's predestined governing acts, then we arrive at a necessitating eternal decree, which the predestinarian argues for; but this unfortunately leads to consequences that no amount of reasoning has been able to resolve—that the only actor in the universe is God Himself, and that the only distinction among events is that one group is brought about directly by God, and the other indirectly, not by active agency, but by the mere instrumentality of His creatures.
PRIEST, a general name for the minister of religion. The priest under the law was, among the Hebrews, a person consecrated and ordained of God to offer up sacrifices for his own sins and those of the people, Lev. iv, 5, 6. The priesthood was not annexed to a certain family till after the promulgation of the law of Moses. Before that time the first-born of every family, the fathers, the princes, the kings were priests. Cain and Abel, Noah, Abraham, Job, Abimelech and Laban, Isaac and Jacob, offered themselves their own sacrifices. In the solemnity of the covenant that the Lord made with his people at the foot of Mount Sinai, Moses performed the office of mediator, Exod. xxiv, 5, 6; and young men were chosen from among the children of Israel to perform the office of priests. But after the Lord had chosen the tribe of Levi to serve him in his tabernacle, and the priesthood was annexed to the family of Aaron, then the right of offering sacrifices to God was reserved to the priests alone of this family. The Lord ordained, Num. xvi, 40, that no stranger, which was not of the seed of Aaron, should come near to offer incense unto the Lord, that he might not be as Korah and his company. The punishment of Uzziah is well known, 2 Chron. xxvi, 19, who, having presumed to offer incense to the Lord, was suddenly smitten with a leprosy, put out of his palace, and excluded from the administration of affairs to the day of his death. However, it seems that, on certain occasions, the judges and the kings of the Hebrews offered sacrifices unto the Lord, especially before a constant place of worship was fixed at Jerusalem; for in 1 Sam. vii, 8, we are told that Samuel, who was no priest, offered a lamb for a burnt-sacrifice to the Lord; and in 1 Sam. ix, 13, it is said that this prophet was to bless the offering of the people, which should seem to be a function appropriated to the priests; lastly, 1 Sam. xvi, 5, he goes to Bethlehem, where he offers a sacrifice at the inauguration or anointing of David. Saul himself offered a burnt-offering to the Lord, perhaps as being king of Israel, 1 Sam. xiii, 9, 10. Elijah also offered a burnt-offering upon Mount 779Carmel, 1 Kings xviii, 33. David himself sacrificed, (at least the text expresses it so,) at the ceremony of bringing the ark to Jerusalem, and at the floor of Araunah, 2 Sam. vi, 13. Solomon went up to the brazen altar that was at Gibeon, and there offered sacrifices, 2 Chron. i, 5. It is true the above passages are commonly explained by supposing that these princes offered their sacrifices by the hands of the priests; but the sacred text will by no means favour such explanations; and it is very natural to imagine, that in the quality of kings and heads of the people, they had the privilege of performing some sacerdotal functions, upon some extraordinary occasions; thus we see David clothed with the priestly ephod, and consulting the Lord; and upon another occasion we find David and Solomon pronounce solemn benedictions on the people, 2 Sam. vi, 18; 1 Kings viii, 55. God having reserved to himself the first-born of all Israel, because he had preserved them from the hand of the destroying angel in Egypt, by way of exchange or compensation accepted of the tribe of Levi for the service of the tabernacle, Numbers iii, 41. Of the three sons of Levi, Gershon, Kohath, and Merari, the Lord chose the family of Kohath, and out of this the house of Aaron, to exercise the functions of the priesthood. All the rest of the family of Kohath, even the children of Moses and their descendants, remained of the order of mere Levites. See Levites.
PRIEST is a general term for a religious minister. Under the law, among the Hebrews, a priest was someone set apart and appointed by God to offer sacrifices for his own sins and those of the people, Lev. iv, 5, 6. The priesthood did not become exclusively tied to a specific family until after the law of Moses was given. Before that, the firstborn of each family, as well as fathers, princes, and kings, acted as priests. Cain and Abel, Noah, Abraham, Job, Abimelech, Laban, Isaac, and Jacob performed their own sacrifices. During the significant covenant that the Lord made with his people at Mount Sinai, Moses served as mediator, Exod. xxiv, 5, 6; and young men were chosen from among the Israelites to act as priests. However, after the Lord selected the tribe of Levi to serve Him in the tabernacle, and the priesthood was assigned to Aaron's family, only the priests from this family could offer sacrifices to God. The Lord established, Num. xvi, 40, that no outsider, who was not a descendant of Aaron, could come near to offer incense to the Lord, to prevent him from ending up like Korah and his followers. The story of Uzziah is well known, 2 Chron. xxvi, 19; he arrogantly offered incense to the Lord and was suddenly struck with leprosy, expelled from his palace, and barred from public life until his death. Nonetheless, it appears that at certain times, the judges and kings of the Hebrews did offer sacrifices to the Lord, especially before a permanent place of worship was established in Jerusalem. For instance, in 1 Sam. vii, 8, we learn that Samuel, who was not a priest, offered a lamb as a burnt offering to the Lord; and in 1 Sam. ix, 13, it states that this prophet was to bless the people's offering, a role typically reserved for priests. Lastly, in 1 Sam. xvi, 5, he goes to Bethlehem to offer a sacrifice during David's anointing. Saul also offered a burnt offering to the Lord, likely because he was king of Israel, 1 Sam. xiii, 9, 10. Elijah presented a burnt offering on Mount 779Carmel, 1 Kings xviii, 33. David himself made sacrifices, or at least the text indicates this, during the ceremony of bringing the ark to Jerusalem and at the threshing floor of Araunah, 2 Sam. vi, 13. Solomon went up to the bronze altar at Gibeon and offered sacrifices there, 2 Chron. i, 5. It's often assumed that these rulers offered their sacrifices through the priests, but the sacred text doesn’t support such interpretations. It seems reasonable to believe that, as kings and leaders, they had the right to perform some priestly roles on special occasions. For example, we see David wearing the priestly ephod and seeking guidance from the Lord; and on another occasion, both David and Solomon pronounced blessings over the people, 2 Sam. vi, 18; 1 Kings viii, 55. God designated the firstborn of all Israel for Himself because He had protected them from the destroying angel in Egypt; instead, He accepted the tribe of Levi to serve in the tabernacle, Numbers iii, 41. Among Levi's three sons—Gershon, Kohath, and Merari—the Lord chose the Kohath family, and from them, the house of Aaron was selected to perform priestly duties. The rest of the Kohath family, including Moses' children and their descendants, remained in the role of ordinary Levites. See Levites.
The posterity of the sons of Aaron, namely, Eleazar and Ithamar, Lev. x, 1–5; 1 Chron. xxiv, 1, 2, had so increased in number in the time of David, that they were divided into twenty-four classes, which officiated a week at a time alternately. Sixteen classes were of the family of Eleazar, and eight of the family of Ithamar. Each class obeyed its own prefect or ruler. The class Jojarib was the first in order, and the class Abia was the eighth, 1 Mac. ii, 1; Luke i, 5; 1 Chron. xxiv, 3–19. This division of the priesthood was continued as a permanent arrangement after the time of David, 2 Chron. viii, 14; xxxi, 2; xxxv, 4, 5. Indeed, although only four classes returned from the captivity, the distinction between them, and also the ancient names, were still retained, Ezra ii, 36–39; Neh. vii, 39–42; xii, 1.
The descendants of Aaron's sons, specifically Eleazar and Ithamar, Lev. x, 1–5; 1 Chron. xxiv, 1, 2, had grown so numerous during David's time that they were organized into twenty-four groups, each serving for one week at a time in rotation. Sixteen of these groups were from Eleazar’s family, while eight came from Ithamar’s family. Each group followed its own leader. The group Jojarib was the first in rank, and the group Abia was the eighth, 1 Mac. ii, 1; Luke i, 5; 1 Chron. xxiv, 3–19. This division of the priesthood continued as a lasting system after David's era, 2 Chron. viii, 14; xxxi, 2; xxxv, 4, 5. In fact, although only four groups returned from exile, the distinctions among them and the ancient names were still preserved, Ezra ii, 36–39; Neh. vii, 39–42; xii, 1.
Aaron, the high priest was set apart to his office by the same ceremonies with which his sons the priests were, with this exception, that the former was clothed in his robes, and the sacred oil was poured upon his head, Exod. xxix, 5–9; Lev. viii, 2. The other ceremonies were as follows. The priests, all of them with their bodies washed, and clad in their appropriate dress, assembled before the altar, where a bullock, two rams, unleavened bread, and wafers of two kinds in baskets, were in readiness. When they had placed their hands upon the head of the bullock, he was slain by Moses as a sin-offering. He touched the horns of the altar with the blood, poured the remainder of it round its base, and placed the parts which were to compose the sacrifice on its top. The remaining parts of the animal were all burned without the camp, Exod. xxix, 10–14; Lev. viii, 2, 3, 14–17. They in like manner placed their hands on the head of one of the rams, which was also slain by Moses for a whole burnt-offering, the blood was sprinkled around the altar, and the parts of the ram were separated and burned upon it, Exod. xxix, 15–18; Lev. viii, 18–21. The other ram, when the priests had laid their hands upon him, was likewise slain by Moses for the sacrifice of consecration. He touched with the blood the tip of the right ear of the priests, the thumb of the right hand, and the great toe of the right foot. The rest of the blood he sprinkled in part upon the bottom of the altar, and a part he mingled with the consecrated oil, and sprinkled on the priests and their garments. He anointed the high priest by pouring a profusion of oil upon his head; whence he is called the anointed, Lev. v, 3, 5, 16; vi, 15; Psalm cxxxiii, 2. Certain parts of the sacrifice, namely, the fat, the kidneys, the haunches, the caul above the liver, and the right shoulder, also one cake of unleavened bread, a cake of oiled bread, and a wafer, were placed by Moses upon the hands of the priests, that they might offer them to God. This ceremony was called “filling the hands,” expressions which accordingly in a number of passages mean the same as consecrating, Exod. xxxii, 29; Leviticus xvi, 32; 1 Chronicles xxix, 5. All the parts which have been mentioned as being placed in the hands of the priests, were at last burned upon the altar. This ceremony, which continued for eight days, for ever separated the priests from all the other Israelites, not excepting the Levites; so that there was subsequently no need of any farther consecration, neither for themselves nor their posterity, Exodus xxix, 35–37; Lev. x, 7; Rom. i, 1; Eph. iii, 3; Acts xiii, 2, 3. That the ceremonies of inauguration or consecration, however, were practised at every new accession of a high priest to his office, seems to be hinted in the following passages, Exod. xxix, 29; Lev. xvi, 32; xxi, 10; Num. xx, 26–28; xxxv, 25.
Aaron, the high priest, was set apart for his role through the same ceremonies as his sons, the priests, with one key difference: he was dressed in his robes, and sacred oil was poured on his head, Exod. xxix, 5–9; Lev. viii, 2. The other ceremonies went as follows. The priests, all having washed their bodies and dressed appropriately, gathered before the altar where a bull, two rams, unleavened bread, and two types of wafers were prepared. After they placed their hands on the bull’s head, he was killed by Moses as a sin offering. Moses touched the altar's horns with the bull's blood, poured the rest around its base, and arranged the parts meant for the sacrifice on top. The remaining parts of the bull were burned outside the camp, Exod. xxix, 10–14; Lev. viii, 2, 3, 14–17. They also placed their hands on the head of one of the rams, which was killed by Moses for a whole burnt offering; the ram's blood was sprinkled around the altar, and the ram's parts were separated and burned on it, Exod. xxix, 15–18; Lev. viii, 18–21. The other ram was slain by Moses for the consecration sacrifice after the priests laid their hands on him. Moses touched the blood to the tip of the right ear, the thumb of the right hand, and the big toe of the right foot of the priests. He sprinkled some of the blood at the base of the altar and mixed the rest with the consecrated oil, sprinkling it on the priests and their garments. He anointed the high priest by pouring a lot of oil on his head, which is why he is called "the anointed," Lev. v, 3, 5, 16; vi, 15; Psalm cxxxiii, 2. Certain parts of the sacrifice, specifically the fat, kidneys, thighs, the part above the liver, and the right shoulder, along with one unleavened bread cake, an oiled bread cake, and a wafer, were placed by Moses on the priests' hands for them to offer to God. This ceremony was called “filling the hands,” which in several instances also means consecrating, Exod. xxxii, 29; Leviticus xvi, 32; 1 Chronicles xxix, 5. All parts mentioned that were placed in the priests' hands were ultimately burned on the altar. This ceremony, lasting eight days, permanently separated the priests from all other Israelites, including the Levites; thus, there was no need for further consecration for themselves or their descendants, Exodus xxix, 35–37; Lev. x, 7; Rom. i, 1; Eph. iii, 3; Acts xiii, 2, 3. However, it seems clear that the consecration ceremonies were performed every time a new high priest assumed office, as hinted by the following passages, Exod. xxix, 29; Lev. xvi, 32; xxi, 10; Num. xx, 26–28; xxxv, 25.
It was not customary for the priests to wear the sacerdotal dress except when performing their official duties, Exod. xxviii, 4, 43; Ezek. xlii, 14; xliv, 19. The description of the dress of the priests which is given in Exodus xxviii, is by some thought defective, as many things are passed in silence, apparently for the reason that they were at that time sufficiently well known, without being expressly stated. Some additional information is communicated to us by Josephus; but the dress of the priests, as he describes it, may have been in some respects of recent origin. It was as follows: 1. A sort of hose, made of cotton or linen, which was fastened round the loins, and extended down so as to cover the thighs, Lev. vi, 10; Ezek. xliv, 18. 2. A tunic of cotton which extended, in the days of Josephus, down to the ankles. It was furnished with sleeves, and was fabricated all of one piece without being sewn, Exod. xxviii, 39, 41; xxix, 5; John xix, 23. 3. The girdle. According to Josephus it was a hand’s breadth in width, woven 780in such a manner as to exhibit the appearance of scales, and ornamented with embroidered flowers in purple, dark blue, scarlet, and white. It was worn a little below the breast, encircled the body twice, and was tied in a knot before. The extremities of the girdle hung down nearly to the ankle. The priest, when engaged in his sacred functions, in order to prevent his being impeded by them, threw them over his left shoulder, Exod. xxxix, 27–29. 4. The mitre or turban was originally acuminated in its shape, was lofty, and was bound upon the head, Exod. xxviii, 8, 40; xxix, 9; Lev. viii, 13. In the time of Josephus the shape of the mitre had become somewhat altered; it was circular, was covered with a piece of fine linen, and sat so closely on the upper part of the head, (for it did not cover the whole of the head,) that it would not fall off when the body was bent down. The Hebrew priests, like those of Egypt and other nations, performed their sacred duties with naked feet; a symbol of reverence and veneration, Exod. iii, 5; Josh. v, 15.
It wasn't common for the priests to wear their ceremonial clothing except when carrying out their official duties, as noted in Exod. xxviii, 4, 43; Ezek. xlii, 14; xliv, 19. Some people believe the description of the priests' clothing in Exodus xxviii is incomplete since many details are omitted, likely because they were well-known at the time. Josephus provides some extra details, but his description of the priests' clothing may have been somewhat modernized. Here's what it included: 1. A type of shorts made of cotton or linen, fastened around the waist, extending down to cover the thighs, Lev. vi, 10; Ezek. xliv, 18. 2. A cotton tunic that, in Josephus’s time, reached down to the ankles. It had sleeves and was made from a single piece without seams, Exod. xxviii, 39, 41; xxix, 5; John xix, 23. 3. The girdle. Josephus described it as a hand's breadth wide, woven to look like scales, and decorated with embroidered flowers in purple, dark blue, scarlet, and white. It was worn just below the chest, wrapped around the body twice, and tied in a knot at the front, with the ends hanging down nearly to the ankles. When the priest was performing his sacred duties, he would throw the ends over his left shoulder to avoid being hindered, Exod. xxxix, 27–29. 4. The mitre or turban originally had a pointed shape, was high, and was worn on the head, Exod. xxviii, 8, 40; xxix, 9; Lev. viii, 13. By Josephus's time, the shape of the mitre had changed to a circular one, covered with fine linen, and fitting closely on the top of the head so that it wouldn’t fall off when the person bent down. Like the priests of Egypt and other cultures, the Hebrew priests performed their sacred duties barefoot, which symbolized respect and reverence, Exod. iii, 5; Josh. v, 15.
The ordinary priests served immediately at the altar, offered sacrifices, killed and flayed them, and poured the blood at the foot of the altar, 2 Chron. xxix, 34; xxxv, 11. They kept a perpetual fire burning upon the altar of burnt-sacrifices, and in the lamps of the golden candlestick that was in the sanctuary; they prepared the loaves of shew bread, baked them, and changed them every Sabbath day. Every day, night, and morning, a priest appointed by casting lots at the beginning of the week, brought into the sanctuary a smoking censer, and set it upon the golden table, otherwise called the altar of perfumes, Luke i, 9. The priests were not suffered to offer incense to the Lord with strange fire, Lev. x, 1, 2; that is, with any other fire than what should be taken from the altar of burnt-sacrifices. It is well known with what severity God chastised Nadab and Abihu for having failed in this. Those that would dedicate themselves to perpetual service in the temple were well received, and were maintained by the constant and daily offerings, Deut. xviii, 6–8. The Lord had given no lands of inheritance to the tribe of Levi in the distribution of the land of promise. He designed that they should be supported by the tithes, the first fruits, the offerings that were made in the temple, by their share of the sin-offerings, and thanksgiving-offerings that were sacrificed in the temple, of which certain parts were appropriated to the priests. They had also a share in the wool when the sheep were shorn. All the first-born, both of man and beast, belonged to the Lord, that is, to his priests. The men were redeemed for the sum of five shekels, Num. xviii, 15, 16. The first-born of impure animals were redeemed or exchanged, but the clean animals were not redeemed; they were sacrificed to the Lord, their blood was sprinkled about the altar, and all the rest belonged to the priest, Num. xviii, 17–19. The first fruits of trees, Lev. xix, 23, 24, that is, those that came on the fourth year, belonged also to the priest. They gave also to the priests and Levites an allowance out of the dough that they kneaded. They had the tithe of all the fruits of the land, and of all animals which were fed under the shepherd’s crook, Lev. xxvii, 31, 32. God also provided them with houses and accommodations, by appointing them forty-eight cities for their habitations, Num. xxxv, 1–3. In the precincts of these cities they possessed as far as a thousand cubits beyond the walls. Of these forty-eight cities six were appointed to be cities of refuge, for the sake of those who should commit any casual or involuntary manslaughter; the priests had thirteen of these for their share, and all the others belonged to the Levites, Josh. xxi, 19. One of the chief employments of the priests, next to attending upon the sacrifices and the service of the tabernacle or temple, was the instruction of the people and the deciding controversies, distinguishing the several sorts of leprosy, the causes of divorce, the waters of jealousy, vows, all causes relating to the law, the uncleannesses that were contracted several ways; all these things were brought before the priests, Hosea iv, 6; Mal. ii, 7, &c; Lev. xiii, 14; Num. v, 14, 15. They publicly blessed the people in the name of the Lord. In time of war their business was to carry the ark of the covenant, to consult the Lord, to sound the holy trumpets, and encourage and harangue the army.
The regular priests served at the altar, offered sacrifices, killed and butchered the animals, and poured the blood at the base of the altar, 2 Chron. xxix, 34; xxxv, 11. They kept a perpetual fire burning on the altar of burnt offerings and in the lamps of the golden candlestick in the sanctuary; they prepared and baked the showbread, changing it every Sabbath. Every day, a priest selected by drawing lots at the start of the week brought a burning censer into the sanctuary and placed it on the golden table, also known as the altar of incense, Luke i, 9. Priests were prohibited from offering incense to the Lord with strange fire, Lev. x, 1, 2; meaning any fire other than what was taken from the altar of burnt offerings. It's well known how severely God punished Nadab and Abihu for this error. Those who dedicated themselves to permanent service in the temple were welcomed and supported by regular daily offerings, Deut. xviii, 6–8. The Lord did not grant the tribe of Levi any land in the promised land distribution. Instead, they were to be supported by tithes, first fruits, and offerings made in the temple, including their share of sin and thanksgiving offerings, which included certain parts designated for the priests. They also received a share of the wool when the sheep were sheared. All first-born animals, both human and livestock, belonged to the Lord, meaning to his priests. The males were redeemed for five shekels, Num. xviii, 15, 16. The first-born of unclean animals were either redeemed or exchanged, but clean animals were not redeemed; they were sacrificed to the Lord, their blood sprinkled on the altar, and everything else belonged to the priest, Num. xviii, 17–19. The first fruits of trees, Lev. xix, 23, 24, which came in the fourth year, also belonged to the priest. They also received an allowance from the dough that was kneaded. They collected tithes of all the land's fruits and of all animals shepherded, Lev. xxvii, 31, 32. God also provided them with homes and resources by appointing them forty-eight cities for their living, Num. xxxv, 1–3. They could possess land up to a thousand cubits beyond the city walls. Of these forty-eight cities, six were designated as cities of refuge for individuals who accidentally or unintentionally committed manslaughter; the priests received thirteen of these, while the rest belonged to the Levites, Josh. xxi, 19. One of the main responsibilities of the priests, besides handling sacrifices and serving in the tabernacle or temple, was to teach the people and resolve disputes, identify various forms of leprosy, understand divorce causes, deal with waters of jealousy, manage vows, and handle all legal matters and various forms of uncleanness; all these issues were brought before the priests, Hosea iv, 6; Mal. ii, 7, & c; Lev. xiii, 14; Num. v, 14, 15. They publicly blessed the people in the name of the Lord. In times of war, their role was to carry the ark of the covenant, consult with the Lord, sound the holy trumpets, and motivate and address the army.
The term priest is most properly given to Christ, of whom the high priests under the law were types and figures, he being the high priest especially ordained of God, who, by the sacrifice of himself, and by his intercession, opens the way to reconciliation with God, Heb. viii, 17; ix, 11–25. The word is also applied to every true believer who is enabled to offer up himself “a spiritual sacrifice acceptable to God through Christ,” 1 Pet. ii, 5; Rev. i, 6. But it is likewise improperly applied to Christian ministers, who have no sacrifices to offer; unless, indeed, when it is considered as contracted from presbyter, which signifies an elder, and is the name given in the New Testament to those who were appointed to the office of teaching and ruling in the church of God. See Aaron.
The term "priest" is most accurately attributed to Christ, of whom the high priests under the law were examples and symbols. He is the high priest specifically chosen by God, who, through the sacrifice of Himself and His intercession, paves the way for reconciliation with God (Heb. viii, 17; ix, 11–25). The term is also used for every true believer who can offer themselves as “a spiritual sacrifice acceptable to God through Christ” (1 Pet. ii, 5; Rev. i, 6). However, it is incorrectly applied to Christian ministers, who have no sacrifices to offer, unless it’s viewed as derived from presbyter, which means an elder and is the title used in the New Testament for those appointed to teach and lead in the church of God. See Aaron.
PRISCILLA, a Christian woman, well known in the Acts, and in St. Paul’s epistles; sometimes placed before her husband Aquila. From Ephesus this pious pair went to Rome, where they were when St. Paul wrote his epistle to the Romans, A. D. 58. He salutes them the first of all, with great commendations, Rom. xvi, 3. They returned into Asia some time afterward; and St. Paul, writing to Timothy, desires him to salute them on his behalf, 2 Tim. iv, 19, A. D. 65.
PRISCILLA, a Christian woman, is well-known in the Acts and in St. Paul’s letters; sometimes mentioned before her husband Aquila. From Ephesus, this devoted couple went to Rome, where they were when St. Paul wrote his letter to the Romans in A.D. 58. He greets them first with high praise in Rom. xvi, 3. They returned to Asia sometime later, and when St. Paul wrote to Timothy, he asked him to greet them for him in 2 Tim. iv, 19, A.D. 65.
PROFANE, an epithet applied to those who abuse and contemn holy things. The Scripture calls Esau profane, because he sold his birthright, which was considered a holy thing, not only because the priesthood was annexed to it, but also because it was a privilege relating to Christ, and a type of the title of believers to the heavenly inheritance, Heb. xii, 16. The priests of the race of Aaron were 781enjoined to distinguish between sacred and profane, between pure and polluted, Lev. x, 10; xix, 7, 8. Hence they were prohibited the use of wine during their attendance on the temple service, that their spirits might not be discomposed by excitement. To profane the temple, to profane the Sabbath, to profane the altar, are common expressions to denote the violation of the rest of the Sabbath, the entering of foreigners into the temple, or the want of reverence in those that entered it, and the impious sacrifices that were offered on the altar of the Lord.
PROFANE refers to those who disrespect and scorn sacred things. The Bible calls Esau profane because he sold his birthright, which was seen as a sacred thing, not just because it was linked to the priesthood, but also because it related to Christ and symbolized the believers' claim to a heavenly inheritance, Heb. xii, 16. The priests from Aaron's lineage were required to differentiate between sacred and profane, and between pure and impure, Lev. x, 10; xix, 7, 8. Because of this, they were forbidden to use wine while serving in the temple so their spirits wouldn't be disturbed by intoxication. To profane the temple, the Sabbath, or the altar are common phrases that indicate the violation of Sabbath rest, the entry of outsiders into the temple, a lack of reverence from those who entered, and the inappropriate sacrifices made on the Lord's altar.
PROMISE, an assurance given by God, in his word, of bestowing blessings upon his people, 2 Pet. i, 4. The word in the New Testament is usually taken for the promises that God heretofore made to Abraham, and the other patriarchs, of sending the Messiah, and conferring his Holy Spirit and eternal life on those that should believe on him. It is in this sense that the Apostle Paul commonly uses the word promise, Rom. iv, 13, 14; Gal. iii, 14, 17, 18, 21, 22, 29. The promises of the new covenant are called better than those of the old, Heb. viii, 6, because they are more spiritual, clear, comprehensive, and universal than those of the Mosaic covenant. The time of the promise, Acts vii, 17, is the time of fulfilling the promise. The “children of the promise” are, 1. The Israelites descended from Isaac, in opposition to the Ishmaelites descended from Ishmael and Hagar. 2. The Jews converted to Christianity, in opposition to the obstinate Jews, who would not believe in Christ. 3. All true believers who are born again by the supernatural power of God, and who by faith lay hold on the promise of salvation in Jesus Christ.
PROMISE, a guarantee from God in His word, that He will grant blessings to His people, 2 Pet. i, 4. In the New Testament, the term usually refers to the promises God made to Abraham and the other patriarchs about sending the Messiah, as well as giving His Holy Spirit and eternal life to those who believe in Him. This is how the Apostle Paul typically uses the term promise, Rom. iv, 13, 14; Gal. iii, 14, 17, 18, 21, 22, 29. The promises of the new covenant are referred to as better than those of the old, Heb. viii, 6, because they are more spiritual, clear, comprehensive, and universal than those of the Mosaic covenant. The time of the promise, Acts vii, 17, refers to the time of fulfilling that promise. The “children of the promise” are: 1. The Israelites descended from Isaac, as opposed to the Ishmaelites descended from Ishmael and Hagar. 2. The Jews who converted to Christianity, as opposed to the stubborn Jews who did not believe in Christ. 3. All true believers who are born again by the supernatural power of God, and who, through faith, accept the promise of salvation in Jesus Christ.
PROPHECY, the prediction of future events; it is especially understood of those predictions which are contained in the Holy Scriptures; all of which claim divine inspiration, and by their wonderful fulfilment are proved to have proceeded from God, who only with certainty can know the future. Prophecy is one great branch of the external evidence of the truth of the Scriptures; and the nature and force of this kind of evidence may here be properly pointed out. No argument à priori against the possibility of prophecy can be attempted by any one who believes in the existence and infinitely perfect nature of God. The infidel author of “The Moral Philosopher,” indeed, rather insinuates than attempts fully to establish a dilemma with which to perplex those who regard prophecy as one of the proofs of a divine revelation. He thinks that either prophecy must respect events necessary, as depending upon necessary causes, which might be certainly foreknown and predicted; or that, if human actions are free, and effects contingent, the possibility of prophecy must be given up, as it implies foreknowledge, which, if granted, would render them necessary. The first part of this objection might be allowed, were there no predictions to be adduced in favour of a professed revelation, except such as related to events which human experience has taught to be dependent upon some cause, the existence and necessary operation of which are within the compass of human knowledge. But to foretel such events would not be to prophesy, any more than to say that it will be light to-morrow at noon, or that on a certain day and hour next year there will occur an eclipse of the sun or moon, when that event has been previously ascertained by astronomical calculation. If, however, it were allowed that all events depended upon a chain of necessary causes, yet, in a variety of instances, the argument from prophecy would not be at all affected; for the foretelling of necessary results in certain circumstances is beyond human intelligence, because they can only be known to him by whose power those necessary causes on which they depend have been arranged, and who has prescribed the times of their operation. To borrow a case, for the sake of illustration, from the Scriptures, though the claims of their predictions are not now in question; let us allow that such a prophecy as that of Isaiah respecting the taking of Babylon by Cyrus was uttered, as it purports to be, more than a century before Cyrus was born, and that all the actions of Cyrus and his army, and those of the Babylonian; monarch and his people, were necessitated is it to be maintained that the chain of necessitating causes running through more than a century could be traced by a human mind, so as to describe the precise manner in which that fatality would unfold itself, even to the turning of the river, the drunken carousal of the inhabitants, and the neglect of shutting the gates of the city? This being by uniform and universal experience known to be above all human apprehension, would therefore prove that the prediction was made in consequence of a communication from a superior and divine Intelligence. Were events, therefore, subjected to invincible fate and necessity, there might nevertheless be prophecy.
PROPHECY, the prediction of future events; it's especially understood in terms of those predictions found in the Holy Scriptures; all of which claim divine inspiration, and through their remarkable fulfillment are shown to have come from God, who alone knows the future with certainty. Prophecy is a major aspect of the external evidence supporting the truth of the Scriptures; the nature and strength of this type of evidence can be pointed out here. No argument a priori against the possibility of prophecy can be made by anyone who believes in the existence and perfect nature of God. The skeptical author of “The Moral Philosopher” subtly suggests a dilemma meant to confuse those who see prophecy as proof of divine revelation. He proposes that either prophecy must pertain to events that are necessary, based on necessary causes, which could be certainly known and predicted; or, if human actions are free and outcomes are contingent, then the possibility of prophecy must be dismissed since it implies foreknowledge, which would in turn make outcomes necessary. The first part of this objection could be accepted only if there were no predictions related to a claimed revelation except those concerning events that human experience has shown to depend on some causes, whose existence and necessary operation are within human knowledge. However, predicting such events wouldn’t qualify as prophecy, just like saying it will be light tomorrow at noon or that an eclipse of the sun or moon will occur at a specific time next year, when that event has already been calculated by astronomers. Yet, if we allowed that all events depended on a chain of necessary causes, in many instances, the argument from prophecy would still hold; forecasting necessary outcomes in certain situations is beyond human understanding because they can only be known by the one who arranged those necessary causes and set the times for their occurrence. To illustrate this using a biblical example, even though the validity of their predictions isn’t currently being debated, let’s consider the prophecy of Isaiah regarding Babylon's fall to Cyrus, foretold more than a century before Cyrus was born. If all the actions of Cyrus and his army, and those of the Babylonian king and his people were predetermined, could a human mind trace the chain of necessary causes over that century to accurately describe how that event would unfold—right down to the diversion of the river, the drunken revelry of the inhabitants, and the failure to secure the city gates? It is widely recognized through consistent and universal experience that this exceeds human comprehension, thus proving that the prediction was made due to a communication from a superior and divine intelligence. Therefore, even if events were bound by unavoidable fate and necessity, prophecy could still exist.
The other branch of the dilemma is founded on the notion that if we allow the moral freedom of human actions, prophecy is impossible, because certain foreknowledge is contrary to that freedom, and fixes and renders the event necessary. To this the reply is, that the objection is founded on a false assumption, the divine foreknowledge having no more influence in effectuating or making certain any event than human foreknowledge in the degree in which it may exist, there being no moral causality at all in knowledge. This lies in the will, which is the determining acting principle in every agent; or, as Dr. Samuel Clarke has expressed it, in answer to another kind of objector, “God’s infallible judgment concerning contingent truths does no more alter the nature of the things, and cause them to be necessary, than our judging right at any time concerning a contingent truth makes it cease to be contingent; or than our science of a present truth is any cause of its being either true or present. Here, therefore, lies the fallacy of our author’s argument. Because, from God’s foreknowing the existence of things depending upon a chain 782of necessary causes, it follows that the existence of the things must needs be necessary; therefore, from God’s judging infallibly concerning things which depend not on necessary but free causes, he concludes that these things also depend not upon free but necessary causes. Contrary, I say, to the supposition in the argument; for it must not be first supposed that things are in their own nature necessary; but from the power of judging infallibly concerning free events, it must be proved that things, otherwise supposed free, will thereby unavoidably become necessary.” The whole question lies in this, Is the simple knowledge of an action a necessitating cause of the action? And the answer must be in the negative, as every man’s consciousness will assure him. If the causality of influence, either immediate, or by the arrangement of compelling events, be mixed up with this, the ground is shifted; and it is no longer a question which respects simple prescience. (See Prescience.) This metaphysical objection having no foundation in truth, the force of the evidence arising from predictions of events, distant, and beyond the power of human sagacity to anticipate, and uttered as authentications of a divine commission, is apparent. “Such predictions, whether in the form of declaration, description, or representation of things future,” as Mr. Boyle justly observes, “are supernatural things, and may properly be ranked among miracles.” For when, for instance, the events are distant many years or ages from the uttering of the prediction itself, depending on causes not so much as existing when the prophecy was spoken and recorded, and likewise upon various circumstances and a long arbitrary series of things, and the fluctuating uncertainties of human volitions, and especially when they depend not at all upon any external circumstances nor upon any created being, but arise merely from the counsels and appointment of God himself,--such events can be foreknown only by that Being, one of whose attributes is omniscience, and can be foretold by him only to whom the “Father of lights” shall reveal them; so that whoever is manifestly endued with that predictive power must, in that instance, speak and act by divine inspiration, and what he pronounces of that kind must be received as the word of God; nothing more being necessary to assure us of this than credible testimony that such predictions were uttered before the event, or conclusive evidence that the records which contain them are of the antiquity to which they pretend.
The other part of the dilemma is based on the idea that if we allow for the moral freedom of human actions, prophecy becomes impossible. This is because having certain foreknowledge contradicts that freedom and makes the event necessary. In response, it's argued that this objection is based on a false assumption; divine foreknowledge doesn’t have any more influence on making any event certain than human foreknowledge does, at least to the extent that it exists. There’s no moral causality in knowledge itself. That lies in the will, which is the determining principle in every agent. As Dr. Samuel Clarke noted in response to another kind of critic, “God’s infallible judgment about contingent truths doesn’t change their nature or make them necessary, just as our correct judgment about a contingent truth doesn’t make it no longer contingent, nor does our understanding of a present truth cause it to be true or present.” Thus, the flaw in the author’s argument is clear. Just because God foreknows the existence of things that depend on a chain of necessary causes, it doesn’t follow that the existence of those things must be necessary. Therefore, when God infallibly judges things that depend not on necessary but free causes, it doesn’t mean those things also depend on necessary causes. On the contrary, that assumption is wrong; we can’t assume that things are naturally necessary. Instead, it must be shown that things which are assumed to be free will inevitably become necessary due to infallible judgment. The whole issue is this: Is merely knowing about an action a cause that makes the action happen? The answer must be no, as everyone’s awareness will confirm. If the influence of causality—either directly or through a series of compelling events—is involved, the question changes; it no longer relates to simple foreknowledge. (See Prescience.) This metaphysical objection has no basis in truth, and the strength of evidence derived from predictions of events, especially those far in the future which humans cannot anticipate, clearly shows a divine commission. “These predictions, whether declared, described, or represented,” as Mr. Boyle rightly points out, “are supernatural occurrences and should be considered miracles.” For instance, when events are forecasted that will not happen for many years or ages after the prediction was made, relying on causes that didn't exist when the prophecy was spoken and recorded, as well as on various circumstances and a long series of arbitrary events, along with the unpredictable nature of human choices—and especially when these events arise solely from God's own plans and will—such occurrences can only be known by a Being whose attribute is omniscience. They can only be foretold by someone whom the “Father of lights” chooses to reveal them to. Therefore, whoever is clearly endowed with that predictive power must, in that case, be speaking and acting through divine inspiration, and what they say in that regard should be accepted as the word of God. All we need to be convinced of this is credible evidence that such predictions were made before the event or conclusive proof that the records containing them are as old as they claim to be.
The distinction between the prophecies of Scripture and the oracles of Heathenism is marked and essential. In the Heathen oracles we cannot discern any clear and unequivocal tokens of genuine prophecy. They were destitute of dignity and importance, had no connection with each other, tended to no object of general concern, and never looked into times remote from their own. We read only of some few predictions and prognostications, scattered among the writings of poets and philosophers, most of which, beside being very weakly authenticated, appear to have been answers to questions of merely local, personal, and temporary concern, relating to the issue of affairs then actually in hand, and to events speedily to be determined. Far from attempting to form any chain of prophecies, respecting things far distant as to time or place, or matters contrary to human probability, and requiring supernatural agency to effect them, the Heathen priests and soothsayers did not even pretend to a systematic and connected plan. They hardly dared, indeed, to assume the prophetic character in its full force, but stood trembling, as it were, on the brink of futurity, conscious of their inability to venture beyond the depths of human conjecture. Hence their predictions became so fleeting, so futile, so uninteresting, that, though they were collected together as worthy of preservation, they soon fell into disrepute and almost total oblivion. (See Oracles.) The Scripture prophecies, on the other hand, constitute a series of divine predictions, relating principally to one grand object, of universal importance, the work of man’s redemption, and carried on in regular progression through the patriarchal, Jewish, and Christian dispensations, with a harmony and uniformity of design, clearly indicating one and the same divine Author. They speak of the agents to be employed in it, and especially of the great agent, the Redeemer himself; and of those mighty and awful proceedings of Providence as to the nations of the earth, by which judgment and mercy are exercised with reference both to the ordinary principles of moral government, and especially to this restoring economy, to its struggles, its oppositions, and its triumphs. They all meet in Christ, as in their proper centre, and in him only; however many of the single lines, when considered apart, may be imagined to have another direction, and though they may pass through intermediate events. If we look, says Bishop Hurd, into the prophetic writings, we find that prophecy is of a prodigious extent; that it commenced from the fall of man, and reaches to the consummation of all things; that for many ages it was delivered darkly to a few persons, and with large intervals from the date of one prophecy to that of another; but, at length, became more clear, more frequent, and was uniformly carried on in the line of one people, separated from the rest of the world,--among other reasons assigned, for this principally, to be the repository of the divine oracles; that, with some intermission, the spirit of prophecy subsisted among that people to the coming of Christ; that he himself and his Apostles exercised this power in the most conspicuous manner, and left behind them many predictions, recorded in the books of the New Testament, which profess to respect very distant events, and even run out to the end of time, or, in St. John’s expression, to that period “when the mystery of God shall be perfected.” Farther, beside the extent of this prophetic scheme, the dignity of the Person whom it concerns deserves our consideration. He is described in terms which excite the most august and magnificent 783ideas. He is spoken of, indeed, sometimes as being “the seed of the woman,” and as “the Son of man;” yet so as being at the same time of more than mortal extraction. He is even represented to us as being superior to men and angels; as far above all principality and power; above all that is accounted great, whether in heaven or in earth; as the word and wisdom of God; as the eternal Son of the Father; as the Heir of all things, by whom he made the worlds; as the brightness of his glory, and the express image of his person. We have no words to denote greater ideas than these; the mind of man cannot elevate itself to nobler conceptions. Of such transcendent worth and excellence is that Jesus said to be, to whom all the prophets bear witness! Lastly, the declared purpose for which the Messiah, prefigured by so long a train of prophecy, came into the world, corresponds to all the rest of the representation. It was not to deliver an oppressed nation from civil tyranny, or to erect a great civil empire, that is, to achieve one of those acts which history accounts most heroic. No: it was not a mighty state, a victor people,
The difference between the prophecies in Scripture and the predictions of paganism is clear and significant. In the pagan oracles, we can't find any clear signs of true prophecy. They lacked dignity and importance, had no connection with one another, served no common purpose, and never looked far into the future. We only see a few scattered predictions and forecasts in the writings of poets and philosophers, most of which, besides being poorly verified, seem to have been responses to questions of local, personal, or temporary interest, related to current events and soon-to-be-determined outcomes. Rather than attempting to create a coherent series of prophecies about distant times or places, or matters that go against human probability and would require divine intervention, the pagan priests and soothsayers didn't even claim to follow a systematic plan. They hardly dared to embrace the full role of a prophet, remaining hesitant on the edge of the future, well aware of their inability to go beyond the limits of human speculation. As a result, their predictions were so fleeting, trivial, and uninteresting, that although they were gathered for preservation, they quickly fell out of favor and into near-total obscurity. (See Oracles.) In contrast, the prophecies of Scripture represent a series of divine predictions focused mainly on one major theme of universal importance: the redemption of humanity. This theme unfolds in a regular progression through the patriarchal, Jewish, and Christian eras, displaying a harmony and consistency of purpose that clearly point to a single divine Author. They address the figures involved in this endeavor, especially the primary figure, the Redeemer himself, and the powerful and significant actions of Providence regarding the nations of the earth, where both judgment and mercy operate according to the usual principles of moral governance, and specifically in this restoration process, with its challenges, conflicts, and victories. All prophecies converge in Christ as their rightful center, and only in him; even though many individual prophecies, considered on their own, may seem to point in different directions or pass through intermediate events. As Bishop Hurd says, when we examine the prophetic texts, we find that prophecy spans an enormous breadth; it began with the fall of man and extends to the end of all things. For many ages, it was communicated obscurely to a few individuals, with lengthy gaps between different prophecies; but eventually, it became clearer, more frequent, and was consistently transmitted through one specific group, set apart from the rest of the world—largely to serve as the guardians of divine revelations. With some interruptions, the spirit of prophecy continued among this group until the arrival of Christ, who and his Apostles manifested this ability in prominent ways, leaving behind many predictions recorded in the New Testament that claim to pertain to very distant future events and extend to the end of time, or, as St. John puts it, to the point “when the mystery of God shall be perfected.” Furthermore, in addition to the scope of this prophetic narrative, the significance of the figure it describes deserves our attention. He is depicted in ways that evoke the noblest and most magnificent ideas. Sometimes referred to as “the seed of the woman” and “the Son of man,” he is portrayed as being more than just human. He is represented as being above both humans and angels; far exceeding all authority and power; above all that is considered great, whether in heaven or on earth; as the Word and Wisdom of God; as the eternal Son of the Father; as the Heir of all things, through whom the worlds were made; as the radiance of his glory, and the exact representation of his being. We have no words to express greater ideas than these; the human mind cannot reach higher thoughts. Of such extraordinary worth and greatness is that Jesus of whom all the prophets testify! Finally, the stated purpose for which the Messiah, foretold by a long line of prophecy, came into the world aligns perfectly with all other aspects of this portrayal. It was not to free an oppressed nation from political oppression or to establish a grand civil empire, which history records as some of the most heroic acts. No: it was not a mighty state or a victorious people,
that was worthy to enter into the contemplation of this divine Person. It was another and far sublimer purpose, which he came to accomplish; a purpose, in comparison of which all our policies are poor and little, and all the performances of man as nothing. It was to deliver a world from ruin; to abolish sin and death; to purify and immortalize human nature; and thus, in the most exalted sense of the words, to be the Saviour of men and the blessing of all nations. There is no exaggeration in this account: a spirit of prophecy pervading all time, characterizing one Person of the highest dignity, and proclaiming the accomplishment of one purpose, the most beneficent, the most divine, the imagination itself can project. Such is the Scriptural delineation of that economy which we call prophetic.
that was worthy of contemplating this divine Person. It was a different and much greater purpose that he came to achieve; a purpose that makes all our plans seem small and insignificant, and all of humanity's actions seem meaningless. It was to save a world from destruction; to eliminate sin and death; to purify and immortalize human nature; and thus, in the highest sense of the words, to be the Savior of humanity and the blessing for all nations. There is no exaggeration in this description: a spirit of prophecy spans all time, identifying one person of the highest dignity, and declaring the fulfillment of one aim, the most beneficial, the most divine, that imagination can conceive. This is the Scriptural portrayal of the system we call prophetic.
The advantage of this species of evidence belongs then exclusively to our revelation. Heathenism never made any clear and well founded pretensions to it. Mohammedanism, though it stands itself as a proof of the truth of Scripture prophecy, is unsupported by a single prediction of its own.
The advantage of this type of evidence belongs exclusively to our revelation. Paganism never made any clear and well-founded claims to it. Islam, while it serves as proof of the truth of Scripture prophecy, lacks any predictions of its own.
The objection which has been raised to Scripture prophecy, from its supposed obscurity, has no solid foundation. There is, it is true, a prophetic language of symbol and emblem; but it is a language which is definite and not equivocal in its meaning, and as easily mastered as the language of poetry, by attentive persons. This, however, is not always used. The style of the prophecies of Scripture very often differs in nothing from the ordinary style of the Hebrew poets; and, in not a few cases, and those too on which the Christian builds most in the argument, it sinks into the plainness of historical narrative. Some degree of obscurity is essential to prophecy: for the end of it was not to gratify human curiosity, by a detail of future events and circumstances; and too great clearness and speciality might have led to many artful attempts to fulfil the predictions, and so far the evidence of their accomplishment would have been weakened. The two great ends of prophecy are, to excite expectation before the event, and then to confirm the truth by a striking and unequivocal fulfilment; and it is a sufficient answer to the allegation of the obscurity of the prophecies of Scripture, that they have abundantly accomplished those objects, among the most intelligent and investigating, as well as among the simple and unlearned, in all ages. It cannot be denied, for instance, leaving out particular cases which might be given, that by means of these predictions the expectation of the incarnation and appearance of a divine Restorer was kept up among the people to whom they were given, and spread even to the neighbouring nations; that as these prophecies multiplied, the hope became more intense; and that at the time of our Lord’s coming, the expectation of the birth of a very extraordinary person prevailed, not only among the Jews, but among other nations. This purpose was then sufficiently answered, and an answer is given to the objection. In like manner prophecy serves as the basis of our hope in things yet to come; in the final triumph of truth and righteousness on earth, the universal establishment of the kingdom of our Lord, and the rewards of eternal life to be bestowed at his second appearing. In these all true Christians agree; and their hope could not have been so uniformly supported in all ages and under all circumstances, had not the prophecies and predictive promises conveyed with sufficient clearness the general knowledge of the good for which they looked, though many of its particulars be unrevealed. The second end of prophecy is, to confirm the truth by the subsequent event. Here the question of the actual fulfilment of Scripture prophecy is involved; and it is no argument against the unequivocal fulfilment of several prophecies, that many have doubted or denied what the believers in revelation have on this subject so strenuously contended for. How few of mankind have read the Scriptures with serious attention, or been at the pains to compare their prophecies with the statements in history. How few, especially of the objectors to the Bible, have read it in this manner! How many of them have confessed unblushingly their unacquaintance with its contents, or have proved what they have not confessed by the mistakes and misrepresentations into which they have fallen! As for the Jews, the evident dominion of their prejudices, their general averseness to discussion, and the extravagant principles of interpretation they have adopted for many ages, which set all sober criticism at defiance, render nugatory any authority which might be ascribed to their denial of the fulfilment of certain prophecies in the sense adopted by Christians. We may add to this, that among Christian critics themselves there may be much disagreement. Eccentricities and absurdities are found among the learned in every department 784of knowledge, and much of this waywardness and affectation of singularity has infected interpreters of Scripture. But, after all, there is a truth and reason in every subject, which the understandings of the generality of men will apprehend and acknowledge whenever it is fully understood and impartially considered; to this in all such cases the appeal can only be made, and here it may be made with confidence. Instances of the signal fulfilment of numerous prophecies are scattered through various articles in this volume; so that it is not necessary to repeat them here. A few words on the double sense of prophecy may, however, be added.
The objection raised against Scripture prophecy, claiming it's too vague, is not valid. It's true that there’s a prophetic language filled with symbols and metaphors; however, this language is clear and has definite meanings, much like poetry, and can be easily understood by those who pay attention. But that’s not always the case. The style of Scripture prophecies often resembles the regular style of Hebrew poetry, and in many instances—which are crucial for Christian arguments—it becomes straightforward historical storytelling. A certain level of obscurity is necessary for prophecy because its purpose isn’t to satisfy human curiosity with detailed accounts of future events; too much clarity could lead to manipulative attempts to fulfill the predictions, which would weaken the evidence of their realization. The two main purposes of prophecy are to create anticipation before an event and then to confirm the truth through a clear and striking fulfillment. It suffices to counter the claim of obscurity in Scripture prophecies that they have effectively achieved these goals, both among the inquisitive and the naive throughout history. For instance, it’s undeniable that these predictions kept the hope for the coming of a divine Restorer alive among the people they were given to, spreading even to neighboring nations; as these prophecies increased, so did the hope, and by the time of our Lord’s birth, there was a widespread expectation of an extraordinary figure, not just among the Jews but also among other nations. This purpose was sufficiently met, which addresses the objection. Similarly, prophecy lays the groundwork for our hope in future events, including the ultimate victory of truth and righteousness on earth, the global establishment of our Lord’s kingdom, and the eternal rewards to be granted at His second coming. True Christians agree on these points, and their hope couldn’t have been consistently upheld throughout different ages and circumstances without prophecies and predictive promises providing clear understanding of the good they anticipated, even if many specific details remain unknown. The second aim of prophecy is to validate its truth through the events that follow. This raises questions about the actual fulfillment of Scripture prophecies, and the existence of skepticism or denial regarding what believers assert doesn’t disprove the unequivocal fulfillment of several prophecies. How many people have read the Scriptures with serious consideration or taken the time to compare its prophecies with historical accounts? How few, especially those who criticize the Bible, have examined it in this way! Many have openly admitted their unfamiliarity with its contents or have demonstrated their ignorance through the mistakes and misrepresentations they have made. As for the Jews, their evident biases, their general reluctance to engage in discussion, and the extreme interpretative principles they have followed for ages—which rebel against serious analysis—undermine any credibility their denial of certain prophecies has in the Christian sense. Additionally, there can be a lot of disagreement among Christian critics themselves. Oddities and absurdities exist among scholars in every field of knowledge, and much of this eccentric behavior has influenced Scripture interpreters. Nonetheless, there’s a truth and reason inherent in every topic that the average person will recognize and accept once it’s fully understood and considered fairly; that’s the basis on which all such grievances can be resolved, and it can be approached with confidence. Numerous instances of clear prophecy fulfillment are discussed in various articles throughout this volume, so there’s no need to reiterate them here. A few words on the double sense of prophecy may, however, be added.
For want of a right apprehension of the true meaning of this somewhat unfortunate term which has obtained in theology, an objection of another kind has been raised, as though no definite meaning could be assigned to the prophecies of Scripture. Nothing can be more unfounded. The double sense of many prophecies in the Old Testament, says an able writer, has been made a pretext by ill disposed men, for representing them as of uncertain meaning, and resembling the ambiguity of the Pagan oracles. But whoever considers the subject with due attention, will perceive how little ground there is for such an accusation. The equivocations of the Heathen oracles manifestly arose from their ignorance of future events, and from their endeavours to conceal that ignorance by such indefinite expressions, as might be equally applicable to two or more events of a contrary description. But the double sense of the Scripture prophecies, far from originating in any doubt or uncertainty, as to the fulfilment of them in either sense, springs from a foreknowledge of their accomplishment in both; whence the prediction is purposely so framed as to include both events, which, so far from being contrary to each other, are typical the one of the other, and are thus connected together by a mutual dependency or relation. This has often been satisfactorily proved, with respect to those prophecies which referred, in their primary sense, to the events of the Old Testament, and, in their farther and more complex signification, to those of the New: and on this double accomplishment of some prophecies is grounded our firm expectation of the completion of others, which remain yet unfulfilled in their secondary sense, but which we justly consider as equally uncertain in their issue as those which are already past. So far, then, from any valid objection lying against the credibility of the Scripture prophecies, from these seeming ambiguities of meaning, we may urge them as additional proofs of their coming from God. For, who but the Being that is infinite in knowledge and in counsel could so construct predictions as to give them a twofold application, to events distant from, and, to human foresight, unconnected with, each other? What power less than divine could so frame them as to make the accomplishment of them in one instance a solemn pledge and assurance of their completion in another instance, of still higher and more universal importance? Where will the scoffer find any thing like this in the artifices of Heathen oracles, to conceal their ignorance, and to impose on the credulity of mankind? See Oracles.
Due to a misunderstanding of the true meaning of this somewhat unfortunate term that's been used in theology, another kind of objection has come up, suggesting that no clear meaning can be assigned to the prophecies in Scripture. This couldn't be further from the truth. The dual meaning of many Old Testament prophecies, an insightful writer states, has been misused by those with ill intentions, portraying them as having uncertain meanings, similar to the ambiguity of Pagan oracles. However, anyone who looks at the matter closely will see that there's little basis for such a claim. The vague expressions of the Heathen oracles clearly stemmed from their lack of knowledge about future events, which they tried to hide with vague language that could apply to two or more completely different events. But the dual meanings of Scripture prophecies do not come from any doubt or uncertainty regarding their fulfillment in either case; rather, they come from a knowledge of their fulfillment in both. This is why the predictions are intentionally structured to encompass both events, which, rather than contradicting each other, actually reflect each other and are interconnected through mutual dependency or relation. This has often been clearly demonstrated concerning those prophecies that initially referred to events in the Old Testament and, in a deeper and more complex way, to events in the New Testament: our strong expectation of the fulfillment of other prophecies that remain unfulfilled in their secondary sense is founded on this dual fulfillment, even though we rightly consider them as equally uncertain in their outcomes as those that have already occurred. Therefore, rather than any solid objection being made against the credibility of Scripture prophecies based on these apparent ambiguities, we can use them as further evidence of their divine origin. For who but an infinitely knowledgeable and wise Being could construct predictions to give them two applications to events that are far apart and, to human foresight, appear unrelated? What power less than divine could formulate them in such a way that their fulfillment in one case serves as a solemn promise of their fulfillment in another case, which holds even greater and broader significance? Where will the scoffer find anything comparable in the tricks of Heathen oracles designed to hide their ignorance and trick human credulity? See Oracles.
On this subject it may be observed, by way of general illustration, that the remarkable personages under the old dispensation were sometimes in the description of their characters, and in the events of their lives, the representatives of the future dispensers of evangelical blessings, as Moses and David were unquestionably types of Christ, Ezek. xxxiv, 23; Matt. xi, 14; Heb. vi, 20; vii, 1–3. Persons likewise were sometimes descriptive of things, as Sarah and Hagar were allegorical figures of the two covenants, Gal. iv, 22–31; Rom. ix, 8–13. And, on the other hand, things were used to symbolize persons, as the brazen serpent and the paschal lamb were signs of our healing and spotless Redeemer, Exodus xii, 46; John iii, 14; xix, 36. And so, lastly, ceremonial appointments and legal circumstances were preördained as significant of Gospel institutions, 1 Cor. x, 1–11; Heb. viii, 5; ix, x; 1 Pet. iii, 20, 22. Hence it was that many of the descriptions of the prophets had a twofold character; bearing often an immediate reference to present circumstances, and yet being in their nature predictive of future occurrences. What they reported of the type was often in a more signal manner applicable to the thing typified, Psalm xxi, 4–6; xl, 1, 7–10; xii, 4; Lam. xiii, 1–30; John xiii, 18; Dan. xi, 36, 37; what they spoke literally of present, was figuratively descriptive of future particulars; and what was applied in a figurative sense to existing persons, was often actually characteristic of their distant archetypes, Psalm xxii, 16–18, &c. Many passages then in the Old Testament, which in their first aspect appear to be historical, are in fact prophetic, and they are so cited in the New Testament, not by way of ordinary accommodation, or casual coincidence, but as intentionally predictive, as having a double sense, a literal and a mystical interpretation, Hosea xi, 1; Matt. ii, 15.
On this topic, it can be noted that the notable figures from the Old Testament often served as representations of future dispensers of evangelical blessings. For example, Moses and David are undoubtedly seen as types of Christ (Ezek. xxxiv, 23; Matt. xi, 14; Heb. vi, 20; vii, 1–3). Similarly, individuals like Sarah and Hagar symbolize the two covenants (Gal. iv, 22–31; Rom. ix, 8–13). Conversely, certain things were used to represent people, as seen with the bronze serpent and the Passover lamb, which signify our healing and flawless Redeemer (Exodus xii, 46; John iii, 14; xix, 36). Additionally, ceremonial practices and legal aspects were designed to symbolize Gospel teachings (1 Cor. x, 1–11; Heb. viii, 5; ix, x; 1 Pet. iii, 20, 22). As a result, many prophetic descriptions have a dual nature, often referring to current events while also predicting future occurrences. What they said about the type was frequently more directly applicable to the symbolized reality (Psalm xxi, 4–6; xl, 1, 7–10; xii, 4; Lam. xiii, 1–30; John xiii, 18; Dan. xi, 36, 37). Their literal statements about the present often have a figurative meaning related to future details, and what was applied in a symbolic way to existing individuals frequently mirrored their distant archetypes (Psalm xxii, 16–18, etc.). Many verses in the Old Testament, which might seem historical at first glance, are actually prophetic and are cited in the New Testament not as ordinary references or random coincidences, but as intentional predictions with dual meanings—both literal and mystical (Hosea xi, 1; Matt. ii, 15).
Beside these historical passages, of which the covert allusions were explained by the interpretation of the Gospel writers, who were enlightened by the Spirit to unfold the mysteries of Scripture, the prophets often uttered positive predictions which, in consequence of the correspondence established between the two dispensations, were descriptive of a double event, however they might be themselves ignorant of the full extent of those prophecies which they delivered. For instance, their promises of present success and deliverances were often significant of distant benefits, and secular consolations conveyed assurances of evangelical blessings, 2 Sam. vii, 13, 14; Heb. i, 5. Thus their prophecies received completion in a first and secondary view. As being in part signs to excite confidence, they had an immediate accomplishment, but were afterward fulfilled in a more illustrious sense, 7851 Kings xiii, 2, 3; Isaiah vii, 14; Matt. i, 22; Dan. ix, 27; xii, 7; 1 Macc. i, 54; Matt. xxiv, 15; the prophets being inspired, by the suggestions of the Spirit, to use expressions magnificent enough to include the substance in the description of the figure. That many of the prophecies in the Old Testament were direct, and singly and exclusively applicable to, and accomplished in, our Saviour, is certain, Gen. xlix, 10; Psalm xlii, xlv; Isaiah lii, liii; Daniel vii, 13, 14; Micah v, 2; Zech. ix, 9; Mal. iii, 1.
Alongside these historical passages, where the hidden references were clarified by the interpretations of the Gospel writers, who were guided by the Spirit to reveal the mysteries of Scripture, the prophets often made clear predictions that, due to the connection established between the two covenants, described a dual event, even if they themselves were not fully aware of the complete meaning of the prophecies they shared. For example, their promises of immediate success and deliverance often hinted at future benefits, and earthly comforts provided assurances of spiritual blessings, 2 Sam. vii, 13, 14; Heb. i, 5. Thus, their prophecies were fulfilled in both a primary and secondary way. As signs meant to inspire faith, they had an immediate realization but were later fulfilled in a more significant sense, 7851 Kings xiii, 2, 3; Isaiah vii, 14; Matt. i, 22; Dan. ix, 27; xii, 7; 1 Macc. i, 54; Matt. xxiv, 15; the prophets, inspired by the Spirit, used language grand enough to encompass the essence within the imagery. It is clear that many of the prophecies in the Old Testament were direct, specifically applicable to, and fulfilled in our Savior, Gen. xlix, 10; Psalm xlii, xlv; Isaiah lii, liii; Daniel vii, 13, 14; Micah v, 2; Zech. ix, 9; Mal. iii, 1.
It requires much attention to comprehend the full import and extent of this typical dispensation, and the chief obscurities which prevail in the sacred writings are to be attributed to the double character of prophecy. To unravel this is, however, an interesting and instructive study; though an admiration of the spiritual meaning should never lead us to disregard or undervalue the first and evident signification; for many great men have been so dazzled by their discoveries in this mode of explication, as to be hurried into wild and extravagant excess; as is evident from the writings of Origen and Jerom; as also from the Commentaries of Austin, who acknowledges that he had too far indulged in the fancies of an exuberant imagination, declaring that the other parts of Scripture are the best commentaries. The Apostles and the evangelists are, indeed, the best expositors; and where those infallible guides have led the way, we need not hesitate to follow their steps by the light of clear reason and just analogy.
It takes a lot of attention to understand the full meaning and scope of this typical teaching, and the main confusions found in the sacred writings are due to the dual nature of prophecy. However, figuring this out is an interesting and enlightening study; though our appreciation of the spiritual meaning should never make us overlook or underestimate the clear and obvious meaning. Many great thinkers have been so captivated by their findings in this interpretive approach that they've gone off into wild and extreme interpretations, as seen in the writings of Origen and Jerom, as well as in the commentaries of Augustine, who admits he got carried away with his imaginative ideas and states that other parts of Scripture are the best explanations. The Apostles and the evangelists are indeed the best interpreters, and where those infallible guides have shown the way, we shouldn't hesitate to follow their path with clear reasoning and sound analogy.
It is this double character of prophecy which occasions those unexpected transitions and sudden interchanges of circumstance so observable in the prophetic books. Hence different predictions are sometimes blended and mixed together; temporal and spiritual deliverances are foretold in one prophecy; and greater and smaller events are combined in one point of view. Hence, likewise, one chain of connected design runs through the whole scheme of prophecy, and a continuation of events successively fulfilling, and successively branching out into new predictions, continued to confirm the faith, and to keep alive the expectations, of the Jews. Hence was it the character of the prophetic spirit to be rapid in its description, and regardless of the order of history; to pass with quick and unexpected celerity from subject to subject, and from period to period. “And we must allow,” says Lord Bacon, “for that latitude that is agreeable and familiar to prophecy, which is of the nature of its Author, with whom a thousand years are but as one day.” The whole of the great scheme must have been at once present to the divine Mind; but God described its parts in detail to mankind, in such measures and in such proportions, that the connection of every link was obvious, and its relations apparent in every point of view, till the harmony and entire consistency of the plan were displayed to those who witnessed its perfection in the advent of Christ.
It’s this dual nature of prophecy that leads to those unexpected shifts and sudden changes in circumstances clearly seen in the prophetic books. As a result, various predictions are sometimes mixed together; both temporary and spiritual deliverances are imagined in one prophecy; and bigger and smaller events are combined in a single perspective. Likewise, a continuous thread of connected intent runs through the entire prophecy framework, with a series of events unfolding one after another, expanding into new predictions that continually reinforced the faith and kept the hopes of the Jews alive. This is why the prophetic spirit tends to be quick in its descriptions and indifferent to the order of history, swiftly and unexpectedly moving from one topic to another and from one time period to another. “And we must allow,” says Lord Bacon, “for the flexibility that is fitting and natural to prophecy, which reflects its Author, with whom a thousand years are like one day.” The entirety of the grand plan must have been fully present to the divine Mind; however, God detailed its components to humanity in such measures and proportions that the connection of each link was clear, and its relationships evident from every viewpoint, until the harmony and complete consistency of the plan were revealed to those who witnessed its perfection in the coming of Christ.
PROPHETS. A prophet, in the strict and proper sense, was one to whom the knowledge of secret things was revealed, that he might declare them to others, whether they were things past, or present, or to come. The woman of Samaria perceived our Saviour was a prophet, by his telling her the secrets of her past life, John iv, 19. The Prophet Elisha had the present conduct of his servant Gehazi revealed to him, 2 Kings v, 26. And most of the prophets had revelations concerning future events; above all, concerning the coming and kingdom of the Messiah: “He has raised up a horn of salvation for us in the house of his servant David, as he spake by the mouth of his holy prophets, which have been since the world began,” Luke i, 69, 70. Nevertheless, in a more lax or analogical sense, the title prophet is sometimes given to persons who had no such revelation, nor were properly inspired. Thus Aaron is said to be Moses’s prophet: “The Lord said unto Moses, See, I have made thee a god to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet,” Exod. vii, 1: because Aaron received the divine messages, which he carried immediately from Moses; whereas other prophets receive their messages immediately from God himself. In this respect, as Moses stood in the place of God to Pharaoh, so Aaron acted in the character of his prophet. The title of prophets is given also to the sacred musicians, who sung the praises of God, or who accompanied the song with musical instruments. Thus “the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun,” are said to “prophesy with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals,” 1 Chron. xxv, 1; and they prophesied, it is said, “according to the order of the king.” Perhaps Miriam, the sister of Aaron, may be called a prophetess only on this account, that she led the concert of the women, who sung the song of Moses with timbrels and with dances, Exodus xv, 20, 21. Thus the Heathen poets, who sung or composed verses in praise of their gods, were called by the Romans vates, or prophets; which is of the same import with the Greek ϖροφήτης, a title which St. Paul gives to Epimenides, a Cretan poet, Titus i, 12.
PROPHETS. A prophet, in the strictest sense, is someone who has been revealed the knowledge of hidden things, so that they can share it with others, whether those things are from the past, present, or future. The woman of Samaria recognized that our Savior was a prophet when he revealed the secrets of her past life, John iv, 19. The Prophet Elisha had the present actions of his servant Gehazi revealed to him, 2 Kings v, 26. Most prophets received revelations about future events, especially regarding the coming and reign of the Messiah: “He has raised up a horn of salvation for us in the house of his servant David, as he spoke through the mouth of his holy prophets, who have been since the world began,” Luke i, 69, 70. However, in a broader sense, the title of prophet is sometimes applied to people who haven’t received such revelations or were not truly inspired. For instance, Aaron is called Moses’s prophet: “The Lord said to Moses, See, I have made you a god to Pharaoh, and Aaron your brother shall be your prophet,” Exod. vii, 1: because Aaron passed on the divine messages that he received from Moses; while other prophets receive their messages directly from God. In this way, as Moses represented God to Pharaoh, Aaron acted as his prophet. The title of prophet is also given to sacred musicians who praised God or accompanied songs with instruments. Thus, “the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun,” are said to “prophesy with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals,” 1 Chron. xxv, 1; and they prophesied, it is said, “according to the order of the king.” Perhaps Miriam, Aaron’s sister, is called a prophetess mainly because she led the group of women who sang the song of Moses with timbrels and dances, Exodus xv, 20, 21. Similarly, the pagan poets who sang or composed verses in praise of their gods were referred to by the Romans as poet, or prophets; a term that is similar to the Greek ϖροφήτης, which St. Paul uses for Epimenides, a Cretan poet, Titus i, 12.
Godwin observes, that, for the propagation of learning, colleges and schools were in divers places erected for the prophets. The first intimation we have in Scripture of these schools is in 1 Sam. x, 5, where we read of “a company of prophets coming down from the high place with a psaltery, a tabret, a pipe, and a harp before them, and they did prophesy.” They are supposed to be the students in a college of prophets at גכעת, or “the hill,” as we render it, “of God.” Our translators elsewhere retain the same Hebrew word, as supposing it to be the proper name of a place, “Jonathan smote the garrison of the Philistines that was in Geba,” 1 Sam. xiii, 3. Some persons have imagined that the ark, or at least a synagogue, or some place of public worship, was at this time at Geba, and that this is the reason of its being styled in the former passage גבעת האלהים, the hill of God. We read afterward of such another company of prophets 786at Naioth in Ramah, “prophesying, and Samuel standing as appointed over them,” 1 Sam. xix, 19, 20. The students in these colleges were called sons of the prophets, who are frequently mentioned in after ages, even in the most degenerate times. Thus we read of the sons of the prophets that were at Bethel; and of another school at Jericho; and of the sons of the prophets at Gilgal, 2 Kings ii, 3, 5; iv, 38. It should seem, that these sons of the prophets were very numerous; for of this sort were probably the prophets of the Lord, whom Jezebel cut off; “but Obadiah took a hundred of them, and hid them by fifty in a cave,” 1 Kings xviii, 4. In these schools young men were educated under a proper master, who was commonly, if not always, an inspired prophet, in the knowledge of religion, and in sacred music, 1 Sam. x, 5; xix, 20, and were thereby qualified to be public preachers, which seems to have been part of the business of the prophets on the Sabbath days and festivals, 2 Kings iv, 23. It should seem, that God generally chose the prophets, whom he inspired, out of these schools. Amos, therefore, speaks of it as an extraordinary case, that though he was not one of the sons of the prophets, but a herdsman, “yet the Lord took him as he followed the flock, and said unto him, Go, prophesy unto my people Israel,” Amos vii, 14, 15. That it was usual for some of these schools, or at least for their tutors, to be endued with a prophetic spirit, appears from the relation of the prophecies concerning the ascent of Elijah, delivered to Elisha by the sons of the prophets, both at Jericho and at Bethel, 2 Kings ii, 3, 5.
Godwin notes that colleges and schools were established in various locations for the prophets to spread knowledge. The first mention of these schools in Scripture is in 1 Samuel 10:5, where we read about “a group of prophets coming down from the high place with a lyre, a tambourine, a flute, and a harp before them, and they prophesied.” It's believed they were students in a college of prophets at Currently, or "the hill," as we translate it, "of God." Our translators use the same Hebrew term elsewhere, thinking it to be the proper name of a place, as in “Jonathan struck the Philistine garrison at Geba,” 1 Samuel 13:3. Some believe that the ark, or at least a synagogue or a place of public worship, was at Geba during this time, which is why it is called in the previous passage Givat HaElohim, the hill of God. We later read about another group of prophets at Naioth in Ramah, “prophesying, with Samuel standing as appointed over them,” 1 Samuel 19:19-20. The students in these colleges were known as the sons of the prophets, frequently mentioned even during later, worse times. For instance, we read about the sons of the prophets at Bethel, another group at Jericho, and the sons of the prophets at Gilgal, 2 Kings 2:3, 5; 4:38. It seems that these sons of the prophets were quite numerous; possibly among them were the prophets of the Lord whom Jezebel killed; “but Obadiah took a hundred of them and hid them in caves by fifty,” 1 Kings 18:4. In these schools, young men were educated under a proper master, who was usually, if not always, an inspired prophet, in the knowledge of religion and sacred music, 1 Samuel 10:5; 19:20, and were trained to be public preachers, which appeared to be part of the prophets' duties on the Sabbath and festivals, 2 Kings 4:23. It seems that God generally chose the prophets he inspired from these schools. Amos, therefore, describes it as unusual that although he was not one of the sons of the prophets but a herdsman, “yet the Lord took him as he followed the flock and said to him, Go, prophesy to my people Israel,” Amos 7:14-15. The fact that some of these schools, or at least their instructors, were often endowed with a prophetic spirit is evident from the prophecies concerning Elijah's ascent, which the sons of the prophets relayed to Elisha, both at Jericho and Bethel, 2 Kings 2:3, 5.
The Hebrew prophets present a succession of men at once the most singular and the most venerable that ever appeared, in so long a line of time, in the world. They had special communion with God; they laid open the scenes of the future; they were ministers of the promised Christ. They upheld religion and piety in the worst times, and at the greatest risks; and their disinterestedness was only equalled by their patriotism. The houses in which they lived were generally mean, and of their own building, 2 Kings vi, 2–4. Their food was chiefly pottage of herbs, unless when the people sent them some better provision, as bread, parched corn, honey, dried fruits, and the like, 1 Kings xiv, 3; 2 Kings iv, 38, 39, 42. Their dress was plain and coarse, tied about with a leathern girdle, Zech. xiii, 4; 2 Kings i, 8. Riches were no temptation to them; therefore Elisha not only refused Naaman’s presents, but punished his servant Gehazi very severely for clandestinely obtaining a small share of them, 2 Kings v, 15, &c. To succeeding ages they have left a character consecrated by holiness, and “visions of the Holy One,” which still unveil to the church his most glorious attributes, and his deepest designs. “Prophecy,” says the Apostle Peter, “came not of old time by the will of man: but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,” 2 Pet. i, 21. They flourished in a continued succession during a period of more than a thousand years, reckoning from Moses to Malachi, all coöperating in the same designs, uniting in one spirit to deliver the same doctrines, and to predict the same blessings to mankind. Their claims to a divine commission were demonstrated by the intrinsic excellency of their doctrine; by the disinterested zeal and undaunted courage with which they prosecuted their ministry, and persevered in their great design, and by the unimpeachable integrity of their conduct. But even those credentials of a divine mission were still farther confirmed by the exercise of miraculous powers, and by the completion of many less important predictions which they uttered, Deut. xiii, 1–3; xviii, 22; Joshua x, 13; 1 Sam. xii, 8; 2 Kings i, 10; Isa. xxxviii, 8; xlii, 9; 1 Sam. ix, 6; 1 Kings xiii, 3; Jer. xxviii, 9; Ezek. xxxiii, 33. When not immediately employed in the discharge of their sacred office, they lived sequestered from the world, in religious communities, or wandered “in deserts, in mountains, and in caves of the earth;” distinguished by their apparel, and by the general simplicity of their style of life, 2 Kings i, 8; iv, 10, 38; vi, 1; Isa. xx, 2; Matt. iii, 4; Heb. xi, 38; Rev. xi, 3. They were the established oracles of their country, and consulted upon all occasions when it was necessary to collect the divine will on any civil or religious question. These illustrious personages were likewise as well the types as the harbingers of that greater Prophet whom they foretold; and in the general outline of their character, as well as in particular events of their lives, they prefigured to the Jews the future Teacher of mankind. Like him, also, they laboured by every exertion to instruct and reclaim; reproving and threatening the sinful, however exalted in rank, or encircled by power, with such fearless confidence and sincerity as often excited respect. The most intemperate princes were sometimes compelled unwillingly to hear and to obey their directions, 1 Kings xii, 21–24; xiii, 2–6; xx, 42, 43; xxi, 27; 2 Chron. xxviii, 9–14; though often so incensed by their rebuke, as to resent it by the severest persecutions. Then it was that the prophets exhibited the integrity of their characters, by zealously encountering oppression, hatred, and death, in the cause of religion. Then it was that they firmly supported “trial of cruel mockings and scourgings, yea, moreover, of bonds and imprisonment. They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword; they wandered about, destitute, afflicted, tormented,” evil intreated for those virtues of which the memorial should flourish to posterity, and martyred for righteousness, which, whenever resentment should subside, it would be deemed honourable to reverence, Matthew xxiii, 27–29.
The Hebrew prophets were a line of remarkable and revered individuals who have ever existed over such a long stretch of time in the world. They had a unique connection with God; they revealed future events; they were messengers of the promised Christ. They maintained faith and devotion during the hardest times, often at great personal risk; their selflessness matched only by their patriotism. The homes they lived in were usually modest and built by themselves, as noted in 2 Kings 6:2–4. Their diet consisted mainly of vegetable stew unless the people provided them with better food, like bread, roasted grain, honey, dried fruits, and similar items, as seen in 1 Kings 14:3; 2 Kings 4:38, 39, 42. Their clothing was simple and coarse, held together with leather belts, as referenced in Zechariah 13:4; 2 Kings 1:8. Wealth did not tempt them; for instance, Elisha refused Naaman’s gifts and severely punished his servant Gehazi for secretly taking a small portion of them, as detailed in 2 Kings 5:15, etc. They left behind a legacy of holiness and “visions of the Holy One,” revealing to the church God's most glorious qualities and profound intentions. “Prophecy,” as the Apostle Peter says, “didn’t come from human will in the past, but holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the Holy Spirit,” 2 Peter 1:21. They thrived in a continuous chain for over a thousand years from Moses to Malachi, all working toward the same goals, united in spirit to preach the same doctrines and predict similar blessings for humanity. Their claims to a divine mission were proven by the inherent excellence of their teachings, their passionate commitment and fearless courage in their ministry, and their impeccable integrity. These signs of a divine calling were further validated by their miraculous abilities and the fulfillment of many lesser predictions they made, as mentioned in Deuteronomy 13:1–3; 18:22; Joshua 10:13; 1 Samuel 12:8; 2 Kings 1:10; Isaiah 38:8; 42:9; 1 Samuel 9:6; 1 Kings 13:3; Jeremiah 28:9; Ezekiel 33:33. When not actively engaged in their sacred duties, they lived separate from society, in religious communities, or roamed “in deserts, in mountains, and in caves of the earth;” recognizable by their clothing and the overall simplicity of their lifestyle, as noted in 2 Kings 1:8; 4:10, 38; 6:1; Isaiah 20:2; Matthew 3:4; Hebrews 11:38; Revelation 11:3. They were the established oracles of their nation, consulted on all matters when guidance on divine will was needed for any civil or religious issue. These distinguished figures were also both types and forerunners of the greater Prophet they foretold, prefiguring to the Jews the future Teacher of humanity in both their overall character and specific life events. Like Him, they strained to instruct and reclaim others, confronting sinners—regardless of their status or power—fearlessly and honestly, often earning respect. Even the most reckless kings were sometimes forced, against their will, to listen and follow their advice, as seen in 1 Kings 12:21–24; 13:2–6; 20:42, 43; 21:27; 2 Chronicles 28:9–14; although they were often so angered by these rebukes that they retaliated with intense persecution. During such times, the prophets displayed the integrity of their characters by boldly facing oppression, hatred, and death for religion. They endured severe mockery and beatings, and even imprisonment and bonds. They were stoned, sawn in half, tempted, slain by the sword; they wandered destitute, afflicted, tormented; treated cruelly for their virtues, whose legacy would endure for future generations, and they were martyred for righteousness, which, when anger faded, would be respected as honorable, as indicated in Matthew 23:27–29.
The manner in which the prophets published their predictions was, either by uttering them aloud in some public place, or by affixing them on the gates of the temple, Jer. vii, 2; Ezek. iii, 10, where they might be generally seen and read. Upon some important occasions, 787when it was necessary to rouse the fears of a disobedient people, and to recall them to repentance, the prophets, as objects of universal attention, appear to have walked about publicly in sackcloth, and with every external mark of humiliation and sorrow. They then adopted extraordinary modes of expressing their convictions of impending wrath, and endeavoured to awaken the apprehensions of their country, by the most striking illustration of threatened punishment. Thus Jeremiah made bonds and yokes, and put them upon his neck, Jer. xxvii, strongly to intimate the subjection that God would bring on the nations whom Nebuchadnezzar should subdue. Isaiah likewise walked naked, that is, without the rough garment of the prophet, and barefoot, as a sign of the distress that awaited the Egyptians, Isa. xx. So Jeremiah broke the potter’s vessel, Jer. xix; and Ezekiel publicly removed his household goods from the city, 2 Kings xxv, 4, 5; Ezek. xii, 7; more forcibly to represent by these actions some correspondent calamities ready to fall on nations obnoxious to God’s wrath; this mode of expressing important circumstances by action, being customary and familiar among all eastern nations. The great object of prophecy was, as has been before observed, a description of the Messiah, and of his kingdom, Matt. xxvi, 56; Luke i, 70; xviii, 31; xxiv, 44; John i, 45; Acts iii, 18, 24; x, 43; xiii, 29; xv, 15; xxviii, 23; 1 Pet. i, 10–12. These were gradually unfolded by successive prophets in predictions more and more distinct. They were at first held forth in general promises; they were afterward described by figures, and shadowed out under types and allusive institutions, and finally foretold in the full lustre of descriptive prophecy. The Hebrew prophets were chosen of God to testify beforehand of the sufferings of Christ, and the glory that should follow. See Prophecy.
The way the prophets shared their predictions was either by speaking them out loud in public places or by posting them on the temple gates, Jer. vii, 2; Ezek. iii, 10, where everyone could see and read them. During critical times, when it was essential to stir the fears of a disobedient people and bring them back to repentance, the prophets, as focal points of attention, would walk around in public wearing sackcloth and showing visible signs of humility and sorrow. They used extraordinary methods to convey the seriousness of impending judgment and aimed to provoke fear in their country by showcasing vivid examples of the punishments ahead. For instance, Jeremiah made bonds and yokes and placed them around his neck, Jer. xxvii, to emphasize the subjugation God would impose on the nations conquered by Nebuchadnezzar. Isaiah also walked around without his usual rough prophet attire and barefoot, symbolizing the distress that would befall the Egyptians, Isa. xx. Similarly, Jeremiah broke a potter's vessel, Jer. xix, and Ezekiel publicly moved his household belongings out of the city, 2 Kings xxv, 4, 5; Ezek. xii, 7, to represent the calamities coming to nations that were under God's judgment; this form of expressing significant events through actions was common among all eastern cultures. The primary aim of prophecy, as noted earlier, was to describe the Messiah and his kingdom, Matt. xxvi, 56; Luke i, 70; xviii, 31; xxiv, 44; John i, 45; Acts iii, 18, 24; x, 43; xiii, 29; xv, 15; xxviii, 23; 1 Pet. i, 10–12. These revelations were gradually clarified by different prophets with increasingly detailed predictions. They began as broad promises, evolved into figures and types, and ultimately were prophesied with vivid descriptions. God chose the Hebrew prophets to foretell the sufferings of Christ and the glory that would follow. See Prediction.
PROPITIATION. To propitiate is to appease, to atone, to turn away the wrath of an offended person. In the case before us, the wrath turned away is the wrath of God; the person making the propitiation is Christ; the propitiating offering or sacrifice is his blood. All this is expressed in most explicit terms in the following passages: “And he is the propitiation for our sins,” 1 John ii, 2. “Herein is love, not that we loved God, but that he loved us, and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins,” 1 John iv, 10. “Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood,” Rom. iii, 25. The word used in the two former passages is ἱλασμὸς; in the last ἱλαϛήριον. Both are from the verb ἱλάσκω, so often used by Greek writers to express the action of a person who, in some appointed way, turned away the wrath of a deity; and therefore cannot bear the sense which Socinus would put upon it,--the destruction of sin. This is not supported by a single example. With all Greek authorities, whether poets, historians, or others, the word means to propitiate, and is, for the most part, construed with an accusative case, designating the person whose displeasure is averted. As this could not be denied, Crellius comes to the aid of Socinus, and contends that the sense of this word was not to be taken from its common use in the Greek tongue, but from the Hellenistic use of it in the Greek of the New Testament, the LXX. and the Apocrypha. But this will not serve him; for both by the LXX. and in the Apocrypha, it is used in the same sense as in the Greek classic writers. “He shall offer his ἱλασμὸν, sin-offering, saith the Lord God,” Ezek. xliv, 27. “And the priest shall take the blood of the ἐξιλασμοῦ, sin-offering,” Ezek. xlv, 19. Κριὸς τοῦ ἱλασμοῦ, “The ram of the atonement,” Num. v, 8. To which may be added, out of the Apocrypha, “Now as the high priest was making ἱλασμὸν, an atonement,” 2 Macc. iii, 33.
PROPITIATION. To propitiate means to appease, to atone, or to turn away the anger of someone who is offended. In this context, the anger that is being turned away is God's, the one making the propitiation is Christ, and the offering or sacrifice for that propitiation is His blood. This idea is clearly stated in the following verses: “And he is the propitiation for our sins,” 1 John ii, 2. “Herein is love, not that we loved God, but that he loved us and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins,” 1 John iv, 10. “Whom God has set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood,” Rom. iii, 25. The word in the first two verses is ἱλασμὸς; in the last, it’s ἱλαϛήριον. Both come from the verb ἱλάσκω, which is frequently used by Greek writers to describe the act of someone who, in a designated way, turned away the wrath of a god; therefore, it cannot mean what Socinus claims—the destruction of sin. This interpretation isn’t supported by a single example. According to all Greek sources, whether they are poets, historians, or others, the word means to propitiate, and it is mostly used with an accusative case indicating the person whose displeasure is being averted. Since this cannot be denied, Crellius supports Socinus by arguing that the meaning of this word should not be derived from its common use in Greek but rather from its usage in the Hellenistic Greek of the New Testament, the LXX, and the Apocrypha. However, this won’t assist him; because both in the LXX and in the Apocrypha, it is used in the same manner as in classical Greek writers. “He shall offer his ἱλασμὸν, sin-offering, says the Lord God,” Ezek. xliv, 27. “And the priest shall take the blood of the ἐξιλασμοῦ, sin-offering,” Ezek. xlv, 19. Κριὸς τοῦ ἱλασμοῦ, “The ram of the atonement,” Num. v, 8. Additionally, from the Apocrypha, “Now as the high priest was making ἱλασμὸν, an atonement,” 2 Macc. iii, 33.
The propitiatory sense of the word ἱλασμὸς being thus fixed, the modern Socinians have conceded, in their note on 1 John ii, 2, in their Improved Version, that it means the “pacifying of an offended party;” but they subjoin, that Christ is a propitiation, because by his Gospel he brings sinners to repentance, and thus averts the divine displeasure. The concession is important; and the comment cannot weaken it, because of its absurdity; for, in that interpretation of propitiation, Moses, or any of the Apostles, or any minister of the Gospel now, who succeeds in bringing sinners to repentance, is as truly a propitiation for sin as Christ himself. On Rom. iii, 25, however, the authors of the Improved Version continue to follow their master Socinus, and translate the passage, “whom God hath set forth a propitiation, through faith in his blood,” “whom God hath set forth as a mercy seat in his own blood,” and lay great stress upon this rendering, as removing that countenance to the doctrine of atonement by vicarious sufferings which the common translation affords. The word ἱλαϛὴριον is used in the Septuagint version, and in the Epistle to the Hebrews, to express the mercy seat or covering of the ark. But so little is to be gained by taking it in this sense in this passage, that this rendering is adopted by several orthodox commentators as expressing, by a figure, or rather by emphatically supplying a type to the antitype,--the doctrine of our Lord’s atonement. The mercy seat was so called, because, under the Old Testament, it was the place where the high priest, on the feast of expiation, sprinkled the blood of the sin-offerings, in order to make an atonement for himself and the whole congregation; and, since God accepted the offering which was then made, it was, for this reason, accounted the medium through which God showed himself propitious to the people. With reference to this, Jesus Christ may be called a mercy seat, as being the person in or through whom God shows himself propitious to mankind. And as, under the law, God was propitious to those who came to him by appearing before his mercy seat with the blood of their sin-offerings; so, under the Gospel dispensation, he is propitious to those who come unto him by Jesus Christ, through faith in that blood which is elsewhere called “the blood of sprinkling,” 788and which he shed for the remission of sins. Some able critics have, however, argued, from the force of the context, that the word ought to be taken actively, and not merely declaratively; not as “a propitiatory,” but as “a propitiation,” which, says Grotius, is shown by the mention which is afterward made of blood, to which the power of propitiation is ascribed. Others supply θῦμα or ἱερεῖον, and render it expiatory sacrifice. But, whichever of these renderings be adopted, the same doctrine is held forth to us. The covering of the ark was rendered a propitiatory only by the blood of the victims sprinkled before and upon it; and when the Apostle says, that God hath set forth Jesus Christ to be a propitiatory, he immediately adds, having the ceremonies of the temple in his view, “through faith in his blood.” The text, therefore, contains no exhibition of any means of obtaining mercy but through the blood of sacrifice, according to the rule laid down in the Epistle to the Hebrews, “Without shedding of blood there is no remission;” and is in strict accordance with Ephesians i, 7, “We have redemption through his blood, the remission of sins.” It is only by his blood that Christ reconciles us to God.
The meaning of the word ἱλασμὸς has been established, and the modern Socinians have admitted in their note on 1 John ii, 2, in their Improved Version, that it signifies the “pacifying of an offended party.” However, they add that Christ is a propitiation because his Gospel leads sinners to repentance, thus averting God’s anger. This concession is significant; the subsequent comment doesn’t weaken it, despite its absurdity. In this interpretation of propitiation, Moses or any of the Apostles, or any Gospel minister today who succeeds in bringing sinners to repentance, would be just as much a propitiation for sin as Christ himself. On Rom. iii, 25, though, the authors of the Improved Version still follow Socinus and translate the passage, “whom God has set forth a propitiation, through faith in his blood,” as “whom God has set forth as a mercy seat in his own blood,” heavily emphasizing this phrasing as it supposedly removes support for the doctrine of atonement through vicarious suffering that the standard translation implies. The word ἱλαϛὴριον is used in the Septuagint and in the Epistle to the Hebrews to refer to the mercy seat or covering of the ark. However, little is achieved by interpreting it this way in this passage, as several orthodox commentators adopt this rendering to express, through metaphor, the doctrine of our Lord’s atonement. The mercy seat was named so because, under the Old Testament, it was the place where the high priest, on the Day of Atonement, sprinkled the blood of sin offerings to atone for himself and the entire congregation; since God accepted the offering made then, it was seen as the means through which God revealed his favor to the people. In this context, Jesus Christ can be referred to as a mercy seat, as he is the one through whom God shows his favor to humanity. Just as, under the law, God was favorable to those who approached him by presenting themselves before the mercy seat with the blood of their sin offerings; under the Gospel, he is favorable to those who come to him through Jesus Christ, through faith in the blood which is also referred to as “the blood of sprinkling,” 788 and which he shed for the forgiveness of sins. Nevertheless, some skilled critics have argued, based on the context, that the word should be interpreted actively, not just declaratively; not as “a propitiatory,” but as “a propitiation,” which, as Grotius points out, is indicated by the reference to blood, to which the power of propitiation is attributed. Others suggest θῦμα or ἱερεῖον, translating it as expiatory sacrifice. Regardless of which translation is used, the same doctrine is presented to us. The covering of the ark was regarded as a propitiatory only by the blood of the victims sprinkled before and upon it; and when the Apostle claims that God has set forth Jesus Christ to be a propitiatory, he immediately adds, considering the temple rituals, “through faith in his blood.” Therefore, the text presents no means of obtaining mercy except through the blood of sacrifice, in line with the rule stated in the Epistle to the Hebrews, “Without shedding of blood there is no remission;” and aligns with Ephesians i, 7, “We have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins.” It is solely through his blood that Christ reconciles us to God.
Unable as they who deny the vicarious nature of the sufferings of Christ are to evade the testimony of the above passages which speak of our Lord as “a propitiation,” their next resource often is to deny the existence of wrath in God, in the hope of proving that propitiation, in a proper sense, cannot be the doctrine of Scripture, whatever may be the force of the mere terms which the sacred writers employ. In order to give plausibility to their statement, they pervert the opinion of the orthodox, and argue as though it formed a part of the doctrine of Christ’s propitiation and oblation for sin, to represent God as naturally an implacable and vengeful being, and only made placable and disposed to show mercy by satisfaction being made to his displeasure through our Lord’s sufferings and death. This is as contrary to Scripture as it is to the opinionsopinions of all sober persons who hold the doctrine of Christ’s atonement. God is love; but it is not necessary, in order to support this truth, to assume that he is nothing else. He has other attributes, which harmonize with this and with each other; though, assuredly, that harmony cannot be established by any who deny the propitiation for sin made by the death of Christ. It sufficiently proves that there is not only no implacability in God, but a most tender and placable affection toward the sinning human race itself, and that the Son of God, by whom the propitiation was made, was the free gift of the Father to us. This is the most eminent proof of his love, that, for our sakes, and that mercy might be extended to us, “He spared not his own Son; but delivered him up freely for us all.” Thus he is the fountain and first moving cause of that scheme of recovery and salvation which the incarnation and death of our Lord brought into full and efficient operation. The true questions are, indeed, not whether God is love, or whether he is of a placable nature; but whether God is holy and just; whether we, his creatures, are under law or not; whether this law has any penalty, and whether God, in his rectoral character, is bound to execute and uphold that law. As the justice of God is punitive, (and if it is not punitive, his laws are a dead letter,) then is there wrath in God; then is God angry with the wicked; then is man, as a sinner, obnoxious to this anger; and so a propitiation becomes necessary to turn it away from him. Nor are these terms unscriptural; they are used in the New Testament as emphatically as in the Old; though, the former is, in a special sense, a revelation of the mercy of God to man. John declares that, if any man believeth not on the Son of God, “the wrath of God abideth upon him;” and St. Paul affirms, that “the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men.” The day of judgment is, with reference to the ungodly, said to be “the day of wrath;” God is called “a consuming fire;” and, as such, is the object of “reverence and godly fear.” Nor is this his displeasure light, and the consequences of it a trifling and temporary inconvenience. When we only regard the consequences which have followed sin in society, from the earliest ages, and in every part of the world, and add to these the many direct and fearful inflictions of punishment which have proceeded from the “Judge of the whole earth,” then, to use the language of Scripture, “our flesh may well tremble because of his judgments.” But when we look at the future state of the wicked as represented in Scripture, though it is expressed generally, and surrounded with the mystery of a place, and a condition of being, unknown to us in the present state, all evils which history has crowded into the lot of man appear insignificant in comparison of banishment from God, separation from good men, public condemnation, torment of spirit, “weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth,” “everlasting destruction,” “everlasting fire.” Let men talk ever so much or eloquently of the pure benevolence of God, they cannot abolish the facts recorded in the history of human suffering in this world as the effects of transgression; nor can they discharge these fearful comminations from the pages of the book of God. These cannot be criticised away; and if it is “Jesus who saves us from this wrath to come,” that is, from those effects of the wrath of God which are to come, then, but for him, we should have been liable to them. That principle in God, from which such effects follow, the Scriptures call wrath; and they who deny the existence of wrath in God, deny, therefore, the Scriptures.
Unable as those who deny the sacrificial nature of Christ's suffering are to avoid the testimony of the above passages that refer to our Lord as “a propitiation,” their next move is often to deny the existence of wrath in God, hoping to prove that propitiation, in a meaningful way, cannot be the doctrine of Scripture, regardless of the specific terms used by the sacred writers. To make their argument seem plausible, they twist the views of the orthodox, suggesting that the doctrine of Christ’s propitiation and sacrifice for sin represents God as inherently unforgiving and vengeful, only becoming merciful through satisfaction made for His displeasure due to our Lord’s suffering and death. This is as contrary to Scripture as it is to the opinions of all reasonable individuals who believe in Christ’s atonement. God is love; however, it is not necessary to assert that He is only that. He has other attributes that align with this one and with each other; though, clearly, that harmony cannot be recognized by those who deny the propitiation for sin made through Christ's death. It clearly shows that there is not just no unforgiving nature in God, but a deeply caring and forgiving love for humanity, and the Son of God, through whom the propitiation was established, was a free gift from the Father to us. This is the most significant proof of His love—that for our sake, and so that mercy might be shown to us, “He did not spare His own Son, but gave Him up freely for us all.” Thus, He is the source and driving force behind the plan for recovery and salvation that the incarnation and death of our Lord fully activated. The real issues are not whether God is love or whether He is forgiving, but whether God is holy and just; whether we, His creations, are subject to laws; whether this law has any penalties, and whether God, in His role as a ruler, is obligated to enforce and uphold that law. Since God's justice is punitive (and if it is not, His laws are meaningless), then there is wrath in God; He is angry with the wicked; therefore, as sinners, people are subject to that anger, making propitiation necessary to turn it away from them. These terms are not un-scriptural; they are used in the New Testament just as emphatically as in the Old; although, the former is specifically a revelation of God's mercy to humanity. John states that if anyone does not believe in the Son of God, “the wrath of God remains on him;” and Paul declares that “the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men.” The day of judgment is referred to, concerning the wicked, as “the day of wrath;” God is described as “a consuming fire;” and, in that sense, He is the object of “reverence and godly fear.” This displeasure is not trivial, and its consequences are not minor. When we consider the repercussions of sin throughout history, in every part of the world, and add to that the numerous direct and severe punishments that have come from the “Judge of the whole earth,” we can confidently say, in the words of Scripture, “our flesh may well tremble because of His judgments.” But when we look at the fate of the wicked as depicted in Scripture, although generally described and surrounded by the mystery of a place and a state of existence that is unknown to us now, all suffering recorded in history pales in comparison to being cast away from God, separated from good people, publicly condemned, tormented spiritually, faced with “weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth,” “everlasting destruction,” and “everlasting fire.” Regardless of how much people may talk about the pure goodness of God, they cannot erase the facts of human suffering due to transgression recorded in history; nor can they remove these terrifying warnings from the pages of God’s word. These cannot be dismissed, and if “Jesus saves us from this coming wrath,” meaning from the consequences of God’s wrath that are to come, then without Him, we would have been exposed to them. That principle in God from which such outcomes arise is called wrath in Scripture; and those who deny the existence of wrath in God, therefore, deny the Scriptures.
It by no means follows, however, that this wrath is a passion in God; or that, though we contend that the awful attribute of his justice requires satisfaction, in order to the forgiveness of the guilty, we afford reason to any to charge us with attributing vengeful affections to the divine Being. “Our adversaries,” says Bishop Stillingfleet, “first make opinions for us, and then show that they are unreasonable. They 789first suppose that anger in God is to be considered as a passion, and that passion a desire of revenge; and then tell us, that if we do not prove that this desire of revenge can be satisfied by the sufferings of Christ, then we can never prove the doctrine of satisfaction to be true; whereas, we do not mean by God’s anger, any such passion, but the just declaration of God’s will to punish, upon our provocation of him by our sins; we do not make the design of the satisfaction to be that God may please himself in revenging the sins of the guilty upon the most innocent person, because we make the design of punishment not to be the satisfaction of anger as a desire of revenge, but to be the vindication of the honour and rights of the offended person by such a way as he himself shall judge satisfactory to the ends of his government.” See Atonement and Expiation.
It doesn’t necessarily mean, however, that this anger is an emotion in God; or that, even though we argue that the terrible aspect of his justice demands satisfaction for the forgiveness of the guilty, we give anyone reason to accuse us of attributing vengeful feelings to the divine Being. “Our opponents,” says Bishop Stillingfleet, “first create opinions for us, and then argue that they are unreasonable. They initially assume that anger in God should be seen as an emotion, and that emotion as a desire for revenge; and then tell us that if we do not prove that this desire for revenge can be satisfied by Christ’s suffering, we can never prove the doctrine of satisfaction to be true; whereas, we do not mean by God’s anger any such emotion, but the just declaration of God’s will to punish as a response to our sins provoking him; we do not intend for the purpose of satisfaction to be God seeking to take revenge for the sins of the guilty on the most innocent person, because we see the purpose of punishment not as the satisfaction of anger as a desire for revenge, but as the vindication of the honor and rights of the offended person in a way he himself deems satisfactory for the aims of his governance.” See Reparations and Atonement.
PROPITIATORY, among the Jews, was the cover or lid of the ark of the covenant, which was lined both within and without with plates of gold, insomuch that there was no wood to be seen. Some even take it to have been one piece of massive gold. The cherubims spread their wings over the propitiatory. This propitiatory was a type or figure of Christ. See Propitiation.
PROPITIATORY, among the Jews, was the cover or lid of the ark of the covenant, which was lined inside and out with gold plates, so that no wood was visible. Some even believe it was made from a single piece of solid gold. The cherubim spread their wings over the propitiatory. This propitiatory was a symbol or representation of Christ. See Appeasement.
PROSELYTE, Προσήλυτος, signifies a stranger, a foreigner; the Hebrew word גר, or נכרנכר, also denotes a stranger, one who comes from abroad, or from another place. In the language נכר of the Jews, those were called by this name who came to dwell in their country, or who embraced their religion, being not Jews by birth. In the New Testament they are called sometimes proselytes, and sometimes Gentiles, fearing God, Acts ii, 5; x, ii, 22; xiii, 16, 50. The Jews distinguish two kinds of proselytes. The first, proselytes of the gate; the others, proselytes of justice or righteousness. The first dwelt in the land of Israel, or even out of that country, and, without obliging themselves to circumcision, or to any other ceremony of the law, feared and worshipped the true God, observing the rules imposed on Noah. These were, according to the rabbins, 1. To abstain from idolatry; 2. From blasphemy; 3. From murder; 4. From adultery; 5. From theft; 6. To appoint just and upright judges; 7. Not to eat the flesh of any animal cut off while it was alive. Maimonides says, that the first six of these precepts were given to Adam, and the seventh to Noah. The privileges of proselytes of the gate were, first, that through holiness they might have hope of eternal life. Secondly, they could dwell in the land of Israel, and share in the outward prosperities of it. It is said they did not dwell in the cities, but only in the suburbs and the villages; but it is certain that the Jews often admitted into their cities, not only proselytes of habitation, but also Gentiles and idolaters, as appears by the reproaches on this account, throughout the Scriptures.
PROSELYTE, Προσήλυτος, means a stranger, a foreigner; the Hebrew word גר, or nikharנכר, also refers to a stranger, someone who comes from another place or country. In Jewish language, those who moved to their land or adopted their religion, but were not born Jews, were called by this name. In the New Testament, they are sometimes referred to as proselytes and sometimes as Gentiles who fear God, as seen in Acts ii, 5; x, ii, 22; xiii, 16, 50. The Jews recognize two types of proselytes: the first are the proselytes of the gate, and the second are the proselytes of justice or righteousness. The first group lived in Israel or even outside of it, and they did not have to undergo circumcision or any other law ceremonies but still worshipped the true God, following the rules given to Noah. According to the rabbis, these rules were: 1. To avoid idolatry; 2. To refrain from blasphemy; 3. To not commit murder; 4. To avoid adultery; 5. To not steal; 6. To appoint just and fair judges; 7. Not to eat the flesh of an animal that was alive when it was slaughtered. Maimonides says that the first six of these laws were given to Adam, while the seventh was given to Noah. The benefits for proselytes of the gate were, first, that through their holiness they could hope for eternal life. Secondly, they could live in the land of Israel and share in its external blessings. It is said that they did not reside in the cities but only in the suburbs and villages; however, it is clear that Jews often welcomed not only resident proselytes but also Gentiles and idolaters into their cities, as shown by the criticisms regarding this throughout the Scriptures.
Proselytes of justice or of righteousness were those converted to Judaism, who had engaged themselves to receive circumcision, and to observe the whole law of Moses. Thus were they admitted to all the prerogatives of the people of the Lord. The rabbins inform us that, before circumcision was administered to them, and before they were admitted into the religion of the Hebrews, they were examined about the motives of their conversion; whether the change was voluntary, or whether it proceeded from interest, fear, ambition, &c. When the proselyte was well proved and instructed, they gave him circumcision; and when the wound of his circumcision healed, they gave him baptism, by plunging his whole body into a cistern of water, by only one immersion. Boys under twelve years of age, and girls under thirteen, could not become proselytes till they had obtained the consent of their parents, or, in case of refusal, the concurrence of the officers of justice. Baptism in respect of girls had the same effect as circumcision in respect of boys. Each of them, by means of this, received, as it were, a new birth, so that those who were their parents before were no longer regarded as such after this ceremony, and those who before were slaves now became free.
Proselytes of justice or righteousness were those who converted to Judaism and committed to getting circumcised and following the entire law of Moses. This allowed them to enjoy all the privileges of the people of the Lord. The rabbis tell us that, before they were circumcised and admitted into the Hebrew religion, they were asked about their reasons for converting; whether their decision was voluntary or motivated by interests, fear, ambition, etc. Once the proselyte was proven and educated, they performed the circumcision; and when the wound healed, they baptized him by fully immersing his body in a cistern of water, with only one immersion. Boys under twelve and girls under thirteen could not become proselytes without their parents' consent, or, if refused, the agreement of legal authorities. Baptism for girls had the same significance as circumcision for boys. Through this process, each received a kind of new birth, meaning that those who were their parents before were no longer considered as such after the ceremony, and those who were previously slaves became free.
Many, however, are of opinion that there appears to be no ground whatever in Scripture for this distinction of proselytes of the gate, and proselytes of righteousness. “According to my idea,” says Dr. Tomline, “proselytes were those, and those only, who took upon themselves the obligation of the whole Mosaic law, but retained that name till they were admitted into the congregation of the Lord as adopted children. Gentiles were allowed to worship and offer sacrifices to the God of Israel in the outer court of the temple; and some of them, persuaded of the sole and universal sovereignty of the Lord Jehovah, might renounce idolatry without embracing the Mosaic law; but such persons appear to me never to be called proselytes in Scripture, or in any ancient Christian writer.” He also observes that “the term proselytes of the gate is derived from an expression frequent in the Old Testament; namely, ‘the stranger that is within thy gates;’ but I think it evident that the strangers were those Gentiles who were permitted to live among the Jews under certain restrictions, and whom the Jews were forbidden ‘to vex or oppress,’ so long as they live in a peaceable manner.” Dr. Lardner says, “I do not believe that the notion of two sorts of Jewish proselytes can be found in any Christian writer before the fourteenth century or later.” Dr. Jennings also observes that “there does not appear to be sufficient evidence in the Scripture history of the existence of such proselytes of the gate, as the rabbins mention; nor, indeed, of any who with propriety can be styled proselytes, except such as fully embraced the Jewish religion.”
Many people believe that there is no basis in Scripture for the distinction between proselytes of the gate and proselytes of righteousness. “In my view,” says Dr. Tomline, “proselytes were those who took on the obligation of the entire Mosaic law, but retained that title until they were accepted into the congregation of the Lord as adopted children. Gentiles could worship and offer sacrifices to the God of Israel in the outer court of the temple; and some of them, convinced of the singular and universal authority of the Lord Jehovah, might renounce idolatry without accepting the Mosaic law. However, these individuals don’t seem to be called proselytes in Scripture or by any early Christian writer.” He also notes that “the term proselytes of the gate comes from a phrase often found in the Old Testament: ‘the stranger that is within thy gates;’ but I believe it’s clear that these strangers were Gentiles allowed to live among the Jews under certain restrictions, and whom the Jews were forbidden to ‘vex or oppress,’ as long as they lived peacefully.” Dr. Lardner states, “I don’t think the idea of two kinds of Jewish proselytes can be found in any Christian writing until the fourteenth century or later.” Dr. Jennings also points out that “there doesn't seem to be enough evidence in Scripture history to support the existence of such proselytes of the gate as the rabbis mention; nor, indeed, of anyone who could properly be called proselytes, except those who fully embraced the Jewish religion.”
PROSEUCHÆ. That the Jews had houses, or places for prayer, called ϖροσευχαὶ, appears from a variety of passages in Philo; and, particularly in his oration against Flaccus, he complains that their ϖροσευχαὶ were pulled down, and there was no place left in which they might worship God and pray for Cæsar. Among those who make the synagogues and proseuchæ to be 790different places, are the learned Mr. Joseph Mede and Dr. Prideaux; and they think the difference consists partly in the form of the edifice; a synagogue, they say, being roofed like our houses or churches; and a proseucha being only encompassed with a wall, or some other mound or enclosure, and open at the top, like our courts. They make them to differ in situation; synagogues being in towns and cities, proseuchæ in the fields, and frequently by the river side. Dr. Prideaux mentions another distinction in respect to the service performed in them. In synagogues, he says, the prayers were offered up in public forms in common for the whole congregation; but in the proseuchæ they prayed, as in the temple, every one apart for himself. And thus our Saviour prayed in the proseucha into which he entered. Yet, after all, the proof in favour of this notion is not so strong, but that it still remains a question with some, whether the synagogues and the proseuchæ were any thing more than two different names for the same place; the one taken from the people’s assembling in them, the other from the service to which they were more immediately appropriated, namely, prayer. Nevertheless, the name proseuchæ will not prove that they were appropriated only to prayer, and therefore were different from synagogues, in which the Scriptures were also read and expounded; since the temple, in which sacrifices were offered, and all the parts of divine service were performed, is called οικος προσευχης, a house of prayer, Matt. xxi, 13.
PROSEUCHÆ. It's clear from various passages in Philo that the Jews had houses or places for prayer, known as ϖροσευχαὶ. In his speech against Flaccus, he specifically complains that their ϖροσευχαὶ were destroyed, leaving no place for them to worship God and pray for Cæsar. Some scholars, like Mr. Joseph Mede and Dr. Prideaux, argue that synagogues and proseuchæ are different locations. They suggest that the difference lies in the structure: synagogues are roofed like our houses or churches, while a proseucha is usually just enclosed by a wall or a mound and remains open at the top, similar to our courtyards. They also say that synagogues are found in towns and cities, whereas proseuchæ are typically in open fields, often beside rivers. Dr. Prideaux notes another distinction regarding their services. In synagogues, prayers are offered in public forms for the entire congregation; in the proseuchæ, individuals pray privately as they would in the temple. This is how our Saviour prayed in the proseucha he entered. Yet, the evidence supporting this idea isn't definitive, and some still question whether synagogues and proseuchæ were just two different names for the same kind of place—one based on gathering people, the other focused on the act of prayer. Nonetheless, the term proseuchæ alone doesn't prove that these places were exclusively meant for prayer and thus distinct from synagogues, where Scriptures were also read and explained; after all, the temple, where sacrifices were made and all aspects of divine service took place, is called οικος προσευχης, a house of prayer, Matt. xxi, 13.
PROTESTANT. The Emperor Charles V. called a diet at Spire, in 1529, to request aid from the German princes against the Turks, and to devise the most effectual means for allaying the religious disputes which then raged in consequence of Luther’s opposition to the established religion. In this diet it was decreed by Ferdinand, archduke of Austria, and other popish princes, that in the countries which had embraced the new religion it should be lawful to continue in it till the meeting of a council; but that no Roman Catholic should be allowed to turn Lutheran, and that the reformers should deliver nothing in their sermons contrary to the received doctrine of the church. Against this decree, six Lutheran princes, namely, John and George, the electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, the two dukes of Lunenburg, the landgrave of Hesse, and the prince of Anhalt, with the deputies of thirteen imperial towns, namely, Strasburg, Ulm, Nuremberg, Constance, Rottingen, Windsheim, Memmingen, Nortlingen, Lindaw, Kempten, Hailbron, Wissemburg, and St. Gall, formally and solemnly protested and declared that they appealed to a general council; and hence the name of Protestants, by which the followers of Luther have ever since been known. Nor was it confined to them; for it soon after included the Calvinists, and has now of a long time been applied generally to the Christian sects, of whatever denomination, and in whatever country they may be found, which have separated from the see of Rome.
PROTESTANT. In 1529, Emperor Charles V called a diet in Spire to seek support from the German princes against the Turks and to find effective ways to resolve the religious conflicts sparked by Luther’s challenge to the established religion. During this diet, Ferdinand, archduke of Austria, along with other Catholic princes, decided that in regions where the new religion had taken hold, it would be permissible to continue practicing it until a council could convene; however, no Roman Catholic was allowed to convert to Lutheranism, and reformers were prohibited from speaking against the accepted teachings of the church in their sermons. In response to this decree, six Lutheran princes—John and George, the electors of Saxony and Brandenburg; Ernest and Francis, the two dukes of Lunenburg; the landgrave of Hesse; and the prince of Anhalt—along with representatives from thirteen imperial towns: Strasburg, Ulm, Nuremberg, Constance, Rottingen, Windsheim, Memmingen, Nortlingen, Lindaw, Kempten, Hailbron, Wissemburg, and St. Gall, formally and solemnly protested and declared their intention to appeal to a general council; this is how the term Protestants originated, which has since referred to Luther’s followers. It didn’t stop there; it shortly also encompassed the Calvinists and has long been used broadly to describe Christian groups of whatever denomination that have broken away from the Roman Catholic Church, regardless of their location.
Mr. Chillingworth, addressing himself to a writer in favour of the church of Rome, speaks of the religion of the Protestants in the following excellent terms: “Know then, sir, that when I say the religion of Protestants is in prudence to be preferred before yours, on the one side, I do not understand by your religion the doctrine of Bellarmine, or Baronius, or any other private man among you, nor the doctrine of the Sorbonne, of the Jesuits, or of the Dominicans, or of any other particular company among you, but that wherein you all agree, or profess to agree, the doctrine of the council of Trent; so, accordingly, on the other side, by the religion of Protestants, I do not understand the doctrine of Luther, or Calvin, or Melancthon, nor the confession of Augsburg, or Geneva, nor the catechism of Heidelberg, nor the articles of the church of England; no, nor the harmony of Protestant confessions; but that in which they all agree, and which they all subscribe with a greater harmony, as a perfect rule of faith and action; that is, the Bible. The Bible, I say, the Bible only, is the religion of Protestants. Whatsoever else they believe beside it, and the plain, irrefragable, indubitable consequences of it, well may they hold it as a matter of opinion; but as a matter of faith and religion, neither can they with coherence to their own grounds believe it themselves, nor require belief of it of others, without most high and most schismatical presumption. I, for my part, after a long, and, as I verily believe and hope, impartial, search of the true way to eternal happiness, do profess plainly that I cannot find any rest for the sole of my foot but upon this rock only. I see plainly, and with my own eyes, that there are popes against popes, and councils against councils; some fathers against other fathers, the same fathers against themselves; a consent of fathers of one age against a consent of fathers of another age; traditive interpretations of Scripture are pretended, but there are few or none to be found; no tradition but that of Scripture can derive itself from the fountain, but may be plainly proved either to have been brought in in such an age after Christ, or that in such an age it was not in. In a word, there is no sufficient certainty but of Scripture only for any considering man to build upon. This, therefore, and this only, I have reason to believe. This I will profess; according to this I will live; and for this, if there be occasion, I will not only willingly, but even gladly, lose my life, though I should be sorry that Christians should take it from me. Propose me any thing out of this book, and require whether I believe or no, and, seem it never so incomprehensible to human reason, I will subscribe it with hand and heart, as knowing no demonstration can be stronger than this, God hath said so, therefore it is true. In other things, I will take no man’s liberty of judging from him; neither shall any man take mine from me.”
Mr. Chillingworth, speaking to a writer who supports the Catholic Church, describes Protestantism in these insightful terms: “Understand this, sir, when I say that the religion of Protestants is more sensible than yours, I’m not referring to the beliefs of Bellarmine, Baronius, or any other individual among you, nor the teachings of the Sorbonne, the Jesuits, the Dominicans, or any other specific group among you. What I mean is the core beliefs you all agree upon or claim to agree upon, specifically the doctrine of the Council of Trent. Likewise, when I refer to the religion of Protestants, I’m not talking about the teachings of Luther, Calvin, or Melancthon, nor the Augsburg or Geneva Confessions, nor the Heidelberg Catechism, nor the Articles of the Church of England; no, nor the various Protestant confessions. Instead, I refer to the common ground they all share, the teachings they all subscribe to in unity, which is the Bible. The Bible, I say, the Bible alone is the religion of Protestants. Anything else they believe, aside from it and the clear, undeniable consequences derived from it, may be held as personal opinion; however, as a matter of faith and religion, they cannot consistently believe it themselves, nor demand that others do, without engaging in severe and divisive arrogance. As for me, after a long and, as I truly believe and hope, impartial search for the true path to eternal happiness, I openly profess that I can find no stability except on this foundation. I clearly see, with my own eyes, that there are contradicting popes, councils, and fathers; some fathers oppose others, and the same fathers contradict themselves; the consensus of fathers from one era conflicts with that of another era. Claims of traditional interpretations of Scripture exist, but they are rarely substantiated; no tradition can trace itself back to its source except one based on Scripture, which can be clearly shown to have emerged in particular ages after Christ, or that it was absent in specific eras. In summary, for any thoughtful person, the only solid foundation is Scripture. This, therefore, and this alone, is what I have reason to believe. This I will confess; according to this, I will live; and if necessary, I will not only willingly, but joyfully, give up my life, though I would regret that Christians would take it from me. Present me anything from this book, and if you ask whether I believe it, and even if it seems beyond human understanding, I will affirm it wholeheartedly, knowing that no argument can be stronger than this: God has said it, therefore it is true. In other matters, I will not take away anyone's right to judge for themselves; nor shall anyone take mine from me.”
Under such views the Bible is held as the only sure foundation upon which all true Protestants build every article of the faith which they profess, and every point of doctrine which 791they teach; and all other foundations, whether they be the decisions of councils, the confessions of churches, the prescripts of popes, or the expositions of private men, are considered by them as sandy and unsafe, or as in nowise to be ultimately relied on. Yet, on the other hand, they by no means fastidiously reject them as of no use; for while they admit the Bible, or the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, to be the only infallible rule by which we must measure the truth or falsehood of every religious opinion, they are sensible that all men are not equally fitted to understand or to apply this rule; and that the wisest men want, on many occasions, all the helps afforded by the learning and research of others to enable them to understand its precise nature, and to define its certain extent. These helps are great and numerous, having been supplied, in every age of the church, by the united labours of learned men in every country, and by none in greater abundance than by those in Protestant communions.
Under such views, the Bible is considered the only solid foundation on which all true Protestants build every article of their faith and every point of doctrine they teach; all other foundations—whether they are the decisions of councils, the confessions of churches, the orders of popes, or the interpretations of individuals—are seen as shaky and unreliable, or not ultimately trustworthy. However, they don’t completely dismiss these sources as useless; while they acknowledge the Bible, or the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, as the only infallible rule for measuring the truth or falsehood of any religious belief, they recognize that not everyone is equally capable of understanding or applying this rule. They know that even the wisest individuals often need the assistance provided by the learning and research of others to fully grasp its specific nature and define its true extent. These resources are vast and plentiful, having been provided throughout the history of the church by the collective efforts of knowledgeable individuals in every country, particularly in Protestant communities.
PROVERBS, short aphorisms, and sententious moral and prudential maxims, usually expressed in numbers, or rhythm, or antithesis, as being more easily remembered, and of more use, than abstruse and methodical discourses. This method of instruction appears to be peculiarly suited to the disposition and genius of the Asiatics, among whom it has prevailed from the earliest ages. The Gymnosophists of India delivered their philosophy in brief enigmatical sentences; a practice adopted and carried to a great extent by the ancient Egyptians. The mode of conveying instruction by compendious maxims obtained among the Jews, from the first dawn of their literature, to its final extinction in the east through the power of the Mohammedan arms; and it was familiar to the inhabitants of Syria and Palestine, as we learn from the testimony of St. Jerom. The eloquence of Arabia was mostly exhibited in detached and unconnected sentences, which, like so many loose gems, attracted attention by the fulness of the periods, the elegance of the phraseology, and the acuteness of proverbial sayings. Nor do the Asiatics at present differ, in this respectrespect, from their ancestors, as numerous amthâl, or moral sentences, are in circulation throughout the regions of the east, some of which have been published by Hottinger, Erpenius, the younger Schultens, and others who have distinguished themselves by the pursuit of oriental learning. “The moralists of the east,” says Sir William Jones, “have, in general, chosen to deliver their precepts in short sententious maxims, to illustrate them by sprightly comparisons, or to inculcate them in the very ancient forms of agreeable apologues: there are, indeed, both in Arabic and Persian, philosophical tracts on ethics, written with sound ratiocination and elegant perspicuity; but in every part of the eastern world, from Pekin to Damascus, the popular teachers of moral wisdom have immemorially been poets; and there would be no end of enumerating their works, which are still extant in the five principal languages of Asia.” The ingenious but ever disputing and loquacious Greeks were indebted to the same means for their earliest instruction in wisdom. The sayings of the seven wise men, the golden verses of Pythagoras, the remains of Theognis and Phocylides, if genuine, and the gnomai of the older poets, testify the prevalence of aphorisms in ancient Greece. Had no specimens remained of Hellenic proverbs, we might have concluded this to have been the case; for the Greeks borrowed the rudiments, if not the principal part, of their knowledge from those whom they arrogantly termed barbarians; and it is only through the medium of compendious maxims and brief sentences that traditionary knowledge can be preserved. This mode of communicating moral and practical wisdom accorded with the sedate and deliberative character of the Romans; and, in truth, from its influence over the mind, and its fitness for popular instruction, proverbial expressions exist in all ages and in all languages.
PROVERBS are short sayings and moral maxims, often delivered in rhythm or contrast, making them easier to remember and more useful than complex and systematic arguments. This way of teaching seems particularly suited to the nature and style of the people in Asia, where it has been common since ancient times. The Gymnosophists of India shared their philosophy in brief, cryptic statements, a tradition also practiced and expanded by the ancient Egyptians. This method of teaching through concise maxims was present among the Jews from the beginning of their literature until it faded in the east due to the rise of Islam; it was also common among the people of Syria and Palestine, as noted by St. Jerome. The eloquence of Arabia was primarily shown in disjointed sentences that, like loose gems, drew attention with their fullness, elegance, and sharp proverbial sayings. Modern Asians still share this characteristic, as evidenced by numerous moral sayings, or amthâl, that circulate in the eastern regions, some of which have been published by scholars like Hottinger, Erpenius, and the younger Schultens, who have made significant contributions to oriental studies. “The moralists of the east,” says Sir William Jones, “generally choose to express their teachings in short, pointed maxims, illustrated by lively comparisons or conveyed through ancient forms of engaging stories. Indeed, there are philosophical texts on ethics in Arabic and Persian that showcase clear reasoning and elegant expression; however, throughout the eastern world, from Beijing to Damascus, the popular teachers of moral wisdom have historically been poets, and there’s no end to listing their works, which are still available in the five main Asian languages.” The clever yet ever-disputing Greeks also relied on these methods for their earliest lessons in wisdom. The sayings of the seven wise men, the golden verses of Pythagoras, and the works of Theognis and Phocylides, if authentic, as well as the gnomai of the older poets show that aphorisms were common in ancient Greece. If no examples of Greek proverbs had survived, we might have assumed this wasn't the case, for the Greeks largely borrowed their foundational knowledge from those they arrogantly deemed barbarians. It's only through concise maxims and brief statements that traditional knowledge can be preserved. This way of sharing moral and practical wisdom fit well with the serious and thoughtful nature of the Romans, and in fact, because of its impact on thought and its suitability for public teaching, proverbial expressions can be found in all ages and languages.
Proverbs, in the Hebrew language, are called meshalim, which is derived from a verb signifying both “to rule,” “to have dominion,” and “to compare,” “to liken,” “to assimilate:” hence the term denotes the highly figurative and poetical style in general, and likewise those compendious and authoritative sentences in particular which are commonly denominated proverbs. This term, which our translators have adopted after the Vulgate, denotes, according to our great lexicographer, “a short sentence frequently repeated by the people, a saw, an adage;” and no other word can, perhaps, be substituted more accurately expressing the force of the Hebrew; or, if there could, it has been so long familiarized by constant use, that a change is totally inadmissible.
Proverbs, in Hebrew, are called meshalim, which comes from a verb meaning both “to rule,” “to have dominion,” and “to compare,” “to liken,” “to assimilate.” This term signifies the highly figurative and poetic style in general, as well as those concise and authoritative sentences specifically referred to as proverbs. This term, which our translators adopted from the Vulgate, is defined by our great lexicographer as “a short sentence often repeated by the people, a saying, an adage.” No other word can probably replace it that expresses the essence of the Hebrew as accurately; or if there were one, it has been so well established through constant use that a change is completely unacceptable.
The Meshalim, or Proverbs of Solomon, on account of their intrinsic merit, as well as of the rank and renown of their author, would be received with submissive deference; in consequence of which, they would rapidly spread through every part of the Jewish territories. The pious instructions of the king would be listened to with the attention and respect they deserve, and, no doubt, would be carefully recorded by a people attached to his person, and holding his wisdom in the highest admiration. These, either preserved in writing, or handed down by oral communication, were subsequently collected into one volume, and constitute the book in the sacred canon, entitled, “The Proverbs of Solomon, the son of David, king of Israel.” The genuineness and authenticity of this title, and those in chap. x, 1, and xxv, 1, cannot be disputed; not the smallest reason appears for calling them in question. One portion of the book, from the twenty-fifth chapter to the end of the twenty-ninth, was compiled by the men of Hezekiah, as appears from the title prefixed to it. Eliakim, Shebna, Joah, Isaiah, Hosea, and Micah, personages of eminence and worth, were contemporary with Hezekiah; but whether these or others executed the compilation, it is now impossible to determine. They were persons, however, as we may reasonably suppose, well qualified 792for the undertaking, who collected what were known to be the genuine proverbs of Solomon from the various writings in which they were dispersed, and arranged them in their present order. Whether the preceding twenty-four chapters, which, doubtless, existed in a combined form previous to the additional collection, were compiled by the author, or some other person, is quite uncertain. Both collections, however, being made at so early a period, is a satisfactory evidence that the Proverbs are the genuine production of Solomon, to whom they are ascribed; for, from the death of Solomon to the reign of Hezekiah, according to the Bible chronology, was a period of two hundred and forty-nine years, or, according to Dr. Hales, two hundred and sixty-five years; too short a space to admit of any forgery or material error, as either must have been immediately detected by the worthies who flourished during the virtuous reign of Hezekiah.
The Meshalim, or Proverbs of Solomon, due to their inherent value and the stature of their author, would be received with great respect; as a result, they would quickly spread throughout all the Jewish territories. The king's wise teachings would be attentively listened to and highly regarded, and they would surely be carefully recorded by a people devoted to him and who greatly admired his wisdom. These teachings, whether written down or passed along orally, were later compiled into one book, which makes up the sacred text titled, “The Proverbs of Solomon, the son of David, king of Israel.” The authenticity and legitimacy of this title, along with those in chap. x, 1, and xxv, 1, cannot be questioned; there is no valid reason to doubt them. One section of the book, from the twenty-fifth chapter to the end of the twenty-ninth, was assembled by the men of Hezekiah, as stated in the title. Eliakim, Shebna, Joah, Isaiah, Hosea, and Micah, respected figures of their time, lived during Hezekiah’s reign; however, it’s unclear if they or others carried out the compilation. They were likely well-qualified individuals who gathered the known authentic proverbs of Solomon from various writings and organized them into their current sequence. It remains uncertain whether the first twenty-four chapters, which must have existed as a collection before this additional compilation, were put together by Solomon himself or by someone else. Nonetheless, both sets of writings being compiled at such an early time strongly support the claim that the Proverbs genuinely belong to Solomon, to whom they are attributed; for the time from Solomon's death to Hezekiah's reign, according to Biblical chronology, spans two hundred forty-nine years, or, according to Dr. Hales, two hundred sixty-five years—too brief a period for any forgery or significant error, as such would have been quickly identified by the esteemed figures who lived during Hezekiah's righteous reign.
PROVIDENCE, the conduct and direction of the several parts of the universe, by a superior intelligent Being. The notion of a providence is founded upon this truth, that the Creator has not so fixed and ascertained the laws of nature, nor so connected the chain of second causes, as to leave the world to itself, but that he still preserves the reins in his own hands, and occasionally intervenes, alters, restrains, enforces, suspends, &c, those laws by a particular providence. Some use the word providence in a more general sense, signifying by it that power or action by which the several parts of the creation are ordinarily directed. Thus Damascenus defines providence to be that divine will by which all things are ordered and directed to the proper end: which notion of providence supposes no laws at all fixed by the author of nature at the creation, but that he reserved it at large, to be governed by himself immediately. The Epicureans denied any divine providence, as thinking it inconsistent with the ease and repose of the divine nature to meddle at all with human affairs. Simplicius argues thus for a providence: If God does not look to the affairs of the world, it is either because he cannot or will not; but the first is absurd, since, to govern cannot be difficult where to create was easy; and the latter is both absurd and blasphemous. In Plato’s Tenth Dialogue of Laws, he teaches excellently, that (since what is self-moving is, by its nature, before that which moves only in consequence of being moved) mind must be prior to matter, and the cause of all its modifications and changes; and that, therefore, there is a universal Mind possessed of all perfection, which produced and which actuates all things. After this he shows that the Deity exercises a particular providence over the world, taking care of small no less than great things. In proving this he observes “that a superior nature of such excellence as the divine, which hears, sees, and knows all things, cannot, in any instance, be subject to negligence or sloth; that the meanest and the greatest part of the world are all equally his work or possession; that great things cannot be rightly taken care of without taking care of small; and that, in all cases, the more able and perfect any artist is, (as a physician, an architect, or the ruler of the state,) the more his skill and care appear in little as well as great things. Let us not, then,” says he, “conceive of God as worse than even mortal artists.”
PROVIDENCE refers to the management and guidance of the various parts of the universe by a superior intelligent Being. The idea of providence is based on the truth that the Creator hasn’t established the laws of nature so rigidly, nor tied the chain of secondary causes so tightly, as to leave the world to operate on its own. Instead, he keeps control firmly in his hands and occasionally intervenes, changes, restricts, enforces, suspends, etc., those laws through a specific providence. Some people use the term providence in a broader sense, meaning the power or action through which different parts of creation are typically directed. Damascenus defines providence as the divine will that organizes and directs everything towards its proper end, suggesting that at creation the author of nature didn’t establish fixed laws, but rather chose to govern everything directly. The Epicureans rejected the idea of divine providence, believing it clashed with the tranquility and perfection of the divine nature and that God should not interfere with human affairs. Simplicius argues for providence by saying: If God does not oversee worldly matters, it must be either because He cannot or will not; the first option is absurd since governing cannot be harder than creating; the second option is both absurd and blasphemous. In Plato’s Tenth Dialogue of Laws, he excellently explains that (since what moves itself is inherently ahead of what only moves in response to being moved) mind must come before matter and is the cause of all its changes; therefore, there is a universal Mind with complete perfection that created and drives everything. Following this, he demonstrates that the Deity exercises specific providence over the world, caring for small things just as much as big ones. To prove this, he notes, “a superior nature, as excellent as the divine, which hears, sees, and knows everything, cannot ever be negligent or lazy; that the smallest and largest parts of the world are equally his work or possession; that taking care of great things requires caring for small ones; and that, in all cases, the more skilled and perfect an artist is (like a physician, an architect, or a ruler), the more his expertise and attention are evident in both small and large matters. So, let us not, then,” he says, “think of God as being lesser than even human artists.”
The term providence, in its primary signification, simply denotes foresight; and if we allow the existence of a supreme Being who formed the universe at first, we must necessarily allow that he has a perfect foresight of every event which at any time takes place in the natural or moral world. Matter can have no motion, nor spirit any energy, but what is derived from him; nor can he be ignorant of the effects which they will, either separately or conjointly, produce. A common mechanic has knowledge of the work of his own hands: when he puts the machine which he has made in motion, he foresees how long it will go, and what will be the state and position of its several parts at any particular point of time; or, if he is not perfectly able to do this, it is because he is not perfectly acquainted with all the powers of the materials which he has used in its construction: they are not of his making, and they may therefore have qualities which he does not understand, and consequently cannot regulate. But in the immense machine of the universe there is nothing except that which God has made; all the powers and properties, relations and dependencies, which created things have, they have, both in kind and degree, from him. Nothing, therefore, it should seem, can come to pass at any time, or in any part of the universe, which its incomprehensible Architect did not, from the moment his almighty fiat called it into existence, clearly foresee. The providence of God is implied in his very existence as an intelligent Creator; and it imports not only an abstract foresight of all possible events, but such a predisposition of causes and effects, such an adjustment of means and ends, as seems to us to exclude that contingency of human actions with which, as expectants of positive rewards and punishments in another world, we firmly believe it to be altogether consistent.
The term "providence" primarily means foresight. If we accept the existence of a supreme being who created the universe, we must also accept that this being has complete foresight of every event happening in both the natural and moral worlds. Matter cannot move, nor can spirit have energy, without deriving from Him; He cannot be unaware of the effects they will produce, either on their own or together. A skilled mechanic knows the workings of his own creation: when he sets the machine he built in motion, he anticipates how long it will run and the state and position of its various parts at specific times. If he can't do this perfectly, it's because he doesn’t fully understand all the properties of the materials he used; they're not his creations, so they might have qualities he doesn’t grasp and can’t control. However, in the vast machine of the universe, there’s nothing except what God has created; all the powers, properties, relationships, and dependencies that created things possess come from Him, both in type and degree. So, it seems nothing can happen at any time or in any part of the universe that its incomprehensible Architect didn’t foresee from the moment His almighty command brought it into being. God's providence is inherent in His existence as an intelligent Creator; it implies not just an abstract foresight of all possible events, but also a setup of causes and effects, and an arrangement of means and ends that seem to eliminate the randomness of human actions while still being completely consistent with our belief in the rewards and punishments we expect in another world.
By providence we may understand, not merely foresight, but a uniform and constant operation of God subsequent to the act of creation. Thus, in every machine formed by human ingenuity, there is a necessity for the action of some extraneous power to put the machine in motion: a proper construction and disposition of parts not being sufficient to effect the end: there must be a spring, or a weight, or an impulse of air or water, or some substance or other, on which the motion of the several parts of the machine must depend. In like manner, the machine of the universe depends upon its Creator for the commencement and the conservation of the motion of its several parts. The power by which the insensible particles of matter coalesce into sensible lumps, as well as that by which the great 793orbs of the universe are reluctantly, as it were, retained in their courses, admits not an explanation from mechanical causes: the effects of both of them are different from such as mere matter and motion can produce; they must ultimately be referred to God. Vegetable and animal life and increase cannot be accounted for, without recurring to him as the primary cause of both. In all these respects the providence of God is something more than foresight; it is a continual influence, a universal agency; “by him all things consist,” and “in him we live, and move, and have our being.”
By providence, we understand not just foresight, but a consistent and ongoing action of God following the act of creation. Just like every machine built by human creativity needs an external power source to make it work, the arrangement and design of its parts alone are not enough to achieve its purpose. There has to be a spring, a weight, a blast of air or water, or some other force on which the movement of the machine's components relies. Similarly, the universe depends on its Creator for the initiation and maintenance of the movement of its parts. The force that allows tiny particles of matter to come together into larger shapes, as well as the force that keeps the vast celestial bodies in their paths, cannot be explained solely by mechanical means. The results of both are unlike anything that mere matter and motion can produce; they must ultimately be attributed to God. The processes of plant and animal life and growth cannot be explained without recognizing Him as the primary cause of both. In all these ways, God's providence is more than just foresight; it is a constant presence, a universal influence; “by him all things consist,” and “in him we live, and move, and have our being.”
Much labour has been employed to account for all the phenomena of nature by the powers of mechanism, or the necessary laws of matter and motion. But this, as we imagine, cannot be done. The primary causes of things must certainly be some powers and principles not mechanical, otherwise we shall be reduced to the necessity of maintaining an endless progression of motions communicated from matter to matter, without any first mover; or of saying that the first impelling matter moved itself. The former is an absurdity too great to be embraced by any one; and there is reason to hope that the essential inactivity of matter is at present so well understood, and so generally allowed, notwithstanding some modern oppugners of this hypothesis, that there can be but few who will care to assert the latter. All our reasonings about bodies, and the whole of natural philosophy, are founded on the three laws of motion laid down by Sir Isaac Newton, at the beginning of the “Principia.” These laws express the plainest truths; but they would have neither evidence nor meaning, were not inactivity contained in our idea of matter. Should it be said that matter, though naturally inert, may be made to be otherwise by divine power, this would be the same with saying that matter may be made not to be matter. If inactivity belong to it at all, it must belong to it as matter, or solid extension, and therefore must be inseparable from it. Matter is figured, movable, discerptable, inactive, and capable of communicating motion by impulse to other matter: these are not accidental but primary qualities of matter. Beside, matter void of inactivity, if we were to suppose it possible, could produce no effects. The communication of motion, its direction, the resistance it suffers, and its cessation, in a word, the whole doctrine of motion cannot be consistently explained or clearly understood without supposing the inertia of matter. Self-moving matter must have thought and design, because, whenever matter moves, it must move in some particular direction, and with some precise degree of velocity; and as there is an infinity of these equally possible, it cannot move itself without selecting one of these preferably to and exclusively of all others, and therefore not without design. Moreover, it may be plainly proved that matter cannot be the ultimate cause of the phenomena of nature, or the agent which, by any powers inherent in itself, produces the general laws of nature, without possessing the highest degree of knowledge and wisdom; which might be easily evinced or exemplified by adverting to the particular law of gravitation. “The philosopher,” says an excellent writer, “who overlooks the laws of an all-governing Deity in nature, contenting himself with the appearance of the material universe only, and the mechanical laws of motion, neglects what is most excellent, and prefers what is imperfect to what is supremely perfect, finitude to infinity, what is narrow and weak to what is unlimited and almighty, and what is perishing to what endures for ever. Sir Isaac Newton thought it most unaccountable to exclude the Deity only out of the universe. It appeared to him much more just and reasonable to suppose that the whole chain of causes, or the several series of them, should centre in him as their source; and the whole system appear depending on him the only independent cause.” If, then, the Deity pervades and actuates the material world, and his unremitting energy is the cause to which every effect in it must be traced; the spiritual world, which is of greater consequence, cannot be disregarded by him. Is there not one atom of matter on which he does not act; and is there one living being about which he has no concern? Does not a stone fall without him; and does, then, a man suffer without him? The inanimate world is of no consequence, abstracted from its subserviency to the animate and reasonable world: the former, therefore, must be preserved and governed entirely with a view to the latter. But it is not mere energy or the constant exertion of power that is discernible in the frame or laws of the universe, in maintaining the succession of men, and in producing men and other beings; but wisdom and skill are also conspicuous in the structure of every object in the inanimate creation. After a survey of the beauty and elegance of the works of nature, aided by the perusal of Matt. vi, 28, &c, we may ask ourselves, Has God, in the lowest of his works, been lavish of wisdom, beauty, and skill; and is he sparing of these in the concerns of reasonable beings? Or does he less regard order, propriety, and fitness in the determination of their states? The answer is obvious. Providence also implies a particular interposition of God in administering the affairs of individuals and nations, and wholly distinct from that general and incessant exertion of his power, by which he sustains the universe in existence.
Much work has been done to explain all the phenomena of nature through the powers of mechanics or the necessary laws of matter and motion. However, we believe that this cannot be achieved. The fundamental causes of things must surely involve some powers and principles that are not mechanical; otherwise, we would have to accept an endless chain of motions passed from one piece of matter to another without a first mover, or claim that the first matter moved itself. The first option is an absurdity that no one can accept, and there is reason to believe that the essential inactivity of matter is now well understood and widely accepted, despite some modern challenges to this idea, so few would be inclined to argue the latter. Our reasoning about physical bodies and all of natural philosophy is based on the three laws of motion laid out by Sir Isaac Newton at the start of the "Principia." These laws represent the simplest truths; however, they would have no evidence or meaning without the notion of inactivity included in our concept of matter. If one were to suggest that matter, while naturally inactive, could be made to act otherwise by divine power, this would amount to saying that matter could be transformed into something that is not matter. If inactivity pertains to it at all, it must apply to it as matter or solid extension, and thus must be inseparable from it. Matter is shaped, movable, discernible, inactive, and able to transfer motion through impact to other matter: these are not incidental but fundamental qualities of matter. Furthermore, matter devoid of inactivity, if we could even imagine such a thing, would produce no effects. The transfer of motion, its direction, the resistance it encounters, and its cessation—in short, the entire theory of motion—cannot be coherently explained or clearly understood without assuming the inertia of matter. Self-moving matter would necessitate thought and intention, as whenever matter moves, it must do so in a specific direction and with a precise speed; since there are infinite potential movements, it cannot independently choose one without preferentially selecting it over all others, implying intent. Moreover, it can be clearly shown that matter cannot be the ultimate cause of natural phenomena, or the agent that, through any powers intrinsic to itself, produces the fundamental laws of nature, without having the highest level of knowledge and wisdom; this can easily be demonstrated by looking at the specific law of gravitation. "The philosopher," as an insightful writer puts it, "who overlooks the laws of an all-governing deity in nature, settling for just the appearance of the material universe and the mechanical laws of motion, ignores what is most valuable and favors the imperfect over the supremely perfect, the finite over the infinite, the narrow and weak over the unlimited and powerful, and that which is temporary over that which is eternal." Sir Isaac Newton found it most baffling to exclude the deity from the universe. To him, it seemed much more just and reasonable to suppose that the entire chain of causes, or the various series of them, should originate from him as their source; and that the whole system depends on him as the sole independent cause. If the deity permeates and activates the material world, and his constant energy is the cause that every effect in it must be traced back to, then the spiritual world, which holds even greater significance, cannot be overlooked by him. Is there not a single atom of matter on which he does not act? Is there a living being that does not fall under his care? Does a stone fall without him, and does a man suffer without him? The inanimate world is of no importance when separated from its usefulness to the animate and rational world; hence, the former must be preserved and governed entirely with a view to the latter. However, it is not just energy or the continual exertion of power that is evident in the structure or laws of the universe, in maintaining the succession of humans, and in producing humans and other beings; wisdom and skill are also clearly present in the makeup of every object in the inanimate realm. After considering the beauty and elegance of nature's works, and reflecting on Matt. vi, 28, etc., we might ask ourselves: Has God, in his simplest works, been generous with wisdom, beauty, and skill, while being stingy with these qualities concerning rational beings? Or does he care less about order, appropriateness, and suitability in determining their states? The answer is clear. Providence implies God’s specific involvement in managing the affairs of individuals and nations, distinct from the general and continuous exercise of his power that sustains the universe in existence.
The doctrine of providence may be evinced from the consideration of the divine perfections. The first cause of all things must be regarded as a being absolutely perfect; and the idea of absolute perfection comprehends infinite power, wisdom, and goodness; hence we deduce the doctrine of providence. The Deity cannot be an indifferent spectator of the series of events in that world to which he has given being. His goodness will as certainly engage him to direct them agreeably to the ends of goodness, as his wisdom and power enable him to do it in the most effectual manner. This conclusion is conformable to all 794our ideas of those attributes. Could we call that being good who would refuse to do any good which he is able to do without the least labour or difficulty? God is present every where. He sees all that happens, and it is in his power, with perfect ease, to order all for the best. Can he then possess goodness, and at the same time not do this? A God without a providence is undoubtedly a contradiction. Nothing is plainer than that a being of perfect reason will, in every instance, take such care of the universe as perfect reason requires. That supreme intelligence and love, which are present to all things, and from whence all things sprung, must govern all occurrences. These considerations prove what has been called a particular, in opposition to a general, providence. We cannot conceive of any reasons that can influence the Deity to exercise any providence over the world, which are not likewise reasons for extending it to all that happens in the world. As far as it is confined to generals, or overlooks any individual, or any event, it is incomplete, and therefore unsuitable to the idea of a perfect being.
The concept of providence can be understood by considering divine qualities. The first cause of everything must be seen as a fully perfect being; and the idea of absolute perfection includes infinite power, wisdom, and goodness. From this, we arrive at the idea of providence. The Deity cannot simply be a passive observer of the events in the world that He has created. His goodness will certainly drive Him to guide events toward good outcomes, just as His wisdom and power enable Him to do so effectively. This conclusion aligns with our understanding of those attributes. Could we really call a being good if they refused to do any good that they could do easily? God is everywhere. He sees everything that happens, and it is within His power, with perfect ease, to arrange everything for the best. Can He then be considered good while not doing this? A God without providence is definitely contradictory. It’s obvious that a being with perfect reason will care for the universe in the way that perfect reason demands. That supreme intelligence and love, which are present in all things and from which all things originated, must govern all events. These points support what is known as a particular providence, as opposed to a general one. We can’t think of any reasons that would lead the Deity to exercise any providence over the world that wouldn’t also apply to all that occurs in the world. If it only applies to generalities, or ignores any individual or any event, it is incomplete, and therefore not suitable to the idea of a perfect being.
One common prejudice against this doctrine arises from the apprehension that it is below the dignity of the Deity to watch over, in the manner implied in it, the meanest beings, and the minutest affairs. To which it may be replied, that a great number of minute affairs, if they are each of them of some consequence, make up a sum which is of great consequence; and that there is no way of taking care of this sum, without taking care of each particular. This objection, therefore, under the appearance of honouring God, plainly dishonours him. Nothing is absolutely trifling in which the happiness of any individual, even the most insignificant, is at all concerned; nor is it beneath a wise and good being to interpose in any thing of this kind. To suppose the Deity above this, is to suppose him above acting up to the full extent of goodness and rectitude. The same eternal benevolence that first engaged him to produce beings, must also engage him to exercise a particular providence over them; and the very lowest beings, as well as the highest, seem to have a kind of right to his superintendence, from the act itself of bringing them into existence. Every apprehension that this is too great a condescension in him is founded on the poorest ideas; for, surely, whatever it was not too great condescension in him to create, it cannot be too great a condescension in him to take care of. Beside, with regard to God, all distinctions in the creation vanish. All beings are infinitely, that is, equally, inferior to him.
One common bias against this idea comes from the belief that it’s beneath God’s dignity to pay attention to the smallest beings and the tiniest details. However, it's important to note that a large number of small matters, if each one matters in some way, add up to something significant. To manage this total, it's necessary to consider each individual aspect. Therefore, this objection, while seemingly honoring God, actually disrespects Him. Nothing is completely trivial when it involves the happiness of any individual, no matter how insignificant. It’s not beneath a wise and good being to intervene in such matters. To claim that God is above this is to suggest that He doesn’t act according to the highest standards of goodness and righteousness. The same eternal goodness that motivated Him to create beings must also drive Him to offer specific guidance and care for them. The lowest beings, just like the highest, seem to have a rightful claim to His oversight simply because He brought them into existence. Any worry that this is too much of a lowering of status for Him is based on weak reasoning; after all, if it wasn’t too much for Him to create these beings, then it certainly isn’t too much for Him to care for them. Additionally, from God’s perspective, all differences in creation disappear. All beings are infinitely, meaning equally, inferior to Him.
Accident, and chance, and fortune, are words which we often hear mentioned, and much is ascribed to them in the life of man. But they are words without meaning; or, as far as they have any signification, they are no other than names for the unknown operations of providence; for it is certain that in God’s universe nothing comes to pass causelessly, or in vain. Every event has its own determined direction. That chaos of human affairs and intrigues where we can see no light, that mass of disorder and confusion which they often present to our view, is all clearness and order in the sight of Him who is governing and directing the whole, and bringing forward every event in its due time and place. “The Lord sitteth on the flood. The Lord maketh the wrath of man to praise him,” as he maketh the “hail and rain to obey his word. He hath prepared his throne in the heavens; and his kingdom ruleth over all. A man’s heart deviseth his way, but the Lord directeth his steps.” No other principle than this, embraced with a steady faith, and attended with a suitable practice, can ever be able to give repose and tranquillity to the mind; to animate our hopes, or extinguish our fears; to give us any true satisfaction in the enjoyments of life, or to minister consolation under its adversities. If we are persuaded that God governs the world, that he has the superintendence and direction of all events, and that we are the objects of his providential care; whatever may be our distress or our danger, we can never want consolation; we may always have a fund of hope, always a prospect of relief. But take away this hope and this prospect, take away the belief of God and of a superintending providence, and man would be of all creatures the most miserable; destitute of every comfort, every support, under present sufferings, and of every security against future dangers.
Accident, chance, and fortune are terms we often hear, with much being attributed to them in human life. But these are just empty words; at best, they are merely names for the unknown workings of providence. It’s clear that in God’s universe, nothing happens without a cause or in vain. Every event has its own defined purpose. The chaos of human affairs and intrigues, where we see only darkness, is just a clear and orderly plan in the eyes of Him who governs everything, bringing about each event at the right time and place. “The Lord sits upon the flood. The Lord makes the wrath of man praise Him,” just as He makes the “hail and rain obey His command. He has established His throne in the heavens; and His kingdom rules over all. A man’s heart plans his way, but the Lord directs his steps.” This principle, embraced with unwavering faith and matched with appropriate action, is the only way to bring peace and calm to the mind; to lift our hopes or erase our fears; to find true joy in life’s pleasures or find comfort in its hardships. If we believe that God governs the world, overseeing all events and looking out for us, then no matter our troubles or dangers, we will always have comfort; we will have a source of hope and a promise of relief. But remove this hope and belief in God and His overseeing providence, and humanity would be the most miserable of creatures; lacking every comfort and support in our present suffering, and with no security against future threats.
PSALMS. The book of Psalms is a collection of hymns, or sacred songs, in praise of God, and consists of poems of various kinds. They are the productions of different persons, but are generally called the Psalms of David, because a great part of them was composed by him, and David himself is distinguished by the name of the Psalmist. We cannot now ascertain all the Psalms written by David, but their number probably exceeds seventy; and much less are we able to discover the authors of the other Psalms, or the occasions upon which they were composed. A few of them were written after the return from the Babylonian captivity. The titles prefixed to them are of very questionable authority; and in many cases they are not intended to denote the writer but refer only to the person who was appointed to set them to music. David first introduced the practice of singing sacred hymns in the public service of God; and it was restored by Ezra. The authority of the Psalms is established not only by their rank among the sacred writings, and by the unvaried testimony of ages, but likewise by many intrinsic proofs of inspiration. Not only do they breathe through every part a divine spirit of eloquence, but they contain numberless illustrious prophecies that were remarkably accomplished, and are frequently appealed to by the evangelical writers. The sacred character of the whole book is established by the testimony of our Saviour and his Apostles, who, in various parts of the New Testament, appropriate the predictions of the Psalms as obviously apposite to the circumstances of their lives, and as intentionally composed to describe them. The veneration 795for the Psalms has in all ages of the church been considerable. The fathers assure us, that in the earlier times the whole book of Psalms was generally learned by heart; and that the ministers of every gradation were expected to be able to repeat them from memory. These invaluable Scriptures are daily repeated without weariness, though their beauties are often overlooked in familiar and habitual perusal. As hymns immediately addressed to the Deity, they reduce righteousness to practice; and while we acquire the sentiments, we perform the offices of piety; while we supplicate for blessings, we celebrate the memorial of former mercies; and while in the exercise of devotion, faith is enlivened by the display of prophecy. Josephus asserts, and most of the ancient writers maintain, that the Psalms were composed in metre. They have undoubtedly a peculiar conformation of sentences, and a measured distribution of parts. Many of them are elegiac, and most of David’s are of the lyric kind. There is no sufficient reason however to believe, as some writers have imagined, that they were written in rhyme, or in any of the Grecian measures. Some of them are acrostic; and though the regulations of the Hebrew measure are now lost, there can be no doubt, from their harmonious modulation, that they were written with some kind of metrical order; and they must have been composed in accommodation to the measure to which they were set. (See Poetry of the Hebrews.) The Hebrew copies and the Septuagint version of this book contain the same number of Psalms; only the Septuagint translators have, for some reason which does not appear, thrown the ninth and tenth into one, as also the one hundred and fourteenth and one hundred and fifteenth, and have divided the one hundred and sixteenth and one hundred and forty-seventh each into two.
PSALMS. The book of Psalms is a collection of hymns, or sacred songs, that praise God and includes various types of poems. They were created by different authors but are generally referred to as the Psalms of David, since he wrote a significant number of them, earning him the title of the Psalmist. We can't determine exactly how many Psalms David wrote, but it likely exceeds seventy; we also know much less about the authors of the other Psalms or the circumstances under which they were written. A few were written after the return from Babylonian captivity. The titles attached to them have questionable authority and often don't indicate the actual writer but rather the person responsible for setting them to music. David was the first to introduce the singing of sacred hymns in public worship, and this practice was revived by Ezra. The authority of the Psalms is solidified not only by their status among sacred texts and the consistent testimony throughout history but also by many intrinsic signs of inspiration. They exude a divine eloquence throughout and contain numerous significant prophecies that have been remarkably fulfilled, which are frequently referenced by the writers of the New Testament. The sacredness of the entire book is reinforced by our Savior and his Apostles, who, in different parts of the New Testament, interpret the predictions in the Psalms as relevant to their lives and as intentionally composed to describe their experiences. Reverence for the Psalms has always been significant in the church. The early church fathers tell us that the entire book of Psalms was commonly memorized, and ministers at all levels were expected to recite them from memory. These invaluable scriptures are recited daily without fatigue, even though their beauty is often overlooked in regular reading. As hymns directed to God, they translate righteousness into action; while we internalize their sentiments, we also perform acts of piety; as we ask for blessings, we remember past mercies; and as we engage in worship, our faith is stirred by prophetic insights. Josephus and many ancient writers argue that the Psalms were composed in meter. They certainly have a distinct structure of sentences and a measured arrangement of parts. Many are elegiac, with most of David's being lyric. However, there’s no strong reason to believe, as some have suggested, that they were written in rhyme or according to any Greek measures. Some are acrostic; and even though the rules of Hebrew meter are now lost, it's clear from their rhythmic flow that they were written following some form of metrical structure, which they must have been tailored to accommodate. (See Poetry of the Hebrews.) The Hebrew copies and the Septuagint version of this book contain the same number of Psalms; however, for reasons that are unclear, the Septuagint translators combined the ninth and tenth Psalms, as well as the one hundred and fourteenth and one hundred and fifteenth, and divided the one hundred and sixteenth and one hundred and forty-seventh Psalms into two each.
It is very justly observed by Dr. Allix, that, “although the sense of near fifty Psalms be fixed and settled by divine authors, yet Christ and his Apostles did not undertake to quote all the Psalms they could, but only to give a key to their hearers, by which they might apply to the same subjects the Psalms of the same composure and expression.” With regard to the Jews, Bishop Chandler very pertinently remarks, that “they must have understood David, their prince, to have been a figure of Messiah. They would not otherwise have made his Psalms part of their daily worship; nor would David have delivered them to the church to be so employed, were it not to instruct and support them in the knowledge and belief of this fundamental article. Were the Messiah not concerned in the Psalms, it would have been absurd to celebrate twice a day, in their public devotions, the events of one man’s life, who was deceased so long ago, as to have no relation now to the Jews and the circumstances of their affairs; or to transcribe whole passages from them into their prayers for the coming of the Messiah.” Upon the same principle it is easily seen that the objections, which may seem to lie against the use of Jewish services in Christian congregations, may cease at once. Thus it may be said, Are we concerned with the affairs of David and of Israel? Have we any thing to do with the ark and the temple? They are no more. Are we to go up to Jerusalem, and to worship on Sion? They are desolated, and trodden under foot by the Turks. Are we to sacrifice young bullocks according to the law? The law is abolished, never to be observed again. Do we pray for victory over Moab, Edom, and Philistia; or for deliverance from Babylon? There are no such nations, no such places in the world. What then do we mean, when, taking such expressions into our mouths, we utter them in our own persons, as parts of our devotions, before God? Assuredly we must mean a spiritual Jerusalem and Sion; a spiritual ark and temple; a spiritual law; spiritual sacrifices; and spiritual victories over spiritual enemies; all described under the old names, which are still retained, though “old things are passed away, and all things are become new,” 2 Cor. v, 17. By substituting Messiah for David, the Gospel for the law, the church Christian for that of Israel, and the enemies of the one for those of the other, the Psalms are made our own. Nay, they are with more fulness and propriety applied now to the substance, than they were of old to the “shadow of good things then to come,” Heb. x, 1. For let it not pass unobserved, that when, upon the first publication of the Gospel, the Apostles had occasion to utter their transports of joy, on their being counted worthy to suffer for the name of their Lord and Master, which was then opposed by Jew and Gentile, they brake forth into an application of the second Psalm to the transactions then before their eyes, Acts iv, 25. The Psalms, thus applied, have advantages which no fresh compositions, however finely executed, can possibly have; since, beside their incomparable fitness to express our sentiments, they are at the same time memorials of, and appeals to, former mercies and deliverances; they are acknowledgments of prophecies accomplished; they point out the connection between the old and new dispensations, thereby teaching us to admire and adore the wisdom of God displayed in both, and furnishing while we read or sing them, an inexhaustible variety of the noblest matter that can engage the contemplations of man.
Dr. Allix wisely points out that, “even though the meaning of nearly fifty Psalms is clear and established by divine authors, Christ and his Apostles didn’t try to quote every Psalm they could; instead, they provided a guide for their listeners to apply the same themes in Psalms that share similar composition and expression.” Regarding the Jews, Bishop Chandler aptly notes that “they must have seen David, their king, as a foreshadowing of the Messiah. They wouldn’t have included his Psalms in their daily worship otherwise, nor would David have provided them to the church for such use if not to instruct and bolster their understanding and belief in this fundamental truth. If the Messiah were not involved in the Psalms, it would be absurd to celebrate twice a day in their public prayers the events of one man's life, who passed away so long ago, having no relevance to the Jews and their circumstances; or to include entire passages from them in their prayers for the coming of the Messiah.” Following the same logic, it becomes clear that the objections to using Jewish services in Christian congregations can be easily dismissed. So, one might ask, are we concerned with the matters of David and Israel? Do we have anything to do with the ark and the temple? They no longer exist. Are we meant to go up to Jerusalem and worship on Zion? They are desolate and overrun by the Turks. Are we to sacrifice young bulls according to the law? The law has been abolished, never to be observed again. Do we pray for victory over Moab, Edom, and Philistia, or for deliverance from Babylon? There are no such nations or places in the world. What do we mean, then, when we use such expressions in our prayers before God? We must mean a spiritual Jerusalem and Zion; a spiritual ark and temple; a spiritual law; spiritual sacrifices; and spiritual victories over spiritual enemies, all described using the old terms that remain, even though “old things have passed away, and all things have become new,” 2 Cor. 5:17. By replacing David with the Messiah, the Gospel for the law, the Christian church for that of Israel, and the enemies of one for those of the other, the Psalms become our own. In fact, they apply even more fully and properly to the essence now than they did before to the “shadow of good things to come,” Heb. 10:1. It’s worth noting that when, at the first preaching of the Gospel, the Apostles expressed their joy for being deemed worthy to suffer for the name of their Lord and Master, which faced opposition from Jews and Gentiles alike, they erupted into a reference of the second Psalm about the events unfolding before them, Acts 4:25. The Psalms, in this context, carry advantages that no new writings, however artfully done, can match; in addition to being incredibly suited to express our thoughts, they also serve as memorials and reminders of past mercies and deliverances; they acknowledge fulfilled prophecies; they highlight the connection between the old and new covenants, teaching us to admire and worship the wisdom of God evident in both, and providing, as we read or sing them, an endless range of the most profound themes that can capture human contemplation.
Very few of the Psalms, comparatively, appear to be simply prophetical, and to belong only to Messiah, without the intervention of any other person. Most of them, it is apprehended, have a double sense, which stands upon this ground and foundation, that the ancient patriarchs, prophets, priests, and kings, were typical characters, in their several offices, and in the more remarkable passages of their lives, their extraordinary depressions and miraculous exaltations foreshowing him who was to arise as the head of the holy family, the great prophet, the true priest, the everlasting king. The Israelitish polity, and the law of Moses, were purposely framed after the example and shadow of things spiritual and 796heavenly; and the events which happened to the ancient people of God were designed to shadow out parallel occurrences, which should afterward take place in the accomplishment of man’s redemption, and the rise and progress of the Christian church. (See Prophecy.) For this reason, the Psalms composed for the use of Israel, and by them accordingly used at the time, do admit of an application to us, who are now “the Israel of God,” Gal. vi, 16, and to our Redeemer, who is the King of this Israel. It would be an arduous and adventurous undertaking to attempt to lay down the rules observed in the conduct of the mystic allegory, so diverse are the modes in which the Holy Spirit has thought proper to communicate his counsels to different persons on different occasions; inspiring and directing the minds of the prophets according to his good pleasure; at one time vouchsafing more full and free discoveries of future events; while, at another, he is more obscure and sparing in his intimations. From hence, of course, arises a great variety in the Scripture usage of this kind of allegory as to the manner in which the spiritual sense is couched under the other. Sometimes it can hardly break forth and show itself at intervals through the literal, which meets the eye as the ruling sense, and seems to have taken entire possession of the words and phrases. On the contrary, it is much oftener the capital figure in the piece, and stands confessed at once by such splendour of language, that the letter, in its turn, is thrown into shade, and almost totally disappears. Sometimes it shines with a constant equable light, and sometimes it darts upon us on a sudden, like a flash of lightning from the clouds. But a composition is never more truly elegant and beautiful, than when the two senses, alike conspicuous, run parallel together through the whole poem, mutually corresponding with and illustrating each other.
Very few of the Psalms seem to be purely prophetic and exclusively about the Messiah, without involving anyone else. Most of them, it seems, have a dual meaning based on the idea that the ancient patriarchs, prophets, priests, and kings were symbolic figures in their various roles, with significant moments in their lives, their deep struggles, and miraculous elevations hinting at the one who would emerge as the leader of the holy family—the great prophet, the true priest, the everlasting king. The governance of Israel and the law of Moses were intentionally designed after spiritual and heavenly patterns; the events experienced by the ancient people of God were meant to reflect similar occurrences that would later unfold in the fulfillment of humanity's redemption and the development of the Christian church. (See Prophecy.) For this reason, the Psalms created for Israel and used by them at the time can also be applied to us, who are now “the Israel of God,” Gal. vi, 16, and to our Redeemer, who is the King of this Israel. It would be a challenging and bold endeavor to try to outline the principles governing the use of mystical allegory, as the ways the Holy Spirit has chosen to relay his messages to different people on various occasions are so diverse; inspiring and guiding the minds of the prophets according to his will, sometimes offering more complete and clear revelations of future events, while at other times being more vague and reserved in his hints. This naturally leads to a significant variety in how the Scriptures utilize this type of allegory regarding how the spiritual meaning is hidden under the literal one. Occasionally, it can barely break through and reveal itself intermittently through the literal sense, which appears to dominate and seems to fully control the words and phrases. Conversely, it is often the main focus of the piece, clearly evident through such striking language that the literal meaning is overshadowed and nearly disappears. Sometimes it radiates with a steady, even light, and other times it suddenly strikes us like a flash of lightning from the clouds. However, a piece is never more truly elegant and beautiful than when both meanings are equally prominent, running parallel throughout the entire poem, each one enhancing and illuminating the other.
Thus the establishment of David upon his throne, notwithstanding the opposition made to it by his enemies, is the subject of the second Psalm. David sustains in it a twofold character, literal and allegorical. If we read over the Psalm first with an eye to the literal David, the meaning is obvious, and put out of all dispute by the sacred history. There is indeed an uncommon glow in the expression, and sublimity in the figures; and the diction is now and then exaggerated, as it were, on purpose to intimate and lead us to the contemplation of higher and more important matters concealed within. In compliance with this admonition, if we take another survey of the Psalm, as relative to the person and concerns of the spiritual David, a nobler series of events instantly rises to view, and the meaning becomes more evident, as well as exalted. The colouring, which may perhaps seem too bold and glaring for the king of Israel, will no longer appear so, when laid upon his great antitype. After we have thus attentively considered the subject apart, let us look at them together, and we shall behold the full beauty and majesty of this most charming poem. We shall perceive the two senses very distinct from each other, yet conspiring in perfect harmony, and bearing a wonderful resemblance in every feature and lineament, while the analogy between them is so exactly preserved, that either may pass for the original, from whence the other was copied. New light is continually cast upon the phraseology, fresh weight and dignity are added to the sentiment, till gradually ascending from things below to things above, from human affairs to those which are divine, they bear the great important theme upward with them, and at length place it in the height and brightness of heaven. What has been observed with regard to this Psalm, may also be applied to the seventy-second; the subject of which is of the same kind, and treated in the same manner. Its title might be, “The Inauguration of Solomon.” The scheme of the allegory is alike in both; but a diversity of matter occasions an alteration in the diction. For whereas one is employed in celebrating the magnificent triumphs of victory, it is the design of the other to draw a pleasing picture of peace, and of that felicity which is her inseparable attendant. The style is therefore of a more even and temperate sort, and more richly ornamented. It abounds not with those sudden changes of the person speaking which dazzle and astonish; but the imagery is borrowed from the delightful scenes with which creation cheers the sight, and the pencil of the divine artist is dipped in the softer colours of nature. And here we may take notice how peculiarly adapted to the genius of this kind of allegory the parabolical style is, on account of that great variety of natural images to be found in it. For as these images are capable of being employed in the illustration of things divine and human, between which there is a certain analogy maintained, so they easily afford that ambiguity which is necessary in this species of composition, where the language is applicable to each sense, and obscure in neither; it comprehends both parts of the allegory, and may be clearly and distinctly referred to one or the other.
Thus, the establishment of David on his throne, despite the opposition from his enemies, is the subject of the second Psalm. In it, David embodies a dual character, both literal and metaphorical. If we initially read the Psalm focusing on the literal David, the meaning is clear and supported by sacred history. There is indeed a unique intensity in the expression and grandeur in the images; sometimes the language seems exaggerated to hint at and guide us to contemplate higher and more significant matters hidden within. Following this suggestion, if we take another look at the Psalm concerning the spiritual David, a more noble series of events quickly comes into view, and the meaning becomes clearer and more elevated. The bold and striking imagery that might seem excessive for the king of Israel won't appear so when applied to his great counterpart. After we carefully examine the subject separately, let’s look at them together, and we will appreciate the full beauty and majesty of this captivating poem. We will see the two meanings distinctly different from each other yet perfectly harmonious, sharing a remarkable resemblance in every detail, while the analogy between them is so well maintained that either could be considered the original from which the other was drawn. New insights continually emerge from the language, adding depth and dignity to the sentiment, gradually lifting it from earthly matters to those that are divine, ultimately elevating the significant theme to the heights and brightness of heaven. What has been noted regarding this Psalm can also be applied to the seventy-second; its subject is similar and approached in the same way. Its title might be “The Inauguration of Solomon.” The allegorical scheme is the same in both, but the different subject matter leads to variations in the language. While one celebrates magnificent victories, the other aims to create a pleasing image of peace and the happiness that accompanies it. Therefore, its style is more consistent and moderate, with richer embellishments. It does not feature those sudden shifts in the speaker that dazzle and amaze; instead, the imagery is drawn from the beautiful scenes nature offers, and the divine artist's brush is dipped in the softer hues of the world. Here, we can notice how well-suited the parabolic style is for this kind of allegory, due to the wide variety of natural images it contains. These images can illustrate both divine and human matters, maintaining an analogy between them, while easily providing the ambiguity needed in this type of composition, where the language can apply to either meaning without being unclear; it encompasses both parts of the allegory, easily and distinctly applicable to one or the other.
On this book Bishop Horsley remarks:--These Psalms go, in general, under the name of the Psalms of David. King David gave a regular and noble form to the musical part of the Jewish service. He was himself a great composer, both in poetry and music, and a munificent patron, no doubt, of arts in which he himself so much delighted and excelled. The Psalms, however, appear to be compositions of various authors, in various ages; some much more ancient than the times of King David, some of a much later age. Of many, David himself was undoubtedly the author; and that those of his composition were prophetic, we have David’s own authority, which may be allowed to overpower a host of modern expositors. For thus King David, at the close of his life, describes himself and his sacred songs: “David, the son of Jesse, said, and the man who was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel, said, TheThe Spirit of Jehovah 797spake by me, and his word was in my tongue.’ It was the word, therefore, of Jehovah’s Spirit which was uttered by David’s tongue. But it should seem, the Spirit of Jehovah would not be wanting to enable a mere man to make complaint of his own enemies, to describe his own sufferings just as he felt them, and his own escapes just as they happened. But the Spirit of Jehovah described by David’s utterance what was known to that Spirit only, and that Spirit only could describe. So that, if David be allowed to have had any knowledge of the true subject of his own compositions, it was nothing in his own life, but something put into his mind by the Holy Spirit of God; and the misapplication of the Psalms to the literal David has done more mischief than the misapplication of any other parts of the Scriptures among those who profess the belief of the Christian religion.
In this book, Bishop Horsley notes: These Psalms are generally known as the Psalms of David. King David established a consistent and impressive structure for the musical aspect of Jewish worship. He was an exceptional composer in both poetry and music and undoubtedly a generous supporter of the arts he loved and excelled in. However, the Psalms appear to be works by various authors from different periods; some are much older than King David, while others are from a later time. Many of them were undoubtedly authored by David himself, and his works were prophetic, as confirmed by David’s own testimony, which should carry more weight than many modern interpreters. Thus, at the end of his life, King David describes himself and his sacred songs: “David, the son of Jesse, said, and the man who was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel, said, TheThe Spirit of Jehovah spake by me, and his word was in my tongue.” Therefore, it was the word of Jehovah’s Spirit that David conveyed. However, it seems the Spirit of Jehovah would not need to empower a mere man to complain about his enemies, describe his own sufferings as he experienced them, and recount his escapes as they occurred. Yet the Spirit of Jehovah, through David’s words, communicated what was known only to that Spirit, and only that Spirit could express it. So, if David had any real understanding of the true subject of his compositions, it was not about his own life but something revealed to him by the Holy Spirit of God. The misinterpretation of the Psalms as being solely applicable to David has caused more confusion than the misinterpretation of any other parts of the Scriptures among those who profess belief in the Christian faith.
The Psalms are all poems of the lyric kind, that is, adapted to music, but with great variety in the style of composition. Some are simply odes. An ode is a dignified sort of song, narrative of the facts, either of public history or private life, in a highly adorned and figured style. But the figure in the Psalms is that which is peculiar to the Hebrew language, in which the figure gives its meaning with as much perspicuity as the plainest speech. Some are of the sort called elegiac, which are pathetic compositions upon mournful subjects. Some are ethic, delivering grave maxims of life, or the precepts of religion, in solemn, but for the most part simple, strains. Some are enigmatic, delivering the doctrines of religion in enigmata, contrived to strike the imagination forcibly, and yet easy to be understood. In all these the author delivers the whole matter in his own person. But a very great, I believe the far greater, part are a sort of dramatic ode, consisting of dialogues between persons sustaining certain characters. In these dialogue Psalms the persons are frequently the psalmist himself, or the chorus of priests and Levites, or the leader of the Levitical band, opening the ode with a proem declarative of the subject, and very often closing the whole with a solemn admonition drawn from what the other persons say. The other persons are Jehovah, sometimes as one, sometimes as another, of the three Persons; Christ in his incarnate state, sometimes before, sometimes after, his resurrection; the human soul of Christ as distinguished from the divine essence. Christ, in his incarnate state, is personated sometimes as a priest, sometimes as a king, sometimes as a conqueror; and in those Psalms in which he is introduced as a conqueror, the resemblance is very remarkable between this conqueror in the book of Psalms and the warrior on the white horse in the book of Revelation, who goes forth with a crown on his head, and a bow in his hand, conquering and to conquer. And the conquest in the Psalms is followed, like the conquest in the Revelation, by the marriage of the conqueror. These are circumstances of similitude which, to any one versed in the prophetic style, prove beyond a doubt that the mystical conqueror is the same personage in both.
The Psalms are all lyric poems meant for music, but they show a lot of variety in style. Some are simply odes, which are dignified songs that narrate events, whether from public history or private life, in a highly embellished style. The figures of speech in the Psalms are unique to the Hebrew language, making their meaning clear just as effectively as plain speech. Some are elegiac, expressing sorrow over sad themes. Others are ethical, offering serious life lessons or religious teachings in a solemn yet mostly straightforward manner. Some are enigmatic, presenting religious doctrines in riddles that are designed to capture the imagination while still being easy to understand. Throughout all these, the author speaks in his own voice. However, a significant portion, I believe the majority, are dramatic odes featuring dialogues between different characters. In these dialogue Psalms, the characters often include the psalmist, a group of priests and Levites, or the leader of the Levitical band, who starts the ode with an introductory statement about the subject and often ends with a serious warning based on what others have said. The other characters include Jehovah, appearing sometimes in one form and sometimes in another of the three Persons; Christ in his human state, both before and after his resurrection; and the human soul of Christ, separate from his divine nature. Christ, in his human form, is depicted at times as a priest, a king, or a conqueror. In the Psalms that portray him as a conqueror, there’s a notable similarity between this figure and the warrior on the white horse in the book of Revelation, who rides out with a crown on his head and a bow in his hand, conquering and to conquer. The conquest in the Psalms is followed, just like in Revelation, by the marriage of the conqueror. These similarities provide strong evidence, for anyone familiar with prophetic literature, that the mystical conqueror in both texts is the same figure.
PSALMODY. The service of the ancient Christian church usually began with reading or with the singing of psalms. We are not to understand this as if their psalmody was performed in one course of many psalms together, without intermission, but rather, with some respite, and a mixture of other parts of divine service, to make the whole more agreeable and delightful. As to the persons concerned in singing the Psalms publicly in the church, they may be considered in four different respects, according to the different ways of psalmody; for sometimes the Psalms were sung by one person alone; and sometimes the whole assembly joined together, men, women, and children: this was the most ancient and general practice. At other times the Psalms were sung alternately; the congregation dividing themselves into two parts, and singing verse for verse. Beside all these, there was yet a fourth way of singing, pretty common in the fourth century, which was, when a single person began the verse, and the people joined with him in the close.
PSALMODY. The service of the early Christian church typically started with reading or singing psalms. We shouldn't think of their psalmody as a nonstop performance of many psalms all at once, but rather with breaks and a mix of other parts of the service to make it more enjoyable and pleasant. Regarding the people involved in singing the Psalms publicly in the church, they can be viewed in four different ways, based on the various styles of psalmody. Sometimes, the Psalms were sung by a single person alone, and other times the entire congregation—men, women, and children—sang together; this was the oldest and most common practice. At other times, the Psalms were sung alternately, with the congregation splitting into two groups to sing verse by verse. Additionally, there was a fourth method of singing, quite common in the fourth century, where one person would start the verse, and the people would join in for the ending.
Psalmody was always esteemed a considerable part of devotion, and upon that account was usually performed in the standing posture. As to the voice or pronunciation, used in singing, it was of two sorts, the plain song, and the more artificial; the plain song was only a gentle inflexion, or turn of the voice, not very different from the chanting in our cathedrals; the artificial song seems to have been a regular musical composition, like our anthems. It was no objection against the psalmody of the church, that she sometimes made use of psalms and hymns of human composition, beside those of the inspired writers. St. Augustine himself made a psalm of many parts, in imitation of the hundred and nineteenth, to preserve his people from the errors of the Donatists. St. Hilary and St. Ambrose likewise made many hymns, which were sung in their respective churches. But two corruptions crept into the psalmody, which the fathers declaim against with great zeal. The first was, the introducing secular music, or an imitation of the light airs of the theatre, in the devotions of the church. The other was, the regarding more the sweetness of the composition than the sense and meaning; thereby pleasing the ear, without raising the affections of the soul.
Psalmody has always been considered an important part of worship, and for that reason, it was usually performed while standing. In terms of voice or pronunciation used in singing, there were two types: plain song and more elaborate forms. The plain song involved gentle inflections or variations in the voice, similar to the chanting found in our cathedrals, while the elaborate song appeared to be a formal musical composition, like our anthems. It wasn't seen as a problem for the church’s psalmody to include psalms and hymns of human origin, in addition to those written by inspired authors. St. Augustine himself composed a multi-part psalm, mimicking the short psalm 119, to keep his people from the mistakes of the Donatists. St. Hilary and St. Ambrose also created many hymns that were sung in their churches. However, two issues emerged in psalmody that the church fathers strongly criticized. The first was the introduction of secular music or the imitation of light theatrical tunes in church worship. The second was an emphasis on the sweetness of the music over the meaning of the lyrics, pleasing the ear without stirring the soul.
The use of musical instruments in singing of psalms, seems to be as ancient as psalmody itself. The first psalm we read of was sung to a timbrel, namely, that which Moses and Miriam sung after the deliverance of the children of Israel from Egypt; and afterward, at Jerusalem, when the temple was built, musical instruments were constantly used at their public services. And this has been the common practice in all ages of the church. When the use of organs was first introduced, is not certainly known; but we find, that about A. D. 660, Constantine Copronymus, emperor of Constantinople, sent a present of an organ to King Pepin of France.
The use of musical instruments in singing psalms seems to be as old as psalmody itself. The first psalm we know of was sung to a tambourine, specifically the one sung by Moses and Miriam after the Israelites were freed from Egypt. Later, in Jerusalem, when the temple was built, musical instruments were regularly used in public services. This has been a common practice throughout the ages of the church. It's not exactly clear when organs were first used, but we know that around A.D. 660, Constantine Copronymus, the emperor of Constantinople, sent an organ as a gift to King Pepin of France.
798Clement Marot, groom of the bed chamber to Francis I., king of France, was the first who engaged in translating the Psalms into metre. He versified the first fifty at the instigation of Vatablus, Hebrew professor at Paris; and afterward, upon his return to Geneva, he made an acquaintance with Beza, who versified the rest, and had tunes set to them; and thus they began to be sung in private houses, and afterward were brought into the churches of the French and other countries. In imitation of this version, Sternhold, one of the grooms of the privy chamber to our King Edward VI., undertook a translation of the Psalms into metre. He went through but thirty-seven of them, the rest being soon after finished by Hopkins and others. This translation was at first discountenanced by many of the clergy, who looked upon it as done in opposition to the practice of chanting the Psalms in the cathedrals.
798Clement Marot, a courtier to Francis I., the king of France, was the first to translate the Psalms into verse. He put the first fifty into meter at the urging of Vatablus, a Hebrew professor in Paris. Later, when he returned to Geneva, he met Beza, who versified the rest and set them to music; this is how they started to be sung in private homes, and eventually in the churches of France and other countries. Inspired by this version, Sternhold, one of the grooms of the privy chamber to King Edward VI., began translating the Psalms into verse. He completed only thirty-seven of them, with the rest finished soon after by Hopkins and others. This translation initially faced disapproval from many clergy, who viewed it as a challenge to the tradition of chanting the Psalms in cathedrals.
Early in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, metrical psalmody was introduced into this country. The new morning prayer began at St. Antholin’s, London, when a psalm was sung in the Geneva fashion, all the congregation, men, women, and boys singing together. Bishop Jewel says, that “the singing of psalms, begun in one church in London, did quickly spread itself, not only through the city, but in the neighbouring places; sometimes at Paul’s Cross six thousand people singing together.”
Early in Queen Elizabeth’s reign, metrical psalm singing came to this country. The new morning prayer started at St. Antholin’s in London, where a psalm was sung in the Geneva style, with the entire congregation—men, women, and boys—singing together. Bishop Jewel says that “the singing of psalms, which began in one church in London, quickly spread not only through the city but also to nearby areas; sometimes at Paul’s Cross, six thousand people sang together.”
A curious controversy on this subject arose among the Dissenters in the end of the seventeenth century. Whether singing in public worship had been partially discontinued during the times of persecution to avoid informers, or whether the miserable manner in which it was performed gave persons a distaste to it, so it appears, that in 1691, Mr. Benjamin Keach published a tract entitled, “The Breach Repaired in God’s Worship: or, Psalms, Hymns, &c, proved to be a Holy Ordinance of Jesus Christ.” To us it may appear strange that such a point should be disputed; but Mr. Keach was obliged to labour earnestly, and with a great deal of prudence and caution, to obtain the consent of his people to sing a hymn at the conclusion of the Lord’s Supper. After six years more, they agreed to sing on the thanksgiving days; but it required still fourteen years more before he could persuade them to sing every Lord’s day; and then it was only after the last prayer, that those who chose it might withdraw without joining in it! Nor did even this satisfy these scrupulous consciences; for, after all, a separation took place, and the inharmonious seceders formed a new church in May’s Pond, where it was above twenty years longer before singing the praises of God could be endured. It is difficult at this period to believe it; but Mr. Ivimey quotes Mr. Crosby, as saying, that Mr. Keach’s was the first church in which psalm singing was introduced. This remark, however, must probably be confined to the Baptist churches. The Presbyterians, it seems, were not quite so unmusical; for the Directory of the Westminster divines distinctly stated, that “it is the duty of Christians to praise God publicly by singing of Psalms together in the congregation.” And beside the old Scotch Psalms, Dr. John Patrick, of the Charter house, made a version which was in very general use among Dissenters, Presbyterians, and Independents, before it was superseded by the far superior compositions of Dr. Watts. These Psalms, however, like those of the English and Scotch establishment, were drawled out in notes of equal length, without accent or variety. Even the introduction of the triple-time tunes, probably about the time of Dr. Watts’s psalms, gave also great offence to some people, because it marked the accent of the measure. Old Mr. Thomas Bradbury used to call this time “a long leg and a short one.” The beautiful compositions of Dr. Watts, Mr. C. Wesley, and others, have produced a considerable revolution in modern psalmody. Better versions of the Psalms, and many excellent collections of hymns, are now in use, and may be considered as highly important gifts bestowed upon the modern church of God.
A curious debate on this topic emerged among the Dissenters at the end of the seventeenth century. Whether singing in public worship had been partially stopped during the times of persecution to avoid informers, or whether the poor way it was performed turned people off from it, it appears that in 1691, Mr. Benjamin Keach published a pamphlet titled, “The Breach Repaired in God’s Worship: or, Psalms, Hymns, &c, proved to be a Holy Ordinance of Jesus Christ.” It may seem strange to us that such an issue was disputed, but Mr. Keach had to work diligently, with a lot of prudence and care, to get his congregation to agree to sing a hymn at the end of the Lord’s Supper. After six more years, they agreed to sing on thanksgiving days; however, it took another fourteen years for him to convince them to sing every Sunday; and even then, it was only after the final prayer that those who wanted to could leave without joining in! Even this didn’t satisfy the more critical consciences, as eventually, a split occurred, and the dissatisfied seceders formed a new church in May’s Pond, where it took over twenty more years before singing praises to God was accepted. It's hard to believe at this time, but Mr. Ivimey quotes Mr. Crosby as saying that Mr. Keach’s was the first church where psalm singing was introduced. However, this comment likely applies only to the Baptist churches. The Presbyterians apparently weren’t quite as unmusical; the Westminster divines’ Directory clearly stated that “it is the duty of Christians to praise God publicly by singing of Psalms together in the congregation.” In addition to the old Scottish Psalms, Dr. John Patrick of the Charterhouse created a version that was widely used among Dissenters, Presbyterians, and Independents before it was replaced by the far better works of Dr. Watts. These Psalms, like those of the English and Scottish establishment, were sung in monotonous, equally lengthy notes, without accent or variation. Even the introduction of triple-time tunes, likely around the time of Dr. Watts’s psalms, offended some people because it emphasized the accent of the measure. Old Mr. Thomas Bradbury referred to this timing as “a long leg and a short one.” The beautiful works of Dr. Watts, Mr. C. Wesley, and others have significantly changed modern psalm singing. Better versions of the Psalms and many excellent collections of hymns are now in use and can be regarded as very important gifts to the modern church of God.
PSALTERY. See Music.
PSALTERY. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
PTOLEMAIS. See Accho.
PTOLEMAIS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
PUBLICAN, a collector or receiver of the Roman revenues. Judea being added to the provinces of the Roman empire, and the taxes paid by the Jews directly to the emperor, the publicans were the officers appointed to collect them. The ordinary taxes which the Romans levied in the provinces were of three sorts: 1. Customs upon goods imported and exported; which tribute was therefore called portorium, from portus, “a haven.” 2. A tax upon cattle fed in certain pastures belonging to the Roman state, the number of which being kept in writing, this tribute was called scriptura. 3. A tax upon corn, of which the government demanded a tenth part. This tribute was called decuma. These publicans are distinguished by Sigonius into three sorts or degrees,--the farmers of the revenue, their partners, and their securities; in which he follows Polybius. These are called the mancipes, socii, and prædes, who were all under the quæstore særarii, that presided over the finances at Rome. The mancipes farmed the revenue of large districts or provinces, had the oversight of the inferior publicans, received their accounts and collections, and transmitted them to the quæstores ærarii. They often let out their provinces in smaller parcels to the socii; so called, because they were admitted to a share in the contract, perhaps for the sake of more easily raising the purchase money; at least to assist in collecting the tribute. Both the mancipes and socii are therefore properly styled τελῶναι, from τελος, tributum, and ὠνέομαι, emo. They were obliged to procure prædes, or sureties, who gave security to the government for the fulfilment of the contract. The distribution of Sigonius, therefore, or rather of Polybius, is not quite exact, since there were properly but two sorts of publicans, the mancipes and the socii. The former are, probably, those whom the Greeks call ἀρχιτελώναι, chiefs of the publicans; of which sort was Zaccheus. As they were superior to the common publicans in dignity, being mostly 799of the equestrian order, so they were generally in their moral character. But as for the common publicans, the collectors or receivers, as many of the socii were, they are spoken of with great contempt, by Heathens as well as Jews; and particularly by Theocritus, who said, that “among the beasts of the wilderness, bears and lions are the most cruel; among the beasts of the city, the publican and parasite.” The reason of the general hatred to them was, doubtless, their rapine and extortion. For, having a share in the farm of the tribute, at a certain rate, they were apt to oppress the people with illegal exactions, to raise as large a fortune as they could for themselves. Beside, publicans were particularly odious to the Jews, who looked upon them to be the instruments of their subjection to the Roman emperors, to which they generally held it sinful for them to submit. They considered it as incompatible with their liberty to pay tribute to any foreign power, Luke xx, 22, &c; and those of their own nation that engaged in this employment they regarded as Heathens, Matthew xviii, 17. It is even said, that they would not allow them to enter into their temple or synagogues, nor to join in prayers, nor even allow their evidence in a court of justice on any trial; nor would they accept of their offerings in the temple.
PUBLICAN, a collector or receiver of the Roman taxes. After Judea became a province of the Roman Empire, taxes paid by the Jews went directly to the emperor, and publicans were the officials assigned to collect them. The usual taxes imposed by the Romans in the provinces fell into three categories: 1. Customs on goods imported and exported, known as tax, from portus, meaning “a haven.” 2. A tax on livestock grazing in certain pastures owned by the Roman state, which was recorded in writing, referred to as writing. 3. A tax on grain, from which the government required a tenth part, called decuma. Sigonius categorizes these publicans into three groups or levels: the farmers of the revenue, their partners, and their sureties, in line with Polybius. These are referred to as mancipants, friends, and prædes, all of whom were under the supervision of the quæstore særarii, who managed the finances in Rome. The workers managed the revenue of large districts or provinces, oversaw the lower publicans, received their reports and collections, and sent them to the treasury officials. They often sublet their provinces in smaller sections to the socii; these were called so because they were allowed to share in the contract, perhaps to more easily accumulate the purchase money or to help in gathering the tax. Both the mancipes and friends are correctly referred to as τελῶναι, from τελος, tax, and ὠνέομαι, emo. They were required to obtain prædes, or sureties, who provided guarantees to the government for fulfilling the contract. Therefore, the classification by Sigonius, or more accurately by Polybius, is not entirely correct, as there were really only two types of publicans, the mancipants and the socii. The former are likely those whom the Greeks call ἀρχιτελώναι, chiefs of the publicans; Zaccheus belonged to this group. They were superior to regular publicans in status and generally more honorable. However, regular publicans, which included many of the socii, were viewed with disdain by both Gentiles and Jews. Theocritus remarked that “among the beasts of the wilderness, bears and lions are the most vicious; among the beasts of the city, the publican and parasite.” The widespread hatred towards them was likely due to their greed and extortion. Because they had a stake in the taxation contract at a set rate, they often exploited the populace with unlawful charges, aiming to amass wealth for themselves. Furthermore, publicans were particularly reviled by the Jews, who considered them complicit in their subjugation to the Roman emperors, which many saw as sinful. They thought it was incompatible with their freedom to pay taxes to any foreign authority, as referenced in Luke xx, 22, etc.; those from their own nation who engaged in this work were deemed as impious, Matthew xviii, 17. It is even said that they would not allow publicans to enter their temple or synagogues, participate in prayers, or serve as witnesses in court trials; they wouldn’t accept their offerings in the temple either.
It appears by the Gospel that there were many publicans in Judea at the time of our Saviour. Zaccheus, probably, was one of the principal receivers, since he is called the chief of the publicans, Luke xix, 2; but St. Matthew was only an inferior publican. The Jews reproached our Saviour for showing kindness to these persons, Luke vii, 34; and he himself ranks them with harlots, Matt. xxi, 31. Some of them, it should seem, had humbling views of themselves, Luke xviii, 10. Zaccheus assures our Lord, who had honoured him with a visit, that he was ready to give the half of his goods to the poor, Luke xix, 8, and to return fourfold of whatever he had unjustly acquired.
It’s clear from the Gospel that there were a lot of tax collectors in Judea during the time of our Savior. Zaccheus was likely one of the chief tax collectors since he’s referred to as the chief of the tax collectors in Luke 19:2; while St. Matthew was just a lower-ranking tax collector. The Jews criticized our Savior for being kind to these people, as seen in Luke 7:34; and he himself compared them to prostitutes in Matthew 21:31. Some of them, it seems, had a humble view of themselves, as indicated in Luke 18:10. Zaccheus tells our Lord, who graciously visited him, that he’s willing to give half of his possessions to the poor, according to Luke 19:8, and to repay four times what he had obtained unfairly.
PUBLIUS, the governor of Melita, Acts xxviii, 7–9. When St. Paul was shipwrecked on this island, Publius received him and his company into his house very kindly, and treated them for three days with great humanity.
PUBLIUS, the governor of Melita, Acts xxviii, 7–9. When St. Paul was shipwrecked on this island, Publius warmly welcomed him and his companions into his home and took care of them for three days with great kindness.
PUL, king of Assyria. He came into the land of Israel in the time of Manahem, king of the ten tribes, 2 Kings xv, 19, &c, and invaded the kingdom on the other side of Jordan. But Manahem, by a present of one thousand talents of silver, prevailed on the king of Assyria, not only to withdraw his forces, but to recognize his title to the crown of Israel before he left the kingdom. This is the first time that we find any mention made of the kingdom of Assyria since the days of Nimrod; and Pul is the first monarch of that nation who invaded Israel, and began their transportation out of their own country.
PUL, the king of Assyria, entered the land of Israel during the reign of Manahem, the king of the ten tribes, as mentioned in 2 Kings 15:19 and others. He invaded the kingdom across the Jordan River. However, Manahem managed to persuade the king of Assyria to not only pull back his troops but also to acknowledge his claim to the throne of Israel by offering a gift of one thousand talents of silver before he departed. This is the first time we hear about the kingdom of Assyria since the time of Nimrod, and Pul is the first king of that nation to invade Israel and start the process of relocating its people.
PULSE, קלי, Lev. xxiii, 14; 1 Sam. xvii, 17; 2 Sam. xvii, 28; a term applied to those grains or seeds which grow in pods, as beans, peas, vetches, &c, from פול, a bean. The Vulgate renders this kali in 2 Sam. xvii, 28, frixum cicer, “parched peas.” In Daniel i, 12, 16, the word זרעים, rendered pulse, may signify seeds in general.
PULSE, Kali, Lev. 23:14; 1 Sam. 17:17; 2 Sam. 17:28; a term used for grains or seeds that grow in pods, like beans, peas, vetches, etc., from Paul, a bean. The Vulgate translates this kali in 2 Sam. 17:28 as
PUNISHMENTS OF THE HEBREWS. There were several sorts of punishments in use among the Jews which are mentioned in the Scripture. 1. The punishment of the cross. (See Cross.) 2. Suspension, Esther vii, 10; Joshua viii, 29; 2 Samuel xxi, 12. 3. Stoning. 4. Fire. This punishment was common, Gen. xxxviii, 24; Leviticus xxi, 9. 5. The rack or tympanum, mentioned Heb. xi, 35. Commentators are much divided about the meaning of this punishment; but most of them are of opinion that the bastinado, or the punishment of the stick, is intended, and that the Apostle alludes to the cruelties exercised upon old Eleazar; for, in 2 Mac. vi, 19, where his martyrdom is spoken of, it is said that he came to the tympanum. 6. The precipice, or throwing persons headlong from a rock, with a stone tied about the neck, 2 Chron. xxv, 12. 7. Decapitation, Gen. xl, 19; Judges ix, 5; 2 Kings x, 7; Matt. xiv, 8. 8. The punishment of the saw, or to be cut asunder in the middle, Heb. xi, 37. This punishment was not unknown to the Hebrews. Some think it was originally from the Persians or Chaldeans. 9. Plucking out the eyes, Exod. xxi, 24. Some think this punishment was seldom executed, but the offender was made to suffer in his property rather than in his person: yet there are some instances on record, Judges xvi, 21; 1 Sam. xi, 2; 2 Kings xxv, 7. 10. The cutting off the extremities of the feet and hands, Judges i, 5–7; 2 Sam. iv, 12.
PUNISHMENTS OF THE HEBREWS. There were several kinds of punishments used among the Jews mentioned in Scripture. 1. The punishment of the cross. (See Cross.) 2. Hanging, Esther vii, 10; Joshua viii, 29; 2 Samuel xxi, 12. 3. Stoning. 4. Fire. This punishment was common, Gen. xxxviii, 24; Leviticus xxi, 9. 5. The rack or tympanum, mentioned in Heb. xi, 35. Commentators have different opinions about what this punishment means, but most believe it refers to the bastinado or the punishment with a stick, and that the Apostle is alluding to the cruelties inflicted on old Eleazar; in 2 Mac. vi, 19, where his martyrdom is discussed, it states that he came to the tympanum. 6. The precipice, or throwing people headfirst from a rock with a stone tied around their neck, 2 Chron. xxv, 12. 7. Decapitation, Gen. xl, 19; Judges ix, 5; 2 Kings x, 7; Matt. xiv, 8. 8. The punishment of being sawed in half, Heb. xi, 37. This punishment was known to the Hebrews. Some believe it originated from the Persians or Chaldeans. 9. Plucking out the eyes, Exod. xxi, 24. Some think this punishment was rarely carried out, but the offender suffered financially rather than physically; however, there are recorded instances, Judges xvi, 21; 1 Sam. xi, 2; 2 Kings xxv, 7. 10. Cutting off the extremities of the feet and hands, Judges i, 5–7; 2 Sam. iv, 12.
PUR, פור, κλῆρος, signifies lot. Pur, Phur, or Purim, was a solemn feast of the Jews, instituted in memory of the lots cast by Haman, the enemy of the Jews, Esther iii, 7. These lots were cast in the first month of the year, and gave the twelfth month of the same year for the execution of Haman’s design, to destroy all the Jews in Persia. Thus the superstition of Haman, in crediting these lots, caused his own ruin, and the preservation of the Jews, who, by means of Esther, had time to avert this blow. The Jews have exactly kept this feast down to our times. See Haman, Esther, and Mordecai.
PUR, פור, κλῆρος, means lot. Pur, Phur, or Purim, was an important celebration for the Jews, established to remember the lots cast by Haman, their enemy, as noted in Esther iii, 7. These lots were cast in the first month of the year and indicated the twelfth month for Haman’s plan to eliminate all the Jews in Persia. As a result, Haman's superstition in believing the lots would determine his fate led to his own downfall and the Jews' survival, who, through Esther, had the opportunity to prevent this disaster. The Jews have faithfully observed this feast up to the present day. See Haman, Esther, and Mordecai.
PURGATORY, a place in which, according to the church of Rome, the just, who depart out of this life, are supposed to expiate certain offences which do not merit eternal damnation. Broughton has endeavoured to prove that this notion has been held by Pagans, Jews, and Mohammedans, as well as by Christians; and that in the days of the Maccabees, the Jews believed that sin might be expiated by sacrifice after the death of the sinner. The arguments advanced for purgatory by the papists are these: Every sin, how slight soever, though no more than an idle word, as it is an offence to God, deserves punishment from him, and will be punished by him hereafter, if not cancelled by repentance here. 2. Such small sins do not deserve eternal punishment. 3. Few depart this life so pure as to be totally exempt 800from spots of this nature, and from every kind of debt due to God’s justice. 4. Therefore, few will escape without suffering something from his justice for such debts as they have carried with them out of this world, according to the rule of divine justice, by which he treats every soul hereafter according to his works, and according to the state in which he finds it in death. From these positions, which the papist considers as so many self-evident truths, he infers that there must be some third place of punishment; for since the infinite holiness of God can admit nothing into heaven that is not clean and pure from all sin, both great and small, and his infinite justice can permit none to receive the reward of bliss, who as yet are not out of debt, but have something in justice to suffer, there must, of necessity, be some place or state, where souls departing this life, pardoned as to the eternal guilt of sin, yet obnoxious to some temporal penalty, or with the guilt of some venial faults, are purged and purified before their admittance into heaven. And this is what he is taught concerning purgatory; though he know not where it is, of what nature the pains are, or how long each soul is detained there, yet he believes that those who are in this place are relieved by the prayers of their fellow members here on earth, as also by alms and masses offered up to God for their souls. And as for such as have no relations or friends to pray for them, or give alms to procure masses for their relief, they are not neglected by the church, which makes a general commemoration of all the faithful departed, in every mass, and in every one of the canonical hours of the divine office. Beside the above arguments, the following passages are alleged as proofs: 2 Macc. xii, 43–45; Matt. xii, 31, 32; 1 Cor. iii, 15; 1 Peter iii, 19. But it may be observed, 1. That the books of Maccabees have no evidence of inspiration, therefore quotations from them are not to be regarded. 2. If they were, the texts referred to would rather prove that there is no such place as purgatory, since Judas did not expect the souls departed to reap any benefit from the sin-offering till the resurrection. The texts quoted from the Scriptures have no reference to the doctrine, as may be seen by consulting the context, and any just commentator upon it. 3. The Scriptures, in general, speak of departed souls going immediately, at death, to a fixed state of happiness or misery, and give us no idea of purgatory, Isaiah lvii, 2; Rev. xiv, 13; Luke xvi, 22; 2 Cor. v, 8. 4. It is derogatory from the doctrine of the satisfaction of Christ. If Christ died for us, and redeemed us from sin and hell, as the Scripture speaks, then the idea of farther meritorious suffering detracts from the perfection of his sacrifice, and places merit still in the creature; a doctrine exactly opposite to the Scriptures.
PURGATORY, a place where, according to the Roman Church, the righteous who leave this life are believed to atone for certain offenses that don’t deserve eternal damnation. Broughton has tried to demonstrate that this belief was held by Pagans, Jews, and Muslims, as well as by Christians; and that during the Maccabean period, the Jews thought that sin could be atoned for by sacrifice after the sinner's death. The arguments presented for purgatory by Catholics are these: 1. Every sin, no matter how minor, even just an idle word, offends God and deserves punishment from Him, which will occur later if not forgiven through repentance here. 2. Such minor sins do not warrant eternal punishment. 3. Few people leave this life so pure that they are completely free from these kinds of stains and debts owed to God’s justice. 4. Therefore, few will escape without suffering something from His justice for the debts they carry from this world, in line with the divine justice that treats every soul according to their actions and the state in which they die. From these positions, which the Catholic considers obvious truths, he infers that there must be a third place of punishment; since the absolute holiness of God cannot allow anything into heaven that isn’t completely clean and free from all sin, both serious and minor, and His infinite justice does not permit anyone to receive the reward of happiness if they still have debts to settle, there must necessarily be some place or state where souls leaving this life, forgiven for the eternal guilt of sin, yet subject to some temporary penalty, or with the guilt of minor faults, are purified before being allowed into heaven. This is what he understands about purgatory; although he doesn’t know where it is, what the nature of the suffering is, or how long each soul stays there, he believes that those in this place are helped by the prayers of their fellow members on earth, as well as by alms and masses offered to God for their souls. As for those without family or friends to pray for them or provide alms to obtain masses for their relief, they are not forgotten by the Church, which remembers all the faithful departed in every mass and in every canonical hour of the divine office. In addition to the above arguments, the following passages are cited as proof: 2 Macc. xii, 43–45; Matt. xii, 31, 32; 1 Cor. iii, 15; 1 Peter iii, 19. However, it can be noted that: 1. The books of Maccabees lack evidence of inspiration, so quotations from them shouldn’t be given weight. 2. Even if they were, the references would more likely indicate that purgatory doesn’t exist, as Judas didn’t expect the departed souls to benefit from the sin-offering until the resurrection. The cited verses from Scripture do not pertain to the doctrine, as can be seen by reviewing the context and any proper commentary on it. 3. Scripture generally indicates that departed souls immediately go, at death, to a fixed state of happiness or misery, giving no indication of purgatory, Isaiah lvii, 2; Rev. xiv, 13; Luke xvi, 22; 2 Cor. v, 8. 4. It undermines the doctrine of Christ's satisfaction. If Christ died for us and redeemed us from sin and hell, as Scripture states, then the notion of further meritorious suffering detracts from the completeness of His sacrifice and places merit back in the creature, a belief entirely contrary to the Scriptures.
PURITANS. In England, the term Puritans was applied to those who wished for a farther degree of reformation in the church than was adopted by Queen Elizabeth; and a purer form, not of faith, but of discipline and worship. It was a common name given to all who, from conscientious motives, though on different grounds, disapproved of the established religion, from the reformation under Elizabeth, to the Act of Uniformity in 1662. From that time to the revolution in 1688, as many as refused to comply with the established worship, (among whom were about two thousand clergymen, and perhaps five hundred thousand people,) were denominated Nonconformists. From the passing of the Act of Toleration on the accession of William and Mary, the name of Nonconformists was changed to that of Protestant Dissenters. Prior to the grand rebellion in 1640, the Puritans were, almost without exception, Episcopalians; but after the famous “League and Covenant” of those turbulent times the greater part of them became Presbyterians. Some, however, were Independents, and some Baptists. The objections of the latter were more fundamental; they disapproved of all national churches, as such, and disavowed the authority of human legislation in matters of faith and worship. The persecutions carried on against the Puritans during the reigns of Elizabeth and the Stuarts served to lay the foundation of a new empire, and eventually a vast republic, in the western world. Thither, as into a wilderness, they fled from the face of their persecutors; and, being protected in the free exercise of their religion, continued to increase, until at length they became an independent nation. The different principles, however, on which they had originally divided from the church establishment at home, operated in a way that might have been expected, when they came to the possession of the civil power abroad. Those who formed the colony of Massachusetts having never relinquished the principle of a national church, and of the power of the civil magistrate in matters of faith and worship, were less tolerant than those who settled at New Plymouth, at Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations. The very men who had just escaped the persecutions of the English prelates, now, in their turn, persecuted others who dissented from them; until, at length, the liberal system of toleration established in the parent country at the revolution, extended to the colonies, and in a good measure put an end to these censurable proceedings.
PURITANS. In England, the term Puritans referred to those who sought a greater degree of reform in the church than what Queen Elizabeth established; they wanted a purer form, not just of faith, but also of discipline and worship. It was a common label for anyone who, for conscientious reasons, although based on different beliefs, disapproved of the state religion, from the reformation under Elizabeth to the Act of Uniformity in 1662. From that point until the revolution in 1688, those who refused to follow the established worship (which included around two thousand clergy members and possibly five hundred thousand people) were called Nonconformists. After the Act of Toleration was passed when William and Mary came to power, the name Nonconformists was changed to Protestant Dissenters. Before the major rebellion in 1640, most Puritans were Episcopalians; however, after the famous “League and Covenant” of those tumultuous times, many of them became Presbyterians. Some, though, were Independents, and some were Baptists. The objections of the latter were more fundamental; they opposed all national churches and rejected the authority of human legislation in issues of faith and worship. The persecution that the Puritans faced during the reigns of Elizabeth and the Stuarts helped to lay the groundwork for a new empire and eventually a large republic in the western world. They fled there like into a wilderness, escaping their persecutors; and, being able to freely practice their religion, they continued to grow until they became an independent nation. The different principles on which they originally broke from the church establishment in England, however, influenced how they managed civil power in the new lands. The settlers of Massachusetts, having never abandoned the idea of a national church and the civil authority in matters of faith and worship, were less tolerant than those who established New Plymouth, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations. The very individuals who had just escaped the persecutions of English bishops now, in their turn, persecuted those who disagreed with them; until eventually, the liberal system of toleration that was established in the home country after the revolution was extended to the colonies, largely ending these objectionable actions.
PURPLE, ארגמן, Exodus xxv, 4, &c; ϖορφύρα, Mark xv, 17, 20; Luke xvi, 19; John xix, 2, 5; Rev. xvii, 4; xviii, 12, 16. This is supposed to be the very precious colour extracted from the purpura or murex, a species of shell fish; and the same with the famous Tyrian dye, so costly, and so much celebrated in antiquity. The purple dye is called in 1 Macc. iv, 23, “purple of the sea,” or sea purple; it being the blood or juice of a turbinated shell fish, which the Jews call חלזון. (See Scarlet.) Among the blessings pronounced by Moses upon the tribes of Israel, those of Zebulun and Issachar are, “They shall suck of the abundance of the seas, and of the treasures hid in the sand,” Deut. xxxiii, 19. Jonathan Ben Uzziel explains the latter clause thus: “From the sand are produced looking glasses, and glass in general; the 801treasures, the method of finding and working which, was revealed to these tribes.” Several ancient writers inform us, that there were havens in the coasts of the Zebulunites, in which the sand proper for making glass was found. The words of Tacitus are remarkable: “Et Belus amnis Judaico mari illabitur, circa ejus os lectæ arenæ admixto nitro in vitrum excoquuntur.” “The river Belus falls into the Jewish sea, about whose mouth those sands mixed with nitre are collected, out of which glass is formed.” But it seems much more natural to explain “the treasures hid in the sand,” of those highly valuable murices and purpuræ which were found on the sea coast, near the country of Zebulun and Issachar, and of which those tribes partook in common with their Heathen neighbours of Tyre, who rendered the curious dyes made from those shell fish so famous among the Romans by the names of Sarranum ostrum, Tyrii colores. In reference to the purple vestment, Luke xvi, 19, it may be observed that this was not appropriately a royal robe. In the earlier times it was the dress of any of high rank. Thus all the courtiers were styled by the historians purpurati. This colour is more properly crimson than purple; for the LXX., Josephus, and Philo, constantly use ϖορφύραν to express the Hebrew ארגמן, by which the Talmudists understood crimson; and that this Hebrew word expressed, not the Tyrian purple, but that brought to the city from another country, appears from Ezek. xxvii, 7. The purple robe put on our Saviour, John xix, 2, 5, is explained by a Roman custom, the dressing of a person in the robes of state, as the investiture of office. Hence the robe brought by Herod’s or the Roman soldiers, scoffingly, was as though it had been the pictæ vestes usually sent by the Roman senate. In Acts xvi, 14, Lydia is said to be “a seller of purple.” Mr. Harmer styles purple the most sublime of all earthly colours, having the gaudiness of red, of which it retains a shade, softened with the gravity of blue.
PURPLE, Crimson, Exodus xxv, 4, &c; ϖορφύρα, Mark xv, 17, 20; Luke xvi, 19; John xix, 2, 5; Rev. xvii, 4; xviii, 12, 16. This is believed to be the very precious color extracted from the purpura or murex, a type of shellfish; and the same as the famous Tyrian dye, which was extremely costly and highly celebrated in ancient times. The purple dye is referred to in 1 Macc. iv, 23, as “purple of the sea,” or sea purple; it comes from the blood or juice of a turbinated shellfish, which the Jews call Snail. (See Scarlet.) Among the blessings pronounced by Moses upon the tribes of Israel, those for Zebulun and Issachar are, “They shall suck of the abundance of the seas, and of the treasures hidden in the sand,” Deut. xxxiii, 19. Jonathan Ben Uzziel explains the latter phrase as: “From the sand are produced looking glasses, and glass in general; the 801 treasures, the method of finding and working which was revealed to these tribes.” Several ancient writers tell us that there were harbors along the coasts of the Zebulunites, where the sand suitable for making glass was found. Tacitus makes a notable remark: “The Belus River flows into the Jewish Sea, where fine sands mixed with salt are transformed into glass..” “The river Belus flows into the Jewish sea, where sands mixed with nitre are collected, out of which glass is made.” But it seems more natural to interpret “the treasures hidden in the sand” as referring to those highly valuable murices and purpuræ that were found along the sea coast, near the lands of Zebulun and Issachar, and of which those tribes shared equally with their non-Jewish neighbors of Tyre, who made the intricate dyes from those shellfish famous among the Romans by the names
PUTEOLI, so called from its baths of hot water, a city of Campania, in Italy; now called Pozzuoli, in a province of the kingdom of Naples, called Terra di Lavoro, and about eight miles from Naples. St. Paul stayed a week with the Christians of this place, in his journey as a prisoner to Rome, Acts xxviii, 13. The Alexandrian merchant vessels preferred Puteoli to all the harbours in Italy, and here they deposited their rich freights. They conducted the ships adorned with wreaths and festive garments, in the form of a fleet, one after another, into the harbour, where they were received with the greatest demonstrations of friendship. Such was the case with the sale of Alexandrian commodities throughout Italy. According to the course then pursued, the vessel in which St. Paul sailed went direct into this harbour.
PUTEOLI, named for its hot water baths, is a city in Campania, Italy; now known as Pozzuoli, located in the Terra di Lavoro province of the kingdom of Naples, about eight miles from Naples. St. Paul spent a week with the Christians there during his journey as a prisoner to Rome, Acts xxviii, 13. The merchant ships from Alexandria preferred Puteoli over all other harbors in Italy, where they delivered their valuable cargo. They brought the ships, decorated with garlands and festive clothing, into the harbor in a fleet, one after another, where they were welcomed with great expressions of friendship. This was typical of how Alexandrian goods were sold throughout Italy. Following the usual route at that time, the ship that St. Paul was on went directly into this harbor.
QUAIL, שלו, Exod. xvi, 13; Num. xi, 31, 32; Psalm cv, 10; a bird of the gallinaceous kind. Hasselquist, mentioning the quail of the larger kind, says, “It is of the size of the turtle dove. I have met with it in the wilderness of Palestine, near the shores of the Dead Sea and the Jordan, between Jordan and Jericho, and in the deserts of Arabia Petrea. If the food of the Israelites was a bird, this is certainly it; being so common in the places through which they passed.” It is said that God gave quails to his people in the wilderness upon two occasions: first, within a few days after they had passed the Red Sea, Exod. xvi, 3–13. The second time was at the encampment at the place called in Hebrew, Kibroth-hataavah, the graves of lust, Num. xi, 32; Psalm cv, 40. Both of these happened in the spring, when the quails passed from Asia into Europe. They are then to be found in great quantities upon the coast of the Red Sea and Mediterranean. God caused a wind to arise that drove them within and about the camp of the Israelites; and it is in this that the miracle consists, that they were brought so seasonably to this place, and in so great number as to furnish food for above a million of persons for more than a month. The Hebrew word shalav signifies “a quail,” by the agreement of the ancient interpreters. And the Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic languages call them nearly by the same name. The Septuagint, Symmachus, and most of commentators, both ancient and modern, understand it in the same manner; and with them agree Philo, Josephus, Apollinaris, and the rabbins; but Ludolphus has endeavoured to prove that a species of locust is spoken of by Moses. Dr. Shaw answers, that the holy psalmist, in describing this particular food of the Israelites, by calling the animals feathered fowls, entirely confutes this supposition. And it should be recollected, that this miracle was performed in compliance with the wish of the people that they might have flesh to eat.
QUAIL, שלו, Exod. xvi, 13; Num. xi, 31, 32; Psalm cv, 10; a bird from the gallinaceous family. Hasselquist, talking about the larger quail, notes, “It’s about the size of a turtle dove. I've encountered it in the wilderness of Palestine, near the shores of the Dead Sea and the Jordan, between the Jordan and Jericho, and in the deserts of Arabia Petrea. If the food of the Israelites was a bird, this is definitely it, as it was quite common in the areas they traveled through.” It’s said that God provided quails to his people in the wilderness on two occasions: first, just a few days after they crossed the Red Sea, Exod. xvi, 3–13. The second time was at the campsite called in Hebrew, Kibroth-hataavah, the graves of lust, Num. xi, 32; Psalm cv, 40. Both instances occurred in spring when the quails migrate from Asia to Europe. At that time, they are found in huge numbers along the coasts of the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. God sent a wind to blow them into and around the Israelites' camp; the miracle lies in their timely arrival and the sheer number that fed over a million people for more than a month. The Hebrew word shalav means “a quail,” as agreed by ancient interpreters. The Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic languages use very similar names for them. The Septuagint, Symmachus, and most ancient and modern commentators interpret it this way; Philo, Josephus, Apollinaris, and the rabbis support this view as well. However, Ludolphus has tried to argue that Moses was referring to a type of locust. Dr. Shaw responds that the holy psalmist describes this specific food of the Israelites by referring to it as feathered fowls, which completely disproves this claim. It should also be remembered that this miracle occurred in response to the people's desire for meat to eat.
QUAKERS. See Friends.
QUAKERS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
QUESTIONS. Among the ancients no pastime was more common than that of proposing and answering difficult questions. The person who solved the question was honoured with a reward; he who failed in the attempt suffered a certain punishment; both the rewards and penalties were varied according to the disposition of the company. That the custom of proposing riddles was very ancient, and derived from the eastern nations, appears from the story of Samson, in the book of Judges, who proposed one to the Philistines at his nuptial feast. Nor were these questions confined to entertainments, but, in the primitive times, were proposed on other occasions, by those who desired to make proof of another’s wisdom and learning. Agreeably to this custom, the queen of Sheba came to prove Solomon with hard questions, 1 Kings x, 1.
QUESTIONS. In ancient times, there was no pastime more popular than proposing and answering challenging questions. The person who solved the question was rewarded, while those who failed faced some kind of punishment; both the rewards and penalties varied depending on the group's preferences. The tradition of posing riddles is very old and originated from Eastern cultures, as shown in the story of Samson in the book of Judges, where he posed one to the Philistines at his wedding feast. These questions weren't just for entertainment; in early times, they were asked on various occasions by those looking to test someone else's wisdom and knowledge. Following this tradition, the queen of Sheba came to test Solomon with difficult questions, 1 Kings x, 1.
QUIETISTS, the disciples of Michael de Molinos, a Spanish priest, who flourished in the seventeenth century, and wrote a book called “The Spiritual Guide.” He had many disciples in Spain, Italy, France, and the Netherlands. Some pretend that he borrowed his principles from the Spanish Illuminati; 802and M. Gregoire will have it that they came originally from the Persian Soofees; while others no less confidently derive them from the Greek Hesycasts. The Quietists, however, deduce their principles from the Scriptures. They argue thus: “The Apostle tells us, that ‘the Spirit makes intercession for’ or in ‘us.’ Now if the Spirit pray in us, we must resign ourselves to his impulses, by remaining in a state of absolute rest, or quietude, till we attain the perfection of the unitive life,” a life of union with, and, as it should seem, of absorption in, the Deity. They contend, that true religion consists in the present calm and tranquillity of a mind removed from all external and finite things, and centered in God; and in such a pure love of the supreme Being, as is independent of all prospect of interest or reward. To prove that our love to the Deity must be disinterested, they allege, that the Lord hath made all things for himself, as saith the Scripture; and it is for his glory that he wills our happiness. To conform, therefore, to the great end of our creation, we must prefer God to ourselves, and not desire our own happiness but for his glory; otherwise we shall go contrary to his order. As the perfections of the Deity are intrinsically amiable, it is our glory and perfection to go out of ourselves, to be lost and absorbed in the pure love of infinite beauty. Madam Guion, a woman of fashion in France, born 1648, becoming pious, was a warm advocate of these principles. She asserted, that the means of arriving at this perfect love, are prayer and the self-denial enjoined in the Gospel. Prayer she defines to be the entire bent of the soul toward its divine origin. Some of her pious canticles were translated by the poet Cowper, and represent her sentiments to the best advantage. Fenelon, the amiable archbishop of Cambray, also favoured these sentiments in his celebrated publication, entitled, “The Maxims of the Saints.” The distinguishing tenet in his theology was the doctrine of the disinterested love of God for his own excellencies, independent of his relative benevolence: an important feature also in the system of Madam Guion, who, with the good archbishop, was persecuted by the pope and by Bossuet. See Mystics.
QUIETISTS, the followers of Michael de Molinos, a Spanish priest who lived in the seventeenth century and wrote a book called “The Spiritual Guide.” He had many followers in Spain, Italy, France, and the Netherlands. Some claim he borrowed his ideas from the Spanish Illuminati; 802 and M. Gregoire believes they originally came from the Persian Soofees; while others confidently trace them back to the Greek Hesycasts. However, the Quietists derive their beliefs from the Scriptures. They argue: “The Apostle tells us that ‘the Spirit makes intercession for’ or in ‘us.’ Now, if the Spirit prays in us, we must surrender ourselves to his guidance by remaining in a state of complete stillness or quietude until we reach the perfection of the unitive life,” a life of union with, and seemingly absorption in, the Deity. They claim that true religion consists in the calm and tranquility of a mind detached from all external and finite things, focused on God; and in a pure love for the supreme Being, which is independent of any expectation of interest or reward. To support their view that our love for the Deity must be selfless, they argue that the Lord made all things for himself, as stated in Scripture; and it is for his glory that he desires our happiness. Therefore, to align with the fundamental purpose of our creation, we must prioritize God over ourselves and seek our own happiness only for his glory; otherwise, we act against his order. Since the perfections of the Deity are intrinsically beautiful, it is our glory and perfection to step outside ourselves, to be lost and absorbed in the pure love of infinite beauty. Madam Guion, a fashionable woman in France born in 1648, became pious and was a passionate supporter of these beliefs. She claimed that the means to achieve perfect love are prayer and the self-denial prescribed in the Gospel. She defines prayer as the complete focus of the soul on its divine origin. Some of her devout songs were translated by the poet Cowper, showcasing her views in the best light. Fenelon, the kind archbishop of Cambray, also supported these ideas in his well-known work titled “The Maxims of the Saints.” A key belief in his theology was the notion of selfless love for God based on his inherent qualities, separate from his relative kindness—an important aspect also in the teachings of Madam Guion, who, along with the good archbishop, faced persecution from the pope and Bossuet. See Spiritual seekers.
RAB. The title rabbi, with several others from the same root, רבב, magnus est, vel multiplicatus est, began first to be assumed, according to Godwin, as a distinguishing title of honour by men of learning, about the time of the birth of Christ. We find it anciently given, indeed, to several magistrates and officers of state. In Esther i, 8, it is said, the king appointed כל-רב ביתו, which we render “all the officers of his house.” In Jeremiah xli, 1, we read of the ורּי המלך, “the princes of the king.” In Job xxxii, 9, it is said, that the רבים, which we render “great men, are not always wise;” a rendering which well expresses the original meaning of the word. It was not therefore in those days properly a title of honour, belonging to any particular office or dignity, in church or state; but all who were of superior rank, and condition in life were called רבים. We do not find the prophets, or other men of learning in the Old Testament, affecting any title beside that which denoted their office; and they were contented to be addressed by their bare names. The first Jewish rabbi, said to have been distinguished with any title of honour, was Simeon, the son of Hillel, who succeeded his father as president of the sanhedrim; and his title was that of rabban. The later rabbies tell us, this title was conferred with a good deal of ceremony. When a person had gone through the schools and was thought worthy of the degree of rabbi, he was first placed in a chair somewhat raised above the company; then were delivered to him a key and a table book: the key, as a symbol of the power or authority now conferred upon him, to teach that knowledge to others which he had learned himself; and this key he afterward wore as a badge of his honour, and when he died it was buried with him: the table book was a symbol of his diligence in his studies, and of his endeavouring to make farther improvements in learning. The next ceremony in the creation of a rabbi was the imposition of hands on him by the delegates of the sanhedrim, practised in imitation of Moses’s ordaining Joshua by this rite, to succeed him in his office, Num. xxvii, 18; Deut. xxxiv, 9. And then they proclaimed his title.
RAB. The title "rabbi," along with several others from the same root, Defect, great or has multiplied, started being used, according to Godwin, as an honorary title by educated men around the time of Christ's birth. It was historically given to various magistrates and state officials. In Esther i, 8, it states that the king appointed כל רב ביתו, which we translate as “all the officers of his house.” In Jeremiah xli, 1, we read about the מלך ורי, “the princes of the king.” In Job xxxii, 9, it says that the Many, which we translate as “great men, are not always wise;” a translation that accurately reflects the original meaning of the word. Therefore, it wasn’t precisely a title of honor used for any specific office or rank in church or state at that time; instead, anyone of higher status and position in life was called Many. The prophets and other educated figures in the Old Testament didn’t seek out any title besides the one indicating their role; they were fine being addressed by just their names. The first Jewish rabbi known to have received any honorary title was Simeon, the son of Hillel, who took over from his father as the head of the sanhedrim, and his title was rabban. According to later rabbis, this title was given with a lot of ceremony. When someone finished their studies and was deemed worthy of the rabbi degree, they were first seated in a chair slightly elevated above the rest of the group; then they were handed a key and a table book: the key symbolized the power or authority now given to them to teach the knowledge they had learned to others, and this key was later worn as a badge of honor, buried with them upon their death; the table book symbolized their diligence in their studies and their efforts to further their knowledge. The next step in making someone a rabbi was for the delegates of the sanhedrim to place their hands on him, following the example of Moses ordaining Joshua through this rite to succeed him, as seen in Num. xxvii, 18; Deut. xxxiv, 9. After that, they announced his title.
According to Maimonides, the imposition of hands was not looked upon to be essential; but was sometimes omitted. They did not always, saith he, lay their hands on the head of the elder to be ordained; but called him rabbi, and said, “Behold thou art ordained, and hast power,” &c. We find this title given to John the Baptist, John iii, 26; and frequently to our blessed Saviour; as by John’s disciples, by Nicodemus, and by the people that followed, John i, 38; iii, 2; vi, 20. The reason of our Saviour’s prohibiting his disciples to be called rabbi is expressed in these words: “Be not ye called rabbi, for one is your master, even Christ,” καθηγητὴς, your guide and conductor, on whose word and instructions alone you are to depend in matters of religion and salvation. Accordingly the inspired Apostles pretend to nothing more than, as the ambassadors of Christ, to deliver his instructions; and, for their own part, they expressly disclaim all dominion over the faith and consciences of men, 2 Cor. i, 24; v, 20. The Jewish writers distinguish between the titles rab, rabbi, rabban. As for rab and rabbi, the only difference between them is, that rab was the title of such as had had their education, and taken their degree, in some foreign Jewish school; suppose at Babylon, where there was a school or academy of considerable note; rabbi was the title of such as were educated in the land of Judea, who were accounted more honourable than the others. But as for rabban, it was the highest title; which, they say, was never conferred on more than seven persons, namely, on R. Simeon, five of his 803descendants, and on R. Jochanan, who was of a different family. It was on this account, it should seem, that the blind man gave this title to Christ, Mark x, 51; being convinced that he was possessed of divine power, and worthy of the most honourable distinctions. And Mary Magdalene, when she saw Christ after his resurrection, “said unto him, Rabboni,” John xx, 16, that is, my rabban, like my lord in English; for rabbon is the same with rabban, only pronounced according to the Syriac dialect.
According to Maimonides, the laying on of hands wasn’t considered essential and was sometimes skipped. He says that they didn’t always place their hands on the head of the elder being ordained; instead, they called him rabbi and said, “Look, you are ordained and have authority,” etc. We see this title given to John the Baptist in John 3:26, and often to our blessed Savior, as noted by John’s disciples, Nicodemus, and the crowds that followed, in John 1:38, 3:2, and 6:20. The reason Jesus instructed his disciples not to be called rabbi is captured in these words: “Do not call yourselves rabbi, for you have one master, even Christ,” καθηγητὴς, your guide and leader, on whom you should rely solely for guidance in matters of faith and salvation. Accordingly, the inspired Apostles claim nothing more than to act as Christ’s ambassadors to share his teachings; they also explicitly reject any authority over people’s faith and conscience, as seen in 2 Corinthians 1:24 and 5:20. Jewish writers make a distinction between the titles rab, rabbi, and rabban. The only difference between rab and rabbi is that rab was the title given to those educated and certified in foreign Jewish schools, like in Babylon, where there was a notable academy; rabbi referred to those educated in Judea, who were considered more prestigious. Rabban was the highest title, which, they say, was conferred on no more than seven individuals: R. Simeon, his five descendants, and R. Jochanan from a different lineage. This explains why the blind man called Christ this title in Mark 10:51, believing he had divine power and deserved the highest honors. And when Mary Magdalene saw Christ after his resurrection, she said to him, “Rabboni” in John 20:16, which means my rabban, similar to “my lord” in English; rabbon is just rabban pronounced according to the Syriac dialect.
There were several gradations among the Jews before the dignity of rabbin, as among us, before the degree of doctor. The head of a school was called chacham, or wise. He had the head seat in the assemblies and in the synagogues. He reprimanded the disobedient, and could excommunicate them; and this procured him great respect. In their schools they sat upon raised chairs, and their scholars were seated at their feet. Hence St. Paul is said to have studied at the feet of Rabbi Gamaliel, Acts xxii, 3. The studies of the rabbins are employed either on the text of the law, or the traditions, or the cabbala; these three objects form so many different schools and different sorts of rabbins. Those who chiefly apply to the letter of Scripture are called Caraites, Literalists. Those who chiefly study the traditions and oral laws of the Talmud are called Rabbanists. Those who give themselves to their secret and mysterious divinity, letters and numbers, are called Cabbalists, Traditionaries. The rabbins are generally very ignorant in history, chronology, philology, antiquity, and geography. They understand the holy language but imperfectly. They know not the true signification of a multitude of words in the sacred text. They are prodigiously conceited about their traditions, so that there is very little profit in reading them; and experience shows that most who have applied themselves to peruse their books, have been but little benefited by them, and have entertained a perfect contempt of their understanding and their works. The chief function of the rabbins is to preach in the synagogue, to make public prayers there, and to interpret the law; they have the power of binding and loosing, that is, of declaring what is forbidden, and what allowed. When the synagogue is poor and small, there is but one rabbin, who at the same time discharges the office of a judge and a teacher. But when the Jews are numerous and powerful, they appoint three pastors, and a house of judgment, where all their civil affairs are determined. Then the rabbin applies himself to instruction only, unless it be thought proper to call him into the council to give his advice, in which case he takes the chief place.
There were different levels among the Jews before someone became a rabbi, similar to how we have different degrees before someone earns a doctorate. The head of a school was called chacham, or wise. He had the main seat in meetings and synagogues. He could reprimand those who misbehaved, and he had the authority to excommunicate them, which earned him a lot of respect. In their schools, they sat on elevated chairs, while their students sat at their feet. This is why St. Paul is said to have studied at the feet of Rabbi Gamaliel, as mentioned in Acts xxii, 3. The studies of the rabbis focus on either the law's text, traditions, or the Kabbalah; these three areas create different schools and types of rabbis. Those who focus mainly on the literal text of Scripture are called Caraites or Literalists. Those who primarily study the traditions and oral laws found in the Talmud are known as Rabbanists. Those who delve into secret and mystical interpretations, including letters and numbers, are referred to as Cabbalists or Traditionaries. Generally, rabbis have limited knowledge in history, chronology, linguistics, antiquity, and geography. They understand the holy language inadequately and may not grasp the true meanings of many words in the sacred text. They also tend to be overly proud of their traditions, making reading them not very rewarding; experience shows that most who try to engage with their works gain little benefit and often end up holding their understanding and writings in low regard. The primary role of rabbis is to preach in the synagogue, conduct public prayers there, and interpret the law. They have the authority to declare what is forbidden and what is permitted. In smaller or poorer synagogues, there is only one rabbi, who also takes on the role of judge and teacher. However, when the Jewish community is large and prosperous, they appoint three leaders and establish a court to settle all their civil matters. In such cases, the rabbi focuses solely on teaching unless called into the council for advice, in which case he takes the lead.
RABBATH, or RABBAT-AMMON, the capital city of the Ammonites, situated beyond Jordan. See Ammon.
RABBATH, or RABBAT-AMMON, the capital city of the Ammonites, located across the Jordan. See Ammon.
RABBATH-MOAB, the capital city of the Moabites, called otherwise Ar, or Areopolis. See Moab.
RABBATH-MOAB, the capital city of the Moabites, also known as Ar or Areopolis. See Moab.
RABBI. See Rab.
RABBI. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
RABSHAKEH, a chief butler, or cupbearer. This is a term of dignity, and not a proper name. Rabshakeh was sent by Sennacherib, king of Assyria, to summon Hezekiah to surrender Jerusalem, 2 Kings xviii, 17, 18; xix, 4; Isaiah xxxvi.
RABSHAKEH, a high-ranking butler or cupbearer. This is a title of respect, not a personal name. Rabshakeh was sent by Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, to demand that Hezekiah surrender Jerusalem, 2 Kings xviii, 17, 18; xix, 4; Isaiah xxxvi.
RACA, a Syriac word which properly signifies empty, vain, beggarly, foolish, and which includes in it a strong idea of contempt. Our Saviour pronounces a censure on every person using this term to his neighbour, Matt. v, 22. Lightfoot assures us that, in the writings of the Jews, the word raca is a term of the utmost contempt, and that it was usual to pronounce it with marked signs of indignation.
RACA, a Syriac word that essentially means empty, vain, beggarly, foolish, and carries a strong sense of contempt. Our Savior condemns anyone who uses this term toward their neighbor, Matt. v, 22. Lightfoot tells us that in Jewish writings, the word raca is a term of extreme contempt, and it was often spoken with clear signs of anger.
RACHEL, the daughter of Laban, and sister of Leah. The Prophet Jeremiah, xxxi, 15, and St. Matthew, ii, 18, have put Rachel for the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, the children of Joseph, the son of Rachel. This prophecy was completed when these two tribes were carried into captivity beyond the Euphrates; and St. Matthew made application of it to what happened at Bethlehem, when Herod put to death the children of two years old and under. Then Rachel, who was buried there, might be said to make her lamentations for the death of so many innocent children sacrificed to the jealousy of a wicked monarch.
RACHEL, the daughter of Laban and sister of Leah. The Prophet Jeremiah, in Jeremiah 31:15, and St. Matthew, in Matthew 2:18, referenced Rachel to symbolize the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, the children of Joseph, who was Rachel's son. This prophecy was fulfilled when these two tribes were taken into captivity beyond the Euphrates. St. Matthew also applied it to the events at Bethlehem when Herod ordered the execution of all children aged two and under. Therefore, Rachel, who was buried there, could be seen as mourning for the many innocent children sacrificed due to the jealousy of a wicked king.
RAHAB was a hostess of the city of Jericho, who received and concealed the spies sent by Joshua. The Hebrew calls her Zona, Joshua ii, 1, which Jerom and many others understand of a prostitute. Others think she was only a hostess or innkeeper, and that this is the true signification of the original word. Had she been a woman of ill fame, would Salmon, a prince of the tribe of Judah, have taken her to wife? Or could he have done it by the law? Beside, the spies of Joshua would hardly have gone to lodge with a common harlot, they who were charged with so nice and dangerous a commission. Those who maintain that she was a harlot, pretend that she was perhaps one of those women who prostituted themselves in honour of the Pagan deities; as if this could extenuate her crime, or the scandal of her profession if she was a public woman. It is also observable that such women are called kadeshah, not zona, in the Hebrew. Rahab married Salmon, a prince of Judah, by whom she had Boaz, from whom descended Obed, Jesse, and David. Thus Jesus Christ condescended to reckon this Canaanitish woman among his ancestors. St. Paul magnifies the faith of Rahab, Heb. xi, 31.
RAHAB was a hostess in the city of Jericho who welcomed and hid the spies sent by Joshua. The Hebrews refer to her as Zona, as mentioned in Joshua ii, 1, which Jerome and many others interpret as a prostitute. Others believe she was simply a hostess or innkeeper, which aligns more closely with the original meaning of the word. If she had been a woman of questionable reputation, would Salmon, a leader from the tribe of Judah, have taken her as his wife? Or could he have done so legally? Besides, the spies of Joshua likely wouldn’t have stayed with an ordinary prostitute, given the sensitive and risky nature of their mission. Those who argue she was a harlot suggest she might have been one of those women who offered sexual services in honor of pagan gods; as if that could lessen her wrongdoing or the immorality of her profession if she were indeed a public woman. It's also worth noting that such women are called kadeshah, not zona, in Hebrew. Rahab married Salmon, a leader of Judah, and had Boaz, who was an ancestor of Obed, Jesse, and David. This is how Jesus Christ chose to include this Canaanite woman as part of his family tree. St. Paul highlights Rahab's faith in Hebrews xi, 31.
Rahab is also a name of Egypt, Isa. xxx, 7; li, 9.
Rahab is also a name for Egypt, Isaiah 30:7; 51:9.
RAIMENT. In addition to what occurs under the article Habits, it may be observed that to make presents of changes of raiment, Gen. xlv, 22, has always been common among all ranks of orientals. The perfuming of raiment with sweet-scented spices or extracts is also still a custom, which explains the smell of Jacob’s raiment. A coat or robe of many colours, such as Jacob gave to Joseph, is also a mark of distinction. The Turks at Aleppo thus array their sons; and, in the time 804of Sisera, a coat of divers colours is mentioned among the rich spoils which fell to the conquerors. A frequent change of garments is also very common both to show respect and to display opulence. Is there an allusion to this in Psalm cii, 26: “As a vesture shalt thou change them, and they shall be changed?” If so, it conveys the magnificent idea of the almighty Creator investing himself with the whole creation as with a robe, and having laid that aside, by new creations, or the successive production of beings, clothing himself with others, at his pleasure.
RAIMENT. In addition to what's mentioned under the article Habits, it's noticeable that giving gifts of new clothing, as seen in Gen. xlv, 22, has always been common among all classes of people in the East. The practice of perfuming clothing with sweet-smelling spices or extracts is still a tradition today, which explains the fragrance of Jacob’s clothing. A coat or robe of many colors, like the one Jacob gave to Joseph, is also a sign of status. The Turks in Aleppo dress their sons this way; and during the time of Sisera, a coat of various colors is noted among the valuable spoils captured by the victors. Frequently changing clothes is also common as a way to show respect and display wealth. Is there a reference to this in Psalm cii, 26: “As a garment shalt thou change them, and they shall be changed?” If so, it conveys the grand idea of the almighty Creator enveloping Himself with the entire creation as if it were a robe, and, having set that aside, through new creations or the ongoing production of beings, choosing to adorn Himself with others at His discretion.
RAIN, the vapours exhaled by the sun, which descend from the clouds to water the earth, Eccles. xi, 3. The sacred writers often speak of the rain of the former and latter season, Deut. xi, 14; Hosea vi, 3. Twice in the year there generally fell plenty of rain in Judea; in the beginning of the civil year, about September or October; and half a year after, in the month of Abib, or March, which was the first month in the ecclesiastical or sacred year, whence it is called the latter rain in the first month, Joel ii, 23. (See Canaan.) The ancient Hebrews compared elocution, and even learning or doctrine, to rain: “My doctrine shall drop as the rain,” Deut. xxxii, 2.
RAIN, the moisture released by the sun, falls from the clouds to nourish the earth, Eccles. xi, 3. The sacred writers often reference the rain from both the early and late seasons, Deut. xi, 14; Hosea vi, 3. Generally, there were two main rainfalls each year in Judea: the first at the start of the civil year around September or October, and the second about six months later in the month of Abib, or March, which is the first month of the religious year, hence it’s referred to as the latter rain in the first month, Joel ii, 23. (See Canaan.) The ancient Hebrews likened speaking and even learning or teachings to rain: “My teachings shall flow like rain,” Deut. xxxii, 2.
RAMESES, or RAAMSES, a city supposed to have been situated in the eastern part of Egypt, called the land of Goshen, which was also hence termed the land of Rameses. It was one of the cities built by the Israelites as a treasure city, as it is translated in our Bibles; probably a store city, or, as others interpret it, a fortress. Its position may be fixed about six or eight miles above the modern Cairo, a little to the south of the Babylon of the Persians, the ancient Letopolis; as Josephus says that the children of Israel, after quitting this place, in their first march to Succoth, passed by the latter city.
RAMESES, or RAAMSES, is a city that is believed to have been located in the eastern part of Egypt, known as the land of Goshen, which is why it was also called the land of Rameses. It was one of the cities constructed by the Israelites as a treasure city, as translated in our Bibles; it might have been a store city, or, as others interpret it, a fortress. Its location can be pinpointed about six or eight miles north of modern Cairo, slightly south of the Persian Babylon, the ancient Letopolis; as Josephus mentions, the children of Israel, after leaving this place, passed by the latter city on their first march to Succoth.
RAMOTH, a famous city in the mountains of Gilead, 1 Kings iv, 13. It is often called Ramoth-Gilead. Josephus calls it Ramathan, or Aramatha. The city belonged to the tribe of Gad, Deut. iv, 43. It was assigned for a dwelling of the Levites, and was one of the cities of refuge beyond Jordan, Joshua xx, 8; xxi, 38. It became famous during the reigns of the latter kings of Israel, and was the occasion of several wars between them and the kings of Damascus, who had made a conquest of it, which the sovereigns of Israel endeavoured to regain, 1 Kings xxii, 3–5. Eusebius says, that Ramoth was fifteen miles from Philadelphia toward the east. St. Jerom places it in the neighbourhood of Jabbok, and consequently to the north of Philadelphia.
RAMOTH, a well-known city in the mountains of Gilead, 1 Kings iv, 13. It is often referred to as Ramoth-Gilead. Josephus calls it Ramathan, or Aramatha. The city belonged to the tribe of Gad, Deut. iv, 43. It was designated as a residence for the Levites and was one of the cities of refuge beyond the Jordan, Joshua xx, 8; xxi, 38. It became notable during the reigns of the later kings of Israel and was the cause of several wars between them and the kings of Damascus, who had conquered it, which the rulers of Israel tried to reclaim, 1 Kings xxii, 3–5. Eusebius states that Ramoth was fifteen miles east of Philadelphia. St. Jerome places it near Jabbok, making it to the north of Philadelphia.
RAVEN, עורב, in Chaldee, orba, in Syriac, croac, in Latin, corvus, Gen. viii, 7; Lev. xi, 15; Deut. xiv, 14; 1 Kings xvii, 4, 6; Job xxxviii, 41; Psalm cxlvii, 9; Prov. xxx, 17; Cant. v, 11; Isa. xxxiv, 11; κόραξ, Luke xii, 24; a well known bird of prey. All the interpreters agree that oreb signifies the raven, from oreb, “evening,” on account of its colour. Michaëlis, in proposing a question respecting certain birds, says of the oreb, “Il est decidé, que c’est le corbeau; il seroit donc superflu de le demander. Mais je desirerois plus de certitude sur le nom Syriaque des corbeaux.” [It is settled that this is the raven; it would therefore be superfluous to investigate it. But I could wish more certainty respecting the Syriac name of ravens.] One can hardly doubt that it is taken from the note of this bird. On the decrease of the waters of the flood, so that the tops of the mountains became visible, Noah sent forth out of one of the windows of the ark a raven, a bold and adventurous bird, by way of experiment, to see whether the waters were sunk or abated. Forty days the violent rain had continued; and he might think this, therefore, a likely time for the waters to run off again. In the original text, in the Samaritan, in the Chaldee and Arabic, it is said that the raven “returned” to the ark; but the Greek interpreters, the Syriac, the Latin, and most of the eminent fathers and commentators, say that it did not return any more. Here are great authorities on both sides, but the latter reading, though so contrary in sense to the other, yet in the Hebrew is not very different in the form of the letters, and appears to be the better reading of the two. For if the raven had returned, what occasion had Noah to send forth a dove? Or why did he not take the raven in unto him into the ark, as he did afterward the dove? Or why did he not send forth the same raven again, as he did afterward the same dove again? It is not improperly expressed in our translation, that “the raven went forth to and fro,” flying hither and thither, “until the waters were dried up from off the face of the earth.” He found, perhaps, in the higher grounds, some of the carcasses of those who had perished in the deluge.
RAVEN, Crow, in Chaldee, orba, in Syriac, croac, in Latin, raven, Gen. viii, 7; Lev. xi, 15; Deut. xiv, 14; 1 Kings xvii, 4, 6; Job xxxviii, 41; Psalm cxlvii, 9; Prov. xxx, 17; Cant. v, 11; Isa. xxxiv, 11; κόραξ, Luke xii, 24; a well-known bird of prey. All the interpreters agree that oreb means the raven, derived from oreb, “evening,” because of its color. Michaëlis, in raising a question about certain birds, remarks about the oreb, “It's settled that it's the crow; so asking again would be unnecessary. But I would like more certainty about the Syriac name for crows..” [It is settled that this is the raven; it would therefore be unnecessary to investigate it. But I would like more certainty regarding the Syriac name for ravens.] One can hardly doubt that it comes from the sound this bird makes. As the waters of the flood receded and the mountain tops became visible, Noah sent out a raven from one of the windows of the ark, a bold and adventurous bird, to see if the waters had gone down. The heavy rain had lasted forty days, so he might have thought this was a good time for the waters to have receded. In the original texts, in the Samaritan, Chaldee, and Arabic, it is said that the raven “returned” to the ark; however, the Greek interpreters, Syriac, Latin, and most prominent early church fathers and commentators state that it did not return. There are strong arguments on both sides, but the latter interpretation, although it differs significantly in meaning from the former, is not very different in the letter form in Hebrew and seems to be the more accurate reading. For if the raven had returned, why would Noah have sent out a dove? Or why didn’t he bring the raven back into the ark as he later did with the dove? Or why didn’t he send out the same raven again, just like he did with the dove? It’s accurately expressed in our translation that “the raven went forth to and fro,” flying here and there, “until the waters were dried up from off the face of the earth.” It may have found, in the higher ground, some carcasses of those who had died in the flood.
The Prophet Elijah was in his retirement fed by this bird. A writer, indeed, in the Memoirs of Literature, for April, 1710, endeavours to show, from many authors, that there was in the country of Bethschan, in Decapolis, by the brook Cherith or Carith, a little town called Aorabi or Orbo, Judges vii, 25; Isa. x, 6; and he therefore explains the word orebim, which, in 1 Kings xvii, 4, we translate “ravens,” of the inhabitants of that village, some of whom, he contends, daily carried bread and flesh to Elijah, who had retired to and lay in a cave in the neighbourhood. On the other hand, Scheuchzer ably vindicates the commonly received opinion. The editor of Calmet, also, in the appendix, under the article Elijah, has some pertinent observations on this subject. “We ought to consider,” says he, “1. That Ahab sought Elijah with avidity, and took an oath of every people, no doubt, also, in his dominions, that he was not concealed among its inhabitants; his situation, therefore, required the utmost privacy, even to solitude. 2. That when the brook Cherith was dried up, the prophet was obliged to quit his asylum, which he needed not to have done, had a people been his suppliers, for they could have brought him water as well as food.”
The Prophet Elijah was in his retirement, being fed by this bird. A writer, in the Memoirs of Literature from April 1710, tries to show, citing many authors, that there was a small town called Aorabi or Orbo in the region of Bethschan, in Decapolis, by the brook Cherith or Carith, as mentioned in Judges 7:25 and Isaiah 10:6. He explains the word orebim, which we translate as “ravens” in 1 Kings 17:4, referring to the people of that village, some of whom, he argues, brought bread and meat to Elijah daily while he was hiding in a cave nearby. On the other hand, Scheuchzer strongly defends the widely accepted viewpoint. The editor of Calmet, in the appendix under the article Elijah, makes some relevant points on this topic. “We should consider,” he says, “1. That Ahab eagerly sought Elijah and swore an oath to every nation, surely including those in his realm, that he was not hidden among their people; therefore, Elijah needed to remain extremely private, even in solitude. 2. That when the brook Cherith dried up, the prophet had to leave his hideout, which he wouldn’t have needed to do if he had a people providing for him, as they could have brought him water just as easily as food.”
In Psalm cxlvii, 9, it is said, “The Lord giveth to the beast his food, and to the young 805ravens which cry.” And in Job xxxviii, 41, “Who provideth for the raven his food, when his young ones cry unto God, wandering for want of meat?” Job and the psalmist may allude to what is said by some naturalists, that the ravens drive out their young ones early from their nests, and oblige them to seek food for their own sustenance. The same kind Providence which furnishes support to his intelligent offspring is not unmindful of the wants, or inattentive to the desires, of the meanest of his creatures.
In Psalm 147:9, it says, “The Lord provides food for the beasts and for the young ravens that cry out.” And in Job 38:41, “Who provides for the raven its food, when its young ones cry out to God, wandering for lack of nourishment?” Job and the psalmist might be referencing what some naturalists say, that ravens push their young ones out of their nests early, forcing them to find food for themselves. The same caring Providence that supports His intelligent creation is also aware of the needs and attentive to the desires of the simplest of His creatures.
Christ instructs his disciples, from the same circumstance, to trust in the care and kindness of Heaven: “Consider the ravens; for they neither sow nor reap, neither have storehouse, nor barn; and God feedeth them. How much better are ye than the fowls!” Luke xii, 24. Solomon, speaking of the peculiar regard and veneration due to the worthy persons and salutary instructions of parents, observes, that an untimely fate, and the want of decent interment, may be expected from contrary conduct; and that the leering eye, which throws wicked contempt on a good father, and insolent disdain on a tender mother, shall be dug out of the unburied exposed corpse by the ravens of the valley, and eaten up by the young eagles, Prov. xxx, 17. It was a common punishment in the east, and one which the orientals dreaded above all others, to expose in the open fields the bodies of evil doers that had suffered by the laws of their offended country, to be devoured by the beasts of the field, and the fowls of heaven. The wise man insinuates that the raven makes his first and keenest attack on the eye, which perfectly corresponds with his habits, for he always begins his banquet with that part. Isiodore says of him, Primo in cadaveribus occulum petit; [he attacks first the eye of the dead;] and Epictetus, Ὁι μεν κορακες των τετελευτηκοτων τους οφθαλμους λυμαινονται, “the ravens devour the eyes of the dead.” Many other testimonies might be adduced, but these are sufficient to justify the allusion in the proverb.
Christ teaches his disciples, from the same situation, to trust in the care and kindness of Heaven: “Consider the ravens; they neither sow nor reap, they don’t have a storeroom or barn; and God feeds them. How much more valuable are you than the birds!” Luke xii, 24. Solomon, discussing the special respect and reverence owed to deserving individuals and the valuable guidance of parents, notes that an untimely end and the lack of a proper burial can be expected from opposite behavior; and that the mocking eye, which shows wicked contempt for a good father and arrogant disdain for a loving mother, will be picked out from the unburied exposed corpse by the ravens of the valley and devoured by young eagles, Prov. xxx, 17. It was a common punishment in the East, and one that the people dreaded more than any other, to leave the bodies of wrongdoers who had faced the laws of their offended country exposed in the fields to be eaten by wild animals and birds. The wise man suggests that the raven makes its first and sharpest attack on the eye, which aligns perfectly with its habits, as it always starts its feast with that part. Isiodore says of it, Primo seeks eye in corpses; [it attacks first the eye of the dead;] and Epictetus, Ὁι μεν κορακες των τετελευτηκοτων τους οφθαλμους λυμαινονται, “the ravens devour the eyes of the dead.” Many other examples could be cited, but these are enough to support the reference in the proverb.
The raven, it is well known, delights in solitude. He frequents the ruined tower or the deserted habitation. In Isaiah, xxxiv, 11, it is accordingly foretold that the raven, with other birds of similar dispositions, should fix his abode in the desolate houses of Edom. In the Septuagint and other versions the Hebrew word for desolation is rendered raven. The meaning is, that in those splendid palaces, where the voice of joy and gladness was heard, and every sound which could ravish the ear and subdue the heart, silence was, for the wickedness of their inhabitants, to hold her reign for ever, interrupted only by the scream of the cormorant and the croaking of the raven.
The raven, as we all know, thrives in solitude. It often visits crumbling towers or abandoned places. In Isaiah 34:11, it’s predicted that the raven, along with other birds of a similar nature, will make its home in the desolate houses of Edom. In the Septuagint and other translations, the Hebrew word for desolation is translated as raven. The implication is that in those once-magnificent palaces, where sounds of joy and happiness filled the air and every noise could enchant the ear and soothe the heart, silence was destined to reign forever due to the wickedness of the people living there, only interrupted by the scream of the cormorant and the croaking of the raven.
READING. In the countries of the Levant the people never read silently, but go on in a kind of singing voice, aloud. The eunuch was probably thus reading when Philip overheard him, and finding that he was reading the Scriptures, said, “Understandest thou what thou readest?”
READING. In the Levant countries, people never read silently; they read aloud in a sort of singing voice. The eunuch was probably reading this way when Philip overheard him, and upon discovering that he was reading the Scriptures, asked, “Do you understand what you’re reading?”
REASON, Use of, in Religion. The sublime, incomprehensible nature of some of the Christian doctrines has so completely subdued the understanding of many pious men, as to make them think it presumptuous to apply reason in any way to the revelations of God; and the many instances in which the simplicity of truth has been corrupted by an alliance with philosophy confirm them in the belief that it is safer, as well as more respectable, to resign their minds to devout impressions, than to exercise their understandings in any speculations upon sacred subjects. Enthusiasts and fanatics of all different names and sects agree in decrying the use of reason, because it is the very essence of fanaticism to substitute, in place of the sober deductions of reason, the extravagant fancies of a disordered imagination, and to consider these fancies as the immediate illumination of the Spirit of God. Insidious writers in the deistical controversy have pretended to adopt those sentiments of humility and reverence, which are inseparable from true Christians, and even that total subjection of reason to faith which characterizes enthusiasts. A pamphlet was published about the middle of the last century that made a noise in its day, although it is now forgotten, entitled, “Christianity not founded on Argument,” which, while to a careless reader it may seem to magnify the Gospel, does in reality tend to undermine our faith, by separating it from a rational assent; and Mr. Hume, in the spirit of this pamphlet, concludes his Essay on Miracles with calling those dangerous friends or disguised enemies to the Christian religion who have undertaken to defend it by the principles of human reason: “Our most holy religion,” he says, with a disingenuity very unbecoming his respectable talents, “is founded on faith, not on reason;” and, “mere reason is insufficient to convince us of its veracity.” The church of Rome, in order to subject the minds of her votaries to her authority, has reprobated the use of reason in matters of religion. She has revived an ancient position, that things may be true in theology which are false in philosophy; and she has, in some instances, made the merit of faith to consist in the absurdity of that which was believed.
REASON, Use of in Religion. The profound, baffling nature of some Christian doctrines has completely overwhelmed the understanding of many devout individuals, leading them to believe it's arrogant to apply reason to God's revelations. The numerous cases where the purity of truth has been distorted through an alliance with philosophy reinforce their belief that it's safer and more respectable to surrender their minds to spiritual feelings rather than engage in any reasoning about sacred matters. Enthusiasts and fanatics from various groups all criticize the use of reason, as fanaticism essentially replaces rational thought with the wild imaginings of an unbalanced mind, mistaking these imaginations for direct inspiration from the Spirit of God. Deceitful writers in the deistical debate have claimed to embrace the humility and reverence that characterize true Christians, as well as the complete submission of reason to faith that defines enthusiasts. A pamphlet published around the middle of the last century created quite a stir in its time, although it is now forgotten, titled “Christianity not founded on Argument,” which may seem to elevate the Gospel to a casual reader, but actually undermines our faith by detaching it from rational agreement. Mr. Hume, echoing the sentiments of this pamphlet, concludes his Essay on Miracles by labeling those who defend Christianity using human reason as dangerous friends or disguised enemies of the faith: “Our most sacred religion,” he states, with a disingenuity unbecoming of his respected abilities, “is based on faith, not on reason;” and “mere reason is not enough to convince us of its truth.” The Roman Catholic Church, in its effort to assert control over its followers, has denounced the use of reason in religious matters. It has revived an age-old notion that things can be true in theology while being false in philosophy; at times, it has even suggested that the value of faith lies in the absurdity of what is believed.
The extravagance of these positions has produced, since the Reformation, an opposite extreme. While those who deny the truth of revelation consider reason as in all respects a sufficient guide, the Socinians, who admit that a revelation has been made, employ reason as the supreme judge of its doctrines, and boldly strike out of their creed every article that is not altogether conformable to those notions which may be derived from the exercise of reason. These controversies concerning the use of reason in matters of religion are disputes, not about words, but about the essence of Christianity. But a few plain observations 806are sufficient to ascertain where the truth lies in this subject.
The excessiveness of these positions has led, since the Reformation, to a contrary extreme. While those who reject the truth of revelation see reason as fully sufficient, the Socinians, who accept that a revelation has occurred, use reason as the ultimate judge of its teachings and confidently remove from their beliefs any article that doesn't fully align with what can be understood through reason. These debates about the role of reason in religion are not just about words; they go to the heart of Christianity. However, a few straightforward observations 806 are enough to clarify where the truth lies on this topic.
The first use of reason in matters of religion is to examine the evidences of revelation. For, the more entire the submission which we consider as due to every thing that is revealed, we have the more need to be satisfied that any system which professes to be a divine revelation does really come from God.
The first use of reason in religion is to look at the evidence for revelation. The more fully we submit to everything that’s revealed, the more we need to be convinced that any system claiming to be a divine revelation actually comes from God.
After the exercise of reason has established in our minds a firm belief that Christianity is of divine original, the second use of reason is to learn what are the truths revealed. As these truths are not in our days communicated to any by immediate inspiration, the knowledge of them is to be acquired only from books transmitted to us with satisfying evidence that they were written above seventeen hundred years ago, in a remote country and foreign language, under the direction of the Spirit of God. In order to attain the meaning of these books we must study the language in which they were written; and we must study also the manners of the times, and the state of the countries, in which the writers lived; because these are circumstances to which an original author is often alluding, and by which his phraseology is generally affected; we must lay together different passages in which the same word or phrase occurs, because without this labour we cannot ascertain its precise signification; and we must mark the difference of style and manner which characterizes different writers, because a right apprehension of their meaning often depends upon attention to this difference. All this supposes the application of grammar, history, geography, chronology, and criticism in matters of religion; that is, it supposes that the reason of man had been previously exercised in pursuing these different branches of knowledge, and that our success in attaining the true sense of Scripture depends upon the diligence with which we avail ourselves of the progress that has been made in them. It is obvious that every Christian is not capable of making this application. But this is no argument against the use of reason, of which we are now speaking. For they who use translations and commentaries rely only upon the reason of others, instead of exercising their own. The several branches of knowledge have been applied in every age by some persons for the benefit of others; and the progress in sacred criticism, which distinguishes the present times, is nothing else but the continued application, in elucidating the Scripture, of reason enlightened by every kind of subsidiary knowledge, and very much improved in this kind of exercise by the employment which the ancient classics have given it since the revival of letters.
After our reasoning has convinced us that Christianity is of divine origin, the next use of reason is to discover the truths revealed. Since these truths aren't shared with us today through direct inspiration, we can only learn about them from books that have been reliably passed down to us and were written over seventeen hundred years ago, in a distant country and in a foreign language, under the guidance of the Spirit of God. To understand these books, we need to study the language they were written in and also the customs of the time and the condition of the countries where the authors lived, as these aspects often influence the references made by the original author and the way they express their ideas. We need to compare different passages where the same word or phrase appears because without this effort, we can't determine its exact meaning. We should also recognize the differences in style and manner among various writers, as understanding their meaning often relies on paying attention to these distinctions. This requires applying knowledge of grammar, history, geography, chronology, and criticism to religious matters. It assumes that a person's reasoning abilities have been previously engaged in exploring these different fields of knowledge and that our success in grasping the true meaning of Scripture depends on how diligently we utilize the advancements made in these areas. Clearly, not every Christian is equipped to make this application. However, this does not argue against the use of reason we are discussing. Those who rely on translations and commentaries depend solely on the reasoning of others instead of exercising their own. Different branches of knowledge have been utilized throughout history by some individuals for the benefit of others. The progress in sacred criticism that characterizes our current era is simply the ongoing application of reason, enhanced by all kinds of supporting knowledge, aimed at clarifying the Scriptures, significantly enriched by the engagement with ancient classics since the revival of learning.
After the two uses of reason that have been illustrated, a third comes to be mentioned, which may be considered as compounded of both. Reason is of eminent use in repelling the attacks of the adversaries of Christianity. When men of erudition, of philosophical acuteness, and of accomplished taste, direct their talents against our religion, the cause is very much hurt by an unskilful defender. He cannot unravel their sophistry; he does not see the amount and the effect of the concessions which he makes to them; he is bewildered by their quotations, and he is often led by their artifice upon dangerous ground. In all ages of the church there have been weak defenders of Christianity; and the only triumphs of the enemies of our religion have arisen from their being able to expose the defects of those methods of defending the truth which some of its advocates had unwarily chosen. A mind trained to accurate and philosophical views of the nature and the amount of evidence, enriched with historical knowledge, accustomed to throw out of a subject all that is minute and irrelative, to collect what is of importance within a short compass, and to form the comprehension of a whole, is the mind qualified to contend with the learning, the wit, and the sophistry of infidelity. Many such minds have appeared in this honourable controversy during the course of this and the last century; and the success has corresponded to the completeness of the furniture with which they engaged in the combat. The Christian doctrine has been vindicated by their masterly exposition from various misrepresentations; the arguments for its divine original have been placed in their true light; and the attempts to confound the miracles and prophecies upon which Christianity rests its claim, with the delusions of imposture, have been effectually repelled. Christianity has, in this way, received the most important advantages from the attacks of its enemies; and it is not improbable that its doctrines would never have been so thoroughly cleared from all the corruptions and subtleties which had attached to them in the progress of ages, nor the evidences of its truths have been so accurately understood, nor its peculiar character been so perfectly discriminated, had not the zeal and abilities which have been employed against it called forth in its defence some of the most distinguished masters of reason. They brought into the service of Christianity the same weapons which had been drawn for her destruction, and, wielding them with confidence and skill in a good cause, became the successful champions of the truth.
After the two types of reasoning already discussed, a third can be noted that combines elements of both. Reason is very useful in defending against attacks on Christianity. When knowledgeable, sharp-minded, and cultured individuals use their skills against our faith, the situation suffers greatly if the defense is handled clumsily. An unskilled defender struggles to untangle their tricky arguments; they often don’t recognize how much they concede; they find themselves confused by their quotes and easily led into traps. Throughout church history, there have been ineffective defenders of Christianity; the only victories for our faith's opponents come from their ability to point out the flaws in the defense methods chosen by unwary advocates. A mind trained in precise and philosophical understanding of evidence, enriched with historical knowledge, capable of filtering out irrelevant details, extracting key points concisely, and seeing the bigger picture, is best suited to engage with the knowledge, wit, and deceptive arguments of disbelief. Many such minds have participated in this noble debate in recent centuries, and their success has matched the thoroughness of their preparation for the fight. Their skilled presentations have clarified the Christian doctrine against various misrepresentations; the arguments for its divine foundation have been accurately highlighted; and attempts to confuse the miracles and prophecies supporting Christianity with fraudulent schemes have been effectively countered. In this manner, Christianity has gained significant advantages from the assaults of its adversaries; it’s likely that its teachings would not have been as thoroughly purified from the misunderstandings and complexities that accumulated over time, nor the evidence of its truths so clearly articulated, nor its unique characteristics so distinctly defined, had not the passion and skills directed against it sparked a response from some of the most prominent thinkers in defense of the faith. They utilized the same tools aimed at its destruction, and by using them confidently and skillfully for a good cause, they became victorious defenders of the truth.
The fourth use of reason consists in judging of the truths of religion. Every thing which is revealed by God comes to his creatures from so high an authority, that it may be rested in with perfect assurance as true. Nothing can be received by us as true which is contrary to the dictates of reason, because it is impossible for us to receive at the same time the truth and the falsehood of a proposition. But many things are true which we do not fully comprehend; and many propositions, which appear incredible when they are first enunciated, are found, upon examination, such as our understandings can readily admit. These principles embrace the whole of the subject, and they mark out the steps by which reason is to proceed in judging of the truths of religion. We first examine the evidences of revelation. If these satisfy our understandings, we are certain 807that there can be no contradiction between the doctrines of this true religion, and the dictates of right reason. If any such contradiction appear, there must be some mistake; by not making a proper use of our reason in the interpretation of the Gospel, we suppose that it contains doctrines which it does not teach; or we give the name of right reason to some narrow prejudices which deeper reflection, and more enlarged knowledge, will dissipate; or we consider a proposition as implying a contradiction, when, in truth, it is only imperfectly understood. Here, as in every other case, mistakes are to be corrected by measuring back our steps. We must examine closely and impartially the meaning of those passages which appear to contain the doctrine; we must compare them with one another; we must endeavour to derive light from the general phraseology of Scripture and the analogy of faith; and we shall generally be able, in this way, to separate the doctrine from all those adventitious circumstances which give it the appearance of absurdity. If a doctrine which, upon the closest examination, appears unquestionably to be taught in Scripture, still does not approve itself to our understanding, we must consider carefully what it is that prevents us from receiving it. There may be preconceived notions hastily taken up which that doctrine opposes; there may be pride of understanding that does not readily submit to the views which it communicates; or reason may need to be reminded, that we must expect to find in religion many things which we are not able to comprehend. One of the most important offices of reason is to recognize her own limits. She never can be moved, by any authority, to receive as true what she perceives to be absurd. But, if she has formed a just estimate of human knowledge, she will not shelter her presumption in rejecting the truths of revelation under the pretence of contradictions that do not really exist; she will readily admit that there may be in a subject some points which she knows, and others of which she is ignorant; she will not allow her ignorance of the latter to shake the evidence of the former, but will yield a firm assent to that which she does understand, without presuming to deny what is beyond her comprehension. And thus, availing herself of all the light which she now has, she will wait in humble hope for the time when a larger measure shall be imparted.
The fourth use of reason is to analyze the truths of religion. Everything revealed by God comes to us from such a high authority that we can fully trust it as true. We cannot accept anything as true if it goes against reason because it's impossible for us to believe both the truth and the falsehood of a statement at the same time. However, many things are true that we don't fully understand, and some ideas that seem unbelievable at first become acceptable after further examination. These principles cover the entire subject and outline the steps reason should take in assessing the truths of religion. We start by examining the evidence for revelation. If this satisfies our reasoning, we can be confident that there is no contradiction between the teachings of this true religion and the principles of sound reasoning. If we do find a contradiction, it indicates a mistake. We might misunderstand the Gospel by assuming it teaches things it doesn’t, or we might confuse narrow biases for proper reasoning, which can be clarified with deeper reflection and broader knowledge. Alternatively, we might misinterpret a statement as contradictory when we just don't understand it completely. In every case, we can correct our misconceptions by retracing our steps. We should carefully and fairly analyze the meanings of passages that seem to present doctrine; we should compare them with each other; we should seek clarity from the broader context of Scripture and the overall analogy of faith. This approach usually helps us separate the doctrine from any extraneous factors that make it seem absurd. If a doctrine, upon thorough examination, clearly appears to be taught in Scripture but still doesn’t make sense to us, we need to carefully consider what is blocking our acceptance of it. There may be preconceived ideas we’ve hastily adopted that conflict with this doctrine; there may be a pride in our understanding that resists its insights; or we may need to remind ourselves that we should expect to encounter many things in religion that we can’t fully grasp. One of the key roles of reason is to recognize its own limits. It should never accept as true what it finds absurd, no matter the authority behind it. Yet, if it understands the scope of human knowledge, reason should not hide its arrogance behind the rejection of revelations on the grounds of supposed contradictions that don’t actually exist. It should acknowledge that there are aspects of a subject it understands and others it doesn't, and it shouldn't let its ignorance of the latter undermine the evidence of the former. Instead, it should firmly accept what it does understand while refraining from denying what is beyond its comprehension. Thus, utilizing all the knowledge it currently has, reason will remain in humble hope for the time when more understanding will be granted.
RECEIPT OF CUSTOM. Matthew, when called, was sitting at the receipt of custom, or dues on merchandise. He was a publican or tax-gatherer, or, as we should say, a custom house officer. The publicans had houses or booths built for them at the foot of bridges, at the mouth of rivers, by the sea shore, and the parts of the lake of Gennesareth, or sea of Tiberias, to collect the taxes on passengers and merchandise. See Publican.
RECEIPT OF CUSTOM. Matthew, when called, was sitting at the customs office, collecting taxes on goods. He was a tax collector, or, as we would say today, a customs officer. Tax collectors had booths set up at the foot of bridges, at river mouths, along the coastline, and at the shores of the Sea of Galilee to gather taxes from travelers and goods. See Bar owner.
RECHABITES. The Rechabites, though they dwelt among the Israelites, did not belong to any of their tribes; for they were Kenites, as appears from 1 Chron. ii, 55, where the Kenites are said to have come of “Hemath, the father of the house of Rechab.” These Kenites, afterward styled Rechabites, were of the family of Jethro, otherwise called Hobab, whose daughter Moses married; for “the children of the Kenite, Moses’s father-in-law,” it is said, “went up out of the city of palm trees with the children of Judah, and dwelt among the people,” Judges i, 16; and we read of “Heber the Kenite, who was of the children of Hobab, the father-in-law of Moses, who had severed himself from the Kenites,” or from the bulk of them who settled in the tribe of Judah, “and pitched his tent in the plain of Zaanaim,” Judges iv, 11. They appear to have sprung from Midian, the son of Abraham by Keturah, Gen. xxv, 2; for Jethro, from whom they are descended, is called a Midianite, Num. x, 23. Of this family was Jehonadab, the son of Rechab, a man of eminent zeal for the pure worship of God against idolatry, who assisted King Jehu in destroying the house of Ahab, and the worshippers of Baal, 2 Kings x, 15, 16, 23, &c. It was he who gave that rule of life to his children and posterity which we read of in Jer. xxxv, 6, 7. It consisted of these three articles: that they should drink no wine; that they should neither possess nor occupy any houses, fields, or vineyards; that they should dwell in tents. This was the institution of the children of Rechab; and this they continued to observe for upward of three hundred years, from the time of Jehu to that of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, when Nebuchadnezzar coming to besiege Jerusalem, the Rechabites were obliged to leave the country and take refuge in the city. In Jer. xxxv, there is a promise made to this people, that Jonadab, the son of Rechab, should not want a man to stand before the Lord; that is, that his posterity should not fail: and to this day this tribe is found among the Arabians of the desert, distinct, free, and practising exactly the institutions of Jonadab, whose name they bear, and of whose institutions they boast. This is a remarkable instance of the exact fulfilment of a minute and isolated prophecy. See Beni Khaibir.
RECHABITES. The Rechabites, although they lived among the Israelites, were not part of any of their tribes; they were Kenites, as shown in 1 Chron. ii, 55, where it states that the Kenites descended from “Hemath, the father of the house of Rechab.” These Kenites, later referred to as Rechabites, were from the family of Jethro, also known as Hobab, whose daughter married Moses. It is mentioned that “the children of the Kenite, Moses’s father-in-law,” went up from the city of palm trees with the children of Judah and lived among the people, Judges i, 16; we also read about “Heber the Kenite, who was from the children of Hobab, Moses’s father-in-law, who separated himself from the Kenites,” or from the majority who settled in the tribe of Judah, “and pitched his tent in the plain of Zaanaim,” Judges iv, 11. They seem to have descended from Midian, Abraham’s son by Keturah, Gen. xxv, 2; as Jethro, their ancestor, is referred to as a Midianite, Num. x, 23. From this family came Jehonadab, the son of Rechab, a man known for his strong commitment to the true worship of God against idolatry, who supported King Jehu in eliminating the house of Ahab and the worshippers of Baal, 2 Kings x, 15, 16, 23, etc. He gave his children and descendants a way of life described in Jer. xxxv, 6, 7. It included three rules: they should not drink wine; they should neither own nor farm land, houses, or vineyards; they should live in tents. This was the way of life for the children of Rechab, and they continued to follow it for over three hundred years, from Jehu’s time until Jehoiakim, king of Judah, when Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem, forcing the Rechabites to leave their land and seek refuge in the city. In Jer. xxxv, there is a promise to this people that Jonadab, the son of Rechab, would always have someone to stand before the Lord; that is, his descendants would not be lacking: and to this day this tribe is found among the Arabians in the desert, distinct, free, and practicing exactly the rules of Jonadab, whose name they carry, and of whose customs they take pride. This is a notable example of the precise fulfillment of a specific and isolated prophecy. See Beni Khaibir.
RECONCILIATION. The expressions “reconciliation” and “making peace” necessarily suppose a previous state of hostility between God and man, which is reciprocal. This is sometimes called enmity, a term, as it respects God, rather unfortunate, since enmity is almost fixed in our language to signify a malignant and revengeful feeling. Of this, the oppugners of the doctrine of the atonement have availed themselves to argue, that as there can be no such affection in the divine nature, therefore, reconciliation in Scripture does not mean the reconciliation of God to man, but of man to God, whose enmity the example and teaching of Christ, they tell us, is very effectual to subdue. It is, indeed, a sad and humbling truth, and one which the Socinians in their discussions on the natural innocence of man are not willing to admit, that by the infection of sin “the carnal mind is enmity to God,” that human nature is malignantly hostile to God and to the control of his law; but this is far from expressing the whole of that relation 808of man in which, in Scripture, he is said to be at enmity with God, and so to need a reconciliation, the making of peace between God and him. That relation is a legal one, as that of a sovereign in his judicial capacity, and a criminal who has violated his laws and risen up against his authority, and who is, therefore, treated as an enemy. The word ἐχθρὸς is used in this passive sense, both in the Greek writers and in the New Testament. So, in Romans xi, 28, the Jews, rejected and punished for refusing the Gospel, are said by the Apostle, “as concerning the Gospel,” to be “enemies for your sakes;” treated and accounted such; “but, as touching the election, they are beloved for the fathers’ sakes.” In the same epistle, v, 10, the term is used precisely in the same sense, and that with reference to the reconciliation by Christ: “For if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son;” that is, when we were objects of the divine judicial displeasure, accounted as enemies, and liable to be capitally treated as such. Enmity, in the sense of malignity and the sentiment of hatred, is added to this relation in the case of man; but it is no part of the relation itself; it is rather a cause of it, as it is one of the actings of a corrupt nature which render man obnoxious to the displeasure of God, and the penalty of his law, and place him in the condition of an enemy. It is this judicial variance and opposition between God and man which is referred to in the term reconciliation, and in the phrase “making peace,” in the New Testament; and the hostility is, therefore, in its own nature, mutual.
RECONCILIATION. The terms “reconciliation” and “making peace” imply that there was previously a state of hostility between God and humanity, which is mutual. This is sometimes referred to as enmity, a word that, in relation to God, is rather unfortunate, as it usually conveys a sense of malevolence and desire for revenge. Opponents of the doctrine of atonement have taken this to argue that since there can’t be such emotions in God's nature, reconciliation in Scripture doesn’t refer to God reconciling with man, but rather to man reconciling with God. They claim that the example and teachings of Christ are effective in softening this enmity. It is, in fact, a sad and humbling truth, and one that Socinians, in their discussions about the natural innocence of humanity, are reluctant to accept: that due to the infection of sin, “the carnal mind is enmity to God,” meaning that human nature is inherently hostile towards God and His law’s authority. However, this does not fully encompass the relationship described in Scripture, where humanity is said to be at enmity with God and thus in need of reconciliation, a making of peace between God and themselves. This relationship has a legal dimension, akin to that of a sovereign in a judicial role and a criminal who has broken the law and risen against his authority, and is therefore regarded as an enemy. The Greek word ἐχθρὸς is used in this passive sense, both in Greek literature and in the New Testament. For example, in Romans 11:28, the Apostle states that the Jews, who were rejected and punished for refusing the Gospel, are “enemies for your sakes” with respect to the Gospel; they are treated as such; “but, as touching the election, they are beloved for the fathers’ sakes.” Similarly, in Romans 5:10, the term is used in the same way in reference to reconciliation by Christ: “For if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son;” meaning when we were under divine judgment, regarded as enemies, and subject to capital punishment. While enmity, in the sense of malevolence and hatred, adds to this relationship in the case of humanity, it does not constitute the relationship itself; instead, it is more of a cause of it, stemming from corrupt nature which makes humanity deserving of God’s displeasure and the penalties of His law, placing them in the status of an enemy. It is this judicial disagreement and opposition between God and humanity that the term reconciliation and the phrase “making peace” in the New Testament refer to; the hostility, therefore, is inherently mutual.
But that there is no truth in the notion, that reconciliation means no more than our laying aside our enmity to God, may also be shown from several express passages. The first is the passage we have above cited: “For if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God,” Rom. v, 10. Here the act of reconciling is ascribed to God, and not to us; but if this reconciliation consisted in the laying aside of our own enmity, the act would be ours alone: and, farther, that it could not be the laying aside of our enmity, is clear from the text, which speaks of reconciliation while we were yet enemies. The reconciliation spoken of here is not, as Socinus and his followers have said, our conversion. For that the Apostle is speaking of a benefit obtained for us previous to our conversion, appears evident from the opposite members of the two sentences, “much more, being justified, we shall be saved from wrath through him,” “much more, being reconciled, we shall be saved by his life.” The Apostle argues from the greater to the less. If God were so benign to us before our conversion, what may we not expect from him now we are converted? To reconcile here cannot mean to convert; for the Apostle evidently speaks of something greatly remarkable in the act of Christ; but to convert sinners is nothing remarkable, since none but sinners can be ever converted; whereas it was a rare and singular thing for Christ to die for sinners, and to reconcile sinners to God by his death, when there have been but very few good men who have died for their friends. In the next place, conversion is referred more properly to his glorious life, than to his shameful death; but this reconciliation is attributed to his death, as contradistinguished from his glorious life, as is evident from the antithesis contained in the two verses. Beside, it is from the latter benefit that we learn the nature of the former. The latter, which belongs only to the converted, consists of the peace of God, and salvation from wrath, Rom. v, 9, 10. This the Apostle afterward calls receiving the reconciliation. And what is it to receive the reconciliation, but to receive the remission of sins? Acts x, 43. To receive conversion is a mode of speaking entirely unknown. If, then, to receive the reconciliation is to receive the remission of sins, and in effect to be delivered from wrath or punishment, to be reconciled must have a corresponding signification.
But it's not true that reconciliation only means putting aside our hostility toward God; this can be shown from several clear passages. The first is the one we've already cited: "For if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God," Rom. 5:10. Here, the act of reconciling is attributed to God, not us; if this reconciliation was just about us dropping our hostility, then the action would be solely ours. Furthermore, it can't be simply the act of laying aside our enmity, as the text refers to reconciliation while we were still enemies. The reconciliation mentioned here isn't, as Socinus and his followers claim, our conversion. It’s clear that the Apostle is discussing a benefit granted to us before our conversion, as seen in the contrasting statements of the two sentences: "much more, being justified, we shall be saved from wrath through him," and "much more, being reconciled, we shall be saved by his life." The Apostle makes an argument from the greater to the lesser. If God was so gracious to us before our conversion, what can we not expect from Him now that we are converted? To reconcile here cannot mean to convert; the Apostle is clearly talking about something remarkable in Christ's act, but converting sinners is not remarkable since only sinners can be converted. However, it was rare and extraordinary for Christ to die for sinners and reconcile them to God through His death, especially when very few good men have died for their friends. Moreover, conversion is more appropriately related to His glorious life than to His shameful death; this reconciliation is linked to His death, as opposed to His glorious life, as is evident from the contrast in the two verses. Additionally, we understand the nature of the former benefit from the latter. The latter, which pertains only to the converted, includes the peace of God and salvation from wrath, Rom. 5:9, 10. The Apostle later refers to this as receiving the reconciliation. And what does it mean to receive the reconciliation, if not to receive the forgiveness of sins? Acts 10:43. The phrase "to receive conversion" is completely unknown. If receiving the reconciliation means receiving the forgiveness of sins, and in effect being freed from wrath or punishment, then to be reconciled must have a similar meaning.
“God was in Christ reconciling the world to himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them,” 2 Cor. v, 19. Here the manner of this reconciliation is expressly said to be, not our laying aside our enmity, but the non-imputation of our trespasses to us by God; in other words, the pardoning of our offences and restoring us to favour. The promise, on God’s part, to do this, is expressive of his previous reconciliation to the world by the death of Christ; for our actual reconciliation is distinguished from this by what follows, “and hath committed to us the ministry of reconciliation,” by virtue of which all men were, by the Apostles, entreated and besought to be reconciled to God. The reason, too, of this reconciliation of God to the world, by virtue of which he promises not to impute sin, is grounded by the Apostle, in the last verse of the chapter, not upon the laying aside of enmity by men, but upon the sacrifice of Christ: “For he hath made him to be sin,” a sin-offering, “for us, who knew no sin, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him.” “And that he might reconcile both unto God in one body by the cross, having slain the enmity thereby,” Eph. ii, 16. Here the act of reconciling is attributed to Christ. Man is not spoken of as reconciling himself to God; but Christ is said to reconcile Jews and Gentiles together, and both to God, “by his cross.” Thus, says the Apostle, “he is our peace;” but in what manner is the peace effected? Not, in the first instance, by subduing the enmity of man’s heart, but by removing the enmity of “the law.” “Having abolished in” or by “his flesh the enmity, even the law of commandments.” The ceremonial law only is here, probably meant; for by its abolition, through its fulfilment in Christ, the enmity between Jews and Gentiles was taken away; but still it was not only necessary to reconcile Jew and Gentile together, but to “reconcile both unto God.” This he did by the same act; abolishing the ceremonial law by becoming the antitype of all its sacrifices, and thus, by the sacrifice of himself, effecting the reconciliation of all to God, “slaying the enmity by his 809cross,” taking away whatever hindered the reconciliation of the guilty to God, which, as we have seen, was not enmity and hatred to God in the human mind only, but that judicial hostility and variance which separated God and man as Judge and criminal. The feeble criticism of Socinus, on this passage, in which he has been followed by his adherents to this day, is thus answered by Grotius: “In this passage the dative Θεῷ, to God, can only be governed by the verb ἀποκατάλλαξῃ, that he might reconcile; for the interpretation of Socinus, which makes to God stand by itself, or that to reconcile to God is to reconcile them among themselves, that they might serve God, is distorted and without example. Nor is the argument valid which is drawn from thence, that in this place St. Paul properly treats of the peace made between Jews and Gentiles; for neither does it follow from this argument, that it was beside his purpose to mention the peace made for each with God. For the two opposites which are joined, are so joined among themselves, that they should be primarily and chiefly joined by that bond; for they are not united among themselves, except by and for that bond. Gentiles and Jews, therefore, are made friends among themselves by friendship with God.”
“God was in Christ reconciling the world to Himself, not counting their sins against them,” 2 Cor. 5:19. Here the way of this reconciliation is clearly stated as not being about us letting go of our hostility, but rather God not counting our sins against us; in other words, forgiving our wrongs and bringing us back into His favor. The promise from God to do this shows His prior reconciliation with the world through the death of Christ; for our actual reconciliation is different from this as indicated by what follows, “and has committed to us the ministry of reconciliation,” through which the Apostles urged everyone to be reconciled to God. The reason for this reconciliation of God to the world, through which He promises not to count sins, is rooted by the Apostle, in the last verse of the chapter, not in humans setting aside their hostility, but in the sacrifice of Christ: “For He made Him to be sin,” a sin-offering, “for us, who knew no sin, that we might become the righteousness of God in Him.” “And that He might reconcile both to God in one body by the cross, having killed the hostility thereby,” Eph. 2:16. Here, the act of reconciling is credited to Christ. Man is not described as reconciling himself to God; instead, Christ is portrayed as reconciling both Jews and Gentiles together, and both to God, “by His cross.” Thus, the Apostle says, “He is our peace;” but how is this peace achieved? Not, first, by calming the hostility in man's heart, but by removing the hostility of “the law.” “Having abolished in” or by “His flesh the hostility, even the law of commandments.” The ceremonial law is likely the only one referred to here; for by its removal, through its fulfillment in Christ, the enmity between Jews and Gentiles was eliminated; but it was still necessary not only to reconcile Jew and Gentile, but to “reconcile both to God.” He did this through the same act; abolishing the ceremonial law by becoming the fulfillment of all its sacrifices, and thus, through His sacrifice, achieving the reconciliation of all to God, “killing the hostility by His cross,” removing whatever stood in the way of the guilty being reconciled to God, which, as we have seen, was not just the enmity and hatred toward God in the human mind, but that judicial hostility and division that separated God and man as Judge and criminal. The weak criticism of Socinus regarding this passage, which his followers have upheld to this day, is addressed by Grotius: “In this passage, the dative Θεῷ, to God, can only be governed by the verb ἀποκατάλλαξῃ, that he might reconcile; for Socinus’s interpretation, which makes to God stand by itself or suggests that to reconcile to God means to reconcile them with each other so that they might serve God, is twisted and without precedent. Nor is the argument drawn from this valid, claiming that St. Paul solely discusses the peace made between Jews and Gentiles; for it doesn’t follow from this argument that it was outside his purpose to mention the peace made for each with God. For the two opposites that are connected are joined to each other in a way that they should primarily and principally be united by that bond; for they are not connected with each other except through and for that bond. Gentiles and Jews, therefore, become friends with each other by being friends with God.”
Here also a critical remark will be appropriate. The above passages will show how falsely it has been asserted that God is no where in Scripture said to be reconciled to us, and that they only declare that we are reconciled to God; but the fact is, that the very phrase of our being reconciled to God imports the turning away of his wrath from us. Whitby observes, on the words καταλλάττειν and καταλλαγὴ, “that they naturally import the reconciliation of one that is angry or displeased with us, both in profane and Jewish writers.” When the Philistines suspected that David would appease the anger of Saul, by becoming their adversary, they said, “Wherewith should he reconcile himself to his master? Should it not be with the heads of these men?” not, surely, How shall he remove his own anger against his master? but, how shall he remove his master’s anger against him? How shall he restore himself to his master’s favour? “If thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there rememberest that thy brother hath aught against thee,” not, that thou hast aught against thy brother, “first be reconciled to thy brother;” that is, appease and conciliate him; so that the words, in fact, import, “See that thy brother be reconciled to thee,” since that which goes before is, not that he hath done thee an injury, but thou him. Thus, then, for us to be reconciled to God is to avail ourselves of the means by which the anger of God toward us is to be appeased, which the New Testament expressly declares to be meritoriously “the sin-offering” of Him “who knew no sin,” and instrumentally, as to each individual personally, “faith in his blood.” See Propitiation.
Here, a critical comment is fitting. The passages above demonstrate how incorrectly it has been claimed that God is never said in Scripture to be reconciled to us, and that they only state that we are reconciled to God; however, the truth is that the very phrase our being reconciled to God implies the removal of His wrath from us. Whitby notes, regarding the words καταλλάττειν and καταλλαγὴ, “that they naturally imply the reconciliation of someone who is angry or upset with us, in both secular and Jewish writings.” When the Philistines suspected that David would appease Saul’s anger by becoming their opponent, they asked, “How can he reconcile himself to his master? Should it not be by taking the heads of these men?” They didn’t mean, How can he take away his own anger against his master? but rather, how can he remove his master’s anger against him? How can he regain his master’s favor? “If you bring your gift to the altar and remember that your brother has anything against you,” not that you have anything against your brother, “first be reconciled to your brother;” that is, make peace and win him over; thus, the words actually imply, “Make sure your brother is reconciled to you,” since the context is not that he has wronged you, but rather you him. Therefore, for us to be reconciled to God means to make use of the means by which God’s anger toward us is to be soothed, which the New Testament clearly identifies as—meritoriously—the sin-offering of Him “who knew no sin,” and instrumentally, for each individual personally, “faith in his blood.” See Atonement.
REDEEMER. The Hebrew goel is thus rendered, and the title is applied to Christ, as he is the Avenger of man upon his spiritual enemy, and delivers man from death and the power of the grave, which the human avenger could not do. The right of the institution of goel was only in a relative, one of the same blood; and hence our Saviour’s assumption of our nature is alluded to and implied under this term. There was also the right of buying back the family inheritance when alienated; and this also applies to Christ, our Goel, who has purchased back the heavenly inheritance into the human family. Under these views Job joyfully exclaims, “I know that my Redeemer,” my Goel, “liveth,” &c. See Goel, Mediator, and Jesus Christ.
REDEEMER. The Hebrew goel is understood in this way, and the title is given to Christ, as he is the Avenger of humanity against spiritual enemies, freeing people from death and the grave's power, which no human avenger could achieve. The right of goel applies only to a relative of the same blood, so our Savior's taking on our nature is implied by this term. There was also the right to buy back family inheritance when it was lost; this also applies to Christ, our Goel, who has reclaimed the heavenly inheritance for humanity. With this in mind, Job joyfully declares, “I know that my Redeemer,” my Goel, “lives,” etc. See Goel, Mediator, and Jesus.
REDEMPTION denotes our recovery from sin and death by the obedience and sacrifice of Christ, who, on this account, is called the Redeemer. “Being justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus,” Rom. iii, 24. “Christ hath redeemed us from the curse of the law, being made a curse for us,” Gal. iii, 13. “In whom we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace,” Eph. i, 7. “Forasmuch as ye know that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, from your vain conversation received by tradition from your fathers; but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish, and without spot,” 1 Pet. i, 18, 19. “And ye are not your own, for ye are bought with a price,” 1 Cor. vi, 19, 20.
REDEMPTION means our recovery from sin and death through the obedience and sacrifice of Christ, who is known as the Redeemer. “We are justified freely by His grace, through the redemption in Christ Jesus,” Rom. iii, 24. “Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law by becoming a curse for us,” Gal. iii, 13. “In Him, we have redemption through His blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of His grace,” Eph. i, 7. “Knowing that you were not redeemed with things that can fade away, like silver and gold, from your empty way of life inherited from your ancestors, but with the precious blood of Christ, like a lamb without blemish or defect,” 1 Pet. i, 18, 19. “And you are not your own; you were bought at a price,” 1 Cor. vi, 19, 20.
By redemption, those who deny the atonement made by Christ wish to understand deliverance merely, regarding only the effect, and studiously putting out of sight the cause from which it flows. But the very terms used in the above cited passages, “to redeem,” and “to be bought with a price,” will each be found to refute this notion of a gratuitous deliverance, whether from sin or punishment, or both. Our English word, to redeem, literally means “to buy back;” and λυτρόω, to redeem, and ἀπολύτρωσις, redemption, are, both in Greek writers and in the New Testament, used for the act of setting free a captive, by paying λυτρον, a ransom or redemption price. But, as Grotius has fully shown, by reference to the use of the words both in sacred and profane writers, redemption signifies not merely “the liberation of captives,” but deliverance from exile, death, and every other evil from which we may be freed; and λύτρον signifies every thing which satisfies another, so as to effect this deliverance. The nature of this redemption or purchased deliverance, (for it is not gratuitous liberation, as will presently appear,) is, therefore, to be ascertained by the circumstances of those who are the subjects of it. The subjects in the case before us are sinful men. They are under guilt, under “the curse of the law,” the servants of sin, under the power and dominion of the devil, and “taken captive by him at his will,” liable to the death of the body and to eternal punishment. To the whole of this case, the redemption, the purchased deliverance of man, as proclaimed in the Gospel, applies itself. Hence, in the 810above cited and other passages, it is said, “We have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins,” in opposition to guilt; redemption from “the curse of the law;” deliverance from sin, that “we should be set free from sin;” deliverance from the power of Satan; from death, by a resurrection; and from future “wrath,” by the gift of eternal life. Throughout the whole of this glorious doctrine of our redemption from these tremendous evils there is, however, in the New Testament, a constant reference to the λύτρον, the redemption price, which λύτρον is as constantly declared to be the death of Christ, which he endured in our stead. “The Son of man came to give his life a ransom for many,” Matt. xx, 28. “Who gave himself a ransom for all,” 1 Tim. ii, 6. “In whom we have redemption through his blood,” Eph. i, 7. “Ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, but with the precious blood of Christ,” 1 Pet. i, 18, 19. That deliverance of man from sin, misery, and all other penal evils of his transgression, which constitutes our redemption by Christ, is not, therefore, a gratuitous deliverance, granted without a consideration, as an act of mere prerogative; the ransom, the redemption price, was exacted and paid; one thing was given for another, the precious blood of Christ for captive and condemned men. Of the same import are those passages which represent us as having been “bought,” or “purchased” by Christ. St. Peter speaks of those “who denied the Lord τὸν ἀγοράσαντα αὐτους, that bought them;” and St. Paul, in the passage above cited, says, “Ye are bought with a price, ἠγόρασθητε;” which price is expressly said by St. John to be the blood of Christ: “Thou wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God (ἠγόρασας, hast purchased us) by thy blood,” Rev. v, 9.
By redemption, those who reject the atonement made by Christ aim to understand deliverance only in terms of its effects, deliberately ignoring the cause from which it comes. However, the very terms used in the passages mentioned above, “to redeem” and “to be bought with a price,” refute the idea of a free deliverance, whether from sin, punishment, or both. The English word to redeem literally means “to buy back,” and the Greek words λυτρόω, to redeem, and ἀπολύτρωσις, redemption, as used by Greek writers and in the New Testament, refer to the act of freeing a captive by paying λυτρον, a ransom or redemption price. As Grotius has shown through references to the usage of these words in both sacred and secular texts, redemption means not just “the liberation of captives,” but also deliverance from exile, death, and all other evils we can be freed from; and λύτρον refers to anything that satisfies someone in order to achieve this deliverance. The nature of this redemption or purchased deliverance (which is not a free liberation, as will soon be explained) must therefore be understood in the context of those who are affected by it. The subjects in this discussion are sinful people who are burdened by guilt, under “the curse of the law,” enslaved by sin, under the power of the devil, and “taken captive by him at his will,” facing bodily death and eternal punishment. The entirety of this situation relates to the redemption, the purchased deliverance of humanity as presented in the Gospel. Thus, in the above-cited and other passages, it is stated, “We have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins,” opposing guilt; redemption from “the curse of the law;” deliverance from sin, so “we should be set free from sin;” deliverance from the power of Satan; from death, through resurrection; and from future “wrath,” by the gift of eternal life. Throughout this magnificent doctrine of our redemption from these dreadful evils, however, the New Testament continually refers to the λύτρον, the redemption price, which is consistently declared to be the death of Christ that he endured on our behalf. “The Son of man came to give his life a ransom for many,” Matt. xx, 28. “Who gave himself a ransom for all,” 1 Tim. ii, 6. “In whom we have redemption through his blood,” Eph. i, 7. “Ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, like silver and gold, but with the precious blood of Christ,” 1 Pet. i, 18, 19. This deliverance of humanity from sin, suffering, and all other penalties for wrongdoing that constitutes our redemption by Christ is not, therefore, a free deliverance granted without any consideration, as an act of mere privilege; the ransom, the redemption price, was demanded and paid; something was exchanged for something else, the precious blood of Christ for condemned and captive people. The same meaning applies to those passages that depict us as having been “bought” or “purchased” by Christ. St. Peter speaks of those “who denied the Lord τὸν ἀγοράσαντα αὐτους, that bought them;” and St. Paul, in the previously cited passage, says, “Ye are bought with a price, ἠγόρασθητε;” which price St. John explicitly states is the blood of Christ: “Thou wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God (ἠγόρασας, hast purchased us) by thy blood,” Rev. v, 9.
RED SEA, celebrated chiefly for the miraculous passage of the Israelites through its waters. They were thrust out of Egypt, says Dr. Hales, on the fifteenth day of the first month; “about six hundred thousand men on foot, beside women and children. And a mixed multitude went up also with them; and flocks and herds, even very much cattle,” Exod. xii, 37–39; Num. xi, 4; xxxiii, 3. After they set out from Rameses, in the land of Goshen, in the neighbourhood of Cairo, their first encampment was at Succoth, signifying “booths,” or an “enclosure for cattle,” after a stage of about thirty miles; their second, at Etham, or Adsjerud, on the edge of the wilderness, about sixty miles farther; “for the Lord led them not by the way of the land of the Philistines, although that was near; for God said, Lest peradventure the people repent when they see war, and they return to Egypt: but God led the people about by the way of the wilderness of the Red Sea,” or by a circuitous rout to the land of promise, in order to train them and instruct them, in the solitudes of Arabia Petræa, Exodus xiii, 17–20; Deut. xxxii, 10. Instead of proceeding from Etham, round the head of the Red Sea, and coasting along its eastern shore, the Lord made them turn southward along its western shore, and, after a stage of about twenty or thirty miles, to encamp in the valley of Bedea, where there was an opening in the great chain of mountains that line the western coast, called Pi-hahiroth, the mouth of the ridge between Migdol westward, and the sea eastward, “over against Baal-zephon,” on the eastern coast; to tempt Pharaoh, whose heart he finally hardened, to pursue them when they were “entangled in the land,” and shut in by the wilderness on their rear and flanks, and by the sea in their front. The leading motive with Pharaoh and his servants was to bring back the Israelites to bondage, and of the Egyptians in general, to recover the treasures of which they had been spoiled, Exod. xiv, 1–5. So Pharaoh pursued the Israelites by the direct way of Migdol, with six hundred chariots, his horsemen, and his army, and overtook them encamping by the sea, beside Pi-hahiroth, over against Baal-zephon. When their destruction, or their return to bondage, seemed to be inevitable, the Lord interposed and fought for Israel. He opened for them a passage across the Red Sea, where it was about twelve miles wide, and brought them through in safety; while he drowned the Egyptians, who blindly followed them to their own destruction, Psalm lxxvii, 18, &c.
RED SEA, known mainly for the incredible crossing of the Israelites through its waters. They were freed from Egypt, as Dr. Hales states, on the fifteenth day of the first month; “about six hundred thousand men on foot, not counting women and children. A mixed group also traveled with them, along with flocks and herds, even a lot of cattle,” Exod. xii, 37–39; Num. xi, 4; xxxiii, 3. After leaving Rameses in the land of Goshen, near Cairo, their first camp was at Succoth, which means “booths” or “a shelter for cattle,” after traveling about thirty miles; their second stop was at Etham, or Adsjerud, on the edge of the wilderness, about sixty miles further; “for the Lord did not lead them by the way of the land of the Philistines, even though that was close; for God said, Lest perhaps the people change their minds when they see war and return to Egypt: but God led the people around by the way of the wilderness of the Red Sea,” or by a longer route to the promised land, to teach and guide them in the deserts of Arabia Petræa, Exodus xiii, 17–20; Deut. xxxii, 10. Instead of going from Etham, around the head of the Red Sea, and along its eastern shore, the Lord directed them to head south along the western shore, and, after traveling about twenty to thirty miles, camp in the valley of Bedea, where there was an opening in the massive mountain range that lines the western coast, called Pi-hahiroth, the entrance to the ridge between Migdol to the west and the sea to the east, “opposite Baal-zephon” on the eastern coast; to provoke Pharaoh, whose heart he ultimately hardened, to pursue them when they were “trapped in the land,” surrounded by wilderness behind and on the sides, and by the sea in front. Pharaoh and his servants primarily aimed to bring the Israelites back into slavery, and the Egyptians generally wanted to recover the treasures they had lost, Exod. xiv, 1–5. So Pharaoh pursued the Israelites by the direct route of Migdol, with six hundred chariots, his cavalry, and his army, and caught up with them camping by the sea, near Pi-hahiroth, across from Baal-zephon. When their destruction, or return to slavery, seemed unavoidable, the Lord intervened and fought for Israel. He created a path for them across the Red Sea, where it was about twelve miles wide, allowing them to pass through safely, while he drowned the Egyptians, who foolishly followed them to their doom, Psalm lxxvii, 18, &c.
On this memorable deliverance Moses composed a thanksgiving, which he and the Israelites sung unto the Lord. It is also a sublime prophecy, foretelling the powerful effect of this tremendous judgment on the neighbouring nations of Edom, Moab, Palestine, and Canaan, the future settlement of the Israelites in the promised land; and the erection of the temple and sanctuary on Mount Zion, and the perpetuity of the dominion and worship of God.
On this unforgettable moment of rescue, Moses wrote a song of thanks that he and the Israelites sang to the Lord. It’s also a profound prophecy, predicting the powerful impact of this significant judgment on the neighboring nations of Edom, Moab, Palestine, and Canaan, the future settlement of the Israelites in the promised land; the construction of the temple and sanctuary on Mount Zion, and the lasting rule and worship of God.
The precise place of this passage has been much contested. Some place it near Suez, at the head of the gulf; others, with more probability, about ten hours’ journey lower down, at Clysma, or the vale of Bedea. The day before the passage, by the divine command, the Israelites encamped beside Pi-hahiroth, “between Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-zephon,” Exodus xiv, 2; Num. xxxiii, 7. Pi-hahiroth signifies “the mouth of the ridge,” or chain of mountains, which line the western coast of the Red Sea, called Attaka, “deliverance,” in which was a gap, which formed the extremity of the valley of Bedea, ending at the sea eastward, and running westward to some distance, toward Cairo; Migdol, signifying “a tower,” probably lay in that direction; and Baal-zephon, signifying “the northern Baal,” was probably a temple on the opposite promontory, built on the eastern coast of the Red Sea. And the modern names of places in the vicinity tend to confirm these expositions of the ancient. Beside Attaka, on the eastern coast opposite, is a head land, called Ras Musa, or “the Cape of Moses;” somewhat lower, Hamam Faraun, “Pharaoh’s Springs;” below Girondel, a reach of the gulf, called Birket Faraun; and the general name of the gulf is Bahr al Kolsum, “the Bay of Submersion.” 811These names indicate that the passage was considerably below Suez, according to the tradition of the natives. The depth and breadth of the gulf, from Suez downward, is thus described by Niebuhr: “I have not found in this sea, from Suez southward, any bank or isthmus under water. When we departed from Suez, we sailed as far as Girondel, without fear of encountering any such. We had in the first place, the road of Suez, four fathom and half; at three German leagues from Suez, in the middle of the gulf, four fathoms; and about Girondel, near the shore, even to ten fathoms.” Bruce, also, describing the place of passage opposite Ras Musa, or a little below it, says, “There is here about fourteen fathom of water in the channel, and about nine in the sides, and good anchorage every where. The farthest side, the eastern, is a low sandy coast, and a very easy landing place.” Shaw reckons the breadth of the gulf at this place about ten miles; Neibuhr, three leagues and more; Bruce, something less than four leagues: we may therefore estimate it about twelve miles, from their joint reports. But this space the host of the Israelites could easily have passed in the course of a night, from the evening to the ensuing morning watch, or dawn of day, according to the Mosaical account. And surely the depth of the sea was no impediment, when the Lord divided it by “a strong east wind,” which blew across the sea all that night, and made the bottom of the sea dry land; “and the children of Israel went into the midst of the sea upon the dry ground, and the waters were a wall unto them, on their right hand and on their left,” Exodus xiv, 21, 22.
The exact location of this crossing has been widely debated. Some say it’s near Suez, at the top of the gulf; others, more plausibly, suggest it’s about a ten-hour journey further down, at Clysma, or the valley of Bedea. The day before the crossing, following divine direction, the Israelites camped beside Pi-hahiroth, “between Migdol and the sea, opposite Baal-zephon,” Exodus xiv, 2; Num. xxxiii, 7. Pi-hahiroth means “the mouth of the ridge,” referring to the chain of mountains along the western coast of the Red Sea, known as Attaka, “deliverance,” which had a gap that marked the end of the valley of Bedea, stretching east to the sea and west toward Cairo; Migdol, meaning “a tower,” likely lay in that direction; and Baal-zephon, meaning “the northern Baal,” was probably a temple on the opposite promontory, built on the eastern coast of the Red Sea. The modern place names in the area tend to support these interpretations of the ancient texts. Near Attaka, on the opposite eastern coast, is a headland called Ras Musa, or “the Cape of Moses;” a bit further down is Hamam Faraun, “Pharaoh’s Springs;” below Girondel, a section of the gulf is called Birket Faraun; and the overall name of the gulf is Bahr al Kolsum, “the Bay of Submersion.” 811 These names suggest that the crossing point was well below Suez, according to local tradition. The depth and breadth of the gulf from Suez southward are described by Niebuhr: “I didn’t find any underwater banks or isthmuses in this sea from Suez south. When we left Suez, we sailed as far as Girondel without worrying about any such things. Initially, the depth at Suez was four and a half fathoms; three German leagues from Suez, in the middle of the gulf, it was four fathoms; and near Girondel, close to shore, it reached up to ten fathoms.” Bruce, describing the crossing location near Ras Musa or just a little south, states, “There is about fourteen fathoms of water in the channel, and about nine on the sides, with good anchorage everywhere. The far side, the eastern one, has a low sandy coast and very easy access for landing.” Shaw estimates the width of the gulf at this point to be around ten miles; Niebuhr says three leagues and more; and Bruce estimates just under four leagues. Thus, we can estimate it to be about twelve miles based on their combined reports. The Israelites could have crossed this in the course of one night, from evening until the following morning watch or dawn, following the biblical account. And surely, the depth of the sea posed no barrier when the Lord parted it with “a strong east wind,” which blew across the sea all night, turning the sea bed into dry land; “and the children of Israel went into the midst of the sea on the dry ground, and the waters were a wall unto them, on their right hand and on their left,” Exodus xiv, 21, 22.
In the queries of Michaëlis, sent to Niebuhr, when in Egypt, it was proposed to him to inquire upon the spot, whether there were not some ridges of rocks where the water was shallow, so that an army at particular times may pass over; secondly, whether the Etesian winds, which blow strongly all summer from the north-west, could not blow so violently against the sea as to keep it back on a heap, so that the Israelites might have passed without a miracle. And a copy of these queries was left, also, for Bruce, to join his inquiries likewise; his observations on which are excellent: “I must confess, however learned the gentlemen were who proposed these doubts, I did not think they merited any attention to solve them. This passage is told us by Scripture to be a miraculous one; and if so, we have nothing to do with natural causes. If we do not believe Moses, we need not believe the transaction at all, seeing that it is from his authority alone we derive it. If we believe in God, that he made the sea, we must believe he could divide it when he sees proper reason; and of that he must be the only judge. It is no greater miracle to divide the Red Sea than to divide the river Jordan. If the Etesian wind, blowing from the north-west in summer, could keep up the sea as a wall on the right, or to the south, of fifty feet high, still the difficulty would remain of building the wall on the left hand, or to the north. Beside, water standing in that position for a day must have lost the nature of fluid. Whence came that cohesion of particles which hindered that wall to escape at the sides? This is as great a miracle as that of Moses. If the Etesian winds had done this once, they must have repeated it many a time before and since, from the same causes. Yet Diodorus Siculus says the Troglodytes, the indigenous inhabitants of that very spot, had a tradition from father to son, from their very earliest ages, that ‘once this division of the sea did happen there; and that, after leaving its bottom some time dry, the sea again came back, and covered it with great fury.’ The words of this author are of the most remarkable kind: we cannot think this Heathen is writing in favour of revelation: he knew not Moses, nor says a word about Pharaoh and his host; but records the miracle of the division of the sea in words nearly as strong as those of Moses, from the mouths of unbiassed, undesigning Pagans.” Still skeptical queries have their use; they lead to a stricter investigation of facts, and thereby tend strongly to confirm the veracity of the history they mean to impeach. Thus it appears from the accurate observations of Niebuhr and Bruce, that there is no ledge of rocks running across the gulf any where, to afford a shallow passage. And the second query, about the Etesian or northerly wind, is refuted by the express mention of a strong easterly wind blowing across, and scooping out a dry passage; not that it was necessary for Omnipotence to employ it there as an instrument, any more than at Jordan; but it seems to be introduced in the sacred history by way of anticipation, to exclude the natural agency that might in after times be employed for solving the miracle; and it is remarkable that the monsoon in the Red Sea blows the summer half of the year from the north, the winter half from the south, neither of which therefore, even if wind could be supposed to operate so violently upon the waters, could produce the miracle in question.
In Michaëlis's inquiries sent to Niebuhr while in Egypt, he was asked to explore whether there were any ridges of rocks where the water was shallow so that an army could cross at certain times. Additionally, they wondered if the Etesian winds, which blow strongly from the northwest all summer, could push the sea back enough to allow the Israelites to cross without a miracle. A copy of these inquiries was also given to Bruce to aid his investigation. His comments on this are insightful: "I must admit, no matter how learned the gentlemen were who raised these questions, I didn't think they warranted any serious attention. Scripture tells us this passage was miraculous, and if that’s the case, we shouldn’t concern ourselves with natural explanations. If we don’t believe Moses, then we shouldn’t believe the event at all, since his authority is the only source we have. If we believe in God, who created the sea, we must trust that He could part it whenever He sees fit; only He is the judge of that. Dividing the Red Sea is no greater miracle than parting the Jordan River. Even if the Etesian wind from the northwest could hold up the sea as a wall fifty feet high on one side, there would still be the challenge of creating a wall on the other side. Plus, water standing like that for a day would lose its fluid nature. Where did the cohesion of particles come from that kept that wall from collapsing? This is as much of a miracle as that performed by Moses. If the Etesian winds managed this once, they should have done it many times before and after under the same conditions. Yet Diodorus Siculus mentions that the Troglodytes, the local inhabitants, passed down a tradition that 'there was once a division of the sea there; and after leaving its bottom dry for a while, the sea came back and covered it with great force.' The words of this author are striking: it’s hard to believe this pagan is supporting revelation; he doesn’t reference Moses or Pharaoh, but instead describes the miracle of the sea's division in nearly the same strong language as Moses, coming from unbiased pagan voices." Skeptical queries do have value; they lead to a more thorough examination of facts, which in turn can strongly affirm the truth of the history they’re questioning. From the detailed observations of Niebuhr and Bruce, it is clear that there are no rock ledges across the gulf that would create a shallow crossing. The second question regarding the Etesian wind is disproven by the specific mention of a strong easterly wind that created a dry passage. This doesn’t mean that God's power needed to use this wind to perform the miracle, just as it wasn’t required at the Jordan; however, it seems to be included in the sacred history to anticipate and eliminate any natural explanation that might later be employed to rationalize the miracle. It’s noteworthy that the monsoon in the Red Sea blows from the north for half the year and from the south for the other half; thus, neither could, even if one assumed wind could affect the waters in such a way, produce the miracle in question.
Wishing to diminish, though not to deny, the miracle, Niebuhr adopts the opinion of those who contend for a higher passage near Suez. “For,” says he, “the miracle would be less if they crossed the sea there than near Bedea. But whosoever should suppose that the multitude of the Israelites could be able to cross it here without a prodigy would deceive himself; for, even in our days, no caravan passes that way to go from Cairo to Mount Sinai, although it would considerably shorten the journey. The passage would have been naturally more difficult for the Israelites some thousands of years back, when the gulf was probably larger, deeper, and more extended toward the north; for, in all appearance, the water has retired, and the ground near this end has been raised by the sands of the neighbouring desert.” But it sufficiently appears, even from Niebuhr’s own statement, that the passage of the Israelites could not have been taken near Suez; for, 1. He evidently confounded the town of Kolsum, the ruins of which he places near Suez, and where he 812supposed the passage to be made, with the bay of Kolsum, which began about forty-five miles lower down; as Bryant has satisfactorily proved, from the astronomical observations of Ptolemy and of Ulug Beigh, made at Heroum, the ancient head of the gulf. 2. Instead of crossing the sea at or near Ethan, their second station, the Israelites turned southward, along the western shore; and their third station at Pi-hahiroth, or Bedea, was at least a full day’s journey below Ethan, as Bryant has satisfactorily proved from Scripture, Exodus xiv, 2. And it was this unexpected change in the direction of their march, and the apparently disadvantageous situation in which they were then placed, entangled in the land, and shut in by the wilderness, with a deep sea in front, the mountains of Attaka on the sides, and the enemy in their rear, that tempted the Egyptians to pursue them through the valley of Bedea, by the direct route from Cairo, who overtook them encamping by the sea, beside Pi-hahiroth, opposite to Ball-zephon, Exod. xiv, 2–9.
Wishing to downplay, though not completely deny, the miracle, Niebuhr supports the view of those who argue for a crossing point closer to Suez. “For,” he states, “the miracle would seem less impressive if they crossed the sea there than near Bedea. However, anyone who thinks that the multitude of Israelites could cross it here without a miraculous event would be mistaken; because even today, no caravan travels that route from Cairo to Mount Sinai, even though it would significantly shorten the journey. The crossing would have been naturally more challenging for the Israelites thousands of years ago, when the gulf was probably larger, deeper, and more expansive to the north; as it appears that the water has receded, and the ground near this end has been raised by the sands from the nearby desert.” But it is clear, even from Niebuhr’s own statement, that the Israelites couldn't have crossed near Suez; for, 1. He obviously confused the town of Kolsum, which he places near Suez and where he thought the crossing occurred, with the bay of Kolsum, which starts about forty-five miles further down, as Bryant has convincingly shown using astronomical observations by Ptolemy and Ulug Beigh made at Heroum, the ancient head of the gulf. 2. Instead of crossing the sea at or near Ethan, their second stop, the Israelites headed south along the western shore; and their third stop at Pi-hahiroth, or Bedea, was at least a full day’s journey below Ethan, as Bryant has convincingly demonstrated from Scripture, Exodus 14:2. It was this unexpected change in their travel direction, along with their situation—trapped on land, with the wilderness behind them, a deep sea in front, and the mountains of Attaka on the sides—that prompted the Egyptians to chase them through the valley of Bedea, taking the direct route from Cairo, ultimately overtaking them while they were camped by the sea, beside Pi-hahiroth, across from Ball-zephon, Exodus 14:2–9.
Niebuhr wonders how the Israelites could suffer themselves to be brought into such a disadvantageous situation, or be led blindfold by Moses to their apparent destruction. “One need only travel with a caravan,” says he, “which meets with the least obstacle, namely, a small torrent, to be convinced that the orientals do not let themselves be led, like fools, by their caravan baschi,” or leader of the caravan. But the Israelites went out of Egypt with “a high hand,” though led by Moses, yet under the visible guidance and protection of “the Lord God of the Hebrews,” who “went before them by day in a pillar of a cloud, and by night in a pillar of fire;” and who, for their encouragement, to enter the passage of the sea miraculously prepared for them, removed the cloud which went before the camp of Israel hitherto, and placed it behind them. “And it came between the camp of the Egyptians and the camp of Israel; and it was a cloud and darkness to the one, but gave light by night to the other: so that the one came not near the other all the night,” Exod. xiv, 8–20.
Niebuhr questions how the Israelites allowed themselves to be put in such a disadvantageous position or be blindly led by Moses to what seemed like their destruction. “You only need to travel with a caravan,” he says, “that encounters the slightest obstacle, like a small stream, to realize that Easterners don’t just follow their caravan leader like fools.” But the Israelites left Egypt “with a strong hand,” guided by Moses, yet under the clear guidance and protection of “the Lord God of the Hebrews,” who “went before them by day in a pillar of cloud and by night in a pillar of fire.” To encourage them to enter the miraculous path through the sea prepared for them, He moved the cloud that had been leading the camp of Israel and placed it behind them. “And it came between the camp of the Egyptians and the camp of Israel; and it was a cloud and darkness to the one, but gave light by night to the other: so that the one came not near the other all the night,” Exod. xiv, 8–20.
Niebuhr wonders, also, how Pharaoh and the Egyptians could be led to follow the Israelites. “Pharaoh must have wanted prudence, if, after having seen so many prodigies in Egypt, he had entered into a sea of more than three leagues wide: all the Egyptians, too, must have been bereft of understanding, in wishing to pursue the Israelites into such a sea. Doubtless they knew their own country well enough to distinguish the bottom of a large sea, which bounds Egypt on that side, from a desert.” But Pharaoh and the Egyptians probably did not know their situation. The cloud which separated them from the Israelites increased the darkness of the night; and they probably did not enter into the sea till about midnight, by which time the van of the Israelites might have reached the eastern shore. Meanwhile, the bed of the sea, now beaten by the feet of the immense multitude of men and cattle that had gone before, might not have been easily distinguishable from the desert. If we ask, Why did the Egyptians venture to pursue the Israelites by night? Why did they not wait till day light, when they could see whither they were going? Niebuhr himself has unwittingly answered the question: Pharaoh wanted “prudence,” indeed, and the Egyptians were “bereft of understanding.” And this is the Scriptural solution; for God hardened the heart of Pharaoh to follow after them, that he might be honoured upon Pharaoh and all his host; and that, by their miraculous destruction, the Egyptians might know that he was the Lord supreme, Exod. xiv, 4–18. The Egyptians did not find out their mistake till the “morning appeared,” or till day-break, when the rear of the Israelites had gained the shore, and the Egyptians had reached the middle of the sea, and their whole host had entered into it: then, indeed, they attempted to fly back, but in vain; for “their chariot wheels were broken off, so that they drave them heavily, and their host was troubled” by the Lord, who looked or frowned upon them through the cloudy pillar of fire, and overwhelmed all their host in the midst of the sea; when the sea suddenly returned to his strength at the signal of Moses stretching forth his hand over it, Exod. xiv, 24–28.
Niebuhr questions how Pharaoh and the Egyptians could be led to chase after the Israelites. "Pharaoh must have wanted to be careful, especially after witnessing so many wonders in Egypt, yet he entered a sea over three leagues wide. The Egyptians, too, must have been lacking in judgment to pursue the Israelites into such a sea. Surely, they were familiar enough with their own land to tell the difference between the depths of a large sea that borders Egypt on that side and a desert." However, Pharaoh and the Egyptians likely didn’t realize their situation. The cloud separating them from the Israelites increased the darkness of the night; they probably didn't enter the sea until around midnight, by which time the front of the Israelites may have already reached the eastern shore. Meanwhile, the sea bed, now trampled by the countless feet of men and animals that went before, might not have looked much different from the desert. If we wonder why the Egyptians chose to pursue the Israelites at night instead of waiting for daylight to see where they were going, Niebuhr unknowingly provides the answer: Pharaoh sought "caution," and the Egyptians were "lacking in understanding." This also aligns with the biblical explanation; God hardened Pharaoh’s heart to pursue them, so He could show His glory over Pharaoh and his entire army and allow the Egyptians through their miraculous destruction to know that He was the supreme Lord, Exod. xiv, 4–18. The Egyptians only realized their mistake when "morning appeared," or at dawn, when the rear of the Israelites had reached the shore, and the Egyptians were in the middle of the sea while their whole army was within it. At that point, they tried to retreat, but it was too late; "their chariot wheels were broken off, so they drove heavily, and their army was distressed" by the Lord, who looked upon them with disfavor through the cloudy pillar of fire, and overwhelmed them all in the sea. This happened when the sea suddenly returned to its full strength at Moses' signal as he stretched his hand over it, Exod. xiv, 24–28.
The particulars of this transaction demonstrate, that neither the host of the Israelites, nor the host of Pharaoh, could possibly have passed at the head of the gulf near Suez; where the sea was only half a league broad, according to Niebuhr’s own supposition, and consequently too narrow to contain the whole host of Pharaoh at once; whose six hundred chariots alone, exclusive of his cavalry and infantry, must have occupied more ground. Manetho, and the Egyptian writers, have passed over in silence this tremendous visitation of their nation. An ancient writer, however, Artapanus, who wrote a history of the Jews, about B. C. 130, has preserved the following curious Egyptian traditions:--“The Memphites relate, that Moses, being well acquainted with the country, watched the influx of the tide, and made the multitude pass through the dry bed of the sea. But the Heliopolitans relate, that the king, with a great army, accompanied by the sacred animals, pursued after the Jews, who had carried off with them the substance of the Egyptians; and that Moses, having been directed by a divine voice to strike the sea with his rod, when he heard it, touched the water with his rod; and so the fluid divided, and the host passed over through a dry way. But when the Egyptians entered along with them, and pursued them, it is said, that fire flashed against them in front, and the sea, returning back, overwhelmed the passage. Thus the Egyptians perished, both by the fire, and by the reflux of the tide.“
The details of this transaction show that neither the Israelite host nor Pharaoh's army could have possibly crossed at the head of the gulf near Suez, where the sea was only half a league wide, according to Niebuhr’s own assumption, making it too narrow to accommodate Pharaoh's entire army at once, whose six hundred chariots alone, excluding cavalry and infantry, must have taken up more space. Manetho and other Egyptian writers have remained silent about this catastrophic event in their nation. However, an ancient writer, Artapanus, who wrote a history of the Jews around 130 B.C., has preserved some intriguing Egyptian traditions: “The Memphites say that Moses, familiar with the area, monitored the tide and led the people through the dry sea bed. But the Heliopolitans claim that the king, with a large army and sacred animals, pursued the Jews, who had taken the Egyptians' possessions. They say that Moses, guided by a divine voice, struck the sea with his rod, and as he did, the waters parted, allowing the host to cross on dry land. However, when the Egyptians followed them in pursuit, it’s said that fire appeared before them, and the sea returned, drowning the passage. Thus, the Egyptians were lost to both the fire and the returning tide.”
The latter account is extremely curious: it not only confirms Scripture, but it notices three additional circumstances: 1. That for their protection against the God of Israel, the Egyptians brought with them the sacred animals; and by this means God executed judgment upon all the bestial gods of Egypt, as foretold, 813Exod. xii, 12, that perished with their infatuated votaries; completing the destruction of both, which began with smiting the first-born both of man and beast. 2. That the recovery of the jewels of silver and jewels of gold, and raiment, which they asked and obtained of the Egyptians, according to the divine command, Exod. xii, 35, 36, was a leading motive with the Egyptians to pursue them; as the bringing back the Israelites to slavery had been with Pharaoh and his servants, or officers. 3. That the destruction of the Egyptians was partly occasioned by lightning and thunderbolts from the presence of the Lord; exactly corresponding to the psalmist’s sublime description: “The waters saw thee, O God, the waters saw thee; they were afraid: the depths also were troubled. The clouds poured out water, the air thundered, thine arrows also went abroad. Yea, he sent out his arrows, and scattered them; he shot forth lightnings, hail stones, and coals of fire, and discomfited them. Then the channels of waters were seen, and the foundations of the world were discovered, at thy rebuke, O Lord, at the blast of the breath of thy nostrils,” Psalm lxxvii, 16, 17; xviii, 13–15.
The latter account is really interesting: it not only supports the Scriptures but also highlights three additional points: 1. To protect themselves from the God of Israel, the Egyptians brought their sacred animals; through this, God judged all the animal gods of Egypt, as foretold, 813Exod. xii, 12, who perished along with their deluded worshippers, completing the destruction that started with striking down the first-born of both humans and animals. 2. The Egyptians’ desire to recover the silver and gold jewelry and clothing that the Israelites asked for and received, as commanded by God, Exod. xii, 35, 36, was a major reason for their pursuit of the Israelites; this was similar to Pharaoh and his officials’ intention to bring the Israelites back into slavery. 3. The destruction of the Egyptians was also caused in part by lightning and thunder from the presence of the Lord, which aligns perfectly with the psalmist’s powerful description: “The waters saw you, O God; the waters were afraid; the depths trembled. The clouds poured out water; the air thundered, and your arrows flew everywhere. Yes, he sent out his arrows and scattered them; he shot lightning, hailstones, and burning coals and confounded them. Then the channels of waters were visible, and the foundations of the world were laid bare at your rebuke, O Lord, at the blast of your nostrils," Psalm lxxvii, 16, 17; xviii, 13–15.
The Red Sea derived its name from Edom, signifying “red,” a title of Esau, to whom the bordering country of Edom, or Idumæa, belonged, Gen. xxv, 30; xxxvi, 31–40. It was also called Yam Suph, “the weedy sea,” in several passages, Num. xxxiii, 10; Psalm cvi, 9, &c, which are improperly rendered “the Red Sea.” Some learned authors have supposed that it was so named from the quantity of weeds in it. “But in contradiction to this,” says Bruce, “I must confess, that I never in my life, and I have seen the whole extent of it, saw a weed of any sort in it. And indeed, upon the slightest consideration, it will appear to any one, that a narrow gulf, under the immediate influence of monsoons, blowing from contrary points six months each year, would have too much agitation to produce such vegetables, seldom found but in stagnant water, and seldomer, if ever, found in salt ones. My opinion then is, that it is from the large trees, or plants, of white coral, perfectly in imitation of plants on land, that the sea has taken the name ‘weedy.’ I saw one of these, which, from a root nearly central, threw out ramifications in a nearly central form, measuring twenty-six feet diameter every way.” This seems to be the most probable solution that has been hitherto proposed of the name. The tides in this sea are but moderate. At Suez the difference between high and low water did not exceed from three to four feet, according to Niebuhr’s observations on the tides in that gulf, during the years 1762 and 1763.
The Red Sea got its name from Edom, meaning "red," which was a name associated with Esau, who owned the neighboring region of Edom, or Idumæa (Gen. xxv, 30; xxxvi, 31–40). It was also referred to as Yam Suph, meaning “the weedy sea,” in several passages (Num. xxxiii, 10; Psalm cvi, 9, etc.), which are incorrectly translated as “the Red Sea.” Some scholars believe it was named for the amount of weeds in it. However, Bruce argues, “I have to admit that in my life, and having seen the entire sea, I never encountered a weed of any kind in it. And indeed, with a little thought, anyone can see that a narrow gulf, influenced directly by monsoons blowing from opposite directions for six months each year, wouldn't settle down enough to grow such vegetation, which is rarely found except in stagnant waters, and even less often, if ever, in saltwater. My view is that the name ‘weedy’ comes from the large trees or plants of white coral that closely resemble land plants. I saw one of these that had a nearly central root, spreading out in a nearly central pattern, measuring twenty-six feet in diameter in every direction.” This seems to be the most likely explanation offered so far for the name. The tides in this sea are only moderate. At Suez, the difference between high and low water was just three to four feet, according to Niebuhr's observations on the tides in that gulf during 1762 and 1763.
REED, אגמון, Job xl, 21; xli, 2, 20; Isaiah ix, 14; xix, 15; lviii, 5; κάλαμος, Matt. xi, 7; a plant growing in fenny and watery places; very weak and slender, and bending with the least breath of wind, Matt. xi, 7; Luke vii, 24. Thus it is threatened, “The Lord shall smite Israel as a reed is shaken in the water, and he shall root up Israel out of the good land which he gave to their fathers, and shall scatter them beyond the river, because they have made their idol groves, provoking him to anger,” 1 Kings xiv, 15. The slenderness and fragility of the reed is mentioned in 2 Kings xviii, 21; Isaiah xxxvi, 6; and is referred to in Matt. xii, 20, where the remark, illustrating the gentleness of our Saviour, is quoted from the prophecy of Isaiah, xlii, 3. The Hebrew word in these places is קנה, as also in Job xl, 21; Isaiah xix, 6; xxxv, 7; Ezek. xxix, 6. See Cane.
REED, אגמון, Job 40:21; 41:2, 20; Isaiah 9:14; 19:15; 58:5; κάλαμος, Matt. 11:7; a plant that grows in marshy and watery areas; very weak and thin, bending with the slightest breeze, Matt. 11:7; Luke 7:24. It is thus threatened, “The Lord will strike Israel like a reed shaken in water, and He will uproot Israel from the good land that He gave to their ancestors and scatter them beyond the river, because they have made their idol groves, provoking Him to anger,” 1 Kings 14:15. The thinness and fragility of the reed is mentioned in 2 Kings 18:21; Isaiah 36:6; and is referred to in Matt. 12:20, where the statement illustrating the gentleness of our Savior is quoted from the prophecy of Isaiah 42:3. The Hebrew word in these instances is Buy, as in Job 40:21; Isaiah 19:6; 35:7; Ezek. 29:6. See Cane.
REFORMATION, usually spoken of the great Reformation in the church, begun by Luther in 1517. The sad departure from the standard of holiness which the Romish hierarchy should have placed before them, combined with the indecency and arrogance with which they trampled upon the rights of sovereigns, and upon the property and the comfort of all classes of men, had, for a considerable period, produced a general conviction, that a reformation of the church in its head and members, to use the expression which was then prevalent, was absolutely requisite: and some steps to accomplish this had been actually taken. The celebrated council of Constance, while, in its efforts to heal the schism which had so long grieved and scandalized the Catholic world, it set aside the rival pontiffs who claimed to be the successors of St. Peter, laid down the important maxim, that a general council was superior to a pope, and that its decisions can restrain his power; and this doctrine, which might otherwise have appeared to arise out of the extraordinary circumstances under which it was declared, was fully confirmed by the council of Basil, which met several years after, and which decided the point upon grounds that might at all times be urged. The popes, indeed, remonstrated against this, but still they were compelled to lower their tone; and they were often reminded, even within the precincts of their own court, that the period was fast approaching when the fallacy of many of their pretensions would be ascertained and exposed. It had become common, before the election of a new pontiff, to frame certain articles of reformation, which the successful candidate was required to swear that he would carry into effect; and although the oath was uniformly disregarded or violated, the views which led to the imposition of it indicated the existence of a spirit which could not be eradicated, and which might, from events that could not be foreseen, and could not be controlled, acquire a vigour which no exertion of power could resist. Such, under the beneficent arrangement of Providence, was soon actually the case. In the progress of the opposition made to some of the worst abuses of Rome, they who conducted that opposition were guided to the word of life; they studied it with avidity and with delight; and they found themselves furnished by it with sufficient armour for the mighty contest in which they were to engage. They discovered in the New Testament what Christianity really was; their representations of it were received with wonder, and read with avidity; the secession from 814the church of Rome became much more rapid and much more extensive than it had previously been, and all possibility of reconciliation with that church was done away. Of this the popes were fully aware; and as the only way of counteracting that which was to them so formidable, they attempted, by various devices, to fetter the press, to prevent the circulation of the Bible, and thus again to plunge the world into that intellectual darkness from which it had been happily delivered. The scheme was impracticable. The “Indices Expurgatorii,” in which they pointed out the works that they condemned, and which they declared it to be heresy and pollution to peruse, increased the desire to become acquainted with them; and although some who indulged that curiosity suffered the punishment denounced by the inquisition against the enemies of papal superstition, there was an immense proportion which even spiritual tyranny could not reach; so that the light which had been kindled daily brightened, till it shone with unclouded lustre through many of the most powerful and the most refined nations of Europe.
REFORMATION, usually referring to the great Reformation in the church, started by Luther in 1517. The unfortunate decline from the standard of holiness that the Catholic hierarchy should have upheld, along with the disrespect and arrogance with which they disregarded the rights of rulers and the property and comfort of all social classes, had created a widespread belief for a significant period that a reform of the church in its leadership and members, as was commonly said, was absolutely necessary: and some actions to achieve this had already begun. The famous council of Constance, while trying to mend the schism that had long troubled and scandalized the Catholic world, dismissed the rival popes who claimed to be successors of St. Peter, establishing the crucial principle that a general council was superior to a pope and that its decisions could limit his authority; this doctrine, which might have seemed to arise from the unusual circumstances under which it was proclaimed, was thoroughly confirmed by the council of Basil, which met several years later and settled the issue on grounds that could always be argued. The popes did protest against this, but they had to tone down their claims; they were often reminded, even within their own court, that the time was coming when the fallacy of many of their claims would be revealed and challenged. It had become common, before electing a new pope, to create certain articles of reform that the successful candidate was required to promise to implement; and although the oath was consistently ignored or broken, the motivation behind its imposition showed that there was a spirit that could not be erased, and which, due to unforeseen and uncontrollable events, could gain strength that no exertion of power could withstand. Such was, thanks to the benevolent arrangement of Providence, soon actually the case. As opposition to some of the worst abuses of Rome progressed, those leading this opposition were directed to the word of life; they studied it eagerly and joyfully; and they found themselves equipped with enough armor for the mighty battle they were to engage in. They discovered what true Christianity was in the New Testament; their depictions of it were met with amazement and read with enthusiasm; the departure from the church of Rome became much more rapid and widespread than before, and all chances of reconciliation with that church were eliminated. The popes were fully aware of this; and as the only way to counteract what was so threatening to them, they tried various tactics to control the press, to stop the circulation of the Bible, and thus plunge the world back into the intellectual darkness it had fortunately escaped. The plan was unworkable. The “Expurgated Indexes,” which listed the works they condemned and declared it heresy and pollution to read, only increased the desire to learn about them; and although some who indulged that curiosity suffered the punishment threatened by the inquisition against enemies of papal superstition, a vast number remained beyond the reach of even spiritual tyranny, so that the light that had been ignited grew brighter every day, shining with clear brilliance through many of the strongest and most refined nations of Europe.
It is worthy of careful observation, that the resistance which ultimately proved so successful, was first occasioned by practices that had been devised for establishing the monstrous despotism of the popes; that when it commenced, it was directed against what was conceived to be an abuse of power, without the slightest suspicion being entertained that the power itself was unchristian; that the reformers gradually advanced; every additional inquiry to which they were conducted enlarging their views, and bringing them acquainted with fresh proofs of that daring usurpation to which men had long submitted, till at length the foundation upon which the whole system, venerated through ages, rested, was disclosed to them, and perceived to be a foundation of sand. The consequence was, that the supremacy of the pope was by multitudes abjured; that he was branded as antichrist; that communion with the popish church was avoided as sinful, and that the form of ecclesiastical polity, the essential principle of which was the infallibility of the bishop of Rome, was for ever renounced. The wonderful manner in which this signal revolution, so fraught with blessings to mankind, was accomplished, the various events which mark its history, and the characters and exertions of the men by whose agency it was effected, cannot be too often surveyed, or too deeply fixed in the memory. The whole, even with reference to the illumination of the human mind and the improvement of the social state of the world, is in a high degree interesting; and that interest is unspeakably increased by our discerning the most striking evidence of the gracious interposition of Providence dissipating the cloud which obscured divine truth, and restoring to mankind that sacred treasure which is sufficient to make all who seriously examine it wise unto salvation. It does not, however, come within the province of this work to give a minute history of the origin and progress of the Reformation, to trace the steps of Zuinglius and of Luther, and to detail the circumstances which advanced or retarded them in the glorious career upon which they had entered. Much discussion has taken place with respect to the motives by which Luther was actuated. This point, in reference to what he accomplished, is really of little moment; but there cannot be a doubt that although he might, throughout his arduous struggle, be guided occasionally by inferior considerations, he was eventually, at least, chiefly animated by the noble and disinterested wish to emancipate his fellow creatures from what he was convinced was the direct and most infatuated spiritual oppression; that he looked to Heaven for support, and that such support he largely received.
It’s important to note that the resistance that ultimately proved effective initially arose from practices designed to establish the overwhelming control of the popes. At its start, it targeted what was seen as an abuse of power, without any suspicion that the power itself was unchristian. The reformers gradually progressed; each new inquiry expanded their perspectives and revealed more evidence of the bold usurpation to which people had long submitted, until they ultimately uncovered that the foundation of the entire system, which had been venerated for ages, was actually built on sand. The result was that many renounced the pope's supremacy, branded him as antichrist, avoided communion with the popish church as sinful, and permanently rejected the form of church governance that relied on the infallibility of the bishop of Rome. The remarkable way in which this significant revolution, so beneficial to humanity, took place, along with the various events that marked its history and the characters and efforts of the individuals who made it happen, cannot be examined too often or remembered too deeply. The whole situation, particularly in terms of enlightening the human mind and improving the social state of the world, is highly interesting; and that interest is greatly enhanced by recognizing the striking evidence of divine intervention clearing the fog that obscured spiritual truth and restoring to humanity that sacred treasure that can lead anyone who seriously engages with it to wisdom and salvation. However, this work doesn’t aim to provide a detailed history of the origins and developments of the Reformation, nor to trace the paths of Zwingli and Luther or to detail the circumstances that either advanced or slowed their glorious journeys. Much debate has occurred regarding Luther's motivations. In relation to what he achieved, this is not particularly significant; but there’s no doubt that while he may have occasionally been driven by lesser concerns throughout his difficult struggle, he was ultimately motivated by a noble and selfless desire to free his fellow beings from what he believed was direct and misguided spiritual oppression. He sought support from Heaven, and he received it in abundance.
REFUGE, Cities of. In order to provide for the security of those who, without design, might happen to kill a person in whatever manner it should be, the Lord commanded Moses to appoint six cities of refuge, Exod. xxi, 18; Num. xxxv, 11, &c, that whoever should undesignedly spill the blood of a fellow creature, might retire thither, and have time to prepare for his defence before the judges; so that the relatives of the deceased might not pursue and kill him. Of these cities there were three on each side Jordan. Those on this side Jordan were Kedesh of Naphtali, Hebron, and Shechem; those beyond Jordan were Bezer, Golan, and Ramoth-Gilead, Joshua xx, 7, 8. They served not only for the Hebrews, but for strangers also that should dwell in their country. These cities were to be of easy access, and to have good roads to them, and bridges wherever there should be occasion. The width of these roads was, at least, to be two-and-thirty cubits, or eight-and-forty feet. When there were any cross roads, they were careful to erect posts with an inscription pointing to the city of refuge. Every year, on the fifteenth of the month Adar, which answers to our February moon, the magistrates of the city visited the roads, to see if they were in good condition. The city was to be well supplied with water and provisions. It was not allowed to make any weapons there, lest the relatives of the deceased should be furnished with arms for the gratifying of their revenge. Lastly, it was necessary that whoever took refuge there, should understand a trade or calling, that he might not be chargeable to the inhabitants. They were wont to send some prudent persons to meet those who were pursuing their revenge for the relations, that they might dispose them to clemency, and persuade them to wait the decision of justice.
Sanctuary Cities. To ensure the safety of those who might accidentally kill someone, the Lord commanded Moses to designate six cities of refuge, as noted in Exod. xx1, 18; Num. xxxv, 11, etc. This was so that anyone who unintentionally took the life of another could seek refuge there and have time to prepare their defense before the judges, preventing the deceased’s relatives from seeking vengeance. Three of these cities were located on each side of the Jordan River. On this side, they were Kedesh in Naphtali, Hebron, and Shechem; across the Jordan were Bezer, Golan, and Ramoth-Gilead, as mentioned in Joshua xx, 7, 8. These cities were meant for both Hebrews and foreigners living in the area. They were to be easily accessible, with well-maintained roads and bridges as needed. The roads had to be at least thirty-two cubits wide, or forty-eight feet. Where paths crossed, signs pointing to the city of refuge were to be placed. Every year, on the fifteenth of the month Adar, which corresponds to our February moon, city officials checked the roads to ensure they were in good shape. The city was required to have adequate water and food supplies. No weapons were to be made there, to prevent the victims’ relatives from being armed and seeking revenge. Finally, anyone seeking refuge had to know a trade or skill so they wouldn't be a burden on the residents. They would often send sensible individuals to meet those pursuing revenge so they could persuade them to be merciful and wait for the justice system to take its course.
Though the man-slayer had fled to the city of refuge, yet he was not on this account exempted from the pursuit of justice. An information was preferred against him, Num. xxxv, 12; he was summoned before the judges, and before the people, to clear himself, and to prove that the murder was merely casual and involuntary. If he was found innocent, he dwelt safely in the city to which he had retired; if otherwise, he was put to death according to the severity of the law. The following 815texts of Scripture are not very explicit whether the affair was under the cognizance of the judges of the place where the murder was committed, or of the judges of the city of refuge to which the murderer had fled, Deut. xix, 11, 12; Joshua xx, 4–6; Num. xxxv, 25; and the commentators are at variance in this matter. But it appears, from a passage of Joshua, that the man-slayer was to undergo two trials; first, in the city of refuge, where the judges summarily examined the affair, and heard his allegations at his first arrival; secondly, when he was taken back to his own city, to be judged by the magistrates of the place, who took the cause under a more strict and scrupulous examination. If the latter judges declared him innocent, they had him reconducted, under a strong guard, to the city of refuge to which he had before fled. He was not, however, immediately liberated; but, to inspire the greater horror even of involuntary murder, it seems as if the law would punish it by a kind of banishment; for he was obliged to dwell in the city, without going out of it, till the death of the high priest; and if before that time he was imprudent enough to leave the city, the avenger of blood might safely kill him; but after the death of the high priest, he was at liberty to go whither he pleased without molestation.
Though the killer had escaped to the city of refuge, he was not exempt from facing justice. A charge was brought against him, Num. xxxv, 12; he was summoned before the judges and the people to prove his innocence, showing that the killing was accidental and unintentional. If he was found innocent, he could live safely in the city to which he had fled; if not, he would be executed according to the law. The following 815scriptural texts are not very clear on whether the case was handled by the judges where the murder occurred or by the judges of the city of refuge, Deut. xix, 11, 12; Joshua xx, 4–6; Num. xxxv, 25; and the commentators disagree on this point. However, it seems from a passage in Joshua that the killer faced two trials: first, in the city of refuge, where the judges quickly reviewed the matter and heard his claims upon his arrival; second, when he was taken back to his own city for a more thorough examination by the local magistrates. If those judges found him innocent, he would be escorted back, under guard, to the city of refuge. He was not immediately released, though; to emphasize the seriousness of even accidental murder, it appears the law imposed a form of banishment on him. He had to stay in the city, unable to leave, until the high priest died; if he foolishly left before then, the avenger of blood could kill him without consequence. After the high priest's death, he was free to go wherever he wanted without fear.
It is a curious fact, that the North American Indian nations have most of them either a house or town of refuge, which is a sure asylum to protect a man-slayer, or the unfortunate captive, if they can once enter it. “In almost every Indian nation,” says Adair, “there are several peaceable towns which are called old, beloved, ancient, holy, or white towns: (white being their fixed emblem of peace, friendship, prosperity, happiness, purity, &c:) they seem to have been formerly towns of refuge; for it is not in the memory of their oldest people that ever human blood was shed in them, although they often force persons from thence, and put them to death elsewhere.” Sanctuaries affording security for criminals are still known in the east, and anciently were established in Europe.
It’s an interesting fact that most North American Indian nations have a house or a safe place that serves as a refuge, providing protection for a person who has killed someone or for an unfortunate captive, as long as they can get inside. “In almost every Indian nation,” Adair says, “there are several peaceful towns known as old, beloved, ancient, holy, or white towns: (with white being their symbol of peace, friendship, prosperity, happiness, purity, etc.): they seem to have once been towns of refuge; for the oldest people can’t remember any human blood being shed there, even though they often take people from there and execute them elsewhere.” Safe havens for criminals still exist in the East, and they were also established in ancient Europe.
REGENERATION, a new birth; that work of the Holy Spirit by which we experience a change of heart. It is expressed in Scripture by being born again, John iii, 7; born from above; being quickened, Eph. ii, 1; by Christ being formed in the heart, Gal. iv, 19; by our partaking of the divine nature, 2 Peter i, 4. The efficient cause of regeneration is the divine Spirit. That man is not the author of it, is evident from John i, 12, 13; iii, 4; Eph. ii, 8, 10. The instrumental cause is the word of God, James i, 18; 1 Peter i, 23; 1 Cor. iv, 15. The change in regeneration consists in the recovery of the moral image of God upon the heart; that is to say, so as to love him supremely and serve him ultimately as our highest end, and to delight in him superlatively as our chief good. The sum of the moral law is to love the Lord our God with all our heart, and soul, and strength, and mind. This is the duty of every rational creature; and in order to obey it perfectly, no part of our inward affection or actual service ought to be, at any time, or in the least degree, misapplied. Regeneration consists in the principle being implanted, obtaining the ascendancy, and habitually prevailing over its opposite. It may be remarked, that though the inspired writers use various terms and modes of speech in order to describe this change of mind, sometimes terming it conversion, regeneration, a new creation, or the new creature, putting off the old man with his deeds, and putting on the new man, walking not after the flesh, but after the Spirit, &c; yet it is all effected by the word of truth, or the Gospel of salvation, gaining an entrance into the mind, through divine teaching, so as to possess the understanding, subdue the will, and reign in the affections. In a word, it is faith working by love that constitutes the new creature, the regenerate man, Gal. v, 6; 1 John v, 1–5. Regeneration is to be distinguished from our justification, although it is connected with it. Every one who is justified, is also regenerated; but the one places us in a new relation, and the other in a new moral state. Our Lord, in one instance, uses the term regeneration for the resurrection state: “Ye which have followed me, in the regeneration, when the Son of man shall sit on the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging,” Matt. xix, 28. And, accordingly, Dr. Campbell translates the passage thus: “At the renovation, when the Son of man shall be seated on the glorious throne, ye, my followers, sitting also upon twelve thrones, shall judge.” We are accustomed, says he, to apply the term solely to the conversion of individuals; whereas its relation here is to the general state of things. The principal completion will be at the general resurrection, when there will be, in the most important sense, a renovation or regeneration of heaven and earth, when all things shall become new.
REGENERATION is a new beginning; it's the work of the Holy Spirit that brings about a change of heart. This is described in the Bible as being born again (John 3:7), born from above, being made alive (Ephesians 2:1), Christ being formed in our hearts (Galatians 4:19), and participating in the divine nature (2 Peter 1:4). The source of regeneration is the divine Spirit. It's clear that humans do not create it, as indicated in John 1:12-13, John 3:4, and Ephesians 2:8-10. The tool used for this transformation is the word of God (James 1:18; 1 Peter 1:23; 1 Corinthians 4:15). The change that happens in regeneration includes restoring God's moral image in our hearts, meaning we should love Him above all else, serve Him ultimately as our highest purpose, and find joy in Him as our greatest good. The essence of the moral law is to love the Lord our God with all our heart, soul, strength, and mind. This is the duty of every rational being; to fulfill it perfectly, none of our inner feelings or actions should ever be misdirected. Regeneration involves establishing a principle that gains dominance and consistently overcomes its opposite. It's worth noting that although the inspired writers use different terms and phrases to describe this mindset shift, sometimes calling it conversion, regeneration, new creation, or the new creature, and referring to putting off the old self and putting on the new self, walking not according to the flesh but according to the Spirit, etc., it all happens through the word of truth or the Gospel of salvation, which enters the mind through divine teaching, taking hold of our understanding, redirecting our will, and ruling over our emotions. In summary, it's faith expressing itself through love that creates the new creature, the regenerate person (Galatians 5:6; 1 John 5:1-5). Regeneration should be distinguished from justification, though they are related. Everyone who is justified is also regenerated; however, justification places us in a new relationship, while regeneration places us in a new moral state. In one instance, our Lord uses the term regeneration to refer to the state of resurrection: “You who have followed me, in the regeneration, when the Son of Man sits on His glorious throne, you also will sit on twelve thrones, judging” (Matthew 19:28). Dr. Campbell translates this as: “At the renewal, when the Son of Man will be seated on the glorious throne, you, my followers, sitting also on twelve thrones, will judge.” He notes that we typically apply the term solely to individual conversion; however, in this context, it relates to the overall state of things. The main fulfillment will occur at the general resurrection when there will be, in the most significant sense, a renewal or regeneration of heaven and earth, when everything will be made new.
REHOBOAM, the son and successor of Solomon; his mother was Naamah, an Ammonitish woman, whom Solomon had married, 1 Kings xiv, 20, 21. He was forty-one years of age when he began to reign, and, consequently, was born in the first year of his father’s reign, A. M. 2990, or the year before. This prince reigned seventeen years at Jerusalem, and died A. M. 3046. After the death of Solomon, Rehoboam came to Shechem, because all Israel was there assembled to make him king, 1 Kings xii. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who had headed a sedition against Solomon, and had been compelled, toward the close of his reign, to take refuge in Egypt, as soon as he heard that this prince was dead, returned into Judea, and came to the assembly of the people of Shechem. The Israelites would have made terms with Rehoboam; but, being a poor politician, and following the advice of some junior counsellors, he managed his business so imprudently that he lost the whole house of Israel, save the tribes of Judah and Benjamin.
REHOBOAM, the son and successor of Solomon; his mother was Naamah, an Ammonite woman whom Solomon had married, 1 Kings xiv, 20, 21. He was forty-one years old when he began to reign, meaning he was born in the first year of his father’s reign, A. M. 2990, or the year before. This king ruled for seventeen years in Jerusalem and died A. M. 3046. After Solomon's death, Rehoboam went to Shechem because all of Israel was gathered there to make him king, 1 Kings xii. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who had led a rebellion against Solomon and had to flee to Egypt near the end of Solomon's reign, returned to Judea as soon as he heard about Solomon's death and joined the gathering at Shechem. The Israelites wanted to negotiate terms with Rehoboam; however, being a poor politician and taking advice from some inexperienced advisors, he handled the situation so badly that he lost almost all of Israel, keeping only the tribes of Judah and Benjamin.
816RELIGION. See Christianity.
RELIGION. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
REMONSTRANTS have obtained this name, particularly on the continent, because, in 1610, they presented to the states of Holland a petition, entitled their Remonstrance, in which they stated their grievances, and prayed for relief. They are also called Arminians, because they maintained the doctrines respecting predestination and grace, which were embraced and defended by James Harmenson or Arminius, an eminent Protestant divine, and a native of Holland, who was born in 1560, and died in 1609. He first studied at Leyden, and then at Geneva. While at the university of Geneva, he studied under Beza, by whom he was instructed in the doctrines of Calvin; and having been judged by Martin Lydius, professor of divinity at Franeker, a proper person to refute a work in which the Calvinistic doctrine of predestination had been attacked by some ministers of Delft, he undertook the task. On a strict examination of the reasons on both sides, however, he became a convert to the opinions which he was employed to refute. The result of his inquiries on this, and other subjects connected with it, was, that, thinking the doctrine of Calvin with respect to free will, predestination, and grace, too severe, he expressed his doubts respecting them in the year 1591, and at length adopted the religious system of those who extend the love of God, and the merits of his Son, to all mankind. After his appointment to the theological chair of Leyden, in 1603, he avowed and vindicated the principles which he had embraced; but the prudence and caution with which he published and defended them could not screen him from the resentment of those who adhered to the theological system of Calvin, and in particular from the opposition of Gomar his colleague. After the death of Arminius, the controversy, thus begun, became more general, and threatened to involve the United Provinces in civil discord. However, the Arminian tenets gained ground, and were adopted by several persons of merit and distinction. The Calvinists or Gomarists as they were now called, appealed to a national synod. Accordingly, a synod was at length convened at Dordrecht or Dort, and was composed of ecclesiastical and lay deputies from the United Provinces, and also of ecclesiastical deputies from the reformed churches of England, Switzerland, Bremen, Hesse, and the Palatinate. This synod sat from the first of November, 1618, to the twenty-sixth of April, 1619. The principal advocate in favour of the Arminians was Episcopius, who was at that time professor of divinity at Leyden. The religious principles of the Arminians have insinuated themselves more or less into the established church in Holland, and imbued the theological system of many of those pastors who are appointed to maintain the doctrine and authority of the synod of Dort. The principles of Arminius were early introduced into various other countries, as Great Britain, France, Geneva, and many parts of Switzerland; but their progress is said to have been rather retarded of late, especially in Germany and several parts of Switzerland, by the prevalence of the Leibnitzian and Wolfian philosophy, which is more favourable to Calvinism. The distinguishing tenets of the Remonstrants may be said to consist chiefly in the different light in which they view the subjects of the five points, or in the different explanation which they give to them, and comprised in the five following articles: predestination, universal redemption, the operation of grace, the freedom of the will, and perseverance. They believe that God, having an equal regard for all his creatures, sent his Son to die for the sins not of the elect only, but of the whole world; that no mortal is rendered finally unhappy by an eternal and invincible decree, but that the misery of those who perish arises from themselves; and that, in this present imperfect state, believers, if not vigilant, may, through the force of temptation, and the influence of Satan, fall from grace, and sink into final perdition. See Arminianism.
REMONSTRANTS got their name, especially on the continent, because in 1610, they presented a petition to the states of Holland called their Remonstrance, where they expressed their complaints and asked for help. They're also known as Arminians because they supported the beliefs about predestination and grace promoted by James Harmenson or Arminius, a prominent Protestant scholar from Holland, born in 1560 and died in 1609. He initially studied at Leyden and then at Geneva. While at the University of Geneva, he learned under Beza, who taught him Calvin's doctrines. After being deemed by Martin Lydius, a divinity professor at Franeker, a suitable person to counter a work criticizing Calvin's doctrine of predestination by some ministers from Delft, he took on that challenge. However, upon closely examining the arguments from both sides, he shifted and adopted the views he had been tasked to refute. His inquiries led him to believe that Calvin's teachings on free will, predestination, and grace were too harsh, prompting him to voice his doubts in 1591 and ultimately embrace the religious system that extends God's love and the merits of His Son to all people. Once he became the theological chair at Leyden in 1603, he publicly defended the views he adopted; however, the careful way he published and supported them couldn't protect him from the anger of those loyal to Calvin's theology, particularly from Gomar, his rival. After Arminius's death, the resulting controversy spread and threatened to cause civil strife in the United Provinces. Nevertheless, Arminian beliefs gained traction, being accepted by various respected individuals. The Calvinists, or Gomarists as they were now called, appealed to a national synod. Consequently, a synod was eventually established in Dordrecht or Dort, consisting of ecclesiastical and lay representatives from the United Provinces, along with ecclesiastical representatives from the reformed churches of England, Switzerland, Bremen, Hesse, and the Palatinate. This synod convened from November 1, 1618, to April 26, 1619. The main advocate for the Arminians was Episcopius, who was then a professor of divinity at Leyden. The religious beliefs of the Arminians have gradually permeated the established church in Holland and influenced the theological views of many pastors tasked with upholding the doctrine and authority of the synod of Dort. The principles of Arminius were introduced early on in several other countries, including Great Britain, France, Geneva, and various regions of Switzerland; however, their growth has reportedly slowed recently, particularly in Germany and some parts of Switzerland, due to the dominance of Leibnitzian and Wolfian philosophy, which leans more toward Calvinism. The core beliefs of the Remonstrants revolve mainly around the different perspectives they hold on the five points, or the varying interpretations they offer, summarized in five articles: predestination, universal redemption, the operation of grace, the freedom of the will, and perseverance. They assert that God, having equal regard for all His creations, sent His Son to die for the sins of not just the elect but the entire world; that no one suffers eternally due to an unchangeable decree, but rather the suffering of those who are lost stems from their own actions; and that, in this current imperfect state, believers, if not cautious, may fall from grace due to temptation and Satan's influence, leading to final destruction. See Arminianism.
REMPHAN, כיון Ῥεμφὰ, signifies an idol, according to the Septuagint. Amos, v, 26, upbraids the Hebrews with having carried, during their wanderings in the wilderness, the tabernacle of their Moloch and Chiun, their images, the star of their god, which they made to themselves, according to our version of the Bible. St. Stephen, quoting this passage of Amos, says, “Ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch, and the star of your god Remphan,” Acts vii, 43, which has given occasion to a variety of conjectures. Grotius thinks it to have been some deity, as Rimmon; and Capellus and Hammond take this Remphan to be a king of Egypt, deified by his subjects; a late writer is of opinion, that God here refers to the idolatries to which in succeeding ages the Jews were gradually given up, after having begun to revolt in the wilderness by the sin of the golden calf.
REMPHAN, Direction Ῥεμφὰ, means an idol, according to the Septuagint. Amos, v, 26, criticizes the Hebrews for having carried the tabernacle of their Moloch and Chiun during their wanderings in the wilderness, as well as their images, the star of their god that they made for themselves, according to our version of the Bible. St. Stephen, quoting this passage from Amos, says, “You took up the tabernacle of Moloch, and the star of your god Remphan,” Acts vii, 43, which has led to various interpretations. Grotius believes it refers to a deity like Rimmon; Capellus and Hammond think Remphan might have been a king of Egypt deified by his subjects; a more recent writer suggests that God is here referencing the idolatries that the Jews gradually fell into in later ages after starting to rebel in the wilderness with the sin of the golden calf.
REPENTANCE is sometimes used generally for a change of mind, and an earnest wishing that something were undone that has been done. Esau found no place for repentance, though he sought it carefully with tears; he could not move his father Isaac to repent of what he had done, or to recall the blessing from Jacob and confer it on himself, Heb. xii, 17; Matt. iii, 2; iv, 17. Taken in a religious sense it signifies conviction of sin and sorrow for it. But there is, 1. A partial or worldly repentance, wherein one is grieved for and turns from his sin, merely on account of the hurt it has done, or is likely to do, him: so a malefactor, who still loves his sin, repents of doing it, because it brings him to punishment. 2. An evangelical repentance, which is a godly sorrow wrought in the heart of a sinful person by the word and Spirit of God, whereby, from a sense of his sin, as offensive to God, and defiling and endangering to his own soul, and from an apprehension of the mercy of God in Christ, he, with grief and hatred of all his known sins, turns from them to God, as his Saviour and Lord. This is called “repentance toward God,” as therein we turn from sin to 817him; and “repentance unto life,” as it leads to spiritual life, and is the first step to eternal life, Matt. iii, 2; Acts iii, 19; xi, 18; xx, 12. God himself is said to repent, but this can only be understood of his altering his conduct toward his creatures, either in the bestowing of good or the infliction of evil: which change in the divine conduct is founded on a change in his creatures; and thus, speaking after the manner of men, God is said to repent.
REPENTANCE is often used to describe a change of mind and a sincere desire for something to be undone that has already happened. Esau found no opportunity for repentance, even though he sought it with tears; he couldn’t persuade his father Isaac to change his mind about what he had done or to take back the blessing given to Jacob and give it to him instead, Heb. xii, 17; Matt. iii, 2; iv, 17. In a religious context, it means feeling guilty about sin and sorrow for it. However, there are two types: 1. A partial or worldly repentance, where someone is upset about their sin and stops because of the harm it has caused or might cause them. For example, a criminal who still loves committing the crime might regret doing it only because it leads to punishment. 2. An evangelical repentance, which is a genuine sorrow created in a sinner's heart by the word and Spirit of God. This type of repentance arises from realizing that one's sin is offensive to God and harmful to their own soul, combined with an understanding of God’s mercy through Christ. With a heartfelt grief and hatred for all known sins, they turn back to God as their Savior and Lord. This is referred to as “repentance toward God,” since it involves turning from sin to him; it is also called “repentance unto life,” as it leads to spiritual life and is the first step toward eternal life, Matt. iii, 2; Acts iii, 19; xi, 18; xx, 12. God is described as repenting, but this should be understood as a change in how He interacts with His creatures, either by giving good or allowing evil: this change in divine action is based on changes in His creations; thus, in human terms, God is said to repent.
REPETITIONS IN PRAYER. These are forbidden by our Lord, and were well styled “vain,” if they consisted, as among the Mohammedans, in the repetition of words and phrases. Richardson mentions an old man who travelled with him, who was thought to be of peculiar sanctity, and most devout in prayer: “Certainly he did not pray in secret, communing with his heart, but called aloud with all his might, and repeated the words as fast as his tongue could give them utterance. The form and words of his prayer were the same with those of the others; but this good man had made a vow to repeat certain words of the prayer a given number of times, both night and morning. The word rabboni, for example, answering to our word Lord, he would bind himself to repeat a hundred or two hundred times, twice a day; and, accordingly, went on in the hearing of all the party; and, on his knees sometimes with his face directed steadily to heaven, and at other times bowing down to the ground, and calling out rabboni, rabboni, rabboni, rabboni, rabboni, &c, as fast as he could articulate the words after each other, like a school boy going through his task, not like a man who, praying with the heart and the understanding also, continues longer on his knees, in the rapture of devotion, whose soul is a flame of fire, enkindled by his Maker, and fixing upon his God, like Jacob, will not let him go until he bless him. Having settled his accounts with the word rabboni, which the telling of his beads enabled him to know when he had done, he proceeded to dispose of his other vows in a similar manner. Allah houakbar, perhaps, came next, ‘God most great;’ and he would go on, as with the other, Allah houakbar, Allah houakbar, Allah houakbar, Allah houakbar, &c, repeating them as fast as he could frame his organs to pronounce them.”
REPETITIONS IN PRAYER. These are forbidden by our Lord and are rightly called “vain” when they involve, like among Muslims, just repeating words and phrases. Richardson mentions an old man who traveled with him, who was considered very holy and devout in prayer: “Definitely, he didn’t pray quietly, connecting with his heart, but yelled with all his strength, repeating the words as quickly as his tongue could manage. The form and words of his prayer were the same as everyone else's; however, this good man had promised to repeat certain words of the prayer a specific number of times, both night and morning. The word rabboni, for example, equivalent to our word Lord, he committed to saying a hundred or two hundred times, twice a day; and so, he went on in earshot of the whole group; sometimes on his knees with his face firmly towards heaven, and other times bowing down to the ground, shouting out rabboni, rabboni, rabboni, rabboni, rabboni, etc., as fast as he could say them, like a schoolboy finishing his homework, not like a man who, praying with both heart and mind, stays longer on his knees, lost in devotion, whose soul is a flame of fire, ignited by his Creator, and like Jacob, will not let Him go until He blesses him. After finishing his counts with the word rabboni, which counting his beads helped him keep track of, he moved on to handle his other vows the same way. Allah houakbar, maybe, came next, ‘God most great;’ and he would continue, the same as before, Allah houakbar, Allah houakbar, Allah houakbar, Allah houakbar, etc., repeating them as fast as he could get his mouth to say them.”
REPHAIM. The Rephaim were the ancient giants of the land of Canaan. There were anciently several families of them in this country. It is commonly thought that they were descended from one called Rephah or Rapha; but others imagine that the word Rephaim properly signifies giants, in the ancient language of this people. There were some of the Rephaim beyond Jordan, at Ashteroth Karnaim, in the time of Abraham, when Chedorlaomer made war against them, Gen. xiv, 5. There were also some of them in the country in the days of Moses. Og, king of Bashan, was one of the posterity of the Rephaim, Joshua xii, 4. Also in the time of Joshua there were some of their descendants in the land of Canaan, Joshua xvii, 15. Lastly, we hear of them still in David’s time, in the city of Gath, 1 Chron. xx, 4–6. The giants Goliah, Sippai, Lahmi, and others, were some remains of the Rephaim; their magnitude and strength are known from Scripture. See Giants.
REPHAIM. The Rephaim were the ancient giants of the land of Canaan. There were several families of them in this region long ago. It is commonly believed that they were descended from someone named Rephah or Rapha; however, others think that the term Rephaim actually means giants in the ancient language of these people. Some of the Rephaim were located beyond the Jordan River, at Ashteroth Karnaim, during the time of Abraham, when Chedorlaomer went to war against them, Gen. xiv, 5. They were also present in the land during the days of Moses. Og, king of Bashan, was one of the descendants of the Rephaim, Joshua xii, 4. Additionally, during the time of Joshua, some of their descendants were in the land of Canaan, Joshua xvii, 15. Finally, we still hear about them in David’s time, in the city of Gath, 1 Chron. xx, 4–6. The giants Goliath, Sippai, Lahmi, and others were remnants of the Rephaim; their size and strength are documented in Scripture. See Titans.
REPHIDIM, a station or encampment of the Israelites, Exod. xvii, 1. At this station, adjoining to Mount Horeb, the people again murmured for want of water; and they chid Moses, saying, “Give us water that we may drink.” And “they tempted the Lord, saying, Is the Lord among us or not?” Moses, therefore, to convince them that he was, by a more obvious miracle than at Marah, smote the rock with his rod, by the divine command, and brought water out of it for the people to drink: wherefore, he called the place Meribah, “chiding,” and the rock Massah, “temptation.” On their way to Rephidim, the Amalekites, the original inhabitants of the country, who are noticed in Abraham’s days, Gen. xiv, 7, not having the fear of God before their eyes, nor regarding the judgments recently inflicted on the Egyptians, attacked the rear of the Israelites when they were faint and weary; but were defeated by a chosen party, under the command of Joshua, the faithful lieutenant of Moses, who is first noticed on this occasion, and even then pointed out by the Lord as his successor. This victory was miraculous; for while Moses held up his hand Israel prevailed, but when he let it down Amalek prevailed. So Aaron and Hur (the husband of Miriam, according to Josephus) held up both his hands steadily till sunset, and thereby gave a decided victory to Israel. This unprovoked aggression of the Amalekites drew down upon them from the Lord the sentence of “war from generation to generation,” between them and the Israelites, and of final extermination, which was commanded to be written or registered in a book, for a memorial to Joshua and his successors, the judges and kings of Israel, and was carried into execution by Saul, 1 Sam. xv, 8, by David, 1 Sam. xxx, 17, and finally accomplished by the Simeonites in Hezekiah’s reign, Exod. xvii, 8–13; Deut. xxv, 17; 1 Chron. iv, 43. While the Israelites were encamped at Rephidim, on the western side of Horeb, the mount of God, Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, who lived in that neighbourhood, and was priest and prince of Midian, came to visit him, with his wife Zipporah, and his two sons, Eleazar and Gershom, who had accompanied him part of the way to Egypt, but returned home again; and they rejoiced with him “for all the goodness which the Lord had done for Israel, whom he had delivered out of the hand of the Egyptians;” and upon this occasion, Jethro, as “a priest of the most high God,” of the order of Melchizedek, “offered a burnt-offering and sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, at which Aaron and all the elders of Israel ate bread with Jethro before God,” by a repetition of the eucharistic feast upon a sacrifice which Melchizedek formerly administered to Abraham, Gen. xiv, 18; Exod. xviii, 1–12. Thus was 818fulfilled the prophetic sign which the Lord had given to Moses when he first appeared to him in the burning bush: “This shall be a token unto thee that I have sent thee: when thou hast brought forth the people out of Egypt, ye shall serve God upon this mountain,” Exod, iii, 12. The speedy accomplishment, therefore, of this sign, at the beginning of their journey, was well calculated to strengthen their faith or reliance on the divine protection throughout. Jethro appears to have been distinguished not only for his piety, but also for his political wisdom. By his advice, which also was approved by the Lord, Moses, to relieve himself from the fatigue of administering justice to the people, the whole day, from morning until evening, instituted inferior judges or magistrates over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, as his deputies, who were to relieve him from the burden of judging the smaller causes, but to refer the greater or more difficult to Moses, for his decision.
REPHIDIM was a camp where the Israelites stayed, as mentioned in Exod. xvii, 1. At this location, near Mount Horeb, the people complained again about not having water and confronted Moses, saying, “Give us water to drink.” They also challenged the Lord, asking, “Is the Lord with us or not?” To prove that He was, Moses, following divine instruction, struck the rock with his rod, and water flowed from it for the people to drink. For this reason, he named the place Meribah, meaning “quarreling,” and the rock Massah, meaning “testing.” On their way to Rephidim, the Amalekites, who were the original people of the area mentioned back in Abraham’s time (Gen. xiv, 7), attacked the weary Israelites from behind without any fear of God or consideration for the recent judgments upon the Egyptians. They were defeated by a select group led by Joshua, Moses’ faithful aide, who was identified by the Lord as his successor even at that moment. This victory was miraculous: as long as Moses kept his hands raised, Israel was winning, but when he lowered them, Amalek was winning. So, Aaron and Hur (Miriam’s husband, according to Josephus) held up his hands steadily until sunset, securing a clear victory for Israel. This unprovoked attack from the Amalekites brought upon them a divine decree of “war from generation to generation” with the Israelites and a command for their eventual destruction, which was to be documented as a reminder for Joshua and his successors, including the judges and kings of Israel. This order was carried out by Saul (1 Sam. xv, 8), by David (1 Sam. xxx, 17), and finally completed by the Simeonites during Hezekiah’s reign (Exod. xvii, 8–13; Deut. xxv, 17; 1 Chron. iv, 43). While the Israelites camped at Rephidim, on the western side of Horeb, the mountain of God, Jethro, Moses’ father-in-law, who lived nearby and was a priest and prince of Midian, came to visit him with his wife Zipporah and their two sons, Eleazar and Gershom. They had accompanied him part of the way to Egypt but returned home afterward. They rejoiced together “for all the goodness which the Lord had done for Israel, whom He had delivered from the Egyptians.” On this occasion, Jethro, as “a priest of the most high God,” in the order of Melchizedek, “offered a burnt offering and sacrifices of thanks to God.” Aaron and all the elders of Israel shared a meal with Jethro before God, mirroring the eucharistic feast that Melchizedek had once provided for Abraham (Gen. xiv, 18; Exod. xviii, 1–12). Thus was fulfilled the prophetic sign the Lord had given to Moses when He first appeared to him in the burning bush: “This shall be a token to you that I have sent you: when you bring the people out of Egypt, you shall serve God on this mountain,” (Exod. iii, 12). The quick fulfillment of this sign at the very beginning of their journey was designed to strengthen their faith in divine protection. Jethro was recognized not only for his piety but also for his political wisdom. By his counsel, which was also endorsed by the Lord, Moses established judges or magistrates over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens to help ease the burden of delivering justice from morning till evening. These deputies would handle the minor cases, while the tougher ones would still be brought to Moses for his judgment.
REPROBATION is equivalent to rejection. Rejection always implies a cause: “Reprobate silver shall men call them, insomuch that the Lord hath rejected them,” Jer. vi, 30; that is, they are base metal, which will not bear the proof. Conditional reprobation, or rejecting men from the divine mercy, because of their impenitence or refusal of salvation, is a Scriptural doctrine; but to the unconditional, absolute reprobation of the rigid Calvinists, the following objections may be urged:--
REPROBATION means rejection. Rejection always has a reason: “Reprobate silver shall men call them, for the Lord has rejected them,” Jer. vi, 30; that is, they are worthless metal that won't stand up to testing. Conditional reprobation, or excluding people from divine mercy due to their unrepentance or refusal of salvation, is a biblical concept; however, against the unconditional, absolute reprobation of strict Calvinists, the following objections can be raised:--
1. It cannot be reconciled to the love of God. “God is love.” “He is loving to every man, and his tender mercies are over all his works.”
1. It can't be aligned with the love of God. “God is love.” “He shows love to everyone, and his kindness is present in all his creations.”
2. Nor to the wisdom of God; for the bringing into being a vast number of intelligent creatures under a necessity of sinning, and of being eternally lost, teaches no moral lesson to the world; and contradicts all those notions of wisdom in the ends and processes of government, which we are taught to look for, not only from natural reason, but from the Scriptures.
2. Nor to the wisdom of God; because creating a large number of intelligent beings who must sin and be eternally lost teaches no moral lesson to the world; it contradicts all the ideas of wisdom in the purposes and processes of governance that we are taught to expect, not only from natural reason but also from the Scriptures.
3. Nor to the grace of God, which is so often magnified in the Scriptures; for doth it argue any sovereign or high strain, any superabounding richness of grace or mercy in any man, when ten thousand have equally offended him, only to pardon one or two of them? Or in what sense has “the grace of God appeared unto all men,” or even to one-millionth part of them?
3. Nor to the grace of God, which is often highlighted in the Scriptures; for does it demonstrate any greatness or high quality, any overflowing richness of grace or mercy in someone, when ten thousand have equally offended him, only to forgive one or two of them? Or in what way has “the grace of God appeared to all people,” or even to one-millionth of them?
4. Nor can this merciless reprobation be reconciled to any of those numerous passages in which almighty God is represented as tenderly compassionate and pitiful to the worst and most unworthy of his creatures, even them who finally perish. “I have no pleasure in the death of him that dieth.” “Being grieved at the hardness of their hearts.” “How often would I have gathered thy children together, as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!” “The Lord is long-suffering to us-ward, not willing that any should perish.” “Or despisest thou the riches of his goodness, and forbearance, and long-suffering; not knowing that the goodness of God leadeth thee to repentance?”
4. This harsh condemnation can't be matched with all those many passages where God is shown to be caring and compassionate, even towards the worst and most undeserving of His creations, including those who ultimately face destruction. “I take no pleasure in the death of anyone who dies.” “He was saddened by their stubborn hearts.” “How often I wanted to gather your children together, as a hen gathers her chicks under her wings, but you were unwilling!” “The Lord is patient with us, not wanting anyone to perish.” “Or do you take for granted the riches of His kindness, tolerance, and patience, not realizing that God's kindness is meant to lead you to repentance?”
5. It is as manifestly contrary to his justice. Here, indeed, we would not assume to measure this attribute of God by unauthorized human conceptions; but when God himself has appealed to those established notions of justice and equity which have been received among all enlightened persons, in all ages, as the measure and rule of his own, we cannot be charged with this presumption. “Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right?” “Are not my ways equal? saith the Lord.” We may then be bold to affirm that justice and equity in God are what they are taken to be among reasonable men; and if all men every where would condemn it, as most contrary to justice and right, that a sovereign should condemn to death one or more of his subjects for not obeying laws which it is absolutely impossible for them, under any circumstances which they can possibly avail themselves of, to obey, and much more the greater part of his subjects; and to require them, on pain of aggravated punishment, to do something in order to the pardon and remission of their offences, which he knows they cannot do, say to stop the tide or to remove a mountain; it implies a charge as obviously unjust against God, who is “just in the judgments which he executeth,” to suppose him to act precisely in the same manner in regard to those whom he has passed by and rejected, without any avoidable fault of their own; to destroy them by the simple rule of his own sovereignty, or, in other words, to show that he has power to do it. In whatever light the subject be viewed, no fault, in any right construction, can be chargeable upon the persons so punished, or, as we may rather say, destroyed, since punishment supposes a judicial proceeding, which this act shuts out. For either the reprobates are destroyed for a pure reason of sovereignty without any reference to their sinfulness, and thus all criminality is left out of the consideration; or they are destroyed for the sin of Adam, to which they were not consenting; or for personal faults resulting from a corruption of nature which they brought into the world with them, and which God wills not to correct, and which they have no power to correct themselves. Every received notion of justice is thus violated. We grant, indeed, that some proceedings of the Almighty may appear at first irreconcilable with justice, which are not so; as that we should suffer pain and death, and be infected with a morally corrupt nature, in consequence of the transgression of our first progenitors; that children should suffer for their parents’ faults in the ordinary course of providence; and that in general calamities the comparatively innocent should suffer the same evils as the guilty. But none of these are parallel cases. For the “free gift” has come upon all men, “to justification of life,” through “the righteousness” of the second Adam, so that the terms of our probation are but changed. None are doomed to inevitable ruin, or the above words of the 819Apostle would have no meaning; and pain and death, as to all who avail themselves of the remedy, are made the instruments of a higher life, and of a superabounding of grace through Christ. The same observation may be made as to children who suffer evils for their parents’ faults. This circumstance alters the terms of their probation; but if every condition of probation leaves to men the possibility and the hope of eternal life, and the circumstances of all are balanced and weighed by Him who administers the affairs of individuals on principles, the end of which is to turn all the evils of life into spiritual and higher blessings, there is, obviously, no impeachment of justice in the circumstances of the probation assigned to any person whatever. As to the innocent suffering equally with the guilty in general calamities, the persons so suffering are but comparatively innocent, and their personal transgressions against God deserve a higher punishment than any which this life witnesses; this may also as to them be overruled for merciful purposes, and a future life presents its manifold compensations. But as to the non-elect, the whole case, in this scheme of sovereign reprobation, or sovereign preterition, is supposed to be before us. Their state is fixed, their afflictions in this life will not in any instance be overruled for ends of edification and salvation; they are left under a necessity of sinning in every condition; and a future life presents no compensation, but a fearful looking for of fiery and quenchless indignation. It is surely not possible for the ingenuity of man to reconcile this to any notion of just government which has ever obtained; and by the established notions of justice and equity in human affairs, we are taught by the Scriptures themselves to judge of the divine proceedings in all completely stated and comprehensible cases.
5. It is clearly against his sense of justice. Here, we wouldn't presume to judge this attribute of God based on unauthorized human ideas; however, when God himself has called upon those established concepts of justice and fairness that have been recognized by all enlightened individuals throughout history as the standard and guideline of his own actions, we can't be accused of being presumptuous. “Will not the Judge of all the earth do what is right?” “Are not my ways fair?” says the Lord. Therefore, we can confidently state that justice and fairness in God are what they are understood to be by reasonable people; and if everyone everywhere would condemn it, as deeply unjust and wrong, for a ruler to condemn to death one or more of his subjects for not following laws that it is absolutely impossible for them to obey under any circumstances, especially for the majority of his subjects; and to demand that they do something to gain forgiveness for their offenses, which he knows they cannot do, like stopping the tide or moving a mountain; it suggests a strikingly unjust accusation against God, who is “just in the judgments he executes,” to think he would act in the same way towards those he has bypassed and rejected, without any fault of their own; to destroy them simply by his own power or, in other words, to demonstrate that he has the authority to do so. No matter how the situation is viewed, no fault can rightly be attributed to those who are punished, or as we might more accurately say, destroyed, since punishment implies a legal process, which this act excludes. Either the condemned are destroyed solely for reasons related to sovereignty without any regard for their sinfulness, thereby disregarding all notions of criminality; or they are punished for Adam's sin, to which they did not consent; or for personal faults resulting from a corruption of nature they were born with, which God chooses not to correct, and which they cannot correct themselves. Every accepted understanding of justice is therefore violated. We acknowledge that some actions of the Almighty may initially seem incompatible with justice, but aren’t, such as suffering pain and death, or being born with a morally corrupt nature because of the transgression of our first ancestors; that children suffer for their parents' mistakes in the usual course of things; and that in general calamities, the relatively innocent suffer the same consequences as the guilty. However, none of these are comparable cases. For the “free gift” has come to all men, “to justification of life,” through “the righteousness” of the second Adam, so the terms of our trial have only changed. No one is condemned to inevitable destruction, or the above words from the 819Apostle would be meaningless; and pain and death, for all who accept the remedy, are transformed into instruments of a higher life, and a superabundance of grace through Christ. The same point applies to children suffering due to their parents' faults. This situation alters the terms of their trial; but if every condition of trial offers people the chance and hope of eternal life, and all circumstances are balanced and measured by Him who manages individual affairs based on principles aimed at turning all life’s evils into spiritual and greater blessings, then there is clearly no issue with justice concerning the trial assigned to anyone. Regarding the innocent suffering alongside the guilty in widespread disasters, those suffering are only relatively innocent, and their personal violations against God merit a greater punishment than anything witnessed in this life; this might also be used for merciful purposes, and a future life offers various compensations. But for the non-elect, the entire situation in this framework of sovereign rejection or sovereign neglect is assumed to be in front of us. Their fate is set, their hardships in this life will not be repurposed for the sake of growth and salvation; they are left in a position where they must sin under every circumstance; and the future life offers no compensation, just a terrifying expectation of fiery and unquenchable wrath. It is surely beyond human ingenuity to reconcile this with any notion of just governance that has ever existed; by the established ideas of justice and fairness in human matters, we are taught by the Scriptures themselves to assess divine actions in all clearly defined and understandable cases.
6. Equally impossible is it to reconcile this notion to the sincerity of God in offering salvation by Christ to all who hear the Gospel, of whom this scheme supposes the majority, or at least great numbers to be among, the reprobate. The Gospel, as we have seen, is commanded to be preached to every creature; which publication of good news to every creature is an offer of salvation to every creature, accompanied with earnest invitations to embrace it, and admonitory comminations lest any should neglect and despise it. But does it not involve a serious reflection upon the truth and sincerity of God which men ought to shudder at, to assume, that at the very time the Gospel is thus preached, no part of this good news was ever designed to benefit the majority, or any great part, of those to whom it is addressed? that they to whom this love of God in Christ is proclaimed were never loved by God? that he has decreed that many to whom he offers salvation, and whom he invites to receive it, shall never be saved? and that he will consider their sins aggravated by rejecting that which they never could receive, and which he never designed them to receive? It is no answer to this to say that we also admit that the offers of mercy are made by God to many whom he, by virtue of his prescience, knows will never receive them. We grant this; but it is enough to reply, that in this case there is no insincerity. On the Calvinian scheme the offer of salvation is made to those for whose sins Christ made no atonement; on the other, he made atonement for the sins of all. On the former, the offer is made to those whom God never designed to embrace it; on the latter to none but those whom God seriously and in truth wills that they should avail themselves of it; on one theory, the bar to the salvation of the nonelect lies in the want of a provided sacrifice for sin; on the other, it rests solely in men themselves; one consists, therefore, with a perfect sincerity of offer, the other cannot be maintained without bringing the sincerity of God into question, and fixing a stigma upon his moral truth.
6. It’s also impossible to reconcile this idea with God’s sincerity in offering salvation through Christ to everyone who hears the Gospel, many of whom this theory suggests are among the damned. As we've seen, the Gospel is meant to be preached to every person; this proclamation of good news to all is an offer of salvation to everyone, accompanied by genuine invitations to accept it and warnings to avoid neglecting or dismissing it. But isn’t it a serious concern about God’s truth and sincerity, which people should be troubled by, to assume that at the moment the Gospel is being preached, no part of this good news was ever meant to help most people, or even a significant number of those it’s directed towards? That the people to whom God’s love in Christ is announced were never loved by God? That He has decided that many to whom He offers salvation and invites to accept it will never be saved? And that He will view their sins as worsened by rejecting something they were never able to accept and which He never intended for them to accept? It doesn't answer this to say that we acknowledge that God offers mercy to many whom He, through His foreknowledge, knows will never accept it. We agree with this; but it’s enough to respond that in this case, there’s no insincerity. According to the Calvinist view, the offer of salvation is made to those for whom Christ did not make atonement; on the contrary, He made atonement for everyone’s sins. In the former case, the offer is made to people whom God never intended to accept it; in the latter, it’s offered only to those whom God truly wants to accept it; in one view, the barrier to the salvation of the non-elect arises from the absence of a provided sacrifice for sin; in the other, it rests entirely within the individuals themselves; therefore, one aligns with perfect sincerity in the offer, while the other cannot be upheld without questioning God’s sincerity and tarnishing His moral truth.
7. Unconditional reprobation cannot be reconciled with that frequent declaration of Scripture, that “God is no respecter of persons.” This phrase, we grant, is not to be interpreted as though the bounties of the Almighty were dispensed in equal measures to his creatures. In the administration of favour, there is place for the exercise of that prerogative which, in a just sense, is called the sovereignty of God; but justice knows but of one rule; it is, in its nature, settled and fixed, and looks not at the person, but the case. To have respect of persons is a phrase, therefore, in Scripture, which sometimes refers to judicial proceedings, and signifies to judge from partiality and affection, and not upon the merits of the question. It is also used by St. Peter with reference to the acceptance of Cornelius: “Of a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons; but in every nation he that feareth him, and worketh righteousness, is accepted with him.” Here it is clear, that to respect persons, would be to reject or accept them without regard to their moral qualities, and on some national and other prejudice or partiality which forms no moral rule of any kind. But, if the doctrine of absolute election and reprobation be true; if we are to understand that men like Jacob and Esau, in the Calvinistic construction of the passage, while in the womb of their mother, nay, from eternity, are loved and hated, elected or reprobated, before they have done “good or evil,” then it necessarily follows, that there is precisely this kind of respect of persons with God; for his acceptance or rejection of men stands on some ground of aversion or dislike, which cannot be resolved into any moral rule, and has no respect to the merits of the case itself; and if the Scripture affirms that there is no such respect of persons with God, then the doctrine which implies it is contradicted by inspired authority.
7. Unconditional rejection cannot be reconciled with the common statement in Scripture that “God shows no favoritism.” We agree that this phrase should not be interpreted to mean that God's blessings are given out equally to all His creations. In the giving of favor, there is room for the exercise of that prerogative, which in a fair sense, is called the sovereignty of God; but justice follows only one standard; it is inherently established and absolute, focusing not on the person, but the case. To show favoritism is a term in Scripture that sometimes relates to legal matters, meaning to judge with bias and affection, rather than based on the merits of the situation. St. Peter also uses it regarding the acceptance of Cornelius: “Truly, I see that God shows no favoritism; but in every nation anyone who fears Him and does what is right is accepted by Him.” Here, it's evident that to show favoritism would mean to reject or accept individuals without considering their moral qualities, based on some national or other bias that forms no moral guideline at all. However, if the concept of absolute election and rejection is true; if we are to understand that people like Jacob and Esau, under the Calvinistic interpretation of the passage, are loved and hated, chosen or rejected, before they have done “good or evil” even while still in their mother’s womb, then it follows that there is indeed this kind of favoritism with God; because His acceptance or rejection of people is based on grounds of aversion or dislike that can’t be traced back to any moral rule, and doesn’t consider the merits of the situation itself; and if Scripture states that there is no such favoritism with God, then the doctrine that suggests this is contradicted by divine authority.
8. The doctrine of which we are showing the difficulties, brings with it the repulsive and shocking opinion of the eternal punishment of infants. Some Calvinists have, indeed, to get rid of the difficulty, or rather to put it out of sight, consigned them to annihilation; but 820of the annihilation of any human being there is no intimation in the word of God. In order, therefore, to avoid the fearful consequence of admitting the punishment of beings innocent as to all actual sin, there is no other way than to suppose all children, dying in infancy, to be an elected portion of mankind, which, however, would be a mere hypothesis brought in to serve a theory without any evidence. That some of those who, as they suppose, are under this sentence of reprobation, die in their infancy, is, probably, what most Calvinists allow; and, if their doctrine be received, cannot be denied; and it follows, therefore, that all such infants are eternally lost. Now, we know that infants are not lost, because our Lord gave it as a reason why little children ought not to be hindered from coming unto him, that “of such is the kingdom of heaven.” On which Calvin himself remarks, “In this word, ‘for of such is the kingdom of heaven,’ Christ comprehends as well little children themselves, as those who in disposition resemble them. Hac voce, tam parvulos, quam eorum similes, comprehendit.” We are assured of the salvation of infants, also, because “the free gift has come upon all men to,” in order to, “justification of life,” and because children are not capable of rejecting that blessing, and must, therefore, derive benefit from it. The point, also, on which we have just now touched, that “there is no respect of persons with God,” demonstrates it. For, as it will be acknowledged, that some children, dying in infancy, are saved, it must follow, from this principle and axiom in the divine government, that all infants are saved; for the case of all infants, as to innocence or guilt, sin or righteousness, being the same, and God as a judge, being “no respecter of persons,” but regarding only the merits of the case, he cannot make this awful distinction as to them, that one part shall be eternally saved and the other eternally lost. That doctrine, therefore, which implies the perdition of infants, cannot be congruous to the Scriptures of truth, but is utterly abhorrent to them.
8. The doctrine we're examining presents the troubling and shocking idea of the eternal punishment of infants. Some Calvinists, trying to avoid this issue or sweep it under the rug, suggest that infants experience annihilation; however, there’s no indication in the Word of God to support the annihilation of any human being. To escape the dreadful implication of punishing beings innocent of any actual sin, the only option left is to assume that all children who die in infancy are part of an elect group of humanity, which, however, is just a hypothesis created to support a theory without any evidence. It’s probably accepted by most Calvinists that some of those who they believe are under this sentence of reprobation die in their infancy; if their doctrine is accepted, this cannot be denied, leading to the conclusion that all such infants are eternally lost. However, we know that infants are not lost because our Lord stated that little children should not be hindered from coming to Him, for “of such is the kingdom of heaven.” Calvin himself notes that when Christ says, “for of such is the kingdom of heaven,” He includes both little children and those who have a similar disposition. We are also assured of the salvation of infants because “the free gift has come upon all men to,” in order to, “justification of life,” and because children cannot reject that blessing, so they must benefit from it. The point we just mentioned, that “there is no respect of persons with God,” supports this view. Since it’s acknowledged that some children who die in infancy are saved, it follows from this principle and axiom in divine governance that all infants are saved; because all infants, in terms of innocence or guilt, sin or righteousness, are in the same situation, and God, as a judge, being “no respecter of persons,” only considers the merits of the case. Therefore, He cannot make the dreadful distinction where one group is eternally saved and another eternally lost. Thus, the doctrine that suggests the damnation of infants is incompatible with the Scriptures of truth and is completely opposed to them.
Finally, not to multiply these instances of the difficulties which accompany the doctrine of absolute reprobation, or of preterition, (to use the milder term, though the argument is not in the least changed by it,) it destroys the end of punitive justice. That end can only be, to deter men from offence, and to add strength to the law of God. But if the whole body of the reprobate are left to the influence of their fallen nature without remedy, they cannot be deterred from sin by threats of inevitable punishment; nor can they ever submit to the dominion of the law of God: their doom is fixed, and threats and examples can avail nothing.
Finally, to avoid going into more detail about the challenges that come with the idea of absolute reprobation, or preterition (which is a softer term, but the argument remains unchanged), it undermines the purpose of punitive justice. That purpose can only be to deter people from wrongdoing and to reinforce God’s law. However, if the entire group of the reprobate is allowed to be influenced by their fallen nature with no hope for change, they can't be deterred from sin by threats of unavoidable punishment; nor can they ever follow God's law. Their fate is sealed, and threats and examples won’t make any difference.
RESTITUTION, that act of justice by which we restore to our neighbour whatever we have unjustly deprived him of, Exod. xxii, 1; Luke xix, 8. Moralists observe, respecting restitution, 1. That where it can be made in kind, or the injury can be certainly valued, we are to restore the thing or the value. 2. We are bound to restore the thing with the natural increase of it, that is, to satisfy for the loss sustained in the mean time, and the gain hindered. 3. When the thing cannot be restored, and the value of it is not certain, we are to give reasonable satisfaction, according to a liberal estimation. 4. We are at least to give, by way of restitution, what the law would give; for that is generally equal, and in most cases rather favourable than rigorous. 5. A man is not only bound to make restitution for the injury he did, but for all that directly follows upon the injurious act: for the first injury being wilful, we are supposed to will all that which follows upon it.
RESTITUTION is the act of justice by which we give back to our neighbor whatever we have unfairly taken from them, as noted in Exod. xxii, 1; Luke xix, 8. Moralists point out that regarding restitution: 1. If we can restore the actual item or clearly determine its value, we should give back the item or its equivalent value. 2. We are required to return the item along with any natural increase it would have had, compensating for the loss suffered during that time and any potential gains that were missed. 3. If the item can't be returned and its value isn't certain, we should provide reasonable compensation based on a generous assessment. 4. At the very least, we should give what the law would require as restitution, since it's generally fair and often more lenient than strict. 5. A person is obligated not only to make restitution for the injury they caused but also for all consequences that result from that act: since the initial injury is intentional, we're considered to accept all that follows it.
RESURRECTION. The belief of a general resurrection of the dead, which will come to pass at the end of the world, and will be followed with an immortality either of happiness or misery, is an article of religion in common to Jews and Christians. It is very expressly taught both in the Old and New Testaments, Psalm xvi, 10; Job xix, 25, &c; Ezek. xxxvii, 1, &c; Isaiah xxvi, 19; John v, 28, 29; and to these may be added, Wisdom iii, 1, &c; iv, 15; 2 Macc. vii, 14, 23, 29, &c. At the time when our Saviour appeared in Judea, the resurrection from the dead was received as one of the principal articles of the Jewish religion by the whole body of the nation, the Sadducees excepted, Matt. xxii, 23; Luke xx, 28; Mark xii, 18; John xi, 23, 24; Acts xxiii, 6, 8. Our Saviour arose himself from the dead, to give us, in his own person, a proof, a pledge, and a pattern of our future resurrection. St. Paul, in almost all his epistles, speaks of a general resurrection, refutes those who denied or opposed it, and proves and explains it by several circumstances, Rom. vi, 5; 1 Cor. xv, 12–15; Phil. iii, 10, 11; Heb. xi, 35; 1 Thess. iv, 13–17, &c.
RESURRECTION. The belief in a general resurrection of the dead, which will occur at the end of the world and will be followed by either eternal happiness or suffering, is a shared religious belief among Jews and Christians. It is specifically mentioned in both the Old and New Testaments, including Psalm xvi, 10; Job xix, 25, etc.; Ezekiel xxxvii, 1, etc.; Isaiah xxvi, 19; John v, 28, 29; and additional references such as Wisdom iii, 1, etc.; iv, 15; 2 Maccabees vii, 14, 23, 29, etc. At the time our Savior appeared in Judea, the resurrection of the dead was regarded as one of the core beliefs of the Jewish faith, with the exception of the Sadducees, as noted in Matt. xxii, 23; Luke xx, 28; Mark xii, 18; John xi, 23, 24; Acts xxiii, 6, 8. Our Savior rose from the dead to provide us, through His own experience, evidence, assurance, and an example of our future resurrection. St. Paul, in nearly all his letters, talks about a general resurrection, counters those who denied or challenged it, and discusses and explains it by various aspects, as seen in Rom. vi, 5; 1 Cor. xv, 12–15; Phil. iii, 10, 11; Heb. xi, 35; 1 Thess. iv, 13–17, etc.
On this subject no point of discussion, of any importance, arises among those who admit the truth of Scripture, except as to the way in which the doctrine of the resurrection of the body is to be understood;--whether a resurrection of the substance of the body be meant, or some minute and indestructible part of it. The latter theory has been adopted for the sake of avoiding certain supposed difficulties. It cannot however fail to strike every impartial reader of the New Testament, that the doctrine of the resurrection is there taught without any nice distinctions. It is always exhibited as a miraculous work; and represents the same body which is laid in the grave as the subject of this change from death to life, by the power of Christ. Thus our Lord was raised in the same body in which he died, and his resurrection is constantly held forth as the model of ours; and the Apostle Paul expressly says, “Who shall change our vile body, that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body.” The only passage of Scripture which appears to favour the notion of the rising of the immortal body from some indestructible germ, is 1 Cor. xv, 35, &c: “But some men will say, How are the dead raised up, and with what body do they come? Thou fool, that which thou sowest is not 821quickened except it die; and that which thou sowest, thou sowest not that body that shall be, but bare grain, it may chance of wheat, or of some other grain,” &c. If, however, it had been the intention of the Apostle, holding this view of the case, to meet objections to the doctrine of the resurrection, grounded upon the difficulties of conceiving how the same body, in the popular sense, could be raised up in substance, we might have expected him to correct this misapprehension by declaring, that this was not the Christian doctrine; but that some small parts of the body only, bearing as little proportion to the whole as the germ of a seed to the plant, would be preserved, and be unfolded into the perfected body at the resurrection. Instead of this, he goes on immediately to remind the objector of the differences which exist between material bodies as they now exist; between the plant and the bare or naked grain; between one plant and another; between the flesh of men, of beasts, of fishes, and of birds; between celestial and terrestrial bodies; and between the lesser and greater celestial luminaries themselves. Still farther he proceeds to state the difference, not between the germ of the body to be raised, and the body given at the resurrection; but between the body itself, understood popularly, which dies, and the body which shall be raised. “It is sown in corruption, it is raised in incorruption,” which would not be true of the supposed incorruptible and imperishable germ of this hypothesis; and can only be affirmed of the body itself, considered in substance, and, in its present state, corruptible. Farther: the question put by the objector,--“How are the dead raised up?” does not refer to the modus agendi of the resurrection, or the process or manner in which the thing is to be effected, as the advocates of the germ hypothesis appear to assume. This is manifest from the answer of the Apostle, who goes on immediately to state, not in what manner the resurrection is to be effected, but what shall be the state or condition of the resurrection body; which is no answer at all to the question, if it be taken in that sense.
On this topic, there aren’t any significant points of debate among those who believe in the truth of Scripture, except regarding how the doctrine of the resurrection of the body should be understood—whether it refers to the actual substance of the body or just a tiny and indestructible part of it. The second theory has been adopted to avoid certain perceived difficulties. However, it should stand out to any unbiased reader of the New Testament that the resurrection doctrine is taught without any complicated distinctions. It is always presented as a miraculous event, showing the very same body that was laid in the grave as the one undergoing this transformation from death to life by the power of Christ. Therefore, our Lord was raised in the same body in which he died, and his resurrection is consistently presented as the model for ours; the Apostle Paul clearly states, “Who shall change our vile body, that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body.” The only Scripture passage that seems to support the idea of the immortal body rising from some indestructible part is 1 Cor. xv, 35, etc.: “But some will say, How are the dead raised up, and with what body do they come? You fool, that which you sow is not made alive unless it dies; and that which you sow is not the body that shall be, but bare grain, perhaps of wheat, or of some other grain,” etc. If the Apostle intended to address objections to the resurrection doctrine based on the challenges of imagining how the same body, in a typical sense, could be raised in substance, we would expect him to clarify that this was not the Christian doctrine; that only some small parts of the body, bearing as little relation to the whole as a seed’s germ does to the plant, would be preserved and transformed into the perfected body at the resurrection. Instead, he immediately reminds the objector of the differences that exist between material bodies as they are now; between the plant and the bare grain; between one plant and another; between the flesh of humans, animals, fish, and birds; between celestial and terrestrial bodies; and between the greater and lesser celestial bodies themselves. Furthermore, he proceeds to explain the difference, not between the germ of the body to be raised and the body to be given at the resurrection, but between the body itself, understood in a popular sense, which dies, and the body that will be raised. “It is sown in corruption, it is raised in incorruption,” which wouldn’t be accurate regarding the supposed incorruptible and unchanging germ of this theory; and this can only be said of the body itself, considered in substance, and in its current, corruptible state. Additionally, the question posed by the objector—“How are the dead raised?”—does not pertain to the way of acting of the resurrection, or the method of how it will occur, as proponents of the germ theory seem to imply. This is clear from the Apostle's response, which immediately states not how the resurrection will happen but what the state or condition of the resurrected body will be; which does not answer the question at all if interpreted in that manner.
Thus, in the argument, the Apostle confines himself wholly to the possibility of the resurrection of the body in a refined and glorified state; but omits all reference to the mode in which the thing will be effected, as being out of the line of the objector’s questions, and in itself above human thought, and wholly miraculous. It is, however, clear, that when he speaks of the body, as the subject of this wondrous “change,” he speaks of it popularly, as the same body in substance, whatever changes in its qualities or figure may be impressed upon it. Great general changes it will experience, as from corruption to incorruption, from mortality to immortality; great changes of a particular kind will also take place, as its being freed from deformities and defects, and the accidental varieties produced by climate, aliments, labour, and hereditary diseases. It is also laid down by our Lord, that “in the resurrection they shall neither marry nor be given in marriage, but be like to the angels of God;” and this also implies a certain change of structure; and we may gather from the declaration of the Apostle, that though “the stomach” is now adapted “to meats, and meats to the stomach,” yet God will “destroy both it and them;” that the animal appetite for food will be removed, and the organ now adapted to that appetite will have no place in the renewed frame. But great as these changes are, the human form will be retained in its perfection, after the model of our Lord’s “glorious body,” and the substance of the matter of which it is composed will not thereby be affected. That the same body which was laid in the grave shall arise out of it, is the manifest doctrine of the Scriptures. The notion of an incorruptible germ, or that of an original and unchangeable stamen, out of which a new and glorious body, at the resurrection, is to spring, appears to have been borrowed from the speculations of some of the Jewish rabbins. But if by this hypothesis it was designed to remove the difficulty of conceiving how the scattered parts of one body could be preserved from becoming integral parts of other bodies, it supposes that the constant care of Providence is exerted to maintain the incorruptibility of those individual germs, or stamina, so as to prevent their assimilation with each other. Now, if they have this by original quality, then the same quality may just as easily be supposed to appertain to every particle which composes a human body; so that, though it be used for food, it shall not be capable of assimilation, in any circumstances, with another human body. But if these germs, or stamina, have not this quality by their original nature, they can only be prevented from assimilating with each other by that operation of God which is present to all his works, and which must always be directed to secure the execution of his own ultimate designs. If this view be adopted, then, if the resort must at last be to the superintendence of a Being of infinite power and wisdom, there is no greater difficulty in supposing that his care to secure this object may extend to a million as easily as to a hundred particles of matter. This is, in fact, the true and rational answer to the objection that the same piece of matter may happen to be a part of two or more bodies, as in the instances of men feeding upon animals which have fed upon men, and of men feeding upon one another. The question here is one which simply respects the frustrating a final purpose of the Almighty by an operation of nature. To suppose that he cannot prevent this, is to deny his power; to suppose him inattentive to it, is to suppose him indifferent to his own designs; and to assume that he employs care to prevent it, is to assume nothing greater, nothing in fact so great, as many instances of control, which are always occurring; as, for instance, the regulation of the proportion of the sexes in human births, which cannot be attributed to chance, but must either be referred to superintendence, or to some original law. Another objection to the resurrection of the 822body has been drawn from the changes of its substance during life; the answer to which is, that, allowing a frequent and total change of the substance of the body (which, however, is but an hypothesis) to take place, it affects not the doctrine of Scripture, which is, that the body which is laid in the grave shall be raised up. But then, we are told, that if our bodies have in fact undergone successive changes during life, the bodies in which we have sinned or performed rewardable actions may not be, in many instances, the same bodies as those which will be actually rewarded or punished. We answer, that rewards and punishments have their relation to the body, not so much as it is the subject but as it is the instrument of reward and punishment. It is the soul only which perceives pain or pleasure, which suffers or enjoys, and is, therefore, the only rewardable subject. Were we, therefore, to admit such corporeal mutations as are assumed in this objection, they affect not the case of our accountability. The personal identity or sameness of a rational being, as Mr. Locke has observed, consists in self-consciousness: “By this every one is to himself what he calls self, without considering whether that self be continued in the same or divers substances. It was by the same self which reflects on an action done many years ago, that the action was performed.” If there were indeed any weight in this objection, it would affect the proceedings of human criminal courts in all cases of offences committed at some distance of time; but it contradicts the common sense, because it contradicts the common consciousness and experience, of mankind.
Thus, in the argument, the Apostle focuses entirely on the possibility of the resurrection of the body in a refined and glorified state; he doesn't discuss how it will happen, as that's outside the objector’s questions, beyond human understanding, and purely miraculous. However, it's clear that when he refers to the body as the subject of this amazing “change,” he does so in a common manner, considering it the same body in essence, despite any changes in its qualities or appearance. It will undergo significant changes, moving from corruption to incorruption, from mortality to immortality; specific changes will also occur, such as being freed from deformities and defects and the variations caused by climate, diet, work, and hereditary diseases. Our Lord also stated that “in the resurrection they shall neither marry nor be given in marriage, but be like the angels of God;” this hints at a change in structure. We can infer from the Apostle’s statement that although “the stomach” is currently suited “to meats, and meats to the stomach,” God will “destroy both it and them;” the desire for food will be removed, and the organ designed for that purpose will no longer exist in the renewed body. Yet, despite these significant changes, the human form will be preserved in its perfection, modeled after our Lord’s “glorious body,” and the material it’s made of will not be changed. The teaching of Scripture is clear that the same body which was laid in the grave will rise from it. The idea of an incorruptible germ, or an original and unchanging stamen, from which a new and glorious body will arise at the resurrection, seems to be taken from the theories of some Jewish rabbis. But if this theory was intended to address the question of how the scattered parts of one body could be kept from becoming parts of other bodies, it assumes that God actively maintains the incorruptibility of these individual germs or stamina to prevent them from mixing with each other. If they have this property by nature, then the same property could apply to every particle that makes up a human body, so that even if it’s used for food, it wouldn’t mix with another human body under any circumstances. However, if these germs or stamina don’t possess this property by their original nature, they can only be kept from mixing together by God’s active presence in all His works, which is always aimed at fulfilling His ultimate designs. If this perspective is accepted, then since the supervision of a Being of infinite power and wisdom is necessary, there’s no greater difficulty in believing that His care for this purpose can extend to a million particles just as easily as to a hundred. This effectively answers the objection that the same piece of matter might be part of two or more bodies, such as humans eating animals that have eaten humans, or humans consuming one another. The issue here pertains to whether nature can thwart the ultimate purpose of the Almighty. To think that He cannot prevent this is to deny His power; to think He overlooks it is to assume He is indifferent to His own designs; and to assert that He takes care to prevent it is to assert something no greater than many ongoing instances of control, like the regulation of the ratio of sexes in human births, which cannot be random but must rely on supervision or a foundational law. Another objection to the resurrection of the 822 body arises from the changes in its substance during life. The answer is that even if a complete change of the body’s substance occurs (which is just a hypothesis), it doesn’t impact the scriptural doctrine that the body laid in the grave will be raised. However, it is argued that if our bodies have indeed undergone changes throughout life, the bodies in which we've sinned or done good deeds may not be the same ones that will actually be rewarded or punished. We respond that rewards and punishments relate to the body, not so much as the subject but as the instrument of reward and punishment. It’s the soul that experiences pain or pleasure, that suffers or enjoys, and is, therefore, the only truly rewardable subject. Thus, even if we accept the bodily changes assumed in this objection, it doesn’t affect our accountability. The personal identity or sameness of a rational being, as Mr. Locke noted, is based on self-awareness: “By this, everyone is for themselves what they call self, regardless of whether that self continues in the same or different substances. It was by the same self that reflects on an action done many years ago that the action was performed.” If there were any validity to this objection, it would undermine the proceedings of human criminal courts in all cases involving offenses committed some time ago; however, this contradicts common sense because it goes against our shared consciousness and experience as humanity.
Our Lord has assured us, that “the hour is coming in which all that are in their graves shall hear his voice, and come forth; they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of damnation.” Then we shall “all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trump,” and “the dead shall be raised incorruptible.” It is probable that the bodies of the righteous and the wicked, though each shall in some respects be the same as before, will each be in other respects not the same, but undergo some change conformable to the character of the individual, and suited to his future state of existence; yet both, as the passage just quoted clearly teaches, are then rendered indestructible. Respecting the good it is said, “When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, we shall appear with him in glory,” “we shall be like him; our body shall be fashioned like his glorious body;” yet, notwithstanding this, “it doth not yet fully appear what we shall be,” Col. iii, 4; 1 John iii, 2; Phil. iii, 21. This has a very obvious reason. Our present manner of knowing depends upon our present constitution, and we know not the exact relation which subsists between this constitution and the manner of being in a future world; we derive our ideas through the medium of the senses; the senses are necessarily conversant with terrestrial objects only; our language is suited to the communication of present ideas; and thus it follows that the objects of the future world may in some respects (whether few or many we cannot say) differ so extremely from terrestrial objects, that language cannot communicate to us any such ideas as would render those matters comprehensible. But language may suggest striking and pleasing analogies; and with such we are presented by the holy Apostle: “All flesh,” says he, “is not the same flesh: but there is one flesh of men, another of beasts, another of fishes, and another of birds;” and yet all these are fashioned out of the same kind of substance, mere inert matter, till God gives it life and activity. It is sown an animal body; a body which previously existed with all the organs, faculties, and propensities, requisite to procure, receive, and appropriate nutriment, as well as to perpetuate the species; but it shall be raised a spiritual body, refined from the dregs of matter, freed from the organs and senses required only in its former state, and probably possessing the remaining senses in greater perfection, together with new and more exquisite faculties, fitted for the exalted state of existence and enjoyment to which it is now rising. In the present state the organs and senses appointed to transmit the impressions of objects to the mind, have a manifest relation to the respective objects: the eye and seeing, for example, to light; the ear and hearing, to sound. In the refined and glorious state of existence to which good men are tending, where the objects which solicit attention will be infinitely more numerous, interesting, and delightful, may not the new organs, faculties, and senses, be proportionally refined, acute, susceptible, or penetrating? Human industry and invention have placed us, in a manner, in new worlds; what, then, may not a spiritual body, with sharpened faculties, and the grandest possible objects of contemplation, effect in the celestial regions to which Christians are invited? There the senses will no longer degrade the affections, the imagination no longer corrupt the heart; the magnificent scenery thrown open to view will animate the attention, give a glow and vigour to the sentiments; that roused attention will never tire; those glowing sentiments will never cloy; but the man, now constituted of an indestructible body, as well as of an immortal soul, may visit in eternal succession the streets of the celestial city, may “drink of the pure river of the water of life, clear as crystal, proceeding out of the throne of God, and of the Lamb;” and dwell for ever in those abodes of harmony and peace, which, though “eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the imagination of man to conceive,” we are assured “God hath prepared for them that love him,” 1 Cor. ii, 9.
Our Lord has assured us that “the hour is coming when all who are in their graves will hear his voice and come out; those who have done good, to the resurrection of life, and those who have done evil, to the resurrection of condemnation.” Then we will “all be changed, in a moment, in the blink of an eye, at the last trumpet,” and “the dead will be raised incorruptible.” It’s likely that the bodies of the righteous and the wicked, while each one may be similar in some ways to before, will also be different in other ways, undergoing changes that match their character and are suitable for their future state of existence; yet both, as the quoted passage clearly states, will then become indestructible. Regarding the good, it is said, “When Christ, who is our life, appears, we will appear with him in glory,” “we will be like him; our body will be transformed to be like his glorious body;” yet, despite this, “it does not yet fully appear what we will be,” Col. iii, 4; 1 John iii, 2; Phil. iii, 21. This has a very clear reason. Our current understanding depends on our current nature, and we don’t know the exact relationship between this nature and existence in a future world; we get our ideas through our senses; the senses only deal with earthly objects; our language is designed to communicate present ideas; and thus it follows that the objects of the future world may differ so much from earthly objects that language cannot convey ideas that would make those things understandable to us. But language can suggest striking and appealing similarities, which we get from the holy Apostle: “All flesh,” he says, “is not the same flesh: there is one flesh of humans, another of beasts, another of fish, and another of birds;” and yet all these are made from the same kind of substance, mere inert matter, until God gives it life and activity. It is sown as an animal body; a body that previously existed with all the organs, faculties, and instincts necessary to obtain, receive, and use nourishment, as well as to perpetuate the species; but it will be raised as a spiritual body, refined from the dregs of matter, freed from the organs and senses that were only needed in its former state, and probably having the remaining senses in greater perfection, along with new and more exquisite faculties, suited for the elevated state of existence and enjoyment to which it is now rising. In the present state, the organs and senses designed to transmit impressions from objects to the mind have a clear relation to those objects: the eye and seeing, for example, relate to light; the ear and hearing relate to sound. In the refined and glorious state of existence that good people are moving toward, where the objects that demand attention will be infinitely more numerous, interesting, and delightful, might not the new organs, faculties, and senses be proportionally refined, sharper, more sensitive, or penetrating? Human effort and invention have, in a way, placed us in new worlds; then what might a spiritual body, with enhanced faculties and the grandest possible objects of contemplation, accomplish in the heavenly realms to which Christians are invited? There, the senses will no longer degrade the affections, the imagination will no longer corrupt the heart; the magnificent scenery revealed will inspire attention, invigorate feelings; that heightened attention will never tire; those intense feelings will never become dull; but the person, now made of an indestructible body and an immortal soul, may endlessly explore the streets of the heavenly city, may “drink from the pure river of the water of life, clear as crystal, flowing from the throne of God and the Lamb;” and dwell forever in those places of harmony and peace, which, though “no eye has seen, nor ear heard, nor has it even entered into the heart of man to conceive,” we are assured “God has prepared for those who love him,” 1 Cor. ii, 9.
REUBEN, Tribe of. This tribe, having much cattle, solicited and obtained from Moses possessions east of the Jordan; by which river it was separated from the main body of Israel: it was, in consequence, exposed to various inroads and oppressions from which the western tribes were free; and it was among 823the first carried into captivity by Tiglath pileser, 1 Chron. v, 26.
REUBEN, Tribe of. This tribe, having a lot of cattle, asked for and received land from Moses on the east side of the Jordan River; this location separated them from the rest of Israel. As a result, they faced various attacks and hardships that the tribes on the western side did not experience. They were also among the first to be taken captive by Tiglath-Pileser. 1 Chron. 5:26. 823
REVELATION, or APOCALYPSIS, is the name given to a canonical book of the New Testament. See Apocalypse.
REVELATION, or APOCALYPSIS, is the title of a canonical book in the New Testament. See End of the world.
RHODES, an island lying south of the province of Caria, in Lesser Asia, and, among the Asiatic islands, is accounted for dignity next to Cyprus and Lesbos. It is pleasant and healthful, and was anciently celebrated for the skill of its inhabitants in navigation, but most, for its prodigious statue of brass consecrated to the sun, and called the Colossus. This statue was seventy cubits high, and bestrode the mouth of the harbour, so that ships could sail between its legs, and it was accounted one of the seven wonders of the world. St. Paul, on his way to Jerusalem, A. D. 58, went from Miletus to Coos, from Coos to Rhodes, and from thence to Patara, in Lycia, Acts xxi, 1.
RHODES is an island located south of the province of Caria in Asia Minor and is considered one of the most prestigious islands in Asia, right after Cyprus and Lesbos. It's a pleasant and healthy place, historically known for the sailing skills of its residents, but most famously for its massive bronze statue dedicated to the sun, known as the Colossus. This statue stood seventy cubits tall and straddled the entrance to the harbor, allowing ships to pass between its legs. It was regarded as one of the seven wonders of the world. St. Paul, on his journey to Jerusalem in A.D. 58, traveled from Miletus to Coos, then to Rhodes, and from there to Patara in Lycia, as mentioned in Acts xxi, 1.
RIGHTEOUSNESS, justice, holiness. The righteousness of God is the essential perfection of his nature; sometimes it is put for his justice. The righteousness of Christ denotes, not only his absolute perfection, but, is taken for his perfect obedience unto death, and his suffering the penalty of the law in our stead. The righteousness of the law is that obedience which the law requires. The righteousness of faith is the justification which is received by faith.
RIGHTEOUSNESS, justice, holiness. The righteousness of God is the fundamental perfection of his nature; sometimes it refers to his justice. The righteousness of Christ represents not just his complete perfection, but also his perfect obedience unto death, and his suffering the penalty of the law in our place. The righteousness of the law is the obedience that the law demands. The righteousness of faith is the justification that is received through faith.
RIMMON. See Naaman.
RIMMON. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
RINGS. The antiquity of rings appears from Scripture and from profane authors. Judah left his ring with Tamar, Gen. xxxviii, 18. When Pharaoh committed the government of Egypt to Joseph, he took his ring from his finger and gave it to Joseph, Gen. xli, 42. After the victory of the Israelites over the Midianites, they offered to the Lord the rings, the bracelets, and the golden necklaces, taken from the enemy, Num. xxxi, 50. The Israelitish women wore rings, not only on their fingers, but also in their nostrils and their ears. St. James distinguishes a man of wealth and dignity by the ring of gold on his finger, James ii, 2. At the return of the prodigal son, his father orders him to be dressed in a new suit of clothes, and to have a ring put on his finger, Luke xv, 22. When God threatened Jeconiah with the utmost effects of his anger, he tells him, that though he were the signet or ring on his finger, yet he should be torn off, Jer. xxii, 24. The ring was used chiefly to seal with, and Scripture generally assigns it to princes and great persons; as the king of Egypt, Joseph, Ahaz, Jezebel, King Ahasuerus, his favourite Haman, Mordecai, King Darius, 1 Kings xxi, 8; Esther iii, 10, &c; Dan. vi, 17. The patents and orders of these princes were sealed with their rings or signets, an impression from which was their confirmation. The ring was one mark of sovereign authority. Pharaoh gave his ring to Joseph, as a token of authority. When Alexander the Great gave his ring to Perdiccas, this was understood as nominating him his successor.
RINGS. The history of rings can be seen in the Bible and from other ancient writers. Judah left his ring with Tamar, Gen. xxxviii, 18. When Pharaoh put Joseph in charge of Egypt, he took his ring from his finger and gave it to Joseph, Gen. xli, 42. After the Israelites defeated the Midianites, they offered rings, bracelets, and gold necklaces taken from the enemy to the Lord, Num. xxxi, 50. Israelite women wore rings not just on their fingers but also in their nostrils and ears. St. James identifies a wealthy and respected man by the gold ring on his finger, James ii, 2. When the prodigal son returned, his father instructed that he be dressed in new clothes and have a ring put on his finger, Luke xv, 22. When God threatened Jeconiah with severe consequences, He told him that even if he were the signet or ring on His finger, he would be torn off, Jer. xxii, 24. Rings were mainly used for sealing documents, and the Bible usually associates them with kings and high-ranking individuals; like the king of Egypt, Joseph, Ahaz, Jezebel, King Ahasuerus, his favorite Haman, Mordecai, and King Darius, 1 Kings xxi, 8; Esther iii, 10, &c Dan. vi, 17. The royal documents and commands of these leaders were stamped with their rings or signets, which served as their official confirmation. The ring was a symbol of sovereign power. Pharaoh gave his ring to Joseph as a sign of authority. When Alexander the Great handed his ring to Perdiccas, it signified that he was naming him as his successor.
RIVER. The Hebrews give the name of “the river,” without any addition, sometimes to the Nile, sometimes to the Euphrates, and sometimes to Jordan. It is the tenor of the discourse that must determine the sense of this vague and uncertain way of speaking. They give also the name of river to brooks and rivulets that are not considerable. The name of river is sometimes given to the sea, Hab. iii, 8; Psalm lxxviii, 16. It is also used as a symbol for plenty, Job xxix, 6; Psalm xxxvi, 8.
RIVER. The Hebrews refer to “the river” without any other qualifiers, sometimes meaning the Nile, sometimes the Euphrates, and sometimes the Jordan. The context of the discussion should clarify this ambiguous way of referring. They also use the term river for smaller streams and brooks that aren't significant. The word river is even sometimes applied to the sea, as seen in Hab. iii, 8; Psalm lxxviii, 16. Additionally, it serves as a symbol for abundance, as indicated in Job xxix, 6; Psalm xxxvi, 8.
ROCK. Palestine, being a mountainous country, had also many rocks, which formed a part of the country’s defence; for in time of danger the people retired to them, and found a refuge against any sudden irruption of the enemy. The Benjamites took shelter in the rock Rimmon, Judges xx, 47. Samson kept garrison in the rock of Etham, Judges xv, 8. David found shelter in the rocks of Maon, Engedi, &c, 1 Sam. xxii, 1; xxiii, 25, 28; xxiv, 2–5. Jerom says that the southern parts of Judea were full of caves under ground, and of caverns in the mountains, to which the people retired in time of danger. The Kenites dwelt in the hollow places of the rocks, Num. xxiv, 21. Even at this day the villages of this country are subterraneous, or in the rocks. Josephus in several places speaks of hollow rocks, where thieves and robbers had their haunts; and travellers still find a great number of them in Palestine, and in the adjoining provinces. Toward Lebanon, the mountains are high, but covered in many places with as much earth as fits them for cultivation. Among the crags of the rocks, the beautiful and far-famed cedar waves its lofty top, and extends its powerful arms, surrounded by the fir and the oak, the fig and the vine. On the road to Jerusalem, the mountains are not so lofty nor so rugged, but become fitter for tillage. They rise again to the south-east of Mount Carmel; are covered with woods, and afford very picturesque views; but advancing toward Judea, they lose their verdure, the valleys become narrow, dry, and stony, and terminate at the Dead Sea in a pile of desolate rocks, precipices, and caverns. These vast excavations, some of which will contain fifteen hundred men, are the grottoes of Engedi, which have been a refuge to the oppressed or the discontented in all ages. Westward of Jordan and the lake Asphaltites, another chain of rocks, still loftier and more rugged, presents a yet more gloomy aspect, and announces the distant entrance of the desert, and the termination of the habitable regions.
ROCK. Palestine, being a mountainous country, also had many rocky areas, which served as a defense; in times of danger, people took refuge in them as protection against sudden enemy attacks. The Benjamites sheltered in the rock Rimmon, Judges xx, 47. Samson stationed himself in the rock of Etham, Judges xv, 8. David found refuge in the rocks of Maon, Engedi, etc., 1 Sam. xxii, 1; xxiii, 25, 28; xxiv, 2–5. Jerom notes that the southern parts of Judea were filled with underground caves and mountain caverns where people sought safety during threats. The Kenites lived in the hollow places of the rocks, Num. xxiv, 21. Even today, many villages in this region are subterranean or carved into the rocks. Josephus mentions hollow rocks in several places where thieves and robbers would hide, and travelers still encounter many of these in Palestine and neighboring areas. Toward Lebanon, the mountains are high but often have enough soil for farming. Among the rocky cliffs, the beautiful and renowned cedar stands tall, surrounded by firs, oaks, figs, and vines. On the way to Jerusalem, the mountains aren’t as tall or rugged, making them more suitable for agriculture. They rise again southeast of Mount Carmel; covered in forests, they offer picturesque views; however, as you move toward Judea, they lose their greenery, the valleys become narrow, dry, and rocky, ending at the Dead Sea surrounded by a pile of desolate rocks, cliffs, and caverns. These large caves, some capable of holding fifteen hundred people, are the grottoes of Engedi, which have served as a refuge for the oppressed or discontented throughout history. West of the Jordan and the lake Asphaltites, another chain of even taller and more rugged rocks presents a bleaker landscape, signaling the distant entrance to the desert and the end of the livable regions.
The name of rock is also given to God, by way of metaphor, because God is the strength, the refuge, and defence of Israel, as those places were to the people who resided among them, Psalm xviii, 2, 31; xxxi, 2, 3; Deut. xxxii, 15, 18, 30, 31; Psalm lxi, 2, &c.
The term "rock" is also used as a metaphor for God since God is the strength, refuge, and protection of Israel, just as those places were for the people living in them, Psalm 18:2, 31; 31:2, 3; Deut. 32:15, 18, 30, 31; Psalm 61:2, etc.
ROD. This word is used sometimes for the branches of a tree: “And Jacob took him rods of green poplar, and of the hazel and chesnut tree,” Gen. xxx, 37; sometimes for a staff or wand: “And thou shalt take this rod in thine hand, wherewith thou shalt do signs. 824And Moses took the rod of God in his hand,” Exod. iv, 17, 20; or for a shepherd’s crook: “And concerning the tithe of the herd, or of the flock, even of whatsoever passeth under the rod; the tenth shall be holy unto the Lord,” Lev. xxvii, 32; or for a rod, properly so called, which God makes use of to correct men: “If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with the stripes of the children of men,” 2 Sam. vii, 14. “Let him take his rod away from me,” Job ix, 34. The empire of the Messiah is sometimes represented by a rod of iron, to show its power and its might, Psalm ii, 9; Rev. ii, 27; xii, 5; xix, 15. Rod is sometimes put to signify a tribe or a people: “Remember thy congregation which thou hast purchased of old, the rod of thine inheritance which thou hast redeemed,” Psalm lxxiv, 2. “Israel is the rod of his inheritance,” Jer. x, 16. The rod of Aaron is the staff commonly used by the high priest. This is the rod that budded and blossomed like an almond tree, Num. xvii. See Aaron.
ROD. This term is sometimes used to refer to the branches of a tree: “And Jacob took green poplar rods, and rods from the hazel and chestnut trees,” Gen. xxx, 37; sometimes for a staff or wand: “And you shall take this rod in your hand, with which you will perform signs. 824And Moses took the rod of God in his hand,” Exod. iv, 17, 20; or for a shepherd’s crook: “And concerning the tithe of the herd or the flock, whatever passes under the rod; the tenth shall be holy to the Lord,” Lev. xxvii, 32; or for a rod, properly speaking, which God uses to correct people: “If he commits iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men and with the stripes of the children of men,” 2 Sam. vii, 14. “Let him take his rod away from me,” Job ix, 34. The reign of the Messiah is sometimes represented by a rod of iron, to demonstrate its power and might, Psalm ii, 9; Rev. ii, 27; xii, 5; xix, 15. Rod is also sometimes used to signify a tribe or a people: “Remember your congregation which you purchased long ago, the rod of your inheritance which you redeemed,” Psalm lxxiv, 2. “Israel is the rod of his inheritance,” Jer. x, 16. The rod of Aaron is the staff commonly used by the high priest. This is the rod that budded and blossomed like an almond tree, Num. xvii. See Aaron.
ROMAN CATHOLICS, or members of the church of Rome, otherwise called papists, from the pope being considered by them as the supreme head of the universal church, the successor of St. Peter, and the fountain of theological truth and ecclesiastical honours. He keeps his court in great state at the palace of the Vatican, and is attended by seventy cardinals as his privy counsellors, in imitation of the seventy disciples of our Lord. The pope’s authority in other kingdoms is merely spiritual, but in Italy he is a temporal sovereign, Louis XVIII. and the allies having, in 1814, restored him to his throne, and to those temporalities of which he was deprived by Buonaparte and the French revolution. On resuming his government, Pope Pius VII. soon restored the order of Jesuits and the inquisition; so that the Roman Catholic religion is now reinstated in its ancient splendour and authority. The principal dogmas of this religion are as follows: 1. That St. Peter was deputed by Christ to be his vicar, and the head of the catholic church; and that the bishops of Rome, being his successors, have the same apostolical authority; for our Saviour declares, in Matt. xvi, 18, “Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church;” by which rock they understand St. Peter himself, as the name signifies, and not his confession, as the Protestants explain it. And a succession in the church being now supposed necessary under the New Testament, as Aaron had his succession under the old dispensation, which was a figure of the new, this succession can now, they contend, be shown only in the chair of St. Peter at Rome, where it is asserted he presided twenty-five years previous to his death; therefore, the bishops of Rome are his true successors. 2. That the Roman Catholic church is the mother and mistress of all churches, and cannot possibly err in matters of faith; for the church has the promise of the Spirit of God to lead it into all truth, John xvi, 13; “and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it,” Matt. xvi, 18. Christ also, who is himself the truth, has promised to the pastors and teachers of the church to be with them “always, even to the end of the world,” Matt. xxviii, 20. “It is from the testimony and authority of the church, therefore,” say they, “that we receive the Scriptures as the word of God.” 3. That the Scriptures thus received on the authority of the church are not sufficient to our faith without apostolical traditions, which are of equal authority with the Scriptures; for St. Peter assures us, that in St. Paul’s epistles there “are some things hard to be understood, which they who are unlearned and unstable wrest, as they do also the other scriptures, to their own destruction,” 2 Peter iii, 16. We are directed by St. Paul to “stand fast, and hold the traditions which we have been taught, whether by word or by epistle,” 2 Thess. ii, 15. 4. That seven sacraments were instituted by Jesus Christ, namely, baptism, confirmation, eucharist, penance, extreme unction, orders, and matrimony; and that they confer grace. To prove that confirmation, or imposition of hands, is a sacrament, they quote Acts viii, 17: “They,” the Apostles, “laid their hands on them,” believers, “and they received the Holy Ghost.” Penance is a sacrament in which the sins we commit after baptism, duly repented of, and confessed to a priest, are forgiven; and which they think was instituted by Christ himself when he breathed upon his Apostles after his resurrection, and said, “Receive ye the Holy Ghost: whose sins ye remit, are remitted; and whose sins ye retain, are retained,” John xx, 23. In favour of extreme unction, or anointing the sick with oil, they argue from James i, 14, 15, which is thus rendered in the Vulgate: “Is any sick among you? Let him call for the priests of the church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil,” &c. The sacrament of holy orders is inferred from 1 Tim. iv, 14: “Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee by prophecy, with the laying on the hands of the presbytery,” or priesthood, as they render it. That marriage is a sacrament, they think evident from Ephes. v, 32: “This is a great mystery,” representing the mystical union of Christ and his church. “Matrimony,” say they, “is here the sign of a holy thing, and therefore it is a sacrament.” Notwithstanding this, they enjoin celibacy upon the clergy, because they do not think it proper that those who, by their office and function, ought to be wholly devoted to God, should be diverted from those duties by the distractions of a married life, 1 Cor. vii, 32, 33. 5. That in the mass, or public service, there is offered unto God a true and propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead; and that in the sacrament of the eucharist, under the forms of bread and wine, are really and substantially present the body and blood, together with the soul and divinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ; and that there is a conversion made of the whole substance of the bread into his body, and of the wine into his blood, which is called transubstantiation; according to our Lord’s words to 825his disciples, “This is my body,” &c, Matt. xxvi, 26; wherefore it becomes with them an object of adoration. Farther: it is a matter of discipline, not of doctrine, in the Roman church, that the laity receive the eucharist in one kind, that is, in bread only. This sacrifice of the mass was, they think, predicted by the Prophet Malachi, i, 11, who says, “In every place incense shall be offered unto my name, and a pure offering.” 6. That there is a purgatory; and that souls kept prisoners there do receive help by the suffrages of the faithful. For it is said, in 1 Cor. iii, 15, “If any man’s work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss; but he himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire;” which they understand of the flames of purgatory. They also believe that souls are released from purgatory by the prayers and alms which are offered for them, principally by the holy sacrifice of the mass. They call purgatory a middle state of souls, into which those enter who depart this life in God’s grace; yet not without some less stains of guilt, which retard them from entering heaven, where nothing unclean can enter. 7. That the saints reigning with Christ (and especially the blessed virgin) are to be honoured and invoked; that they offer prayers unto God for us; and that their relics are to be had in veneration. These honours, however, are not divine, but relative, and redound to the divine glory, Rev. v, 8; viii, 4, &c. 8. That the image of Christ, of the blessed virgin, the mother of God, and of other saints, ought to be retained in churches, and honour and veneration ought to be given unto them. And as the images of cherubims were allowed in the temples, so images should be placed in churches, and had in veneration. 9. That the power of indulgences was left by Christ to the church, and that the use of them is very beneficial to Christian people; according to Matt. xvi, 19: “I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.” By indulgences they do not mean leave to commit sin, nor pardon for sins to come; but only releasing, by the power of the keys committed to the church, the debt of temporal punishment which may remain due upon account of our sins, after the sins themselves, as to their guilt and eternal punishment, have been already remitted through repentance and confession, and by virtue of the merit of Christ, and of all the saints. By their indulgences they assert that they apply to their souls the merits of Christ, and of the saints and martyrs through him.
ROMAN CATHOLICS, or members of the Church of Rome, often called papists because they view the pope as the supreme leader of the universal church, the successor of St. Peter, and the source of theological truth and church authority. He holds a grand court at the Vatican and is accompanied by seventy cardinals who serve as his advisers, mirroring the seventy disciples of Jesus. The pope's authority in other countries is mainly spiritual, but in Italy, he is also a secular ruler. Louis XVIII and the allies restored him to the papacy in 1814, reclaiming the power he lost to Napoleon and the French Revolution. Upon regaining his office, Pope Pius VII quickly reinstated the Jesuits and the Inquisition, reestablishing the Roman Catholic Church to its former glory and authority. The main beliefs of this faith include the following: 1. That St. Peter was appointed by Christ to be his representative and the leader of the Catholic Church; and that the bishops of Rome, as his successors, hold the same apostolic authority. Jesus stated in Matthew 16:18, “You are Peter, and on this rock, I will build my church,” which they interpret as referring to St. Peter himself rather than his confession of faith, as Protestants do. They argue that, just like Aaron had his succession in the Old Testament, a similar succession is necessary in the New Testament, and this can only be traced through the chair of St. Peter in Rome, where he is believed to have led for twenty-five years before his death; therefore, the bishops of Rome are his true successors. 2. That the Roman Catholic Church is the mother and teacher of all churches and cannot be wrong in matters of faith because it has the promise of the Holy Spirit to guide it into all truth (John 16:13); “and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it” (Matthew 16:18). Jesus, who is truth, promised to be with the church's leaders “always, even to the end of the world” (Matthew 28:20). They assert, “It is from the authority of the church that we accept the Scriptures as the word of God.” 3. That the Scriptures, acknowledged by the church, are not enough for our faith without apostolic traditions, which have equal authority; as St. Peter pointed out, in St. Paul’s letters, there are “some things hard to understand, which those who are unlearned twist, as they do the other Scriptures, to their own destruction” (2 Peter 3:16). St. Paul advises us to “stand firm and hold to the traditions that you were taught, whether by word or by letter” (2 Thessalonians 2:15). 4. That there are seven sacraments established by Jesus Christ: baptism, confirmation, Eucharist, penance, anointing of the sick, holy orders, and matrimony; and these confer grace. To support that confirmation is a sacrament, they reference Acts 8:17: “They,” the Apostles, “laid their hands on them,” the believers, “and they received the Holy Spirit.” Penance is a sacrament where sins committed after baptism are forgiven when genuinely repented and confessed to a priest, believed to have been instituted by Christ when he breathed on his Apostles after his resurrection and said, “Receive the Holy Spirit; if you forgive anyone’s sins, their sins are forgiven; if you do not forgive them, they are not forgiven” (John 20:23). For anointing the sick, they cite James 5:14-15, which states, “Are any among you sick? Let him call for the elders of the church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil.” The sacrament of holy orders is inferred from 1 Timothy 4:14: “Do not neglect your gift, which was given you through prophecy when the body of elders laid their hands on you.” They believe marriage is a sacrament based on Ephesians 5:32: “This is a great mystery,” symbolizing the mystical union between Christ and his church. “Matrimony,” they say, “is a sign of something sacred, making it a sacrament.” Despite this, they require celibacy from clergy, believing that those who are supposed to be wholly devoted to God should not be distracted by the commitments of marriage (1 Corinthians 7:32-33). 5. In the Mass, or public service, a true and propitiatory sacrifice is offered to God for the living and the dead; and in the Eucharist, under the forms of bread and wine, the body and blood, soul and divinity of Jesus Christ are truly and substantially present; and they believe the entire substance of the bread becomes his body and the wine becomes his blood, a process termed transubstantiation, according to the words of Jesus to his disciples, “This is my body” (Matthew 26:26), making it an object of worship. Moreover, it is a matter of practice, not belief, in the Roman Church that laypeople receive the Eucharist in one kind, i.e., in bread only. They believe the sacrifice of the Mass was foretold by the Prophet Malachi (1:11), who said, “In every place incense shall be offered unto my name, and a pure offering.” 6. They believe in purgatory, where souls are held and can receive help through the prayers of the faithful. As stated in 1 Corinthians 3:15, “If anyone’s work is burned, he will suffer loss; but he himself will be saved, yet so as through fire,” which they interpret as referring to the flames of purgatory. They also believe that prayers and almsgiving can free souls from purgatory, especially through the holy sacrifice of the Mass. They consider purgatory a transitional state for those who leave this life in God’s grace but with some minor faults that prevent their immediate entry into heaven, where nothing impure can go. 7. They hold that the saints reigning with Christ (especially the Blessed Virgin) should be honored and prayed to; they ask God for our intercession and their relics should be venerated. However, these honors are not divine but relative, contributing to God’s glory (Revelation 5:8; 8:4). 8. They believe that images of Christ, the Blessed Virgin, and other saints should be kept in churches and honored. Just as images of cherubim were allowed in temples, similar images should be preserved and revered in churches. 9. They argue that the power of indulgences was granted by Christ to the church and is very beneficial for Christians, based on Matthew 16:19: “I will give you the keys to the kingdom of heaven.” They do not mean that indulgences allow for sinful behavior or absolve future sins but rather release, through the church's authority, the temporal punishment that may still be owed for sins after the guilt and eternal punishment have been forgiven through repentance and confession and by the merits of Christ and all the saints. They believe that through their indulgences, they can apply the merits of Christ and the saints and martyrs to their souls.
The ceremonies of this church are numerous and splendid, as, 1. They make use of the sign of the cross in all their sacraments, to give us to understand, that they have their whole force and efficacy from the cross. 2. Sprinkling of the holy water by the priest on solemn days is used likewise by every one going in or coming out of church. 3. The ceremony of blessing bells is, by the Catholics, called christening them; because the name of some saint is ascribed to them, by virtue of whose invocation they are presented, in order that they may obtain his favour and protection. 4. They always bow at the name of Jesus, (which is also done as regularly in the church of England,) and they found the practice on Phil. ii, 10: “That at the name of Jesus every knee should bow.” 5. They keep a number of lamps and wax candles continually burning before the shrines and images of the saints. 6. They make use of incense, and have lighted candles upon the altar at the celebration of the mass. 7. The practice of washing the poor’s feet, in imitation of our Lord’s washing the feet of his disciples, is solemnized on Holy Thursday by all the princes of the Romish religion in Europe. The church of Rome also professes to keep the fast of Lent with great strictness, and observes a much greater number both of feasts and festivals than the church of England.
The ceremonies of this church are many and impressive. 1. They use the sign of the cross in all their sacraments to emphasize that their entire strength and effectiveness come from the cross. 2. On special days, the priest sprinkles holy water, and everyone uses it when entering or leaving the church. 3. The ceremony of blessing bells is referred to by Catholics as christening them because they are given the name of a saint, invoking that saint’s protection and favor. 4. They always bow at the name of Jesus, which is a practice also observed in the Church of England, based on Philippians 2:10: “That at the name of Jesus every knee should bow.” 5. They keep several lamps and wax candles burning continuously in front of the shrines and images of the saints. 6. They use incense and lit candles on the altar during the mass. 7. The practice of washing the feet of the poor, imitating Jesus washing the feet of his disciples, is performed on Holy Thursday by all the leaders of the Roman Catholic Church in Europe. The Roman Church also claims to observe Lent strictly and celebrates many more feasts and festivals than the Church of England.
The church of Rome assumes the title of Catholic, or universal, as answering to that article in the Apostles’ Creed, “I believe in the holy Catholic church.” The above is perhaps a sufficient account of the Roman Catholic faith; but as the creed of Pope Pius IV. is universally admitted to be the true standard of that faith, it would be decidedly wrong to conclude without inserting it. Mr. Butler says it contains a succinct and explicit summary of the canons of the council of Trent, and was published in the form of a papal bull, in 1564. He adds, “It is received throughout the whole Roman Catholic church; every one who is admitted into that church, publicly reads and professes his assent to it.” This document commences with reciting the Nicene Creed, which, as it is admitted by the Protestant church of England, and inserted in the Common Prayer Book, need not be here repeated. It then proceeds with the twelve following articles, in addition to those of the Apostles’ Creed, which they also reckon twelve: “13. I most firmly admit and embrace apostolical and ecclesiastical traditions, and all other constitutions and observances of the same church. I also admit the sacred Scriptures according to the sense which the holy mother church has held, and does hold, to whom it belongs to judge of the true sense and interpretation of the Holy Scriptures; nor will I ever take and interpret them otherwise than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers. 14. I profess also that there are truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law, instituted by Jesus Christ our Lord, and for the salvation of mankind, (though all are not necessary for every one,) namely, baptism, confirmation, eucharist, penance, extreme unction, order, and matrimony; and that they confer grace; and of these, baptism, confirmation, and order cannot be reiterated without sacrilege. 15. I also receive and admit the ceremonies of the Catholic church, received and approved in the solemn administration of all the above said sacraments. 16. I receive and embrace all and every one of the things which have been defined and declared in the holy council of Trent, concerning original sin and justification. 17. I profess, likewise, that in the mass, is offered 826to God a true, proper, and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and the dead; and that in the most holy sacrament of the eucharist there is truly, really, and substantially the body and blood, together with the soul and divinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ; and that there is made a conversion of the whole substance of the bread into the body, and of the whole substance of the wine into the blood, which conversion the Catholic church calls transubstantiation. 18. I confess, also, that under either kind alone, Christ whole and entire, and a true sacrament, is received. 19. I constantly hold that there is a purgatory, and that the souls detained therein are helped by the suffrages of the faithful. 20. Likewise, that the saints reigning together with Christ are to be honoured and invocated; that they offer prayers to God for us, and that their relics are to be venerated. 21. I most firmly assert, that the images of Christ, and of the mother of Christ, ever a virgin, and also of the other saints, are to be had and retained, and that due honour and veneration are to be given to them. 22. I also affirm, that the power of indulgences was left by Christ in the church, and that the use of them is most wholesome to Christian people. 23. I acknowledge the holy Catholic and apostolic Roman church, the mother and mistress of all churches; and I promise and swear true obedience to the bishop of Rome, the successor of St. Peter, prince of the Apostles, and vicar of Jesus Christ. 24. I also profess, and undoubtedly receive, all other things, delivered, defined, and declared by the sacred canons and general councils, and particularly by the holy council of Trent; and likewise, I also condemn, reject, and anathematize all things contrary thereto; and all heresies whatsoever, condemned and anathematized by the church. This true catholic faith, out of which none can be saved, which I now freely profess, and truly hold, I, N., promise, vow, and swear most constantly to hold and profess the same, whole and entire, with God’s assistance, to the end of my life. Amen.”
The church of Rome takes on the title of Catholic, or universal, in line with the statement in the Apostles’ Creed, “I believe in the holy Catholic church.” This is probably a sufficient overview of the Roman Catholic faith; however, since the creed of Pope Pius IV. is widely recognized as the true standard of that faith, it would be appropriate to include it. Mr. Butler notes that it offers a clear and concise summary of the canons from the Council of Trent and was published as a papal bull in 1564. He adds, “It is accepted throughout the entire Roman Catholic church; everyone who joins that church publicly reads and professes their agreement with it.” This document begins by reciting the Nicene Creed, which is accepted by the Protestant Church of England and included in the Common Prayer Book, so it doesn't need to be repeated here. It continues with the following twelve articles, in addition to those in the Apostles' Creed, which they also count as twelve: “13. I firmly accept and embrace apostolic and ecclesiastical traditions, and all other laws and practices of the same church. I also accept the sacred Scriptures according to the meaning that the holy mother church has taught and continues to teach, as it is her role to interpret the true meaning of the Holy Scriptures; and I will not interpret them any other way than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers. 14. I also profess that there are truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law, established by Jesus Christ our Lord, for the salvation of humanity (though not all are necessary for everyone), namely baptism, confirmation, Eucharist, penance, extreme unction, order, and matrimony; and that they confer grace; and that baptism, confirmation, and order cannot be repeated without sacrilege. 15. I also accept and embrace the ceremonies of the Catholic church, accepted and approved in the solemn administration of all the above-mentioned sacraments. 16. I embrace everything that has been defined and declared in the holy Council of Trent about original sin and justification. 17. I likewise profess that in the mass a true, proper, and propitiatory sacrifice is offered to God for the living and the dead; and that in the most holy sacrament of the Eucharist, there is truly, really, and substantially the body and blood, along with the soul and divinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ; and that the whole substance of the bread is transformed into the body, and the entire substance of the wine into the blood, a conversion the Catholic church calls transubstantiation. 18. I also acknowledge that under either kind alone, Christ whole and entire, and a true sacrament, is received. 19. I firmly believe that there is a purgatory, and that the souls detained there are aided by the prayers of the faithful. 20. Likewise, I believe that the saints who reign together with Christ should be honored and invoked; that they pray to God for us, and that their relics should be venerated. 21. I strongly affirm that images of Christ, of his mother the virgin, and also of other saints, should be kept and honored, and due respect given to them. 22. I also maintain that the power of indulgences was left by Christ in the church, and that their use is very beneficial to Christian people. 23. I recognize the holy Catholic and apostolic Roman church as the mother and teacher of all churches; and I promise and swear true obedience to the bishop of Rome, the successor of St. Peter, the prince of the Apostles, and vicar of Jesus Christ. 24. I also profess, and fully accept, all other things delivered, defined, and declared by the sacred canons and general councils, particularly by the holy Council of Trent; and I condemn, reject, and anathematize all things contrary to these and all heresies condemned and anathematized by the church. This true Catholic faith, from which no one can be saved, which I now freely profess and truly hold, I, N., promise, vow, and swear most firmly to uphold and profess in its entirety, with God’s help, for the rest of my life. Amen.”
Such is the avowed and accredited faith of the church of Rome; but it seems a most extraordinary circumstance, that, while this church has so enlarged the creed, it has reduced the number of the commandments, omitting altogether the second, “Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image,” &c, Exod. xx, 3–6; as if the Catholics were conscious it could by no means be reconciled with the twenty-first article of the above recited creed. And then, to prevent alarm, as every body must know there should be ten commandments, the last is divided into two, to make up the number. This is said to have been done, even before the Reformation. It was done in the French National Catechism, published in 1806, and sanctioned by Pope Pius VII., by the archbishop of Paris, and by the Emperor Napoleon. It is remarkable, also, that in Dr. Chalenor’s “Garden of the Soul,” printed in London by Coglan, in 1787, in a form of self-examination for the penitent upon each commandment, there is no reference to the one omitted; nor is there any reference to it in Bossuet’s famous “Exposition of the Doctrines of the Catholic Church,” when treating upon images, and the manner in which they are directed to be honoured. Lastly, in Butler’s Catechism, the eighth edition, printed at Dublin in 1811, and sanctioned by four Roman Catholic archbishops, the commandments stand literally as follows: “1. I am the Lord thy God; thou shalt have no strange gods before me. 2. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain. 3. Remember that thou keep holy the Sabbath day. 4. Honour thy father and thy mother. 5. Thou shalt not kill. 6. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 7. Thou shalt not steal. 8. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. 9. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife. 10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s goods.” Here it may be added, that by omitting the second command, the others are numbered differently from what they are by us. Thus, the third is brought in for the second, the fourth is made the third, &c, till they come to the last which is divided in two, for the purpose above mentioned. The gross and antiscriptural errors, leading to superstition, idolatry, and many other evils, which are contained in the peculiarities of the papistical faith, are abundantly pointed out and refuted by the leading Protestant writers.
This is the stated and recognized belief of the Roman Catholic Church; however, it seems quite strange that while this church has expanded its doctrine, it has decreased the number of commandments, completely omitting the second, “You shall not make for yourself a graven image,” etc. (Exod. xx, 3–6), as if Catholics were aware that it couldn't possibly align with the twenty-first article of the mentioned creed. To avoid confusion, since everyone knows there should be ten commandments, the last one is split into two to make up the number. This is said to have been done even before the Reformation. It occurred in the French National Catechism, published in 1806, and approved by Pope Pius VII, the Archbishop of Paris, and Emperor Napoleon. It's also noteworthy that in Dr. Chalenor’s “Garden of the Soul,” printed in London by Coglan in 1787, in a self-examination form for the penitent concerning each commandment, there is no mention of the one that was omitted; nor is it mentioned in Bossuet’s famous “Exposition of the Doctrines of the Catholic Church” when discussing images and how they are to be honored. Lastly, in Butler’s Catechism, the eighth edition, printed in Dublin in 1811 and endorsed by four Roman Catholic archbishops, the commandments are literally listed as follows: “1. I am the Lord your God; you shall have no other gods before me. 2. You shall not take the name of the Lord your God in vain. 3. Remember to keep holy the Sabbath day. 4. Honor your father and mother. 5. You shall not kill. 6. You shall not commit adultery. 7. You shall not steal. 8. You shall not bear false witness against your neighbor. 9. You shall not covet your neighbor’s wife. 10. You shall not covet your neighbor’s goods.” Here it should be noted that by omitting the second commandment, the others are numbered differently than they are in our tradition. Thus, the third command is counted as the second, the fourth becomes the third, etc., until they reach the last, which is divided in two for the previously mentioned reason. The blatant and unbiblical errors leading to superstition, idolatry, and many other issues found in the specifics of papal beliefs are thoroughly pointed out and refuted by leading Protestant writers.
ROMANS, Epistle to the. This epistle was written from Corinth, A. D. 58, being the fourth year of the Emperor Nero, just before St. Paul set out for Jerusalem with the contributions which the Christians of Macedonia and Achaia had made for the relief of their poor brethren in Judea, Acts xx, 1; Rom. xv, 25, 26. It was transcribed or written as St. Paul dictated it, by Tertius; and the person who conveyed it to Rome was Phœbe, a deaconess of the church of Cenchrea, which was the eastern port of the city of Corinth, Rom. xvi, 1, 22. It is addressed to the church at Rome, which consisted partly of Jewish and partly of Heathen converts; and throughout the epistle it is evident that the Apostle has regard to both these descriptions of Christians. St. Paul, when he wrote this epistle had not been at Rome, Rom. i, 13; xv, 23; but he had heard an account of the state of the church in that city from Aquila and Priscilla, two Christians who were banished from thence by the edict of Claudius, and with whom he lived during his first visit to Corinth. Whether any other Apostle had at this time preached the Gospel at Rome, cannot now be ascertained. Among those who witnessed the effect of the first effusion of the Holy Ghost are mentioned “strangers of Rome, Jews and proselytes,” Acts ii, 10; that is, persons of the Jewish religion, who usually resided at Rome, but who had come to Jerusalem to be present at the feast of pentecost. It is highly probable that these men, upon their return home, proclaimed the Gospel of Christ; and we may farther suppose that many Christians who had been converted at other places afterward 827settled at Rome, and were the cause of others embracing the Gospel. But, by whatever means Christianity had been introduced into Rome, it seems to have flourished there in great purity; for we learn from the beginning of this epistle that the faith of the Roman Christians was at this time much celebrated, Rom. i, 8. To confirm them in that faith, and to guard them against the errors of Judaizing Christians, was the object of this letter, in which St. Paul takes occasion to enlarge upon the nature of the Mosaic institution; to explain the fundamental principles and doctrines of Christianity; and to show that the whole human race, formerly divided into Jews and Gentiles, were now to be admitted into the religion of Jesus, indiscriminately, and free from every other obligation. The Apostle, after expressing his affection to the Roman Christians, and asserting that the Gospel is the power of God unto salvation to all who believe, takes a comprehensive view of the conduct and condition of men under the different dispensations of Providence; he shows that all mankind, both Jews and Gentiles, were equally “under sin,” and liable to the wrath and punishment of God; that therefore there was a necessity for a universal propitiation and redemption, which were now offered to the whole race of men, without any preference or exception, by the mercy of him who is the God of the Gentiles as well as of the Jews; that faith in Jesus Christ, the universal Redeemer, was the only means of obtaining this salvation, which the deeds of the law were wholly incompetent to procure; that as the sins of the whole world originated from the disobedience of Adam, so the justification from those sins was to be derived from the obedience of Christ; that all distinction between Jew and Gentile was now abolished, and the ceremonial law entirely abrogated; that the unbelieving Jews would be excluded from the benefits of the Gospel, while the believing Gentiles would be partakers of them; and that this rejection of the Jews, and call of the Gentiles, were predicted by the Jewish Prophets Hosea and Isaiah. He then points out the superiority of the Christian over the Jewish religion, and earnestly exhorts the Romans to abandon every species of wickedness, and to practise the duties of righteousness and holiness, which were now enjoined upon higher sanctions, and enforced by more powerful motives. In the latter part of the epistle, St. Paul gives some practical instructions, and recommends some particular virtues; and he concludes with a salutation and a doxology. This epistle is most valuable, on account of the arguments and truths which it contains, relative to the necessity, nature, and universality of the Gospel dispensation.
ROMANS, Letter to the. This letter was written from Corinth in A.D. 58, during the fourth year of Emperor Nero, just before St. Paul left for Jerusalem with the contributions that the Christians of Macedonia and Achaia had gathered to help their less fortunate brothers in Judea, Acts xx, 1; Rom. xv, 25, 26. It was transcribed or written as St. Paul dictated it by Tertius; and the person who delivered it to Rome was Phoebe, a deaconess from the church of Cenchrea, which was the eastern port of the city of Corinth, Rom. xvi, 1, 22. It is addressed to the church in Rome, which included both Jewish and Gentile converts; and throughout the letter, it’s clear that the Apostle considers both groups of Christians. At the time he wrote this letter, St. Paul had not yet been to Rome, Rom. i, 13; xv, 23; but he had learned about the church's situation in that city from Aquila and Priscilla, two Christians who were expelled there by the edict of Claudius, and with whom he lived during his first visit to Corinth. We can't confirm whether any other Apostle had preached the Gospel in Rome by then. Among those who witnessed the initial outpouring of the Holy Spirit were “strangers from Rome, Jews and proselytes,” Acts ii, 10; meaning people of the Jewish faith who usually lived in Rome but had traveled to Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast. It’s highly likely that these men shared the Gospel of Christ upon returning home, and we can further suggest that many Christians converted elsewhere eventually settled in Rome, leading to more people embracing the Gospel. However, regardless of how Christianity started in Rome, it appears to have thrived there in great purity, as we see from the beginning of this letter that the faith of the Roman Christians was well-known at that time, Rom. i, 8. To strengthen their faith and protect them from the errors of Judaizing Christians was the purpose of this letter, in which St. Paul takes the opportunity to elaborate on the nature of the Mosaic law; explain the fundamental principles and doctrines of Christianity; and show that all humanity, previously divided into Jews and Gentiles, was now to be included in the religion of Jesus, without distinction and free from other obligations. After expressing his affection for the Roman Christians and stating that the Gospel is the power of God for salvation to everyone who believes, he provides a sweeping overview of human conduct and condition under the various divine arrangements; he demonstrates that all people, both Jews and Gentiles, were equally “under sin” and subject to God's wrath and punishment; hence, there was a need for a universal atonement and redemption that were now offered to all of humanity, with no favoritism, by the mercy of the one who is God of both Gentiles and Jews; that faith in Jesus Christ, the universal Redeemer, was the sole means of attaining this salvation, which the actions of the law could not achieve; that as the sins of the entire world stemmed from Adam's disobedience, justification from those sins comes from Christ's obedience; that the distinction between Jew and Gentile was now abolished, and the ceremonial law completely annulled; that non-believing Jews would miss out on the benefits of the Gospel, while believing Gentiles would share in them; and that this rejection of the Jews and acceptance of the Gentiles had been foretold by the Jewish prophets Hosea and Isaiah. He goes on to highlight the superiority of Christianity over Judaism and earnestly urges the Romans to reject all forms of wickedness and to practice righteousness and holiness, which were now imposed by higher standards and backed by more compelling motives. In the latter part of the letter, St. Paul provides some practical advice and recommends specific virtues; he concludes with greetings and a doxology. This letter is extremely valuable because of the arguments and truths it contains regarding the necessity, nature, and universality of the Gospel message.
ROOFS. The letting down of the paralytic through the roof of the house where Jesus was, is satisfactorily explained by the following extract from Shaw’s Travels: “The houses throughout the east are low, having generally a ground floor only, or one upper story, and flat-roofed, the roof being covered with a strong coat of plaster of terrace. They are built round a paved court, into which the entrance from the street is through a gateway or passage room furnished with benches, and sufficiently large to be used for receiving visits or transacting business. The stairs which lead to the roof are never placed on the outside of the house in the street, but usually in the gateway, or passage room to the court, sometimes at the entrance within the court. This court is now called, in Arabic, el woost, or ‘the middle of the house,’ literally answering to τὸ μέσον of St. Luke, v, 19. It is customary to fix cords from the parapet walls, Deut. xxii, 8, of the flat roofs across this court, and upon them to expand a veil or covering, as a shelter from the heat. In this area, probably, our Saviour taught. The paralytic was brought on to the roof by making a way through the crowd to the stairs in the gateway, or by the terraces of the adjoining houses. They rolled back the veil, and let the sick man down over the parapet of the roof into the area or court of the house, before Jesus.” The windows of the eastern houses being chiefly within, facing the court, in order to see what was going on without in the streets of the city, the only way was to run up to the flat roof. Hence the frequent expression in Scripture, when allusion is made to sudden tumults and calamities, to get up to “the house top.” See Houses.
ROOFS. The story of the paralytic being lowered through the roof where Jesus was is clearly explained by the following excerpt from Shaw’s Travels: “The houses in the east are typically low, usually just a ground floor or one upper story, and they have flat roofs coated with a thick layer of plaster. They are built around a paved courtyard, which you enter from the street through a gateway or passage room with benches, spacious enough for receiving guests or conducting business. The stairs leading to the roof are never on the outside of the house along the street, but usually found in the gateway or passage room leading to the courtyard, sometimes at the entrance within the courtyard. This courtyard is now called, in Arabic, el woost, or 'the middle of the house,' literally corresponding to τὸ μέσον of St. Luke, v, 19. It's common to stretch cords from the parapet walls, Deut. xxii, 8, of the flat roofs across this courtyard, and to hang a veil or covering on them for shade from the heat. It is likely that our Saviour taught in this area. The paralytic was brought up to the roof by making their way through the crowd to the staircase in the gateway, or by the terraces of the nearby houses. They rolled back the veil and lowered the sick man over the parapet of the roof into the courtyard of the house, right before Jesus.” The windows of eastern houses mainly face inward towards the courtyard to allow residents to see what’s happening in the streets, so the only option was to go up to the flat roof. This is why Scripture often refers to hurried escapes and disasters as going up to “the house top.” See Homes.
ROSE, הבצלת, Cant., ii, 1; Isaiah xxxv, 1. The rose, so much and so often sung by the poets of Persia, Arabia, Greece, and Rome, is, indeed, the pride of the garden for elegance of form, for glow of colour, and fragrance of smell. Tournefort mentions fifty-three kinds, of which the Damascus rose, and the rose of Sharon, are the finest. The beauty of these flowers is too well known to be insisted on; and they are at this day much admired in the east, where they are extremely fragrant. In what esteem the rose was among the Greeks, may be learned from the fifth and fifty-third odes of Anacreon. Among the ancients it occupied a conspicuous place in every chaplet; it was a principal ornament in every festive meeting, and at every solemn sacrifice; and the comparisons in Ecclesiasticus xxiv, 14, and l, 8, show that the Jews were likewise much delighted with it. The rose bud, or opening rose, seems in particular a favourite ornament. The Jewish sensualists, in Wisdom ii, 8, are introduced saying, “Let us fill ourselves with costly wine and ointments; and let no flower of the spring pass by us. Let us crown ourselves with rose buds before they are withered.”
ROSE, הבצלת, Cant., ii, 1; Isaiah xxxv, 1. The rose, celebrated by poets from Persia, Arabia, Greece, and Rome, truly is the highlight of the garden for its elegant shape, vibrant colors, and delightful scent. Tournefort lists fifty-three varieties, with the Damascus rose and the rose of Sharon being the most exquisite. The beauty of these flowers is so well known that it hardly needs saying; they are still highly admired in the east, where they smell incredibly sweet. The high regard for the rose among the Greeks can be seen in the fifth and fifty-third odes of Anacreon. In ancient times, it held a prominent place in every garland; it was a key decoration at every celebration and solemn sacrifice. The references in Ecclesiasticus xxiv, 14, and l, 8, indicate that the Jews also appreciated it greatly. The rose bud, or blooming rose, seems to be a particularly favored decoration. In Wisdom ii, 8, the indulgent Jewish characters are quoted saying, “Let’s indulge in expensive wine and perfumes; and let’s not let any spring flower pass us by. Let’s crown ourselves with rose buds before they fade away.”
ROSH. The Hebrew speaks of a people called Rosh, Ezek. xxxviii, 2, 3. “The orientals hold,”hold,” says D’Herbelot, “that Japheth had a son called Rous, not mentioned by Moses, who peopled Russia, that is, Muscovy.” We question not but Rosh, or Ros, signifies Russia, or the people that dwell on the Araxes, called Rosch by the inhabitants; which was the habitation of the Scythians. It deserves notice, that the LXX. render the passage in Ezekiel, Γὼγ, ἄρχοντα Ῥὼς, Μεσὸχ, καὶ Θοβὲλ, Gog, 828the chief of Ros, Mesoch, and Thobel; and Jerom, not absolutely to reject this name, inserts both renderings: Gog, terram Magog, principem capitis (sive Ros) Mosoch, et Thubal. Symmachus and Theodotion also perceived Ros to be in this place the name of a people; and this is now the prevailing judgment of interpreters. Bochart, about A. D. 1640, contended that Russia was the nation meant by the term Ros; and this opinion is supported by the testimony of various Greek writers, who describe “the Ros as a Scythian nation, bordering on the northern Taurus.” Mosok, or Mesech, appears to be the same as the Moskwa, or Moscow, of the moderns; and we know, that not only is this the name of the city, but also of the river on which it stands. See Gog.
ROSH. The Hebrew refers to a people called Rosh, Ezek. xxxviii, 2, 3. “The Orientals believe,hold,” says D’Herbelot, “that Japheth had a son named Rous, not mentioned by Moses, who settled in Russia, that is, Muscovy.” We don't doubt that Rosh, or Ros, means Russia, or the people living by the Araxes, referred to as Rosch by the locals; this was the land of the Scythians. It's worth noting that the LXX translates the passage in Ezekiel as Γὼγ, ἄρχοντα Ῥὼς, Μεσὸχ, καὶ Θοβὲλ, Gog, the chief of Ros, Mesoch, and Thobel; and Jerome, not entirely dismissing this name, includes both translations: Gog, land of Magog, chief (or Ros) Mosoch, et Thubal. Symmachus and Theodotion also recognized Ros as the name of a people in this context; and this is now the common view among interpreters. Bochart, around A.D. 1640, argued that Russia was the nation referred to by the term Ros; this view is backed by various Greek writers, who describe “the Ros as a Scythian nation, bordering on the northern Taurus.” Mosok, or Mesech, appears to be the same as the Moskwa, or Moscow, as we know it today; and we recognize that not only is this the name of the city, but also of the river it stands on. See Gog.
RUBY, a beautiful gem, whose colour is red, with an admixture of purple, and is, in its most perfect state, a gem of extreme value. In hardness it is equal to the sapphire, and second only to the diamond. It is mentioned in Job xxviii, 18, and Prov. viii, 11, &c.
RUBY, a stunning gem that is red with hints of purple, is incredibly valuable when it's in its most perfect form. It has a hardness equal to that of sapphire and ranks just below diamond. It is referenced in Job 28:18 and Proverbs 8:11, etc.
RUE, ϖήγανον, Luke xi, 42, a small shrubby plant, common in gardens. It has a strong, unpleasant smell, and a bitterish, penetrating taste.
RUE, ϖήγανον, Luke xi, 42, a small bushy plant, commonly found in gardens. It has a strong, unpleasant smell and a bitter, sharp taste.
RUSH, גמא, Exodus ii, 3; Job viii, 11; Isaiah xviii, 2; xxxv, 7; a plant growing in the water at the sides of rivers, and in marshy grounds.
RUSH, גמא, Exodus 2:3; Job 8:11; Isaiah 18:2; 35:7; a plant that grows in water along riverbanks and in wetland areas.
RUSSIAN CHURCH. The Russians, like other nations, were originally Pagans, and worshipped fire, which they considered as the cause of thunder, under the name of Perun, and the earth under the name Volata; at the same time having some notions of a future state of rewards and punishments. Christianity was first professed by the Princess Olga, who was baptized at Constantinople. She recommended it to her grandson Vladimir, on whose baptism, in 988, it was adopted by the nation generally; and from that time the Greek church has been the established religion throughout Russia, and Greek literature greatly encouraged. During the middle ages, however, the doctrine of transubstantiation, and some other popish peculiarities, were covertly introduced; and, by the irruption of the Mongol Tartars, in the fifteenth century, a stop was put to learning and civilization for full two centuries; but, on the accession of the present dynasty in 1613, civilization and Christianity were restored, and schools established for the education of the clergy. The Russian clergy are divided into regular and secular; the former are all monks, and the latter are the parochial clergy. The superior clergy are called archires; but the title of metropolitan, or bishop, is personal, and not properly attached to the see, as in the western church. Next after the archires rank the black clergy, including the chiefs of monasteries and convents, and after them the monks. The secular priests are called the white clergy, including the protoires, or proto-popes, priests, and deacons, together with the readers and sacristans. These amounted, in 1805, throughout the empire, to ninety-eight thousand seven hundred and twenty-six. The white clergy must be married before they can be ordained, but must not marry a second time; they are at liberty then to enter among the black clergy, and a way is thus opened for their accession to the higher orders. The whole empire is divided into thirty-six diocesses, or eparchies, in which are four hundred and eighty-three cathedrals, and twenty-six thousand, five hundred and ninety-eight churches. The churches are divided into three parts. 1. The altar, where stands the holy table, crucifix, &c, which is separated from the body of the church by a large screen, on which are painted our Saviour, the virgin, the Apostles, and other saints. Upon a platform before this are placed the readers and singers, and here the preacher generally stands behind a movable desk. 2. The nave, or body of the church, which may be called the inner court. 3. The trapeza, or outer court. The two last are designed for the congregation, but neither have any seats. The walls of the church are highly embellished with Scripture paintings, ornamented with gold, silver, and precious stones, but no images.
RUSSIAN CHURCH. The Russians, like other nations, were originally pagans and worshipped fire, which they believed was the cause of thunder, under the name of Perun, and the earth under the name Volata; they also had some ideas about a future state of rewards and punishments. Christianity was first embraced by Princess Olga, who was baptized in Constantinople. She encouraged her grandson Vladimir to adopt it, and upon his baptism in 988, it was accepted by the nation as a whole; since then, the Greek church has been the established religion throughout Russia, greatly promoting Greek literature. However, during the Middle Ages, the doctrine of transubstantiation and other Catholic peculiarities were subtly introduced; and with the invasion of the Mongol Tartars in the fifteenth century, learning and civilization were halted for two full centuries. But following the rise of the current dynasty in 1613, civilization and Christianity were revived, and schools were established for educating the clergy. The Russian clergy are divided into regular and secular; the former consists of monks, while the latter includes the parochial clergy. The higher clergy are called archires; however, the title of metropolitan, or bishop, is personal and not inherently tied to the see, unlike in the western church. Following the archires are the black clergy, which includes heads of monasteries and convents, and then the monks. The secular priests are referred to as the white clergy, which includes the protoires, or proto-popes, priests, and deacons, as well as readers and sacristans. In 1805, there were ninety-eight thousand seven hundred twenty-six of them across the empire. The white clergy must be married before they can be ordained, but they cannot remarry; they are then free to join the black clergy, providing a pathway to the higher orders. The entire empire is split into thirty-six dioceses, or eparchies, containing four hundred eighty-three cathedrals and twenty-six thousand five hundred ninety-eight churches. The churches are divided into three parts: 1. The altar, where the holy table, crucifix, etc., stands, separated from the main area of the church by a large screen featuring paintings of our Savior, the virgin, the Apostles, and other saints. On a platform in front of this are the readers and singers, and generally, the preacher stands behind a movable desk here. 2. The nave, or main body of the church, which can be seen as the inner court. 3. The trapeza, or outer court. The last two are meant for the congregation, but neither has any seating. The church walls are richly decorated with Scripture paintings, embellished with gold, silver, and precious stones, but there are no images.
The church service is contained in twenty-four volumes, folio, in the Slavonian language, which is not well understood by the common people. Parts of the Scriptures are read in the service; but few, even of the ecclesiastics, possess a complete Bible. The patriarch of Russia was formerly almost equal in authority with the czar himself; but Peter the Great, on the death of the patriarch in 1700, abolished his office, and appointed an exarch. In 1721 he abolished this office also, and appointed a “holy legislative synod” for the government of the church, at the head of which is always placed a layman of rank and eminence. The monastic life was once so prevalent in this country, that there were four hundred and seventy-nine convents for men, and seventy-four for women, in which there were about seventy thousand monks and nuns, &c; but this kind of life was so much discouraged by Peter the Great and the Empress Catherine, that the religious are now reduced to about five thousand monks and seventeen hundred nuns. Great part of their revenues has also been alienated, and appropriated to the support of hospitals and houses for the poor.
The church service is made up of twenty-four volumes in folio, written in the Slavonian language, which most people don’t really understand. Portions of the Scriptures are read during the service, but very few, even among the clergy, have a complete Bible. The patriarch of Russia used to have nearly the same authority as the czar; however, Peter the Great abolished that position after the patriarch died in 1700 and appointed an exarch instead. In 1721, he got rid of that role too and created a “holy legislative synod” to oversee the church, which is always led by a high-ranking layperson. Monastic life used to be so widespread in this country that there were four hundred and seventy-nine male convents and seventy-four female convents, with about seventy thousand monks and nuns. However, Peter the Great and Empress Catherine greatly discouraged this lifestyle, and now there are only about five thousand monks and seventeen hundred nuns. A significant portion of their income has also been taken away and redirected to support hospitals and shelters for the poor.
RUTH. The book of Ruth is so called from the name of the person, a native of Moab, whose history it contains. It may be considered as a supplement to the book of Judges, to which it was joined in the Hebrew canon, and the latter part of which it greatly resembles, being a detached story belonging to the same period. Ruth had a son called Obed, who was the grandfather of David, which circumstance probably occasioned her history to be written, as the genealogy of David, from Pharez, the son of Judah, from whom the Messiah was to spring, is here given; and some commentators have thought, that the descent of our Saviour from Ruth, a Gentile woman, was an intimation of the comprehensive nature of the Christian dispensation. We are no where informed 829when Ruth lived; but as King David was her great-grandson, we may place her history about B. C. 1250. This book was certainly written after the birth of David, and probably by the Prophet Samuel, though some have attributed it to Hezekiah, and others to Ezra. The story related in this book is extremely interesting; the widowed distress of Naomi, her affectionate concern for her daughters, the reluctant departure of Orpah, the dutiful attachment of Ruth, and the sorrowful return to Bethlehem, are very beautifully told. The simplicity of manners, likewise, which is shown in Ruth’s industry and attention to Naomi; the elegant charity of Boaz; and his acknowledgment of his kindred with Ruth, afford a pleasing contrast to the turbulent scenes described in the book of the Judges. The respect, likewise, which the Israelites paid to the law of Moses, and their observance of ancient customs, are represented in a very lively and animated manner, Ruth iv. It is a pleasing digression from the general thread of the sacred history.
RUTH. The book of Ruth gets its name from the title character, a native of Moab, whose story it tells. It can be seen as an addition to the book of Judges, which it was originally associated with in the Hebrew canon, and it shares a lot of similarities with it, being a standalone story from the same time period. Ruth gave birth to a son named Obed, who became the grandfather of David. This connection likely led to her story being written down, as it includes the genealogy of David, going back to Pharez, the son of Judah, from whom the Messiah would come. Some scholars believe that Ruth's Gentile background hints at the inclusive nature of the Christian faith. We aren't told exactly when Ruth lived, but since King David was her great-grandson, we can estimate her story took place around B.C. 1250. This book was definitely written after David's birth, likely by the Prophet Samuel; however, some attribute it to Hezekiah or Ezra. The narrative in this book is extremely engaging; it beautifully recounts Naomi's struggles as a widow, her deep concern for her daughters, Orpah's hesitant departure, Ruth's loyal commitment, and their poignant return to Bethlehem. The simplicity of life is reflected in Ruth’s dedication to her work and care for Naomi, Boaz’s graceful generosity, and his recognition of his kinship with Ruth. These elements provide a striking contrast to the chaotic events described in the book of Judges. The reverence that the Israelites had for the law of Moses and their adherence to traditional customs are vividly depicted, particularly in Ruth iv. Overall, it serves as a delightful break from the broader narrative of sacred history.
SABAOTH, or rather Zabaoth, a Hebrew word, signifying hosts or armies, יהוה צבאות, Jehovah Sabaoth, The Lord of Hosts. By this phrase we may understand the host of heaven, or the angels and ministers of the Lord; or the stars and planets, which, as an army ranged in battle array, perform the will of God; or, lastly, the people of the Lord, both of the old and new covenant, which is truly a great army, of which God is the Lord and commander.
SABAOTH, or actually Zabaoth, is a Hebrew word that means hosts or armies, Yahweh of Hosts, Jehovah Sabaoth, The Lord of Hosts. This phrase can refer to the heavenly host, which includes the angels and ministers of the Lord; the stars and planets that, like an army arranged for battle, carry out God's will; or, finally, the people of the Lord from both the old and new covenants, which collectively form a great army, with God as their Lord and commander.
SABBATH. The obligation of a sabbatical institution upon Christians, as well as the extent of it, have been the subjects of much controversy. Christian churches themselves have differed; and the theologians of the same church. Much has been written upon the subject on each side, and much research and learning employed, sometimes to darken a very plain subject. The question respects the will of God as to this particular point,--Whether one day in seven is to be wholly devoted to religion, exclusive of worldly business and worldly pleasures. Now, there are but two ways in which the will of God can be collected from his word; either by some explicit injunction upon all, or by incidental circumstances. Let us then allow, for a moment, that we have no such explicit injunction; yet we have certainly none to the contrary: let us allow that we have only for our guidance, in inferring the will of God in this particular, certain circumstances declarative of his will; yet this important conclusion is inevitable, that all such indicative circumstances are in favour of a sabbatical institution, and that there is not one which exhibits any thing contrary to it. The seventh day was hallowed at the close of the creation; its sanctity was afterward marked by the withholding of the manna on that day, and the provision of a double supply on the sixth, and that previous to the giving of the law from Sinai: it was then made a part of that great epitome of religious and moral duty, which God wrote with his own finger on tables of stone; it was a part of the public political law of the only people to whom almighty God ever made himself a political Head and Ruler; its observance is connected throughout the prophetic age with the highest promises, its violations with the severest maledictions; it was among the Jews in our Lord’s time a day of solemn religious assembling, and was so observed by him; when changed to the first day of the week, it was the day on which the first Christians assembled; it was called, by way of eminence, “the Lord’s day;” and we have inspired authority to say, that both under the Old and New Testament dispensations, it is used as an expressive type of the heavenly and eternal rest. Now, against all these circumstances so strongly declarative of the will of God, as to the observance of a sabbatical institution, what circumstance or passage of Scripture can be opposed, as bearing upon it a contrary indication? Certainly, not one; for those passages in St. Paul, in which he speaks of Jewish Sabbaths, with their Levitical rites, and of a distinction of days, the observance of which marked a weak or a criminal adherence to the abolished ceremonial dispensation; touch not the Sabbath as a branch of the moral law, or as it was changed, by the authority of the Apostles, to the first day of the week. If, then, we were left to determine the point by inference, the conclusion must be irresistibly in favour of the institution.
SABBATH. The obligation of a sabbatical institution for Christians, as well as its scope, has sparked a lot of debate. Different Christian churches have varied in their views; even theologians within the same church have disagreed. A lot has been written on both sides of the issue, and considerable research and scholarship have been applied, sometimes complicating a very straightforward topic. The question concerns the will of God regarding whether one day in seven should be entirely devoted to religion, excluding worldly business and pleasures. There are only two ways to discern God's will from his word: either through a clear command for everyone, or through incidental circumstances. Let’s assume, for a moment, that there isn't such a clear command; however, there’s certainly no command against it. Let's consider that we only have certain circumstances to guide us in inferring God's will in this matter, but the crucial conclusion remains that all such circumstances support a sabbatical institution, and there isn’t a single one that suggests otherwise. The seventh day was sanctified at the end of creation; its holiness was later signified by God withholding manna on that day and providing a double portion on the sixth, even before the giving of the law at Sinai. It then became part of the essential summary of religious and moral duty, which God inscribed with his own finger on stone tablets; it was part of the public law of the only nation to whom God ever served as a political leader. Its observance is consistently linked throughout the prophetic era with the greatest promises, while violations are associated with severe consequences. Among the Jews in our Lord’s time, it was a day for solemn religious gatherings, and he observed it as such. When the observance shifted to the first day of the week, it became the day on which the first Christians gathered; it was notably called “the Lord’s day,” and we have inspired authority to assert that in both the Old and New Testament contexts, it symbolizes the heavenly and eternal rest. Now, against all these circumstances that strongly indicate God's will concerning the observance of a sabbatical institution, what circumstance or scripture can be presented as opposing it? Certainly none; because the passages in St. Paul that discuss Jewish Sabbaths, along with their Levitical practices and the distinction of days, refer to a weak or incorrect adherence to the now-abolished ceremonial law and do not touch on the Sabbath as a part of the moral law nor as transformed by the Apostles’ authority to the first day of the week. Therefore, if we need to resolve the issue through inference, the conclusion must unquestionably favor the institution.
It may also be observed, that those who will so strenuously insist upon the absence of an express command as to the Sabbath in the writings of the evangelists and Apostles, as explicit as that of the decalogue, assume, that the will of God is only obligatory when manifested in some one mode, which they judge to be most fit. But this is a dangerous hypothesis; for, however the will of God may be manifested, if it is with such clearness as to exclude all reasonable doubt, it is equally obligatory as when it assumes the formality of legal promulgation. Thus the Bible is not all in the form of express and authoritative command; it teaches by examples, by proverbs, by songs, by incidental allusions and occurrences; and yet is, throughout, a manifestation of the will of God as to morals and religion in their various branches, and, if disregarded, it will be so at every man’s peril. But strong as this ground is, we quit it for a still stronger. It is wholly a mistake, that the Sabbath, because not reënacted with the formality of the decalogue, is not explicitly enjoined upon Christians, and that the testimony of Scripture to such an injunction is not unequivocal and irrefragible. The Sabbath was appointed at the creation of the world, and sanctified, or set apart for holy purposes, “for man,” for all men, and therefore for Christians; since there was never any repeal of the original institution. To this we add, that if the moral law be the law of Christians, then is the Sabbath as explicitly enjoined upon them as upon the Jews. But that the moral law is our law, as well as the law of the Jews, all but Antinomians must acknowledge; and few, we suppose, will be inclined to run into the fearful 830mazes of that error, in order to support lax notions as to the obligation of the Sabbath; into which, however, they must be plunged, if they deny the law of the decalogue to be binding. That it is so bound upon us, a few passages of Scripture will prove as well as many. Our Lord declares, that he “came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfil.” Take it, that by “the law,” he meant both the moral and the ceremonial; ceremonial law could only be fulfilled in him, by realizing its types; and moral law, by upholding its authority. For “the prophets,” they admit of a similar distinction; they either enjoin morality, or utter prophecies of Christ; the latter of which were fulfilled in the sense of accomplishment, the former by being sanctioned and enforced. That the observance of the Sabbath is a part of the moral law, is clear from its being found in the decalogue, the doctrine of which our Lord sums up in the moral duties of loving God and our neighbour; and for this reason the injunctions of the prophets, on the subject of the Sabbath, are to be regarded as a part of their moral teaching. Some divines have, it is true, called the observance of the Sabbath a positive, and not a moral precept. If it were so, its obligation is precisely the same, in all cases where God himself has not relaxed it; and if a positive precept only, it has surely a special eminence given to it, by being placed in the list of the ten commandments, and being capable, with them, of an epitome which resolves them into the love of God and our neighbour. The truth seems to be, that it is a mixed precept, and not wholly positive, but intimately, perhaps essentially connected with several moral principles of homage to God, and mercy to men; with the obligation of religious worship, of public religious worship, and of undistracted public worship: and this will account for its collocation in the decalogue with the highest duties of religion, and the leading rules of personal and social morality. The passage from our Lord’s sermon on the mount, with its context, is a sufficiently explicit enforcement of the moral law, generally, upon his followers; but when he says, “The Sabbath was made for man,” he clearly refers to its original institution, as a universal law, and not to its obligation upon the Jews only, in consequence of the enactments of the law of Moses. It “was made for man,” not as he may be a Jew, or a Christian; but as man, a creature bound to love, worship, and obey his God and Maker, and on his trial for eternity.
It can also be observed that those who strongly insist on the lack of a clear command regarding the Sabbath in the writings of the evangelists and Apostles, as explicit as that in the Ten Commandments, assume that the will of God is only binding when presented in a specific way that they consider most appropriate. But this is a risky assumption; for no matter how the will of God is revealed, if it is clear enough to eliminate any reasonable doubt, it is just as binding as when it is formally announced. The Bible is not solely comprised of explicit and authoritative commands; it teaches through examples, proverbs, songs, and incidental references and events; yet, it consistently expresses the will of God regarding morals and religion in their various forms, and ignoring it will ultimately put everyone at risk. But as strong as this point is, we leave it for an even stronger one. It is completely wrong to think that the Sabbath, because it wasn’t re-enacted with the formality of the Ten Commandments, is not clearly required of Christians, and that the evidence in Scripture for such a requirement is not clear and undeniable. The Sabbath was established at the creation of the world and set apart for holy purposes “for man,” for all of humanity, and therefore for Christians, since the original institution was never revoked. Additionally, if the moral law is the law for Christians, then the Sabbath is just as clearly required of them as it is of the Jews. However, the fact that the moral law is our law, as well as the law of the Jews, should be recognized by most, except for Antinomians; and we believe very few would want to delve into the dangerous complexities of that error to justify lenient views on the obligation of the Sabbath; but they would have to if they reject the binding nature of the Ten Commandments. The binding nature of the law can be demonstrated by several passages of Scripture, as well as many others. Our Lord states that he “came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill.” If we take “the law” to mean both the moral and ceremonial laws; then the ceremonial law could only be fulfilled in him by realizing its types, and the moral law by affirming its authority. As for “the prophets,” they also follow a similar distinction; they either command morality or prophesy about Christ; the latter were fulfilled in the sense of realization, while the former were sanctioned and enforced. That observing the Sabbath is part of the moral law is evident from its inclusion in the Ten Commandments, which our Lord summarizes in the moral duties of loving God and our neighbor; for this reason, the prophets’ commandments regarding the Sabbath should be seen as part of their moral teachings. Some theologians have indeed referred to the observance of the Sabbath as a positive rather than a moral precept. If that is the case, its obligation remains the same in every situation where God has not relaxed it; and if it is merely a positive precept, it is certainly given special significance by being included among the Ten Commandments, and capable of being summarized with them into the love of God and our neighbor. The reality seems to be that it is a mixed precept, not entirely positive, but deeply, perhaps fundamentally, connected to several moral principles of reverence for God and compassion for people; tied to the obligation for religious worship, public worship, and focused public worship: and this explains its placement in the Ten Commandments alongside the highest duties of religion and the main guidelines of personal and social morality. The passage from our Lord’s Sermon on the Mount, along with its context, is a sufficiently clear reinforcement of the moral law, in general, upon his followers; but when he says, “The Sabbath was made for man,” he clearly refers to its original establishment as a universal law, and not simply its requirement for the Jews due to the laws brought forth by Moses. It “was made for man,” not just as a Jew or a Christian; but as a human being, a creature obliged to love, worship, and obey his God and Creator, and who is on trial for eternity.
Another explicit proof that the law of the ten commandments, and, consequently, the law of the Sabbath, is obligatory upon Christians, is found in the answer of the Apostle to an objection to the doctrine of justification by faith: “Do we then make void the law through faith?” Rom. iii, 31; which is equivalent to asking, Does Christianity teach that the law is no longer obligatory on Christians, because it teaches that no man can be justified by it? To this he answers, in the most solemn form of expression, “God forbid; yea, we establish the law.” Now, the sense in which the Apostle uses the term, “the law,” in this argument, is indubitably marked in Rom. vii, 7: “I had not known sin but by the law; for I had not known lust, except the law had said, Thou shalt not covet:” which, being a plain reference to the tenth command of the decalogue, as plainly shows that the decalogue is “the law” of which he speaks. This, then, is the law which is established by the Gospel; and this can mean nothing else but the establishment and confirmation of its authority, as the rule of all inward and outward holiness. Whoever, therefore, denies the obligation of the Sabbath on Christians, denies the obligation of the whole decalogue; and there is no real medium between the acknowledgment of the divine authority of this sacred institution, as a universal law, and that gross corruption of Christianity, generally designated Antinomianism.
Another clear proof that the law of the ten commandments, and therefore the law of the Sabbath, is binding on Christians is found in the Apostle's response to an objection about the doctrine of justification by faith: “Do we then nullify the law through faith?” Rom. iii, 31; which is just asking if Christianity teaches that the law is no longer binding on Christians because it says no one can be justified by it. He answers, in the most serious way possible, “God forbid; rather, we uphold the law.” Now, the way the Apostle uses the term “the law” in this context is unmistakably clarified in Rom. vii, 7: “I would not have known sin except through the law; for I would not have known lust, unless the law had said, You shall not covet:” which clearly refers to the tenth commandment of the decalogue, showing that the decalogue is “the law” he is talking about. This, then, is the law that is upheld by the Gospel; and it can only mean the establishment and confirmation of its authority as the standard for all inner and outer holiness. Therefore, anyone who denies the obligation of the Sabbath for Christians denies the obligation of the entire decalogue; and there is no real middle ground between recognizing the divine authority of this sacred institution as a universal law and that severe distortion of Christianity commonly referred to as Antinomianism.
Nor is there any force in the dilemma into which the anti-sabbatarians would push us, when they argue, that, if the case be so, then are we bound to the same circumstantial exactitude of obedience with regard to this command, as to the other precepts of the decalogue; and, therefore, that we are bound to observe the seventh day, reckoning from Saturday, as the Sabbath day. But, as the command is partly positive, and partly moral, it may have circumstances which are capable of being altered in perfect accordance with the moral principles on which it rests, and the moral ends which it proposes. Such circumstances are not indeed to be judged of on our own authority. We must either have such general principles for our guidance as have been revealed by God, and cannot therefore be questioned, or some special authority from which there can be no just appeal. Now, though there is not on record any divine command issued to the Apostles, to change the Sabbath from the day on which it was held by the Jews, to the first day of the week; yet, when we see that this was done in the apostolic age, and that St. Paul speaks of the Jewish Sabbaths as not being obligatory upon Christians, while he yet contends that the whole moral law is obligatory upon them; the fair inference is, that this change of the day was made by divine direction. It is indeed more than inference that the change was made under the sanction of inspired men; and those men, the appointed rulers in the church of Christ; whose business it was to “set all things in order,” which pertained to its worship and moral government. We may therefore rest well enough satisfied with this,--that as a Sabbath is obligatory upon us, we act under apostolic authority for observing it on the first day of the week, and thus commemorate at once the creation and the redemption of the world.
Nor is there any strength in the dilemma that those against observing the Sabbath would push us into when they argue that if that's the case, we are required to follow the same exact rules for this command as we do for the other commandments of the ten; therefore, we must observe the seventh day, counting from Saturday, as the Sabbath. However, since the command is partly positive and partly moral, it may have circumstances that can be changed in perfect alignment with the moral principles it’s based on and the moral goals it aims to achieve. These circumstances should not be judged based on our own authority. We must have general principles for guidance that have been revealed by God and cannot be questioned, or we need some special authority that there can be no legitimate appeal against. Now, although there is no recorded divine command to the Apostles to change the Sabbath from the day it was observed by the Jews to the first day of the week, when we see that this change happened in the apostolic age, and that St. Paul mentions Jewish Sabbaths as not being obligatory for Christians, while arguing that the whole moral law is binding on them, it’s reasonable to conclude that this change of day was made by divine direction. It’s more than just inference that the change was approved by inspired men—the appointed leaders of the church of Christ—whose role was to “set all things in order” regarding its worship and moral governance. Therefore, we can be quite confident that since observing a Sabbath is required of us, we are acting under apostolic authority by observing it on the first day of the week, thereby commemorating both the creation and the redemption of the world.
Thus, even if it were conceded, that the change of the day was made by the agreement of the Apostles, without express directions from Christ, which is not probable, it is certain that it was not done without that general authority which was confided to them by 831Christ; but it would not follow even from this change, that they did in reality make any alteration in the law of the Sabbath, either as it stood at the time of its original institution at the close of the creation, or in the decalogue of Moses. The same portion of time which constituted the seventh day from the creation could not be observed in all parts of the earth; and it is not probable, therefore, that the original law expresses more, than that a seventh day, or one day in seven, the seventh day after six days of labour, should be thus appropriated, from whatever point the enumeration might set out, or the hebdomadal cycle begin. For if more had been intended, then it would have been necessary to establish a rule for the reckoning of days themselves, which has been different in different nations; some reckoning from evening to evening, as the Jews now do, others from midnight to midnight, &c. So that those persons in this country and in America, who hold their Sabbath on Saturday, under the notion of exactly conforming to the Old Testament, and yet calculate the days from midnight to midnight, have no assurance at all that they do not desecrate a part of the original Sabbath, which might begin, as the Jewish Sabbath now, on Friday evening, and, on the contrary, hallow a portion of a common day, by extending the Sabbath beyond Saturday evening. Even if this were ascertained, the differences of latitude and longitude would throw the whole into disorder; and it is not probable that a universal law should have been fettered with that circumstantial exactness, which would have rendered difficult, and sometimes doubtful, astronomical calculations necessary in order to its being obeyed according to the intention of the lawgiver. Accordingly we find, says Mr. Holden, that in the original institution it is stated in general terms, that God blessed and sanctified the seventh day, which must undoubtedly imply the sanctity of every seventh day; but not that it is to be subsequently reckoned from the first demiurgic day. Had this been included in the command of the Almighty, something, it is probable, would have been added declaratory of the intention; whereas expressions the most undefined are employed; not a syllable is uttered concerning the order and number of the days; and it cannot reasonably be disputed that the command is truly obeyed by the separation of every seventh day, from common to sacred purposes, at whatever given time the cycle may commence. The difference in the mode of expression here, from that which the sacred historian has used in the first chapter, is very remarkable. At the conclusion of each division of the work of creation, he says, “The evening and the morning were the first day,” and so on; but at the termination of the whole, he merely calls it the seventh day; a diversity of phrase, which, as it would be inconsistent with every idea of inspiration to suppose it undesigned, must have been intended to denote a day, leaving it to each people as to what manner it is to be reckoned. The term obviously imports the period of the earth’s rotation round its axis, while it is left undetermined, whether it shall be counted from evening or morning, from noon or midnight. The terms of the law are, “Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work; but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God. For in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day; wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day, and hallowed it.” With respect to time, it is here mentioned in the same indefinite manner as at its primeval institution, nothing more being expressly required than to observe a day of sacred rest after every six days of labour. The seventh day is to be kept holy; but not a word is said as to what epoch the commencement of the series is to be referred; nor could the Hebrews have determined from the decalogue what day of the week was to be kept as their Sabbath. The precept is not, Remember the seventh day of the week, to keep it holy, but, “Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy;” and in the following explication of these expressions, it is not said that the seventh day of the week is the Sabbath, but without restriction, “The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God;” not the seventh according to any particular method of computing the septenary cycle, but, in reference to the six before mentioned, every seventh day in rotation after six of labour.
Thus, even if we assume that the change of the day was made by the agreement of the Apostles, without direct instructions from Christ—which is unlikely—it is clear that it was not done without the general authority given to them by Christ; however, this change does not mean that they actually altered the law of the Sabbath, neither as it was originally established at the end of creation nor in the Ten Commandments of Moses. The same period of time that made up the seventh day from creation couldn't be observed everywhere on earth; therefore, it’s not likely that the original law meant anything more than that a seventh day, or one day in seven, following six days of work, should be set aside, starting from wherever the counting began, or the weekly cycle commenced. If there was a different intention, then a consistent way of counting the days, which varies between different cultures, would need to be established; some count from evening to evening, like the Jews do now, while others count from midnight to midnight, etc. So, for those in this country and in America who observe the Sabbath on Saturday, believing they are strictly following the Old Testament but who reckon days from midnight to midnight, there is no guarantee that they aren’t actually violating a part of the original Sabbath, which might begin, like the Jewish Sabbath, on Friday evening, and conversely, they could be sanctifying part of a regular day by extending the Sabbath beyond Saturday evening. Even if this were confirmed, factors like differences in latitude and longitude would complicate everything; it’s unlikely that a universal law would be bound by such precise conditions that would make astronomical calculations necessary to follow the law as intended by the lawgiver. Therefore, as Mr. Holden points out, in the original command it is expressed generally that God blessed and set apart the seventh day, which certainly implies the sanctity of every seventh day; but it does not specify that it should be counted from the first day of creation. If this had been part of God's command, likely something would have been included to clarify the intention; instead, vague language is used; not a word is said about the order and number of the days; and it can be reasonably argued that the command is truly fulfilled by setting apart every seventh day, regardless of when the cycle begins. The difference in expression here from what the sacred historian uses in the first chapter is striking. At the end of each part of creation, he states, “The evening and the morning were the first day,” and so on, but at the end of the entire creation, he simply calls it the seventh day; this variation in wording, which would be inconsistent with any idea of inspiration if unintended, must have been meant to signify a day, leaving it up to each culture to decide how to count it. The term clearly refers to the period of the earth’s rotation on its axis, while it remains unspecified whether it should start from evening or morning, noon or midnight. The command is, “Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days you shall work and do all your labor; but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord your God. For in six days the Lord made the heavens and the earth, the sea, and everything in them, and rested on the seventh day; therefore, the Lord blessed the Sabbath day and made it holy.” Regarding time, it is stated here in the same general way as at the original command, with nothing specifically required except to observe a day of sacred rest after every six days of labor. The seventh day is to be kept holy; however, there is no indication of what starting point should be used for this counting; nor could the Hebrews have discerned from the law which day of the week was to be kept as their Sabbath. The command is not, “Remember the seventh day of the week, to keep it holy,” but rather, “Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy;” and in the following clarification of these phrases, it is not stated that the seventh day of the week is the Sabbath, but simply, “The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord your God;” not the seventh according to any specific method of calculating the weekly cycle, but in reference to the six preceding days, every seventh day in rotation after six days of work.
Thus that part of the Jewish law, the decalogue, which, on the authority of the New Testament, we have shown to be obligatory upon Christians, leaves the computation of the hebdomadal cycle undetermined; and, after six days of labour, enjoins the seventh as the Sabbath, to which the Christian practice as exactly conforms as the Jewish. It is not, however, left to every individual to determine which day should be his Sabbath, though he should fulfil the law so far as to abstract the seventh part of his time from labour. It was ordained for worship, for public worship; and it is therefore necessary that the Sabbath should be uniformly observed by a whole community at the same time. The divine Legislator of the Jews interposed for this end, by special direction, as to his people. The first Sabbath kept in the wilderness was calculated from the first day in which the manna fell; and with no apparent reference to the creation of the world. By apostolic authority, it is now fixed to be held on the first day of the week; and thus one of the great ends for which it was established, that it should be a day of “holy convocation,” is secured.
Thus, that part of Jewish law, the Ten Commandments, which, based on the New Testament, we have shown to be obligatory for Christians, leaves the timing of the weekly cycle unclear; and, after six days of work, it designates the seventh as the Sabbath, which Christian practice follows just as closely as Jewish practice. However, it isn't up to each individual to decide which day should be their Sabbath, even though they should fulfill the law by setting aside one-seventh of their time from work. It was established for worship, specifically for public worship; and therefore, it's necessary for the Sabbath to be observed by the entire community at the same time. The divine Legislator of the Jews intervened specifically for this purpose. The first Sabbath observed in the wilderness was based on the first day that the manna appeared, with no obvious connection to the creation of the world. By the authority of the apostles, it is now set to be observed on the first day of the week; and thus, one of the main purposes for which it was established, that it should be a day of “holy convocation,” is ensured.
Traces of the original appointment of the Sabbath, and of its observance prior to the giving forth of the law of Moses, have been found by the learned in the tradition which universally prevailed of the sacredness of the number seven, and the fixing of the first period of time to the revolution of seven days. The measuring of time by a day and night is pointed 832out to the common sense of mankind by the diurnal course of the sun. Lunar months and solar years are equally obvious to all rational creatures; so that the reason why time has been computed by days, months, and years, is readily given; but how the division of time into weeks of seven days, and this from the beginning, came to obtain universally among mankind, no man can account for, without having respect to some impressions on the minds of men from the constitution and law of nature, with the tradition of a sabbatical rest from the foundation of the world. Yet plain intimations of this weekly revolution of time are to be found in the earliest Greek poets: Hesiod, Homer, Linus, as well as among the nations of the Chaldeans, Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans. It deserves consideration, too, on this subject, that Noah, in sending forth the dove out of the ark, observed the septenary revolution of days, Gen. viii, 10, 12; and at a subsequent period, in the days of the Patriarch Jacob, a week is spoken of as a well known period of time, Gen. xxix, 27; Judges xiv, 12, 15, 17. These considerations are surely sufficient to evince the futility of the arguments which are sometimes plausibly urged for the first institution of the Sabbath under the law; and the design of which, in most cases is, to set aside the moral obligation of appropriating one day in seven to the purposes of the public worship of God, and the observation of divine ordinances. But the truth is, that the seventh day was set apart from the beginning as a day of rest; and it was also strictly enjoined upon the Israelites in their law, both on the ground of its original institution, Exod. xx, 8–11, and also to commemorate their deliverance from the bondage of Egypt, Deut. v, 15.
Traces of the original appointment of the Sabbath and its observance before the law of Moses has been found by scholars in the widespread tradition of the sacredness of the number seven and the establishment of the first time period based on a seven-day cycle. The measurement of time through day and night is evident to everyone through the daily path of the sun. Lunar months and solar years are just as clear to all rational beings; thus, the reason for calculating time in days, months, and years is easily understood. However, how the division of time into seven-day weeks, established from the beginning, became universally accepted is something no one can explain without considering the innate impressions on people's minds from the constitution and law of nature, along with the longstanding tradition of sabbatical rest since the world began. Yet, clear indications of this weekly cycle can be found in the earliest Greek poets: Hesiod, Homer, Linus, as well as among the Chaldeans, Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans. It’s also worth noting that Noah, when he sent out the dove from the ark, observed the seven-day cycle, as referenced in Gen. viii, 10, 12; and later, during the time of the Patriarch Jacob, a week is mentioned as a well-known time period in Gen. xxix, 27; Judges xiv, 12, 15, 17. These points certainly highlight the weakness of arguments that are sometimes convincingly made for the initial establishment of the Sabbath under the law, often aimed at dismissing the moral obligation to dedicate one day out of seven for public worship of God and adherence to divine ordinances. The truth is, the seventh day was set apart from the very beginning as a day of rest, and it was also mandated for the Israelites in their law, both due to its original establishment, Exod. xx, 8–11, and to remember their liberation from slavery in Egypt, Deut. v, 15.
“A Sabbath day’s journey” was reckoned to be two thousand cubits, or one mile, Acts i, 12. The sabbatical year was celebrated among the Jews every seventh year when the land was left without culture, Exod. xxii, 10. God appointed the observation of the sabbatical year, to preserve the remembrance of the creation of the world, to enforce the acknowledgment of his sovereign authority over all things, and in particular over the land of Canaan, which he had given to the Israelites, by delivering up the fruits to the poor and the stranger. It was a sort of tribute, or small rent, by which they held the possession. Beside, he intended to inculcate humanity upon his people, by commanding that they should resign to the slaves, the poor, and the strangers, and to the brutes, the produce of their fields, of their vineyards, and of their gardens. In the sabbatical year all debts were remitted, and the slaves were liberated, Exodus xxi, 2; Deut. xv, 2.
“A Sabbath day’s journey” was considered to be two thousand cubits, or one mile, Acts i, 12. The sabbatical year was celebrated by the Jews every seventh year when the land was left uncultivated, Exod. xxii, 10. God established the observance of the sabbatical year to remind people of the creation of the world, to affirm His authority over everything, especially the land of Canaan which He had given to the Israelites, by allowing the fruits to be shared with the poor and the strangers. It was a kind of tribute or nominal rent that justified their possession. Additionally, He aimed to promote compassion among His people by instructing them to share the produce of their fields, vineyards, and gardens with slaves, the poor, strangers, and animals. During the sabbatical year, all debts were forgiven, and slaves were freed, Exodus xxi, 2; Deut. xv, 2.
SABEANS, or “men of stature,” Isa. xlv, 14. These men were probably the Sabeans of Arabia Felix, or of Asia. They submitted to Cyrus. The Sabeans of Arabia were descended from Saba; but as there are several of this name, who were all heads of peoples, or of tribes, we must distinguish several kinds of Sabeans. 1. Those Sabeans who seized the flocks of Job, i, 15, were, probably, a people of Arabia Deserta, about Bozra; or, perhaps, a flying troop of Sabeans which infested that country. 2. Sabeans, descendants from Sheba, son of Cush, Gen. x, 7, are probably of Arabia Felix: they were famous for spices; the poets gave them the epithet of soft and effeminate, and say they were governed by women:
SABEANS, or “men of stature,” Isa. xlv, 14. These men were likely the Sabeans from Arabia Felix or Asia. They submitted to Cyrus. The Sabeans of Arabia were descendants of Saba; however, since there are several groups with this name, all of whom were leaders of people or tribes, we need to distinguish between different types of Sabeans. 1. The Sabeans who took Job's flocks, i, 15, were probably a group from Arabia Deserta, near Bozra; or they might have been a wandering band of Sabeans that troubled that area. 2. The Sabeans descended from Sheba, son of Cush, Gen. x, 7, probably came from Arabia Felix: they were well-known for their spices; poets referred to them as soft and effeminate and claimed they were ruled by women:
[This sex governs the Medes, and the gentle Sabeans.]
[This group rules over the Medes, and the kind Sabeans.]
Several are of opinion, that from them came the queen of Sheba, 1 Kings x, 1, 2; and that of these Sabeans the psalmist speaks, Psalm lxxii, 10, “The kings of Arabia and Sheba shall give gifts;” and Jeremiah, vi, 20: “What are the perfumes of Sheba to me?” and Isaiah, lx, 6: “All who come from Sheba shall offer gold and perfumes.” 3. Sabeans, sons of Shebah, son of Reumah, Gen. x, 7, probably dwelt in Arabia Felix. Probably it is of these Ezekiel speaks, xxvii, 22, who came with their merchandise to the fairs of Tyre: and Joel, iii, 8: “I will deliver up your children to the tribe of Judah, who shall sell them to the Sabeans, a very distant nation.” 4. Sabeans, descendants from Joktan, may very well be those mentioned by Ezekiel, xxvii, 23: “Saba, Assur, and Chelmad, thy dealers.” They are thought to have inhabited beyond the Euphrates; whence they are connected with Asshur and Chilmad, Gen. x, 28; 1 Chron. i, 22. 5. Sabeans are also placed in Africa, in the isle of Meroë. Josephus brings the queen of Sheba from thence, and pretends that it had the name of Shebah, or Saba, before that of Meroë.
Many believe that the queen of Sheba came from here, as mentioned in 1 Kings 10:1, 2; and the psalmist refers to these Sabeans in Psalm 72:10, stating, “The kings of Arabia and Sheba shall give gifts;” and Jeremiah 6:20: “What are the perfumes of Sheba to me?” Also in Isaiah 60:6: “All who come from Sheba shall offer gold and perfumes.” 3. Sabeans, the sons of Shebah, the son of Reumah, as noted in Genesis 10:7, likely lived in Arabia Felix. It’s probable that these are the ones Ezekiel refers to in Ezekiel 27:22, who brought their goods to the markets of Tyre: and Joel 3:8: “I will deliver your children to the tribe of Judah, who will sell them to the Sabeans, a very distant nation.” 4. Sabeans, descendants of Joktan, might very well be those mentioned by Ezekiel in Ezekiel 27:23: “Saba, Assur, and Chelmad, your traders.” They are thought to have lived beyond the Euphrates, connecting them with Asshur and Chilmad, as seen in Genesis 10:28; 1 Chronicles 1:22. 5. Sabeans are also said to be in Africa, on the island of Meroë. Josephus claims the queen of Sheba came from there and suggests that it was known as Shebah, or Saba, before it was called Meroë.
SABELLIANS were so called from Sabellius, a presbyter, or, according to others, a bishop, of Upper Egypt, who was the founder of the sect. As, from their doctrine, it follows that God the Father suffered, they were hence called by their adversaries, Patripassians; and, as their idea of the trinity was by some called a modal trinity, they have likewise been called Modalists. Sabellius having been a disciple of Noëtus, Noëtians is another name by which his followers have sometimes been known; and as, from their fears of infringing on the fundamental doctrine of all true religion, the unity of God, they neglected all distinctions of persons, and taught the notion of one God with three names, they may hence be also considered as a species of Unitarians. Sabellius flourished about the middle of the third century, and his doctrine seems to have had many followers for a short time. Its growth, however, was soon checked by the opposition made to it by Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, and the sentence of condemnation pronounced upon its author by Pope Dionysius, in a council held at Rome, A. D. 263. Sabellius taught that there is but one person in the Godhead; and, in confirmation of this doctrine, he made use of this comparison: As man, though composed of body and soul, is but one person, so God, though he is Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, is but one person. Hence the Sabellians reduced the three persons in the 833trinity to three characters or relations, and maintained that the Word and Holy Spirit are only virtues, emanations, or functions, of the Deity; that he who is in heaven is the Father of all things; that he descended into the virgin, became a child, and was born of her as a son; and that, having accomplished the mystery of our redemption, he effused himself upon the Apostles in tongues of fire, and was then denominated the Holy Ghost. This they explain by resembling God to the sun, the illuminative virtue or quality of which was the word, and its quickening virtue the Holy Spirit. The word, according to their doctrine, was darted, like a divine ray, to accomplish the work of redemption; and having reäscended to heaven, the influences of the Father were communicated, after a like manner, to the Apostles. They also attempted to illustrate this mystery, by one light kindled by another; by the fountain and stream, and by the stock and branch. With respect to the sentiments of Sabellius himself, the accounts are various. According to some, he taught that the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, were one subsistence, and one person, with three names; and that, in the Old Testament, the Deity delivered the law as the Father; in the New Testament dwelt among men as the Son; and descended on the Apostles as the Holy Spirit. According to Mosheim, his sentiments differed from those of Noëtus, in this, that the latter was of opinion, that the person of the Father had assumed the human nature of Christ; whereas Sabellius maintained, that a certain energy only proceeded from the supreme Parent, or a certain portion of the divine nature was united to the Son of God, the man Jesus; and he considered, in the same manner, the Holy Ghost as a portion of the everlasting Father.
SABELLIANS got their name from Sabellius, a presbyter or, according to some, a bishop from Upper Egypt, who founded the sect. Because their doctrine implies that God the Father suffered, their opponents called them Patripassians. Additionally, since some referred to their understanding of the Trinity as a modal Trinity, they have also been labeled Modalists. Sabellius was a disciple of Noëtus, so his followers have sometimes been known as Noëtians. Concerned about violating the fundamental doctrine of true religion—the unity of God—they avoided any distinctions between persons and taught that there is one God with three names. Thus, they can also be seen as a form of Unitarians. Sabellius was active around the middle of the third century, and his teachings gained a number of followers briefly. However, its growth was soon stunted by the resistance from Dionysius, the bishop of Alexandria, and the condemnation of Sabellius by Pope Dionysius in a council held in Rome in A.D. 263. Sabellius taught that there is only one person in the Godhead, and to support this idea, he used this analogy: Just as a man, despite being made of body and soul, is one person, God, despite being the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, is one person. Consequently, the Sabellians reduced the three persons in the Trinity to three roles or relationships, claiming that the Word and Holy Spirit are merely virtues, emanations, or functions of the Deity; that He who is in heaven is the Father of all things; that He descended into the virgin, became a child, and was born of her as a son; and that, after completing the mystery of our redemption, He poured Himself out upon the Apostles in tongues of fire, becoming known as the Holy Spirit. They likened God to the sun, where the illuminating quality is the Word, and its life-giving quality is the Holy Spirit. According to their belief, the Word was sent like a divine ray to achieve the work of redemption, and after returning to heaven, the Father's influences were shared similarly with the Apostles. They also tried to explain this mystery by comparing it to one light igniting another, by the fountain and its stream, and by the trunk and branch. Opinions differ regarding Sabellius's own beliefs. Some say he taught that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit were one substance and one person with three names; that in the Old Testament, God delivered the law as the Father, in the New Testament lived among people as the Son, and descended on the Apostles as the Holy Spirit. According to Mosheim, his beliefs differed from Noëtus's in that the latter thought the person of the Father had taken on the human nature of Christ, while Sabellius claimed that a certain energy came from the supreme Parent or that a portion of the divine nature was joined to the Son of God, the man Jesus; he viewed the Holy Spirit in the same way, as a portion of the eternal Father.
Between the system of Sabellianism and what is termed the indwelling scheme, there appears to be a considerable resemblance, if it be not precisely the same, differently explained. The indwelling scheme is chiefly founded on that passage in the New Testament, where the Apostle speaking of Christ says, “In him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily.” Dr. Watts, toward the close of his life, adopted this opinion, and wrote several pieces in its defence. His sentiments on the trinity appear to have been, that the Godhead, the Deity itself, personally distinguished as the Father, was united to the man Christ Jesus; in consequence of which union or indwelling of the Godhead, he became properly God. Mr. Palmer observes, that Dr. Watts conceived this union to have subsisted before the Saviour’s appearance in the flesh, and that the human soul of Christ existed with the Father from before the foundation of the world: on which ground he maintains the real descent of Christ from heaven to earth, and the whole scene of his humiliation, which he thought incompatible with the common opinion concerning him.
Between the system of Sabellianism and what is called the indwelling scheme, there seems to be a significant similarity, if not precisely the same concept explained differently. The indwelling scheme is mainly based on that passage in the New Testament, where the Apostle, speaking of Christ, says, “In him dwells all the fullness of the Godhead bodily.” Dr. Watts, toward the end of his life, embraced this view and wrote several works in its defense. His beliefs about the Trinity seem to be that the Godhead, the Deity itself, distinguished personally as the Father, was united with the man Christ Jesus; as a result of this union or indwelling of the Godhead, he became truly God. Mr. Palmer notes that Dr. Watts believed this union existed before the Savior’s appearance in the flesh and that the human soul of Christ existed with the Father before the foundation of the world: based on this, he argues for the real descent of Christ from heaven to earth and the entire scenario of his humiliation, which he thought was incompatible with the common view of him.
SACKCLOTH, a sort of mourning worn at the death of a friend or relation. In great calamities, in penitence, in trouble also, they wore sackcloth about their bodies: “Gird yourselves with sackcloth, and mourn for Abner,” 2 Sam. iii, 31. “Let us gird ourselves with sackcloth; and let us go and implore the clemency of the king of Israel,” 1 Kings xx, 31. Ahab rent his clothes, put on a shirt of haircloth next to his skin, fasted, and lay upon sackcloth, 1 Kings xxi, 27. When Mordecai was informed of the destruction threatened to his nation, he put on sackcloth, and covered his head with ashes, Esther iv. On the contrary, in time of joy, or on hearing good news, those who were clad in sackcloth tore it from their bodies, and cast it from them, Psalm xxx, 11. The prophets were often clothed in sackcloth, and generally in coarse clothing. The Lord bids Isaiah to put off the sackcloth from about his body, and to go naked, that is, without his upper garment, Isaiah xx, 2. Zechariah says that false prophets shall no longer prophesy in sackcloth, to deceive the simple, Zech. xiii, 4.
SACKCLOTH is a type of mourning attire worn when a friend or family member dies. During significant tragedies, acts of penance, or difficult times, people wore sackcloth. “Gird yourselves with sackcloth, and mourn for Abner,” 2 Sam. iii, 31. “Let us put on sackcloth and go plead for the mercy of the king of Israel,” 1 Kings xx, 31. Ahab tore his clothes, put on a hairshirt next to his skin, fasted, and lay in sackcloth, 1 Kings xxi, 27. When Mordecai learned about the threat to his people, he donned sackcloth and covered his head with ashes, Esther iv. Conversely, during times of joy or upon receiving good news, those dressed in sackcloth would tear it off and throw it away, Psalm xxx, 11. The prophets frequently wore sackcloth and typically dressed in rough textiles. The Lord instructs Isaiah to remove the sackcloth from his body and go naked, meaning without his outer garment, Isaiah xx, 2. Zechariah states that false prophets will no longer prophesy in sackcloth to mislead the innocent, Zech. xiii, 4.
SACRAMENT. There is no word in the Bible which corresponds to the word sacrament. It is a Latin word; and, agreeably to its derivation, it was applied by the early writers of the western church to any ceremony of our holy religion, especially if it were figurative or mystical. But a more confined signification of this word by degrees prevailed, and in that stricter sense it has been always used by the divines of modern times. Sacraments, says Dr. Hill, are conceived in the church of Rome to consist of matter, deriving, from the action of the priest in pronouncing certain words, a divine virtue, by which grace is conveyed to the soul of every person who receives them. It is supposed to be necessary that the priest, in pronouncing the words, has the intention of giving to the matter that divine virtue; otherwise it remains in its original state. On the part of those who receive the sacrament, it is required that they be free from any of those sins, called in the church of Rome mortal; but it is not required of them to exercise any good disposition, to possess faith, or to resolve that they shall amend their lives; for such is conceived to be the physical virtue of a sacrament administered by a priest with a good intention, that, unless when it is opposed by the obstacle of a mortal sin, the very act of receiving it is sufficient. This act was called, in the language of the schools, opus operatum, the work done independently of any disposition of mind attending the deed; and the superiority of the sacraments of the New Testament over the sacraments of the Old was thus expressed, that the sacraments of the Old Testament were effectual ex opere operantis, from the piety and faith of the persons to whom they were administered; while the sacraments of the New Testament convey grace, ex opere operato, from their own intrinsic virtue, and an immediate physical influence upon the mind of him who receives them. This notion represents the sacraments as a mere charm, the use of which, being totally disjoined from every mental exercise, cannot 834be regarded as a reasonable service. It gives men the hope of receiving, by the use of a charm, the full participation of the grace of God, although they continue to indulge that very large class of sins, to which the accommodating morality of the church of Rome extends the name of venial; and yet it makes this high privilege entirely dependent upon the intention of another, who, although he performs all the outward acts which belong to the sacrament, may, if he chooses, withhold the communication of that physical virtue, without which the sacrament is of none avail.
SACRAMENT. There is no word in the Bible that corresponds to "sacrament." It’s a Latin term, and according to its origins, early writers of the Western Church used it to describe any ceremony of our holy religion, especially those that were figurative or mystical. However, over time, a more specific meaning emerged, and in this stricter sense, it has always been used by modern theologians. Sacraments, as Dr. Hill explains, are understood in the Roman Church to consist of matter that gains a divine power from the priest’s action in pronouncing certain words, through which grace is imparted to the soul of everyone who receives them. It is believed that the priest must intend to grant that divine power when saying the words; otherwise, the matter stays unchanged. Those receiving the sacrament must be free from those sins known in the Roman Church as mortal sins, but they aren’t required to have any good disposition, to possess faith, or to commit to improving their lives; for it is thought that the inherent power of a sacrament, administered by a priest with good intentions, is sufficient unless it’s hindered by a mortal sin. This action is referred to in academic language as working work, the act performed regardless of any mental condition accompanying the action; and the superiority of the New Testament sacraments over those of the Old Testament is emphasized by the fact that the Old Testament sacraments were effective by the work of the worker, based on the piety and faith of the recipients, while the New Testament sacraments convey grace by the work performed, from their own inherent power and a direct physical influence on the mind of the recipient. This idea portrays the sacraments as mere charms, whose use, being completely detached from any mental engagement, cannot be seen as a reasonable act of service. It gives people hope of receiving the full grace of God merely through a charm, even while they continue to indulge in a significant range of sins that the lenient morality of the Roman Church categorizes as venial. Yet, this high privilege entirely relies on the intention of another person, who, despite performing all the external acts that belong to the sacrament, can choose to withhold the sharing of that physical power, without which the sacrament has no effect.
The Socinian doctrine concerning the nature of the sacraments is founded upon a sense of the absurdity and danger of the popish doctrine, and a solicitude to avoid any approach to it, and runs into the opposite extreme. It is conceived that the sacraments are not essentially distinct from any other rites or ceremonies; that, as they consist of a symbolical action, in which something external and material is employed to represent what is spiritual and invisible, they may by this address to the senses be of use in reviving the remembrance of past events, and in cherishing pious sentiments; but that their effect is purely moral, and that they contribute, by that moral effect, to the improvement of the individual in the same manner with reading the Scriptures, and many other exercises of religion. It is admitted, indeed, by the Socinians, that the sacraments are of farther advantage to the whole society of Christians, as being the solemn badges by which the disciples of Jesus are discriminated from other men, and the appointed method of declaring that faith in Christ, by the public profession of which Christians minister to the improvement of one another. But in these two points, the moral effect upon the individual, and the advantage to society, is contained all that a Socinian holds concerning the general nature of the sacraments. This doctrine, like all other parts of the Socinian system, represents religion in the simple view of being a lesson of righteousness, and loses sight of that character of the Gospel, which is meant to be implied in calling it a covenant of grace. The greater part of Protestants, therefore, following an expression of the Apostle, Rom. iv, 11, when he is speaking of circumcision, consider the sacraments as not only signs, but also seals, of the covenant of grace. Those who apply this phrase to the sacraments of the New Testament, admit every part of the Socinian doctrine concerning the nature of sacraments, and are accustomed to employ that doctrine to correct those popish errors upon this subject which are not yet eradicated from the minds of many of the people. But although they admit that the Socinian doctrine is true as far as it goes, they consider it as incomplete. For, while they hold that the sacraments yield no benefit to those upon whom the signs employed in them do not produce the proper moral effect, they regard these signs as intended to represent an inward invisible grace, which proceeds from him by whom they are appointed, and as pledges that that grace will be conveyed to all in whom the moral effect is produced. The sacraments, therefore, in their opinion, constitute federal acts, in which the persons who receive them with proper dispositions, solemnly engage to fulfil their part of the covenant, and God confirms his promise to them in a sensible manner; not as if the promise of God were of itself insufficient to render any event certain, but because this manner of exhibiting the blessings promised gives a stronger impression of the truth of the promise, and conveys to the mind an assurance that it will be fulfilled. According to this account of the sacraments, the express institution of God is essentially requisite to constitute their nature; and in this respect sacraments are distinguished from what may be called the ceremonies of religion. Ceremonies are in their nature arbitrary; and different means may be employed by different persons with success, according to their constitution, their education, and their circumstances, to cherish the sentiments of devotion, and to confirm good purposes. But no rite which is not ordained by God can be conceived to be a seal of his promise, or the pledge of any event that depends upon his good pleasure. Hence, that any rite may come up to our idea of a sacrament, we require in it, not merely a vague and general resemblance between the external matter which is the visible substance of the rite, and the thing thereby signified, but also words of institution, and a promise by which the two are connected together; and hence we reject five of the seven sacraments that are numbered in the church of Rome, because in some of the five we do not find any matter without which there is not that sign which enters into our definition of a sacrament; and in others we do not find any promise connecting the matter used with the grace said to be thereby signified, although upon this connection the essence of a sacrament depends.
The Socinian view on the nature of sacraments is based on the recognition of the absurdity and danger of the Catholic teaching, leading them to avoid any similarity and swing to the opposite extreme. They believe that sacraments are not fundamentally different from other rites or ceremonies; since they involve a symbolic action that uses something external and material to represent what is spiritual and invisible, they can help revive memories of past events and foster pious feelings. However, they argue that their impact is purely moral, contributing to individual improvement in the same way that reading the Scriptures and other religious practices do. The Socinians also acknowledge that sacraments benefit the Christian community as they are the formal symbols that distinguish Jesus' followers from others and provide a way to express faith in Christ through public profession, which helps Christians support each other’s growth. But in these two aspects—individual moral effect and societal benefit—lies everything the Socinians believe about the general nature of sacraments. This doctrine, like all parts of the Socinian system, simplifies religion to a lesson in righteousness, overlooking the aspect of the Gospel that defines it as a covenant of grace. Most Protestants, therefore, citing Romans 4:11 where the Apostle discusses circumcision, see sacraments not just as signs, but as seals of the covenant of grace. Those who apply this idea to the New Testament sacraments accept the entire Socinian view on sacraments and use it to correct lingering Catholic misconceptions that many still hold. However, while they agree that the Socinian view is accurate as far as it goes, they see it as incomplete. They believe the sacraments are beneficial only to those who experience the appropriate moral effect from the symbols used, viewing these signs as intended to represent an inward, invisible grace from the one who instituted them, and as guarantees that grace will be given to those who experience the moral effect. Thus, in their view, sacraments are federal acts where those who receive them with the right mindset formally commit to upholding their part of the covenant, while God visibly confirms His promise to them. This doesn’t imply that God’s promise is insufficient to ensure any outcome, but rather that presenting the promised blessings in this way creates a stronger impression of the truth of the promise and provides assurance that it will be fulfilled. According to their understanding, God’s express institution is essential to define the nature of sacraments; in this respect, sacraments differ from what might be called religious ceremonies. Ceremonies can be arbitrary by nature, and different people may use various successful methods, depending on their makeup, education, and circumstances, to inspire devotion and reinforce good intentions. However, no rite that isn’t ordained by God can truly be seen as a seal of His promise or a guarantee of any outcome dependent on His will. Therefore, for any rite to match our concept of a sacrament, we require it to include not only a vague and general similarity between the visible part of the rite and what it signifies but also formal words of institution and a promise connecting the two. This is why we reject five of the seven sacraments recognized in the Roman Catholic Church; in some of those five, we find no necessary material that constitutes the sign within our definition of a sacrament, and in others, there is no promise linking the material used with the grace purportedly signified, even though the essence of a sacrament hinges on this connection.
SACRIFICE, properly so called, is the solemn infliction of death on a living creature, generally by the effusion of its blood, in a way of religious worship; and the presenting of this act to God, as a supplication for the pardon of sin, and a supposed means of compensation for the insult and injury thereby offered to his majesty and government. Sacrifices have, in all ages, and by almost every nation, been regarded as necessary to placate the divine anger, and render the Deity propitious. Though the Gentiles had lost the knowledge of the true God, they still retained such a dread of him, that they sometimes sacrificed their own offspring for the purpose of averting his anger. Unhappy and bewildered mortals, seeking relief from their guilty fears, hoped to atone for past crimes by committing others still more awful; they gave their first-born for their transgression, the fruit of their body for the sin of their soul. The Scriptures sufficiently indicate that sacrifices were instituted by divine appointment, immediately after the entrance of sin, to prefigure the sacrifice of Christ. Accordingly, we find Abel, Noah, 835Abraham, Job, and others, offering sacrifices in the faith of the Messiah; and the divine acceptance of their sacrifices is particularly recorded. But, in religious institutions, the Most High has ever been jealous of his prerogative. He alone prescribes his own worship; and he regards as vain and presumptuous every pretence of honouring him which he has not commanded. The sacrifice of blood and death could not have been offered to him without impiety, nor would he have accepted it, had not his high authority pointed the way by an explicit prescription.
A SACRIFICE, as it’s properly understood, is the serious act of putting a living creature to death, usually by draining its blood, as a form of religious worship; and this act is presented to God as a request for forgiveness of sin and a supposed way to make up for the offense and harm done to His majesty and authority. Throughout history, almost every nation has seen sacrifices as essential for calming divine anger and gaining the favor of the Deity. Even though the Gentiles had lost knowledge of the true God, they still feared Him intensely, leading some to sacrifice their own children in hopes of appeasing His wrath. These unfortunate and confused people, desperate for relief from their guilty anxieties, believed they could make up for past wrongs by committing even graver sins; they gave their first-born as payment for their wrongs, the product of their bodies for the guilt of their souls. The Scriptures make it clear that sacrifices were established by divine authority right after sin entered the world, to foreshadow the sacrifice of Christ. We see figures like Abel, Noah, Abraham, Job, and others making sacrifices in faith of the Messiah, and the divine acceptance of their offerings is specifically noted. However, in religious practices, the Most High has always been protective of His rights. He alone determines how He should be worshiped, and He sees as useless and arrogant any attempt to honor Him that He hasn’t commanded. Blood sacrifices and the act of death could not rightly be offered to Him without impiety, nor would He accept them unless His supreme authority had explicitly ordained it.
Under the law, sacrifices of various kinds were appointed for the children of Israel; the paschal lamb, Exod. xii, 3; the holocaust, or whole burnt-offering, Lev. vii, 8; the sin-offering, or sacrifice of expiation, Lev. iv, 3, 4; and the peace-offering, or sacrifice of thanksgiving, Lev. vii, 11, 12; all of which emblematically set forth the sacrifice of Christ, being the instituted types and shadows of it, Heb. ix, 9–15; x, 1. Accordingly, Christ abolished the whole of them when he offered his own sacrifice. “Above, when he said, Sacrifice, and offering, and burnt-offerings, and offering for sin, thou wouldest not, neither hadst pleasure therein, which are offered by the law; then said he, Lo, I come to do thy will, O God. He taketh away the first, that he may establish the second. By the which will we are sanctified through the offering of the body of Christ once for all,” Heb. x, 8–10; 1 Cor. v, 7. In illustrating this fundamental doctrine of Christianity, the Apostle Paul, in his Epistle to the Hebrews, sets forth the excellency of the sacrifice of our great High Priest above those of the law in various particulars. The legal sacrifices were only brute animals, such as bullocks, heifers, goats, lambs, &c; but the sacrifice of Christ was himself, a person of infinite dignity and worth, Heb. ix, 12, 13; i, 3; ix, 14, 26; x, 10. The former, though they cleansed from ceremonial uncleanness, could not possibly expiate sin, or purify the conscience from the guilt of it; and so it is said that God was not well pleased in them, Heb. x, 4, 5, 8, 11. But Christ, by the sacrifice of himself, hath effectually, and for ever, put away sin, having made an adequate atonement unto God for it, and by means of faith in it he also purges the conscience from dead works to serve the living God, Heb. ix, 10–26; Ephes. v, 2. The legal sacrifices were statedly offered, year after year, by which their insufficiency was indicated, and an intimation given that God was still calling sins to his remembrance, Heb. x, 3; but the last required no repetition, because it fully and at once answered all the ends of sacrifice, on which account God hath declared that he will remember the sins and iniquities of his people no more.
Under the law, different types of sacrifices were required for the children of Israel: the Passover lamb (Exod. xii, 3), the whole burnt offering (Lev. vii, 8), the sin offering (Lev. iv, 3, 4), and the peace offering (Lev. vii, 11, 12). Each of these symbolically represented the sacrifice of Christ, serving as the instituted types and shadows of it (Heb. ix, 9–15; x, 1). Therefore, Christ ended all of them when he offered his own sacrifice. "When he said above, 'Sacrifice and offering, and burnt offerings, and offering for sin, you did not desire, nor had pleasure in them,' which are offered according to the law, he then said, 'Behold, I have come to do your will, O God.' He takes away the first to establish the second. By that will, we are sanctified through the offering of the body of Christ once for all" (Heb. x, 8–10; 1 Cor. v, 7). In illustrating this fundamental doctrine of Christianity, the Apostle Paul, in his Epistle to the Hebrews, highlights the superiority of the sacrifice of our great High Priest over those of the law in various ways. The legal sacrifices consisted only of animals like bulls, heifers, goats, lambs, etc., whereas Christ's sacrifice was himself, a being of infinite dignity and worth (Heb. ix, 12, 13; i, 3; ix, 14, 26; x, 10). While the former could cleanse from ceremonial uncleanliness, they could not atone for sin or purify the conscience from its guilt, so God was not pleased with them (Heb. x, 4, 5, 8, 11). But through his own sacrifice, Christ has effectively and permanently removed sin, making a sufficient atonement to God. By faith in this sacrifice, he also cleanses the conscience from dead works to serve the living God (Heb. ix, 10–26; Ephes. v, 2). The legal sacrifices were offered regularly, year after year, indicating their insufficiency and that God was still prompted to remember sins (Heb. x, 3); however, the final sacrifice required no repetition, as it fully addressed all the purposes of sacrifice, which is why God has declared that he will no longer remember the sins and iniquities of his people.
The term sacrifice is often used in a secondary or metaphorical sense, and applied to the good works of believers, and to the duties of prayer and praise, as in the following passages: “But to do good, and to communicate, forget not; for with such sacrifices God is well pleased,” Heb. xiii, 16. “Having received of Epaphroditus the things which ye sent, an odour of a sweet smell, a sacrifice acceptable, well pleasing to God,” Phil. iv, 18. “Ye are built up a spiritual house, a holy priesthood, to offer up spiritual sacrifices, acceptable to God by Jesus Christ,” 1 Peter ii, 5. “By him, therefore, let us offer the sacrifice of praise to God continually; that is, the fruit of our lips, giving thanks to his name,” Heb. xiii, 15. “I beseech you, by the mercies of God, that ye present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service,” Rom. xii, 1. “There is a peculiar reason,” says Dr. Owen, “for assigning this appellation to moral duties; for in every sacrifice there was a presentation of something unto God. The worshipper was not to offer that which cost him nothing; part of his substance was to be transferred from himself unto God. So it is in these duties; they cannot be properly observed without the alienation of something that was our own,--our time, ease, property, &c, and a dedication of it to the Lord. Hence they have the general nature of sacrifices.” The ceremonies used in offering the Jewish sacrifices require to be noticed as illustrative of many texts of Scripture, and some points of important doctrine. See Atonement, Offerings, Expiation, Propitiation, Reconciliation, and Redemption.
The term sacrifice is often used in a broader or figurative sense and applied to the good deeds of believers and to the duties of prayer and praise, as shown in the following passages: “But don’t forget to do good and share, for with such sacrifices God is pleased,” Heb. xiii, 16. “Having received from Epaphroditus the things you sent, they are a fragrant offering, a sacrifice that is acceptable and pleasing to God,” Phil. iv, 18. “You are being built into a spiritual house, a holy priesthood, to offer spiritual sacrifices, acceptable to God through Jesus Christ,” 1 Peter ii, 5. “Therefore, let us continually offer a sacrifice of praise to God; that is, the fruit of our lips, giving thanks to His name,” Heb. xiii, 15. “I urge you, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, which is your reasonable service,” Rom. xii, 1. “There is a specific reason,” says Dr. Owen, “for calling moral duties sacrifices; in every sacrifice, something was presented to God. The worshipper was not to offer something that cost him nothing; part of what he had was to be given up to God. Similarly, in these duties, they cannot be truly observed without giving up something of our own—our time, comfort, resources, etc., and dedicating it to the Lord. Thus, they generally have the nature of sacrifices.” The ceremonies involved in offering Jewish sacrifices need to be mentioned as they illustrate many Scripture texts and several important doctrines. See Making amends, Offers, Atonement, Appeasement, Making up, and Redemption.
SADDUCEES, a sect among the Jews. It is said that the principles of the Sadducees were derived from Antigonus Sochæus, president of the sanhedrim, about B. C. 250, who, rejecting the traditionary doctrines of the scribes, taught that man ought to serve God out of pure love, and not from hope of reward, or fear of punishment; and that they derived their name from Sadoc, one of his followers, who, mistaking or perverting this doctrine, maintained that there was no future state of rewards and punishments. Whatever foundation there may be for this account of the origin of the sect, it is certain, that in the time of our Saviour the Sadducees denied the resurrection of the dead, Acts xxiii, 8, and the existence of angels and spirits, or souls of departed men; though, as Mr. Hume observes, it is not easy to comprehend how they could at the same time admit the authority of the law of Moses. They carried their ideas of human freedom so far as to assert that men were absolutely masters of their own actions, and at full liberty to do either good or evil. Josephus even says that they denied the essential difference between good and evil; and, though they believed that God created and preserved the world, they seem to have denied his particular providence. These tenets, which resemble the Epicurean philosophy, led, as might be expected, to great profligacy of life; and we find the licentious wickedness of the Sadducees frequently condemned in the New Testament; yet they professed themselves obliged to observe the Mosaic law, because of the temporal rewards and punishments annexed to such observance; and hence they were always severe in their punishment of any crimes which tended to disturb the public tranquillity. 836The Sadducees rejected all tradition, and some authors have contended that they admitted only the books of Moses; but there seems no ground for that opinion, either in the Scriptures or in any ancient writer. Even Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee, and took every opportunity of reproaching the Sadducees, does not mention that they rejected any part of the Scriptures; he only says that “the Pharisees have delivered to the people many institutions as received from the fathers, which are not written in the law of Moses. For this reason the Sadducees reject these things, asserting that those things are binding which are written, but that the things received by tradition from the fathers are not to be observed.” Beside, it is generally believed that the Sadducees expected the Messiah with great impatience, which seems to imply their belief in the prophecies, though they misinterpreted their meaning. Confining all their hopes to this present world, enjoying its riches, and devoting themselves to its pleasures, they might well be particularly anxious that their lot of life should be cast in the splendid reign of this expected temporal king, with the hope of sharing in his conquests and glory; but this expectation was so contrary to the lowly appearance of our Saviour, that they joined their inveterate enemies, the Pharisees, in persecuting him and his religion. Josephus says, that the Sadducees were able to draw over to them the rich only, the people not following them; and he elsewhere mentions that this sect spread chiefly among the young. The Sadducees were far less numerous than the Pharisees, but they were in general persons of greater opulence and dignity. The council before whom our Saviour and St. Paul were carried consisted partly of Pharisees and partly of Sadducees.
SADDUCEES, a group within the Jewish community. It is said that their beliefs originated from Antigonus Sochæus, president of the sanhedrin, around 250 B.C. He rejected the traditional doctrines of the scribes and taught that people should serve God out of pure love, not out of hope for reward or fear of punishment. They derived their name from Sadoc, one of his followers, who misinterpreted this teaching and insisted there was no afterlife of rewards or punishments. Whether this is truly how the sect started is uncertain, but it is clear that during the time of our Savior, the Sadducees denied the resurrection of the dead (Acts xxiii, 8) and the existence of angels and spirits, as well as the souls of the deceased. As Mr. Hume notes, it's hard to understand how they could simultaneously accept the authority of the law of Moses. They extended their belief in human freedom to the point of claiming that people were entirely in control of their actions and free to choose between good and evil. Josephus even states that they denied the fundamental difference between good and evil; although they believed God created and sustained the world, they seemed to reject his specific providence. These beliefs, which resemble Epicurean philosophy, inevitably led to considerable moral decay, and the reckless immorality of the Sadducees is often criticized in the New Testament. Despite this, they claimed to be obligated to follow the Mosaic law due to the material rewards and punishments associated with it, making them harsh in punishing any crimes that threatened public peace. 836 The Sadducees dismissed all tradition, and some scholars argue that they accepted only the books of Moses; however, there is no evidence to support that claim in Scripture or ancient texts. Even Josephus, a Pharisee who often criticized the Sadducees, does not state that they rejected any part of the Scriptures. He simply notes that "the Pharisees have taught the people many practices passed down from the fathers that are not written in the law of Moses. For this reason, the Sadducees reject these practices, asserting that only the written laws are binding while those passed down by tradition from the fathers are not to be followed." Additionally, it is widely believed that the Sadducees were eagerly waiting for the Messiah, which suggests they believed in the prophecies, even if they misinterpreted them. They focused all their hopes on this world, enjoying its wealth and indulging in its pleasures, making them particularly eager for their lives to coincide with the glorious reign of this anticipated temporal king, hoping to share in his victories and prestige. However, this expectation was so at odds with the humble appearance of our Savior that they allied with their staunch enemies, the Pharisees, in opposing him and his teachings. Josephus mentions that the Sadducees managed to attract only the wealthy, as the general populace did not follow them, and he also notes that this group primarily appealed to the youth. The Sadducees were significantly fewer in number than the Pharisees, but they typically held greater wealth and status. The council that tried our Savior and St. Paul consisted of both Pharisees and Sadducees.
SALAMIS, once a famous city in the isle of Cyprus, opposite to Seleucia, on the Syrian coast; and as it was the first place where the Gospel was preached, it was in the primitive times made the see of the primate of the whole island. It was destroyed by the Saracens, and from the ruins was built Famagusta, which was taken by the Turks in 1570. Here St. Paul preached, A. D. 44, Acts xiii, 5.
SALAMIS, once a well-known city on the island of Cyprus, located across from Seleucia on the Syrian coast; since it was the first place where the Gospel was preached, it became the seat of the primate for the entire island in early times. It was destroyed by the Saracens, and from its ruins, Famagusta was built, which was captured by the Turks in 1570. Here St. Paul preached in A.D. 44, as noted in Acts xiii, 5.
SALMON, son of Nahshon: he married Rahab, by whom he had Boaz, 1 Chron. ii, 11, 51, 54; Ruth iv, 20, 21; Matt. i, 4. He is named the father of Bethlehem, because his descendants peopled Bethlehem.
SALMON, son of Nahshon: he married Rahab, and they had Boaz, 1 Chron. ii, 11, 51, 54; Ruth iv, 20, 21; Matt. i, 4. He is called the father of Bethlehem because his descendants populated Bethlehem.
SALOME, the wife of Zebedee, and mother of St. James the greater, and St. John the evangelist, Matthew xxvii, 56; and one of those holy women who used to attend upon our Saviour in his journeyings, and to minister to him. She was the person who requested of Jesus Christ, that her two sons, James and John, might sit on his right and left hand when he should enter upon his kingdom, having then but the same obscure views as the rest of the disciples; but she gave proof of her faith when she followed Christ to Calvary, and did not forsake him even at the cross, Mark xv, 40; Matt. xxvii, 55, 56. She was also one of the women that brought perfumes to embalm him, and who came, for this purpose, to the sepulchre “early in the morning,” Mark xvi, 1, 2. At the tomb they saw two angels, who informed them that Jesus was risen. Returning to Jerusalem, Jesus appeared to them on the way, and said to them, “Be not afraid: go, tell my brethren that they go into Galilee, and there shall they see me.”
SALOME, the wife of Zebedee and the mother of St. James the Greater and St. John the Evangelist, mentioned in Matthew 27:56, was one of the holy women who supported our Savior during his travels and ministered to him. She was the one who asked Jesus Christ if her two sons, James and John, could sit at his right and left when he entered his kingdom, holding the same unclear views as the other disciples at the time. However, she showed her faith by following Christ to Calvary and did not abandon him even at the cross (Mark 15:40; Matt. 27:55, 56). She was also one of the women who brought perfumes to anoint him and came to the tomb "early in the morning" for this purpose (Mark 16:1, 2). At the tomb, they saw two angels who told them that Jesus had risen. On their way back to Jerusalem, Jesus appeared to them and said, "Don't be afraid; go tell my brothers to go to Galilee, and there they will see me."
SALT. God appointed that salt should be used in all the sacrifices that were offered to him, Leviticus ii, 13. Salt is esteemed the symbol of wisdom and grace, Colossians iv, 6; Mark ix, 50; also of perpetuity and incorruption, Numbers xviii, 19; 2 Chronicles xiii, 5. The orientals were accustomed also to ratify their federal engagements by salt. This substance was, among the ancients, the emblem of friendship and fidelity, and therefore used in all their sacrifices and covenants. It was a sacred pledge of hospitality which they never ventured to violate. Numerous instances occur of travellers in Arabia, after being plundered and stripped by the wandering tribes of the desert, claiming the protection of some civilized Arab, who, after receiving them into his tent, and giving them salt, instantly relieves their distress, and never forsakes them till he has placed them in safety. An agreement, thus ratified, is called, in Scripture, “a covenant of salt.” The obligation which this symbol imposes on the mind of an oriental, is well illustrated by the Baron du Tott in the following anecdote: One who was desirous of his acquaintance promised in a short time to return. The baron had already attended him half way down the staircase, when stopping, and turning briskly to one of his domestics, “Bring me directly,” said he, “some bread and salt.” What he requested was brought; when, taking a little salt between his fingers, and putting it with a mysterious air on a bit of bread, he ate it with a devout gravity, assuring du Tott he might now rely on him.
SALT. God commanded that salt should be used in all the sacrifices offered to Him, Leviticus ii, 13. Salt is considered a symbol of wisdom and grace, Colossians iv, 6; Mark ix, 50; as well as of permanence and incorruption, Numbers xviii, 19; 2 Chronicles xiii, 5. People in the East also typically confirmed their agreements with salt. This substance was, among ancient peoples, a symbol of friendship and loyalty, and was therefore used in all their sacrifices and covenants. It served as a sacred pledge of hospitality that they would never break. There are many stories of travelers in Arabia, after being robbed and stripped by wandering desert tribes, seeking protection from some civilized Arab, who, after welcoming them into his tent and sharing salt, quickly alleviated their distress and remained with them until they were safe. An agreement solidified this way is referred to in Scripture as “a covenant of salt.” The obligation that this symbol creates in the mind of an Eastern person is well illustrated by Baron du Tott in this story: One who wanted to become acquainted with him promised to return shortly. The baron had already walked him halfway down the staircase when he stopped, turned to one of his servants, and said, “Bring me some bread and salt right away.” When it was brought, he took a bit of salt between his fingers, placed it mysteriously on a piece of bread, and ate it seriously, assuring du Tott that he could now trust him.
Although salt, in small quantities, may contribute to the communicating and fertilizing of some kinds of stubborn soil, yet, according to the observations of Pliny, “all places in which salt is found are barren and produce nothing.” The effect of salt, where it abounds, on vegetation, is described by burning, in Deut. xxix, 23, “The whole land thereof is brimstone, and salt of burning.” Thus Volney, speaking of the borders of the Asphaltic lake, or Dead Sea, says, “The true cause of the absence of vegetables and animals is the acrid saltness of its waters, which is infinitely greater than that of the sea. The land surrounding the lake, being equally impregnated with that saltness, refuses to produce plants; the air itself, which is by evaporation loaded with it, and which moreover receives vapours of sulphur and bitumen, cannot suit vegetation; whence that dead appearance which reigns around the lake.” So a salt land, Jer. xvii, 6, is the same as the “parched places of the wilderness,” and is descriptive of barrenness, as saltness also is, Job xxxix, 6; Psalm cvii, 34; Ezek. xlvii, 11; Zech. ii, 9. Hence the ancient custom of sowing an enemy’s city, 837when taken,with salt, in token of perpetual desolation, Judges iv, 45; and thus in after times the city of Milan was burned, razed, sown with salt, and ploughed by the exasperated emperor, Frederic Barbarossa. The salt used by the ancients was what we call rock or fossil salt; and also that left by the evaporation of salt lakes. Both these kinds were impure, being mixed with earth, sand, &c, and lost their strength by deliquescence. Maundrell, describing the valley of salt, says, “On the side toward Gibul there is a small precipice, occasioned by the continual taking away of the salt; and in this you may see how the veins of it lie. I broke a piece of it, of which that part that was exposed to the sun, rain, and air, though it had the sparks and particles of salt, yet it had perfectly lost its savour; the inner part, which was connected with the rock, retained its savour, as I found by proof.” Christ reminds his disciples, Matt. v, 13, “Ye are the salt of the earth; but if the salt have lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted? It is thenceforth good for nothing but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men.” This is spoken of the mineral salt as mentioned by Maundrell, a great deal of which was made use of in offerings at the temple; such of it as had become insipid was thrown out to repair the road. The existence of such a salt, and its application to such a use, Schoetgenius has largely proved in his “Horæ Hebraicæ.” The salt unfit for the land, Luke xvi, 34, Le Clerc conjectures to be that made of wood ashes, which easily loses its savour, and becomes no longer serviceable.
Although salt, in small amounts, can help improve and fertilize some stubborn soils, Pliny noted that “all places where salt is found are barren and produce nothing.” The impact of abundant salt on plant life is described by burning in Deut. xxix, 23, “The whole land is brimstone and burning salt.” Volney, discussing the shores of the Asphaltic lake or Dead Sea, states, “The real reason for the lack of plants and animals is the sharp salinity of its waters, which is much greater than that of the sea. The land around the lake is also saturated with that salinity, making it unable to grow plants; the air itself is filled with it from evaporation, and also contains vapors of sulfur and bitumen, making it unsuitable for vegetation; hence the lifeless look that surrounds the lake.” A salt land, as noted in Jer. xvii, 6, is akin to the “parched places of the wilderness,” symbolizing barrenness, as salinity also does in Job xxxix, 6; Psalm cvii, 34; Ezek. xlvii, 11; Zech. ii, 9. Therefore, the ancient practice of sowing an enemy's city with salt upon its capture signifies eternal desolation, as seen in Judges iv, 45; later, the city of Milan was burned, destroyed, salted, and plowed by the furious emperor, Frederick Barbarossa. The salt used by ancient peoples was what we now call rock or fossil salt, as well as that left behind by evaporating salt lakes. Both types were impure, mixed with earth and sand, and lost their potency due to deliquescence. Maundrell, describing the salt valley, notes, “On the side toward Gibul, there is a small cliff created by the constant removal of salt; here you can see how the veins of salt lie. I broke a piece of it, and the part exposed to the sun, rain, and air, while containing some salt particles, had completely lost its flavor; the inner part, which was attached to the rock, still retained its flavor, as I confirmed.” Jesus tells his disciples in Matt. v, 13, “You are the salt of the earth; but if the salt loses its flavor, how will it be seasoned? It is then good for nothing except to be thrown out and trampled underfoot.” This refers to the mineral salt mentioned by Maundrell, much of which was used in temple offerings; the insipid parts were thrown out for road repair. The existence of such salt and its use has been extensively demonstrated by Schoetgenius in his “Hebrew Hours.” The salt deemed unsuitable for the land, as noted in Luke xvi, 34, Le Clerc speculates to be that made from wood ashes, which quickly loses its flavor and becomes ineffective.
SALUTATIONS at meeting are not less common in the east than in the countries of Europe, but are generally confined to those of their own nation or religious party. When the Arabs salute each other, it is generally in these terms: Salum aleikum, “Peace be with you;” laying, as they utter the words, the right hand on the heart. The answer is, Aleikum essalum, “With you be peace;” to which aged people are inclined to add, “and the mercy and blessing of God.” The Mohammedans of Egypt and Syria never salute a Christian in these terms: they content themselves with saying to them, “Good day to you;” or, “Friend, how do you do?” Niebuhr’s statement is confirmed by Mr. Bruce, who says that some Arabs, to whom he gave the salam, or salutation of peace, either made no reply, or expressed their astonishment at his impudence in using such freedom. Thus it appears that the orientals have two kinds of salutations; one for strangers, and the other for their own countrymen, or persons of their own religious profession. The Jews in the days of our Lord seem to have generally observed the same custom; they would not address the usual compliment of, “Peace be with you,” to either Heathens or publicans; the publicans of the Jewish nation would use it to their countrymen who were publicans, but not to Heathens, though the more rigid Jews refused to do it either to publicans or Heathens. Our Lord required his disciples to lay aside the moroseness of Jews, and cherish a benevolent disposition toward all around them: “If ye salute your brethren only, what do ye more than others? Do not even the publicans so?” They were bound by the same authority to embrace their brethren in Christ with a special affection, yet they were to look upon every man as a brother, to feel a sincere and cordial interest in his welfare, and at meeting to express their benevolence, in language corresponding with the feelings of their hearts. This precept is not inconsistent with the charge which the Prophet Elisha gave to his servant Gehazi, not to salute any man he met, nor return his salutation; for he wished him to make all the haste in his power to restore the child of the Shunamite, who had laid him under so many obligations. The manners of the country rendered Elisha’s precautions particularly proper and necessary, as the salutations of the east often take up a long time. For a similar reason our Lord himself commanded his disciples on one occasion to salute no man by the way: it is not to be supposed that he would require his followers to violate or neglect an innocent custom, still less one of his own precepts; he only directed them to make the best use of their time in executing his work. This precaution was rendered necessary by the length of time which their tedious forms of salutation required. They begin their salutations at a considerable distance, by bringing the hand down to the knees, and then carrying it to the stomach. They express their devotedness to a person by holding down the hand, as they do their affection by raising it afterward to the heart. When they come close together, they take each other by the hand in token of friendship. The country people at meeting clap each other’s hands very smartly twenty or thirty times together, without saying any thing more than, “How do ye do? I wish you good health.” After this first compliment, many other friendly questions about the health of the family, mentioning each of the children distinctly, whose names they know. To avoid this useless waste of time, our Lord commanded them to avoid the customary salutations of those whom they might happen to meet by the way. All the forms of salutation now observed appear to have been in general use in the days of our Lord; for he represents a servant as falling down at the feet of his master, when he had a favour to ask; and an inferior servant, as paying the same compliment to the first, who belonged, it would seem, to a higher class; “The servant, therefore, fell down and worshipped him, saying, Lord, have patience with me, and I will pay thee all. And his fellow servant fell down at his feet, and besought him, saying, Have patience with me, and I will pay thee all,” Matt. xviii, 26, 29. When Jairus solicited the Saviour to go and heal his daughter, he fell down at his feet: the Apostle 838Peter, on another occasion, seems to have fallen down at his knees, in the same manner as the modern Arabs fall down at the knees of a superior. The woman who was afflicted with an issue of blood touched the hem of his garment, and the Syro-Phenician woman fell down at his feet. In Persia, the salutation among intimate friends is made by inclining the neck over each other’s neck, and then inclining cheek to cheek; which Mr. Morier thinks is most likely the falling upon the neck and kissing, so frequently mentioned in Scripture, Gen. xxxiii, 4; xlv, 14; Luke xv, 20.
SALUTATIONS at meetings are just as common in the East as in European countries, but they are usually limited to those of the same nation or religious group. When Arabs greet each other, they typically say: Salum aleikum, “Peace be with you;” while placing their right hand on their heart. The response is Aleikum essalum, “With you be peace;” and older individuals often add, “and the mercy and blessing of God.” The Muslims in Egypt and Syria never greet Christians in this way; instead, they simply say, “Good day to you;” or, “Friend, how are you?” Niebuhr’s observation is supported by Mr. Bruce, who notes that some Arabs, when he offered the salam or greeting of peace, either did not reply or expressed their surprise at his boldness in being so familiar. It seems that the people in the East have two types of greetings: one for strangers and another for their fellow countrymen or adherents of their own faith. The Jews during the time of our Lord appeared to follow a similar practice; they would not extend the usual greeting of “Peace be with you” to either Gentiles or tax collectors. Jewish tax collectors might use the greeting with their fellow tax collectors, but not with Gentiles, although stricter Jews refused to use it with both. Our Lord instructed his followers to set aside the sternness of the Jews and cultivate a kind attitude toward everyone: “If you greet only your brothers, what do you do more than others? Don’t even tax collectors do that?” They were also expected to show special affection to their fellow Christians but to regard all people as brothers, genuinely caring about their well-being and expressing kindness in their words. This teaching aligns with the instruction that the Prophet Elisha gave to his servant Gehazi, telling him not to greet anyone he met or respond to greetings; he wanted him to hurry to restore the child of the Shunammite, who had done many good things for him. The customs of the region made Elisha’s caution especially important, as Eastern greetings often take a long time. For a similar reason, our Lord instructed his disciples on one occasion not to greet anyone along the way; it’s unlikely he would require his followers to ignore or neglect harmless customs, let alone his own teachings; he merely told them to make the best use of their time while doing his work. This caution was necessary because their lengthy greeting rituals took up much time. They begin their greetings from a distance, lowering their hand to their knees and then raising it to their stomach. They show their dedication to a person by lowering their hand and express their affection by raising it to their heart. When they get close, they shake hands as a sign of friendship. The local people, when they meet, clap each other’s hands vigorously twenty or thirty times without saying anything more than, “How do you do? I wish you good health.” After this initial exchange, they ask many other friendly questions about the family’s well-being, mentioning each child by name, as they often know the names. To avoid this unnecessary time-consuming conversation, our Lord instructed them to skip the typical greetings with anyone they might encounter on the road. All types of greetings now observed seem to have been widely practiced in the days of our Lord; for he describes a servant bowing down at the feet of his master when asking for a favor, and another subordinate servant bowing in the same way to the first servant, who appeared to belong to a higher class: “The servant therefore fell down and worshipped him, saying, Lord, have patience with me, and I will pay you all. And his fellow servant fell down at his feet, and begged him, saying, Have patience with me, and I will pay you all,” Matt. xviii, 26, 29. When Jairus asked the Savior to heal his daughter, he fell at his feet; the Apostle 838 Peter also fell at his knees, similar to how modern Arabs bow to a superior. The woman with the blood condition touched the hem of his garment, and the Syrophoenician woman fell at his feet. In Persia, friends greet each other by leaning their necks together and then cheek-to-cheek; Mr. Morier suggests this is probably the same as the embracing and kissing mentioned often in Scripture, Gen. xxxiii, 4; xlv, 14; Luke xv, 20.
SALVATION imports, in general, some great deliverance from any evil or danger. Thus, the conducting the Israelites through the Red Sea, and delivering them out of the hands of the Egyptians, is called a great salvation. But salvation by way of eminence, is applied to that wonderful deliverance which our blessed Saviour procured for mankind, by saving them from the punishment of their sins; and in the New Testament is the same as our redemption by Christ. This is that salvation referred to by St. Paul: “How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation?” The salvation which Christ purchased, and the Gospel tenders to every creature, comprehends the greatest blessings which God can bestow; a deliverance from the most dreadful evils that mankind can suffer. It contains all that can make the nature of man perfect or his life happy, and secures him from whatever can render his condition miserable. The blessings of it are inexpressible, and beyond imagination. “Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love him.” For, to be saved as Christ saves, is to have all our innumerable sins and transgressions forgiven and blotted out; all those heavy loads of guilt which oppressed our souls perfectly removed from our minds. It is to be reconciled to God, and restored to his favour, so that he will be no longer angry, terrible, and retributive, but a most kind, compassionate, and tender Father. It is to be at peace with him and with our consciences; to have a title to his peculiar love, care, and protection, all our days; to be rescued from the bondage and dominion of sin, and the tyranny of the devil. It is to be translated from the power of darkness, into the kingdom of Christ; so that sin shall reign no longer in our mortal bodies, but we shall be enabled to serve God in newness of life. It is to be placed in a state of true freedom and liberty, to be no longer under the control of blind passions, and hurried on by our impetuous lusts to do what our reason condemns. It is to have a new principle of life infused into our souls; to have the Holy Spirit resident in our hearts, whose comfortable influence must ever cheer and refresh us, and by whose counsels we may be always advised, directed, and governed. It is to be transformed into the image of God; and to be made like him in wisdom, righteousness, and all other perfections of which man’s nature is capable.
SALVATION generally means a significant rescue from any evil or danger. For example, the Israelites being led through the Red Sea and saved from the Egyptians is referred to as a great salvation. However, salvation most notably applies to the incredible rescue that our blessed Savior achieved for humanity by saving them from the consequences of their sins; in the New Testament, it's equivalent to our redemption through Christ. This is the salvation mentioned by St. Paul: “How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation?” The salvation that Christ purchased and the Gospel offers to everyone includes the greatest blessings that God can give; it frees us from the worst evils that humanity can face. It holds everything that can make a person's nature perfect or a life happy, and protects us from anything that could make our situation miserable. The blessings it brings are beyond expression and imagination. “Eye has not seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man, the things which God has prepared for those who love him.” To be saved as Christ saves means to have all our countless sins and wrongdoings forgiven and completely wiped away; all those heavy burdens of guilt that weighed down our souls are perfectly lifted from our minds. It means being reconciled with God and restored to His favor, so that He is no longer angry, frightening, and vengeful, but a kind, compassionate, and loving Father. It means being at peace with Him and with our consciences; having a claim to His unique love, care, and protection all our days; being freed from the bondage and control of sin, and the tyranny of the devil. It is being transferred from the power of darkness into the kingdom of Christ; so that sin will no longer rule in our mortal bodies, but we will be able to serve God with a new life. It is to be in a state of true freedom and liberty, no longer under the influence of blind passions, and driven by our intense desires to do things that our reason condemns. It is to have a new principle of life instilled into our souls; to have the Holy Spirit living in our hearts, whose comforting presence will always uplift and rejuvenate us, and by whose guidance we can always be advised, directed, and governed. It is to be transformed into the image of God; and to be made like Him in wisdom, righteousness, and all the other perfections that human nature can attain.
Finally, to be saved as Christ came to save mankind, is to be translated, after this life is ended, into a state of eternal felicity, never more to die or suffer, never more to know pain and sickness, grief and sorrow, labour and weariness, disquiet, or vexation, but to live in perfect peace, freedom, and liberty, and to enjoy the greatest good after the most perfect manner for ever. It is to have our bodies raised again, and reünited to our souls; so that they shall be no longer gross, earthly, corruptible bodies, but spiritual, heavenly, immortal ones, fashioned like unto Christ’s glorious body, in which he now sits at the right hand of God. It is to live in the city of the great King, the heavenly Jerusalem, where the glory of the Lord fills the place with perpetual light and bliss. It is to spend eternity in the most noble and hallowed employments, in viewing and contemplating the wonderful works of God, admiring the wisdom of his providence, adoring his infinite love to the sons of men, reflecting on our own inexpressible happiness, and singing everlasting hymns of praise, joy, and triumph to God and our Lord Jesus Christ for vouchsafing all these blessings. It is to dwell for ever in a place, where no objects of pity or compassion, of anger or envy, of hatred or distrust, are to be found; but where all will increase the happiness of each other, by mutual love and kindness. It is to converse with the most perfect society, to be restored to the fellowship of our friends and relations who have died in the faith of Christ, and to be with Jesus Christ, to behold his glory, to live for ever in seeing and enjoying the great God, in “whose presence is fulness of joy, and at whose right hand are pleasures for evermore.” This is the salvation that Christ has purchased for us; and which his Gospel offers to all mankind.
Finally, being saved as Christ came to save humanity means being transformed, after this life ends, into a state of eternal happiness, never to die or suffer again, never to experience pain, illness, grief, or fatigue, but to live in perfect peace, freedom, and liberty, enjoying the greatest good in the most perfect way forever. It means our bodies will be raised again and reunited with our souls; they will no longer be coarse, earthly, and corruptible bodies, but spiritual, heavenly, immortal ones, shaped like Christ’s glorious body, in which he now sits at the right hand of God. It means living in the city of the great King, the heavenly Jerusalem, where the glory of the Lord fills the place with constant light and joy. It means spending eternity engaged in the most noble and sacred activities, reflecting on and contemplating the amazing works of God, admiring the wisdom of his providence, adoring his infinite love for humanity, considering our own indescribable happiness, and singing everlasting hymns of praise, joy, and triumph to God and our Lord Jesus Christ for granting us all these blessings. It means dwelling forever in a place where there are no feelings of pity, anger, envy, hatred, or distrust, but where everyone will enhance each other’s happiness through mutual love and kindness. It means being part of the most perfect community, reunited with our friends and family who have died in faith, and being with Jesus Christ, witnessing his glory, and living forever in the presence of the great God, “in whose presence is fullness of joy, and at whose right hand are pleasures forevermore.” This is the salvation that Christ has purchased for us, and which his Gospel offers to all of humanity.
SAMARIA, one of the three divisions of the Holy Land, having Galilee on the north, Judea on the south, the river Jordan on the east, and the Mediterranean Sea on the west. It took its name from its capital city, Samaria; and formed, together with Galilee and some cantons on the east of Jordan, during the reigns of the kings of Israel and Judah, the kingdom of the former. The general aspect and produce of the country are nearly the same as those of Judea. But Mr. Buckingham observes, that “while in Judea the hills are mostly as bare as the imagination can paint them, and a few of the narrow valleys only are fertile, in Samaria, the very summits of the eminences are as well clothed as the sides of them. These, with the luxuriant valleys which they enclose, present scenes of unbroken verdure in almost every point of view, which are delightfully variegated by the picturesque forms of the hills and vales themselves, enriched by the occasional sight of wood and water, in clusters of olive and other trees, and rills and torrents running among them.”
SAMARIA, one of the three regions of the Holy Land, has Galilee to the north, Judea to the south, the Jordan River to the east, and the Mediterranean Sea to the west. It got its name from its capital city, Samaria. Along with Galilee and some areas east of the Jordan, it formed the kingdom of the northern tribes during the reigns of the kings of Israel and Judah. The overall look and agricultural output of the area are quite similar to those of Judea. However, Mr. Buckingham points out that “while in Judea the hills are mostly as bare as you can imagine, with only a few narrow valleys being fertile, in Samaria, the very tops of the hills are as green as the sides. These, along with the lush valleys they enclose, create scenes of continuous greenery from nearly every angle, which are beautifully varied by the picturesque shapes of the hills and valleys themselves, enhanced by the occasional view of clusters of olive and other trees, as well as streams and torrents flowing among them.”
2. Samaria, the capital city of the kingdom of the ten tribes that revolted from the house of David. It was built by Omri, king of Israel, 839who began to reign A. M. 3079, and who died 3086. He bought the hill Samaria of Shemer for two talents of silver, or for the sum of 684l. 7s. 6d. It took the name of Samaria from Shemer, the owner of the hill, 1 Kings xvi, 24. Some think, however, that there were before this some beginnings of a city in that place, because, antecedent to the reign of Omri, there is mention made of Samaria, 1 Kings xiii, 32, A. M. 3030. But others take this for a prolepsis, or an anticipation, in the discourse of the man of God. However this may be, it is certain that Samaria was no considerable place, and did not become the capital of the kingdom, till after the reign of Omri. Before him, the kings of Israel dwelt at Shechem or at Tirzah. Samaria was advantageously situated upon an agreeable and fruitful hill, twelve miles from Dothaim, twelve from Merrom, and four from Atharath. Josephus says it was a day’s journey from Jerusalem. The kings of Samaria omitted nothing to make this city the strongest, the finest, and the richest that was possible. Ahab built there a palace of ivory, 1 Kings xxii, 39; that is, in which there were many ivory ornaments; and, according to Amos, iii, 15; iv, 1, 2, it became the seat of luxury and effeminacy. Benhadad, king of Syria, built public places, called “streets,” in Samaria, 1 Kings xx, 34; probably bazaars for trade, and quarters where his people dwelt to pursue commerce. His son Benhadad besieged this place under the reign of Ahab, 1 Kings xx, A. M. 3103. It was besieged by Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, in the ninth year of the reign of Hoshea, king of Israel, 2 Kings xvii, 6, &c, which was the fourth of Hezekiah, king of Judah. It was taken three years after, A. M. 3283. The Prophet Hosea, x, 4, 8, 9, speaks of the cruelties exercised by Shalmaneser against the besieged; and Micah, i, 6, says that the city was reduced to a heap of stones. The Cuthites that were sent by Esar-haddon to inhabit the country of Samaria did not think it worth their while to repair the ruined city: they dwelt at Shechem, which they made the capital city of their state. They were in this condition when Alexander the Great came into Phenicia and Judea. However, the Cuthites had rebuilt some of the houses of Samaria, even from the time of the return of the Jews from the captivity, since the inhabitants of Samaria are spoken of, Ezra iv, 17; Neh. iv, 2. And the Samaritans, being jealous of the Jews, on account of the favours that Alexander the Great had conferred on them, revolted from him, while he was in Egypt, and burned Andromachus alive, whom he had left governor of Syria. Alexander soon marched against them, took Samaria, and appointed Macedonians to inhabit it, giving the country round it to the Jews; and to encourage them in the cultivation, he exempted them from tribute. The kings of Egypt and Syria, who succeeded Alexander, deprived them of the property of this country. But Alexander Balas, king of Syria, restored to Jonathan Maccabæus the cities of Lydda, Ephrem, and Ramatha, which he cut off from the country of Samaria, 1 Macc. x, 30, 38; xi, 28, 34. Lastly, the Jews reëntered into the full possession of this whole country under John Hircanus, the Asmonean, who took Samaria, and, according to Josephus, made the river run through its ruins. It continued in this state till A. M. 3947, when Aulus Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria, rebuilt it, and gave it the name of Gabiniana. Yet it remained very inconsiderable till Herod the Great restored it to its ancient splendour.
2. Samaria was the capital city of the kingdom of the ten tribes that broke away from the house of David. It was built by Omri, king of Israel, 839, who started his reign in A.M. 3079 and died in 3086. He purchased the hill Samaria from Shemer for two talents of silver, which amounts to 684l. 7s. 6d. The city got its name from Shemer, the hill's original owner, as noted in 1 Kings xvi, 24. Some believe there were initial developments of a city at that site earlier, since Samaria is mentioned before Omri’s reign in 1 Kings xiii, 32, A.M. 3030. Others regard this as a prolepsis, or an anticipatory mention by the prophet. Regardless, it's clear that Samaria wasn’t significant and didn’t become the kingdom's capital until after Omri’s reign. Before him, the kings of Israel resided in Shechem or Tirzah. Samaria was strategically located on a pleasant, fertile hill, situated twelve miles from Dothaim, twelve from Merrom, and four from Atharath. Josephus noted it was a day’s journey from Jerusalem. The kings of Samaria spared no effort to make the city as strong, beautiful, and wealthy as possible. Ahab constructed an ivory palace there, as stated in 1 Kings xxii, 39, meaning it had many ivory decorations. According to Amos, iii, 15; iv, 1, 2, it became a hub of luxury and indulgence. Benhadad, king of Syria, established public areas, referred to as “streets,” in Samaria, as mentioned in 1 Kings xx, 34, likely marketplaces for trade and residential quarters for his people. His son Benhadad laid siege to the city during Ahab’s reign, as documented in 1 Kings xx, A.M. 3103. It was later besieged by Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, in the ninth year of Hoshea’s reign as king of Israel, 2 Kings xvii, 6, and so on, which was during the fourth year of Hezekiah’s reign as king of Judah. The city fell three years later, A.M. 3283. The Prophet Hosea in x, 4, 8, 9 discusses the brutal acts Shalmaneser inflicted on the besieged, and Micah in i, 6 notes that the city was left in ruins. The Cuthites sent by Esar-haddon to settle in Samaria found the ruined city unworthy of repair; they made Shechem the capital of their territory. This was the situation when Alexander the Great arrived in Phoenicia and Judea. However, the Cuthites gradually rebuilt some homes in Samaria, even from the time the Jews returned from captivity, as the inhabitants are mentioned in Ezra iv, 17; Neh. iv, 2. The Samaritans, feeling jealous of the Jews due to favors Alexander had shown them, revolted against him while he was in Egypt and executed Andromachus, whom he had appointed as governor of Syria. Alexander quickly marched against them, captured Samaria, and settled Macedonians there, granting the surrounding area to the Jews and exempting them from taxes to encourage agriculture. The successive kings of Egypt and Syria took away their property in that region. However, Alexander Balas, king of Syria, returned the cities of Lydda, Ephrem, and Ramatha, which he had removed from the land of Samaria, to Jonathan Maccabæus, 1 Macc. x, 30, 38; xi, 28, 34. Ultimately, the Jews regained full control of the entire area under John Hyrcanus, the Hasmonean, who captured Samaria and, according to Josephus, redirected the river through its remains. It stayed in this condition until A.M. 3947, when Aulus Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria, rebuilt it and named it Gabiniana. However, it remained relatively insignificant until Herod the Great restored its former glory.
The sacred authors of the New Testament speak but little of Samaria; and when they do mention it, the country is rather to be understood than the city, Luke xvii, 11; John iv, 4, 5. After the death of Stephen, Acts viii, 1, 2, 3, when the disciples were dispersed through the cities of Judea and Samaria, Philip made several converts in this city. There it was that Simon Magus resided, and thither Peter and John went to communicate the gifts of the Holy Spirit.
The writers of the New Testament don’t say much about Samaria; and when they do, they mostly refer to the region rather than the city, as seen in Luke 17:11 and John 4:4-5. After Stephen’s death (Acts 8:1-3), when the disciples were scattered across the towns in Judea and Samaria, Philip converted many people in this city. It was also where Simon Magus lived, and Peter and John went there to share the gifts of the Holy Spirit.
Travellers give the following account of its present state:--Sebaste is the name which Herod gave to the name of the ancient Samaria, the imperial city of the ten tribes, in honour of Augustus (Sebastos) Cæsar, when he rebuilt and fortified it, converting the greater part of it into a citadel, and erecting here a noble temple. “The situation,” says Dr. Richardson, “is extremely beautiful, and strong by nature; more so, I think, than Jerusalem. It stands on a fine, large, insulated hill, compassed all around by a broad deep valley; and when fortified, as it is stated to have been by Herod, one would have imagined that, in the ancient system of warfare, nothing but famine could have reduced such a place. The valley is surrounded by four hills, one on each side, which are cultivated in terraces up to the top, sown with grain, and planted with fig and olive trees, as is also the valley. The hill of Samaria likewise rises in terraces to a height equal to any of the adjoining mountains. The present village is small and poor, and, after passing the valley, the ascent to it is very steep. Viewed from the station of our tents, it is extremely interesting, both from its natural situation, and from the picturesque remains of a ruined convent, of good Gothic architecture. Having passed the village, toward the middle of the first terrace, there is a number of columns still standing. I counted twelve in one row, beside several that stood apart, the brotherless remains of other rows. The situation is extremely delightful, and my guide informed me, that they belonged to the serai, or palace. On the next terrace there are no remains of solid building, but heaps of stone and lime and rubbish mixed with the soil in great profusion. Ascending to the third or highest terrace, the traces of former building were not so numerous, but we enjoyed a delightful view of the surrounding country. The eye passed over the deep valley that encompasses the hill of Sebaste, and rested on the mountains beyond, that retreated as they rose with a gentle slope, and met the 840view in every direction, like a book laid out for perusal on a reading desk. This was the seat of the capital of the short-lived and wicked kingdom of Israel; and on the face of these mountains the eye surveys the scene of many bloody conflicts and many memorable events. Here those holy men of God, Elijah and Elisha, spoke their tremendous warnings in the ears of their incorrigible rulers, and wrought their miracles in the sight of all the people. From this lofty eminence we descended to the south side of the hill, where we saw the remains of a stately colonnade that stretches along this beautiful exposure from east to west. Sixty columns are still standing in one row. The shafts are plain; and fragments of Ionic volutes, that lie scattered about, testify the order to which they belonged. These are probably the relics of some of the magnificent structures with which Herod the Great adorned Samaria. None of the walls remain.” Mr. Buckingham mentions a current tradition, that the avenue of columns formed a part of Herod’s palace. According to his account, there were eighty-three of these columns erect in 1816, beside others prostrate; all without capitals. Josephus states, that, about the middle of the city, Herod built “a sacred place, of a furlong and a half in circuit, and adorned it with all sorts of decorations; and therein erected a temple, illustrious for both its largeness and beauty.” It is probable that these columns belonged to it. On the eastern side of the same summit are the remains, Mr. Buckingham states, of another building, “of which eight large and eight small columns are still standing, with many others fallen near them. These also are without capitals, and are of a smaller size and of an inferior stone to the others.” “In the walls of the humble dwellings forming the modern village, portions of sculptured blocks of stone are perceived, and even fragments of granite pillars have been worked into the masonry.”
Travellers share the following description of its current state: Sebaste is the name that Herod assigned to the ancient Samaria, the imperial city of the ten tribes, in honor of Augustus (Sebastos) Caesar when he rebuilt and fortified it, transforming most of it into a citadel and constructing a grand temple. “The location,” says Dr. Richardson, “is incredibly beautiful and naturally strong; more so, I believe, than Jerusalem. It stands on a large, isolated hill, surrounded by a wide, deep valley; and when fortified, as it is said to have been by Herod, you would think that, in ancient warfare, only famine could bring down such a place. The valley is encircled by four hills, one on each side, which are cultivated in terraces up to the top, planted with grain, and lined with fig and olive trees, as is the valley. The hill of Samaria also rises in terraces to a height equal to any of the nearby mountains. The current village is small and poor, and after crossing the valley, the path up to it is very steep. From the viewpoint of our tents, it is quite fascinating, both because of its natural setting and the picturesque ruins of a convent with nice Gothic architecture. After we passed the village, near the middle of the first terrace, there are several columns still standing. I counted twelve in a single row, alongside several others that stood apart, the lonely remains of former rows. The location is really delightful, and my guide told me they were part of the serai, or palace. On the next terrace, there are no solid building remains, just heaps of stone, lime, and mixed debris. As we ascended to the third or highest terrace, the signs of previous buildings became less common, but we enjoyed a stunning view of the surrounding countryside. The eye moved over the deep valley encircling the hill of Sebaste and rested on the mountains beyond, which receded gently and met the view at every turn, like a book spread out for reading on a desk. This was the site of the capital of the short-lived and wicked kingdom of Israel; and from these mountains, one can recall many bloody battles and significant events. Here, the holy men of God, Elijah and Elisha, delivered their powerful warnings to their unyielding rulers and performed their miracles in full view of the people. From this high point, we descended to the southern side of the hill, where we noticed the remains of a grand colonnade that stretches beautifully from east to west. Sixty columns still stand in a single row. The shafts are plain, and scattered fragments of Ionic volutes indicate the style to which they belonged. These are likely the remnants of some magnificent structures that Herod the Great embellished Samaria with. None of the walls remain.” Mr. Buckingham mentions a local tradition that the avenue of columns was part of Herod’s palace. According to his report, there were eighty-three of these columns standing in 1816, along with others lying down; all lacking capitals. Josephus states that, near the center of the city, Herod built “a sacred place, a furlong and a half in perimeter, adorned with all sorts of decorations; and there he erected a temple, renowned for its size and beauty.” It’s likely that these columns were part of it. On the eastern side of the same hilltop, Mr. Buckingham reports the remains of another building, “with eight large and eight small columns still standing, and many more fallen nearby. These are also without capitals and are smaller and made of inferior stone compared to the others.” “In the walls of the simple homes making up the modern village, you can see parts of carved stone blocks, and even fragments of granite pillars have been integrated into the masonry.”
SAMARITANS, an ancient sect among the Jews, still subsisting in some parts of the Levant, under the same name. Its origin was in the time of Rehoboam, under whose reign a division was made of the people of Israel into two distinct kingdoms. One of these kingdoms, called Judah, consisted of such as adhered to Rehoboam and the house of David; the other retained the ancient name of Israelites, under the command of Jeroboam. The capital of the state of these latter was Samaria; and hence it was that they were denominated Samaritans. Some affirm that Salmanazar, king of Assyria, having conquered Samaria, led the whole people captive into the remotest parts of his empire, and filled their places with colonies of Babylonians, Cutheans, and other idolaters. These finding themselves daily destroyed by wild beasts, it is said, desired an Israelitish priest to instruct them in the ancient laws and customs of the land they inhabited. This was granted them; and they thenceforth ceased to be incommoded with any beasts. However, with the law of Moses, they still retained somewhat of their ancient idolatry. The rabbins say, they adored the figure of a dove on Mount Gerizim. As the revolted tribes had no more of the Scriptures than the five books of Moses, so the priest could bring no others with him beside those books written in the old Phenician letters.
SAMARITANS, an ancient group within the Jewish community, still exist in some areas of the Levant, retaining the same name. They originated during the reign of Rehoboam, when the people of Israel were split into two separate kingdoms. One kingdom, called Judah, was made up of those who supported Rehoboam and the house of David; the other kept the ancient name of Israelites, led by Jeroboam. The capital of this latter kingdom was Samaria, which is how they became known as Samaritans. Some claim that Salmanazar, the king of Assyria, conquered Samaria, taking the entire population captive to the farthest reaches of his empire and replacing them with colonies of Babylonians, Cutheans, and other idol worshippers. These new inhabitants, plagued by wild animals, supposedly requested an Israelite priest to teach them the ancient laws and customs of the land they lived in. This request was granted, and after that, they were no longer bothered by wild beasts. However, despite following the law of Moses, they still practiced some of their old idolatry. The rabbis claim they worshipped a dove symbol on Mount Gerizim. Just as the rebellious tribes only had the first five books of Moses, the priest could only bring those books written in the old Phoenician script.
Upon the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity, and the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple, the religion of the Samaritans received another alteration on the following occasion: one of the sons of Jehoiada, the high priest, whom Josephus calls Manasseh, married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite; but the law of God having forbidden the intermarriages of the Israelites with any other nation, Nehemiah set himself to reform this corruption, which had spread into many Jewish families, and obliged all that had taken strange wives immediately to part with them, Neh. xiii, 23–30. Manasseh, unwilling to surrender his wife, fled to Samaria; and many others in the same circumstances, and with similar disposition, went and settled under the protection of Sanballat, governor of Samaria. Manasseh brought with him some other apostate priests, with many other Jews, who disliked the regulations made by Nehemiah at Jerusalem; and now the Samaritans, having obtained a high priest, and other priests of the descendants from Aaron, were soon brought off from the worship of the false gods, and became as much enemies to idolatry as the best of the Jews. However, Manasseh gave them no other Scriptures beside the Pentateuch, lest, if they had the other Scriptures, they should then find that Jerusalem was the only place where they should offer their sacrifices. From that time the worship of the Samaritans came much nearer to that of the Jews, and they afterward obtained leave of Alexander the Great to build a temple on Mount Gerizim, near the city of Samaria, in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem, where they practised the same forms of worship. To this mountain and temple the Samaritan woman of Sychar refers in her discourse with our Saviour, John iv, 20. The Samaritans soon after revolted from Alexander, who drove them out of Samaria, introduced Macedonians in their room, and gave the province of Samaria to the Jews. This circumstance contributed in no small degree to increase the hatred and animosity between those two people. When any Israelite deserved punishment on account of the violation of some important point of the law, he presently took refuge in Samaria or Shechem, and embraced the worship at the temple of Gerizim. When the affairs of the Jews were prosperous, the Samaritans did not fail to call themselves Hebrews, and of the race of Abraham. But when the Jews suffered persecution, the Samaritans disowned them, and alleged that they were Phenicians originally, or descended from Joseph, or Manasseh his son. This was their practice in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. It is certain, the modern Samaritans are far from idolatry; some of the most learned among the Jewish doctors own, that they observe the law of 841Moses more rigidly than the Jews themselves. They have a Hebrew copy of the Pentateuch, differing in some respects from that of the Jews; and written in different characters, commonly called Samaritan characters; which Origen, Jerom, and other fathers and critics, ancient and modern, take to be the primitive character of the ancient Hebrews, though others maintain the contrary. The point of preference, as to purity, antiquity, &c, of the two Pentateuchs, is also much disputed by modern critics.
Upon the return of the Jews from Babylonian captivity and the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple, the religion of the Samaritans underwent another change: one of the sons of Jehoiada, the high priest, named Manasseh by Josephus, married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite. Since God's law prohibited intermarriage between Israelites and other nations, Nehemiah worked to correct this issue, which had spread to many Jewish families, and required all those with foreign wives to separate from them (Nehemiah 13:23-30). Manasseh, unwilling to give up his wife, fled to Samaria; others in similar situations followed him, seeking refuge under Sanballat, the governor of Samaria. Manasseh also brought along some other disobedient priests and many Jews who disagreed with Nehemiah's regulations in Jerusalem. With Manasseh as their high priest, the Samaritans soon turned away from idol worship and became as opposed to it as the most devout Jews. However, Manasseh provided them with no scriptures other than the Pentateuch, fearing that if they had access to other texts, they would discover that Jerusalem was the only authorized place for sacrifices. From then on, Samaritan worship closely resembled Jewish practice, and they later received permission from Alexander the Great to build a temple on Mount Gerizim, near Samaria, mimicking the temple in Jerusalem, where they maintained similar worship rituals. The Samaritan woman from Sychar mentions this mountain and temple in her conversation with Jesus (John 4:20). Shortly after, the Samaritans rebelled against Alexander, who expelled them from Samaria, brought in Macedonians, and granted the province of Samaria to the Jews. This event significantly increased the animosity between the two groups. When any Israelite faced punishment for breaking an important law, they would often seek refuge in Samaria or Shechem and participate in the worship at the Gerizim temple. When the Jews prospered, the Samaritans claimed to be Hebrews and descended from Abraham. However, when the Jews faced persecution, the Samaritans denied their connection and insisted they were originally Phoenicians or descended from Joseph or his son Manasseh. This behavior was evident during the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. It's clear that modern Samaritans are far from idol worship; some of the most knowledgeable Jewish scholars acknowledge that they adhere to the law of Moses more strictly than the Jews themselves. They possess a Hebrew version of the Pentateuch that differs in some ways from the Jewish version and is written in different characters known as Samaritan characters. Origen, Jerome, and other ancient and modern scholars debate whether this is the original script of the ancient Hebrews, although others disagree. The comparative merit regarding the purity, antiquity, and other aspects of the two Pentateuchs is also a topic of significant dispute among contemporary critics.
The Samaritans are now few in number; though it is not very long since they pretended to have priests descended directly from the family of Aaron. They were chiefly found at Gaza, Neapolis or Shechem, (the ancient Sichem or Naplouse,) Damascus, Cairo, &c. They had a temple, or chapel, on Mount Gerizim, where they performed their sacrifices. They have also synagogues in other parts of Palestine, and also in Egypt. Joseph Scaliger, being curious to know their usages, wrote to the Samaritans of Egypt, and to the high priest of the whole sect, who resided at Neapolis. They returned two answers, dated in the year 998 of the Hegira of Mohammed. These answers never came to the hands of Scaliger. They are now in the library at Paris, and have been translated into Latin by Father Morin, priest of the oratory; and printed in the collection of letters of that father in England, 1662, under the title of “Antiquitates Ecclesiæ Orientalis.” M. Simon has inserted a French translation in the first edition of “Ceremonies et Coutumes des Juifs,” in the manner of a supplement to Leo de Modena. In the first of these answers, written in the name of the assembly of Israel, in Egypt, they declare that they celebrate the passover every year, on the fourteenth day of the first month, on Mount Gerizim, and that he who then did the office of high priest was called Eleazar, a descendant of Phinehas, son of Aaron. In the second answer, which is in the name of the high priest Eleazar, and the synagogue of Shechem, they declare, that they keep the Sabbath in all the rigour with which it is enjoined in the book of Exodus; none among them stirring out of doors, but to the synagogue. They add, that they begin the feast of the passover with the sacrifice appointed for that purpose in Exodus; that they sacrifice no where else but on Mount Gerizim; that they observe the feasts of harvest, the expiation, the tabernacles, &c. They add farther, that they never defer circumcision beyond the eighth day; never marry their nieces, as the Jews do; have but one wife; and, in fine, do nothing but what is commanded in the law: whereas the Jews frequently abandon the law to follow the inventions of their rabbins. At the time when they wrote to Scaliger, they reckoned one hundred and twenty-two high priests; affirmed that the Jews had no high priests of the race of Phinehas; and that the Jews belied them in calling them Cutheans; for that they are descended from the tribe of Joseph by Ephraim.
The Samaritans are now few in number; although it wasn’t long ago that they claimed to have priests directly descended from the family of Aaron. They were mainly located in Gaza, Neapolis (or Shechem, the ancient Sichem or Naplouse), Damascus, Cairo, and others. They had a temple, or chapel, on Mount Gerizim, where they performed their sacrifices. They also have synagogues in other parts of Palestine and in Egypt. Joseph Scaliger, curious about their practices, wrote to the Samaritans in Egypt and to the high priest of the entire sect, who lived in Neapolis. They sent back two replies, dated in the year 998 of the Hegira of Mohammed. These replies never reached Scaliger. They are now in the library in Paris and have been translated into Latin by Father Morin, a priest of the oratory; and printed in the collection of letters by that father in England, 1662, under the title of “Eastern Church Antiquities.” M. Simon included a French translation in the first edition of “Jewish Ceremonies and Customs,” as a supplement to Leo de Modena. In the first of these replies, written on behalf of the assembly of Israel in Egypt, they state that they celebrate Passover every year on the fourteenth day of the first month on Mount Gerizim, and that the person acting as high priest at that time was called Eleazar, a descendant of Phinehas, son of Aaron. In the second reply, from the high priest Eleazar and the synagogue of Shechem, they declare that they observe the Sabbath strictly as required in the book of Exodus; no one among them goes outside except to the synagogue. They add that they start the Passover celebration with the sacrifice designated for that purpose in Exodus; that they only sacrifice on Mount Gerizim; that they observe the harvest feasts, the Day of Atonement, the Feast of Tabernacles, and so on. They further mention that they never delay circumcision beyond the eighth day; do not marry their nieces, as the Jews do; have only one wife; and, in short, do nothing that isn’t commanded in the law, while the Jews often ignore the law to follow the traditions of their rabbis. At the time they wrote to Scaliger, they counted one hundred and twenty-two high priests; claimed that the Jews had no high priests from the line of Phinehas; and asserted that the Jews misrepresented them by calling them Cutheans, insisting that they are descended from the tribe of Joseph through Ephraim.
SAMSON, son of Manoah, of the tribe of Dan, Judges xiii, 2, &c. We are no where acquainted with the name of his mother. He was born, A. M. 2849, and was a Nazarite from his infancy, by the divine command. He was brought up in a place called the camp of Dan, between Zorah and Estaol, Judges xiii, 25. His extraordinary achievements are particularly recorded in Judges xiv-xvi. “Faith” is attributed to him by St. Paul, though whether he retained it to the end of his life may be doubted. He is not inaptly called by an old writer, “a rough believer.”
SAMSON, son of Manoah, from the tribe of Dan, Judges xiii, 2, &c. We don't know the name of his mother. He was born in 2849 A.M. and was a Nazarite from birth, as commanded by God. He grew up in a place called the camp of Dan, located between Zorah and Estaol, Judges xiii, 25. His remarkable feats are detailed in Judges xiv-xvi. St. Paul attributes “faith” to him, although it's questionable whether he maintained it throughout his life. An old writer fittingly refers to him as “a rough believer.”
SAMUEL, the son of Elkanah and of Hannah, of the tribe of Levi, and family of Kohath, was born, A. M. 2848. He was an eminent inspired prophet, historian, and the seventeenth and last Judge of Israel; and died in the ninety-eighth year of his age, two years before Saul, A. M. 2947, 1 Sam. xxv. To Samuel are ascribed the book of Judges, that of Ruth, and the first book of Samuel. There is, indeed, great probability that he composed the first twenty-four chapters of the first book of Samuel; since they contain nothing but what he might have written, and such transactions as he was chiefly concerned in. However, in these chapters there are some small additions, which seem to have been inserted after his death. Samuel began the order of the prophets, which was never discontinued till the death of Zechariah and Malachi, Acts iii, 24. From early youth to hoary years, the character of Samuel is one on which the mind rests with veneration and delight.
SAMUEL, the son of Elkanah and Hannah, from the tribe of Levi and the Kohath family, was born in 2848 AM. He was a prominent inspired prophet, historian, and the seventeenth and final Judge of Israel; he passed away at the age of ninety-eight, two years before Saul, in 2947 AM, 1 Sam. xxv. The books of Judges, Ruth, and the first book of Samuel are attributed to Samuel. It's very likely that he wrote the first twenty-four chapters of the first book of Samuel since they include events he would have documented and were primarily related to him. However, there are some minor additions in these chapters that seem to have been added after his death. Samuel established the prophetic order, which continued until the deaths of Zechariah and Malachi, Acts iii, 24. From his youth into old age, Samuel's character is one that is respected and admired.
SANBALLAT, the governor of the Cuthites or Samaritans, and an enemy to the Jews. He was a native of Horon, a city beyond Jordan, in the country of the Moabites, Neh. ii, 10, 19; iv, vi.
SANBALLAT, the governor of the Cuthites or Samaritans, and an enemy of the Jews. He was from Horon, a city across the Jordan in Moab, Neh. ii, 10, 19; iv, vi.
SANCTIFICATION, that work of God’s grace by which we are renewed after the image of God, set apart for his service, and enabled to die unto sin and live unto righteousness. Sanctification is either of nature, whereby we are renewed after the image of God, in knowledge, righteousness, and true holiness, Eph. iv, 24; Col. iii, 19, or of practice, whereby we die unto sin, have its power destroyed in us, cease from the love and practice of it, hate it as abominable, and live unto righteousness, loving and studying good works, Tit. ii, 11, 12. Sanctification comprehends all the graces of knowledge, faith, repentance, love, humility, zeal, patience, &c, and the exercise of them in our conduct toward God or man, Gal. v, 22–24; 1 Peter i, 15, 16; Matt. v, vi, vii. Sanctification in this world must be complete; the whole nature must be sanctified, all sin must be utterly abolished, or the soul can never be admitted into the glorious presence of God, Heb. xii, 14; 1 Peter i, 15; Rev. xxi, 27; yet the saints, while here, are in a state of spiritual warfare with Satan and his temptations, with the world and its influence, 2 Cor. ii, 11; Gal. v, 17, 24; Rom. vii, 23; 1 John ii, 15, 16.
SANCTIFICATION, the work of God’s grace that renews us in the image of God, sets us apart for His service, and enables us to die to sin and live for righteousness. Sanctification can be of nature, where we are transformed into God’s image in knowledge, righteousness, and true holiness, as seen in Eph. iv, 24; Col. iii, 19, or of practice, where we turn away from sin, have its power dismantled within us, stop loving and practicing it, detest it as vile, and engage in righteousness, loving and pursuing good works, as noted in Tit. ii, 11, 12. Sanctification includes all the virtues of knowledge, faith, repentance, love, humility, zeal, patience, etc., and the practice of these virtues in our relationships with God and others, as indicated in Gal. v, 22–24; 1 Peter i, 15, 16; Matt. v, vi, vii. Sanctification in this life must be thorough; the entire nature must be sanctified, all sin must be completely eradicated, or the soul will never be welcomed into the glorious presence of God, as stated in Heb. xii, 14; 1 Peter i, 15; Rev. xxi, 27; yet the saints, while on earth, are engaged in a spiritual battle against Satan and his temptations, against the world and its influences, as shown in 2 Cor. ii, 11; Gal. v, 17, 24; Rom. vii, 23; 1 John ii, 15, 16.
SANCTIFY. In the Old Testament, to sanctify often denotes to separate from a common to a holy purpose; to set apart or consecrate to God as his special property, and for his service. 842Our Lord also uses this term, when he says, “For their sakes I sanctify myself,” John xvii, 19; that is, I separate and dedicate myself to be a sacrifice to God for them, “that they also may be sanctified through the truth;” that is, that they may be cleansed from the guilt of sin. Under the law of Moses, there was a church purity, or ceremonial sanctification, which might be obtained by the observance of external rites and ordinances, while persons were destitute of internal purity or holiness. Every defiled person was made “common,” and excluded from the privilege of a right to draw nigh to God in his solemn worship; but in his purification he was again separated to him, and restored to his sacred right. Hence St. Paul speaks of “the blood of bulls and goats, and the ashes of an heifer sprinkling the unclean, as sanctifying unto the purifying of the flesh,” Heb. ix, 13. These things were in reality of no moral worth or value; they were merely typical institutions, intended to represent the blessings of the new and better covenant, those “good things that were to come;” and therefore God is frequently spoken of in the prophets as despising them, namely, in any other view than that for which his wisdom had ordained them, Isaiah i, 11–15; Psalm 1, 8, 9; li, 16. But that dispensation is now at an end; under the New Testament, the state of things is changed, for now “neither circumcision availeth any thing, nor uncircumcision, but a new creature.” The thing signified, namely, internal purity and holiness, is no less necessary to a right to the privileges of the Gospel, than the observance of those external rites was unto the privileges of the law.
SANCTIFY. In the Old Testament, to sanctify often means to separate from the ordinary to a sacred purpose; to set apart or dedicate to God as His special property, and for His service. 842Our Lord also uses this term when He says, “For their sakes I sanctify myself,” John xvii, 19; that is, I separate and dedicate myself to be a sacrifice to God for them, “that they also may be sanctified through the truth;” meaning that they may be cleansed from the guilt of sin. Under the law of Moses, there was a concept of church purity, or ceremonial sanctification, which could be achieved by following external rites and ordinances, even when individuals lacked internal purity or holiness. Every defiled person was considered “common,” and excluded from the right to approach God in His solemn worship; but upon their purification, they were once again separated to Him and restored to their sacred rights. Hence St. Paul speaks of “the blood of bulls and goats, and the ashes of a heifer sprinkling the unclean, as sanctifying unto the purifying of the flesh,” Heb. ix, 13. These practices held no moral worth or value; they were merely symbolic institutions, meant to represent the blessings of the new and better covenant, those “good things that were to come;” and therefore God is often described in the prophets as rejecting them, specifically for any purpose other than the one for which His wisdom ordained them, Isaiah i, 11–15; Psalm 1, 8, 9; li, 16. But that system has now ended; under the New Testament, the situation has changed, for now “neither circumcision avails anything, nor uncircumcision, but a new creature.” The thing signified, namely, internal purity and holiness, is just as necessary for claiming the privileges of the Gospel, as the observance of those external rites was for claiming the privileges of the law.
SANCTUARY. See Temple.
SANCTUARY. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
SANDALS, at first, were only soles tied to the feet with strings or thongs; afterward they were covered; and at last they called even shoes sandals. When Judith went to the camp of Holofernes, she put sandals on her feet; and her sandals ravished his eyes, Judith x, 4; xvi, 9. They were a magnificent kind of buskins proper only to ladies of condition, and such as dressed themselves for admiration. But there were sandals also belonging to men, and of mean value. We read, “If the man like not to take his brother’s wife, then let his brother’s wife go up to the gate unto the elders, and say, My husband’s brother will not perform the duty of a husband’s brother; then shall his brother’s wife come unto him, in the presence of the elders, and loose his shoe from off his foot, and spit in his face; and shall say, So shall it be done unto that man that will not build up his brother’s house. And his name shall be called in Israel, The house of him who hath had his shoe loosed,” Deuteronomy xxv, 7. A late writer observes that the word rendered “shoe,” usually means “sandal,” that is, a mere sole fastened on the foot in a very simple manner; and that the primary and radical meaning of the word rendered face, is surface, the superficies of any thing. Hence he would submit, that the passage may be to the following purpose: The brother’s wife shall loose the sandal from off the foot of her husband’s brother; and shall spit upon its face or surface, (that is, of the shoe,) and shall say, &c. This ceremony is coincident with certain customs among the Turks. We are told that in a complaint against her own husband, for withholding himself from her intimacy, the wife when before the judge takes off her own shoe, and spits upon it; but in case of complaint against her husband’s brother, she takes off his shoe and spits upon it.
SANDALS were initially just soles tied to the feet with strings or straps; later, they were covered, and eventually even shoes were referred to as sandals. When Judith visited Holofernes's camp, she wore sandals, and they captivated his attention, as noted in Judith x, 4; xvi, 9. They were a luxurious style of footwear intended for high-status women who dressed for admiration. However, there were also sandals for men, which were of lower value. We read, “If a man does not want to marry his brother’s wife, then let his brother’s wife go to the gate to the elders and say, 'My husband’s brother will not perform the duty of a husband’s brother.' Then the brother’s wife shall go to him in the presence of the elders, loosen his shoe from his foot, spit in his face, and say, 'So shall it be done to the man who will not build up his brother’s house.' And his name shall be called in Israel, 'The house of him who has had his shoe loosed,'” Deuteronomy xxv, 7. A recent writer notes that the word translated as “shoe” typically means “sandal,” referring to a simple sole fastened to the foot. Additionally, the primary meaning of the word translated as face is surface, the outer layer of something. Therefore, he suggests that the passage might mean: The brother’s wife shall loosen the sandal from her husband’s brother’s foot and spit on its surface, meaning the shoe, and say, etc. This practice is similar to certain customs among the Turks. It is reported that when a wife complains about her husband withholding intimacy, she removes her own shoe and spits on it in front of the judge; but if she complains about her husband’s brother, she takes off his shoe and spits on it.
The business of untying and carrying the sandals being that of a servant, the expressions of the Baptist, “whose shoes I am not worthy to bear,” “whose shoe latchet I am not worthy to unloose,” was an acknowledgment of his great inferiority to Christ, and that Christ was his Lord. To pull off the sandals on entering a sacred place, or the house of a person of distinction, was the usual mark of respect. They were taken care of by the attendant servant. At the doors of an Indian pagoda, there are as many sandals and slippers hung up, as there are hats in our places of worship.
The task of untying and carrying sandals is something a servant does, so when the Baptist said, “I’m not worthy to carry his shoes” and “I’m not worthy to untie his sandal,” he was acknowledging how much lower he was compared to Christ, recognizing Christ as his Lord. Taking off sandals before entering a holy place or the home of an important person was a common sign of respect. An attendant servant would take care of them. At the entrances of an Indian pagoda, there are as many sandals and slippers hanging up as there are hats in our places of worship.
SANHEDRIM, SANHEDRIN, or SYNEDRIUM, among the ancient Jews, the supreme council, or court of judicature, of that republic; in which were despatched all the great affairs both of religion and policy. The word is derived from the Greek συνέδριον, a council, assembly, or company of people sitting together; from σὺν, together, and hήδρα, a seat. Many of the learned agree, that it was instituted by Moses, Numbers xi; and consisted at first of seventy elders, who judged finally of all causes and affairs; and that they subsisted, without intermission, from Moses to Ezra, Deut. xxvii, 1; xxxi, 9; Josh. xxiv, 1, 31; Judg. ii, 7; 2 Chron. xix, 8; Ezek. viii, 11. Others will have it, that the council of seventy elders, established by Moses, was temporary, and did not hold after his death; adding, that we find no sign of any such perpetual and infallible tribunal throughout the whole Old Testament; and that the sanhedrim was first set up in the time when the Maccabees, or Asmoneans, took upon themselves the administration of the government under the title of high priests, and afterward of kings, that is, after the persecution of Antiochus. This is by far the most probable opinion. The Jews, however, contend strenuously for the antiquity of their great sanhedrim: M. Simon strengthens and defends their proofs, and M. Le Clerc attacks them. Whatever may be the origin and establishment of the sanhedrim, it is certain that it was subsisting in the time of our Saviour, since it is spoken of in the Gospels, Matt. v, 21; Mark xiii, 9; xiv, 55; xv, 1; and since Jesus Christ himself was arraigned and condemned by it; that it was held at Jerusalem; and that the decision of all the most important affairs among the Jews belonged to it. The president of this assembly was called nasi, or prince; his deputy was called abbeth-din, father of the house of judgment; and the sub-deputy was called chacan, the wise: the rest were denominated tzekanim, elders or senators. The room in which they sat was a rotunda, half of which was built without the temple, and half within; that is, one semicircle 843of the room was within the compass of the temple; and as it was never allowed to sit down in the temple, they tell us this part was for those who stood up; the other half, or semicircle, extended without the holy place, and here the judges sat. The nasi, or prince, sat on a throne at the end of the hall, having his deputy at his right hand, and his sub-deputy at his left; the other senators were ranged in order on each side.
SANHEDRIM, SANHEDRIN, or SYNEDRIUM, among the ancient Jews, was the highest council or court of justice in that society, where all major matters of religion and governance were addressed. The term comes from the Greek συνέδριον, meaning a council, assembly, or group of people gathered together; from σὺν, together, and hήδρα, a seat. Many scholars believe it was established by Moses, as mentioned in Numbers xi; initially made up of seventy elders who had the final say on all cases and matters; and that it continued without interruption from Moses to Ezra, as referenced in Deut. xxvii, 1; xxxi, 9; Josh. xxiv, 1, 31; Judg. ii, 7; 2 Chron. xix, 8; Ezek. viii, 11. Others argue that the council of seventy elders created by Moses was temporary and ceased after his death, noting that there’s no evidence of such a permanent and infallible tribunal throughout the entire Old Testament; they claim that the sanhedrim was first established during the time of the Maccabees, or Asmoneans, who took over government responsibilities under the title of high priests, and later as kings, following the persecution by Antiochus. This view is considered the most plausible. Nevertheless, the Jews strongly assert the ancient origins of their great sanhedrim: M. Simon supports their arguments, while M. Le Clerc criticizes them. Regardless of the sanhedrim's origins and establishment, it is clear that it existed during the time of our Savior, as it is mentioned in the Gospels, Matt. v, 21; Mark xiii, 9; xiv, 55; xv, 1; and since Jesus Christ was tried and sentenced by them; it was based in Jerusalem; and it had authority over all important matters among the Jews. The head of this assembly was called nasi, or prince; his deputy was known as abbeth-din, father of the house of judgment; and the sub-deputy was called chacan, the wise one; the others were referred to as tzekanim, elders or senators. They convened in a rotunda, half of which was inside the temple and half outside; that is, one semicircle of the room was within the temple, and since it was forbidden to sit down inside the temple, this area was designated for those who stood; the other semicircle extended outside the holy place, where the judges sat. The nasi, or prince, sat on a throne at the end of the hall, with his deputy to his right and his sub-deputy to his left; the other senators were arranged in order on either side.
The sanhedrim subsisted until the destruction of Jerusalem, but its authority was almost reduced to nothing, from the time in which the Jewish nation became subject to the Roman empire. The rabbins pretend, that the sanhedrim has always subsisted in their nation from the time of Moses to the destruction of the temple by the Romans; and they maintain that it consisted of seventy counsellors, six out of each tribe, and Moses as president; and thus the number was seventy-one: but six senators out of each tribe make the number seventy-two, which, with the president, constitute a council of seventy-three persons, and therefore it has been the opinion of some authors that this was the number of the members of the sanhedrim. As to the personal qualifications of the judges of this court, it was required that they should be of untainted birth; and they were often of the race of the priests or Levites, or of the number of inferior judges, or of the lesser sanhedrim, which consisted of twenty-three judges. They were to be skilful in the written and traditional law; and they were obliged to study magic, divination, fortune telling, physic, astrology, arithmetic, and languages. It was also required, that none of them should be eunuchs, usurers, decrepid or deformed, or gamesters; and that they should be of mature age, rich, and of good countenance and body. Thus say the rabbins.
The Sanhedrin existed until the destruction of Jerusalem, but its authority was nearly wiped out once the Jewish nation fell under Roman rule. The rabbis claim that the Sanhedrin has always been a part of their nation, dating back to Moses and continuing until the temple's destruction by the Romans. They argue that it had seventy counselors, six from each tribe, with Moses as the president, making a total of seventy-one. However, six senators from each tribe total seventy-two, and with the president, it constitutes a council of seventy-three people. Therefore, some authors believe that this was the actual number of Sanhedrin members. Regarding the personal qualifications of the judges in this court, it was required that they have an untarnished lineage; they were often from the priestly or Levite families or part of the lower judges or lesser Sanhedrin, which had twenty-three judges. They needed to be knowledgeable in both written and oral law and were expected to study magic, divination, fortune-telling, medicine, astrology, mathematics, and languages. It was also required that none of them be eunuchs, moneylenders, elderly or disabled, or gamblers, and they should be of mature age, wealthy, and possess a pleasing appearance and physique. That’s what the rabbis say.
The authority of the sanhedrim was very extensive. This council decided causes brought before it by appeal from inferior courts. The king, high priest, and prophets were subject to its jurisdiction. The general officers of the nation were brought before the sanhedrim. How far their right of judging in capital cases extended, and how long it continued, have been subjects of controversy. Among the rabbins it has been a generally received opinion, that about forty years before the destruction of Jerusalem, their nation had been deprived of the power of life and death. And most authors assert, that this privilege was taken from them ever since Judea was made a province of the Roman empire, that is, after the banishment of Archelaus. Others, however, maintain that the Jews had still the power of life and death; but that this privilege was restricted to crimes committed against their law, and depended upon the governor’s will and pleasure. In the time of Moses, this council was held at the door of the tabernacle of the testimony. As soon as the people were in possession of the land of promise, the sanhedrim followed the tabernacle, and it continued at Jerusalem, whither it was removed, till the captivity. During the captivity it was kept at Babylon. After the return from Babylon, it remained at Jerusalem, as it is said, to the time of the sicarii or assassins; afterward it was removed to Jamnia, thence to Jericho, to Uzzah, to Sepharvaim, to Bethsamia, to Sephoris, and last of all to Tiberias, where it continued till its utter extinction. Such is the account which the Jews give of their sanhedrim. But, as stated above, much of this is disputed. Petau fixes the beginning of the sanhedrim to the period when Gabinius was governor of Judea, by whom were erected tribunals in the five cities of Judea, namely, Jerusalem, Gadara, Amathus, Jericho, and Sephoris. Grotius agrees in the date of its commencement with the rabbins, but he fixes its termination at the beginning of Herod’s reign. Basnage places it under Judas Maccabæus and his brother Jonathan. Upon the whole, it may be observed, that the origin of the sanhedrim has not been satisfactorily ascertained; and that the council of the seventy elders, established by Moses, was not what the Hebrews understood by the name of sanhedrim.
The authority of the sanhedrin was quite broad. This council handled cases that were appealed from lower courts. The king, high priest, and prophets were under its jurisdiction. The high officials of the nation were brought before the sanhedrin. There’s been debate over how far its right to judge capital cases extended and how long this power lasted. Many rabbis generally believe that about forty years before Jerusalem's destruction, their nation lost the power of life and death. Most scholars argue that this privilege was taken from them once Judea became a province of the Roman Empire, which was after Archelaus was banished. However, some maintain that the Jews still had the power of life and death, but that this privilege was limited to crimes against their law and depended on the governor's discretion. During Moses' time, this council met at the entrance of the tabernacle of the testimony. Once the people settled in the promised land, the sanhedrin followed the tabernacle and remained in Jerusalem, where it was relocated, until the captivity. During the captivity, it was held in Babylon. After returning from Babylon, it stayed in Jerusalem, as it’s said, until the time of the sicarii or assassins; afterwards, it was moved to Jamnia, then to Jericho, Uzzah, Sepharvaim, Bethsamia, Sephoris, and finally to Tiberias, where it lasted until it completely disappeared. This is the account the Jews give of their sanhedrin. However, as mentioned earlier, much of this is disputed. Petau dates the start of the sanhedrin to when Gabinius was governor of Judea, who established courts in the five cities of Judea: Jerusalem, Gadara, Amathus, Jericho, and Sephoris. Grotius agrees with the rabbis on when it started but believes it ended with the start of Herod’s reign. Basnage places it during the time of Judas Maccabeus and his brother Jonathan. Overall, it can be noted that the origin of the sanhedrin has not been satisfactorily clarified; and the council of seventy elders established by Moses was not what the Hebrews meant by the term sanhedrin.
Before the death of our Saviour, two very famous rabbins had been presidents of the sanhedrim, namely Hillel and Schammai, who entertained very different opinions on several subjects, and particularly that of divorce. This gave occasion to the question which the Pharisees put to Jesus Christ upon that head, Matt. xix, 3. (See Divorce.) Hillel had Menahem for his associate in the presidency of the sanhedrim. But the latter afterward deserted that honourable post, and joined himself with a great number of his disciples, to the party of Herod Antipas, who promoted the levying of taxes for the use of the Roman emperors with all his might. These were probably the Herodians mentioned in the Gospel, Matt. xxii, 16. To Hillel succeeded Simeon his son, who by some is supposed to have been the person who took Jesus Christ in his arms, Luke ii, 28, and publicly acknowledged him to be the Messiah. If this be the case, the Jewish sanhedrim had for president a person that was entirely disposed to embrace Christianity. Gamaliel, the son and successor of Simeon, seems to have been also of a candid disposition and character. There were several inferior sanhedrims in Palestine, all depending on the great sanhedrim at Jerusalem. The inferior sanhedrim consisted each of twenty-three persons; and there was one in each city and town. Some say, that to have a right to hold a sanhedrim, it was requisite there should be one hundred andand twenty inhabitants in the place. Where the inhabitants came short of the number of one hundred and twenty, they only established three judges. In the great as well as the inferior sanhedrim were two scribes; the one to write down the suffrages of those who were for condemnation, the other to take down the suffrages of those who were for absolution.
Before the death of our Savior, two well-known rabbis served as presidents of the Sanhedrin, Hillel and Shammai, who had very different views on various topics, especially on divorce. This led to the question the Pharisees asked Jesus about divorce, Matt. xix, 3. (See Divorce.) Hillel had Menahem as his associate in the presidency of the Sanhedrin. However, Menahem later left that prestigious position and joined a large group of his followers in supporting Herod Antipas, who vigorously promoted taxes for the Roman emperors. These individuals were likely the Herodians mentioned in the Gospel, Matt. xxii, 16. Hillel was succeeded by his son Simeon, who some believe was the person who took Jesus into his arms, Luke ii, 28, and publicly acknowledged him as the Messiah. If this is true, then the Jewish Sanhedrin was led by someone who was fully inclined to accept Christianity. Gamaliel, the son and successor of Simeon, also seems to have had an open and fair-minded character. There were several smaller Sanhedrins in Palestine, all connected to the main Sanhedrin in Jerusalem. Each smaller Sanhedrin had twenty-three members, with one in each city and town. Some say that to have a Sanhedrin, there needed to be at least one hundred andand twenty residents in the area. Where there were fewer than one hundred and twenty residents, only three judges were appointed. Both the main and smaller Sanhedrins included two scribes; one would record the votes for condemnation, while the other would record the votes for acquittal.
SAPPHIRE, ספיר, Exod. xxiv, 10; xxviii, 18; Job xxviii, 6, 16; Cantic. v, 14; Isa. liv, 11; Ezek. i, 26; x, 1; xxviii, 13, σάϖφειρος, Rev. xxi, 19, only. That this is the sapphire, there can be no doubt. The Septuagint, the 844Vulgate, and the general run of commentators, ancient and modern, agree in this. The sapphire is a pellucid gem. In its finest state it is extremely beautiful and valuable, and second only to the diamond in lustre, hardness, and value. Its proper colour is pure blue; in the choicest specimens it is of the deepest azure; and in others varies into paleness, in shades of all degrees between that and a pure crystal brightness, without the least tinge of colour, but with a lustre much superior to the crystal. The oriental sapphire is the most beautiful and valuable. It is transparent, of a fine sky colour, sometimes variegated with veins of a white sparry substance, and distinct separate spots of a gold colour. Whence it is that the prophets describe the throne of God like unto sapphire, Ezek. i, 26; x, 1. Isaiah, liv, 11, 12, prophesying the future grandeur of Jerusalem, says,
SAPPHIRE, Sapphire, Exod. xxiv, 10; xxviii, 18; Job xxviii, 6, 16; Cantic. v, 14; Isa. liv, 11; Ezek. i, 26; x, 1; xxviii, 13, σάϖφειρος, Rev. xxi, 19, only. There’s no doubt that this refers to sapphire. The Septuagint, the 844Vulgate, and most commentators, both ancient and modern, agree on this. Sapphire is a clear gem. In its finest form, it’s incredibly beautiful and valuable, ranking just below diamond in brilliance, hardness, and worth. Its true color is pure blue; the best specimens are the deepest azure, while others can be lighter shades, ranging from that to a clear crystal brightness, without any color tint, but with a shine that greatly outshines crystal. The oriental sapphire is the most stunning and valuable. It's transparent, of a beautiful sky color, sometimes featuring veins of white spar and distinct gold spots. This is why the prophets describe God’s throne as resembling sapphire, Ezek. i, 26; x, 1. Isaiah, liv, 11, 12, predicting the future greatness of Jerusalem, says,
“These seem,” says Bishop Lowth, “to be general images to express beauty, magnificence, purity, strength, and solidity, agreeably to the ideas of the eastern nations; and to have never been intended to be strictly scrutinized, or minutely and particularly explained, as if they had each of them some precise moral or spiritual meaning.” Tobit, xiii, 16, 17, in his prophecy of the final restoration of Israel, describes the New Jerusalem in the same oriental manner: “For Jerusalem shall be built up with sapphires, and emeralds, and precious stones; thy walls, and towers, and battlements, with pure gold. And the streets of Jerusalem shall be paved with the beryl and carbuncle, and with stones of Ophir,” Rev. xxi, 18–21.
“These seem,” says Bishop Lowth, “to be general images expressing beauty, grandeur, purity, strength, and stability, in line with the ideas of Eastern cultures; and they were never meant to be closely examined or elaborated on in detail as if each one had a specific moral or spiritual significance.” Tobit, xiii, 16, 17, in his prophecy about the ultimate restoration of Israel, describes the New Jerusalem in a similar Eastern style: “For Jerusalem will be built with sapphires, emeralds, and precious stones; its walls, towers, and battlements will be made of pure gold. And the streets of Jerusalem will be paved with beryl and carbuncle, and with stones from Ophir,” Rev. xxi, 18–21.
SARAH, the wife of Abraham, and his sister, as he himself informs us, by the same father, but not the same mother, Gen. xx, 12. See Abraham.
SARAH, Abraham's wife and his sister, as he tells us, was from the same father but different mothers, Gen. xx, 12. See Abraham.
SARDIS, a city of Asia Minor, and formerly the capital of Crœsus, king of the Lydians. The church of Sardis was one of the seven churches of Asia, to which the writer of the Apocalypse was directed to send an epistle, Rev. iii, 1–3.
SARDIS, a city in Asia Minor, was once the capital of Crœsus, the king of the Lydians. The church of Sardis was one of the seven churches in Asia that the writer of the Apocalypse was instructed to send a letter to, Rev. iii, 1–3.
SARDIUS, אדם, so called from its redness, Exod. xxviii, 17; xxxix, 10; Ezek. xxviii, 13; σάρδιος, Rev. xxi, 20; a precious stone of a blood-red colour. It took its Greek name from Sardis, where the best of them were found.
SARDIUS, Adam, named for its red color, Exod. xxviii, 17; xxxix, 10; Ezek. xxviii, 13; σάρδιος, Rev. xxi, 20; a precious stone with a blood-red hue. Its Greek name comes from Sardis, which is where the finest examples were sourced.
SARDONYX, σαρδόνυξ, Rev. xxi, 20. A precious stone which seems to have its name from its resemblance partly to the sardius and partly to the onyx. It is generally tinged with black and blood colour, which are distinguished from each other by circles or rows, so distinct that they appear to be the effect of art.
SARDONYX, σαρδόνυξ, Rev. xxi, 20. A precious stone that seems to get its name from its similarity to both the sardius and the onyx. It is usually marked with black and blood-red colors, which are separated by circles or rows so clear that they look like they were created by design.
SATAN signifies an adversary or enemy, and is commonly applied in the Scriptures to the devil, or the chief of the fallen angels. By collecting the passages where Satan, or the devil, is mentioned, it may be concluded, that he fell from heaven with his company; that God cast him down from thence for the punishment of his pride; that by his envy and malice, sin, death, and all other evils came into the world; that, by the permission of God he exercises a sort of government in the world over subordinate apostate angels like himself; that God makes use of him to prove good men, and chastise bad ones; that he is a lying spirit in the mouth of false prophets and seducers; that it is he, or his agents, that torment or possess men, and inspire them with evil designs, as when he suggested to David, the numbering of the people, to Judas to betray his Lord and Master, and to Ananias and Sapphira to conceal the price of their field; that he is full of rage like a roaring lion, and of subtlety like a serpent, to tempt, to betray, to destroy, and to involve us in guilt and wickedness; that his power and malice are restrainedrestrained within certain limits, and controlled by the will of God; in a word, that he is an enemy to God and man, and uses his utmost endeavours to rob God of his glory, and men of their souls. See Devil and Demoniacs.
SATAN means an adversary or enemy, and it is usually used in the Scriptures to refer to the devil, or the leader of the fallen angels. By gathering the verses where Satan, or the devil, is mentioned, we can conclude that he fell from heaven along with his followers; that God cast him down as a punishment for his pride; that through his jealousy and malice, sin, death, and all other evils entered the world; that, with God’s permission, he has a kind of rule over other rebellious angels like himself; that God uses him to test good people and punish bad ones; that he is a lying spirit in the mouths of false prophets and deceivers; that it is he, or his agents, who torment or possess people and inspire them with evil plans, like when he prompted David to count the people, suggested to Judas to betray his Lord and Master, and led Ananias and Sapphira to hide the price of their field; that he is full of fury like a roaring lion, and cunning like a serpent, to tempt, betray, destroy, and lead us into guilt and wrongdoing; that his power and malice are restrainedrestrained within certain limits and are controlled by God’s will; in summary, he is an enemy of God and humanity, and he does everything he can to steal God’s glory and people’s souls. See Demon and Demon-possessed individuals.
SAUL, the son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin, the first king of the Israelites, 1 Sam. ix, 1, 2, &c. Saul’s fruitless journey when seeking his father’s asses; (See Ass;) his meeting the Prophet Samuel; the particulars foretold to him, with his being anointed as king, about A. M. 2909; his prophesying along with the young prophets; his appointment by the lot; his modesty in hiding himself; his first victory over the Ammonites; his rash sacrifice in the absence of Samuel; his equally rash curse; his victories over the Philistines and Amalekites; his sparing of King Agag with the judgment denounced against him for it; his jealousy and persecution of David; his barbarous massacre of the priests and people of Nob; his repeated confessions of his injustice to David, &c, are recorded in 1 Sam. ix-xxxi. He reigned forty years, but exhibited to posterity a melancholy example of a monarch, elevated to the summit of worldly grandeur, who, having cast off the fear of God, gradually became the slave of jealousy, duplicity, treachery, and the most malignant and diabolical tempers. His behaviour toward David shows him to have been destitute of every generous and noble sentiment that can dignifydignify human nature; and it is not an easy task to speak with any moderation of the atrocity and baseness which uniformly mark it. His character is that of a wicked man, “waxing worse and worse;” but while we are shocked at its deformity, it should be our study to profit by it, which we can only do by using it as a beacon to warn us, “lest we also be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin.”
SAUL, the son of Kish from the tribe of Benjamin, was the first king of the Israelites, as mentioned in 1 Sam. ix, 1, 2, etc. Saul's unsuccessful journey while searching for his father's lost donkeys (See Ass;), his encounter with the Prophet Samuel, the details that were foretold to him, and his anointing as king around A.M. 2909 are notable events. He prophesied alongside the young prophets, was appointed by lot, displayed modesty by hiding himself, and achieved his first victory over the Ammonites. However, he made a rash sacrifice in Samuel's absence and issued an equally rash curse. His victories over the Philistines and Amalekites are also recorded, along with his decision to spare King Agag, which brought judgment upon him. Saul's jealousy and persecution of David, along with his brutal massacre of the priests and people of Nob, were extreme acts of injustice toward David, as recorded in 1 Sam. ix-xxxi. He reigned for forty years but became a tragic example of a king who, despite reaching the height of worldly power, lost the fear of God and became a slave to jealousy, deceit, betrayal, and the deepest forms of wickedness. His treatment of David reveals his lack of any noble and generous sentiment that could dignify human nature; it is challenging to address the cruelty and lowliness that mark his actions. His character embodies a wicked man, “getting worse and worse;” while we may be appalled by his moral decay, we should strive to learn from this example, using it as a warning to avoid becoming hardened by the deceitfulness of sin.
SCARLET, תולעת, Gen. xxxviii, 28; Exod. xxv, 4. This tincture or colour expressed by a word which signifies worm colour, was produced from a worm or insect which grew in a coccus, or excrescence of a shrub of the ilex kind, which Pliny calls “coccus scolecius,” the wormy berry, and Dioscorides terms “a small dry twig, to which the grains adhere like lentiles:” but these grains, as a great author observes on Solinus, “are within full of little 845worms or maggots, whose juice is remarkable for dying scarlet, and making that famous colour which we admire, and with which the ancients were enraptured.”enraptured.” We retain the name in the cochineal, from the opuntia of America; but we improperly call a mineral colour “vermilion,” which is derived from vermiculus, a little worm. The shrub on which the cochineal insect is found is sometimes called the “kermez oak,” from kermez, the Arabic word both for the worm and the colour; whence “carmasinus,” the French “cramoisi,” and the English “crimson.”
SCARLET, Worm, Gen. xxxviii, 28; Exod. xxv, 4. This dye or color, described by a word that means worm color, came from a worm or insect that lived in a coccus, or growth, on a type of holm oak. Pliny refers to it as “coccus scolecius,” the wormy berry, while Dioscorides calls it “a small dry twig, to which the grains stick like lentils.” However, these grains, as a notable author notes about Solinus, “are filled with tiny worms or maggots, whose juice is famous for dyeing scarlet and creating that iconic color we admire, which the ancients were enraptured.enraptured.” We still use the name in cochineal, derived from the opuntia plant of America; however, we wrongly refer to a mineral color as “vermilion,” which comes from worm, meaning little worm. The shrub where the cochineal insect is found is sometimes called the “kermez oak,” from kermez, the Arabic word for both the worm and the color; hence “carmasinus,” the French “crimson,” and the English “crimson.”
SCEPTRE, a word derived from the Greek, properly signifies, a rod of command, a staff of authority, which is supposed to be in the hands of kings, governors of a province, or of the chief of a people, Gen. xlix, 10; Numb. xxiv, 17; Isa. xiv, 5. The sceptre is put for the rod of correction, and for the sovereign authority that punishes and humbles, Psalm ii, 9; Prov. xxii, 15. The term sceptre is frequently used for a tribe, probably because the prince of each tribe carried a sceptre, or a wand of command, to show his dignity.
SCEPTRE, a word derived from Greek, means a rod of command or a staff of authority that is typically held by kings, governors of a province, or the leaders of a people, as referenced in Gen. xlix, 10; Numb. xxiv, 17; Isa. xiv, 5. The sceptre represents the rod of correction and the sovereign authority that punishes and humbles, as noted in Psalm ii, 9; Prov. xxii, 15. The term sceptre is often used to refer to a tribe, likely because the leader of each tribe carried a sceptre or a wand of command to signify their rank.
SCEVA, a Jew, and chief of the priests, Acts xix, 14, 15, 16. He was probably a person of authority in the synagogue at Ephesus, and had seven sons.
SCEVA, a Jew and the chief priest, Acts xix, 14, 15, 16. He was likely an influential figure in the synagogue at Ephesus and had seven sons.
SCHISM, from σχίσμα, a rent or fissure. In its general meaning, it signifies division or separation; and in particular, on account of religion. Schism, is properly a division among those who stand in one connection or fellowship; but when the difference is carried so far that the parties concerned entirely break off all communion and intercourse one with another, and form distinct connections for obtaining the general ends of that religious fellowship which they once cultivated; it is undeniable there is something different from the schism spoken of in the New Testament. This is a separation from the body. Dr. Campbell shows that the word schism in Scripture does not usually signify an open separation, but that men may be guilty of schism by such an alienation of affection from their brethren as violates the internal union in the hearts of Christians, though there be no error in doctrine, nor separation from communion.
SCHISM, from the Greek word σχίσμα, meaning a split or crack. Generally, it refers to division or separation, particularly in a religious context. Schism typically describes a division among those who are connected or share a fellowship; however, when disagreements escalate to the point where the involved parties completely cut off all communication and interaction with each other, establishing separate groups to pursue the goals of the religious fellowship they once shared, it is clear that this situation is different from the schism discussed in the New Testament. This represents a separation from the body. Dr. Campbell points out that the term schism in Scripture usually doesn’t indicate an open break but that individuals can also be guilty of schism by fostering a lack of affection toward their fellow believers, which undermines the internal unity in the hearts of Christians, even when there is no doctrinal error or formal separation from communion.
SCORPION, עקרב, Deut. viii, 15; 1 Kings xii, 11, 14; 2 Chron. x, 11, 14; Ezek. ii, 6, σκορϖίος, Luke x, 19; xi, 12; Rev. ix, 3; Ecclus. xxvi, 7; xxxix, 30. Parkhurst derives the name from עק, to press, squeeze, and רב, much, greatly, or קרב, near, close. Calmet remarks, that “it fixes so violently on such persons as it seizes upon, that it cannot be plucked off without difficulty;” and Martinius declares: Habent scorpii forfices seu furcas tanquam brachia, quibus retinent quod apprehendunt, postquam caudæ aculeo punxerunt: “Scorpions have pincers or nippers, with which they keep hold of what they seize after they have wounded it with their sting.”
SCORPION, Scorpion, Deut. viii, 15; 1 Kings xii, 11, 14; 2 Chron. x, 11, 14; Ezek. ii, 6, σκορϖίος, Luke x, 19; xi, 12; Rev. ix, 3; Ecclus. xxvi, 7; xxxix, 30. Parkhurst says the name comes from עק, to press, squeeze, and רב, much, greatly, or Battle, near, close. Calmet notes that “it grips so tightly onto those it attacks that it cannot be removed easily;” and Martinius states: Scorpions have pincers or claws like arms, with which they hold onto what they catch, after they have stung with their tail’s stinger.: “Scorpions have pincers or nippers, with which they hold onto what they capture after they have stung it.”
The scorpion, el-akerb, is generally two inches in length, and resembles so much the lobster in form, that the latter is called by the Arabs akerb d’elbahar, the “sea scorpion.” It has several joints or divisions in its tail, which are supposed to be indicative of its age; thus, if it have five, it is considered to be five years old. The poison of this animal is in its tail, at the end of which is a small, curved, sharp-pointed sting, similar to the prickle of a buckthorn tree; the curve being downward, it turns its tail upward when it strikes a blow. The scorpion delights in stony places and in old ruins. Some are of a yellow colour, others brown, and some black. The yellow possess the strongest poison, but the venom of each affects the part wounded, with frigidity, which takes place soon after the sting has been inflicted. Dioscorides thus describes the effect produced: “Where the scorpion has stung, the place becomes inflamed and hardened; it reddens by tension, and is painful by intervals, being now chilly, now burning. The pain soon rises high, and rages, sometimes more, sometimes less. A sweating succeeds, attended by a shivering and trembling; the extremities of the body become cold; the groin swells; the hair stands on end; the visage becomes pale; and the skin feels, throughout it, the sensation of perpetual prickling, as if by needles.” This description strikingly illustrates Revelation ix, 3–5, 10, in its mention of “the torment of a scorpion, when he striketh a man.”
The scorpion, el-akerb, is typically about two inches long and looks so much like a lobster that the Arabs refer to it as akerb d’elbahar, meaning “sea scorpion.” It has several segments in its tail, which are thought to indicate its age; for instance, if it has five segments, it’s considered to be five years old. The venom of this creature is located in its tail, which has a small, curved, sharp sting at the end, similar to the thorn of a buckthorn tree. Because of the downward curve, it raises its tail when it strikes. The scorpion prefers rocky areas and ancient ruins. Some are yellow, others brown, and some are black. The yellow ones have the strongest venom, but the venom of all types causes a chilling sensation in the affected area soon after being stung. Dioscorides describes the effects as follows: “Where the scorpion has stung, the area becomes inflamed and hard; it reddens due to tension and causes intermittent pain, alternating between cold and burning. The pain increases significantly and can fluctuate in intensity. Sweating follows, accompanied by shivering and trembling; the body’s extremities cool down; the groin swells; the hair stands on end; the face turns pale; and there is a continuous prickling sensation all over the skin, as if pierced by needles.” This description vividly aligns with Revelation ix, 3–5, 10, which mentions “the torment of a scorpion when it strikes a man.”
Some writers consider the scorpion as a species of serpent, because the poison of it is equally powerful: so the sacred writers commonly join the scorpion and serpent together in their descriptions. Thus Moses, in his farewell address to Israel, Deut. viii, 15, reminds them, that God “led them through the great and terrible wilderness, wherein were fiery serpents and scorpions.” We find them again united in the commission of our Lord to his disciples, Luke x, 19, “I give you power to tread upon serpents and scorpions, and over all the power of the enemy;” and in his directions concerning the duty of prayer, Luke xi, 11, 12, “If a son shall ask bread of any of you that is a father, will he give him a stone? or if he shall ask an egg, will hehe offer him a scorpion?”
Some writers see the scorpion as a type of snake because its venom is just as potent. That's why religious texts often mention scorpions and snakes together. For instance, Moses reminds the Israelites in his farewell speech, Deut. viii, 15, that God “led them through the great and terrible wilderness, where there were fiery snakes and scorpions.” We also see them paired in Jesus’ message to his disciples, Luke x, 19, “I give you authority to trample on snakes and scorpions, and over all the power of the enemy;” and in his guidance about prayer, Luke xi, 11, 12, “If a son asks for bread from any father among you, will he give him a stone? Or if he asks for an egg, will he offer him a scorpion?”
The scorpion is contrasted with an egg, on account of the oval shape of its body. The body of the scorpion, says Lamy, is very like an egg, as its head can scarcely be distinguished; especially if it be a scorpion of the white kind, which is the first species mentioned by Ælian, Avicenna, and others. Bochart has produced testimonies to prove that the scorpions in Judea were about the bigness of an egg. So the similitude is preserved between the thing asked and given. The Greeks have a proverb, ἀντὶ ϖέρκης σκορπίον, instead of a perch, or fish, a scorpion.
The scorpion is compared to an egg because of the oval shape of its body. Lamy notes that a scorpion's body resembles an egg so closely that its head is hard to distinguish—especially if it's a white scorpion, which is the first type mentioned by Ælian, Avicenna, and others. Bochart has provided evidence to show that scorpions in Judea were about the size of an egg. Thus, the similarity between the thing asked for and what is given is maintained. The Greeks have a saying, ἀντὶ ϖέρκης σκορπίον, instead of a perch, or fish, a scorpion.
SCOURGE or WHIP. This punishment was very common among the Jews, Deut. xxv, 1–3. There were two ways of giving the lash; one with thongs, or whips, made of ropes’ ends, or straps of leather; the other with rods, or twigs. St. Paul informs us, that at five different times he received thirty-nine stripes from the Jews, 2 Cor. xi, 24, namely, in their synagogues, and before their courts of judgment. 846For, according to the law, punishment by stripes was restricted to forty at one beating, Deut. xxv, 3. But the whip, with which these stripes were given, consisting of three separate cords, and each stroke being accounted as three stripes, thirteen strokes made thirty-nine stripes, beyond which they never went. He adds, that he had been thrice beaten with rods, namely, by the Roman lictors, or beadles, at the command of the superior magistrates.
SCOURGE or WHIP. This punishment was very common among the Jews, Deut. xxv, 1–3. There were two ways to administer the lash; one with thongs or whips made of rope ends or leather straps; the other with rods or twigs. St. Paul tells us that he received thirty-nine stripes from the Jews five different times, 2 Cor. xi, 24, specifically in their synagogues and before their courts. 846 According to the law, punishment by stripes was limited to forty at one time, Deut. xxv, 3. However, the whip used to administer these stripes consisted of three separate cords, and each stroke was counted as three stripes, meaning that thirteen strokes equaled thirty-nine stripes, which was the maximum they would impose. He also notes that he was beaten three times with rods, by Roman lictors at the orders of higher magistrates.
SCRIBES. The scribes are mentioned very early in the sacred history, and many authors suppose that they were of two descriptions, the one ecclesiastical, the other civil. It is said, “Out of Zebulon come they that handle the pen of the writer,” Judges v, 14; and the rabbins state, that the scribes were chiefly of the tribe of Simeon; but it is thought that only those of the tribe of Levi were allowed to transcribe the Holy Scriptures. These scribes are very frequently called wise men, and counsellors; and those of them who were remarkable for writing well were held in great esteem. In the reign of David, Seraiah, 2 Sam. viii, 17, in the reign of Hezekiah, Shebna, 2 Kings xviii, 18, and in the reign of Josiah, Shaphan, 2 Kings xxii, 3, are called scribes, and are ranked with the chief officers of the kingdom; and Elishama the scribe, Jer. xxxvi, 12, in the reign of Jehoiakim, is mentioned among the princes. We read also of the “principal scribe of the host,” or army, Jer. lii, 25; and it is probable that there were scribes in other departments of the state. Previous to the Babylonian captivity, the word scribe seems to have been applied to any person who was concerned in writing, in the same manner as the word secretary is with us. The civil scribes are not mentioned in the New Testament.
SCRIBES. The scribes are mentioned very early in sacred history, and many authors believe there were two types: ecclesiastical and civil. It is said, “Out of Zebulon come they that handle the pen of the writer,” Judges v, 14; and the rabbis say that the scribes mainly came from the tribe of Simeon, but it's thought that only those from the tribe of Levi could transcribe the Holy Scriptures. These scribes are often referred to as wise men and counselors, and those known for their writing skills were greatly respected. In the reign of David, Seraiah, 2 Sam. viii, 17; in the reign of Hezekiah, Shebna, 2 Kings xviii, 18; and in the reign of Josiah, Shaphan, 2 Kings xxii, 3, are called scribes and are counted among the chief officers of the kingdom; and Elishama the scribe, Jer. xxxvi, 12, during the reign of Jehoiakim, is mentioned among the princes. We also read about the “principal scribe of the host,” or army, Jer. lii, 25; and it’s likely that scribes existed in other areas of the government. Before the Babylonian captivity, the term scribe seems to have been used for anyone involved in writing, similar to how we use the word secretary today. Civil scribes are not mentioned in the New Testament.
It appears that the office of the ecclesiastical scribes, if this distinction be allowed, was originally confined to writing copies of the law, as their name imports; but the knowledge, thus necessarily acquired, soon led them to become instructers of the people in the written law, which, it is believed, they publicly read. Baruch was an amanuensis or scribe to Jeremiah; and Ezra is called “a ready scribe in the law of Moses, having prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord, and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and judgments,” Ezra vii, 6, 10; but there is no mention of the scribes being formed into a distinct body of men till after the cessation of prophecy. When, however, there were no inspired teachers in Israel, no divine oracle in the temple, the scribes presumed to interpret, expound, and comment upon the law and the prophets in the schools and in the synagogues. Hence arose those numberless glosses, and interpretations, and opinions, which so much perplexed and perverted the text instead of explaining it; and hence arose that unauthorized maxim, which was the principal source of all the Jewish sects, that the oral or traditionary law was of Divine origin, as well as the written law of Moses. Ezra had examined the various traditions concerning the ancient and approved usages of the Jewish church, which had been in practice before the captivity, and were remembered by the chief and most aged of the elders of the people; and he had given to some of these traditionary customs and opinions the sanction of his authority. The scribes, therefore, who lived after the time of Simon the Just, in order to give weight to their various interpretations of the law, at first pretended that they also were founded upon tradition, and added them to the opinions which Ezra had established as authentic; and in process of time it came to be asserted, that when Moses was forty days on Mount Sinai, he received from God two laws, the one in writing, the other oral; that this oral law was communicated by Moses to Aaron and Joshua, and that it passed unimpaired and uncorrupted from generation to generation, by the tradition of the elders, or great national council, established in the time of Moses; and that this oral law was to be considered as supplemental and explanatory of the written law, which was represented as being in many places obscure, scanty, and defective. In some cases they were led to expound the law by the traditions, in direct opposition to its true intent and meaning; and it may be supposed that the intercourse of the Jews with the Greeks, after the death of Alexander, contributed much to increase those vain subtleties with which they had perplexed and burdened the doctrines of religion. During our Saviour’s ministry, the scribes were those who made the law of Moses their particular study, and who were employed in instructing the people. Their reputed skill in the Scriptures induced Herod, Matt. ii, 4, to consult them concerning the time at which the Messiah was to be born. And our Saviour speaks of them as sitting in Moses’s seat, Matt. xxiii, 2, which implies that they taught the law; and he foretold that he should be betrayed unto the chief priests and unto the scribes, Matt. xvi, 21, and that they should put him to death, which shows that they were men of great power and authority among the Jews. Scribes, doctors of law, and lawyers, were only different names for the same class of persons. Those who in Luke v, are called Pharisees and doctors of the law, are soon afterward called Pharisees and scribes; and he who, in Matt. xxii, 35, is called a lawyer, is, in Mark xii, 28, called one of the scribes. They had scholars under their care, whom they taught the knowledge of the law, and who, in their schools, sat on low stools just beneath their seats; which explains St. Paul’s expression that he was “brought up at the feet of Gamaliel,” Acts xxii, 3. We find that our Saviour’s manner of teaching was contrasted with that of those vain disputers; for it is said, when he had ended his sermon upon the mount, “the people were astonished at his doctrine; for he taught them as one having authority, and not as the scribes,” Matt. vii, 29. By the time of our Saviour, the scribes had, indeed, in a manner, laid aside the written law, having no farther regard to that than as it agreed with their traditionary expositions of it; and thus, by their additions, corruptions, and misinterpretations, 847they had made “the word of God of none effect through their traditions,” Matt. xv, 6. It may be observed, that this in a great measure accounts for the extreme blindness of the Jews with respect to their Messiah, whom they had been taught by these commentators upon the prophecies to expect as a temporal prince. Thus, when our Saviour asserts his divine nature, and appeals to “Moses and the prophets who spake of him, the people sought to slay him,” John v; and he expresses no surprise at their intention. But when he converses with Nicodemus, John iii, who appears to have been convinced by his miracles that he was “a teacher sent from God,” when he “came to Jesus by night,” anxious to obtain farther information concerning his nature and his doctrine, our Lord, after intimating the necessity of laying aside all prejudices against the spiritual nature of his kingdom, asks, “Art thou a master in Israel, and knowest not these things?” that is, knowest not that Moses and the prophets describe the Messiah as the Son of God? and he then proceeds to explain in very clear language the dignity of his person and office, and the purpose for which he came into the world, referring to the predictions of the ancient Scriptures. And Stephen, Acts vii, just before his death, addresses the multitude by an appeal to the law and the prophets, and reprobates in the most severe terms the teachers who misled the people. Our Lord, when speaking of “them of old time,” classed the “prophets, and wise men, and scribes,” together, Matt. xxiii, 34; but of the later scribes he uniformly speaks with censure and indignation, and usually joins them with the Pharisees, to which sect they in general belonged. St. Paul asks, 1 Cor. i, 20, “Where is the wise? Where is the scribe? Where is the disputer of this world?” with evident contempt for such as, “professing themselves wise above what was written, became fools.”
It seems that the role of the religious scribes, if this distinction is accepted, was originally limited to copying the law, as their name suggests. However, the knowledge they gained from this task led them to start teaching the people about the written law, which they are believed to have read publicly. Baruch was a secretary or scribe to Jeremiah, and Ezra is referred to as “a skilled scribe in the law of Moses, having prepared his heart to seek the law of the Lord, to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and judgments,” Ezra 7:6, 10. However, there was no mention of the scribes forming a distinct group until after prophecy ceased. When there were no inspired teachers in Israel and no divine oracle in the temple, the scribes took it upon themselves to interpret, explain, and comment on the law and the prophets in schools and synagogues. This led to countless explanations and interpretations that confused and twisted the text rather than clarifying it. Eventually, an unauthorized principle emerged, which became the main source of all the Jewish sects, claiming that the oral or traditional law was of divine origin, just like the written law of Moses. Ezra looked into various traditions about the ancient practices of the Jewish church that had been followed before the exile and were remembered by the elders of the people; he endorsed some of these customs and opinions with his authority. Therefore, after Simon the Just's era, the scribes began to assert that their interpretations of the law were based on tradition and added them to the opinions that Ezra had validated as authentic. Over time, it was claimed that when Moses spent forty days on Mount Sinai, he received two laws from God: one written and the other oral. This oral law was supposedly passed from Moses to Aaron and Joshua and remained intact through the generations via the tradition of the elders—a great national council established during Moses's time. It was believed that this oral law complemented and clarified the written law, which was portrayed as unclear, limited, and flawed in many places. In some instances, they misinterpreted the law through traditions, directly opposing its true meaning. The interaction between the Jews and Greeks after Alexander's death likely contributed significantly to the complexities with which they burdened religious doctrines. During our Savior's ministry, the scribes focused on studying the law of Moses and were responsible for teaching the people. Their supposed expertise in the Scriptures led Herod, Matt. 2:4, to consult them about the timing of the Messiah's birth. Our Savior referred to them as sitting in Moses's seat, Matt. 23:2, indicating that they taught the law; he predicted that he would be betrayed to the chief priests and scribes, Matt. 16:21, who would put him to death, showing they held great power and authority among the Jews. Scribes, teachers of the law, and lawyers were simply different titles for the same group of people. Those referred to as Pharisees and teachers of the law in Luke 5 are later called Pharisees and scribes, while the one labeled as a lawyer in Matt. 22:35 is referred to as a scribe in Mark 12:28. They had students under their supervision whom they taught the law, and these students would sit on low stools just below their seats in class, explaining St. Paul's phrase about being “brought up at the feet of Gamaliel,” Acts 22:3. Our Savior's teaching style was notably different from those who engaged in empty arguments; after finishing his sermon on the mount, it is said, “the people were amazed at his teaching; for he taught them as one having authority, and not as the scribes,” Matt. 7:29. By the time of our Savior, the scribes had largely set the written law aside, giving it little regard unless it matched their traditional interpretations; thus, through their additions, corruptions, and misinterpretations, they rendered “the word of God ineffective because of their traditions,” Matt. 15:6. This greatly explains the profound blindness of the Jews regarding their Messiah, whom they had been led by these interpreters of the prophecies to expect as a political leader. So, when our Savior claimed his divine nature and referenced “Moses and the prophets who spoke of him,” the people sought to kill him, John 5; and he showed no surprise at their intentions. However, when he spoke with Nicodemus, John 3, who seemed convinced by his miracles that he was “a teacher sent from God,” coming to Jesus by night seeking more information about his nature and doctrine, our Lord hinted at the need to dismiss all biases against the spiritual nature of his kingdom and asked, “Are you a teacher in Israel and don't know these things?” that is, don’t you understand that Moses and the prophets depict the Messiah as the Son of God? He then went on to clarify in straightforward language the significance of his person and mission and the reason he came into the world, referring to predictions in the ancient Scriptures. And Stephen, Acts 7, just before his death, appealed to the law and the prophets while strongly condemning the teachers who misled the people. Our Lord, when mentioning “them of old time,” grouped the “prophets, wise men, and scribes” together, Matt. 23:34; yet he consistently criticized and expressed outrage towards the later scribes, typically associating them with the Pharisees, to which they generally belonged. St. Paul asks, 1 Cor. 1:20, “Where is the wise person? Where is the scribe? Where is the debater of this age?” with clear disdain for those who, “claiming to be wise beyond what was written, became fools.”
SCRIPTURE, a term most commonly used to denote the writings of the Old and New Testament, which are sometimes called The Scriptures, sometimes the sacred or holy writings, and sometimes canonical scripture. See Bible.
SCRIPTURE, a term most often used to refer to the texts of the Old and New Testament, which are sometimes called The Scriptures, sometimes the sacred or holy writings, and sometimes canonical scripture. See Scripture.
SEA. The Hebrews gave the name of sea to all great collections of water, to great lakes or pools. Thus the sea of Galilee, or of Tiberias, or of Cinnereth, is no other than the lake of Tiberias, or Gennesareth, in Galilee. The Dead Sea, the sea of the Wilderness, the sea of the East, the sea of Sodom, the sea of Salt, or the Salt Sea, the sea of Asphaltites, or of bitumen, is no other than the lake of Sodom. The Arabians and orientals in general frequently gave the name of sea to great rivers, as the Nile, the Euphrates, the Tigris, and others, which, by their magnitude, and by the extent of their overflowings, seemed as little seas, or great lakes. In Isa. xi, 15, these words particularly apply to the Nile at the Delta.
SEA. The Hebrews referred to any large body of water as "sea," including large lakes or pools. So, the Sea of Galilee, or the Sea of Tiberias, or the Sea of Cinnereth, is simply the lake of Tiberias or Gennesareth in Galilee. The Dead Sea, the Sea of the Wilderness, the Sea of the East, the Sea of Sodom, the Sea of Salt, or the Salt Sea, and the Sea of Asphaltites, or of bitumen, all refer to the lake of Sodom. Arabs and people from the East often called significant rivers like the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Tigris "seas" because their size and overflowing made them seem like small seas or large lakes. In Isaiah 11:15, these words specifically refer to the Nile at the Delta.
SEAL. The ancient Hebrews wore their seals or signets, in rings on their fingers, or in bracelets on their arms, as is now the custom in the east. Haman sealed the decree of King Ahasuerus against the Jews with the king’s seal, Esther iii, 12. The priests of Bel desired the king to seal the door of their temple with his own seal. The spouse in the Canticles, viii, 6, wishes that his spouse would wear him as a signet on her arm. Pliny observes, that the use of seals or signets was rare at the time of the Trojan war, and that they were under the necessity of closing their letters with several knots. But among the Hebrews they are much more ancient. Judah left his seal as a pledge with Tamar, Gen. xxxviii, 25. Moses says, Deut. xxxii, 34, that God keeps sealed up in his treasuries, under his own seal, the instruments of his vengeance. Job says, ix, 7, that he keeps the stars as under his seal, and allows them to appear when he thinks proper. He says also, “My transgression is sealed up in a bag,” Job xiv, 7. When they intended to seal up a letter, or a book, they wrapped it round with flax, or thread, then applied the wax to it, and afterward the seal. The Lord commanded Isaiah to tie up or wrap up the book in which his prophecies were written, and to seal them till the time he should bid him publish them, Isaiah viii, 16, 17. He gives the same command to Daniel, xii, 4. The book that was shown to St. John the evangelist, Rev. v, 1; vi, 1, 2, &c, was sealed with seven seals. It was a rare thing to affix such a number of seals; but this insinuated the great importance and secrecy of the matter. In civil contracts they generally made two originals: one continued open, and was kept by him for whose interest the contract was made; the other was sealed and deposited in some public office.
SEAL. The ancient Hebrews wore their seals or signet rings on their fingers or as bracelets on their arms, similar to the custom in the East today. Haman sealed King Ahasuerus' decree against the Jews with the king’s seal, as mentioned in Esther 3:12. The priests of Bel requested the king to seal their temple door with his own seal. In the Song of Solomon, 8:6, the beloved wishes that her partner would be like a signet on her arm. Pliny noted that the use of seals or signets was uncommon during the Trojan War, and people had to tie their letters with multiple knots instead. However, this practice was much older among the Hebrews. Judah left his seal as a pledge with Tamar (Genesis 38:25). Moses mentions in Deuteronomy 32:34 that God keeps the instruments of His vengeance sealed in His treasuries. Job states in Job 9:7 that God keeps the stars sealed and only allows them to appear when He chooses. He also says, “My transgression is sealed up in a bag” (Job 14:7). To seal a letter or a book, they would wrap it in flax or thread, then apply wax, and finally place the seal. The Lord directed Isaiah to wrap up the book of his prophecies and seal it until the time He instructed him to share it (Isaiah 8:16-17). The same instruction was given to Daniel (Daniel 12:4). The book shown to St. John the Evangelist in Revelation 5:1 and 6:1-2 was sealed with seven seals. It was uncommon to have so many seals, highlighting the importance and secrecy of the content. In civil contracts, they typically created two originals: one that remained open for the party benefiting from the agreement and the other that was sealed and stored in a public office.
SECEDERS, a numerous body of Presbyterians in Scotland, who, in the last century, seceded from the Scotch establishment. They did not, as they have uniformly declared, secede from the principles of the church of Scotland, as they are represented in her confession of faith, catechisms, longer and shorter, directory for worship, and form of Presbyterian government; but only from her present judicatories, that, they suppose, have departed from her true principles. A sermon preached by Mr. Ebenezer Erskine, of Stirling, at the opening of the synod of Perth and Sterling, in 1732, gave rise to this party. In this discourse, founded on Psalm cxviii, 22, “The stone which the builders refused,” &c, he boldly testified against what he supposed corruptions in the national church; for which freedom the synod voted him censurable, and ordered him to be rebuked at their bar. He, and three other ministers, protested against this sentence, and appealed to the next assembly. The assembly, which met in May, 1733, approved of the proceedings of the synod, and ordered Mr. Erskine to be rebuked at their bar. He refused to submit to the rebuke; whence he and his brethren were, by the sentence of the assembly, suspended from the ministry. Against this, he and his friends protested; and, being joined by many others, both ministers and elders, declaring their secession from the national church, they did, in 1736, constitute themselves into 848an ecclesiastical court, which they called the Associate Presbytery, and published a defence of their proceedings. They admit that the people have a right to choose their own pastors; that the Scriptures are the supreme judge by which all controversies must be determined; and that Jesus Christ is the only Head of his church, and the only King in Zion.
SECEDERS, a large group of Presbyterians in Scotland, broke away from the established church in the last century. They have consistently stated that they did not secede from the principles of the Church of Scotland as outlined in its confession of faith, catechisms (both longer and shorter), directory for worship, and form of Presbyterian government; rather, they separated from the current church authorities, which they believe have strayed from those true principles. This movement was sparked by a sermon preached by Mr. Ebenezer Erskine of Stirling at the opening of the Synod of Perth and Stirling in 1732. In this sermon, based on Psalm 118:22, “The stone which the builders rejected,” he boldly spoke out against what he saw as corruptions within the national church. For this, the synod deemed him censurable and instructed him to be reprimanded in front of them. He, along with three other ministers, protested this decision and appealed to the next assembly. When the assembly met in May 1733, it upheld the synod's actions and ordered Mr. Erskine to be reprimanded. He refused to accept the reprimand, leading to him and his colleagues being suspended from ministry by the assembly's decree. In response, he and his supporters protested this decision and, joined by many others, both ministers and elders, declared their separation from the national church. In 1736, they formed an ecclesiastical court called the Associate Presbytery and published a defense of their actions. They acknowledge that the people have the right to choose their own pastors, that the Scriptures are the ultimate authority for resolving all disputes, and that Jesus Christ is the only Head of his church and the sole King in Zion.
In 1745, the seceding ministers were become so numerous, that they were erected into three different presbyteries, under one synod. In 1747, through a difference in civil matters, they were divided into Burghers and Anti-Burghers. Of these two classes, the latter were the most rigid in their sentiments, and associated, therefore, the least with any other body of Christians. But this difference has been lately healed, and no longer subsists, either in Scotland or America.
In 1745, the ministers who had separated became so numerous that they were organized into three different presbyteries, all under one synod. In 1747, due to a disagreement over civil issues, they split into Burghers and Anti-Burghers. Among these two groups, the Anti-Burghers held the strictest views and, as a result, had the least interaction with other Christian groups. However, this division has recently been reconciled and no longer exists, either in Scotland or America.
SECHEM, SICHEM, SYCHEM, or SHECHEM, called also Sychar in the New Testament, afterward Neapolis, and in the present day Nablous, Naplous, Napolose, and Naplosa, (for it is thus variously written,) a city of Samaria, near the parcel of ground which Jacob bought of Hamor, the father of Shechem, and gave to his son Joseph. Here Joseph’s bones were brought out of Egypt to be interred; and on the same piece of ground was the well called Jacob’s well, at which our Saviour sat down when he had the memorable conversation with the woman of Samaria, John iv, which caused her, and many other inhabitants of Sechem, or Sychar, as it is there called, to receive him as the Messiah. On contemplating this place and its vicinity, Dr. E. D. Clarke says, “The traveller directing his footsteps toward its ancient sepulchres, as everlasting as the rocks in which they are hewn, is permitted, upon the authority of sacred and indisputable record, to contemplate the spot where the remains of Joseph, of Eleazer, and of Joshua, were severally deposited. If any thing connected with the memory of past ages be calculated to awaken local enthusiasm, the land around this city is preëminently entitled to consideration. The sacred story of events transacted in the field of Sichem, from our earliest years, is remembered with delight; but with the territory before our eyes where those events took place, and in the view of objects existing as they were described above three thousand years ago, the grateful impression kindles into ecstacy. Along the valley, we beheld ‘a company of Ishmaelites coming from Gilead,’ as in the days of Reuben and Judah, ‘with their camels bearing spicery, and balm, and myrrh,’ who would gladly have purchased another Joseph of his brethren, and conveyed him as a slave to some Potiphar in Egypt. Upon the hills around flocks and herds were feeding, as of old; nor in the simple garb of the shepherds of Samaria was there any thing repugnant to the notions we may entertain of the appearance presented by the sons of Jacob.” The celebrated well called Jacob’s well, but which, with the inhabitants of Sechem, is known by the name of Bir Samaria, or the “Well of Samaria,” is situated about half an hour’s walk east of the town.
SECHEM, SICHEM, SYCHEM, or SHECHEM, also called Sychar in the New Testament, later Neapolis, and today known as Nablous, Naplous, Napolose, and Naplosa (as it is spelled in various ways), is a city in Samaria, near the land that Jacob purchased from Hamor, the father of Shechem, and gave to his son Joseph. Here, Joseph’s bones were brought from Egypt for burial; and on this same land is the well known as Jacob’s well, where our Savior sat down during his memorable conversation with the Samaritan woman, as mentioned in John 4, which led her and many other residents of Sechem, or Sychar, as it is called there, to accept him as the Messiah. Reflecting on this place and its surroundings, Dr. E. D. Clarke states, “The traveler heading toward its ancient graves, as enduring as the rocks from which they are carved, is allowed, based on sacred and undisputed record, to consider the spot where the remains of Joseph, Eleazer, and Joshua were each laid to rest. If anything related to the memory of past times can stir local enthusiasm, the land around this city certainly deserves attention. The sacred narrative of events that took place in the field of Sichem has been cherished since our early years; but gazing upon the land where these events occurred, and seeing objects that still exist as they were described over three thousand years ago, fills us with overwhelming gratitude. Along the valley, we saw ‘a group of Ishmaelites coming from Gilead,’ just like in the days of Reuben and Judah, ‘with their camels carrying spices, balm, and myrrh,’ who would have gladly purchased another Joseph from his brothers and taken him as a slave to some Potiphar in Egypt. On the surrounding hills, flocks and herds were grazing as they did in the past; and in the simple dress of the shepherds of Samaria, there was nothing that clashed with our ideas of how the sons of Jacob might have appeared.” The famous well known as Jacob’s well, though among the residents of Sechem it is called Bir Samaria, or the “Well of Samaria,” is located about half an hour’s walk east of the town.
SEEING. To see, in Scripture, is often used to express the sense of vision, knowledge of spiritual things, and even the supernatural knowledge of hidden things, of prophecy, of visions, of ecstacies. Whence it is that formerly those were called seers who afterward were termed, nabi, or prophets; and that prophecies were called visions. Moreover, to see, is used for expressing all kinds of sensations. It is said in Exodus, xx, 18, that the Israelites saw voices, thunder, lightning, the sounding of the trumpet, and the whole mountain of Sinai covered with clouds, or smoke. And St. Austin observes, that the verb, to see, is applied to all the five natural senses; to see, to hear, to smell, to taste, to touch. “To see goodness,” is to enjoy it. “To see the goodness of the Lord,” Psalm xxvii, 13; that is, to enjoy the mercy or blessing which God hath promised. “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God;” that is, they shall have the perfect and immediate fruition of the glorious presence of God in heaven; or they shall understand the mysteries of salvation; they shall perceive the loving kindness of God toward them in this life, and shall at length perfectly enjoy him in heaven.
SEEING. In Scripture, the term "to see" often refers to the ability to visualize, gain knowledge of spiritual matters, and even grasp the supernatural understanding of hidden things, including prophecy and visions. This is why earlier, people who could foresee were called seers and later referred to as nabi or prophets; likewise, prophecies were referred to as visions. Additionally, "to see" encompasses all kinds of sensations. In Exodus 20:18, it states that the Israelites saw voices, thunder, lightning, the sound of the trumpet, and the entire mountain of Sinai enveloped in clouds or smoke. St. Augustine notes that the verb "to see" applies to all five senses: to see, to hear, to smell, to taste, to touch. “To see goodness” means to enjoy it. “To see the goodness of the Lord,” Psalm 27:13, signifies rejoicing in the mercy or blessings that God has promised. “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God;” meaning they will experience the perfect and direct presence of God in heaven, or they will comprehend the mysteries of salvation; they will recognize God's loving kindness toward them in this life, and ultimately, they will joyfully experience Him in heaven.
SEIR, the Horite, whose dwelling was to the east and south of the Dead Sea, in the mountains of Seir, Genesis xiv, 6; xxxvi, 20; Deuteronomy ii, 12; where at first reigned the descendants of Seir the Horite, of whom Moses gives us a list in Genesis xxxvi, 20, 21–30; 1 Chron. 38, 39, &c. The posterity of Esau afterward were in possession of the mountains of Seir, and Esau himself dwelt there when Jacob returned from Mesopotamia, Gen. xxxiii, 3; xxxiii, 14; xxxvi, 8, 9.
SEIR, the Horite, lived to the east and south of the Dead Sea, in the mountains of Seir, as noted in Genesis 14:6; 36:20; Deuteronomy 2:12. The descendants of Seir the Horite originally ruled there, and Moses provides a list of them in Genesis 36:20, 21–30; 1 Chronicles 38, 39, etc. Later, the descendants of Esau took over the mountains of Seir, and Esau himself lived there when Jacob returned from Mesopotamia, as mentioned in Genesis 33:3; 33:14; 36:8, 9.
Seir, Mount, a mountainous tract, extending from the southern extremity of the Dead Sea, to the gulf of Acaba, or Ezion-Geber. The whole of this tract was probably before called Mount Hor, and was inhabited by the Horites, the descendants, as it is thought, of Hor, who is no otherwise known, and whose name is now only retained in that part of the plain where Aaron died. These people were driven out from their country by the Edomites, or the children of Esau, who dwelt there in their stead, and were in possession of this region when the Israelites passed by in their passage from Egypt to the land of Canaan. The country had, however, been previously overrun, and no doubt very much depopulated, by the invasion of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam. At what time the name of Hor was changed to that of Seir cannot be ascertained. Mount Seir rises abruptly on its western side from the valleys of El Ghor and El Araba; presenting an impregnable front to the strong country of the Edomite mountaineers, which compelled the Israelites, who were unable (if permitted by their leader) to force a passage through this mountain barrier, to skirt its western base, along the great valley of the Ghor and Araba, and so to “compass the land of Edom by the way of the Red Sea,” that is, to descend to its southern extremity at Ezion-Geber, as they could not penetrate it higher up. To the southward 849of this place Burckhardt observed an opening in the mountains, where he supposed the Israelites to have passed. This passage brought them into the high plains on the east of Mount Seir, which are so much higher than the valley on the west, that the mountainous territory of the Edomites was every where more accessible: a circumstance which perhaps contributed to make them more afraid of the Israelites on this border, whom they had set at defiance on the opposite one. The mean elevation of this chain cannot be estimated at less than four thousand feet. In the summer it produces most of the European fruits, namely, apricots, figs, pomegranates, olives, apples, and peaches; while in winter deep snows occasionally fall, with frosts, to the middle of March. The inhabitants, like those of most mountainous regions, are very healthy. Burckhardt says, that there was no part of Syria in which he saw so few invalids: a circumstance which did not escape the observation of the ancients, who denominated it, Palæstina tertia sive salutaris. [Palestine the third or the healthy.]
Mount Seir is a mountainous area stretching from the southern tip of the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba, also known as Ezion-Geber. This entire region was likely once referred to as Mount Hor and was inhabited by the Horites, thought to be descendants of Hor, a figure known only by this name, which remains in the area of the plain where Aaron died. The Edomites, descendants of Esau, took over this land from the Horites and occupied it when the Israelites passed through on their way from Egypt to Canaan. However, the area had already been invaded and significantly depopulated by Chedorlaomer, king of Elam. It's unclear when the name Hor changed to Seir. Mount Seir rises steeply on its western side from the valleys of El Ghor and El Araba, forming a stronghold against the Edomite mountaineers, which forced the Israelites, who couldn’t find a way through this mountain barrier if their leader had allowed them, to travel around its western base, following the great valley of the Ghor and Araba. They ended up “going around the land of Edom by way of the Red Sea,” which meant they descended to its southern point at Ezion-Geber since they couldn’t move through it higher up. South of this location, Burckhardt saw an opening in the mountains, where he believed the Israelites passed. This route led them into the higher plains east of Mount Seir, which are significantly higher than the valley to the west, making the Edomites' mountainous territory more accessible. This could explain why the Edomites were more fearful of the Israelites on this border than on the opposite one. The average height of this mountain range is estimated to be at least four thousand feet. In summer, it produces many European fruits, including apricots, figs, pomegranates, olives, apples, and peaches, while in winter there are occasional heavy snows and frost that can last until mid-March. The inhabitants, like those in most mountainous areas, are generally very healthy. Burckhardt noted that he saw fewer sick people in this part of Syria than anywhere else, a fact noted by ancient observers who referred to it as Palestina tertia or salutaris. [Palestine the third or the healthy.]
SELAH. This expression is found in the Psalms seventy-four times, and thrice in the Prophet Habakkuk. The interpreters Symmachus and Theodotion generally translate selah by diapsalma, which signifies “a rest” or “pause” in singing. Jerom and Aquila translate it “for ever.” Some moderns pretend that selah has no signification, and that it is only a note of the ancient music, whose use is no longer known; and, indeed, selah may be taken away from all the places where it is found without interrupting the sense of the psalm. Calmet says it intimates the end, or a pause, and that is its proper signification; but as it is not always found at the conclusion of the sense, or of the psalm or song, so it is highly probable the ancient musicians put selah in the margin of their psalters, to show where a musical pause was to be made, or where the tune ended.
SELAH. This term appears in the Psalms seventy-four times and three times in the Prophet Habakkuk. The interpreters Symmachus and Theodotion usually translate selah as diapsalma, which means “a rest” or “pause” in singing. Jerome and Aquila translate it as “forever.” Some modern scholars suggest that selah has no meaning and is just a notation from ancient music, the purpose of which is no longer known; indeed, selah could be removed from all instances without changing the meaning of the psalm. Calmet suggests it indicates the end or a pause, which is its proper meaning; however, since it isn’t always found at the end of a thought or psalm or song, it’s quite possible that ancient musicians included selah in the margins of their psalters to indicate where a musical pause should occur or where the tune concludes.
SELEUCIA, a city of Syria, situated upon the Mediterranean, near the place where the Orontes discharges itself into the sea. St. Paul and Barnabas were at this place when they embarked for Cyprus, Acts xiii, 4. The same city is mentioned in 1 Mac. xi, 8.
SELEUCIA is a city in Syria located on the Mediterranean, close to where the Orontes River flows into the sea. St. Paul and Barnabas were here when they set sail for Cyprus, as mentioned in Acts xiii, 4. This same city is referenced in 1 Mac. xi, 8.
SENNACHERIB, king of Assyria, son and successor of Shalmaneser. He began his reign A. M. 3290, and reigned only four years. Hezekiah, king of Judah, having refused to pay him tribute, though he afterward submitted, he invaded Judea with a great army, took several forts, and after repeated, insolent, and blasphemous messages, besieged Jerusalem; but his army being suddenly smitten with a pestilence, which cut off a hundred and eighty-five thousand in a single night, he returned to Nineveh, where he was murdered in the temple of Nisroch by his sons Adrammelech and Sharezer, and was succeeded by his other son, Esar-haddon, 2 Kings xix, 7, 13, 37.
SENNACHERIB, king of Assyria, son and successor of Shalmaneser, started his reign in A.M. 3290 and ruled for only four years. Hezekiah, king of Judah, refused to pay him tribute, although he later complied. In response, Sennacherib invaded Judea with a large army, captured several forts, and after sending repeated, arrogant, and blasphemous messages, laid siege to Jerusalem. However, his army was suddenly struck by a plague that killed one hundred and eighty-five thousand people in a single night, leading him to retreat to Nineveh. There, he was murdered in the temple of Nisroch by his sons Adrammelech and Sharezer, and his other son, Esar-haddon, succeeded him, 2 Kings xix, 7, 13, 37.
SEPHARVAIM, a country of Assyria, 2 Kings xvii, 24, 31. This province cannot now be exactly delineated in respect to its situation. The Scripture speaks of the king of the city of Sepharvaim, which probably was the capital of the people of this name, 2 Kings xix, 13; Isaiah xxxvii, 13.
SEPHARVAIM, a region of Assyria, 2 Kings 17:24, 31. The exact location of this province can't be clearly defined today. The Scriptures mention the king of the city of Sepharvaim, which was likely the capital of the people by that name, 2 Kings 19:13; Isaiah 37:13.
SEPTUAGINT. Among the Greek versions of the Old Testament, says Mr. Horne, the Alexandrian or Septuagint is the most ancient and valuable, and was held in so much esteem both by the Jews as well as by the first Christians, as to be constantly read in the synagogues and churches. Hence it is uniformly cited by the early fathers, whether Greek or Latin; and from this version all the translations into other languages which were anciently approved by the Christian church were executed, with the exception of the Syriac; as the Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Gothic, and old Italic or the Latin version in use before the time of Jerom; and to this day the Septuagint is exclusively read in the Greek and most other oriental churches. This version has derived its name either from the Jewish account of seventy-two persons having been employed to make it, or from its having received the approbation of the sanhedrim or great council of the Jews, which consisted of seventy, or, more correctly, of seventy-two persons. Much uncertainty, however, has prevailed concerning the real history of this ancient version; and while some have strenuously advocated its miraculous and Divine origin, other eminent philologists have laboured to prove that it must have been executed by several persons and at different times. According to one account, Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, caused this translation to be made for the use of the library which he had founded at Alexandria, at the request and with the advice of the celebrated Demetrius Phalereus, his principal librarian. For this purpose, it is reported, that he sent Aristeas and Andreas, two distinguished officers of his court, to Jerusalem, on an embassy to Eleazar, then high priest of the Jews, to request of the latter a copy of the Hebrew Scriptures, and that there might also be sent to him seventy-two persons, six chosen out of each of the twelve tribes, who were equally well skilled in the Hebrew and Greek languages. These learned men were accordingly shut up in the island of Pharos; where, having agreed in a translation of each period after a mutual conference, Demetrius wrote down their version as they dictated it to him; and thus, in the space of seventy-two days, the whole was accomplished. This relation is derived from a letter ascribed to Aristeas himself, the authenticity of which has been greatly disputed. If, as there is every reason to believe is the case, this piece is a forgery, it was made at a very early period; for it was in existence in the time of Josephus, who has made use of it in his Jewish Antiquities. The veracity of Aristeas’s narrative was not questioned until the seventeenth or eighteenth century, at which time, indeed, Biblical criticism was, comparatively, in its infancy, Vives, Scaliger, Van Dale, Dr. Prideaux, and, above all, Dr. Hody, were the principal writers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries who attacked the genuineness of the pretended 850narrative of Aristeas; and though it was ably vindicated by Bishop Walton, Isaac Vossius, Whiston, Brett, and other modern writers, the majority of the learned of our own time are fully agreed in considering it as fictitious. Philo, the Jew, who also notices the Septuagint version, was ignorant of most of the circumstances narrated by Aristeas; but he relates others which appear not less extraordinary. According to him, Ptolemy Philadelphus sent to Palestine for some learned Jews, whose number he does not specify; and these, going over to the island of Pharos, there executed so many distinct versions, all of which so exactly and uniformly agreed in sense, phrases, and words, as proved them to have been not common interpreters, but men prophetically inspired and divinely directed, who had every word dictated to them by the Spirit of God throughout the entire translation. He adds, that an annual festival was celebrated by the Alexandrian Jews in the isle of Pharos, where the version was made, until his time, to preserve the memory of it, and to thank God for so great a benefit.
SEPTUAGINT. Among the Greek versions of the Old Testament, Mr. Horne states that the Alexandrian or Septuagint is the oldest and most valuable. It was held in high regard by both Jews and early Christians, being regularly read in synagogues and churches. As a result, early church fathers, both Greek and Latin, consistently referenced it. All the ancient translations approved by the Christian church, except for the Syriac, were based on this version, including the Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Gothic, and old Italic or Latin version before the time of Jerome. To this day, the Septuagint is exclusively read in Greek and most other Eastern churches. The name of this version comes either from a Jewish account that seventy-two people were involved in its creation or from its endorsement by the Sanhedrin, the great Jewish council made up of seventy, or more accurately, seventy-two members. However, there's been a lot of uncertainty surrounding the true history of this ancient version. While some have strongly argued for its miraculous and divine origin, other notable scholars have worked to demonstrate that it was created by multiple individuals at different times. According to one story, King Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt commissioned this translation for his library in Alexandria at the suggestion of the well-known Demetrius Phalereus, his chief librarian. It’s said that he sent Aristeas and Andreas, two prominent members of his court, to Jerusalem to meet with Eleazar, the high priest of the Jews, to request a copy of the Hebrew Scriptures and to request seventy-two individuals, six from each of the twelve tribes, who were proficient in both Hebrew and Greek. These scholars were then isolated on the island of Pharos; where, after discussing each passage, Demetrius recorded their translation as they dictated it. Thus, in just seventy-two days, the complete work was finished. This account comes from a letter attributed to Aristeas himself, whose authenticity has been heavily debated. If this letter is, as many believe, a forgery, it was likely created at a very early date; it was known during the time of Josephus, who referenced it in his Jewish Antiquities. The truthfulness of Aristeas’s account wasn't challenged until the seventeenth or eighteenth century when biblical criticism was still in its early stages. Vives, Scaliger, Van Dale, Dr. Prideaux, and especially Dr. Hody were the main writers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries who questioned the authenticity of the so-called narrative of Aristeas. Although Bishop Walton, Isaac Vossius, Whiston, Brett, and other modern authors defended it, most scholars today agree that it is fictional. Philo, the Jew, who also mentions the Septuagint version, was not aware of most of the details provided by Aristeas, but he does recount other equally remarkable accounts. He states that Ptolemy Philadelphus requested several learned Jews from Palestine, but he does not specify how many. These Jews traveled to Pharos, where they produced several distinct translations, all of which agreed perfectly in meaning, phrases, and words, suggesting that they were not ordinary interpreters but individuals who were prophetically inspired and divinely guided, with every word dictated to them by the Spirit of God throughout the entire process. He also notes that an annual festival was celebrated by the Alexandrian Jews on the island of Pharos, where the translation was made, to commemorate the event and express gratitude to God for such a significant gift.
It is not a little remarkable that the Samaritans have traditions in favour of their version of the Pentateuch, equally extravagant with these preserved by the Jews. In the Samaritan chronicle of Abul Phatach, which was compiled in the fourteenth century from ancient and modern authors, both Hebrew and Arabic, there is a story to the following effect: that Ptolemy Philadelphus, in the tenth year of his reign, directed his attention to the difference subsisting between the Samaritans and Jews concerning the law, the former receiving only the Pentateuch, and rejecting every other work ascribed to the prophets by the Jews. In order to determine this difference, he commanded the two nations to send deputies to Alexandria. The Jews entrusted this mission to Osar, the Samaritans to Aaron, to whom several other associates were added. Separate apartments in a particular quarter of Alexandria were assigned to each of these strangers, who were prohibited from having any personal intercourse, and each of them had a Greek scribe to write his version. Thus were the law and other Scriptures translated by the Samaritans; whose version being most carefully examined, the king was convinced that their text was more complete than that of the Jews. Such is the narrative of Abul Phatach, divested, however, of numerous marvellous circumstances with which it has been decorated by the Samaritans, who are not surpassed, even by the Jews, in their partiality for idle legends.
It’s quite remarkable that the Samaritans have their own strong traditions supporting their version of the Pentateuch, just as exaggerated as those held by the Jews. In the Samaritan chronicle by Abul Phatach, compiled in the fourteenth century from various ancient and modern sources, both Hebrew and Arabic, there's a story that goes like this: Ptolemy Philadelphus, in the tenth year of his reign, noticed the differences between the Samaritans and Jews regarding the law, with the Samaritans accepting only the Pentateuch and dismissing any other writings attributed to the prophets by the Jews. To resolve this difference, he ordered both groups to send representatives to Alexandria. The Jews chose Osar for this task, while the Samaritans selected Aaron, who was assigned several other companions. Separate quarters in a specific area of Alexandria were designated for each group, and they were not allowed to interact with each other; each had a Greek scribe to write down their version. This way, the law and other Scriptures were translated by the Samaritans, and after a careful examination of their version, the king was convinced that their text was more complete than that of the Jews. This is the account from Abul Phatach, stripped of the many sensational details that the Samaritans have added, as they are not outdone, even by the Jews, in their fondness for fanciful legends.
A fact, buried under such a mass of fables as the translation of the Septuagint has been by the historians who have pretended to record it, necessarily loses all its historical character, which, indeed, we are fully justified in disregarding altogether. Although there is no doubt but that some truth is concealed under this load of fables, yet it is by no means an easy task to discern the truth from what is false: the following, however, is the result of our researches concerning this celebrated version:--
A fact, buried under so many myths related to the translation of the Septuagint by historians who claimed to document it, inevitably loses all its historical significance, which we are completely justified in ignoring. While there’s no doubt that some truth is hidden beneath this mountain of myths, distinguishing the truth from the falsehood is far from easy. Nevertheless, here are the findings of our research on this well-known version:--
It is probable that the seventy interpreters, as they are called, executed their version of the Pentateuch during the joint reigns of Ptolemy Lagus and his son Philadelphus. The pseudo Aristeas, Josephus, Philo, and many other writers whom it were tedious to enumerate, relate that this version was made during the reign of Ptolemy II., or Philadelphus; Joseph Ben Gorion, however, among the rabbins, Theodoret, and many other Christian writers, refer its date to the time of Ptolemy Lagus. Now, these two traditions can be reconciled only by supposing the version to have been performed during the two years when Ptolemy Philadelphus shared the throne with his father; which date coincides with the third and fourth years of the hundred and twenty-third Olympiad, that is, about B. C. 286 and 285. Farther, this version was neither made by the command of Ptolemy, nor at the request nor under the superintendence of Demetrius Phalereus; but was voluntarily undertaken by the Jews for the use of their countrymen. It is well known, that, at the period above noticed, there was a great number of Jews settled in Egypt, particularly at Alexandria: these, being most strictly observant of the religious institutions and usages of their forefathers, had their sanhedrim or grand council composed of seventy or seventy-two members, and very numerous synagogues, in which the law was read to them on every Sabbath; and as the bulk of the common people were no longer acquainted with Biblical Hebrew, the Greek language alone being used in their ordinary intercourse, it became necessary to translate the Pentateuch into Greek for their use. This is a far more probable account of the origin of the Alexandrian version than the traditions above stated. If this translation had been made by public authority, it would unquestionably have been performed under the direction of the sanhedrim, who would have examined and perhaps corrected it, if it had been the work of a single individual, previously to giving it the stamp of their approbation, and introducing it into their synagogues. In either case the translation would probably be denominated the Septuagint, because the sanhedrim was composed of seventy or seventy-two members. It is even possible that the sanhedrim, in order to ascertain the fidelity of the work, might have sent to Palestine for some learned men, of whose assistance and advice they would have availed themselves in examining the version. This fact, if it could be proved, for it is offered as a mere conjecture, would account for the story of the king of Egypt’s sending an embassy to Jerusalem: there is, however, one circumstance which proves that, in executing this translation, the synagogues were originally in contemplation, namely, that all the ancient writers unanimously concur in saying that the Pentateuch was first translated. The five books of Moses, indeed, were the only books read in the synagogues until the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria; who having forbidden 851that practice in Palestine, the Jews evaded his commands by substituting for the Pentateuch the reading of the prophetic books. When, afterward, the Jews were delivered from the tyranny of the kings of Syria, they read the law and the prophets alternately in the synagogues; and the same custom was adopted by the Hellenistic or Græcising Jews.
It’s likely that the seventy interpreters, as they’re called, completed their version of the Pentateuch during the joint reigns of Ptolemy Lagus and his son Philadelphus. Pseudo Aristeas, Josephus, Philo, and many other writers, too numerous to list, mention that this version was created during the reign of Ptolemy II, or Philadelphus; however, Joseph Ben Gorion among the rabbis, Theodoret, and several other Christian writers attribute its date to the time of Ptolemy Lagus. These two traditions can only be reconciled by suggesting the version was created during the two years when Ptolemy Philadelphus shared the throne with his father; this period aligns with the third and fourth years of the hundred and twenty-third Olympiad, around 286 and 285 B.C. Furthermore, this version wasn’t commissioned by Ptolemy nor requested or supervised by Demetrius Phalereus; rather, it was voluntarily undertaken by the Jews for the benefit of their fellow countrymen. It’s well-known that at this time, there was a large population of Jews living in Egypt, especially in Alexandria: these individuals, who strictly adhered to the religious practices and traditions of their ancestors, had their sanhedrim or grand council made up of seventy or seventy-two members and numerous synagogues, where the law was read to them every Sabbath. Since most of the common people no longer understood Biblical Hebrew, as Greek was used in their daily interactions, it became necessary to translate the Pentateuch into Greek for their benefit. This explanation is a more plausible account of the origins of the Alexandrian version than the previously stated traditions. If this translation had been initiated by public authority, it would undoubtedly have been overseen by the sanhedrim, which would have reviewed and possibly corrected it if it were the work of a single individual before approving it and introducing it into their synagogues. In that case, the translation would likely be called the Septuagint, because the sanhedrim consisted of seventy or seventy-two members. It’s even possible that to ensure the accuracy of the work, the sanhedrim might have sent for some scholars from Palestine, whose expertise and advice they would have utilized in reviewing the version. This detail, if it could be demonstrated (though it's merely a hypothesis), would explain the story of the king of Egypt sending an envoy to Jerusalem. However, one fact suggests that the original purpose of the translation was for use in the synagogues: all ancient writers unanimously agree that the Pentateuch was the first text to be translated. The five books of Moses were indeed the only texts read in the synagogues until the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, the king of Syria, who, after forbidding that practice in Palestine, led the Jews to circumvent his orders by reading prophetic books instead of the Pentateuch. Later, when the Jews were liberated from the oppression of the Syrian kings, they alternated readings of the law and the prophets in the synagogues; the same practice was adopted by the Hellenistic or Grecian Jews.
But, whatever was the real number of the authors of the version, their introduction of Coptic words, such as οἴφι ἄχι ρεμφὰν, &c, as well as their rendering of ideas purely Hebrew altogether in the Egyptian manner, clearly prove that they were natives of Egypt. Thus, they express the creation of the world, not by the proper Greek word κτίσις, but by γένεσις, a term employed by the philosophers of Alexandria to express the origin of the universe. The Hebrew word thummim, Exodus xxviii, 30, which signifies “perfections,” they render ἀλήθεια, truth. The difference of style also indicates the version to have been the work not of one but of several translators, and to have been executed at different times. The best qualified and most able among them was the translator of the Pentateuch, who was evidently master of both Greek and Hebrew: he has religiously followed the Hebrew text, and has in various instances introduced the most suitable and best chosen expressions. From the very close resemblance subsisting between the text of the Greek version and the text of the Samaritan Pentateuch, Louis De Dieu, Selden, Whiston, Hassencamp, and Bauer, are of opinion that the author of the Alexandrian version made it from the Samaritan Pentateuch. And in proportion as these two correspond, the Greek differs from the Hebrew. This opinion is farther supported by the declarations of Origen and Jerom, that the translator found the venerable name of Jehovah, not in the letters in common use, but in very ancient characters; and also by the fact that those consonants in the Septuagint are frequently confounded together, the shapes of which are similar in the Samaritan, but not in the Hebrew, alphabet. This hypothesis, however ingenious and plausible, is by no means determinate; and what militates most against it is, the inveterate enmity subsisting between the Jews and Samaritans, added to the constant and unvarying testimony of antiquity, that the Greek version of the Pentateuch was executed by Jews. There is no other way by which to reconcile these conflicting opinions than by supposing either that the manuscript used by the Egyptian Jews approximated toward the letters and text of the Samaritan Pentateuch, or that the translators of the Septuagint made use of manuscripts written in ancient characters. Next to the Pentateuch, for ability and fidelity of execution, ranks the translation of the book of Proverbs, the author of which was well skilled in the two languages: Michaëlis is of opinion that, of all the books of the Septuagint, the style of the Proverbs is the best, the translator having clothed the most ingenious thoughts in as neat and elegant language as was ever used by a Pythagorean sage, to express his philosophical maxims.
But whatever the actual number of the people who created the version was, their use of Coptic words, like οἴφι ἄχι ρεμφὰν, and their rendering of purely Hebrew ideas in an Egyptian way clearly shows that they were from Egypt. They describe the creation of the world not with the proper Greek word κτίσις, but with γένεσις, a term used by Alexandria's philosophers to refer to the origin of the universe. The Hebrew word thummim, from Exodus xxviii, 30, which means “perfections,” is translated as ἀλήθεια, truth. The difference in style also suggests that this version was created not by one person but by several translators at different times. The most skilled among them was the translator of the Pentateuch, who clearly mastered both Greek and Hebrew: he faithfully followed the Hebrew text and often used the most appropriate and carefully selected expressions. Due to the close resemblance between the text of the Greek version and the text of the Samaritan Pentateuch, Louis De Dieu, Selden, Whiston, Hassencamp, and Bauer believe that the author of the Alexandrian version based it on the Samaritan Pentateuch. As these two texts align, the Greek one diverges from the Hebrew. This view is further supported by Origen and Jerom’s claims that the translator found the revered name of Jehovah not in the commonly used letters but in very ancient characters; and also by the fact that in the Septuagint, those consonants are often confused, resembling each other in the Samaritan script but not in the Hebrew alphabet. This hypothesis, while clever and plausible, is by no means definitive; and what strongly contradicts it is the longstanding animosity between Jews and Samaritans, alongside the consistent testimony from ancient times that the Greek version of the Pentateuch was created by Jews. The only way to reconcile these conflicting opinions is to suggest either that the manuscript used by the Egyptian Jews was similar to the text and letters of the Samaritan Pentateuch, or that the translators of the Septuagint used manuscripts written in ancient characters. Following the Pentateuch, the translation of the book of Proverbs is next in terms of quality and accuracy, created by someone skilled in both languages: Michaëlis believes that among all the books of the Septuagint, the style of Proverbs is the best, with the translator presenting the most clever ideas in language as neat and elegant as that used by any Pythagorean sage to express philosophical maxims.
The Septuagint version, though originally made for the use of the Egyptian Jews, gradually acquired the highest authority among the Jews of Palestine, who were acquainted with the Greek language, and subsequently also among Christians: it appears, indeed, that the legend above confuted, of the translators having been divinely inspired, was invented in order that the LXX. might be held in the greater estimation. Philo, the Jew, a native of Egypt, has evidently followed it in his allegorical expositions of the Mosaic law; and though Dr. Hody was of opinion that Josephus, who was a native of Palestine, corroborated his work on Jewish antiquities from the Hebrew text, yet Salmasius, Bochart, Bauer, and others, have shown that he has adhered to the Septuagint throughout that work. How extensively this version was in use among the Jews, appears from the solemn sanction given to it by the inspired writers of the New Testament, who have in very many passages quoted the Greek version of the Old Testament. Their example was followed by the earlier fathers and doctors of the church, who, with the exception of Origen and Jerom, were unacquainted with Hebrew: notwithstanding their zeal for the word of God, they did not exert themselves to learn the original language of the sacred writings, but acquiesced in the Greek representation of them, judging it, no doubt, to be fully sufficient for all the purposes of their pious labours. The Greek Scriptures were the only Scriptures known to or valued by the Greeks. This was the text commented on by Chrysostom and Theodoret: it was this which furnished topics to Athanasius, Nazianzen, and Basil. From this fountain the stream was derived to the Latin church, first by the Italic or Vulgate translation of the Scriptures, which was made from the Septuagint, and not from the Hebrew; and, secondly, by the study of the Greek fathers. It was by this borrowed light that the Latin fathers illumined the western hemisphere; and, when the age of Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustine, and Gregory, successively passed away, this was the light put into the hands of the next dynasty of theologists, the schoolmen, who carried on the work of theological disquisition by the aid of this luminary, and none other. So that, either in Greek or in Latin, it was still the Septuagint Scriptures that were read, explained, and quoted as authority, for a period of fifteen hundred years.
The Septuagint version, originally created for Egyptian Jews, gradually gained high authority among the Jews in Palestine who knew Greek, and later among Christians as well. In fact, the legend claiming that the translators were divinely inspired seems to have been made up to elevate the status of the LXX. Philo, the Jewish philosopher from Egypt, clearly used it in his allegorical interpretations of the Mosaic law. While Dr. Hody believed that Josephus, a native of Palestine, referenced his work on Jewish antiquities from the Hebrew text, Salmasius, Bochart, Bauer, and others showed that he relied on the Septuagint throughout his work. The widespread use of this version among Jews is evident from the strong endorsement it received from the inspired writers of the New Testament, who frequently quoted the Greek version of the Old Testament. Their example was also followed by earlier church fathers and theologians, most of whom, except for Origen and Jerome, did not know Hebrew. Despite their dedication to God's word, they didn't push themselves to learn the original language of the sacred texts, instead settling for the Greek version, considering it sufficient for their religious efforts. The Greek Scriptures were the only Scriptures known to or valued by the Greeks. This text was commented on by Chrysostom and Theodoret, and it provided topics for Athanasius, Nazianzen, and Basil. From this source, the stream flowed into the Latin church, primarily through the Italic or Vulgate translation of the Scriptures, which was based on the Septuagint rather than the Hebrew, and secondly through the writings of the Greek fathers. It was with this borrowed light that the Latin fathers illuminated the Western world. When the eras of Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustine, and Gregory came to an end, this light was handed down to the next generation of theologians, the schoolmen, who continued their theological discussions guided solely by this source. Therefore, whether in Greek or Latin, it was still the Septuagint Scriptures that were read, interpreted, and cited as authority for a span of fifteen hundred years.
SEPTUAGINT CHRONOLOGY is that which is formed from the dates and periods of time mentioned in the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament. It reckons one thousand five hundred years more from the creation to Abraham than the Hebrew Bible. Dr. Kennicott, in the dissertation prefixed to his Hebrew Bible, has shown it to be very probable, that the chronology of the Hebrew Scriptures, since the period just mentioned, was corrupted by the Jews between A. D. 175 and 200; and that the chronology of the Septuagint is more agreeable to truth. It is a fact, that, during 852the second and third centuries, the Hebrew Scriptures were almost entirely in the hands of the Jews, while the Septuagint was confined to the Christians. The Jews had, therefore, a very favourable opportunity for this corruption. The following is the reason which is given by the oriental writers: It being a very ancient tradition that Messiah was to come in the sixth chiliad, because he was to come in the last days, founded on a mystical application of the six days of the creation, the contrivance was to shorten the age of the world from about 5500 to 3760; and thence to prove that Jesus could not be the Messiah. Dr. Kennicott adds, that some Hebrew copies, having the larger chronology, were extant till the time of Eusebius, and some till the year 700.
SEPTUAGINT CHRONOLOGY refers to the dates and time periods mentioned in the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament. It counts one thousand five hundred more years from creation to Abraham compared to the Hebrew Bible. Dr. Kennicott, in the introduction to his Hebrew Bible, has shown that it is very likely the chronology of the Hebrew Scriptures has been altered by the Jews between A.D. 175 and 200, and that the chronology of the Septuagint is more accurate. It's a fact that during the second and third centuries, the Hebrew Scriptures were mostly in the hands of the Jews, while the Septuagint was limited to Christians. Thus, the Jews had a significant opportunity for this alteration. The following reason is provided by oriental writers: There was a very ancient belief that the Messiah would come in the sixth millennium, since he was expected to arrive in the last days, based on a mystical interpretation of the six days of creation. The plan was to reduce the age of the world from about 5500 to 3760 years, in order to prove that Jesus could not be the Messiah. Dr. Kennicott adds that some Hebrew copies with the longer chronology were still around during the time of Eusebius, and some lasted until the year 700.
SEPULCHRES. The descriptions of the eastern sepulchres, by travellers, serve to explain several passages of Scripture. Shaw says, “If we except a few persons who are buried within the precincts of some sanctuary, the rest are carried out at a small distance from their cities and villages, where a great extent of ground is allotted for that purpose. Each family has a particular portion of it, walled in like a garden, where the bones of their ancestors have remained undisturbed for many generations: for in these inclosures the graves are all distinct and separate, having each of them a stone placed upright, both at the head and feet, inscribed with the name of the person who lieth there interred, while the intermediate space is either planted with flowers, bordered round with stone, or paved all over with tiles. The graves of the principal citizens are farther distinguished by some square chambers or cupolas that are built over them, Mark v, 3. Now, as all these different sorts of tombs and sepulchres, with the very walls likewise of the inclosures, are constantly kept clean, white-washed, and beautified, they continue to this day to be an excellent comment upon that expression of our Saviour, where he mentions the garnishing of the sepulchres, Matt. xxiii, 29; and again, verse 27, where he compares the scribes, Pharisees, and hypocrites, to whited sepulchres.” With respect to the demoniacs who are said by St. Matthew to come out of the tombs, Light observes, “I trod the ground celebrated for the miracle of the unclean spirit, driven by our Saviour among the swine. The tombs still exist in the form of caverns, on the sides of the hills that rise from the shore of the lake; and from their wild appearance may well be considered the habitation of men exceeding fierce, possessed by a devil; they extend at a distance for more than a mile from the present town.” In the account we have of the resurrection of Lazarus, when Mary went suddenly out to meet Jesus, the Jews supposed that she was gone to the grave, “to weep there.” The following extract from Buckingham illustrates this: “Not far from the spot at which we halted to enjoy this enchanting view, was an extensive cemetry, at which we noticed the custom so prevalent among eastern nations of visiting the tombs of their deceased friends. These were formed with great care, and finished with extraordinary neatness: and at the foot of each grave was enclosed a small earthen vessel, in which was planted a sprig of myrtle, regularly watered every day by the mourning friend who visited it. Throughout the whole of this extensive place of burial we did not observe a single grave to which this token of respect and sorrow was not attached; and, scattered among the tombs, in different quarters of the cemetry, we saw from twenty to thirty parties of females, sitting near the honoured remains of some recently lost and deeply regretted relative or friend, and either watering their myrtle plants, or strewing flowers over the green turf that closed upon their heads.” See Burial.
SEPULCHRES. The accounts of eastern tombs by travelers help clarify several passages in the Bible. Shaw notes, “Besides a few individuals buried near a sanctuary, most are taken a short distance away from their cities and villages to a designated burial area. Each family has its own section, enclosed like a garden, where the bones of their ancestors have been left undisturbed for many generations: within these enclosures, each grave is separate and distinct, marked by an upright stone at both the head and foot, inscribed with the name of the person buried there, while the space in between is either planted with flowers, bordered with stones, or completely tiled. The graves of prominent citizens are further distinguished by square chambers or cupolas built over them, Mark v, 3. All these different types of tombs and enclosures are kept clean, whitewashed, and adorned, providing an excellent illustration of the saying of our Savior, who mentions the decoration of the sepulchers, Matt. xxiii, 29; and again, verse 27, where he compares the scribes, Pharisees, and hypocrites to whitewashed tombs.” Regarding the demoniacs that St. Matthew writes about, who came out of the tombs, Light notes, “I walked on the ground associated with the miracle of the unclean spirit driven into the swine by our Savior. The tombs still exist as caves on the hills rising from the lake's shore; their wild appearance can indeed be seen as the home of very fierce men possessed by a devil; they stretch for over a mile from the current town.” In the account of Lazarus’s resurrection, when Mary ran out to meet Jesus, the Jews thought she had gone to the grave “to weep there.” The following excerpt from Buckingham illustrates this: “Not far from where we stopped to admire this stunning view was a large cemetery, where we observed the widespread custom among eastern nations of visiting the tombs of their deceased friends. These were crafted with great care and finished with remarkable neatness: at the foot of each grave was a small earthen vessel containing a sprig of myrtle, regularly watered each day by the grieving friend who visited. Throughout this entire burial place, we didn’t see a single grave lacking this sign of respect and sorrow; scattered among the tombs in different areas of the cemetery, we noticed twenty to thirty groups of women sitting near the honored remains of some recently lost and dearly missed relative or friend, either watering their myrtle plants or strewing flowers over the green turf that covered their heads.” See Burial.
SERPENT. In Egypt and other oriental countries, a serpent was the common symbol of a powerful monarch; it was embroidered on the robes of princes, and blazoned on their diadem, to signify their absolute power and invincible might, and that, as the wound inflicted by the basilisk is incurable, so the fatal effects of their displeasure were neither to be avoided nor endured. These are the allusions involved in the address of the prophet, to the irreconcilable enemies of his nation: “Rejoice not thou, whole Palestina, because the rod of him that smote thee is broken; for out of the serpent’s roots shall come forth a cockatrice, and his fruit shall be a fiery flying serpent,” Isaiah xiv, 29. Uzziah, the king of Judah, had subdued the Philistines; but taking advantage of the weak reign of Ahaz, they again invaded the kingdom of Judea, and reduced some cities in the southern part of the country under their dominion. On the death of Ahaz, Isaiah delivers this prophecy, threatening them with a more severe chastisement from the hand of Hezekiah, the grandson of Uzziah, by whose victorious arms they had been reduced to sue for peace; which he accomplished, when “he smote the Philistines, even unto Gaza and the borders thereof,” 2 Kings xviii, 8. Uzziah, therefore, must be meant by the rod that smote them, and by the serpent from whom should spring the fiery flying serpent, that is, Hezekiah, a much more terrible enemy than even Uzziah had been. But the symbol of regal power which the oriental kings preferred to all others, was the basilisk. This fact is attested by its Arabian name melecha, from the Hebrew verb malach, “to reign;” from its Greek name ϐασιλίσκος, and its Latin name regulus: all of which, it is asserted, referred to the conspicuous place it occupied among the regal ornaments of the east. The basilisk is of a reddish colour, and its head is decorated with a crest in the form of a crown; it is not entirely prostrate, like other serpents, but moves along with its head and half the body erect; the other parts sweep the ground behind,
SERPENT. In Egypt and other Eastern countries, a serpent was a common symbol of a powerful ruler; it was embroidered on the robes of princes and displayed on their crowns to signify their absolute power and unstoppable strength. Just like the wound from a basilisk is incurable, so were the consequences of their anger unavoidable and unbearable. These references are tied to the prophet's message to the irreconcilable enemies of his nation: “Rejoice not, all you of Palestina, because the rod that struck you is broken; for from the roots of the serpent will arise a viper, and its offspring will be a fiery flying serpent,” Isaiah xiv, 29. Uzziah, the king of Judah, had subdued the Philistines; however, they took advantage of Ahaz’s weak reign, invading Judea again and capturing some cities in the southern region. After Ahaz’s death, Isaiah delivered this prophecy, warning them of a harsher punishment from Hezekiah, Uzziah’s grandson, whose victorious forces had previously compelled them to seek peace. He achieved this when “he struck the Philistines down to Gaza and its borders,” 2 Kings xviii, 8. Therefore, Uzziah is the rod that struck them, and the serpent from which the fiery flying serpent would arise is Hezekiah, a far more formidable enemy than Uzziah had been. The symbol of royal power that Eastern kings preferred above all was the basilisk. This is supported by its Arabic name melecha, from the Hebrew verb malach, “to reign;” by its Greek name ϐασιλίσκος, and its Latin name Regulus: all of which are said to refer to the prominent role it played among the royal regalia of the East. The basilisk is reddish in color, and its head is adorned with a crest shaped like a crown; it doesn't lie flat like other serpents but moves with its head and half its body upright, while the rest drags along the ground behind.
All the other species of serpents are said to acknowledge the superiority of the real or the fabled basilisk, by flying from its presence, and hiding themselves in the dust. It is also supposed to live longer than any other serpent; 853the ancient Heathens therefore pronounced it immortal, and placed it in the number of their deities; and because it had the dangerous power, in general belief, of killing with its pestiferous breath the strongest animals, it seemed to then invested with the power of life and death. It became, therefore, the favourite symbol of kings; and was employed by the prophet, to symbolize the great and good Hezekiah, with strict propriety.
All the other types of snakes are said to recognize the superiority of the real or mythical basilisk by fleeing from it and hiding in the dust. It's also believed to live longer than any other snake; 853 the ancient pagans therefore declared it immortal and included it among their gods. Because it was thought to have the deadly ability to kill even the strongest animals with its toxic breath, it seemed to have the power of life and death. As a result, it became a favorite symbol for kings and was used by the prophet to represent the great and good Hezekiah, quite fittingly.
2. The cerastes, or horned snake. The only allusion to this species of serpent in the sacred volume occurs in the valedictory predictions of Jacob, where he describes the character and actions of Dan and his posterity: “Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder, שפיפון, in the path, that biteth the horse’s heels, so that his rider shall fall backward,” Gen. xlix, 17. It is indisputably clear, that the patriarch intended some kind of serpent; for the circumstances will not apply to a freebooter watching for his prey. It only remains to investigate the species to which it belongs. The principal care of the Jewish writers is to ascertain the etymology of the name, about which their sentiments are much divided. The Arabian authors quoted by Bochart inform us, that the sephiphon is a most pernicious reptile, and very dangerous to man. It is of a sandy colour, variegated with black and white spots. The particulars in the character of Dan, however, agree better with the cerastes, or horned snake, than with any other species of serpent. It lies in wait for passengers in the sand, or in the rut of the wheels on the highway. From its lurking place it treacherously bites the horse’s heels, so that the rider falls backward, in consequence of the animal’s hinder legs becoming almost immediately torpid by the dreadful activity of the poison. The cerastes is equally formidable to man and the lower animals; and the more dangerous, because it is not easy to distinguish him from the sand in which he lies; and he never spares the helpless traveller who unwarily comes within his reach. Like the cerastes, Dan was to excel in cunning and artifice, to prevail against his enemies rather by his policy in the cabinet than by his valour in the field.
2. The cerastes, or horned snake. The only reference to this type of snake in the sacred text is in Jacob's farewell predictions, where he describes the character and actions of Dan and his descendants: “Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder, לאון, in the path, that bites the horse’s heels, so that his rider will fall backward,” Gen. xlix, 17. It is clear that the patriarch referred to some kind of snake; the description doesn’t fit a bandit lying in wait for his prey. It only remains to determine which species it refers to. Jewish writers primarily focus on figuring out the meaning of the name, with varying opinions. The Arabian authors cited by Bochart tell us that the sephiphon is a very harmful reptile and quite dangerous to humans. It has a sandy color, mixed with black and white spots. The details about Dan’s character, though, align better with the cerastes, or horned snake, than with any other type of snake. It waits for travelers in the sand or in the wheel ruts on the road. From its hiding spot, it stealthily bites the horse’s heels, causing the rider to fall backward because the horse’s hind legs quickly become numb from the deadly poison. The cerastes is just as dangerous to humans as it is to animals; and even more so, because it's hard to spot against the sand it rests in, and it doesn’t hesitate to attack unsuspecting travelers who come too close. Like the cerastes, Dan was to excel in cunning and strategy, overcoming his enemies more through cleverness in politics than through bravery in battle.
3. The seraph, or fiery flying serpent, to a Biblical student, is one of the most interesting creatures that has yet been mentioned. It bears the name of an order among the hosts of heaven, whom Isaiah beheld in vision, placed above the throne of Jehovah in the temple; the brazen figure of this serpent is supposed to be a type of our blessed Redeemer, who was for our salvation lifted up upon the cross, as the serpent was elevated in the camp of Israel, for the preservation of that people. It is the only species of serpent which the almighty Creator has provided with wings, by means of which, instead of creeping or leaping, it rises from the ground, and leaning upon the extremity of its tail, moves with great velocity. It is a native of Egypt, and the deserts of Arabia; and receives its name from the Hebrew verb seraph, which signifies to burn, in allusion to the violent inflammation which its poison produces, or rather to its fiery colour, which the brazen serpent was intended to represent. Bochart is of opinion, that the seraph is the same as the hydrus, or, as Cicero calls it, the serpent of the waters. For, in the book of Isaiah, the land of Egypt is called the region from whence come the viper and flying seraph, or burning serpent. Ælian says, they come from the deserts of Libya and Arabia, to inhabit the streams of the Nile; and that they have the form of the hydrus.
3. The seraph, or fiery flying serpent, is one of the most fascinating creatures mentioned in the Bible. It’s named after a group among the heavenly beings that Isaiah saw in a vision, positioned above the throne of God in the temple. The bronze figure of this serpent is thought to symbolize our blessed Savior, who was lifted on the cross for our salvation, just as the serpent was raised in the camp of Israel for the safety of that people. It’s the only type of serpent that the Almighty Creator has given wings, allowing it to soar above the ground rather than crawl or jump. By balancing on the tip of its tail, it moves with incredible speed. It originates from Egypt and the deserts of Arabia and gets its name from the Hebrew verb seraph, which means to burn, referring to the intense burning sensation its venom causes, or more likely to its fiery appearance, which the bronze serpent was designed to represent. Bochart believes that the seraph is the same as the hydrus, or the water serpent as Cicero calls it. In the book of Isaiah, the land of Egypt is described as the source of the viper and the flying seraph, or burning serpent. Ælian states that they come from the deserts of Libya and Arabia to live in the waters of the Nile and that they resemble the hydrus.
The existence of winged serpents is attested by many writers of modern times. A kind of snakes were discovered among the Pyrenees, from whose sides proceeded cartilages in the form of wings; and Scaliger mentions a peasant who killed a serpent of the same species which attacked him, and presented it to the king of France. Le Blanc, as quoted by Bochart, says, at the head of lake Chiamay are extensive woods and vast marshes, which it is very dangerous to approach, because they are infested with very large serpents, which, raised from the ground on wings resembling those of bats, and leaning on the extremity of their tails, move with great rapidity. They exist, it is reported, about these places in so great numbers, that they have almost laid waste the neighbouring province. And, in the same work, Le Blanc affirms that he had seen some of them of immense size, which, when hungry, rushed impetuously on sheep and other tame animals. But the original term מעופף does not always signify flying with wings; it often expresses vibration, swinging backward and forward, a tremulous motion, a fluttering; and this is precisely the motion of a serpent, when he springs from one tree to another. Niebuhr mentions a sort of serpent at Bassorah, which they call heie thiare. “They commonly keep upon the date trees; and as it would be laborious for them to come down from a very high tree, in order to ascend another, they twist themselves by the tail to a branch of the former, which, making a spring by the motion they give it, throws them to the branches of the second. Hence it is that the modern Arabs call them flying serpents, heie thiare. Admiral Anson also speaks of the flying serpents that he met with at the island of Quibo, but which were without wings.” From this account it may be inferred, that the flying serpent mentioned in the prophet was of that species of serpents which, from their swift darting motion, the Greeks call aconitias, and the Romans, jaculus. The original phrase will bear another interpretation, which, perhaps, approaches still nearer the truth. The verb עופ sometimes means to sparkle, to emit coruscations of light. In this sense, the noun תעפה frequently occurs in the sacred volume; thus Zophar says: “The coruscation, תעפה, shall be as the morning.” The word in the verse under consideration may therefore refer to the ruddy colour of that serpent, and express the sparkling of the blazing sunbeams upon its scales, which are extremely brilliant.
The existence of winged serpents is confirmed by many modern writers. A type of snake was found among the Pyrenees, which had wing-like cartilages extending from its sides; Scaliger mentions a peasant who killed a serpent of the same kind that attacked him and presented it to the king of France. Le Blanc, as referenced by Bochart, states that at the head of Lake Chiamay, there are extensive woods and vast marshes, which are very dangerous to approach because they are infested with large serpents that, raised off the ground on wings resembling those of bats, use the tips of their tails to move rapidly. It is reported that they exist in such great numbers in these areas that they have almost devastated the neighboring province. Additionally, in the same work, Le Blanc claims he has seen some of these serpents that were enormous, and when hungry, they would charge wildly at sheep and other domesticated animals. However, the original term Flying does not always mean to fly with wings; it often conveys ideas of vibration, swinging back and forth, a tremulous motion, or fluttering; and this motion closely resembles that of a serpent when it jumps from one tree to another. Niebuhr mentions a type of snake in Bassorah called heie thiare. "They usually stay on date trees, and since it would be laborious for them to climb down from a high tree to go up another one, they twist their tails around a branch of the first tree, which allows them to spring from the motion they create and bounce to the branches of the second." This is why modern Arabs refer to them as flying serpents, heie thiare. Admiral Anson also describes the flying serpents he encountered on the island of Quibo, which had no wings. From this description, it can be inferred that the flying serpent mentioned in the prophecy refers to a type of serpent recognized by its quick darting motion, which the Greeks called aconitias and the Romans, jerboa. The original phrase may have another interpretation that likely brings us closer to the truth. The verb עוף sometimes means to sparkle, to emit flashes of light. In this sense, the noun תעופה often appears in the sacred texts; for example, Zophar says: “The sparkle, תעוף, shall be like the morning.” Thus, the word in the verse we are considering may refer to the reddish color of that serpent and signify the glint of the blazing sun on its scales, which are extremely brilliant.
4. The dragon. In Hebrew, the word תנין signifies either a dragon or a whale. As the name of a serpent, it frequently denotes one 854of any species; as when the rod of Moses is said to have been turned into a serpent, לתנין. But, in its more strict and appropriate application, it is the proper name of the dragon, which differs from the serpent chiefly in its size. “Three kinds of dragons were formerly distinguished in India. 1. Those of the hills and mountains. 2. Those of the valleys and caves. 3. Those of the fens and marshes. The first is the largest, and covered with scales resplendent as burnished gold. They have a kind of beard hanging from their lower jaw, their aspect is frightful, their cry loud and shrill, their crest bright yellow, and they have a protuberance on their heads, as the colour of a burning coal. Those of the flat country are of a silver colour, and frequent rivers, to which the former never come. Those of the marshes are black, slow, and have no crest. Their bite is not venomous, though the creatures be dreadful.” This description agrees in every particular with the boa, which is justly considered as the proper dragon. But so great is the inconsistency of the human mind, that the creature which is now an object of universal dislike was, in early times, honoured with religious worship by every nation of the earth. Rites were devised and temples built to its honour; and priests were appointed to conduct the ceremonies. These miserable idolaters appeared before the altars of their contemptible deity in gorgeous vestments, their heads adorned with serpents, or with the figures of serpents embroidered on their tiaras, when the creatures themselves were not to be had; and in their frantic exclamations cried out, in evident allusion to the triumph which the old serpent obtained over our first mother, Eva, Eva. So completely was Satan permitted to insult our fallen race, that the serpent, his chosen agent in accomplishing our ruin, was actually raised to the first place among the deities of the Heathen world, and reverenced by the most solemn acts of worship. The figure of the serpent adorned the portals of the proudest temples in the east.
4. The dragon. In Hebrew, the word קַרוּב means either a dragon or a whale. As a name for a serpent, it often refers to any type; for example, when Moses's rod is said to have turned into a serpent, To the crocodile. However, in its more specific and accurate usage, it refers specifically to the dragon, which mainly differs from the serpent in size. “Three types of dragons were previously identified in India. 1. Those from the hills and mountains. 2. Those from the valleys and caves. 3. Those from the fens and marshes. The first type is the largest and has scales that shine like burnished gold. They have a sort of beard hanging from their lower jaw, their appearance is terrifying, their cry is loud and high-pitched, their crest is bright yellow, and they have a bump on their heads that glows like burning coal. The dragons of flat lands are silver and live near rivers, which the mountain dragons never approach. The marsh dragons are black, slow, and have no crest. Their bite isn’t poisonous, even though they are fearsome creatures.” This description aligns perfectly with the boa, which is rightly seen as the true dragon. Yet, the human mind's inconsistency is striking; the creature that is now universally loathed was once revered with religious worship by every nation worldwide. Rites were created, and temples were built in its honor; priests were assigned to carry out the ceremonies. These unfortunate idolaters would stand before the altars of their despised deity in elaborate clothing, their heads adorned with serpents or the images of serpents stitched onto their crowns, when the real creatures were unavailable; and in their wild outbursts, they called out, clearly referencing the triumph of the old serpent over our first mother, Eva, Eva. So thoroughly was Satan allowed to mock our fallen human race that the serpent, his chosen tool for our downfall, was actually elevated to the highest rank among the gods of the pagan world and worshiped with the most solemn rituals. The image of the serpent decorated the entrances of the grandest temples in the east.
The serpent was a very common symbol of the sun; and he is represented biting his tail, and with his body formed into a circle, in order to indicate the ordinary course of this luminary; and under this form it was an emblem of time and eternity. The serpent was also the symbol of medicine, and of the gods which presided over it, as of Apollo and Æsculapius. In most of the ancient rites we find some allusion to the serpent, under the several titles of Ob, Ops, Python, &c. This idolatry is alluded to by Moses, Lev. xx, 27. The woman of Endor, who had a familiar spirit, is called Oub, or Ob, and it is interpreted Pythonissa: the place where she resided, says the learned Mr. Bryant, seems to have been named from the worship then instituted; for Endor is compounded of En-ador, and signifies fons pithonis, the “fountain of light,” the oracle of the god Ador; which oracle was probably founded by the Canaanites, and had never been totally suppressed. His pillar was also called Abbadir, or Abadir, compounded of ab and adir, and meaning the serpent deity Addir, the same as Adorus. In the orgies of Bacchus, the persons who partook of the ceremony, used to carry serpents in their hands, and with horrid screams call upon Eva! Eva! Eva being, according to the writer just mentioned, the same as epha, or opha, which the Greeks rendered ophis, and by it denoted a serpent, and containing no allusion to Eve, as above conjectured. These ceremonies, and this symbolic worship, began among the magi, who were the sons of Chus; and by them they were propagated in various parts. Wherever the Ammonians founded any places of worship, and introduced their rites, there was generally some story of a serpent. There was a legend about a serpent at Colchis, at Thebes, and at Delphi; and likewise in other places. The Greeks called Apollo himself Python, which is the same as Oupis, Opis, or Oub. In Egypt there was a serpent named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as very sacred; and the natives are said to have made use of it as a royal tiara, with which they ornamented the statues of Isis. The kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, terminating in a round ball, and surrounded with figures of asps; and the priests likewise had the representation of serpents upon their bonnets. Abadon, or Abaddon, mentioned in the Revelation, ix, 11, is supposed by Mr. Bryant to have been the name of the Ophite god, with whose worship the world had been so long infected. This worship began among the people of Chaldea, who built the city of Ophis upon the Tigris, and were greatly addicted to divination, and to the worship of the serpent. From Chaldea the worship passed into Egypt, where the serpent deity was called Canoph, Can-eph, and C’neph; it also had the name of Ob, or Oub, and was the same as the Basiliscus, or royal serpent, the same as the Thermuthis, and made use of by way of ornament to the statues of their gods. The chief deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, who was styled Opas; he was the same as Osiris, the sun, and hence was often called Ob-el, or Pytho, sol; and there were pillars sacred to him, with curious hieroglyphical inscriptions bearing the same name, whence among the Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thing gradually tapering to a point was styled obelos, or obeliscus. As the worship of the serpent began among the sons of Chus, Mr. Bryant conjectures that from thence they were denominated Ethiopians and Aithiopians, from Ath-ope, or Ath-opes, the god whom they worshipped, and not from their complexion: the Ethiopes brought these rites into Greece, and called the island where they first established them, Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula, the same with Eubœa, or Oubaia, that is, the Serpent Island. The same learned writer discovers traces of the serpent worship among the Hyperboreans, at Rhodes, named Ophiusa, in Phrygia, and upon the Hellespont, in the island Cyprus, in Crete, among the Athenians, in the name of Cecrops, among the natives of Thebes in Bœotia, among the Lacedæmonians, in Italy, in Syria, &c, and in the names of many places, as well as the people where the 855Ophites settled. One of the most early heresies introduced into the Christian church was that of the Ophitæ, who introduced serpents emblematically among their rites. This is seen in many of the medals, the relics of Gnosticism which are still preserved.
The serpent was a very common symbol of the sun; it is depicted biting its tail, with its body formed into a circle, to represent the usual path of this celestial body; and in this form, it was an emblem of time and eternity. The serpent also symbolized medicine and the gods associated with it, like Apollo and Asclepius. In most ancient rituals, we find references to the serpent under various names like Ob, Ops, Python, etc. This idolatry is mentioned by Moses in Leviticus 20:27. The woman of Endor, who had a familiar spirit, is referred to as Ob or Oub, interpreted as Pythonissa; the place where she lived, as the scholar Mr. Bryant notes, seems to have been named after the worship then established; for Endor is derived from En-ador, meaning font of Python, the "fountain of light," the oracle of the god Ador; this oracle was likely founded by the Canaanites and had never been completely eradicated. His pillar was also called Abbadir, or Abadir, derived from ab and adir, meaning the serpent deity Addir, the same as Adorus. In the Bacchic ceremonies, participants would carry serpents in their hands and scream horrifically, calling out Eva! Eva! Eva, which, according to the aforementioned writer, is the same as epha, or opha, rendered by the Greeks as ophis, denoting a serpent and containing no connection to Eve, as previously suggested. These rituals and symbolic worship began among the Magi, who were the descendants of Chus; they spread to various regions. Wherever the Ammonians established places of worship and introduced their rites, there was usually some tale of a serpent. Legends about serpents existed in Colchis, Thebes, Delphi, and elsewhere. The Greeks called Apollo himself Python, which corresponds with Oupis, Opis, or Oub. In Egypt, there was a serpent named Thermuthis, considered very sacred; it is said that the natives adorned the statues of Isis with it as a royal tiara. The kings of Egypt wore high headdresses ending in a round ball, surrounded by figures of cobras; priests also adorned their headdresses with representations of serpents. Abadon, or Abaddon, mentioned in Revelation 9:11, is believed by Mr. Bryant to have been the name of the Ophite god, whose worship had long infected the world. This worship originated among the Chaldeans, who built the city of Ophis on the Tigris and were deeply involved in divination and reverence for the serpent. From Chaldea, the worship spread to Egypt, where the serpent deity was known as Canoph, Can-eph, and C’neph; it also went by Ob or Oub and was akin to the Basiliscus, or royal serpent, the same as Thermuthis, used to adorn their gods' statues. The principal deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, known as Opas; he was equated with Osiris, the sun, and was often called Ob-el, or Pytho, sol; there were sacred pillars with unique hieroglyphic inscriptions bearing this name, which led the Greeks, who borrowed from the Egyptians, to label everything that tapered to a point as obelos or obeliscus. Since the worship of the serpent began among the sons of Chus, Mr. Bryant posits that this is how they came to be called Ethiopians and Aithiopians, after Ath-ope, or Ath-opes, the god they worshipped, rather than from their skin color. The Ethiopians brought these rites to Greece and named the island where they first established them Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula, the same as Eubœa, or Oubaia, meaning the Serpent Island. The same scholar finds remnants of serpent worship among the Hyperboreans, at Rhodes, named Ophiusa, in Phrygia, along the Hellespont, on the island of Cyprus, in Crete, among the Athenians through the name Cecrops, among the people of Thebes in Boeotia, among the Lacedaemonians, in Italy, Syria, etc., and in the names of many places, as well as the communities where the 855Ophites settled. One of the earliest heresies introduced into the Christian church was that of the Ophites, who incorporated serpents symbolically into their rites. This is evident in many of the coins and relics of Gnosticism that are still preserved.
The form assumed by the tempter when he seduced our first parents, has been handed down in the traditions of most ancient nations; and, though animals of the serpent tribe were very generally worshipped by the Pagans, as symbols of the Agathodemon; they were likewise viewed as types or figures of the evil principle. 1. One of the most remarkable accounts of the primeval tempter under the shape of a serpent occurs in the Zend-Avesta of the ancient Persians. 2. To the dracontian Ahriman of the Persians, the malignant serpent caliya of Hindoo theology appears to be very closely allied. He is represented, at least, as the decided enemy of the mediatorial god; whom he persecutes with the utmost virulence, though he is finally vanquished by his celestial adversary. 3. The serpent typhon of the Egyptians, who is sometimes identified with the ocean, because the deluge was esteemed the work of the evil principle; and the serpent python of the Greeks, who is evidently the same as the monster typhon; appear to have similarly originated, in the first instance, from some remembrance of the form which Satan assumed when in paradise. Perhaps also the notion, that python was oracular,--a notion which caused the so frequent use of serpents in the rites of divination, may have sprung from a recollection of the vocal responses which the tempter gave to Eve under the borrowed figure of that reptile. 4. We may still ascribe to the same source that rebellious serpent whose treason seems to have been so well remembered among the inhabitants of Syria. Pherecydes, a native of that country, bestows upon him the Greek name of ophioneus, or the “serpent god;” which, in fact, is a mere translation of the Syriac or Chaldaic nachash. He represents him as being the prince of those evil spirits who contended with the supreme god Cronus, and who in consequence were ejected from heaven. Their happiness being thus justly forfeited, they were henceforth plunged in the depths of Tartarus, hateful and mutually hating each other. From Syria and the east the legend passed into Greece, mingled, however, with allusions to the deluge. 5. The same evil being, in the same form, appears again in the mythology of the Goths or Scythians. We are told by the ancient Scalds, that the bad principle, whom they denominate loke, unites great personal beauty with a malignant and inconstant nature: and he is described as surpassing all creatures in the depth of his cunning and the artfulness of his perfidy. Here the pristine glory and majesty of Satan, before the lineaments of celestial beauty were defaced by his rebellious apostasy, seem not obscurely to be alluded to; while the craft and malevolence, which mark his character as a fallen angel, are depicted with sufficient accuracy.
The form taken by the tempter when he led our first parents astray has been passed down through the traditions of many ancient cultures. Even though serpent-like animals were widely worshipped by Pagans as representations of the Agathodemon, they were also seen as symbols of evil. 1. One of the most notable stories of the original tempter appearing as a serpent can be found in the Zend-Avesta of the ancient Persians. 2. The dracontian Ahriman of the Persians seems to be closely related to the malicious serpent caliya in Hindu theology. He is depicted as a direct enemy of the mediatorial god, whom he persecutes with great intensity, although he is ultimately defeated by his divine opponent. 3. The serpent typhon of the Egyptians, sometimes associated with the ocean since the flood was considered the work of evil, and the serpent python of the Greeks, who is evidently the same as the monster typhon, likely originated from a memory of the form that Satan took in paradise. Perhaps the idea that python was oracular—which led to the frequent use of serpents in divination rituals—came from the recollection of the responses that the tempter gave to Eve while taking on the guise of that reptile. 4. We can also attribute the same origin to the rebellious serpent whose treason seems to be well-remembered among the people of Syria. Pherecydes, a native of that area, gives him the Greek name of ophioneus, or “serpent god,” which is essentially a translation of the Syriac or Chaldaic nachash. He portrays him as the leader of the evil spirits who fought against the supreme god Cronus and were thus cast out of heaven. Their happiness was justly lost, and they were subsequently thrown into the depths of Tartarus, filled with hatred for each other. This legend spread from Syria and the east into Greece, mixed with references to the flood. 5. The same evil figure in the same form appears again in the mythology of the Goths or Scythians. The ancient Scalds tell us that the bad principle, whom they call loke, combines great personal beauty with a malignant and unpredictable nature, and he is described as surpassing all creatures in his cunning and treachery. Here, the original glory and majesty of Satan before his celestial beauty was marred by his rebellion seem to be alluded to, while the craftiness and malice that characterize his fallen nature are portrayed quite accurately.
The most remarkable corroboration, however, of the Mosaic history is to be found in those fables which involve the mythological serpent, and in the worship which was so generally offered to him throughout the world. The worship of the serpent may be traced in almost every religion through ancient Asia, Europe, Africa, America. But how an object of abhorrence could have been exalted into an object of veneration, must be referred to the subtlety of the arch enemy himself, whose constant endeavour has been rather to corrupt than obliterate the true faith, that, in the perpetual conflict between truth and error, the mind of man might be more surely confounded and debased. Among other devices, that of elevating himself into an object of adoration, has ever been the most cherished. It was that which he proposed to our Lord: “All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me.” We cannot, therefore, wonder that the same being who had the presumption to make this proposal to the Son of God, should have had the address to insinuate himself into the worship of the children of men. In this he was unhappily but too well seconded by the natural tendency of human corruption. The unenlightened Heathen, in obedience to the voice of nature, acknowledged his dependence upon a superior being. His reason assured him that there must be a God; his conscience assured him that God was good; but he felt and acknowledged the prevalence of evil, and attributed it, naturally to an evil agent. But as the evil spirit, to his unillumined mind, seemed as omnipotent as the good agent, he worshipped both; the one, that he might propitiate his kindness; the other that he might avert his displeasure. The great point of devil worship being gained, namely, the acknowledgment of the evil spirit as God, the transition to idolatry became easy. The mind, once darkened by the admission of an allegiance divided between God and Satan, became gradually more feeble and superstitious, until at length sensible objects were called in to aid the weakness of degraded intellect; and from their first form as symbols, passed rapidly through the successive stages of apotheosis, until they were elevated into gods. Of these the most remarkable was the serpent; upon the basis of tradition, regarded, first as the symbol of the malignant being; subsequently considered talismanic and oracular; and lastly, venerated and worshipped as divine.
The most striking confirmation of the Mosaic history is in the fables that feature the mythological serpent and the widespread worship directed toward it around the world. The worship of the serpent can be traced in nearly every religion across ancient Asia, Europe, Africa, and America. However, the question of how something so detestable could be turned into an object of reverence points to the cunning of the ultimate enemy, whose ongoing effort has been more to corrupt than to erase the true faith, so that in the constant struggle between truth and error, the human mind could be thoroughly confused and degraded. One of his favored tactics has always been to elevate himself into an object of worship. This was the same temptation he presented to our Lord: “All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me.” Therefore, it’s not surprising that the same being who dared to make this offer to the Son of God would also manage to insert himself into the worship of humanity. Unfortunately, he was greatly aided by the natural inclination of human corruption. The unenlightened pagans, responding to the innate voice of nature, recognized their reliance on a higher power. Their reasoning led them to believe there must be a God, and their conscience assured them that God was good; but they recognized the existence of evil and attributed it to an evil agent. Because the evil spirit, to their blind minds, seemed as powerful as the good one, they ended up worshipping both: one to gain favor and the other to avert wrath. Once devil worship gained a foothold, with the acknowledgment of the evil spirit as God, the shift to idolatry became easy. Their minds, already clouded by a divided allegiance between God and Satan, became increasingly weak and superstitious, eventually leading them to incorporate tangible objects to support their weakened intellects. From their initial use as symbols, these objects quickly progressed through stages of being seen as supernatural until they were worshipped as gods. Among these, the serpent was especially noteworthy; initially seen as a symbol of malevolence, it later became regarded as talismanic and prophetic, and ultimately venerated and worshipped as divine.
SERPENT, Brazen. This was a figure of a serpent, called above the seraph, which Moses caused to be put on the top of a pole, Num. xxi, 9, that all those bitten by the serpent, who should look upon this image, might be healed. Our Saviour, in the Gospel of St. John, iii, 14, declares, that “as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up,” alluding to his own death which, through faith, was to give life to the world. The brazen serpent was preserved among the Israelites down to the time of Hezekiah; who, being informed that the people paid a superstitious worship to it, had it broken 856in pieces, and by way of contempt gave it the name of Nehushtan, that is to say, a brazen bauble or trifle, 2 Kings xviii, 4. See Type.
SERPENT, Bold. This was a figure of a serpent, referred to earlier as the seraph, which Moses had placed on top of a pole, Numbers 21:9, so that anyone bitten by a serpent who looked at this image would be healed. Our Savior, in the Gospel of John, 3:14, says, “just as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of Man be lifted up,” referring to his own death, which was meant to give life to the world through faith. The brazen serpent was kept among the Israelites until the time of Hezekiah; when he learned that the people were worshiping it superstitiously, he had it destroyed and, as a sign of disrespect, called it Nehushtan, meaning a brass trinket or insignificant thing, 2 Kings 18:4. See Type.
SERVANT. This word generally signifies a slave. For formerly among the Hebrews, and the neighbouring nations, the greater part of servants were slaves, that is to say, they belonged absolutely to their masters, who had a right to dispose of their persons, their bodies, goods, and even of their lives, in some cases. The Hebrews had two sorts of servants or slaves, Leviticus xxv, 44, 45, &c. Some were strangers, either bought, or taken in the wars. The others were Hebrew slaves, who, being poor, sold themselves, or were sold to pay their debts; or were delivered up for slaves by their parents, in cases of necessity. This sort of Hebrew slaves continued in slavery but to the year of jubilee; then they might return to liberty again, and their masters could not retain them against their wills. If they would continue voluntarily with their masters, they were brought before the judges; there they made a declaration, that for this time they disclaimed the privilege of the law, had their ears bored with an awl, by applying them to the door-posts of their master, Exod. xxi, 2, 5–7, &c; and after that they had no longer any power of recovering their liberty, except at the next year of jubilee. Servant is also taken for a man that dedicates himself to the service of another, by the choice of his own will and inclination. Thus Joshua was the servant of Moses, Elisha of Elijah, Gehazi of Elisha; St. Peter, St. Andrew, St. Philip, and the rest, were servants of Jesus Christ.
SERVANT. This word usually means a slave. In the past, among the Hebrews and neighboring nations, most servants were actually slaves, meaning they belonged completely to their masters, who had the right to control their bodies, property, and even their lives in some situations. The Hebrews had two types of servants or slaves, as described in Leviticus xxv, 44, 45, etc. Some were foreigners, either bought or captured in wars. The others were Hebrew slaves who, due to poverty, sold themselves or were sold to pay their debts, or were given over as slaves by their parents in times of need. This type of Hebrew slavery lasted until the year of jubilee; after that, they could return to freedom, and their masters could not keep them against their wishes. If they chose to stay with their masters willingly, they would go before the judges and declare that they were giving up their legal rights. Their ears would then be pierced with an awl at their master's doorposts, as stated in Exod. xxi, 2, 5–7, etc.; after that, they couldn't reclaim their freedom until the next year of jubilee. "Servant" can also refer to someone who dedicates themselves to serving another of their own free will. For example, Joshua was the servant of Moses, Elisha was the servant of Elijah, Gehazi served Elisha; St. Peter, St. Andrew, St. Philip, and others were servants of Jesus Christ.
SETH, son of Adam and of Eve, was born A. M. 130, Gen. v, 3, 6, 10, 11. Seth, at the age of one hundred and five years, begat Enos, A. M. 235. He lived after this eight hundred and seven years, in all nine hundred and twelve years, and died A. M. 1042. Seth was the chief of “the children of God,” as the Scripture calls them, Gen. vi, 2; that is, those who before the flood preserved true religion and piety in the world, while the descendants of Cain gave themselves up to wickedness. The invention of letters and writing is by the rabbins ascribed to this patriarch.
SETH, son of Adam and Eve, was born in the year 130 AM (Anno Mundi), according to Genesis 5:3, 6, 10, 11. At the age of 105, Seth became the father of Enos, in the year 235 AM. He lived for an additional 807 years, making his total lifespan 912 years, and he passed away in the year 1042 AM. Seth was the leader of “the children of God,” as the scripture refers to them in Genesis 6:2; these individuals maintained true religion and piety in the world before the flood, while the descendants of Cain surrendered to wickedness. The invention of letters and writing is credited to this patriarch by the rabbis.
SEVEN. The number seven is consecrated, in the holy books and in the religion of the Jews, by a great number of events and mysterious circumstances. God created the world in the space of seven days, and consecrated the seventh day to repose. This rest of the seventh day, according to St. Paul, Heb. iv, 4, intimates eternal rest. And not only the seventh day is honoured among the Jews, by the repose of the Sabbath, but every seventh year is also consecrated to the rest of the earth, by the name of a sabbatical year; as also the seven times seventh year, or forty-ninth year, is the year of jubilee. In the prophetic style, a week often stands for seven years, Dan. ix, 24–26. Jacob served his father-in-law Laban seven years for each of his daughters. Pharaoh’s mysterious dream represented to his imagination seven fat oxen, and seven lean ones; seven full ears of corn, and as many that were empty and shrivelled. These stood for seven years of plenty, and seven of scarcity. The number of seven days is observed in the octaves of the great solemnities of the passover, of tabernacles, and of the dedication of the tabernacle and the temple; the seven branches of the golden candlestick, the number of seven sacrifices appointed on several occasions, Numbers xxvii, 11; xxix, 17–21, &c. Seven trumpets, seven priests that sounded them, seven days to surround the walls of Jericho, Joshua vi, 4, 6, 8. In the Revelation, are the seven churches, seven candlesticks, seven spirits, seven stars, seven lamps, seven seals, seven angels, seven phials, seven plagues, &c. In certain passages, the number seven is put for a great number. Isaiah, iv, 1, says that seven women should lay hold on one man, to ask him to marry them. Hannah, the mother of Samuel, says, 1 Sam. ii, 5, that she who was barren should have seven children. Jeremiah, xv, 9, makes use of the same expression. God threatens his people to smite them seven times for their transgressions, Lev. xxvi, 24, that is to say several times. The Psalmist, speaking of very pure silver, says it is “purified seven times,” Psalm xii, 6. And elsewhere, “Render unto our neighbours sevenfold into their bosom,” Psalm lxxix, 12; punish them severely, and as often as they deserve it. The slayer of Cain was to be punished seven times; but of Lamech seventy times seven times, Gen. iv, 15, 24. The slothful man thinks himself wiser than seven men, that set forth proverbs, Prov. xxvi, 16; he thinks himself of more worth than many wise men. St. Peter asks our Saviour, Matthew xviii, 21, 22, How many times should he forgive his brother? till seven times? And Christ answers him, I say not only seven times, but seventy times seven; meaning, as often as he may offend, however frequent it may be.
SEVEN. The number seven is sacred in religious texts and the Jewish faith, marked by numerous events and mysterious circumstances. God created the world in seven days and dedicated the seventh day as a day of rest. This rest on the seventh day, according to St. Paul in Hebrews 4:4, signifies eternal rest. Not only is the Sabbath on the seventh day honored among the Jews, but every seventh year is also set aside for the Earth's rest, called a sabbatical year; additionally, the seventh cycle of seven years, or the forty-ninth year, is the year of jubilee. In prophetic writing, a week often represents seven years, as seen in Daniel 9:24–26. Jacob worked for his father-in-law Laban for seven years for each of his daughters. Pharaoh's enigmatic dream depicted seven healthy cows alongside seven malnourished ones; seven full ears of corn and seven that were empty and shriveled. These represented seven years of abundance followed by seven years of famine. The pattern of seven days is also observed during the octaves of major festivals like Passover, Tabernacles, and the dedication of the tabernacle and temple; the seven branches of the golden menorah; and the seven sacrifices designated for various occasions, Numbers 27:11; 29:17–21, etc. There were seven trumpets with seven priests sounding them, and the Israelites marched around Jericho for seven days, Joshua 6:4, 6, 8. In Revelation, there are seven churches, seven lampstands, seven spirits, seven stars, seven lamps, seven seals, seven angels, seven bowls, seven plagues, etc. In some instances, the number seven stands in for a large quantity. Isaiah 4:1 comments that seven women will clutch onto one man, proposing marriage. Hannah, the mother of Samuel, states in 1 Samuel 2:5 that she who was barren will have seven children. Jeremiah 15:9 uses a similar phrase. God warns His people that He will punish them seven times for their sins, Leviticus 26:24, meaning multiple times. The Psalmist notes regarding pure silver that it is "purified seven times," Psalm 12:6. He also remarks, "Return to our neighbors sevenfold into their bosom," Psalm 79:12; punishing them harshly and as often as warranted. The murderer of Cain was to be avenged seven times, but Lamech seventy times seven, Genesis 4:15, 24. The lazy person believes he is wiser than seven men who can provide wise sayings, Proverbs 26:16; he thinks he is more valuable than many wise individuals. St. Peter asks Jesus in Matthew 18:21, 22, how many times he should forgive his brother—up to seven times? And Jesus responds, I say not just seven times, but seventy times seven; meaning to forgive as often as one may offend, no matter how frequent it occurs.
SHARON, Plain of, a beautiful and spacious plain, extending from Cæsarea to Joppa on the sea coast, and eastward to the mountains of Judea; and is celebrated for its wines, its flowers, and its pastures. It still preserves some portions of its natural beauty, and is adorned in the spring with the white and red rose, the narcissus, the white and orange lily, the carnation and other flowers; but for the rest of the year it appears little better than a desert, with here and there a ruined village, and some clumps of olive trees and sycamores. This name was almost become a proverb, to express a place of extraordinary beauty and fruitfulness, Isaiah xxxiii, 9; xxxv, 2. But there are three cantons of Palestine known by the name of Sharon. The first, according to Eusebius and St. Jerom, is a canton between Mount Tabor and the sea of Tiberias. The second, a canton between the city of Cæsarea of Palestine and Joppa. And the third a canton beyond Jordan, in the country of Basan, and in the division of the tribe of Gad. Modern travellers give this name also to the plain that lies between Ecdippe and Ptolemais.
SHARON, Plain of, a beautiful and spacious plain, stretching from Caesarea to Joppa along the coast, and eastward to the Judean mountains; it’s known for its wines, flowers, and pastures. It still retains some of its natural beauty and is adorned in spring with white and red roses, narcissus, white and orange lilies, carnations, and other flowers; but for the rest of the year, it looks little better than a desert, with occasional ruins of villages and some clusters of olive and sycamore trees. The name has almost become a proverb to indicate a place of extraordinary beauty and fertility, as seen in Isaiah xxxiii, 9; xxxv, 2. There are three regions in Palestine also referred to as Sharon. The first, according to Eusebius and St. Jerome, is located between Mount Tabor and the Sea of Tiberias. The second is the area between the city of Caesarea in Palestine and Joppa. The third is located beyond the Jordan in the region of Bashan, within the territory of the tribe of Gad. Modern travelers also use this name for the plain that lies between Ecdippe and Ptolemais.
SHAVING. In time of mourning the Jews shaved their heads, and neglected to trim their 857beards. The king of the Ammonites shaved off half the beards of David’s ambassadors, which was the greatest insult he could offer. This will appear from the regard which the easterns have ever paid to the beard. D’Arvieux gives a remarkable instance of an Arab who, having received a wound in his jaw, chose to hazard his life rather than to suffer his surgeon to take off his beard. It was one of the most infamous punishments of cowardice in Sparta, that they who turned their backs in the day of battle were obliged to appear abroad with one half of their beard shaved, and the other half unshaved. The easterns considered the beard as venerable, because it distinguished men from women, and was the mark of freemen in opposition to slaves. It was still, in times comparatively modern, the greatest indignity that could be offered in Persia. Shah Abbas, king of that country, enraged that the emperor of Hindostan had inadvertently addressed him by a title far inferior to that of the great shah-in-shah, or king of kings, ordered the beards of the ambassadors to be shaved off, and sent them home to their master. “One of the buffoons of the bashaw,” says Belzoni, “took it into his head one day, for a frolic, to shave his beard, which is no trifle among the Turks; for some of them, I really believe, would sooner have their head cut off than their beard. In this state he went home to his women, who actually thrust him out of the door; and such was the disgrace of cutting off his beard, that even his fellow buffoons would not eat with him till it was grown again.”
SHAVING. During periods of mourning, Jews would shave their heads and neglect their beards. The king of the Ammonites insulted David's ambassadors by shaving off half of their beards, which was one of the greatest insults he could inflict. This is evident from the high regard that Eastern cultures have always had for beards. D’Arvieux recounts a striking example of an Arab who, after being injured in the jaw, would rather risk his life than let a surgeon touch his beard. In Sparta, one of the worst punishments for cowardice was that those who fled in battle had to go out with half of their beard shaved and the other half unshaven. Eastern cultures viewed the beard as something venerable because it distinguished men from women and signified freedom in contrast to slavery. Even in relatively modern times, shaving someone's beard was considered a severe insult in Persia. Shah Abbas, the king of Persia, was furious when the emperor of Hindostan addressed him by a title much lower than "shah-in-shah" or king of kings. In retaliation, he ordered the beards of the ambassadors to be shaved and sent them back to their master. “One of the buffoons of the bashaw,” Belzoni notes, “decided one day, for fun, to shave his beard, which is a serious matter among Turks; many would rather lose their head than their beard. He then returned home to his women, who drove him out of the house; the shame of having shaved his beard was so great that even his fellow buffoons refused to eat with him until it grew back.”
SHEAF. After the feast of the passover the Jews brought a sheaf into the temple, as the first fruits of the barley harvest, Lev. xxiii, 10, 12; and these were the ceremonies that were then performed. On the 16th of the month Nisan, in the evening, when the feast day of the passover was ended, and the second day was begun, which was a working day, the house of judgment deputed three men to go in solemnity, and gather the sheaf of barley. The inhabitants of the neighbouring cities came together, to be present at the ceremony. The barley was gathered in the territory of Jerusalem. The deputies demanded three times successively if the sun was set; and were as often answered that it was. Then they demanded three times if they might be permitted to cut the sheaf, and permission was as often granted. They reaped it out of three different fields, with three different sickels, and put the ears into three boxes to carry to the temple. This sheaf was threshed in the court; and of the grain they took a full omer, and after it had been winnowed, parched, and bruised, they sprinkled oil over it, and added a handful of incense; then the priest who received the offering, waved it before the Lord to the four quarters of the world, crosswise; he cast part of it upon the altar, and the rest was his own. After this every one might begin to reap the harvest.
SHEAF. After the Passover feast, the Jews brought a sheaf to the temple as the first fruits of the barley harvest, Lev. xxiii, 10, 12; and these were the ceremonies that were performed at that time. On the 16th of the month Nisan, in the evening, after the Passover feast had ended and the second day, a workday, had begun, the court appointed three men to solemnly gather the sheaf of barley. People from nearby cities gathered to witness the ceremony. The barley was collected in the area around Jerusalem. The representatives asked three times if the sun had set, and received confirmation each time. Then they asked three times for permission to cut the sheaf, and permission was given each time. They harvested it from three different fields with three different sickles and placed the ears into three boxes to take to the temple. This sheaf was threshed in the courtyard, and they took a full omer of the grain, which was winnowed, roasted, and crushed. They sprinkled oil over it and added a handful of incense; then the priest who received the offering waved it in front of the Lord toward the four corners of the world, crossing it. He cast part of it on the altar, and the rest was for himself. After this, everyone was allowed to start harvesting.
SHEBA. Of “the queen of Sheba,” mention is made 1 Kings x, 1, 2, &c; 2 Chron. ix, 1, 2, &c; Matt. xii, 42; Luke xi, 31. She is called “queen of the south,” and was, according to some, a queen of Arabia; and, according to others, a queen of Ethiopia. Josephus says, that Sheba was the ancient name of the city of Meroe, before Cambyses gave it that of his sister; and that it was from thence the queen came of whom we are speaking. This opinion has much prevailed. The Abyssinians at this day, maintain, that this princess was of their country, and that her posterity reigned there a long time. They preserve a catalogue of them, their names and successions.
SHEBA. The “queen of Sheba” is mentioned in 1 Kings 10:1, 2, etc.; 2 Chronicles 9:1, 2, etc.; Matthew 12:42; and Luke 11:31. She is referred to as the “queen of the south” and is thought by some to have been a queen of Arabia, while others believe she was a queen of Ethiopia. Josephus claims that Sheba was the ancient name of the city of Meroe before Cambyses renamed it after his sister, and that this is where the queen we are discussing came from. This view has been widely accepted. Even today, the Abyssinians assert that this princess was from their land and that her descendants ruled there for a long time. They keep a list of them, including their names and lineages.
שח SHEEP, שה, occurs frequently, and צאן, a general name for both sheep and goats, considered collectively in a flock, Arabic zain. The sheep is a well known animal. The benefits which mankind owe to it are numerous. Its fleece, its skin, its flesh, its tallow, and even its horns and bowels are articles of great utility to human life and happiness. Its mildness and inoffensiveness of temper, strongly recommend it to human affection and regard; and have designated it the pattern and emblem of meekness, innocence, patience, and submission. It is a social animal. The flock follow the ram as their leader; who frequently displays the most impetuous courage in their defence: dogs, and even men, when attempting to molest them, have often suffered from his sagacious and generous valour. There are two varieties of sheep found in Syria. The first, called the “Bidoween sheep,” differs little from the large breed among us, except that the tail is somewhat longer and thicker. The second is much more common, and is more valued on account of the extraordinary bulk of its tail, which has been remarked by all the eastern travellers. The carcass of one of these sheep, without including the head, feet, entrails, and skin, weighs from fifty to sixty pounds, of which the tail makes up fifteen pounds. Some of a larger size, fattened with care, will sometimes weigh one hundred and fifty pounds, the tail alone composing one third of the whole weight. It is of a substance between fat and marrow, and is not eaten separately, but mixed with the lean meat in many of their dishes, and often also used instead of butter. A reference to this part is made in Exod. xxix, 22; Lev. iii, 9; where the fat and the tail were to be burnt on the altar of sacrifice. Mr. Street considers this precept to have had respect to the health of the Israelites; observing that “bilious disorders are very frequent in hot countries; the eating of fat meat is a great encouragement and excitement to them; and though the fat of the tail is now considered as a delicacy, it is really unwholesome.” The conclusion of the seventeenth verse, which is, “Ye shall eat neither fat nor blood,” justifies this opinion. The prohibition of eating fat, that is of fat unmixed with the flesh, the omentum or caul, is given also, Lev. vii, 23.
שח SHEEP, שה, is a common animal, and sheep, a general term for both sheep and goats taken together in a flock, Arabic zain. The sheep is a well-known animal. The benefits that humanity derives from it are many. Its fleece, skin, flesh, tallow, and even its horns and insides are highly useful for human life and well-being. Its gentle and harmless nature makes it endearing to people and has made it a symbol of meekness, innocence, patience, and submission. It is a social creature. The flock follows the ram as their leader, who often shows remarkable bravery in their defense; dogs and even humans attempting to disturb them have frequently faced his clever and noble courage. There are two types of sheep found in Syria. The first, known as the “Bidoween sheep,” is not much different from the large breed found elsewhere, except that its tail is a bit longer and thicker. The second type is much more common and is valued for the unusually large size of its tail, which has been noted by all eastern travelers. The carcass of one of these sheep, excluding the head, feet, insides, and skin, weighs between fifty and sixty pounds, of which the tail accounts for fifteen pounds. Some that are larger and carefully fattened can weigh up to one hundred and fifty pounds, with the tail making up a third of that weight. The tail is a substance between fat and marrow and is not eaten alone but mixed with lean meat in many dishes, and is often used instead of butter. This part is mentioned in Exod. xxix, 22; Lev. iii, 9, where the fat and tail were to be burned on the altar of sacrifice. Mr. Street believes this rule aimed at the health of the Israelites, noting that “bilious disorders are quite common in hot countries; eating fatty meat greatly encourages and exacerbates these issues; and although the fat of the tail is now considered a delicacy, it is actually unhealthy.” The last part of the seventeenth verse, which states, “You shall eat neither fat nor blood,” supports this view. The prohibition against eating fat, meaning fat that is not mixed with the meat, the omentum, or caul, is also mentioned in Lev. vii, 23.
SHEKEL, שקל, signifies weight, money, shekel, siclus, a Hebrew weight and money, Exod. xxx, 23, 24; 2 Sam. xiv, 26. Shekel is used to denote the weight of any thing; as iron, hair, spices, &c. Dr. Arbuthnot makes the weight of the shekel equal to 9 dwt. 24⁄7 gr. 858English troy weight; and the value equal to 2s. 3⅜d. sterling money: but the golden shekel was worth 1l. 16s. 6d. English money. Some are of opinion that the Jews had two kinds of shekels, namely, the common one already noticed, and the shekel of the sanctuary, which last they make double the former. But most authors make them the same, and think that the word sanctuary is added to express a just and exact weight, according to the standards kept in the temple or tabernacle. Moses, Num. xviii, 16, and Ezekiel, xlv, 12, say, that the shekelshekel was worth twenty gerahs.
SHEKEL, שקל, means weight, money, shekel, siclus, a Hebrew weight and currency, Exod. xxx, 23, 24; 2 Sam. xiv, 26. Shekel is used to represent the weight of various items, such as iron, hair, spices, etc. Dr. Arbuthnot states that the weight of the shekel is equivalent to 9 dwt. 24⁄7 gr. 858 in English troy weight, and its value is equal to 2s. 3⅜d. in sterling currency: however, the golden shekel was valued at 1l. 16s. 6d. in English money. Some believe that the Jews had two types of shekels: the common one mentioned earlier, and the shekel of the sanctuary, which they assert is double the former. But most scholars consider them the same and think that the term sanctuary is used to indicate a fair and accurate weight, according to the standards maintained in the temple or tabernacle. Moses, Num. xviii, 16, and Ezekiel, xlv, 12, state that the shekelshekel was equal to twenty gerahs.
SHEM, the son of Noah, Gen. vi, 10. He was born A. M. 1558. It is the opinion of the generality of commentators, that Shem was younger than Japheth, and the second son of Noah, for reasons given under the article Japheth. See also Gen. ix, 23–25. He lived six hundred years, and died A. M. 2158. The posterity of Shem obtained their portion in the best parts of Asia. The Jews ascribe to Shem the theological tradition of the things that Noah had learned from the first men. Shem communicated them to his children, and by this means the true religion was preserved in the world. Some have thought Shem the same as Melchisedec, and that he himself had been at the school of Methuselah before the deluge: that he gave to Abraham the whole tradition, the ceremonies of the sacrifices of religion, according to which this patriarch afterward offered his sacrifices. But this opinion has no adequate support. Lastly, the Jews say, that he taught men the law of justice, and the manner of reckoning months and years, and the intercalations of the months. All that can be said as to these speculations is, that Noah and all his sons were the depositaries of the knowledge which existed among men before the flood, and were perhaps both specially qualified by God first to attain it, and then to transmit it to their descendants. Shem had five sons, Elam, Asher, Arphaxad, Lud, and Aran, who peopled the richest provinces of Asia.
SHEM, the son of Noah, Gen. vi, 10. He was born in 1558 A.M. Most commentators believe that Shem was younger than Japheth and the second son of Noah, for reasons detailed in the article Japheth. See also Gen. ix, 23–25. He lived for six hundred years and died in 2158 A.M. Shem's descendants settled in the best parts of Asia. The Jews attribute to Shem the theological knowledge that Noah learned from the first men. Shem passed this knowledge to his children, thus preserving the true religion in the world. Some believe that Shem was the same as Melchizedek and that he studied under Methuselah before the flood, sharing the entire tradition and the rituals of religious sacrifices with Abraham, which the patriarch later followed. However, this belief lacks strong evidence. Finally, the Jews say that he taught people about justice and how to calculate months and years, along with the adjustments needed in the calendar. All that can be said about these ideas is that Noah and his sons held the knowledge that existed among people before the flood and were perhaps specially chosen by God to acquire it and pass it on to their descendants. Shem had five sons, Elam, Asher, Arphaxad, Lud, and Aran, who populated the richest regions of Asia.
SHEPHERDS. The patriarchal shepherds, rich in flocks and herds, in silver and gold, and attended by a numerous train of servants purchased with their money, or hired from the neighbouring towns and villages, acknowledge no civil superior; they held the rank, and exercised the rights, of sovereign princes; they concluded alliances with the kings in whose territories they tended their flocks; they made peace or war with the surrounding states; and, in fine, they wanted nothing of sovereign authority but the name. Unfettered by the cumbrous ceremonies of regal power, they led a plain and laborious life, in perfect freedom and overflowing abundance. Refusing to confine themselves to any particular spot, (for the pastures were not yet appropriated,) they lived in tents, and removed from one place to another in search of pasture for their cattle. Strangers in the countries where they sojourned, they refused to mingle with the permanent settlers, to occupy their towns, and to form with them one people. They were conscious of their strength, and jealous of their independence; and although patient and forbearing, their conduct proved, on several occasions, that they wanted neither skill nor courage to vindicate their rights and avenge their wrongs. In the wealth, the power, and the splendour of patriarchal shepherds, we discover the rudiments of regal grandeur and authority; and in their numerous and hardy retainers, the germ of potent empires. Hence the custom so prevalent among the ancients, of distinguishing the office and duties of their kings and princes, by terms borrowed from the pastoral life: Agamemnon, shepherd of the people, Αγαμεμνονα ποιμενα λαων, is a phrase frequently used in the strains of Homer. The sacred writers very often speak of kings under the name of shepherds, and compare the royal sceptre to the shepherd’s crook: “He chose David also his servant, and took him from the sheep folds; from following the ewes great with young, he brought him to feed Jacob his people, and Israel his inheritance. So he fed them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them by the skilfulness of his hands.” And Jehovah said to David himself: “Thou shalt feed my people Israel, and thou shalt be a captain over Israel.” The royal Psalmist, on the other hand, celebrates under the same allusions, the special care and goodness of God toward himself, and also toward his ancient people. “The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want.” “Give ear, O shepherd of Israel, thou that leadest Joseph like a flock; thou that dwellest between the cherubim, shine forth.” In many other places of Scripture, the church is compared to a sheep fold, the saints to sheep, and the ministers of religion to shepherds, who must render, at last, an account of their administration to the Shepherd and Overseer to whom they owe their authority.
SHEPHERDS. The patriarchal shepherds, wealthy with livestock, silver, and gold, accompanied by numerous servants hired or purchased from nearby towns and villages, recognized no civil authority above them; they held a rank and exercised the rights of sovereign rulers; they formed alliances with the kings of the regions where they grazed their flocks; they decided on peace or war with neighboring states; and ultimately, they lacked only the name of sovereign authority. Unconstrained by the cumbersome rituals of royal power, they led a simple and hard-working life, enjoying complete freedom and abundant resources. Rejecting the idea of settling in one place (as the pastures were not yet claimed), they lived in tents and moved from one location to another in search of grazing for their animals. As outsiders in the lands where they stayed, they chose not to blend with the permanent residents, to inhabit their towns, or to become one people with them. They were aware of their strength and protective of their independence; and although they were patient and tolerant, their actions on multiple occasions showed that they possessed both skill and courage to defend their rights and seek justice for their wrongs. In the wealth, power, and splendor of the patriarchal shepherds, we see the beginnings of regal magnificence and authority; and in their many resilient followers, the seeds of powerful empires. This is why the ancient custom of defining the roles and responsibilities of their kings and princes often used terms from pastoral life: Agamemnon, shepherd of the people, Αγαμεμνονα ποιμενα λαων, is a phrase commonly found in Homer's verses. The sacred writers frequently refer to kings as shepherds and liken the royal scepter to a shepherd's crook: “He chose David, his servant, and took him from the sheepfolds; from following the ewes with young, he brought him to shepherd Jacob his people, and Israel his heritage. So he shepherded them with integrity of heart and guided them skillfully with his hands.” And Jehovah stated to David himself: “You will shepherd my people Israel, and you will be their leader.” The royal Psalmist, in turn, praises God's care and goodness toward himself and his ancient people with similar references: “The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want.” “Hear us, O shepherd of Israel, you who lead Joseph like a flock; you who dwell between the cherubim, shine forth.” In many other parts of Scripture, the church is likened to a sheepfold, the saints to sheep, and religious ministers to shepherds, who will ultimately need to account for their actions to the Shepherd and Overseer from whom they derive their authority.
The patriarchs did not commit their flocks and herds solely to the care of menial servants and strangers; they tended them in person, or placed them under the superintendence of their sons and their daughters, who were bred to the same laborious employment, and taught to perform, without reluctance, the meanest services. Rebecca, the only daughter of a shepherd prince, went to a considerable distance to draw water; and it is evident, from the readiness and address with which she let down her pitcher from her shoulder, and gave drink to the servant of Abraham, and afterward drew for all his camels, that she had been long accustomed to that humble employment. From the same authority we know that Rachel, the daughter of Laban, kept her father’s flocks, and submitted to the various privations and hardships of the pastoral life, in the deserts of Syria. The patriarch Jacob, though he was the son of a shepherd prince, kept the flocks of Laban, his maternal uncle; and his own sons followed the same business, both in Mesopotamia, and after his return to the land of Canaan. This primeval simplicity was long retained among the Greeks. Homer often sends the daughters of princes and nobles to tend the flocks, to wash the clothes of the family at the fountain, or in the flowing stream, 859and to perform many other menial services. Adonis, the son of Cinyras, a king of Cyprus, fed his flocks by the streaming rivers:
The patriarchs didn’t just leave their flocks and herds to the care of hired hands and strangers; they took care of them themselves or had their sons and daughters, who were raised for this hard work, oversee them. They taught their kids to perform even the menial tasks without hesitation. Rebecca, the only daughter of a shepherd prince, traveled quite a distance to fetch water. It’s clear from how skillfully she lowered her pitcher from her shoulder to give water to Abraham's servant and then drew water for all his camels that she was well used to that modest duty. From the same source, we learn that Rachel, Laban’s daughter, looked after her father’s flocks and dealt with the various hardships and challenges of pastoral life in the deserts of Syria. Jacob, the patriarch and son of a shepherd prince, managed Laban’s flocks, his maternal uncle, and his own sons continued this work both in Mesopotamia and after returning to Canaan. This basic way of life lingered for a long time among the Greeks. Homer often depicts the daughters of princes and nobles tending flocks, washing family clothes at the fountain or in the flowing stream, and doing many other humble tasks. Adonis, the son of Cinyras, a king of Cyprus, tended his flocks by the flowing rivers:
Andromache, the wife of Hector, complains that Achilles had slain her seven brothers when they were tending their flocks and herds. Æneas pastured his oxen on Mount Ida, when Achilles seized them, and forced the Trojan hero to flee. Phœbus himself was a keeper of oxen in the groves and valleys of Mount Ida. This custom has descended to modern times; for in Syria the daughters of the Turcoman and Arabian shepherds, and in India the Brahmin women of distinction, are seen drawing water at the village wells, and tending their cattle to the lakes and rivers.
Andromache, Hector's wife, expresses her sorrow that Achilles killed her seven brothers while they were taking care of their flocks. Ēneas was grazing his cattle on Mount Ida when Achilles took them, forcing the Trojan hero to run away. Phœbus himself used to look after oxen in the groves and valleys of Mount Ida. This tradition continues today; in Syria, the daughters of Turcoman and Arabian shepherds, and in India, the respected Brahmin women, are often seen drawing water at village wells and taking their cattle to lakes and rivers.
The flocks and herds of these shepherds were immensely numerous. The sheep of the Bedoween Arabs in Egypt, and probably throughout the east, are very fine, black-faced and white-faced, and many of them clothed in a brown coloured fleece: and of this superior breed the ample flocks of the Syrian shepherds consisted. So great was the stock of Abraham and Lot, that they were obliged to separate, because “the land was not able to bear them.” From the present which Jacob made to his brother Esau, consisting of five hundred and eighty head of different sorts, we may form some idea of the countless numbers of great and small cattle which he had acquired in the service of Laban. In modern times, the numbers of cattle in the Turcoman flocks, which feed on the fertile plains of Syria, are almost incredible. They sometimes occupy three or four days in passing from one part of the country to another. Chardin had an opportunity of seeing a clan of Turcoman shepherds on their march, about two days’ distance from Aleppo. The whole country was covered with them. Many of their principal people with whom he conversed on the road, assured him, that there were four hundred thousand beasts of carriage, camels, horses, oxen, cows, and asses, and three millions of sheep and goats. This astonishing account of Chardin is confirmed by Dr. Shaw, who states, that several Arabian tribes, who can bring no more than three or four hundred horses into the field, are possessed of more than as many thousand camels, and triple the number of sheep and black cattle. Russel, in his “History of Aleppo,” speaks of vast flocks which pass that city every year, of which many sheep are sold to supply the inhabitants. The flocks and herds which belonged to the Jewish patriarchs were not more numerous.
The flocks and herds of these shepherds were extremely large. The sheep of the Bedouin Arabs in Egypt, and likely throughout the East, are very fine, with black-faced and white-faced varieties, many of which have brown wool. This superior breed made up the large flocks of the Syrian shepherds. Abraham and Lot had such a great number of livestock that they had to separate because "the land could not support them." From the gift Jacob gave to his brother Esau, which included five hundred and eighty different kinds of animals, we can get an idea of the countless large and small livestock he acquired while working for Laban. Nowadays, the numbers of cattle in the Turcoman flocks, which graze on the fertile plains of Syria, are almost unbelievable. It sometimes takes them three or four days to move from one part of the country to another. Chardin had the chance to see a group of Turcoman shepherds on the move, about two days away from Aleppo. The whole area was covered with them. Many of the leaders he spoke to along the way claimed there were four hundred thousand pack animals, including camels, horses, oxen, cows, and donkeys, along with three million sheep and goats. This incredible claim by Chardin is backed up by Dr. Shaw, who points out that several Arabian tribes, which can only bring three or four hundred horses into battle, own thousands of camels and triple the number of sheep and cattle. Russel, in his "History of Aleppo," mentions vast flocks that pass through the city every year, with many sheep being sold to supply the local population. The flocks and herds belonging to the Jewish patriarchs were no more numerous.
The care of such overgrown flocks, says Paxton, required many shepherds. These were of different kinds; the master of the family and his children, with a number of herdsmen who were hired to assist them, and felt but little interest in the preservation and increase of their charge. In Hebrew, these persons, so different in station and feeling, were not distinguished by appropriate names; the master, the slave, and the hired servant, were all known by the common appellation of shepherds. The distinction, not sufficiently important to require the invention of a particular term, is expressed among every people by a periphrasis. The only instance in the Old Testament, in which the hired servant is distinguished from the master, or one of his family, occurs in the history of David, where he is said to have left the sheep, על שומר, “in the hand of a keeper,” while he went down to visit his brethren, and the armies who were fighting against the Philistines under the banners of Saul, 1 Samuel xvii, 20. This word exactly corresponds with the Latin term custos, “a keeper,” which Virgil uses to denote a hireling shepherd, in his tenth Eclogue:
The care of such large flocks, Paxton says, required many shepherds. These included the head of the family and his children, along with a number of hired herdsmen who didn't have much interest in the welfare and growth of their charge. In Hebrew, these people, so different in rank and attitude, were not given specific names; the master, the slave, and the hired worker were all referred to by the general term of shepherds. The distinction, not significant enough to warrant a specialized term, is expressed in various cultures through descriptive phrases. The only instance in the Old Testament where a hired servant is distinguished from the master or one of his family appears in the story of David, where it's mentioned that he left the sheep, About the guard, “in the hands of a keeper,” while he went down to visit his brothers and the troops fighting against the Philistines under Saul's banner, 1 Samuel xvii, 20. This word corresponds exactly with the Latin term guardians, “a keeper,” which Virgil uses to describe a hired shepherd in his tenth Eclogue:
In such extensive pastoral concerns, the vigilance and activity of the master were often insufficient for directing the operations of so many shepherds, who were not unfrequently scattered over a considerable extent of country. An upper servant was therefore appointed to superintend their labours, and take care that his master suffered no injury. In the house of Abraham, this honourable station was held by Eliezer, a native of Damascus, a servant in every respect worthy of so great and good a master. The numerous flocks of Pharaoh seem to have required the superintending care of many overseers, Gen. xlvii, 6. Doeg, an Edomite, was entrusted with the whole pastoral establishment of Saul, 1 Sam. xxi, 7. But in the reign of David, the important office of chief herdsman was abolished, and the vast flocks and herds of that monarch were entrusted to a number of superintendents; animals of the same species forming a separate flock, under its proper overseer, 1 Chronicles xxvii, 29. These overseers, in the language of the Hebrews, were called the princes of the flock; they were treated with great distinction, and seem to have been selected in the reign of David from among the nobles of his court. Eumæus, a person of noble birth, agreeably to this custom, was charged with the care of the herds of swine belonging to Ulysses. The office of chief shepherd is frequently mentioned by the classic authors of antiquity. Diodorus relates from Ctesias, that Simma was overseer of the royal flocks under Ninus, king of Assyria. According to Plutarch, one Samo managed the flocks and herds of Neoptolemus, the king of the Molossians. The office of chief shepherd was also known among the Latins; for, in the seventh Æneid, Tyrrheus is named as governor of the royal flocks:
In such extensive pastoral matters, the master’s vigilance and efforts were often not enough to manage so many shepherds, who were frequently spread over a large area. Therefore, an upper servant was appointed to supervise their work and ensure that his master faced no harm. In Abraham's household, this respected role was held by Eliezer, a native of Damascus, a servant truly deserving of such a great and good master. Pharaoh’s numerous flocks seem to have needed the overseeing attention of many managers, Gen. xlvii, 6. Doeg, an Edomite, was put in charge of all of Saul’s pastoral operations, 1 Sam. xxi, 7. However, during David’s reign, the significant role of chief herdsman was discontinued, and the vast flocks and herds belonging to that king were entrusted to various superintendents; animals of the same type formed separate flocks, each under its designated overseer, 1 Chronicles xxvii, 29. These overseers, in Hebrew terms, were called the princes of the flock; they were treated with great respect and appeared to have been chosen during David’s reign from among the nobles of his court. Eumæus, a man of noble birth, was assigned the task of taking care of Ulysses's swine, following this custom. The role of chief shepherd is mentioned frequently in the classic writings of antiquity. Diodorus, citing Ctesias, states that Simma was the overseer of the royal flocks under Ninus, king of Assyria. According to Plutarch, a man named Samo managed the flocks and herds of Neoptolemus, the king of the Molossians. The title of chief shepherd was also recognized among the Latins; for, in the seventh Aeneid, Tyrrheus is referred to as the governor of the royal flocks:
And Livy informs us, that Faustulus held the 860same office under Numitor, king of the Latins. But it is needless to multiply quotations; every scholar knows that the Greek and Roman classics abound with allusions to this office, which in those days was one of great importance and dignity, on the faithful discharge of which the power and splendour of an eastern potentate greatly depended. The office of chief shepherd, therefore, being in pastoral countries one of great trust, of high responsibility, and of distinguished honour, is with great propriety applied to our Lord by the Apostle Peter: “And when the chief shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive a crown of glory which fadeth not away,” 1 Peter v, 4. The same allusion occurs in these words of Paul: “Now the God of peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do his will,” Hebrews xiii, 20.
And Livy tells us that Faustulus held the same position under Numitor, king of the Latins. But it’s unnecessary to keep quoting sources; every scholar knows that the Greek and Roman classics are full of references to this role, which back then was of great significance and respect, and on the responsible fulfillment of which the power and prestige of an eastern ruler heavily relied. Thus, the position of chief shepherd, being one of great trust, high responsibility, and notable honor in pastoral regions, is aptly applied to our Lord by the Apostle Peter: “And when the chief shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive a crown of glory which fadeth not away,” 1 Peter v, 4. A similar reference appears in these words of Paul: “Now the God of peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do his will,” Hebrews xiii, 20.
SHIBBOLETH, “an ear of corn,” was a word which the Gileadites used as the test of an Ephraimite. For the Ephraimites could not, from disuse, pronounce the Hebrew letter shin; therefore, they said Sibboleth instead of Shibboleth, Judges xii, 6. The Greeks, says Hartley, have not the sound sh in their language: hence they are liable to be detected, like the Ephraimites. I was struck with this circumstance, in learning Turkish from a Greek tutor; pasha, he pronounced pasa; shimdi, he called simdi; Dervish, Dervis, &c. Shibboleth he would, of course, pronounce Sibboleth.
SHIBBOLETH, “an ear of corn,” was a word that the Gileadites used to identify an Ephraimite. The Ephraimites couldn't pronounce the Hebrew letter shin due to not using it, so they said Sibboleth instead of Shibboleth, Judges xii, 6. The Greeks, as Hartley notes, don't have the sh sound in their language, which makes it easy to spot them, similar to the Ephraimites. I noticed this when I was learning Turkish from a Greek tutor; he pronounced pasha as pasa; shimdi as simdi; Dervish as Dervis, and so on. Shibboleth he would also pronounce as Sibboleth.
SHIELD. See Arms.
SHIELD. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
SHILOH, Gen. xlix, 10. The Hebrew text is, “until Shiloh come.” All Christian commentators agree, that this word ought to be understood of the Messiah, that is, of Jesus Christ. The LXX. read it, “Until the coming of him to whom it is reserved.” It must be owned that the signification of the Hebrew word Shiloh is not well known. Some translate the clause, “The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, till he comes to whom it belongs;” others, “till the coming of the peacemaker, or the pacific, or prosperity;” and some, “The sceptre shall not depart from Judah till its end, its ruin,” till the downfall of the kingdom of the Jews. However, this much is clear, that the ancient Jews are in this matter agreed with the Christians, in acknowledging that the word stands for Messiah, the King. It is thus that the paraphrasts, Onkelos and Jonathan, and the ancient Hebrew commentaries upon Genesis, and the Talmudists explain it. If Jesus Christ and his Apostles did not make use of this passage to prove the coming of the Messiah, it was because then the completion of this prophecy was not sufficiently manifest. The sceptre still continued among the Jews; they had still kings of their own nation, in the persons of the Herods; but soon after the sceptre was entirely taken away from them, and a people began to be gathered to Christ, out of the Gentile nations.
SHILOH, Gen. xlix, 10. The Hebrew text says, “until Shiloh comes.” All Christian commentators agree that this term refers to the Messiah, specifically Jesus Christ. The LXX translates it as, “Until the coming of him to whom it is reserved.” It must be acknowledged that the meaning of the Hebrew word Shiloh is not well understood. Some translate the phrase as, “The scepter shall not depart from Judah, until he comes to whom it belongs;” others say, “until the coming of the peacemaker, or the peaceful one, or prosperity;” and some translate it as, “The scepter shall not depart from Judah until its end, its ruin,” referring to the downfall of the Jewish kingdom. However, it's clear that the ancient Jews agree with Christians on this point, recognizing that the term signifies the Messiah, the King. This is how the paraphrasts Onkelos and Jonathan, as well as ancient Hebrew commentaries on Genesis and the Talmud, explain it. If Jesus Christ and His Apostles did not use this passage to demonstrate the coming of the Messiah, it was because the fulfillment of this prophecy was not yet clear. The scepter still remained with the Jews; they had kings from their own people in the Herods; but soon after, the scepter was completely removed from them, and a new people began to gather to Christ from the Gentile nations.
2. Shiloh, a celebrated city of the tribe of Ephraim, twelve miles from Shechem, Joshua xviii, xix, xxi. It was in this place that the tabernacle of the Lord was set up, when the people were settled in the country. The ark and the tabernacle of the Lord continued at Shiloh from A. M. 2560 till 2888, when it was taken by the Philistines, under the administration of the high priest Eli, 1 Sam. iv. Here the Prophet Ahijah dwelt, 1 Kings xiv, 2.
2. Shiloh, a well-known city of the tribe of Ephraim, located twelve miles from Shechem, Joshua xviii, xix, xxi. It was here that the tabernacle of the Lord was set up after the people settled in the land. The ark and the tabernacle of the Lord remained in Shiloh from A. M. 2560 until 2888, when they were taken by the Philistines during the leadership of the high priest Eli, 1 Sam. iv. The Prophet Ahijah lived here, 1 Kings xiv, 2.
SHINAR, a province of Babylonia, where men undertook to build the tower of Babel, Genesis xi, 2; x, 10. Calneh was built in this country. Amraphel was king of Shinar in the days of Abraham, Genesis xiv, 1. See Babylon.
SHINAR, a region of Babylonia, where people decided to build the tower of Babel, Genesis xi, 2; x, 10. Calneh was established in this area. Amraphel was the king of Shinar during Abraham's time, Genesis xiv, 1. See Babylon.
SHISHAK, king of Egypt, declared war against Rehoboam in the fifth year of the reign of that prince, 2 Chron. xii, 2, 3, &c. This Shishak, according to Sir Isaac Newton, was the greatest conqueror, and the most celebrated hero, of all antiquity, being the son of Ammon, or the Egyptian Jupiter, and known to the Greeks by the name of Bacchus, Osiris, and Hercules; was the Belus of the Chaldeans, and the Mars or Mavors of the Thracians, &c. He made great conquests in India, Assyria, Media, Scythia, Phenicia, Syria, Judea, &c. His army was at last routed in Greece by Perseus; which, with other circumstances, compelled him to return home.
SHISHAK, the king of Egypt, declared war against Rehoboam in the fifth year of his reign, as noted in 2 Chron. xii, 2, 3, etc. According to Sir Isaac Newton, Shishak was the greatest conqueror and the most famous hero of ancient times. He was the son of Ammon, the Egyptian Jupiter, and was known to the Greeks as Bacchus, Osiris, and Hercules. He was also referred to as Belus by the Chaldeans and Mars or Mavors by the Thracians. He achieved significant conquests in India, Assyria, Media, Scythia, Phoenicia, Syria, Judea, and more. Eventually, his army was defeated in Greece by Perseus, which, along with other events, forced him to return home.
SHITTIM, SITTIM, SITTAH, שטים, Exod. xxv, 5, 10, 13, 23, 28; xxvi, 26, 32, 37; xxvii, 1, 6; xxx, 5; xxxv, 7, 24; xxxvi, 20, 31, 36; xxxvii, 1, 4, 10, 15, 25, 28; xxxviii, 1, 6; Deut. x, 3; Isaiah xli, 19. What particular species of wood this is, interpreters are not agreed. The LXX. render ἄσηπτα ξύλα, incorruptible wood. St. Jerom says, the shittim wood grows in the deserts of Arabia, and is like white thorn, as to its colour and leaves: but the tree is so large as to furnish very long planks. The wood is hard, tough, smooth, and extremely beautiful. It is thought that this wood is the black acacia, because that, it is said, is the most common tree growing in the deserts of Arabia; and agrees with what the Scriptures say of the shittim wood. The acacia vera grows abundantly in Egypt, in places far from the sea; in the mountains of Sinai, near the Red Sea, and in the deserts. It is of the size of a large mulberry tree. The spreading branches and larger limbs are armed with thorns which grow three together; the bark is rough; the leaves are oblong, and stand opposite each other; the flowers, though sometimes white, are generally of a bright yellow; and the fruit which resembles a bean, is contained in pods like those of the lupin. “The acacia tree,” says Dr. Shaw, “being by much the largest and most common tree in these deserts, Arabia Petræa, we have some reason to conjecture, that the shittim wood was the wood of the acacia; especially as its flowers are of an excellent smell, for the shittah tree is, in Isaiah xli, 19, joined with the myrtle and other fragrant shrubs.”
SHITTIM, SITTIM, SITTAH, שטים, Exod. xxv, 5, 10, 13, 23, 28; xxvi, 26, 32, 37; xxvii, 1, 6; xxx, 5; xxxv, 7, 24; xxxvi, 20, 31, 36; xxxvii, 1, 4, 10, 15, 25, 28; xxxviii, 1, 6; Deut. x, 3; Isaiah xli, 19. There isn't a consensus among scholars about what exact type of wood this is. The LXX translates it as ἄσηπτα ξύλα, incorruptible wood. St. Jerome mentions that shittim wood grows in the deserts of Arabia and is similar in color and leaves to white thorn; however, the tree is large enough to provide very long planks. The wood is hard, tough, smooth, and extremely beautiful. It's believed that this wood is black acacia, as it is commonly found in the deserts of Arabia and aligns with the scriptures' description of shittim wood. The acacia vera grows abundantly in Egypt, in areas far from the sea; in the mountains of Sinai, near the Red Sea, and in the deserts. It is about the size of a large mulberry tree. Its spreading branches and bigger limbs are covered with thorns that grow in groups of three; the bark is rough; the leaves are oval and opposite each other; while the flowers, though sometimes white, are usually bright yellow; and the fruit resembles a bean, contained in pods like those of the lupin. “The acacia tree,” Dr. Shaw notes, “being by far the largest and most common tree in these deserts, Arabia Petræa, gives us reason to speculate that the shittim wood was from the acacia; especially since its flowers have an excellent fragrance, as the shittah tree is mentioned in Isaiah xli, 19, along with myrtle and other fragrant shrubs.”
SHOES. To put off the shoes from one’s feet, was an act of reverence to the Divine majesty of God, Exod. iii, 5. It was likewise 861a sign of mourning and humiliation. David went up the ascent of Mount Olivet barefoot, 2 Sam. xv, 30; Isa. xx, 2, 4; Ezek. xxiv, 17. See Sandal.
SHOES. Taking off one's shoes was a sign of respect for the Divine majesty of God, Exod. iii, 5. It was also a symbol of mourning and humility. David walked up the slope of Mount Olivet barefoot, 2 Sam. xv, 30; Isa. xx, 2, 4; Ezek. xxiv, 17. See Flip-flop.
SHOULDER. To give or lend the shoulder for the bearing of a burden, signifies to submit to servitude. “Issachar bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute,” Gen. xlix, 15. And Isaiah, x, 27, comforting Israel with the promise of deliverance from Assyria, says, “His burden shall be taken away from off thy shoulder.” The Scripture calls that a rebellious shoulder, a withdrawing shoulder, which will not submit to the yoke; and to bear it together with joint consent, is termed “serving with one shoulder.” To bear any thing upon the shoulder, is to sustain it, and this is applied to government and authority. Thus Messiah was to bear the government upon his shoulder: “For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given: and the government shall be upon his shoulder: and his name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor,” &c, Isa. ix, 6; and God promises Eliakim the son of Hilkiah, to give him the key of the house of David, and to lay it upon his shoulder; “so he shall open, and none shall shut, and he shall shut, and none shall open;” that is, the sole authority shall rest upon him.
SHOULDER. To give or lend your shoulder to carry a burden means to submit to servitude. “Issachar bowed his shoulder to carry, and became a servant to tribute,” Gen. xlix, 15. In Isaiah, x, 27, comforting Israel with the promise of freedom from Assyria, it says, “His burden shall be taken away from off your shoulder.” The Scripture refers to a rebellious shoulder, a withdrawing shoulder, which will not submit to the yoke; and to bear it together with full agreement is called “serving with one shoulder.” To carry anything on your shoulder means to support it, and this is related to government and authority. Thus, the Messiah was to carry the government on his shoulder: “For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given: and the government shall be upon his shoulder: and his name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor,” etc., Isa. ix, 6; and God promises Eliakim the son of Hilkiah, to give him the key of the house of David, and to place it on his shoulder; “so he shall open, and none shall shut, and he shall shut, and none shall open;” that is, the ultimate authority shall rest on him.
SHUSHAN, or SUSA, the ancient capital of Persia, seated on the river Ulai, the modern Abzal. After the union of the kingdoms of Media and Persia by Cyrus, Susa was made the winter residence of the kings of Persia, from its southern position, and the shelter afforded by a range of mountains on the north and east, which rendered the heat insupportable in the summer season; while Ecbatana, in Media, from its greater elevation, and more northern situation, was preferred at this season, as being more cool and agreeable. Here the transactions occurred related in the book of Esther. Here also Daniel had the vision of the ram with two horns, and the goat with one horn, &c, in the third year of Belshazzar’s reign. Susa was situated in the ancient province of Elam, or Elymais, called also Susiana, and now forming a part of Kuzestan. It has for several hundred years, like Babylon, been reduced to a heap of undistinguished ruins. Mr. Kinneir says, “About seven or eight miles to the west of Dezphoul, commence the ruins of Shus, stretching not less, perhaps, than twelve miles, from one extremity to the other. They extend as far as the eastern bank of the Kerah; occupying an immense space between that river and the Abzal; and, like the ruins of Ctesiphon, Babylon, and Kufa, consist of hillocks of earth and rubbish, covered with broken pieces of brick and coloured tile. The largest and most remarkable of these mounds stand at the distance of about two miles from the Kerah. The first is, at the lowest computation, a mile in circumference, and nearly a hundred feet in height; and the other, although not quite so high, is double the circuit of the former. These mounds bear some resemblance to the pyramids of Babylon; with this difference, that instead of being entirely made of brick, they are formed of clay and pieces of tile, with irregular layers of brick and mortar, five or six feet in thickness, to serve, it should seem, as a kind of prop to the mass. Large blocks of marble, covered with hieroglyphics, are not unfrequently here discovered by the Arabs when digging in search of hidden treasure; and at the foot of the most elevated of the pyramids stands the tomb of Daniel, a small and apparently a modern building, erected on the spot where the relics of that prophet are believed to rest. The site of the city of Shus is now a gloomy wilderness, infested by lions, hyænas, and other beasts of prey. The dread of these furious animals compelled Mr. Monteith and myself to take shelter for the night within the walls that encompass Daniel’s tomb.” Of this tomb Sir John Malcom observes, that “it is a small building, but sufficient to shelter some dervishes who watch the remains of the prophet, and are supported by the alms of pious pilgrims who visit the holy sepulchre. These dervishes are now the only inhabitants of Susa; and every species of wild beast roams at large over that spot on which some of the proudest palaces ever raised by human art once stood.” He also observes, respecting the authenticity of this tomb, that “although the building at the tomb of Daniel be comparatively modern, nothing could have led to its being built where it is, but a belief that this was the real site of the prophet’s sepulchre.”
SHUSHAN, or SUSA, the ancient capital of Persia, sits on the river Ulai, which is now called Abzal. After Cyrus united the kingdoms of Media and Persia, Susa became the winter residence for the Persian kings because of its southern location and the protection offered by mountains to the north and east. These mountains made the summer heat unbearable, while Ecbatana in Media was preferred during this time for being cooler and more pleasant due to its higher elevation and northern position. The events recorded in the book of Esther took place here. It is also where Daniel had the vision of the ram with two horns and the goat with one horn during the third year of Belshazzar’s reign. Susa was located in the ancient province of Elam, also known as Elymais or Susiana, which is now part of Kuzestan. For several hundred years, like Babylon, it has been reduced to a mass of indistinguishable ruins. Mr. Kinneir states, “About seven or eight miles west of Dezphoul, the ruins of Shus begin, stretching no less than twelve miles from one end to the other. They go as far as the eastern bank of the Kerah, taking up a vast area between that river and the Abzal; and, like the ruins of Ctesiphon, Babylon, and Kufa, consist of mounds of earth and debris, covered with broken pieces of brick and colored tiles. The largest and most notable of these mounds are about two miles from the Kerah. The first mound, at minimum, is a mile around and nearly a hundred feet high; the other, although slightly shorter, has double the circumference. These mounds resemble the pyramids of Babylon, except that they are made of clay and tile pieces with irregular layers of brick and mortar five or six feet thick, likely serving as support. Large marble blocks with hieroglyphics are often found by Arabs digging for hidden treasure; at the foot of the tallest mound is the tomb of Daniel, a small, seemingly modern building erected where the remains of that prophet are believed to lie. The site of the city of Shus is now a bleak wilderness, plagued by lions, hyenas, and other predatory animals. The fear of these fierce creatures forced Mr. Monteith and me to seek refuge for the night within the walls surrounding Daniel’s tomb.” Regarding this tomb, Sir John Malcom notes, “it is a small structure, but enough to accommodate some dervishes who guard the prophet’s remains, supported by donations from pious pilgrims visiting the holy site. These dervishes are now the only residents of Susa; every type of wild beast roams freely over the land where some of the grandest palaces ever built once stood.” He also comments on the authenticity of this tomb, stating, “although the building at Daniel’s tomb is relatively modern, nothing would lead to its construction at this location other than the belief that this was indeed the true site of the prophet’s burial.”
SIDON, or ZIDON, a celebrated city and port of Phenicia, and one of the most ancient cities in the world; as it is supposed to have been founded by Sidon, the eldest son of Canaan, which will carry it up to above two thousand years before Christ. But if it was founded by Sidon, his descendants were driven out by a body of Phenician colonists, or Cushim from the east; who are supposed either to have given it its name, or to have retained the old one in compliment to their god Siton, or Dagon. Its inhabitants appear to have early acquired a preëminence in arts, manufactures, and commerce; and from their superior skill in hewing timber, by which must be understood their cutting it out and preparing it for building, as well as the mere act of felling it, Sidonian workmen were hired by Solomon to prepare the wood for the building of his temple. The Sidonians are said to have been the first manufacturers of glass; and Homer often speaks of them as excelling in many useful and ingenious arts, giving them the title of Πολυδαιδάλοι. Add to this, they were, if not the first shipwrights and navigators, the first who ventured beyond their own coasts, and in those early ages engrossed the greatest part of the then commerce of the world. The natural result of these exclusive advantages to the inhabitants of Sidon was, a high degree of wealth and prosperity; and content with the riches which their trade and manufactures brought them, they lived in ease and luxury, trusting the defence of their city and property, like the Tyrians after them, to hired troops; so that to live in ease and security, is said in Scripture to be after the manner of the Sidonians. 862In all these respects, however, Sidon was totally eclipsed by her neighbour and rival Tyre; whose more enterprising inhabitants pushed their commercial dealings to the extremities of the known world, raised their city to a rank in power and opulence unknown before, and converted it into a luxurious metropolis, and the emporium of the produce of all nations. After the subversion of the Grecian empire by the Romans, Sidon fell into the hands of the latter; who, to put an end to the frequent revolt of the inhabitants, deprived it of its freedom. It then fell successively under the power of the Saracens, the Seljukian Turks, and the sultans of Egypt; who, in 1289, that they might never more afford shelter to the Christians, destroyed both it and Tyre. But it again somewhat revived, and has ever since been in the possession of the Ottoman Turks.
SIDON, or ZIDON, is a famous city and port in Phoenicia, and one of the oldest cities in the world. It is believed to have been founded by Sidon, the oldest son of Canaan, which dates back over two thousand years before Christ. However, if it was founded by Sidon, his descendants were pushed out by a group of Phoenician colonists or Cushites from the east, who are thought to have either named it or kept the old name in honor of their god Siton or Dagon. The people of Sidon seem to have quickly become prominent in arts, manufacturing, and trade. Due to their advanced skills in working with timber, meaning not just cutting it down but also preparing it for construction, Sidonian craftsmen were hired by Solomon to prepare the wood for his temple. The Sidonians are said to have been the first glass manufacturers, and Homer often describes them as excelling in various useful and innovative arts, referring to them as Πολυδαιδάλοι. Additionally, they were, if not the first shipbuilders and navigators, the first to venture beyond their own shores, dominating the majority of the world's commerce during those early times. As a result of these exclusive advantages, the people of Sidon enjoyed a high level of wealth and prosperity. Satisfied with the riches that their trade and manufacturing brought them, they lived comfortably and luxuriously, relying on hired soldiers for the protection of their city and property, similar to the Tyrians after them; thus, it's said in Scripture that living in comfort and security is the way of the Sidonians. 862 However, in all these aspects, Sidon was completely overshadowed by its neighboring rival Tyre, whose more ambitious inhabitants expanded their trade to the furthest reaches of the known world, elevating their city to unprecedented levels of power and wealth, transforming it into a lavish metropolis and the trading hub for all nations. After the Romans defeated the Greek empire, Sidon fell under their control; to stop the frequent revolts by the locals, they stripped the city of its freedom. It then came under the rule of the Saracens, the Seljuk Turks, and the sultans of Egypt, who, in 1289, destroyed both Sidon and Tyre so they could no longer provide shelter to Christians. However, the city did revive somewhat and has been under the control of the Ottoman Turks ever since.
SIGN. This word is used in the sense of token and pledge; as, when the Lord gave to Noah the rainbow, as a sign of his covenant, Gen. ix, 12, 13; and when he appointed to Abraham the use of circumcision, as the seal of the covenant he had made with him and his posterity, Gen. xvii, 11. Sign is also put for a miracle: “Thou shalt do these signs and wonders in the midst of Egypt,” Exodus iv, 7–9, &c. A sign or token is often put for the proof or evidence of a thing: For example, “This shall be a token or sign unto thee, that I have sent thee,” Exod. iii, 12. “Shew me a sign, that thou talkest with me,” Judges vi, 17, that is a proof. “What shall be the sign,” or evidence, “that the Lord will heal me?” 2 Kings xx, 8. This acceptation agrees with the first above mentioned; as also what is said in Gen. iv, 15, “And the Lord set a mark or sign upon Cain;” he gave him a pledge that his life should not be taken away. The signs of heaven, and the signs of the magicians, are the phenomena of the heavens, and the impostures of magicians, which they made use of for the purposes of deception: “The Lord frustrateth the tokens or signs of the liars, and maketh diviners mad,” Isaiah xliv, 25. “Be not dismayed at the signs of heaven, for the Heathen are dismayed at them,” Jer. x, 2. To be a sign was farther to be a type, or prediction, of what should happen. Thus the Prophet Isaiah, viii, 18, “Behold, I and the children whom the Lord hath given me, are for signs and for wonders in Israel.” See also Ezek. iv, 3.
SIGN. This word is used to mean a token or pledge; for example, when the Lord gave Noah the rainbow as a sign of his covenant, Gen. ix, 12, 13; and when He instructed Abraham to use circumcision as the seal of the covenant He made with him and his descendants, Gen. xvii, 11. Sign can also refer to a miracle: “You shall perform these signs and wonders in the midst of Egypt,” Exodus iv, 7–9, etc. A sign or token often represents the proof or evidence of something: For instance, “This shall be a token or sign to you that I have sent you,” Exod. iii, 12. “Show me a sign that you are talking with me,” Judges vi, 17, meaning proof. “What will be the sign,” or evidence, “that the Lord will heal me?” 2 Kings xx, 8. This meaning aligns with the first one mentioned above; as well as what is stated in Gen. iv, 15, “And the Lord set a mark or sign upon Cain;” He gave him a promise that his life would not be taken. The signs of heaven and the signs of magicians refer to the phenomena of the heavens and the tricks of magicians, which they used to deceive: “The Lord frustrates the tokens or signs of the liars and makes diviners mad,” Isaiah xliv, 25. “Do not be dismayed at the signs of heaven, for the nations are dismayed at them,” Jer. x, 2. To be a sign also means to be a type or a prediction of what will happen. Thus the Prophet Isaiah says, viii, 18, “Behold, I and the children whom the Lord has given me are for signs and for wonders in Israel.” See also Ezek. iv, 3.
SILAS, or Sylvanus, was, according to St. Luke, Acts xv, 22, one of the “chief men among the brethren,” which makes it probable, that he was of the number of the seventy disciples. When a dispute was raised at Antioch about the observation of the legal ceremonies, they chose Paul, Barnabas, Judas, and Silas, to go to Jerusalem, to advise with the Apostles concerning this question. He is thought to be the same Silas who is mentioned by the name of Sylvanus, in the title of the two epistles of St. Paul to the Thessalonians. St. Peter sent his first epistle by him from Rome, wherein he styles him “a faithful brother.” Silas joined himself to St. Paul; and after Saul and Barnabas had parted, on account of John Mark, Acts xv, 37–41, Silas followed St. Paul, and went with him to visit the churches of Syria and Cilicia.
SILAS, or Sylvanus, was, according to St. Luke in Acts 15:22, one of the “key figures among the believers,” which suggests that he was likely one of the seventy disciples. When a controversy arose in Antioch about following the legal rituals, they chose Paul, Barnabas, Judas, and Silas to go to Jerusalem to consult the Apostles about this issue. He is believed to be the same Silas who is referred to as Sylvanus in the titles of Paul’s two letters to the Thessalonians. St. Peter sent his first letter with him from Rome, calling him “a faithful brother.” Silas joined St. Paul, and after Saul and Barnabas split over John Mark, as noted in Acts 15:37-41, Silas accompanied St. Paul and traveled with him to visit the churches in Syria and Cilicia.
SILENCE. This word not only signifies to refrain from speaking; but also in the style of the Hebrews, it is taken for, “to be quiet, to remain immovable.” As for example: “Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon,” in Hebrew, be silent. “And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed,” Joshua x, 12, 13, or were silent, at the commandment of Joshua.
SILENCE. This word not only means to not speak; it also, in the Hebrew context, refers to "being quiet, being still." For example: "Sun, stand still over Gibeon," in Hebrew, means be silent. "And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed," Joshua 10:12-13, or were silent at Joshua's command.
SILOAH, the same as Siloam, Neh. iii, 15; Luke xiii, 4; a fountain under the walls of Jerusalem, toward the east, between the city and the brook Kidron, perhaps the same with Enrogel. Near this was a tower, Luke xiii, 4.
SILOAH, the same as Siloam, Neh. iii, 15; Luke xiii, 4; a spring located beneath the walls of Jerusalem, to the east, between the city and the Kidron Valley, possibly the same as Enrogel. Close to this was a tower, Luke xiii, 4.
שריקות SILK, משי. As the word which is rendered “silk” in our version more probably meant cotton, or rather muslin, it is doubtful whether silk is mentioned expressly in the Scripture, unless, perhaps, in Isaiah xix, 9, where we find the Hebrew word שריקות, from שרק, yellowish, tawny; which is generally the natural colour of raw silk; hence the Latin sericum: or it may be from the Seres, a nation whence the Greeks and Romans first obtained the article silk. Calmet remarks that the ancient Greeks and Romans had but little knowledge of the nature of silk. The Seres communicated their silk to the Persians, from whom it passed to the Greeks, and from them to the Romans. But the Persians and orientals for a long time kept the secret of manufacturing it among themselves. Silk was first brought into Greece after Alexander’s conquest of Persia, and came into Italy during the flourishing times of the Roman empire; but was long so dear in all these parts as to be worth its weight in gold. At length the emperor Justinian, who died in the year 365, by means of two monks, whom he sent into India for that purpose, procured great quantities of silk worms’ eggs to be brought to Constantinople, and from these have sprung all the silk worms and all the silk trade that have been since in Europe, See Flax.
שריקות SILK, Silk. The term "silk" in our version likely referred to cotton or more accurately muslin, so it's uncertain if silk is specifically mentioned in the Scripture, unless possibly in Isaiah xix, 9, where we find the Hebrew word Whistles, derived from שקשוקה, meaning yellowish, tawny; which is typically the natural color of raw silk; hence the Latin sericum: or it might come from the Seres, a nation from which the Greeks and Romans first acquired silk. Calmet notes that the ancient Greeks and Romans had limited understanding of silk's nature. The Seres shared their silk with the Persians, who then passed it on to the Greeks, and from there to the Romans. However, the Persians and other Eastern cultures kept the secret of silk manufacturing for a long time. Silk was first introduced to Greece after Alexander's conquest of Persia and reached Italy during the peak of the Roman Empire; it was so expensive in these regions that it was worth its weight in gold. Eventually, Emperor Justinian, who died in 365, sent two monks to India to acquire large quantities of silk worm eggs to be brought to Constantinople, from which all the silk worms and the silk trade in Europe have originated. See Flaxseed.
SILVER, כסף, Gen. xx, 16; ἀργύριον, 1 Pet. i, 18; Acts iii, 4; xx, 33; a well known metal, of a white shining colour; next in value to gold. It does not appear to have been in use before the deluge; at least Moses says nothing of it: he speaks only of the metals brass and iron, Gen. iv, 22. But in Abraham’s time it was become common, and traffic was carried on with it, Gen. xxiii, 2, 15. Yet it was not then coined, but was only in bars or ingots; and in commerce was always weighed.
SILVER, Money, Gen. xx, 16; ἀργύριον, 1 Pet. i, 18; Acts iii, 4; xx, 33; a well-known metal with a shiny white color, valued just after gold. It seems that silver wasn't used before the flood; at least, Moses doesn’t mention it. He only talks about metals like brass and iron, Gen. iv, 22. However, by Abraham’s time, it had become common, and trade involving it was taking place, Gen. xxiii, 2, 15. Still, it wasn’t minted into coins back then; it existed only in bars or ingots and was always weighed in transactions.
SIMEON, son of Jacob and Leah, was born A. M. 2247, Genesis xxix, 33; xxxiv, 25. Jacob, on his death bed, showed his indignation against Simeon and Levi for their cruelty to the Shechemites, Gen. xlix, 5: “I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel.” And in effect these two tribes were scattered in Israel. As to Levi, he never had any fixed lot or portion; and Simeon received only a canton that was dismembered from the tribe of Judah, Joshua xix, 1, &c, and some other 863lands they went to conquer in the mountains of Seir, and the desert of Gedor, 1 Chronicles iv, 27, 39, 42.
SIMEON, son of Jacob and Leah, was born in A.M. 2247, Genesis 29:33; 34:25. On his deathbed, Jacob expressed his anger towards Simeon and Levi for their brutality towards the Shechemites, Genesis 49:5: “I will divide them in Jacob and scatter them in Israel.” As a result, these two tribes were indeed dispersed in Israel. Levi never received any specific land or territory, while Simeon only got a portion that was separated from the tribe of Judah, Joshua 19:1, etc., and some additional lands they conquered in the mountains of Seir and the desert of Gedor, 1 Chronicles 4:27, 39, 42.
2. Simeon, a holy man, who was at Jerusalem, full of the Holy Ghost, and expecting the redemption of Israel, Luke ii, 25, 26, &c. The Holy Ghost had assured him, that he should not die before he had seen the Christ of the Lord; he therefore came into the temple, prompted by inspiration, just at the time when Joseph and Mary presented Jesus Christ there, in obedience to the law. Simeon took the child into his arms, gave thanks to God, and then blessed Joseph and Mary. It is believed, with good reason, that he died soon after he had given his testimony to Jesus Christ. Some have conjectured, that Simeon, who received Jesus Christ into his arms, was the same as Simeon the Just, the son of Hillel, and master of Gamaliel, whose disciple St. Paul was. See Sanhedrim.
2. Simeon, a righteous man who was in Jerusalem, filled with the Holy Spirit and looking forward to the redemption of Israel, Luke ii, 25, 26, & etc. The Holy Spirit had promised him that he wouldn't die before seeing the Lord's Christ; so he came into the temple, inspired, just when Joseph and Mary brought Jesus Christ there to follow the law. Simeon took the child in his arms, thanked God, and then blessed Joseph and Mary. It's believed, with good reason, that he passed away shortly after giving his testimony about Jesus Christ. Some have speculated that Simeon, who held Jesus Christ in his arms, was the same Simeon the Just, son of Hillel and teacher of Gamaliel, who was St. Paul's mentor. See Sanhedrin.
SIMON MACCABÆUS, surnamed Thossi, son of Mattathias, and brother of Judas and Jonathan. He was chief prince and pontiff of the Jews from A. M. 3860 to 3869, and was succeeded by John Hyrcanus. For the particulars of his life and transactions, see 1 Mac. ii, 65; v, 17; x, 74–82; xii, 33, &c; xiii, 1, &c; xiv, 4, &c; xv, 1, &c.
SIMON MACCABAEUS, also known as Thossi, son of Mattathias and brother of Judas and Jonathan. He was the main leader and high priest of the Jews from A.M. 3860 to 3869, and was succeeded by John Hyrcanus. For more details about his life and activities, see 1 Mac. ii, 65; v, 17; x, 74–82; xii, 33, &c; xiii, 1, &c; xiv, 4, &c; xv, 1, &c.
2. Simon, the Canaanite, an Apostle of Jesus Christ. It is doubtful whether the name of Canaanite was derived to him from the city Cana in Galilee, or whether it should not be taken according to its signification in the Hebrew, by deriving it from the root kana, “to be zealous,” and this is the opinion of some learned men. See Luke vi, 15; Acts i, 13, where he is surnamed Zelotes; see also Matt. x, 4; Mark iii, 18.
2. Simon, the Canaanite, an Apostle of Jesus Christ. It's unclear if the name Canaanite came from the city of Cana in Galilee, or if it should be understood based on its meaning in Hebrew, deriving from the root kana, which means “to be zealous.” This is the view of some scholars. See Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13, where he is called Zelotes; also see Matt. 10:4; Mark 3:18.
3. Simon, brother of our Lord, Matt. xiii, 55; Mark vi, 3; that is to say, his cousin-german, being son of Mary, sister to the holy virgin. He is thought to be the same with Simeon, bishop of Jerusalem, and son of Cleopas.
3. Simon, the brother of our Lord, Matt. xiii, 55; Mark vi, 3; meaning he is his cousin, being the son of Mary, the sister of the Holy Virgin. He is believed to be the same person as Simeon, the bishop of Jerusalem, and son of Cleopas.
4. Simon Magus. Of this heretic, or rather father of heresy, Dr. Burton gives the following account:--Justin Martyr, about A. D. 140, presented a defence of Christianity to the emperor Antoninus Pius, in which he mentions, as a well known fact, that Simon, a native of Gittum, a village in Samaria, came to Rome in the reign of Claudius, was looked upon there as a god, and had a statue erected to him, with a Latin inscription, in the river Tiber, between the two bridges. Justin adds, that nearly all the Samaritans, and a few also in other nations, acknowledged and worshipped him as the supreme God. There is in this passage such a minute detail, such a confident appeal to the emperor’s own knowledge of what the apologist was saying, that we can hardly suppose the story to be false, when not only the emperor, but every person in Rome would have been able to detect it. I would observe, also, that Justin Martyr was himself a native of Samaria; hence he was able to name the very place where Simon was born; and when he says, in his second defence, which was presented a few years later, “I have despised the impious and false doctrine of Simon which is in my country;” when we see the shame which he felt at the name of Christian being assumed by the followers of that impostor; we can never believe that he would have countenanced the story, if the truth of it had not been notorious, much less would he have given to his own country the disgrace of originating the evil.
4. Simon Magus. Regarding this heretic, or rather the father of heresy, Dr. Burton provides the following account: Justin Martyr, around A.D. 140, presented a defense of Christianity to Emperor Antoninus Pius, in which he mentions, as a well-known fact, that Simon, a native of Gittum, a village in Samaria, came to Rome during Claudius's reign, was regarded as a god, and had a statue erected for him with a Latin inscription in the Tiber River, between the two bridges. Justin adds that nearly all Samaritans, along with a few others from different nations, recognized and worshipped him as the supreme God. This passage contains such detailed information and a confident appeal to the emperor’s own knowledge that it's hard to believe the story could be false, especially since the emperor and everyone in Rome could have easily disproven it. It's also worth noting that Justin Martyr was himself from Samaria; therefore, he could specify the exact place where Simon was born. When he states in his second defense, presented a few years later, “I have rejected the impious and false teachings of Simon that are in my homeland,” the shame he felt at the thought of his followers being called Christians by that impostor makes it clear that he wouldn't have endorsed the story if it wasn't well-known to be true, let alone disgrace his own country by claiming it originated the evil.
Simon Magus was a native of Gittum, a town in Samaria; and it is stated in a suspicious document of ancient though doubtful date, that he studied for some time at Alexandria. Concerning the time of his birth, and of his first rising into notice, little can now be known. The only contemporary document which mentions him is the Acts of the Apostles; and we there read, that, when Philip the deacon preached the Gospel in Samaria after the death of Stephen, “there was a certain man, called Simon, which beforetime in the same city used sorcery, and bewitched the people of Samaria, giving out that himself was some great one; to whom they all gave heed, from the least to the greatest, saying, This man is the great power of God. And to him they had regard, because that of long time he had bewitched them with sorceries,” Acts viii, 9–11. According to my calculation, the death of Stephen happened in the same year with the crucifixion of our Lord; and it appears from the passage now quoted, that Simon’s celebrity had begun some time before. We are then told that “Simon himself believed also; and when he was baptized, he continued with Philip, and wondered, beholding the miracles and signs which were done,” Acts viii, 13. I need not mention how he shortly fell away from the faith which he had embraced, and how St. Peter rebuked him for thinking that the gift of God might be purchased for money, Acts viii, 20; but I would observe, that some of those persons who insist upon the fact that Simon was not a Christian appear to have forgotten that he was actually baptized. For a time, at least, he believed in Jesus Christ; and part of this belief he appears always to have retained; that is, he always believed that Jesus Christ was a being more than human, who came from God. If these events happened, as I have supposed, within a short time of our Lord’s ascension, the fathers had good reason to call Simon Magus the parent of all heresies; for he must then have been among the first persons, beyond the limits of Jerusalem, who embraced the Gospel; and we might hope that there was no one before him who perverted the faith which he had professed.
Simon Magus was from Gittum, a town in Samaria. A questionable ancient document, though its date is uncertain, claims he studied for a while in Alexandria. We know very little about when he was born or when he first gained attention. The only contemporary account that mentions him is in the Acts of the Apostles, which states that when Philip the deacon preached the Gospel in Samaria after Stephen’s death, “there was a certain man called Simon, who previously in the same city practiced sorcery and amazed the people of Samaria, asserting that he was someone great; all of them paid attention to him, from the least to the greatest, saying, ‘This man is the great power of God.’ They followed him because for a long time he had amazed them with his sorceries,” (Acts 8:9-11). Based on my calculations, Stephen’s death happened in the same year as the crucifixion of our Lord, and it seems from this passage that Simon’s fame had started some time before. We are then told that “Simon himself also believed; and when he was baptized, he stayed with Philip and was amazed, watching the miracles and signs that were performed” (Acts 8:13). I won’t go into detail about how he soon turned away from the faith he had accepted and how St. Peter rebuked him for thinking that God’s gift could be bought with money (Acts 8:20), but I want to point out that some people who argue that Simon was not a Christian seem to forget that he was actually baptized. For a period, at least, he believed in Jesus Christ, and he seems to have always held onto part of that belief, specifically that Jesus Christ was more than human and came from God. If these events occurred, as I suggest, shortly after our Lord’s ascension, the early church leaders had good reason to label Simon Magus as the father of all heresies; since he would have been among the first people outside of Jerusalem to accept the Gospel, we can hope that there was no one before him who twisted the faith he had professed.
From the detailed account which we have of Simon in the Acts of the Apostles, I should be inclined to infer these two things: 1. That St. Luke knew no earlier instance of apostasy from the Gospel; and he mentions this because it was the first: and 2. That when St. Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles the heresy of Simon was widely spread; and therefore he tells his readers how it had begun. Concerning the remainder of Simon’s life we know little, and in that little it is difficult to separate truth 864from fiction. I should be inclined, for the reasons given above, to believe the account of Justin Martyr, who says that Simon Magus went to Rome in the reign of Claudius, and attracted numerous followers. Eusebius quotes this passage of Justin Martyr; but he adds, upon some other authority, which he does not name, that St. Peter came to Rome at the same time; and that, in consequence of his preaching, the popularity of the impostor was entirely destroyed. This would be a most interesting and important fact, if we were certain of its being true; but Eusebius contradicts himself in his account of Simon Magus going to Rome; and later writers have so embellished the story of this meeting, and made the death of Simon so astonishingly miraculous, that criticism is at a loss to know what to believe. The account which we have of Simon’s death is, in a few words, as follows: St. Peter and St. Paul being both at Rome, Simon Magus gave out that he was Christ; and, in proof of his assertion, he undertook to raise himself aloft into the air. The attempt at first appeared as if it would succeed; but the two Apostles addressing themselves in prayer to God, the impostor fell to the ground, and his death ensued shortly after. It is difficult to give this marvellous narration, without forgetting that we are treating of a grave and sacred subject; and the question for us to consider is, whether we are to look upon the whole as a fiction, or whether, as is most probable, it contains a basis and groundwork of truth. I must observe, in the first place, that Arnobius, who did not write till the fourth century, is the first person who says anything of Simon’s death at all approaching to this story; nor does he by any means give it all the particulars which later writers have supplied. It will be observed, also, that Eusebius, who wrote after Arnobius, does not say any thing of Simon’s extraordinary end; but merely states that his credit and influence were extinguished, as soon as St. Peter began to preach in Rome. It is probable, therefore, that no Greek writer before the time of Eusebius had mentioned this story; but, on the other hand, there is such a host of evidence, that the death of Simon Magus was in some way or other connected with the presence of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome, that we might be carrying our skepticism too far if we rejected it.
From the detailed account we have of Simon in the Acts of the Apostles, I’d say two things: 1. St. Luke didn’t know of any earlier cases of turning away from the Gospel; and he mentions this because it was the first; and 2. By the time St. Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles, Simon’s heresy was widespread; so he tells his readers how it all started. We know little about the rest of Simon’s life, and it's hard to separate fact from fiction in what little we do know. Based on the reasons mentioned above, I tend to believe Justin Martyr’s account, which says that Simon Magus went to Rome during Claudius’s reign and gathered many followers. Eusebius quotes this from Justin Martyr but adds, based on an unnamed source, that St. Peter came to Rome at the same time; and that, due to his preaching, the impostor’s popularity was completely wiped out. This would be a fascinating and significant fact if we were sure it was true; but Eusebius contradicts himself in his account of Simon Magus going to Rome, and later writers have embellished the story of their encounter so much and made Simon's death so incredibly miraculous that it’s hard to know what to believe. The account we have of Simon’s death is briefly as follows: While St. Peter and St. Paul were both in Rome, Simon Magus claimed to be Christ; and to prove his claim, he attempted to raise himself into the air. At first, it looked like he might succeed, but the two Apostles prayed to God, and the impostor fell to the ground, dying shortly afterward. It’s hard to present this astonishing tale without losing sight of the serious and sacred nature of the subject; and we need to consider whether we should view the entire thing as fiction, or whether, as is more likely, there’s some basis of truth in it. I should point out first that Arnobius, who wrote in the fourth century, is the first to mention anything about Simon’s death that resembles this story, and he certainly doesn’t include all the details that later writers added. Additionally, Eusebius, who wrote after Arnobius, doesn’t mention anything about Simon’s extraordinary end; he just states that his credibility and influence were extinguished once St. Peter began preaching in Rome. Therefore, it’s likely that no Greek writer before Eusebius mentioned this story; however, there’s so much evidence suggesting that Simon Magus's death was somehow connected to the presence of St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome that we might be too skeptical if we dismiss it.
With respect to the doctrines of Simon Magus, we know for certain that Christ held a conspicuous place in the philosophy which he taught; but to define with accuracy the various points of this philosophy, is a difficult, if not impossible, task. The fathers perhaps may be suspected of laying too many impieties to the charge of this heretic; and some of their accounts cannot be reconciled with each other. Still, however, we may extract from their writings an outline of the truth; and in this instance, as before, I would attach particular weight to the authority of Justin Martyr. That writer says that nearly all the inhabitants of Samaria, and a few persons in other countries, acknowledged and worshipped Simon Magus as the first or supreme God: and in another place he says that they styled him God, above all dominion and authority and power. Later writers have increased the blasphemy of this doctrine, and said that Simon declared himself to the Samaritans as the Father, to the Jews as the Son, and to the rest of the world as the Holy Ghost. But I cannot bring myself to believe that he ever advanced so far in wickedness or absurdity. The true state of the case may perhaps be collected from the words of St. Luke, who tells us that Simon gave himself out to be “some great one,” and that the people said of him, “This man is the great power of God,” Acts viii, 10. Such is the title which he bore before he had heard of Christ; and there is no reason to think that he afterward raised his pretensions, and identified himself with God. He gave himself out as “the great power of God,” that is, a person in whom divine power resided: and, after he had heard the Apostles, he seems to have so far enlarged his doctrine, as to have said, that the God whose minister he was, and who had always been worshipped in Samaria, had revealed himself to the Jews by his Son, and to the rest of the world by the Holy Ghost. There is reason to believe that he declared himself to be the Christ who appeared to the Jews; or rather, he said that the same spirit which descended upon Jesus had descended afterward upon himself; for he did not believe that Jesus had a real body, but he taught that he was only a phantom. To this he added, that the Holy Ghost, by which God was revealed to the Gentiles, resided in himself: and this I take to be the real origin of the story, that he was the God who revealed himself as the Father to the Samaritans, as the Son to the Jews, and as the Holy Ghost to the rest of the world.
Regarding the beliefs of Simon Magus, we know for sure that Christ played a significant role in the philosophy he taught, but accurately defining the various aspects of this philosophy is a challenging, if not impossible, task. The early church fathers might be seen as attributing too many wrongdoings to this heretic, and some of their accounts can't be reconciled with each other. Still, we can extract a framework of the truth from their writings; in this case, as in others, I give particular importance to the authority of Justin Martyr. He mentions that nearly all the people in Samaria, along with some individuals from other regions, recognized and worshipped Simon Magus as the first or supreme God. In another statement, he notes that they referred to him as God, above all dominion, authority, and power. Later writers have amplified the blasphemy of this doctrine, claiming that Simon presented himself to the Samaritans as the Father, to the Jews as the Son, and to everyone else as the Holy Spirit. However, I find it hard to believe he ever descended into such levels of wickedness or absurdity. The true situation may be gathered from St. Luke's words, who tells us that Simon claimed to be “some great one” and that people said of him, “This man is the great power of God,” Acts viii, 10. This was the title he held before he knew about Christ, and there's no evidence to suggest he later elevated his claims to identify himself with God. He presented himself as “the great power of God,” meaning a person in whom divine power resided. After hearing the Apostles, he seems to have expanded his doctrine to state that the God he served, who had always been worshipped in Samaria, revealed himself to the Jews through His Son, and to the rest of the world through the Holy Spirit. It's reasonable to think he claimed to be the Christ who appeared to the Jews; or, more accurately, he asserted that the same spirit that came down on Jesus also came down on him. He didn't believe Jesus had a real body but taught that He was merely a phantom. He also claimed that the Holy Spirit, through which God was revealed to the Gentiles, resided in him. I believe this is the true origin of the story that he was the God who revealed himself as the Father to the Samaritans, as the Son to the Jews, and as the Holy Spirit to the rest of the world.
Another charge, which is equally difficult to believe, relates to a female companion, whom he is said to have declared to be the first idea, or conception, which he, as God, put forth from his mind. By another mental process, in which this first idea was a partner, he produced the angels, and they created the world. All this was highly mystical, and writers have had recourse to different allegories, by which the absurdity may be explained. That Simon never identified a real living person with an idea emanating from the mind of God, may, I think, be assumed as certain. But we see, in this story, evident traces of the Gnostic doctrines. Valentinus, in the second century, made the first cause, or Bythus, act upon Σιγὴ, or Ἐννοία, that is, upon his own mind, and produce the first pair of æons. This then was the doctrine of Simon: the supreme God, by a mental process, produced different orders of angels, and they created the world. It was this same God, whose first or principal power resided in Simon Magus. But when later writers had said that he actually proclaimed himself as God, it followed that it was he, who, by an operation of his own mind, produced the angels. If I have argued rightly, I have freed the doctrine of Simon Magus from some of its impieties; but there is still much which is absurd, and 865much which is impious; for he believed that the world was created, not by the supreme God, but by inferior beings: he taught also, that Christ was one of those successive generations of æons which were derived from God; not the æon which created the world; but he was sent from God to rescue mankind from the tyranny of the demiurgus, or creative æon. Simon was also inventor of the strange notion, that the Jesus who was said to be born and crucified had not a material body, but was only a phantom. His other doctrines were, that the writers of the Old Testament were not inspired by the supreme God, the Fountain of good, but by those inferior beings who created the world, and who were the authors of evil. He denied a general resurrection; and the lives of himself and his followers are said to have been a continued course of impure and vicious conduct.
Another claim, which is just as hard to believe, involves a female companion, whom he supposedly said was the first idea or concept that he, as God, brought forth from his mind. Through another mental process, where this first idea was a partner, he created the angels, who then made the world. This was all very mystical, and writers have used various allegories to try to explain the absurdity of it. It's reasonable to assume that Simon never linked a real person to an idea coming from the mind of God. Yet, in this story, we can clearly see signs of Gnostic beliefs. In the second century, Valentinus presented the first cause, or Bythus, acting upon Σιγὴ (Silence) or Ἐννοία (Thought), which means acting upon his own mind, to produce the first pair of æons. This was Simon's doctrine: the supreme God, through a mental action, generated different orders of angels, and they created the world. This same God had his first or principal power residing in Simon Magus. But when later writers said that he openly declared himself as God, it suggested that he was the one who, through his own mental operation, created the angels. If I’ve reasoned correctly, I’ve cleared some of the blasphemy from Simon Magus's doctrine; however, much of it is still absurd and blasphemous because he believed that the world was created, not by the supreme God, but by lesser beings. He also taught that Christ was one of those successive generations of æons that came from God; not the æon that created the world, but he was sent from God to save humanity from the tyranny of the demiurgus, or creative æon. Simon also introduced the strange idea that the Jesus who was said to be born and crucified did not have a physical body but was just a phantom. His other beliefs were that the writers of the Old Testament were not inspired by the supreme God, the source of goodness, but by those lesser beings who created the world and who were the authors of evil. He denied a general resurrection, and it is said that the lives of him and his followers were marked by ongoing immoral and corrupt behavior.
Such was the doctrine and the practice of Simon Magus, from whom all the pseudo-Christian or Gnostic heresies were said to be derived. Simon himself seems to have been one of those Jews who, as we learn from the Acts of the Apostles, travelled about the country, exorcising evil spirits. But he was also a man of speculative mind; and, having studied the doctrines of Plato, he entered into the questions which were then so commonly agitated, concerning the eternity of matter, and the origin of evil. Hence we find him embracing the opinion, that the world was created by angels, who were themselves produced from God. This was a corrupted Platonism. Plato imagined that the ideas which were in the mind of the Deity created intellectual beings: Simon taught that the supreme God by an operation of his own mind produced the angels. The first intelligences of Plato were employed by God to create the world: Simon also taught that the angels, or æons, created the world; but in one respect the Gnostics had totally changed the philosophy of Plato; for they taught that the angel, or angels, who created the world, acted contrary to the wishes of the supreme God.
Such was the belief and the practices of Simon Magus, from whom all the pseudo-Christian or Gnostic heresies are said to have come. Simon himself seems to have been one of those Jews who, as we learn from the Acts of the Apostles, traveled around the country, casting out evil spirits. But he was also a person with a speculative mindset; and, having studied the teachings of Plato, he engaged with the questions that were commonly discussed at that time regarding the eternity of matter and the origin of evil. As a result, we find him adopting the belief that the world was created by angels, who themselves were produced by God. This was a distorted version of Platonism. Plato imagined that the ideas in the mind of the Deity created intellectual beings: Simon taught that the supreme God produced angels through his own mental operation. Plato's first intelligences were used by God to create the world: Simon also taught that the angels, or æons, created the world; but in one key way, the Gnostics completely changed Plato's philosophy; for they claimed that the angel, or angels, who created the world acted against the intentions of the supreme God.
SIN, the transgression of the law, or want of conformity to the will of God, 1 John iii, 4. Original sin is that whereby our whole nature is corrupted, and rendered contrary to the nature and law of God; or, according to the ninth article of the church of England, “It is that whereby man is very far gone from original righteousness, and is, of his own nature, inclined to evil.” This is sometimes called, “indwelling sin,” Rom. vii. The imputation of the sin of Adam to his posterity, is also what divines call, with some latitude of expression, original sin. Actual sin is a direct violation of God’s law, and generally applied to those who are capable of committing moral evil; as opposed to idiots or children, who have not the right use of their powers. Sins of omission consist in leaving those things undone which ought to be done. Sins of commission are those which are committed against affirmative precepts, or doing what should not be done. Sins of infirmity are those which arise from ignorance, surprise, &c. Secret sins are those committed in secret, or those of which, through blindness or prejudice, we do not see the evil, Psalm xix, 7–12. Presumptuous sins are those which are done boldly against light and conviction. The unpardonable sin is, according to some, the ascribing to the devil the miracles which Christ wrought by the power of the Holy Ghost. This sin, or blasphemy, as it should rather be called, many scribes and Pharisees were guilty of, who, beholding our Lord do his miracles, affirmed that he wrought them by Beelzebub, the prince of devils, which was, in effect, calling the Holy Ghost Satan, a most horrible blasphemy; and, as on this ground they rejected Christ, and salvation by him, their sin could certainly have no forgiveness, Mark iii, 22–30. No one therefore could be guilty of this blasphemy, except those who were spectators of Christ’s miracles. There is, however, another view of this unpardonable offence, which deserves consideration: The sin or blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, says Bishop Tomline, is mentioned in the first three Gospels. It appears that all the three evangelists agree in representing the sin or blasphemy against the Holy Ghost as a crime which would not be forgiven; but no one of them affirms that those who had ascribed Christ’s power of casting out devils to Beelzebub, had been guilty of that sin, and in St. Luke it is not mentioned that any such charge had been made. Our Saviour, according to the account in St. Matthew and St. Mark, endeavoured to convince the Jews of their error; but so far from accusing them of having committed an unpardonable sin in what they had said concerning him, he declares that “whosoever speaketh a word against the Son of man, it shall be forgiven him;” that is, whatever reproaches men may utter against the Son of man during his ministry, however they may calumniate the authority upon which he acts, it is still possible that hereafter they may repent and believe, and all their sins may be forgiven them; but the reviling of the Holy Ghost is described as an offence of a far more heinous nature: “The blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven unto men.” “He that shall blaspheme against the Holy Ghost hath never forgiveness.” “Unto him that blasphemeth againstagainst the Holy Ghost it shall not be forgiven.” It is plain that this sin against the Holy Ghost could not be committed while our Saviour was upon earth, since he always speaks of the Holy Ghost as not being to come till after his ascension into heaven. A few days after that great event, the descent of the Holy Ghost enabled the Apostles to work miracles, and communicated to them a variety of other supernatural gifts. If men should ascribe these powers to Beelzebub, or in any respect reject their authority, they would blaspheme the Holy Ghost, from whom they were derived; and that sin would be unpardonable, because this was the completion of the evidence of the divine authority of Christ and his religion; and they who rejected these last means of conviction, could have no other opportunity of being brought to faith in 866Christ, the only appointed condition of pardon and forgiveness. The greater heinousness of the sin of these men would consist in their rejecting a greater body of testimony; for they are supposed to be acquainted with the resurrection of our Saviour from the dead, with his ascension into heaven, with the miraculous descent of the Holy Ghost, and with the supernatural powers which it communicated; circumstances, all of which were enforced by the Apostles when they preached the Gospel; but none of which could be known to those who refused to acknowledge Jesus as the Messiah during his actual ministry. Though this was a great sin, it was not an unpardonable one, it might be remedied by subsequent belief, by yielding to subsequent testimony. But, on the other hand, they who finally rejected the accumulated and complete evidence of Jesus being the Messiah, as exhibited by the inspired Apostles, precluded themselves from the possibility of conviction, because no farther testimony would be afforded them, and consequently, there being no means of repentance, they would be incapable of forgiveness and redemption. Hence it appears that the sin against the Holy Ghost consisted in finally rejecting the Gospel as preached by the Apostles, who confirmed the truth of the doctrine which they taught “by signs and wonders, and divers miracles, and gifts of the Holy Ghost,” Heb. ii, 4. It was unpardonable, because this was the consummation of the proofs afforded to the men of that generation of the divine mission of Christ. This sin was manifestly distinct from all other sins; it indicated an invincible obstinacy of mind, an impious and unalterable determination to refuse the offered mercy of God. It would appear from this, that those only committed or could commit this irremissible offence, who were witnesses of the mighty works wrought by the Holy Spirit in the Apostles after Christ’s ascension and the day of pentecost. Our Lord’s declaration appears chiefly to respect the Jews. This view will serve to explain those passages in the Epistle to the Hebrews, in which the hopeless case of Jewish apostates is described. But see Blasphemy.
SIN refers to breaking the law or failing to align with God's will, as stated in 1 John 3:4. Original sin is the condition that corrupts our entire nature, making it contrary to the nature and law of God; or, as the ninth article of the Church of England describes, "It is what causes humans to stray far from original righteousness and inherently lean towards evil." This is sometimes referred to as "indwelling sin" (Romans 7). The attribution of Adam's sin to his descendants is also what theologians refer to, somewhat loosely, as original sin. Actual sin is a direct violation of God's law and generally applies to those capable of committing moral wrongs, in contrast to those who cannot, like children or the mentally impaired. Sins of omission involve failing to do things that should be done. Sins of commission involve doing what should not be done. Sins of infirmity arise from ignorance or surprise, etc. Secret sins are committed discreetly or those we fail to recognize as wrong due to blindness or bias (Psalm 19:7-12). Presumptuous sins are those committed openly against clear knowledge and conviction. The unpardonable sin, according to some, is attributing to the devil the miracles performed by Christ through the Holy Spirit. This sin, or blasphemy, was committed by many scribes and Pharisees who, witnessing Christ's miracles, claimed he performed them by Beelzebub, the prince of demons, which effectively equated calling the Holy Spirit Satan—a grave blasphemy; thus, since they rejected Christ and salvation through him, their sin could not be forgiven (Mark 3:22-30). Therefore, only those who witnessed Christ's miracles could be guilty of this blasphemy. However, another perspective on this unpardonable sin deserves attention: The sin or blasphemy against the Holy Spirit is mentioned in the first three Gospels. It seems all three evangelists agree that this sin or blasphemy against the Holy Spirit would not be forgiven; yet none of them states that those who attributed Christ's ability to cast out demons to Beelzebub committed that sin, and in Luke, there's no mention of any such accusation. According to the accounts in Matthew and Mark, our Savior tried to convince the Jews of their mistake; rather than accusing them of committing an unpardonable sin regarding what they said about him, he states that "whoever speaks a word against the Son of Man will be forgiven;" meaning that despite any insults they may throw at him during his ministry, they still have the chance to repent and believe later on, and all their sins can be forgiven. However, reviling the Holy Spirit is depicted as a much more severe offense: "Blasphemy against the Holy Spirit will not be forgiven." "Anyone who blasphemes the Holy Spirit will never be forgiven." "To whoever blasphemes against the Holy Spirit, it will not be forgiven." Clearly, this sin against the Holy Spirit could not occur while our Savior was on earth since he always refers to the Holy Spirit as coming after his ascension into heaven. A few days after that pivotal event, the Holy Spirit descended, enabling the Apostles to perform miracles and granting them various supernatural gifts. If people were to attribute these powers to Beelzebub or in any way reject their authority, they would be blaspheming the Holy Spirit from whom these gifts originated; that sin would be unpardonable because it completed the evidence of the divine authority of Christ and his teachings. Those who rejected such undeniable evidence could find no other opportunity to come to faith in Christ, which is the only way to achieve forgiveness and redemption. The severity of their sin stems from their refusal to accept a greater body of proof; they are expected to be aware of the resurrection of our Savior, his ascension into heaven, the miraculous descent of the Holy Spirit, and the supernatural powers it brought—circumstances all reinforced by the Apostles when they preached the Gospel. None of these could be known to those who rejected Jesus as the Messiah during his actual ministry. Although this was a significant sin, it wasn't an unpardonable one, as it could still be remedied by subsequent belief through accepting later testimony. On the other hand, those who ultimately rejected the complete evidence of Jesus being the Messiah—the evidence shown by the inspired Apostles—cut themselves off from the possibility of being convinced since no further testimony would be provided, and thus, without means for repentance, they would be beyond forgiveness and redemption. Therefore, the sin against the Holy Spirit consisted of a final rejection of the Gospel preached by the Apostles, who confirmed the truth of what they preached "with signs and wonders, and various miracles, and gifts of the Holy Spirit" (Hebrews 2:4). It was unpardonable because it marked the culmination of the proof given to that generation of the divine mission of Christ. This sin was distinctly different from all others; it showed an unyielding stubbornness, an impious and unchangeable resolve to reject God's offered mercy. It appears that only those who were witnesses of the mighty works performed by the Holy Spirit through the Apostles after Christ's ascension and the day of Pentecost could commit this unforgivable offense. Our Lord's statement seems primarily directed at the Jews. This perspective helps clarify those passages in the Epistle to the Hebrews, which depict the hopeless situation of Jewish apostates. But see Blasphemy.
SIN, Desert of. To this the tenth station the Israelites came exactly a month after they left Egypt. And here again they murmured for “the bread and the flesh-pots of Egypt.” So the Lord gave them quails for a day, and manna for forty years, till they came to the borders of Canaan. On this occasion the institution of the Sabbath was revived, as a day of rest, which had been intermitted during their Egyptian bondage. On this day there fell no manna, but on the preceding they were directed to gather two days’ provision. To perpetuate the memorial of “this bread from heaven” to future generations, a pot of manna, which was preserved fresh, by a standing miracle, was ordered to be laid up beside the ark of the covenant, in the sanctuary, Exod. xvi.
Desert of SIN. The Israelites arrived at this tenth station exactly a month after leaving Egypt. Here, they complained again about “the bread and the meat pots of Egypt.” So, the Lord provided them with quails for one day and manna for forty years, until they reached the borders of Canaan. On this occasion, the Sabbath was reestablished as a day of rest, which had been forgotten during their time in Egypt. No manna fell on this day, but they were instructed to gather enough for two days on the day before. To remember “this bread from heaven” for future generations, a pot of manna, which remained fresh through a miracle, was to be kept beside the ark of the covenant in the sanctuary, Exod. xvi.
SINAI, a famous mountain of Arabia Petræa, on which God gave the law to Moses, Exod. xix, 1; xxiv, 16; xxxi, 18; xxxiv, 2, 4, &c; Lev. xxv, 1; xxvi, 46. It stands in a kind of peninsula, formed by the two arms of the Red Sea; one extending north, called the Gulf of Kolsom; the other extending east, called the Gulf of Elan. The Arabs call Mount Sinai by the name of Tor, that is, the mountain, by way of excellence; or Gibel Mousa, “the mountain of Moses.” It is two hundred and sixty miles from Cairo, which is a journey of ten days. The wilderness of Sinai, where the Israelites continued encamped almost a year, and where Moses erected the tabernacle of the covenant, is considerably elevated above the rest of the country; the ascent to it is very craggy, the greater part cut out of the rock; then one comes to a large space of ground, which is a plain surrounded on all sides by rocks and eminences, whose length is nearly twelve miles. Toward the extremity of this plain, on the north, two high mountains appear; the highest is called Sinai, the other Horeb. They are of very steep ascent, and do not stand on much ground in comparison to their extraordinary height. Sinai is at least one third part higher than the other, and its ascent more upright and difficult. The top of the mountain terminates in an uneven and rugged space, which might contain about sixty persons. On this eminence is built a little chapel, called St. Catherine’s, where it is thought the body of this saint rested for three hundred and sixty years; but afterward it was removed into a church at the foot of the mountain. Near this chapel issues a fountain of very good fresh water; it is looked upon as miraculous, it not being conceivable how water can flow from the brow of so high and so barren a mountain. Mount Horeb stands west of Sinai; so that at sun-rising the shadow of Sinai covers Horeb. Beside the little fountain at the top of Sinai, there is another at the foot of Horeb, which supplies the monastery of St. Catherine. Five or six paces from thence they show a stone, whose height is four or five feet, and breadth about three, which they say is the very stone from whence Moses caused the water to gush out. Its colour is of a spotted grey; and it is, as it were, set in a kind of earth, where no other rock appears. This stone has twelve holes or channels, which are about a foot wide, from whence they say the water issued which the Israelites drank.
SINAI, a well-known mountain in Arabia Petraea, where God gave the law to Moses, Exod. xix, 1; xxiv, 16; xxxi, 18; xxxiv, 2, 4, etc.; Lev. xxv, 1; xxvi, 46. It is located in a kind of peninsula created by the two arms of the Red Sea; one extends north, called the Gulf of Kolsom, and the other extends east, called the Gulf of Elan. The Arabs refer to Mount Sinai as Tor, meaning "the mountain" in a general sense, or Gibel Mousa, “the mountain of Moses.” It is about two hundred and sixty miles from Cairo, which takes around ten days to travel. The wilderness of Sinai, where the Israelites camped for almost a year and where Moses built the tabernacle of the covenant, is significantly higher than the surrounding area. The path leading up is quite rocky, mostly carved out of the rock; then you arrive at a large, flat space surrounded by rocks and high ground, nearly twelve miles long. At the northern end of this plain, two tall mountains can be seen; the tallest is called Sinai, and the other is Horeb. They have very steep ascents and don’t cover much ground compared to their impressive height. Sinai is at least one-third taller than the other and has a more challenging climb. The summit of the mountain ends in an uneven and rugged area, which could fit around sixty people. On this peak, there is a small chapel called St. Catherine’s, believed to be the place where the body of this saint rested for three hundred sixty years; it was later moved to a church at the foot of the mountain. Near this chapel, there’s a fountain of fresh water regarded as miraculous, as it’s hard to believe how water can flow from such a high and barren mountain. Mount Horeb is located to the west of Sinai, so at sunrise, the shadow of Sinai envelops Horeb. Aside from the small fountain at the top of Sinai, there’s another at the foot of Horeb, which provides for the monastery of St. Catherine. A few paces away, there’s a stone about four or five feet tall and three feet wide, believed to be the very stone from which Moses made water flow. It has a spotted grey color and appears to be set in soil with no other rock around. This stone has twelve holes or channels, approximately a foot wide, from which it’s said the water flowed that the Israelites drank.
“Sinai,” says Sandys, “has three tops of a marvellousmarvellous height; that on the west side, where God appeared to Moses in a bush, fruitful in pasturage, far lower than the middlemost, and shadowed when the sun riseth thereon; which is that whereon God gave the law to Moses, and which is now called the Mount of Moses, at the foot of which stands the monastery called St. Catherine’s, from which there were steps formerly up to the very top of the mountain, and were computed fourteen thousand in number. At present some of them are broken, but those that remain are well made, and easy to go up and down. There are, in several places of the ascent, good cisterns; and especially near the top, a fair and good one. The third or most easterly summit is called by the 867religious in those parts, Mount Catherine; on the top of which there is a dome, under which they say was interred the body of this saint, brought thither by angels after she was beheaded at Alexandria.” One may judge of the height of St. Catherine’s Mount, which certainly is not so high as that of Moses by a third part, from this circumstance, that Thevenot found much snow on both when he was there, which was in February. The monastery of St. Catherine is from Cairo some eight days’ journey over the deserts.
“Sinai,” says Sandys, “has three peaks of a marvelousmarvellous height; the one on the west side, where God appeared to Moses in a bush, is rich in pasturage, much lower than the middle peak, and provides shade when the sun rises; this is where God gave the law to Moses, which is now called the Mount of Moses, at the foot of which stands the monastery known as St. Catherine's. There used to be steps leading all the way to the very top of the mountain, estimated to number fourteen thousand. Some of those steps are broken now, but the ones that are left are well built and easy to navigate. Along the way, there are good cisterns in several places; notably, near the top, there is a fine one. The third and most easterly peak is referred to by the locals as Mount Catherine; at the summit, there’s a dome where they say the body of this saint was buried, brought there by angels after she was beheaded in Alexandria.” One can gauge the height of St. Catherine's Mount, which is certainly about a third shorter than that of Moses, from the fact that Thevenot found a lot of snow on both when he visited in February. The monastery of St. Catherine is about an eight days' journey from Cairo across the deserts.
SION, or ZION, Mount, a mount or hill on the south of Old Jerusalem or Salem, and higher than that on which the ancient city stood. This hill was, perhaps, on this account, made choice of by the Jebusites for building a fort or citadel upon; which fort was taken by David, who transferred his court thither from Hebron, and brought the ark of the Lord and set it in a tabernacle or tent pitched for it. On this account it is, that this hill is so frequently styled in the Psalms the “holy hill;” and, by way of excellence, is used in the poetical language of Scripture to denote the whole city of Jerusalem. Here David built a palace, and a city, called after him the city of David; and which subsequently formed a part of Jerusalem, enclosed within the same walls, although a great part of the hill is now left without them; while, on the contrary, Calvary, which is supposed to have stood formerly without the walls, is now enclosed within them, the city having drawn itself round about this sacred mount. “This hill,” says M. Chateaubriand, “is of a yellowish colour, and barren appearance; open in form of a crescent, toward Jerusalem; and is about as high as Montmartre at Paris, but rounder at the top. This sacred summit is distinguished by three monuments, or, more properly, by three ruins, the house of Caiaphas, the place where Christ celebrated his last supper, and the tomb or palace of David. From the top of the hill you see, to the south, the valley of Ben Hinnom; beyond this, the field of blood, purchased with the thirty pieces of silver given to Judas; the hill of Evil Counsel, the tombs of the judges, and the whole desert toward Hebron and Bethlehem. To the north, the wall of Jerusalem, which passes over the top of Sion, intercepts the view of the city, the site of which gradually slopes toward the Valley of Jehoshaphat.”
SION, or ZION, Mount, is a hill located to the south of Old Jerusalem, also known as Salem, and is higher than the location of the ancient city. This hill was likely chosen by the Jebusites to build a fort or citadel because of its elevation; this fort was captured by David, who moved his court there from Hebron and brought the ark of the Lord, placing it in a tent he pitched for it. This is why the hill is frequently referred to as the “holy hill” in the Psalms, and in poetic language within Scripture, it often refers to the entire city of Jerusalem. Here, David constructed a palace and a city named after him, the city of David, which later became part of Jerusalem, enclosed within the same walls, though a large part of the hill is now outside those walls; conversely, Calvary, which is believed to have been outside the walls in the past, is now surrounded by them, as the city has expanded around this sacred mount. “This hill,” says M. Chateaubriand, “has a yellowish color and a barren appearance; it opens in a crescent shape towards Jerusalem and is about as high as Montmartre in Paris, but rounder at the top. This sacred peak is marked by three monuments, or more accurately, three ruins: the house of Caiaphas, the place where Christ had his last supper, and the tomb or palace of David. From the top of the hill, you can see, to the south, the valley of Ben Hinnom; beyond it lies the field of blood, purchased with the thirty pieces of silver given to Judas; the hill of Evil Counsel, the tombs of the judges, and the entire desert stretching toward Hebron and Bethlehem. To the north, the wall of Jerusalem, which runs over the top of Sion, blocks the view of the city, which gradually slopes down toward the Valley of Jehoshaphat.”
Dr. Richardson observes of Sion, “At the time when I visited this sacred ground, one part of it supported a crop of barley, another was undergoing the labour of the plough, and the soil turned up consisted of stones and lime mixed with earth, such as is usually met with in the foundations of ruined cities. It is nearly a mile in circumference, is highest on the west side, and toward the east falls down in broad terraces on the upper part of the mountain, and narrow ones on the side as it slopes down toward the brook Kedron. Each terrace is divided from the one above it by a low wall of dry stone, built of the ruins of this celebrated spot. The terraces near the bottom of the hill are used as gardens, and are watered from the pool of Siloam. We have here another remarkable instance of the special fulfilment of prophecy. ‘Therefore shall Zion for your sakes be ploughed as a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps,’ Micah iii, 12.” Mr. Jolliffe represents the hill of Sion as not more raised above the city than the Aventine hill above the Roman forum; but conjectures that its height, from its base in the Valley of Gehinnon, from which it rises abruptly, may be equivalent to some of the lowest hills which encompass Bath; that is, if the estimate be correct, about three hundred and sixty feet, which is the height of the lowest of the hills above that city.
Dr. Richardson notes about Sion, “When I visited this sacred area, one part was growing a crop of barley, another was being plowed, and the soil turned up was a mix of stones and lime with dirt, like what you usually find in the foundations of ruined cities. It's almost a mile around, highest on the west side, and slopes down to the east in broad terraces at the top of the mountain, with narrower ones as it descends toward the brook Kedron. Each terrace is separated from the one above it by a low dry stone wall made from the ruins of this famous location. The terraces near the bottom of the hill are used as gardens and are watered from the pool of Siloam. This is another remarkable example of prophecy being specifically fulfilled. ‘Therefore shall Zion for your sakes be ploughed as a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps,’ Micah iii, 12.” Mr. Jolliffe describes the hill of Sion as not rising much above the city, similar to how the Aventine hill is above the Roman forum; he speculates that its height, taken from its base in the Valley of Gehinnon where it rises steeply, might be comparable to some of the lowest hills that circle Bath; specifically, if the estimate is accurate, about three hundred and sixty feet, which is the height of the lowest hills above that city.
SISTER, in the style of the Hebrews, has equal latitude as brother. It is used not only for a sister by natural relation from the same father and mother, but also for a sister only by the same father or by the same mother, or a near relation only. Sarah is called sister to Abraham, Gen. xii, 13; xx, 12, though only his niece according to some, or sister by the father’s side according to others. In the law, Lev. xviii, 18, it is forbidden to take to wife the sister of a wife; to marry two sisters; or, according to some interpreters, to marry a second wife, having one already. Literally, “Thou shalt not take a wife over her sister to afflict her;” as if meaning to forbid polygamy. In the Gospels, the brothers and sisters of Jesus Christ are his cousins, children of the sisters of the holy virgin, Matt. xiii, 56; Mark vi, 3.
SISTER, like brother, has the same meaning in Hebrew. It refers not just to a sister by blood from both parents, but also to a sister who shares one parent, or even a close relative. Sarah is referred to as Abraham's sister in Gen. xii, 13; xx, 12, even though some say she was just his niece, while others claim she was his half-sister. According to the law in Lev. xviii, 18, it’s prohibited to marry a wife’s sister; to have two sisters as wives; or, as some interpreters suggest, to take a second wife when already married. Literally, it means, “You shall not take a wife in addition to her sister to cause her distress;” implying a ban on polygamy. In the Gospels, the brothers and sisters of Jesus Christ are actually his cousins, children of the sisters of the Virgin Mary, Matt. xiii, 56; Mark vi, 3.
SLAVE. See Servant.
SLAVE. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
SLEEP, Sleeping, Slumbering, is taken either for the sleep or repose of the body; or for the sleep of the soul, which is supineness, indolence, stupidity; or for the sleep of death. “You shall sleep with your fathers;” you shall die, as they are dead. Jeremiah, li, 39, threatens Babylon, in the name of the Lord, with a perpetual sleep, out of which they shall not awake. Daniel, xii, 2, speaks of those that sleep in the dust of the grave. “Lazarus our friend sleepeth; let us go and awake him,” John xi, 11; he is dead, let us go and raise him up. “Awake, thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light,” Eph. v, 14. Here St. Paul speaks to those that were dead in sin and infidelity. St. Peter says of the wicked, “Their damnation slumbereth not,” 2 Peter ii, 3. God is not asleep, he will not forget to punish them in his own due time. Isaiah, lxv, 4, speaks of a superstitious practice among the Pagans, who went to sleep in the temples of their idols, to obtain prophetic dreams: “They remain among the graves, and lodge in the monuments.” The word, which we translate “monuments,” signifies places “kept” or “observed.” Some interpret it of idol temples, some of caves and dens, in which the Heathens used to worship their idols; and some of tombs or monuments for dead persons. Thus also the superstitious and idolatrous Jews, in contempt of the prophets, and of the temple of the Lord, went into the tombs and temples of idols to sleep there, and to have dreams that might discover future events to them. The Pagans for this 868purpose used to lie upon the skins of the sacrificed victims.
SLEEP, Sleeping, Sleeping, refers to either the physical sleep or rest of the body; or to the sleep of the soul, which signifies laziness, inactivity, or ignorance; or to the sleep of death. “You shall sleep with your fathers;” meaning you shall die, just like they did. Jeremiah 51:39 warns Babylon, in the name of the Lord, about a never-ending sleep from which they won't awaken. Daniel 12:2 talks about those who sleep in the dust of the grave. “Lazarus, our friend, is sleeping; let us go and wake him,” John 11:11; he is dead, so let’s go and raise him up. “Awake, you who sleep, and arise from the dead, and Christ will give you light,” Ephesians 5:14. Here, St. Paul is addressing those who are dead in sin and disbelief. St. Peter says of the wicked, “Their damnation doesn’t sleep,” 2 Peter 2:3. God is not asleep; He will not forget to punish them in His own time. Isaiah 65:4 mentions a superstitious practice among the Pagans, who would sleep in the temples of their idols to receive prophetic dreams: “They remain among the graves, and lodge in the monuments.” The term we translate as “monuments” refers to places that are “kept” or “observed.” Some interpret it as idol temples, others as caves or hideouts where the Heathens worshiped their idols; and some as tombs or memorials for the dead. Similarly, the superstitious and idolatrous Jews, in disregard of the prophets and the temple of the Lord, went into the tombs and idol temples to sleep there, hoping to have dreams that would reveal future events to them. The Pagans would often lie on the skins of the sacrificed animals for this purpose.
SLINGS. See Arms.
SLINGS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
SMYRNA, a city of Asia Minor, and one of the finest in all the Levant. It contended for the honour of giving birth to Homer, and its title is by many thought to be the best founded. The Christian church in Smyrna was one of the seven churches of Asia to which the Apostle John was commanded to address an epistle, Rev. ii, 8–10. The present Smyrna, which the Turks call Esmir, is about four miles in circumference, and contains a population of about a hundred thousand souls. It is less remarkable for the elegance of its buildings than for the beauty of its situation, the extent of its commerce, and the riches of its inhabitants.
SMYRNA, a city in Asia Minor, is one of the finest in the entire Levant. It has claimed the honor of being the birthplace of Homer, a title that many believe is well-deserved. The Christian church in Smyrna was one of the seven churches in Asia that the Apostle John was instructed to write to, as mentioned in Rev. ii, 8–10. Today’s Smyrna, known as Esmir by the Turks, has a circumference of about four miles and a population of around one hundred thousand people. It is less notable for the elegance of its buildings and more for its beautiful location, extensive trade, and the wealth of its residents.
SOCINIANS, a sect so called from Faustus Socinus, who died in Poland in 1604. This celebrated man was born in Tuscany, and was descended from an ancient and noble family. In the earlier period of his life he devoted little time to literary acquisitions, but he was possessed of a vigorous understanding, and of that steady fortitude which qualified him for the memorable part which he afterward acted. His connection with his uncle Lælius probably gave a bias to his mind with respect to religion. He warmly embraced his tenets, and he spent a great part of his days in studying and disseminating them. Having left his native country, he visited Poland; and finally he settled in it for the express purpose of propagating his own peculiar views of religious truth. The fundamental principles which he assumed were, the rejection of all mystery from revelation, and the necessity of trying its doctrines by the light of reason; and he rigorously applied this latter maxim in conducting his theological investigations. He inculcated in the strictest sense, the unity of God; considered the Word and the Holy Ghost as attributes of the supreme Being; taught that Christ was a man peculiarly honoured by the Almighty, having been born through the operation of the Spirit; and that he was so highly exalted, in consequence of his office as the Saviour of the world, that he might be styled the Son of God, and ought to be worshipped. Struck with several declarations of our Lord which seemed to imply that he had descended from heaven, and which militated against his leading tenet respecting Jesus, he endeavoured to evade the application of them, by supposing or affirming that, previous to the commencement of our Saviour’s ministry, he had, through the power of God, been taken up to the celestial regions, and had in them received from the Almighty the truths which he was commissioned to reveal.
SOCINIANS, a group named after Faustus Socinus, who died in Poland in 1604. This prominent figure was born in Tuscany and came from an old and noble family. In his early years, he didn't focus much on formal education, but he had a sharp intellect and the resilience needed for the significant role he later played. His relationship with his uncle Lælius likely influenced his religious views. He passionately adopted these beliefs and spent much of his life studying and sharing them. After leaving his home country, he traveled to Poland and eventually settled there specifically to promote his unique interpretation of religious truth. The key principles he embraced were the removal of all mystery from revelation and the necessity of evaluating its teachings through reason; he rigorously applied this principle to his theological studies. He emphasized the strict belief in the oneness of God; regarded the Word and the Holy Spirit as attributes of the supreme Being; taught that Christ was a man uniquely honored by God, having been born by the power of the Spirit; and believed that because of his role as the Savior of the world, he could be called the Son of God and deserved to be worshipped. Confronted with various statements from our Lord that suggested he came down from heaven, which conflicted with his main belief about Jesus, he tried to explain them away by suggesting or claiming that before starting his ministry, Jesus had been taken up to heaven by God and received the truths he was meant to reveal.
The first reception of Socinus in Poland, even by those who might have been expected to welcome him, was most discouraging. The Unitarian churches which had been previously established in that kingdom, differing from him in several points, would not admit him into their communion; and he had to encounter the enmity of the great majority of Christians, who abhorred his tenets, and branded them as impious. But, notwithstanding all this, and although he was visited with much suffering and affliction, his perseverance, his talents, and his zeal soon excited admiration; his views were adopted by many even in the highest stations of life; his principles were embodied in a catechism, which, though not imposed upon his followers, they read with very extensive acquiescence; and he had the satisfaction of beholding the sentiments which he had long cherished, embraced by various churches enjoying the protection of government, and permitted to establish seminaries of education by which the impression made on the public mind might be preserved and deepened. There was not, however, perfect unanimity of faith among all his associates who united in denying the divinity of our Lord. Vast numbers of these, previous to their having perused the papers of Lælius Socinus, had so far received the system of Arianism, that they believed Christ to have existed before he entered into the world; and although many, in consequence of the reasonings and representations of Socinus, abandoned this doctrine, it was retained by some, who, from their leader, were called Farnovians. Socinus conducted himself toward these men with admirable address. Fully aware that the tendency of their having departed so far from the orthodox tenets was to lead them to still farther recession, and sensible that his own system naturally and consequentially resulted from what they readily admitted, he used every method to conciliate them, and he permitted them to remain with his followers, upon condition of their not openly insisting on the preëxistence of Christ. They did, however, at length separate from the great body of his adherents; but they gradually approached nearer and nearer to them, and, upon the death of Farnovius, most of them incorporated themselves with the Socinians, and all trace of them as a distinct party was obliterated.
The initial reception of Socinus in Poland, even from those who might have welcomed him, was quite discouraging. The Unitarian churches already established in the kingdom, differing from him on several points, would not accept him into their community; and he faced hostility from the vast majority of Christians, who detested his beliefs and labeled them as impious. However, despite all this, and although he endured much suffering and hardship, his perseverance, abilities, and enthusiasm quickly won admiration; his ideas were embraced by many, even among those in high positions; his principles were compiled in a catechism, which, although not enforced on his followers, was read with widespread acceptance; and he found satisfaction in seeing the views he had long held adopted by various churches that received government support and were allowed to establish educational institutions to keep those ideas prominent and influential. Yet, there was not complete agreement in faith among all his supporters who joined in denying the divinity of our Lord. Many of them, before reading Lælius Socinus's writings, had accepted Arianism to the extent that they believed Christ existed before coming into the world; and though many abandoned this belief due to Socinus's arguments and insights, some retained it and were called Farnovians after their leader. Socinus handled these individuals with remarkable skill. Fully aware that their departure from orthodox beliefs might lead them further away, and realizing that his own system naturally followed from the ideas they accepted, he tried every possible way to win them over and allowed them to stay with his followers as long as they did not openly insist on Christ's pre-existence. Eventually, however, they did separate from the larger group of his supporters; but they gradually drew closer to them, and after the death of Farnovius, most of them joined the Socinians, effectively erasing all traces of them as a separate party.
Socinus was much more agitated by the promulgation of an opinion very opposite to those now mentioned. As might have been anticipated, there were some who, having adopted the sentiments of Lælius Socinus as to the simple humanity of Christ, deduced from this tenet consequences which appeared to them obviously to flow from it, although these had not been perceived or admitted by Lælius himself. A striking example of this took place in the time of Faustus Socinus. Francis David, a man of considerable influence among the Unitarians, being the superintendent of their churches in Transylvania, maintained that, as Christ was born just like other men, so he continued, notwithstanding his exaltation, to be merely a human being; and that therefore all invocation of him, and worship paid to him, were to be shunned as impiety or idolatry. Socinus inveighed with the utmost warmth against this opinion; he used every method to induce David to renounce it; and, at the desire of one of his friends, he resided for a considerable time at the house of his opponent, that the subject at issue might be fully and 869calmly discussed. He failed, however, in accomplishing his object. David persisted, as he had, upon the ground which he had taken, good reason to do, in asserting the doctrine which he had announced; and he was soon after this thrown by the prince of Transylvania into prison, where he lingered for several years, and then died at an advanced age. It has been insinuated that Socinus was accessary to this cruel deed of detestable persecution; and, although attempts have been made to wipe off the imputation, there is too much cause to think that it is not wholly unfounded. Most certain it is, that he had it much at heart to root out what he viewed as the heresy of David, and that the support of it after the death of the unhappy sufferer by some distinguished Unitarians gave him much uneasiness. It is not unlikely that the zeal which he thus displayed arose from his apprehension that the tenets which he opposed would supplant his own, and from the difficulty that he must have experienced in turning aside the inferences which were affirmed to follow from what he admitted. If such was the case, and it seems in many respects more probable than the conjecture of Mosheim, that it is to be attributed to the dread of rendering the sect more odious than it actually was, we have a striking proof of his discernment, though at the expense of his candour; for the present creed of Unitarianism approaches much nearer to that of David than to the doctrines of the founder of Socinianism himself.
Socinus was much more upset by the spread of an opinion that was very different from the ones just mentioned. As might have been expected, some people, having adopted Lælius Socinus's views on the simple humanity of Christ, drew conclusions that seemed obvious to them, although Lælius himself had not recognized or accepted these ideas. A notable example of this occurred during the time of Faustus Socinus. Francis David, a man with considerable influence among the Unitarians and the superintendent of their churches in Transylvania, argued that since Christ was born like other men, he continued to be merely human, despite his exaltation; therefore, any invocation or worship of him should be avoided as impiety or idolatry. Socinus strongly opposed this belief; he tried every method to persuade David to abandon it, and at the request of one of his friends, he stayed for an extended period at his opponent's house so they could fully and calmly discuss the issue. However, he failed to achieve his goal. David stood firm in his position, justifiably asserting the doctrine he had announced, and soon after, he was imprisoned by the prince of Transylvania, where he suffered for several years and ultimately died at an old age. It has been suggested that Socinus was involved in this cruel act of severe persecution; although efforts have been made to clear his name, there is too much evidence to believe that the accusation is entirely unfounded. It is certain that he was very intent on eliminating what he saw as David's heresy and that the support for it after the tragic death of the unfortunate victim by some prominent Unitarians troubled him greatly. It’s likely that the zeal he displayed stemmed from his fear that the beliefs he opposed would overshadow his own and from the challenges he faced in countering the inferences drawn from what he accepted. If that was the case, and it seems more plausible in many respects than Mosheim's suggestion that it was driven by the fear of making the sect seem worse than it was, we have a clear indication of his insight, though it came at the cost of his honesty; because the current Unitarian belief is much closer to David's views than to the doctrines of the founder of Socinianism himself.
But, while he was thus disquieted by opposition which, after the liberty with which he had himself departed from the faith of the most ancient and numerous Christian churches, should have created no surprise, he was highly gratified by the zeal and the establishment of his followers. Under the protection of the ample toleration which they enjoyed in Poland they were sedulous in their attempts to imprint their tenets upon those among whom they lived, and to send these tenets abroad to foreign nations. The Anti-trinitarians in Poland had early translated the Scriptures, and their successors under Socinus composed many works with the design of defending the principles of their faith. They also sent missionaries to propagate their views and to disseminate the books which supported them, anticipating success similar to that which had accompanied their efforts in Transylvania. But in Hungary and in Austria they were successfully opposed by the united and cordial efforts of Catholics and Protestants. In Holland they were more fortunate; and in England they established only one congregation, which differed in some points from the parent sect, and which soon dwindled away.
But while he was troubled by opposition that, given the freedom he had taken in leaving the beliefs of the oldest and largest Christian churches, should have surprised him less, he was very pleased with the enthusiasm and growth of his followers. Thanks to the extensive tolerance they enjoyed in Poland, they worked hard to spread their beliefs to those around them and to share these beliefs with foreign nations. The Anti-Trinitarians in Poland had translated the Scriptures early on, and their successors under Socinus wrote many works aimed at defending their principles. They also sent out missionaries to promote their ideas and distribute the books that supported them, expecting to achieve success similar to that experienced in Transylvania. However, in Hungary and Austria, they faced strong opposition from the united efforts of Catholics and Protestants. They had better luck in Holland, and in England, they managed to establish only one congregation that differed from the parent sect in a few ways and soon faded away.
These failures, which the ardour, the ability, and the high rank of many who engaged in the diffusion of Socinianism were unable to prevent, were soon followed by their expulsion from the country in which they had so long remained in security and peace. Toward the middle of the seventeenth century some of the students attending the academy at Racow, wantonly insulted the feelings and the principles of the Catholics, by a contemptible act of outrage against a crucifix, which, with stones, they threw down from the place in which it had been erected. By men warmly attached to their own religion, and who had at all times regarded the Socinians as undermining its foundation, this youthful excess was represented as confirming all the charges that had been made against the community to which the perpetrators belonged, and they determined to exert themselves to procure their punishment or extirpation. The supporters of the established religion accordingly applied to the diet at Warsaw; and, notwithstanding the powerful influence used in favour of the Socinians, a cruel edict was passed, abolishing their academy at Racow, banishing the learned men who had taught in it, breaking the printing presses, and shutting up the churches. This edict was carried into effect with much severity; but it did not exhaust the enmity now cherished against the sect; for within a few years after, by a solemn act of the Polish diet, they were banished from the territories of the republic, and, with sad departure from the tolerant and beneficent spirit of the Gospel, death was denounced against all who held their opinions, or who even sheltered and protected those who entertained them. A short time was allowed to the unfortunate victims to arrange their affairs before they bade an eternal adieu to scenes which all the ties of human life must have endeared to them; but this period was abridged. Some, however, had escaped the operation of the law, and had remained in Poland; but three years after the edict was renewed, and the Socinians who still lingered in their beloved country were driven from it with a rigour and an inhumanity reflecting infamy upon those who were guilty of them, and leading to the most melancholy reflections upon that dismal perversion of all that is amiable in our nature, which has so often been effected by a mistaken zeal for a religion breathing the tenderest concern for the happiness of mankind. The principles of Socinus were, notwithstanding, secretly fostered, and various causes tended to perpetuate them even where in profession they were abjured. The propensity, so natural to man, of dissipating every shade of mystery, and casting the light of his own understanding around the subjects of his contemplation, did not cease to operate; and the application of this principle, so gratifying to the pride of human reason, carried many farther than even Socinus had probably anticipated.
These failures, which the passion, skills, and high status of many involved in spreading Socinianism couldn’t prevent, were soon followed by their expulsion from the country where they had lived in safety and peace for so long. Around the middle of the seventeenth century, some students at the academy in Racow insulted the feelings and principles of Catholics by vandalizing a crucifix, throwing it down with stones from where it had been placed. This reckless act by people strongly attached to their own religion, who had always viewed the Socinians as undermining its foundations, was seen as proof of all the accusations against the group the offenders belonged to, and they decided to push for their punishment or elimination. The supporters of the established religion applied to the diet in Warsaw; and despite the strong influence in favor of the Socinians, a harsh decree was issued to shut down their academy in Racow, exile the scholars who had taught there, destroy the printing presses, and close the churches. This decree was enforced with great severity; however, it didn't eliminate the hostility aimed at the sect. Just a few years later, a formal act by the Polish diet banished them from the republic’s territories, and, sadly departing from the tolerant and benevolent spirit of the Gospel, death was declared for anyone who held their views or even sheltered and protected those who did. The unfortunate victims were given a short time to organize their affairs before they said a final goodbye to the places that must have been dear to them, but this time was cut short. Some managed to evade the law and stayed in Poland; but three years later, the decree was reinstated, and the Socinians who remained in their beloved country were expelled with a severity and cruelty that brought shame upon those responsible, leading to deep sorrow regarding the tragic distortion of all that is good in our nature, which has often occurred due to misguided zeal for a religion that genuinely cares for human happiness. Nevertheless, the principles of Socinus were secretly nurtured, and various factors helped to sustain them even where they were formally denied. The natural human tendency to remove every hint of mystery and illuminate the subjects of our contemplation didn’t stop operating; and this principle, satisfying to the ego of human reason, led many beyond even what Socinus probably anticipated.
The Socinians hold, that Jesus Christ was a mere man, who had no existence before he was born of the virgin Mary; that the Holy Ghost is no distinct person; but that the Father only is truly and properly God. They own that the name of God is given in Scripture to Jesus Christ, but contend that it is only a deputed title; which, however, invests him with a great authority over all creatures. They deny the doctrine of satisfaction and imputed righteousness, and say, that Christ only preached the truth to mankind, set before them in 870himself an example of heroic virtue, and sealed his doctrines with his blood. Original sin they esteem a mere scholastic chimera. Some of them, likewise, maintain the sleep of the soul, which, they say, becomes insensible at death, and is raised again with the body at the resurrection, when the good shall be established in the possession of eternal felicity, while the wicked shall be consigned to a fire that will torment them, not eternally, but for a certain duration, proportioned to their demerits.
The Socinians believe that Jesus Christ was just a regular man who didn’t exist before he was born to the Virgin Mary; they argue that the Holy Spirit is not a separate person and that only the Father is truly and properly God. They acknowledge that the name of God is used in the Scriptures for Jesus Christ, but they argue it is merely a delegated title, which still gives him significant authority over all beings. They reject the ideas of satisfaction and imputed righteousness, claiming that Christ’s role was to preach the truth to humanity, providing an example of heroic virtue in himself, and confirming his teachings with his blood. They view original sin as merely a theoretical construct. Some of them also believe in the sleep of the soul, claiming that it becomes unresponsive at death and is revived with the body at the resurrection, when the righteous will enjoy eternal happiness, while the unrighteous will be sent to a fire that will torment them for a limited time based on their wrongdoings.
SOLOMON, or SALOMON, son of David and Bathsheba, was born A. M. 2971. The Lord loved him, and sent Nathan to David to give Solomon the name of Jedidiah, or, “beloved of the Lord,” 2 Sam. xii, 24, 25. This was probably when Nathan assured David that his son should succeed him, and that he should inherit those promises which had been made to him some years before, when he had conceived the design of building a temple to the Lord; for then God declared, by the prophet Nathan, that the honour of building a temple should be reserved for his son, 2 Sam. vii, 5, &c. Solomon, being confirmed in his kingdom, contracted an alliance with Pharaoh, king of Egypt, and married his daughter, A.M. 2291. He brought her to Jerusalem, and had apartments for her in the city of David, till he should build her a palace, which he did some years afterward, when he had finished the temple. It is thought that on occasion of this marriage, Solomon composed the Canticles, which are a kind of epithalamium. The Scripture speaks of the daughter of Pharaoh, as contributing to pervert Solomon, 1 Kings xi, 1, 2; Neh. xiii, 26; and it is very likely, that if at first this princess might seem converted to the Lord, she afterward might retain her private disposition to idolatry, and might engage her husband in it.
SOLOMON, or SALOMON, the son of David and Bathsheba, was born in the year 2971 A.M. The Lord loved him and sent Nathan to David to give Solomon the name Jedidiah, which means “beloved of the Lord,” 2 Sam. xii, 24, 25. This likely happened when Nathan assured David that his son would succeed him and inherit the promises made to him years earlier when he planned to build a temple for the Lord. God declared through the prophet Nathan that the honor of building the temple would be reserved for his son, 2 Sam. vii, 5, &c. Once established as king, Solomon formed an alliance with Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, and married his daughter in the year 2291 A.M. He brought her to Jerusalem and provided her with accommodations in the city of David until he could build her a palace, which he completed a few years later after finishing the temple. It is believed that Solomon wrote the Canticles on the occasion of this marriage, as they serve as a kind of wedding song. The Scripture mentions Pharaoh's daughter as a factor in turning Solomon away from the Lord, 1 Kings xi, 1, 2; Neh. xiii, 26; and it is very likely that although this princess may have initially seemed devoted to the Lord, she later retained her inclination toward idolatry, leading her husband into it.
Solomon, accompanied by his troops and all Israel, went up to Gibeon, where was then the brazen altar, upon which he offered a thousand burnt-offerings. The night following, God appeared to him in a dream, and said, “Ask of me what thou wilt.” Solomon begged of God a wise and understanding heart, and such qualities as were necessary for the government of the people committed to him. This request pleased the Lord, and was fully granted by him. Solomon returned to Jerusalem, where he offered a great number of sacrifices on the altar before the ark of the Lord, and made a great feast for his servants. He enjoyed a profound peace throughout his dominions; Judah and Israel lived in security; and his neighbours either paid him tribute, or were his allies; he ruled over all the countries and kingdoms from the Euphrates to the Nile, and his dominions extended even beyond the former; he had abundance of horses and chariots of war; he exceeded the orientals, and all the Egyptians, in wisdom and prudence; he was the wisest of mankind, and his reputation was spread through all nations. He composed or collected, three thousand proverbs, and one thousand and five canticles. He knew the nature of plants and trees, from the cedar on Libanus to the hyssop on the wall; also of beasts, of birds, of reptiles, of fishes. There was a concourse of strangers from all countries to hear his wisdom, and ambassadors from the most remote princes.
Solomon, along with his army and all of Israel, went up to Gibeon, where the bronze altar was located, and he offered a thousand burnt offerings on it. That night, God appeared to him in a dream and said, “Ask me for anything you want.” Solomon asked God for a wise and understanding heart and the qualities needed to govern the people entrusted to him. This request pleased the Lord, and He fully granted it. Solomon returned to Jerusalem, where he made many sacrifices on the altar before the ark of the Lord and hosted a grand feast for his servants. He experienced profound peace throughout his kingdom; Judah and Israel lived in safety, and his neighbors either paid him tribute or allied with him. He ruled over all the lands and kingdoms from the Euphrates to the Nile, extending even beyond the Euphrates. He had plenty of horses and war chariots; he surpassed the East and all the Egyptians in wisdom and insight; he was the wisest man alive, and his fame spread across all nations. He wrote or compiled three thousand proverbs and one thousand five songs. He understood the nature of plants and trees, from the cedar of Lebanon to the hyssop on the wall, as well as animals, birds, reptiles, and fish. Many people from different countries came to hear his wisdom, including ambassadors from the most distant kings.
When Hiram, king of Tyre, knew that Solomon was made king of Israel, he sent ambassadors to congratulate him on his accession to the crown. Some time afterward, Solomon desired him to supply wood and workmen, to assist in building a temple to the Lord. Hiram gladly undertook this service, and Solomon, on his part, obliged himself to give twenty thousand measures of wheat, and twenty thousand measures of oil. The Hebrew and the Vulgate have only twenty measures of oil; but the reading ought no doubt to be twenty thousand. Solomon began to build the temple in the fourth year of his reign, and the second after the death of David; four hundred and eighty years after the exodus from Egypt. He employed in this great work seventy thousand proselytes, descendants of the ancient Canaanites, in carrying burdens, fourscore thousand in cutting stones out of the quarries, and three thousand six hundred overseers of the works; beside thirty thousand Israelites in the quarries of Libanus.
When Hiram, king of Tyre, found out that Solomon had become king of Israel, he sent ambassadors to congratulate him on taking the throne. Later on, Solomon asked him for wood and workers to help build a temple for the Lord. Hiram happily agreed to this request, and in return, Solomon promised to provide twenty thousand measures of wheat and twenty thousand measures of oil. The Hebrew and the Vulgate mention only twenty measures of oil; however, it should definitely be twenty thousand. Solomon started building the temple in the fourth year of his reign, two years after David's death, and four hundred eighty years after the exodus from Egypt. He employed seventy thousand laborers, who were descendants of the ancient Canaanites, to carry burdens, eighty thousand to cut stones from the quarries, and three thousand six hundred supervisors of the work; in addition to thirty thousand Israelites working in the quarries of Lebanon.
The temple was completed in the eleventh year of Solomon, so that he was but seven years in performing this vast work. The dedication was made the year following, A. M. 3001. To make this ceremony the more august, Solomon chose for it the eighth day of the seventh month of the holy year, which was the first of the civil year, and answered to our October. The ceremony of the dedication lasted seven days, at the end of which began the feast of tabernacles, which continued seven days longer; so that the people continued at Jerusalem fourteen or fifteen days, from the eighth to the twenty-second of the seventh month. When the ark was placed in the sanctuary, while the priests and Levites were celebrating the praises of the Lord, the temple was filled with a miraculous cloud, so that the priests could no longer stand to perform the functions of their ministry. Then Solomon, being on his throne, prostrated himself with his face to the ground; and rising up, and turning toward the sanctuary, he addressed his prayer to God, and besought him that the house which he had built might be acceptable to him, that he would bless and sanctify it, and hear the prayers of those who should address him from this holy place. He besought him also to fulfil the promises he had made to David his servant in favour of his family, and of the kings his successors. Then turning himself to the people, he solemnly blessed them. Fire coming down from heaven consumed the victims and burnt sacrifices on the altar, and the glory of the Lord filled the whole temple. On this day the king caused to be 871sacrificed twenty-two thousand oxen, and one hundred and twenty thousand sheep for peace-offerings. And because the altar of burnt-offerings was not sufficient for all these victims, the king consecrated the court of the people.
The temple was finished in the eleventh year of Solomon, so he spent only seven years on this massive project. The dedication took place the following year, A. M. 3001. To make the ceremony even more significant, Solomon chose the eighth day of the seventh month of the holy year, which began the civil year and corresponds to our October. The dedication ceremony lasted seven days, after which the feast of tabernacles started and continued for another seven days, so the people stayed in Jerusalem for fourteen or fifteen days, from the eighth to the twenty-second of the seventh month. When the ark was placed in the sanctuary and the priests and Levites were praising the Lord, the temple was filled with a miraculous cloud, preventing the priests from continuing their duties. Then Solomon, sitting on his throne, lowered himself to the ground and, after getting up and turning toward the sanctuary, prayed to God. He asked that the house he built would be acceptable to Him, that He would bless and sanctify it, and hear the prayers of those who would address Him from this holy place. He also requested that God fulfill the promises made to David, his servant, for his family and the kings who would follow. Turning to the people, he solemnly blessed them. Fire came down from heaven and consumed the offerings and sacrifices on the altar, and the glory of the Lord filled the entire temple. On this day, the king had twenty-two thousand oxen and one hundred and twenty thousand sheep sacrificed as peace-offerings. Since the altar of burnt offerings wasn't big enough for all these sacrifices, the king consecrated the court of the people.
Solomon afterward built a palace for himself, and another for his queen, the king of Egypt’s daughter. He was thirteen years in finishing these buildings, and employed in them whatever the most exquisite art, or the most profuse riches, could furnish. The palace in which he generally resided was called the house of the forest of Lebanon; probably because of the great quantity of cedar used in it. Solomon also built the walls of Jerusalem, and the place called Millo in this city; he repaired and fortified Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer, the two Bethhorons, Upper and Lower, Baalath, and Palmyra in the desert of Syria. He also fortified the cities where he had magazines of corn, wine, and oil; and those where his horses and chariots were kept. He brought under his government the Hittites, the Hivites, the Amorites, and the Perizzites, which remained in the land of Israel. He made them tributaries, and compelled them to work at the public works. He fitted out a fleet at Ezion-Geber, and at Elath, on the Red Sea, to go to Ophir. Hiram, king of Tyre, furnished him with mariners, who instructed the subjects of Solomon. They performed this voyage in three years, and brought back gold, ivory, ebony, precious wood, peacocks, apes, and other curiosities. In one voyage they brought Solomon four hundred and fifty talents of gold, 2 Chron. ix, 21. About the same time, the queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem, attracted by the great fame of the king. She brought rich presents of gold, spices, and precious stones; and proposed several enigmas and hard questions, to which Solomon gave her such satisfactory answers, that she owned what had been told her of his wisdom and magnificence was far short of what she had found. The king, on his part, made her rich presents in return.
Solomon then built a palace for himself and another for his queen, the daughter of the king of Egypt. It took him thirteen years to finish these buildings, and he used the finest art and abundant wealth available. The palace where he usually lived was called the House of the Forest of Lebanon, probably because of the large amount of cedar used in its construction. Solomon also built the walls of Jerusalem and a place called Millo in the city; he repaired and strengthened Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer, the two Bethhorons (Upper and Lower), Baalath, and Palmyra in the Syrian desert. He fortified the cities where he stored corn, wine, and oil, as well as those where he kept his horses and chariots. He brought the Hittites, the Hivites, the Amorites, and the Perizzites under his rule, making them pay tribute and forcing them to work on public projects. He set up a fleet at Ezion-Geber and Elath on the Red Sea to journey to Ophir. Hiram, the king of Tyre, provided sailors who trained Solomon's subjects. They completed this trip in three years, returning with gold, ivory, ebony, precious wood, peacocks, monkeys, and other curiosities. On one voyage, they brought back four hundred and fifty talents of gold, 2 Chron. ix, 21. Around the same time, the queen of Sheba visited Jerusalem, drawn by the king's great reputation. She came with lavish gifts of gold, spices, and precious stones, and presented him with various riddles and challenging questions, to which Solomon provided such satisfactory answers that she admitted what she had heard of his wisdom and splendor was far less than what she experienced. The king, in turn, gave her generous gifts.
Solomon was one of the richest, if not the very richest, of all princes that have ever lived; and the Scripture expressly tells us he exceeded in riches and wisdom all the kings of the earth. His annual revenues were six hundred and sixty-six talents of gold, without reckoning tributes from kings and nations, or paid by Israelites, or sums received for customs. The bucklers of his guards, and the throne he sat on, were overlaid with gold. All the vessels of his table, and the utensils of his palaces, were of gold. From all parts he received presents, vessels of gold and silver, precious stuffs, spices, arms, horses, and mules; and the whole earth desired to see his face, and to hear the wisdom which God had put into his heart. But the latter actions of his life disgraced his character. Beside Pharaoh’s daughter, he married wives from among the Moabites, Ammonites, Idumeans, Sidonians, and Hittites. He had seven hundred wives, who were so many queens, beside three hundred concubines. These women perverted his heart in his declining age, so that he worshipped Ashtoreth, goddess of the Sidonians, Moloch, idol of the Ammonites, and Chemosh, god of the Moabites. To these he built temples on the Mount of Olives, over against and east of Jerusalem, and thus insulted openly the Majesty he had adored.
Solomon was one of the wealthiest, if not the absolute wealthiest, of all princes who have ever lived; and the Scriptures specifically tell us that he surpassed all the kings of the earth in riches and wisdom. His yearly income was six hundred and sixty-six talents of gold, not including tributes from kings and nations, payments from Israelites, or sums collected from customs. The shields of his guards and the throne he sat on were covered in gold. All the dishes at his table and the utensils in his palaces were made of gold. He received gifts from all over, including gold and silver vessels, luxurious fabrics, spices, weapons, horses, and mules; the entire world longed to see him and hear the wisdom that God had put in his heart. However, the later years of his life tarnished his reputation. Besides Pharaoh’s daughter, he married women from the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Sidonians, and Hittites. He had seven hundred wives, many of whom were queens, along with three hundred concubines. These women led him astray in his old age, causing him to worship Ashtoreth, the goddess of the Sidonians, Moloch, the idol of the Ammonites, and Chemosh, the god of the Moabites. He built temples for them on the Mount of Olives, opposing and east of Jerusalem, thus openly disrespecting the God he had once revered.
Solomon died after he had reigned forty years, A. M. 3029. He might be about fifty-eight years of age; for he was about eighteen when he began to reign. Josephus makes him to have reigned eighty years and to have lived ninety-four years; but this is a manifest error. The history of this prince was written by the prophets Nathan, Ahijah, and Iddo. He was buried in the city of David; and Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead. Of all the ingenious works composed by Solomon, we have nothing remaining but his Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticles; that is, every literary monument respecting him has perished, except those written under inspiration--the inspired history which registers his apostasy, and his own inspired works, which, in all the principles they contain, condemn his vices. Some have ascribed to him the book of Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus; but these were written by Hellenistic Jews.
Solomon died after reigning for forty years, around A.M. 3029. He was likely about fifty-eight years old, since he was around eighteen when he started his reign. Josephus claims he ruled for eighty years and lived to ninety-four, but this is clearly incorrect. The history of this king was recorded by the prophets Nathan, Ahijah, and Iddo. He was buried in the city of David, and his son Rehoboam succeeded him. Out of all the brilliant works created by Solomon, only his Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs remain; all other literary works about him have been lost, except for those inspired texts— the inspired history that notes his downfall and his own inspired writings, which, in all their principles, criticize his shortcomings. Some attribute the Book of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus to him, but these were actually written by Hellenistic Jews.
SOUL, that immortal, immaterial, active substance or principle in man, whereby he perceives, remembers, reasons, and wills. See Materialism.
SOWING. Our Lord, in his parable of the sower, says, “Some seeds fell by the wayside, and the fowls came and devoured them.” Buckingham, in his Travels in Palestine, remarks, “We ascended to an elevated plain where husbandmen were sowing, and some thousands of starlings covered the ground, as the wild pigeons do in Egypt, laying a heavy contribution on the grain thrown into the furrows, which are not covered by harrowing, as in Europe.” The sowing “beside all waters,” mentioned by Isaiah, seems to refer to the sowing of rice, which is done on low grounds flooded, and prepared for sowing by being trodden by oxen and asses, mid-leg deep; thus, they send “forth thither the feet of the ox and the ass.”
SOWING. Our Lord, in his parable of the sower, says, “Some seeds fell by the path, and the birds came and ate them up.” Buckingham, in his Travels in Palestine, notes, “We climbed to a high plain where farmers were sowing, and thousands of starlings covered the ground, like wild pigeons do in Egypt, taking a significant toll on the grains scattered into the furrows that aren’t covered by harrowing, unlike in Europe.” The sowing “beside all waters,” mentioned by Isaiah, seems to refer to the sowing of rice, which is done in low-lying areas that are flooded and prepared for sowing by being trampled by oxen and donkeys, ankle-deep; thus, they send “forth thither the feet of the ox and the ass.”
SPARROW, צפור, Gen. vii, 14, and afterward frequently; ϛρουθίον, Matt. x, 29; Luke xii, 6, 7; a little bird every where known. The Hebrew word is used not only for a sparrow, but for all sorts of clean birds, or for those the use of which was not forbidden by the law. That the sparrow is not intended in Psalm cii, 7, is evident from several circumstances; for that is intimated to be a bird of night, one that is both solitary and mournful; none of which characteristics is applicable to the sparrow, which rests by night, is gregarious and cheerful. It seems rather to mean a bird melancholy and drooping, much like one confined in a cage. See Swallow.
SPARROW, Bird, Gen. vii, 14, and later mentioned frequently; ϛρουθίον, Matt. x, 29; Luke xii, 6, 7; a small bird known everywhere. The Hebrew word is used not just for a sparrow, but for all kinds of clean birds, or those whose use wasn’t restricted by the law. It's clear that the sparrow isn’t the bird referred to in Psalm cii, 7, due to several factors; this bird is described as a creature of the night, solitary and mournful, none of which apply to the sparrow, which rests at night and is social and cheerful. It likely refers to a melancholy and drooping bird, much like one kept in a cage. See Swallow.
SPEECH. See Language.
SPEECH. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
SPIDER, עכביש, Job viii, 14; Isa. lix, 5. An insect well known, remarkable for the thread which it spins, with which it forms a web of curious texture, but so frail that it is 872exposed to be broken and destroyed by the slightest accident. To the slenderness of this filmy workmanship, Job compares the hope of the wicked. This, says Dr. Good, was “doubtless a proverbial allusion; and so exquisite, that it is impossible to conceive any figure that can more fully describe the utter vanity of the hopes and prosperity of the wicked.”
SPIDER, Spider, Job 8:14; Isa. 59:5. An insect that is well-known, famous for the thread it spins to create a web of intricate design, but so delicate that it can be broken and destroyed by the slightest incident. Job compares the fragility of this thread-like work to the hope of the wicked. Dr. Good mentions that this was “certainly a proverbial reference; and so fine-tuned that it’s hard to imagine any image that can better describe the complete futility of the hopes and success of the wicked.” 872
So Isaiah says, “They weave the web of the spider; of their webs no garment shall be made; neither shall they cover themselves with their works.”
So Isaiah says, “They spin the spider's web; no clothes will be made from their webs; nor will they cover themselves with their deeds.”
SPIKENARD, נרד. By this was meant a highly aromatic plant growing in the Indies, called “nardostachys,” by Dioscorides and Galen; from whence was made the very valuable extract or unguent, or favourite perfume, used at the ancient baths and feasts, unguentum nardinum, unguentum nardi spicatæ, [the perfume or unction of spikenard,] which it appears from a passage in Horace, was so valuable, that as much of it as could be contained in a small box of precious stone, was considered as a sort of equivalent for a large vessel of wine, and a handsome quota for a guest to contribute at an entertainment, according to the custom of antiquity:
SPIKENARD, נרד. This referred to a fragrant plant found in the Indies, known as “nardostachys” by Dioscorides and Galen. It was used to create a highly sought-after extract or ointment, a favorite perfume at ancient baths and feasts, nard oil, spikenard ointment, [the perfume or unction of spikenard]. A passage in Horace indicates that this perfume was so precious that the amount that could fit in a small box made of a precious stone was considered equivalent to a large container of wine, serving as a generous contribution from a guest at a gathering, as per the customs of the time.
St. Mark, xiv, 3, mentions “ointment of spikenard very precious,” which is said to be worth more than three hundred denarii; and John, xii, 3, mentions a pound of ointment of spikenard, very costly; the house was filled with the odour of the ointment; it was worth three hundred denarii. It is not to be supposed that this was a Syrian production, but the true “atar” of Indian spikenard; an unguent, containing the very essence of the plant, and brought at a great expense from a remote country.
St. Mark 14:3 refers to “very expensive spikenard ointment,” which is said to be worth over three hundred denarii. Similarly, John 12:3 mentions a pound of this costly spikenard ointment; the entire house was filled with its fragrance, and it was valued at three hundred denarii. It shouldn't be assumed that this was produced in Syria; rather, it was the true “atar” of Indian spikenard—a perfume that contained the essence of the plant and was brought from a distant land at significant cost.
SPIRIT, in Hebrew, רוח, in Greek, ϖνεῦμα, and in Latin, spiritus, is in the Scriptures sometimes taken for the Holy Ghost, the third person of the Holy Trinity. The word signifies also the reasonable soul which animates us, and continues in existence even after the death of the body: that spiritual, thinking and reasoning substance, which is capable of eternal happiness, Num. xvi, 22; Acts vii, 59. The term spirit is also often used for an angel, a demon, and a ghost, or soul separate from the body. It is said, in Acts xxiii, 8, that the Sadducees denied the existence of angels and spirits. Jesus Christ appearing to his disciplesdisciples, said to them, Luke xxiv, 39, “Handle me and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me have.” And St. Paul calls the good angels “ministering spirits,” Heb. i, 14. In 1 Sam. xvi, 14; xviii, 10; xix 9, it is said that an evil spirit from the Lord troubled Saul: and we have also the expression unclean spirits. Add to this, spirit is sometimes put for the disposition of the heart or mind: see Num. v, 14; Zech. xii, 10; Luke xiii, 11; Isa. xi, 2. Discerning of spirits, or the secret character and thoughts of men, was a gift of God, and placed among the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost, 1 Cor. xii, 10; 1 John iv, 1.
SPIRIT, in Hebrew, Spirit, in Greek, ϖνεῦμα, and in Latin, spirit, is sometimes referred to in the Scriptures as the Holy Ghost, the third person of the Holy Trinity. The word also signifies the rational soul that gives us life and continues to exist even after the body dies: that spiritual, thinking, and reasoning essence, which is capable of eternal happiness, Num. xvi, 22; Acts vii, 59. The term spirit is frequently used to refer to an angel, a demon, or a ghost, meaning a soul separate from the body. It is mentioned in Acts xxiii, 8, that the Sadducees denied the existence of angels and spirits. Jesus Christ appeared to his disciplesdisciples and said to them, Luke xxiv, 39, “Touch me and see, for a spirit does not have flesh and bones, as you see I have.” And St. Paul refers to the good angels as “ministering spirits,” Heb. i, 14. In 1 Sam. xvi, 14; xviii, 10; xix, 9, it is mentioned that an evil spirit from the Lord troubled Saul: and the term unclean spirits is also used. Additionally, spirit sometimes refers to the attitude of the heart or mind: see Num. v, 14; Zech. xii, 10; Luke xiii, 11; Isa. xi, 2. The ability to discern spirits, or understand the hidden qualities and thoughts of people, was a gift from God, included among the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost, 1 Cor. xii, 10; 1 John iv, 1.
STAR, in Hebrew, בוכב. Under the name of stars, the ancient Hebrews comprehended all the heavenly bodies, constellations, and planets; in a word, all the luminaries, the sun and moon excepted. The number of the stars was looked upon as infinite. And the Psalmist, to exalt the power and magnificence of God, says, that he numbers the stars and calls them by their names; and so are they put to express a vast multitude, Gen. xv, 5; xxii, 17; Exod. xxxiii, 13.
STAR, in Hebrew, בוכב. Ancient Hebrews referred to all heavenly bodies, constellations, and planets as stars—basically, all the celestial lights except for the sun and moon. They believed that the number of stars was endless. The Psalmist highlights God's power and greatness by saying that He counts the stars and calls them by name; they are also used to represent a vast multitude, as seen in Gen. xv, 5; xxii, 17; Exod. xxxiii, 13.
STEPHEN, the first martyr. He is always put at the head of the seven deacons; and it is believed he had studied at the feet of Gamaliel. As he was full of the Holy Ghost, and of zeal, Acts vi, 5, 6, &c, he performed many wonderful miracles: and those of the synagogue of the Libertines, of the Cyrenians, of the Alexandrians, and others, disputing with him, could not withstand the wisdom and the power with which he spoke. Then having suborned false witnesses, to testify that they had heard him blaspheme against Moses, and against God, they drew him before the sanhedrim. Stephen appeared in the midst of this assembly, with a countenance like that of an angel; and the high priest asking him what he had to answer, in his defence he rapidly traced the history of the Jews, showing that they had always opposed themselves to God and his prophets; faithfully upbraided them with the hardness of their hearts, with their putting the prophets to death, and, lastly, with slaying Christ himself. At these words they were filled with rage, and gnashed their teeth against him. But Stephen, lifting up his eyes to heaven, calmly exclaimed, “I see the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God.” Then the Jews cried out, and stopped their ears as though they had heard blasphemy, and falling on him, they drew him out of the city, and stoned him. The witnesses laid down their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul, afterward St. Paul, who then appears to have commenced his career of persecution. “And they stoned Stephen, calling upon God, and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit; and he kneeled down and cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge. And when he had said this, he fell asleep,” an example of the majesty and meekness of true Christian heroism, and as the first, so also the pattern, of all subsequent martyrsmartyrs. His Christian brethren forsook not the remains of this holy man; but took care to bury him, and accompanied his funeral with great mourning, Acts viii, 2.
STEPHEN, the first martyr. He is always listed first among the seven deacons, and it’s believed he studied under Gamaliel. Since he was filled with the Holy Spirit and zeal, Acts vi, 5, 6, etc., he performed many amazing miracles. Those from the synagogue of the Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians, and others who argued with him couldn’t match the wisdom and power of his words. Then, having hired false witnesses to claim they heard him blaspheme against Moses and God, they brought him before the Sanhedrin. Stephen stood in the middle of this assembly, appearing like an angel. When the high priest asked him what he had to say in his defense, he quickly recounted the history of the Jews, showing that they had always resisted God and his prophets; he pointed out their hard-heartedness, their murdering the prophets, and finally, their killing of Christ himself. Hearing this, they were filled with rage and ground their teeth at him. But Stephen, looking up to heaven, calmly said, “I see the heavens opened and the Son of Man standing at the right hand of God.” The Jews then shouted loudly, covered their ears as if they had heard blasphemy, and dragged him out of the city to stone him. The witnesses laid their clothes at the feet of a young man named Saul, later known as St. Paul, who seemed to begin his persecution there. “As they stoned Stephen, he called out to God, saying, ‘Lord Jesus, receive my spirit,’ and he knelt down and cried out with a loud voice, ‘Lord, do not hold this sin against them.’ When he said this, he fell asleep,” serving as an example of the majesty and humility of true Christian heroism, and as the first martyr, a model for all subsequent martyrsmartyrs. His Christian friends did not abandon the body of this holy man but ensured he was buried, mourning greatly for him, Acts viii, 2.
STOICS, a sect of Heathen philosophers, Acts xvii, 18. Their distinguishing tenets were, that God is underived, incorruptible, and eternal; possessed of infinite wisdom and goodness; the efficient cause of all the qualities and forms of things; and the constant 873preserver and governor of the world: That matter, in its original elements, is also underived and eternal; and is by the powerful energy of the Deity impressed with motion and form: That though God and matter subsisted from eternity, the present regular frame of nature had a beginning originating in the gross and dark chaos, and will terminate in a universal conflagration, that will reduce the world to its pristine state: That at this period all material forms will be lost in one chaotic mass; and all animated nature be reunited to the Deity: That from this chaotic state, however, the world will again emerge by the energy of the efficient principle; and gods, and men, and all forms of regulated nature be renewed and dissolved, in endless succession: And that after the revolution of the great year all things will be restored, and the race of men will return to life. Some imagined, that each individual would return to its former body; while others supposed, that similar souls would be placed in similar bodies. Those among the stoics who maintained the existence of the soul after death, supposed it to be removed into the celestial regions of the gods, where it remains until, at the general conflagration, all souls, both human and divine, shall be absorbed in the Deity. But many imagined that, before they were admitted among the divinities, they must purge away their inherent vices and imperfections, by a temporary residence in some aërial regions between the earth and the planets. According to the general doctrine of the stoics, all things are subject to a stern irresistible fatality, even the gods themselves. Some of them explained this fate as an eternal chain of causes and effects; while others, more approaching the Christian system, describe it as resulting from the divine decrees--the fiat of an eternal providence. Considering the system practically, it was the object of this philosophy to divest men of their passions and affections. They taught, therefore, that a wise man might be happy in the midst of torture; and that all external things were to him indifferent. Their virtues all arose from, and centred in, themselves; and self approbation was their great reward.
STOICS, a group of pagan philosophers, Acts xvii, 18. Their main beliefs were that God is self-existent, incorruptible, and eternal; endowed with infinite wisdom and goodness; the driving force behind all qualities and forms of things; and the constant preserver and ruler of the universe: That matter, in its most basic elements, is also self-existent and eternal; and is given motion and form by the powerful energy of the Deity: That even though God and matter have existed from eternity, the current orderly structure of nature had a beginning, emerging from a chaotic, dark state, and will eventually end in a universal fire that will return the world to its original condition: At that time, all material forms will merge into one chaotic mass; and all living beings will reunite with the Deity: However, from this chaotic state, the world will emerge again through the energy of the effective principle; and gods, humans, and all forms of organized nature will be renewed and dissolved in an endless cycle: And after a great cycle of time, everything will be restored, and humanity will return to life. Some believed that each individual would return to their original body; while others thought that similar souls would inhabit similar bodies. Those Stoics who believed in the soul's existence after death thought it would be taken to the celestial realms of the gods, where it stays until, at the universal fire, all souls, both human and divine, would merge with the Deity. But many believed that before being allowed among the divine, they needed to shed their inherent vices and imperfections through a temporary stay in some aerial realms between the Earth and the planets. According to the general teaching of the Stoics, everything is subject to a strict, unavoidable fate, even the gods themselves. Some explained this fate as an eternal chain of causes and effects; while others, closer to the Christian view, described it as stemming from divine decrees—the will of an eternal providence. In practical terms, this philosophy aimed to free people from their emotions and desires. They taught that a wise person could be happy even in the face of suffering, and that all external things were indifferent to him. Their virtues all originated from, and were centered in, themselves; and self-approval was their ultimate reward.
STONE. This word is sometimes taken in the sense of rock, and is applied figuratively to God, as the refuge of his people. See Rock, The Hebrews gave the name of “stones” to the weights used in commerce; no doubt because they were originally formed of stone. “Just weights,” is therefore in Hebrew, “just stones.” “The corner stone,” or “the head stone of the corner,” is a figurative representation of Christ. It is the stone at the angle of a building, whether at the foundation or the top of the wall. Christ was that corner stone, which, though rejected by the Jews, became the corner stone of the church, and the stone that binds and unites the synagogue and the Gentiles in the unity of the same faith. Some have thought the showers of stones cast down by the Lord out of heaven, mentioned several times in the Old Testament, to be showers of hail of extraordinary size; which was probably the case, as they even now sometimes occur in those countries in a most terrific and destructive form, and show how irresistible an agent this meteor is in the hands of an offended God. The knives of stone that were made use of by the Jews in circumcision, were not enjoined by the law; but the use of them was founded, either upon custom, or upon the experience that this kind of instrument is found to be less dangerous than those made of metal. Zipporah made use of a stone to circumcise her sons, Exod. iv, 25. Joshua, v, 2, did the same, when he caused such of the Israelites to be circumcised at Gilgal, as had not received circumcision during their journey in the wilderness. The Egyptians, according to Herodotus, made use of knives of stone to open dead bodies that were to be embalmed; and Pliny assures us, that the priests of the mother of the gods had sharp stones, with which they cut and slashed themselves, which they thought they could not do with any thing else without danger. Great heaps of stones, raised up for a witness of any memorable event, and to preserve the remembrance of some matter of great importance, are among the most ancient monuments. In those elder ages, before the use of writing, these monuments were instead of inscriptions, pyramids, medals, or histories. Jacob and Laban raised such a monument upon Mount Gilead in memory of their covenant, Gen. xxxi, 46. Joshua erected one at Gilgal, made of stones taken out of the Jordan, to preserve the memorial of his miraculous passage over this river, Josh. iv, 5–7. The Israelites that dwelt beyond Jordan also raised one upon the banks of the river, as a testimony that they constituted but one nation with their brethren on the other side, Joshua xxii, 10. Sometimes they heaped up such a collection of stones upon the burying place of some odious persons, as was done in the case of Achan and Absalom, Joshua vii, 26; 2 Kings xviii, 17.
STONE. This word is sometimes understood as rock and is used figuratively to refer to God, as the refuge for His people. See Rock. The Hebrews referred to the weights used in trade as “stones,” likely because they were originally made from stone. “Just weights” in Hebrew translates to “just stones.” “The corner stone” or “the head stone of the corner” figuratively represents Christ. It is the stone located at the angle of a building, whether at its foundation or the top of the wall. Christ was that corner stone, which, although rejected by the Jews, became the corner stone of the church and the stone that brings together the synagogue and the Gentiles in the unity of the same faith. Some people have believed that the showers of stones sent down by the Lord from heaven, mentioned several times in the Old Testament, were showers of extraordinarily large hail; this was probably the case, as such occurrences can still happen in those regions in a most terrifying and destructive way, demonstrating how powerful this meteor can be when wielded by an offended God. The stone knives that the Jews used for circumcision were not mandated by the law; their use was based either on tradition or the understanding that this type of instrument is generally less dangerous than those made of metal. Zipporah used a stone to circumcise her sons, as seen in Exod. iv, 25. Joshua, in Josh. v, 2, did the same when he had some of the Israelites circumcised at Gilgal, who had not been circumcised during their journey in the wilderness. According to Herodotus, the Egyptians used stone knives to open the bodies of those to be embalmed; and Pliny tells us that the priests of the mother of the gods used sharp stones to cut and slash themselves, believing they could only safely do so with this material. Great piles of stones, raised as a witness to any significant event and to keep the memory of something important alive, are among the most ancient monuments. In those earlier times, before writing was common, these monuments served the purpose of inscriptions, pyramids, medals, or histories. Jacob and Laban built such a monument on Mount Gilead to remember their covenant, Gen. xxxi, 46. Joshua erected another at Gilgal, made of stones taken from the Jordan, to commemorate his miraculous crossing of this river, Josh. iv, 5–7. The Israelites who lived beyond the Jordan also built one on the riverbanks, as a testimony that they were part of the same nation as their brethren on the other side, Joshua xxii, 10. Sometimes they would heap up such a collection of stones over the graves of particularly hated individuals, as was done in the cases of Achan and Absalom, Joshua vii, 26; 2 Kings xviii, 17.
A “heart of stone” may be understood several ways. Job, xli, 24, speaking of the leviathan, says, that “his heart is as firm as a stone, yea as hard as a piece of the nether millstone:” that is, he is of a very extraordinary strength, boldness, and courage. It is said, 1 Sam. xxv, 37, that Nabal’s heart died within him, and he became as a stone, when he was told of the danger he had incurred by his imprudence; his heart became contracted or convulsed, and this was the occasion of his death. Ezekiel, xxxvi, 26, says, that the Lord will take away from his people their heart of stone, and give them a heart of flesh; that is, he will render them contrite, and sensible to spiritual things. “I will give him a white stone,” Rev. ii, 17; that is, I will give him full and public pardon and absolution. It is spoken in allusion to an ancient custom of delivering a white stone to such as they acquitted in judgment. They used likewise to give a white stone to such as conquered in the Grecian games.
A "heart of stone" can be understood in several ways. Job 41:24 mentions the leviathan, saying, "his heart is as firm as a stone, yes, as hard as a piece of the lower millstone," meaning he has extraordinary strength, boldness, and courage. In 1 Samuel 25:37, it says that Nabal's heart died within him, and he became like a stone when he learned about the danger he had brought upon himself through his foolishness; his heart tightened or seized up, which ultimately led to his death. Ezekiel 36:26 states that the Lord will remove their hearts of stone from His people and give them hearts of flesh; that is, He will make them humble and aware of spiritual matters. "I will give him a white stone," Revelation 2:17 says; this means I will grant him full and public forgiveness and absolution. This refers to an ancient practice of giving a white stone to those who were acquitted in court. They also gave a white stone to those who won in the Greek games.
STORK, חסידה, Lev. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18; Job xxxix, 13; Psalm civ, 17; Jer. viii, 7; 874Zech. v, 9; a bird similar to the crane in size, has the same formation as to the bill, neck, legs, and body, but is rather more corpulent. The colour of the crane is ash and black; that of the stork is white and brown. The nails of its toes are also very peculiar; not being clawed like those of other birds, but flat like the nails of a man. It has a very long beak, and long red legs. It feeds upon serpents, frogs, and insects, and on this account might be reckoned by Moses among unclean birds. As it seeks for these in watery places, nature has provided it with long legs; and as it flies away, as well as the crane and heron, to its nest with its plunder, therefore its bill is strong and jagged, the sharp hooks of which enable it to retain its slippery prey. It has long been remarkable for its love to its parents, whom it never forsakes, but tenderly feeds and cherishes when they have become old, and unable to provide for themselves. The very learned and judicious Bochart has collected a variety of passages from the ancients, in which they testify this curious particular. Its very name in the Hebrew language, chasida, signifies mercy or piety: and its English name is taken, if not directly, yet secondarily, through the Saxon, from the Greek word στοργὴ, which is often used for natural affection.
STORK, Stork, Lev. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18; Job xxxix, 13; Psalm civ, 17; Jer. viii, 7; 874 Zech. v, 9; a bird similar in size to the crane, with a similar structure in its bill, neck, legs, and body, but it is a bit more stocky. The crane is gray and black; the stork is white and brown. Its toes have unique nails; instead of being clawed like other birds, they are flat like human nails. It has a very long beak and long red legs. It eats snakes, frogs, and insects, which is why Moses classified it among the unclean birds. It looks for food in watery areas, so nature gave it long legs. As it flies back to its nest with its catch, like the crane and heron, its beak is strong and jagged, with sharp hooks that help it hold onto slippery prey. It's well-known for its devotion to its parents, whom it never abandons, but instead takes care of and feeds when they grow old and can no longer fend for themselves. The highly knowledgeable and insightful Bochart has compiled various quotes from ancient sources that attest to this unique behavior. Its Hebrew name, chasida, means mercy or piety; its English name is derived, if not directly, then indirectly, from the Saxon, tracing back to the Greek word στοργὴ, which often refers to natural affection.
It is a bird of passage, and is spoken of as such in Scripture: “The stork knoweth her appointed time,” Jer. viii, 7.
It’s a migratory bird, and it's referred to that way in the Bible: “The stork knows her scheduled time,” Jer. viii, 7.
Bochart has collected several testimonies of the migration of storks. Ælian says, that in summer time they remain stationary, but at the close of autumn they repair to Egypt, Libya, and Ethiopia. “For about the space of a fortnight before they pass from one country to another,” says Dr. Shaw, “they constantly resort together, from all the adjacent parts, in a certain plain; and there forming themselves, once every day, into a ‘douwanne,’ or council, (according to the phrase of these eastern nations,) are said to determine the exact time of their departure, and the place of their future abodes.” See Swallow.
Bochart has gathered several accounts of stork migration. Ælian notes that in the summer they stay in one place, but as autumn comes to an end, they head to Egypt, Libya, and Ethiopia. “About two weeks before they move from one country to another,” Dr. Shaw mentions, “they gather together daily from all the nearby areas in a specific plain; forming what is called a ‘douwanne,’ or council (as these eastern nations refer to it), they are believed to decide the exact time of their departure and their future destinations.” See Swallow.
STRANGER. Moses inculcated and enforced by numerous and by powerful considerations, as well as by various examples of benevolent hospitality, mentioned in the book of Genesis, the exhibition of kindness and humanity to strangers. There were two classes of persons who, in reference to this subject, were denominated strangers, גרים. One class were those who, whether Hebrews or foreigners, were destitute of a home, in Hebrew תושבים. The others were persons who, though not natives, had a home in Palestine; the latter were גרים, strangers or foreigners, in the strict sense of the word. Both of these classes, according to the civil code of Moses, were to be treated with kindness, and were to enjoy the same rights with other citizens, Lev. xix, 33, 34; xxiv, 16, 22; Num. ix, 14; xv, 14; Deut. x, 18; xxiii, 7; xxiv, 17; xxvii, 19. In the earlier periods of the Hebrew state, persons who were natives of another country, but who had come, either from choice or from necessity, to take up their residence among the Hebrews, appear to have been placed in favourable circumstances. At a later period, namely, in the reigns of David and Solomon, they were compelled to labour on the religious edifices which were erected by those princes; as we may learn from such passages as these: “And Solomon numbered all the strangers that were in the land of Israel, after the numbering wherewith David his father had numbered them; and they were found a hundred and fifty thousand and three thousand and six hundred; and he set three score and ten thousand of them to be bearers of burdens,” &c, 1 Chron. xxii, 2; 2 Chron. ii, 1, 16, 17. The exaction of such laborious services from foreigners was probably limited to those who had been taken prisoners in war; and who, according to the rights of war, as they were understood at that period, could be justly employed in any offices, however low and however laborious, which the conqueror thought proper to impose. In the time of Christ, the degenerate Jews did not find it convenient to render to the strangers from a foreign country those deeds of kindness and humanity which were not only their due, but which were demanded in their behalf by the laws of Moses. They were in the habit of understanding by the word רע, neighbour, their friends merely, and accordingly restricted the exercise of their benevolence by the same narrow limits that bounded in this case their interpretation; contrary as both were to the spirit of those passages which have been adduced above, Lev. xix, 18.
STRANGER. Moses taught and enforced through many strong reasons, as well as examples of generous hospitality found in the book of Genesis, the importance of showing kindness and compassion to strangers. There were two groups of people referred to as strangers, Live. One group consisted of those who, whether Hebrews or foreigners, were without a home, known in Hebrew as Residents. The other group included individuals who, while not natives, had made their home in Palestine; these were Residents, strangers or foreigners in the strict sense. According to Moses's civil code, both groups were to be treated with kindness and should enjoy the same rights as other citizens, as stated in Lev. xix, 33, 34; xxiv, 16, 22; Num. ix, 14; xv, 14; Deut. x, 18; xxiii, 7; xxiv, 17; xxvii, 19. In the early years of the Hebrew state, those from other countries who chose or needed to live among the Hebrews appeared to be in favorable circumstances. Later, during the reigns of David and Solomon, they were required to work on the religious buildings constructed by those kings, as seen in passages like: “And Solomon counted all the strangers that were in the land of Israel, as David his father had counted them; and they were found to be a hundred and fifty thousand, three thousand, and six hundred; and he appointed seventy thousand of them to carry burdens,” &c, 1 Chron. xxii, 2; 2 Chron. ii, 1, 16, 17. The demand for such labor from foreigners was likely limited to those captured in war who, according to the understanding of the rights of war at that time, could justly be made to perform any tasks, no matter how menial or demanding, that the conqueror deemed appropriate. In the time of Christ, the degenerate Jews found it convenient not to extend kindness and compassion to foreigners, which was not only due to them but also required by the laws of Moses. They tended to interpret the word רע, neighbor, as referring only to their friends, thereby limiting their acts of kindness within narrow bounds that matched their interpretation, contrary to the spirit of the passages previously mentioned, Lev. xix, 18.
STREETS, Corners of. Our Lord reproves the Pharisees for praying in the corners of the streets, that is, choosing public places for what ought to have been private devotion. The Hindoos, Mohammedans, and others still have this practice. “Both Hindoos and Mussulmans offer their devotions in the most public places; as, at the landing places of rivers, in the public streets, and on the roofs of boats, without the least modesty or attempt at concealment.” “An aged Turk,” observes Richardson, “is particularly proud of a long flowing white beard, a well shaved cheek and head, and a clean turban. It is a common thing to see such characters, far past the bloom of life, mounted on stone seats, with a bit of Persian carpet, at the corner of the streets, or in front of their bazaars, combing their beards, smoking their pipes, or drinking their coffee, with a pitcher of water standing beside them, or saying their prayers, or reading the Koran.”
STREETS, Corners of. Our Lord criticizes the Pharisees for praying in the corners of the streets, meaning they choose public spaces for what should have been private worship. Hindus, Muslims, and others still practice this. "Both Hindus and Muslims perform their prayers in the most public places; at the riverbanks, in the streets, and on the roofs of boats, without any sense of modesty or effort to hide." "An elderly Turk," notes Richardson, "takes particular pride in his long, flowing white beard, a clean-shaven face and head, and a tidy turban. It’s quite common to see such individuals, well past their youth, sitting on stone benches with a piece of Persian carpet, at street corners or in front of their bazaars, grooming their beards, smoking their pipes, or sipping their coffee, with a pitcher of water beside them, or saying their prayers, or reading the Quran."
STUMBLING, Stone of. “We set out from Argos very early in the morning,” says 875Hartley, “and were almost eleven hours in reaching Tripolitza. The road is, for the most part, dreary; leading over lofty and barren hills, the principal of which is Mount Parthenius. In England, where the roads are so excellent, we do not readily perceive the force and just application of the Scriptural figures, derived from a ‘stone of stumbling, and a rock of offence,’ Isaiah viii, 14, and similar passages; but in the east, where the roads are, for the most part, nothing more than an accustomed track, the constant danger and impediment arising to travellers from stones and rocks fully explain the allusion.”
STUMBLING, Stone of. “We left Argos very early in the morning,” Hartley says, “and it took us almost eleven hours to reach Tripolitza. The road is mostly bleak, going over high and barren hills, the main one being Mount Parthenius. In England, where the roads are so good, we don’t easily understand the strength and accurate use of the Biblical phrases about a ‘stone of stumbling, and a rock of offense,’ Isaiah viii, 14, and similar verses; but in the east, where the roads are mostly just well-trodden paths, the constant dangers and obstacles from stones and rocks make the reference clear.”
In the grand description which Isaiah gives, lxiii, 13, of God “with his glorious arm” leading his people through the Red Sea, it is said, “That led them through the deep, as a horse in the wilderness, that they should not stumble;” that is, who preserved them from falling amidst the numerous inequalities in the bed of the sea, caused in some instances by deep cavities, and in others by abrupt intervening rocks. The figure is a very natural one, especially in the east, where the Arabs and Tartars are famed for their dexterity in the management of even bad horses. A curious instance of this occurs in Colonel Campbell’s “Overland Journey to the East Indies.” Speaking of the Tartar, an accredited courier of the Turkish government, under whose guidance he travelled in disguise across the desert from Aleppo to Mosul, he says, “One day, after riding about four miles from a caravansera, at which we had changed our cattle, I found that a most execrably bad horse had fallen to my lot. He was stiff, feeble, and foundered; in consequence of which he stumbled very much, and I every minute expected that he would fall and roll over me. I therefore proposed to the guide to exchange with me; a favour which he had hitherto never refused, and for which I was the more anxious as the beast that he rode was of the very best kind. To my utter astonishment, he peremptorily refused; and as this had been a day of unusual taciturnity on his part, I attributed his refusal to peevishness and ill temper, and was resolved not to let the matter rest there. I therefore desired the interpreter to inform him, that as he had at Aleppo agreed to change horses with me as often as I pleased, I should consider our agreement infringed if he did not comply, and would write to the consul at Aleppo to that effect. As soon as this was conveyed to him, he seemed strongly agitated by anger, yet endeavoured to conceal his emotions under affected contempt and derision, which produced from him one of the most singular grins that ever yet marred the human physiognomy. At length he broke forth:--‘You will write to Aleppo, will you? Foolish Frank! they will not believe you,’ &c.--‘Why do you not, then,’ said I, interrupting him; ‘why do you not perform your promise by changing horses, when you are convinced in your conscience (if you have any) that it was part of our agreement?’--‘Once for all, I tell you,’ interrupted he, ‘I will not give up this horse. There is not,’ said he gasconadingly, ‘there is not a Mussulman that ever wore a beard, not to talk of a wretched Frank, who should get this horse from under me. I would not yield him to the Commander of the Faithful this minute, were he in your place; and I have my own reasons for it.’--‘I dare say you have,’ returned I, ‘love of your ease, and fear of your bones.’ At hearing this he grew quite outrageous; called Mohammed and Allah to witness, that he did not know what it was to fear any thing; declared that he was convinced some infernal spirit had that day got possession of me, &c. At length observing that I looked at him with sneering contemptuous defiance, he rode up alongside of me. I thought it was to strike, and prepared to defend myself. I was however mistaken: he snatched the reins out of my hand, and caught hold of them collected close at the horse’s jaw, then began to flog my horse and to spur his own, till he got them both into full speed: nor did he stop there, but continued to belabour mine with his whip and to spur his own, driving headlong over every impediment that came in our way, till I really thought he had run mad, or designed to kill me. Several times I was on the point of striking him with my whip, in order to knock him off his horse; but as often patience providentially came in to my assistance, and whispered to me to forbear, and see it out. Meantime I considered myself as being in some danger; and yet such was the power which he had over the cattle, that I found it impossible to stop him. So, resigning the event to the direction of Providence, I suffered him, without a farther effort, to proceed. He continued this for some miles, over an uncultivated tract, here and there intersected with channels formed by rills of water in the periodical rains, thickly set with low furze, ferns, and other dwarf bushes, and broken up and down into little hills. His horse carried him clear over all; and though mine was every minute stumbling and nearly down, yet, with a dexterity inexpressible and a vigour altogether amazing, he kept him up by the bridle, and, I may say, carried him gallantly over every thing. At all this I was very much astonished; and, toward the end, as much pleased as astonished; which he perceiving, cried out frequently and triumphantly, ‘Behold, Frank, behold!’ and at last, drawing in the horses, stopping short, and looking me full in the face, he exclaimed, ‘Frank, what say you now?’ For some time I was incapable of making him any answer, but continued surveying him from head to foot as the most extraordinary savage I had ever beheld; while he stroked his whiskers with great self-complacency and composure, and nodded his head every now and then, as much as to say, ‘Look at me! Am I not a very capital fellow?’ We alighted on the brow of a small hill, whence was to be seen a full and uninterrupted prospect of the country all round. The interpreter coming up, the Tartar called to him, and desired him to explain to me carefully the meaning of what he was about to say. ‘You see those mountains,’ said he, pointing to the east; 876‘they are in the province of Kurdestan, and inhabited by a vile race of robbers, who pay homage to a god of their own, and worship the devil from fear. They live by plunder; and often descend from those mountains, cross the Tigris which runs between them and us, and plunder and ravage this country in bands of great number and formidable strength, carrying away into slavery all they can catch, and killing all who resist them. This country therefore, for some distance round us, is very dangerous to travellers, whose only safety lies in flight. Now it was our misfortune this morning to get a very bad horse. Should we meet with a band of those Curds, what could we do but fly? And if you, Frank, rode this horse, and I that, we could never escape; for I doubt you could not keep him up from falling under ME, as I did under YOU. I should therefore come down and be taken; you would lose your guide and miss your way; and all of us would be undone.’ As soon as the interpreter had explained this to me, ‘Well,’ continued the Tartar, ‘what does he say to it now?’--‘Why, I say,’ returned I, ‘that you have spoken good sense and sound reason; and I am obliged to you.’ This, when fully interpreted, operated most pleasingly upon him, and his features relaxed into a broad look of satisfaction.”
In Isaiah's grand description, lxiii, 13, of God “with his glorious arm” guiding his people through the Red Sea, it says, “That led them through the deep, like a horse in the wilderness, so they wouldn’t stumble;” meaning, he kept them from falling amid the numerous uneven spots on the sea bed, caused sometimes by deep holes and other times by abrupt rocks. This comparison is quite fitting, especially in the East, where Arabs and Tartars are known for their skill in handling even the most difficult horses. A notable example of this can be found in Colonel Campbell’s “Overland Journey to the East Indies.” He describes a Tartar, an official courier for the Turkish government, under whose guidance he traveled incognito across the desert from Aleppo to Mosul. He recalls, “One day, after riding about four miles from a caravanserai, where we had changed our horses, I ended up with a truly terrible horse. He was stiff, weak, and had problems with his feet; because of this, he stumbled a lot, and I kept expecting he would fall and roll over me. So, I suggested to the guide that we swap horses; a favor he had never refused before, and I was particularly eager to do so because the horse he was riding was top-notch. To my utter surprise, he flatly refused; and since he had been unusually quiet that day, I thought his refusal was due to irritability and anger, and I was determined to pursue the matter. I asked the interpreter to tell him that since he had agreed to change horses with me in Aleppo whenever I wanted, I would consider our agreement broken if he didn’t comply, and I would write to the consul in Aleppo about it. As soon as this message reached him, he seemed visibly upset with anger but tried to mask his feelings with fake contempt and mockery, producing one of the strangest expressions I had ever seen on someone’s face. Finally, he burst out: “You’re going to write to Aleppo, are you? Silly Frank! They won’t believe you,” and so on. “Then why don’t you,” I interrupted, “live up to your promise by changing horses, when you know in your heart (if you have one) that it was part of our agreement?” “Let me make this clear,” he interrupted, “I will not give up this horse. No Muslim with a beard, not to mention a miserable Frank, is getting this horse from me. I wouldn’t give him up not even to the Commander of the Faithful if he were in your position; I have my own reasons for it.” “I’m sure you do,” I replied, “out of selfishness and fear for your safety.” Hearing this, he got quite furious; he called upon Mohammed and Allah to witness that he didn’t know what fear was; he swore that some evil spirit had possessed me that day, and so on. Eventually, noticing that I was looking at him with mocking defiance, he rode up next to me. I thought he was about to hit me, so I braced myself for self-defense. However, I was mistaken: he snatched the reins from my hand, grabbed them close to the horse’s jaw, and then started to whip my horse and spur his own, getting both into full speed. He didn’t stop there; he kept beating my horse and spurring his own, recklessly charging over every obstacle in our path, making me genuinely believe he had lost his mind or was trying to kill me. Several times I was on the verge of hitting him with my whip to knock him off his horse, but each time, patience intervened and quietly urged me to hold back and see it through. Meanwhile, I felt somewhat endangered; yet, the control he had over the horses made it impossible for me to stop him. So, resigning the outcome to Providence, I let him continue without further attempts to intervene. He carried on like this for several miles across an uncultivated area, occasionally crossed with channels formed by seasonal rain, thick with low shrubs, ferns, and other small bushes, and broken up and down into small hills. His horse navigated easily over everything; and even though mine stumbled constantly and almost fell, he skillfully and powerfully kept him upright by the bridle, and I must say, carried him impressively over each obstacle. I was both astonished and, by the end, as pleased as I was amazed; sensing this, he shouted out repeatedly and triumphantly, “Look, Frank, look!” Finally, drawing the horses to a stop and looking me straight in the eye, he exclaimed, “Frank, what do you say now?” For some time, I was speechless, simply surveying him from top to bottom, as the most remarkable savage I had ever encountered, while he stroked his whiskers with great pride and composure, nodding his head occasionally, as if to say, “Look at me! Am I not an impressive guy?” We stopped on a small hill where we had a full and clear view of the surrounding countryside. The interpreter approached, and the Tartar called to him, asking him to explain to me carefully what he was about to say. “You see those mountains,” he said, pointing to the east; 876 “they are in the province of Kurdestan, and inhabited by a wretched tribe of robbers who worship their own god and fear the devil. They live by stealing; and often come down from those mountains, cross the Tigris that flows between us, and raid this area in large and powerful groups, taking whatever they can and killing anyone who resists. This area, therefore, for some distance around us, is very dangerous for travelers, whose only chance for safety is to flee. Unfortunately, we got stuck with a really bad horse this morning. If we encounter a band of those Kurds, what can we do but run away? And if you, Frank, rode this horse, and I rode that one, we wouldn't stand a chance of escaping; I doubt you could keep him from falling ME, as I did under YOU. I would end up getting captured; you’d lose your guide and get lost; and all of us would be in big trouble.” Once the interpreter explained this to me, “Well,” the Tartar continued, “what does he say now?” -- “Well, I say,” I replied, “that you’ve spoken wisely and reasonably; and I appreciate it.” This, when fully interpreted, brought him great pleasure, and his features relaxed into a broad smile of satisfaction.
SUPERSTITION may be described to be either the careful and anxious observation of numerous and unauthorized ceremonies in religion, under the idea that they possess some virtue to propitiate God and obtain his favour, or, as among Pagans and others, the worship of imaginary deities, and the various means of averting evil by religious ceremonies, which a heart oppressed with fears, and a perverted fancy, may dictate to those ignorant of the true God, and the doctrines of salvation. Dr. Neander observes, The consideration of human nature and history shows us that the transition from unbelief to superstition is always easy. Both these conditions of the human heart proceed from the self-same ground, the want of that which may be properly called faith, the want of a life in God, of a lively communion with divine things by means of the inward life; that is, by means of the feelings. Man, whose inward feelings are estranged from the divine nature, is inclined, sometimes to deny the reality of that of which he has nothing within him, and for the conception and application of which to himself he has no organ. Or else, the irresistible force of his inward nature impels man to recognize that higher power from which he would fain free himself entirely, and to seek that connection with it which he cannot but feel needful to his comfort; but, inasmuch as he is without any real inward sympathy of disposition with the Divinity, and wants a true sense of holiness, the Divinity appears to his darkened religious conscience only under the form of power and arbitrary rule. His conscience paints to him this power as an angry and avenging power. But as he has no idea of that which the Divinity really is, he cannot duly understand this feeling of estrangement from God, this consciousness of divine wrath; and, instead of seeking in moral things the source of this unquiet feeling, which leaves him no rest by day or night, and from which there is no escape, he fancies that by this or that action, which of itself is perfectly indifferent, he may have offended this higher power, and he seeks by outward observances again to reconcile the offended power. Religion here becomes a source, not of life, but of death; the source, not of consolation and blessing, but of the most unspeakable anxiety which torments man day and night with the spectres of his own imagination. Religion here is no source of sanctification, but may unite in man’s heart with every kind of untruth, and serve to promote it. There is one kind of superstition in which, while man torments himself to the utmost, he still remains estranged from the true nature of inward holiness; and while he is restrained from many good works of charity by his constant attendance on mischievous, arbitrary, and outward observances, he is still actuated by a horror of any great sin, a superstition in which man avoids pleasure so completely that he falls into the opposite extreme; and even the most innocent enjoyments, which a childlike simplicity would receive with thankfulness from the hand of a heavenly Father, he dares not indulge in. But there is also another kind of superstition, which makes it easy for man, by certain outward observances, to silence his conscience under all kinds of sin, and which therefore serves as a welcome support to it.
SUPERSTITION can be described as either the careful and anxious observation of numerous unauthorized religious ceremonies, based on the belief that they have the power to placate God and gain His favor, or, as seen among Pagans and others, the worship of imaginary deities and various methods of warding off evil through religious rituals that a fearful heart and a distorted imagination may dictate to those who are unaware of the true God and the doctrines of salvation. Dr. Neander notes that examining human nature and history reveals that the shift from disbelief to superstition is always easy. Both of these conditions of the human heart stem from the same root: the lack of what can truly be called faith, the absence of a life in God, and genuine communion with divine matters through the inner life—meaning, through feelings. A person whose inner feelings are disconnected from the divine nature might sometimes deny the reality of what they lack within themselves, for which they have no means to conceive or apply. Alternatively, the unyielding force of their inner nature drives a person to recognize that higher power from which they would like to completely free themselves and to seek a connection with it that they inherently feel is necessary for their comfort. However, because they lack any genuine inner alignment with the Divine and do not possess a true sense of holiness, the Divine only appears to their confused religious conscience as a force of power and arbitrary rule. Their conscience depicts this power as angry and vengeful. Lacking a true understanding of what the Divine truly is, they cannot properly comprehend this feeling of disconnection from God, this awareness of divine wrath; instead of searching for the source of this unrest, which brings them no peace day or night, they imagine that through this or that action—actions that are perfectly neutral in themselves—they have offended this higher power. As a result, they attempt to reconcile this offended power through outward rituals. Here, religion becomes a source not of life, but of death; a source not of comfort and blessing, but of immense anxiety that torments the person night and day with the ghosts of their imagination. In this case, religion does not foster sanctification but can converge with any sort of falsehood and promote it. There is one form of superstition where, despite a person tormenting themselves to the utmost, they remain disconnected from the true essence of inward holiness; while being prevented from many good charitable actions by their constant focus on harmful, arbitrary, and outward observances, they are still driven by a fear of significant sin—a superstition where a person avoids pleasure so thoroughly that they fall into the opposite extreme. Even the most innocent joys, which a childlike simplicity would gratefully accept from the hands of a heavenly Father, they dare not partake in. However, there is also another type of superstition that allows a person to quiet their conscience amidst all sorts of sin through certain outward observances, thus providing a comforting support for it.
SUPPER, Lord’s, derives its name from having been instituted by Jesus, after he had supped with his Apostles, immediately before he went out to be delivered into the hands of his enemies. In Egypt, for every house of the children of Israel, a lamb was slain upon that night, when the Almighty punished the cruelty and obstinacy of the Egyptians by killing their first-born, but charged the destroying angel to pass over the houses upon which the blood of the lamb was sprinkled. This was the original sacrifice of the passover. In commemoration of it, the Jews observed the annual festival of the passover, when all the males of Judea assembled before the Lord in Jerusalem. A lamb was slain for every house, the representative of that whose blood had been sprinkled in the night of the escape from Egypt. After the blood was poured under the altar by the priests, the lambs were carried home to be eaten by the people in their tents or houses at a domestic feast, where every master of a family took the cup of thanksgiving, and gave thanks with his family to the God of Israel. Jesus having fulfilled the law of Moses, to which in all things he submitted, by eating the paschal supper with his disciples, proceeded after supper to institute a rite, which, to any person that reads the words of the institution without having formed a previous opinion upon the subject, will probably appear to have been intended by him as a memorial of that event which was to happen not many hours after. “He took bread, and gave thanks, 877and brake it, and gave it unto them, saying, This is my body which is given for you: this do in remembrance of me. Likewise also the cup after supper, saying, This cup is the new testament in my blood, which is shed for you,” Luke xxii, 19, 20. He took the bread which was then on the table, and the wine, of which some had been used in sending round the cup of thanksgiving; and by saying, “This is my body, this is my blood, do this in remembrance of me,” he declared to his Apostles that this was the representation of his death by which he wished them to commemorate that event. The Apostle Paul, not having been present at the institution, received it by immediate revelation from the Lord Jesus; and the manner in which he delivers it to the Corinthians, 1 Cor. xi, 23–26, implies that it was not a rite confined to the Apostles who were present when it was instituted, but that it was meant to be observed by all Christians till the end of the world. “As often as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord’s death till he come.” Whether we consider these words as part of the revelation made to St. Paul, or as his own commentary upon the nature of the ordinance which was revealed to him, they mark, with equal significancy and propriety, the extent and the perpetuity of the obligation to observe that rite which was first instituted in presence of the Apostles.
SUPPER, The Lord's, gets its name from being established by Jesus after he had dinner with his Apostles, right before he went out to be captured by his enemies. In Egypt, for every household of the children of Israel, a lamb was sacrificed that night when God punished the cruelty and stubbornness of the Egyptians by killing their first-born, but instructed the destroying angel to pass over the homes marked with the lamb’s blood. This was the original Passover sacrifice. To remember this event, the Jews held the annual Passover festival, where all the males of Judea gathered before the Lord in Jerusalem. A lamb was sacrificed for each household, symbolizing the one whose blood had been spread during the escape from Egypt. After the priests poured the blood at the altar, the lambs were taken home to be eaten by families in their tents or houses during a communal feast, where the head of each family would take the cup of thanksgiving and thank the God of Israel. Jesus, having fulfilled the law of Moses to which he submitted in every way, celebrated the Passover with his disciples, and after dinner, established a new rite. For anyone reading the words of this institution without any preconceived notions, it is likely that it seems intended as a memorial of the event that would soon unfold. “He took bread, and gave thanks, and broke it, and gave it to them, saying, This is my body which is given for you: this do in remembrance of me. Likewise also the cup after supper, saying, This cup is the new testament in my blood, which is shed for you,” Luke xxii, 19, 20. He took the bread that was on the table and the wine, which some had already used for the cup of thanksgiving; and by saying, “This is my body, this is my blood, do this in remembrance of me,” he indicated to his Apostles that this was a symbol of his death that he wanted them to remember. The Apostle Paul, who was not present at the institution, received it through direct revelation from the Lord Jesus; and how he shares it with the Corinthians, 1 Cor. xi, 23–26, suggests that it wasn't just a rite for the Apostles present at the time, but was meant for all Christians to observe until the end of time. “As often as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord’s death till he come.” Whether we view these words as part of the revelation given to St. Paul or as his own explanation of the nature of the ordinance revealed to him, they clearly indicate the obligation to observe this rite, which was first instituted in the presence of the Apostles.
There is a striking correspondence between this view of the Lord’s Supper, as a rite by which it was intended that all Christians should commemorate the death of Christ, and the circumstances attending the institution of the feast of the passover. Like the Jews, we have the original sacrifice: “Christ our passover is sacrificed for us,” and by his substitution our souls are delivered from death. Like the Jews, we have a feast in which that sacrifice, and the deliverance purchased by it, are remembered. Hence the Lord’s Supper was early called the eucharist, from its being said by St. Luke, “Jesus, when he took the bread, gave thanks;” and his disciples in all ages, when they receive the bread, keep a feast of thanksgiving. To Christians, as to Jews, there is “a night to be much observed unto the Lord,” in all generations. To Christians, as to Jews, the manner of observing the night is appointed. To both it is accompanied with thanksgiving.
There is a clear connection between this perspective on the Lord’s Supper as a ritual meant for all Christians to remember Christ's death and the background of the Passover feast. Just like the Jews, we have the original sacrifice: “Christ our Passover is sacrificed for us,” and through His substitution, our souls are saved from death. Like the Jews, we have a feast that commemorates that sacrifice and the freedom it brought. That’s why the Lord’s Supper was called the Eucharist early on, based on St. Luke's account that “Jesus, when he took the bread, gave thanks;” and His disciples throughout history, when they partake of the bread, celebrate a feast of gratitude. For Christians, just like for Jews, there is “a night to be much observed unto the Lord,” in every generation. For both groups, there is a specified way to observe this night, and it is filled with thanksgiving.
The Lord’s Supper exhibits, by a significant action, the characteristical doctrine of the Christian faith, that the death of its author, which seemed to be the completion of the rage of his enemies, was a voluntary sacrifice, so efficacious as to supersede the necessity of every other; and that his blood was shed for the remission of sins. By partaking of this rite, his disciples publish an event most interesting to all the kindreds of the earth; they declare that, far from being ashamed of the suffering of their Master, they glory in his cross; and, while they thus perform the office implied in that expression of the Apostle, “Ye do show forth the Lord’s death,” they at the same time cherish the sentiments by which their religion ministers to their own consolation and improvement. They cannot remember the death of Christ, the circumstances which rendered that event necessary, the disinterested love and the exalted virtues of their deliverer, without feeling their obligations to him. Unless the vilest hypocrisy accompany an action, which, by its very nature, professes to flow from warm affection, the love of Christ will constrain them to fulfil the purposes of his death, by “living unto him who died for them;” and we have reason to hope, that, in the places where he causes his name to be remembered, he will come and bless his people. As the object of faith is thus explicitly set before them in every commemoration, so the renewed exercise of that faith, which the ordinance is designed to excite, must bring renewed life, and a deeper experience of the “great salvation.” See Sacrament.
The Lord’s Supper clearly shows, through a significant action, the key doctrine of the Christian faith: that the death of its founder, which seemed like the ultimate victory for his enemies, was actually a voluntary sacrifice that completely replaces the need for any other. His blood was shed for the forgiveness of sins. By participating in this ritual, his disciples announce an event that is incredibly important to all people on earth; they declare that, instead of being ashamed of their Master’s suffering, they take pride in his cross. While they carry out the role mentioned in the Apostle’s phrase, “Ye do show forth the Lord’s death,” they also nurture the beliefs that their faith brings them comfort and growth. They can’t think about Christ’s death, the reasons it was necessary, the selfless love, and the noble qualities of their savior without feeling grateful to him. Unless the most blatant hypocrisy accompanies an action that, by its nature, is meant to come from deep affection, the love of Christ will drive them to fulfill the purposes of his death by “living for him who died for them.” We have good reason to believe that where he is remembered, he will come and bless his followers. As the object of faith is clearly presented in every remembrance, the renewed exercise of that faith, which this ordinance is meant to inspire, will surely bring renewed life and a deeper experience of the “great salvation.” See Ritual.
SURETY, in common speech, is one who gives security for another; and hence it has become prevalent among theological writers to confound it with the terms substitute and representative, when applied to Christ. In fact, the word “surety” occurs only once in our translation of the Scriptures, namely, Heb. vii, 22: “By so much was Jesus made the surety of a better covenant.” It is certainly true that the Son of God, in all that he has done or is still doing as Mediator, may be justly viewed as the surety of the new and everlasting covenant, and as affording the utmost security to believers that, as the Father hath given all things into his hands, they will be conducted with effect, and all the exceeding great and precious promises of that covenant assuredly be accomplished. But this does not appear to be the precise idea which the Apostle has in view in the above passage. This has been sufficiently evinced by many critics and commentators, particularly by Pierce, Macknight, and M’Lean, in their notes on the place. The substance of their remarks is, that the original term employed by the Apostle, and which occurs no where else in Scripture, is ἔγγυος, which is derived from ἐγγὺς, near, and signifies one who draws near, or who brings others near; which sense of the word will not very well accord with that of a substitute or representative. The Greek commentators very properly explain the word by μεσίτης, a mediator. Now, as in this passage a comparison is stated between Jesus, as a high priest, and the Levitical high priests; and as the latter were considered by the Apostle to be the mediators of the Sinai covenant, because through their mediation the Israelites worshipped God with sacrifices; it is evident that the Apostle in this passage terms Jesus the High Priest or Mediator of the better covenant, because, through his mediation, or in virtue of the sacrifice which he offered of himself to God, believers receive all the blessings of the new covenant. And as in verse 16 the Apostle had said that “by the introduction of a better hope we draw near to God,” he, in verse 22, very properly calls Jesus ἔγγυος, “he by whom we draw nigh,” thereby denoting the effect of his mediation. From the whole, 878therefore, it is plain that the word “surety” in this place is equivalent with that of mediator or high priest.
SURETY, in everyday language, is someone who provides security for another person; therefore, it has become common among theologians to confuse it with the terms substitute and representative when referring to Christ. In fact, the word “surety” appears only once in our translation of the Scriptures, specifically in Heb. 7:22: “By so much was Jesus made the surety of a better covenant.” It is certainly true that the Son of God, in everything he has done or continues to do as Mediator, can be rightly seen as the surety of the new and everlasting covenant, offering the greatest assurance to believers that, since the Father has placed all things in his hands, they will be effectively guided, and all the extremely great and precious promises of that covenant will certainly be fulfilled. However, this does not seem to be the exact idea that the Apostle intends in the passage above. This has been clearly demonstrated by many critics and commentators, especially by Pierce, Macknight, and M’Lean, in their notes on this section. The essence of their remarks is that the original term used by the Apostle, which does not appear elsewhere in Scripture, is ἔγγυος, derived from ἐγγὺς, near, meaning one who draws near or brings others near; this interpretation does not quite align with the meaning of a substitute or representative. The Greek commentators rightly interpret the term as μεσίτης, a mediator. Now, since this passage compares Jesus, as a high priest, with the Levitical high priests, and since the latter were viewed by the Apostle as the mediators of the Sinai covenant because the Israelites worshipped God through their mediation with sacrifices, it is clear that the Apostle refers to Jesus as the High Priest or Mediator of the better covenant because, through his mediation or by the sacrifice he offered of himself to God, believers receive all the blessings of the new covenant. And as in verse 16 the Apostle stated that “by the introduction of a better hope we draw near to God,” he, in verse 22, appropriately calls Jesus ἔγγυος, “he by whom we draw nigh,” highlighting the effect of his mediation. Thus, it is clear from the entirety of the discussion that the term “surety” in this context is equivalent to mediator or high priest. 878
SWALLOWS, סיס, a bird too well known to need description. Our translators of the Bible have given this name to two different Hebrew words. The first, דרור, in Psalm lxxxiv, 3, and Prov. xxvi, 2, is probably the bird which Forskal mentions among the migratory birds of Alexandria, by the name of dururi; and the second, עגור, Isa. xxxviii, 14, and Jer. viii, 7, is the crane; but the word סיס, in the two last places rendered in our version “crane,” is really the swallow. So the Septuagint, Vulgate, and two ancient manuscripts, Theodotion, and Jerom, render it, and Bochart and Lowth follow them. Bochart assigns the note of this bird for the reason of its name, and ingeniously remarks that the Italians about Venice call a swallow zizilla, and its twittering zizillare. The swallow being a plaintive bird, and a bird of passage, perfectly agrees with the meaning of Isaiah and Jeremiah. The annual migration of the swallow has been familiarly known in every age, and perhaps in every region of the earth. In Psalm lxxxiv, 3, it is said, “The sparrow hath found a house, and the swallow a nest for herself, where she may lay her young, even thine altars, O Lord of hosts.” By the altars of Jehovah we are to understand the temple. The words probably refer to the custom of several nations of antiquity,--that birds which built their nests on the temples, or within the limits of them, were not suffered to be driven away, much less killed; but found a secure and uninterrupted dwelling. Hence, when Aristodicus disturbed the birds’ nests of the temple of Kumæ, and took the young from them, a voice, according to a tradition preserved by Herodotus, is said to have spoken these words from the interior of the temple: “Most villainous of men, how darest thou to drive away such as seek refuge in my temple?” The Athenians were so enraged at Atarbes, who had killed a sparrow which built on the temple of Æsculapius, that they killed him. Among the Arabs, who are more closely related to the Hebrews, birds which build their nests on the temple of Mecca have been inviolable from the earliest times. In the very ancient poem of a Dschorhamidish prince, published by a Schulten, in which he laments that his tribe had been deprived of the protection of the sanctuary of Mecca, it is said,
SWALLOWS, סיס, are a bird so familiar that they hardly need an introduction. Our Bible translators have assigned this name to two different Hebrew words. The first, Freedom, in Psalm 84:3 and Prov. 26:2, likely refers to the bird that Forskal mentions among the migratory birds of Alexandria, calling it dururi; the second, Cranes, found in Isa. 38:14 and Jer. 8:7, is the crane. However, the word סיס, which is translated as “crane” in those last two instances, actually refers to the swallow. This is supported by the Septuagint, Vulgate, and two ancient manuscripts, Theodotion and Jerome, as well as by Bochart and Lowth. Bochart notes the name of this bird and cleverly points out that the Italians near Venice call a swallow zizilla, and its chirping zizillare. The swallow, being a melancholic bird and a migratory species, aligns perfectly with the meanings in Isaiah and Jeremiah. The yearly migration of swallows is well-known across ages and likely in every part of the world. In Psalm 84:3, it says, “The sparrow has found a house, and the swallow a nest for herself, where she may lay her young, even at your altars, O Lord of hosts.” By “the altars of Jehovah,” we understand the temple. This likely refers to the ancient custom in several cultures where birds nesting on or near temples were protected and not harmed; they found a safe and uninterrupted place to live. For instance, when Aristodicus disturbed the nests in the temple of Kumæ and took the young birds, a voice from inside the temple reportedly exclaimed, according to a tradition preserved by Herodotus: “Most villainous of men, how dare you drive away those who seek refuge in my temple?” The Athenians were so furious with Atarbes for killing a sparrow that had nested on the temple of Æsculapius that they executed him. Among the Arabs, who share a closer connection with the Hebrews, birds that build nests on the temple of Mecca have been protected since ancient times. In a very old poem by a Dschorhamidish prince, published by Schulten, he laments that his tribe was deprived of the protection of the sanctuary of Mecca, it says,
In another ancient Arabian poet, Nabega, the Dhobianit swears “by the sanctuary which affords shelter to the birds which seek it there.” Niebuhr says, “I will observe, that among the Mohammedans, not only is the kaba a refuge for the pigeons, but also on the mosques over the graves of Ali and Hassein, on the Dsjamea, or chief mosque, at Helle, and in other cities, they are equally undisturbed.” And Thevenot remarks: “Within a mosque at Oudjicum lies interred the son of a king, called Schah-Zadeh-Imam Dgiafer, whom they reckon a saint. The dome is rough cast over; before the mosque there is a court, well planted with many high plane trees, on which we saw a great many storks, that haunt thereabout all the year round.” See Sparrow.
In another ancient Arabian poet, Nabega, the Dhobianit swears “by the sanctuary that offers shelter to the birds that seek it there.” Niebuhr notes, “I should mention that among the Muslims, not only is the kaba a refuge for pigeons, but also on the mosques over the graves of Ali and Hassein, on the Dsjamea, or main mosque, at Helle, and in other cities, they are likewise undisturbed.” Thevenot adds: “Within a mosque at Oudjicum lies the son of a king, named Schah-Zadeh-Imam Dgiafer, whom they consider a saint. The dome is roughly finished; in front of the mosque, there is a courtyard, well-planted with many tall plane trees, where we saw a lot of storks that linger there all year round.” See Sparrow.
SWAN, תנשמת, Lev. xi, 18; Deut. xiv, 16. The Hebrew word is very ambiguous, for in the first of these places, it is ranked among water-fowls; and by the Vulgate, which our version follows, rendered “swan,” and in the thirtieth verse, the same word is rendered “mole,” and ranked among reptiles. Some translate it in the former place, “the bat,” which they justify by the affinity which there is between the bat and the mole. The LXX. in the former verse render it ϖορφυρίωνα, the porphyrion, or “purple bird,” probably the “flamingo;” and in the latter, “ibis.” Parkhurst shows that the name is given from the creature’s breathing in a strong and audible manner; and Michaëlis learnedly conjectures, that in verse eighteen, and Deut. xiv, 16, it may mean the “goose,” which every one knows is remarkable for its manner of “breathing out” or “hissing,” when approached.
SWAN, תנשמת, Lev. xi, 18; Deut. xiv, 16. The Hebrew word is quite unclear, as in the first instance, it's classified among waterfowl; the Vulgate, which our version follows, translates it as “swan.” However, in the thirtieth verse, the same word is translated as “mole” and classified as a reptile. Some people translate it as “bat” in the first instance, pointing out the resemblance between bats and moles. The LXX. translates it in the first verse as ϖορφυρίωνα, the porphyrion, or “purple bird,” likely referring to the “flamingo,” and in the latter case, as “ibis.” Parkhurst indicates that the name is derived from the creature's loud and noticeable breathing, and Michaëlis cleverly suggests that in verse eighteen and Deut. xiv, 16, it might refer to the “goose,” which is well-known for its distinctive “hissing” sound when approached.
SWEDENBORGIANS denote that particular denomination of Christians who admit the testimony of Baron Swedenborg, and receive the doctrines taught in the theological writings of that author. Emanuel Swedenborg was the son of a bishop of West Gothnia, in the kingdom of Sweden, whose name was Swedberg, a man of considerable learning and celebrity in his time. The son was born at Stockholm, January 29, 1688. He enjoyed early the advantages of a liberal education, and being naturally endowed with uncommon talents for the acquirement of learning, his progress in the sciences was rapid and extensive; and he soon distinguished himself by several publications in the Latin language, which gave proof of equal genius and erudition. It may reasonably be supposed that under the care of his pious and reverend father our author’s religious instruction was not neglected. This, indeed, appears plain from the general tenor of his life and writings, which are marked with strong and lively characters of a mind deeply impressed with a sense of the divine Being, and of all the relative duties thence resulting. He was ennobled in the year 1719, by Queen Ulrica Eleonora, and named Swedenborg, from which time he took his seat with the nobles of the equestrian order, in the triennial assembly of the states. The philosophical works, published in Latin, by Baron Swedenborg, are numerous; but his theological works are said to be still more so.
SWEDENBORGIANS refer to a specific group of Christians who accept the testimony of Baron Swedenborg and embrace the doctrines outlined in his theological writings. Emanuel Swedenborg was the son of a bishop in West Gothnia, Sweden, named Swedberg, a well-respected and learned figure of his time. He was born in Stockholm on January 29, 1688. From an early age, he benefited from a well-rounded education, and with his natural talent for learning, he made swift and extensive progress in the sciences. He quickly distinguished himself through several publications in Latin, showcasing both his genius and knowledge. It’s reasonable to assume that under the guidance of his devout father, his religious education was prioritized. This is evident in the overall nature of his life and writings, which display strong evidence of a mind deeply aware of the divine and the corresponding duties that arise from it. He was ennobled in 1719 by Queen Ulrica Eleonora and received the name Swedenborg, after which he took his place among the nobility in the triennial assembly of the states. Baron Swedenborg published numerous philosophical works in Latin, but his theological works are said to be even more extensive.
1. The first and principal distinguishing doctrine contained in the writings of Baron Swedenborg, and maintained by his followers, relates to the person and character of Jesus Christ, and to the redemption wrought by him. On this subject it is insisted that Jesus Christ is Jehovah, manifested in the flesh; and that he came into the world to glorify his human nature, by making it one with the divine. It 879is therefore insisted farther that the humanity of Jesus Christ is itself divine, by virtue of its indissoluble union with the indwelling Father, agreeably to the testimony of St. Paul, that, “in Jesus Christ dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily,” Col. ii, 9; and that thus, as to his humanity, he is the Mediator between God and man, since there is now no other medium of God’s access to man, or of man’s access to God, but this divine humanity, which was assumed for this purpose. Thus it is taught, that in the person of Jesus Christ dwells the whole Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; the Father constituting the soul of the above humanity, while the humanity itself is the Son, and the divine virtue or operation proceeding from it is the Holy Spirit; forming altogether one God, just as the soul, the body, and operation of man, form one man. On the subject of the redemption wrought by this incarnate God, it is lastly taught that it consisted not in the vicarious sacrifice of Christ, but in the real subjugation of the powers of darkness and their removal from man, by continual combats and victories over them, during his abode in the world; and in the consequent descent to man of divine power and life, which was brought near to him in the thus glorified humanity of this victorious God. They who receive this testimony concerning Jesus Christ therefore acknowledge no other God but him; and believe that in approaching his divine humanity, they approach, at the same time, and have communication with, all the fulness of the Godhead, seeing and worshipping the invisible in the visible, agreeably to the tenor of those words of Jesus Christ: “He that believeth on me believeth not on me, but on him that sent me; and he that seeth me, seeth him that sent me,” John xii, 44, 45.
1. The primary and key belief found in the writings of Baron Swedenborg, and supported by his followers, concerns the identity and character of Jesus Christ, as well as the redemption he achieved. It is emphasized that Jesus Christ is Jehovah, made manifest in human form; he came to the world to glorify his human nature by uniting it with the divine. It is further asserted that the humanity of Jesus Christ is divine because of its unbreakable union with the indwelling Father, in line with St. Paul's testimony that “in Jesus Christ dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily,” Col. ii, 9. This means that, in terms of his humanity, he acts as the Mediator between God and humanity, since the only way for people to access God now is through this divine humanity, which was taken on for this purpose. It is taught that in Jesus Christ resides the entire Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; the Father is the soul of this humanity, the humanity itself is the Son, and the divine power or action that comes from it is the Holy Spirit; together, they form one God, just as the soul, body, and actions of a person make one person. Regarding the redemption accomplished by this incarnate God, it is finally taught that it was not achieved through a sacrificial death but through the actual overcoming of the powers of darkness and their removal from humanity, through ongoing struggles and victories during his time on Earth; this resulted in divine power and life being brought closer to humanity through the glorified humanity of this victorious God. Those who accept this testimony about Jesus Christ acknowledge no other God but him; they believe that by approaching his divine humanity, they are also connecting with the fullness of the Godhead, seeing and worshipping the invisible through the visible, as expressed in the words of Jesus Christ: “He that believeth on me believeth not on me, but on him that sent me; and he that seeth me, seeth him that sent me,” John xii, 44, 45.
2. A second doctrine taught by the same author relates to the sacred Scripture, or word of God, which is maintained to be divinely inspired throughout, and, consequently, to be the repository of the whole will and wisdom of the most high God. It is, however, insisted, that this will and wisdom are not in all places discoverable from the letter or history of the sacred pages, but lie deeply concealed under the letter. For it is taught by Baron Swedenborg, that the sense of the letter of the holy word is the basis, the continent, and the firmament, of its spiritual and celestial senses, being written according to the doctrine of correspondencies between things spiritual and things natural, and thus designed by the Most High as the vehicle of communication of the eternal spiritual truths of his kingdom to the minds of men. It is farther endeavoured to be shown that Jesus Christ spake continually according to this same doctrine, veiling divine and spiritual truths under natural images, especially in his parables, and thus communicating to man the most important mysteries relative to himself and his kingdom, under the most beautiful and edifying figures taken from the natural things of this world. Thus, according to Baron Swedenborg, even the historical parts both of the Old and New Testament contain vast stores of important and spiritual wisdom under the outward letter; and this consideration, as he farther asserts, justifies the pages of divine revelation, even in those parts which to a common observer appear trifling, nugatory, and contradictory. It is lastly maintained, on this subject, that the sacred Scripture, or word of God, is the only medium of communication and conjunction between God and man, and is likewise the only source of all genuine truth and knowledge respecting God, his kingdom, and operation, and the only sure guide for man’s understanding, in whatever relates to his spiritual or eternal concerns.
2. A second doctrine taught by the same author relates to the sacred Scripture, or the word of God, which is believed to be divinely inspired throughout, and, consequently, to hold the complete will and wisdom of the highest God. However, it is emphasized that this will and wisdom are not always evident from the text or history of the sacred pages but are deeply concealed beneath the surface. Baron Swedenborg teaches that the meaning of the letter of the holy word serves as the foundation, the framework, and the support for its spiritual and heavenly meanings. It is written according to the doctrine of correspondences between spiritual and natural things, designed by the Most High as a means to communicate the eternal spiritual truths of his kingdom to people's minds. It is further explained that Jesus Christ continually spoke according to this same doctrine, cloaking divine and spiritual truths in natural images, especially in his parables, thereby conveying to humanity the most significant mysteries concerning himself and his kingdom through beautiful and uplifting figures drawn from the natural world. According to Baron Swedenborg, even the historical parts of both the Old and New Testament contain vast stores of significant spiritual wisdom beneath the literal text; and this insight, as he further argues, validates the pages of divine revelation, even in parts that may seem trivial, insignificant, or contradictory to a casual observer. Lastly, it is asserted that the sacred Scripture, or the word of God, is the only means of communication and connection between God and humanity, and is also the sole source of all genuine truth and knowledge regarding God, his kingdom, and actions, as well as the only reliable guide for understanding matters related to one's spiritual or eternal concerns.
3. The next branch of the system is practical, and relates to the life, or to that rule of conduct on the part of man which is truly acceptable to the Deity, and at the same time conducive to man’s eternal happiness and salvation, by conjoining him with his God. This rule is taught to be simply this: to shun all known evils as sins against God, and at the same time to love, to cherish, and to practise whatsoever is wise, virtuous, and holy, as being most agreeable to the will of God, and to the spirit of his precepts. On this subject it is strongly and repeatedly insisted that evil must of necessity remain with man, and prove his eternal destruction, unless it be removed by sincere repentance, leading him to note what is disorderly in his own mind and life; and, when he has discovered it, to fight resolutely against its influence, in dependence on the aid and grace of Jesus Christ. It is insisted farther, that this opposition to evil ought to be grounded on the consideration that all evil is against God, since, if evil be combated from any inferior motive, it is not radically removed, but only concealed, and on that account is even more dangerous and destructive than before. It is added, that when man has done the work of repentance, by shunning his hereditary evils as sins against God, he ought to set himself to the practice of what is wise and good by a faithful, diligent, and conscientious discharge of all the duties of his station; by which means his mind is preserved from a return of the power of disorder, and kept in the order of heaven, and the fulfilment of the great law of charity.
3. The next part of the system is practical and relates to how a person should live, following a standard of behavior that is truly pleasing to God and also leads to eternal happiness and salvation by connecting with Him. This standard is simply to avoid all known evils as sins against God, while also to love, value, and practice whatever is wise, virtuous, and holy, as it aligns with God’s will and the essence of His teachings. It is strongly emphasized that evil will inevitably remain with a person and lead to their eternal downfall unless it is addressed through sincere repentance, prompting them to recognize what is out of order in their own thoughts and actions; and once they identify it, to actively resist its influence, relying on the support and grace of Jesus Christ. Furthermore, it is stressed that this battle against evil should be based on the understanding that all evil is against God, since if one fights against evil for any lesser reason, it isn't truly eradicated but merely hidden, making it even more dangerous and destructive than before. Additionally, after a person has completed the work of repentance by rejecting their inherited evils as sins against God, they should focus on practicing what is wise and good through faithful, diligent, and conscientious fulfillment of all their responsibilities; this will help keep their mind free from the resurgence of disorder, maintaining alignment with the order of heaven and fulfilling the great law of charity.
4. A fourth doctrine inculcated in the same writings, is the coöperation on the part of man with the divine grace or agency of Jesus Christ. On this subject it is insisted that man ought not indolently to hang down his hands, under the idle expectation that God will do every thing for him in the way of purification and regeneration, without any exertion of his own; but that he is bound by the above law of coöperation to exert himself, as if the whole progress of his purification and regeneration depended entirely on his own exertions; yet, in exerting himself, he is continually to recollect, and humbly to acknowledge, that all his power to do so is from above, agreeably to the declaration of Jesus Christ, “Without me ye can do nothing,” John xv, 5.
4. A fourth teaching found in the same writings is that humans should work together with the divine grace or influence of Jesus Christ. It emphasizes that people shouldn’t just sit back, passively waiting for God to handle all their purification and transformation without any effort on their part. Instead, they are required by this principle of cooperation to put in the effort as if their entire journey of purification and transformation relies solely on their own actions. However, while doing so, they should always remember and humbly recognize that all their ability to act comes from above, in line with Jesus Christ's statement, “Without me, you can do nothing,” John xv, 5.
5. A fifth and last distinguishing doctrine taught in the theological writings of our author, 880relates to man’s connection with the other world, and its various inhabitants. On this subject, it is insisted, not only from his view of the sacred Scriptures, but also from the experience of the author himself, that every man is in continual association with angels and spirits, and that without such association he could not possibly think or exert any living faculty. It is insisted farther, that man, according to his life in the world, takes up his eternal abode, either with angels of light, or with the spirits of darkness; with the former, if he is wise to live according to the precepts of God’s holy word; or with the latter, if, through folly and transgression, he rejects the counsel and guidance of the Most High.
5. A fifth and final distinct belief discussed in the theological writings of our author, 880concerns humanity’s connection with the other world and its various inhabitants. On this topic, it is emphasized, not just from his interpretation of the sacred Scriptures but also from the author's own experiences, that every person is in constant association with angels and spirits, and that without such interaction, he could not possibly think or use any of his faculties. It is further emphasized that, based on his life in the world, a person takes his eternal place either with angels of light or with spirits of darkness; with the former, if he wisely chooses to live according to the teachings of God’s holy word; or with the latter, if, through foolishness and wrongdoing, he disregards the advice and guidance of the Most High.
Some other peculiar doctrines of minor importance might be enlarged on in this place if it was deemed necessary; such as the doctrine concerning the human soul, as being in a human form; concerning the marriage of the good and the true, as existing in the holy word, and in all things in nature. But it may be observed generally, that the fundamental error of the system is a denial of the divinity of Christ, while it appears to be acknowledged, and of the doctrine of the atonement. Many true things are said also of the figurative and typical character of the word of God; but the interpretation of it in this view runs into the wildest extravagance for want of principles; while the whole is clothed with mysticism on the one hand and gross and carnal conceptions of spiritual things on the other. There is, indeed, much in which this sect agrees with other Christians, and much, therefore, that is true in their strange system; but it is unconnected with other great and vital truths of the Gospel; and is joined also with great errors. It is a dreamy delusion, which defies all rational defence: it rests upon the assumed experience of a man of genius, it is true, but one who was not always in his wits.
Some other odd beliefs of lesser importance could be elaborated on here if necessary, such as the idea that the human soul has a human form, and the concept of the marriage between good and truth as found in the holy word and in everything in nature. However, it can generally be noted that the main flaw of the system is its denial of the divinity of Christ, even though it seems to be acknowledged, as well as the doctrine of atonement. Many accurate points are also made about the figurative and symbolic nature of the word of God; however, interpreting it this way can lead to the most irrational extremes due to a lack of solid principles, while the entire system is wrapped in mysticism on one side and crude, material interpretations of spiritual concepts on the other. Indeed, this sect shares many beliefs with other Christians, resulting in some truth within their peculiar system, but it is disconnected from other major and vital truths of the Gospel and is also accompanied by significant errors. It is a fanciful illusion that cannot stand up to rational scrutiny: it is based on the supposed experiences of a brilliant individual, true, but one who was not always in his right mind.
In London, and some of the other cities and great towns in England, places of public worship have been opened, for the express purpose of preaching the preceding doctrines. In all such places particular forms of prayer have been adopted, in agreement with the ideas of the worshippers, as grounded in the religious sentiments above stated, especially respecting the supreme object of adoration, who is acknowledged to be the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, in his divine humanity. But in no place have any peculiar rites and ceremonies been introduced, the worshippers being content with retaining the celebration of the two sacraments of baptism and the holy supper, since no other rites are insisted on by the author whose testimony they receive. It is believed, by a large majority of them, that it was never his intention that any particular sect should be formed upon his doctrines, but that all who receive them, whether in the establishment, or in any other communion of Christians, should be at perfect liberty either to continue in their former communion, or to quit it, as their conscience dictates. England appears to be the country where the system has been most generally received. Baron Swedenborg had many eccentricities; but perhaps the most remarkable circumstance respecting him, was his asserting, that, during the uninterrupted period of twenty-seven years, he enjoyed open intercourse with the world of departed spirits, and during that time was instructed in the internal sense of the sacred Scriptures, hitherto undiscovered! This is a correspondence with the invisible world, to which few or no writers, before or since his time, ever pretended, if we except the Arabian prophet.
In London, and in some other cities and major towns in England, public places of worship have started, specifically to promote the previously mentioned beliefs. In all these places, specific forms of prayer have been used, aligned with the views of the worshippers, based on the religious feelings stated earlier, especially regarding the supreme object of worship, who is recognized as the Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, in his divine humanity. However, no special rituals or ceremonies have been introduced; the worshippers are satisfied with continuing the celebration of the two sacraments of baptism and the holy supper, as no other rituals are required by the author whose teachings they follow. A large majority of them believe that it was never his intention for any specific sect to form around his teachings, but rather that everyone who accepts them, whether they are part of the established church or any other Christian community, should have the complete freedom to either stay within their previous community or leave it, as their conscience guides them. England seems to be the country where this system has been most widely accepted. Baron Swedenborg had many quirks, but perhaps the most notable aspect about him was his claim that, for an uninterrupted period of twenty-seven years, he had direct communication with the world of departed spirits and during that time was taught the internal meaning of the sacred Scriptures, which had never been discovered before! This is a connection to the invisible world that few, if any, writers before or since have claimed, except for the Arabian prophet.
SWINE, חזיר, Lev. xi, 7; Deut. xiv, 8; Psalm lxxx, 13; Prov. xi, 22; Isaiah lxv, 4; lxvi, 3, 17; χοῖρος, Matt. vii, 6; viii, 30; Mark v, 14; Luke viii, 33; xv, 15; the plural of hog, an animal well known. In impurity and grossness of manners, this creature stands almost unrivalled among the order of quadrupeds; and the meanness of his appearance corresponds to the grossness of his manners. He has a most indiscriminate, voracious, and insatiable appetite. The Prophet Isaiah, lxv, 4, charges his degenerate people with eating swine’s flesh, and having broth of abominable things in their vessels, Isaiah lxvi, 3. Conduct so contrary to their solemn engagements, so hateful in the sight of the Holy One, though long endured, was not always to pass with impunity. “They that sanctify themselves, and purify themselves in the gardens, behind one tree in the midst, eating swine’s flesh, and the abomination, and the mouse, shall be consumed together, saith the Lord,” Isaiah lxvi, 17. Such a sacrifice was an abomination to the Lord, because the eating of the blood was prohibited, and because the sacrifice consisted of swine’s flesh. To these precepts and threatenings, which were often enforced by severe judgments may be traced the habitual and unconquerable aversion of the latter Jews to the use of swine’s flesh; an aversion which the most alluring promises and the most cruel sufferings have been found alike insufficient to subdue.
SWINE, Pig, Lev. xi, 7; Deut. xiv, 8; Psalm lxxx, 13; Prov. xi, 22; Isaiah lxv, 4; lxvi, 3, 17; χοῖρος, Matt. vii, 6; viii, 30; Mark v, 14; Luke viii, 33; xv, 15; the plural of hog, an animal well known. In terms of impurity and rough behavior, this creature is almost unmatched among quadrupeds; its unattractive appearance reflects its gross behavior. It has a highly indiscriminate, voracious, and unquenchable appetite. The Prophet Isaiah, lxv, 4, accuses his corrupt people of eating swine's flesh and having unacceptable broth in their vessels, Isaiah lxvi, 3. Such conduct, which goes against their serious promises and is detestable in the sight of the Holy One, though tolerated for a long time, would not go unpunished forever. “They that sanctify themselves and purify themselves in the gardens, behind one tree in the midst, eating swine’s flesh, and the abomination, and the mouse, shall be consumed together, saith the Lord,” Isaiah lxvi, 17. Such a sacrifice was an abomination to the Lord because eating blood was prohibited, and the sacrifice was made from swine’s flesh. The strict guidelines and threats, often backed by harsh punishments, can explain the deep and unshakeable aversion of later Jews to consuming swine's flesh; an aversion that neither enticing promises nor extreme suffering could overcome.
In such detestation was the hog held by the Jews that they would not so much as pronounce its name, but called it “the strange thing;” and we read in the history of the Maccabees, that Eleazer, a principal scribe, being compelled by Antiochus Epiphanes to open his mouth and receive swine’s flesh, spit it forth, and went of his own accord to the torment, choosing rather to suffer death than to break the law of God, and give offence to his nation, 2 Mac. vi, 18; vii, 1. It is observed that when Adrian rebuilt Jerusalem, he set up the image of a hog, in bas-relief, upon the gates of the city, to drive the Jews away from it, and to express the greater contempt for that miserable people. It was avarice, a contempt of the law of Moses, and a design to supply the neighbouring idolaters with victims, that caused whole herds of swine to be fed on the borders of Galilee. Whence the reason is plain of Christ’s permitting the devils to throw the swine headlong into the lake of Genesareth, Matthew viii, 32. We read, in Matthew vii, 6, “Give not that which is holy unto the 881dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine, lest they trample them under their feet, and turn again and rend you.” There is a similar maxim in the Talmudical writings: “Do not cast pearls before swine;” to which is added, by way of explanation, “Do not offer wisdom to one who knows not the value of it, but profanes its glory.”
The Jews held such a strong disdain for pigs that they wouldn’t even say its name, referring to it as “the strange thing.” In the history of the Maccabees, we read about Eleazer, a top scribe, who was forced by Antiochus Epiphanes to open his mouth and eat pork. He spat it out and willingly faced torture, choosing to die rather than break God’s law and offend his people (2 Mac. vi, 18; vii, 1). It’s noted that when Adrian rebuilt Jerusalem, he placed a pig’s image in bas-relief on the city gates, intending to drive the Jews away and show even more contempt for that unfortunate group. Greed, disregard for the law of Moses, and a plan to provide sacrifices for the nearby idolaters led to herds of pigs being raised near Galilee. This explains why Christ allowed the demons to drive the pigs into the lake of Genesareth (Matthew viii, 32). In Matthew vii, 6, it says, “Do not give what is holy to the dogs, nor cast your pearls before pigs, or they will trample them underfoot and turn and tear you to pieces.” There’s a similar saying in the Talmud: “Do not cast pearls before swine,” with an explanation added: “Do not offer wisdom to someone who doesn’t appreciate it and will profane its worth.”
SYCAMINE, συκάμινος, in Arabic sokam, Luke xvii, 6. This is a different tree from the sycamore, mentioned Luke xix, 4. Dioscorides says that this tree is the mulberry, though he allows that some apprehend that it is the same with the sycamore. Galen has a separate article on the sycamorus, which he speaks of as rare, and mentions as having seen it at Alexandria in Egypt. The Greeks name the morus the sycamine. Grotius says the word συκάμινος has no connection with συκέη, the fig-tree, but is entirely Syrian, שקמין, in Hebrew, שקמים. It should seem, indeed, to be very similar to the mulberry, as not only the Latin, but the Syriac and the Arabic, render it by morus; and thus Coverdale’s, the Rheim’s, and Purver’s English translations render it by the mulberry; and so it is in Bishop Wilson’s Bible.
SYCAMINE, συκάμινος, in Arabic sokam, Luke xvii, 6. This is a different tree from the sycamore mentioned in Luke xix, 4. Dioscorides claims this tree is the mulberry, although he admits that some believe it's the same as the sycamore. Galen has a separate entry on the sycamorus, which he describes as rare, noting that he saw it in Alexandria, Egypt. The Greeks call the morus the sycamine. Grotius states that the word συκάμινος has no connection to συκέη, the fig-tree, but is entirely of Syrian origin, שקמין, in Hebrew, שקמים. It indeed seems to be very similar to the mulberry, as not only the Latin but also the Syriac and Arabic translate it as morus; thus Coverdale’s, the Rheim’s, and Purver’s English translations use mulberry; it's the same in Bishop Wilson’s Bible.
SYCAMORE, שקמות, שקמים, 1 Kings x, 27; 1 Chron. xxvii, 28; 2 Chron. i, 15; Psalm lxxviii, 47; Isa. ix, 9; Amos viii, 14; συκομορέα, Luke xix, 4; a large tree, according to the description of Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and Galen, resembling the mulberry-tree in the leaf, and the fig in its fruit; hence its name, compounded of συκέη fig, and μόρος, mulberry; and some have fancied that it was originally produced by ingrafting the one tree upon the other. Its fruit is palatable. When ripe it is soft, watery, somewhat sweet, with a little of an aromatic taste. The trees are very common in Palestine, Arabia, and Egypt; grow large, and to a great height; and though their grain is coarse are much used in building. To change sycamores into cedars, Isa. ix, 10, means, to render the buildings of cities, and the state of the nation, much more magnificent than before. Dr. Shaw remarks, that as the grain and texture of the sycamore is remarkably coarse and spongy, it could therefore stand in no competition at all with the cedar for beauty and ornament. We meet with the same opposition of cedars to sycamores in 1 Kings x, 27, where Solomon is said to have made silver as the stones, and cedars as the sycamores of the vale for abundance. “By this mashal, or figurative and sententious speech,” says Bishop Lowth, “they boast, in this place of Isaiah, that they shall be easily able to repair their present losses, suffered, perhaps, by the first Assyrian invasion under Tiglath-Pileser, and to bring their affairs to a more flourishing condition than ever.” The wood of this tree is very durable. “The mummy chests,” says Dr. Shaw, “and whatever figures and instruments of wood are found in the catacombs, are all of them of sycamore, which, though spongy and porous to appearance, has, notwithstanding, continued entire and uncorrupted for at least three thousand years. From its value in furnishing wood for various uses, from the grateful shade which its wide-spreading branches afforded, and on account of the fruit which Mallet says the Egyptians hold in the highest estimation, we perceive the loss which the ancient inhabitants of Egypt must have felt when their vines were destroyed with hail, and their sycamore trees with frost,” Psalm lxxviii, 47. “The sycamore,” says Mr. Norden, “is of the height of a beech, and bears its fruit in a manner quite different from other trees; it has them on the trunk itself, which shoots out little sprigs, in form of grape stalks, at the end of which grow the fruit close to one another, almost like clusters of grapes. The tree is always green, and bears fruit several times in the year, without observing any certain seasons; for I have seen some sycamores that have given fruit two months after others. The fruit has the figure and smell of real figs, but is inferior to them in the taste, having a disgustful sweetness. Its colour is a yellow, inclining to an ochre, shadowed by a flesh colour. In the inside it resembles the common figs, excepting that it has a blackish colouring with yellow spots. This sort of tree is pretty common in Egypt; the people, for the greater part, live upon its fruit, and think themselves well regaled when they have a piece of bread, a couple of sycamore figs, and a pitcher of water.” There might be many of these trees in Judea. David appointed a particular officer, whose sole duty it was to watch over the plantations of sycamore and olive-trees, 1 Chron. xxviii, 28; and being joined with the olive, the high estimation in which it was held is intimated; for the olive is considered as one of the most precious gifts which the God of nature has bestowed on the oriental nations. There seem to have been great numbers of them in Solomon’s time, 1 Kings x, 27; and in the Talmud they are mentioned as growing in the plains of Jericho.
SYCAMORE, שקמות, שקמים, 1 Kings x, 27; 1 Chron. xxvii, 28; 2 Chron. i, 15; Psalm lxxviii, 47; Isa. ix, 9; Amos viii, 14; συκομορέα, Luke xix, 4; a large tree, according to the descriptions of Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and Galen, resembling a mulberry tree in its leaves and a fig tree in its fruit; hence its name, which combines συκέη fig, and μόρος, mulberry; some have speculated that it was originally created by grafting one tree onto the other. Its fruit is tasty. When ripe, it is soft, watery, somewhat sweet, with a hint of an aromatic flavor. The trees are very common in Palestine, Arabia, and Egypt; they grow large and tall; and although the wood is coarse, it is widely used in construction. The phrase "to change sycamores into cedars," Isa. ix, 10, means to make city buildings and the nation's situation much more impressive than before. Dr. Shaw notes that because the grain and texture of the sycamore are notably coarse and spongy, it cannot compete with cedar for beauty and decorative quality. A similar contrast between cedars and sycamores appears in 1 Kings x, 27, where it’s said that Solomon made silver as common as stones, and cedars as plentiful as sycamores from the valley. “By this mashal, or figurative and sententious speech,” says Bishop Lowth, “they boast, in this part of Isaiah, that they will easily recover from their current losses, possibly suffered during the first Assyrian invasion led by Tiglath-Pileser, and bring their situation back to a more prosperous state than ever.” The wood of this tree is very durable. “The mummy chests,” states Dr. Shaw, “and all wooden figures and items found in the catacombs are made of sycamore, which, despite appearing spongy and porous, has remained intact and uncorrupted for at least three thousand years. Given its value for providing wood for various purposes, the pleasant shade from its wide branches, and the fruit which Mallet mentions as being highly prized by the Egyptians, we can imagine the loss the ancient Egyptians must have experienced when their vines were destroyed by hail and their sycamore trees by frost,” Psalm lxxviii, 47. “The sycamore,” Mr. Norden says, “grows to the height of a beech and produces its fruit in a way that’s quite different from other trees; it bears fruit directly on the trunk itself, which sprouts little branches resembling grape stems, at the ends of which grow clusters of fruit almost like grapes. The tree is always green and produces fruit multiple times a year, without adhering to specific seasons; I've seen some sycamores that yielded fruit two months after others. The fruit resembles real figs in shape and smell but is inferior in taste, having an unappealing sweetness. Its color is a yellowish ochre, tinged with a fleshy hue. Inside, it looks like common figs but has a blackish tint with yellow spots. This type of tree is fairly common in Egypt; most people live on its fruit and feel well-fed when they have a piece of bread, a couple of sycamore figs, and a pitcher of water.” There could be many of these trees in Judea. David appointed a specific officer whose main job was to oversee the sycamore and olive tree plantations, 1 Chron. xxviii, 28; and its association with olives indicates its high value, as olives are considered one of the most precious gifts given to the people of the East by the Creator. There seemed to be many during Solomon's time, 1 Kings x, 27; and in the Talmud, they are noted to grow in the plains of Jericho.
One curious particular in the cultivation of the fruit must not be passed over. Pliny, Dioscorides, and Theophrastus observe that the fruit must be cut or scratched, either with the nail or with iron, or it will not ripen; but four days after this process it will become ripe. To this same purpose Jerom, on Amos vii, 14, says, that without this management the figs are excessively bitter. These testimonies, together with the Septuagint and Vulgate version, are adduced to settle the meaning of the word בולס, in Amos vii, 14, which must signify scraping, or making incisions in the sycamore fruit; an employment of Amos before he was called to the prophetic office: “I was no prophet, neither was I a prophet’s son; but I was a herdman, and a gatherer of sycamore fruit.” Hasselquist, describing the ficus sycamorus, or Scripture sycamore, says, “It buds the latter end of March, and the fruit ripens in the beginning of June. At the time when the fruit has arrived to the size of an inch diameter, the inhabitants pare off a part at the centre point. They say that without this paring it would not come to maturity.” The figs thus prematurely ripened are called djumeis 882bædri, that is, “precocious sycamore figs.” As the sycamore is a large spreading tree, sometimes shooting up to a considerable height, we see the reason why Zaccheus climbed up into a sycamore tree to get a sight of our Saviour. This incident also furnishes a proof that the sycamore was still common in Palestine; for this tree stood to protect the traveller by the side of the highway.
One interesting detail about growing this fruit shouldn't be overlooked. Pliny, Dioscorides, and Theophrastus note that the fruit has to be cut or scratched, either with a nail or an iron tool, or it won't ripen; however, four days after this process, it will be ready to eat. Jerom, in his commentary on Amos vii, 14, mentions that without this technique, the figs are extremely bitter. These comments, along with the Septuagint and Vulgate versions, are used to clarify the meaning of the word בולס in Amos vii, 14, which must mean scraping or making cuts in the sycamore fruit; this was a task Amos did before he became a prophet: “I was no prophet, nor was I a prophet’s son; but I was a shepherd and a gatherer of sycamore fruit.” Hasselquist, while describing the ficus sycamorus, or biblical sycamore, notes, “It buds at the end of March, and the fruit ripens at the beginning of June. At the point when the fruit reaches about an inch in diameter, the locals trim a section from the center. They say that without this trimming, it won’t mature.” The figs that ripen early are called djumeis bædri, meaning “early-ripening sycamore figs.” Since the sycamore is a large, wide tree, often growing quite tall, it makes sense why Zaccheus climbed a sycamore tree to catch a glimpse of our Savior. This event also demonstrates that the sycamore was still prevalent in Palestine; this tree would provide shade for travelers by the roadside.
SYENE, a city of Egypt, now called Assouan, situated at its southern extremity. Ezekiel, xxix, 10, describing the desolation to be brought upon Egypt says, “Therefore thus saith the Lord, Behold, I will make the land of Egypt utterly desolate, from the tower of Syene even to the border of Cush,” or Arabia, or, as some read it, “from Migdol to Syene,” implying, according to either version of the passage, the whole length of the country from north to south. The latitude of Syene, according to Bruce, is 24° 0´ 45´´; that of AlexandriaAlexandria, 31° 11´ 33´´; difference 7° 10´ 48´´, equal to four hundred and thirty geographical miles on the meridian, or about five hundred British miles; but the real length of the valley of Egypt, as it follows the windings of the Nile, is full six hundred miles.
SYENE, a city in Egypt, now known as Assouan, is located at the southern tip. Ezekiel, xxix, 10, describing the destruction that will come upon Egypt, says, “Therefore, this is what the Lord says: Look, I will make the land of Egypt completely desolate, from the tower of Syene to the border of Cush,” or Arabia, or, as some interpret it, “from Migdol to Syene,” suggesting, according to either interpretation of the text, the entire length of the country from north to south. The latitude of Syene, according to Bruce, is 24° 0' 45''; that of AlexandriaAlexandria is 31° 11' 33''; the difference is 7° 10' 48'', which equals four hundred and thirty geographical miles along the meridian, or about five hundred British miles; however, the actual length of the valley of Egypt, following the curves of the Nile, is a full six hundred miles.
SYNAGOGUE, συναγωγὴ, “an assembly,” Rev. ii, 9; iii, 9. The word often occurs in the Gospels and in the Acts, because Jesus Christ and his Apostles generally went to preach in those places. Although the sacrifices could not be offered, except in the tabernacle or the temple, the other exercises of religion were restricted to no particular place. Accordingly we find that the praises of God were sung, at a very ancient period, in the schools of the prophets; and those who felt any particular interest in religion, were assembled by the seers on the Sabbath, and the new moons, for prayers and religious instruction, 1 Sam. x, 5–11; xix, 18–24; 2 Kings iv, 23. During the Babylonish captivity, the Jews, who were then deprived of their customary religious privileges, were wont to collect around some prophet or other pious man, who taught them and their children in religion, exhorted to good conduct, and read out of the sacred books, Ezek. xiv, 1; xx, 1; Dan. vi, 11; Neh. viii, 18. These assemblies, or meetings, became, in progress of time, fixed to certain places, and a regular order was observed in them. Such appears to have been the origin of synagogues.
SYNAGOGUE, συναγωγὴ, “an assembly,” Rev. ii, 9; iii, 9. The term appears frequently in the Gospels and in the Acts because Jesus Christ and his Apostles usually preached in these locations. While sacrifices could only be offered in the tabernacle or the temple, other religious activities weren’t limited to a specific place. Therefore, we see that praises to God were sung in the schools of the prophets long ago, and those who had a particular interest in religion gathered with the prophets on the Sabbath and during new moons for prayers and religious teachings, 1 Sam. x, 5–11; xix, 18–24; 2 Kings iv, 23. During the Babylonian captivity, the Jews, who were deprived of their usual religious rights, would gather around a prophet or a devout person who taught them and their children about religion, encouraged good behavior, and read from the sacred texts, Ezek. xiv, 1; xx, 1; Dan. vi, 11; Neh. viii, 18. Over time, these gatherings became established in specific places, and a regular structure was adopted. This seems to be how synagogues originated.
In speaking of synagogues, it is worthy to be noticed, that there is nothing said in respect to the existence of such buildings in Palestine, during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. They are, therefore, by some supposed to have been first erected under the Maccabean princes, but that, in foreign countries, they were much more ancient. Whether this statement be correct or not, it is nevertheless certain, that in the time of the Apostles, there were synagogues wherever there were Jews. They were built, in imitation of the temple of Jerusalem, with a court and porches, as is the case with the synagogues in the east at the present day. In the centre of the court is a chapel, supported by four columns, in which, on an elevation prepared for it, is placed the book of the law, rolled up. This, on the appointed days, is publicly read. In addition to the chapel, there is erected within the court a large covered hall or vestry, into which the people retire, when the weather happens to be cold and stormy, and each family has its particular seat. The uppermost seats in the synagogue, that is, those which were nearest the chapel where the sacred books were kept, were esteemed peculiarly honourable, Matt. xxiii, 6; James ii, 3. The “proseuchæ,” ϖροσευχαὶ, are understood by some to be smaller synagogues, but by others are supposed to be particular places under the open sky, where the Jews assembled for religious exercise. But Josephus calls the proseucha of Tiberias a large house, which held very many persons. See Proseuchæ. The Apostles preached the Gospel in synagogues and proseuchæ, and with their adherents performed in them all the religious services. When excluded, they imitated the Jews in those places, where they were too poor to erect these buildings, and held their religious meetings in the houses of individuals. Hence we not only hear of synagogues in houses in the Talmud, but of churches in houses in the New Testament, Rom. xvi, 5; 1 Cor. xvi, 19; Col. iv, 15; Phil. ii; Acts iii, 46; v, 42. The Apostles sometimes hired a house, in which they performed religious services, and taught daily, Acts xix, 9; xx, 8. Συναγωγὴ means literally a convention or assembly, but by metonymy, was eventually used for the place of assembling; in the same way, that ἐκκλησία, which means literally a calling together, or convocation, signifies also at the present time the place of convocation. Synagogues were sometimes called by the Jews schools; but they were careful to make an accurate distinction between such, and the schools, properly so called, the מדרשים, or “sublimer schools,” in which the Talmud was read, while the law merely was read in the synagogues, which they placed far behind the Talmud.
When talking about synagogues, it's important to note that there’s no mention of such buildings in Palestine during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. Some believe they were first built under the Maccabean princes, but in other countries, they were much older. Regardless of the accuracy of this claim, it’s clear that during the time of the Apostles, synagogues existed wherever there were Jews. They were designed to resemble the temple in Jerusalem, featuring a courtyard and porches, much like the synagogues in the East today. In the middle of the courtyard is a chapel supported by four columns, where the book of the law is placed on a raised platform, rolled up. This book is publicly read on designated days. Alongside the chapel, there’s a large covered area or vestry in the courtyard, where people can go when the weather is cold or stormy, and each family has its own seating. The seats closest to the chapel, where the sacred books were stored, were considered especially prestigious (Matt. xxiii, 6; James ii, 3). The term “proseuchæ,” ϖροσευχαὶ, is understood by some to refer to smaller synagogues, while others think they were specific outdoor locations where Jews gathered for religious activities. However, Josephus refers to the proseucha in Tiberias as a large building that hosted many people (see Proseuchæ). The Apostles preached the Gospel in synagogues and proseuchæ, conducting all religious services with their followers. When they were excluded, they followed the example of the Jews in locations where they couldn’t afford to build these facilities and held their meetings in individual homes. This is why we find mentions of synagogues in homes in the Talmud, as well as churches in homes in the New Testament (Rom. xvi, 5; 1 Cor. xvi, 19; Col. iv, 15; Phil. ii; Acts iii, 46; v, 42). Sometimes, the Apostles would rent a house to conduct religious services and teach daily (Acts xix, 9; xx, 8). The word Συναγωγὴ literally means a gathering or assembly, but over time, it came to refer specifically to the place of gathering; similarly, ἐκκλησία, which literally means a calling together or convocation, now also refers to the assembly place. Jews sometimes called synagogues schools, but they were careful to differentiate between those and the actual schools, called Midrashim, or “higher schools,” where the Talmud was studied, while the law alone was read in the synagogues, which were considered less significant than the Talmud.
The mode of conducting religious instruction and worship in the primitive Christian churches was derived for the most part from the practice which anciently prevailed in synagogues. But there were no regular teachers in the synagogues who were officially qualified to pronounce discourses before the people; although there were interpreters who rendered into the vernacular tongue, namely, the Hebræo-aramean, the sections, which had been publicly read in the Hebrew.
The way religious teaching and worship were carried out in the early Christian churches mostly came from the practices that used to be common in synagogues. However, there weren’t any official teachers in the synagogues who were qualified to give sermons to the people; instead, there were interpreters who translated the sections read in Hebrew into the local language, which was the Hebræo-aramean.
The “synagogue preacher,” דרשן, whose business it is, in consequence of his office, to address the people, is an official personage that has been introduced in later times; at least we find no mention of such a one in the New Testament. On the contrary, in the time of Christ, the person who read the section for the Sabbath, or any other person who was respectable for learning and had a readiness of speech, addressed the people, Luke iv, 16–21; Acts xiii, 5, 15; xv, 21; Matt. iv, 23.
The “synagogue preacher,” מדריך, whose role is to speak to the congregation, is an official position that appeared later on; there's no mention of such a role in the New Testament. Instead, during the time of Christ, the person who read the scripture for the Sabbath, or anyone knowledgeable and eloquent, would address the people, as seen in Luke 4:16–21; Acts 13:5, 15; 15:21; and Matthew 4:23.
The other persons who were employed in the 883services and government of the synagogue, in addition to the one who read the Scriptures, and the person who rendered them into the vernacular tongue, were as follows: 1. “The ruler of the synagogue,” ἀρχισυνάγωγος, ראש הכנסת, who presided over the assembly, and invited readers and speakers, unless some persons who were acceptable voluntarily offered themselves, Mark v, 22, 35–38; Luke viii, 41; xiii, 14, 15; Acts xiii, 15. 2. “The elders of the synagogue,” וקנים, ϖρεσβύτεροι. They appear to have been the counsellors of the head or ruler of the synagogue, and were chosen from among the most powerful and learned of the people, and are hence called ἀρχισυνάγωγοι, Acts xiii, 15. The council of elders not only took a part in the management of the internal concerns of the synagogue, but also punished transgressors of the public laws, either by turning them out of the synagogue, or decreeing the punishment of thirty-nine stripes, John xii, 42; xvi, 2; 2 Cor. xi, 24. 3. “The collectors of alms,” גבאי צדקה, διάκονοι, “deacons.” Although every thing which is said of them by the Jews was not true concerning them in the time of the Apostles, there can be no doubt that there were such officers in the synagogues at that time, Acts vi. 4. “The servants of the synagogue,” חזן, ὑπηρέτης, Luke iv, 20; whose business it was to reach the book of the law to the person who was to read it, and to receive it back again, and to perform other services. The ceremonies which prevail in the synagogues at the present day in presenting the law were not observed in the time of our Saviour. 5. “The messenger or legate of the synagogue,” שליה צבור. This was a person who was sent from synagogues abroad, to carry alms to Jerusalem. The name, messenger of the synagogue, was applied likewise to any person, who was commissioned by a synagogue, and sent forth to propagate religious knowledge. A person likewise was denominated the messenger, or angel, ἄγγελλος, τῆς ἄγγελλος ἐκκλησίας, &c, who was selected by the assembly to recite for them the prayers; the same that is called by the Jews of modern times the synagogue singer, or cantilator, Rev. ii, 1, 8, 12, 18; iii, 1, 7, 14.
The other people who worked in the services and government of the synagogue, besides the one who read the Scriptures and the person who translated them into the common language, were as follows: 1. “The ruler of the synagogue,” ἀρχισυνάγωγος, Speaker of the Knesset, who led the assembly and invited readers and speakers, unless some acceptable individuals voluntarily offered themselves, Mark 5:22, 35-38; Luke 8:41; 13:14, 15; Acts 13:15. 2. “The elders of the synagogue,” וקנים, ϖρεσβύτεροι. They seemed to be the advisors of the head or ruler of the synagogue and were chosen from among the most influential and knowledgeable people, so they were also called ἀρχισυνάγωγοι, Acts 13:15. The council of elders not only participated in managing the internal issues of the synagogue, but also punished those who broke public laws, either by expelling them from the synagogue or imposing the punishment of thirty-nine lashes, John 12:42; 16:2; 2 Cor. 11:24. 3. “The collectors of alms,” Charity collector, διάκονοι, “deacons.” Although everything said about them by the Jews wasn’t true during the time of the Apostles, there’s no doubt that there were such officers in the synagogues at that time, Acts 6:4. 4. “The servants of the synagogue,” Cantor, ὑπηρέτης, Luke 4:20; whose job was to hand the book of the law to the person who was to read it and to take it back afterward, along with performing other duties. The rituals currently practiced in the synagogues for presenting the law were not observed during the time of our Savior. 5. “The messenger or legate of the synagogue,” Community placenta. This was a person sent from synagogues abroad to deliver alms to Jerusalem. The title “messenger of the synagogue” was also used for anyone commissioned by a synagogue and sent out to spread religious knowledge. Additionally, a person designated as the messenger or angel, ἄγγελλος, τῆς ἄγγελλος ἐκκλησίας, etc., was chosen by the assembly to lead their prayers; this person is known by modern Jews as the synagogue singer or cantilator, Rev. 2:1, 8, 12, 18; 3:1, 7, 14.
The Jews anciently called those persons who, from their superior erudition, were capable of teaching in the synagogue, פרנסים, “shepherds,” or “pastors.” They applied the same term, at least in more recent times, to the elders of the synagogue, and also to the collectors of alms, or deacons. The ground of the application of this term in such a way, is as follows: the word פרנם is, without doubt, derived from the Greek word ϖύρνος, “bread,” or “a fragment of bread;” and, as it is used in the Targums, it corresponds to the Hebrew verb רעה, “to feed.” It is easy to see, therefore, how the word פרנס might be applied to persons who sustained offices in the synagogue, in the same way as רעה is applied to kings, &c.
The Jews in ancient times referred to those individuals who, due to their superior knowledge, were able to teach in the synagogue as Providers, meaning “shepherds” or “pastors.” They used the same term, at least in more recent times, for the elders of the synagogue as well as for the collectors of alms or deacons. The reason this term was used in this way is as follows: the word פרנם is undoubtedly derived from the Greek word ϖύρνος, meaning “bread” or “a fragment of bread;” and, as used in the Targums, it aligns with the Hebrew verb בעיות, meaning “to feed.” Therefore, it’s easy to see how the word Support could be applied to those who held positions in the synagogue, similar to how Rogue is applied to kings, etc.
We do not find mention made of public worship in the synagogues, except on the Sabbath, Matthew xii, 9; Mark i, 21; iii, 1; vi, 2; Luke iv, 16, 32, 33; vi, 6; xiii, 10; Acts xiii, 14; xv, 21; xvi, 13–25; xvii, 2; xviii, 4. What is said of St. Paul’s hiring the school of one Tyrannus at Ephesus, and teaching in it daily, is a peculiar instance, Acts xix, 9, 10. Yet there can be no doubt that those Jews who were unable to go to Jerusalem attended worship on their festival days, as well as on the Sabbath, in their own synagogues. Individuals sometimes offered their private prayers in the synagogue. When an assembly was collected together for worship, the services began, after the customary greeting, with a doxology. A section was then read from the Mosaic law. Then followed, after the singing of a second doxology, the reading of a portion from the prophets, Acts xv, 31; Luke iv, 16. The person whose duty it was to perform the reading, placed upon his head, as is done at the present day, a covering called tallith, to which St. Paul alludes, 2 Cor. iii, 15. The sections which had been read in the Hebrew were rendered by an interpreter into the vernacular tongue, and the reader or some other man then addressed the people, Luke iv, 16; Acts xiii, 15. It was on such occasions as these, that Jesus, and afterward the Apostles, taught the Gospel. The meeting, as far as the religious exercises, were concerned, was ended with a prayer, to which the people responded Amen, when a collection was taken for the poor.
We don't see any mention of public worship in the synagogues except on the Sabbath, as noted in Matthew 12:9; Mark 1:21; 3:1; 6:2; Luke 4:16, 32, 33; 6:6; 13:10; Acts 13:14; 15:21; 16:13–25; 17:2; 18:4. The example of St. Paul renting the school of Tyrannus in Ephesus and teaching there daily is a unique case, Acts 19:9, 10. However, it's clear that Jews who couldn't travel to Jerusalem still attended worship in their local synagogues on festival days as well as on the Sabbath. Individuals occasionally offered personal prayers in the synagogue. When a congregation gathered for worship, the service began, after the usual greeting, with a doxology. A section from the Mosaic law was then read. This was followed, after singing a second doxology, by the reading of a portion from the prophets, Acts 15:31; Luke 4:16. The person assigned to read wore a head covering called tallith, which St. Paul references in 2 Corinthians 3:15. The sections read in Hebrew were translated by an interpreter into the local language, and then the reader or another person addressed the assembly, Luke 4:16; Acts 13:15. It was in these instances that Jesus and later the Apostles taught the Gospel. The gathering, in terms of religious activities, concluded with a prayer, to which the people responded "Amen," after which a collection was taken for the poor.
The customs which prevail at the present day, and which Vitringa has treated of, were not all of them practised in ancient times. The readers, for instance, were not then, as they are at the present day, called upon to perform, but presented themselves voluntarily, Luke iv, 16; the persons also who addressed the people were not rabbins expressly appointed for that purpose, but were either invited from those present, or offered themselves, Acts xiii, 15; Luke iv, 17. The parts to be publicly read, likewise, do not appear to have been previously pointed out, although the book was selected by the ruler of the synagogue, Luke iv, 16. Furthermore, the forms of prayer that are used by the Jews at the present time do not appear to have been in existence in the time of Christ; unless this may perhaps have been the case in respect to the substance of some of them, especially the one called שמץ קרי, concerning which the Talmudists, at a very early period, gave many precepts.
The customs that are common today, which Vitringa has discussed, weren’t all practiced in ancient times. For example, readers then didn’t have the same obligation as they do now; they volunteered to participate, as seen in Luke 4:16. The people who spoke to the audience weren’t specifically appointed rabbis but were either chosen from those present or offered to speak themselves, as mentioned in Acts 13:15 and Luke 4:17. The passages to be read publicly didn’t seem to be pre-selected, even though the ruler of the synagogue chose the book, according to Luke 4:16. Additionally, the forms of prayer used by Jews today didn’t seem to exist during Christ's time, unless perhaps some aspects of them were similar, especially the one called שבריר של טל, regarding which the Talmudists provided many guidelines at a very early stage.
It was by ministering in synagogues that the Apostles gathered the churches. They retained also essentially the same mode of worship with that of the synagogues, excepting that the Lord’s Supper was made an additional institution, agreeably to the example of Christ, Acts ii, 42; xx, 7–11; 1 Cor. xi, 16–34. They were at length excluded from the synagogue and assembled at evening in the house of some Christian, which was lighted for the purpose with lamps, Acts xx, 7–11. The Apostle, with the elders, when engaged in public worship, took a position where they would be most likely to be heard by all. The first service was merely a salutation or blessing, namely, “The Lord be with you,” or, “Peace 884be with you.” Then followed the doxologies and prelexions, the same as in the synagogues. The Apostle then addressed the people on the subject of religion, and urged upon them that purity of life which it required. Prayer succeeded, which was followed by the commemoration of the Saviour’s death in the breaking and distribution of bread. The meeting was ended by taking a collection for the poor, especially those at Jerusalem, 2 Cor. ix, 1–15.
It was by serving in synagogues that the Apostles established the churches. They kept basically the same style of worship as in the synagogues, except that the Lord's Supper was added as a practice, in line with Christ’s example, Acts ii, 42; xx, 7–11; 1 Cor. xi, 16–34. Eventually, they were excluded from the synagogue and gathered in the evening at the home of a Christian, which was lit with lamps for this purpose, Acts xx, 7–11. The Apostle, along with the elders, made sure to position themselves where they could be easily heard during public worship. The first service consisted simply of a greeting or blessing, such as “The Lord be with you” or “Peace be with you.” This was followed by doxologies and readings, just like in the synagogues. The Apostle then spoke to the people about religious matters and encouraged them to live pure lives. After prayer, they remembered the Saviour's death by breaking and sharing bread. The meeting concluded with a collection for the poor, especially those in Jerusalem, 2 Cor. ix, 1–15.
Those who held some office in the church were the regularly qualified instructers in these religious meetings; and yet laymen had liberty to address their brethren on these occasions the same as in the synagogues; also to sing hymns, and to pray; which, in truth, many of them did, especially those who were supernaturally gifted, not excepting the women. Those females who were not under a supernatural influence were forbidden by the Apostle Paul to make an address on such occasions, or to propose questions; and it was enjoined on those who did speak, not to lay aside their veils, 1 Cor. xi, 5; xiv, 34–40. The reader and the speaker stood; the others sat; all arose in the time of prayer. Whatever was stated in a foreign tongue was immediately rendered by an interpreter into the speech in common use. This was so necessary, that Paul enjoined silence on a person who was even endowed with supernatural gifts, provided an interpreter was not at hand, 1 Cor. xiv, 1–33. It was the practice among the Greek Christians to uncover their heads when attending divine service, 1 Cor. xi, 11–16; but in the east, the ancient custom of worshipping with the head covered was retained. Indeed, it is the practice among the oriental Christians to the present day, not to uncover their heads in their religious meetings, except when they receive the eucharist.
Those in positions of authority within the church were the main teachers at these religious gatherings; however, laypeople were allowed to speak to their fellow members, just like in the synagogues. They could also sing hymns and pray, which many of them did, especially those who had special abilities, including women. Women who were not inspired were prohibited by the Apostle Paul from speaking at these events or asking questions; those who did speak were instructed to keep their veils on, 1 Cor. xi, 5; xiv, 34–40. The reader and the speaker stood while the others sat; everyone stood during prayer. Any statements made in a foreign language were immediately translated by an interpreter into the common language. This was so essential that Paul instructed someone with supernatural gifts to remain silent if there was no interpreter available, 1 Cor. xiv, 1–33. Greek Christians typically uncovered their heads during religious services, 1 Cor. xi, 11–16; in contrast, Eastern Christians maintained the ancient custom of worshipping with their heads covered. In fact, even today, Oriental Christians do not uncover their heads during religious gatherings, except when receiving the Eucharist.
It is affirmed that in the city of Jerusalem alone there were no less than four hundred and sixty or four hundred and eighty synagogues. Every trading company had one of its own, and even strangers built some for those of their own nation. Hence we find synagogues of the Cyrenians, Alexandrians, Cilicians, and Asiatics, appointed for such as came up to Jerusalem from those countries, Acts vi, 9.
It is confirmed that in the city of Jerusalem alone, there were at least four hundred and sixty or four hundred and eighty synagogues. Every trading company had its own, and even foreigners built some for their own people. As a result, we find synagogues for the Cyrenians, Alexandrians, Cilicians, and Asiatics, set up for those who traveled to Jerusalem from those regions, Acts vi, 9.
SYNODS, though actually synonymous with Councils, are in common historical parlance employed to designate minor ecclesiastical conventions. In virtue of this distinction councils have usually claimed for themselves the ample epithet of œcumenical or general, while synods have long been known only by the humbler term of local or provincial. In the apostolic age four local assemblies were held, which some have called councils and others synods. The first was convened for the election of a successor to Judas in the apostleship, Acts i, 26. At the second, seven deacons were chosen, Acts vi, 5. The third, like the two which preceded it, was held at Jerusalem, according to some authors, A. D. 47, but, according to others, A. D. 51; that is, at the latest, eighteen years after Christ’s ascension. It originated in the attempt made to oblige the Gentile converts at Antioch to submit to the rite of circumcision. St. Paul and Barnabas opposed this attempt; and, after “no small dissension and disputation,” it was determined, that the question should be referred to the judgment of the Apostles and elders at Jerusalem. Accordingly, some of the Apostles and several of the “elders came together” to deliberate on the propriety of dispensing with the ceremonial law. The result of their deliberations was, that the Mosaic ordinances, being too rigorous, should be abrogated; and that their decision should be communicated to “the brethren which were of the Gentiles,” Acts xv, 1–30. The fourth apostolic synod was convened in reference to the toleration of legal rites, Acts xxi, 18. With respect to all these, the fact is, that, instead of being councils or synods in any proper sense, they were mere meetings of the church at Jerusalem, and all of them ordinary meetings except the third, when they assembled upon the request of the deputies from Antioch who came to ask advice.
SYNODS, while actually synonymous with Local government offices, are commonly referred to in historical discussions as minor church gatherings. Because of this distinction, councils have typically taken the grand titles of œcumenical or general, while synods have often been labeled with the less significant terms local or provincial. In the apostolic age, four local assemblies were held, which some referred to as councils and others as synods. The first was held to elect a successor to Judas in the apostleship, Acts i, 26. At the second assembly, seven deacons were selected, Acts vi, 5. The third gathering, like the two before it, occurred in Jerusalem, according to some sources, A. D. 47, but others say A. D. 51; at the latest, it was eighteen years after Christ’s ascension. It came about in response to an attempt to make the Gentile converts at Antioch follow the circumcision rite. St. Paul and Barnabas opposed this effort, and after “no small dissension and disputation,” it was decided that the issue should be referred to the Apostles and elders in Jerusalem. Accordingly, some Apostles and several “elders came together” to discuss whether to relax the ceremonial law. Their discussions concluded that the Mosaic laws were too strict and should be abolished, and that their decision should be shared with “the brethren which were of the Gentiles,” Acts xv, 1–30. The fourth apostolic synod was convened regarding the acceptance of legal rites, Acts xxi, 18. Regarding all these gatherings, the reality is that, instead of being genuine councils or synods, they were simply meetings of the church in Jerusalem, and all were ordinary gatherings except for the third, which convened at the request of the delegates from Antioch seeking advice.
Dr. Neander, speaking of the origin, use, and abuse of synods, says,--As a closer bond of union was early formed between the churches of the same province, so also the Christian catholic spirit introduced the custom that, in all pressing matters, controversies on doctrinal points, things relating to the ecclesiastical life, and very commonly in those relating to church discipline, general deliberations should be held by deputies from these churches. Such assemblies become familiar to us in the controversies about the time of celebrating Easter, and in the transactions about the Montanistic prophecies, in the last half of the second century. But these provincial synods appear, for the first time, as a constant and regular institution, fixed to definite times, about the end of the second or the beginning of the third century; and it was in this case a peculiarity of one country, where particular local causes may have introduced such an arrangement earlier than in other regions. This country was, in fact, exactly Greece, where, from the time of the Achaic league, the system of confederation had maintained itself; and as Christianity is able to connect itself with all the peculiarities of a people, provided they contain nothing immoral, and, entering into them, to take itself a peculiar form resembling them, so, also, it might easily happen that here the civil federal spirit which already existed worked upon the ecclesiastical catholic spirit, and gave it earlier than in other regions a tolerably good form, so that out of the representative assemblies of the civil communities, the Amphictyonic councils, were formed the representative assemblies of the ecclesiastical communities, that is, the provincial synods. As the Christians, in the consciousness that they are nothing, and can do nothing, without the Spirit from above, were accustomed to begin all important business with prayer, they prepared themselves here, also, for their general deliberations by common prayer, at the opening of these assemblies, to Him who has promised 885that he will enlighten and guide, by his Spirit, those who believe in him, if they will give themselves up to him wholly, and that he will be among them, where they are gathered together in his name. It appears that this regular institution met at first with opposition as an innovation, so that Tertullian felt himself called upon to stand up in its defence. Nevertheless, the ruling spirit of the church decided for this institution; and, down to the middle of the third century, the annual provincial synods appear to have been general in the church, as we may conclude, because we find them prevalent, at the same time, in parts of the church as far distant from each other as North Africa and Cappadocia.
Dr. Neander, discussing the origins, uses, and abuses of synods, states: As a stronger bond of unity was formed early on between churches in the same province, the Christian universal spirit also established the practice that, for all urgent matters—issues related to doctrine, ecclesiastical life, and often regarding church discipline—general discussions should be held by representatives from these churches. We see these gatherings clearly in the debates about when to celebrate Easter and in the events concerning the Montanistic prophecies in the latter half of the second century. However, these provincial synods first appear as a consistent and organized institution, scheduled for specific times, around the end of the second or the beginning of the third century; and this was peculiar to one region, where specific local factors may have led to this arrangement being established earlier than in other areas. This region was, in fact, Greece, where, since the time of the Achaean league, the system of confederation had persisted. Christianity, being able to connect with all the unique features of a people, as long as they aren't immoral, and adapting to them, might naturally develop a form here that reflects these characteristics. Thus, the existing civil federal spirit may have influenced the ecclesiastical universal spirit earlier than in other areas. From the representative bodies of civil communities, the Amphictyonic councils emerged as the representative assemblies of the ecclesiastical communities, that is, the provincial synods. Since Christians, aware that they are nothing and can accomplish nothing without divine guidance, usually began all significant matters with prayer, they prepared for their general discussions with communal prayer at the start of these gatherings, addressing Him who has promised that He will enlighten and guide those who believe in Him, as long as they fully surrender to Him, and that He will be present among them when they gather in His name. It seems that this established practice initially faced resistance as a new idea, prompting Tertullian to advocate for it. Nevertheless, the leading spirit of the church endorsed this practice; and up until the mid-third century, annual provincial synods seem to have been widespread in the church, as we can infer from their occurrence in regions as distant from each other as North Africa and Cappadocia.
These provincial synods might certainly become very useful for the churches; and, in many respects, they did become so. By means of a general deliberation, the views of individuals might mutually be enlarged and corrected; wants, abuses, and necessary reforms, might thus more easily be mutually communicated, and be deliberated on in many different points of view; and the experience of every individual, by being communicated, might be made useful to all. Certainly, men had every right to trust that Christ would be among them, according to his promise, and would lead those who were assembled in his name by his Spirit. Certainly it was neither enthusiasm nor hierarchical presumption, if the deputies, collected together to consult upon the affairs of their churches, and the pastors of these churches, hoped that a higher Spirit than that of man, by his illumination, would show them what they could never find by their own reason, whose insufficiency they felt deeply, if it were left to itself. It would far rather have been a proud self-confidence, had they been so little acquainted with the shallowness of their own heart, the poverty of human reason, and the self-deceits of human wisdom, as to expect that without the influence of that higher Spirit of holiness and truth they could provide sufficiently for the advantage of their churches. But this confidence, in itself just and salutary, took a false and destructive turn, when it was not constantly accompanied by the spirit of humility and self-watchfulness, with fear and trembling; when men were not constantly mindful of the important condition under which alone man could hope to share in the fulfilment of that promise, in that divine illumination and guidance,--the condition, that they were really assembled in the name of Christ, in lively faith in him, and honest devotion to him, and prepared to sacrifice their own wills; and when the people gave themselves up to the fancy, that such an assembly, whatever might be the hearts of those who were assembled, had unalienable claims to the illumination of the Holy Spirit; for then, in the confusion and the intermixture of human and divine, men were abandoned to every kind of self-delusion; and the formula, “Spiritu Sancto suggerente,” “By the suggestion of the Holy Spirit,” might become a pretence and sanction for all the suggestions of man’s own will. And farther, the provincial synods would necessarily become prejudicial to the progress of the churches, if, instead of providing for the advantage of the churches according to the changing wants of each period, they wished to lay down unchanging laws in changeable things. Evil was it at last, that the participation of the churches was entirely excluded from these synods, that at length the bishops alone decided every thing in them, and that their power, by means of their connection with each other in these synods, was constantly on the increase. As the provincial synods were also accustomed to communicate their resolutions to distant bishops in weighty matters of general concernment, they were serviceable, at the same time, toward setting distant parts of the church in connection with each other, and maintaining that connection.
These regional synods could definitely be really beneficial for the churches, and in many ways, they actually were. Through collective discussion, individual perspectives could be broadened and corrected; needs, issues, and essential reforms could be more easily shared and discussed from various angles; and everyone’s experiences could be communicated and made valuable to all. People had every reason to believe that Christ would be present with them, as promised, and would guide those gathered in his name through his Spirit. It wasn’t enthusiasm or arrogance if the delegates, meeting to discuss their churches’ matters, along with the pastors of those churches, hoped that a higher Spirit than that of man would enlighten them with insights they could never find on their own, recognizing their own reasoning was often insufficient. It would have been truly arrogant if they were unaware of the limitations of their own hearts, the weaknesses of human reason, and the deceptions of human wisdom, expecting they could adequately support their churches without the influence of that higher Spirit of holiness and truth. However, this confidence, which was just and beneficial in itself, took a wrong and harmful turn when it wasn’t paired with humility, self-awareness, and genuine concern; when individuals didn’t keep in mind the crucial condition that allowed them to share in the fulfillment of that promise of divine guidance—the condition that they were truly gathered in Christ’s name, with genuine faith and devotion, ready to set aside their personal desires. Additionally, when people deluded themselves into thinking that any gathering, regardless of the hearts of those present, automatically had the right to the Holy Spirit’s guidance, they became vulnerable to various forms of self-deception. The phrase, “Inspired by the Holy Spirit,” “By the suggestion of the Holy Spirit,” could easily become an excuse for all sorts of human desires. Moreover, the regional synods could become detrimental to the church's progress if they focused on establishing permanent rules for ever-changing contexts instead of addressing the evolving needs of each era. Ultimately, it was harmful that the churches were completely excluded from these synods, leading to the bishops making all decisions themselves, and their authority increased with their connections during these meetings. Since the provincial synods also shared their resolutions with distant bishops on significant issues, they played a role in connecting different parts of the church and maintaining that connection.
In the second century after the birth of Christ, eight local synods were held on church affairs, about which little information is now extant, except that they related to the heresy of Montanus, the rebaptizing of heretics, and the time for celebrating the festival of Easter. In the third century eighteen synods were held; the principal of which were, that of Alexandria, against Origen; that of Africa, against the schismatic Novatus; that of Antioch, against the heresy of Sabellius, and another in the same city against Paul of Samosata; that of Carthage, against such persons as fell away in time of persecution; and that of Rome, against Novatian and other schismatics. Prior to the assembling of the first general council at Nice, A. D. 325, three synods were held at Sinuessa, Cirtha, and Alexandria, the subjects discussed in which are unworthy of notice. Others were held, the discussions in which are so far interesting as they show how desirous the Ante-Nicene fathers were to regulate the doctrine and practice of the church according to the apostolic model. The fourth was that of Elvira, which rejected by its thirty-sixth canon any use whatever even of pictures. “We would not,” say they, “have pictures placed in churches, that the object of our worship and adoration should not be painted on their walls.” The synod at Carthage not having brought the rival pretensions of Cæcilian and Majorinus to the episcopate of that city to a favourable issue, the Emperors Constantine appointed a commission (there being so few bishops present, it could not deserve any other title) to sit, first at Rome, and afterward at Arles, for the purpose of rehearing the matter. At Arles, it was decreed, that Easter should be celebrated on the same Sunday throughout the world; and that heretics, who had been baptized in the name of the Trinity, should not be rebaptized. The synods of Ancyra and Neo-Cæsarea followed. The tenth canon, decreed by the latter, shows the sense of the fathers on the subject of celibacy: namely, “If deacons declare at the time of their ordination that they would marry, they should not be deprived of their function if they did marry.” Rigid decrees were passed generally against such of the clergy as ate meats 886which had been sacrificed to idols. After the forementioned synods, two were convened at Alexandria, A. D. 322, against Arius. But their acts merge in the subsequent proceedings of the church. From the termination of the council of Nice to the next œcumenical council, A. D. 381, no fewer than forty-three synods, eastern and western were convened. The professed object of these meetings was the tranquillity of the church; yet, from the unhappy divisions which prevailed in these assemblies, their deliberations were conducted with much of the violence of party feeling; and, according as the one party or the other prevailed, they severally hurled spiritual thunder-bolts against their doctrinal rivals, as if against the enemies of God himself. Of the synod of Sardica a separate and more particular account will be subsequently given, because on the authority of that unimportant assembly the church of Rome grounds the right of appeal to itself before any other church. In the whole, no fewer than eighty-one synods were assembled throughout the universal church in this century. The principal subjects which engaged their attention related to Arianism, which was generally rejected by the western church; but experienced various vicissitudes in the east, according to the view taken of it by the reigning power. Unfortunately for the peace of the church, this heresy gave birth to numerous others. Marcellus, Photinus, Macedonius, and Priscilian, were severally betrayed by their violence into systems no less revolting to reason and common sense than the Arian impieties. Of sixty synods which were convened to regulate the affairs of the church between the second and third general councils, A. D. 381–431, more than half of that number were assembled in Africa:--no inconsiderable proof of the vigilance exercised by the local bishops over the interests of that portion of the church universal committed to their care. In the latter part of the fifth century many synods were held, some eastern and others western, but none of them possessed peculiar interest. In the commencement of this century, Zosimus, bishop of Rome, absolved the heresiarchs, Pelagius and Cælestius, and by this act confirmed their errors. On the latter appealing to him for support, Zosimus sent the Sardican canon to a council held at the time in Carthage, as if that canon had been decreed by the council of Nice; because it allowed the right of appeal to the see of Rome. The African council rejected it with disdain, having found, on reference to the eastern patriarchs, that no such canons belonged to the Nicene council, or were ever before heard of. Thus was the reputed infallible head of an equally infallible church detected in a gross act of imposition; so gross as to compel our good Bishop Jewel to call Zosimus “a forger and falsifier of councils,” The same pope pronounced his unerring judgment in the dispute between the bishops of Arles and Vincennes; while Boniface, his successor, under the influence of the same inerrant principle and in the plenitude of the same apostolic power, reversed that judgment. In the year 498, Symmachus and Laurentius were elected to the pontificate on the same day by different parties; and while they maintained the validity of their respective elections, they reciprocally denounced each other. Where, then, did infallibility reside before Theodoric, king of the Goths, gave it a supposed habitation in the person of Symmachus? Theodoric, an Arian, and consequently a heretic in the eyes of the Romish church, awarded the keys of St. Peter to Symmachus; a circumstance which must have vitiated the boasted apostolic succession in the bishops of Rome, and therefore have destroyed their title to infallibility! Cabals and intrigues for being elected to the popedom disgraced the commencement of the sixth century. Their prevention in future, however, was decreed; and certain rules, having in view the peace and order of the western church, were laid down by two synods convened at Rome about the same time. From this period to the middle of the century, upward of twenty local meetings of the clergy were held in different parts of Europe, fifteen in Asia, and only four in Africa. The directions for the married clergy, which occasionally present themselves to view in the proceedings of these synods, prove that celibacy was not at this period a general regulation; while communion in both kinds appears to have been an established usage. The synods which were held during the remainder of the sixth century were confined to France and Spain. They amount in number to twenty-six; and, like the rest of the minor class which preceded them, canons are interspersed among their acts which have in view the security of church property, and the rights, privileges, and powers of the different ranks of the clergy. The remaining canons relate to discipline, with the exception of the few which were at different times ordained for the suppression of heretical opinions, for the regulation of both the married and celibate clergy, and of the fees to which they should be entitled on the performance of certain duties. In none of them is to be found the least authority for the distinguishing tenets of the modern church of Rome; so that, to the very close of the sixth century, she may be considered as being orthodox, pure, and uncorrupt. Whatever deference she might claim as an elder branch of the church of Christ, she raised no pretensions to a lordly preëminence over the rights and privileges of other churches. Her jurisdiction was circumscribed within her own diocesan boundaries; and, beyond them, none was demanded. After the commencement of the seventh century, however, a complete change took place in this respect, so that if a comparison be instituted between the tenets which the church of Rome held in the first ages, and those which she subsequently professed, the precise period at which the novelties commenced which now distinguish her from her former self might easily be ascertained. The order of St. Benedict, which served as a model for the other monastic fraternities that were subsequently instituted, was founded in the early part of this century
In the second century after Christ was born, eight local synods met to discuss church issues, but there’s not much information left about them. They mainly dealt with Montanus’ heresy, the rebaptism of heretics, and when to celebrate Easter. In the third century, eighteen synods took place, the main ones being in Alexandria against Origen, in Africa against the schismatic Novatus, in Antioch against Sabellius’ heresy, and another in Antioch against Paul of Samosata; there was also a synod in Carthage aimed at those who fell away during persecution, and one in Rome against Novatian and other schismatics. Before the first general council at Nice in A.D. 325, three synods were held at Sinuessa, Cirtha, and Alexandria, but their topics aren’t significant. Other synods were held that show how eager the Ante-Nicene fathers were to align church doctrine and practices with the apostolic model. The fourth synod was in Elvira, which rejected any use of pictures, stating, “We would not have pictures in churches, so the object of our worship and reverence isn’t painted on the walls.” The Carthage synod couldn’t resolve the rival claims of Cæcilian and Majorinus for the episcopate, so Emperor Constantine appointed a commission (it didn’t have enough bishops to be called anything else) to meet first in Rome and then in Arles to re-examine the issue. In Arles, it was decided that Easter should be celebrated on the same Sunday worldwide, and that heretics baptized in the name of the Trinity did not need to be rebaptized. Then, the synods of Ancyra and Neo-Cæsarea took place. The tenth canon from the latter reflects the understanding of the fathers about celibacy: “If deacons declare during their ordination that they plan to marry, they should not lose their position if they do marry.” Strict decrees were enacted against clergy who ate meat sacrificed to idols. After these synods, two were held in Alexandria in A.D. 322 against Arius, but their outcomes were overshadowed by later church proceedings. Between the end of the council of Nice and the next ecumenical council in A.D. 381, a total of forty-three synods were convened, both east and west. Although they claimed their goal was the peace of the church, their discussions were marked by party divisions, and each side directed spiritual condemnations against the other, as if battling against enemies of God. A specific and detailed account of the Sardica synod will follow, as the church of Rome uses that minor assembly as the basis for its right of appeal over any other church. In total, eighty-one synods met across the universal church in this century. The main issues discussed were related to Arianism, which was largely rejected by the western church but faced various challenges in the east, depending on the ruling authority. Unfortunately, this heresy led to many others. Marcellus, Photinus, Macedonius, and Priscilian fell into systems that were just as unreasonable and nonsensical as Arianism. Out of sixty synods convened to manage church affairs from the second to the third general councils (A.D. 381–431), more than half occurred in Africa, showing the diligence of local bishops regarding the interests of their section of the universal church. In the latter part of the fifth century, many synods took place, both eastern and western, but none were particularly noteworthy. At the beginning of this century, Zosimus, the bishop of Rome, absolved the heretics Pelagius and Cælestius, thereby endorsing their errors. When the latter sought his support, Zosimus sent the Sardican canon to a council in Carthage at the time, as if that canon had been endorsed by the council of Nice, because it allowed appeals to the see of Rome. The African council rejected it outright, having found, through their references to eastern patriarchs, that no such canons belonged to the Nicene council or had ever been mentioned before. Thus, the supposed infallible head of an equally infallible church was caught in a blatant act of deception; so egregious that our good Bishop Jewel called Zosimus “a forger and falsifier of councils.” The same pope rendered his infallible judgment in a disagreement between the bishops of Arles and Vincennes; while Boniface, his successor, reversed that judgment, guided by the same infallible principle and apostolic authority. In 498, Symmachus and Laurentius were both elected to the papacy on the same day by different factions, and while each claimed the validity of their election, they also denounced each other. So, where did infallibility exist before Theodoric, the king of the Goths, supposedly granted it to Symmachus? Theodoric, an Arian and thus viewed as a heretic by the Roman church, gave the keys of St. Peter to Symmachus; this situation must have undermined the claimed apostolic succession of the bishops of Rome, which in turn would have destroyed their claim to infallibility! In the early sixth century, the struggle for the papacy became marred by ambition and scheming. However, measures were set to prevent this in the future, and certain rules were established by two synods meeting in Rome aimed at maintaining peace and order within the western church. From this point until midway through the century, more than twenty local clergy meetings were held across Europe, fifteen in Asia, and only four in Africa. The directives regarding married clergy that occasionally appeared in these synod proceedings indicate that celibacy was not a general regulation at this time; while communion in both kinds seems to have been standard practice. The synods that took place for the rest of the sixth century were limited to France and Spain. They totaled twenty-six, and like the previous minor synods, included canons aimed at securing church property and the rights, privileges, and powers of different ranks of clergy. The remaining canons dealt with discipline, except for a few established at various times to suppress heretical views, regulate both married and celibate clergy, and define the fees they could charge for certain duties. None of them provide any authority for the distinctive beliefs of the modern Roman church; therefore, right up to the end of the sixth century, she can be seen as orthodox, pure, and untainted. Regardless of any respect she might claim as an older branch of the church of Christ, she did not assert any lofty supremacy over the rights and privileges of other churches. Her jurisdiction was limited to her own diocesan boundaries, and beyond that, none was demanded. However, after the seventh century began, a complete change occurred in this area, so that if one compares the beliefs held by the church of Rome in its early days with those she later embraced, it would be easy to pinpoint the exact time when the changes started that now differentiate her from her earlier self. The order of St. Benedict, which served as a model for other monastic groups later established, was founded in the early part of this century.
887As the history of synods after the sixth century dwindles down into a meagre narrative of the unjust incroachments and corrupt innovations of the church of Rome, and of the ineffectual struggles of Christian churches in various parts of Europe to resist his usurpation, we shall close this article with an account of the popish synod of Sardica and of the Protestant synod of Dort. After a long night of darkness, the glimmerings of a bright day were perceived at a distance, when, in the fourteenth century, our celebrated countryman, the immortal Wickliffe, appeared as the precursor of the reformation from popery. The light increased during the succeeding century, when those brave witnesses for the truth, John Huss and Jerome of Prague, suffered martyrdom; and the sixteenth century was favoured with the full blaze of day when Luther and Melancthon were encouraged and supported in their benevolent and arduous undertaking, and succeeded in putting down the shadowy forms of superstition and idolatry. Soon was the greatest part of irradiated Europe called upon to rejoice in this light; and to some of the best patriots in those countries that slighted such an opportunity, their own culpable supineness or neglect has been a source of deep national regret from one generation to another.
887As the history of synods after the sixth century shrinks into a brief account of the unjust encroachments and corrupt practices of the church of Rome, along with the ineffective efforts of Christian churches across Europe to resist this takeover, we will conclude this article with a discussion of the Catholic synod of Sardica and the Protestant synod of Dort. After a long period of darkness, there were signs of a brighter future when, in the fourteenth century, our well-known countryman, the enduring Wickliffe, emerged as a forerunner of the reformation against Catholicism. The light grew stronger in the following century, as the brave advocates for truth, John Huss and Jerome of Prague, were martyred; and the sixteenth century saw a full dawn when Luther and Melancthon were encouraged and supported in their noble and challenging mission, successfully dismantling the shadowy remnants of superstition and idolatry. Soon, most of illuminated Europe was invited to celebrate this light; and for some of the patriotic individuals in those countries that missed this opportunity, their own culpable inaction or neglect has been a source of deep national regret that has persisted from one generation to the next.
The Synod of Sardica was held A. D. 347. The Emperors Constans and Constantius, being anxious to restore that peace to the church of which it was deprived by the continuance of Arius’s heresy, agreed to convene an ecclesiastical assembly in Sardica, a city of Mæsia on the verge of their respective empires. About a hundred western and seventy eastern bishops attended; but altercation, and not debate, ensued. The smaller party, apprehensive for their personal safety, withdrew to a town in Thrace; a circumstance that disclosed the first symptoms of discord and schism between the Greek and Latin churches. Before this period the right of appeal from all other churches to the see of Rome had not been claimed; but from it we date the first aspirations of Roman pontiffs to lordly preëminence, and they bent their restless energies to establish a spiritual tyranny over all the nations of the earth. Ecclesiastics, excommunicated by the oriental or African churches, fled to Rome for refuge, one after another; and as the bishop of that city afforded them his protection, gratified as he was at every occasion which made it necessary, they, in order to testify their gratitude, unwittingly compromised the rights of the clergy, when, to the extent of their individual sanction, they invested him with the appellant jurisdiction. Among the refugees at Rome was the celebrated bishop of Alexandria. Athanasius, persecuted by the Arian party in the east, knelt as a suppliant on the threshold of the Vatican. Julius gladly espoused his cause, and declared him to have been illegally condemned; a declaration that seemed to come with authority, but which the eastern bishops opposed as an usurpation of undue power. They went so far as even to excommunicate Hosius, Gaudentius, Julius the bishop of Rome, and others, on the alleged assumption of authority. They maintained the principle laid down in the canons, that the judgment passed on any individual, either by an eastern or western synod, ought to be confirmed by the other. And while they complained that the bishops of the west should disturb the whole church, on account of one or two troublesome fellows, they accused them of arrogantly attempting to establish a new law for the purpose of empowering themselves to reëxamine what had been already determined. Chrysostom, too, in his distress, implored, at a subsequent period, the interference of Innocent, the then occupant of the papal chair, with the emperor of the east, for the purpose of procuring a reversal of the sentence of deposition pronounced against him by an obscure synod in the suburbs of Chalcedon. But that father never once supposed that the Roman pontiff had any right to hear his cause. His appeal lay to the supreme tribunal of a free and general council, from a packed assembly which the empress Eudoxia had been instrumental in calling together, in order to effect his ruin. As these two cases of Athanasius and Chrysostom are pleaded by Romish writers in support of the appellant authority with which they invest the bishop of Rome, it is a matter of importance to examine the stability of this ground-work, on which is laid the immense structure of papal supremacy. Hosius, who presided in the Sardican synod, as he did at every council where he happened to be present, is reported to have proposed that an appeal should be made to Rome out of respect to the chair of St. Peter, and not, as was ruled at the council of Nice, to the bishops of the neighbouring province, when any decision had been come to in a provincial synod. But what is the language of the proposition made by Hosius? “If it be a favourite object with you, let us honour the memory of Peter, so that a letter may be addressed to Julius, bishop of Rome, by those who decided on the matter; that, if necessary, the judgment may be reviewed by the bishops in his neighbourhood, and that he may appoint some to hear the cause.” Here neither canon nor Scripture is referred to; while it is left optional with the assembly whether deference was or was not to be paid to Julius, who is simply styled συνεπίσκοπος, “a fellow bishop.” The fourth canon of this synod ordains, “that an archbishop, &c, deposed by a provincial synod, must not be expelled, until the bishop of Rome shall determine whether the cause shall be reëxamined;” and the fifth canon decrees, “that the bishop of Rome, if he deem it proper, shall order a rehearing of the matter; that, if convenient, he shall send deputies for the purpose; if not, that he should leave the decision of the case to the synod itself.” From the third and fourth canons it appears that a novelty in discipline is established, and made obligatory on the churches of both empires, but only by a handful of bishops belonging to one of them; and from the fifth, that the bishop of Rome, if he deemed a judgment erroneous, might convene 888a new council and send deputies to it, for the purpose of reconsidering the matter. These canons, no doubt, were very flattering to the ambition of the Roman pontiff, and, accordingly, they are pleaded in behalf of his supremacy; but how preposterous is it to ascribe that to a human law, which, it is asserted, belongs to him by the law of God! There are other canons regulating the intercourse between bishops and the imperial court; after such a manner, however, as to make the bishop of Rome the judge of the propriety of the petitions which they intended to prefer. Notwithstanding all this, they can never be rescued from the imputation of being forgeries. For, 1. They were never received by either the eastern or African church as general laws. At the sixth council of Carthage, Austin strenuously denied the right of appeal to the Roman see, although a letter has been forged in his name, strenuously contending for it, which is now deposited among the pious frauds of the Vatican. It happened, also, in the early part of the fifth century, that Appiarius, who had been excommunicated by the African bishops, applied to Zosimus, bishop of Rome. This pontiff forthwith sent them the Sardican canon, which conferred on him the right of appeal. This they indignantly rejected, inasmuch as their predecessors, who attended the council of Sardica, left no record of it; and because the eastern patriarchs, whom they consulted on the occasion, not only disclaimed all knowledge of any such canon being in existence, but furnished their brethren with an exact copy of the Nicene canons, among which the Sardican one was not to be found. 2. The Sardican canons were not inserted in the code of canons approved of by the council of Chalcedon. 3. The council which passed them is not reckoned, even by the church of Rome, as one of the eighteen general councils, whose authority it acknowledges; nor does Bellarmine himself say that it is one of those councils which his church receives in part and rejects in part. 4. When the western bishops entreated the Emperor Theodosius to summon a council, A.D. 407, so far were they from making any allusion to the doctrine of an appeal to the Roman see, that they distinctly disclaimed the thought of such a prerogative, and only sought the fellowship of a common arbitration. 5. Lastly, if, as the historian Sozomen says, the Sardican synod wrote to Julius, bishop of Rome, to apprize him of what they had done, and of their decrees being drawn up in the spirit of the council of Nice, the purport of the letter was not so strong as that which they addressed to the church of Alexandria, in which they pray it to give its suffrage to the determination of the council, additional suspicions are created. From all these circumstances taken together, it is evident that no value is to be attached to the decrees of this obscure council; and that, although due respect was paid to St. Peter’s chair, it was no acknowledgment of the superiority of its possessor as to ecclesiastical authority or jurisdiction.
The Sardica Synod was held in A.D. 347. The Emperors Constans and Constantius, wanting to restore peace to the church that had been disrupted by Arius’s heresy, agreed to gather an ecclesiastical meeting in Sardica, a city in Mæsia at the edge of their empires. About a hundred bishops from the west and seventy from the east attended; however, arguments, not discussions, broke out. The smaller faction, fearing for their safety, withdrew to a town in Thrace, marking the first signs of conflict and division between the Greek and Latin churches. Up to this point, no one had claimed the right to appeal from other churches to the see of Rome; but from this moment, we can trace the early ambitions of Roman pontiffs aspiring to significant authority, as they worked to establish a form of spiritual dominance over all nations. Clergy excommunicated by the eastern or African churches sought refuge in Rome, one by one; and since the bishop of that city provided them protection, pleased by the opportunity, they, in their gratitude, unknowingly compromised the rights of the clergy by granting him appellate jurisdiction to the extent of their individual approval. Among the refugees in Rome was the well-known bishop of Alexandria. Athanasius, harassed by the Arian party in the east, knelt as a supplicant at the Vatican's entrance. Julius eagerly took up his cause and declared that he had been wrongly condemned; an announcement that seemed authoritative, but the eastern bishops viewed it as an inappropriate grab for power. They even went so far as to excommunicate Hosius, Gaudentius, Julius the bishop of Rome, and others, claiming they were assuming authority. They upheld the principle established in the canons that any judgment rendered on an individual by either an eastern or western synod should be confirmed by the other. They complained that the western bishops should not disrupt the entire church due to one or two troublesome individuals, accusing them of arrogantly trying to create a new law that would allow them to reexamine what was already decided. Chrysostom, in his distress, later sought the intervention of Innocent, the pope at the time, with the eastern emperor, to overturn the decision of a lesser synod in the suburbs of Chalcedon that had deposed him. However, he never believed that the Roman pontiff had any right to hear his case. His appeal was directed toward the highest authority of a free and general council, not a manipulated assembly called together by Empress Eudoxia to orchestrate his downfall. Since proponents of Roman authority cite these two cases of Athanasius and Chrysostom as support for the appellate authority they attribute to the bishop of Rome, it’s essential to examine the foundation upon which the vast structure of papal supremacy rests. Hosius, who presided over the Sardican synod, as he did at every council where he attended, is said to have proposed making an appeal to Rome out of respect for St. Peter’s chair, rather than, as dictated at the council of Nice, appealing to the bishops of the surrounding province when a decision had been reached at a provincial synod. But what did Hosius actually say? “If it pleases you, let us honor the memory of Peter, so that a letter can be sent to Julius, bishop of Rome, by those who made the decision; that, if needed, the judgment can be reconsidered by the bishops nearby, and that he can appoint some to hear the case.” Here, neither canon nor scripture is mentioned, leaving it up to the assembly to decide whether to show respect to Julius, who is simply referred to as συνεπίσκοπος, “a fellow bishop.” The fourth canon of this synod states, “an archbishop, etc., deposed by a provincial synod, must not be expelled until the bishop of Rome determines whether the cause shall be reexamined;” and the fifth canon decrees, “that the bishop of Rome, if he thinks fit, shall order a rehearing of the matter; that, if convenient, he shall send representatives for this purpose; if not, he should leave the decision of the case to the synod itself.” From the third and fourth canons, it appears that a new discipline is established and imposed on the churches of both empires, but only by a small group of bishops from one of them; and from the fifth, that the bishop of Rome, if he considered a judgment incorrect, could call a new council and send delegates to reevaluate the issue. These canons certainly flattered the ambitions of the Roman pontiff, and thus are cited in support of his supremacy; however, it’s absurd to attribute to a human law what is claimed to belong to him by divine law! There are additional canons regulating relationships between bishops and the imperial court, structured in such a way as to make the bishop of Rome the arbiter of the appropriateness of the petitions they intended to present. Despite all of this, they can never escape the accusation of being forgeries. 1. They were never recognized by either the eastern or African church as general laws. At the sixth council of Carthage, Augustine strongly denied the right to appeal to the Roman see, even though a letter has been forged in his name, ardently arguing for it, that is now kept among the pious frauds of the Vatican. Additionally, in the early fifth century, Appiarius, who had been excommunicated by the African bishops, appealed to Zosimus, bishop of Rome. This pope immediately sent them the Sardican canon, which conferred on him the right of appeal. They indignantly rejected this, as their predecessors who attended the council of Sardica left no record of it; and when they consulted the eastern patriarchs about the matter, they not only disclaimed any knowledge of such a canon, but also provided their peers with a precise copy of the Nicene canons, which did not include the Sardican one. 2. The Sardican canons were not included in the canon law approved by the council of Chalcedon. 3. The council that adopted them is not even regarded by the Roman church as one of the eighteen general councils whose authority it recognizes; nor does Bellarmine himself claim it is one of those councils that his church accepts partially and rejects partially. 4. When the western bishops asked Emperor Theodosius to call a council in A.D. 407, they were far from suggesting the doctrine of an appeal to the Roman see; instead, they clearly rejected the idea of such a prerogative, and sought merely a common arbitration. 5. Lastly, if, as historian Sozomen mentions, the Sardican synod wrote to Julius, bishop of Rome, to inform him of their actions and that their decrees were drawn up in the spirit of the council of Nice, the content of their letter was nowhere near as strong as that which they sent to the church of Alexandria, in which they requested it to support the council's decision, raising further suspicions. Taking all these circumstances together, it is clear that no value should be placed on the decrees of this obscure council; and that even though due respect was given to St. Peter's chair, it did not imply an acknowledgment of the superiority of its holder regarding ecclesiastical authority or jurisdiction.
The Synod of Dort. The Dutch churches forsook the communion of the corrupt church of Rome soon after the church of England had cast off the papal yoke; and they were generously aided in their endeavours to recover their civil and religious liberties by our good Queen Elizabeth and her wise counsellors. The first Christian teachers among them were Lutherans; but in process of time, the celebrity of Geneva as a place of public instruction for ministers of religion induced the majority of the candidates for the ministry to repair to that university; and, as might naturally be expected, they imported into the Low Countries the peculiar views of Calvin and Beza on the subject of predestination. It is justly observed by Le Vassor, “Some learned Hollanders had boldly defended this doctrine, before Arminius became a minister at Amsterdam and a professor at Leyden, and likewise before Gomarus had risen up against him. Their writings are still extant; although it is true that certain ministers, who were too hasty, exerted themselves to bring those authors and their productions into disrepute; but the states of Holland uniformly checked this impetuous zeal. The professors of Leyden were allowed a perfect liberty of teaching conformably to the sentiments of Melancthon; and when Arminius was called to that university, his opinions were generally known; for he had declared them in the church of Amsterdam, from the consistory of which he received very honourable testimonials. Gomarus, and many others of the same opinion, having entered into conversation with Arminius, made no scruple of acknowledging immediately that the difference of sentiments which existed between them did not at all concern the foundations of the Reformation. True it is, that Gomarus did not remain long on good terms with Arminius. Whether he had taken umbrage at the reputation of his new colleague, or the enemies of Arminius had found means to provoke the anger of Gomarus by some artful insinuation or other; he violently set his face against a man whom, some time before, he looked upon as orthodox.” The struggles of the party of Arminius in Holland, after the death of that great man, to obtain a toleration for their opinions, are matters of history. The political circumstances of that country and of Europe in general were at that period very peculiar, and exercised great influence in the convening and conducting of that famous ecclesiastical assembly, the synod of Dort; but in a sketch like this, they can only be briefly mentioned. Frederic, the elector Palatine, married Elizabeth, the only daughter of our King James the First; he was nephew to Maurice the prince of Orange: and he sent his Heidelberg divines to the synod to assist his uncle in the condemnation of the Remonstrant party, as the Arminians were generally called, and to gratify his polemical father-in-law in the overthrow of the heretical Vorstius. In return, he naturally expected both of his relations to aid him in his grand enterprise of seizing on the crown of Bohemia; in which, soon after the banishment of the Remonstrants, he completely succeeded,--though 889he subsequently lost that crown and all his hereditary possessions, and embroiled nearly the whole of Protestant Europe in the famous thirty years’ war.
The Synod of Dort. The Dutch churches broke away from the corrupt church of Rome soon after the Church of England had shed the papal authority; they received generous support in their quest to regain their civil and religious freedoms from our good Queen Elizabeth and her wise advisors. The first Christian leaders among them were Lutherans; however, over time, the reputation of Geneva as a center for training ministers attracted most candidates for the ministry to that university. Naturally, they brought with them the unique ideas of Calvin and Beza regarding predestination. Le Vassor rightly points out, “Some educated Dutch people had boldly defended this doctrine before Arminius became a minister in Amsterdam and a professor at Leyden, and also before Gomarus rose up against him. Their writings still exist; although it’s true that some ministers, who were too eager, tried to discredit those authors and their works; but the states of Holland consistently restrained this hasty zeal. The professors at Leyden were granted perfect freedom to teach in line with Melancthon’s views; and when Arminius was appointed to that university, his opinions were well known since he had expressed them in the church of Amsterdam, from which the consistory gave him very honorable testimonials. Gomarus and many others who shared his views, after discussing with Arminius, readily admitted that their differing opinions did not affect the foundations of the Reformation at all. It’s true that Gomarus didn’t stay friendly with Arminius for long. Whether he had become offended by the reputation of his new colleague or whether Arminius’ opponents had found ways to provoke Gomarus with some crafty insinuation or another; he strongly opposed a man whom, not long before, he had considered orthodox.” The efforts of Arminius’ followers in Holland, after the death of that great man, to gain tolerance for their views are well-documented. The political situation in that country and Europe as a whole at that time was quite unique and had a significant influence on the calling and proceedings of that famous ecclesiastical assembly, the Synod of Dort; but in a summary like this, they can only be briefly touched upon. Frederic, the elector Palatine, married Elizabeth, the only daughter of our King James the First; he was the nephew of Maurice, the prince of Orange: and he sent his Heidelberg theologians to the synod to support his uncle in condemning the Remonstrant party, as the Arminians were typically called, and to please his controversial father-in-law by dismantling the heretical Vorstius. In return, he reasonably expected both of his relatives to assist him in his grand scheme to take the crown of Bohemia; in which, shortly after the exile of the Remonstrants, he was completely successful—though 889 he later lost that crown and all his hereditary lands, embroiling nearly all of Protestant Europe in the infamous Thirty Years' War.
The Remonstrants, according to Nichols, in the ample notes to his translation of the “Works of Arminius,” had long wished to have their “Five Points” of doctrine brought for adjudication either before a provincial synod, to prepare matters for a national one; or to have them brought at once before a general council of Protestant divines. But the Calvinists would listen to neither of these equitable proposals. If a provincial synod were convened, especially in that province (Holland) which most needed such a remedy, these men well knew, from trial, how difficult it would be to combat and refute the strong and popular arguments of the Remonstrants, when both parties were placed nearly on an equality in the same assembly; and if a general council of Protestants was summoned together, they were certain that the principles of Arminius would, without demur, be recognized as integral parts of Scripture verity, and consequently entitled not only to toleration, (which was all that the Remonstrants had desired,) but to the especial patronage of the civil authorities. The latter result was anticipated, from the immense preponderance which the Lutheran divines, from all the small states of Germany, and from other parts of the north of Europe, would have had in such a council. Numerous state papers on this subject were written by the public functionaries of the different provinces in the year 1617; among which those of the composition of the learned Grotius, who conducted the arguments in favour of a general council, are very conspicuous for the superior ability which they display. A national synod was therefore the sole remedy which the wisdom, or rather the worldly prudence, of the Calvinists could discover for removing the maladies under which the churches of Holland were at that time labouring. In showing cause for their preference, they were placed in an awkward dilemma; for they perceived, that the strongest reasons to be adduced for the adoption of this measure would extend too far, and might, in the hands of their able antagonists, be made to apply with greater cogency to the convening of a general council.
The Remonstrants, according to Nichols in his extensive notes to his translation of the “Works of Arminius,” had long wanted their “Five Points” doctrine reviewed either by a provincial synod to set the stage for a national one or to present them directly to a general council of Protestant leaders. However, the Calvinists rejected both of these fair proposals. They understood well from experience that if a provincial synod were held, especially in Holland, which most needed such a solution, it would be tough to counter the strong and popular arguments of the Remonstrants when both sides had nearly equal footing in the same assembly. They also feared that if a general council of Protestants was convened, Arminius's principles would undoubtedly be recognized as integral parts of Scripture truth, thus deserving not just toleration (which was all the Remonstrants sought) but also special support from civil authorities. This outcome was expected due to the significant influence that Lutheran scholars from the small states of Germany and other northern European regions would wield in such a council. Many state documents on this topic were written by officials from various provinces in 1617, among which those written by the learned Grotius, who argued for a general council, stood out for their exceptional quality. Therefore, a national synod was the only solution that the wisdom, or rather the pragmatic approach, of the Calvinists could think of to address the issues affecting the churches in Holland at that time. In explaining their preference, they found themselves in a tricky situation; they realized that the strongest reasons for this measure could also be used by their skilled opponents to argue even more convincingly for the convening of a general council.
The designs which Prince Maurice had long cherished against the ancient liberties and internal jurisdiction of the states, (each of which possessed by the act of union the complete management of its own affairs,) were then in a course of execution. By the forcible and illegal removal of the old burgomasters and governors, and the appointment of new ones; by the preponderance which these newly elected individuals gave to their own party in their election of persons to fill the higher offices of state in the various towns which had been ill-affected toward Calvinism and arbitrary power; and by the untrue and scandalous reports which were invented and industriously propagated respecting the alleged secret intentions of Barnevelt and the Arminians to deliver up their country to the Spaniards; the prince was enabled to succeed in his ambitious enterprises. To the party, therefore, that had forwarded his views he willingly gave all the weight of his influence, and that of the States General, the majority of whom, in virtue of the late unlawful changes effected in the provinces, were favourable, not only to Calvinism, but to any measure which the prince might think fit to propose. It was in allusion to the revolution, thus craftily completed, that Bogerman, as president of the synod of Dort, told Episcopius, in a sarcastic style, as Hales tells us, “You may remember what you told the foreign divines in your letter to them, that there had of late been a great metamorphosis in the state; you are no longer judges and men in power, but persons under citation.” In such a state of affairs, an ordinance of government was easily obtained for convening a national synod, which was to consist of native divines appointed by the different classes and presbyteries, of civil deputies chosen out of each province by the states, and of foreign divines deputed by such churches as had adopted both the platform and the doctrine of Geneva. The temper and intolerant conduct of the various ecclesiastical meetings with whom rested the inland appointments, had been but too apparent; and time had not mollified their intolerant principles; for, under the new order of things, and with the sanction of the fresh race of magistrates, they were emboldened to effect a schism in many of the chief towns, and forcibly to exclude the Arminian ministers from the churches which they occupied. In other towns, in which these bold practices could not be attempted with any probability of success, they employed the ecclesiastical arms of the classes, provincial synods, and other packed vestry-meetings, the members of which (consisting generally of Calvinists) summoned before them all the chief Arminian pastors in the various districts, accused them of holding heterodox opinions on the subject of predestination, and suspended or expelled them from the ministry. This work of expulsion and suspension was carried on by the dominant party, even during the time in which the fate of Arminianism was in a course of determination by the synod of Dort: so that, had that far-famed and reverend assembly decided in favour of a toleration of the Arminian doctrines, the minor church meetings had left few ministers of that persecuted denomination to profit from such a decision. The Calvinistic account of this summary and iniquitous process is thus given, in the preface to the acts of the National Synod: “And since there were several pastors in that province, [Guelderland,] some of whom had been suspected of many other errors beside the Five Points of the Remonstrants, others of them had illegally intruded into the office of the ministry, while others were men of profligate habits; certain persons of this description being cited before the [provincial] synod [of Guelderland and Zutphen, held at Arnheim, in July, 1618,] were suspended from the ministry for some of the before-mentioned reasons, and 890by no means on account of the opinion contained in the Five Points of the Remonstrants, which was reserved for the cognizance of the national synod. The trial of the rest of these men being dismissed in the name of the synod, was committed to a deputation from their body, to whom the states added certain of their own delegates. When they had fully investigated the cases of these men in their classes, they suspended some of them from the ministry, and entirely removed others.” In the very able memorial which the Remonstrants, on their arrival at the synod, presented to the foreign members, it is justly observed, respecting those who were accused of having taught, beside the Five Points, those doctrines which were contrary to the fundamentals of faith: “Such particular cases do not in any manner affect the common cause of the Remonstrants, but concern those alone who may be found guilty of them. Nor are we adverse to the issuing of ecclesiastical censures against such persons, provided they be lawfully put upon their trials, and fairly heard in defence of themselves against such charges.” Because the members of these Calvinistic provincial synods could not be long absent from their respective congregations, such galloping commissions as these, endowed with ample powers, were appointed to traverse every province in which Arminianism had been planted; and they soon showed to the world the most compendious method of rooting out reputed heresies. Their track through the land resembled that of the angel of destruction; it was marked by anguish, mourning, and desolation. After this detail, established by the synodical documents themselves, few words will suffice to point out the purely Calvinistic constitution of the synod of Dort. When very few Remonstrant ministers remained in the land, except such as were ejected from the church or under suspension, it was no difficult matter to procure an assemblage of men that were of one heart respecting the main object that was then sought to be accomplished.
The plans that Prince Maurice had long held against the historic rights and self-governance of the provinces, each of which had complete control over its own affairs due to the act of union, were then being put into action. Through the forceful and illegal removal of the old burgomasters and governors, and the appointment of new ones; by the power these newly elected individuals gave to their own party in choosing people for higher state positions in towns that were not supportive of Calvinism and arbitrary rule; and through the false and scandalous rumors spread about Barnevelt and the Arminians supposedly planning to surrender their country to the Spaniards, the prince was able to achieve his ambitious goals. Therefore, he willingly gave his influence and that of the States General, the majority of whom, due to the recent unlawful changes in the provinces, were favorable not only to Calvinism but also to any measures the prince might propose. Referring to the revolution that had been cleverly carried out, Bogerman, president of the synod of Dort, sarcastically told Episcopius, as Hales recounts, “You may remember what you told the foreign divines in your letter to them, that there has recently been a great change in the state; you are no longer judges or people in power, but instead persons under indictment.” In this context, a government ordinance was easily obtained to convene a national synod, which would consist of local divines appointed by different classes and presbyteries, civil deputies chosen from each province by the states, and foreign divines sent by churches that embraced both the platform and doctrine of Geneva. The temperament and intolerant behavior of various ecclesiastical gatherings overseeing local appointments were all too clear; and time had not softened their intolerant principles; for, under the new order and with approval from the new magistrates, they had the confidence to create a schism in many major towns and forcibly exclude the Arminian ministers from the churches they occupied. In other towns, where such bold actions were unlikely to succeed, they used the ecclesiastical power of classes, provincial synods, and other controlled vestry meetings, whose members (mostly Calvinists) summoned all the leading Arminian pastors in the various regions, accused them of holding unorthodox views on predestination, and suspended or expelled them from the ministry. This expulsion and suspension continued by the dominant party even while the fate of Arminianism was being decided by the synod of Dort: had that renowned assembly ruled in favor of tolerating Arminian doctrines, the smaller church meetings would have left very few ministers of that persecuted denomination to benefit from such a ruling. The Calvinist account of this summary and unjust process is described in the preface to the acts of the National Synod: “And since there were several pastors in that province, [Guelderland,] some of whom had been suspected of many other errors besides the Five Points of the Remonstrants, others had illegally intruded into the ministry, while others were men of immoral behavior; certain people of this description being summoned before the [provincial] synod [of Guelderland and Zutphen, held at Arnheim, in July, 1618,] were suspended from the ministry for some of the aforementioned reasons, and 890 by no means because of the opinions contained in the Five Points of the Remonstrants, which was reserved for national synod deliberation. The trial of the rest of these men was dismissed in the name of the synod and passed to a delegation from their body, to which the states added some of their own delegates. After fully investigating the cases of these men in their classes, they suspended some from the ministry and completely removed others.” In the well-crafted memorial the Remonstrants presented to the foreign members upon arriving at the synod, they rightly stated, concerning those accused of teaching, besides the Five Points, doctrines that contradicted the fundamentals of faith: “Such particular cases do not in any manner affect the common cause of the Remonstrants but concern only those found guilty of them. Nor are we opposed to the issuing of ecclesiastical censures against such individuals, provided they are lawfully tried and given a fair chance to defend themselves against the charges.” Because the members of these Calvinistic provincial synods could not be away from their congregations for long, swift commissions with extensive powers were established to travel through every province where Arminianism had taken root; and they quickly demonstrated the most efficient method of rooting out perceived heresies. Their path through the land resembled that of an angel of destruction; it was marked by suffering, mourning, and devastation. After this account, established by the synodical documents themselves, few words are needed to highlight the purely Calvinistic structure of the synod of Dort. With very few Remonstrant ministers left in the country, except those who had been expelled or were under suspension, it was no challenge to gather a group of people united in their respect for the main objective they were aiming to achieve.
In the original order for holding the synod, and in the list appended to it, as they were both passed by the States General, no mention was made of inviting any other churches, except those of England, France, the Palatinate, Hesse, and Switzerland, and it was a matter postponed for farther deliberation, whether any invitation should be transmitted to the churches of Bremen, Brandenburgh, Geneva, and Nassau. The clergy of the principality of Anhalt were not invited to the synod, because their opinions were understood to be similar to those of the Remonstrants, the ancient confession adopted by their churches being decided on the subject of conditional predestination. The divines of Bremen were viewed as men inclined too much to moderate counsels, and on that account improper representatives in an assembly that intended to carry every proposition with the unanimity of force. The divines of Brandenburgh were the last of those invited. Indeed no invitation was transmitted to them, till the state and temper of their churches had been ascertained with tolerable accuracy; and when it was generally thought that the deputies from that electorate were tractable and would follow in the train of the Contra-Remonstrants, it was determined to summon them to the synod. It was for some time a matter of doubt with the leading men of Holland, whether they ought to invite the divines of Geneva and Nassau, two of the greatest nurseries of Calvinism, to be present at the synod. The cause of this demur was, to avoid the appearance of partiality, which they justly thought all the world would have imputed to them had they convened an assembly consisting only of Calvinistic doctors. To keep up this semblance of moderation, the synodical summons was not transmitted to those divines when they were sent to the churches of other states and countries. But when Prince Maurice’s schemes of secular aggrandizement and political power had succeeded beyond his utmost wishes, they no longer studied to “avoid the appearance of evil,” but boldly summoned all those divines about whose presence at the synod they had formerly hesitated. This was a most notable and certain method of procuring a strict Calvinian uniformity in the members. On this topic, Hales, in his letters from Dort, to the English ambassador at the Hague, says, “For a general confession of faith, at least so far as those churches stretch who have delegates here in the synod, I think his project very possible, there being no point of faith in which they differ.” Great interest was made at the court of France, to procure the attendance of deputies from the reformed churches of that country; but the king of France prohibited the Protestant clergy within his dominions from becoming members of the synod, or assisting at its deliberations.
In the original order for holding the synod and in the list attached to it, which were both approved by the States General, there was no mention of inviting any churches other than those from England, France, the Palatinate, Hesse, and Switzerland. It was decided to postpone discussions on whether to send invitations to the churches of Bremen, Brandenburg, Geneva, and Nassau. The clergy from the principality of Anhalt were not invited to the synod because their views were thought to align with those of the Remonstrants, as the traditional confession adopted by their churches addressed the issue of conditional predestination. The theologians from Bremen were seen as too moderate and thus unsuitable representatives for an assembly aiming to pass every proposition with unanimous force. The theologians from Brandenburg were the last to be considered for an invitation. In fact, no invitation was sent to them until the opinions and state of their churches had been assessed fairly accurately. When it became clear that the deputies from that electorate were amenable and would likely align with the Contra-Remonstrants, it was decided to invite them to the synod. For some time, the leaders in Holland debated whether to invite the theologians from Geneva and Nassau, two major centers of Calvinism, to participate in the synod. The reason for this hesitation was to avoid the appearance of favoritism, which they believed everyone would accuse them of if they gathered an assembly made up solely of Calvinistic scholars. To maintain this appearance of moderation, the invitations were not sent to those theologians when invitations went to churches in other states and countries. However, when Prince Maurice’s ambitions for political power and influence succeeded beyond his expectations, they no longer felt the need to “avoid the appearance of evil” and boldly invited all the theologians they had previously hesitated to include. This was a remarkable and effective way to ensure strict Calvinist uniformity among the members. Hales, in his letters from Dort to the English ambassador at The Hague, remarked, “For a general confession of faith, at least among those churches represented here at the synod, I think his idea is very feasible since there's no point of faith in which they differ.” Significant efforts were made at the French court to secure the presence of delegates from the reformed churches of that country, but the king of France prohibited the Protestant clergy in his realm from joining or contributing to the synod's discussions.
The letters of the States General, inviting the foreign divines to the national synod, were issued on the 25th of June, 1618; and the members were summoned to meet together in the city of Dort, on the first day of November in the same year. The letters of invitation to the divines of the united provinces were dated Sept. 20th, and the synod of Dort was formally opened Nov. 13th. Whosoever casts his eye over the list of the foreign divines that composed this last of Protestant councils, will find scarcely one man who had not distinguished himself by his decided opposition to the doctrine of conditional predestination, and who was not consequently disqualified from acting the part of an impartial judge of the existing religious differences, or that of a peace-maker. This caused the famous Daniel Tilenus to observe, that “no persons were summoned to Dort who were not well known to be zealous promoters of Calvin’s predestination. In former ages, men were accustomed, first to go to the councils, and then to declare their sentiments: just the reverse of this is the practice in our days; for no one could be admitted into the synod of Dort unless he had previously manifested the bearing of his opinions.”
The letters from the States General, inviting foreign theologians to the national synod, were sent out on June 25, 1618. The members were called to gather in the city of Dort on November 1 of that same year. The invitations to the theologians from the united provinces were dated September 20, and the synod of Dort officially opened on November 13. Anyone who looks at the list of foreign theologians that made up this last Protestant council will notice that hardly anyone was not known for their strong opposition to the doctrine of conditional predestination, making them unqualified to act as impartial judges of the current religious differences or as peacemakers. This led the notable Daniel Tilenus to remark that “no one was invited to Dort who wasn’t already known to be a strong supporter of Calvin’s predestination. In earlier times, people would first attend the councils and then express their views: today, the opposite is true; no one could participate in the synod of Dort unless they had previously shown their stance on the issues.”
It will be perceived from the preceding statement, by what kind of ecclesiastical management 891the Remonstrants had been excluded from having any deputies in the synod of Dort. So completely had the Calvinistic plan of exclusion succeeded, that three of the members from Utrecht were the only Remonstrants in that synod. The reason of their being there at all, was, because that province was almost equally divided between Remonstrant and Calvinist churches, and it had been agreed that three of each denomination should be summoned. But so obnoxious were the persons as well as the doctrines of the Remonstrants to their adversaries, that they would not allow even those three individuals to have a place in the seat of judgment. In the twenty-fourth session, it was unanimously declared, that they could only be reputed as cited persons; however, as the Acts express it, “that this synod might not be exposed to calumnies, as if they wished to exclude them, it was allowed them to sit among the judges” on five conditions, the chief of which were, “that while the affairs of the Remonstrants were under discussion, they should not disturb the proceedings of the synod by unseasonable interruptions, and not acquaint their party with any thing done or said in the synod, which concerned their cause.” Two of them, after a day’s deliberation, united themselves with their suffering brethren; and the third, who was a layman, had seen enough of the partial conduct of that venerable assembly to induce him to absent himself from their farther deliberations. As the Remonstrants formed no part of the members convened, it was debated, in the fourth session, how they ought to be summoned. It was proposed and resolved, that a letter should be composed and sent to the whole body, that they might depute three out of each province as deputies to the synod. The president Bogerman then inquired, if all the Remonstrants were to be admitted; the president of the lay commissioners answered, that the ecclesiastical president and the secretaries should receive a private explanation from him respecting their numbers. In the interview which the two presidents and the secretaries had together, they concerted matters so well, that next day the preceding resolution for writing to the whole body was withdrawn for amendment; and it was finally agreed, that it should be left to the determination of the lay commissioners, what persons, and how many, should be convened. These gentlemen selected thirteen of the Remonstrants, to each of whom they addressed a letter of citation, commanding them to appear before the synod, “within fourteen days after the receipt of it without any tergiversation, excuse, or exception, that in it they might freely propose, explain, and defend the before-mentioned five points as far as they were able and should deem to be necessary.” In the mean time the Remonstrants, without knowing the resolution of the synod, had deputed three of their body from Leyden, to obtain leave for their appearance at the synod, in a competent number and under safe conduct to defend their cause. On making their request known to the lay commissioners, they were informed of the resolution which had passed the synod only the preceding day. To which they replied, that it was unreasonable to cite those to justify themselves who were both ready and willing to come of their own accord; and that if they persisted in proceeding with their plan of citation, they would by that act furnish just cause, not only to them, but to all good men, to entertain strange notions and suspicions of the synodical proceedings. Not being permitted to choose those men from their own body whom they deemed the best qualified to state and defend their cause, they accounted it an additional hardship, that their enemies should assume that unlawful authority to themselves. But neither at that time nor afterward, when they wished to add two of the most accomplished of the brethren to their number, were their representations of the least avail. On the sixth of December these valiant defenders of the truth arrived, and requested, by a deputation, to be allowed a few days to unpack their books, arrange their papers, &c. But they were commanded immediately to appear in a body before the synod, and to prefer their own request. They were introduced by their brethren of Utrecht, and ordered to sit down at a long table placed in the middle of the hall. Episcopius then, with the permission of the president, addressed an apostolic greeting to the synod; and, having repeated the request previously made, he said, that “the cited Remonstrants appeared there to defend their good and righteous cause before that venerable assembly, by reasons and arguments drawn from the word of God,--or else to be confuted and better informed from the same word. In reference to the favour which they had asked, they left it to the discretion of the commissioners of the States General, being ready on their parts, immediately and without delay, to engage in a conference, if that should be required.” Then were they desired to withdraw into a chamber prepared for them adjoining the hall of the synod. After some time spent in deliberation, they were recalled, and informed by the president, that they would be expected at the synod next morning at nine o’clock. He added, according to Hales, “that they came not to conference, neither did the synod profess themselves an adverse party against them. Conferences had been heretofore held to no purpose. They ought to have heeded the words of the letters by which they were cited. They were called not to conference, but to propose their opinions with their reasons, and leave it with the synod to judge of them.” Episcopius replied, that it was not necessary so nicely to criticise the word conference, and that they had come there with no other view than to treat about the doctrines which were controverted, according to the summons which they had received. The next day, December 7th, the Remonstrants were called in, when after Episcopius had desired and obtained leave to speak, he uttered an oration, the delivery of which occupied nearly two hours, and which, on account of the noble sentiments contained in it, deserves 892to be recorded in letters of gold. The gracefulness, force, and energy with which it was spoken, made such an impression on the auditory as drew tears from several of them, and even from some of the states’ deputies. This effect gave mighty umbrage to the choleric Bogerman, who, as president, according to Mr. Hales’s account, “signified unto Episcopius, that, because there were in his speech many things considerable, he was therefore to deliver the copy of it. Episcopius replied, that he had none handsomely written: if the synod would have patience, he would cause a fair transcript to be drawn for them. But this excuse would not serve; fair or foul, deliver it up he must, and so he did.” In the session, December 10, after the president had ceased to speak, he desired the Remonstrants to proceed with their explanation and defence of the five points. They requested leave to have a paper read by Episcopius. Bogerman would not consent to this; but the lay president ordered another of the Remonstrants, Bernard Dwinglo, to read it. This very convincing document was addressed to the synod, and consisted of two parts. It may be seen at full length in the acts, and is in every respect worthy of the great men whose holy cause it defended. The first part declared, that the Remonstrants did not own the members of the synod for lawful judges, because the great majority of them, with the exception of the foreign divines, were their professed enemies; and that most of the inland divines then assembled, as well as those whose representatives they were, had been guilty of the unhappy schism which was made in the churches of Holland. The second part contained the twelve qualifications, of which the Remonstrants thought a well constituted synod should consist. The observance of the stipulations proposed in it, they would gladly have obtained from the synod, averring that they were exceedingly equitable, and that the Protestants had offered similar conditions for the guidance of the Papists, and the Calvinists for the direction of the Lutherans. The production of such a mass of evidence from writers of the Calvinistic persuasion, in favour of a toleration and moderate measures, and against the principle of interested parties usurping the place of judges,--gave dreadful offence to that powerful body in the synod, and especially when they were charged with being at once plaintiff, judge, and jury. No one can form an adequate conception of the scene which followed the reading of this document. Bogerman, the Remonstrants, the lay president, and the commissioners, were warm interlocutors during that session and the succeeding one which was held in the afternoon of the same day. Bogerman laboured hard to show, that, by denying the competency and impartial constitution of the tribunal before which they were summoned, they in reality were guilty of disaffection to the higher powers, who had appointed and convened the synod; and that, by charging the majority of the members with being the authors of the schism, they had in effect accused the prince of Orange and the States General, because those great personages had frequented the separate meetings. In reference to the latter circumstance, which exceedingly galled him and the inland divines, he said, “The proper time has not yet arrived for discussing it. But when it shall have been proved to the synod, what kind of doctrine is sanctioned by the church, those who have departed from it, and who are consequently guilty of the schism, will appear in their true colours.” Charles Niellius, one of the Walloon ministers, answered in behalf of the Remonstrants, that though they acknowledged the authority of the states, and held the synod in due estimation, yet it was as lawful for them to challenge this synod, as for several of the Christian fathers who challenged some of the ancient councils, and their ancestors that of Trent. The laws themselves allowed men for certain reasons to challenge even sworn judges. But it was never known, that any law allowed parties to be judges. Nor was it equitable, that those who had previously separated from the Remonstrants should sit in the synod to try them, after they had by such separation pre-judged their doctrine and entered into mutual engagements to procure its condemnation. Episcopius then said, “Mr. President, if you were in our places and we in yours, would you submit to our judgment?” Bogerman replied, “If it had so happened, we must have endured it; and since government has ordered matters in a different way, it becomes you to bear it with patience.” Episcopius rejoined, “It is one thing to acknowledge a person for a judge, and it is another to bear with patience the sentence which he may impose. We also will endure it; but our consciences cannot be persuaded to acknowledge you for the judges of our doctrines, since you are our sworn adversaries, and have churches totally separated from ours.”
It will be clear from the previous statement what kind of church management led to the Remonstrants being excluded from having any representatives in the Synod of Dort. The Calvinistic plan for exclusion was so effective that only three members from Utrecht were the Remonstrants present in that synod. Their presence was due to the fact that that province was nearly evenly split between Remonstrant and Calvinist churches, and it had been agreed that three representatives from each denomination would be summoned. However, the individuals and doctrines of the Remonstrants were so disliked by their opponents that they wouldn’t even allow those three to have a seat in judgment. In the twenty-fourth session, it was unanimously declared that they could only be regarded as cited persons; however, as the Acts state, “to prevent the synod from being accused of exclusion, they were allowed to sit among the judges” under five conditions, the most important of which were, “that while the Remonstrants' affairs were being discussed, they should not disrupt the proceedings with inappropriate interruptions, and they should not inform their side about anything said or done in the synod regarding their cause.” After a day’s deliberation, two of them joined their suffering brethren; the third, who was a layman, had seen enough of the biased behavior of that respected assembly to decide to stay away from their further discussions. Since the Remonstrants were not part of the assembled members, it was debated in the fourth session how they should be summoned. It was suggested and decided to draft a letter to the entire body, so they could appoint three deputies from each province to the synod. President Bogerman then asked if all the Remonstrants were to be allowed in; the president of the lay commissioners responded that the ecclesiastical president and the secretaries should receive a private explanation about their numbers. During a meeting among the two presidents and the secretaries, they coordinated things so effectively that the next day, the earlier resolution to write to the whole body was withdrawn for amendments; it was finally agreed that it would be left to the lay commissioners to decide who and how many should be called. These gentlemen chose thirteen Remonstrants, each of whom received a citation letter commanding them to appear before the synod “within fourteen days after receiving it without any evasion, excuse, or exception, so they could freely propose, explain, and defend the five points mentioned, as far as they were able and deemed necessary.” Meanwhile, without knowing the synod’s resolution, the Remonstrants had chosen three from Leyden to request permission for their appearance at the synod, in sufficient numbers and under safe conduct to defend their case. When they expressed their request to the lay commissioners, they were informed of the resolution passed the day before. They replied that it was unreasonable to summon those willing to come voluntarily, and insisted that if the synod continued with its citation plan, it would give just cause for them and all good people to have strange ideas and suspicions about the synod’s proceedings. Not being allowed to select members from their own group who they felt were best qualified to state and defend their cause, they felt it was an additional injustice that their foes claimed that unlawful authority for themselves. However, neither at that time nor later, when they wanted to add two of their most accomplished brethren, were their appeals of any use. On December 6th, these brave defenders of the truth arrived and requested, through a delegation, a few days to unpack their books and organize their papers. Instead, they were ordered to immediately appear before the synod as a group to present their request. They were introduced by their brethren from Utrecht and told to sit at a long table placed in the middle of the hall. Episcopius then, with the president's permission, greeted the synod warmly and, after restating their previous request, said that “the cited Remonstrants were there to defend their good and just cause before that esteemed assembly, using reasons and arguments from the word of God—or else to be convinced and better informed by that same word. Regarding the favor they asked, they left it to the discretion of the State General commissioners, being ready on their part to engage in a conference immediately, if that was required.” They were then asked to withdraw into a room adjoining the synod hall. After some time spent deliberating, they were called back and informed by the president that they would be expected at the synod the next morning at nine o'clock. He added, according to Hales, “that they were not coming for a conference, nor did the synod consider themselves as an opposing party against them. Previous conferences had proven unproductive. They needed to heed the wording of the letters by which they were summoned. They were called not for conference, but to present their opinions with reasons and leave it to the synod to judge them.” Episcopius replied that it wasn’t necessary to scrutinize the word conference so closely, and that they had come with no other intention than to discuss the contested doctrines as per the summons they received. The next day, December 7th, the Remonstrants were called in. After Episcopius requested and got permission to speak, he delivered a speech lasting nearly two hours, which, because of its noble sentiments, deserves to be recorded in letters of gold. The gracefulness, force, and energy with which it was presented moved many in the audience to tears, even some of the state’s deputies. This effect greatly angered the hot-tempered Bogerman, who, as president, according to Mr. Hales's account, “informed Episcopius that, due to several notable points in his speech, he was to provide a copy of it.” Episcopius responded that he had none written neatly; if the synod would wait, he would arrange for a fair copy to be prepared for them. But that excuse wasn’t acceptable; whether written neatly or not, he had to provide it, and he did. In the session on December 10, after the president had finished speaking, he asked the Remonstrants to proceed with their explanation and defense of the five points. They requested permission for Episcopius to read a document. Bogerman wouldn’t allow this; instead, the lay president instructed another Remonstrant, Bernard Dwinglo, to read it. This compelling document was addressed to the synod and consisted of two parts. It can be seen in full in the acts and is in every respect worthy of the great men whose sacred cause it defended. The first part stated that the Remonstrants did not recognize the members of the synod as lawful judges because the vast majority of them, except for the foreign divines, were their declared enemies; and that most of the inland divines present, as well as those they represented, were culpable for the unfortunate schism that occurred in the churches of Holland. The second part listed the twelve qualifications a well-structured synod should possess. They would have gladly gotten the synod to agree to observe the stipulations proposed in it, claiming they were exceedingly reasonable and that the Protestants had offered similar terms to guide the Papists, and the Calvinists had for the direction of the Lutherans. Presenting such a wealth of evidence from Calvinistic writers supporting toleration and moderate measures, and against the principle of biased parties taking on the role of judges, greatly offended that powerful body in the synod, especially when they were accused of being at once the accuser, judge, and jury. No one can adequately imagine the scene that followed the reading of this document. Bogerman, the Remonstrants, the lay president, and the commissioners were engaged in heated discussions during that session and another held in the afternoon of the same day. Bogerman worked hard to argue that by denying the competence and impartiality of the tribunal they were summoned to, they were essentially guilty of disloyalty to the higher authorities that had appointed and convened the synod, and that by accusing the majority of the members of being the authors of the schism, they had effectively accused the Prince of Orange and the States General since those important figures had attended the separate meetings. Regarding this latter point, which particularly angered him and the inland divines, he said, “The right time hasn’t arrived yet to discuss this. But when it has been proven to the synod what kind of doctrine the church supports, those who have strayed from it and are hence guilty of the schism will show their true colors.” Charles Niellius, one of the Walloon ministers, responded on behalf of the Remonstrants, saying that while they recognized the authority of the states and held the synod in high regard, it was just as lawful for them to challenge this synod as it had been for several early church fathers to challenge some ancient councils, and for their ancestors to challenge the Council of Trent. The laws permitted individuals to challenge even sworn judges under certain conditions. But it had never been the case that any law allowed parties to act as judges. Nor was it fair for those who had previously separated from the Remonstrants to sit in the synod to judge them after they had effectively pre-judged their doctrine by such separation and made mutual commitments to secure its condemnation. Episcopius then said, “Mr. President, if you were in our position and we were in yours, would you accept our judgment?” Bogerman responded, “If that had happened, we would have had to endure it; and since the government has arranged matters differently, it is your duty to accept it with patience.” Episcopius replied, “It’s one thing to recognize a person as a judge, and quite another to patiently endure the verdict they render. We too will endure it; however, our consciences cannot accept you as judges of our doctrines since you are our sworn adversaries and have churches completely separate from ours.”
On the morning of the next day, the Remonstrants, being called in, were urged by the synod to present their objections in writing against the Confession and Catechism. Before they proceeded to do that, they craved permission to read another document: after some demur, leave was granted, when Dwinglo read a paper which commenced thus: “The celebrated Paræus, in his Irenicum, prudently observes, that he would advise no man to approach any council in which the same persons had to appear in the character of both adversaries and judges.” The rest of the paper was occupied in wiping off the aspersions which had been cast upon them in the four preceding sessions, and particularly the foul charge of their want of respect for the constituted authorities of their country. They declared, that in case men of peaceable dispositions had been deputed to the synod, as the States General had intended, and such men as had never been concerned in making or promoting these unhappy divisions, they would have had little reason to offer exceptions against such a synod. This document concluded with a protest. After the delivery of this protest, the synod invented various methods to vex the cited Remonstrants and to 893impede the prosecution of their cause. Among those methods one of the most artful was, to ask them questions singly, and not in a body, with an evident design to entrap them in their answers. They had with the greatest injustice chosen those Remonstrants whom they thought proper, to be cited as guilty persons at the bar of the synod, without the least regard to the useful or splendid qualifications of the individuals thus selected. Of the six prudent and accomplished men who had represented the Remonstrant party at the celebrated Hague Conference in 1611, only three were summoned to the present synod; and though those who appeared on this occasion were generally men of good natural talents and sound understandings, and well versed in the matters under discussion, yet they were not all endowed with the gift of rendering a ready and extempore reply in Latin to every question that might be suddenly asked; and if they had possessed such a gift in an eminent degree, it would still have been necessary that they should have had time for reflection, and for each to compare his own views and reasons with those of his brethren. This request, however, which cannot be viewed as a favour but as an act of justice, was almost without exception refused. Having presented to the synod their opinions relative to the Five Points and their remarks on the Catechism and Confession, the Remonstrants wished to enter on the “proposing, explanation, and defence of them, as far as they were able or should think necessary,” according to the very terms of the letters by which they had been cited; but the synod in opposition to the plain and obvious meaning which those expressions conveyed, decided that it was a privilege belonging to themselves alone to judge how far the Remonstrants might be permitted to enter into the explanation and defence of their doctrines. This was accounted an act of great injustice by the Remonstrants, who also alleged, that “they did not feel many scruples about the doctrine of election, but that it was reprobation in which the chief difficulty lay.” They were very desirous, therefore, of having reprobation discussed in the first instance: but the Calvinists of those days wished to keep unconditional reprobation enshrined in the dark penetralia of their temples, only to be produced, as opportunity might serve, for their own private purposes, either to terrify the careless among their hearers, or to quicken the occasionally sluggish current of congregational benevolence. It was not to be expected, therefore, that the Calvinists of the synod would allow the Remonstrants to give reprobation that prominence in their discussions to which it was justly entitled. In one of the debates which these two questions produced, Bogerman again took advantage of the disingenuous trickery which we have just exposed, and asked Pynakker, one of the cited ministers, “Do you imagine the synod will suffer the Remonstrants to examine the doctrine of reprobation?” Pynakker replied, “Yes, I do: because, as this is the chief source of the troubles of the church, it ought to be first discussed.” Perceiving either that his meaning was not correctly understood, or that he had expressed it in an imperfect manner, Pynakker immediately explained himself by adding, that by first he meant chiefly, (both of which significations the Latin word conveys,) and by acknowledging that election ought to have the precedence of discussion. When relating this occurrence, Poppius remarks, “This, being received in a wrong sense, was imputed to all of us, as though we were unanimously of opinion, that the discussion of the doctrine of reprobation ought to precede that of election. Upon this question the foreign divines and others were desired by the president to deliver their sentiments. However, the expression imputed to us was employed by none of us, much less by all. But this was their manner: if one of us, in the name of all, said any thing that proved advantageous to the rest, the president seemed much displeased at our unanimity: then we were told that we were cited singly and personally, and that we did not compose a society or corporation. But when any of us happened to employ a word that was capable of being wrested to our common injury and misconstrued, then what was said by one was certain to be imputed to all!” After gaining a favourable opportunity like this, Bogerman always hastily dismissed the cited persons; and on this occasion he dwelt largely, in their absence, on Pynakker’s expression, and persuaded the foreign divines that the proposal of the Remonstrants, to treat of reprobation before election, was a sine quâ non, and that without it was granted to them they would not proceed. This alarmed all the Calvinistic brotherhood, who rose vi et armis, delivered seriatim their objections to such a bold proceeding, and thought, with the professor of Heidelberg, “that it was unreasonable for the Remonstrants to disturb the consciences of the elect on account of God’s judgments against the reprobated, and to plead the cause of the latter, as though they had been hired to undertake the defence of those who had by the just judgment of God been rejected; and that for these reasons the synod neither could nor ought to grant the Remonstrant brethren any farther liberty, unless the members designed to expose the orthodox doctrine of predestination to be openly ridiculed.” Finding this great aversion in the synod to the precedence of reprobation, the Remonstrants proposed, since they were forbidden to explain or defend their sentiments vivâ voce, “to explain their doctrines in writing, beginning with the article of election, and proceeding to that of reprobation; to defend their doctrines, and to refute the contrary opinions of the Contra-Remonstrants and of those whom they consider orthodox: but that, in case this explanation or defence seems to be defective, they would answer in writing the questions which the president might think proper to propose to them, or in oral communications by those of their body whom they might judge best qualified for that purpose. And that the liberty which they desired might not appear unlimited, they bound themselves to proceed in such a 894manner as should not savour in the least of an insolent licentiousness: and that their discussions might not be extended too far, the lay commissioners were empowered to curtail them at pleasure.” But these very equitable terms, which were much worse than those which the unsophisticated and grammatical sense of the citatory letters held out to them, were rejected by the synod, at the instigation and by the management of the president, who, after having had recourse to his old trick of propounding questions to each of the cited persons, and after procuring against them three or four synodical censures, had them at length, (Jan. 14th,) dismissed from the synod, with every mark of contumely and scorn which he could invent. Bogerman had previously busied himself in extracting the opinions of the Remonstrants from such writings of theirs as had been published long before, and in forming them into articles, to be separately discussed by the synod. This passing of judgment on the Remonstrants from the testimony of their own writings, was an employment which Deodatus and his colleague from Geneva had at one of the earliest sessions mentioned as very desirable, and in which they appeared eager to engage. Any one who attentively reads the Acts of the synod, and compares them with the private accounts both of Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants will find, that this had also been the intention of the president from the very commencement, and that all his shifting schemes and boisterous conduct was intended to irritate the Remonstrants, who possessed more patience than he had contemplated, and who were therefore to be removed from the synod by a greater exercise of art and with greater difficulty. But one of the greatest injuries of which the Remonstrants had to complain, was, that the book from which their supposed opinions were chiefly collected, was the production of a declared enemy, who wrote a highly coloured account of a conference respecting the Five Points, in which he pretended that the Calvinists had obtained a complete victory. A Remonstrant author had also written an able statement of the same conference, and had claimed a triumph for his party. The latter would therefore have certainly been the most proper authority from which to extract the real opinions of his body.
On the morning of the next day, the Remonstrants were called in and urged by the synod to present their objections in writing against the Confession and Catechism. Before doing so, they requested permission to read another document. After some hesitation, permission was granted, and Dwinglo read a paper that began: “The famous Paræus, in his Irenicum, wisely notes that he wouldn’t advise anyone to attend a council where the same individuals acted as both adversaries and judges.” The rest of the document addressed the accusations made against them in the previous four sessions, particularly the ugly charge of their disrespect toward the established authorities of their country. They stated that had peaceable individuals been sent to the synod as the States General intended, those who were not involved in creating or promoting these unfortunate divisions, they would have had little reason to challenge such a synod. This document ended with a protest. After delivering this protest, the synod devised various ways to annoy the summoned Remonstrants and hinder the progress of their case. One of the most cunning methods was to ask them questions one by one, rather than as a group, with the clear intention of trapping them in their answers. They unjustly selected specific Remonstrants to be cited as guilty parties without considering the useful or notable qualifications of the individuals chosen. Of the six wise and capable men who represented the Remonstrant party at the famous Hague Conference in 1611, only three were summoned to the current synod; and although those who did appear were generally intelligent and knowledgeable about the issues being discussed, they were not all quick at providing impromptu responses in Latin to every question asked. Even if they had such a talent in abundance, they would still need time to reflect and compare their own views and reasoning with those of their peers. This request, which should have been seen as a matter of fairness rather than a favor, was almost universally denied. After presenting their opinions regarding the Five Points and their comments on the Catechism and Confession, the Remonstrants wanted to start discussing, explaining, and defending them “as much as they could or deemed necessary,” as stated in the letters by which they were summoned. However, the synod, contrary to the straightforward meaning of these terms, decided that it was their exclusive privilege to determine how far the Remonstrants could go in explaining and defending their doctrines. The Remonstrants considered this a significant injustice, also asserting that “they had few concerns about the doctrine of election, but it was reprobation that posed the main difficulty.” Thus, they were eager to have reprobation discussed first. The Calvinists of that time preferred to keep unconditional reprobation hidden away, only to bring it up later for their own purposes, whether to scare the indifferent among their listeners or to energize the occasionally sluggish flow of church generosity. Therefore, it was not anticipated that the Calvinists in the synod would allow the Remonstrants to give reprobation the attention in discussions that it justly deserved. In one of the debates sparked by these two issues, Bogerman took advantage of the deceitful tactics just mentioned, and asked Pynakker, one of the cited ministers, “Do you think the synod will let the Remonstrants examine the doctrine of reprobation?” Pynakker replied, “Yes, I do: because, since this is the main source of the church's troubles, it should be discussed first.” Realizing that his meaning was either misunderstood or inadequately expressed, Pynakker quickly clarified that by first he meant chiefly (both meanings conveyed by the Latin word), while acknowledging that election should take precedence in discussion. When recounting this incident, Poppius remarked, “This was misinterpreted and attributed to all of us, as if we were unanimously in favor of discussing reprobation before election. The foreign divines and others were invited by the president to share their opinions on this matter. However, the expression attributed to us was used by none of us, let alone all. But that was their tactic: if one of us said something beneficial for the group, the president seemed displeased with our unity. We were told that we had been cited individually and that we did not constitute a society or corporation. Yet when one of us used a word that could be twisted against us, what was said by one was always ascribed to all!” After such opportunities arose, Bogerman often hastily dismissed the cited individuals; on this occasion, he elaborated on Pynakker’s statement in their absence and convinced the foreign divines that the Remonstrants' request to discuss reprobation before election was a essential condition, and that without it being granted, they would not proceed. This alarmed all the Calvinist members, who rose by force and arms, presented in order their objections to such a bold move, and thought, along with the Heidelberg professor, “that it was unreasonable for the Remonstrants to disturb the consciences of the elect due to God’s judgments against the reprobate, and to advocate for the latter as if they were defending those who had justly been condemned by God; for these reasons, the synod could neither grant nor should grant the Remonstrant brethren any further liberties, unless the members intended to expose the orthodox doctrine of predestination to open ridicule.” Seeing this strong resistance from the synod regarding the priority of reprobation, the Remonstrants suggested that since they were not allowed to explain or defend their views oral, they would explain their doctrines in writing, starting with the article on election and moving to that of reprobation; to defend their doctrines, and to counter the opposing views of the Contra-Remonstrants and those they regarded as orthodox. But if this explanation or defense appeared inadequate, they would respond in writing to any questions the president deemed appropriate, or verbally through their members whom they thought best suited for the task. To ensure that their request did not seem excessive, they promised to conduct their discussions in a way that would not appear disrespectful in the slightest and agreed that the lay commissioners were authorized to limit their discussions as needed. However, these just terms, which were far worse than those implied by the clear and literal meaning of the citation letters, were rejected by the synod at the urging and management of the president, who resorted to his old tactic of asking questions to each individual cited. After obtaining three or four synodical censure against them, he ultimately dismissed them from the synod (Jan. 14th) with every mark of disdain and scorn he could muster. Bogerman had previously occupied himself with extracting the views of the Remonstrants from writings they had published long before and compiling them into articles to be discussed separately by the synod. This judgment on the Remonstrants based on their own writings was something Deodatus and his Geneva colleague had early on suggested as highly valuable and were keen to pursue. Anyone who carefully reads the synod’s records and compares them with personal accounts from both Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants will see that this had also been the president’s intention from the very beginning, and that all his shifting tactics and loud behavior aimed to provoke the Remonstrants, who showed more patience than he had anticipated and, therefore, had to be removed from the synod with greater skill and difficulty. However, one of the biggest grievances the Remonstrants faced was that the book primarily used to collect their supposed opinions came from a known enemy who wrote a highly biased account of a conference on the Five Points, claiming that the Calvinists had achieved a total victory. A Remonstrant author had also penned a competent depiction of the same conference and claimed a victory for his party. Thus, the latter would have certainly been the most appropriate source to extract the genuine opinions of his group.
But though dismissed from their farther attendance on the synod, the Remonstrants were not permitted to depart from Dort; the states’ commissioners having charged them not to quit the town, without their special permission. The president, in his speech dimissory, had said, that they would receive an intimation when the synod had any farther occasion for them. When a Remonstrant deputy, by leave of the acting burgomaster of Dort, who was one of the commissioners, had hastily gone to Utrecht, to visit one of his children that was expected soon to die, he was on his return called to an account for his conduct, and the former order repeated. In the course of their detention at Dort during eight months, they were as strictly watched as if they had been condemned malefactors. One of them whose sister lay on her death-bed and earnestly desired to see him, could not obtain permission to visit her while she lived; and after her decease he was not allowed to attend her funeral. Another, whose wife was near the time of her accouchment, wished, like a good family man, to be at home for a few days at that critical period; but his request was refused. When the uncle of another of them was at the point of death, he longed for the presence of his nephew, to receive his dying commands, and to benefit him by his counsels and prayers; but the wishes of the good old man could not be gratified. After his death, the nephew was not allowed to look after the pressing concerns of his orphan cousins, although his uncle had appointed him their legal guardian. None of these favours, though reasonable and asked with much humility, could be obtained from the high bigots, in whose hands, at that time, was vested the personal liberty of the persecuted and cited Remonstrants. Toward the close of February, the magistrates of different towns deposed from the ministry three of the cited Remonstrant ministers who were present at the synod, and sent regular notices to their families, speedily to quit the parsonage houses which they severally occupied. These three good men, being heartily tired of the strict durance in which they had been held since their arrival at Dort, represented to the states’ commissioners, that, as they were not now in the ministry, they could no longer be considered amenable to the jurisdiction of the synod: this was the very argument of the commissioners, when, at the commencement of the synod, the Remonstrants had wished to have associated with them the two recently deposed ministers, Grevinchovius and Goulart. Though, for very obvious reasons, at that early stage of the business, they would permit no Remonstrants to appear among the cited, “except such as were actually in the exercise of the ministry;” yet they would not listen to the same argument when it militated against their favourite purposes: and the three ministers were commanded to remain at Dort with their brethren. One of the three, however, whose wife then far advanced in pregnancy, had been ordered to leave her house within eight days, ventured to return to Horn, and to assist her to remove from their former dwelling. But, on his arrival, he found her already removed to another house; and his return to Dort was speedily required by the higher powers. To expedite his departure, two or three of the Calvinist magistrates employed their official authority in a manner the most reprehensible: they placed him, like a criminal, in the town wagon openly before his own door, though he had provided a carriage for himself on the outside of the town, to which he wished to have retired privately and without noise. A tumult ensued between the populace who were attached to their good pastor, and the soldiers whom the magistrates had placed before his house two hours before his departure. On his 895return to Dort, he was severely examined before the commissioners respecting the unhappy commotion; but being convinced that he had not been at all to blame in that affair, they passed it over in silence. At different times the Remonstrants wished to depute a few of their small body to the Hague, to make a proper representation of the manner in which they were treated by the synod; but this indulgence was invariably refused. Their only resource then was, to write to their high mightinesses an account of their proceedings, and to implore their interference and protection. But such an attempt, in that posture of their affairs, was unavailing; for their doom was already sealed. Soon after their appearance at Dort, the magistrates of that city issued a proclamation, commanding the inhabitants, all of whom were celebrated for their attachment to Calvin, to refrain from insulting any of the foreign or native professors, divines, or other persons that were called to appear at the synod, on pain of summary punishment to the offenders. This document was not required for the protection of the Calvinists; but the persecuted Remonstrants were such objects of hatred to the populace, as scarcely to be allowed to pass along the streets without being maltreated. This bad spirit was excited and encouraged by the violent sermons which were fulminated against them, from the different pulpits in the city. Whenever these good men were required to be in attendance, (and they were liable to be summoned from their lodgings at a few minutes’ notice,) they were not permitted to enter the large hall in which the synodical sessions were held, but were ordered to wait the pleasure of that venerable body in an ante-chamber, the door of which was generally locked, and the passage leading to it guarded by two or three of the police, who hindered them from holding any communication with their friends, and kept them in as strict durance as if they had been convicted of some capital offence. At the formal conclusion of the principal business of the synod, May the 6th, when the farther attendance of the foreign divines was declared to be no longer necessary, the Remonstrants were summoned from their lodgings, and waited upon the lay commissioners, at six o’clock in the evening, when the resolution and censure of the synod were read to them in Latin by Heinsius, the secretary; in which they were accused of “having corrupted the true religion, dissolved the unity of the church, given grievous cause of scandal, and shown themselves contumacious and disobedient: for these several reasons, the synod prohibited them from the farther exercise of their ministry, deprived them of their offices in the church and university, and declared them incapable of performing any ecclesiastical function, till, by sincere repentance, they should have given the church full satisfaction, and, being thus reconciled to her, should be re-admitted into her communion.” They were then required to wait at Dort till farther orders from their high mightinesses; and when they requested to have a copy of the synodical censure and sentence against them, they were as usual refused. On the 24th of May, the cited Remonstrants were summoned to appear before three new commissioners whom the States General had deputed from their body, when each of them was called into the room and separately interrogated; after which, he who had been last called in was ordered into another room, and prevented from holding any communication with those who had not been ushered into the presence of the commissioners. The proposal and questions addressed to each of them were in substance the following: “Since you have been deprived by the synod, the States General have directed us to ask you the following questions: Whether you are, notwithstanding this decision, resolved to act as ministers? Or whether you will be content in future to lead quiet and peaceable lives in obedience to the government, as private burghers, without any place or office, abstaining from all ecclesiastical ministrations in any meeting of the people of your sect, from all manner of teaching and preaching, exhorting, reading, administering the sacraments, visiting the sick, writing letters, or transmitting papers?--It is the intention of their high mightinesses to allow to those who shall conform to these requisitions such a competency as may enable them to live comfortably either in or out of these united provinces, as their own choice may determine.” In addition to these things, Episcopius was required to promise, “not to write either letters or books to confirm the people in the sentiments of the Remonstrants, or to seduce them from the doctrine of the synod.” All of them professed their willingness to obey their governors in all such matters as might be performed with a safe conscience, to live peaceably themselves, and to exhort all others to the same practice. They also expressed their readiness to refrain from the exercise of their ecclesiastical functions in the public churches; but none of them, except Leo, could reconcile it to their consciences to abstain from feeding in smaller assemblies the flock of Christ over which the Holy Ghost had made them overseers. The majority of them added, “Not only those who abuse or squander away their talent will be punished, but those also who bury it in the earth, either through fear of trouble or hope of advantage. It is therefore our duty to place our lights on candlesticks, and not to hide or smother them under a bushel or an easy bed; and we hope your lordships will neither hinder us, nor be displeased with us for so doing.” In a subsequent interview with the commissioners, the Remonstrants proved, that their reasons for continuing the exercise of their ministry had formerly received the sanction of the States General themselves: for at the treaty of Cologne, in 1579, their high mightinesses had insisted, “that subjects who professed any religion different from that which was established, could not satisfy their consciences by foregoing its exercise.” But, after several unavailing conferences together, the commissioners left them in a state of suspense and confinement, about twenty days longer. During 896that time, several reports were brought to them from various quarters, “that some great calamity was impending;” and they were seriously advised to avoid it by a timely flight. They were likewise informed of Barneveldt’s execution, and of the perpetual imprisonment to which Grotius and Hogerbeets had been sentenced; and that several of their brethren in the ministry, who had lately attended a meeting at Rotterdam about their affairs in general, had been taken into custody, and brought to the Hague, for that offence. They thought, however, that all these reports were only intended to create an artificial alarm, and to induce them to attempt an escape,--thus delivering their enemies from the hatred to which they would be exposed by their farther rigorous proceedings. But their firmness on that occasion corresponded with all their previous conduct, and they refused to dishonour their good cause by flight, or any other act of cowardice. On the 3d of July, after having been summoned from Dort to the Hague, they appeared before the States General, and when they had been called in singly before their lordships, some time was spent to induce each of them to sign the act of cessation from the ministry. But to these renewed solicitations they separately returned the same modest answer as that which they had delivered at Dort. After allowing them two days for farther deliberation, their lordships on the fifth of the same month, having heard a repetition of their refusal, passed a resolution to banish them “out of the united provinces and the jurisdiction thereof, without ever being allowed to return till the said states be fully satisfied that they are ready to subscribe the said act of cessation, and till they have obtained special leave from their high mightinesses for that purpose, on pain, in case of non-compliance, of being treated as disturbers of the public peace, for an example to others.” Episcopius delivered a short speech, in which, among other matters, he reminded their high mightinesses, “that they had been invited to a free synod, and had received frequent verbal promises of a safe conduct.” To this speech they did not deign a reply, but ordered the Remonstrants to be conducted into another room, and to have the door locked and bolted, while the provost and his officers attended on the outside for purposes of intimidation. After being kept some time in this kind of imprisonment they were at length permitted to depute to their high mightinesses two of their body, who requested that they might have leave to adjust their domestic affairs, to collect what was owing to them, and to pay their debts, that their wives and children might not be rendered miserable and turned naked into the streets. They offered to give unexceptionable security for their return at such a period and to such places as their lordships might require. While they were preferring this request, the Heer Muis often interrupted them, and at last sarcastically told them “not to be so greatly concerned about their families; for if they had received an extraordinary call from God to serve his church, he would undoubtedly support them after an extraordinary manner.” But the only favour which the Remonstrants could obtain, was, the deferring of their departure till four o’clock the next morning, provided each of them would promise to retire to his lodgings without speaking to any body, and to be ready at the appointed early hour next day. Each of them had fifty guilders allowed for his travelling expenses, and a copy of the sentence of the States General. But it was between nine and ten o’clock the next day, before the magistrates removed them in nine wagons toward Walwick in Brabant, the place of banishment which they had desired, where they arrived after a journey of three days. The canons of Dort, as the grand test of Calvinism, were then carried triumphantly by the synodists throughout the land; and every clergyman, professor, and schoolmaster, that refused to sign them, was deprived of his benefice and compelled to lay aside his functions. Several of them, in addition to their deprivation, were also banished out of the country, to various parts on the continent. So ended these proceedings of the Synod of Dort as to these suffering men; proceedings which would have disgraced the worst age of popery!
But even though they were dismissed from further attendance at the synod, the Remonstrants were not allowed to leave Dort; the state commissioners ordered them not to leave the town without special permission. The president, in his dismissive speech, had said they would be notified when the synod needed them again. When a Remonstrant deputy, with permission from the acting burgomaster of Dort, who was one of the commissioners, quickly left to visit one of his children who was expected to die soon, he was called to account for his actions upon his return, and the previous order was reiterated. During their eight months of detention in Dort, they were watched as closely as if they were convicted criminals. One of them, whose sister was on her deathbed and desperately wanted to see him, could not get permission to visit her while she was alive; and after her death, he was not allowed to attend her funeral. Another, whose wife was close to giving birth, wished to be home for a few days during this critical time; but his request was denied. When another's uncle was dying, he wanted to see his nephew to share his final wishes and to offer him advice and prayers; but the old man's wishes could not be fulfilled. After his uncle's death, the nephew was not allowed to take care of the urgent matters concerning his orphaned cousins, even though his uncle had made him their legal guardian. None of these reasonable requests, made with great humility, could be granted by the high-ranking bigots who had the personal liberty of the persecuted Remonstrants in their hands. Toward the end of February, the magistrates of various towns deposed three of the Remonstrant ministers who had been called to the synod and promptly notified their families to leave the parsonages they occupied. These three men, weary of the strict confinement they had endured since arriving in Dort, explained to the state commissioners that since they were no longer in the ministry, they could no longer be subject to the authority of the synod: this was the same argument the commissioners used when, at the start of the synod, the Remonstrants wanted to be joined by the recently deposed ministers, Grevinchovius and Goulart. However, although they had initially refused to allow any Remonstrants to appear among the cited, “except those actually in ministry,” they ignored the same reasoning when it contradicted their own goals, and the three ministers were ordered to stay in Dort with their peers. One of the three, however, whose wife was well into her pregnancy, was ordered to vacate her house within eight days. He took the risk to return to Horn and help her move from their previous home. Upon arriving, he found she had already moved to a different place, and he was quickly sent back to Dort by the higher authorities. To hasten his departure, a couple of Calvinist magistrates misused their official power in an objectionable manner: they placed him in the town wagon like a criminal right in front of his own house, even though he had arranged for a carriage outside of town in order to leave quietly. This caused a disturbance between the townspeople who supported their pastor and the soldiers the magistrates had stationed in front of his house two hours before his departure. Upon his return to Dort, he was thoroughly questioned by the commissioners about the unfortunate uproar; but being convinced he had not been at fault in that situation, they let the matter slide. The Remonstrants at different times wanted to send a few representatives to The Hague to properly address how they were being treated by the synod; but this plea was consistently denied. Their only option was to write to the high officials, explaining their situation and requesting intervention and protection. However, such attempts were futile; their fate had already been sealed. Soon after their arrival in Dort, the city magistrates issued a proclamation instructing the residents, all known for their Calvinist loyalty, to refrain from insulting any of the foreign or local clergy and other individuals called to appear at the synod, under threat of immediate punishment for offenders. This order was unnecessary for the protection of the Calvinists; rather, it aimed to shield the persecuted Remonstrants, who were so hated by the populace that they could barely walk the streets without being mistreated. This negative sentiment was stirred up and encouraged by the harsh sermons preached against them from various pulpits in the city. Whenever the Remonstrants were summoned to appear (and they could be called from their lodgings on short notice), they were not allowed to enter the large hall where the synod sessions were held but were instructed to wait in an adjoining room, the door of which was usually locked, and the passageway to it guarded by two or three officers who prevented them from communicating with their friends, keeping them in as tight confinement as if they had committed a serious crime. At the official conclusion of the main business of the synod on May 6, when the foreign clergy's further attendance was deemed no longer necessary, the Remonstrants were called from their lodgings and met with the lay commissioners at six in the evening, where the resolution and censure of the synod were read to them in Latin by Heinsius, the secretary; they were accused of “corrupting the true religion, fracturing the unity of the church, causing severe scandal, and showing themselves rebellious and disobedient: for these reasons, the synod forbade them from continuing to exercise their ministry, stripped them of their positions in the church and university, and declared them unfit to perform any church-related duties until, through genuine repentance, they would give the church full satisfaction and, reconciled to her, be re-admitted into her communion.” They were then ordered to remain in Dort until further instructions came from their high officials; and when they asked for a copy of the synod's censure and judgment against them, they were denied once again. On May 24, the summoned Remonstrants were called to face three new commissioners appointed by the States General, where each one was brought in separately for questioning; afterward, the last person called was taken to another room and prevented from communicating with those who had not yet been brought before the commissioners. The proposal and questions posed to each were essentially as follows: “Since the synod has deprived you, the States General have instructed us to ask you: Are you, despite this ruling, determined to continue acting as ministers? Or will you agree to live quiet and peaceful lives as private citizens, following the government without any position or office, abstaining from all church ministries in any gatherings of your group, from all forms of teaching and preaching, exhorting, reading, administering sacraments, visiting the sick, writing letters, or sending out documents?--Their high mightinesses intend to provide those who comply with these requirements a livelihood sufficient to live comfortably either within or outside these provinces, per your own choice.” Additionally, Episcopius was asked to promise “not to write any letters or books that might encourage people to hold onto the beliefs of the Remonstrants or to sway them away from the doctrine of the synod.” All of them expressed their willingness to obey their leaders in all matters they could do with a clear conscience, to live peacefully, and to encourage others to do the same. They also stated they were ready to refrain from performing their church duties in public churches; but none of them, except Leo, could reconcile it with their consciences to avoid shepherding the flock of Christ in smaller gatherings, over which the Holy Spirit had made them overseers. Most of them added, “Not only those who misuse or waste their talents will be punished, but also those who bury them in the ground, either out of fear of trouble or the hope of gain. Therefore, it is our duty to place our lights on stands, not to hide or extinguish them under a bushel or comfortable bed; and we hope your lordships will neither obstruct us nor be displeased for doing so.” During a later meeting with the commissioners, the Remonstrants demonstrated that their reasoning for continuing their ministry had previously been validated by the States General themselves: at the Treaty of Cologne in 1579, their high mightinesses asserted, “that subjects professing any religion different from the established one could not fulfill their consciences by stopping its practice.” However, after several unproductive discussions, the commissioners left them in suspense and confinement for around twenty more days. During that time, they received various reports, “that some great disaster was approaching;” and they were strongly advised to avoid it by fleeing. They were also informed about Barneveldt's execution, and of the ongoing imprisonment of Grotius and Hogerbeets; and that several of their fellow ministers, who had just attended a meeting in Rotterdam regarding their overall matters, had been taken into custody and brought to The Hague for that reason. Nevertheless, they thought all these reports were only meant to create unnecessary panic and to push them to attempt an escape,—thus relieving their enemies from the backlash they would face for further harsh actions. Yet their steadfastness in this matter matched all of their past behavior, and they refused to dishonor their good cause through flight or any act of cowardice. On July 3, after being summoned from Dort to The Hague, they appeared before the States General, and once called in individually before their lords, they spent some time trying to convince each of them to sign the act of cessation from the ministry. However, to these renewed requests, they each provided the same humble answer they had given in Dort. After granting them two days for additional consideration, on the fifth of that month, having heard their refusal again, their lords resolved to banish them “from the united provinces and its jurisdiction, without any possibility of return until the said states are fully satisfied that they are ready to sign the act of cessation, and until they have obtained special leave from their high mightinesses for that purpose, under threat, in case of non-compliance, of being treated as public disturbers, serving as an example to others.” Episcopius delivered a brief speech, in which, among other points, he reminded their high mightinesses, “that they had been invited to a free synod and had received repeated verbal assurances of safe conduct.” They declined to respond to his speech but ordered the Remonstrants to be taken to another room, with the door locked and bolted, while the provost and his officers stayed outside for intimidation. After being held in this kind of confinement for some time, they were finally allowed to send two of their members to request permission to arrange their personal matters, settle debts owed to them, and ensure their wives and children wouldn’t be left destitute and thrown into the streets. They offered to provide reliable security for their return at a time and to locations their lords might require. While they were making this request, Heer Muis frequently interrupted them and eventually mockingly told them “not to be overly concerned about their families; for if they had received a special call from God to serve his church, he would surely support them in an extraordinary manner.” However, the only concession the Remonstrants could gain was the postponement of their departure until four o'clock the next morning, provided each promised to return to his accommodations without speaking to anyone and to be ready at the specified early hour the following day. Each was granted fifty guilders for travel expenses, along with a copy of the judgment from the States General. But it was between nine and ten o'clock the following day before the magistrates transported them in nine wagons toward Walwick in Brabant, the place of their banishment, where they arrived after a three-day journey. The canons of Dort, asserted as the ultimate test of Calvinism, were then triumphantly carried by the synodists across the land; and any clergyman, professor, or schoolmaster who refused to sign them lost his position and was forced to abandon his duties. Many of them, in addition to their dismissals, were also exiled from the country to various locations on the continent. Thus concluded the proceedings of the Synod of Dort regarding these suffering individuals; proceedings that would have shamed the worst era of papacy!
While in a state of banishment, these excellent ministers of Christ Jesus provided for the spiritual wants of their destitute flocks; and, at the imminent hazard of life and liberty, discharged in person, as often as they found opportunity, the duties of the pastoral office. After the death of Prince Maurice, in 1631, they were permitted to return to their native country, and to resume the peaceable exercise of their ministry. But the immense literary labours in which they were compelled to engage during this troublous period have, by the admirably over-ruling acts of Divine Providence, been rendered most valuable blessings to the whole of Christendom. Such doctrines and principles were then brought under discussion, as served to enlighten every country in Europe on the grand subject of civil and religious liberty, the true nature of which has from that time been better understood, and its beneficial effects more generally appreciated and enjoyed.
While in exile, these remarkable ministers of Christ provided for the spiritual needs of their struggling congregations; at great risk to their lives and freedom, they personally fulfilled their pastoral duties whenever they could. After the death of Prince Maurice in 1631, they were allowed to return to their homeland and peacefully resume their ministry. However, the extensive literary work they had to undertake during this tumultuous time has, through the amazing guiding hand of Divine Providence, become invaluable blessings to all of Christendom. Discussions around certain doctrines and principles illuminated every country in Europe on the essential topics of civil and religious liberty, which have been better understood and more widely appreciated and enjoyed since then.
We subjoin their opinions on the “Five Points” in dispute between them and the Contra-Remonstrants, translated from the Latin papers which they presented to the synod. It is, however, necessary for the reader to be apprized, that, in framing these doctrinal articles, which served them as texts or theses for some most valuable dissertations on various cognate subjects, they intended rather to expose the unguarded assertions and extravagant dogmas of their theological adversaries, than to exhibit a simple statement of their own sentiments.
We include their views on the “Five Points” in dispute between them and the Contra-Remonstrants, translated from the Latin documents they submitted to the synod. However, it’s important for the reader to know that, in creating these doctrinal articles, which served as texts or theses for some very valuable discussions on related topics, they aimed more to highlight the careless claims and extreme beliefs of their theological opponents than to present a straightforward summary of their own views.
I. On predestination. 1. God has not decreed to elect any one to eternal life or to reprobate any man from it, in an order prior to that by which he has decreed to create that man, without any insight into any antecedent obedience or disobedience, but according to his 897own good pleasure, to demonstrate the glory of his mercy and justice, or of his power or absolute dominion. 2. As the decree of God concerning both the salvation and the destruction of every man is not the decree of an end absolutely [intenti] fixed, it follows that neither are such means subordinated to that decree as through them both the elect and the reprobate may efficaciously and inevitably be brought to the destined end. 3. Wherefore, neither did God with this design in one man Adam create all men in an upright condition, nor did he ordain the fall or even its permission, nor did he withdraw from Adam necessary and sufficient grace, nor does he now cause the Gospel to be preached and men to be outwardly called, nor does he confer on them the gifts of the Holy Spirit,--[he has done none of these things with the design] that they should be means by which he might bring some of mankind to life everlasting, and leave others of them destitute of eternal life. Christ the Mediator is not only the executor of election, but also the foundation of the very decree of election itself. The reason [causa] why some men are efficaciously called, justified, persevere in faith, and are glorified, is not because they are absolutely elected to life eternal: nor is the reason why others are deserted and left in the fall, have not Christ bestowed upon them, or, farther, why they are inefficaciously called, are hardened and damned, because these men are absolutely reprobated from eternal life. 4. God has not decreed, without the intervening of actual sins, to leave by far the greater part of mankind in the fall, and excluded from all hope of salvation. 5. God has ordained that Christ shall be the propitiation for the sins of the whole world; and, in virtue of this decree, he has determined to justify and save those who believe in him, and to administer to men the means which are necessary and sufficient for faith, in such a manner as he knows to be befitting his wisdom and justice. But he has not in any wise determined, in virtue of an absolute decree, to give Christ as a Mediator for the elect only, and to endow them alone with faith through an effectual call, to justify them, to preserve them in the faith, and to glorify them. 6. Neither is any man by some absolute antecedent decree rejected from life eternal, nor from means sufficient to attain it: so that the merits of Christ, calling, and all the gifts of the Spirit, are capable of profiting all men for their salvation, and are in reality profitable to all men, unless by an abuse of these blessings they pervert them to their own destruction. But no man whatever is destined to unbelief, impiety, or the commission of sin, as the means and causes of his damnation. 7. The election of particular persons is [peremptoria] absolute, from consideration of their faith in Jesus Christ and their perseverance, but not without consideration of their faith and of their perseverance in true faith as a prerequisite condition in electing them. 8. Reprobation from eternal life is made according to the consideration of preceding unbelief and perseverance in unbelief, but not without consideration of preceding unbelief or perseverance in unbelief. 9. All the children of believers are sanctified in Christ; so that not one of them perishes who departs out of this life prior to the use of reason. But some children of believers who depart out of this life in their infancy, and before they have in their own persons committed any sin, are on no account to be reckoned in the number of the reprobate: so that neither is the sacred laver of baptism, nor are the prayers of the church, by any means capable of profiting them to salvation. 10. No children of believers who have been baptized in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, and who live in the state of their infancy, are by an absolute decree numbered among the reprobate.
I. On Predestination. 1. God has not decided to choose anyone for eternal life or to condemn anyone to it in a way that precedes His decision to create that person, without considering any previous obedience or disobedience, but rather according to His own good pleasure, to show the glory of His mercy and justice, or of His power or absolute dominion. 2. Since God’s decree regarding the salvation and destruction of every person isn’t an unchangeable end, it follows that the means by which both the chosen and the condemned are effectively and inevitably brought to their destined outcome aren’t subordinated to that decree. 3. Therefore, God didn’t create all people in an upright condition through one man, Adam, with the intention of their fall, nor did He ordain the fall or even allow it, nor did He take away from Adam the necessary and sufficient grace. He also doesn’t make the Gospel known or call people outwardly, nor does He grant them the gifts of the Holy Spirit—with none of these actions meant to serve as the means to bring some humans to eternal life while leaving others without it. Christ the Mediator is not only the executor of election but also the foundational reason for the very decree of election itself. The reason why some people are effectively called, justified, persevere in faith, and are glorified is not because they are unconditionally chosen for eternal life; nor is the reason others are forsaken and left to fall, do not receive Christ, or, furthermore, why they are ineffectively called, are hardened, and are damned because those individuals are unconditionally condemned to eternal life. 4. God has not decided, without the influence of actual sins, to leave the vast majority of humanity in their fall and without any hope of salvation. 5. God has determined that Christ will be the atonement for the sins of the entire world; and because of this decree, He has decided to justify and save those who believe in Him, providing them with the means necessary for faith in a way that aligns with His wisdom and justice. However, He has not decided, based on an absolute decree, to give Christ as a Mediator only for the chosen ones, nor to grant them faith exclusively through an effective call, to justify them, to keep them in faith, and to glorify them. 6. No one is excluded from eternal life or from the means necessary to achieve it by any predetermined decree, so the merits of Christ, the call, and all the gifts of the Spirit can benefit everyone for their salvation and truly do benefit everyone unless they misuse these blessings, leading to their own destruction. But no one is destined for unbelief, irreverence, or sin as the reasons and causes of their damnation. 7. The election of specific individuals is [peremptory] absolute, based on their faith in Jesus Christ and their perseverance, but it isn’t without considering their faith and perseverance in true faith as a prerequisite for their election. 8. Reprobation from eternal life is based on a consideration of prior unbelief and perseverance in unbelief, but it is not without considering prior unbelief or perseverance in unbelief. 9. All the children of believers are sanctified in Christ; therefore, none of them perish who leave this life before reaching the age of reason. However, some children of believers who die in infancy, and before committing any sin themselves, should not be counted among the reprobate; thus, neither the sacred act of baptism nor the prayers of the church can benefit them for salvation in any way. 10. No baptized children of believers, who have been baptized in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and who are still in their infancy, are counted among the reprobate by any absolute decree.
II. On the universality of the merit of Christ. 1. The price of redemption which Christ offered to his Father is in and of itself not only sufficient for the redemption of the whole human race, but it has also, through the decree, the will, and the grace of God the Father, been paid for all men and every man; and therefore no one is by an absolute and antecedent decree of God positively excluded from all participation in the fruits of the death of Christ. 2. Christ, by the merit of his death, has [hactenus] thus far reconciled God the Father to the whole of mankind,--that he can and will, without injury to his justice and truth, enter into and establish a new covenant of grace with sinners and men obnoxious to damnation. 3. Though Christ has merited for all men and for every man reconciliation with God and forgiveness of sins, yet, according to [pactum] the tenor or terms of the new and gracious covenant, no man is in reality made a partaker of the benefits procured by the death of Christ in any other way than through faith; neither are the trespasses and offences of sinful men forgiven prior to their actually and truly believing in Christ. 4. Those only for whom Christ has died are obliged to believe that Christ has died for them. But those whom they call reprobates, and for whom Christ has not died, can neither be obliged so to believe, nor can they be justly condemned for the contrary unbelief; but if such persons were reprobates, they would be obliged to believe that Christ has not died for them.
II. On the universality of the merit of Christ. 1. The price of redemption that Christ offered to his Father is, by itself, not only enough for the redemption of the entire human race, but it has also been provided for all people, thanks to the decree, the will, and the grace of God the Father. Therefore, no one is absolutely and beforehand excluded from participating in the benefits of Christ's death. 2. Through the merit of his death, Christ has [hitherto] reconciled God the Father to all of humanity to the extent that He can and will, without compromising His justice and truth, establish a new covenant of grace with sinners and those deserving of condemnation. 3. Although Christ has earned reconciliation with God and forgiveness of sins for everyone, according to the terms of the new and gracious covenant, no one actually benefits from the results of Christ's death except through faith; nor are the sins and offenses of sinful individuals forgiven before they genuinely believe in Christ. 4. Only those for whom Christ died are required to believe that Christ has died for them. However, those referred to as reprobates, for whom Christ did not die, are neither obligated to believe that, nor can they be justly condemned for their disbelief; if they were indeed reprobates, they would then be required to believe that Christ did not die for them.
III. & IV. On the operation of grace in the conversion of man. 1. Man has not saving faith from and of himself, nor has he it from the powers of his own free will; because in a state of sin he is able from and of himself to think, will, or do nothing that is good, nothing that is indeed saving good; of which description, in the first place, is saving faith. But it is necessary that, by God in Christ through his Holy Spirit, he should be regenerated and renewed in his understanding, affections, will, and in all his powers, that he may be capable of rightly understanding, meditating, willing, and performing such things as are savingly good. 2. We propound the grace of God to be the beginning, the progress, and the completion of every good thing; so that even the man who is born again is not able without this preceding 898and prevenient, this exciting and following, this accompanying and coöperating grace, to think, to will, or to perform any good, or to resist any temptations to evil: so that good works, and the good actions which any one is able to find out by thinking, are to be ascribed to the grace of God in Christ. 3. Yet we do not believe that all the zeal, care, study, and pains, which are employed to obtain salvation, before faith and the Spirit of renovation, are vain and useless; much less do we believe that they are more hurtful to man than useful and profitable. But, on the contrary, we consider that to hear the word of God, to mourn on account of the commission of sin, and earnestly to seek and desire saving grace and the Spirit of renovation, (none of which is any man capable of doing without divine grace,) are not only not hurtful and useless, but that they are rather most useful and exceedingly necessary for obtaining faith and the Spirit of renovation. 4. The will of man in a lapsed or fallen state, and before the call of God, has not the capability and liberty of willing any good that is of a saving nature; and therefore we deny that the liberty of willing as well what is a saving good as what is an evil is present to the human will in every state or condition. 5. Efficacious grace, by which any man is converted, is not irresistible: and though God so affects the will of man by his word and the inward operation of his Spirit, as to confer upon him a capability of believing, or supernatural power, and actually [faciat] causes man to believe; yet man is of himself capable to spurn and reject this grace and not believe, and therefore, also, to perish through his own culpability. 6. Although, according to the most free and unrestrained will of God, there is very great disparity or inequality of divine grace, yet the Holy Spirit either bestows, or is ready to bestow, upon all and upon every one to whom the word of faith is preached, as much grace as is sufficient to promote [suis gradibus] in its gradations the conversion of men; and therefore grace sufficient for faith and conversion is conceded not only to those whom God is said to be willing to save according to his decree of absolute election, but likewise to those who are in reality not converted. 7. Man is able, by the grace of the Holy Spirit, to do more good than he actually does, and to omit more evil than he actually omits. Neither do we believe that God [simpliciter] absolutely wills that man should do no more good than that which he does, and to omit no more evil than that which he omits; nor do we believe it to have been determinately decreed from all eternity that each of such acts should be so done or omitted. 8. Whomsoever God calls he calls them seriously, that is, with a sincere and not with a dissembled intention and will of saving them. Neither do we subscribe to the opinion of those persons who assert that God outwardly calls certain men whom he does not will to call inwardly, that is, whom he is unwilling to be truly converted, even prior to their rejection of the grace of calling. 9. There is not in God a secret will of that kind which is so opposed to his will revealed in his word, that according to this same secret will he does not will the conversion and salvation of the greatest part of those whom, by the word of his Gospel, and by his revealed will, he seriously calls and invites to faith and salvation. 10. Neither [hîc] on this point do we admit of a holy dissimulation, as it is the manner of some men to speak, or of a twofold person in the Deity. 11. It is not true, that, through the force and efficacy of the secret will of God or of the divine decree, not only are all good things necessarily done, but likewise all evil things; so that whosoever commit sin, they are not able, in respect to the divine decree, to do otherwise than commit sin; and that God wills, decrees, and [procurat] is the manager of men’s sins, and of their insane, foolish, and cruel actions, also of the sacrilegious blasphemy of his own name; that he moves the tongues of men to blaspheme, &c. 12. We also consider it to be a false and horrible dogma, that God by secret means impels men to the commission of those sins which he openly prohibits; that those who sin do not act in opposition to the true will of God and that which is properly so called; that what is unjust, that is, what is contrary to God’s command, is agreeable to his will; nay, farther, that it is a real and capital fault to do the will of God.
III. & IV. On the operation of grace in the conversion of man. 1. A person doesn’t have saving faith on their own, nor does it come from their free will. In a state of sin, they can't think, want, or do anything truly good, including saving faith. Instead, it’s essential that they be regenerated and renewed by God in Christ through His Holy Spirit, so they can rightly understand, reflect on, will, and act on what is genuinely saving. 2. We state that God’s grace is the beginning, development, and completion of every good thing; even a person who is born again cannot think, will, or do anything good, or resist temptation to do evil, without this preceding, preventive, exciting, ongoing, and cooperative grace. Therefore, good works and any good actions someone can think of are attributed to the grace of God in Christ. 3. However, we don’t believe that all the zeal, care, effort, and hard work put into seeking salvation before faith and the Spirit of renewal are pointless or useless; much less do we think they are more harmful than helpful. On the contrary, we believe that hearing the word of God, mourning for sin, and earnestly seeking and desiring saving grace and the Spirit of renewal—none of which anyone can do without divine grace—are not only not harmful and useless but extremely helpful and necessary for obtaining faith and the Spirit of renewal. 4. The human will in a fallen state, before God’s call, lacks the capacity and freedom to will any saving good; thus, we deny that the freedom to will both saving good and evil is present in the human will in every state or condition. 5. The effective grace that converts anyone is not irresistible; although God influences the will through His word and the inner operation of His Spirit to give them the ability to believe, or supernatural strength, and actually causes a person to believe, they can still choose to reject this grace and not believe, thereby leading to their own downfall. 6. Even though, according to God’s free and unrestricted will, there is a great disparity in divine grace, the Holy Spirit either grants, or is ready to grant, everyone to whom the word of faith is preached enough grace to promote the conversion of people; therefore, grace sufficient for faith and conversion is given not only to those God has chosen to save according to His decree of absolute election but also to those who are actually not converted. 7. A person can, by the grace of the Holy Spirit, do more good than they actually do and avoid more evil than they currently avoid. We do not believe that God [simply] absolutely wills that a person should do only the good they do, or that they should avoid only the evil they avoid; nor do we believe it was definitively decreed from all eternity that each of these acts should happen as they do. 8. Whomever God calls, He calls sincerely, with a genuine intention and desire to save them. We also reject the view of those who claim that God outwardly calls certain people whom He does not intend to call inwardly, meaning, those He does not want to be truly converted, even before they reject the grace of calling. 9. There isn’t in God a secret will that is contrary to His revealed will in His word, so that according to this secret will, He doesn't desire the conversion and salvation of most of those whom He sincerely calls and invites to faith and salvation through His Gospel. 10. We also don't accept the idea of a holy dissimulation here, as some people claim, or a dual nature in God. 11. It is not true that, by the power and effectiveness of God’s secret will or divine decree, all good things must happen, as well as all evil things; so that those who commit sins cannot do anything else but sin according to the divine decree, and that God wills, decrees, and [procure] manages people’s sins and their irrational, foolish, and cruel actions, including the blasphemy against His own name; that He causes people to blaspheme, etc. 12. We also consider it a false and terrible doctrine that God secretly influences people to commit the sins He openly prohibits, that those who sin do not act against God’s true will and what is properly called His will; that what is unjust, meaning, what contradicts God’s command, aligns with His will; and further, that it’s a serious flaw to do God’s will.
V. On the perseverance of true believers in faith. 1. The perseverance of believers in faith is not the effect of that absolute decree of God by which he is said to have elected or chosen particular persons circumscribed with no condition of their obedience. 2. God furnishes true believers with supernatural powers or strength of grace, as much as according to his infinite wisdom he judges to suffice for their perseverance, and for their overcoming the temptations of the devil, the flesh, and the world; and on the part of God stands nothing to hinder them from persevering. 3. It is possible for true believers to fall away from true faith, and to fall into sins of such a description as cannot consist with a true and justifying faith; nor is it only possible for them thus to fall, but such lapses not unfrequently occur. 4. True believers are capable by their own fault of falling into flagrant crimes and atrocious wickedness, to persevere and die in them, and therefore finally to fall away and to perish. 5. Yet though true believers sometimes fall into grievous sins, and such as destroy the conscience, we do not believe that they immediately fall away from all hope of repentance; but we acknowledge this to be an event not impossible to occur,--that God, according to the multitude of his mercies may again call them by his grace to repentance; nay, we are of opinion that such a recalling has often occurred, although such fallen believers cannot be “most fully persuaded” about this matter that it will certainly and undoubtedly take place. 6. Therefore do we with our whole heart and soul reject the following dogmas, which are daily affirmed in various publications extensively circulated among 899the people: namely, (1.) “True believers cannot possibly sin with deliberate counsel and design, but only through ignorance and infirmity.” (2.) “It is impossible for true believers, through any sins of theirs, to fall away from the grace of God.” (3.) “A thousand sins, nay, all the sins of the whole world, are not capable of rendering election vain and void.” If to this be added, “Men of every description are bound to believe that they are elected to salvation, and therefore are incapable of falling from that election,” we leave men to think what a wide window such a dogma opens to carnal security. (4.) “No sins, however great and grievous they may be, are imputed to believers; nay, farther, all sins, both present and future, are remitted to them.” (5.) “Though true believers fall into destructive heresies, into dreadful and most atrocious sins, such as adultery and murder, on account of which the church, according to the institution of Christ, is compelled to testify that it cannot tolerate them in its outward communion, and that unless such persons be converted, they will have no part in the kingdom of Christ; yet it is impossible for them totally and finally to fall away from faith.” 7. As a true believer is capable at the present time of being assured concerning the integrity of his faith and conscience, so he is able and ought to be at this time assured of his own salvation and of the saving good will of God toward him. On this point we highly disapprove of the opinion of the papists. 8. A true believer, respecting the time to come, can and ought, indeed, to be assured that he is able, by means of watching, prayer, and other holy exercises, to persevere in the true faith; and that divine grace will never fail to assist him in persevering. But we cannot see how it is possible for him to be assured that he will never afterward be deficient in his duty, but that he will persevere, in this school of Christian warfare, in the performance of acts of faith, piety, and charity, as becomes believers; neither do we consider it to be a matter of necessity that a believer should be assured of such perseverance.
V. On the perseverance of true believers in faith. 1. The perseverance of believers in faith isn’t just the result of God's absolute decree where He has chosen specific people without any conditions on their obedience. 2. God gives true believers supernatural strength, according to His infinite wisdom, enough for their perseverance and to overcome temptations from the devil, the flesh, and the world; nothing from God prevents them from persevering. 3. It’s possible for true believers to fall away from genuine faith and commit sins that contradict true and saving faith; such lapses can and do happen often. 4. True believers can, by their own actions, fall into serious sins and wickedness, persisting in them, which could lead to their ultimate fall and destruction. 5. Even though true believers may sometimes fall into serious sins that harm their conscience, we don’t believe they immediately lose all hope of repentance; we acknowledge that it’s possible for God, in His mercy, to call them back to repentance through His grace; we even think this has often happened, though those who have fallen might not be fully convinced it will happen for them. 6. Therefore, we wholeheartedly reject the following beliefs commonly promoted in various widely circulated publications among people: (1.) “True believers can’t possibly sin willfully, but only out of ignorance and weakness.” (2.) “It’s impossible for true believers to fall from God’s grace due to their sins.” (3.) “A thousand sins, or even all the sins in the world, cannot invalidate election.” If one adds, “Every kind of person is obligated to believe they are elected to salvation and thus cannot fall from that election,” we let people consider how much this belief encourages complacency. (4.) “No sins, no matter how serious, are held against believers; further, all their sins, both current and future, are forgiven.” (5.) “Even if true believers fall into harmful heresies and terrible sins, like adultery and murder, for which the church must state it cannot accept them in its community, and unless they repent, they will have no part in Christ’s kingdom, it’s impossible for them to completely and finally fall from faith.” 7. Just as a true believer can be assured of the integrity of their faith and conscience now, they should also be confident about their own salvation and God’s goodwill toward them. We strongly oppose the views of the papists on this matter. 8. A true believer should be able to confidently believe that by staying vigilant, praying, and engaging in other holy practices, they can maintain true faith; and that divine grace will always support them in this effort. However, we don’t see how they can be certain they will never fall short in their duties, but that they will keep persevering in the struggles of faith, piety, and charity that are expected of believers; nor do we think it’s essential for a believer to have such assurance of perseverance.
Under the article Pelagians has been shown the line of distinction which the Remonstrants drew between their doctrines and those of Pelagius; and the following are the just distinctions, which they presented to the synod of Dort, between Semi-Pelagianism and Arminianism: “But we must declare, likewise, what our judgment is respecting Semi-Pelagianism. The Massilians, after the time of Pelagius, partly corrected his error and partly retained it; on which account they received from Prosper the appellation of the relics or remains of Pelagius, and are commonly styled Semi-Pelagians. They allowed the existence of prevenient grace, but only that which precedes or goes before good works; not that also which precedes the commencement of faith and of a good will, by which they believed that man preceded God,--yet this not always, but only sometimes: On the contrary we say, that God precedes or goes before the beginning of faith and of a good will; and that it is of grace both that our will be excited to begin well, and likewise, that, being thus prepared, it be led through to the grace of regeneration. The Semi-Pelagians asserted, that man, through the previous dispositions which had been implanted in his nature, obtained grace as a reward; and, however they might sometimes decline the use of the term merit, they by no means excluded merit itself: But we deny, that, through the endeavours of nature, man merits grace. The opinion of the Semi-Pelagians was, that, for the preservation of the grace of the Holy Spirit, we want nothing more than that which either by nature we may have, or that which we may once obtain in conjunction with grace: But we acknowledge, that, in order to our perseverance in good, special grace is likewise required.
Under the article Pelagians, the difference that the Remonstrants highlighted between their beliefs and those of Pelagius has been outlined. Here are the key distinctions they presented to the Synod of Dort between Semi-Pelagianism and Arminianism: “But we must also express our opinion on Semi-Pelagianism. The Massilians, after Pelagius's time, partially corrected his errors while maintaining some of them; therefore, Prosper labeled them as the relics or remains of Pelagius, and they are commonly referred to as Semi-Pelagians. They acknowledged the existence of prevenient grace, but only as it relates to actions that come before good works; they did not accept that this grace also comes before someone’s faith or good intentions, believing instead that humans can take the initiative sometimes, although not always: Conversely, we assert that God initiates the beginning of faith and good intentions, and that it is by grace that our will is stirred to do good, and also, being thus prepared, it is guided towards the grace of regeneration. The Semi-Pelagians claimed that humans, due to the inherent tendencies within their nature, earn grace as a reward; and although they might occasionally avoid using the term merit, they certainly did not exclude merit itself: But we deny that humans can earn grace through natural efforts. The belief of the Semi-Pelagians was that maintaining the grace of the Holy Spirit requires nothing more than what we might already possess by nature or what we might once receive along with grace: But we acknowledge that, in order to persist in doing good, special grace is also necessary.”
“Wherefore we are unjustly accused of Semi-Pelagianism by the Contra-Remonstrants, since we condemn in the Semi-Pelagians those things which the church universal formerly condemned in them. Yet these are great signs of inconstancy and consequently of a false judgment,--that while some among them fasten Pelagianism upon us and others Semi-Pelagianism, there are others who declare that we are nearly and almost Semi-Pelagians, all of them having chosen and employed these epithets only for purposes of odium. Our conclusion therefore is, that we derogate nothing from divine grace, but acknowledge its supernatural and unmerited acts, and their absolute necessity for the work of conversion. But, on the other hand, we frankly confess, that the indifferency or liberty of the will is not taken away by grace, but that it is perfected for the better; and that the will is not necessitated, or so determined toward good as not to be able to do the opposite.
“Therefore, we are unjustly accused of Semi-Pelagianism by the Contra-Remonstrants, since we condemn the same things in the Semi-Pelagians that the universal church previously condemned in them. Yet, these are clear signs of inconsistency and therefore a false judgment—while some of them accuse us of Pelagianism and others of Semi-Pelagianism, others still claim that we are nearly and almost Semi-Pelagians, all of them using these labels solely to incite hatred. Our conclusion, therefore, is that we take nothing away from divine grace, but acknowledge its supernatural and unearned actions, and their absolute necessity for the work of conversion. On the other hand, we openly admit that the neutrality or freedom of the will is not removed by grace, but rather perfected for the better; and that the will is not forced or so determined toward good that it cannot choose to do the opposite.”
“This was also the judgment of all antiquity and of the church universal; and the orthodox accounted this way to be the safest, which lay between two precipices, the one that of the Manichees, the other that of the Pelagians. St. Jerom says, ‘We thus preserve free will, that we do not deny to it the help which it requires in every thing which it performs,’ Dialog. adversus Pelagium. And St. Augustine, who was at other times a most fierce defender of absolute election, judiciously observes, in his forty-sixth letter to Valentinus, ‘If there be no grace of God, how does he save the world? And if there be no free will, how does he judge the world?’ And, as St. Bernard says, in the commencement of his book On Grace and Free Will, ‘Take away free will, and there will be nothing to be saved; take away grace, and there will then be nothing from which salvation can come.’ We have had regard to both of them; lest, if we denied the existence of freedom in the will, we should encourage the sloth and listlessness of men; or if the existence of grace, we should give up the reins to pride and haughtiness.--From these quotations [and others which they give] it is evident that the opinion of the fathers was, that free will and grace so completely conspire together, that free will is 900perfected by grace, and not destroyed; the destruction of the will in this case being a calumny invented by the Pelagians, which was generally refuted by the patrons of grace.”
“This was also the judgment of all of history and the universal church; and the orthodox believed this path to be the safest, lying between two extremes: one of the Manichees and the other of the Pelagians. St. Jerome says, ‘We preserve free will by not denying it the help it needs in everything it does,’ Dialog. adversus Pelagium. And St. Augustine, who at different times was a strong advocate for absolute election, wisely points out in his forty-sixth letter to Valentinus, ‘If there is no grace from God, how does He save the world? And if there is no free will, how does He judge the world?’ Similarly, as St. Bernard mentions at the beginning of his book On Grace and Free Will, ‘Remove free will, and there will be nothing to save; remove grace, and there will be nothing from which salvation can come.’ We have considered both of these points; lest, if we deny the existence of freedom in the will, we promote laziness and indifference in people; or if we deny the existence of grace, we give way to pride and arrogance. From these quotes [and others they provide], it is clear that the early church fathers believed that free will and grace work together harmoniously, with free will being enhanced by grace, not eliminated; the claim that the will is destroyed in this context is a false notion made up by the Pelagians, which was widely countered by the supporters of grace.”
For other particulars relating to general redemption consult the articles Arminianism, Baxterianism, Calvinism:CALVINISM, #Church of England, and Lutherans.
For more details about general redemption, check out the articles Arminianism, Baxterism, Calvinism:CALVINISM, #Church of England, and Lutheran Church.
SYRACUSE, a famous city of Sicily, seated on the east side of the island, Acts xxviii, 12.
SYRACUSE, a well-known city in Sicily, located on the east side of the island, Acts xxviii, 12.
SYRIA, that part of Asia which, bathed by the Mediterranean on the west, had to the north Mount Taurus, to the east the Euphrates and a small portion of Arabia, and to the south Judea, or Palestine. The orientals called it Aram. The name, which has been transmitted to us by the Greeks, is a corruption or abridgment of Assyria, which was first adopted by the Ionians, who frequented these coasts after the Assyrians of Nineveh had reduced that country to be a province of their empire, about B. C. 750. By the appellation of Syria is ordinarily meant the kingdom of Syria, of which, since the reign of the Seleucidæ, Antioch has been the capital. The government of Syria was for a long time monarchical; but some of its towns, which formed several states, were republics. With regard to religion, the Syrians were idolaters. The central place of their worship was Hieropolis, in which was a magnificent temple, and near the temple a lake that was reputed sacred. In this temple was an oracle, the credit of which the priests used every method to support. The priests were distributed into various classes, and among them were those who were denominated Galli, and who voluntarily renounced the power of transmitting the succession in their own families. The Syrians had bloody sacrifices. Among the religious ceremonies of the Syrians, one was that any one who undertook a journey to Hieropolis began with shaving his head and eye-brows. He was not allowed to bathe, except in cold water, to drink any liquor, nor to lie on any but a hard bed, before the term of his pilgrimage was finished. When the pilgrims arrived, they were maintained at the public expense, and lodged with those who engaged to instruct them in the sacred rites and ceremonies. All the pilgrims were marked on the neck and wrists. The youth consecrated to the goddess the first-fruits of their beard and hair, which was preserved in the temple, in a vessel of gold or silver, on which was inscribed the name of the person who made the offering. The sight of a dead person rendered it unfit for any one to enter into the temple during the whole day. The dynasties of Syria may be distributed into two classes; those that are made known to us in the sacred writings, or in the works of Josephus, acknowledged by the orientals; and the Seleucidan kings, successors of Alexander, with whom we are acquainted by Greek authors. The monarchy of Syria continued two hundred and fifty-seven years.
SYRIA, a region in Asia that is bordered by the Mediterranean Sea to the west, Mount Taurus to the north, the Euphrates River and a small part of Arabia to the east, and Judea, or Palestine, to the south. The locals referred to it as Aram. The name we use today is a variation of Assyria, first adopted by the Ionians who frequented these coasts after the Assyrians of Nineveh had made that area a province of their empire around 750 B.C. When people refer to Syria, they usually mean the kingdom of Syria, which has had Antioch as its capital since the reign of the Seleucids. For a long time, Syria was ruled by a monarchy; however, some of its cities, which formed various states, operated as republics. In terms of religion, the Syrians practiced idol worship. The main site of their worship was Hieropolis, which featured a magnificent temple and a nearby lake that was considered sacred. Within this temple was an oracle, which the priests worked hard to maintain credibility for. The priests were organized into different classes, including a group known as the Galli, who willingly gave up the right to pass their roles down through their families. The Syrians practiced bloody sacrifices. One of their religious rituals required anyone embarking on a journey to Hieropolis to first shave their head and eyebrows. They were prohibited from bathing except in cold water, drinking any alcohol, or sleeping on anything other than a hard bed until their pilgrimage was complete. When the pilgrims arrived, they were provided for at public expense and housed with those who promised to teach them about the sacred rites and ceremonies. All pilgrims were marked on the neck and wrists. Young men dedicated the first growth of their beard and hair to the goddess, which was stored in the temple in a gold or silver vessel inscribed with the name of the person making the offering. The presence of a dead body rendered the temple off-limits for anyone for the entire day. The dynasties of Syria can be categorized into two groups: those mentioned in sacred texts or in the writings of Josephus, acknowledged by locals, and the Seleucid kings, successors to Alexander, known from Greek authors. The monarchy of Syria lasted for two hundred and fifty-seven years.
SYRO-PHENICIA, or PHENICIA PROPER, called Syro or Syrian Phenicia from being included in the kingdom of Syria. It implies that part of the coast of Canaan on the Mediterranean in which the cities of Tyre and Sidon were situated; and this same country, called Syro-Phenicia in the Acts, is in the Gospels called the coasts of Tyre and Sidon. The woman also called a Syro-Phenician in Mark vii, 26, is in Matt. xv, 22, called a Canaanitish woman, because that country was still inhabited by the descendants of Canaan, of whom Sidon was the eldest son.
SYRO-PHENICIA, or PHENICIA PROPER, known as Syro or Syrian Phenicia because it was part of the kingdom of Syria. It refers to the section of the Canaan coast along the Mediterranean where the cities of Tyre and Sidon were located; this same area, referred to as Syro-Phenicia in the Acts, is called the coasts of Tyre and Sidon in the Gospels. The woman identified as a Syro-Phenician in Mark 7:26 is described as a Canaanitish woman in Matthew 15:22, since this region was still inhabited by the descendants of Canaan, whose oldest son was Sidon.
TABERNACLE, in Hebrew, אהל, in Greek, σκηνἠ, a word which properly signifies a tent, but is particularly applied by the Hebrews to a kind of building in the form of a tent, set up by the express command of God, for the performance of religious worship, sacrifices, &c, during the journeyings of the Israelites in the wilderness; and after their settlement in the land of Canaan made use of for the same purpose, till the temple was built in Jerusalem. The tabernacle was covered with curtains and skins. It was divided into two parts, the one covered, and properly called the tabernacle, and the other open, called the court. The covered part was again divided into two parts, the one called holy, and the other called the holy of holies. The curtains which covered it were made of linen of several colours embroidered. There were ten curtains, twenty-eight cubits long, and four in breadth. Five curtains together made two coverings, which, being made fast together, enveloped all the tabernacle. Over the rest there were two other coverings, the one of goat’s hair, and the other of sheep skins. These vails or coverings were laid on a square frame of planks, resting on bases. There were forty-eight large planks, each a cubit and a half wide, and ten cubits high; twenty of them on each side, and six at one end to the westward; each plank was supported by two silver bases; they were let into one another, and held by bars running the length of the planks. The holy of holies was parted from the rest of the tabernacle by a curtain, made fast to four pillars standing ten cubits from the end. The whole length of the tabernacle was thirty-two cubits, that is, about fifty feet; and the breadth twelve cubits, or nineteen feet. The end was thirty cubits high; the upper curtain hung on the north and south sides eight cubits, and on the east and west four cubits. The court was a place a hundred cubits long, and fifty in breadth, inclosed by twenty columns, each of them twenty cubits high, and ten in breadth, covered with silver, and standing on copper bases, five cubits distant from each other, between which there were curtains drawn, and fastened with hooks. At the east end was an entrance twenty cubits wide, covered with a curtain hanging loose. In the tabernacle was the ark of the covenant, the table of shew bread, the golden candlestick, and the altar of incense; and in the court opposite to the entrance of the tabernacle, or holy place, stood the altar of burnt-offerings, and the laver or bason for the use of the priests.
TABERNACLE, in Hebrew, Tent, in Greek, σκηνἠ, a term that literally means a tent, but is specifically used by the Hebrews to refer to a type of structure shaped like a tent, established by the direct command of God for religious worship, sacrifices, etc., during the Israelites' journey in the wilderness; and after they settled in Canaan, it continued to be used for the same purpose until the temple was constructed in Jerusalem. The tabernacle was covered with curtains and skins. It was divided into two sections: one covered part, known as the tabernacle, and the other open area, called the court. The covered section was further divided into two parts, one referred to as the holy, and the other as the holy of holies. The curtains that covered it were made of multi-colored embroidered linen. There were ten curtains, each twenty-eight cubits long and four cubits wide. Five curtains together formed two coverings, which, fastened together, enveloped the whole tabernacle. Above these were two additional coverings, one made of goat’s hair, and the other of sheep skins. These coverings were placed on a square frame of planks resting on bases. There were forty-eight large planks, each one and a half cubits wide and ten cubits high; twenty on each side, and six at one end facing west; each plank was supported by two silver bases; they were interlocked and secured by bars running along the length of the planks. The holy of holies was separated from the rest of the tabernacle by a curtain, secured to four pillars standing ten cubits from the end. The entire length of the tabernacle was thirty-two cubits, approximately fifty feet; and its width was twelve cubits or nineteen feet. The end was thirty cubits high; the upper curtain hung eight cubits on the north and south sides, and four cubits on the east and west. The court was a space one hundred cubits long and fifty cubits wide, enclosed by twenty columns, each twenty cubits high and ten wide, covered in silver and standing on copper bases, with five cubits between each column, where curtains were drawn and fastened with hooks. At the east end was an entrance twenty cubits wide, covered with a loosely hanging curtain. Inside the tabernacle was the ark of the covenant, the table of show bread, the golden candlestick, and the altar of incense; and in the court in front of the tabernacle entrance stood the altar of burnt offerings and the laver or basin for the priests.
The tabernacle was finished on the first day of the first month of the second year after the 901departure out of Egypt, A. M. 2514. When it was set up, a dark cloud covered it by day, and a fiery cloud by night. Moses went into the tabernacle to consult the Lord. It was placed in the midst of the camp, and the Hebrews were ranged in order about it, according to their several tribes. When the cloud arose from off the tabernacle, they decamped; the priests carried those things which were most sacred, and the Levites all the several parts of the tabernacle. Part of the tribes went before, and the rest followed after, and the baggage of the tabernacle marched in the centre. The tabernacle was brought into the land of Canaan by Joshua, and set up at Gilgal. Here it rested till the land was conquered. Then it was removed to Shiloh, and afterward to Nob. Its next station was Gibeah, and here it continued till the ark was removed to the temple.
The tabernacle was completed on the first day of the first month of the second year after leaving Egypt, A. M. 2514. Once it was set up, a dark cloud covered it during the day, and a fiery cloud at night. Moses entered the tabernacle to speak with the Lord. It was positioned in the center of the camp, with the Hebrews arranged around it according to their tribes. When the cloud lifted from the tabernacle, they packed up and moved; the priests carried the most sacred items, and the Levites managed all the different parts of the tabernacle. Some of the tribes went ahead, while others followed behind, with the tabernacle's baggage in the middle. Joshua brought the tabernacle into the land of Canaan and set it up at Gilgal. It stayed there until the land was conquered. Then it was moved to Shiloh, and later to Nob. Its next location was Gibeah, where it remained until the ark was taken to the temple.
The word also means a frail dwelling, Job xi, 14; and is put for our bodies, 2 Cor. v, 1.
The word also means a fragile dwelling, Job xi, 14; and is used to refer to our bodies, 2 Cor. v, 1.
TABERNACLES, Feast of, a solemn festival of the Hebrews, observed after harvest, on the fifteenth day of the month Tisri, Lev. xxiii, 34–44. It was one of the three great solemnities, wherein all the males of the Israelites were obliged to present themselves before the Lord; and it was instituted to commemorate the goodness of God, who protected them in the wilderness, and made them dwell in tents or booths after they came out of Egypt. (See Feasts.) This feast continued eight days, of which the first and last days were the most solemn, Lev. xxiii, 34, &c. It was not allowed to do any labour on this feast, and particular sacrifices were offered, which, together with the other ceremonies used in celebrating this festival, were as follows: The first day of the feast, they cut down branches of the handsomest trees, with their fruit, branches of palm trees, and such as were fullest of leaves, and boughs of the willow trees that grew upon the sides of brooks, Neh. viii, 16. These they brought together, and waved them toward the four quarters of the world, singing certain songs. These branches were also called hosanna, because when they carried them and waved them, they cried Hosanna; not unlike what the Jews did at our Saviour’s entry into Jerusalem, Matthew xxi, 8, 9. On the eighth day they performed this ceremony oftener, and with greater solemnity, than upon the other days of the feast. They called this day hosanna rabba, or “the great hosanna.”
Sukkot, a significant festival of the Hebrews, celebrated after the harvest, on the fifteenth day of the month Tisri, Lev. xxiii, 34–44. It was one of the three major solemn festivals when all Israelite males were required to present themselves before the Lord. It was established to remember God's goodness, who protected them in the wilderness and made them live in tents or booths after their exodus from Egypt. (See Feasts.) This feast lasted for eight days, with the first and last days being the most important, Lev. xxiii, 34, &c. No work was permitted during this festival, and specific sacrifices were offered, along with other ceremonies to celebrate the occasion. On the first day, they cut branches from the most beautiful trees, along with their fruit, palm branches, and leafy boughs from willow trees that grew by the streams, Neh. viii, 16. They gathered these together and waved them toward the four corners of the earth while singing certain songs. These branches were also called hosanna because when they waved them, they shouted Hosanna, similar to what the Jews did during our Savior's entry into Jerusalem, Matthew xxi, 8, 9. On the eighth day, they performed this ceremony more frequently and with greater reverence than on the other days of the feast. They called this day hosanna rabba, or “the great hosanna.”
TABLES OF THE LAW. Those that were given to Moses upon Mount Sinai were written by the finger of God, and contained the decalogue or ten commandments of the law, as they are rehearsed in Exodus xx. Many questions have been started about these tables; about their matter, their form, their number, he that wrote them, and what they contained. Some oriental authors make them amount to ten in number, others to seven; but the Hebrews reckon but two. Some suppose them to have been of wood, and others of precious stones. Moses observes, Exod. xxxii, 15, that these tables were written on both sides. Many think they were transparent, so that they might be read through; on one side toward the right, and on the other side toward the left. Others will have it, that the lawgiver only makes this observation, that the tables were written on both sides, because generally in writing tables they only wrote on one side. Others thus translate the Hebrew text: “They were written on the two parts that were contiguous to each other;” because, being shut upon one another, the two faces that were written upon touched one another, so that no writing was seen on the outside. Some think that the same ten commandments were written on each of the two tables, others that the ten were divided, and only five on one table, and five on the other. The words which intimate that the tables were written by the finger of God, some understand simply and literally; others, of the ministry of an angel; and others explain them merely to signify an order of God to Moses to write them. The expression, however, in Scripture always signifies immediate divine agency. See Decalogue.
TABLES OF THE LAW. The ones given to Moses on Mount Sinai were written by the finger of God and included the decalogue or ten commandments of the law, as outlined in Exodus xx. There have been many discussions about these tablets: their material, their design, their quantity, who wrote them, and what they included. Some Eastern authors claim there are ten, while others say seven; however, the Hebrews count only two. Some believe they were made of wood, while others think they were crafted from precious stones. Moses notes in Exod. xxxii, 15 that these tablets were written on both sides. Many believe they were transparent so they could be read from either side, right to left and left to right. Others argue that the lawgiver only mentions both sides being written because typically, writing tablets were only written on one side. Some translate the Hebrew text this way: “They were written on the two parts that were next to each other,” as the two faces that were written on touched when closed, so no writing was visible on the outside. Some think the same ten commandments were inscribed on each of the two tablets, while others believe the ten were divided, with five on one and five on the other. The phrase indicating that the tablets were written by the finger of God is understood by some as a simple, literal truth; by others, as the work of an angel; and others feel it signifies merely God's command to Moses to write them. However, the term in Scripture always denotes direct divine action. See Ten Commandments.
TABOR, a mountain not far from Kadesh, in the tribe of Zebulun, and in the confines of Issachar and Naphtali. It has its name from its eminence, because it rises up in the midst of a wide champaign country, called the Valley of Jezreel, or the great plain. Maundrell tells us that the area at the top of this mountain is enclosed with trees, except to the south, from whence there is the most agreeable prospect in the world. Many have believed that our Lord’s transfiguration took place on this mountain. This place is mentioned, 1 Sam. x, 3. It is minutely described by both Pococke and Maundrell. The road from Nazareth lies for two hours between low hills; it then opens into the plain of Esdraelon. At about two or three furlongs within the plain, and six miles from Nazareth, rises this singular mount, which is almost entirely insulated, its figure representing a half sphere. “It is,” says Pococke, “one of the finest hills I ever beheld, being a rich soil that produces excellent herbage, and is most beautifully adorned with groves and clumps of trees. The ascent is so easy, that we rode up the north side by a winding road. Some authors mention it as near four miles high, others as about two: the former may be true, as to the winding ascent up the hill. The top of it, about half a mile long, and near a quarter of a mile broad, is encompassed with a wall, which Josephus says was built in forty days: there was also a wall along the middle of it, which divided the south part, on which the city stood, from the north part, which is lower, and is called the meidan, or place, being probably used for exercises when there was a city here, which Josephus mentions by the name of Ataburion. Within the outer wall on the north side are several deep fosses, out of which, it is probable, the stones were dug to build the walls; and these fosses seem to have answered the end of cisterns, to preserve the rain water, and were also some defence to the city. There are likewise a great number of cisterns under ground for preserving the rain water. To the south, where the ascent was 902most easy, there are fosses cut on the outside, to render the access to the walls more difficult. Some of the gates, also, of the old city remain, as Bab-el-houah, ‘the gate of the winds,’ to the west; and Bab-el-kubbe, ‘the arched gate,’ a small one to the south. Antiochus, king of Syria, took the fortress on the top of this hill. Vespasian, also, got possession of it; and, after that, Josephus fortified it with strong walls. But what has made it more famous than any thing else is the common opinion, from the time of St. Jerom, that the transfiguration of our Saviour was on this mountain.” Van Egmont and Heyman give the following account: “This mountain, though somewhat rugged and difficult, we ascended on horseback, making several circuits round it, which took us up about three quarters of an hour. It is one of the highest in the whole country, being thirty stadia, or about four English miles, a circumstance that rendered it more famous. And it is the most beautiful I ever saw, with regard to verdure, being every where decorated with small oak trees, and the ground universally enamelled with a variety of plants and flowers, except on the south side, where it is not so fully covered with verdure. On this mountain are great numbers of red partridges, and some wild boars; and we were so fortunate as to see the Arabs hunting them. We left, but not without reluctancy, this delightful place, and found at the bottom of it a mean village, called Deboura, or Tabour, a name said to be derived from the celebrated Deborah mentioned in Judges.”
TABOR, a mountain not far from Kadesh, in the tribe of Zebulun, and on the borders of Issachar and Naphtali, gets its name from its height because it stands out in the middle of a wide flat region known as the Valley of Jezreel, or the great plain. Maundrell tells us that the top of this mountain is mostly surrounded by trees, except for the south side, where the view is incredibly pleasant. Many believe that our Lord’s transfiguration happened on this mountain. This place is mentioned in 1 Samuel 10:3. It is described in detail by both Pococke and Maundrell. The road from Nazareth winds for two hours through low hills before opening up into the plain of Esdraelon. About two or three furlongs into the plain, and six miles from Nazareth, rises this unique mountain, which is almost entirely isolated and shaped like a half sphere. “It is,” says Pococke, “one of the most beautiful hills I have ever seen, with rich soil that produces excellent grass and is beautifully decorated with groves and clusters of trees. The climb is so easy that we rode up the north side on a winding path. Some authors mention it as being nearly four miles high, while others say it's about two miles: the former may be true regarding the winding path up the hill. The summit, about half a mile long and nearly a quarter of a mile wide, is surrounded by a wall, which Josephus claims was built in forty days. There was also a wall in the middle that separated the southern part, where the city stood, from the northern part, which is lower and is referred to as the meidan, or place, likely used for exercises when a city existed there, as mentioned by Josephus under the name Ataburion. Inside the outer wall on the north side, there are several deep ditches, which likely provided stones for constructing the walls and may have functioned like cisterns to collect rainwater, serving as some defense for the city. There are also many underground cisterns for rainwater storage. To the south, where the ascent is easiest, there are ditches on the outside to make access to the walls more challenging. Some of the gates from the old city remain, like Bab-el-houah, ‘the gate of the winds,’ to the west, and Bab-el-kubbe, ‘the arched gate,’ a small one to the south. Antiochus, the king of Syria, captured the fortress atop this hill. Vespasian also took control of it, and later, Josephus fortified it with strong walls. However, what has made it more famous than anything else is the longstanding belief, dating back to St. Jerome, that our Savior's transfiguration occurred on this mountain.” Van Egmont and Heyman provide the following account: “This mountain, although somewhat rough and challenging, we ascended on horseback, taking several circuits around it, which took us about three-quarters of an hour. It is one of the tallest in the area, standing thirty stadia, or about four English miles, which has made it more renowned. It is the most beautiful mountain I have ever seen, teeming with greenery, adorned with small oak trees, and the ground is filled with a variety of plants and flowers, except on the south side, which isn't as lush. This mountain is home to many red partridges and some wild boars, and we were lucky enough to see Arabs hunting them. We left this lovely spot reluctantly and found a small village at its base, called Deboura or Tabour, a name believed to be derived from the famous Deborah mentioned in Judges.”
Pococke notices this village, which stands on a rising ground at the foot of Mount Tabor westward; and the learned traveller thinks, that it may be the same as the Daberath, or Daberah mentioned in the book of Joshua, as on the borders of Zabulon and Issachar. “Any one,” he adds, “who examines the fourth chapter of Judges, may see that this is probably the spot where Barak and Deborah met at Mount Tabor with their forces, and went to pursue Sisera; and on this account, it might have its name from that great prophetess, who then judged and governed Israel; for Josephus relates, that Deborah and Barak gathered the army together at this mountain.”
Pococke notices this village, which sits on elevated ground at the base of Mount Tabor to the west; and the knowledgeable traveler believes it could be the same as Daberath, or Daberah, mentioned in the book of Joshua, located along the borders of Zebulun and Issachar. “Anyone,” he adds, “who looks at the fourth chapter of Judges, can see that this is likely where Barak and Deborah met with their forces at Mount Tabor to pursue Sisera; and for this reason, it might have been named after that great prophetess, who was judging and leading Israel at the time; for Josephus states that Deborah and Barak assembled the army at this mountain.”
“From the top of Tabor,” says Maundrell, “you have a prospect which, if nothing else, will reward the labour of ascending it. It is impossible for man’s eyes to behold a higher gratification of this nature. On the northwest you discern at a distance the Mediterranean, and all round you have the spacious and beautiful plains of Esdraelon and Galilee. Turning a little southward, you have in view the high mountains of Gilboa, fatal to Saul and his sons. Due east you discover the sea of Tiberias, distant about one day’s journey. A few points to the north appears that which they call the mount of Beatitudes. Not far from this little hill is the city Saphet: it stands upon a very eminent and conspicuous mountain, and is seen far and near.” Beyond this is seen a much higher mountain, capped with snow, a part of the chain of Antilibanus. To the south-west is Carmel, and on the south the hills of Samaria.
“From the top of Tabor,” says Maundrell, “you get a view that, if nothing else, makes the climb worthwhile. It’s impossible for anyone to see a more rewarding sight than this. To the northwest, you can see the Mediterranean in the distance, and all around you are the vast and lovely plains of Esdraelon and Galilee. If you turn a little south, you can see the high mountains of Gilboa, which were tragic for Saul and his sons. Directly east, you spot the Sea of Tiberias, about a day's journey away. A little north, you can see what they call the Mount of Beatitudes. Not far from this small hill is the city of Safed: it sits on a very prominent mountain and is visible from far away. Beyond that, a much higher mountain can be seen, capped with snow, as part of the Antilibanus range. To the southwest is Carmel, and to the south are the hills of Samaria.”
TADMOR, a city built by Solomon, 1 Kings ix, 18, afterward called Palmyra; situated in a wilderness of Syria, upon the borders of Arabia Deserta, inclining toward the Euphrates. Josephus places it two days’ journey from the Euphrates, and six days’ journey from Babylon. He says there is no water any where else in the wilderness, but in this place. At the present day there are to be seen vast ruins of this city. There was nothing more magnificent in the whole east. There are still found a great number of inscriptions, the most of which are Greek, and the other in the Palmyrenian character. Nothing relating to the Jews is seen in the Greek inscriptions; and the Palmyrenian inscriptions are entirely unknown, as well as the language and the character of that country. The city of Tadmor preserved this name to the time of the conquest by Alexander the Great: then it had the name of Palmyra given to it, which it preserved for several ages. About the middle of the third century, it became famous, because Odenatus and Zenobia, his queen, made it the seat of their empire. When the Saracens became masters of the east, they restored its ancient name of Tadmor to it again, which it has always preserved since. It is surrounded by sandy deserts on all sides. It is not known when, nor by whom, it was reduced to the ruinous condition in which it is now found. It may be said to consist at present of a forest of Corinthian pillars, erect and fallen. So numerous are these, consisting of many thousands, that the spectator is at a loss to connect or arrange them in any order or symmetry, or to conceive what purpose or design they could have answered. “In the space covered by these ruins,” says Volney, “we sometimes find a palace of which nothing remains but the court and walls; sometimes a temple, whose peristyle is half thrown down; and now a portico, a gallery, or triumphal arch. Here stand groups of columns, whose symmetry is destroyed by the fall of many of them; there we see them ranged in rows of such length, that, similar to rows of trees, they deceive the sight, and assume the appearance of continued walls. If from this striking scene we cast our eyes upon the ground, another almost as varied presents itself On all sides we behold nothing but subverted shafts, some whole, others shattered to pieces or dislocated in their joints; and on which side soever we look, the earth is strewed with vast stones half buried, with broken entablatures, mutilated friezes, disfigured reliefs, effaced sculptures, violated tombs, and altars defiled by dust.”
TADMOR, a city built by Solomon, 1 Kings ix, 18, later called Palmyra, is located in a wilderness in Syria, near the borders of Arabia Deserta, leaning toward the Euphrates. Josephus places it two days’ journey from the Euphrates and six days’ journey from Babylon. He mentions that there is no water anywhere else in the wilderness except in this location. Today, vast ruins of this city can be seen. Nothing else in the entire east was more magnificent. A large number of inscriptions remain, most of which are in Greek, while others are in the Palmyrenian script. There is nothing about the Jews in the Greek inscriptions, and the Palmyrenian inscriptions are entirely unknown, along with the language and characters of that region. The city of Tadmor kept this name until the time of Alexander the Great's conquest; then it was renamed Palmyra, which it retained for several ages. Around the mid-third century, it gained fame when Odenatus and his queen, Zenobia, made it the capital of their empire. When the Saracens took control of the east, they restored the ancient name of Tadmor, which it has kept ever since. It is surrounded on all sides by sandy deserts. It is unclear when or by whom it was brought to its current state of ruin. Today, it seems to be a forest of Corinthian columns, both standing and fallen. There are so many of these, numbering in the thousands, that it’s hard for a viewer to connect or organize them in any order or symmetry or to imagine what purpose they served. “In the space covered by these ruins,” says Volney, “we sometimes find a palace of which nothing remains but the courtyard and walls; sometimes a temple, with half its peristyle collapsed; and now a portico, a gallery, or a triumphal arch. Here stand groups of columns, their symmetry disrupted by the fall of many; there we see them lined up in such lengthy rows that they resemble lines of trees, misleading the eye into thinking they are continuous walls. If we shift our gaze from this striking scene to the ground, another equally varied view unfolds. All around, we see nothing but toppled shafts, some intact, others shattered or dislocated at their joints; and no matter which way we look, the ground is scattered with large stones half buried, broken architraves, mutilated friezes, damaged reliefs, worn-down sculptures, violated tombs, and altars covered in dust.”
It is probable, says Mansford, that, although Tadmor is said to have been built by Solomon, or, in other words, to have been erected by him into a city, it was a watering station between Syria and Mesopotamia before; with perhaps accommodations suited to the mode of travelling in those times, as we read of palm-trees being found there, which are not trees that come by chance in these desert regions. 903The mere circumstance of wholesome water being afforded by any spot in such a country was sufficient to give it importance, and to draw toward it the stream of communication, for whatever purpose. This was probably the condition of Tadmor long before it received its name and its honours from Solomon. But, after all, what motive could there be to induce a peaceable king, like Solomon, to undertake a work so distant, difficult, and dangerous? There is but one which at all accords with his character, or the history of the times,--commercial enterprise. Solomon was at great pains to secure himself in the possession of the ports of Elath and Ezion-Geber on the Red Sea, and to establish a navy for his Indian commerce, or trade to Ophir,--in all ages the great source of wealth. The riches of India, thus brought into Judea, were from thence disseminated over those countries of the north and west at that time inhabited or known; while the same country, Judea, became, for a season, like Tyre, the point of return and exchange of the money and the commodities of those countries, the centre of communication between the east and the west.
It's likely, according to Mansford, that although Tadmor is said to have been built by Solomon, or in other words, established as a city by him, it was a stopping point between Syria and Mesopotamia long before. It probably had facilities suited for the travel methods of that time, as we read of palm trees being found there, which don't just grow randomly in these desert areas. 903 The simple fact that a location had fresh water in such a region made it important and attracted communication for any purpose. This was likely the situation in Tadmor long before it received its name and recognition from Solomon. But still, what reason could there be for a peaceful king like Solomon to take on such a distant, difficult, and risky project? There’s only one motive that aligns with his character and the history of the time—commercial enterprise. Solomon made great efforts to secure the ports of Elath and Ezion-Geber on the Red Sea and to establish a navy for his trade with India, or trade to Ophir—historically the major source of wealth. The riches of India, brought to Judea, were then spread throughout the northern and western countries that were known at the time. Meanwhile, Judea became, for a time, like Tyre, the hub for returning and exchanging money and goods from those regions, the center of communication between the east and the west.
TALENT, a measure of weight among the ancients, equivalent to sixty maneh, or one hundred and thirteen pounds ten ounces one pennyweight and ten grains. The value of a talent of silver was three hundred and forty-two pounds three shillings and nine-pence, and a talent of gold was equal to five thousand four hundred and seventy-five pounds sterling. In the writings of the evangelists, the term is employed to denote the various gifts or opportunities for usefulness which the Lord of heaven confers upon his servants, and for which he will call them to give in their account at the last day, Matt. xxv, 15; Luke xix, 12.
TALENT, a measure of weight from ancient times, is equal to sixty maneh, or one hundred and thirteen pounds, ten ounces, one pennyweight, and ten grains. The value of a talent of silver was three hundred and forty-two pounds, three shillings, and nine pence, while a talent of gold was worth five thousand four hundred and seventy-five pounds sterling. In the writings of the evangelists, the term is used to refer to the various gifts or opportunities for service that the Lord of heaven gives to his servants, for which they will be held accountable on the last day, Matt. xxv, 15; Luke xix, 12.
TALITHA-CUMI, the words that Jesus Christ made use of when he raised up the daughter of Jairus, chief of the synagogue of Capernaum. They are not pure Hebrew, but Syriac, and signify, “My daughter, arise,” Mark v, 41.
TALITHA-CUMI, the words that Jesus Christ used when he brought the daughter of Jairus, the leader of the synagogue in Capernaum, back to life. They aren't pure Hebrew but Syriac, meaning "My daughter, arise," Mark v, 41.
TALMUD. See Jews.
TALMUD. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
TARE, Matt. xiii, 25–27, 29, 30, 36, 38, 40. It is not easy to determine what plant or weed is here intended, as the word zizania is neither mentioned in any other part of Scripture, nor in any ancient Greek writer. Some Greek and Latin fathers have made use of it, as have also Suidas and Phavorinus: but it is probable that they have all derived it from this text. As this Gospel was first written in Syriac, it is probably a word belonging to that language. Buxtorf gives several interpretations, but at last concludes with submitting it to the decision of others. In a treatise in the Mishna, called “Kilayim,” which treats expressly of different kinds of seeds, a bastard or degenerate wheat is mentioned by the name of זונים, which the very sound, in pronouncing, proves to be the same as the zizanion; and which may lead to the true derivation of the word, that is, from the Chaldee זן, “a kind,” or “species” of grain, namely, whence the corrupt Hebrew or Syriac זניא, which in the ancient Syriac version answers to the Greek ζιζονια, Matt. xiii, 25, &c. In Psalm cxliv, 13, the words מזן אל־זן, are translated, “all manner of store;” but they properly signify “from species to species.” Might not the Chaldee word זונין, and the Greek word ζιζάνιον, come from the psalmist’s זנ־זן, which might have signified a “mixture” of grain of any kind, and be here used to point out the mixing bastard or degenerate wheat among the good seed-wheat? Mintert says, that “it is a kind of plant, not unlike corn or wheat, having at first the same sort of stalk, and the same viridity, but bringing forth no fruit, at least none good:” and he adds, from John Melchior, “ζιζάνιον does not signify every weed in general which grows among corn, but a particular seed, known in Canaan, which was not unlike wheat, but, being put into the ground, degenerated, and assumed another nature and form.” Parkhurst, and Dr. Campbell, render it “the darnel,” “lolium temulentum.” The same plant is called “zizana” by the Spaniards; as it appears to be zuvan, by the Turks and Arabs. “It is well known to the people at Aleppo,” says M. Forskal; “it grows among corn. If the seeds remain mixed with the meal, they occasion dizziness to those who eat of the bread. The reapers do not separate the plant; but after the threshing, they reject the seeds by means of a van or sieve.” Other travellers mention, that in some parts of Syria, the plant is drawn up by the hand in the time of harvest, along with the wheat, and is then gathered out, and bound up in separate bundles. In the parable of the tares, our Lord states the very same circumstances. They grew among the grain; they were not separated by the tillers, but suffered to grow up together till the harvest; they were then gathered from among the wheat with the hand, and bound up in bundles.
TARE, Matt. xiii, 25–27, 29, 30, 36, 38, 40. It’s not easy to identify which plant or weed is being referred to here, as the word zizania is not mentioned anywhere else in Scripture or in any ancient Greek writings. Some Greek and Latin church fathers have referenced it, as have Suidas and Phavorinus, but it’s likely they all got it from this text. Since this Gospel was originally written in Syriac, it’s probably a word from that language. Buxtorf provides several interpretations but ultimately suggests leaving it to others to decide. In a tract from the Mishna called “Kilayim,” which specifically discusses different kinds of seeds, a type of inferior wheat is mentioned by the name מזון, which sounds similar to zizanion; this might point to the true origin of the word, which comes from the Chaldean Zen, meaning “a kind” or “species” of grain, and relates to the corrupted Hebrew or Syriac זניא, which in the ancient Syriac version corresponds to the Greek ζιζονια, Matt. xiii, 25, &c. In Psalm cxliv, 13, the phrase מזן אל־זן is translated as “all manner of store,” but it literally means “from species to species.” Could the Chaldean word זונין and the Greek word ζιζάνιον come from the psalmist’s זמן-זן, which might have meant a “mixture” of any kind of grain, and be used here to indicate the mixing of inferior or degenerate wheat among the good seed-wheat? Mintert says, “it is a type of plant that resembles corn or wheat at first, having a similar stalk and green color, but produces no fruit, or at least none that is good,” and he adds, quoting John Melchior, “ζιζάνιον does not mean every weed that grows among corn, but a specific seed known in Canaan that was not unlike wheat; however, when it’s planted, it degenerates and takes on a different nature and form.” Parkhurst and Dr. Campbell translate it as “the darnel,” “drunken grass.” The same plant is referred to as “zizana” in Spain, and it seems to be called zuvan by the Turks and Arabs. “It is well known to the people in Aleppo,” says M. Forskal; “it grows among corn. If the seeds mix with the flour, they can cause dizziness to those who eat the bread. The reapers don’t separate the plant; instead, after threshing, they use a van or sieve to get rid of the seeds.” Other travelers mention that in some areas of Syria, the plant is pulled by hand during harvest along with the wheat, then separated and bundled up separately. In the parable of the tares, our Lord describes the same situation. They grew among the grain; they weren’t separated by the farmers but were allowed to grow together until harvest; then they were gathered by hand from among the wheat and bundled together.
TARGUM. See Jews.
TARGUM. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
TARSHISH, a country of this name, whither Solomon sent his fleets, 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 11. There is a multitude of different opinions concerning this country. Josephus, and the Chaldee and Arabic paraphrasts, explain it of Tarsus, a city of Cilicia; the Septuagint, St. Jerom, and Theodoret, understand it of Carthage. The Arabian geographer will have it to be Tunis in Africa. Bochart makes it to be Tartessus, an island in the Straits of Gades. By Tarshish, M. Le Clerc understands Thassus, an island and city in the Ægean sea. Grotius thinks that the whole ocean was called Tarshish, because of the famous city of Tartessus, now mentioned. Sanctius believes the sea in general to be called Tarshish, and that the ships of Tarshish were those that are employed in voyages at sea, in opposition to the small vessels that are used only in most navigable rivers. The LXX. translate Tarshish sometimes by “the sea;” and the Scripture gives the names of ships of Tarshish to those that were fitted out at Ezion-Geber, on the Red Sea, and which sailed upon the ocean, as well as to those that were fitted out at Joppa, and in the ports of the Mediterranean. Therefore, when we see ships fitted 904out upon the Red Sea, or at Ezion-Geber, in order to go to Tarshish, we must conclude one of these two things, either that there were two countries called Tarshish, one upon the ocean, and another upon the Mediterranean, or that ships of Tarshish in general signifies nothing else but ships able to bear a long voyage; large merchant ships, in opposition to the small craft intended for a home trade in navigable rivers.
TARSHISH, a country with this name, where Solomon sent his fleets, 1 Kings x, 22; 2 Chron. ix, 11. There are many different opinions about this country. Josephus, along with the Chaldee and Arabic paraphrasers, suggests it's Tarsus, a city in Cilicia; the Septuagint, St. Jerome, and Theodoret believe it's Carthage. An Arabian geographer claims it's Tunis in Africa. Bochart identifies it as Tartessus, an island in the Straits of Gades. M. Le Clerc thinks it refers to Thassus, an island and city in the Aegean Sea. Grotius argues that the entire ocean was referred to as Tarshish because of the famous city of Tartessus. Sanctius believes that Tarshish in general means the sea, and that the ships of Tarshish were those used for long sea voyages, in contrast to smaller vessels that only operated in navigable rivers. The LXX. sometimes translates Tarshish as “the sea;” and the Scriptures name the ships of Tarshish as those outfitted at Ezion-Geber on the Red Sea, which sailed upon the ocean, as well as those outfitted at Joppa and in Mediterranean ports. Therefore, when we see ships preparing at the Red Sea or Ezion-Geber to go to Tarshish, we can conclude one of two things: either there were two countries called Tarshish, one by the ocean and another by the Mediterranean, or that the term ships of Tarshish generally refers to ships built for long voyages; large merchant vessels, in contrast to smaller boats meant for local trade in navigable rivers.
TARSUS, the capital of Cilicia, and the native city of St. Paul, Acts ix, 11; xxi, 39. Some think it obtained the privileges of a Roman colony because of its firm adherence to Julius Cæsar; and this procured the inhabitants the favour of being acknowledged citizens of Rome, which St. Paul enjoyed by being born in it. Others maintain that Tarsus was only a free city, but not a Roman colony, in the time of St. Paul, and that his privilege as a Roman citizen was founded upon some other right, perhaps gained by his ancestors.
TARSUS, the capital of Cilicia and the birthplace of St. Paul, as mentioned in Acts ix, 11; xxi, 39. Some believe it earned the status of a Roman colony due to its strong support for Julius Caesar, which granted the residents the privilege of being recognized as Roman citizens—something St. Paul benefited from since he was born there. Others argue that Tarsus was just a free city and not a Roman colony during St. Paul's time, and that his Roman citizenship came from a different right, possibly acquired by his ancestors.
TEARS. The prayer of David, “Put my tears into thy bottle,” is unintelligible without an acquaintance with ancient customs. “This passage,” says Burder, “seems to intimate that the custom of putting tears into the ampullæ, or urnal lachrymales, so well known among the Romans, was more anciently in use among the eastern nations, and particularly the Hebrews. These urns were of different materials, some of glass, some of earth; as may be seen in the work of Montfaucon, where also may be seen the various forms or shapes of them. These urns were placed on the sepulchres of the deceased, as a memorial of the distress and affection of their surviving relations and friends. It will be difficult to account for this expression of the psalmist, but upon this supposition. If this be allowed, the meaning will be, ‘Let my distress, and the tears I shed in consequence of it, be ever before thee, excite thy kind remembrance of me, and plead with thee to grant the relief I stand in need of.’”
TEARS. David’s prayer, “Put my tears into your bottle,” doesn’t make sense without knowing ancient customs. “This passage,” says Burder, “suggests that the practice of putting tears into ampullae, or tear-urns, which was well-known among the Romans, was actually used by Eastern nations, especially the Hebrews, even earlier. These urns were made from various materials, some from glass, some from clay; this can be seen in the work of Montfaucon, which also shows their different shapes. These urns were placed on the graves of the deceased as a way to remember the sorrow and love of their surviving relatives and friends. Understanding this expression from the psalmist is challenging without this context. If this is accepted, the meaning would be, ‘Let my distress and the tears I shed because of it always be before you, evoke your kind thoughts of me, and plead with you to grant the help I need.’”
TEMPLE, the house of God; properly the temple of Solomon. David first conceived the design of building a house somewhat worthy of the divine majesty, and opened his mind to the Prophet Nathan, 2 Sam. vii; 1 Chron. xvii; xxii, 8, &c. God accepted of his good intentions, but refused him the honour. Solomon laid the foundation of the temple, A. M. 2992, completed it in 3000, and dedicated it in 3001, 1 Kings viii, 2; 2 Chron. v, vi, vii. According to the opinion of some writers, there were three temples, namely, the first, erected by Solomon; the second, by Zerubbabel, and Joshua the high priest; and the third, by Herod, a few years before the birth of Christ. But this opinion is, very properly, rejected by the Jews; who do not allow the third to be a new temple, but only the second temple repaired and beautified: and this opinion corresponds with the prophecy of Haggai, ii, 9, “that the glory of this latter house,” the temple built by Zerubbabel, “should be greater than that of the former;” which prediction was uttered with reference to the Messiah’s honouring it with his presence and ministry. The first temple is that which usually bears the name of Solomon; the materials for which were provided by David before his death, though the edifice was raised by his son. It stood on Mount Moriah, an eminence of the mountainous ridge in the Scriptures termed Mount Zion, Psalm cxxxii, 13, 14, which had been purchased by Araunah, or Ornan, the Jebusite, 2 Sam. xxiv, 23, 24; 1 Chron. xxi, 25. The plan, and the whole model of this superb structure, were formed after that of the tabernacle, but of much larger dimensions. It was surrounded, except at the front or east end, by three stories of chambers, each five cubits square, which reached to half the height of the temple; and the front was ornamented with a magnificent portico, which rose to the height of one hundred and twenty cubits: so that the form of the whole edifice was not unlike that of some ancient churches, which have a lofty tower in the front, and a low aisle running along each side of the building. The utensils for the sacred service were the same; excepting that several of them, as the altar, candlestick, &c, were larger, in proportion to the more spacious edifice to which they belonged. Seven years and six months were occupied in the erection of the superb and magnificent temple of Solomon, by whom it was dedicated, A. M. 3001, B. C. 999, with peculiar solemnity, to the worship of the Most High; who on this occasion vouchsafed to honour it with the Shechinah, or visible manifestation of his presence. Various attempts have been made to describe the proportions and several parts of this structure; but as scarcely any two writers agree on this subject, a minute description of it is designedly omitted. It retained its pristine splendour only thirty-three or thirty-four years, when Shishak, king of Egypt, took Jerusalem, and carried away the treasures of the temple; and after undergoing subsequent profanations and pillages, this stupendous building was finally plundered and burnt by the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar, A. M. 3416, or B. C. 584, 2 Kings xxv, 13–15; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 17–20.
TEMPLE, the house of God; specifically the temple of Solomon. David was the first to come up with the idea of building a house worthy of divine majesty and shared his thoughts with the Prophet Nathan, 2 Sam. vii; 1 Chron. xvii; xxii, 8, &c. God appreciated his good intentions but denied him the honor. Solomon laid the foundation of the temple in A.M. 2992, completed it in 3000, and dedicated it in 3001, 1 Kings viii, 2; 2 Chron. v, vi, vii. Some writers believe there were three temples: the first built by Solomon; the second by Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest; and the third by Herod a few years before the birth of Christ. However, the Jews rightly reject this view, considering the third only as the second temple repaired and enhanced. This view aligns with the prophecy of Haggai, ii, 9, stating “that the glory of this latter house,” the temple built by Zerubbabel, “should be greater than that of the former,” referring to the honor the Messiah would bring to it through His presence and ministry. The first temple is commonly referred to as Solomon's, with materials sourced by David before his death, although the structure was built by his son. It was located on Mount Moriah, a peak referred to in Scripture as Mount Zion, Psalm cxxxii, 13, 14, which was purchased from Araunah, or Ornan, the Jebusite, 2 Sam. xxiv, 23, 24; 1 Chron. xxi, 25. The design and overall model of this magnificent structure were based on the tabernacle but were much larger. It was surrounded, except at the front or east end, by three stories of rooms, each five cubits square, which reached halfway up the height of the temple. The front featured a grand portico that rose to a height of one hundred and twenty cubits, giving the overall structure a resemblance to some ancient churches that have a tall tower at the front and a low aisle running along each side. The utensils used in sacred service were similar to those used before, although several, like the altar and candlestick, were larger to fit the more spacious building. The construction of Solomon's splendid temple took seven years and six months, and he dedicated it, A.M. 3001, B.C. 999, with great solemnity for the worship of the Most High, who honored the occasion with the Shechinah, or visible presence. Various attempts have been made to describe the proportions and different parts of this structure, but since few writers agree on the details, an exhaustive description is intentionally omitted. It retained its original splendor for only thirty-three or thirty-four years until Shishak, the king of Egypt, took Jerusalem and seized the temple treasures. After experiencing further desecrations and looting, this majestic building was ultimately plundered and destroyed by the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar, A.M. 3416, or B.C. 584, 2 Kings xxv, 13–15; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 17–20.
After the captivity, the temple emerged from its ruins being rebuilt by Zerubbabel, but with vastly inferior and diminished glory; as appears from the tears of the aged men who had beheld the former structure in all its grandeur, Ezra iii, 12. The second temple was profaned by order of Antiochus Epiphanes, A. M. 3837, B. C. 163, who caused the daily sacrifices to be discontinued, and erected the image of Jupiter Olympus on the altar of burnt-offering. In this condition it continued three years, 1 Mac. iv, 42, when Judas Maccabæus purified and repaired it, and restored the sacrifices and true worship of Jehovah. Some years before the birth of our Saviour, the repairing and beautifying of this second temple, which had become decayed in the lapse of five centuries, was undertaken by Herod the Great, who for nine years employed eighty thousand workmen upon it, and spared no expense to render it equal, if not superior, in magnitude, splendour, and beauty, to any thing among mankind. Josephus calls it a work the most admirable of any that had ever been seen or heard of, both for its curious 905structure and its magnitude, and also for the vast wealth expended upon it, as well as for the universal reputation of its sanctity. But though Herod accomplished his original design in the time above specified, yet the Jews continued to ornament and enlarge it, expending the sacred treasure in annexing additional buildings to it; so that they might with great propriety assert, that their temple had been forty and six years in building, John ii, 20.
After the captivity, the temple was rebuilt by Zerubbabel, but it was much less glorious than before. You can see this from the tears of the older men who had seen the original temple in all its splendor, Ezra 3:12. The second temple was desecrated by Antiochus Epiphanes in 163 B.C., who stopped the daily sacrifices and set up a statue of Jupiter Olympus on the altar. It stayed in that state for three years, 1 Maccabees 4:42, until Judas Maccabeus purified and repaired it, restoring the sacrifices and true worship of Jehovah. Some years before the birth of our Savior, Herod the Great took on the task of repairing and beautifying this second temple, which had fallen into disrepair over five centuries. He employed eighty thousand workers for nine years and spared no expense to make it as grand, if not grander, in size and beauty than anything else in the world. Josephus called it the most remarkable work ever seen or heard of, both for its intricate structure and size, the immense wealth spent on it, and its renowned holiness. Although Herod finished his initial project in that time, the Jews continued to embellish and expand it, using sacred funds to add more buildings, so they could rightly claim that their temple had been under construction for forty-six years, John 2:20.
Before we proceed to describe this venerable edifice, it may be proper to remark, that by the temple is to be understood not only the fabric or house itself, which by way of eminence is called the temple, namely, the holy of holies, the sanctuary, and the several courts both of the priests and Israelites, but also all the numerous chambers and rooms which this prodigious edifice comprehended; and each of which had its respective degree of holiness, increasing in proportion to its contiguity to the holy of holies. This remark it will be necessary to bear in mind, lest the reader of Scripture should be led to suppose, that whatever is there said to be transacted in the temple was actually done in the interior of that sacred edificeedifice. To this infinite number of apartments, into which the temple was disposed, our Lord refers, John xiv, 2; and by a very striking and magnificent simile, borrowed from them, he represents those numerous seats and mansions of heavenly bliss which his Father’s house contained, and which were prepared for the everlasting abode of the righteous. The imagery is singularly beautiful and happy, when considered as an allusion to the temple, which our Lord not unfrequently called his Father’s house.
Before we describe this ancient building, it's important to note that by "temple," we mean not just the structure itself, often referred to as the temple, including the holy of holies, the sanctuary, and various courts for both the priests and the Israelites, but also all the many chambers and rooms within this vast building. Each of these spaces had its own level of holiness, increasing the closer it was to the holy of holies. This point is essential to remember so that readers of Scripture don’t mistakenly think that everything described as happening in the temple actually took place in the inner part of that sacred buildingedifice. Our Lord refers to this countless number of rooms in John 14:2, using a striking and impressive metaphor that draws from them to illustrate the many seats and mansions of heavenly bliss in his Father’s house, which are prepared for the eternal home of the righteous. The imagery is uniquely beautiful and fitting, especially as it relates to the temple, which our Lord often called his Father’s house.
The second temple, originally built by Zerubbabel after the captivity, and repaired by Herod, differed in several respects from that erected by Solomon, although they agreed in others.
The second temple, originally built by Zerubbabel after the captivity and renovated by Herod, had several differences from the one constructed by Solomon, even though there were some similarities as well.
The temple erected by Solomon was more splendid and magnificent than the second temple, which was deficient in five remarkable things that constituted the chief glory of the first: these were, the ark and the mercy seat; the shechinah, or manifestation of the divine presence, in the holy of holies; the sacred fire on the altar, which had been first kindled from heaven; the urim and thummim; and the spirit of prophecy. But the second temple surpassed the first in glory; being honoured by the frequent presence of our divine Saviour, agreeably to the prediction of Haggai, ii, 9. Both, however, were erected upon the same site, a very hard rock, encompassed by a very frightful precipice; and the foundation was laid with incredible expense and labour. The superstructure was not inferior to this great work: the height of the temple wall, especially on the south side, was stupendous. In the lowest places it was three hundred cubits, or four hundred and fifty feet, and in some places even greater. This most magnificent pile was constructed with hard white stones of prodigious magnitude. The temple itself, strictly so called, which comprised the portico, the sanctuary, and the holy of holies formed only a small part of the sacred edifice on Mount Moriah, being surrounded by spacious courts, making a square of half a mile in circumference. It was entered through nine gates, which were on every side thickly coated with gold and silver; but there was one gate without the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, the most precious metal in ancient times, and which far surpassed the others in beauty. For while these were of equal magnitude, the gate composed of Corinthian brass was much larger; its height being fifty cubits, and its doors forty cubits, and its ornaments both of gold and silver being far more costly and massive. This is supposed to have been the “gate called Beautiful” in Acts iii, 2, where Peter and John, in the name of Christ, healed a man who had been lame from his birth. The first or outer court, which encompassed the holy house and the other courts, was named the court of the Gentiles; because the latter were allowed to enter into it, but were prohibited from advancing farther. It was surrounded by a range of porticoes, or cloisters, above which were galleries, or apartments, supported by pillars of white marble, each consisting of a single piece, and twenty-five cubits in height. One of these was called Solomon’s porch, or piazza, because it stood on a vast terrace, which he had originally raised from a valley beneath, four hundred cubits high, in order to enlarge the area on the top of the mountain, and make it equal to the plan of his intended building; and as this terrace was the only work of Solomon that remained in the second temple, the piazza which stood upon it retained the name of that prince. Here it was that our Lord was walking at the feast of dedication, John x, 23; and that the lame man, when healed by Peter and John, glorified God before all the people, Acts iii, 11. This superb portico is termed the royal portico by Josephus, who represents it as the noblest work beneath the sun, being elevated to such a prodigious height, that no one could look down from its flat roof to the valley below, without being seized with dizziness; the sight not reaching to such an immeasurable depth. The south-east corner of the roof of this portico, where the height was the greatest, is supposed to have been the ϖτερύγιον, pinnacle, or extreme angle, whence Satan tempted our Saviour to precipitate himself, Matt, iv, 5; Luke iv, 9. This also was the spot where it was predicted that the abomination of desolation, or the Roman ensigns, should stand, Daniel ix, 27; Matt, xxiv, 15. Solomon’s portico was situated in the eastern front of the temple, opposite to the mount of Olives, where our Saviour is said to have sat when his disciples came to show him the grandeur of its various buildings, of which, grand as they were, he said, the time was approaching when one stone should not be left upon another, Matt, xxiv, 1–3. This outer court being assigned to the Gentile proselytes, the Jews, who did not worship in it themselves, conceived that it might lawfully be put to profane uses: for here we find that the buyers and sellers of animals for sacrifices, and also the moneychangers, 906had stationed themselves; until Jesus Christ, awing them into submission by the grandeur and dignity of his person and behaviour, expelled them; telling them that it was the house of prayer for all nations, and was not to be profaned, Matt. xxi, 12, 13; Mark xi, 15–17. Within the court of the Gentiles stood the court of the Israelites, divided into two parts, or courts; the outer one being appropriated to the women, and the inner one to the men. The court of the women was separated from that of the Gentiles by a low stone wall, or partition, of elegant construction, on which stood pillars at equal distances, with inscriptions in Greek and Latin, importing that no alien should enter into the holy place. To this wall St. Paul most evidently alludes in Eph. ii, 13, 14: “But now in Christ Jesus, ye, who sometimes were far off, are made nigh by the blood of Christ: for he is our peace, who hath made both one, (united both Jews and Gentiles into one church,) and hath broken down the middle wall of partition between us;” having abolished the law of ordinances, by which, as by the wall of separation, both Jews and Gentiles were not only kept asunder, but also at variance. In this court was the treasury, over against which Christ sat, and beheld how the people threw their voluntary offerings into it, for furnishing the victims and other things necessary for the sacrifices, Mark xii, 41; John viii, 20. From the court of the women, which was on higher ground than that of the Gentiles, there was an ascent of fifteen steps into the inner or men’s court: and so called because it was appropriated to the worship of the male Israelites. In these two courts, collectively termed the court of the Israelites, were the people praying, each apart by himself, for the pardon of his sins, while Zacharias was offering incense within the sanctuary, Luke i, 10. Within the court of the Israelites was that of the priests, which was separated from it by a low wall, one cubit in height. This enclosure surrounded the altar of burnt-offerings, and to it the people brought their oblations and sacrifices; but the priests alone were permitted to enter it. From this court twelve steps ascended to the temple, strictly so called; which was divided into three parts, the portico, the outer sanctuary, and the holy place. In the portico was suspended the splendid votive offerings made by the piety of various individuals. Among other treasures, there was a golden table given by Pompey, and several golden vines of exquisite workmanship, as well as of immense size; for Josephus relates, that there were clusters as tall as a man. And he adds, that all around were fixed up and displayed the spoils and trophies taken by Herod from the barbarians and Arabians. These votive offerings, it should seem, were visible at a distance; for when Jesus Christ was sitting on the mount of Olives, and his disciples called his attention to the temple, they pointed out to him the gifts with which it was adorned, Luke xxi, 5. This porch had a very large portal or gate, which, instead of folding doors, was furnished with a costly Babylonian veil, of many colours, that mystically denoted the universe. From this the sanctuary, or holy place, was separated from the holy of holies by a double veil, which is supposed to have been the veil that was rent in twain at our Saviour’s crucifixion; thus emblematically pointing out that the separation between Jews and Gentiles was abolished; and that the privilege of the high priest was communicated to all mankind, who might henceforth have access to the throne of grace through the one great Mediator, Jesus Christ, Heb. x, 19–22. The holy of holies was twenty cubits square: into it no person was admitted but the high priest, who entered it once a year on the great day of atonement, Exod. xxx, 10; Lev. xvi, 2, 15, 34; Heb. ix, 2–7.
The temple built by Solomon was more impressive and magnificent than the second temple, which lacked five significant elements that defined the glory of the first: the ark and the mercy seat; the shechinah, or visible presence of God, in the holy of holies; the sacred fire on the altar, kindled from heaven; the urim and thummim; and the spirit of prophecy. However, the second temple was glorified by the frequent presence of our divine Savior, as predicted by Haggai, ii, 9. Both were built on the same site, a very hard rock surrounded by a steep cliff, and the foundation was laid with immense cost and effort. The structure above was no less impressive: the height of the temple wall, especially on the south side, was astounding. In its lowest places, it measured three hundred cubits, or four hundred and fifty feet, and in some areas, it was even taller. This magnificent building was constructed with large, hard white stones. The temple itself, in the strictest sense, which included the portico, the sanctuary, and the holy of holies, was just a small part of the sacred complex on Mount Moriah, which was surrounded by vast courtyards, forming a square that measured half a mile around. It could be entered through nine gates, which were heavily plated with gold and silver. One gate outside the holy house was made of Corinthian brass, the most precious metal of ancient times, and it was far more beautiful than the others. While the other gates were of similar size, the Corinthian brass gate was much larger, standing fifty cubits tall with doors forty cubits wide, adorned with gold and silver that were considerably more valuable and substantial. This gate is believed to be the "gate called Beautiful" in Acts iii, 2, where Peter and John healed a man who had been lame from birth in the name of Christ. The first or outer court, which surrounded the holy house and the other courts, was called the court of the Gentiles; Gentiles were allowed to enter this area but were prohibited from going further. It was lined with a series of porticoes, or cloisters, above which were galleries, or rooms, supported by white marble pillars, each made from a single piece and twenty-five cubits tall. One of these was known as Solomon’s porch or piazza because it was built on a vast terrace that he raised from a valley beneath, four hundred cubits high, to expand the space on top of the mountain for his intended building. Since this terrace was the only work of Solomon that remained in the second temple, the piazza standing on it retained his name. This was where our Lord walked during the feast of dedication, John x, 23; and where the healed lame man glorified God in front of the people, Acts iii, 11. This impressive portico is referred to as the royal portico by Josephus, who described it as the most magnificent work under the sun, raised to such a height that no one could look down from its flat roof without feeling dizzy, the view not reaching such a great depth. The southeast corner of this portico's roof, where the height was greatest, is thought to be the ϖτερύγιον, pinnacle, or extreme edge from which Satan tempted our Savior to throw himself down, Matt, iv, 5; Luke iv, 9. This was also the spot foretold to have the abomination of desolation, or the Roman standards, standing there, Daniel ix, 27; Matt, xxiv, 15. Solomon’s portico was located at the eastern front of the temple, directly across from the Mount of Olives, where our Savior sat as his disciples showed him the grandeur of its structures, of which, impressive as they were, he said that the time was coming when not one stone would be left on another, Matt, xxiv, 1–3. This outer court was open to Gentile proselytes, and since the Jews did not worship in it themselves, they thought it could be used for common purposes: here, buyers and sellers of sacrificial animals and money changers set up shop; until Jesus Christ, awed them into submission with his grandeur and dignity, driving them out and declaring that it was a house of prayer for all nations, and should not be desecrated, Matt. xxi, 12, 13; Mark xi, 15–17. Inside the court of the Gentiles was the court of the Israelites, divided into two sections: the outer part was designated for women, and the inner for men. The court of women was separated from the Gentiles' area by a low stone wall, elegantly constructed, with pillars at regular intervals, inscribed in Greek and Latin, stating that no foreigner should enter the holy place. St. Paul clearly refers to this wall in Eph. ii, 13, 14: “But now in Christ Jesus, you who were once far away have been brought near by the blood of Christ; for he himself is our peace, who has made the two groups one (uniting both Jews and Gentiles into one church), and has destroyed the barrier, the dividing wall of hostility;” abolishing the law of commands and regulations that had kept Jews and Gentiles separated and at odds. In this court was the treasury, where Christ sat and observed how people donated their offerings for the victims and other necessary items for sacrifices, Mark xii, 41; John viii, 20. From the court of women, which was elevated above that of the Gentiles, there was a climb of fifteen steps into the inner men's court, called that because it was reserved for the worship of male Israelites. In these two courts, together known as the court of the Israelites, were people praying individually for the forgiveness of their sins while Zacharias offered incense in the sanctuary, Luke i, 10. Within the Israelites' court was the priests' area, separated from it by a low wall, one cubit high. This enclosed the altar of burnt offerings, where the people brought their offerings and sacrifices, but only the priests were allowed inside. Twelve steps led from this court up to the temple itself, which was divided into three parts: the portico, the outer sanctuary, and the holy place. The portico displayed beautiful votive offerings made by the piety of various individuals. Among these treasures was a golden table given by Pompey and several magnificent golden vines, some as tall as a man, according to Josephus. He also noted that all around displayed the spoils and trophies taken by Herod from the barbarians and Arabians. These votive offerings were likely visible from afar; when Jesus sat on the Mount of Olives, his disciples pointed out the gifts adorning the temple, Luke xxi, 5. This porch had a large entrance, which instead of folding doors, was covered by an expensive, multi-colored Babylonian veil that symbolically represented the universe. From this, the sanctuary, or holy place, was separated from the holy of holies by a double veil, thought to be the same veil that was torn in two at our Savior’s crucifixion, symbolically showing that the separation between Jews and Gentiles was ended and that the high priest's privilege was given to all humanity, allowing access to the throne of grace through the one great Mediator, Jesus Christ, Heb. x, 19–22. The holy of holies was twenty cubits square; only the high priest was allowed inside, and he entered once a year on the great day of atonement, Exod. xxx, 10; Lev. xvi, 2, 15, 34; Heb. ix, 2–7.
Magnificent as the rest of the sacred edifice was, it was infinitely surpassed in splendour by the inner temple, or sanctuary. Its appearance, according to Josephus, had every thing that could strike the mind, or astonish the sight: for it was covered on every side with plates of gold; so that when the sun rose upon it, it reflected so strong and dazzling an effulgence, that the eye of the spectator was obliged to turn away, being no more able to sustain its radiance than the splendour of the sun. To strangers who were approaching, it appeared at a distance like a mountain covered with snow; for where it was not decorated with plates of gold, it was extremely white and glistering. On the top it had sharp-pointed spikes of gold, to prevent any bird from resting upon it, and polluting it. There were, continues the Jewish historian, in that building, several stones which were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth. “When all these things are considered,” says Harwood, “how natural is the exclamation of the disciples, when viewing this immense building at a distance: ‘Master, see what manner of stones’ (ϖοταποὶ λίθοι, ‘what very large ones’) ‘and what buildings are here!’ Mark xiii, 1: and how wonderful is the declaration of our Lord upon this, how unlikely to be accomplished before the race of men who were then living should cease to exist! ‘Seest thou these great buildings? There shall not be left one stone upon another that shall not be thrown down.’ Improbable as this prediction must have appeared to the disciples at that time, in the short space of about thirty years after it was exactly accomplished; and this most magnificent temple, which the Jews had literally turned into a den of thieves, through the righteous judgment of God upon that wicked and abandoned nation, was utterly destroyed by the Romans A. D. 70, or 73 of the vulgar era, on the same month, and on the same day of the month, when Solomon’s temple had been razed to the ground by the Babylonians!”
As magnificent as the rest of the sacred structure was, it was vastly outshined by the inner temple, or sanctuary. Its appearance, according to Josephus, had everything that could captivate the mind or amaze the sight: it was covered on every side with gold plates, so that when the sun rose on it, it reflected such a strong and dazzling light that spectators had to look away, unable to bear its brightness any more than the brightness of the sun. To approaching strangers, it looked from a distance like a mountain topped with snow; where it wasn't decorated with gold, it was extremely white and gleaming. At the top, it had sharp golden spikes to prevent birds from landing on it and contaminating it. The Jewish historian continues that that building had several stones measuring forty-five cubits long, five cubits high, and six cubits wide. “When all these things are considered,” says Harwood, “how natural is the exclamation of the disciples, when viewing this massive building from afar: ‘Master, look at these large stones’ (ποταποὶ λίθοι, ‘what very large ones’) ‘and what buildings are here!’ Mark xiii, 1: and how remarkable is our Lord's statement on this, how unlikely to be fulfilled before the current generation of people ceased to exist! ‘Do you see these great buildings? Not one stone will be left here upon another that will not be thrown down.’ Although this prediction seemed improbable to the disciples at that time, just about thirty years later it was precisely fulfilled; and this most magnificent temple, which the Jews had literally turned into a den of thieves, through God's righteous judgment on that wicked and corrupt nation, was completely destroyed by the Romans in A.D. 70 or 73, on the same month and on the same day of the month that Solomon’s temple had been leveled by the Babylonians!”
Both the first and second temples were contemplated by the Jews with the highest reverence. Of their affectionate regard for the first temple, and for Jerusalem, within whose walls it was built, we have several instances in those Psalms which were composed during the Babylonish captivity; and of their profound veneration for the second temple we have 907repeated examples in the New Testament. They could not bear any disrespectful or dishonourable thing to be said of it. The least injurious slight of it, real or apprehended, instantly awakened all the choler of a Jew, and was an affront never to be forgiven. Our Saviour, in the course of his public instructions, having said, “Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up again,” John ii, 19, it was construed into a contemptuous disrespect, designedly thrown out against the temple; his words instantly descended into the heart of the Jews, and kept rankling there for some years; for, upon his trial, this declaration, which it was impossible for a Jew ever to forget or to forgive, was immediately alleged against him, as big with the most atrocious guilt and impiety: they told the court they had heard him publicly assert, “I am able to destroy this temple,” Matt. xxvi, 61. The rancour and virulence they had conceived against him for this speech, was not softened by all the affecting circumstances of that wretched death they saw him die; even as he hung upon the cross, with triumph, scorn, and exultation, they upbraided him with it, contemptuously shaking their heads, and saying, “Thou that destroyest the temple, and buildest it in three days, save thyself! If thou be the Son of God, come down from the cross!” Matt. xxvii, 40. It only remains to add, that it appears, from several passages of Scripture, that the Jews had a body of soldiers who guarded the temple, to prevent any disturbances during the ministration of such an immense number of priests and Levites. To this guard Pilate referred, when he said to the chief priests and Pharisees who waited upon him to desire he would make the sepulchre secure, “Ye have a watch, go your way, and make it as secure as ye can,” Matt. xxvii, 65. Over these guards one person had the supreme command, who in several places is called the captain of the temple, or officer of the temple guard. “And as they spake unto the people, the priests and the captain of the temple and the Sadducees came upon them,” Acts iv, 1; v, 25, 26; John xviii, 12. Josephus mentions such an officer.
Both the first and second temples were regarded by the Jews with deep respect. Their affection for the first temple and for Jerusalem, where it was built, is reflected in several Psalms written during the Babylonian captivity. Their profound respect for the second temple is also evident in the New Testament. They couldn't tolerate any disrespectful or dishonorable remarks about it. Even the slightest perceived insult would ignite intense anger among the Jews and was seen as an unforgivable offense. When our Savior publicly stated, “Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up again,” John ii, 19, it was interpreted as a deliberate insult aimed at the temple. His words struck deeply with the Jews and lingered in their minds for years; during his trial, this declaration—something no Jew could ever forget or forgive—was immediately used against him as evidence of extreme guilt and impiety. They told the court they had heard him claim, “I am able to destroy this temple,” Matt. xxvi, 61. The bitterness they held against him for this statement was not diminished by the tragic circumstances of his death; even as he hung on the cross, they mocked him, shaking their heads and saying, “You who destroy the temple and rebuild it in three days, save yourself! If you are the Son of God, come down from the cross!” Matt. xxvii, 40. It’s also worth mentioning that various passages in Scripture indicate that the Jews had a group of soldiers to guard the temple and prevent any disturbances while a large number of priests and Levites were performing their duties. Pilate referred to this guard when he told the chief priests and Pharisees who asked him to secure the tomb, “You have a watch, go your way, and make it as secure as you can,” Matt. xxvii, 65. Over these guards, one person held the highest authority, referred to in several instances as the captain of the temple or officer of the temple guard. “And as they spoke to the people, the priests and the captain of the temple and the Sadducees came upon them,” Acts iv, 1; v, 25, 26; John xviii, 12. Josephus mentions such an officer.
TENT MAKER. St. Paul, according to the practice of the Jews, who, however opulent, always taught their children some trade, appears to have been a tent maker. This, however, is understood by some moderns to mean a maker of tent cloth, St. Paul being a Cilician, a country which produced a species of rough-haired goats, from which the Cilicians manufactured a thick and coarse cloth, much used for tents. The fathers, however, say that he made military tents, the material of which was skins.
TENT MAKER. St. Paul, following the Jewish tradition of teaching their children a trade regardless of wealth, seems to have been a tent maker. Some modern interpretations, however, suggest this means he made tent fabric as he was from Cilicia, a region known for its rough-haired goats. The Cilicians used the hair from these goats to create a thick, coarse fabric, commonly used for tents. However, some scholars argue that he made military tents, which were made from animal hides.
TERAPHIM. It is said, Gen. xxxi, 19, that Rachel had stolen the images (teraphim) of her father. What then were these teraphim? The Septuagint translate this word by “oracle,” and sometimes by “vain figures.” Aquila generally translates it by “figures.” It appears, indeed, from all the passages in which this word is used, that they were idols or superstitious figures. Some Jewish writers tell us the teraphim were humanhuman heads placed in niches, and consulted by way of oracles. Others think they were talismans or figures of metal cast and engraven under certain aspects of the planets, to which they ascribed extraordinary effects. All the eastern people are much addicted to this superstition, and the Persians still call them telefin, a name nearly approaching to teraphim. M. Jurieu supposes them to have been a sort of dii penates, or household gods; and this appears to be, perhaps, the most probable opinion.
TERAPHIM. It is mentioned in Gen. xxxi, 19, that Rachel stole the images (teraphim) from her father. So, what exactly were these teraphim? The Septuagint translates this word as “oracle” and sometimes as “worthless figures.” Aquila usually translates it as “figures.” From all the instances where this word appears, it seems they were idols or superstitious figures. Some Jewish writers suggest that the teraphim were humanhuman heads placed in niches, consulted for oracles. Others believe they were talismans or metal figures created and engraved based on certain planetary positions, to which they attributed extraordinary powers. People in the East are quite fond of this superstition, and the Persians still refer to them as telefin, a name closely resembling teraphim. M. Jurieu thinks they may have been a type of household gods, or household gods; and this might be the most likely explanation.
TESTAMENT. The property or estate of the father fell, after his decease, into the possession of his sons, who divided it among themselves equally, with this exception, that the eldest son had two portions. The father expressed his last wishes or will in the presence of witnesses, and probably in the presence of the heirs, 2 Kings xx, 1. At a more recent period the will was made out in writing. The portion that was given to the sons of concubines depended altogether upon the feelings of the father. Abraham gave presents to what amount is not known, both to Ishmael and to the sons whom he had by Keturah, and sent them away before his death. It does not appear that they had any other portion in the estate. But Jacob made the sons whom he had by his concubines heirs as well as the others, Gen. xxi, 8–21; xxv, 1–6; xlix, 1–27. Moses laid no restrictions upon the choice of fathers in this respect; and we should infer that the sons of concubines, for the most part, received an equal share with the other sons, from the fact, that Jephtha, the son of a concubine, complained that he was excluded without any portion from his father’s house, Judg. xi, 1–7. The daughters not only had no portion in the estate, but, if they were unmarried, were considered as making a part of it, and were sold by their brothers into matrimony. If they had no brothers, or if they had died, the daughters then took the estate, Num. xxvii, 1–8. If any one died intestate, and without offspring, the property was disposed of according to Num. xxvii, 8–11. The servants or the slaves in a family could not claim any share in the estate as a right; but the person who made a will, might, if he chose, make them his heirs, Gen. xv, 3. Indeed, in some instances, those who had heirs, recognized as such by law, did not deem it unbecoming to bestow the whole or a portion of their estates on faithful and deserving servants, Prov. xvii, 2. The widow of the deceased, like his daughters, had no legal right to a share in the estate. The sons, however, or other relations, were bound to afford her an adequate maintenance, unless it had been otherwise arranged in the will. She sometimes returned back again to her father’s house, particularly if the support which the heirs gave her was not such as had been promised, or was not sufficient, Gen. xxxviii, 11. See also the story of Ruth. The prophets very frequently, and undoubtedly not without cause, exclaim against the neglect and injustice shown to widows, Isa. i, 17; x, 2; Jer. vii, 6; xxii, 3; Ezek. xxii, 7; Exod. xxii, 22–24; Deut. x, 18; xxiv, 17.
TESTAMENT. After the father's death, his property or estate passed to his sons, who divided it equally among themselves, with the exception that the eldest son received two portions. The father shared his final wishes or will in front of witnesses and likely in the presence of the heirs, 2 Kings xx, 1. Later on, the will was written down. The share allocated to the sons of concubines depended entirely on the father's feelings. Abraham gave unknown gifts to both Ishmael and the sons he had with Keturah, sending them away before he died. They did not seem to have any other stake in the estate. However, Jacob made the children he had with his concubines heirs alongside the others, Gen. xxi, 8–21; xxv, 1–6; xlix, 1–27. Moses placed no limitations on fathers in this matter; we can infer that the sons of concubines usually received equal shares with the other sons because Jephtha, the son of a concubine, complained about being excluded from his father's house without any portion, Judg. xi, 1–7. Daughters not only had no share in the estate, but if they were unmarried, they were considered part of it and were sold into marriage by their brothers. If there were no brothers or if they had died, the daughters then inherited the estate, Num. xxvii, 1–8. If someone died without a will and without children, the property was distributed according to Num. xxvii, 8–11. Servants or slaves in a household had no legal claim to an estate share, but the person who created a will could choose to make them heirs, Gen. xv, 3. In fact, some individuals with legally recognized heirs did not find it inappropriate to leave all or part of their estates to loyal and deserving servants, Prov. xvii, 2. The widow of the deceased, like his daughters, had no legal right to a share in the estate. However, the sons or other relatives were obligated to provide her with adequate support unless the will stated otherwise. Sometimes, she went back to her father's house, especially if the support she received from the heirs was less than promised or insufficient, Gen. xxxviii, 11. See also the story of Ruth. The prophets often and rightly condemned the neglect and injustice faced by widows, Isa. i, 17; x, 2; Jer. vii, 6; xxii, 3; Ezek. xxii, 7; Exod. xxii, 22–24; Deut. x, 18; xxiv, 17.
908TESTIMONY, a witnessing, evidence, or proof, Acts xiv, 3. The whole Scripture or word of God, which declares what is to be believed, practised, and expected by us, is called God’s “testimony,” and sometimes in the plural “testimonies,” Psalm xix, 7. The two tables of stone on which the law or ten commandments were written, which were witnesses of that covenant made between God and his people, and testified what it was that God had required of them, have the same title, Exod. xxv, 16, 21; xxxi, 18.
908TESTIMONY, which means witnessing, evidence, or proof, is mentioned in Acts 14:3. The entire Scripture or word of God, which outlines what we should believe, practice, and expect, is referred to as God’s “testimony,” and sometimes in the plural as “testimonies,” as seen in Psalm 19:7. The two stone tablets that contained the law or Ten Commandments, which served as witnesses to the covenant made between God and His people, and testified what God required of them, are given the same title in Exodus 25:16, 21; 31:18.
TETRARCH, a sovereign prince that has the fourth part of a state, province, or kingdom under his dominion, without wearing the diadem, or bearing the title of king, Matt, xiv, 1; Luke iii, 1, 19; ix, 7; Acts xiii, 1.
TETRARCH, a ruling prince who governs one-fourth of a state, province, or kingdom without wearing a crown or calling himself king, Matt. xiv, 1; Luke iii, 1, 19; ix, 7; Acts xiii, 1.
THEOPHILUS, one to whom St. Luke addresses the books of his Gospel and Acts of the Apostles, which he composed, Acts i, 1; Luke i, 3. It is doubted whether the name Theophilus be here the proper name of a man, or an appellative or common name, which, according to its etymology, may stand for any good man, or a lover of God. Some think this name is generic, and that St. Luke’s design here is to address his work to those that love God; but it is much more probable that this Theophilus was a Christian to whom the evangelist has dedicated those two works; and the epithet of “most excellent,” which is given to him, shows him to have been a man of great quality. Œcumenius concludes from thence that he was governor or intendant of some province, because such a personage had generally the title of “most excellent” given to him. Grotius conjectures he might be a magistrate of Achaia, converted by St. Luke.
THEOPHILUS is the person to whom St. Luke addresses the books of his Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles, which he wrote (Acts 1:1; Luke 1:3). There’s some uncertainty about whether Theophilus is a specific individual's name or a general term that could mean any good person or lover of God based on its meaning. Some believe this name is intended to be generic, suggesting St. Luke's work is aimed at those who love God; however, it seems more likely that this Theophilus was a Christian to whom the evangelist dedicated these two works. The title "most excellent" indicates he was of high status. Œcumenius infers that he might have been a governor or official of some province since such figures were typically given the title "most excellent." Grotius speculates he could have been a magistrate of Achaia converted by St. Luke.
THERAPEUTÆ. One particular phenomenon which resulted from the theosophico-ascetic spirit among the Alexandrian Jews, was the sect of the Therapeutæ. Their head quarters were at no great distance from Alexandria, in a quiet pleasant spot on the shores of the Lake Mœris, where they lived, like the anchorites in later periods, shut up in separate cells, and employed themselves in nothing but prayer, and the contemplation of divine things. An allegorical interpretation of Scripture was the foundation of their speculations; and they had old theosophical writings which gave them this turn. They lived only on bread and water, and accustomed themselves to fasting. They only ate in the evening, and many fasted for several days together. They met together every Sabbath day, and every seven weeks they held a still more solemn assembly, because the number seven was peculiarly holy in their estimation. They then celebrated a simple love-feast, consisting of bread with salt and hyssop; theosophical discussions were held, and the hymns which they had from their old traditions were sung; and mystical dances, bearing reference to the wonderful works of God with the fathers of their people, were continued, amidst choral songs, to a late hour in the night. Many men of distinguished learning have considered this sect as nothing but a scion of the Essenes, trained up under the peculiar influence of the Egyptian spirit.
THERAPEUTÆ. One specific phenomenon that emerged from the theosophical-ascetic mindset among the Alexandrian Jews was the sect of the Therapeutæ. Their headquarters were located not far from Alexandria, in a peaceful and pleasant area on the shores of Lake Mœris, where they lived similarly to later hermits, isolated in individual cells, focusing solely on prayer and contemplation of divine matters. An allegorical interpretation of Scripture formed the basis of their beliefs, supported by ancient theosophical writings that influenced their thinking. They survived solely on bread and water and practiced fasting. They ate only in the evening, and many fasted for several days at a time. They gathered every Sabbath and held an even more significant assembly every seven weeks, as the number seven held special holiness for them. During these gatherings, they celebrated a simple love feast that included bread, salt, and hyssop; theosophical discussions took place, hymns from their ancient traditions were sung, and mystical dances reflecting on God's wondrous works with their ancestors continued late into the night, accompanied by choral songs. Many scholars of notable learning have viewed this sect as merely a branch of the Essenes, nurtured under the unique influence of the Egyptian spirit.
THESSALONIANS, Christians of Thessalonica, to whom St. Paul sent two epistles. It is recorded in the Acts, that St. Paul, in his first journey upon the continent of Europe, preached the Gospel at Thessalonica, at that time the capital of Macedonia, with considerable success; but that after a short stay he was driven thence by the malice and violence of the unbelieving Jews. From Thessalonica St. Paul went to Berea, and thence to Athens, at both which places he remained but a short time. From Athens he sent Timothy to Thessalonica, to confirm the new converts in their faith, and to inquire into their conduct. Timothy, upon his return, found St. Paul at Corinth. Thence, probably in A. D. 52, St. Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Thessalonians; and it is to be supposed that the subjects of which it treats, were suggested by the account which he received from Timothy. It is now generally believed that this was written the first of all St. Paul’s epistles, but it is not known by whom it was sent to Thessalonica. The church there consisted chiefly of Gentile converts, 1 Thess. i, 9. St. Paul, after saluting the Thessalonian Christians in the name of himself, Silas, and Timothy, assures them that he constantly returned thanks to God on their account, and mentioned them in his prayers; he acknowledges the readiness and sincerity with which they embraced the Gospel, and the great reputation which they had acquired by turning from idols to serve the living God, 1 Thess. i; he reminds them of the bold and disinterested manner in which he had preached among them; comforts them under the persecutions which they, like other Christians, had experienced from their unbelieving countrymen, and informs them of two ineffectual attempts which he had made to visit them again, 1 Thess. ii; and that, being thus disappointed, he had sent Timothy to confirm their faith, and inquire into their conduct; he tells them that Timothy’s account of them had given him the greatest consolation and joy in the midst of his affliction and distress, and that he continually prayed to God for an opportunity of seeing them again, and for their perfect establishment in the Gospel, 1 Thess. iii; he exhorts to purity, justice, love, and quietness, and dissuades them against excessive grief for their deceased friends, 1 Thess. iv; hence he takes occasion to recommend preparation for the last judgment, the time of which is always uncertain; and adds a variety of practical precepts. He concludes with his usual benediction. This epistle is written in terms of high commendation, earnestness, and affection.
THESSALONIANS, Christians of Thessalonica, to whom St. Paul sent two letters. It's noted in the Acts that St. Paul preached the Gospel in Thessalonica during his first journey in Europe, where he had a lot of success; however, after a short stay, he was forced to leave by the hostility and violence of the non-believing Jews. From Thessalonica, St. Paul went to Berea, and then to Athens, where he also stayed only briefly. From Athens, he sent Timothy back to Thessalonica to strengthen the new converts in their faith and to check on their behavior. When Timothy returned, he found St. Paul in Corinth. Around A.D. 52, St. Paul wrote the First Letter to the Thessalonians, likely based on the information he received from Timothy. It's generally accepted that this was the first of all St. Paul’s letters, but it's unknown who delivered it to Thessalonica. The church there was mainly made up of Gentile converts, 1 Thess. i, 9. St. Paul, after greeting the Thessalonian Christians on behalf of himself, Silas, and Timothy, assures them that he constantly thanks God for them and includes them in his prayers; he acknowledges their eagerness and sincerity in accepting the Gospel and the great reputation they earned by turning away from idols to serve the living God, 1 Thess. i; he reminds them of how boldly and selflessly he preached to them; comforts them amidst the persecutions they, like other Christians, faced from their non-believing countrymen, and informs them of two failed attempts he made to visit them again, 1 Thess. ii; and that, feeling disappointed, he sent Timothy to strengthen their faith and check on their behavior. He tells them that Timothy’s report brought him immense comfort and joy in the midst of his struggles, and that he constantly prays for a chance to see them again and for their complete establishment in the Gospel, 1 Thess. iii; he encourages them towards purity, justice, love, and peace, and advises against excessive sorrow for their deceased friends, 1 Thess. iv; he then uses this as a chance to stress the importance of being prepared for the final judgment, which is always uncertain, and adds a variety of practical advice. He concludes with his usual blessing. This letter is written with high praise, sincere urgency, and deep affection.
It is generally believed that the messenger who carried the former epistle into Macedonia, upon his return to Corinth, informed St. Paul that the Thessalonians had inferred, from some expressions in it, that the coming of Christ and the final judgment were near at hand, and would happen in the time of many who were then alive, 1 Thess. iv, 15, 17; v, 6. The principal design of the Second Epistle to 909the Thessalonians was to correct that error, and prevent the mischief which it would naturally occasion. It was written from Corinth, probably at the end of A. D. 52. St. Paul begins with the same salutation as in the former epistle, and then expresses his devout acknowledgments to God for the increasing faith and mutual love of the Thessalonians in the midst of persecution; he represents to them the rewards which will be bestowed upon the faithful, and the punishment which will be inflicted upon the disobedient, at the coming of Christ, 2 Thess. i; he earnestly entreats them not to suppose, as upon authority from him, or upon any other ground, that the last day is at hand; he assures them, that before that awful period a great apostasy will take place, and reminds them of some information which he had given them upon that subject when he was at Thessalonica; he exhorts them to steadfastness in their faith, and prays to God to comfort their hearts, and establish them in every good word and work, 2 Thess. ii; he desires their prayers for the success of his ministry, and expresses his confidence in their sincerity; he cautions them against associating with idle and disorderly persons, and recommends diligence and quietness. He adds a salutation in his own hand, and concludes with his usual benediction.
It is commonly thought that the messenger who brought the previous letter to Macedonia, upon returning to Corinth, told St. Paul that the Thessalonians had interpreted some phrases in it to mean that Christ’s return and the final judgment were imminent and would occur during the lifetime of many who were alive at that time, 1 Thess. iv, 15, 17; v, 6. The main purpose of the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians was to correct that misunderstanding and prevent the problems it could cause. It was written from Corinth, likely at the end of A.D. 52. St. Paul starts with the same greeting as in the previous letter and then expresses his heartfelt gratitude to God for the growing faith and love among the Thessalonians, even amid persecution; he talks about the rewards for the faithful and the punishments for the disobedient at Christ's coming, 2 Thess. i; he earnestly asks them not to assume, based on his authority or any other reasons, that the last day is near; he assures them that before that terrible time comes, there will be a major falling away and reminds them of some things he had previously shared with them while he was in Thessalonica; he encourages them to remain steadfast in their faith and prays to God to comfort their hearts and strengthen them in every good word and deed, 2 Thess. ii; he requests their prayers for the success of his ministry and expresses confidence in their sincerity; he warns them against associating with lazy and disruptive people and advises them to be diligent and peaceful. He adds a greeting written in his own handwriting and concludes with his usual blessing.
THESSALONICA, a celebrated city in Macedonia, and capital of that kingdom, standing upon the Thesmaic Sea. Stephen of Byzantium says that it was improved and beautified by Philip, king of Macedon, and called Thessalonica in memory of the victory that he obtained over the Thessalians. Its old name was Thesma. The Jews had a synagogue here, and their number was considerable, Acts xvii.
THESSALONICA, a famous city in Macedonia and the capital of that kingdom, located by the Thesmaic Sea. Stephen of Byzantium mentions that it was developed and beautified by Philip, king of Macedon, and named Thessalonica to commemorate the victory he achieved over the Thessalians. Its original name was Thesma. The Jews had a synagogue here, and their population was significant, Acts xvii.
THIEF. Among the Hebrews theft was not punished with death: “Men do not despise a thief if he steal to satisfy his soul when he is hungry. But if he be found, he shall restore sevenfold; he shall give all the substance of his house,” Prov. vi, 30, 31. The law allowed the killing of a night-robber, because it was supposed his intention was to murder as well as to rob, Exod. xxii, 2. It condemned a common thief to make double restitution, Exod. xxii, 4. If he stole an ox he was to restore it fivefold; if a sheep, only fourfold, Exod. xxii, 1; 2 Sam. xii, 6. But if the animal that was stolen was found alive in his house he only rendered the double of it. If he did not make restitution, they seized what was in his house, put it up to sale, and even sold the person himself if he had not wherewithal to make satisfaction, Exod. xxii, 3.
THIEF. In Hebrew society, theft wasn’t punishable by death: “People don’t despise a thief if he steals to satisfy his hunger. But if he’s caught, he must repay seven times what he took; he must give everything he owns,” Prov. vi, 30, 31. The law allowed for the killing of a nighttime burglar because it was believed he intended to kill as well as steal, Exod. xxii, 2. A common thief had to repay double what he stole, Exod. xxii, 4. If he stole an ox, he had to repay five times its value; if it was a sheep, he repaid only four times, Exod. xxii, 1; 2 Sam. xii, 6. However, if the stolen animal was found alive in his home, he only had to return double its value. If he didn’t make restitution, authorities would seize his possessions, put them up for sale, and could even sell him if he couldn’t pay back what he owed, Exod. xxii, 3.
THOMAS, the Apostle, otherwise called Didymus, which in Greek signifies a twin, Matt. x, 3; Luke vi, 15. We know no particulars of his life till A. D. 33, John xi, 16; xiv, 5, 6; xx, 24–29; xxi, 1–13. Ancient tradition says, that in the distribution which the Apostles made of the several parts of the world, wherein they were to preach the Gospel, the country of the Parthians fell to the share of St. Thomas. It is added, that he preached to the Medes, Persians, Carmanians, Hircanians, Bactrians, &c. Several of the fathers inform us that he also preached in the East Indies, &c.
THOMAS, the Apostle, also known as Didymus, which means a twin in Greek, Matt. x, 3; Luke vi, 15. We don't know much about his life until A.D. 33, John xi, 16; xiv, 5, 6; xx, 24–29; xxi, 1–13. According to ancient tradition, when the Apostles divided the world for preaching the Gospel, St. Thomas was assigned to the region of the Parthians. It’s said that he preached to the Medes, Persians, Carmanians, Hircanians, Bactrians, and others. Several early church fathers tell us that he also preached in the East Indies, among other places.
THORN. A general name for several kinds of prickly plants. 1. In the curse denounced against the earth, Gen. iii, 18, its produce is threatened to be “thorns and thistles,” קוץ ודרדר, in the Septuagint ἀκάνθας καὶ τριϐόλους. St. Paul uses the same words, Heb. vi, 8, where the last is rendered “briers;” they are also found Hos. x, 8. The word kutz is put for “thorns,” in other places, as Exod. xxii, 6; Judges viii, 7; Ezek. ii, 6; xxviii, 24; but we are uncertain whether it means a specific kind of thorn, or may be a generic name for all plants of a thorny kind. In the present instance it seems to be general for all those obnoxious plants, shrubs, &c, by which the labours of the husbandman are impeded, and which are only fit for burning. If the word denotes a particular plant, it maybe the “rest-harrow,” a pernicious prickly weed, which grows promiscuously with the large thistles in the uncultivated grounds, and covers entire fields and plains, in Egypt and Palestine. From the resemblance of the Hebrew dardar, to the Arabic word dardargi, Scheuchzer supposes the cnicus to be intended. 2. תות, from its etymology, must be a kind of thorn, with incurvated spines, like fish hooks, similar to those of the North American “witch hazel.” Celsius says that the same word, and of the same original in Arabic, is the “black thorn,” or “sloe tree,” the prunus spinosa of Linnæus. 3. סירים. It is impossible to determine what plants are intended by this word. Meninski says that serbin, in the Persic language, is the name of a tree bearing thorns. In Eccles. vii, 6, and Nahum i, 10, they are mentioned as fuel which quickly burns up; and in Hosea ii, 6, as obstructions or hedges; it may be the lycium Afrum. 4. סלון, mentioned Josh. xxiii, 13; Ezek. ii, 6, xxviii, 24. From the vexatious character ascribed to this thorn in the places just referred to, compared with Num. xxxiii, 55; Judges ii, 3; it is probably the kantuffa, as described by Bruce. 5. By שבים, Num. xxxiii, 55, may be intended goads, or sharp-pointed sticks, like those with which cattle were driven. 6. The שית, Isa. v, 6; x, 17, must mean some noxious plant that overruns waste grounds. 7. The word צנים, Num. xxxiii, 55; Josh. xxiii, 13; Isa. v, 5. It seems, from its application, to describe a bad kind of thorn. Hiller supposes it to be the vepris. Perhaps it is the rhamnus paliurus, a deciduous plant or tree, a native of Palestine, Spain, and Italy. It will grow nearly to the height of fourteen feet, and is armed with sharp thorns, two of which are at the insertion of each branch, one of them straight and upright, the other bent backward. 8. כרקנים, translated “briers,” Judges viii, 16. “There is no doubt but this word means a sharp, jagged kind of plant: the difficulty is to fix on one, where so many offer themselves. The Septuagint preserves the original word. We should hardly think Gideon went far to seek these plants. The thorns are expressly said to be from the wilderness, 910or common hard by; probably the barkanim were from the same place. In our country this would lead us to the blackberry bushes on our commons; but it might not be so around Succoth. There is a plant mentioned by Hasselquist, whose name and properties somewhat resemble those which are required in the barkanim of this passage: “Nabka paliurus Athenæi, is the nabka of the Arabs. There is every appearance that this is the tree which furnished the crown of thorns which was put on the head of our Lord. It is common in the east. A plant more proper for this purpose could not be selected; for it is armed with thorns, its branches are pliant, and its leaf of a deep green like that of ivy. Perhaps the enemies of Christ chose this plant, in order to add insult to injury by employing a wreath approaching in appearance that which was used to crown emperors and generals.” In the New Testament, the Greek word translated “thorn,” is ἄκανθα; Matt. vii, 16, xiii, 7, xxvii, 29, John xix, 2. The note of Bishop Pearce on Matt. xxvii, 29, is this: “The word ἀκανθῶν may as well be the plural genitive case of the word ἄκανθος, as of ἄκανθα; if of the latter, it is rightly translated ‘of thorns,’ but the former would signify what we call ‘bear’s foot,’ and the French branche ursine. This is not of the thorny kind of plants, but is soft and smooth. Virgil calls it mollis acanthus. So does Pliny: and Pliny the elder says that it is lævis, “smooth;” and that it is one of those plants that are cultivated in gardens. I have somewhere read, but cannot at present recollect where, that this soft and smooth herb was very common in and about Jerusalem. I find nothing in the New Testament concerning this crown which Pilate’s soldiers put on the head of Jesus, to incline one to think that it was of thorns, and intended, as is usually supposed, to put him to pain. The reed put into his hand, and the scarlet robe on his back, were meant only as marks of mockery and contempt. One may also reasonably judge by the soldiers being said to plat this crown, that it was not composed of such twigs and leaves as were of a thorny nature. I do not find that it is mentioned by any of the primitive Christian writers as an instance of the cruelty used toward our Saviour before he was led to crucifixion, till the time of Tertullian, who lived after Jesus’ death at the distance of above one hundred and sixty years. He indeed seems to have understood ἀκανθῶν in the sense of thorns, and says, ‘Quale oro te, Jesus Christus sertum pro utrogue sexu subiit? Ex spinis, opinor, et tribulis.’ [What kind of a crown, I beseech you, did Jesus Christ sustain? One made of thorns and thistles, I think.] The total silence of Polycarp, Barnabas, Clemens Romanus, and all the other Christian writers whose works are now extant, and who wrote before Tertullian, in particular, will give some weight to incline one to think that this crown was not platted with thorns. But as this is a point on which we have not sufficient evidence, I leave it almost in the same state of uncertainty in which I found it.” See Garden.
THORN. A general term for various types of prickly plants. 1. In the curse declared against the earth, Gen. iii, 18, it is threatened to produce “thorns and thistles,” קוץ ודרדר, in the Septuagint ἀκάνθας καὶ τριϐόλους. St. Paul uses the same terminology in Heb. vi, 8, where the last word is translated as “briers;” they are also found in Hos. x, 8. The word kutz is used for “thorns” in other contexts, such as Exod. xxii, 6; Judges viii, 7; Ezek. ii, 6; xxviii, 24; but it is unclear whether it refers to a specific type of thorn or if it serves as a generic term for all thorny plants. In this case, it seems to refer generally to all those troublesome plants, shrubs, etc., that hinder a farmer's work and are only suitable for burning. If the word indicates a particular plant, it might be the “rest-harrow,” a harmful prickly weed that grows alongside large thistles in uncultivated areas and can cover entire fields and plains in Egypt and Palestine. Due to the similarity between the Hebrew dardar and the Arabic term dardargi, Scheuchzer suggests the cnicus might be intended. 2. תות, based on its etymology, must refer to a type of thorn with curved spines, resembling fish hooks, similar to those found on the North American “witch hazel.” Celsius states that the same word, sharing the same root in Arabic, refers to the “blackthorn” or “sloe tree,” the blackthorn of Linnaeus. 3. Pots. It is impossible to determine which plants this word refers to. Meninski mentions that serbin in Persian is the name for a tree with thorns. In Eccles. vii, 6, and Nahum i, 10, they are referenced as fuel that burns quickly; and in Hosea ii, 6, as barriers or hedges; it might refer to the Lycium afrum. 4. Living room, mentioned in Josh. xxiii, 13; Ezek. ii, 6, xxviii, 24. Due to the irritating nature attributed to this thorn in the mentioned locations, compared with Num. xxxiii, 55; Judges ii, 3; it is likely the kantuffa, as described by Bruce. 5. The term Returners in Num. xxxiii, 55 may refer to goads or sharp-pointed sticks used to drive cattle. 6. The שית, as seen in Isa. v, 6; x, 17, likely describes some harmful plant that overtakes barren land. 7. The word צנים, found in Num. xxxiii, 55; Josh. xxiii, 13; Isa. v, 5. Based on its usage, it seems to indicate a bad type of thorn. Hiller suggests it might be the vepris. It could also be the rhamnus paliurus, a deciduous plant or tree native to Palestine, Spain, and Italy. It can grow up to fourteen feet tall and is equipped with sharp thorns, two of which are located where each branch connects, one straight and upright, the other bent backward. 8. גוונים, translated as “briers” in Judges viii, 16. “There’s no doubt this word refers to a sharp, jagged type of plant: the challenge is to identify one, as many options present themselves. The Septuagint maintains the original term. It’s unlikely Gideon ventured far to find these plants. The thorns are clearly said to be from the wilderness, 910 or nearby commons; probably, the barkanim were from the same area. In our country, this might lead us to the blackberry bushes on our commons, but that might not be the case around Succoth. A plant noted by Hasselquist has a name and characteristics somewhat similar to those desired for the barkanim in this passage: “Nabka paliurus Athenæi, is the nabka of the Arabs. There’s every indication this is the tree that provided the crown of thorns placed on Jesus’ head. It is common in the East. A more suitable plant for this purpose could hardly be chosen; it has thorns, its branches are flexible, and its leaves are dark green like ivy. Perhaps Christ’s enemies chose this plant to add insult to injury by using a wreath that closely resembled those worn to crown emperors and generals.” In the New Testament, the Greek term translated as “thorn” is ἄκανθα; see Matt. vii, 16, xiii, 7, xxvii, 29, John xix, 2. Bishop Pearce notes regarding Matt. xxvii, 29: “The word ἀκανθῶν may be the plural genitive form of ἄκανθος, just as it could of ἄκανθα; if the latter, it’s correctly translated as ‘of thorns,’ but the former would refer to what we call ‘bear’s foot,’ and the French bear branch. This type does not belong to thorny plants; rather, it is soft and smooth. Virgil refers to it as mild acanthus. Likewise, Pliny mentions it, and he also notes it is smooth, “smooth;” indicating that it’s one of those plants commonly cultivated in gardens. I’ve read somewhere, though I cannot recall where, that this soft and smooth herb was quite common in and around Jerusalem. I find nothing in the New Testament that suggests the crown placed on Jesus by Pilate’s soldiers was made of thorns, nor that it was intended, as commonly thought, to inflict pain. The reed given to him, and the scarlet robe on his back, were only meant as symbols of mockery and contempt. One might reasonably conclude, based on the soldiers weaving this crown, that it wasn’t constructed from thorny twigs and leaves. I also do not find mention of this by any of the early Christian writers as evidence of the cruelty shown to our Savior before his crucifixion until Tertullian, who lived over one hundred sixty years after Jesus’ death. He indeed seems to understand ἀκανθῶν in the context of thorns, stating, ‘What gold did you, Jesus Christ, wear for both sexes? I suppose it was made from thorns and thistles.’ [What kind of crown, I ask, did Jesus Christ endure? One made of thorns and thistles, I think.] The complete silence of Polycarp, Barnabas, Clemens Romanus, and all other Christian writers whose works are currently available and who wrote before Tertullian weighs heavily in favor of the idea that this crown was not made with thorns. However, since this is a matter we lack sufficient evidence on, I leave it almost as uncertain as I found it.” See Yard.
THRESHING FLOORS, among the ancient Jews, were only, as they are to this day in the east, round level plats of ground in the open air, where the corn was trodden out by oxen, the libycæ areæ of Horace. Thus, Gideon’s floor, Judges vi, 37, appears to have been in the open air; as was likewise that of Araunah the Jebusite; else it would not have been a proper place for erecting an altar and offering sacrifice. In Hosea xiii, 3, we read of the chaff which is driven by the whirlwind from the floor. This circumstance of the threshing floor’s being exposed to the agitation of the wind seems to be the principal reason of its Hebrew name; which may be farther illustrated by the direction which Hesiod gives his husbandman to thresh his corn in a place well exposed to the wind. From the above account it appears that a threshing floor (rendered in our textual translation “a void place”) might well be near the entrance of the gate of Samaria, and that it might afford no improper place in which the kings of Israel and Judah could hear the prophets, 1 Kings xxii, 10; 2 Chron. xviii, 9; Psalm i, 4.
THRESHING FLOORS, among the ancient Jews, were just like they are today in the East—open, flat areas of ground where the corn was trampled by oxen, the libycae area of Horace. So, Gideon’s floor in Judges 6:37 was likely in the open air, just like Araunah the Jebusite’s floor; otherwise, it wouldn’t have been suitable for building an altar and making sacrifices. In Hosea 13:3, we read about the chaff getting blown away by the wind from the floor. This feature of the threshing floor being exposed to the wind seems to be the main reason for its Hebrew name, which is further supported by Hesiod’s advice to farmers to thresh their corn in a place well exposed to the wind. From this description, it seems that a threshing floor (translated in our text as “a void place”) could be located near the entrance of the gate of Samaria, and it would be a fitting spot for the kings of Israel and Judah to listen to the prophets, as seen in 1 Kings 22:10; 2 Chronicles 18:9; Psalm 1:4.
THRONE is used for that magnificent seat on which sovereign princes usually sit to receive the homage of their subjects, or to give audience to ambassadors; where they appear with pomp and ceremony, and from whence they dispense justice; in a word, the throne, the sceptre, the crown, are the ordinary symbols of royalty and regal authority. The Scripture commonly represents the Lord as sitting upon a throne; sometimes it is said that the heaven is his throne, and the earth his footstool, Isaiah lxvi, 1. The Son of God is also represented as sitting upon a throne, at the right hand of his Father, Psalm cx, 1; Heb. i, 8; Rev. iii, 21. And Jesus Christ assures his Apostles that they should sit upon twelve thrones, to judge the twelve tribes of Israel, Luke xxii, 30. Though a throne and royal dignity seem to be correlatives, or terms that stand in reciprocal relation to each other, yet the privilege of sitting on a throne has been sometimes granted to those that were not kings, particularly to some governors of important provinces. We read of the throne of the governor of this side the river; the throne, in other words, of the governor for the king of Persia of the provinces belonging to that empire on the west of the Euphrates. So D’Herbelot tells us that a Persian monarch of aftertimes gave the governor of one of his provinces permission to seat himself in a gilded chair, when he administered justice; which distinction was granted him on account of the importance of that post, to which the guarding a pass of great consequence was committed. This province, he tells us, is now called Shirvan, but was formerly named Serir-aldhahab, which signifies, in Arabic, “the throne of gold.” To which he adds, that this privilege was granted to the governor of this province, as being the place through which the northern nations used to make their way into Persia; on which account, also, a mighty rampart or wall was raised there.
THRONE refers to the grand seat where sovereign leaders typically sit to receive the respect of their subjects or to meet with ambassadors; it’s where they display majesty and formality, and from which they administer justice. In short, the throne, the scepter, and the crown are common symbols of royalty and royal authority. Scripture often depicts the Lord as sitting on a throne; sometimes it's said that heaven is his throne and the earth is his footstool, Isaiah 66:1. The Son of God is also portrayed as sitting on a throne at his Father's right hand, Psalm 110:1; Hebrews 1:8; Revelation 3:21. Jesus Christ tells his Apostles that they will sit on twelve thrones to judge the twelve tribes of Israel, Luke 22:30. While a throne and royal status seem to go hand in hand, the privilege of sitting on a throne has sometimes been given to those who are not kings, especially to governors of significant provinces. We read about the throne of the governor on this side of the river; in other words, the throne of the governor representing the king of Persia for the provinces on the western side of the Euphrates. D’Herbelot mentions that a later Persian monarch allowed one of his province governors to sit in a gilded chair while administering justice; he received this honor due to the importance of his position, which included guarding a crucial pass. According to him, this province is now called Shirvan, but it was previously known as Serir-aldhahab, which means “the throne of gold” in Arabic. He also notes that this privilege was granted to the governor of this province because it was the route that the northern nations used to enter Persia; for this reason, a significant wall or rampart was built there.
911In the Revelation of St. John, we find the twenty-four elders sitting upon as many thrones in the presence of the Lord; “and they fall down before him that sat on the throne, &c, and cast their crowns before the throne.” Many of the travellers in eastern countries have given descriptions highly illustrative of this mode of adoration. Thus Bruce, in his Travels, says, “The next remarkable ceremony in which these two nations (of Persia and Abyssinia) agreed is that of adoration, inviolably observed in Abyssinia to this day, as often as you enter the sovereign’s presence. This is not only kneeling, but absolute prostration; you first fall upon your knees, then upon the palms of your hands, then incline your head and body till your forehead touches the ground; and, in case you have an answer to expect, you lie in that posture till the king, or somebody from him, desires you to rise.” And Stewart observes, “We marched toward the emperor with our music playing, till we came within about eighty yards of him, when the old monarch, alighting from his horse, prostrated himself on the earth to pray, and continued some minutes with his face so close to the earth, that, when we came up to him, the dust remained upon his nose.”
Emergency servicesIn the Revelation of St. John, we see the twenty-four elders sitting on their thrones in the presence of the Lord; “and they fall down before him who sits on the throne, &c, and cast their crowns before the throne.” Many travelers in eastern countries have provided vivid descriptions of this form of worship. For example, Bruce, in his Travels, writes, “The next notable ceremony that these two nations (Persia and Abyssinia) agreed upon is that of worship, which is strictly observed in Abyssinia to this day whenever you enter the sovereign’s presence. This isn't just kneeling, but complete prostration; you first go down on your knees, then onto the palms of your hands, then bend your head and body until your forehead touches the ground; and, if you’re expecting a response, you stay like that until the king, or someone on his behalf, asks you to get up.” And Stewart notes, “We marched toward the emperor with our music playing until we were about eighty yards away, when the old monarch dismounted from his horse, prostrated himself on the ground to pray, and remained there for several minutes with his face so close to the earth that, when we reached him, the dust was still on his nose.”
The circumstance of “casting their crowns before the throne” may be illustrated by several cases which occur in history. That of Herod, in the presence of Augustus, has been already mentioned. (See Herod.) Tiridates, in this manner, did homage to Nero, laying the ensigns of his royalty at the statue of Cæsar, to receive them again from his hand. Tigranes, king of Armenia, did the same to Pompey. In the inauguration of the Byzantine Cæsars, when the emperor comes to receive the sacrament, he puts off his crown. “This short expedition,” says Malcolm, “was brought to a close by the personal submission of Abool Fyze Khan, who, attended by all his court, proceeded to the tents of Nadir Shah, and laid his crown, and other ensigns of royalty, at the feet of the conqueror, who assigned him an honourable place in his assembly, and in a few days afterward restored him to his throne.”
The act of “casting their crowns before the throne” can be seen in various historical examples. One of them is Herod, who was mentioned in the presence of Augustus. (See Herod.) Tiridates paid tribute to Nero in the same way, placing the symbols of his royalty at the statue of Caesar and then accepting them back from him. Tigranes, the king of Armenia, did the same for Pompey. During the coronation of the Byzantine Caesars, when the emperor comes to receive communion, he removes his crown. “This brief campaign,” Malcolm notes, “was concluded with the personal submission of Abool Fyze Khan, who, along with his entire court, went to the tents of Nadir Shah and laid his crown and other symbols of royalty at the feet of the conqueror, who then granted him an honorable position in his assembly and shortly afterward restored him to his throne.”
THYATIRA, a city of Lydia, in Asia Minor, and the seat of one of the seven churches in Asia. It was situated nearly midway between Pergamos and Sardis, and is still a tolerable town, considering that it is in the hands of the Turks, and enjoys some trade, chiefly in cottons. It is called by that people Ak-hisar, or White Castle.
THYATIRA, a city in Lydia, Asia Minor, is one of the seven churches in Asia. It was located almost halfway between Pergamos and Sardis, and it is still a decent town, given that it is under Turkish control and has some trade, mainly in cotton. The locals refer to it as Ak-hisar, or White Castle.
TIBERIAS, a city situated in a small plain, surrounded by mountains, on the western coast of the sea of Galilee, which, from this city, was also called the sea of Tiberias. Tiberias was erected by Herod Antipas, and so called in honour of Tiberius Cæsar. He is supposed to have chosen, for the erection of his new city, a spot where before stood a more obscure place called Chenereth or Cinnereth, which also gave its name to the adjoining lake or sea.
TIBERIAS is a city located in a small plain, surrounded by mountains, on the western coast of the Sea of Galilee, which is also known as the Sea of Tiberias. Tiberias was built by Herod Antipas and named in honor of Tiberius Caesar. It is believed that he chose to build his new city on the site of a previously lesser-known place called Chenereth or Cinnereth, which also named the nearby lake or sea.
TIMBRELS. See Music.
TIMBRELS. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
TIMOTHEUS, commonly called Timothy, a disciple of St. Paul. He was a native of Lystra in Lycaonia. His father was a Gentile; but his mother, whose name was Eunice, was a Jewess, Acts xvi, 1, and educated her son with great care in her own religion, 2 Tim. i, 5; iii, 15. To this young disciple St. Paul addressed two epistles; in the first of which he calls him his “own son in the faith,” 1 Tim. i, 2; from which expression it is inferred that St. Paul was the person who converted him to the belief of the Gospel; and as, upon St. Paul’s second arrival at Lystra, Timothy is mentioned as being then a disciple, and as having distinguished himself among the Christians of that neighbourhood, his conversion, as well as that of Eunice his mother, and Lois his grandmother, must have taken place when St. Paul first preached at Lystra, A. D. 46. Upon St. Paul’s leaving Lystra, in the course of his second apostolical journey, he was induced to take Timothy with him, on account of his excellent character, and the zeal which, young as he was, he had already shown in the cause of Christianity; but before they set out, St. Paul caused him to be circumcised, not as a thing necessary to his salvation, but to avoid giving offence to the Jews, as he was a Jew by the mother’s side, and it was an established rule among the Jews that partus sequitur ventrem. Timothy was regularly appointed to the ministerial office by the laying on of hands, not only by St. Paul himself, but also by the presbytery, 1 Tim. iv, 14; 2 Tim. i, 6. From this time Timothy acted as a minister of the Gospel; he generally attended St. Paul, but was sometimes employed by him in other places; he was very diligent and useful, and is always mentioned with great esteem and affection by St. Paul, who joins his name with his own in the inscription of six of his epistles. He is sometimes called bishop of Ephesus, and it has been said that he suffered martyrdom in that city, some years after the death of St. Paul.
TIMOTHEUS, usually known as Timothy, was a disciple of St. Paul. He came from Lystra in Lycaonia. His father was a Gentile, but his mother, Eunice, was a Jewess who raised him with great care in her own faith. To this young disciple, St. Paul wrote two letters; in the first one, he refers to him as his “own son in the faith,” which suggests that St. Paul was the one who converted him to the Gospel. When St. Paul returned to Lystra, Timothy was already recognized as a disciple, having made a name for himself among the Christians in that area. This means that his conversion, along with his mother Eunice’s and his grandmother Lois’s, likely happened when St. Paul first preached in Lystra in A.D. 46. When St. Paul left Lystra during his second missionary journey, he decided to take Timothy with him due to his outstanding character and the enthusiasm he had already shown for Christianity, despite being young. However, before they left, St. Paul had him circumcised—not out of necessity for salvation but to avoid offending the Jews, since Timothy was part Jewish through his mother, and it was a common Jewish belief that the offspring follows the womb. Timothy was officially appointed to ministry through the laying on of hands by both St. Paul and the presbytery. After that, Timothy served as a minister of the Gospel; he often accompanied St. Paul but was also sent to different places by him. He was very dedicated and helpful, and St. Paul spoke of him with great respect and affection, even including Timothy's name alongside his own in the greetings of six of his letters. Timothy is sometimes referred to as the bishop of Ephesus, and it is said that he was martyred in that city a few years after St. Paul’s death.
The principal design of St. Paul’s First Epistle to Timothy was to give him instructions concerning the management of the church of Ephesus; and it was probably intended that it should be read publicly to the Ephesians, that they might know upon what authority Timothy acted. After saluting him in an affectionate manner, and reminding him of the reason for which he was left at Ephesus, the Apostle takes occasion, from the frivolous disputes which some Judaizing teachers had introduced among the Ephesians, to assert the practical nature of the Gospel, and to show its superiority over the law; he returns thanks to God for his own appointment to the apostleship, and recommends to Timothy fidelity in the discharge of his sacred office; he exhorts that prayers should be made for all men, and especially for magistrates; he gives directions for the conduct of women, and forbids their teaching in public; he describes the qualifications necessary for bishops and deacons, and speaks of the mysterious nature of the Gospel dispensation; he foretels that there will be apostates from the truth, and false teachers in the latter times, and recommends to Timothy purity of 912manners and improvement of his spiritual gifts; he gives him particular directions for his behaviour toward persons in different situations in life, and instructs him in several points of Christian discipline; he cautions him against false teachers, gives him several precepts, and solemnly charges him to be faithful to his trust.
The main purpose of St. Paul’s First Epistle to Timothy is to provide him with guidance on how to manage the church in Ephesus. It was likely meant to be read publicly to the Ephesians so they could understand the authority behind Timothy’s role. After greeting him warmly and reminding him why he was left in Ephesus, the Apostle takes the opportunity, prompted by the pointless disagreements brought in by some Judaizing teachers among the Ephesians, to emphasize the practical aspect of the Gospel and demonstrate its superiority over the law. He thanks God for his appointment to the apostleship and encourages Timothy to remain faithful in his important role. He urges that prayers be made for everyone, especially for those in authority. He provides instructions regarding women’s behavior and prohibits them from teaching in public. He describes the qualifications needed for bishops and deacons, and speaks about the mysterious nature of the Gospel. He predicts that there will be those who abandon the truth and false teachers in later times and advises Timothy to maintain moral integrity and develop his spiritual gifts. He gives him specific guidance on how to act towards people in various life situations and teaches him several aspects of Christian discipline. He warns him against false teachers, gives him multiple instructions, and firmly charges him to stay true to his responsibilities.
That the Second Epistle to Timothy was written while St. Paul was under confinement at Rome, appears from the two following passages: “Be not thou therefore ashamed of the testimony of our Lord, nor of me his prisoner,” 2 Timothy i, 8. “The Lord give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus; for he oft refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain; but when he was at Rome, he sought me out very diligently, and found me,” 2 Tim. i, 16, 17. The epistle itself will furnish us with several arguments to prove that it could not have been written during St. Paul’s first imprisonment. 1. It is universally agreed that St. Paul wrote his epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, and to Philemon, while he was confined the first time at Rome. In no one of these epistles does he express any apprehension for his life; and in the two last mentioned we have seen that, on the contrary, he expresses a confident hope of being soon liberated; but in this epistle he holds a very different language: “I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day,” 2 Tim. iv, 6, &c. The danger in which St. Paul now was, is evident from the conduct of his friends, when he made his defence: “At my first answer no man stood with me, but all men forsook me,” 2 Tim. iv, 16. This expectation of death, and this imminent danger, cannot be reconciled either with the general tenor of his epistles written during his first confinement at Rome, with the nature of the charge laid against him when he was carried thither from Jerusalem, or with St. Luke’s account of his confinement there; for we must remember that in A. D. 63, Nero had not begun to persecute the Christians; that none of the Roman magistrates and officers who heard the accusations against St. Paul at Jerusalem thought that he had committed any offence against the Roman government; that at Rome St. Paul was completely out of the power of the Jews; and, so little was he there considered as having been guilty of any capital crime, that he was suffered to dwell “two whole years,” that is, the whole time of his confinement, “in his own hired house, and to receive all that came in unto him, preaching the word of God, and teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ with all confidence, no man forbidding him,” Acts xxviii, 30, 31. 2. From the inscriptions of the epistles to the Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon, it is certain that Timothy was with St. Paul in his first imprisonment at Rome; but this epistle implies that Timothy was absent. 3. St. Paul tells the Colossians that Mark salutes them, and therefore he was at Rome with St. Paul in his first imprisonment; but he was not at Rome when this epistle was written, for Timothy is directed to bring him with him, 2 Tim. iv, 11. 4. Demas, also, was with St. Paul when he wrote to the Colossians: “Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas, greet you,” Col. iv, 14. In this epistle he says, “Demas has forsaken me, having loved this present world, and is departed into Thessalonica,” 2 Tim. iv, 10. It may be said that this epistle might have been written before the others, and that in the intermediate time Timothy and Mark might have come to Rome, more especially as St. Paul desires Timothy to come shortly, and bring Mark with him. But this hypothesis is not consistent with what is said of Demas, who was with St. Paul when he wrote to the Colossians, and had left him when he wrote this second epistle to Timothy; consequently the epistle to Timothy must be posterior to that addressed to the Colossians. The case of Demas seems to have been, that he continued faithful to St. Paul during his first imprisonment, which was attended with little or no danger; but deserted him in the second, when Nero was persecuting the Christians, and St. Paul evidently considered himself in great danger. 5. St. Paul tells Timothy, “Erastus abode at Corinth, but Trophimus have I left at Miletum sick,” 2 Tim. iv, 20. These were plainly two circumstances which had happened in some journey which St. Paul had taken not long before he wrote this epistle, and since he and Timothy had seen each other; but the last time St. Paul was at Corinth and Miletum, prior to his first imprisonment at Rome, Timothy was with him at both places; and Trophimus could not have been then left at Miletum, for we find him at Jerusalem immediately after St. Paul’s arrival in that city; “for they had seen before with him in the city Trophimus, an Ephesian, whom they supposed that Paul had brought into the temple,” Acts xxi, 29. These two facts must therefore refer to some journey subsequent to the first imprisonment; and, consequently, this epistle was written during St. Paul’s second imprisonment at Rome, and probably in A. D. 65, not long before his death. It is by no means certain where Timothy was when this epistle was written to him. It seems most probable that he was somewhere in Asia Minor, since St. Paul desires him to bring the cloak with him which he had left at Troas, 2 Tim. iv, 13; and also at the end of the first chapter, he speaks of several persons whose residence was in Asia. Many have thought that he was at Ephesus; but others have rejected that opinion, because Troas does not lie in the way from Ephesus to Rome, whither he was directed to go as quickly as he could. St. Paul, after his usual salutation, assures Timothy of his most affectionate remembrance; he speaks of his own apostleship and of his sufferings; exhorts Timothy to be steadfast in the true faith, to be constant and diligent in the discharge of his ministerial office, to avoid foolish and unlearned questions, and to practise and inculcate the great duties of 913the Gospel; he describes the apostasy and general wickedness of the last days, and highly commends the Holy Scriptures; he again solemnly exhorts Timothy to diligence; speaks of his own danger, and of his hope of future reward; and concludes with several private directions, and with salutations.
That the Second Epistle to Timothy was written while St. Paul was imprisoned in Rome is clear from the following passages: “So don’t be ashamed of the testimony about our Lord, or of me, his prisoner” (2 Timothy 1:8). “The Lord grant mercy to the household of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me and was not ashamed of my chain; when he arrived in Rome, he searched for me very diligently and found me” (2 Timothy 1:16-17). The letter itself provides several arguments proving that it couldn’t have been written during St. Paul’s first imprisonment. 1. It's universally accepted that St. Paul wrote his letters to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon while he was imprisoned the first time in Rome. In none of these letters does he show any fear for his life; instead, in the last two mentioned, he expresses a confident hope of being released soon. However, in this letter, he speaks very differently: “I am now ready to be offered, and the time for my departure is at hand. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. From now on, there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, will award me on that day” (2 Timothy 4:6, etc.). The danger that St. Paul faced is evident from how his friends acted during his defense: “At my first defense, no one stood with me, but everyone abandoned me” (2 Timothy 4:16). This expectation of death and imminent danger can’t be reconciled with the general tone of his letters written during his first imprisonment in Rome, the nature of the charges against him when he was taken there from Jerusalem, or St. Luke’s account of his confinement; we must remember that in A.D. 63, Nero had not yet begun to persecute Christians, and none of the Roman officials who heard the accusations against St. Paul in Jerusalem believed he had committed any crime against the Roman government. In Rome, St. Paul was completely free from Jewish authority, and he wasn’t considered guilty of any serious crime; he was allowed to live “for two whole years” — meaning the entire duration of his confinement — “in his own rented house and welcomed all who came to him, proclaiming the kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness, without hindrance” (Acts 28:30-31). 2. From the greetings in the letters to the Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon, it is clear that Timothy was with St. Paul during his first imprisonment in Rome; however, this letter suggests that Timothy was not present. 3. St. Paul informs the Colossians that Mark sends greetings, indicating that he was in Rome with St. Paul during the first imprisonment; yet he wasn’t in Rome when this letter was written, as Timothy is instructed to bring him along (2 Timothy 4:11). 4. Demas was also with St. Paul when he wrote to the Colossians: “Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas greet you” (Colossians 4:14). In this letter, St. Paul mentions, “Demas has deserted me, having loved this present world, and has gone to Thessalonica” (2 Timothy 4:10). One could argue that this letter might have been written before the others, and during that time, Timothy and Mark might have traveled to Rome, especially since St. Paul urges Timothy to come quickly and bring Mark. However, this theory doesn’t align with what is noted about Demas, who was with St. Paul when he wrote to the Colossians but had left him by the time he wrote this second letter to Timothy; therefore, this letter to Timothy must have come after the one to the Colossians. It seems that Demas remained loyal to St. Paul during his first imprisonment, which posed little risk, but abandoned him in the second, when Nero was persecuting Christians and St. Paul clearly felt he was in grave danger. 5. St. Paul tells Timothy, “Erastus stayed in Corinth, but I left Trophimus who was ill at Miletus” (2 Timothy 4:20). These were clearly two events that took place on a trip St. Paul took shortly before he wrote this letter, after he and Timothy had last seen each other. The last time St. Paul was in Corinth and Miletus before his first imprisonment in Rome, Timothy was with him at both places; Trophimus couldn't have been left at Miletus then, as he appears in Jerusalem shortly after St. Paul arrived there: “For they had previously seen Trophimus the Ephesian with him in the city, whom they supposed that Paul had brought into the temple” (Acts 21:29). Therefore, these two facts must refer to some journey after his first imprisonment, meaning this letter was written during St. Paul’s second imprisonment in Rome, probably in A.D. 65, just before his death. It’s uncertain where Timothy was when this letter was written to him. It seems most likely that he was somewhere in Asia Minor, as St. Paul asks him to bring the cloak he left at Troas (2 Timothy 4:13); at the end of the first chapter, he also mentions several people who lived in Asia. Many think he was in Ephesus, but others reject that idea as Troas is not on the direct route from Ephesus to Rome, which he was urged to travel to as fast as possible. After his usual greeting, St. Paul assures Timothy of his warmest regards and discusses his apostleship and sufferings; he encourages Timothy to stand firm in the true faith, to be consistent and diligent in his ministry, to avoid pointless and uneducated debates, and to practice and teach the significant duties of the Gospel. He describes the apostasy and widespread evil of the last days and commends the Holy Scriptures. He once again urgently calls Timothy to diligence, speaks of his own peril, and of his hope for future reward, concluding with several personal instructions and greetings.
TIN, בדיל, Num. xxxi, 22; Isa. i, 25; Ezek. xxii, 18, 20; xxvii, 12; a well-known coarse metal, harder than lead. Mr. Parkhurst observes, that Moses, in Num. xxxi, 22, enumerates all the six species of metals. The Lord, by the Prophet Isaiah, having compared the Jewish people to silver, declares, “I will turn my hand upon thee, and purge away thy dross, and remove all בדיליך, thy particles of tin:” where Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion have κασσίτερον σου, and the Vulgate stannum tuum, “thy tin;” but the LXX. ἀνόμους, wicked ones. This denunciation, by a comparison of the preceding and following context, appears to signify that God would, by a process of judgment, purify those among the Jews who were capable of purification, as well as destroy the reprobate and incorrigible, Jer. vi, 29, 30; ix, 7; Mal. iii, 3; Ezek. xii, 18, 20. In Ezek. xxvii, 12, Tarshish is mentioned as furnishing כדיל; and Bochart proves from the testimonies of Diodorus, Pliny, and Stephanus, that Tartessus in Spain, which he supposes the ancient Tarshish, anciently furnished tin. As Cornwall in very ancient times was resorted to for this metal, and probably first by the Phenicians, some have thought that peninsula to be the Tarshish of the Scriptures; a subject which, however, from the vague use of the word, is involved in much uncertainty. See Tarshish.
TIN, Deal, Num. xxxi, 22; Isa. i, 25; Ezek. xxii, 18, 20; xxvii, 12; a well-known coarse metal, harder than lead. Mr. Parkhurst notes that Moses, in Num. xxxi, 22, lists all six types of metals. The Lord, through the Prophet Isaiah, compares the Jewish people to silver, declaring, “I will turn my hand upon you, and purify your dross, and remove all In your deals, your particles of tin:” where Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion use κασσίτερον σου, and the Vulgate your tin, “your tin;” but the LXX. uses ἀνόμους, wicked ones. This warning, when considered in light of the surrounding context, suggests that God would, through a process of judgment, purify those among the Jews who could be purified, while also destroying the unworthy and unchangeable, Jer. vi, 29, 30; ix, 7; Mal. iii, 3; Ezek. xii, 18, 20. In Ezek. xxvii, 12, Tarshish is noted as a source of כדיל; and Bochart shows from the accounts of Diodorus, Pliny, and Stephanus that Tartessus in Spain, which he believes is the ancient Tarshish, supplied tin historically. Since Cornwall was sought for this metal in ancient times, probably first by the Phoenicians, some have considered that peninsula to be the Tarshish of the Scriptures; however, due to the vague use of the term, this topic remains uncertain. See Tarshish.
TITHES. We have nothing more ancient concerning tithes, than what we find in Gen. xiv, 20, that Abraham gave tithes to Melchisedec, king of Salem, at his return from his expedition against Chedorlaomer, and the four kings in confederacy with him. Abraham gave him tithe of all the booty he had taken from the enemy. Jacob imitated this piety of his grandfather, when he vowed to the Lord the tithe of all the substance he might acquire in Mesopotamia, Gen. xxviii, 22. Under the law, Moses ordained, “All the tithe of the land, whether of the seed of the land, or of the fruit of the tree, is the Lord’s; it is holy unto the Lord. And if a man will at all redeem aught of his tithes, he shall add thereto the fifth part thereof. And concerning the tithe of the herd, or of the flock, even of whatsoever passeth under the rod, the tenth shall be wholly unto the Lord,” Lev. xxvii, 30–32. The Pharisees, in the time of Jesus Christ, to distinguish themselves by a more scrupulous observance of the law, did not content themselves with paying the tithe of the grain and fruits growing in the fields; but they also paid tithe of the pulse and herbs growing in their gardens, which was more than the law required of them. The tithes were taken from what remained, after the offerings and first fruits were paid. They brought the tithes to the Levites in the city of Jerusalem, as appears from Josephus and Tobit, i, 6. The Levites set apart the tenth part of their tithes for the priest; because the priests did not receive them immediately from the people, and the Levites were not to meddle with the tithes they had received, before they had given the priests such a part as the law assigned them. Of those nine parts that remained to the proprietors, after the tithe was paid to the Levites, they took still another tenth part, which was either sent to Jerusalem in kind, or, if it was too far, they sent the value in money; adding to it a fifth from the whole as the rabbins inform us. This tenth part was applied toward celebrating the festivals in the temple, which bore a near resemblance to the agapæ, or love feasts of the first Christians. Thus are those words of Deuteronomy understood by the rabbins: “Thou shalt truly tithe all the increase of thy seed, that the field bringeth forth year by year. And thou shalt eat before the Lord thy God, in the place which he shall choose to place his name there, the tithe of thy corn, of thy wine, and of thy oil, and of the firstlings of thy herds and of thy flocks: that thou mayest learn to fear the Lord thy God always,” Deut. xiv, 22, 23. Tobit i, 6, says, that every three years he punctually paid his tithe to strangers and proselytes. This was probably because there were neither priests nor Levites in the city where he dwelt. Moses speaks of this last kind of tithe: “At the end of three years thou shalt bring forth all the tithe of thine increase the same year, and shalt lay it up within thy gates. And the Levite, (because he hath no part nor inheritance with thee,) and the stranger, and the fatherless, and the widow, which are within thy gates, shall come, and shall eat and be satisfied; that the Lord thy God may bless thee in all the work of thine hand which thou doest,” Deut. xiv, 28; xxvi, 12. It is thought that this tithe was not different from the second kind before noticed, except that in the third year it was not brought to the temple, but was used upon the spot by every one in the city of his habitation. So, properly speaking, there were only two sorts of tithes, that which was given to the Levites and priests, and that which was applied to making feasts of charity, either in the temple of Jerusalem, or in other cities. Samuel tells the children of Israel, that the king they had a mind to have over them would “take the tenth of their seed, and of their vineyards, and give to his officers, and his servants. He will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants,” 1 Sam. viii, 15, 17. Yet it does not clearly appear from the history of the Jews, that they regularly paid any tithe to their princes. But the manner in which Samuel expresses himself, seems to insinuate that it was looked upon as a common right among the kings of the cast. At this day, the Jews no longer pay any tithe; at least they do not think themselves obliged to do it, except it be those who are settled in the territory of Jerusalem, and the ancient Judea. For there are few Jews now that have any lands of their own, or any flocks. They only give something for the redemption of the first-born, to those who have any proofs of their being 914descended from the race of the priests or Levites. However, we are assured, that such among the Jews as would be thought to be very strict and religious give the tenth part of their whole income to the poor.
TITHES. The earliest reference we have about tithes is in Genesis 14:20, where Abraham gave tithes to Melchizedek, the king of Salem, after he returned from his campaign against Chedorlaomer and the four allied kings. Abraham offered him a tithe of all the spoils he had taken from the enemy. Jacob followed in his grandfather's footsteps when he promised the Lord a tithe of all he would earn in Mesopotamia (Genesis 28:22). Under the law, Moses established, “All the tithe of the land, whether from the seed of the land or the fruit of the tree, belongs to the Lord; it is holy to the Lord. If a man redeems any of his tithes, he must add a fifth to it. As for the tithe of the herd or the flock, whatever passes under the rod, the tenth shall be completely the Lord's” (Leviticus 27:30-32). The Pharisees, during the time of Jesus Christ, sought to set themselves apart by meticulously following the law; they not only paid tithes on the grain and fruits from their fields but also on the vegetables and herbs from their gardens, going beyond what the law required. Tithes were taken from what was left after the offerings and first fruits were given. They brought the tithes to the Levites in the city of Jerusalem, as noted by Josephus and in Tobit 1:6. The Levites set aside a tenth of their tithes for the priests since the priests did not receive tithes directly from the people, and the Levites couldn’t use the tithes they received until they had given the priests their legally designated portion. From the nine parts that remained with the landowners after paying the tithe to the Levites, they would take another tenth, which was either sent to Jerusalem in kind, or, if it was too far, they sent the monetary equivalent, adding a fifth from the total as informed by the rabbis. This tenth was used for celebrating festivals in the temple, resembling the love feasts of the early Christians. The rabbis understand the words of Deuteronomy: “You must truly tithe all the produce of your seed that the fields yield year after year. You are to eat before the Lord your God in the place he will choose to place his name, the tithe of your grain, your new wine, and your oil, and the firstborn of your herds and flocks, so that you may learn to revere the Lord your God always” (Deuteronomy 14:22-23). Tobit 1:6 mentions that every three years he diligently paid his tithes to strangers and converts, likely because there were no priests or Levites in the city where he lived. Moses refers to this last kind of tithe: “At the end of three years, you must bring all the tithes of your produce in that year and store it within your gates. The Levite (since he has no part or inheritance with you) and the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, who are within your gates, shall come and eat and be satisfied, so that the Lord your God may bless you in all the work of your hands that you do” (Deuteronomy 14:28; 26:12). It is believed that this tithe was not different from the second one mentioned earlier, except that in the third year it was not brought to the temple but was used locally by everyone in their city. Essentially, there were only two types of tithes: one given to the Levites and priests, and the other used for charitable feasts, either in the Jerusalem temple or in other cities. Samuel told the Israelites that the king they wanted would “take a tenth of their seed and vineyards and give it to his officers and servants. He will take a tenth of your sheep, and you will be his servants” (1 Samuel 8:15, 17). However, the historical record does not clearly show that the Jews regularly paid tribute to their kings. Samuel’s wording suggests it was seen as a common right among kings in the east. Nowadays, Jews no longer pay tithes, or at least they don’t believe they are obliged to, except for those settled in the territory of Jerusalem and ancient Judea. Few Jews today own land or flocks. They primarily give something for the redemption of the firstborn to those who can prove their descent from priests or Levites. Nonetheless, we know that those among the Jews who are considered very strict and religious do give a tenth of their total income to the poor.
TITUS. It is remarkable that Titus is not mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. The few particulars which are known of him, are collected from the epistles of St. Paul. We learn from them that he was a Greek, Gal. ii, 3; but it is not recorded to what city or country he belonged. From St. Paul’s calling him “his own son according to the common faith,” Titus i, 4, it is concluded that he was converted by him; but we have no account of the time or place of his conversion. He is first mentioned as going from Antioch to the council at Jerusalem, A. D. 49, Gal. ii, 1, &c; and upon that occasion St. Paul says that he would not allow him to be circumcised, because he was born of Gentile parents. He probably accompanied St. Paul in his second apostolical journey, and from that time he seems to have been constantly employed by him in the propagation of the Gospel; he calls him his partner and fellow-helper, 2 Cor. viii, 23. St. Paul sent him from Ephesus with his First Epistle to the Corinthians, and with a commission to inquire into the state of the church at Corinth; and he sent him thither again from Macedonia with his Second Epistle, and to forward the collections for the saints in Judea. From this time we hear nothing of Titus till he was left by St. Paul in Crete, after his first imprisonment at Rome, to “set in order the things that were wanting, and to ordain elders in every city,” Titus i, 5. It is probable that he went thence to join St. Paul at Nicopolis, Titus iii, 12; that they went together to Crete to visit the churches there, and thence to Rome. During St. Paul’s second imprisonment at Rome Titus went into Dalmatia, 2 Tim. iv, 10; and after the apostle’s death, he is said to have returned into Crete, and to have died there in the ninety-fourth year of his age: he is often called bishop of Crete by ecclesiastical writers. St. Paul always speaks of Titus in terms of high regard, and intrusted him, as we have seen, with commissions of great importance. It is by no means certain from what place St. Paul wrote this epistle; but as he desires Titus to come to him at Nicopolis, and declares his intention of passing the winter there, some have supposed that, when he wrote it he was in the neighbourhood of that city, either in Greece or Macedonia; others have imagined that he wrote it from Colosse, but it is difficult to say upon what ground. As it appears that St. Paul, not long before he wrote this epistle, had left Titus in Crete for the purpose of regulating the affairs of the church, and at the time he wrote it had determined to pass the approaching winter at Nicopolis, and as the Acts of the Apostles do not give any account of St. Paul’s preaching in that island, or of visiting that city, it is concluded that this epistle was written after his first imprisonment at Rome, and probably in A. D. 64. It may be considered as some confirmation of that opinion, that there is a great similarity between the sentiments and expressions of this epistle and of the First Epistle to Timothy, which was written in that year. It is not known at what time a Christian church was first planted in Crete; but as some Cretans were present at the first effusion of the Holy Ghost at Jerusalem, Acts ii, 11, it is not improbable that, upon their return home, they might be the means of introducing the Gospel among their countrymen. Crete is said to have abounded with Jews; and from the latter part of the first chapter of this epistle it appears that many of them were persons of very profligate lives, even after they had embraced the Gospel. The principal design of this epistle was to give instructions to Titus concerning the management of the churches in the different cities of the island of Crete, and it was probably intended to be read publicly to the Cretans, that they might know upon what authority Titus acted. St. Paul, after his usual salutation, intimates that he was appointed an apostle by the express command of God, and reminds Titus of the reason of his being left in Crete; he describes the qualifications necessary for bishops, and cautions him against persons of bad principles, especially Judaizing teachers, whom he directs Titus to reprove with severity; he informs him what instructions he should give to people in different situations of life, and exhorts him to be exemplary in his own conduct; he points out the pure and practical nature of the Gospel, and enumerates some particular virtues which he was to inculcate, avoiding foolish questions and frivolous disputes; he instructs him how he is to behave toward heretics and concludes with salutations.
TITUS. It's striking that Titus isn't mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. The few details we have about him come from St. Paul's letters. We learn he was Greek, Gal. ii, 3; but we don’t know which city or country he was from. Since St. Paul refers to him as “his own son according to the common faith,” Titus i, 4, it’s assumed he was converted by him, but there's no record of when or where that happened. He is first mentioned as traveling from Antioch to the council in Jerusalem, A.D. 49, Gal. ii, 1, etc.; on that occasion, St. Paul says he wouldn't let him be circumcised because he was born to Gentile parents. He likely traveled with St. Paul on his second missionary journey, and after that, he seems to have been consistently involved in spreading the Gospel; St. Paul calls him his partner and fellow-helper, 2 Cor. viii, 23. St. Paul sent him from Ephesus with his First Epistle to the Corinthians, instructing him to check on the church in Corinth; he sent him there again from Macedonia with his Second Epistle and to help with the collections for the saints in Judea. After this, we hear nothing about Titus until St. Paul leaves him in Crete after his first imprisonment in Rome, to “set in order the things that were lacking, and to appoint elders in every city,” Titus i, 5. It's likely he then went to join St. Paul at Nicopolis, Titus iii, 12; they probably went to Crete together to visit the churches there, and then to Rome. During St. Paul's second imprisonment in Rome, Titus went to Dalmatia, 2 Tim. iv, 10; after the apostle's death, he's said to have returned to Crete and died there at ninety-four years old: he is often referred to as bishop of Crete by church writers. St. Paul always speaks highly of Titus and trusted him with important tasks. It’s not entirely clear where St. Paul wrote this letter; however, since he asks Titus to come to him at Nicopolis and mentions he plans to spend the winter there, some believe he was nearby, either in Greece or Macedonia; others think he wrote it from Colosse, but it's hard to say based on evidence. It’s evident that shortly before writing this letter, St. Paul had left Titus in Crete to manage the church’s affairs, and by the time he composed it, he decided to spend the coming winter in Nicopolis. Since the Acts of the Apostles don’t detail St. Paul preaching on that island or visiting that city, it’s concluded that this letter was written after his first imprisonment in Rome, likely in A.D. 64. The letter's similarities to the First Epistle to Timothy, written that year, somewhat support this view. It's unknown when the first Christian church was established in Crete; however, since some Cretans were present during the original outpouring of the Holy Spirit in Jerusalem, Acts ii, 11, it’s likely that when they returned home, they played a role in spreading the Gospel among their fellow countrymen. Crete is said to have a large Jewish population, and from the latter part of the first chapter of this letter, it appears many lived very immoral lives even after embracing the Gospel. The main purpose of this letter was to provide instructions to Titus regarding the management of churches in various cities across Crete, and it was probably meant to be read publicly to the Cretans so they would understand the authority under which Titus was acting. After his typical greeting, St. Paul indicates that he was appointed an apostle by God’s express command and reminds Titus why he was left in Crete; he describes the qualifications necessary for bishops and warns him against those with bad principles, particularly Judaizing teachers, whom he tells Titus to rebuke firmly; he shares what guidance he should give to people in various life situations and encourages him to be a model in his own behavior; he emphasizes the Gospel's pure and practical nature and lists some specific virtues he should promote, while avoiding pointless questions and trivial arguments; he instructs Titus on how to handle heretics and concludes with greetings.
TIZRI, or TISRI, the first Hebrew month of the civil year, and the seventh of the sacred year, answering to the moon of September. On the first day of this month was kept the feast of trumpets, because the beginning of the civil year was proclaimed with the sound of trumpets.
TIZRI, or TISRI, is the first Hebrew month of the civil year and the seventh of the sacred year, corresponding to the month of September. The first day of this month marks the Feast of Trumpets, as the civil year was announced with the sound of trumpets.
TOB, a country of Palestine, lying beyond Jordan, in the northern part of the portion of Manasseh. To this district Jephthah retired, when he was driven away by his brethren, Judges xi, 3, 5. It is also called Tobie, or Tubin, 1 Mac. v, 13; and the inhabitants of this canton were called Tubieni. It is supposed to be the same as Ishtob, one of the small principalities of Syria, which appears, like the other little kingdoms in its neighbourhood, to have been swallowed up in the kingdom of Damascus. This principality furnished twelve thousand men to the confederacy formed by the Syrians and Ammonites against David, 2 Sam. x.
Tob, a region in Palestine, located beyond Jordan, in the northern part of Manasseh. Jephthah went to this area when he was cast out by his family, Judges xi, 3, 5. It’s also referred to as Tobie or Tubin, 1 Mac. v, 13; and the people living there were known as Tubieni. It’s believed to be the same as Ishtob, one of the small principalities in Syria, which seems to have been absorbed into the kingdom of Damascus, like other nearby small kingdoms. This principality contributed twelve thousand men to the alliance formed by the Syrians and Ammonites against David, 2 Sam. x.
TOBIAH, an Ammonite, an enemy to the Jews. He was one of those who strenuously opposed the rebuilding of the temple, after the return from the captivity of Babylon, Neh. ii, 10; iv, 3; v, 1, 12, 14. This Tobiah is called “the servant,” or “slave,” in some parts of Nehemiah; probably because he was of a servile condition. However, he was of great consideration in the land of the Samaritans, 915of which he was governor with Sanballat. This Tobiah married the daughter of Shechaniah, one of the principal Jews of Jerusalem, Neh. vi, 18, and had a powerful party in Jerusalem itself, who were opposed to that of Nehemiah. He maintained a correspondence by letter with this party against the interest of Nehemiah, vi, 17–19; but that prudent governor, by his wisdom and moderation, defeated all their machinations. After some time, Nehemiah was obliged to return to Babylon, subsequent to having repaired the walls of Jerusalem. Tobiah took this opportunity to come and dwell at Jerusalem; and even obtained of Eliashib, who had the care of the house of the Lord, to have an apartment in the temple. But at Nehemiah’s return from Babylon, some years after, he drove Tobiah out of the courts of the temple, and threw his goods out of the holy place, Neh. xiii, 4–8. From this time the Scripture makes no farther mention of Tobiah. It is probable he retired to Sanballat at Samaria.
TOBIAH was an Ammonite and an enemy of the Jews. He was one of the main opponents of rebuilding the temple after the return from Babylonian captivity, as noted in Neh. ii, 10; iv, 3; v, 1, 12, 14. In some parts of Nehemiah, he is referred to as “the servant” or “slave,” likely because of his low status. However, he held significant influence in the Samaritan territory, where he served as governor alongside Sanballat. Tobiah married the daughter of Shechaniah, a leading Jewish figure in Jerusalem (Neh. vi, 18), and he had a strong following in Jerusalem that opposed Nehemiah. He kept in touch through letters with this faction against Nehemiah's interests (Neh. vi, 17–19), but the wise and moderate governor thwarted all their schemes. Eventually, Nehemiah had to return to Babylon after repairing the walls of Jerusalem. Tobiah took this chance to move to Jerusalem and even secured an apartment in the temple from Eliashib, who managed the house of the Lord. However, when Nehemiah returned from Babylon years later, he expelled Tobiah from the temple courts and threw his belongings out of the holy place (Neh. xiii, 4–8). After this, the Scriptures no longer mention Tobiah, and it's likely he retreated to Sanballat in Samaria.
TOGARMAH, the third son of Gomer, Gen. x, 4. The learned are divided as to what country he peopled. Josephus and St. Jerom were of opinion, that Togarmah was the father of the Phrygians: Eusebius, Theodoret, and Isidorus of Seville, that he peopled Armenia: the Chaldee and the Talmudists are for Germany. Several moderns believe that the children of Togarmah peopled Turcomania in Tartary and Scythia. Bochart is for Cappadocia: he builds upon what is said in Ezekiel xxvii, 14, “They of the house of Togarmah traded in thy fairs,” that is, at Tyre, “with horses and horsemen and mules.” He proves that Cappadocia was famous for its excellent horses and its asses. He observes also, that certain Gauls, under the conduct of Trocmus, made a settlement at Cappadocia, and were called Trocmi, or Throgmi. The opinion, says Calmet, which places Togarmah in Scythia and Turcomania, seems to stand upon the best foundation.
TOGARMAH, the third son of Gomer, Gen. x, 4. Scholars are split on which country he populated. Josephus and St. Jerome thought Togarmah was the ancestor of the Phrygians; Eusebius, Theodoret, and Isidore of Seville believed he populated Armenia; while the Chaldee and the Talmudic sources claim he settled in Germany. Several modern scholars think that Togarmah's descendants populated Turcomania in Tartary and Scythia. Bochart argues for Cappadocia, based on what is mentioned in Ezekiel xxvii, 14: “They of the house of Togarmah traded in your markets,” meaning at Tyre, “with horses and horsemen and mules.” He demonstrates that Cappadocia was well-known for its excellent horses and donkeys. He also notes that certain Gauls, led by Trocmus, established a settlement in Cappadocia and were called Trocmi or Throgmi. According to Calmet, the view that places Togarmah in Scythia and Turcomania seems to have the strongest evidence.
TOKENS, TESSERÆ, or TICKETS, were written testimonials to character, much in use in the primitive church. By means of letters, and of brethren who travelled about, even the most remote churches of the Roman empire were connected together. When a Christian arrived in a strange town, he first inquired for the church; and he was here received as a brother, and provided with every thing needful for his spiritual or corporeal sustenance. But since deceivers, spies with evil intentions, and false teachers abused the confidence and the kindness of Christians, some measure of precaution became necessary, in order to avert the many injuries which might result from this conduct. An arrangement was therefore introduced, that only such travelling Christians should be received as brethren into churches where they were strangers, as could produce a testimonial from the bishop of the church from which they came. They called these church letters, which were a kind of tesseræ hospitales, [tickets of hospitality,] by which the Christians of all quarters of the world were brought into connection, epistolæ, or literæ formatæ, [formal letters,] γράμματα τετυπώμενα, because, in order to avoid forgery, they were made after a certain schema, (τυπὸς, forma,) or else, epistolæ communicatoriæ, [epistles of fellowship,] γράμματα κοινωνικά, because they contained a proof that those who brought them were in the communion of the church, as well as that the bishops, who mutually sent and received such letters, were in connection together by the communion of the church; and afterward these church letters, epistolæ clericæ, were divided into different classes, according to the difference of their purposes.
TOKENS, TESSERÆ, or TICKETS, were written testimonials of character that were commonly used in the early church. Through letters and traveling members, even the most distant churches of the Roman Empire were connected. When a Christian arrived in a new town, they would first look for the church, where they would be welcomed as a brother and provided with everything necessary for their spiritual and physical needs. However, since some deceitful individuals, spies with bad intentions, and false teachers took advantage of the trust and kindness of Christians, precautions became necessary to prevent the harm that could come from such actions. Thus, a policy was established that only those traveling Christians who could present a testimonial from the bishop of their home church would be welcomed as brethren in unfamiliar churches. These were called church letters, which were a form of hospitality tokens, [tickets of hospitality], that connected Christians from around the world, letters, or literature formatted, [formal letters], écrire γραμμάτων τετυπώμενα, because, to prevent forgery, they were created following a specific schema, (τυπὸς, form), or letter communication, [epistles of fellowship], γράμματα κοινωνικά, as they provided proof that the bearers were in communion with the church, and that the bishops exchanging such letters were connected through the church's fellowship. Later, these church letters, clergy letters, were categorized into different classes based on their various purposes.
TONGUE. This word is taken in three different senses. 1. For the material tongue, or organ of speech, James iii, 5. 2. For the tongue or language that is spoken in any country, Deut. xxviii, 49. (See Language.) 3. For good or bad discourses, Prov. xii, 18; xvii, 20. Tongue of the sea signifies a gulf. To gnaw the tongue, Rev. xvi, 10, is a token of fury, despair, and torment. The gift of tongues was that which God granted to the apostles and disciples assembled at Jerusalem on the day of pentecost, Acts ii. The tongue of angels, a kind of hyperbole made use of by St. Paul, 1 Cor. xiii, 1.
TONGUE. This word has three different meanings. 1. As the physical tongue, or speech organ, James 3:5. 2. As the language spoken in any country, Deut. 28:49. (See Language.) 3. Referring to good or bad speech, Prov. 12:18; 17:20. "Tongue of the sea" means a gulf. To "gnaw the tongue," Rev. 16:10, indicates fury, despair, and torment. The "gift of tongues" was given by God to the apostles and disciples gathered in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost, Acts 2. The "tongue of angels" is a kind of exaggeration used by St. Paul, 1 Cor. 13:1.
TOOTH. It was ordered by the law of retaliation, that they should give tooth for tooth, Exod. xxi, 24. The opinion that it is every man’s right and duty to do himself justice, and to revenge his own injuries, is by no means eradicated from among the Afghans, a people of India, to the southward of Cashmere, and according to a paper in the Asiatic Researches, supposed to be descended from the Jews; and the right of society, even to restrain the reasonable passions of individuals, and to take the redress of wrongs and the punishment of crimes into its own hands, is still very imperfectly understood; or, if it is understood, is seldom present to the thoughts of the people; for although, in most parts of their country, justice might now be obtained by other means, and though private revenge is every where preached against by the mollahs, priests, and forbidden by the government, yet it is still lawful, and even honourable in the eyes of the people, to seek that mode of redress. The injured party is considered to be entitled to strict retaliation on the aggressor. If the offender be out of his power, he may wreak his vengeance on a relation, and, in some cases, on any man in the tribe. If no opportunity of exercising this right occurs, he may defer his revenge for years; but it is disgraceful to neglect or abandon it entirely; and it is incumbent on his relations, and sometimes on his tribe, to assist him in his retaliation. To gnash the teeth is a token of sorrow, rage, despair, Psalm xxxv, 16, &c. God breaks the teeth of the wicked, Psalm iii, 7. Cleanness of teeth denotes famine, Amos iv, 6. The wicked complain, that the “fathers have eaten sour grapes, and their children’s teeth are set on edge,” Ezek. xviii, 2, to signify, that the children have suffered for their transgressions.
TOOTH. It was mandated by the law of retaliation that they should repay tooth for tooth, Exod. xxi, 24. The belief that every individual has the right and obligation to seek justice for themselves and avenge their own wrongs is still very much alive among the Afghans, a people from India, south of Kashmir, and who, according to a paper in the Asiatic Researches, are thought to be descendants of the Jews. The idea that society has the right to control reasonable emotions of individuals and to take justice and punishment into its own hands is still not fully understood; or if it is understood, it is rarely at the forefront of their minds. While in most parts of their country, justice could now be sought through other means, and although private revenge is widely condemned by the mollahs, priests, and is prohibited by the government, it remains acceptable and even honorable in the eyes of the people to pursue this form of retribution. The injured person is considered entitled to strict retaliation against the aggressor. If the offender is not within reach, they may take their vengeance on a relative or, in some cases, on anyone within the tribe. If no opportunity to seek revenge arises, they may postpone it for years; however, it is seen as shameful to neglect or completely abandon the quest for vengeance. It falls upon their relatives, and sometimes their tribe, to support them in their retaliation. To gnash one's teeth is a sign of sorrow, rage, despair, Psalm xxxv, 16, &c. God breaks the teeth of the wicked, Psalm iii, 7. Clean teeth signify famine, Amos iv, 6. The wicked complain that the “fathers have eaten sour grapes, and their children’s teeth are set on edge,” Ezek. xviii, 2, implying that the children suffer for the faults of their parents.
TOPAZ, הטדה, Exod. xxviii, 17; xxxix, 10; Job xxviii, 19; Ezek. xxviii, 13; τοπάζιον, Rev. 916xxi, 20; a precious stone of a pale dead green, with a mixture of yellow; and sometimes of fine yellow, like gold. It is very hard, and takes a fine polish. We have the authority of the Septuagint and Josephus for ascertaining this stone. The oriental topazes are most esteemed. Those of Ethiopia were celebrated for their wonderful lustre, Job xxviii, 19.
TOPAZ, הטדה, Exod. 28:17; 39:10; Job 28:19; Ezek. 28:13; τοπάζιον, Rev. 21:20; a precious stone that is a pale, lifeless green with some yellow mixed in, and sometimes a bright yellow, similar to gold. It is very durable and can be polished to a fine shine. We have confirmation of this stone from the Septuagint and Josephus. The eastern topazes are highly valued. The ones from Ethiopia were particularly famous for their amazing luster, Job 28:19.
TOPHET. It is thought that Tophet was the butchery, or place of slaughter, at Jerusalem, lying to the south of the city, in the valley of the children of Hinnom. It is also said, that a large fire was constantly kept there for burning carcasses, garbage, and other filth brought thither from the city. It was the place where they burned the remains of images and false gods, &c, Isa. xxx, 33. Others think the name Tophet was given to the valley of Hinnom, from the beating of drums, (the word toph signifying a drum,) which accompanied the sacrifices of infants that were offered there to the god Moloch. For the manner of performing those sacrifices in Tophet, see Moloch.
TOPHET. Tophet is believed to have been the butchery or slaughter site in Jerusalem, located to the south of the city in the valley of the children of Hinnom. It is also said that a large fire was always maintained there for burning carcasses, trash, and other waste brought in from the city. This was the place where they burned the remnants of idols and false gods, etc., Isa. xxx, 33. Some believe the name Tophet was given to the valley of Hinnom due to the beating of drums (the word toph means drum) that accompanied the sacrifices of infants offered there to the god Moloch. For the details on how those sacrifices were performed in Tophet, see Moloch.
TOWER. “The tower of the flock,” or the tower of Ader, Micah iv, 8. It is said this tower was in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem, Gen. xxxv, 21, and that the shepherds, to whom the angel revealed the birth of our Saviour, were near to this tower, Luke ii, 8, 15. Many interpreters assert, that the passage of Micah, in which mention is made of the tower of the flock: “And thou tower of the flock, the strong hold of the daughter of Zion,” is to be understood of the city of Bethlehem, out of which our Saviour was to come. Others maintain, that the prophet speaks of the city of Jerusalem, in which there was a tower of this name, through which the flocks of sheep were driven to the sheep-market. “From the tower of the watchmen to the fenced city,” 2 Kings xvii, 9. This form of speaking expresses in general all the places of the country, from the least to the greatest. The towers of the watchmen, or of the shepherds, stood alone in the midst of the plain, in which the shepherds and herdsmen who looked after the flocks, or watchmen, might lodge. King Uzziah caused several towers to be built for the shepherds in the desert, and made many cisterns there, because he had a great number of flocks, 2 Chronicles xxvi, 10. The tower of the flock, and that which Isaiah, v, 2, notices, which was built in the midst of a vineyard, were of the same kind.
TOWER. “The tower of the flock,” or the tower of Ader, Micah 4:8. It's said this tower was near Bethlehem, Genesis 35:21, and that the shepherds, to whom the angel announced the birth of our Savior, were close to this tower, Luke 2:8, 15. Many interpreters argue that the passage from Micah, which mentions the tower of the flock: “And you, tower of the flock, the stronghold of the daughter of Zion,” refers to the city of Bethlehem, from which our Savior was to come. Others suggest that the prophet is speaking of the city of Jerusalem, where there was a tower by that name, through which flocks of sheep were driven to the market. “From the tower of the watchmen to the fortified city,” 2 Kings 17:9. This phrasing generally includes all the places in the area, from the smallest to the largest. The watchmen's towers, or the shepherds' towers, stood isolated in the plains, where shepherds and herdsmen looking after the flocks or watchmen could stay. King Uzziah had several towers built for the shepherds in the desert and created many cisterns there because he had a large number of flocks, 2 Chronicles 26:10. The tower of the flock and the one Isaiah mentions, Isaiah 5:2, which was built in the middle of a vineyard, were of the same type.
Tower of Babel. See Babel.
Tower of Babel. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Tower of Shechem was a citadel, or fortress, standing upon a higher ground than the rest of the city, and capacious enough to contain above a thousand persons. This tower, filled with the inhabitants of Shechem, was burned by Abimelech down to the very ground, together with those who had taken refuge in it.
Shechem Tower was a fortress located on higher ground than the rest of the city, large enough to hold over a thousand people. This tower, filled with the people of Shechem, was burned to the ground by Abimelech, along with those who had sought refuge inside.
TRACHONITIS, Luke iii, 1. This province had Arabia Deserta to the east, Batanea to the west, Iturea to the south, and the country of Damascus to the north. It belonged rather to Arabia than Palestine; was a rocky province, and served as a shelter for thieves and depredators.
TRACHONITIS, Luke iii, 1. This region was bordered by Arabia Deserta to the east, Batanea to the west, Iturea to the south, and the area of Damascus to the north. It was more aligned with Arabia than Palestine; it was a rugged area that provided cover for robbers and plunderers.
TRADITION. See Cabbala.
TRADITION. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
TRANSFIGURATION OF CHRIST. This event relates to a very remarkable occurrence in the history of our Lord’s life, which is recorded by three of the evangelists, Matthew xvii; Mark ix; Luke ix. The substance of what we learn from their accounts is, that upon a certain occasion Jesus took Peter, James, and John, into a high mountain apart from all other society, and that he was there transfigured before them; his face shining as the sun, and his raiment white as the light; that moreover there appeared unto them Moses and Elias, conversing with him; and that while they spake together on the subject of his death, which was soon afterward to take place at Jerusalem, a bright cloud overshadowed them, and a voice out of the cloud proclaimed, “This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.” The Apostle Peter, adverting to this memorable occurrence, says, “We have not followed cunningly devised fables, when we made known unto you the power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, but were eye-witnesses of his majesty. For he received from God the Father honour and glory, when there came such a voice to him from the excellent glory, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased. And this voice which came from heaven we heard, when we were with him in the holy mount,” 2 Peter i, 16–18. This event is to be considered: 1. As a solemn confirmation of the prophetic office of Christ. 2. As designed to support the faith of the disciples, which was to be deeply tried by his approaching humiliations; and to afford consolation to the human nature of our Lord himself, by giving him a foretaste of “the joy set before him.” 3. As an emblem of humanity glorified at the resurrection. 4. As declaring Christ to be superior to Moses and Elias, the giver and the restorer of the law. 5. As an evidence to the disciples of the existence of a separate state, in which good men consciously enjoy the felicity of heaven. 6. As a proof that the bodies of good men shall be so refined and changed, as, like Elias, to live in a state of immortality, and in the presence of God. 7. As exhibiting the sympathy which exists between the church in heaven and the church on earth, and the instruction which the former receives from the events which take place in the latter:--Moses and Elias conversed with our Lord on his approaching death, doubtless to receive, not to convey information. 8. As maintaining the grand distinction, the infinite difference, between Christ and all other prophets: he is “THE SON.” “This is my beloved Son, hear him.” It has been observed, with much truth, that the condition in which Jesus Christ appeared among men, humble, weak, poor, and despised, was a true and continual transfiguration; whereas, the transfiguration itself, in which he showed himself in the real splendour of his glory, was his true and natural condition.
TRANSFIGURATION OF CHRIST. This event refers to a remarkable moment in the story of our Lord’s life, recorded by three of the evangelists: Matthew 17; Mark 9; Luke 9. What we learn from their accounts is that at one point, Jesus took Peter, James, and John up a high mountain away from everyone else, and there he was transfigured before them; his face shone like the sun, and his clothes were as white as light. Also, Moses and Elijah appeared and talked with him; while they were discussing his upcoming death in Jerusalem, a bright cloud overshadowed them, and a voice from the cloud declared, “This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.” The Apostle Peter, referring to this memorable event, says, “We have not followed cleverly invented stories when we told you about the power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, but we were eyewitnesses of his majesty. For he received honor and glory from God the Father when the voice came to him from the majestic glory, ‘This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.’ We ourselves heard this voice that came from heaven when we were with him on the sacred mountain” (2 Peter 1:16–18). This event should be considered: 1. A solemn confirmation of Christ’s prophetic office. 2. Meant to strengthen the faith of the disciples, which was to be severely tested by his coming humiliations; and to provide comfort to our Lord’s human nature, giving him a preview of "the joy set before him." 3. An emblem of humanity glorified at the resurrection. 4. A declaration that Christ is superior to Moses and Elijah, the giver and restorer of the law. 5. Evidence to the disciples of a separate state where good people consciously enjoy the happiness of heaven. 6. Proof that the bodies of good people will be refined and transformed, like Elijah, to live in a state of immortality, and in the presence of God. 7. An illustration of the connection between the church in heaven and the church on earth, and the insight that the former gains from events in the latter: Moses and Elijah spoke with our Lord about his impending death, likely to gain, not to give, information. 8. A reminder of the significant distinction, the infinite difference, between Christ and all other prophets: he is “THE KID.” “This is my beloved Son, hear him.” It has been rightly noted that the condition in which Jesus Christ appeared among men—humble, weak, poor, and despised—was a true and ongoing transfiguration; while the transfiguration itself, in which he revealed the true splendor of his glory, reflected his genuine and natural state.
TRANSUBSTANTIATION. The Lord’s Supper being observed in commemoration of the death of Christ, which was the sacrifice offered for the sins of men, the idea of a sacrifice 917was early conjoined with it; and finally, it came to be regarded not merely as the symbol of a sacrifice, but in some sense a sacrifice itself. There was also another cause which contributed to this belief. It was the anxious wish of some of the fathers to give to their religion a degree of splendour, which might make a powerful impression upon the senses. Under the Jewish economy, the numerous sacrifices that were offered, in a remarkable degree riveted the attention; and, with reference to this, it became customary to hold forth the Lord’s Supper as the great sacrifice in the Christian church. This mode of speaking quickly gained ground; it is often used by Cyprian, although he plainly understood it in a mystical sense; and the ordinance of the supper was not unfrequently styled the eucharistical sacrifice. It was very early the practice to hold up the elements, previous to their being distributed, to the view of the people, probably to excite in them more effectually devout and reverential feelings; and this laid the foundation for that adoration of them which was, at a subsequent period, as we shall soon find, extensively introduced.
TRANSUBSTANTIATION. The Lord’s Supper is observed to remember the death of Christ, who was the sacrifice made for the sins of humanity. The concept of a sacrifice was associated with it early on, and eventually, it came to be seen not just as a symbol of sacrifice but as a sacrifice in its own right. Another reason for this belief was the desire of some early church leaders to give their faith a sense of grandeur that could leave a strong impression on people’s senses. In the Jewish tradition, the many sacrifices were particularly striking and captured attention; thus, the Lord’s Supper became known as the great sacrifice in the Christian church. This way of speaking quickly became popular; Cyprian frequently used it, though he understood it in a mystical way. The ordinance of the Supper was often referred to as the eucharistical sacrifice. Early on, it was common practice to raise the elements before distributing them to the congregation, likely to inspire more heartfelt and reverent feelings among the people, which laid the groundwork for the later widespread veneration of them that we will soon discuss.
For several ages, says Dr. Cook, the state of opinion respecting the sacramental elements was, that they were memorials of Christ’s death, but that, agreeably to his own declaration, his body and blood were, in some sense, present with them. The questions, however, what was the nature of that presence? and what were the physical consequences as to the bread and the wine? however much we may conceive these points to have been involved in the opinion actually held, or the language actually used, seem not to have been for a long period much agitated, or, at all events, not authoritatively decided, although the Roman Catholic writers gladly and triumphantly bring forward the expressions that were so often used from the earliest age, in support of the tenet which their church at length espoused. But it was not to be supposed that the curiosity of man would be permanently arrested at the threshold of this most mysterious inquiry; and accordingly a definite theory, with respect to it, was, in the ninth century, avowed, and zealously defended. Pascasius Radbert, a monk, and afterward abbot of Corbey in Picardy, published a treatise concerning the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, in which he did not hesitate to maintain the following most extraordinary positions: “That after the consecration of the bread and wine in the Lord’s Supper, nothing remained of these symbols but the outward form or figure under which the body and blood of Christ were really and locally present; and that this body so present was the identical body that had been born of the Virgin Mary, had suffered on the cross, and had been raised from the dead.” The publication of notions so decidedly at war with all which human beings must credit, excited, as might have been expected, astonishment and indignation; and, accordingly, many writers exerted their talents against it. Among these was the celebrated Johannes Scotus, who laid the axe to the root of the tree, and, shaking off all that figurative language which had been so sadly abused, distinctly and powerfully stated, that the bread and wine used in the eucharist were the signs or symbols of the absent body and blood of Christ. The light of reason and truth was, however, too feeble to penetrate through the darkness which during this age was spread over the minds and understandings of men. No public declaration, indeed, as to the nature of the sacramental elements was made; and even the popes did not interpose their high and revered authority with regard to it; but there seems little doubt that the opinion of Pascasius was adopted by the greater part of the western church, although it is not likely that much deference was paid to his explanations of it. The question was again agitated, and attracted more notice than it had ever before done, in the course of the eleventh century. Several theologians, distinguished for the period at which they lived, shocked with the grossness and absurdity of the conversion which had been defended, strenuously opposed it. Among these Berenger holds the most conspicuous place, both on account of the zeal and ability which he displayed, and the cruel and unchristian manner in which he was resisted. About the commencement of the century, he began to inculcate that the bread and wine of the eucharist were not truly and actually, but only figuratively, and by similitude, the body and blood of Christ; and a doctrine so rational obtained many adherents in France, Italy, and England. He was, however, encountered by a host of opponents, numbers of whom possessed the highest situations in the church; and the church itself, either from having perceived that the doctrine which he laboured to confute was grateful to the people, or, what is more likely, tended to exalt the powers and to increase the influence and wealth of the priesthood, declared against him, various councils having been assembled, and having pronounced their solemn decrees in condemnation of what he taught. The councils did not rest their hope of overcoming Berenger upon the strength of the reasoning which they could urge against him: they took a much more summary method, and threatened to put him to death if he did not recant. At one synod held at Rome, under the immediate eye of the pope, the fathers of whom it consisted so successfully alarmed Berenger, that, not having sufficient vigour of mind to stand firm against their cruelty, he confessed that he had been in error, and subscribed the following declaration composed by one of the cardinals: “The bread and wine which are placed on the altar are, after consecration, not merely a sacrament, symbol, or figure, but even the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is handled by the hands of the priests, and broken and chewed by the teeth of the faithful.” He had no sooner escaped from the violence which he had dreaded, than he shrunk from the tenet to which he had been forced to give his assent, and he again avowed his original sentiments; but he was afterward 918turned aside from his integrity by the arts and the infamous persecution of new councils, although he died adhering to the spirituality of Christ’s presence in the eucharist. From this time the strange opinion of Pascasius rapidly gained ground, being supported by all the influence of popes and councils; but there had not yet been devised a term which clearly expressed what was really implied in that opinion. In the next century, the ingenuity of some theologian invented what was wanting; the change that takes place on the elements after consecration having been denominated by him transubstantiation. Still, however, some latitude was afforded to those who interpreted the epithet; but this in the thirteenth century was taken away, a celebrated council of the Lateran, attended by no fewer than four hundred and twelve bishops, and eight hundred abbots and priors, having, at the instigation of Innocent the Third, one of the most arrogant and presumptuous of the pontiffs, explicitly adopted transubstantiation as an article of faith, in the monstrous form in which it is now held in the popish church, and denounced anathemas against all who hesitated to give their assent. The opposition which after this was made to a doctrine so revolting to the senses and the reason, was very feeble, insomuch that it may, in consequence of the decree of the Lateran council, be considered as having become the established faith of the western church. In the Greek church it was long resisted, and, indeed, was not embraced till the seventeenth century, a time at which it might have been thought that it could not have extended the range of its influence.
For many years, Dr. Cook explains, the general opinion about the sacramental elements was that they served as reminders of Christ’s death, but that, according to his own statement, his body and blood were, in some way, present with them. However, the questions of what that presence truly meant and what the physical implications were for the bread and wine, despite being part of the belief system and language at the time, weren’t strongly debated or definitively settled for a long time, though Roman Catholic writers eagerly pointed to the expressions used since the early days to support the view that their church eventually adopted. Yet, it was unrealistic to think that humans would remain content without exploring this profound inquiry; thus, a clear theory regarding it was established in the ninth century and was actively defended. Pascasius Radbert, a monk who later became the abbot of Corbey in Picardy, published a treatise on the sacrament of Christ’s body and blood, where he boldly argued the following unusual positions: “That after the bread and wine are consecrated in the Lord’s Supper, nothing remains of these symbols except the outward appearance under which the body and blood of Christ are truly and locally present; and that this body present is the exact same body that was born of the Virgin Mary, suffered on the cross, and was resurrected.” The publication of such notions, which sharply contradicted what people generally believed, understandably caused astonishment and anger, leading many writers to respond against it. One of these was the renowned Johannes Scotus, who directly challenged the foundation of the argument and, setting aside the figurative language that had been misused, clearly and powerfully stated that the bread and wine used in the Eucharist were symbols of the absent body and blood of Christ. However, the light of reason and truth was too weak to break through the darkness that clouded the minds and understandings of people at that time. No public declaration concerning the nature of the sacramental elements was made, nor did the popes assert their respected authority on the matter, but it seems likely that the opinion of Pascasius was accepted by most of the western church, even if little respect was given to his explanations. The question was revived and drew more attention than ever in the eleventh century. Several prominent theologians of that era, appalled by the grossness and absurdity of the conversion that had been defended, strongly opposed it. Among them, Berenger took the forefront due to his fervor and the cruel, unchristian ways in which he was met with resistance. Around the beginning of the century, he began to teach that the bread and wine of the Eucharist were not literally and truly, but only figuratively and by resemblance, the body and blood of Christ; and this rational doctrine gained many supporters in France, Italy, and England. However, he faced a strong wave of opposition, many of whom held high positions in the church; and the church itself, either realizing that the doctrine he sought to oppose was popular among the people or, more likely, aimed at increasing the power, influence, and wealth of the clergy, declared against him. Various councils were summoned to condemn his teachings. The councils did not rely solely on the strength of their reasoning against him; they took a much more straightforward approach and threatened to execute him if he did not recant. At one synod held in Rome, directly under the watch of the pope, the council members alarmed Berenger so effectively that, lacking the mental strength to stand firm against their cruelty, he confessed that he was wrong and signed a declaration crafted by one of the cardinals: “The bread and wine placed on the altar, after consecration, are not merely a sacrament, symbol, or figure, but truly the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which are handled by the priests and broken and consumed by the faithful.” As soon as he escaped the violence he feared, he recoiled from the belief to which he had been forced to agree, and once again declared his original views; but he was later swayed from his integrity by the manipulation and severe persecution of new councils, although he died holding onto his belief in the spiritual presence of Christ in the Eucharist. From this moment, Pascasius’s strange opinion quickly gained traction, supported by the influence of popes and councils. However, there had not yet been a term created that clearly expressed what was implied by that opinion. In the following century, a theologian's creativity provided what was lacking; the change occurring in the elements after consecration was termed transubstantiation. Nonetheless, some flexibility remained for those interpreting the term; but by the thirteenth century, this flexibility was removed, when a well-known Lateran council, attended by 412 bishops and 800 abbots and priors, under the influence of Innocent the Third—one of the most arrogant popes—explicitly accepted transubstantiation as a matter of faith, as it is currently understood in the Catholic Church, and denounced anyone who disagreed. The opposition to such a doctrine—so offensive to reason and the senses—was feeble afterwards, to the point that, following the Lateran council’s decree, it can be viewed as having become the established belief of the western church. In the Greek church, it faced long-lasting resistance and was not accepted until the seventeenth century, a time when it might have been expected that its influence would not expand further.
After transubstantiation was thus sanctioned, a change necessarily took place with respect to various parts of the service used in administering the eucharist. That solemn service was now viewed as an actual sacrifice or offering of the body of Christ for the sins of men, and the elevation of the host was held forth as calling for the adoration and worship of believers; so that an ordinance mercifully designed to preserve the pure influence of the most spiritual and elevated religion, became the instrument, in the hands of ignorant or corrupt men, of introducing the most senseless and degrading idolatry. When the Reformation shook the influence of the church, and brought into exercise the intellectual faculties of man, the subject of the eucharist demanded and received the closest and most anxious attention. It might have been naturally supposed, that when Luther directed his vigorous mind to point out and to condemn the abuses which had been sanctioned in the popish church, he would not have spared a doctrine the most irrational and objectionable which that church avows, and that he would have vindicated the holy ordinance of the Lord’s Supper from the abomination with which it had been associated. He did, indeed, object to transubstantiation, but he did so with a degree of hesitation truly astonishing, although that hesitation was displayed by many of the first reformers. He declared that he saw no warrant for believing that the bread and wine were actually changed into the body and blood of Christ; but he adhered to the literal import of our Saviour’s words, teaching that his body and blood were received, and that they were in some incomprehensible manner conjoined or united with the bread and wine. It is quite evident, that although this system got rid of one difficulty by leaving the testimony of the senses as to the bread and wine unchallenged, yet it is just as incomprehensible as the other, assumes as a fact what the senses cannot discern, and involves in it difficulties equally repugnant to the plainest dictates of reason. Powerful accordingly as most deservedly was his ascendency, and great as was the veneration with which he was contemplated, he was upon this point happily opposed; his colleague, the celebrated Carlostadt, openly avowing, that when our Lord said of the bread, “This is my body,” he pointed to his own person, and thus taught that the bread was merely the sign or emblem of it. Luther warmly resisted this opinion; Carlostadt was obliged, surely in little consistency with the fundamental principle of Protestantism, in consequence of having professed it, to leave Wirtemberg; and although it procured some adherents, yet as it rested upon an assertion of which there could be no proof, it was never extensively disseminated, and was ultimately abandoned by Carlostadt himself. The discussion, however, which he had commenced stimulated others to the consideration of the subject, and led Zuinglius, who had previously often meditated upon it, and Œcolampadius, two of the most distinguished reformers, to submit to the public the doctrine, that the bread and wine are only symbols of Christ’s body and blood, but that the body of our Lord was in heaven, to which after his resurrection he had ascended. Luther composed several works to confute the opinions of Zuinglius. At the commencement of the controversy respecting the eucharist among the defenders of the Protestant faith, there seem to have been only two opinions, that of Luther, asserting that the body and blood of Christ were actually with the bread and wine, and that of Zuinglius, Œcolampadius, and Bucer, that the bread and wine were the emblems or signs of Christ’s body and blood, no other advantage being derived from partaking of them than the moral effect naturally resulting from the commemoration of an event so awful and so deeply interesting as the crucifixion of our Redeemer. Calvin soon published what may be regarded as a new view of the subject. Admitting the justness of the interpretation of our Lord’s words given by Zuinglius, he maintained that spiritual influence was conveyed to worthy partakers of the Lord’s Supper, insomuch that Christ may be said to be spiritually present with the outward elements. The sentiments of this most eminent theologian made a deep impression upon the public mind; and although the churches of Zurich and Berne long adhered to the creed of Zuinglius, yet, through the perseverance and dexterity of Calvin, the Swiss Protestant 919churches at length united with that of Geneva in assenting to the spiritual presence of Christ in the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. In other countries, too, he saw many adhering to what he had taught, and carrying to as great length as it could be carried what, under his system, must be termed the allegorical language which he recommended. The French Protestants in their confession thus express themselves: “We affirm that the holy supper of our Lord is a witness to us of our union with the Lord Jesus Christ, because that he is not only once dead and raised up again from the dead for us, but also he doth indeed feed and nourish us with his flesh and blood. And although he be now in heaven, and shall remain there till he come to judge the world, yet we believe that, by the secret and incomprehensible virtue of his Spirit, he doth nourish and quicken us with the substance of his body and blood. But we say that this is done in a spiritual manner; nor do we hereby substitute in place of the effect and truth an idle fancy and conceit of our own; but rather, because this mystery of our union with Christ is so high a thing that it surmounteth all our senses, yea and the whole order of nature, and in short, because it is celestial, it cannot be comprehended but by faith.” Knox, who revered Calvin, carried into Scotland the opinions of that reformer; and in the original Scottish confessions, similar language, though somewhat more guarded than that which has been just quoted, is used: “We assuredly believe that in the supper rightly used, Christ Jesus is so joined with us, that he becometh the very nourishment and food of our souls. Not that we imagine any transubstantiation,--but this union and communion which we have with the body and blood of Christ Jesus in the right use of the sacrament, is wrought by the operation of the Holy Ghost, who by true faith carrieth us above all things that are visible, carnal, and earthly, and maketh us to feed upon the body and blood of Christ Jesus. We most assuredly believe that the bread which we break is the communion of Christ’s body, and the cup which we bless is the communion of his blood; so that we confess and undoubtedly believe, that the faithful in the right use of the Lord’s table so do eat the body and drink the blood of the Lord Jesus, that he remaineth in them and they in him; yea, that they are so made flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones, that as the eternal Godhead hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus life and immortality, so doth Christ Jesus’s flesh and blood, eaten and drunken by us, give to us the same prerogatives.” The church of Scotland, which did not long use this first confession, seems to have seen, in the course of the following century, the propriety, if not of relinquishing, yet of more cautiously employing the phraseology now brought into view; for in the Westminster confession, which is still the standard of faith in that church, there is unquestionably a great improvement in the style which has been adopted in treating of this subject. In it the compilers declare, that “the outward elements in the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper duly set apart to the uses ordained by Christ, have such relation to him crucified, as that truly, yet sacramentally only, they are sometimes called by the name of the things they represent; namely the body and blood of Christ, albeit in substance and nature they still remain truly and only bread and wine, as they were before.” Then after most powerfully exposing the absurdity of transubstantiation, representing it as repugnant not to Scripture alone, but to reason and common sense, they proceed: “Worthy receivers, outwardly partaking of the visible elements in this sacrament, do then also inwardly by faith, really and indeed, yet not carnally and corporally, but spiritually, receive and feed upon Christ crucified, and all benefits of his death: the body and blood of Christ being then not corporally or carnally in, with, or under the bread and wine, yet as really but spiritually present to the faith of believers in that ordinance, as the elements themselves are to their outward senses.” The church of England was in its first reformation from popery inclined to adhere to the Lutherans; but in the time of Edward the Sixth, a more correct and Scriptural view seems to have been taken. In the thirty-nine articles, the present creed of the English church, it is said of this ordinance: “The supper of the Lord is not only a sign of the love that Christians ought to have among themselves one to another, but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption by Christ’s death; insomuch that, to such as rightly, worthily, and with faith receive the same, the bread which we break is a partaking of the body of Christ, and likewise the cup is a partaking of the blood of Christ.” This strong language is, however, in the same article, so modified, as to show that all which was intended by it was to represent the spiritual influence conveyed through the Lord’s Supper; for it is taught, “that the body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten in the supper, only after a heavenly and spiritual manner.” The idea of Zuinglius, that the Lord’s Supper is merely a commemoration of Christ’s death, naturally producing a moral effect upon the serious and considerate mind, has been held by members of both the established churches in Great Britain. It was vigorously defended, about the beginning of last century, by Bishop Hoadly, in a work which he entitled, “A plain Account of the Nature and Ends of the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper;” and it has more recently been supported by Dr. Bell, in a treatise denominated “An Attempt to ascertain the Authority, Nature, and Design of the Lord’s Supper.” The ingenuity of particular individuals has been exerted in giving other peculiar illustrations of the subject. Cudworth and Bishop Warburton, for example, represented the sacrament of the supper under the view of a feast upon a sacrifice; but such speculations have not influenced the faith of any large denomination of Christians.
After transubstantiation was approved, there was a necessary change in various aspects of the service used to administer the eucharist. That solemn service was now seen as an actual sacrifice or offering of Christ’s body for human sins, and the elevation of the host was seen as calling for the adoration and worship of believers. What was originally a merciful ordinance meant to preserve the pure influence of the most spiritual and elevated religion became an instrument, in the hands of ignorant or corrupt individuals, for introducing senseless and degrading idolatry. When the Reformation challenged the influence of the church and encouraged the use of human intellect, the topic of the eucharist demanded and received intense scrutiny. One might naturally assume that when Luther focused his sharp mind on identifying and condemning the abuses sanctioned by the Catholic Church, he would not hold back from challenging the most irrational and objectionable doctrine that church upheld, and would defend the holy ordinance of the Lord’s Supper from the abomination with which it had been associated. Indeed, he objected to transubstantiation, but he did so with truly astonishing hesitation, a hesitation also seen in many of the early reformers. He stated that he found no evidence to support the belief that the bread and wine were actually transformed into the body and blood of Christ; however, he stuck to the literal meaning of our Savior’s words, teaching that his body and blood were received and that they were somehow incomprehensibly conjoined or united with the bread and wine. It is evident that while this system resolved one issue by leaving the sensory testimony regarding the bread and wine unchallenged, it remains just as incomprehensible as the other, assumes as fact what the senses cannot perceive, and presents difficulties equally contrary to the clearest principles of reason. Therefore, although his influence was powerful and he was greatly revered, he was thankfully opposed on this matter. His colleague, the well-known Carlostadt, publicly declared that when our Lord referred to the bread saying, “This is my body,” he was pointing to his own person, thus teaching that the bread was merely a sign or emblem of it. Luther fervently resisted this view; Carlostadt was ultimately compelled to leave Wirtemberg, surely in a way inconsistent with the fundamental principle of Protestantism, due to his profession of this opinion. While he gained some followers, because it was based on an assertion without proof, it was never widely spread and was eventually abandoned by Carlostadt himself. However, the discussion he initiated prompted others to consider the topic, leading Zwingli, who had often reflected on it before, and Œcolampadius, two prominent reformers, to publicly propose that the bread and wine are merely symbols of Christ’s body and blood, asserting that Christ’s body was in heaven, to which he ascended after his resurrection. Luther wrote several works to refute the beliefs of Zwingli. At the start of the debate regarding the eucharist among defenders of the Protestant faith, there seemed to be only two opinions: Luther’s, which asserted that the body and blood of Christ were present with the bread and wine, and that of Zwingli, Œcolampadius, and Bucer, which claimed that the bread and wine were simply emblems or signs of Christ’s body and blood, with no other advantage gained from partaking of them than the moral effect stemming from the commemoration of the deeply significant event of our Redeemer’s crucifixion. Calvin soon introduced what can be seen as a new perspective on the issue. Accepting the correctness of Zwingli's interpretation of Christ's words, he argued that spiritual influence is imparted to those who partake in the Lord’s Supper worthily, to the extent that Christ can be said to be spiritually present with the physical elements. The views of this distinguished theologian left a significant impact on public opinion; although the churches of Zurich and Bern long adhered to Zwingli's creed, through Calvin's persistence and skill, the Swiss Protestant churches ultimately united with that of Geneva in acknowledging the spiritual presence of Christ in the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. In other places, he saw many adopting what he had taught, interpreting to the fullest extent what, under his system, would be termed the allegorical language he recommended. The French Protestants in their confession state, “We affirm that the holy supper of our Lord is a witness to us of our union with the Lord Jesus Christ, because he is not only once dead and raised from the dead for us, but also he truly feeds and nourishes us with his flesh and blood. And although he is now in heaven and will remain there until he comes to judge the world, we believe that by the secret and incomprehensible power of his Spirit, he nourishes and quickens us with the substance of his body and blood. But we assert that this occurs in a spiritual manner; nor do we replace the effect and truth with our own idle fancies; rather, because this mystery of our union with Christ is so profound that it surpasses all our senses, and indeed the entire order of nature, and essentially, because it is heavenly, it can only be comprehended by faith.” Knox, who greatly admired Calvin, brought those reformer's views into Scotland; and in the original Scottish confessions, similar language, though slightly more cautious than what has been quoted, is used: “We firmly believe that in the supper rightly used, Christ Jesus is so joined with us, that he becomes the very nourishment and food of our souls. Not that we believe in any transubstantiation—but this union and communion we have with the body and blood of Christ Jesus in the proper use of the sacrament is brought about by the operation of the Holy Ghost, who through true faith lifts us above all visible, physical, and earthly things, and allows us to feed on the body and blood of Christ Jesus. We firmly believe that the bread we break is the communion of Christ’s body, and the cup we bless is the communion of his blood; so that we confess and truly believe that the faithful, in the right use of the Lord’s table, do eat the body and drink the blood of the Lord Jesus, such that he remains in them and they in him; yes, they are made flesh of his flesh and bones of his bones, so that as the eternal Godhead has granted life and immortality to the flesh of Christ Jesus, so also Christ Jesus’s flesh and blood, eaten and drunk by us, bestow the same privileges.” The Church of Scotland, which did not long use this initial confession, seems to have recognized, in the following century, the appropriateness, if not of abandoning, at least of using more cautious phrasing concerning this topic; as evident in the Westminster Confession, which still serves as the standard of faith in that church, where there is unquestionably an improvement in the language used to discuss this issue. In this Confession, the creators declare that “the outward elements in the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, properly set apart for the uses ordained by Christ, have such a relationship to him who was crucified, that truly, yet sacramentally only, they are sometimes referred to by the names of the things they represent; namely the body and blood of Christ, although in substance and nature they still remain truly and only bread and wine, as they were before.” Then, after powerfully exposing the absurdity of transubstantiation, identifying it as contrary not only to Scripture, but to reason and common sense, they continue: “Worthy receivers, partaking outwardly of the visible elements in this sacrament, do so inwardly by faith, really and truly, yet not carnally and physically, but spiritually, receive and feed on Christ crucified and all the benefits of his death: the body and blood of Christ being then not physically or carnally in, with, or under the bread and wine, yet as truly but spiritually present to the faith of believers in that ordinance, as the elements themselves are to their outward senses.” The Church of England, in its initial reformation from Catholicism, leaned towards the Lutherans; but during the reign of Edward the Sixth, a more accurate and Scriptural perspective seems to have been adopted. In the thirty-nine articles, the current creed of the English Church, it states regarding this ordinance: “The supper of the Lord is not only a sign of the love that Christians ought to have among themselves, but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption through Christ’s death; in such a way that, to those who rightly, worthily, and with faith receive it, the bread we break is a sharing in the body of Christ, and likewise the cup is a sharing in the blood of Christ.” However, this strong language is modified in the same article to show that what was intended was only to signify the spiritual influence conveyed through the Lord’s Supper; for it is taught, “that the body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten in the supper, only after a heavenly and spiritual manner.” The idea of Zwingli, that the Lord’s Supper is merely a remembrance of Christ’s death, generating a moral effect on serious and thoughtful minds, has been upheld by members of both established churches in Great Britain. It was robustly defended, at the beginning of the last century, by Bishop Hoadly in a work he titled, “A Plain Account of the Nature and Ends of the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper,” and has more recently been supported by Dr. Bell in a treatise called “An Attempt to Ascertain the Authority, Nature, and Design of the Lord’s Supper.” Some individuals have also attempted to illustrate the subject in unique ways. For example, Cudworth and Bishop Warburton viewed the sacrament of the supper as a feast on a sacrifice; however, such speculations have not influenced the beliefs of any significant Christian denomination.
TRAVELLING. The mode in which the patriarchs performed their pastoral migrations 920will be illustrated, with several differences in circumstances, by the following extract from Parsons’ Travels: “It was entertaining enough to see the horde of Arabs decamp, as nothing could be more regular. First went the sheep and goat herds, each with their flocks in divisions, according as the chief of each family directed; then followed the camels and asses, loaded with the tents, furniture, and kitchen utensils; these were followed by the old men, women, boys, and girls, on foot. The children that cannot walk are carried on the backs of the young women, or the boys and girls; and the smallest of the lambs and kids are carried under the arms of the children. To each tent belong many dogs, among which are some greyhounds; some tents have from ten to fourteen dogs, and from twenty to thirty men, women, and children, belonging to it. The procession is closed by the chief of the tribe, whom they call emir and father, (emir means prince,) mounted on the very best horse, and surrounded by the heads of each family, all on horses, with many servants on foot. Between each family is a division or space of one hundred yards, or more, when they migrate; and such great regularity is observed, that neither camels, asses, sheep, nor dogs, mix, but each keeps to the division to which it belongs, without the least trouble. They had been here eight days, and were going four hours’ journey to the north-west, to another spring of water. This tribe consisted of about eight hundred and fifty men, women, and children. Their flocks of sheep and goats were about five thousand, beside a great number of camels, horses, and asses. Horses and greyhounds they breed and train up for sale: they neither kill nor sell their ewe lambs. At set times a chapter in the Koran is read by the chief of each family, either in or near each tent, the whole family being gathered round, and very attentive.” Instead of the Koran of modern times, let us conceive of Abraham, and other patriarchal emirs, collecting their numerous dependents and teaching them the true religion, and we then see with what truth they are called the Lord’s “prophets.”
TRAVELING. The way the patriarchs carried out their pastoral migrations 920 will be shown, with several differences in circumstances, by the following excerpt from Parsons’ Travels: “It was quite entertaining to watch the group of Arabs pack up, as nothing could be more organized. First came the shepherds with their flocks, arranged by family as directed by the family head; then followed the camels and donkeys, loaded with tents, furniture, and kitchen gear; these were trailed by the older men, women, boys, and girls on foot. The little ones who couldn't walk were carried on the backs of young women, or by boys and girls; the smallest lambs and kids were held under the arms of the children. Each tent had several dogs, including some greyhounds; some tents had between ten and fourteen dogs and anywhere from twenty to thirty people associated with it. The procession concluded with the tribe leader, called emir (which means prince), riding the best horse and surrounded by the heads of each family, all on horseback, with many servants walking alongside. There was a space of about a hundred yards or more between each family during migration; such great organization was maintained that none of the camels, donkeys, sheep, or dogs mixed, as they all stuck to their designated areas without any issues. They had been there for eight days and were heading on a four-hour journey to the north-west, to another spring. This tribe comprised about eight hundred and fifty people. Their flocks of sheep and goats numbered around five thousand, along with a significant number of camels, horses, and donkeys. They breed and train horses and greyhounds for sale; they do not kill or sell their ewe lambs. At specific times, a chapter from the Koran is read by the head of each family, either in or near each tent, with the whole family gathered around, listening intently.” Instead of the Koran as we know it today, let us imagine Abraham and the other patriarchal emirs gathering their many followers and teaching them the true religion, and then we see how rightly they are called the Lord’s “prophets.”
TREASURE. The Hebrew word signifies any thing collected together, provisions, or magazines. So they say, a treasure of corn, of wine, of oil, of honey, Jer. xli, 8; treasures of gold, silver, brass, Ezek. xxviii, 4; Dan. xi, 43. Snow, winds, hail, rain, waters, are in the treasuries of God, Psalm cxxxv, 7; Jer. li, 16. The wise men opened their treasures, Matt. ii, 11, that is, their packets, or bundles, to offer presents to our Saviour. Joseph acquainted his brethren, when they found their money returned in their sacks, that God had given them treasures, Genesis xliii, 23. The treasures of the house of God, whether in silver, corn, wine, or oil, were under the care of the Levites. The kings of Judah had also keepers of the treasures both in city and country, 1 Chron. xxvii, 25; and the places where these magazines were laid up were called treasure cities. Pharaoh compelled the Hebrews to build him treasure cities, or magazines.
TREASURE. The Hebrew word means anything gathered together, supplies, or storage. So they say, a treasure of corn, wine, oil, honey, Jer. xli, 8; treasures of gold, silver, brass, Ezek. xxviii, 4; Dan. xi, 43. Snow, winds, hail, rain, and waters are in God's storehouses, Psalm cxxxv, 7; Jer. li, 16. The wise men opened their treasures, Matt. ii, 11, which means their packages or bundles, to present gifts to our Savior. Joseph told his brothers, when they found their money returned in their sacks, that God had given them treasures, Genesis xliii, 23. The treasures of God's house, whether in silver, corn, wine, or oil, were looked after by the Levites. The kings of Judah also had officials in charge of the treasures both in the city and the countryside, 1 Chron. xxvii, 25; and the places where these storages were kept were called treasure cities. Pharaoh forced the Hebrews to build him treasure cities, or storage facilities.
TREE is the first and largest of the vegetable kind, consisting of a single trunk, out of which spring forth branches and leaves. Heat is so essential to the growth of trees, that we see them grow larger and smaller in a sort of gradation as the climates in which they stand are more or less hot. The hottest countries yield, in general, the largest and tallest trees, and those, also, in much greater beauty and variety than the colder do; and even those plants which are common to both arrive at a much greater bulk in the southern than in the northern climates; nay, there are some regions so bleak and chill, that they raise no vegetables at all to any considerable height. Greenland, Iceland, and similar places, afford no trees at all; and the shrubs which grow in them are always little and low. In the warmer climates, where trees grow to a moderate size, any accidental diminution of the common heat is found very greatly to impede vegetation; and even in England the cold summers we sometimes have give us an evident proof of this in the scarcity of produce from all our large fruit trees. Heat, whatever be the producing cause, acts as well upon vegetation one way as another. Thus the heat of manure, and the artificial heat of coal fires in stoves, are found to supply the place of the sun. Great numbers of the eastern trees, in their native soil, flower twice in a year, and some flower and bear ripe fruit all the year round; and it is observed of these last, that they are at once the most frequent and the most useful to the inhabitants; their fruits, which always hang on them in readiness, containing cool juices, which are good in fevers, and other of the common diseases of hot countries. The umbrageous foliage, with which the God of providence has generally furnished all trees in warm climates, affords a most refreshing and grateful shade to those who seek relief from the direct and hurtful rays of a tropical sun.
TREE is the first and largest of the plant types, featuring a single trunk from which branches and leaves extend. Heat is crucial for tree growth, so we notice them getting larger or smaller in a sort of gradation depending on how hot the climate is. Generally, the hottest countries produce the biggest and tallest trees, as well as a greater variety of beauty compared to colder regions; even plants common to both areas grow much larger in southern climates than in northern ones. In fact, there are some areas so harsh and cold that they don’t have any vegetation that reaches significant heights. Greenland, Iceland, and similar places have no trees at all, and the shrubs that do grow there are always small and low. In warmer climates, where trees grow to a moderate size, even a slight drop in heat significantly slows down growth; in England, for example, our occasional cold summers clearly show this impact on the yield from our large fruit trees. Heat, no matter its source, influences plant growth in various ways. For example, the heat from manure and the artificial heat from coal fires in stoves can effectively substitute for sunlight. Many eastern trees, in their natural habitats, bloom twice a year, and some flower and bear ripe fruit year-round. It’s noted that these ever-bearing trees are both the most abundant and the most beneficial to the local people; their fruits, which are always ready to be picked, contain refreshing juices that help with fevers and other typical diseases of hot climates. The leafy canopy that the providential God has generously provided for trees in warm regions offers a refreshing and much-appreciated shade for anyone seeking relief from the harsh, direct rays of a tropical sun.
The Land of Promise cannot boast, like many other countries, of extensive woods; but considerable thickets of trees and of reeds sometimes arise to diversify and adorn the scene. Between the Lake Samochonites and the sea of Tiberias, the river Jordan is almost concealed by shady trees from the view of the traveller. When the waters of the Jordan are low, the Lake Samochonites is only a marsh, for the most part dry and overgrown with shrubs and reeds. In these thickets, among other ferocious animals, the wild boar seeks a covert from the burning rays of the sun. Large herds of them are sometimes to be seen on the banks of the river, near the sea of Tiberias, lying among the reeds, or feeding under the trees. Such moist and shady places are in all countries the favourite haunts of these fierce and dangerous animals. Those marshy coverts are styled woods in the sacred Scriptures; for the wild boar of the wood is the name which that creature receives from the royal psalmist: “The boar out of the wood doth waste it; and the wild beast of the field doth devour it,” Psalm lxxx, 13. The wood of Ephraim, where the battle was fought between the forces of 921Absalom and the servants of David, was probably a place of the same kind; for the sacred historian observes, that the wood devoured more people that day than the sword, 2 Sam. xviii, 8. Some have supposed the meaning of this passage to be, that the soldiers of Absalom were destroyed by the wild beasts of the wood; but it can scarcely be supposed, that in the reign of David, when the Holy Land was crowded with inhabitants, the wild beasts could be so numerous in one of the woods as to cause such a destruction. But, supposing the wood of Ephraim to have been a morass covered with trees and bushes, like the haunts of the wild boar near the banks of Jordan, the difficulty is easily removed. It is certain that such a place has more than once proved fatal to contending armies, partly by suffocating those who in the hurry of flight inadvertently venture over places incapable of supporting them, and partly by retarding them till their pursuers come up and cut them to pieces. In this manner a greater number of men than fell in the heat of battle may be destroyed. It is probable, however, that nothing more is intended by the sacred historian, than the mention of a fact familiar to military men in all ages, and whatever kind of weapons were then employed in warfare,--that forests, especially such thick and impassable forests as are common in warm countries, constitute the very worst ground along which a discomfited army can be compelled to retreat. Their orderly ranks are broken; the direction which each warrior for his own safety must take is uncertain; and while one tumultuous mass is making a pass for itself through intervening brushwood and closely matted jungle, and another is hurrying along a different path and encountering similar or perhaps greater impediments, the cool and deliberate pursuers, whether archers or sharp shooters, enjoy an immense advantage in being able to choose their own points of annoyance, and by flank or cross attacks to kill their retreating foes, with scarcely any risk to themselves, but with immense carnage to the routed army.
The Land of Promise can't claim, like many other countries, to have vast forests; however, there are substantial thickets of trees and reeds that sometimes appear to add variety and beauty to the landscape. Between Lake Samochonites and the Sea of Tiberias, the Jordan River is almost hidden from travelers by leafy trees. When the Jordan's waters are low, Lake Samochonites is mainly just a marsh, mostly dry and covered with shrubs and reeds. In these thickets, the wild boar, among other fierce animals, seeks shelter from the scorching sun. Large groups of them can often be spotted along the riverbanks near the Sea of Tiberias, resting in the reeds or feeding under the trees. Such damp and shady spots are favorite habitats for these vicious and dangerous creatures in all regions. These marshy areas are referred to as woods in the sacred Scriptures; for the wild boar of the woods is the name given to this animal by the royal psalmist: “The boar out of the wood doth waste it; and the wild beast of the field doth devour it,” Psalm 80:13. The Wood of Ephraim, where the battle took place between Absalom’s forces and David’s men, was likely a similar location; the sacred historian notes that the wood claimed more lives that day than the sword did, 2 Samuel 18:8. Some believe this passage means that Absalom’s soldiers were killed by the wild beasts in the woods; however, it’s unlikely that in David’s reign, when the Holy Land was densely populated, wild animals could have been so plentiful in one forest to cause such destruction. But if the Wood of Ephraim was a swamp covered with trees and bushes, like the wild boar's habitats near the Jordan, the difficulty disappears. It’s certain that such places have repeatedly proven deadly for opposing armies, partly by suffocating those who, in a rush to escape, accidentally step onto ground that can't support them, and partly by slowing them down until their pursuers catch up and cut them down. This way, more men can be lost than in the heat of battle. However, it’s likely that the sacred historian simply pointed out a fact familiar to military personnel in all eras: regardless of the types of weapons used in warfare, forests—especially thick, impenetrable ones like those found in hot climates—are the worst terrain for a defeated army to retreat through. Their organized formations break down; the path each warrior must take for their own safety becomes unclear; as one chaotic group struggles through the dense brush and tangled undergrowth, while another rushes along a different route facing similar or perhaps greater obstacles, the calm and strategic pursuers, whether archers or marksmen, gain a significant advantage. They can choose their points of attack and, through flanking or crossfire, kill the fleeing enemies with minimal risk to themselves, but with devastating losses to the defeated army.
Several critics imagine that by עץ חדר, rendered “goodly trees,” Lev. xxiii, 40, the citron tree is intended. עץ-עבת, rendered “thick trees” in the same verse, and in Neh. viii, 15; Ezek. xx, 28, is the myrtle, according to the rabbins, the Chaldee paraphrase, Syriac version, and Deodatus. The word אשל, translated “grove” in Gen. xxi, 33, has been variously translated. Parkhurst renders it an oak, and says, that from this word may be derived the name of the famous asylum, opened by Romulus between two groves of oak at Rome. On the other hand, Celsius, Michaēlis, and Dr. Geddes render it the tamarisk, which is a lofty and beautiful tree, and grows abundantly in Egypt and Arabia. The same word in 1 Sam. xxii, 6; xxxi, 13, is rendered “a tree.” It must be noted too, that in the first of these places, the common version is equally obscure and contradictory, by making ramah a proper name: it signifies hillock or bank. Of the trees that produced precious balsams there was one in particular that long flourished in Judea, having been supposed to have been an object of great attention to Solomon, which was afterward transplanted to Matarea, in Egypt, where it continued till about two hundred and fifty years ago, according to Maillet, who gives a description of it, drawn, it is supposed, from the Arabian authors, in which he says, “This shrub had two very differently coloured barks, the one red, the other perfectly green; that they tasted strongly like incense and turpentine, and when bruised between the fingers they smelt very nearly like cardamoms. This balsam, which was extremely precious and celebrated, and was used by the Coptic church in their chrism, was produced by a very low shrub; and it is said, that all those shrubs that produced balsams are every where low, and do not exceed two or three cubits in height.”
Several critics believe that by room tree, translated as “goodly trees,” in Lev. xxiii, 40, the citron tree is meant. עץ עבה, translated as “thick trees” in the same verse and in Neh. viii, 15; Ezek. xx, 28, is considered by the rabbis, the Chaldee paraphrase, the Syriac version, and Deodatus to be the myrtle. The word אשל, translated as “grove” in Gen. xxi, 33, has various translations. Parkhurst translates it as an oak, claiming that this word may have given rise to the name of the famous asylum established by Romulus between two oak groves in Rome. In contrast, Celsius, Michaēlis, and Dr. Geddes translate it as the tamarisk, which is a tall and beautiful tree that grows abundantly in Egypt and Arabia. The same word in 1 Sam. xxii, 6; xxxi, 13, is translated as “a tree.” It's important to note that in the first instance, the common translation is equally unclear and contradictory, by making ramah a proper name: it means hillock or bank. Among the trees that produced valuable balsams, there was one in particular that thrived in Judea and was thought to have been of great interest to Solomon, which was later moved to Matarea, in Egypt, where it lasted until about two hundred and fifty years ago, according to Maillet, who describes it based on what is believed to be information from Arabian authors. He notes, “This shrub had two distinctly colored barks, one red and the other perfectly green; they had a strong scent similar to incense and turpentine, and when crushed between the fingers, they smelled a lot like cardamom. This balsam, which was extremely valuable and well-known, was used by the Coptic church in their chrism, was produced by a very low shrub; and it’s said that all shrubs that produce balsams are generally low and do not exceed two or three cubits in height.”
Descriptions of the principal trees and shrubs mentioned in Holy Writ the reader will find noticed in distinct articles under their several denominations.
Descriptions of the main trees and shrubs mentioned in the Scriptures can be found in separate articles categorized by their specific names.
TRIBE. Jacob having twelve sons, who were the heads of so many great families, which altogether formed a great nation; every one of these families was called a tribe. But Jacob on his death bed adopted Ephraim and Manasseh, the sons of Joseph, and would have them also to constitute two tribes of Israel, Gen. xlviii, 5. Instead of twelve tribes, there were now thirteen, that of Joseph being divided into two. However, in the distribution of lands to each which Joshua made by the order of God, they counted but twelve tribes, and made but twelve lots. For the tribe of Levi, which was appointed to the service of the tabernacle of the Lord, had no share in the distribution of the land, but only some cities in which to dwell, and the first fruits, tithes, and oblations of the people, which was all their subsistence. The twelve tribes continued united under one head, making but one state, one people, and one monarchy, till after the death of Solomon. Then ten of the tribes of Israel revolted from the house of David, and received for their king Jeroboam, the son of Nebat; and only the tribes of Judah and Benjamin continued under the government of Rehoboam. This separation may be looked upon as the chief cause of those great misfortunes that afterward happened to those two kingdoms, and to the whole Hebrew nation. For, first, it was the cause of the alteration and change of the old religion, and of the ancient worship of their forefathers. Jeroboam the son of Nebat substituted the worship of golden calves for the worship of the true God; which was the occasion of the ten tribes forsaking the temple of the Lord. Secondly, this schism caused an irreconcilable hatred between the ten tribes, and those of Judah and Benjamin, and created numerous wars and disputes between them. The Lord, being provoked, delivered them up to their enemies. Tiglath-Pileser first took away captive the tribes of Reuben, Gad, Naphtali, and the half tribe of Manasseh, which were beyond Jordan, and carried them beyond the Euphrates, 2 Kings xv, 29; 1 Chron. v, 26; A. M. 3264. Some years after, Shalmaneser 922king of Assyria took the city of Samaria, destroyed it, took away the rest of the inhabitants of Israel, carried them beyond the Euphrates, and sent other inhabitants into the country to cultivate and possess it, 2 Kings xvii, 6; xviii, 10, 11. Thus ended the kingdom of the ten tribes of Israel, A. M. 3283. As to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, who remained under the government of the kings of the family of David, they continued a much longer time in their own country. But at last, after they had filled up the measure of their iniquity, God delivered them all into the hands of their enemies. Nebuchadnezzar took the city of Jerusalem, entirely ruined it, and took away all the inhabitants of Judah and Benjamin to Babylon, and the other provinces of his empire, A. M. 3416. The return from this captivity is stated in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. See Jews.
TRIBE. Jacob had twelve sons, who were the founders of great families that together formed a significant nation; each of these families was called a tribe. However, on his deathbed, Jacob adopted Ephraim and Manasseh, the sons of Joseph, and intended for them to also form two tribes of Israel, Gen. xlviii, 5. Instead of twelve tribes, there were now thirteen, with Joseph's tribe split into two. Nevertheless, when Joshua distributed lands by God's command, they counted only twelve tribes and created twelve lots. The tribe of Levi, assigned to the service of the tabernacle of the Lord, did not receive a portion of the land but was allocated some cities to live in, along with the first fruits, tithes, and offerings from the people, which constituted their livelihood. The twelve tribes remained united under one leader, creating a single state, one people, and one monarchy until after Solomon's death. Then, ten of the tribes of Israel broke away from the house of David and chose Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, as their king; only the tribes of Judah and Benjamin stayed under the rule of Rehoboam. This split can be seen as the main reason for the significant misfortunes that later befell those two kingdoms and the entire Hebrew nation. First, it led to a change in the old religion and the ancient worship of their ancestors. Jeroboam replaced the true God’s worship with the worship of golden calves, which caused the ten tribes to abandon the temple of the Lord. Second, this division created a lasting animosity between the ten tribes and those of Judah and Benjamin, resulting in numerous wars and conflicts. The Lord, angered, allowed them to fall into the hands of their enemies. Tiglath-Pileser first captured the tribes of Reuben, Gad, Naphtali, and the half tribe of Manasseh, which were across the Jordan, taking them beyond the Euphrates, 2 Kings xv, 29; 1 Chron. v, 26; A. M. 3264. A few years later, Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, captured the city of Samaria, destroyed it, took the remaining Israelites away, and brought in other people to settle and farm the land, 2 Kings xvii, 6; xviii, 10, 11. Thus ended the kingdom of the ten tribes of Israel, A. M. 3283. As for the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, who remained under the rule of the Davidic kings, they stayed in their homeland much longer. However, eventually, after they had reached the peak of their wickedness, God allowed them to fall into their enemies’ hands. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem, utterly destroyed it, and took all the inhabitants of Judah and Benjamin to Babylon and other provinces of his empire, A. M. 3416. The return from this captivity is mentioned in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. See Jews.
TRIBUTE. The Hebrews acknowledged none for sovereign over them but God alone; whence Josephus calls their government a theocracy, or divine government. They acknowledged the sovereign dominion of God by a tribute, or capitation tax, of half a shekel a head, which every Israelite paid yearly, Exod. xxx, 13. Our Saviour, in the Gospel, thus reasons with St. Peter: “What thinkest thou, Simon? of whom do the kings of the earth take custom or tribute? of their own children, or of strangers?” Matt. xvii, 25, meaning, that as he was the Son of God, he ought to be exempt from this capitation tax. We do not find that either the kings or the judges of the Hebrews, when they were themselves Jews, demanded any tribute of them. Solomon, at the beginning of his reign, 1 Kings xi, 22, 33; 2 Chron. viii, 9, compelled the Canaanites, who were left in the country, to pay him tribute, and to perform the drudgery of the public works he had undertaken. As to the children of Israel, he would not suffer one of them to be employed upon them, but made them his soldiers, ministers, and chief officers, to command his armies, his chariots, and his horsemen. Yet, afterward, toward the end of his reign, he imposed a tribute upon them, and made them work at the public buildings, 1 Kings v, 13, 14; ix, 15; xi, 27; which much alienated their minds from him, and sowed the seeds of that discontent which afterward appeared in an open revolt, by the rebellion of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat; who was at first indeed obliged to take shelter in Egypt. But afterward the defection became general, by the total revolt of the ten tribes. Hence it was, that the Israelites said to Rehoboam the son of Solomon, “Thy father made our yoke grievous; now therefore, make thou the grievous service of thy father, and the heavy yoke which he put upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee,” 1 Kings xii, 4. It is needless to observe, that the Israelites were frequently subdued by foreign princes, who laid great taxes and tribute upon them, to which fear and necessity compelled them to submit. Yet in the latter times, that is, after Archelaus had been banished to Vienne in France, in the sixth year of the vulgar era, and after Judea was reduced to a province, Augustus sent Quirinius into this country to take a new poll of the people, and to make a new estimate of their substance, that he might thereby regulate the tribute that every one was to pay to the Romans. Then Judas, surnamed the Galilean, formed a sedition, and made an insurrection, to oppose the levying of this tribute. See in St. Matthew xxii, 16, 17, &c, the answer that Jesus Christ returned to the Pharisee, who came with an insidious design of tempting him, and asked him, whether or not it was lawful to pay tribute to Cæsar? and in John viii, 33, where the Jews boast of having never been slaves to any body, of being a free nation, that acknowledged God only for master and sovereign.
TRIBUTE. The Hebrews recognized no one as their sovereign except God alone; this is why Josephus refers to their government as a theocracy, or divine government. They acknowledged God's supreme rule by paying a tribute, or capitation tax, of half a shekel per person, which every Israelite paid annually, Exod. xxx, 13. Our Savior, in the Gospel, poses this question to St. Peter: “What do you think, Simon? From whom do the kings of the earth collect customs or tribute? From their own children or from strangers?” Matt. xvii, 25, implying that as the Son of God, he should be exempt from this tax. We find that neither the kings nor the judges of the Hebrews, when they themselves were Jews, demanded any tribute from their people. At the start of his reign, Solomon, 1 Kings xi, 22, 33; 2 Chron. viii, 9, forced the Canaanites who remained in the land to pay him tribute and perform work on public projects he initiated. However, he did not allow any of the Israelites to be used for this labor, instead making them his soldiers, ministers, and chief officers to command his armies, chariots, and horsemen. Later, towards the end of his reign, he imposed tribute on the Israelites and made them work on public buildings, 1 Kings v, 13, 14; ix, 15; xi, 27, which greatly alienated them and planted the seeds of discontent that eventually led to an open revolt, initiated by Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who initially sought refuge in Egypt. Eventually, there was a widespread rebellion among the ten tribes. This led the Israelites to tell Rehoboam, Solomon's son, “Your father made our yoke burdensome; now lighten the harsh service of your father and the heavy yoke he placed on us, and we will serve you,” 1 Kings xii, 4. It's worth noting that the Israelites were often conquered by foreign rulers, who imposed heavy taxes and tribute upon them, which they submitted to out of fear and necessity. In later times, after Archelaus was exiled to Vienne in France in the sixth year of the common era, and Judea was made a province, Augustus sent Quirinius to take a new census of the people and assess their wealth to regulate the tribute they owed to the Romans. At that time, Judas, known as the Galilean, sparked a rebellion against this tribute. See St. Matthew xxii, 16, 17, &c, for Jesus Christ's response to the Pharisee who tried to trap him by asking whether it was lawful to pay tribute to Caesar, and in John viii, 33, where the Jews boast that they have never been slaves to anyone, proclaiming themselves a free nation that acknowledges only God as their master and sovereign.
TRINITY. That nearly all the Pagan nations of antiquity, says Bishop Tomline, in their various theological systems, acknowledged a kind of Trinity, has been fully evinced by those learned men who have made the Heathen mythology the subject of their elaborate inquiries. The almost universal prevalence of this doctrine in the Gentile kingdoms must be considered as a strong argument in favour of its truth. The doctrine itself bears such striking internal marks of a divine original, and is so very unlikely to have been the invention of mere human reason, that there is no way of accounting for the general adoption of so singular a belief, but by supposing that it was revealed by God to the early patriarchs, and that it was transmitted by them to their posterity. In its progress, indeed, to remote countries, and to distant generations, this belief became depraved and corrupted in the highest degree; and he alone who brought “life and immortality to light,” could restore it to its original simplicity and purity. The discovery of the existence of this doctrine in the early ages, among the nations whose records have been the best preserved, has been of great service to the cause of Christianity, and completely refutes the assertion of infidels and skeptics, that the sublime and mysterious doctrine of the Trinity owes its origin to the philosophers of Greece. “If we extend,” says Mr. Maurice, “our eye through the remote region of antiquity, we shall find this very doctrine, which the primitive Christians are said to have borrowed from the Platonic school, universally and immemorially flourishing in all those countries where history and tradition have united to fix those virtuous ancestors of the human race, who, for their distinguished attainments in piety, were admitted to a familiar intercourse with Jehovah and the angels, the divine heralds of his commands.” The same learned author justly considers the first two verses of the Old Testament as containing very strong, if not decisive, evidence in support of the truth of this doctrine: Elohim, a noun substantive of the plural number, by which the Creator is expressed, appears as evidently to point toward a plurality of persons in the divine nature, as the verb in the singular, with which it is joined, does to the unity of that nature: 923“In the beginning God created;” with strict attention to grammatical propriety, the passage should be rendered, “In the beginning Gods created,” but our belief in the unity of God forbids us thus to translate the word Elohim. Since, therefore, Elohim is plural, and no plural can consist of less than two in number, and since creation can alone be the work of Deity, we are to understand by this term so particularly used in this place, God the Father, and the eternal Logos, or Word of God; that Logos whom St. John, supplying us with an excellent comment upon this passage, says, was in the beginning with God, and who also was God. As the Father and the Son are expressly pointed out in the first verse of this chapter, so is the Third Person in the blessed Trinity not less decisively revealed to us in Gen. i, 2: “And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters:” “brooded upon” the water, incubavit, as a hen broods over her eggs. Thus we see the Spirit exerted upon this occasion an active effectual energy, by that energy agitating the vast abyss, and infusing into it a powerful vital principle.
TRINITY. Bishop Tomline points out that almost all the Pagan nations of ancient times, in their various belief systems, recognized a form of Trinity. This has been clearly demonstrated by scholars who have thoroughly explored Heathen mythology. The widespread existence of this belief in the Gentile nations serves as a strong argument for its truth. The doctrine itself shows such clear signs of a divine origin and is so unlikely to have been created by mere human reasoning that the only way to explain its widespread acceptance is to assume it was revealed by God to the early patriarchs and passed down to their descendants. As it spread to distant lands and generations, this belief was indeed distorted and corrupted; only the one who brought “life and immortality to light” could restore it to its original simplicity and purity. The recognition of this doctrine in early times, among the nations with the best-preserved records, has been immensely beneficial to Christianity and completely disproves the claims of skeptics that the profound and mysterious doctrine of the Trinity originated with Greek philosophers. “If we look back through ancient history,” says Mr. Maurice, “we will find this very doctrine, which early Christians supposedly borrowed from the Platonic school, thriving universally and for ages in all those places where history and tradition have documented the virtuous ancestors of humanity, who, due to their remarkable piety, were believed to have close relationships with Jehovah and the angels, the divine messengers of his commands.” The same scholar rightly sees strong evidence in the first two verses of the Old Testament supporting this doctrine: Elohim, a plural noun referring to the Creator, seemingly indicates a plurality of persons within the divine nature, just as the singular verb it accompanies points to the unity of that nature: 923“In the beginning God created;” the phrase should be rendered as “In the beginning Gods created” according to strict grammatical rules, but our belief in the unity of God prevents us from translating Elohim in that way. Since Elohim is plural, and no plural can consist of fewer than two, and since creation can only be a work of Deity, we understand this term, used specifically here, to refer to God the Father and the eternal Logos, or Word of God; that Logos whom St. John points out while commenting on this passage, noting that he was in the beginning with God and was also God. Just as the Father and the Son are clearly indicated in the first verse of this chapter, the Third Person of the blessed Trinity is also decisively revealed to us in Gen. i, 2: “And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters:” “brooded upon” the water, incubated, like a hen brooding over her eggs. Thus, we see the Spirit exerting an active, effective energy in this instance, agitating the vast abyss and infusing it with a powerful vital principle.
Elohim seems to be the general appellation by which the Triune Godhead is collectively distinguished in Scripture; and in the concise history of the creation only, the expression, bara Elohim, “the Gods created,” is used above thirty times. The combining this plural noun with a verb in the singular would not appear so remarkable, if Moses had uniformly adhered to that mode of expression; for then it would be evident that he adopted the mode used by the Gentiles in speaking of their false gods in the plural number, but by joining with it a singular verb or adjective, rectified a phrase that might appear to give a direct sanction to the error of polytheism. But, in reality, the reverse is the fact; for in Deut. xxxii, 15, 17, and other places, he uses the singular number of this very noun to express the Deity, though not employed in the august work of creation: “He forsook God,” Eloah; “they sacrificed to devils not to God,” Eloah. But farther, Moses himself uses this very word Elohim with verbs and adjectives in the plural. Of this usage Dr. Allix enumerates many other striking instances that might be brought from the Pentateuch; and other inspired writers use it in the same manner in various parts of the Old Testament, Job xxxv, 10; Joshua xxiv, 19; Psalm cix, 1; Ecclesiastes xii, 3; 2 Samuel vii, 23. It must appear, therefore, to every reader of reflection, exceedingly singular, that when Moses was endeavouring to establish a theological system, of which the unity of the Godhead was the leading principle, and in which it differed from all other systems, he should make use of terms directly implicative of a plurality in it; yet so deeply was the awful truth under consideration impressed upon the mind of the Hebrew legislator, that this is constantly done by him; and, indeed, as Allix has observed, there is scarcely any method of speaking from which a plurality in Deity may be inferred, that is not used either by himself in the Pentateuch, or by the other inspired writers in various parts of the Old Testament. A plural is joined with a verb singular, as in the passage cited before from Genesis i, 1; a plural is joined with a verb plural, as in Gen. xxxv, 7, “And Jacob called the name of the place El-beth-el, because the Gods there appeared to him;” a plural is joined with an adjective plural, Joshua xxiv, 19, “You cannot serve the Lord; for he is the holy Gods.” To these passages, if we add that remarkable one from Ecclesiastes, “Remember thy Creators in the days of thy youth,” and the predominant use of the terms, Jehovah Elohim, or, the “Lord thy Gods,” which occur a hundred times in the law, (the word Jehovah implying the unity of the essence, and Elohim a plurality in that unity,) we must allow that nothing can be more plainly marked than this doctrine in the ancient Scriptures.
Elohim appears to be the general term used to refer to the Triune God in Scripture. In the brief account of creation alone, the phrase, bara Elohim, “the Gods created,” is mentioned over thirty times. The combination of this plural noun with a singular verb might not seem unusual if Moses had consistently used this expression; it would then be clear that he was following the style used by non-believers when referring to their false gods in the plural, but by pairing it with a singular verb or adjective, he corrected a phrase that could imply support for polytheism. However, the opposite is true; in Deut. xxxii, 15, 17, and other passages, he uses the singular form of this very noun to refer to God, even when it isn’t about the creation: “He forsook God,” Eloah; “they sacrificed to devils not to God,” Eloah. Furthermore, Moses himself uses the term Elohim with plural verbs and adjectives. Dr. Allix points out many other striking examples from the Pentateuch, and other biblical writers use it similarly in various parts of the Old Testament, such as Job xxxv, 10; Joshua xxiv, 19; Psalm cix, 1; Ecclesiastes xii, 3; 2 Samuel vii, 23. Therefore, it should seem quite remarkable to any thoughtful reader that when Moses was trying to establish a theological system where the unity of God was the key principle—setting it apart from all other systems—he would use terms directly implying a plurality within it. Yet, the profound truth of this concept was so deeply ingrained in the minds of the Hebrew legislator that he consistently used these terms. As Allix noted, there is almost no way of speaking about plurality in Deity that isn’t found either in Moses’s writings in the Pentateuch or by other inspired writers throughout the Old Testament. A plural is paired with a singular verb, as seen in the earlier Genesis 1:1; a plural is paired with a plural verb, as in Gen. xxxv, 7, “And Jacob called the name of the place El-beth-el, because the Gods there appeared to him;” a plural is paired with a plural adjective, as in Joshua xxiv, 19, “You cannot serve the Lord; for he is the holy Gods.” Adding to these passages is that notable one from Ecclesiastes, “Remember thy Creators in the days of thy youth,” and the frequent phrase, Jehovah Elohim, or “Lord thy Gods,” which appears a hundred times in the law, with the word Jehovah indicating the unity of essence and Elohim suggesting plurality within that unity; this clearly marks the doctrine in ancient Scriptures.
Though the august name of Jehovah in a more peculiar manner belongs to God the Father, yet is that name, in various parts of Scripture, applied to each person in the holy Trinity. The Hebrews considered that name in so sacred a light, that they never pronounced it, and used the word Adonai instead of it. It was, indeed, a name that ranked first among their profoundest cabala; a mystery, sublime, ineffable, incommunicable. It was called tetragrammaton, or the name of four letters, and these letters are jod, he, vau, he, the proper pronunciation of which, from long disuse, is said to be no longer known to the Jews themselves. This awful name was first revealed by God to Moses from the centre of the burning bush; and Josephus, who, as well as Scripture, relates this circumstance, evinces his veneration for it, by calling it the name which his religion did not permit him to mention. From this word the Pagan title of Iao and Jove is, with the greatest probability, supposed to have been originally formed; and in the Golden Verses of Pythagoras, there is an oath still extant to this purpose, “By Him who has the four letters.” As the name Jehovah, however, in some instances applied to the Son and the Holy Spirit, was the proper name of God the Father, so is Logos in as peculiar a manner the appropriated name of God the Son. The Chaldee Paraphrasts translate the original Hebrew text by Mimra da Jehovah, literally, “the Word of Jehovah,” a term totally different, as Bishop Kidder has incontestably proved, in its signification, and in its general application among the Jews, from the Hebrew dabar, which simply means a discourse or decree, and is properly rendered by pithgam. In the Septuagint translation of the Bible, a work supposed by the Jews to have been undertaken by men immediately inspired from above, the former term is universally rendered Λόγος, and it is so rendered and so understood by Philo and all the more ancient rabbins. The name of the third person in the ever blessed Trinity has descended unaltered from the days of Moses to our own time; for, as well in the sacred writings as by the Targumists, and by the modern doctors of the Jewish church, he is styled Ruach Hakhodesh, the Holy Spirit. 924He is sometimes, however, in the rabbinical books, denominated by Shechinah, or glory of Jehovah; in some places he is called Sephirah, or Wisdom; and in others the Binah, or Understanding. From the enumeration of these circumstances, it must be sufficiently evident to the mind which unites piety and reflection, that so far from being silent upon the subject, the ancient Scriptures commence with an avowal of this doctrine, and that, in fact, the creation was the result of the joint operations of the Trinity.
Though the revered name of Jehovah primarily belongs to God the Father, it is also used throughout Scripture to refer to each person of the holy Trinity. The Hebrews viewed this name as so sacred that they never spoke it aloud, instead using the word Adonai in its place. This name ranked as one of their most profound mysteries, considered sublime, ineffable, and inexpressible. It was called tetragrammaton, or the name of four letters, which are jod, he, vau, he, and the true pronunciation of which has been lost over time. This powerful name was first revealed by God to Moses from the center of the burning bush; Josephus, along with Scripture, recounts this moment and shows his respect by referring to it as a name his religion does not allow him to utter. From this word, the Pagan names Iao and Jove are thought to have been derived; in the Golden Verses of Pythagoras, there is even an oath still known that says, “By Him who has the four letters.” Likewise, while the name Jehovah is sometimes attributed to the Son and the Holy Spirit, Logos is also uniquely the name of God the Son. The Chaldee Paraphrasts translate the original Hebrew text as Mimra da Jehovah, meaning “the Word of Jehovah,” a term that differs significantly, as Bishop Kidder has shown, in meaning and usage among the Jews from the Hebrew dabar, which simply translates to a discourse or decree, and is correctly rendered as pithgam. In the Septuagint, a translation of the Bible believed by Jews to have been done by those directly inspired by God, the name is consistently rendered as Λόγος, and this is how it is understood by Philo and earlier rabbis. The name of the third person in the ever-blessed Trinity has remained unchanged from the time of Moses to today; in sacred writings, Targumists, and modern Jewish scholars, he is referred to as Ruach Hakhodesh, the Holy Spirit. 924 He is also sometimes referred to in rabbinical texts as Shechinah, or glory of Jehovah; in some instances, he is called Sephirah, or Wisdom; and in others, Binah, or Understanding. From this overview, it is clear to anyone who combines piety and thought that the ancient Scriptures do not shy away from this topic, starting instead with a declaration of this doctrine and showing that creation was the result of the collaborative actions of the Trinity.
If the argument above offered should still appear inconclusive, the twenty-sixth verse of the first chapter of Genesis contains so pointed an attestation to the truth of it, that, when duly considered, it must stagger the most hardened skeptic; for in that text not only the plurality is unequivocally expressed, but the act which is the peculiar prerogative of Deity is mentioned together with that plurality, the one circumstance illustrating the other, and both being highly elucidatory of this doctrine: “And God (Elohim) said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness.” Why the Deity should speak of himself in the plural number, unless that Deity consisted of more than one person, it is difficult to conceive; for the answer given by the modern Jews, that this is only a figurative mode of expression, implying the high dignity of the speaker, and that it is usual for earthly sovereigns to use this language by way of distinction, is futile, for two reasons. In the first place it is highly degrading to the Supreme Majesty to suppose he would take his model of speaking and thinking from man, though it is highly consistent with the vanity of man to arrogate to himself, as doubtless was the case in the licentiousness of succeeding ages, the style and imagined conceptions of Deity; and it will be remembered, that these solemn words were spoken before the creation of any of those mortals, whose false notions of greatness and sublimity the Almighty is thus impiously supposed to adopt. In truth, there does not seem to be any real dignity in an expression, which, when used by a human sovereign in relation to himself, approaches very near to absurdity. The genuine fact, however, appears to be this. When the tyrants of the east first began to assume divine honours, they assumed likewise the majestic language appropriated to, and highly becoming, the Deity, but totally inapplicable to man. The error was propagated from age to age through a long succession of despots, and at length Judaic apostasy arrived at such a pitch of profane absurdity, as to affirm that very phraseology to be borrowed from man which was the original and peculiar language of the Divinity. It was, indeed, remarkably pertinent when applied to Deity; for, in a succeeding chapter, we have more decisive authority for what is thus asserted, where the Lord God himself says, “Behold, the man is become as one of us;” a very singular expression, which some Jewish commentators, with equal effrontery, contend was spoken by the Deity to the council of angels, that, according to their assertions, attended him at the creation. From the name of the Lord God being used in so emphatical a manner, it evidently appears to be addressed to those sacred persons to whom it was before said, “Let us make man;” for would indeed the omnipotent Jehovah, presiding in a less dignified council, use words that have such an evident tendency to place the Deity on a level with created beings?
If the previous argument seems unconvincing, the twenty-sixth verse of the first chapter of Genesis provides such a clear confirmation of the truth that, when properly considered, it would challenge even the most stubborn skeptic. In that verse, not only is the concept of plurality clearly stated, but the act that is uniquely divine is mentioned alongside that plurality, each aspect shedding light on the other and both clarifying this doctrine: “And God (Elohim) said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness.” It's hard to understand why God would refer to Himself in the plural unless He is more than one person. The modern Jewish explanation that this is just a figurative expression meant to highlight the speaker's high status—similar to how earthly kings might speak—is inadequate for two reasons. First, it’s quite degrading to suggest that the Supreme Being would model His way of speaking and thinking after humans, even though it aligns well with human arrogance, which has likely led to such pretentiousness in later ages regarding how Deity might be conceived. It's important to note that these solemn words were spoken before any of those humans came into existence, whose misguided ideas of greatness and divinity the Almighty is wrongly assumed to adopt. In reality, there seems to be little dignity in an expression that, when used by a human ruler about himself, nearly borders on absurdity. The true situation appears to be this: when eastern tyrants first started to assume divine honors, they also adopted the majestic language designated for God, though completely inappropriate for humans. This error was passed down through generations of despots, culminating in such a level of profane absurdity in Jewish apostasy that they claimed this divine language was borrowed from human expression. It was indeed particularly relevant when applied to God; for in a later chapter, we find even clearer authority on the matter, where the Lord God states, “Behold, the man is become as one of us;” a striking expression that some Jewish commentators—without shame—argue was uttered by God to the council of angels who, according to their claims, were with Him at creation. Given the emphasis in how the Lord God’s name is used, it seems to be directed at those sacred beings to whom it was previously said, “Let us make man;” for would the omnipotent Jehovah, presiding over a less dignified council, use words that clearly suggest He is on the same level as created beings?
The first passage to be adduced from the New Testament in proof of this important doctrine of the Trinity, is, the charge and commission which our Saviour gave to his apostles, to “go and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost,” Matt. xxviii, 19. The Gospel is every where in Scripture represented as a covenant or conditional offer of eternal salvation from God to man; and baptism was the appointed ordinance by which men were to be admitted into that covenant, by which that offer was made and accepted. This covenant being to be made with God himself, the ordinance must of course be performed in his name; but Christ directed that it should be performed in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; and therefore we conclude that God is the same as the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Since baptism is to be performed in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, they must be all three persons; and since no superiority or difference whatever is mentioned in this solemn form of baptism, we conclude that these three persons are all of one substance, power, and eternity. Are we to be baptized in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, and is it possible that the Father should be self-existent, eternal, the Lord God Omnipotent; and that the Son, in whose name we are equally baptized, should be a mere man, born of a woman, and subject to all the frailties and imperfections of human nature? or, is it possible that the Holy Ghost, in whose name also we are equally baptized, should be a bare energy or operation, a quality or power, without even personal existence? Our feelings, as well as our reason, revolt from the idea of such disparity.
The first passage from the New Testament that supports this important belief in the Trinity is the command and mission that our Savior gave to his apostles to “go and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost,” Matt. xxviii, 19. Throughout Scripture, the Gospel is portrayed as a covenant or conditional offer of eternal salvation from God to humanity; baptism is the established rite through which people are welcomed into that covenant, accepting that offer. Since this covenant is made with God himself, the ordinance must naturally be performed in his name; however, Christ instructed that it should be carried out in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Therefore, we conclude that God is represented by the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Since baptism is to be conducted in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, they must all be distinct persons; and since there's no mention of superiority or difference in this solemn baptismal formula, we conclude that these three persons share one substance, power, and eternity. Is it possible for us to be baptized in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, while also believing that the Father is self-existent, eternal, and the Lord God Omnipotent, and that the Son, in whose name we are also baptized, is just a man, born of a woman, and subject to all the flaws and imperfections of human nature? Or could the Holy Ghost, in whose name we are equally baptized, merely be a force or operation, a quality or power without any personal existence? Our feelings and our reason reject the idea of such a contradiction.
This argument will derive great strength from the practice of the early ages, and from the observations which we meet with in several of the ancient fathers relative to it. We learn from Ambrose, that persons at the time of their baptism, declared their belief in the three persons of the Holy Trinity, and that they were dipped in the water three times. In his Treatise upon the Sacraments he says, “Thou wast asked at thy baptism, Dost thou believe in God the Father Almighty? and thou didst reply, I believe, and thou wast dipped; and a second time thou wast asked, Dost thou believe in Jesus Christ the Lord? thou didst answer again, I believe, and thou wast dipped; a third time the question was repeated, Dost thou believe in the Holy Ghost? and the answer was, I believe, then thou wast dipped a third time.” It is to be noticed, that the belief, here expressed separately, in the three persons of the Trinity, is precisely the same in all. Tertullian, 925Basil, and Jerom, all mention this practice of trine immersion as ancient; and Jerom says, “We are thrice dipped in the water, that the mystery of the Trinity may appear to be but one. We are not baptized in the names of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, but in one name, which is God’s; and, therefore, though we be thrice put under water to represent the mystery of the Trinity, yet it is reputed but one baptism.” Thus the mysterious union of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, as one God, was, in the opinion of the purer ages of the Christian church, clearly expressed in this form of baptism. By it the primitive Christians understood the Father’s gracious acceptance of the atonement offered by the Messiah; the peculiar protection of the Son, our great High Priest and Intercessor; and the readiness of the Holy Ghost to sanctify, to assist, and to comfort all the obedient followers of Christ, confirmed by the visible gift of tongues, of prophecy, and divers other gifts to the first disciples. And as their great Master’s instructions evidently distinguished these persons from each other, without any difference in their authority or power, all standing forth as equally dispensing the benefits of Christianity, as equally the objects of the faith required in converts upon admission into the church, they clearly understood that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, were likewise equally the objects of their grateful worship: this fully appears from their prayers, doxologies, hymns, and creeds, which are still extant.
This argument is strongly supported by the practices of early times and the observations we find in several of the ancient church fathers related to it. We learn from Ambrose that at the time of their baptism, people expressed their belief in the three persons of the Holy Trinity and that they were immersed in water three times. In his Treatise on the Sacraments, he says, “You were asked at your baptism, Do you believe in God the Father Almighty? and you replied, I believe, and you were dipped; then you were asked a second time, Do you believe in Jesus Christ the Lord? You answered again, I believe, and you were dipped; a third time the question was repeated, Do you believe in the Holy Ghost? and the answer was, I believe, then you were dipped a third time.” It's important to note that the belief expressed here in each of the three persons of the Trinity is exactly the same. Tertullian, Basil, and Jerome all mention this practice of triune immersion as ancient; and Jerome states, “We are immersed three times in the water so that the mystery of the Trinity may appear to be one. We are not baptized in the names of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, but in one name, which is God's; and therefore, even though we are immersed three times to represent the mystery of the Trinity, it is regarded as one baptism.” Thus, the mysterious union of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost as one God was, in the view of the purer ages of the Christian church, clearly expressed in this form of baptism. Through it, the early Christians understood the Father's gracious acceptance of the atonement offered by the Messiah; the special protection of the Son, our great High Priest and Intercessor; and the readiness of the Holy Ghost to sanctify, support, and comfort all obedient followers of Christ, confirmed by the visible gifts of tongues, prophecy, and other gifts to the first disciples. As their great Master’s teachings clearly distinguished these persons from each other, without any difference in their authority or power, all standing equally as dispensers of the benefits of Christianity and equally the focus of the faith required for new members joining the church, they clearly understood that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost were also equally the objects of their grateful worship: this is evident in their prayers, doxologies, hymns, and creeds, which still exist today.
The second passage to be produced in support of the doctrine now under consideration, is, the doxology at the conclusion of St. Paul’s Second Epistle to the Corinthians, “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost, be with you.” The manner in which Christ and the Holy Ghost are here mentioned, implies that they are persons, for none but persons can confer grace or fellowship; and these three great blessings of grace, love, and fellowship, being respectively prayed for by the inspired apostle from Jesus Christ, God the Father, and the Holy Ghost, without any intimation of disparity, we conclude that these three persons are equal and Divine. This solemn benediction may therefore be considered as another proof of the Trinity, since it acknowledges the divinity of Jesus Christ and of the Holy Ghost. The third passage is the following salutation or benediction in the beginning of the Revelation of St. John: “Grace and peace from Him which is, and which was, and which is to come; and from the seven spirits which are before his throne, and from Jesus Christ.” Here the Father is described by a periphrasis taken from his attribute of eternity; and “the seven spirits” is a mystical expression for the Holy Ghost, used upon this occasion either because the salutation is addressed to seven churches, every one of which had partaken of the Spirit, or because seven was a sacred number among the Jews, denoting both variety and perfection, and in this case alluding to the various gifts, administrations, and operations of the Holy Ghost. Since grace and peace are prayed for from these three persons jointly and without discrimination, we infer an equality in their power to dispense those blessings; and we farther conclude that these three persons together constitute the Supreme Being, who is alone the object of prayer, and is alone the Giver of every good and of every perfect gift. It might be right to remark, that the seven spirits cannot mean angels, since prayers are never in Scripture addressed to angels, nor are blessings ever pronounced in their name. It is unnecessary to quote any of the numerous passages in which the Father is singly called God, as some of them must be recollected by every one, and the divinity of the Father is not called in question by any sect of Christians; and those passages which prove the divinity of the Son and of the Holy Ghost separately, will be more properly considered under those heads. In the mean time we may observe, that if it shall appear from Scripture, that Christ is God, and the Holy Ghost is God, it will follow, since we are assured that there is but one God, that the three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, by a mysterious union, constitute the one God, or, as it is expressed in the first article of the church of England: “There is a Trinity in Unity; and in the unity of this Godhead there be three Persons of one substance, power, and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.”
The second passage we’ll look at to support the doctrine we’re discussing is the doxology at the end of St. Paul’s Second Letter to the Corinthians: “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit be with you.” The way Christ and the Holy Spirit are mentioned here suggests that they are persons, as only persons can give grace or fellowship. The inspired apostle is praying for these three significant blessings of grace, love, and fellowship from Jesus Christ, God the Father, and the Holy Spirit, without indicating any hierarchy. Therefore, we conclude that these three persons are equal and divine. This solemn blessing can be seen as further evidence of the Trinity, acknowledging the divinity of both Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit. The third passage comes from the greeting or blessing at the beginning of the Revelation of St. John: “Grace and peace from Him who is, who was, and who is to come; and from the seven spirits who are before His throne, and from Jesus Christ.” Here, the Father is described using a phrase that emphasizes His eternal nature; “the seven spirits” is a symbolic term for the Holy Spirit, used either because the greeting is addressed to seven churches, each of which received the Spirit, or because the number seven is sacred in Jewish tradition, representing variety and perfection, referring here to the diverse gifts, ministries, and workings of the Holy Spirit. Since grace and peace are requested from these three persons together and without distinction, we infer equality in their ability to provide those blessings; we further conclude that these three persons together make up the Supreme Being, who is the only object of prayer and the sole giver of every good and perfect gift. It’s worth noting that the seven spirits cannot refer to angels, as prayers are never addressed to angels in Scripture, nor are blessings given in their name. We don’t need to cite the many passages where the Father is referred to simply as God, as most people remember some of them, and no Christian group questions the divinity of the Father; the passages that establish the divinity of the Son and the Holy Spirit individually will be more appropriately addressed later. In the meantime, we can observe that if Scripture shows that Christ is God and the Holy Spirit is God, then, since we know there is only one God, it follows that the three persons—Father, Son, and Holy Spirit—mysteriously unite to form one God. As stated in the first article of the Church of England: “There is a Trinity in Unity; and in the unity of this Godhead there be three Persons of one substance, power, and eternity: the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.”
The word Trinity does not occur in Scripture, nor do we find it in any of the early confessions of faith; but this is no argument against the doctrinedoctrine itself, since we learn from the fathers of the first three centuries, that the divinity of the Son and of the Holy Ghost was, from the days of the Apostles, acknowledged by the catholic church, and that those who maintained a contrary opinion were considered as heretics; and as every one knows that neither the divinity of the Father, nor the unity of the Godhead, was ever called in question at any period, it follows that the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity has been in substance, in all its constituent parts, always known among Christians. In the fourth century it became the subject of eager and general controversy; and it was not till then that this doctrine was particularly discussed. While there was no denial or dispute, proof and defence were unnecessary: Nunquid enim perfecté de Trinitate tractatum est, antequam oblatrarent Ariani? But this doctrine is positively mentioned as being admitted among catholic Christians, by writers who lived long before that age of controversy. Justin Martyr, in refuting the charge of atheism urged against Christians, because they did not believe in the gods of the Heathen, expressly says, “We worship and adore the Father, and the Son who came from him and taught us these things, and the prophetic Spirit;” and soon after, in the same apology, he undertakes to show the reasonableness of the honour paid by Christians to the Father in the first place, to the Son in the second, and to the Holy Ghost in the third; and says, that 926their assigning the second place to a crucified man, was, by unbelievers, denominated madness, because they were ignorant of the mystery, which he then proceeds to explain. Athenagoras, in replying to the same charge of atheism urged against Christians, because they refused to worship the false gods of the Heathen, says, “Who would not wonder, when he knows that we, who call upon God the Father, and God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit, showing their power in the unity, and their distinction in order, should be called atheists?” Clement of Alexandria not only mentions three divine persons, but invokes them as one only God. Praxeas, Sabellius, and other Unitarians, accused the orthodox Christians of tritheism, which is of itself a clear proof that the orthodox worshipped the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; and though in reality they considered these three persons as constituting the one true God, it is obvious that their enemies might easily represent that worship as an acknowledgment of three Gods. Tertullian, in writing against Praxeas, maintains, that a Trinity rationally conceived is consistent with truth, and that unity irrationally conceived forms heresy. He had before said, in speaking of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, that “there are three of one substance, and of one condition, and of one power, because there is one God:” and he afterward adds, “The connection of the Father in the Son, and of the Son in the Comforter, makes three united together, the one with the other; which three are one thing, not one person; as it is said, I and the Father are one thing, with regard to the unity of substance, not to the singularity of number:” and he also expressly says, “The Father is God, and the Son is God, and the Holy Ghost is God;” and again, “The Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, believed to be three, constitute one God.” And in another part of his works he says, “There is a Trinity of one Divinity, the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost.” And Tertullian not only maintains these doctrines, but asserts that they were prior to any heresy, and had, indeed, been the faith of Christians from the first promulgation of the Gospel. To these writers of the second century, we may add Origen and Cyprian in the third; the former of whom mentions baptism (alluding to its appointed form) as “the source and fountain of graces to him who dedicates himself to the divinity of the adorable Trinity.” And the latter, after reciting the same form of baptism, says that “by it Christ delivered the doctrine of the Trinity, unto which mystery or sacrament the nations were to be baptized.” It would be easy to multiply quotations upon this subject; but these are amply sufficient to show the opinions of the early fathers, and to refute the assertion that the doctrine of the Trinity was an invention of the fourth century. To these positive testimonies may be subjoined a negative argument: those who acknowledged the divinity of Christ and of the Holy Ghost, are never called heretics by any writer of the first three centuries; and this circumstance is surely a strong proof that the doctrine of the Trinity was the doctrine of the primitive church; more especially, since the names of those who first denied the divinity of Christ and of the Holy Ghost, are transmitted to us as of persons who dissented from the common faith of Christians.
The word Trinity isn’t found in the Bible, nor do we see it in any of the early declarations of faith; but this doesn’t undermine the doctrinedoctrine itself, since we learn from the early church fathers that the divinity of the Son and the Holy Spirit was recognized by the Catholic Church from the time of the Apostles, and those who held a different view were deemed heretics. Everyone knows that neither the divinity of the Father nor the unity of God was questioned at any time, so it follows that the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity has always been known among Christians in its essential form. In the fourth century, this became a hotly debated topic, and it was only then that the doctrine was specifically examined. When there was no denial or dispute, there was no need for proof or defense: Was the Trinity fully discussed before the Arians raised their objections? However, this doctrine is explicitly referenced as accepted among Catholic Christians by writers who lived long before that time of controversy. Justin Martyr, when addressing the accusation of atheism against Christians for rejecting the pagan gods, clearly states, “We worship and honor the Father, and the Son who came from Him and taught us these things, and the prophetic Spirit.” Soon after, in the same defense, he explains the reasonableness of the honor given to the Father first, the Son second, and the Holy Spirit third, mentioning that their placing a crucified man in the second position was labeled madness by unbelievers due to their ignorance of the mystery, which he proceeds to explain. Athenagoras, also defending against the charge of atheism for refusing to worship false gods, states, “Who wouldn’t be amazed, knowing that we call upon God the Father, and God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit, demonstrating their power in unity and their distinction in order, should be labeled atheists?” Clement of Alexandria not only speaks of three divine persons but also invokes them as one single God. Praxeas, Sabellius, and other Unitarians accused orthodox Christians of tritheism, which itself clearly shows that the orthodox worshipped the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit; and although they really saw these three persons as making up the one true God, it's clear that their opponents could easily portray their worship as an acknowledgment of three gods. Tertullian, in his writings against Praxeas, argues that a rationally conceived Trinity aligns with truth, while an irrational conception of unity leads to heresy. He previously stated that regarding the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, “there are three of one substance, one condition, and one power, because there is one God.” He further adds, “The relationship of the Father in the Son, and of the Son in the Comforter, creates three united together, one with the other; these three are one thing, not one person; as it is said, I and the Father are one thing, in terms of the unity of substance, not the individuality of number.” He also explicitly states, “The Father is God, and the Son is God, and the Holy Spirit is God;” and again, “The Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, believed to be three, constitute one God.” In another part of his works, he states, “There is a Trinity of one Divinity: the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.” Tertullian not only defends these doctrines but also claims that they existed before any heresy and were, indeed, the faith of Christians from the very beginning of the Gospel's spread. To these second-century writers, we can also add Origen and Cyprian from the third century; the former mentions baptism (referring to its established form) as “the source and fountain of graces to anyone who dedicates themselves to the divinity of the adorable Trinity.” The latter, after quoting the same form of baptism, says that “by it, Christ delivered the doctrine of the Trinity, into which mystery or sacrament the nations were to be baptized.” It would be easy to provide more quotes on this subject, but these are more than enough to demonstrate the early fathers' opinions and to counter the claim that the doctrine of the Trinity was an invention of the fourth century. Along with these positive testimonies, we can also offer a negative argument: those who acknowledged the divinity of Christ and the Holy Spirit were never labeled as heretics by any writer from the first three centuries; and this fact strongly indicates that the doctrine of the Trinity was indeed the teaching of the early church, especially since the names of those who first denied the divinity of Christ and the Holy Spirit are recorded as individuals who differed from the common faith of Christians.
But while we contend that the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity is founded in Scripture, and supported by the authority of the early Christians, we must acknowledge that it is not given to man to understand in what manner the three persons are united, or how, separately and jointly, they are God. It would, perhaps, have been well, if divines, in treating this awful and mysterious subject, had confined themselves to the expressions of Scripture; for the moment we begin to explain it beyond the written word of God, we plunge ourselves into inextricable difficulties. And how can it be otherwise? Is it to be expected that our finite understandings should be competent to the full comprehension of the nature and properties of an infinite Being? “Can we find out the Almighty to perfection,” Job xi, 7; or penetrate into the essence of the Most High? “God is a Spirit,” John iv, 24, and our gross conceptions are but ill-adapted to the contemplation of a pure and spiritual Being. We know not the essence of our own mind, nor the precise distinction of its several faculties; and why then should we hope to comprehend the personal characters which exist in the Godhead? “If I tell you earthly things, and you understand them not, how shall ye understand if I tell you heavenly things?” When we attempt to investigate the nature of the Deity, whose existence is commensurate with eternity, by whose power the universe was created, and by whose wisdom it is governed; whose presence fills all space, and whose knowledge extends to the thoughts of every man in every age, and to the events of all places, past, present, and to come, the mind is quickly lost in the vastness of these ideas, and, unable to find any sure guide to direct its progress, it becomes, at every step, more bewildered and entangled in the endless mazes of metaphysical abstraction. “God is a God that hideth himself.” “We cannot by searching find out God.” “Behold, God is great, and we know him not,” Job xxiii, 9; xi, 7; xxxvi, 26. “Such knowledge is too wonderful and excellent for us; it is high; we cannot attain unto it,” Psalm cxxxix, 6. It is for us, simply and in that docile spirit which becomes us, to receive the testimony of God as to himself, and to fix ourselves upon that firmest of all foundations, and most rational of all evidence, “Thus saith the Lord.”
But while we argue that the concept of the Trinity in Unity is rooted in Scripture and backed by the authority of early Christians, we must admit that it’s beyond human capacity to fully grasp how the three persons are united or how they are God both individually and collectively. It might have been better if theologians discussing this profound and mysterious topic had limited themselves to the expressions found in Scripture; once we start explaining it beyond the written word of God, we find ourselves in tangled, complicated difficulties. And how could it be any different? Can we really expect our limited understanding to fully comprehend the nature and attributes of an infinite Being? “Can we find out the Almighty to perfection?” Job 11:7, or grasp the essence of the Most High? “God is a Spirit,” John 4:24, and our flawed concepts are hardly suited for contemplating a pure and spiritual Being. We don’t even know the essence of our own mind, nor the exact distinctions of its various faculties, so why should we expect to understand the personal characteristics within the Godhead? “If I tell you earthly things, and you don’t understand them, how will you understand if I tell you heavenly things?” When we try to explore the nature of Deity, whose existence spans eternity, by whose power the universe was created, and by whose wisdom it is governed; whose presence fills all space, and whose knowledge encompasses the thoughts of every person in every era, as well as the events of all times — past, present, and future — our minds quickly become overwhelmed by the vastness of these concepts. Unable to find a clear guide to navigate this exploration, we become more confused and entangled in the endless complexities of abstract thought at every turn. “God is a God that hides Himself.” “We cannot by searching find out God.” “Behold, God is great, and we know Him not,” Job 23:9; 11:7; 36:26. “Such knowledge is too wonderful and excellent for us; it is too high; we cannot reach it,” Psalm 139:6. It is for us, simply and with the humble spirit that we should have, to accept God’s testimony about Himself and to firmly establish ourselves on the strongest foundation and most rational evidence: “Thus saith the Lord.”
TRIUMPHS, Military. The Hebrews, under the direction of inspired prophets, celebrated their victories by triumphal processions, the women and children dancing, and playing upon musical instruments, and singing hymns and songs of triumph to the living and true God. The song of Moses at the Red Sea, which was sung by Miriam and the women of Israel to the dulcet beat of the timbrel, is a majestic example of the triumphal hymns of 927the ancient Hebrews. The song of Deborah and Barak, after the decisive battle in which Sisera lost his life, and Jabin his dominion over the tribes of Israel, is a production of the same sort, in which the spirit of genuine heroism and of true religion are admirably combined. But the song which the women of Israel chanted when they went out to meet Saul and his victorious army, after the death of Goliath, and the discomfiture of the Philistines, possesses somewhat of a different character, turning chiefly on the valorous exploits of Saul and the youthful champion of Israel: “And it came to pass, as they came, when David was returned from the slaughter of the Philistine, that the women came out of all the cities of Israel, singing and dancing, to meet King Saul with tabrets, with joy, and with instruments of music: and the women answered one another as they played, and said, Saul hath slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands,” 1 Sam. xviii, 6, 7. But the most remarkable festivity, perhaps, on the records of history, was celebrated by Jehoshaphat, the king of Judah, in a succeeding age. When that religious prince led forth his army to battle against a powerful confederacy of his neighbours, he appointed a band of sacred music to march in front, praising the beauty of holiness as they went before the army, “and to say, Praise the Lord, for his mercy endureth for ever.” After the discomfiture of their enemies, he assembled his army in the valley of Beracha, near the scene of victory, where they resumed the anthem of religious praise: “Then they returned, every man of Judah and Jerusalem, and Jehoshaphat in the fore front of them, to go again to Jerusalem with joy; for the Lord had made them to rejoice over their enemies. And they came to Jerusalem with psalteries, and harps, and trumpets, unto the house of the Lord,” 2 Chron. xx, 21, 27. Instead of celebrating his own heroism, or the valour of his troops, on this memorable occasion, that excellent prince sung with his whole army the praises of the Lord of hosts, who disposes of the victory according to his pleasure. This conduct was becoming the descendant and successor of David, the man according to God’s own heart, and a religious people, the peculiar inheritance of Jehovah.
TRIUMPHS, Military. The Hebrews, guided by inspired prophets, celebrated their victories with triumphal parades. Women and children danced, played musical instruments, and sang hymns and songs of triumph to the living and true God. The song of Moses at the Red Sea, sung by Miriam and the women of Israel to the sweet rhythm of the timbrel, is a majestic example of the triumphal hymns of the ancient Hebrews. The song by Deborah and Barak, after the decisive battle in which Sisera was defeated and Jabin lost his control over the tribes of Israel, is another great example, combining the spirit of true heroism and genuine faith. However, the song that the women of Israel sang when they came out to meet Saul and his victorious army after David defeated Goliath and the Philistines was different, focusing mainly on the courageous deeds of Saul and Israel's young champion: “As they came back, when David returned from killing the Philistine, the women came out from all the cities of Israel, singing and dancing to meet King Saul with tambourines, with joy, and with musical instruments. The women answered each other as they played, saying, Saul has slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands,” 1 Sam. xviii, 6, 7. But perhaps the most remarkable celebration in history was held by Jehoshaphat, the king of Judah, in a later time. When that faith-filled leader took his army into battle against a powerful alliance of his neighbors, he appointed a group of musicians to march ahead, praising the beauty of holiness as they went before the army, “and to say, Praise the Lord, for his mercy endures forever.” After defeating their enemies, he gathered his army in the valley of Beracha, near the victory site, where they resumed their song of religious praise: “Then they returned, every man of Judah and Jerusalem, with Jehoshaphat leading them back to Jerusalem with joy, for the Lord had made them rejoice over their enemies. They came to Jerusalem with lyres, harps, and trumpets to the house of the Lord,” 2 Chron. xx, 21, 27. Instead of celebrating his own heroism or the bravery of his troops on this memorable occasion, that great king sang with his entire army the praises of the Lord of hosts, who gives victory as He chooses. This conduct was fitting for the descendant and successor of David, the man after God’s own heart, and a religious people, the special inheritance of Jehovah.
The Roman conquerors used to carry branches of palm in their hands when they went in triumph to the capitol; and sometimes wore the toga palmata, a garment with the figures of palm trees upon it, which were interwoven in the fabric. In the same triumphant attitude, the Apostle John beheld in vision those who had overcome by the blood of the lamb, standing “before the throne, clothed with white robes, and palms in their hands,” Rev. vii, 9. The highest military honour which could be obtained in the Roman state, was a triumph, or solemn procession, in which a victorious general and his army advanced through the city to the capitol. He set out from the Campus Martius, and proceeded along the Via Triumphalis, and from thence through the most public places of the city. The streets were strewed with flowers, and the altars smoked with incense. First went a numerous band of music, singing and playing triumphal songs; next were led the oxen to be sacrificed, having their horns gilt, and their heads adorned with fillets and garlands; then, in carriages, were brought the spoils taken from the enemy; also golden crowns sent by the allied and tributary states. The titles of the vanquished nations were inscribed on wooden frames; and images or representations of the conquered countries and cities were exhibited. The captive leaders followed in chains, with their children and attendants; after the captives came the lictors, having their faces wreathed with laurel, followed by a great company of musicians and dancers, dressed like satyrs, and wearing crowns of gold; in the midst of whom was a pantomime, clothed in a female garb, whose business it was, with his looks and gestures, to insult the vanquished; a long train of persons followed, carrying perfumes; after them came the general, dressed in purple, embroidered with gold, with a crown of laurel on his head, a branch of laurel in his right hand, and in his left an ivory sceptre, with an eagle on the top, his face painted with vermilion, and a golden ball hanging from his neck on his breast; he stood upright in a gilded chariot, adorned with ivory, and drawn by four white horses, attended by his relations, and a great crowd of citizens, all in white. His children rode in the chariot along with him; his lieutenants and military tribunes, commonly by his side. After the general followed the consuls and senators, on foot; and the whole procession was closed by the victorious army drawn up in order, crowned with laurel, and decorated with the gifts which they had received for their valour, singing their own and their general’s praises. The triumphal procession was not confined to the Romans; the Greeks had a similar custom; for the conquerors used to make a procession through the middle of their city, crowned with garlands, repeating hymns and songs, and brandishing their spears; the captives followed in chains, and all their spoils were exposed to public view.
The Roman conquerors used to carry palm branches in their hands when they marched triumphantly to the Capitol; they sometimes wore the toga palmata, a garment featuring palm tree designs woven into the fabric. In a similar triumphant vision, the Apostle John saw those who had triumphed through the blood of the lamb, standing “before the throne, clothed in white robes, and holding palms in their hands,” Rev. vii, 9. The highest military honor in Rome was a triumph, or grand procession, where a victorious general and his army paraded through the city to the Capitol. They would set off from the Campus Martius, traveling along the Via Triumphalis and through the busiest parts of the city. The streets were covered in flowers, and the altars burned with incense. First came a large band of musicians, singing and playing triumphal songs; next were the oxen to be sacrificed, their horns gilded, and their heads decorated with ribbons and garlands; then, in carriages, were the spoils taken from the defeated enemy, along with golden crowns sent by allied and tributary states. The names of the conquered peoples were inscribed on wooden frames, and images or representations of the subjugated lands and cities were displayed. The captured leaders followed in chains with their children and attendants; after them came the lictors, their faces crowned with laurel, followed by a large group of musicians and dancers dressed like satyrs and wearing gold crowns; in the midst of them was a performer, dressed in women's clothing, whose role was to mock the defeated with gestures and expressions; a long line of people carrying perfumes followed; after them came the general, dressed in purple embroidered with gold, wearing a laurel crown, holding a branch of laurel in his right hand, and an ivory scepter topped with an eagle in his left, his face painted with red and a golden ball hanging from his neck on his chest; he stood upright in a gilded chariot, adorned with ivory and pulled by four white horses, accompanied by his relatives and a large crowd of citizens, all in white. His children rode in the chariot with him, with his lieutenants and military tribunes typically by his side. Following the general were the consuls and senators on foot; the entire procession concluded with the victorious army arranged in formation, crowned with laurel and adorned with the rewards they received for their bravery, singing the praises of themselves and their general. This triumphal procession was not exclusive to the Romans; the Greeks had a similar tradition, as conquerors would parade through the center of their city, crowned with garlands, singing hymns and songs while brandishing their spears; the captives followed in chains, and all their spoils were displayed for the public.
The great Apostle of the Gentiles alludes to these splendid triumphal scenes in his Epistle to the Ephesians, where he mentions the glorious ascension of his Redeemer into heaven: “When he ascended up on high, he led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men,” Eph. iv, 8. These words are a quotation from the sixty-eighth Psalm, where David in spirit describes the ascension of Messiah in very glowing colours: “The chariots of God are twenty thousand, even thousands of angels: the Lord is among them, as in Sinai, in the holy place. Thou hast ascended on high, thou hast led captivity captive,” or an immense number of captives; “thou hast received gifts for men; yea, for the rebellious also; that the Lord God might dwell among them. Blessed be the Lord, who daily loadeth us with his benefits, even the God of our salvation. Selah,” Psalm lxviii, 17–19. Knowing the deep impression which such an allusion is calculated to make on the 928mind of a people familiarly acquainted with triumphal scenes, the Apostle returns to it in his Epistle to the Colossians, which was written about the same time: “Having spoiled principalities and powers, he made a show of them openly, triumphing over them in it,” Col. ii, 15. After obtaining a complete victory over all his enemies, he ascended in splendour and triumph into his Father’s presence on the clouds of heaven, the chariots of the Most High, thousands of holy angels attending in his train; he led the devil and all his angels, together with sin, the world, and death, as his spoils of war, and captives in chains, and exposed them to open contempt and shame, in the view of all his angelic attendants, triumphing like a glorious conqueror over them, in virtue of his cross, upon which he made complete satisfaction for sin, and by his own strength, without the assistance of any creature, destroyed him that had the power of death, that is, the devil. And as mighty princes were accustomed to scatter largesses among the people, and reward their companions in arms with a liberal hand, when, laden with the spoils of vanquished nations, they returned in triumph to their capital; so the Conqueror of death and hell, when he ascended far above all heavens, and sat down in the midst of the throne, shed forth blessings of his grace and Holy Spirit, upon people of every tongue and of every nation.
The great Apostle to the Gentiles references these magnificent triumphal scenes in his letter to the Ephesians, where he talks about the glorious ascension of his Redeemer into heaven: “When he ascended on high, he led captivity captive, and gave gifts to people,” Eph. iv, 8. These words are quoted from the sixty-eighth Psalm, where David spiritually describes the ascension of the Messiah in very vivid terms: “The chariots of God are twenty thousand, even thousands of angels: the Lord is among them, as in Sinai, in the holy place. You have ascended on high, you have led captivity captive,” or a vast number of captives; “you have received gifts for people; yes, even for the rebellious, so that the Lord God might dwell among them. Blessed be the Lord, who daily loads us with his benefits, even the God of our salvation. Selah,” Psalm lxviii, 17–19. Knowing the strong impression that such a reference would make on a people familiar with triumphal scenes, the Apostle revisits it in his letter to the Colossians, written around the same time: “Having spoiled principalities and powers, he made a show of them openly, triumphing over them in it,” Col. ii, 15. After achieving a complete victory over all his enemies, he ascended in glory and triumph into his Father’s presence on the clouds of heaven, the chariots of the Most High, with thousands of holy angels accompanying him; he led the devil and all his angels, along with sin, the world, and death as his war spoils and captives in chains, exposing them to open mockery and shame in front of all his angelic attendants, triumphing like a glorious conqueror over them, thanks to his cross, on which he made full payment for sin, and through his own strength, without the help of any creature, destroyed him who had the power of death, that is, the devil. Just as mighty princes used to distribute rewards among the people and generously reward their comrades when they returned in triumph from conquering nations, so the Conqueror of death and hell, when he ascended far above all heavens and sat down in the midst of the throne, poured out blessings of his grace and Holy Spirit upon people of every language and nation.
The officers and soldiers, also, were rewarded according to their merit. Among the Romans, the noblest reward which a soldier could receive, was the crown, made of leaves. Alluding to this high distinction, the Apostle says to his son Timothy, “I have fought a good fight; henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, will give me at that day; and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing,” 2 Tim. iv, 7, 8. And lest any one should imagine that the Christian’s crown is perishable in its nature, and soon fades away, like a crown of oak leaves, the Apostle Peter assures the faithful soldier of Christ that his crown is infinitely more valuable and lasting: “Ye shall receive a crown of glory that fadeth not away,” 1 Peter v, 4. And this account is confirmed by St. James: “Blessed is the man that endureth temptation; for when he is tried, he shall receive the crown of life, which the Lord hath promised to them that love him,” James i, 12. The military crowns were conferred by the general in presence of his army; and such as received them, after a public eulogium on their valour, were placed next his person. The Christian also receives his unmerited reward from the hand of the Captain of his salvation: “Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life,” Rev. ii, 10. And, like the brave veteran of ancient times, he is promoted to a place near his Lord: “To him that overcometh, will I grant to sit with me in my throne, even as I also overcame, and am set down with my Father on his throne,” Rev. iii, 21.
The officers and soldiers were also rewarded based on their merit. Among the Romans, the highest honor a soldier could receive was a crown made of leaves. Referring to this significant distinction, the Apostle tells his son Timothy, “I have fought a good fight; now there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, will give me on that day; and not only to me, but also to all those who love his appearing,” 2 Tim. iv, 7, 8. And to prevent anyone from thinking that the Christian's crown is temporary and fades away quickly, like a crown of oak leaves, the Apostle Peter reassures the faithful soldier of Christ that his crown is far more valuable and enduring: “You will receive a crown of glory that never fades away,” 1 Peter v, 4. This message is supported by St. James: “Blessed is the man who endures temptation; for when he has been tested, he will receive the crown of life, which the Lord has promised to those who love him,” James i, 12. The military crowns were awarded by the general in front of his army; those who received them, after a public praise of their bravery, were placed next to him. The Christian also receives his undeserved reward from the Captain of his salvation: “Be faithful until death, and I will give you a crown of life,” Rev. ii, 10. And like the brave veteran of ancient times, he is promoted to a place near his Lord: “To the one who overcomes, I will grant to sit with me on my throne, just as I also overcame and sat down with my Father on his throne,” Rev. iii, 21.
TROAS, a city of Phrygia, or of Mysia, upon the Hellespont, having the old city of Troy to the north, and that of Assos to the south. Sometimes the name of Troas is put for the province, wherein the city of Troy stood. St. Paul was at Troas, when he had the vision of the Macedonian inviting him to come and preach in that kingdom, Acts xvi, 8. Beside this, the Apostle was several times at Troas; but we know nothing particular of his transactions there, Acts xx, 5, 6; 2 Cor. ii, 14; 2 Tim. iv, 13.
TROAS, a city in Phrygia or Mysia, located on the Hellespont, with the ancient city of Troy to the north and Assos to the south. Sometimes the name Troas refers to the province where the city of Troy was located. St. Paul was in Troas when he had the vision of the Macedonian inviting him to come and preach in that region, Acts xvi, 8. Additionally, the Apostle visited Troas several times, but we don’t have specific details about his activities there, Acts xx, 5, 6; 2 Cor. ii, 14; 2 Tim. iv, 13.
TROPHIMUS, a disciple of St. Paul, and an Ephesian by birth. He came from Ephesus to Corinth with the Apostle, and kept him company in his whole journey from Corinth to Jerusalem, A. D. 58, Acts xx, 4. When St. Paul was in the temple there, the Jews laid hold of him, crying out, “Men of Israel, help; this is the man that teacheth all men every where against the people, and the law, and this place; and farther, brought Greeks also into the temple, and hath polluted this holy place,” Acts xxi, 28, 29. And this they said, because certain Jews of Ephesus having seen Trophimus with St. Paul in the city, whom they looked upon as a Gentile, imagined that St. Paul had introduced him into the temple. The whole city was immediately in an uproar, and St. Paul was secured. Trophimus afterward accompanied St. Paul; for that Apostle writes to Timothy, that he had left Trophimus sick at Miletus, 2 Tim. iv, 20.
TROPHIMUS, a disciple of St. Paul and originally from Ephesus, came to Corinth with the Apostle and traveled with him all the way from Corinth to Jerusalem in A.D. 58, as noted in Acts 20:4. While St. Paul was in the temple there, the Jews seized him and shouted, “Men of Israel, help! This is the man who teaches everyone everywhere against our people, the law, and this place. Furthermore, he has brought Greeks into the temple and has defiled this holy place,” as stated in Acts 21:28-29. They said this because some Jews from Ephesus had seen Trophimus with St. Paul in the city and assumed he was a Gentile, believing that St. Paul had brought him into the temple. The entire city erupted in chaos, and St. Paul was taken into custody. Trophimus later traveled with St. Paul; the Apostle even wrote to Timothy that he had left Trophimus sick in Miletus, as mentioned in 2 Timothy 4:20.
TRUMPET. The Lord commanded Moses to make two trumpets of beaten silver, to be employed in calling the people together when they were to decamp, Num. x, 2, 3, &c. They also chiefly made use of these trumpets, to proclaim the beginning of the civil year, the beginning of the Sabbatical year, and the beginning of the jubilee, Lev. xxv, 9, 10. Josephus says, that these trumpets were near a cubit long; and had a tube, or pipe, of the thickness of a common flute. Their mouths were only wide enough to be blown into, and their ends were like those of a modern trumpet. At first there were but two in the camp, but afterward a greater number were made. Even in the time of Joshua there were seven of them, Joshua vi, 4. At the dedication of the temple of Solomon six-score priests sounded as many trumpets, 2 Chron. v, 12. Beside the sacred trumpets of the temple, the use of which was restrained to the priests only, in war there were others, which the generals sometimes employed for gathering their troops together. For example, Ehud sounded the trumpet, to assemble the Israelites against the Moabites, who oppressed them, and whose king Eglon he had lately slain, Judg. vi, 27. Gideon took a trumpet in his hand, and gave every one of his people one, when he assaulted the Midianites, Judges vii, 2, 16. Joab sounded the trumpet, to give the signal of retreat to his soldiers, in the battle against those of Abner’s party, and in that against Absalom; and lastly, in the pursuit of Sheba the son of Bichri, 2 Sam. ii, 28; xviii, 16; xx, 22. The feast of trumpets was kept on the first day of the seventh month of the sacred year, the first of the civil year. See Music.
TRUMPET. The Lord instructed Moses to create two trumpets of beaten silver to be used for gathering the people when they were to move on, Num. x, 2, 3, &c. These trumpets were also mainly used to announce the start of the civil year, the start of the Sabbatical year, and the start of the jubilee, Lev. xxv, 9, 10. Josephus mentions that these trumpets were about a cubit long and had a tube, or pipe, as thick as a regular flute. Their openings were just wide enough to blow into, and their ends resembled those of a modern trumpet. Initially, there were only two in the camp, but later more were made. Even during Joshua's time, there were seven of them, Joshua vi, 4. At the dedication of Solomon's temple, six-score priests played as many trumpets, 2 Chron. v, 12. Besides the sacred trumpets of the temple, which only the priests used, there were others for war that the generals sometimes used to gather their troops. For instance, Ehud blew the trumpet to assemble the Israelites against the Moabites, who were oppressing them, and whose king Eglon he had recently killed, Judg. vi, 27. Gideon took a trumpet in his hand and gave one to each of his men when he attacked the Midianites, Judges vii, 2, 16. Joab sounded the trumpet to signal his soldiers to retreat in battles against Abner's forces and against Absalom; and finally, in the pursuit of Sheba, the son of Bichri, 2 Sam. ii, 28; xviii, 16; xx, 22. The feast of trumpets was celebrated on the first day of the seventh month of the sacred year, which is also the first of the civil year. See Music.
929TRUTH is used, 1. In opposition to falsehood, lies, or deceit, Prov. xii, 17, &c. 2. It signifies fidelity, sincerity, and punctuality in keeping promises; and to truth taken in this sense is generally joined mercy or kindness, as in Gen. xxiv, 27, and other places of Scripture. 3. Truth is put for the true doctrine of the Gospel, Galatians iii, 1. 4. Truth is put for the substance of the types and ceremonies of the law, John i, 17.
929TRUTH is understood, 1. In contrast to falsehood, lies, or deceit, Prov. xii, 17, &c. 2. It represents fidelity, sincerity, and punctuality in keeping promises; and truth in this sense is usually associated with mercy or kindness, as in Gen. xxiv, 27, and other parts of Scripture. 3. Truth refers to the true teachings of the Gospel, Galatians iii, 1. 4. Truth also represents the essence of the types and ceremonies of the law, John i, 17.
TUBAL, the fifth son of Japheth. The Scripture commonly joins together Tubal and Meshech, which makes it thought that they peopled countries bordering upon each other. The Chaldee interpreters, by Tubal and Meshech understand Italy and Asia, or rather Ausonia. Josephus accounts them to be Iberia and Cappadocia. St. Jerom affirms that Tubal represents the Spaniards, heretofore called Iberians. Bochart is very copious in proving, that by Meshech and Tubal are intended the Muscovites and the Tibarenians.
TUBAL, the fifth son of Japheth. The Scripture often links Tubal and Meshech, which leads to the belief that they inhabited neighboring regions. The Chaldean interpreters associate Tubal and Meshech with Italy and Asia, or more specifically, Ausonia. Josephus identifies them as Iberia and Cappadocia. St. Jerome claims that Tubal refers to the Spaniards, formerly known as Iberians. Bochart extensively argues that Meshech and Tubal denote the Muscovites and the Tibarenians.
TUBAL-CAIN, or THUBAL-CAIN, son of Lamech the bigamous, and of Zillah, Gen. ix, 29. The Scriptures tell us, that he was the father and inventor, or master, of the art of forging and managing iron, and of making all kinds of iron-work. There is great reason to believe that this was the Vulcan of the Heathens.
TUBAL-CAIN, or THUBAL-CAIN, son of Lamech the bigamist and Zillah, Gen. ix, 29. The Scriptures say he was the father and inventor, or master, of the art of forging and working with iron, and of making all sorts of iron products. There is a strong belief that he was the equivalent of the Vulcan of the Pagans.
TURTLE, תזו, τρυγὼν, Gen. xv, 9; Lev. i, 14; v, 7, 11; xii, 6, 8; xiv, 22, 30; xv, 14, 29; Num. vi, 10; Psalm lxxiv, 19; Cant. ii, 12; Jer. viii, 7; τρυγὼν, Luke ii, 24. We have the authority of the Septuagint, the Targum, and of all the ancient interpreters, for understanding this of the turtle. Indeed, it is one of those evident instances in which the name of the bird is by onomatopœia formed from its note or cry. The turtle is mentioned among migratory birds by Jeremiah viii, 7, and in this sense differs from the rest of its family, which are all stationary. The fact to which the prophet alludes is attested by Aristotle in these words: “The pigeon and the dove are always present, but the turtle only in summer: that bird is not seen in winter.” And in another part of his work, he asserts that the dove remains, while the turtle migrates. Varro, and other ancient writers, make the like statement. Thus Solomon, Cant. ii, 12, mentions the return of this bird as one of the indications of spring: “The voice of the turtle is heard in the land.” See Dove.
TURTLE, תזו, τρυγὼν, Gen. xv, 9; Lev. i, 14; v, 7, 11; xii, 6, 8; xiv, 22, 30; xv, 14, 29; Num. vi, 10; Psalm lxxiv, 19; Cant. ii, 12; Jer. viii, 7; τρυγὼν, Luke ii, 24. We have the support of the Septuagint, the Targum, and all the ancient interpreters for understanding this as referring to the turtle. In fact, it’s a clear example where the name of the bird comes from its call. The turtle is noted among migratory birds by Jeremiah viii, 7, which distinguishes it from the rest of its family, as they are all permanent residents. The point raised by the prophet is confirmed by Aristotle, who says: “The pigeon and the dove are always present, but the turtle is only here in summer; that bird is not seen in winter.” In another part of his work, he claims that the dove stays put while the turtle migrates. Varro and other ancient writers make similar claims. Thus, Solomon notes in Cant. ii, 12, that the return of this bird is one of the signs of spring: “The voice of the turtle is heard in the land.” See Dove.
TYCHICUS, a disciple of St. Paul, whom the Apostle often employed to carry his letters to the several churches. He was of the province of Asia, and accompanied St. Paul, when, in A. D. 58, he made his journey from Corinth to Jerusalem, Acts xx, 4. It was he that carried the epistle to the Colossians, that to the Ephesians, and the first to Timothy. St. Paul did not send him merely to carry his letters, but also to learn the state of the churches, and to bring him an account of them. Wherefore he calls him his dear brother, a faithful minister of the Lord, and his companion in the service of God, Eph. vi, 21, 22; Col. iv, 7, 8. He had thoughts also of sending him into Crete, to preside over that church in the absence of Titus, iii, 12.
TYCHICUS was a disciple of St. Paul, whom the Apostle often tasked with delivering his letters to various churches. He came from the province of Asia and traveled with St. Paul when he went from Corinth to Jerusalem in A.D. 58, as noted in Acts xx, 4. He was the one who delivered the letters to the Colossians, the Ephesians, and the first letter to Timothy. St. Paul didn't just send him to deliver messages; he also wanted him to check on the situation of the churches and report back. That's why he refers to him as his dear brother, a faithful servant of the Lord, and his partner in God's work, as mentioned in Eph. vi, 21, 22; Col. iv, 7, 8. He also considered sending him to Crete to lead that church while Titus was away, as stated in iii, 12.
TYPE. This word is not frequently used in Scripture; but what it signifies is supposed to be very frequently implied. We usually consider a type as an example, pattern, or general similitude to a person, event, or thing which is to come: and in this it differs from a representation, memorial, or commemoration of an event, &c, which is past. The Spirit of God has adopted a variety of means to indicate his perfect foreknowledge of all events, and his power to control them. This is sometimes declared by express verbal prophecy; sometimes by specific actions performed by divine command; and sometimes by those peculiar events, in the lives of individuals, and the history or religious observances of the Israelites, which were caused to bear a designed reference to some parts of the Gospel history. The main point, says Chevallier, in an inquiry into these historical types, is to establish the fact of a preconcerted connection between the two series of events. No similarity, in itself, is sufficient to prove such a correspondence. Even those recorded in Scripture are recorded under very different circumstances. If the first event be declared to be typical, at the time when it occurs, and the second correspond with the prediction so delivered, there can be no doubt that the correspondence was designed. If, before the occurrence of the second event, there be delivered a distinct prophecy, that it will happen, and will correspond with some previous event; the fulfilment of the prophecy furnishes an intrinsic proof, that the person who gave it spake by divine inspiration. It may not, from this fact, follow, that the two events were connected by a design formed before either of them occurred: but it certainly does follow, that the second event, in some measure, had respect to the first; and that whatever degree of connection was, by such a prophet, assumed to exist, did really exist. If, again, no specific declaration be made, respecting the typical character of any event or person, until after the second event has occurred, which is then declared to have been prefigured; the fact of preconcerted connection will rest solely upon the authority of the person who advances the assertion. But, if we know, from other sources, that his words are the words of truth, our only inquiry will be, if he either distinctly asserts, or plainly infers, the existence of a designed correspondence. The fact, then, of a preconcerted connection between two series of events, is capable of being established in three ways: and the historical types may be accordingly arranged in three principal divisions. Some of them afford intrinsic evidence, that the Scriptures, which record them, are given by inspiration of God; the others can be proved to exist only by assuming that fact: but all, when once established, display the astonishing power and wisdom of God; and the importance of that scheme of redemption, which was ushered into the world with such magnificent preparations. In contemplating this wonderful system, we discern one 930great intention interwoven, not only into the verbal prophecies and extraordinary events of the history of the Israelites, but into the ordinary transactions of the lives of selected individuals, even from the creation of the world. Adam was “the figure of him that was to come,” Romans v, 14. Melchisedec was “made like unto the Son of God,” Heb. vii, 3. Abraham, in the course of events in which he was engaged by the especial command of Heaven, was enabled to see Christ’s day, John viii, 56; and Isaac was received from the dead “in a figure,” Heb. xi, 19. At a later period, the paschal lamb was ordained to be sacrificed, not only as a memorial of the immediate deliverance, which it was instituted to procure and to commemorate, but also as a continued memorial of that which was to be “fulfilled in the kingdom of God,” Luke xxii, 16. Moses was raised up to deliver the people of Israel; to be to them a lawgiver, a prophet, a priest; and to possess the regal authority, if not the title of king. But, during the early period of his life, he was himself taught, that one great prophet should be raised up like unto him: before his death he delivered the same prophecy to the people: and, after that event, the Israelites continually looked for that faithful prophet, who should return answer to their inquiries, 1 Macc. iv, 46; xiv, 41. Their prophets all pointed to some greater lawgiver, who should introduce a new law into their hearts, and inscribe them upon their minds, Jer. xxxi, 33. The whole people of Israel were also made, in some instances, designedly representative of Christ: and the events, which occurred in their national history, distinctly referred to him. During their wanderings in the wilderness, God left not himself without witness, which should bear reference to the great scheme of the Gospel. They ate spiritual meat. It was an emblem of the true bread of life, which came down from heaven, John vi, 32. “They drank of that spiritual Rock that followed them: and that Rock was Christ,” 1 Cor. x, 4. They were destroyed of serpents; and a brazen serpent was lifted up on a pole, that whosoever looked might live. It was a sensible figure of the Son of man, who was, in like manner to be lifted up; “that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life,” John iii, 15. Beside, their religious ordinances were only “a figure for the time then present,” Heb. ix, 9. Their tabernacle was made after the pattern of heavenly things, Heb. viii, 5; Exod. xxv, 9, 40; and was intended to prefigure the “greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands,” Heb. ix, 11. The high priest was a living representative of the great “High Priest of our profession,” Heb. iii, 1: and the Levitical sacrifices plainly had respect to the one great sacrifice for sins. Joshua the son of Nun represented Jesus in name: and by his earthly conquests in some measure prefigured the heavenly triumphs of his Lord. In a subsequent period, David was no indistinct type of “the Messiah the Prince,” Dan. ix, 25, for a long time humbled, and at length triumphant over his enemies. And the peaceable dominion of Solomon prefigured that eternal rest and peace, which remaineth to the people of God. In a still later age, the miraculous preservation of the Prophet Jonah displayed a sign, which was fulfilled in the resurrection of Christ. And when the temple was rebuilt, Joshua, the son of Josedech, the high priest, and his fellows, were set forth as “men of sign,” representatives of the Branch, which should, in the fulness of time, be raised up to the stem of Jesse, Zech. iii, 8; Isa. xi, 1. The illustration, then, to be derived from the historical types of the Old Testament, is found diffused over the whole period, which extends from the creation of the world, to the time when vision and prophecy were sealed. And all the light, which emanates from so many various points, is concentrated in the person of Christ.
TYPE. This term isn't often seen in Scripture, but its meaning is frequently implied. We generally think of a type as an example, pattern, or general similarity to a person, event, or thing that is yet to come; this distinguishes it from a representation, memorial, or commemoration of an event that has already happened. The Spirit of God uses various means to show His complete foreknowledge of all events and His ability to control them. This is sometimes stated through explicit verbal prophecy; sometimes through specific actions carried out by divine instruction; and at other times through unique events in the lives of individuals or the religious practices of the Israelites that were meant to reference parts of the Gospel story. The main point, according to Chevallier, in examining these historical types, is to establish that there is a prearranged connection between the two series of events. No amount of similarity on its own is enough to prove such a connection. Even those noted in Scripture are documented under very different circumstances. If the first event is confirmed as typical at the time it happens, and the second event aligns with the given prediction, it’s clear that the connection was intended. If a distinct prophecy stating that the second event will occur and will correspond with a previous event is given before it happens, then the fulfillment of that prophecy provides intrinsic proof that the person delivering it spoke through divine inspiration. However, this does not necessarily mean that the two events were connected by a design conceived before either event occurred. It does, nonetheless, imply that the second event was at least somewhat related to the first, and whatever degree of connection was assumed by the prophet actually existed. Conversely, if no specific declaration is made about the typical nature of any event or person until after the second event occurs and is then stated to have been prefigured, the existence of any intended connection relies solely on the authority of the person making the claim. If we know from other sources that their words are truthful, our only question will be whether they explicitly assert or clearly imply the presence of a designed correspondence. Therefore, the fact of a prearranged connection between two series of events can be established in three ways, and the historical types can be organized into three main categories. Some provide intrinsic evidence that the Scriptures recording them are divinely inspired; others can only be proven by assuming that fact. Yet, all, once established, reveal the remarkable power and wisdom of God, along with the significance of the redemption plan introduced to the world with such grand preparations. In examining this extraordinary system, we see one central intention woven not only into the verbal prophecies and extraordinary events in the history of the Israelites but also into the everyday activities of selected individuals, even from the creation of the world. Adam was “the figure of him that was to come,” Romans v, 14. Melchizedek was “made like unto the Son of God,” Heb. vii, 3. Abraham, during events he was involved in through a special command from Heaven, was able to see Christ’s day, John viii, 56; and Isaac was received from the dead “in a figure,” Heb. xi, 19. Later, the Passover lamb was commanded to be sacrificed, not only as a memorial of the immediate deliverance it was established to achieve and commemorate, but also as a lasting memorial of what was to be “fulfilled in the kingdom of God,” Luke xxii, 16. Moses was chosen to deliver the people of Israel; to serve as a lawgiver, prophet, priest; and to hold the royal authority, if not the title of king. But during his early life, he was taught that one great prophet should be raised up like him: before his death, he relayed this prophecy to the people, and after that, the Israelites continually expected that faithful prophet who would provide answers to their inquiries, 1 Macc. iv, 46; xiv, 41. Their prophets pointed to some greater lawgiver who would write a new law in their hearts and inscribe it on their minds, Jer. xxxi, 33. The entire nation of Israel often served as intentional representations of Christ, with events in their national history distinctly referencing Him. During their wandering in the wilderness, God ensured there was always a witness that related to the overall Gospel plan. They ate spiritual food, which symbolized the true bread of life that came down from heaven, John vi, 32. “They drank of that spiritual Rock that followed them: and that Rock was Christ,” 1 Cor. x, 4. They faced destruction from serpents, and a bronze serpent was lifted on a pole so that anyone who looked at it might live. It was a clear symbol of the Son of man, who was similarly to be lifted up; “that whoever believes in him should not perish but have eternal life,” John iii, 15. Additionally, their religious practices were only “a figure for the time then present,” Heb. ix, 9. Their tabernacle was constructed according to the pattern of heavenly things, Heb. viii, 5; Exod. xxv, 9, 40; and was designed to prefigure the “greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands,” Heb. ix, 11. The high priest served as a living symbol of the great “High Priest of our profession,” Heb. iii, 1: and the Levitical sacrifices were clearly related to the ultimate sacrifice for sins. Joshua, the son of Nun, represented Jesus in name and prefigured, through his earthly victories, the heavenly triumphs of His Lord. Later on, David was a clear type of “the Messiah the Prince,” Dan. ix, 25, long humbled, and ultimately victorious over his enemies. And the peaceful reign of Solomon symbolized the eternal rest and peace that remains for the people of God. In an even later time, the miraculous preservation of the Prophet Jonah served as a sign fulfilled in the resurrection of Christ. When the temple was rebuilt, Joshua, the son of Josedech, the high priest, and his companions were presented as “men of sign,” representing the Branch that would, in due time, be raised up from the stump of Jesse, Zech. iii, 8; Isa. xi, 1. The insights gained from the historical types of the Old Testament span the entire timeline, from the creation of the world to when vision and prophecy were sealed. All the illuminating light coming from so many different areas is focused in the person of Christ.
TYRANNUS. It is said in Acts xix, 9, that St. Paul being at Ephesus, and seeing that the Jews to whom he preached, instead of being converted, were rather more hardened and obstinate, he withdrew from their society, nor went to preach in their synagogue, but taught every day in the school of one Tyrannus. It is inquired, Who was this Tyrannus? Some think him to have been a prince or great lord, who accommodated the Apostle with his house, in which to receive and instruct his disciples. But the generality conclude, that Tyrannus was a converted Gentile, a friend of St. Paul, to whom he withdrew.
TYRANNUS. It is mentioned in Acts 19:9 that St. Paul was in Ephesus, and when he noticed that the Jews he was preaching to were becoming more hardened and stubborn instead of being converted, he decided to distance himself from them. He didn't preach in their synagogue anymore but taught daily in the school of someone named Tyrannus. The question arises, who was this Tyrannus? Some believe he was a prince or a high-ranking lord who offered his house to the Apostle for teaching and gathering his disciples. However, most people think that Tyrannus was a converted Gentile and a friend of St. Paul, to whom he turned for support.
TYRE, or Tyrus, was a famous city of Phenicia. Its Hebrew name is צור or צר, which signifies a rock. The city of Tyre was allotted to the tribe of Asher, Joshua xix, 29, with the other maritime cities of the same coast; but it does not appear that the Asherites ever drove out the Canaanites. Isaiah, xxiii, 12, calls Tyre the daughter of Sidon, that is, a colony from it. Homer never speaks of Tyre, but only of Sidon. Josephus says, that Tyre was built not above two hundred and forty years before the temple of Solomon; which would be in A. M. 2760, two hundred years after Joshua. Tyre was twofold, insular and continental. Insular Tyre was certainly the most ancient; for this it was which was noticed by Joshua: the continental city, however, as being more commodiously situated, first grew into consideration, and assumed the name of Palætyrus, or Old Tyre. Want of sufficient attention to this distinction, has embarrassed both the Tyrian chronology and geography. Insular Tyre was confined to a small rocky island, eight hundred paces long, and four hundred broad, and could never exceed two miles in circumference. But Tyre, on the opposite coast, about half a mile from the sea, was a city of vast extent, since many centuries after its demolition by Nebuchadnezzar, the scattered rains measured nineteen miles round, as we learn from Pliny and Strabo. Of these, the most curious and surprising are, the cisterns of Roselayne, designed to supply the city with water; of which there are three still entire; about one or two furlongs from the sea, so well described by Maundrell, for their 931curious construction and solid masonry. Old Tyre withstood the mighty Assyrian power, having been besieged in vain, by Shalmaneser, for five years; although he cut off their supplies of water from the cisterns; which they remedied by digging wells within the city. It afterward held out thirteen years against Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, and was at length taken; but not until the Tyrians had removed their effects to the insular town, and left nothing but the bare walls to the victor, which he demolished. What completed the destruction of the city was, that Alexander afterward made use of these materials to build a prodigious causeway, or isthmus, above half a mile long, to the insular city, which revived, as the phœnix, from the ashes of the old, and grew to great power and opulence, as a maritime state; and which he stormed after a most obstinate siege of five months. Pococke observes, that “there are no signs of the ancient city; and as it is a sandy shore, the face of every thing is altered, and the great aqueduct is in many parts almost buried in the sand.” Thus has been fulfilled the prophecy of Ezekiel: “Thou shalt be built no more: though thou be sought for, yet shalt thou never be found again,” Ezek. xxvi, 21. The fate of insular Tyre has been no less remarkable. When Alexander stormed the city, he set fire to it. This circumstance was foretold. “Tyre did build herself a strong hold, and heaped up silver as the dust, and fine gold as the mire of the streets. Behold, the Lord will cast her out, and he will smite her power in the sea, and she shall be devoured with fire,” Zech. ix, 3, 4. After this terrible calamity, Tyre again retrieved her losses. Only eighteen years after, she had recovered such a share of her ancient commerce and opulence, as enabled her to stand a siege of fourteen months against Antigonus, before he could reduce the city; but after this, Tyre fell alternately under the dominion of the kings of Syria and Egypt, and then of the Romans, until it was taken by the Saracens, about A. D. 639, retaken by the Crusaders, A. D. 1124; and at length sacked and razed by the Mamelukes of Egypt, with Sidon, and other strong towns, that they might no longer harbour the Christians, A. D. 1289.
TYRE, or Tyrus, was a well-known city in Phoenicia. Its Hebrew name is Create or צר, which means rock. The city of Tyre was given to the tribe of Asher, as mentioned in Joshua xix, 29, along with other coastal cities; however, it seems the Asherites never managed to drive out the Canaanites. Isaiah, xxiii, 12, refers to Tyre as the daughter of Sidon, indicating it was a colony of Sidon. Homer only mentions Sidon and not Tyre. Josephus states that Tyre was built no more than two hundred and forty years before Solomon’s temple, which would place it in A.M. 2760, about two hundred years after Joshua. Tyre was made up of two parts: insular and continental. Insular Tyre was certainly the oldest, as it was the one noted by Joshua; however, the continental city, being more conveniently located, gained prominence first and was called Palætyrus, or Old Tyre. The lack of distinction between these has confused both the chronology and geography of Tyre. Insular Tyre was limited to a small rocky island measuring eight hundred paces long and four hundred paces wide, with a circumference never exceeding two miles. In contrast, the continental city, located about half a mile from the sea, was vast, and even centuries after its destruction by Nebuchadnezzar, the ruins measured nineteen miles around, as reported by Pliny and Strabo. Among the most interesting features were the cisterns of Roselayne, built to supply the city with water; there are still three intact, located about one or two furlongs from the sea, noted by Maundrell for their unique construction and sturdy masonry. Old Tyre endured the powerful Assyrian empire, being besieged in vain by Shalmaneser for five years; he tried to cut off their water supply from the cisterns, but they dug wells within the city to solve the problem. It then resisted Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, for thirteen years before finally falling, but not until the Tyrians had moved their belongings to the insular town, leaving only bare walls for the conqueror to tear down. The city’s complete destruction came when Alexander used the ruins to build a massive causeway, or isthmus, over half a mile long to the insular city, which rose from the ashes like a phoenix and regained great power and wealth as a maritime state; he eventually took it after a stubborn five-month siege. Pococke noted, "there are no signs of the ancient city; and as it is a sandy shore, everything has changed, and the great aqueduct is almost buried in the sand." Thus, the prophecy of Ezekiel was fulfilled: “Thou shalt be built no more: though thou be sought for, yet shalt thou never be found again,” Ezek. xxvi, 21. The fate of insular Tyre was equally remarkable. When Alexander captured the city, he set it on fire. This was foretold: “Tyre did build herself a strong hold, and heaped up silver as the dust, and fine gold as the mire of the streets. Behold, the Lord will cast her out, and he will smite her power in the sea, and she shall be devoured with fire,” Zech. ix, 3, 4. After this disaster, Tyre managed to recover. Just eighteen years later, she regained enough of her former trade and wealth to withstand a fourteen-month siege by Antigonus before he could conquer the city; however, afterwards, Tyre alternated under the rule of the kings of Syria and Egypt, and then the Romans, until it was captured by the Saracens around A.D. 639, retaken by the Crusaders in A.D. 1124; finally, it was sacked and destroyed by the Mamelukes of Egypt, along with Sidon and other strong towns, to prevent them from harboring Christians, in A.D. 1289.
The final desolation of Tyre was thus foretold: “I will scrape her dust from her, and make her like the top of a rock: it shall be a place for the spreading of nets in the midst of the sea: for I have spoken it, saith the Lord God.” “I will make thee like the top of a rock: thou shalt be a place to spread nets upon: thou shalt be built no more; for I the Lord have spoken it, saith the Lord God.” Nothing can be more literally and astonishingly executed than this sentence. Huetius relates of one Hadrianus Parvillerius, that “when he approached the ruins of Tyre, and beheld the rocks stretched forth to the sea, and the great stones scattered up and down on the shore, made clean and smooth by the sun and waves and wind, and useful only for the drying of fishermen’s nets, many of which happened at that time to be spread thereon, it brought to his memory the prophecy of Ezekiel concerning Tyre, that such should be its fate.” Maundrell, who visited the Holy Land, A. D. 1697, describes it thus: “This city, standing in the sea upon a peninsula, promises at a distance, something very magnificent; but when you come to it, you find no similitude of that glory for which it was so renowned in ancient times, and which the Prophet Ezekiel describes, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii. On the north side it has an old Turkish ungarrisoned castle; beside which, you see nothing here but a mere Babel of broken walls, pillars, vaults, &c; there being not so much as one entire house left! Its present inhabitants are only a few poor wretches harbouring themselves in the vaults, and subsisting chiefly by fishing: who seem to be preserved in this place by Divine Providence, as a visible argument how God has fulfilled his word concerning Tyre, namely, that it should be as the top of a rock; a place for fishers to dry their nets upon, Ezek. xxvi, 14.” Hasselquist, who saw it since, in A. D. 1751, observes as follows: “None of those cities which were formerly famous are so totally ruined as Tyre, now called Zur; except Troy. Zur now scarcely can be called a miserable village, though it was formerly Tyre, the queen of the sea. Here are about ten inhabitants, Turks and Christians, who live by fishing.” Bruce, who visited this country about eighty years after Maundrell, says, that “passing by Tyre from curiosity, I came to be a mournful witness of the truth of that prophecy, that Tyre, the queen of nations, should be a rock for fishers to dry their nets on.” Mr. Buckingham, who visited it in 1816, represents it as containing about eight hundred substantial stone-built houses, and from five to eight thousand inhabitants. But Mr. Jowett, on the authority of the Greek archbishop, reduces this number to less than four thousand; namely, one thousand two hundred Greek Catholics, one hundred Maronites, one hundred Greeks, one thousand Montonalis, and one hundred Turks. Mr. Jowett observed numerous and beautiful columns stretched along the beach, or standing in fragments half buried in the sand, that has been accumulating for ages: “the broken aqueduct, and the ruins which appear in its neighbourhood, exist as an affecting monument of the fragile and transitory nature of earthly grandeur.” Mr. Joliffe states, that there now exist scarcely any traces of this once powerful city. “Some miserable cabins, ranged in irregular lines, dignified with the name of streets, and a few buildings of a rather better description, occupied by the officers of government, compose nearly the whole of the town. It still makes, indeed, some languishing efforts at commerce, and contrives to export annually to Alexandria cargoes of silk and tobacco; but the amount merits no consideration. The noble dust of Alexander, traced by the imagination till found stopping a beer barrel, would scarcely afford a stronger contrast of grandeur and debasement, than Tyre, at the period of being besieged by that conqueror, and the modern town of Tsour erected on its ashes.”
The final ruin of Tyre was predicted: “I will scrape her dust away and make her like the top of a rock; it will be a place for spreading nets in the sea, for I have said it, says the Lord God.” “I will make you like the top of a rock; you will be a place to spread nets; you will never be rebuilt, for I, the Lord, have said it.” Nothing could be more literally and strikingly fulfilled than this statement. Huetius recounts that a man named Hadrianus Parvillerius said, “When he approached the ruins of Tyre and saw the rocks extending into the sea and the large stones scattered on the shore, clean and smooth from the sun, waves, and wind, useful only for drying fishermen's nets—many of which were spread out there at that time—it reminded him of Ezekiel's prophecy about Tyre and its fate.” Maundrell, who visited the Holy Land in 1697, described it like this: “This city, standing in the sea on a peninsula, looks very magnificent from a distance; but when you arrive, you see nothing resembling the glory it was once famous for, which the Prophet Ezekiel describes in chapters 26, 27, and 28. On the north side, there is an old Turkish castle without soldiers, and all around you see only a chaotic mass of broken walls, pillars, vaults, etc.; not a single intact house remains! Its current inhabitants are just a few poor people hiding in the vaults, mainly surviving by fishing; they seem to be kept here by Divine Providence as a visible sign of how God has fulfilled His word regarding Tyre, that it would be like the top of a rock, a place for fishermen to dry their nets, as stated in Ezekiel 26:14.” Hasselquist, who saw it in 1751, noted: “None of those cities which were once famous are as completely ruined as Tyre, now called Zur; except for Troy. Zur can hardly be called even a miserable village, though it was once Tyre, the queen of the sea. There are about ten inhabitants—Turks and Christians—who live by fishing.” Bruce, who visited about eighty years after Maundrell, said that “out of curiosity, passing by Tyre, I became a mournful witness to the truth of the prophecy that Tyre, the queen of nations, would be a rock for fishermen to dry their nets on.” Mr. Buckingham, who visited in 1816, reported it had about eight hundred solid stone-built houses and between five and eight thousand residents. However, Mr. Jowett, citing the Greek archbishop, placed this number at less than four thousand: specifically, one thousand two hundred Greek Catholics, one hundred Maronites, one hundred Greeks, one thousand Montonalis, and one hundred Turks. Mr. Jowett noted numerous beautiful columns along the beach or standing in fragments half-buried in the sand that has gathered over the ages: “the broken aqueduct and the ruins nearby serve as a poignant reminder of the fragile and fleeting nature of worldly greatness.” Mr. Joliffe remarked that there are hardly any traces left of this once mighty city. “Some miserable shacks lined up in irregular rows, calling themselves streets, along with a few slightly better buildings occupied by government officials, make up nearly the entirety of the town. It still makes some feeble attempts at commerce and manages to export small amounts of silk and tobacco to Alexandria each year; but the quantities are negligible. The noble dust of Alexander, imagined until found stopping a beer barrel, would hardly offer a stronger contrast of greatness and degradation than Tyre, at the time of being besieged by that conqueror, and the modern town of Tsour built on its ashes.”
932As commercial cities, says Mansford, ancient Alexandria and London may be considered as approaching the nearest to Tyre. But Alexandria, during the whole of her prosperous days, was subject to foreign rule; and London, great as are her commerce and her wealth, and possessing as she does almost a monopoly of what has in all ages been the most enviable and most lucrative branch of trade, that with the east, does not centre in herself, as Tyre did, without a rival and without competition, the trade of all nations, and hold an absolute monopoly, not of one, but of every branch of commerce. For the long period of a thousand years, not a single production of the east passed to the west, or of the west to the east, but by the merchants of Tyre. Nor for many ages were any ships found but those of Tyre daring enough to pass the straits of the Red Sea on one side, or of the Mediterranean on the other. While the vessels of other countries were groping along their coasts, clinging to their landmarks, and frightened at a breeze, the ships of Tyre were found from Spain, if not from Britain, on the west, to the coast of Malabar and Sofala on the east and south. No wonder that her merchants were princes, and that they lived in a style of magnificence unknown in any other country in the same age; or that she should be considered a desirable prey by the conquerors of the times. But enterprise and wealth did not alone complete the character of the Tyrians; they had an undoubted claim to valour of no common order. Their city, which possessed scarcely any territory beyond their own walls, maintained a siege of thirteen years (the longest in history except that of Ashdod) against the whole power of Babylon; and another of seven months against Alexander, whose successes had afforded no instance of similar delay. And in neither case had the captors much to boast of, as the Tyrians had shipped off their most valuable property to Carthage; and in the former particularly, as has been already related, they so effectually secured or sacrificed the whole, that the soldiers of Nebuchadnezzar found nothing to reward them for their length of labour, during which, by excessive toil and heat, “their heads were made bald, and their very shoulders peeled,” but vacant streets, and houses already sacked. Carthage, Utica, and Cadiz, are celebrated monuments of the power of Tyre on the Mediterranean, and in the west. She extended her navigation even into the ocean, and carried her commerce beyond England to the north, and the Canaries to the south. Her connections with the east, though less known, were not less considerable; the islands of Tyrus and Aradus, (the modern Barhain,) in the Persian Gulf. The cities of Faran and Phœnicum Oppidum, on the Red Sea, in ruins even in the time of the Greeks, prove that the Tyrians had long frequented the coast of Arabia and the Indian Sea. But, through the vicissitudes of time, Tyre, reduced to a miserable village, has no other trade than the exportation of a few sacks of corn and raw cotton, nor any merchant, says Volney, but a single Greek factor in the service of the French Saide, (Sidon,) who scarcely makes sufficient profit to maintain his family. In allusion to Tyre in her better days, Forbes observes, when speaking of Surat, “The bazars, filled with costly merchandise; picturesque and interesting groups of natives on elephants, camels, horses, and mules; strangers from all parts of the globe, in their respective costume; vessels building on the stocks, others navigating the river; together with Turks, Persians, and Armenians, on Arabian chargers; European ladies in splendid carriages, the Asiatic females in hackeries drawn by oxen; and the motley appearance of the English and nabob’s troops on the fortifications, remind us of the following description of Tyre, “O thou that art situate at the entry of the sea, which art a merchant of the people for many isles,” &c, Ezek. xxvii, 3. This is a true picture of oriental commerce in ancient times; and a very exact description of the port and the bazars of Surat, at the present day.”
932As trading cities, Mansford suggests that ancient Alexandria and London come closest to Tyre. However, Alexandria was under foreign control throughout its prosperous years, and London, despite its thriving trade and wealth, and having a near monopoly on the historically profitable trade with the East, does not consolidate trade from all nations in the same way Tyre did, without rivals or competition, holding an absolute monopoly over every type of commerce. For a full thousand years, no products moved from East to West or West to East without going through Tyre's merchants. For many ages, no ships except those from Tyre dared to venture past the straits of the Red Sea on one side or the Mediterranean on the other. While vessels from other lands were cautiously navigating along their coasts and anxiously avoiding any breeze, Tyre's ships were found as far west as Spain, if not Britain, and reaching the coasts of Malabar and Sofala in the east and south. It's no surprise that Tyrian merchants lived like royalty, exhibiting a level of luxury unmatched in other countries during that era, or that they were highly sought after by conquerors of the time. But ambition and wealth weren't the only traits of the Tyrians; they had a well-deserved reputation for extraordinary valor. Their city, which controlled very little land beyond its walls, withstood a thirteen-year siege (the longest in history apart from Ashdod) against the full might of Babylon; and another siege of seven months against Alexander, whose campaigns had never seen such a delay. In neither instance could the conquerors brag much, as the Tyrians had shipped their most valuable goods off to Carthage; especially in the former case, as previously mentioned, they had effectively secured or lost everything so that Nebuchadnezzar's soldiers found nothing to reward their arduous labor, during which, from exhausting work and heat, “their heads were made bald, and their very shoulders peeled,” except empty streets and already looted homes. Carthage, Utica, and Cadiz stand as historic testaments to Tyre's power on the Mediterranean and in the west. They expanded their navigation into the ocean, trading beyond England in the north and the Canary Islands in the south. Their connections to the East, though less known, were still significant; the islands of Tyrus and Aradus (modern Bahrain) in the Persian Gulf were part of it. The cities of Faran and Phœnicum Oppidum on the Red Sea, even in ruins during Greek times, indicate that the Tyrians had long visited the coast of Arabia and the Indian Sea. Yet, through the changes of time, Tyre has dwindled into a desolate village, now limited to exporting a few sacks of corn and raw cotton, with only a single Greek agent in service of the French Saide (Sidon), who barely earns enough to support his family, according to Volney. Reflecting on Tyre's former glory, Forbes notes when describing Surat, “The bazaars filled with luxury goods; colorful and fascinating groups of locals on elephants, camels, horses, and mules; visitors from all over the world in their traditional outfits; ships being built on the docks, others sailing the river; alongside Turks, Persians, and Armenians on Arabian horses; European women in lavish carriages, and local women in ox-drawn carts; along with the diverse troops of English and nabobs on the fortifications, remind us of the following depiction of Tyre, ‘O thou that art situate at the entry of the sea, which art a merchant of the people for many isles,’ Ezek. xxvii, 3. This is an accurate representation of ancient Eastern trade; a precise description of the port and bazaars of Surat today.”
Dr. Vincent has given the following able illustration of the trade of Tyre as described in Ezek. xxvii, which must be considered as one of the most ample and early accounts extant. The learned author has rendered the Hebrew names into others better known in the geography of more recent times:--Tyre produced from Hermon, and the mountains near it, fir for planking; and from Libanus, cedars for masts. From Bashan, east of the sea of Galilee, oaks for oars. From Greece, or the Grecian isles, ivory to adorn the benches or the waists of the galleys. From Egypt, linen, ornamented with different colours, for sails, or flags, or ensigns. From Peloponnesus, blue and purple cloths for awnings. From Sidon and Aradus, mariners; but Tyre itself furnished pilots and commanders. From Gebal, or Biblos, on the coast between Tripolis and Berytus, caulkers. From Persia and Africa, mercenary troops. From Aradus, the troops that garrisoned Tyre with the Gamadim. From Tarshish, or by distant voyages toward the west, and toward the east, great wealth, iron, tin, lead, and silver. Tin implies Britain or Spain, or at least a voyage beyond the Straits of Hercules. From Greece, and the countries bordering on Pontus, slaves, and brass ware. From Armenia, horses, horsemen, and mules. From the Gulf of Persia, and the isles within that gulf, horns (tusks) of ivory, and ebony. The export to these isles was the manufacture of Tyre. From Syria, emeralds, purple, broidered work, fine linen, coral, and agate. The exports to Syria were the manufactures of Tyre in great quantities. From Judah and Israel, the finest wheat, honey, oil, and balsam. From Damascus, wine of Chalybon, (the country bordering on the modern Aleppo,) and wool in the fleece. The exports to Damascus were costly and various manufactures. From the tribe of Dan, situated nearest to the Philistines, the produce of Arabia, bright or wrought iron, cassia or cinnamon, and the calamus aramaticus. In conducting the 933transport of these articles, Dan went to and fro, that is, formed or conducted the caravans. By one interpretation, they are said to come from Uzal; and Uzal is said to be Sana, the capital of Yemen, or Arabia Felix. From the Gulf of Persia, rich cloth for the decoration of chariots or horsemen. From Arabia Petræa and Hedjaz, lambs, and rams, and goats. From Sabea and Oman, the best of spices. From India, gold, and precious stones. From Mesopotamia, from Carrhæ, and Babylonia, the Assyrians brought all sorts of exquisite things; that is, fine manufacture, blue cloth, and broidered work, or fabric of various colours, in chests of cedar bound with cords, containing rich apparel. If these articles were obtained farther from the east, may they not be the fabrics of India, first brought to Assyria by the Gulf of Persia, or by caravans from Karmania and the Indus, and then conveyed by the Assyrians, in other caravans, to Tyre and Syria? In this view, the care of package, the chests of cedar, and the cording of the chests, are all correspondent to the nature of such a transport. From Tarshish the ships came that rejoiced in the markets of Tyre: they replenished the city, and made it glorious in the midst of the sea, Ezek. xxvii, 5–25. Dr. Vincent observes, that from the Tarshish last mentioned the ships returned to the ports in the Red Sea; as from the nineteenth to the twenty-fourth verse every particular relates to the east, while that referred to in the twelfth implies the west--Spain, or beyond. We have here some light thrown on the obscurity which surrounds the situation of this distant and unknown place. There is, indeed, a clear reference to two distinct places, or parts of the world, denominated Tarshish; perhaps from those very circumstances, their distance, and the little that was known respecting them. That one was situated westward, and reached by a passage across the Mediterranean, is certain from other parts of Scripture; that the other was eastward, or southward, on the coast of Arabia, India, or Africa, is equally certain. See Tarshish, and Ophir.
Dr. Vincent has provided a clear example of the trade of Tyre as described in Ezekiel 27, which is considered one of the most comprehensive and early accounts available. The knowledgeable author has translated the Hebrew names into ones that are more recognizable in modern geography: Tyre sourced planking timber from Hermon and its nearby mountains and cedars from Lebanon for masts. It obtained oak for oars from Bashan, east of the Sea of Galilee. From Greece and the Greek islands came ivory to decorate the benches or sides of ships. Egypt supplied linen in varied colors for sails, flags, and ensigns. From Peloponnesus, blue and purple textiles were used for awnings. Sidon and Aradus provided sailors, while Tyre itself supplied pilots and commanders. From Gebal (or Byblos), located between Tripolis and Berytus, came caulkers. Mercenary troops were brought in from Persia and Africa. Troops stationed in Tyre, known as the Gamadim, came from Aradus. From Tarshish, or through long journeys to the west and east, came great wealth, along with iron, tin, lead, and silver. The tin could indicate Britain or Spain, or at least trade beyond the Strait of Hercules. From Greece and the lands bordering Pontus, slaves and brassware were acquired. Armenia provided horses, horsemen, and mules. From the Persian Gulf and its islands, came ivory tusks and ebony. The exports to these islands were manufactured goods from Tyre. Syria received emeralds, purple textiles, embroidered works, fine linen, coral, and agate, all manufactured in large quantities in Tyre. Judah and Israel supplied the finest wheat, honey, oil, and balsam. From Damascus came wine from Chalybon (the area near modern Aleppo) and wool in fleece form. The exports to Damascus consisted of various valuable manufactured goods. The tribe of Dan, located closest to the Philistines, produced Arabian goods, including wrought iron, cassia or cinnamon, and aromatic calamus. Dan managed the transport of these goods, forming or leading caravans. According to one interpretation, these goods came from Uzal, which is thought to be Sana, the capital of Yemen or Arabia Felix. From the Persian Gulf, rich textiles were produced for decorating chariots or horsemen. From Arabia Petraea and Hedjaz came lambs, rams, and goats. From Saba and Oman, the best spices were sourced. From India came gold and precious stones. The Assyrians brought a variety of exquisite items from Mesopotamia, including fine textiles, blue cloth, and embroidered fabrics of various colors, packaged in cedar chests bound with cords, containing luxurious clothing. If these goods were obtained from farther east, could they be Indian textiles first transported to Assyria via the Persian Gulf or by caravans from Karmania and the Indus River, and then brought by more caravans to Tyre and Syria? In this context, the packaging, the cedar chests, and the ropes are all consistent with such transportation. Ships from Tarshish filled the markets of Tyre, replenishing the city and making it renowned across the seas, as noted in Ezekiel 27:5–25. Dr. Vincent mentions that the last-mentioned Tarshish was where ships returned to ports in the Red Sea; from verses 19 to 24, every detail pertains to the east, while the twelfth verse references the west, likely Spain or beyond. This provides some clarity regarding the uncertainty surrounding the location of this distant and unknown place. Clearly, there are two distinct locations or regions referred to as Tarshish, perhaps due to their great distances and the limited knowledge available about them. It is certain that one was situated to the west and accessible by crossing the Mediterranean, while the other was to the east or south, along the coast of Arabia, India, or Africa. See Tarshish, and Ophir.
UNBELIEF or INFIDELITY is a want of credence in the word of God; or it may be defined, a calling in question the divine veracity, in what God hath either testified, promised, or threatened; and thus it is the opposite of faith, which consists in crediting what God hath said, John iii, 18, 33. It is said that the Jews could not enter into the promised land, “because of their unbelief,” Heb. iii, 18, 19. And the Apostle, teaching the believing Hebrews what instruction they should deduce from that portion of the history of their forefathers, says, as the words literally translated would run, “We are evangelized as well as they were; but the word which they heard did not profit them, not being mixed with faith in them that heard it,” Heb. iv, 2. The meaning is, We Christians are favoured with the good news of the heavenly rest, as well as Israel in the wilderness were with the good news of the earthly rest in Canaan; but the word which they heard concerning that rest did not profit them, because they did not believe it. Hence it appears that faith and unbelief are not confined to the spiritual truths and promises of the Gospel of Christ, but respect any truth which God may reveal, or any promise which he may make even concerning temporal things. It is a crediting or discrediting God in what he says, whatever be the subject. Christ could not do many mighty works in his own country, because of their unbelief, Matt. vi, 5, 6; their mean opinion of him, and contempt of his miracles, rendered them unfit objects to have miracles wrought upon or among them. The Apostles’ distrust of Christ’s promises, of enabling them to cast out devils, rendered them incapable of casting one out, Mark xvii, 16; and St. Peter’s distrust of his Master’s power occasioned his sinking in the water, Matt. xiv, 30, 31. The unbelief for which the Jews were broken off from their being a church was their denial of Christ’s Messiahship, their contempt and refusal of him, and their violent persecution of his cause and members, Rom. xi, 20.
UNBELIEF or INFIDELITY is a lack of trust in the word of God; it can also be defined as questioning God's truthfulness regarding what He has testified, promised, or threatened; thus, it is the opposite of faith, which means believing what God has said, John 3:18, 33. It is said that the Jews could not enter the promised land "because of their unbelief," Heb. 3:18, 19. The Apostle, teaching the believing Hebrews what lesson they should take from the history of their ancestors, says, as the words would literally translate, "We have been given the good news just as they were; but the message they heard did not benefit them, since it wasn't combined with faith in those who heard it," Heb. 4:2. This means that we Christians have received the good news of the heavenly rest just like the Israelites in the wilderness received the good news of the earthly rest in Canaan; but the message they heard about that rest did not help them because they didn't believe it. Therefore, it is clear that faith and unbelief are not limited to the spiritual truths and promises of the Gospel of Christ, but apply to any truth God may reveal or any promise He may make about even temporary matters. It is about believing or disbelieving God in what He says, regardless of the topic. Christ could not perform many miracles in His own hometown because of their unbelief, Matt. 6:5, 6; their low opinion of Him and contempt for His miracles made them unworthy recipients of miracles among them. The Apostles’ doubts about Christ’s promises to enable them to cast out demons made them incapable of casting one out, Mark 17:16; and St. Peter's doubt of his Master’s power caused him to sink in the water, Matt. 14:30, 31. The unbelief that led to the Jews being cut off from being a church was their denial of Christ’s Messiahship, their contempt and rejection of Him, and their violent persecution of His cause and members, Rom. 11:20.
Adverting to the infidelity which prevailed among the educated class of Heathens when Christianity first appeared in the world, Dr. Neander observes:--It was Christianity which first presented religion under the form of objective truth, as a system of doctrines perfectly independent of all individual conceptions of man’s imagination, and calculated to meet the moral and religious wants of man’s nature, and in that nature every where to find some point on which it might attach itself. The religions of antiquity, on the contrary, consist of many elements of various kinds, which, either by the skill of the first promulgator, or, in the length of years, by the impress of national peculiarities, were moulded together into one whole. By the transmission of tales, half mythical, and half historical, by forms and statutes bearing the impress of religious feelings or ideas, mingled with multifarious poems, which showed a powerful imaginative spirit, rugged indeed, or, if animated by the spirit of beauty, at least devoid of that of holiness,--all these varied materials were interwoven so completely into all the characters, customs, and relations of social life, that the religious matter could no longer be separated from the mixed mass, nor be disentangled from the individual nature of the life and political character of each people with which it was interwoven. There was no religion generally adapted to human nature, only religions fitted to each people. The Divinity appeared here, not as free and elevated above nature; not as that which, overruling nature, might form and illuminate the nature of man; but was lowered to the level of nature, and made subservient to it. Through this principle of deifying the powers of nature, by which every exertion of bare power, even though immoral, might be received among the objects of religious veneration, the idea of holiness which beams forth from man’s conscience must continually have been thrown into the back ground and overshadowed. The old lawgivers were well aware how closely the 934maintenance of an individual state religion depends on the maintenance of the individual character of the people, and their civil and domestic virtues. They were well aware that when once this union is dissolved no power can restore it again. Therefore we find, especially in Rome, where politics were the ruling passion, a watchfulness after the most punctilious observance of traditional religious ceremonies, and a jealous aversion to any innovations in religion. The belief of a divine origin of all existence is a first principle in man’s nature, and he is irresistibly impelled to ascend from many to One. This very feeling showed itself even in the polytheism of national religions, under the idea of a highest God, or a father of the gods. Among those who gave themselves up to the consideration of divine things, and to reflection upon them, this idea of an original unity must have been more clearly recognized, and must have formed the centre point of all their inward religious life and thought. The imagination of the people was to be engaged with the numerous powers and energies flowing forth from that one highest Being, while to the contemplation of that unity, only a small number of exalted spirits, the initiated leaders of the multitude, could elevate themselves. The one God was the God of philosophers alone. The ruling opinion of all the thinking men of antiquity, from which all religious legislation proceeded, was, that pure religious truth could not be proposed to the multitude, but only such a mixture of fiction, poetry, and truth, as would serve to represent religious notions in such a manner that they might make an impression on men, whose only guide was their senses. The principle of a so called fraus pia [pious fraud] was prevalent in all the legislation of antiquity. But how miserable would be the case of mankind, if the higher bond, connecting human affairs with heaven, could only be united by means of lies; if lies were necessary in order to restrain the greater portion of mankind from evil! And what could their religion in such a case effect? It could not impart holy dispositions to the inward heart of man; it could only restrain the open outbreaking of evil that existed in the heart, by the power of fear. Falsehood, which cannot be arbitrarily imposed on human nature, would never have been able to obtain this influence, had not a truth, which is sure to make itself felt by human nature, been working through it,--had not the belief in an unseen God, on whom man universally feels himself dependent, and to whom he feels himself attracted,--had not the impulse toward an invisible world, which is implanted in the human heart,--been able to work also through this covering of superstition. The geographer Strabo thinks that, in the same manner that mythical tales and fables are needful for children, so also they are necessary for the uneducated and uninformed, who are in some sort children, and also for those who are half educated; for even with them reason is not sufficiently powerful, and they are not able to free themselves from the habits they have acquired as children. This is, indeed, a sad condition of humanity, when the seed of holiness, which can develope itself only in the whole course of a life, cannot be strewn in the heart of the child, and when mature reason must destroy that which was planted in the early years of infancy! when holy truth cannot form the foundation of the future developement of life from the earliest dawn of childish consciousness! The thinking Roman statesmen also of the time at which Christianity appeared, as Varro, for instance, distinguish between the theologia philosophica [philosophical theology] and the theologia civilis, [civil theology,] which contradicts the principles of the former, as Cotta in Cicero distinguished between the belief of Cotta, and the belief of the Pontifex. The philosopher required in religion a persuasion grounded on reasoning; the citizen, the statesman, followed the tradition of his ancestors without inquiry. Suppose now this theologia civilis, and this theologia philosophica to proceed together, without a man’s wishing to set the opposition between the two in a very clear light to himself; that the citizen and the statesman, the philosopher and the man, could be united in the same individual with contradictory sentiments, (a division which in the same man is very unnatural,) and then he would perhaps say, “Philosophical reason conducts to a different result from that which is established by the state religion; but the latter has in its favour the good fortune which the state has enjoyed in the exercise of religion handed down from our ancestors. Let us follow experience even where we do not thoroughly understand.” Thus speaks Cotta, and thus also many Romans of education in his time, either more or less explicitly. Or perhaps we may suppose, that men openly expressed this contradiction, and did not scruple to assign the pure truth to the theologia philosophica, and to declare the theologia civilis only a matter of politics. In the east, which is less subject to commotions, where tranquil habits of life were more common, and where a mystical spirit of contemplation, accompanying and spiritualizing the symbolical religion of the people, was more prevalent than an intellectual cultivation opposed to it, and developing itself independently, it was possible that this kind of esoteric and exoteric religion should proceed hand in hand without change for many centuries. But it was otherwise with the more stirring spirits and habits of the west. Here this independently proceeding developement of the intellect must have been at open war with the religion of the people; and as intellectual culture spread itself more widely, so also must a disbelief of the popular religion have been more extensively diffused; and, in consequence of the intercourse between the people and the educated classes, this disbelief must also have found its way at last among the people themselves; more especially since, as this perception of the nothingness of the popular religion spread itself more widely, there would naturally be many who would not, with the precaution of the men of old, hide their new illumination 935from the multitude, but would think themselves bound to procure for it new adherents, without any regard to the injury of which they might be laying the foundations, without inquiring of themselves, whether they had any thing to offer to the people in the room of that of which they robbed them; in the room of their then source of tranquillity under the storms of life; instead of that which taught them moderation under affliction; and, lastly, in the place of their then counterpoise against the power of wild desires and passions. Men saw, in the religious systems of different nations which then came into contact with each other in the enormous empire of Rome, nothing but utter contradiction and opposition. The philosophical systems also exhibited nothing but opposition of sentiments, and left those who could see in the moral consciousness no criterion of truth to doubt whether there were any such thing or not. In this sense, as representing the opinions of many eminent and cultivated Romans, with a sneer at all desire for truth, Pilate made the sarcastic inquiry, “What is truth?” Many contented themselves with a shallow lifeless deism, which usually takes its rise where the thirst after a living union with heaven is wanting; a system which, although it denies not the existence of a God, yet drives it as far into the back ground as possible; a listless God! who suffers every thing to take its own course, so that all belief in any inward connection between this Divinity and man, any communication of this Divinity to man, would seem to this system fancy and enthusiasm! The world and human nature remain at least free from God. This belief in God, if we can call it a belief, remains dead and fruitless, exercising no influence over the life of man. The belief in God here produced neither the desire after that ideal perfection of holiness, the contemplation of which shows at the same time to man the corruption of his own nature, so opposite to that holiness; nor that consciousness of guilt by which man, contemplating the holiness of God within him, feels himself estranged from God; nor does this belief impart any lively power of sanctification. Man is not struck by the inquiry, “How shall I, unclean as I am, approach the holy God, and stand before him, when he judges me according to the holy law which he has himself engraven on my conscience? What shall I do to become free from the guilt which oppresses me, and again to attain to communion with him?” To make inquiries such as these, this spirit of deism considers as fanaticism; and it casts away from itself all notions of God’s anger, judgments, or punishments, as representations arising only from the limited nature of the human understanding. More lively and penetrating spirits, who felt in the world an infinite Spirit which animated all things, fell into an error of quite an opposite nature to this deism, which removed God too far from the world; namely into a pantheism, which confused God and the world, which was just as little calculated to bestow tranquillity and consolation. They conceived God only as the infinite Being elevated above frail man, and not as being connected with him, attracting him to himself, and lowering himself down to him. It was only the greatness, not the holiness nor the love, of God which filled their souls. Yet the history of all ages proves that man cannot for any length of time disown the desire for religion implanted in his nature. Whenever man, entirely devoted to the world, has for a long time wholly overwhelmed the perception of the Divinity which exists in his nature, and has long entirely estranged himself from divine things, these at last prevail over humanity with greater force. Man feels that something is wanting to his heart, which can be replaced to him by nothing else; he feels a hollowness within him which can never be satisfied by earthly things, and can find satisfaction and blessing suited to his condition in the Divinity alone, and an irresistible desire impels him to seek again his lost connection with Heaven. The times of the dominion of superstition also, as history teaches us, are always times of earthly calamity; for the moral corruption which accompanies superstition necessarily, also, destroys all the foundations of earthly prosperity. Thus the times in which superstition extended itself among the Romans were those of the downfall of civil freedom, and of public suffering under cruel despots. But, however, the consequences of these evils conducted man, also to their remedy; for by distress from without man is brought to the consciousness of his own weakness, and his dependence on a higher than earthly power; and when he is forsaken by human help, he is compelled to seek it here. Man becomes induced to look upon his misfortunes as the punishments of a higher Being, and to seek for means by which he may secure again for himself the favour of that Being. The need of a connection with Heaven, from which man felt himself estranged, and dissatisfaction with the cold and joyless present, obtained a more ready belief for the picture which mythology presented, of a golden age, when gods and men lived together in intimate union; and warm imaginations looked back on such a state with longing and desire. This belief and this desire, it must be owned, were founded on a great truth which man could rightly apprehend only through Christianity; and this desire was a kind of intimation which pointed to Christianity. From the nature of the case, however, it is clear that a fanatical zeal, where the heat of passion concealed from man the hollowness and falsehood of his faith, might be created for a religion, to which man only betook himself as a refuge in his misery, and in his dread of the abyss of unbelief; a religion which no longer served for the developement of man’s nature, and into which, nevertheless, he felt himself driven back from the want of any other; and that men must use every kind of power and art to uphold that which was in danger of falling from its own internal weakness, and to defend that which was unable to defend itself by its own power. Fanaticism was therefore obliged to avail itself of every kind of power in the struggle with Christianity, 936in order to uphold Heathenism, which was fast sinking by its own weakness. Although the Romans had from the oldest times been noted for their repugnance to all foreign sorts of religious worship, yet this trait of the old Roman character had with many altogether disappeared. Because the old national temples of the Romans had lost their respect, in many dispositions man was inclined to bring in to their assistance foreign modes of worship. Those which obtained the readiest admission were such as consisted of mysterious, symbolical customs, and striking, sounding forms. As is always the case, men looked for some special and higher power in what is dark and mysterious. The very simplicity of Christianity became therefore a ground of hatred to it.
Adverting to the infidelity that was common among the educated class of non-Christians when Christianity first emerged in the world, Dr. Neander notes: Christianity was the first to present religion as an objective truth, offering a system of doctrines that stood completely apart from individual interpretations shaped by human imagination. It aimed to satisfy the moral and spiritual needs inherent in human nature, finding a connection point within that nature itself. In contrast, the religions of ancient times were made up of various elements that were either pieced together by the original founder's skill or shaped over time by national characteristics into a cohesive whole. Through the transmission of stories—partly mythical and partly historical—along with forms and statutes that reflected religious feelings or ideas, mixed with diverse poems that exhibited a strong imaginative spirit—rough, and if influenced by beauty, still lacking true holiness—all these varied components were so intricately interwoven into the characters, customs, and social relations of life that religious matters became inseparable from the mixed fabric and entangled with the unique essence of each people’s life and political nature. There was no universally applicable religion for human nature, only religions tailored for individual peoples. The Divine did not present as elevated or above nature; instead, it was brought down to nature’s level, becoming subservient to it. With the tendency to deify natural powers, any display of sheer power, regardless of its morality, could become an object of religious veneration, continuously overshadowing the idea of holiness that shines from human conscience. The ancient lawgivers understood how closely the maintenance of an individual state religion was tied to preserving the unique character of the people and their civic and domestic virtues. They realized that once this union was dissolved, no power could restore it. Thus, especially in Rome, where politics was the dominant passion, there was careful attention to the strict observance of traditional religious ceremonies, along with a jealous aversion to any innovations in religion. The belief in a divine origin of all existence is a fundamental principle in human nature, compelling man to move from many to One. This feeling manifested even in the polytheism of national religions through the concept of a supreme God or a father of the gods. Those who engaged deeply with divine matters recognized the need for an original unity, which would become the focal point of their internal religious life and thoughts. The people’s imagination was occupied with the many powers and energies flowing from that one supreme Being, while a select group of enlightened individuals, the initiated leaders, could rise to contemplate that unity. The one God was acknowledged only by philosophers. The dominant view of all the thinking men of antiquity, the foundation for all religious legislation, was that pure religious truth could not be presented to the masses but rather a blend of fiction, poetry, and truth that could effectively convey religious ideas in a way that resonated with those guided only by their senses. The principle of a so-called women's piety [pious fraud] was common in all the legislation of antiquity. But how unfortunate would it be for humanity if the higher connection between human affairs and heaven had to be maintained through lies; if deception were essential to keep the majority from evil! What could such a religion achieve? It wouldn’t be able to instill holy dispositions in the human heart; it could only suppress the overt expressions of evil by instilling fear. Falsehood, which cannot be arbitrarily imposed on human nature, would never wield such influence if it weren’t for a truth that inevitably resonates with human nature; if belief in an unseen God, upon whom humans universally feel dependent, and to whom they feel attracted, didn’t work through this layer of superstition. The geographer Strabo argued that just as mythical tales and fables are necessary for children, they are also needed for the uneducated and uninformed who are, in a sense, children themselves, as well as for those who are only partially educated; because even they do not possess sufficient reasoning to free themselves from the habits formed in childhood. This highlights a tragic aspect of humanity: when the seed of holiness, which can only develop over the course of a lifetime, cannot be sown in a child's heart, and mature reason must dismantle what was planted during the early years of infancy! When holy truth cannot serve as the foundation for life’s future development right from the dawn of consciousness! The thoughtful Roman statesmen of the time when Christianity appeared, such as Varro, discerned between philosophical theology [philosophical theology] and civil theology [civil theology], the latter contradicting the principles of the former, as Cotta in Cicero differentiated between his own beliefs and those of the Pontifex. The philosopher sought a belief grounded in reasoning from religion; the citizen and statesman followed the tradition of his ancestors without questions. Imagine if these civil theology and philosophical theology progressed together, without anyone wanting to clarify the opposition between them; that the citizen and statesman, the philosopher and the individual, could coexist in the same person with contradictory beliefs (a division that is quite unnatural); then one might say, “Philosophical reasoning yields a different conclusion than the state religion; however, the latter has the advantage of the prosperity the state has enjoyed through ancestral religious practice. Let's rely on experience even if we don’t fully understand it.” Thus spoke Cotta, and many educated Romans of his time, either more or less explicitly. Or perhaps we can suppose that people openly acknowledged this contradiction and didn’t hesitate to attribute pure truth to philosophical theology, designating civil theology merely as a political matter. In the East, which was less prone to upheavals, where stable lifestyles were more common, and where a mystical spirit of reflection accompanied and spiritualized the symbolic religion of the people, this kind of esoteric and exoteric religion could coexist unchanged for many centuries. But the more dynamic spirits and habits of the West led to a clash between the independently evolving intellect and the religion of the people; as intellectual culture spread further, disbelief in popular religion also became more widespread, and due to the interaction between the common people and the educated classes, this disbelief eventually reached the masses themselves. Particularly since, as the awareness of the futility of popular religion became more widespread, many would not, with the discretion of earlier men, conceal their newfound insights from the populace, but instead would feel compelled to recruit new followers, regardless of the harm they might cause, without considering whether they had anything to offer the people in place of what they took from them; in place of their then-source of tranquility amid life’s storms; instead of the teachings that instilled moderation in the face of adversity; and finally, instead of their then-counterbalance against wild desires and passions. People saw in the religious systems of different nations that were coming into contact within the vast Roman Empire only utter contradiction and conflict. The philosophical systems were equally characterized by opposing sentiments and left those who couldn’t perceive moral consciousness as a measure of truth to question whether such a thing existed. In this context, echoing the sentiments of many prominent and educated Romans, Pilate sarcastically asked, “What is truth?” Many settled for a shallow, lifeless deism, which generally arises where a longing for a genuine connection to heaven is absent; a system that, while not denying God’s existence, effectively pushes it as far into the background as possible; a disengaged God, who lets everything unfold naturally, leaving any belief in a true relationship between this Divinity and humanity, any communication from this God to man, feeling like fantasy and enthusiasm. The world and human nature remain at least free from God. This supposed belief in God, if we can even call it that, remains dormant and unfruitful, exerting no influence over human life. This belief in God does not generate a desire for the ideal perfection of holiness, whose contemplation reveals the corruption of one’s own nature, so unlike that holiness; nor does it create a sense of guilt that drives a person, reflecting on God’s holiness within, to feel alienated from God; nor does this belief confer any vibrant power of sanctification. People are not struck by the question, “How can I, unclean as I am, approach the holy God and stand before Him when He judges me according to the holy law embedded in my conscience? What must I do to rid myself of the guilt weighing on me and restore my communion with Him?” Inquiring about such matters is viewed by this deistic mindset as fanaticism, casting aside any thoughts of God’s anger, judgments, or punishments as mere concepts stemming from the limits of human understanding. More dynamic and insightful spirits, sensing an infinite Spirit that animates everything in the world, fell into a completely opposite error to this deism, which distanced God from the world; namely, into a pantheism that blurred the lines between God and the world, failing just as much to provide peace and solace. They perceived God solely as the infinite Being elevated above fragile humans and not as something connected with them, drawing them to Him, and meeting them where they are. It was purely God’s greatness, rather than His holiness or love, that filled their souls. Nevertheless, history shows that humanity cannot long ignore the innate desire for religion. Whenever a person engrossed in worldly affairs completely suppresses the awareness of the Divine within them and becomes estranged from sacred matters, those concerns eventually resurface with greater force. Acknowledging something is lacking in their hearts that cannot be fulfilled by anything else, they experience an emptiness that earthly things can never satisfy but can only be filled with the Divine; an uncontrollable urge compels them to seek their lost connection with Heaven once again. The eras ruled by superstition, as history reveals, are always marked by worldly suffering; for the moral decay accompanying superstition inevitably undermines all the foundations of earthly prosperity. Therefore, the period when superstition flourished among the Romans coincided with the decline of civil liberty and the public's suffering under harsh despots. However, the consequences of these evils led humanity toward their remedy; through external distress, people become aware of their own weakness and dependence on a power greater than earthly forces; and when abandoned by human assistance, they feel compelled to seek it elsewhere. They start to view their misfortunes as punishments from a higher Being and look for ways to regain that Being's favor. The longing for a connection to Heaven, from which people feel estranged, and dissatisfaction with the cold and joyless present, foster a greater belief in the image painted by mythology of a golden age when gods and men lived in close union; and passionate imaginations yearned wistfully for such a state. This belief and desire, it must be acknowledged, were rooted in a profound truth that humanity could only fully grasp through Christianity, and this longing signified an inclination toward Christianity. However, by its very nature, it is evident that a zeal driven by fanaticism, which masked the emptiness and falsehood of one's faith, might arise for a religion that people turned to only as a refuge in their suffering and in fear of falling into the abyss of disbelief; a faith that no longer served the development of human nature, but into which they felt compelled to retreat due to the absence of an alternative; and that individuals must wield every kind of power and strategy to uphold what was at risk of collapsing under its own weakness, and to protect what couldn’t defend itself. Fanaticism, therefore, had to rely on every means in the battle against Christianity to preserve paganism, which was rapidly succumbing to its own frailty. While the Romans had historically been known for their aversion to foreign religious practices, this characteristic had faded for many. As the ancient national temples of Rome lost their reverence, many individuals began to lean toward foreign religious practices for support. The ones that found the quickest acceptance were those based on mysterious symbolic customs and impressive, resonant rituals. As is often the case, people sought a special and superior power in what is obscure and enigmatic. The very simplicity of Christianity thus became a source of animosity towards it.
UNICORN, ראם, Num. xxiii, 22; xxiv, 8; Deut. xxxiii, 17; Job xxxix, 9, 10; Psalm xxii, 21; xxix, 6; xcii, 10; Isa. xxxiv, 7. In each of these places it is rendered in the Septuagint μονόκερως, except in Isaiah, where it is ἁδροὶ, the great or mighty ones. Barrow, in his “Travels in Southern Africa,” has given a drawing of the head of the unicorn, “a beast with a single horn projecting from the forehead;” accompanied with such details as, he thinks, offer strong arguments for the existence of such animals in the country of the Bosjesmans. He observes that this creature is represented as a “solid-ungulous animal resembling a horse, with an elegantly shaped body, marked from the shoulders to the flanks with longitudinal stripes or bands.” Still he acknowledges that the animal to which the writer of the book of Job, who was no mean natural historian, makes a poetical allusion, has been supposed, with great plausibility, to be the one-horned rhinoceros; and that Moses also very probably meant the rhinoceros, when he mentions the unicorn as having the strength of God.
UNICORN, ראם, Num. 23:22; 24:8; Deut. 33:17; Job 39:9, 10; Psalm 22:21; 29:6; 92:10; Isa. 34:7. In each of these instances, it's translated in the Septuagint as μονόκερως, except in Isaiah, where it's ἁδροὶ, the great or mighty ones. Barrow, in his “Travels in Southern Africa,” has provided a drawing of the unicorn's head, describing it as “a beast with a single horn projecting from the forehead;” along with details that he believes strongly suggest the existence of such animals in the land of the Bosjesmans. He notes that this creature is depicted as a “solid-ungulous animal resembling a horse, with an elegantly shaped body, marked from the shoulders to the flanks with longitudinal stripes or bands.” Still, he admits that the animal referenced by the author of the book of Job, who was a knowledgeable natural historian, has been compellingly suggested to be the one-horned rhinoceros; and that Moses likely referred to the rhinoceros when discussing the unicorn as possessing the strength of God.
“There are two animals,” says Bruce, “named frequently in Scripture, without naturalists being agreed what they are. The one is the behemoth, the other the reem; both mentioned as types of strength, courage, and independence on man; and, as such, exempted from the ordinary lot of beasts, to be subdued by him, or reduced under his dominion. The behemoth, then, I take to be the elephant; his history is well known, and my only business is with the reem, which I suppose to be the rhinoceros. The derivation of this word, both in the Hebrew and Ethiopic, seems to be from erectness, or standing straight. This is certainly no particular quality in the animal itself, which is not more, nor even so much erect as many other quadrupeds, for its knees are rather crooked; but it is from the circumstance and manner in which his horn is placed. The horns of all other animals are inclined to some degree of parallelism with the nose, or os frontis, [front bone.] The horn of the rhinoceros alone is erect and perpendicular to this bone, on which it stands at right angles; thereby possessing a greater purchase or power, as a lever, than any horn could possibly have in any other position. This situation of the horn is very happily alluded to in the sacred writings: ‘My horn shalt thou exalt like the horn of a reem,’reem,’ Psalm xcii, 10. And the horn here alluded to is not wholly figurative, but was really an ornament worn by great men in the days of victory, preferment, or rejoicing, when they were anointed with new, sweet, or fresh oil; a circumstance which David joins with that of erecting the horn. Balaam, a priest of Midian, and so in the neighbourhood of the haunts of the rhinoceros, and intimately connected with Ethiopia, for they themselves were shepherds of that country, in a transport, from contemplating the strength of Israel, whom he was brought to curse, says, that they had as it were the strength of the reem, Num. xxiii, 22. Job, xxxix, 9, 10, makes frequent allusion to his great strength, ferocity, and indocility. Isaiah, xxxiv, 7, who of all the prophets seems to have known Egypt and Ethiopia the best, when prophesying about the destruction of Idumea, says, that the reem shall come down with the fat cattle: a proof that he knew his habitation was in the neighbourhood. In the same manner as when foretelling the desolation of Egypt, he mentions, as one manner of effecting it, the bringing down the fly from Ethiopia, Isa. vii, 18, 19, to meet the cattle in the desert and among the bushes, and destroy them there, where that insect did not ordinarily come but on command, Exodus viii, 22, and where the cattle fled every year, to save themselves from that insect.
“There are two animals,” says Bruce, “that are often mentioned in the Bible, but naturalists can’t agree on what they are. One is the behemoth, and the other is the reem; both are seen as symbols of strength, courage, and independence from humans, and because of this, they’re not subjected to being tamed or controlled by him. I believe the behemoth refers to the elephant; his history is well known, and my main focus is on the reem, which I think is the rhinoceros. The origin of this word in both Hebrew and Ethiopic seems to come from a sense of uprightness or standing tall. This isn’t really a special trait of the animal itself, as it isn’t any more upright than many other four-legged animals; its knees are somewhat bent. However, it has to do with the way its horn is positioned. The horns of other animals usually align at some angle with their nose or the front, [the front bone.] The rhinoceros is unique in that its horn stands upright and perpendicular to this bone, at right angles; this gives it greater leverage, like a lever, than any horn in any other position could have. This position of the horn is cleverly referenced in the sacred texts: ‘My horn shalt thou exalt like the horn of a reem,’reem,’ Psalm xcii, 10. The horn mentioned here isn’t entirely figurative; it was really an ornament worn by important men during times of victory, promotion, or celebration when they were anointed with fresh, sweet oil; David connects this with the idea of lifting the horn. Balaam, a priest of Midian who lived near where rhinoceroses were found and had connections to Ethiopia, expressed in awe about Israel’s strength, whom he was summoned to curse, by saying that they had the strength of the reem, Num. xxiii, 22. Job, xxxix, 9, 10, frequently references this animal's massive strength, fierceness, and untameability. Isaiah, xxxiv, 7, who seems to have understood Egypt and Ethiopia better than any other prophet, when prophesying about the destruction of Idumea, mentions that the reem will come down with the fat cattle: a sign that he knew it lived in that area. Similarly, when predicting the devastation of Egypt, he mentions that one way to achieve it involves bringing down the fly from Ethiopia, Isa. vii, 18, 19, to meet the cattle in the desert and among the bushes, destroying them there, where the insect normally wouldn’t appear unless ordered, Exodus viii, 22, and where the cattle would flee every year to escape that insect.”
“The rhinoceros in Geez is called arwé harish, and in the Amharic auraris, both which names signify the large wild beast with the horn. This would seem as if applied to the species that had but one horn. The Ethiopic text renders the word reem, arwe harish, and this the Septuagint translates μονόκερως, or unicorn. If the Abyssinian rhinoceros had invariably two horns, it seems to me improbable the Septuagint would call him μονόκερως, especially as they must have seen an animal of this kind exposed at Alexandria in their time, when first mentioned in history, at an exhibition given to Ptolemy Philadelphus, at his accession to the crown, before the death of his father. The principal reason for translating the word reem unicorn, and not rhinoceros, is from a prejudice that he must have but one horn. But this is by no means so well founded, as to be admitted as the only argument for establishing the existence of an animal, which never has appeared after the search of so many ages. Scripture speaks of the horns of the unicorn, Deut. xxxiii, 17; Psalm xxii, 21; so that even from this circumstance the reem may be the rhinoceros as the rhinoceros may be the unicorn.”
“The rhinoceros in Geez is called arwé harish, and in Amharic auraris, both of which names refer to the large wild animal with a horn. This seems to apply to the species that has only one horn. The Ethiopic text uses the word reem, arwe harish, and the Septuagint translates it as μονόκερως, or unicorn. If the Abyssinian rhinoceros always had two horns, it seems unlikely that the Septuagint would call it μονόκερως, especially since they must have seen such an animal displayed in Alexandria during their time, when it was first mentioned in history, at an exhibition held for Ptolemy Philadelphus, when he took the throne, before his father's death. The main reason for translating the word reem as unicorn and not rhinoceros is based on the assumption that it must have only one horn. However, this is not a solid foundation to argue for the existence of an animal that has never been found after so many years of searching. Scripture refers to the horns of the unicorn in Deut. xxxiii, 17; Psalm xxii, 21; so even from this perspective, the reem could be the rhinoceros as much as the rhinoceros could be the unicorn.”
In the book of Job, xxxix, 9, 10, the reem is represented as an unmanageable animal, which, although possessed of sufficient strength to labour, sternly and pertinaciously refused to bend his neck to the yoke.
In the book of Job, xxxix, 9, 10, the reem is depicted as a wild animal that, despite having enough strength to work, stubbornly refuses to submit to the yoke.
The rhinoceros, in size, is only exceeded by the elephant; and in strength and power is inferior to no other creature. He is at least twelve feet in length, from the extremity of the snout to the insertion of the tail; six or seven feet in height, and the circumference of the body is nearly equal to its length. He is particularly distinguished from the elephant and all other animals by the remarkable and offensive weapon he carries upon his nose. This is a very hard horn, solid throughout, directed forward, and has been seen four feet in length. Mr. Browne, in his Travels, says, that the Arabians call the rhinoceros abu-kurn, “father of the one horn.” The rhinoceros is very hurtful, by the prodigious devastation which he makes in the fields. This circumstance peculiarly illustrates the passage from Job. Instead of trusting him to bring home the grain, the husbandman will endeavour to prevent his entry into the fields, and hinder his destructive ravages. In a note upon this passage, Mr. Good says, “The original reem, by all the older translators rendered rhinoceros, or unicorn, is by some modern writers supposed to be the bubalus, bison, or wild ox. There can be no doubt that rhinoceros is the proper term; for this animal is universally known in Arabia, by the name of reem, to the present day.” The rhinoceros, though next in size, yet in docility and ingenuity greatly inferior, to the elephant, has never yet been tamed, so as to assist the labours of mankind, or to appear in the ranks of war. The rhinoceros is perfectly indocile and untractable, though neither ferocious nor carnivorous. He is among large animals what the hog is among smaller ones, brutal and insensible; fond of wallowing in the mire, and delighting in moist and marshy situations near the banks of rivers. He is, however, of a pacific disposition; and, as he feeds on vegetables, has few occasions for conflict. He neither disturbs the less, nor fears the greater, beasts of the forest, but lives amicably with all. He subsists principally on large succulent plants, prickly shrubs, and the branches of trees; and lives to the age of seventy or eighty years.
The rhinoceros is only outdone in size by the elephant and is as strong and powerful as any other creature. It measures at least twelve feet from the tip of its snout to the base of its tail and stands six or seven feet tall, with a body circumference nearly equal to its length. What really sets it apart from the elephant and other animals is the impressive and dangerous horn on its nose. This horn is very hard, solid all the way through, points forward, and has been known to reach four feet long. Mr. Browne, in his Travels, mentions that the Arabians call the rhinoceros abu-kurn, meaning “father of the one horn.” The rhinoceros can be quite destructive, causing massive damage to fields. This behavior illustrates the passage from Job. Instead of relying on the rhinoceros to help bring in the grain, farmers will try to keep it out of their fields to stop its destruction. In a note on this passage, Mr. Good states, “The original reem, which older translators rendered as rhinoceros or unicorn, is thought by some modern writers to refer to the bubalus, bison, or wild ox. There’s no doubt that rhinoceros is the correct term, as this animal is still commonly known in Arabia as reem today.” Although the rhinoceros is the next largest land animal after the elephant, it is far less docile and clever, and it has never been tamed to help with human labor or used in warfare. The rhinoceros is completely untamable and unruly, but it is neither fierce nor carnivorous. It is to large animals what a pig is to smaller ones—brutish and unresponsive—enjoying to wallow in mud and preferring damp, marshy areas near rivers. However, it has a peaceful nature and, as a herbivore, doesn't often seek conflict. It doesn't bother smaller animals, nor does it fear larger ones in the forest, living harmoniously with all. Its diet mainly consists of large, juicy plants, thorny shrubs, and tree branches, and it can live up to seventy or eighty years.
UNITARIANS, a comprehensive term, including all who believe the Deity to subsist in one person only. The chief article in the religious system of the Unitarians is, that Christ was a mere man. But they consider him as the great instrument in the hands of God of reversing all the effects of the fall; as the object of all the prophecies from Moses to his own time; as the great bond of union to virtuous and good men, who, as Christians, make one body in a peculiar sense. The Socinian creed was reduced to what Dr. Priestley calls Humanitarianism, by denying the miraculous conception, the infallibility, and the impeccability of the Saviour; and, consequently, his right to any divine honours or religious worship. As to those texts which declare that Jesus Christ “knew no sin,” &c, his followers explain them in the sense in which it is said of believers, “Whosoever is born of God doth not commit sin,” 1 John iii, 9. Or, if this be not satisfactory, Dr. Priestley refers us to the “Theological Repository,” “in which,” he says, “I think I have shown that the Apostle Paul often reasons inconclusively; and, therefore, that he wrote as any other person of his turn of mind or thinking, and in his situation, would have written, without any particular inspiration. Facts, such as I think I have there alleged, are stubborn things, and all hypotheses must be accommodated to them.” Nor is this sentiment peculiar to Dr. Priestley. Mr. Belsham says, “The Unitarian doctrine is, that Jesus of Nazareth was a man constituted in all respects like other men, subject to the same infirmities, the same ignorance, prejudices, and frailties; descended from the family of David, the son of Joseph and Mary, though some indeed still adhere to the popular opinion of the miraculous conception; that he was born in low circumstances, having no peculiar advantages of education or learning, but that he was a man of exemplary character; and that, in conformity to ancient prophecy, he was chosen and appointed by God to introduce a new moral dispensation into the world, the design of which was to abolish the Jewish economy, and to place believing Gentiles upon an equal ground of privilege and favour with the posterity of Abraham; in other words, he was authorized to reveal to all mankind, without distinction, the great doctrine of a future life, in which men shall be rewarded according to their works.” Mr. Belsham goes on to state the Unitarian opinion to be, that Jesus was not conscious of his high character till after his baptism; that he afterward spent some time in the wilderness, where he was invested with miraculous powers, and favoured with heavenly visions, like St. Paul, 2 Cor. xii, in which he supposed himself taken up into heaven, and in consequence of which he speaks of his descent from heaven; that he exercised his ministry on earth for the space of a year or more, and then suffered death upon the cross, not to exhibit the evil of sin, or in any sense to make atonement for it, but as a martyr to the truth, and as a necessary preliminary to his resurrection, which they consider as a pledge of the resurrection of mankind. Many also believe that Jesus maintained some personal and sensible connection with the church during the apostolic age, and the continuance of miraculous powers in the church. They farther believe that he is appointed to revisit the earth, and to judge the world,--a difficult task one would suppose, if “he be constituted,” as said above, “in all respects like other men, subject to the same ignorance, prejudices frailties,” &c! So this blasphemous system contains, in this respect, and in almost every other, its own refutation. See Socinians.
UNITARIANS is a broad term that includes anyone who believes in a single-person Deity. The main belief of Unitarians is that Christ was simply a man. However, they see him as the key figure used by God to undo the consequences of the fall; as the fulfillment of all the prophecies from Moses to his time; and as the significant connection among virtuous individuals who, as Christians, form a unique body. The Socinian creed became what Dr. Priestley calls Humanitarianism by denying the miraculous conception, infallibility, and impeccability of the Savior, and thus his right to any divine honors or religious worship. Regarding the verses that state Jesus Christ “knew no sin,” his followers interpret them similarly to how it's said of believers, “Whosoever is born of God doth not commit sin,” 1 John iii, 9. If this doesn't suffice, Dr. Priestley refers us to the “Theological Repository,” where he claims, “I believe I've shown that the Apostle Paul often reasons inconclusively; therefore, he wrote as anyone else of his time and mindset would have written, without any special inspiration. Facts, as I believe I've provided, are unyielding, and all theories must align with them.” This belief isn't exclusive to Dr. Priestley. Mr. Belsham states, “The Unitarian doctrine is that Jesus of Nazareth was a man just like everyone else, subject to the same weaknesses, ignorance, prejudices, and frailties; he came from the family of David, the son of Joseph and Mary, though some still support the traditional view of the miraculous conception; he was born into humble circumstances, lacking special advantages in education or learning, but he was a person of exemplary character; and, in line with ancient prophecy, he was chosen by God to introduce a new moral system to the world meant to abolish the Jewish economy and place believing Gentiles on equal footing with the descendants of Abraham; in other words, he was authorized to reveal to all humanity, without distinction, the important doctrine of a future life, where individuals will be rewarded according to their actions.” Mr. Belsham further asserts the Unitarian belief that Jesus didn't realize his significant role until after his baptism; that he then spent some time in the wilderness, where he was endowed with miraculous abilities and experienced heavenly visions like St. Paul, 2 Cor. xii, in which he believed he was taken up to heaven, leading him to speak about descending from heaven; that he carried out his ministry on earth for about a year or more, then died on the cross, not to demonstrate the seriousness of sin or to atone for it, but as a martyr for truth, which was essential for his resurrection, viewed as a promise of the resurrection for all people. Many also think that Jesus maintained some direct and perceptible connection with the church during the apostolic age and the ongoing miraculous powers in the church. They further believe that he is set to return to earth to judge the world—a challenging task, one might think, if “he is constituted,” as mentioned earlier, “in all respects like other men, subject to the same ignorance, prejudices, frailties,” etc.! This blasphemous belief system, in this regard and in nearly every other, contains its own refutation. See Socinians.
The creed which the celebrated council of Nice established, says Grier, in his “Epitome of General Councils,” is that which Christians now profess; the errors and impieties which it condemned are those which, according to the 938refinements of Socinus, his followers of the present day have moulded into their antichristian system. Arius, a presbyter in the church of Alexandria, a man of consummate talent and address, but of a cold and speculative mind, impiously maintained that there had been a time when the Son of God was not; that he was capable of virtue and vice; and that he was a creature, and mutable as creatures are! It is true that Arius held a qualified preëxistence, when he said that God created the Son from nothing before he created the world; in other words, that the Son was the first of created beings; but such preëxistence does not imply coëxistence or coëternity with the Father. After this manner did he deny the divinity of the Son, and his coëternity with the Father. Seduced by the pride of reasoning, no less than by his fondness for novelty, did he likewise reject the ὁμοούσιαν, as it is called, or the tenet of the Son being of the same substance with the Father. The blasphemies of Arius consisted in the denial of Christ’s being either co-eternal or consubstantial with God. After a lapse of twelve centuries, Socinus lowered him another step by declaring his inferiority to the Father; for that he, as well as all other things, was subject to the supreme Creator of the universe; and although he held his mere humanity, yet, inconsistently enough, he would offer him divine worship! Inconsistently it may be said, because the Socinian, on his own principles, thereby incurs the guilt of idolatry as much as the Roman Catholic who worships the Virgin Mary, a mere created being. The Unitarian, or Humanitarian, sinks the character of the Saviour still lower, by withholding all worship from him; and while he considers him as a mere man, and therefore as not possessing the attributes of the Deity, with an inconsistency as singular as that of Socinus, he acknowledges his divinity so as to call him God; as if the terms Deity and Divinity bore different significations, or as if the principle which constituted the essence of the Godhead were separable from the Godhead itself! It should be observed, that the lowest denomination of unbelievers in the descending scale, namely, the modern Unitarian, combines with his own peculiar errors and impieties all the errors and impieties of both Arius and Socinus, together with an absolute denial of the Holy Ghost being a divine Person. Having touched on the shades of difference which exist between the followers of Arius and Socinus, a more minute detail of the division and subdivision of the classes into which they may be ranged may not be unacceptable to the reader: Arians and Semi-Arians constituted the original distinction; that of a subsequent day was high and low Arians. The high Arians entertain the highest views of the mediatorial influence of Christ, and believe in the entire Scriptures; the low Arians run into the opposite extreme, yet neither high nor low Arians consider Christ to be truly God. The old Socinians admitted the miraculous conception, and the worship of the Son; the modern Socinians do not; a circumstance that identifies the modern Socinian with the Unitarian. Some high Arians, such as Dr. Samuel Clarke, &c, thought that Christ might be worshipped; others of them affect to have no distinct notion of what the Holy Ghost meant, and to believe that worship is not to be addressed to Christ, but through Christ! These variations in the Unitarian creed have been deduced from the evidence of Unitarians themselves, given before the Commissioners of Education Inquiry in Ireland in 1826, as detailed in their Report to Parliament; a circumstance that renders them the more valuable, as it imparts to them a living, speaking authority. It must, however, be observed, that motley as they are, they all terminate in one point, the rejection of Christ’s divinity; and that, diversified as the distinctions appear to be, they all will be ultimately found to be without a shadow of difference. In short, Arians, Socinians, Unitarians, &c, not only agree with each other in their antichristian scheme; but can scarcely be said to differ from the infidel Musselmans, who are taught by their Koran to regard Christ as a great prophet, and the forerunner of their own. With Deism doubtless Unitarianism has an intimate alliance. For Deists reject all the doctrines of the Christian revelation, while Unitarians reject all its peculiar doctrines: 1. The Trinity of Persons in the Godhead. 2. The divinity of Christ. 3. The personality of the Holy Spirit. 4. The miraculous birth of Christ. 5. The atonement of Christ. 6. The sanctification of the Spirit. 7. The existence of angels and spirits; 8. And, therefore, of the devil and his angels. “In what, then,” says the learned Dr. Burgess, bishop of Salisbury, after this enumeration of the peculiar doctrines of Christianity, “does Unitarianism differ from Deism? Deists deny the essential doctrines of Christianity by rejecting the whole of the Christian revelation; Unitarians reject the Christian revelation by denying all its peculiar and essential doctrines.”
The creed established by the famous Council of Nicea, according to Grier in his “Epitome of General Councils,” is the one that Christians follow today; the errors and wrong beliefs it condemned are those that, influenced by Socinus, his modern followers have shaped into their anti-Christian system. Arius, a presbyter in the church of Alexandria, was a highly talented and skilled man, but he had a cold, speculative mind. He blasphemously claimed that there was a time when the Son of God did not exist; that he could exhibit virtue and vice; and that he was a created being, changeable like any creature! It is true that Arius asserted a type of pre-existence when he stated that God created the Son from nothing before creating the world; in other words, that the Son was the first of all created beings. However, this pre-existence does not imply co-existence or co-eternity with the Father. In this way, he denied the divinity of the Son and his co-eternity with the Father. Tempted by pride in his reasoning, as well as his love for novelty, he also dismissed the concept of ὁμοούσιαν, or the belief that the Son is of the same substance as the Father. Arius’s blasphemies were rooted in denying that Christ is either co-eternal or consubstantial with God. After twelve centuries, Socinus took this even further by stating the Son’s inferiority to the Father, claiming that he, like all other beings, was subject to the supreme Creator of the universe; and while he accepted his mere humanity, he inconsistently offered him divine worship! This inconsistency arises because, based on Socinus’s own principles, he incurs the guilt of idolatry just like the Roman Catholic who worships the Virgin Mary, a mere created being. The Unitarian, or Humanitarian, lowers the status of the Savior even more by refusing to worship him; while he sees him as just a man, lacking divine attributes, he also calls him God, which is oddly inconsistent since it suggests that Deity and Divinity have different meanings, or that the essence of divinity can be separated from God himself! It should be noted that the lowest tier of nonbelievers, the modern Unitarian, combines his own unique errors and impieties with those of both Arius and Socinus, along with a complete denial of the Holy Spirit as a divine Person. Having discussed the differences between the followers of Arius and Socinus, a closer look at the divisions and sub-divisions into which they can be categorized may be of interest to the reader: the original distinction was between Arians and Semi-Arians; a later division classified them as high and low Arians. The high Arians hold the most elevated views of Christ’s mediatorial influence and accept the entire Scriptures; the low Arians take the opposite extreme, yet neither group truly considers Christ to be God. The old Socinians acknowledged the miraculous conception and the worship of the Son, while the modern Socinians do not, linking them with the Unitarians. Some high Arians, such as Dr. Samuel Clarke, believed that Christ could be worshipped; others, however, claim not to have a clear understanding of the Holy Spirit and believe that worship should be directed not to Christ directly, but through him! These variations in Unitarian belief are drawn from the statements of Unitarians themselves, given before the Commissioners of Education Inquiry in Ireland in 1826, as discussed in their Report to Parliament; this adds value as it gives them a credible, living authority. It must be noted, however, that despite their diversity, they all converge on one point: the rejection of Christ’s divinity; and while the distinctions may appear varied, they will ultimately be found to be indistinguishable from one another. In summary, Arians, Socinians, Unitarians, etc., not only align in their anti-Christian views but can hardly be said to differ from infidel Muslims, who are taught by their Koran to regard Christ as a great prophet and the forerunner of their own faith. Unitarianism is closely allied with Deism, as Deists reject all doctrines of Christian revelation, while Unitarians reject all its unique doctrines: 1. The Trinity of Persons in the Godhead. 2. The divinity of Christ. 3. The personality of the Holy Spirit. 4. The miraculous birth of Christ. 5. The atonement of Christ. 6. The sanctification of the Spirit. 7. The existence of angels and spirits; 8. And, therefore, of the devil and his angels. “In what, then,” says the learned Dr. Burgess, Bishop of Salisbury, after listing the unique doctrines of Christianity, “does Unitarianism differ from Deism? Deists deny the essential doctrines of Christianity by rejecting the whole of the Christian revelation; Unitarians reject the Christian revelation by denying all its unique and essential doctrines.”
UNIVERSALISTS. Those who believe that Christ so died for all, that, before he shall have delivered up his mediatorial kingdom, all fallen creatures shall be brought to a participation of the benefits of his death, in their restoration to holiness and happiness. They are called also Universal Restorationists, and their doctrine, the doctrine of universal restoration. Some of its friends have maintained it, also, under the name of universal salvation; but perhaps the former name is that by which it should be distinguished; for the Universalists do not hold any universal exemption from future punishment, but merely the recovery of all those that shall have been exposed to it.[A] They have likewise a just claim to this title on other grounds; for their doctrine, which includes the restoration, or “restitution of all the intelligent offspring of God,” or of all
UNIVERSALISTS. Those who believe that Christ died for everyone, and that before He hands over His mediatorial kingdom, all fallen beings will receive the benefits of His death, leading to their restoration to holiness and happiness. They are also called Universal Restorationists, and their belief is known as the doctrine of universal restoration. Some of their supporters have referred to it as universal salvation; however, the former name is likely more accurate because Universalists do not claim any universal exemption from future punishment, but instead focus on the recovery of all those who have faced it. They also rightfully claim this title for other reasons; their doctrine includes the restoration or "restitution of all the intelligent offspring of God," or of all
[Footnote A: This may be true in respect to the Universalists in Europe; but in America there are those who deny any future punishment whatever. In this country also they have formed themselves into separate and distinct societies. Am. Ed.] 939“lapsed intelligences,” seems to embrace even the fallen angels. They admit the reality and equity of future punishment; but they contend that it will be corrective in its nature, and limited in its duration. They teach the doctrine of election, but not in the exclusive Calvinistic sense of it. They suppose that God has chosen some for the good of all; and that his final purpose toward all is intimated by his calling his elect the first-born and the first-fruits of his creatures, which, say they, implies other branches of his family, and a future ingathering of the harvest of mankind. They teach, also, that the righteous shall have part in the first resurrection, shall be blessed and happy, and be made priests and kings to God and to Christ in the millennial kingdom, and that over them the second death shall have no power; that the wicked will receive a punishment apportioned to their crimes; that punishment itself is a mediatorial work, and founded upon mercy, and, consequently, that it is a means of humbling, subduing, and finally reconciling the sinner to God. They add, that the words rendered “eternal,” “everlasting,” “for ever,” and “for ever and ever,” in the Scriptures, are frequently used to express the duration of things that have ended or must end; and if it is contended that these words are sometimes used to express proper eternity, they answer, that then the subject with which the words are connected must determine the sense of them; and as there is nothing in the nature of future punishment which can be offered as a reason why it should be endless, they infer that the above words ought always to be taken in a limited sense when connected with the infliction of misery.
[Footnote A: This might be true regarding the Universalists in Europe; but in America, there are those who deny any future punishment at all. In this country, they have also organized into separate and distinct societies. Am. Ed.] 939 “Lapsed intelligences” seems to include even the fallen angels. They acknowledge the reality and fairness of future punishment; however, they argue that it will be corrective in nature and limited in duration. They teach the doctrine of election, but not in the exclusive Calvinistic sense. They believe that God has chosen some for the benefit of all, and that His ultimate purpose for everyone is hinted at by calling His elect the first-born and the first-fruits of His creations, which implies other branches of His family and a future gathering of humanity. They also teach that the righteous will partake in the first resurrection, will be blessed and happy, and will be made priests and kings to God and to Christ in the millennial kingdom, and that the second death will have no power over them; that the wicked will receive punishment that fits their crimes; that punishment itself is a mediatorial work, based on mercy, and therefore a means of humbling, subduing, and ultimately reconciling the sinner to God. They add that the words translated as “eternal,” “everlasting,” “for ever,” and “for ever and ever” in the Scriptures are often used to indicate the duration of things that have ended or must end; and if it is argued that these words are sometimes used to indicate proper eternity, they respond that then the context of the subject must determine their meaning; and since there is nothing about future punishment that suggests it should be endless, they conclude that these words should always be understood in a limited sense when related to the infliction of suffering.
Those who deny the eternity of future punishments have not formed themselves into any separate body or distinct society; but are to be found in most Christian countries, and among several denominations. Their doctrines form part of the creed of some Arians, as of Mr. Whiston; of many Deists, as of Mr. Hobbes, Mr. Tindal, &c; and of most Socinians. Nor need we be surprised that libertines and atheists hold it, and that they strive to bring others over to their opinion. “The tyranny of priests,” said Dupont the atheist, in the national convention, December, 1792, “extends their opinion to another life, of which they have no other idea than that of eternal punishment; a doctrine which some men have hitherto had the good nature to believe. But these prejudices must now fall: we must destroy them, or they will destroy us.” The Mennonites in Holland have long held the doctrine of the Universalists; the people called Dunkers, or Tunkers, in America, descended from the German Baptists, hold it; and also the Shakers. Excellent refutations of this specious system have been published by the Rev. S. Jerram, and the Rev. Daniel Isaac.
Those who reject the idea of eternal punishment haven’t formed a separate group or society; rather, they can be found in many Christian countries across various denominations. Their beliefs are part of the creed of some Arians, like Mr. Whiston, many Deists, such as Mr. Hobbes and Mr. Tindal, and most Socinians. We shouldn’t be surprised that libertines and atheists also adopt this view and work to convince others to share their beliefs. “The tyranny of priests,” said the atheist Dupont in the national convention in December 1792, “extends their views to another life, of which they only have the idea of eternal punishment; a doctrine that some people have unfortunately chosen to believe. But these prejudices must now be dismantled: we must eliminate them, or they will destroy us.” The Mennonites in Holland have long held beliefs similar to those of the Universalists; the Dunkers in America, who are descended from German Baptists, also believe this, as do the Shakers. Strong refutations of this misleading system have been published by Rev. S. Jerram and Rev. Daniel Isaac.
The Arminians are sometimes called “Universalists,” on account of their holding the tenet of general redemption; in opposition to the Calvinists, who, from their specifically restricting the saving grace of God to certain fore ordained individuals, receive the denomination of “Particularists.” By the epithet “Hypothetical Universalists,” are designated on the continent those who have adopted the theological system of Amyraut and Cameron, but who are better KNOWN in this country as “Baxterians.” See Amyraut, Baxterianism, and Cameron.
The Arminians are sometimes referred to as “Universalists” because they believe in the concept of general redemption. This is in contrast to the Calvinists, who are called “Particularists” due to their belief that God's saving grace is limited to certain predetermined individuals. On the continent, those who follow the theological systems of Amyraut and Cameron are known as “Hypothetical Universalists,” but in this country, they are more commonly recognized as “Baxterians.” See Amyraut, Baxterianism, and Cameron.
UPPER ROOM. The principal rooms anciently in Judea were those above, as they are to this day at Aleppo; the ground floor being chiefly made use of for their horses and servants. “The house in which I am at present living,” says, Jowett, “gives what seems to be a correct idea of the scene of Eutychus’ falling from the upper loft while St. Paul was preaching, Acts xx, 6–12. According to our idea of houses, the scene is very far from intelligible; and, beside this, the circumstance of preaching generally leaves on the mind of cursory readers the notion of a church. To describe this house, which is not many miles distant from the Troad, and perhaps, from the unchanging character of oriental customs, nearly resembles the houses then built, will fully illustrate the narrative. On entering my host’s door, we find the first floor entirely used as a store: it is filled with large barrels of oil, the produce of the rich country for many miles round: this space, so far from being habitable, is sometimes so dirty with the dripping of the oil, that it is difficult to pick out a clean footing from the door to the first step of the staircase. On ascending, we find the first floor, consisting of an humble suit of rooms, not very high; these are occupied by the family for their daily use. It is on the next story that all their expense is lavished: here my courteous host has appointed my lodging: beautiful curtains and mats, and cushions to the divan, display the respect with which they mean to receive their guest. Here, likewise, their splendour, being at the top of the house, is enjoyed by the poor Greeks with more retirement, and less chance of molestation from the intrusion of Turks: here, when the professors of the college waited upon me to pay their respects, they were received in ceremony, and sat at the window. The room is both higher and also larger than those below; it has two projecting windows; and the whole floor is so much extended in front beyond the lower part of the building, that the projecting windows considerably overhang the street. In such an upper room, secluded, spacious, and commodious, St. Paul was invited to preach his parting discourse. The divan, or raised seat, with mats or cushions, encircles the interior of each projecting window; and I have remarked that when the company is numerous, they sometimes place large cushions behind the company seated on the divan; so that a second tier of company, with their feet upon the seat of the divan, are sitting behind, higher than the front row. Eutychus, thus sitting, would be on a level with the open window; and, being overcome with sleep, he would easily fall out from the third loft of the house into the street, and be almost certain, from such a height, to lose 940his life. Thither St. Paul went down, and comforted the alarmed company by bringing up Eutychus alive. It is noted that ‘there were many lights in the upper chamber.’ The very great plenty of oil in this neighbourhood would enable them to afford many lamps; the heat of these and so much company would cause the drowsiness of Eutychus, at that late hour, and be the occasion, likewise, of the windows being open.”
UPPER ROOM. The main rooms in ancient Judea were the ones above, just like they still are today in Aleppo; the ground floor was mostly used for horses and servants. “The house where I’m currently staying,” Jowett says, “gives what seems to be an accurate picture of the scene where Eutychus fell from the upper loft while St. Paul was preaching, Acts xx, 6–12. Our modern understanding of houses makes it hard to grasp this scene; additionally, the idea of preaching often leads casual readers to envision a church. To describe this house, which is just a few miles from the Troad, and likely resembles homes from that time due to the unchanging nature of Eastern customs, will help clarify the narrative. Upon entering my host's door, the first floor is entirely a storage area: it’s packed with large barrels of oil, a product of the rich land surrounding it. This space, far from being livable, is sometimes so dirty from the oil dripping that it’s hard to find a clean spot to step from the door to the first step of the staircase. As we climb up, we find the first floor has a modest set of rooms, not very tall; these are used by the family for their daily activities. It’s on the next level that they spend their resources lavishly: here my gracious host has set up my room; lovely curtains, mats, and cushions for the divan highlight the respect with which they intend to host their guest. Here, in their upper room, the family enjoys their luxury more privately, away from possible interruptions by Turks: when the college professors came to visit me, they were received formally and seated by the window. The room is larger and higher than those below; it has two protruding windows, and the entire floor extends significantly forward beyond the lower part of the building, making the protruding windows hang over the street. In such an upper room, spacious, private, and comfortable, St. Paul was invited to deliver his farewell speech. The divan, or raised seating area, with mats or cushions, encircles the inside of each projecting window; I’ve noticed that when there’s a lot of people, they sometimes place large cushions behind those sitting on the divan, allowing a second row of people with their feet on the divan to sit behind those in front, elevated higher. Eutychus, sitting this way, would be level with the open window; if he were to fall asleep, it would be easy for him to topple out from the third level of the house onto the street, almost certainly resulting in a fatal drop from that height. St. Paul went down, comforting the worried crowd by bringing Eutychus back to life. It’s mentioned that 'there were many lights in the upper chamber.' The abundance of oil in this area would allow them to afford many lamps; the combination of the heat from these and so many people would have made Eutychus drowsy at such a late hour, contributing to the need for the windows to be open.”
URIM AND THUMMIM. The high priests of the Jews, we are told, consulted God in the most important affairs of their commonwealth, and received answers by the Urim and Thummim. What these were, is disputed among the critics. Josephus, and some others, imagine the answer was returned by the stones of the breastplate appearing with an unusual lustre when it was favourable, or in the contrary case dim. Others suppose, that the Urim and Thummim were something enclosed between the folding of the breastplate; this some will have to be the tetragrammaton, or the word יהוה Jehovah. Christophorus de Castro, and after him Dr. Spencer, maintain them to be two little images shut up in the doubling of the breastplate, which gave the oracular answer from thence by an articulate voice. Accordingly, they derive them from the Egyptians, who consulted their lares, and had an oracle, or teraphim, which they called Truth. This opinion, however, has been sufficiently confuted by the learned Dr. Pococke and by Witsius. The more common opinion among Christians concerning the oracle by Urim and Thummim, and which Dr. Prideaux espouses, is, that when the high priest appeared before the veil, clothed with his ephod and breastplate, to ask counsel of God, the answer was given with an audible voice from the mercy seat, within the veil; but, it has been observed, that this account will by no means agree with the history of David’s consulting the oracle by Abiathar, 1 Sam. xxiii, 9, 11; xxx, 7, 8; because the ark, on which was the mercy seat, was then at Kirjathjearim; whereas David was in the one case at Ziklag, and in the other in the forest of Hareth. Braunius and Hottinger have adopted another opinion: they suppose, that, when Moses is commanded to put in the breastplate the Urim and Thummim, signifying lights and perfections in the plural number, it was meant that he should make choice of the most perfect set of stones, and have them so polished as to give the brightest lustre; and, on this hypothesis, the use of the Urim and Thummim, or of these exquisitely polished jewels, was only to be a symbol of the divine presence, and of the light and perfection of the prophetic inspiration; and, as such, constantly to be worn by the high priest in the exercise of his sacred function, especially in consulting the oracle.
URIM AND THUMMIM. The high priests of the Jews, we’re told, consulted God in the most important matters of their community and received answers through the Urim and Thummim. There’s debate among experts about what these were. Josephus and a few others believe the answer came from the stones on the breastplate shining unusually brightly when it was favorable or, in contrast, appearing dull. Others think that the Urim and Thummim were objects enclosed within the folds of the breastplate; some suggest this could be the tetragrammaton, or the word יהוה Jehovah. Christophorus de Castro, and later Dr. Spencer, argued that they were two small images hidden in the breastplate that provided the oracle’s answers through an articulate voice. They trace this idea back to the Egyptians, who consulted their lares and had an oracle, or teraphim, they referred to as Truth. However, this view has been sufficiently challenged by the learned Dr. Pococke and Witsius. The more common belief among Christians regarding the oracle of Urim and Thummim, which Dr. Prideaux supports, is that when the high priest stood before the veil, dressed in his ephod and breastplate, to seek God’s counsel, the answer was given audibly from the mercy seat behind the veil; yet, it has been noted that this explanation does not align with the story of David consulting the oracle through Abiathar, 1 Sam. xxiii, 9, 11; xxx, 7, 8; because the ark, which had the mercy seat, was at Kirjathjearim while David was at Ziklag in one instance and in the forest of Hareth in another. Braunius and Hottinger have proposed a different interpretation: they suggest that when Moses was commanded to place the Urim and Thummim in the breastplate, which mean lights and perfections in plural, it was meant as a directive to select the most perfect set of stones and polish them to shine brightly; according to this view, the purpose of the Urim and Thummim, or these exquisitely polished jewels, was simply to symbolize the divine presence and the light and perfection of prophetic inspiration; as such, they were to be worn at all times by the high priest while performing his sacred duties, especially when consulting the oracle.
Michaëlis observes: That in making distributions of property, and in cases of disputes relative to meum [mine] and tuum, [thine,] recourse was had to the lot, in default of any other means of decision, will naturally be supposed. The whole land was partitioned by lot; and that, in after times, the lot continued to be used, even in courts of justice, we see from Prov. xvi, 33; xviii, 18; where we are expressly taught to remember, that it is Providence which maketh the choice, and that therefore we ought to be satisfied with the decision of the lot, as the will of God. It was for judicial purposes, in a particular manner, that the sacred lot called Urim and Thummim was employed; and on this account the costly embroidered pouch, in which the priest carried this sacred lot on his breast, was called the judicial ornament. “But was this sacred lot used likewise in criminal trials?” Yes, says Michaëlis, only to discover the guilty, to convict them; for in the only two instances of its use in such cases which occur in the whole Bible, namely, in Joshua vii, 14–18, 1 Sam. xiv, 37–45, we find the confessions of the two delinquents, Achan and Jonathan, annexed. It appears also to have been used only in the case of an oath being transgressed which the whole people had taken, or the leader of the host in their name, but not in the case of other crimes; for an unknown murder, for example, was not to be discovered by recourse to the sacred lot.
Michaëlis notes that when it came to dividing property and handling disputes over meum [mine] and yours [yours], drawing lots was often the method used when there were no other ways to decide. The entire land was divided by lot; and later on, lots continued to be used even in court, as seen in Prov. xvi, 33; xviii, 18, where we are reminded that Providence makes the choice, so we should accept the results of the lot as God's will. The sacred lot known as Urim and Thummim was specifically used for judicial purposes, which is why the ornate pouch that the priest wore on his chest to carry this sacred lot was referred to as the judicial ornament. "But was this sacred lot also used in criminal trials?" Yes, Michaëlis answers, but only to identify the guilty and bring them to justice; in fact, the only two instances of its use in such cases found in the Bible, namely Joshua vii, 14–18 and 1 Sam. xiv, 37–45, include the confessions of the two offenders, Achan and Jonathan. It seems this method was only applied in cases of a violated oath made by the entire community or by their leader, but not for other crimes; for example, an unknown murder could not be solved by drawing lots.
The inner sanctuary, within the veil of the tabernacle, observes Dr. Hales, or most holy place, was called the oracle, 1 Kings vi, 16, because there the Lord communed with Moses, face to face, and gave him instructions in cases of legal difficulty or sudden emergency, Exod. xxv, 22; Num. vii, 89; ix, 8; Exod. xxxiii, 11; a high privilege granted to none of his successors. After the death of Moses a different mode was appointed for consulting the oracle by the high priest, who put on “the breastplate of judgment,” a principal part of the pontifical dress, on which were inscribed the words Urim and Thummim, emblematical of divine illumination; as the inscription on his mitre, “Holiness to the Lord,” was of sanctification, Exod. xxviii, 30–37; Lev. viii, 8. Thus prepared, he presented himself before the Lord to ask counsel on public matters, not in the inner sanctuary, which he presumed not to enter, except on the great day of national atonement, but without the veil, with his face toward the ark of the covenant, inside; and behind him, at some distance, without the sanctuary, stood Joshua, the judge, or person who wanted the response, which seems to have been given with an audible voice from within the veil, Num. xxvii, 21, as in the case of Joshua, vi, 6–15; of the Israelites during the civil war with Benjamin, Judges xx, 27, 28; on the appointment of Saul to be king, when he hid himself, 1 Sam. x, 22–24; of David, 1 Sam. xxii, 10; xxiii, 2–12; xxx, 8; 2 Sam. v, 23, 24; of Saul, 1 Sam. xxviii, 6. This mode of consultation subsisted under the tabernacle erected by Moses in the wilderness, and until the building of Solomon’s temple; after which we find no instances of it. The oracles of the Lord were thenceforth delivered by the prophets; as by Ahijah to Jeroboam, 1 Kings xi, 29; by Shemaiah to Rehoboam, 1 Kings xii, 22; by Elijah to Ahab, 1 Kings xvii, 1; xxi, 17–29; by Michaiah to Ahab and Jehoshaphat, 1 Kings xxii, 7; by Elisha to Jehoshaphat and Jehoram, 9412 Kings iii, 11–14; by Isaiah to Hezekiah, 2 Kings xix, 6–34; xx, 1–11; by Huldah to Josiah, 2 Kings xxii, 13–20; by Jeremiah to Zedekiah, Jer. xxxii, 3–5, &c. After the Babylonish captivity, and the last of the prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, the oracle ceased; but its revival was foretold by Ezra, ii, 63, and accomplished by Christ, who was himself the oracle, under the old and new covenants, Gen. xv, 1; John i, 1. See Breastplate.
The inner sanctuary, behind the veil of the tabernacle, as noted by Dr. Hales, or the most holy place, was referred to as the oracle, according to 1 Kings 6:16, because that’s where the Lord spoke with Moses face to face and gave him guidance in legal matters or urgent situations, as seen in Exodus 25:22; Numbers 7:89; 9:8; Exodus 33:11; a privilege not granted to any of his successors. After Moses died, a different way was established for consulting the oracle through the high priest, who would wear “the breastplate of judgment,” a key part of his priestly attire, inscribed with the words Urim and Thummim, symbolizing divine insight; similarly, the inscription on his mitre, “Holiness to the Lord,” represented sanctification, as stated in Exodus 28:30-37; Leviticus 8:8. With this preparation, he would present himself before the Lord to seek guidance on public issues, not entering the inner sanctuary, which he didn’t dare to enter except on the greatest day of national atonement, but standing outside the veil, facing the ark of the covenant inside. Behind him, at a distance outside the sanctuary, stood Joshua, the judge, or the person seeking the answer, which seems to have been given with an audible voice from within the veil, as indicated in Numbers 27:21, like in Joshua 6:6-15; during the Israelites' civil war with Benjamin, Judges 20:27-28; when Saul was appointed king, and he was hiding, 1 Samuel 10:22-24; with David, 1 Samuel 22:10; 23:2-12; 30:8; 2 Samuel 5:23-24; and with Saul, 1 Samuel 28:6. This consultation method continued under the tabernacle built by Moses in the wilderness and until Solomon’s temple was constructed; after that, we don’t see it anymore. The Lord’s oracles were then delivered through the prophets; for example, by Ahijah to Jeroboam, 1 Kings 11:29; by Shemaiah to Rehoboam, 1 Kings 12:22; by Elijah to Ahab, 1 Kings 17:1; 21:17-29; by Michaiah to Ahab and Jehoshaphat, 1 Kings 22:7; by Elisha to Jehoshaphat and Jehoram, 2 Kings 3:11-14; by Isaiah to Hezekiah, 2 Kings 19:6-34; 20:1-11; by Huldah to Josiah, 2 Kings 22:13-20; and by Jeremiah to Zedekiah, Jeremiah 32:3-5, etc. After the Babylonian captivity, and with the last of the prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, the oracle ceased; but its return was predicted by Ezra, 2:63, and fulfilled by Christ, who was himself the oracle, under both the old and new covenants, Genesis 15:1; John 1:1. See Chest plate.
USURY, profit or gain from lending money or goods. Moses enacted a law to the effect that interest should not be taken from a poor person, neither for borrowed money, nor for articles of consumption, for instance, grain, which was borrowed with the expectation of being returned, Exod. xxii, 25; Lev. xxv, 35–37. A difficulty arose in determining who was to be considered a poor person in a case of this kind; and the law was accordingly altered in Deut. xxiii, 20, 21, and extended in its operation to all the Hebrews, whether they had more or less property; so that interest could be lawfully taken only of foreigners. As the system of the Jews went to secure every man’s paternal inheritance to his own family, they could not exact it from their brethren, but only from strangers. As the law of nature does not forbid the receipt of moderate interest in the shape of rent, for the use of lands or houses, neither does it prohibit it for the loan of money or goods. When one man trades with the capital of another, and obtains a profit from it, he is bound in justice to return a part of it to his benefactor, who, in the hands of God, has been a second cause of “giving him power to get wealth.” But should Divine Providence not favour the endeavours of some who have borrowed money, the duty of the lenders is to deal gently with them, and to be content with sharing in their losses, as they have been sharers in their gains. The Hebrews were therefore exhorted to lend money, &c, as a deed of mercy and brotherly kindness, Deut. xv, 7–11; xxiv, 13. And hence it happens that we find encomiums every where bestowed upon those who were willing to lend without insisting upon interest for the use of the thing lent, Psalm xv, 15; xxxvii, 21, 26; cxii, 5; Prov. xix, 17; Ezek. xviii, 8. This regulation in regard to taking interest was very well suited to the condition of a state that had been recently founded, and which had but very little mercantile dealings; and its principle, though not capable of being generally introduced into communities that are much engaged in commerce, may still be exercised toward those who stand toward us in the relation of brethren.
USURY refers to the profit or gain from lending money or goods. Moses established a law that prohibited charging interest to poor individuals, whether for borrowed money or for consumable goods, like grain expected to be returned (Exod. xxii, 25; Lev. xxv, 35–37). A challenge arose in defining who counted as a poor person in these cases, leading to a change in the law found in Deut. xxiii, 20, 21, which broadened the application to all Hebrews, regardless of their wealth, allowing interest to be charged only to foreigners. Since the Jewish system aimed to protect every person’s family inheritance, they could not charge it to their fellow Hebrews, only to outsiders. The natural law does not prohibit receiving a reasonable interest as rent for the use of land or houses, nor does it forbid it for money or goods loaned. When one person uses another's capital to make a profit, they are justly obligated to return some of that profit to the benefactor, who, in the eyes of God, has been instrumental in granting them the ability to earn wealth. However, if Divine Providence does not support certain borrowers, lenders should treat them with kindness and accept sharing in their losses, just as they shared in any gains. Consequently, the Hebrews were encouraged to lend money, etc., as an act of mercy and brotherly love (Deut. xv, 7–11; xxiv, 13). This is why we see praises everywhere for those who were willing to lend without demanding interest for the use of what was lent (Psalm xv, 15; xxxvii, 21, 26; cxii, 5; Prov. xix, 17; Ezek. xviii, 8). This regulation on taking interest was well-suited to a newly formed state with minimal commercial activity, and while its principle may not be widely applicable in highly commercial societies, it can still be practiced towards those who are like family to us.
UZ, Land of, the country of Job. As there were three persons of this name, namely, the son of Aram, the son of Nahor, and the grandson of Seir the Horite, commentators are divided in their opinion as to the situation of the country meant by the land of Uz. Bochart, Spanheim, Calmet, Wells, and others, place it in Arabia Deserta. Michaëlis places it in the valley of Damascus; which city was, in fact, built by Uz, the grandson of Shem. Archbishop Magee, Bishop Lowth, Dr. Hales, Dr. Good, and others, with more reason, fix the scene of the history of Job in Idumea. This is also the opinion of Mr. Horne, who refers for a confirmation of it to Lam. iv, 21, where Uz is expressly said to be in Edom; and to Jer. xlix, 7, 8, 20; Ezek. xxv, 13; Amos i, 11, 12; Obad. 8, 9, where both Teman and Dedan are described as inhabitants of Edom. In effect, says Mr. Horne, nothing is clearer than that the history of an inhabitant of Idumea is the subject of the poem which bears the name of Job, and that all the persons introduced into it were Idumeans, dwelling in Idumea; in other words, Edomite Arabs.
UZ, Land of, the country of Job. Since there were three people with this name— the son of Aram, the son of Nahor, and the grandson of Seir the Horite—scholars disagree about the location of the country referred to as the land of Uz. Bochart, Spanheim, Calmet, Wells, and others place it in Arabia Deserta. Michaëlis locates it in the valley of Damascus; this city was, in fact, established by Uz, the grandson of Shem. Archbishop Magee, Bishop Lowth, Dr. Hales, Dr. Good, and others more convincingly identify the story of Job as taking place in Idumea. Mr. Horne also supports this view, citing Lam. iv, 21, where Uz is specifically mentioned as being in Edom, and Jer. xlix, 7, 8, 20; Ezek. xxv, 13; Amos i, 11, 12; Obad. 8, 9, which describe both Teman and Dedan as inhabitants of Edom. Mr. Horne states that it is clear that the narrative of an Idumean is the subject of the poem called Job, and that all the characters mentioned were Idumeans living in Idumea; in other words, Edomite Arabs.
VEIL. Women were wont to cover their faces with veils in token of modesty, of reverence, and subjection to their husbands, Gen. xxiv, 65; 1 Cor. xi, 3, &c. In modern times, the women of Syria never appear in the streets without their veils. These are of two kinds, the furragi and the common Aleppo veil; the former being worn by some of the Turkish women only, the latter indiscriminately by all. The first is in the form of a large cloak, with long straight sleeves, and a square hood hanging flat on the back; it is sometimes made of linen, sometimes of a shawl or cloth. This veil, reaching to the heels, conceals the whole of the dress, from the neck downward; while the head and face are covered by a large white handkerchief over the head dress and forehead, and a smaller one tied transversely over the lower part of the face, hanging down on the neck. Many of the Turkish women, instead of the smaller handkerchief, use a long piece of black crape stiffened, which, sloping a little from the forehead, leaves room to breathe more freely. In this last way, the ladies are completely disguised; in the former, the eyes and nose remaining visible, they are easily known by their acquaintances. The radid is a species of veil, which Calmet supposes is worn by married women, as a token of their submission and dependence, and descends low down on the person. To lift up the veil of a virgin is reckoned a gross insult; but to take away the veil of a married woman is one of the greatest indignities that she can receive, because it deprives her of the badge which distinguishes and dignifies her in that character, and betokens her alliance to her husband, and her interest in his affections. This is the reason why the spouse so feelingly complains: “They took away my veil, רדד, from me,” Cant. v, 7. When it is forcibly taken away by the husband, it is equivalent to divorce, and justly reckoned a most severe calamity; therefore, God threatened to take away the ornamental dresses of the daughters of Zion, including the radidim, the low descending veils: “In that day the Lord will take away the changeable suits of apparel, and the mantles, and the fine linen, and the hoods, and the veils,” Isaiah iii, 18, &c.
VEIL. Women used to cover their faces with veils as a sign of modesty, respect, and submission to their husbands, Gen. xxiv, 65; 1 Cor. xi, 3, etc. Today, women in Syria still never go out in public without their veils. There are two types: the furragi and the common Aleppo veil; the former is worn only by some Turkish women, while the latter is worn by all. The furragi is a large cloak with long straight sleeves and a flat square hood hanging down the back; it can be made from linen or sometimes from shawl or cloth. This veil reaches down to the heels and covers the entire dress from the neck down, while the head and face are covered by a large white handkerchief draped over the head and forehead, with a smaller one tied across the lower part of the face and hanging down on the neck. Many Turkish women, instead of the smaller handkerchief, use a long piece of stiff black crape that slopes slightly down from the forehead, allowing them to breathe more easily. In this style, the women are completely hidden; in the other, their eyes and nose are visible, making it easier for acquaintances to recognize them. The radid is a type of veil that Calmet suggests is worn by married women as a sign of their submission and dependence, and it hangs low on the body. Lifting the veil of a virgin is seen as a serious insult, but removing the veil of a married woman is one of the greatest humiliations she can face, as it takes away the symbol that signifies and elevates her status, indicating her bond to her husband and her importance in his affection. This is why the bride poignantly laments: “They took away my veil, רדד, from me,” Cant. v, 7. When it is forcibly taken by the husband, it is seen as equivalent to divorce, regarded as a severe disaster; thus, God warned that He would strip away the adornments of the daughters of Zion, including the radidim, the low-hanging veils: “In that day the Lord will take away the changeable suits of apparel, and the mantles, and the fine linen, and the hoods, and the veils,” Isaiah iii, 18, etc.
The ordinary Aleppo veil is a linen sheet, large enough to cover the whole habit from head to foot, and is brought over the face in a manner to conceal all but one eye. This is 942perhaps alluded to by the bridegroom in these words: “Thou hast ravished my heart with one of thine eyes,” Cant. iv, 9. In Barbary, when the ladies appear in public, they always fold themselves up so closely in their hykes, that, even without their veils, one can discover very little of their faces. But, in the summer months, when they retire to their country seats, they walk abroad with less caution; though, even then, on the approach of a stranger, they always drop their veils, as Rebekah did on the approach of Isaac. But, although they are so closely wrapped up, that those who look at them cannot see even their hands, still less their face, yet it is reckoned indecent in a man to fix his eyes upon them; he must let them pass without seeming at all to observe them. When a lady of distinction, says Hanway, travels on horseback, she is not only veiled, but has generally a servant, who runs or rides before her to clear the way; and on such occasions the men, even in the market places, always turn their backs till the women are past, it being thought the highest ill manners to look at them. A lady in the east considers herself degraded when she is exposed to the gaze of the other sex, which accounts for the conduct of Vashti in refusing to obey the command of the king. Their ideas of decency, on the other hand, forbid a virtuous woman to lay aside or even to lift up her veil in the presence of the other sex. She who ventures to disregard this prohibition inevitably ruins her character. From that moment she is noted as a woman of easy virtue, and her act is regarded as a signal for intrigue. Pitts informs us that in Barbary the courtezan appears in public without her veil; and, in Prov. vii, 13, 14, the harlot exposes herself in the same indecent manner: “So she caught him, and kissed him, and with an impudent face,” a face uncovered and shameless, “said unto him, I have peace-offerings with me, this day have I paid my vows.” But it must nevertheless be remarked, that, at different times, and in different parts of the east, the use, or partial use of the veil has greatly varied.
The typical Aleppo veil is a large linen sheet that covers the entire outfit from head to toe, draped over the face in a way that hides everything except one eye. This might be what the bridegroom refers to when he says, “You have stolen my heart with one of your eyes,” in Cant. iv, 9. In Barbary, when women are out in public, they wrap themselves so tightly in their hykes that, even without their veils, little of their faces can be seen. However, in the summer, when they go to their country homes, they’re less cautious when walking outside; yet, upon seeing a stranger, they always drop their veils, just as Rebekah did when she approached Isaac. Even though they’re so tightly wrapped that all a passerby can see are their eyes, it’s considered rude for a man to look at them; he must let them go by without acknowledging them. When a distinguished lady travels on horseback, she’s not only veiled but usually has a servant who goes ahead to clear the way. On these occasions, even in marketplaces, men will turn their backs until the women have passed, as it’s seen as extremely bad manners to look at them. An eastern woman feels degraded when she’s exposed to the gaze of men, which explains Vashti's behavior when she defied the king’s command. Their standards of decency also prevent a respectable woman from taking off or even lifting her veil in front of men. Any woman who disregards this rule risks damaging her reputation. From that point on, she’s labeled as promiscuous, and her actions are seen as invitations for seduction. Pitts notes that in Barbary, a courtesan goes out in public without her veil; similarly, in Prov. vii, 13, 14, the harlot shows herself in the same bold way: “So she caught him and kissed him, and with a brazen face,” uncovered and shameless, “said to him, I have peace-offerings with me; today I fulfilled my vows.” However, it should be noted that the use, or partial use, of the veil has changed significantly at different times and in various parts of the east.
VINE, גפן, Gen. xl, 9; ἄμπελος, Matt. xxvi, 29; Mark xiv, 25; Luke xxii, 18; John xv, 4, 5; James iii, 12; Rev. xiv, 19; a noble plant of the creeping kind, famous for its fruit, or grapes, and the liquor they afford. The vine is a common name or genus, including several species under it; and Moses, to distinguish the true vine, or that from which wine is made, from the rest, calls it, the wine vine, Num. vi, 4. Some of the other sorts were of a poisonous quality, as appears from the story related among the miraculous acts of Elisha, 2 Kings iv, 39, 41. (See Grapes.) The expression of “sitting every man under his own vine,” probably alludes to the delightful eastern arbours, which were partly composed of vines. Capt. Norden, in like manner, speaks of vine arbours as common in the Egyptian gardens; and the Prænestine pavement in Dr. Shaw gives us the figure of an ancient one. Plantations of trees about houses are found very useful in hot countries, to give them an agreeable coolness. The ancient Israelites seem to have made use of the same means, and probably planted fruit trees, rather than other kinds, to produce that effect. “It is their manner in many places,” says Sir Thomas Rowe’s chaplain, speaking of the country of the Great Mogul, “to plant about and among their buildings, trees which grow high and broad, the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool: this I observed in a special manner, when we were ready to enter Amadavar; for it appeared to us as if we had been entering a wood rather than a city.” “Immediately on entering,” says Turner, “I was ushered into the court yard of the aga, whom I found smoking under a vine, surrounded by horses, servants, and dogs, among which I distinguished an English pointer.” There were in Palestine many excellent vineyards. Scripture celebrates the vines of Sorek, of Sebamah, of Jazer, of Abel. Profane authors mention the excellent wines of Gaza, Sarepta, Libanus, Saron, Ascalon, and Tyre. Jacob, in the blessing which he gave Judah, “Binding his foal unto the vine, and his ass’s colt unto the choice vine, he washed his garments in wine, and his clothes in the blood of grapes,” Gen. xlix, 11; he showed the abundance of vines that should fall to his lot. “Joseph is a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well, whose branches hang over the wall,” Gen. xlix, 22. “To the northward and westward,” says Morier, “are several villages, interspersed with extensive orchards and vineyards, the latter of which are generally enclosed by high walls. The Persian vine dressers do all in their power to make the vine run up the wall, and curl over on the other side, which they do by tying stones to the extremity of the tendril. The vine, particularly in Turkey and Greece, is frequently made to entwine on trellises around a well, where, in the heat of the day, whole families collect themselves, and sit under the shade.”
VINE, Grape, Gen. xl, 9; ἄμπελος, Matt. xxvi, 29; Mark xiv, 25; Luke xxii, 18; John xv, 4, 5; James iii, 12; Rev. xiv, 19; a remarkable plant that creeps along the ground, known for its fruit, or grapes, and the wine they produce. The term "vine" is a general name that encompasses several species; Moses refers to the true vine, or the one used to make wine, as the wine vine, Num. vi, 4. Some other types were toxic, as indicated by the story of Elisha’s miraculous acts, 2 Kings iv, 39, 41. (See Grapes.) The phrase "sitting every man under his own vine" likely refers to the enjoyable eastern arbors partly made of vines. Capt. Norden similarly mentions that vine arbors are common in Egyptian gardens, and the Prænestine pavement in Dr. Shaw includes a depiction of an ancient one. Planting trees around houses is very useful in hot climates, providing a pleasant cooling effect. The ancient Israelites probably did the same, favoring fruit trees to achieve that. "In many places," notes Sir Thomas Rowe’s chaplain regarding the country of the Great Mogul, "they plant high and wide trees around their buildings, whose shade keeps their houses much cooler: I particularly noticed this as we approached Amadavar; it felt more like entering a forest than a city." "As soon as I entered," says Turner, "I found myself in the courtyard of the aga, who was smoking under a vine, surrounded by horses, servants, and dogs, including an English pointer." Palestine had many excellent vineyards. The Bible praises the vines of Sorek, Sebamah, Jazer, and Abel. Classical writers mention the fine wines from Gaza, Sarepta, Libanus, Saron, Ascalon, and Tyre. Jacob, in blessing Judah, "Bound his foal to the vine, and his donkey's colt to the choice vine; he washed his garments in wine, and his clothes in the blood of grapes," Gen. xlix, 11; indicating the abundance of vines he would inherit. "Joseph is a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well, whose branches hang over the wall," Gen. xlix, 22. "To the north and west," says Morier, "there are several villages interspersed with wide orchards and vineyards, usually enclosed by high walls. Persian vine growers do their best to make the vine climb up the wall and curve over the other side by tying stones to the end of the tendril. The vine, especially in Turkey and Greece, is often trained to climb on trellises around a well, where entire families gather during the heat of the day to sit in the shade."
Noah planted the vine after the deluge, and is supposed to have been the first who cultivated it, Gen. ix, 20. Many are of opinion that wine was not unknown before the deluge; and that this patriarch only continued to cultivate the vine after that event, as he had done before it: but the fathers think that he knew not the force of wine, having never used it before, nor having ever seen any one use it. He was the first that gathered the juice of the grape, and preserved it till by fermentation it became a potable liquor. Before him men only ate the grapes like other fruit. The law of Moses did not allow the planters of vineyards to eat the fruit before the fifth year, Lev. xix, 24, 25. The Israelites were also required to indulge the poor, the orphan, and the stranger, with the use of the grapes on the seventh year. A traveller was allowed to gather and eat the grapes in a vineyard as he passed along, but he was not permitted to carry any away, Deut. xxiii, 24. The scarcity of fuel, especially wood, in most parts of the east, is so great, that they supply it with every thing capable of burning; cow dung dried, roots, parings of fruits, withered stalks of herbs and flowers, Matthew vi, 30. Vine twigs are particularly 943mentioned as used for fuel in dressing their food, by D’Arvieux, La Roque, and others: Ezekiel says, in his parable of the vine, used figuratively for the people of God, “Shall wood be taken thereof to do any work? Or will men take a pin of it to hang any vessel thereon? Behold, it is cast into the fire for fuel,” Ezekiel xv, 3, 4. “If a man abide not in me,” saith our Lord, “he is cast forth as a branch” of the vine, “and is withered; and men gather them, and cast them into the fire, and they are burned,” John xv, 6.
Noah planted the vine after the flood and is believed to have been the first to cultivate it, Gen. ix, 20. Many believe that wine was known before the flood, and that Noah simply continued to grow grapes afterward, as he had before. However, the early church fathers think he didn't understand the effects of wine, having never used it before or seen anyone else use it. He was the first to gather grape juice and preserve it until it fermented into a drinkable liquid. Before him, people just ate grapes like any other fruit. The law of Moses did not permit vineyard owners to eat the fruit before the fifth year, Lev. xix, 24, 25. The Israelites were also required to allow the poor, orphans, and strangers to use the grapes in the seventh year. A traveler could gather and eat grapes from a vineyard as he passed through, but he wasn’t allowed to take any away, Deut. xxiii, 24. The scarcity of fuel, especially wood, in most parts of the East is so great that they use anything that can burn, including dried cow dung, roots, fruit peels, and withered stalks of herbs and flowers, Matthew vi, 30. Vine twigs are specifically mentioned as fuel for cooking by D’Arvieux, La Roque, and others: Ezekiel says in his parable of the vine, used figuratively for God’s people, “Can wood be taken from it to do any work? Or can a pin be taken from it to hang anything on? Look, it is thrown into the fire for fuel,” Ezekiel xv, 3, 4. “If anyone does not remain in me,” says our Lord, “he is thrown away like a branch of the vine and withers; people gather them and throw them into the fire, and they are burned,” John xv, 6.
VINEGAR, חמץ, Num. vi, 3; Ruth ii, 14; Psalm lxix, 21; Prov. x, 26; xxv, 20; ὄξος, Matt. xxvii, 48; Mark xv, 36; John xix, 29, 30; an acid produced by a second fermentation of vinous liquors. The law of the Nazarite was that he should “separate himself from wine and strong drink, and should drink no vinegar of wine, nor vinegar of strong drink, nor any liquor of grapes.” This is exactly the same prohibition that was given in the case of John the Baptist, Luke i, 15, οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὺ μὴ ϖίῃ, wine and sikera he shall not drink. Any inebriating liquor, says Jerom, is called sicera, whether made of corn, apples, honey, dates, or other fruits. One of the four prohibited drinks among the Mohammedans in India is called sakar, which signifies inebriating drink in general, but especially date wine. From the original word, probably, we have our term cider or sider, which among us, exclusively means the fermented juice of apples. Vinegar was used by harvesters for their refreshment. Boaz told Ruth that she might come and dip her bread in vinegar with his people. Pliny says, ”Aceto summa vis in refrigerando.” [There is the greatest power in vinegar, in cooling.] It made a very cooling beverage. It was generally diluted with water. When very strong, it affected the teeth disagreeably, Prov. x, 26. In Proverbs xxv, 20, the singing of songs to a heavy heart is finely compared to the contrariety or colluctation between vinegar and nitre; untimely mirth to one in anxiety serves only to exasperate, and as it were put into a ferment by the intrusion.
VINEGAR, Chametz, Num. vi, 3; Ruth ii, 14; Psalm lxix, 21; Prov. x, 26; xxv, 20; ὄξος, Matt. xxvii, 48; Mark xv, 36; John xix, 29, 30; is an acid that comes from a second fermentation of alcoholic drinks. The rule for Nazarites was that they should "stay away from wine and strong drinks, and should not drink vinegar made from wine, or vinegar from strong drinks, nor any grape-based liquor." This is the same rule given for John the Baptist, Luke i, 15, οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὺ μὴ ϖίῃ, he shall not drink wine or sikera. Jerom states that any intoxicating drink is called sicera, whether it's made from grains, apples, honey, dates, or other fruits. One of the four forbidden drinks among Muslims in India is called sakar, which generally means intoxicating drink, especially date wine. Our term cider or sider likely comes from this original word, which exclusively refers to the fermented juice of apples in our language. Vinegar was used by harvesters to refresh themselves. Boaz told Ruth she could come and dip her bread in vinegar with his people. Pliny notes, ”Vinegar is great for chilling.” [There is great power in vinegar for cooling.] It made a very refreshing drink, usually mixed with water. When it's too strong, it can be unpleasant for the teeth, Prov. x, 26. In Proverbs xxv, 20, singing songs to someone with a heavy heart is beautifully compared to the clash between vinegar and nitre; inappropriate joy for someone who is anxious only makes things worse, as if they were put into a state of turmoil by the intrusion.
The Emperor Pescennius Niger gave orders that his soldiers should drink nothing but vinegar on their marches. That which the Roman soldiers offered to our Saviour at his crucifixion, was, probably, the vinegar they made use of for their own drinking. Constantine the Great allowed them wine and vinegar alternately, every day. This vinegar was not of that sort which we use for salads and sauces; but it was a tart wine called pesca, or sera. They make great use of it in Spain and Italy, in harvest time. They use it also in Holland, and on shipboard, to correct the ill taste of the water.
The Emperor Pescennius Niger ordered that his soldiers drink only vinegar during their marches. The vinegar offered to our Savior at his crucifixion was probably the same type the Roman soldiers used for their own drinks. Constantine the Great allowed them to alternate between wine and vinegar every day. This vinegar wasn’t the kind we use for salads and sauces; it was a sharp wine called pesca or sera. It’s commonly used in Spain and Italy during harvest time. They also use it in Holland and on ships to improve the taste of the water.
VIPER, אפעה, Job xx, 16; Isaiah xxx, 6; lix, 5; ἔχιδνα, Matt. iii, 7; xii, 34; xxiii, 33; Luke iii, 7; Acts xxviii, 3; a serpent famed for the venomousness of its bite, which is one of the most dangerous poisons in the animal kingdom. So remarkable, says Dr. Mead, has the viper been for its venom, that the remotest antiquity made it an emblem of what is hurtful and destructive. Nay, so terrible was the nature of these creatures, that they were very commonly thought to be sent as executioners of divine vengeance upon mankind, for enormous crimes which had escaped the course of justice. An instance of such an opinion as this we have in the history of St. Paul, Acts xxviii, whom the people of Melita, when they saw the viper leap upon his hand, presently concluded to be a murderer; and as readily made a god of him when, instead of having his hand inflamed, or falling down dead, one or other of which is usually the effect of these bites, he without any harm shook the reptile into the fire: it being obvious enough to imagine that he must stand in a near relation at least to the gods themselves, who could thus command the messengers of their vengeance, and counterwork the effects of such powerful agents.
VIPER, אפעה, Job xx, 16; Isaiah xxx, 6; lix, 5; ἔχιδνα, Matt. iii, 7; xii, 34; xxiii, 33; Luke iii, 7; Acts xxviii, 3; a snake known for the deadly nature of its bite, which produces one of the most dangerous poisons in the animal kingdom. Dr. Mead notes that the viper has been so infamous for its venom that ancient times regarded it as a symbol of harm and destruction. In fact, these creatures were commonly believed to be sent as agents of divine punishment against people for severe crimes that had evaded justice. A relevant example of this belief is found in the story of St. Paul in Acts xxviii; when the people of Melita saw the viper attach itself to his hand, they immediately assumed he was a murderer, but just as quickly regarded him as a god when, instead of becoming inflamed or dropping dead—typical outcomes of such bites—he shook the snake into the fire without any harm. It seemed clear to them that he must be closely associated with the gods, as he had the power to command the agents of divine wrath and neutralize the effects of such potent creatures.
VISION, the act of seeing; but, in Scripture, it generally signifies a supernatural appearance, either by dream or in reality, by which God made known his will and pleasure to those to whom it was vouchsafed, Acts ix, 10, 12; xvi, 9, xxvi, 13; 2 Cor. xii, 1. Thus, in the earliest times, to patriarchs, prophets, and holy men God sent angels, he appeared to them himself by night in dreams, he illuminated their minds, he made his voice to be heard by them, he sent them ecstasies, and transported them beyond themselves, and made them hear things that eye had not seen, ear had not heard, and which had not entered into the heart of man. The Lord showed himself to Moses, and spoke to him when he was at the mouth of the cave. Jesus Christ manifested himself to his Apostles, in his transfiguration upon the mount, and on several other occasions after his resurrection. God appeared to Abraham under the form of three travellers; he showed himself to Isaiah and Ezekiel, in the splendour of his glory. Vision is also used for the prophecies written by the prophets. The beatific vision denotes the act of angels and glorified spirits beholding in heaven the unveiled splendours of the Lord Jehovah, and privileged to contemplate his perfections and plans in and by himself.
VISION refers to the act of seeing; however, in Scripture, it usually means a supernatural appearance, whether through a dream or in reality, by which God revealed his will and intentions to those who were granted this experience, as seen in Acts 9:10, 12; 16:9; 26:13; and 2 Corinthians 12:1. In ancient times, God sent angels to patriarchs, prophets, and holy people, appeared to them directly in dreams at night, enlightened their minds, made his voice audible to them, induced ecstasies, and transported them beyond themselves, allowing them to hear things that no one has seen, heard, or even imagined. The Lord revealed himself to Moses and spoke to him at the entrance of the cave. Jesus Christ showed himself to his Apostles during his transfiguration on the mountain and on several other occasions after his resurrection. God appeared to Abraham in the form of three travelers and revealed himself to Isaiah and Ezekiel in all his glory. The term "vision" is also used to refer to the prophecies written by the prophets. The beatific vision describes the experience of angels and glorified beings in heaven as they behold the unveiled glory of the Lord Jehovah, allowed to contemplate his perfections and plans directly.
VOCATION, or CALLING, is a gracious act of God in Christ, by which, through his word and Spirit, he calls forth sinful men, who are liable to condemnation and placed under the dominion of sin, from the condition of the animal life, and from the pollutions and corruptions of this world, 2 Tim. i, 9; Matt. xi, 28; 1 Peter ii, 9, 10; Gal. i, 4; 2 Peter ii, 20; Romans x, 13–15; 1 Peter iii, 19; Gen. vi, 3, unto “the fellowship of Jesus Christ,” and of his kingdom and its benefits; that, being united unto him as their head, they may derive from him life, sensation, motion, and a plenitude of every spiritual blessing, to the glory of God and their own salvation, 1 Cor. i, 9; Gal. ii, 20; Eph. i, 3, 6; 2 Thess. ii, 13, 14. The end intended is, that they who have been called answer by faith to God and to Christ who give the call, and that they thus become the covenanted people of God through Christ the Mediator of the new covenant; and, after having become believers and parties to the covenant, 944that they love, fear, honour, and worship God and Christ, render in all things obedience to the divine precepts “in righteousness and true holiness,” and that by this means they “make their calling and election sure,” Prov. i, 24; Heb. iii, 7; Rev. iii, 20; Eph. ii, 11–16; Titus iii, 8; Deut. vi, 4, 5; Jer. xxxii, 38, 39; Luke i, 74, 75; 2 Peter i, 1, 10. The glory of God, who is supremely wise, good, merciful, just, and powerful, is so luminously displayed in this communication both of his grace and glory, as deservedly to raise into rapturous admiration the minds of angels and of men, and to employ their loosened tongues in celebrating the praises of Jehovah, Rev. iv, 8–11; v, 8–10. See Calling.
CALLING, or VOCATION, is a generous act of God through Christ, by which, through His word and Spirit, He calls sinful people, who are at risk of punishment and under the control of sin, out of their ordinary state of existence and from the impurities and corruptions of this world, 2 Tim. i, 9; Matt. xi, 28; 1 Peter ii, 9, 10; Gal. i, 4; 2 Peter ii, 20; Romans x, 13–15; 1 Peter iii, 19; Gen. vi, 3, into “the fellowship of Jesus Christ,” and into His kingdom and its benefits; so that, united with Him as their head, they can receive from Him life, feeling, movement, and an abundance of every spiritual blessing, to the glory of God and their own salvation, 1 Cor. i, 9; Gal. ii, 20; Eph. i, 3, 6; 2 Thess. ii, 13, 14. The goal is that those who have been called respond with faith to God and to Christ who calls them, and that they thus become the chosen people of God through Christ, the Mediator of the new covenant; and, after becoming believers and participants in the covenant, 944 that they love, fear, honor, and worship God and Christ, and obey God's commandments “in righteousness and true holiness,” thereby “making their calling and election sure,” Prov. i, 24; Heb. iii, 7; Rev. iii, 20; Eph. ii, 11–16; Titus iii, 8; Deut. vi, 4, 5; Jer. xxxii, 38, 39; Luke i, 74, 75; 2 Peter i, 1, 10. The glory of God, who is supremely wise, good, merciful, just, and powerful, shines brightly in this sharing of His grace and glory, inspiring admirable awe in the hearts of angels and humans alike, and prompting them to celebrate the praises of Jehovah, Rev. iv, 8–11; v, 8–10. See Call.
VOW, a promise made to God, of doing some good thing hereafter. The use of vows is observable throughout Scripture. When Jacob went into Mesopotamia, he vowed to God the tenth of his estate, and promised to offer it at Bethel, to the honour of God, Gen. xxviii, 22. Moses enacts several laws for the regulation and execution of vows. A man might devote himself, or his children, to the Lord. Jephthah devoted his daughter, Judges xi, 30, 31. Samuel was vowed or consecrated to the service of the Lord before his birth, by his pious mother Hannah; and was really offered to him, to serve in the tabernacle, 1 Sam. i, 21, &c. If a man and woman vowed themselves to the Lord, they were obliged to adhere strictly to his service, according to the conditions of the vow; but in some cases they might be redeemed. A man from twenty years of age till sixty, gave fifty shekels of silver; and a woman thirty, Lev. xxvii, 3. From the age of five years to twenty, a man gave twenty shekels, and a woman ten; from a month old to five years, they gave for a boy five shekels, and for a girl three. A man of sixty years old, or upward, gave fifteen shekels, and a woman of the same age gave ten. If the person was poor, and could not procure this sum, the priest imposed a ransom upon him, according to his abilities. If any one had vowed an animal that was clean, he had not the liberty of redeeming it, or of exchanging it, but was obliged to sacrifice it to the Lord. If it was an unclean animal, and such as was not allowed to be sacrificed, the priest made a valuation of it; and if the proprietor would redeem it, he added a fifth part to the value, by way of forfeit. They did the same in proportion, when the thing vowed was a house or a field. They could not devote the first born, because in their own nature they belonged to the Lord, Lev. xxvii, 28, 29. Whatever was devoted by way of anathema, could not be redeemed, of whatever nature or quality it was. An animal was put to death, and other things were devoted for ever to the Lord. The consecration of Nazarites was a particular kind of vow. The vows and promises of children were void, of course, except they were ratified either by the express or tacit consent of their parents. It was the same with the vows of a married woman; they were of no validity, except confirmed by the express or tacit consent of her husband, Num. xxx. But widows, or liberated wives, were bound by their vows, whatever they were.
VOW, a promise made to God to do something good in the future. The practice of making vows is seen throughout the Bible. When Jacob went to Mesopotamia, he promised God a tenth of his wealth and pledged to offer it at Bethel in honor of God (Gen. xxviii, 22). Moses established various laws for the management and fulfillment of vows. A man could dedicate himself or his children to the Lord. Jephthah dedicated his daughter (Judges xi, 30, 31). Samuel was promised to God's service before he was born by his devoted mother Hannah and was actually offered to serve in the tabernacle (1 Sam. i, 21, &c). If a man and woman dedicated themselves to the Lord, they were required to fully commit to his service according to the vow conditions, but in some cases, they could be redeemed. A man aged twenty to sixty would give fifty shekels of silver; a woman, thirty (Lev. xxvii, 3). From ages five to twenty, a man would give twenty shekels; a woman, ten. From one month to five years, the amount was five shekels for a boy and three for a girl. A man sixty years old or older would give fifteen shekels; a woman of the same age, ten. If someone was poor and couldn't afford the full amount, the priest would set a ransom based on what they could manage. If a person vowed a clean animal, they couldn't redeem or exchange it but had to sacrifice it to the Lord. If it was an unclean animal that couldn't be sacrificed, the priest would assign a value to it, and if the owner chose to redeem it, they would have to add a fifth of the value as a penalty. The same principle applied to redeeming vowed houses or fields. They couldn't dedicate the firstborn, as they inherently belonged to the Lord (Lev. xxvii, 28, 29). Anything devoted through anathema couldn't be redeemed, regardless of its nature or quality. An animal would be killed, and other things would be dedicated forever to the Lord. The consecration of Nazarites was a specific type of vow. The vows made by children were automatically invalid unless confirmed by either their parents' explicit or implicit consent. The same applied to the vows of a married woman; they were not valid unless confirmed by her husband's explicit or implicit consent (Num. xxx). However, widows or divorced women were bound by their vows, no matter what they were.
Whosoever invokes the awful name of God to witness any untruth, knowing it to be such, is guilty of taking it in vain. Our Lord did not mean to preclude solemn appeals to heaven, whether oaths or vows, in courts of justice, or in important compacts. For an oath, or appeal to the greatest of all beings, as the Searcher of hearts, to witness a transaction, and to punish falsehood or perjury, is necessary, for putting an end to all strife or controversy among men, to promote confirmation or security of property, Heb. vi, 16. And it was sanctioned by the example of God, swearing by himself, Genesis xxii, 15; Heb. vi, 17, 18; and by the example of the patriarchs and saints of old; thus Abraham swore by the most high God, Creator of heaven and earth, Gen. xiv, 22; the transjordanite tribes, by the God of gods, the Lord, Joshua xxii, 22. And the law prescribed, “Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and serve him, and shalt swear by his name,” Deut. vi, 13. And afterward, “All Judah rejoiced at the oath, for they had sworn unto the Lord with a loud voice, with all their heart, and sought him with their whole desire: and he was found of them; and the Lord gave them rest round about,” 2 Chron. xv, 14, 15. And a highly gifted Apostle uses the following most solemn asseveration, “The God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is blessed for evermore, knoweth that I lie not,” 2 Cor. xi, 31. See the vows of the priests and Levites, to put away strange wives, Ezra x, 5; and to take no usury from their brethren, Neh. x, 29. St. Paul also vowed a vow, which he performed, Acts xviii, 18; xxi, 23. Our Lord, therefore, reënacted the law, while he guarded against the abuse of it, by prohibiting all oaths in common conversation, as a profanation either of God’s name, where that was irreverently used, or where any of his works was substituted instead of the awful and terrible name of the Lord, which the Jews, through superstitious dread, at length ceased to use, from misinterpretation of Deut. xxviii, 58: “But I say unto you, Swear not at all,” in common conversation, by any of your usual oaths, “neither by heaven, for it is God’s throne; nor by the earth, for it is his footstool,” &c. For, by the detestable casuistry of the scribes and Pharisees, some oaths were reckoned binding, others not, as we learn from the sequel; thus, to swear by the temple, the altar, heaven, &c, they considered as not binding: but to swear by the gold of the temple, by the gift on the altar, &c, they considered as binding; the absurdity and impiety of which practice is well exposed by our Lord in Matt. xxiii, 16–22.
Whoever uses the serious name of God to support a lie, knowing it’s a lie, is guilty of taking His name in vain. Our Lord didn't intend to forbid serious appeals to heaven, whether through oaths or vows, in courts of law or important agreements. An oath or calling upon the greatest of all beings, as the Searcher of hearts, to confirm a transaction and punish dishonesty or perjury, is essential for resolving disputes among people and ensuring the security of property, Heb. vi, 16. This practice was endorsed by God Himself, who swore by Himself, Genesis xxii, 15; Heb. vi, 17, 18, and by the examples of the patriarchs and saints of the past. For instance, Abraham swore by the Most High God, Creator of heaven and earth, Gen. xiv, 22; the tribes across the Jordan swore by the God of gods, the Lord, Joshua xxii, 22. The law states, "You shall fear the Lord your God, serve Him, and swear by His name," Deut. vi, 13. Later, “All Judah rejoiced at the oath, for they had sworn to the Lord with a loud voice, with all their heart, and sought Him with their whole desire; and He was found by them; and the Lord gave them rest all around,” 2 Chron. xv, 14, 15. A highly gifted Apostle makes a serious declaration, “The God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is blessed forever, knows that I am not lying,” 2 Cor. xi, 31. Look at the vows of the priests and Levites to put away foreign wives, Ezra x, 5, and to take no interest from their fellow Israelites, Neh. x, 29. St. Paul also made a vow, which he completed, Acts xviii, 18; xxi, 23. Therefore, our Lord reaffirmed the law while preventing its abuse by forbidding all oaths in casual conversations, as this would dishonor God’s name whether used irreverently or when any of His works were used instead of the sacred name of the Lord, which the Jews, out of superstitious fear, eventually stopped using due to a misinterpretation of Deut. xxviii, 58: “But I say to you, Do not swear at all,” in casual conversations, by any of your regular oaths, “neither by heaven, for it is God’s throne; nor by the earth, for it is His footstool,” etc. Because of the terrible reasoning of the scribes and Pharisees, some oaths were considered binding while others were not, as we learn later. For example, they thought that swearing by the temple, the altar, heaven, etc., was not binding, but swearing by the gold of the temple, by the gift on the altar, etc., was binding; the absurdity and irreverence of this practice is thoroughly pointed out by our Lord in Matt. xxiii, 16–22.
VULGATE, a very ancient Latin translation of the Bible; and the only one the church of Rome acknowledges to be authentic. The ancient Vulgate of the Old Testament was translated almost word for word, from the Greek of the Septuagint. The author of the version is not known. It was a long time known by the name of the Italic, or old version; 945as being of very great antiquity in the Latin church. It was the common, or vulgar version, before St. Jerom made a new one from the Hebrew original, with occasional references to the Septuagint; whence it has its name Vulgate. Nobilius, in 1558, and F. Morin, in 1628, gave new editions of it; pretending to have restored and re-collated it from the ancients who had cited it. It has since been retouched from the correction of St. Jerom; and it is this mixture of the ancient Italic version, and some corrections of St. Jerom, that is now called the Vulgate, and which the council of Trent has declared to be authentic. It is this Vulgate alone that is used in the Romish church, excepting some passages of the ancient Vulgate, which were left in the Missal and the Psalms, and which are still sung according to the old Italic version. St. Jerom declares that, in his revisal of the Italic version, he used great care and circumspection, never varying from that version but when he thought it misrepresented the sense. But as the Greek copies to which he had access were not so ancient as those from which the Italic version had been made, some learned authors have been of opinion that it would have been much better if he had collected all the copies, and, by comparing them, have restored that translation to its original purity. It is plain that he never completed this work, and that he even left some faults in it, for fear of varying too much from the ancient version, since he renders in his commentaries some words otherwise than he has done in his translation. This version was not introduced into the church but by degrees, for fear of offending weak persons. Rufinus, notwithstanding his enmity to St. Jerom, and his having exclaimed much against this performance, was one of the first to prefer it to the vulgar or Italian. This translation gained at last so great an authority, by the approbation of Pope Gregory I., and his declared preference of it to every other, that it was subsequently brought into public use through all the western churches. Although it was not regarded as authentic, except by the council of Trent, it is certainly of some use, as serving to illustrate several passages both of the Old and New Testament.
VULGATE, a very old Latin translation of the Bible, is the only version that the Roman church recognizes as authentic. The ancient Vulgate of the Old Testament was translated almost word for word from the Greek Septuagint. The author of this version is unknown. It was long referred to as the Italic or old version due to its great antiquity in the Latin church. It was the standard or common version before St. Jerome created a new one from the Hebrew original, with occasional references to the Septuagint, which is how it got its name, Vulgate. Nobilius, in 1558, and F. Morin, in 1628, released new editions, claiming to have restored and compared it to what had been cited by ancient authors. It has since been revised with corrections from St. Jerome; this blend of the ancient Italic version and some of St. Jerome's corrections is what we now call the Vulgate, which the Council of Trent declared to be authentic. This Vulgate is the only version used in the Roman church, except for some passages of the ancient Vulgate that remain in the Missal and the Psalms and are still sung according to the old Italic version. St. Jerome stated that in revising the Italic version, he was very careful and cautious, never straying from it unless he believed it misrepresented the meaning. However, since the Greek copies he had access to were not as ancient as those used for the Italic version, some scholars believe it would have been better if he had gathered all the copies and compared them to restore that translation to its original state. It is clear that he never finished this task and even left some errors in it, fearing that he might deviate too much from the original version, as he translates some words differently in his commentaries than in his translation. This version was gradually introduced into the church to avoid upsetting weaker individuals. Rufinus, despite his opposition to St. Jerome and his strong criticism of this work, was among the first to prefer it over the common Italian version. Eventually, this translation gained significant authority, endorsed by Pope Gregory I, who openly preferred it to all others, leading to its widespread use in all the western churches. Although it wasn't regarded as authentic until the Council of Trent, it certainly serves a purpose, helping to clarify several passages in both the Old and New Testaments.
The two principal popish editions of the Vulgate are those of pope Sixtus V. and Clement VIII.: the former was printed in 1590, after Pope Sixtus had collected the most ancient MSS. and best printed copies, summoned the most learned men out of all the nations of the Christian world, assembled a congregation of cardinals for their assistance and counsel, and presided over the whole himself. This edition was declared to be corrected in the very best manner possible, and published with a tremendous excommunication against every person who should presume ever afterward to alter the least particle of the edition thus authentically promulgated by his holiness, sitting in that chair, in quâ Petri vivit potestas, et excellit auctoritas, [in which the power of Peter lived, and his authority excelled.] The other edition was published in 1592, by Pope Clement VIII.; which was so different from that of Sixtus, as to contain two thousand variations, some of whole verses, and many others clearly and designedly contradictory in sense; and yet this edition is also, ex cathedrâ, [from the chair,] pronounced as the only authentic one, and enforced by the same sentence of excommunication with the former. Clement suppressed the edition of his predecessor; so that copies of the Sixtine Vulgate are now very scarce, and have long been reckoned among literary rarities. Our learned countryman, Dr. James, the celebrated correspondent and able coadjutor of Archbishop Usher, relates, with all the ardour of a hard student, the delight which he experienced on unexpectedly obtaining a Sixtine copy; and he used it to good and effective purpose in his very clever book, entitled “Bellum Papale,” in which he has pointed out numerous additions, omissions, contradictions, and glaring differences between the Sixtine and Clementine editions. All the popish champions are exceedingly shy about recognizing this irreconcilable conflict between the productions of two such infallible personages; and the boldest of them wish to represent it as a thing of nought. But it is no light matter thus to tamper with the word of God.
The two main papal editions of the Vulgate are those of Pope Sixtus V and Clement VIII. The first was printed in 1590, after Pope Sixtus gathered the oldest manuscripts and best printed copies, called upon the most knowledgeable scholars from across the Christian world, brought together a group of cardinals for their assistance and advice, and oversaw the entire process himself. This edition was declared to be corrected in the best way possible and was released with a hugely serious excommunication against anyone who would dare to change even the smallest part of the edition that his holiness published, sitting in that chair, in which Peter lives in power, and authority excels, [in which the power of Peter lived, and his authority excelled.] The second edition was published in 1592 by Pope Clement VIII, which was so different from Sixtus's version that it contained two thousand variations, including entire omitted verses, and many others that were clearly and intentionally contradictory in meaning. Yet, this edition is also, from the chair, [from the chair,] declared as the only authentic one, and enforced by the same excommunication as the earlier one. Clement suppressed his predecessor's edition, making copies of the Sixtine Vulgate quite rare and long regarded as literary treasures. Our learned countryman, Dr. James, the renowned correspondent and skilled assistant to Archbishop Usher, describes, with the enthusiasm of a dedicated scholar, the joy he felt upon unexpectedly acquiring a Sixtine copy. He used it effectively in his intelligent book titled “Bellum Papale,” where he highlights numerous additions, omissions, contradictions, and glaring differences between the Sixtine and Clementine editions. All the papal defenders are very reluctant to acknowledge this irreconcilable conflict between the works of two such infallible figures, and the boldest among them try to dismiss it as insignificant. However, it's no small matter to tamper with the word of God.
The Romanists generally hold the Vulgate of the New Testament preferable to the common Greek text; because it is this alone, and not the Greek text, that the council of Trent has declared authentic: accordingly that church has, as it were, adopted this edition, and the priests read no other at the altar, the preachers quote no other in the pulpit, nor the divines in the schools. Yet some of their best authors, F. Bouhours for instance, own, that among the differences that are found between the common Greek and the Vulgate, there are some in which the Greek reading appears more clear and natural than that of the Latin; so that the second might be corrected from the first, if the holy see should think fit. But those differences, taken in general, only consist in a few syllables or words; they rarely concern the sense. Beside, in some of the most considerable, the Vulgate is authorized by several ancient manuscripts. Bouhours spent the last years of his life in giving a French translation of the New Testament according to the Vulgate. It is probable that at the time the ancient Italic or Vulgate version of the New Testament was made, and at the time it was afterward compared with the Greek manuscripts by St. Jerom, as they were then nearer the times ofof the Apostles, they had more accurate Greek copies, and those better kept, than any of those used when printing was invented.
The Roman Catholics generally prefer the Vulgate of the New Testament over the common Greek text because it's the only version that the Council of Trent declared authentic. Consequently, the Church has essentially adopted this edition, and priests read no other at the altar, while preachers quote no other from the pulpit, nor do scholars use anything else in the schools. Yet some of their notable authors, like F. Bouhours, acknowledge that among the differences found between the common Greek and the Vulgate, there are instances where the Greek reading is clearer and more natural than the Latin. Thus, the Latin might be revised based on the Greek if the Holy See saw fit. However, these differences, in general, are usually just a few syllables or words and rarely affect the overall meaning. Additionally, in some of the more significant variations, the Vulgate is supported by several ancient manuscripts. Bouhours spent his later years translating the New Testament into French based on the Vulgate. It’s likely that when the ancient Italic or Vulgate version of the New Testament was created, and later compared with Greek manuscripts by St. Jerome, those manuscripts were much closer in time to the Apostles and had more accurate and better-preserved Greek copies than those available when printing was invented.
“Highly as the Latin Vulgate is extolled by the church of Rome,” says Michaëlis, “it was depreciated beyond measure at the beginning of the sixteenth century by several learned Protestants, whose example has been followed by men of inferior abilities. At the restoration of learning, when the faculty of writing elegant Latin was the highest accomplishment of a scholar, the Vulgate was regarded with 946contempt, as not written with classical purity. But after the Greek manuscripts were discovered, their readings were preferred to those of the Latin, because the New Testament was written in Greek, and the Latin was only a version; but it was not considered that these Greek manuscripts were modern in comparison of those originals from which the Latin was taken; nor was it known at that time, that the more ancient the Greek manuscripts and the other versions were, the closer was their agreement with the Vulgate. Our ablest writers, such as Mill and Bengel, have been induced by F. Simon’s treatise to abandon the opinion of their predecessors, and have ascribed to the Latin Vulgate a value perhaps greater than it deserves.”
“Even though the Latin Vulgate is highly praised by the Roman Catholic Church,” says Michaëlis, “it was greatly undervalued at the start of the sixteenth century by several educated Protestants, and this attitude was followed by those of lesser expertise. At the revival of learning, when the ability to write elegant Latin was seen as the pinnacle of scholarly achievement, the Vulgate was looked down upon for not being written with classical precision. However, after the discovery of Greek manuscripts, their readings were favored over those of the Latin, since the New Testament was originally written in Greek, and the Latin was just a translation; what was overlooked was that these Greek manuscripts were relatively modern compared to the originals from which the Latin was derived. Moreover, it was not recognized at that time that the older the Greek manuscripts and other versions were, the more closely they aligned with the Vulgate. Our most capable writers, like Mill and Bengel, have been influenced by F. Simon’s work to change their predecessors’ views, attributing to the Latin Vulgate a value perhaps greater than it truly merits.”
VULTURE, דאה, and ראה, Lev. xi, 14; Isa. xxxiv, 15; a large bird of prey, somewhat resembling the eagle. There are several birds of the vulturine kind, which, though they differ much in respect to colour and dimensions, yet are all easily distinguished by their naked heads, and beaks partly straight and partly crooked. They are frequent in Arabia, Egypt, and many parts of Africa and Asia. They have a most indelicate voracity, preying more upon carrion than live animals. They were declared unclean in the Levitical constitution.
VULTURE, דאה, and ראה, Lev. xi, 14; Isa. xxxiv, 15; a large bird of prey that looks somewhat like an eagle. There are several types of vultures, which, while they vary in color and size, can all be easily recognized by their bald heads and beaks that are partly straight and partly curved. They are commonly found in Arabia, Egypt, and many regions of Africa and Asia. They have a very unrefined appetite, primarily feeding on dead animals rather than live prey. They were classified as unclean in the laws laid out in Leviticus.
WALDENSES, WALLENSES, or ALBIGENSES, the Vaudois, or inhabitants of the beautiful valleys of the Alps, between Italy and Provence. Many have supposed that they derived their name from Peter Waldo, or Valdo, a merchant of Lyons, in the twelfth century, and one of their leaders and patrons; but their history has been traced considerably farther back, which has led others to suppose that, on the contrary, he derived his name from them, as Peter the Waldensian, or Peter of the Valleys. The learned Dr. Allix, in his “History of the Churches of Piedmont,” gives this account: For three hundred years or more, the bishop of Rome attempted to subjugate the church of Milan under his jurisdiction; and at last the interest of Rome grew too potent for the church of Milan, planted by one of the disciples; insomuch that the bishop and the people, rather than own their jurisdiction, retired to the valleys of Lucerne and Angrogne, and thence were called Vallenses, Wallenses, or, The People in the Valleys. From a confession of their faith, of the early date, A. D. 1120, we extract the following particulars: 1. That the Scriptures teach that there is one God, almighty, all-wise, and all-good, who made all things by his goodness; for he formed Adam in his own image and likeness; but that by the envy of the devil sin entered into the world, and that we are sinners in and by Adam. 2. That Christ was promised to our fathers, who received the law; that so knowing by the law their unrighteousness and insufficiency, they might desire the coming of Christ, to satisfy for their sins, and accomplish the law by himself. 3. That Christ was born in the time appointed by God the Father; that is to say, in the time when all iniquity abounded, that he might show us grace and mercy, as being faithful. 4. That Christ is our life, truth, peace, and righteousness; as also our pastor, advocate, and priest, who died for the salvation of all who believe, and is risen for our justification. 5. That there is no mediator and advocate with God the Father, save Jesus Christ. 6. That after this life there are only two places, the one for the saved, and the other for the damned. 7. That the feasts, the vigils of saints, the water which they call holy, as also to abstain from flesh on certain days, and the like, but especially the masses, are the inventions of men, and ought to be rejected. 8. That the sacraments are signs of the holy thing, visible forms of the invisible grace; and that it is good for the faithful to use those signs or visible forms; but that they are not essential to salvation. 9. That there are no other sacraments but baptism and the Lord’s Supper. 10. That we ought to honour the secular powers by subjection, ready obedience, and paying of tribute. On the subject of infant baptism, they held different opinions, as Christians do in the present day.
WALDENSES, WALLENSES, or ALBIGENSES, the Vaudois, or the people living in the stunning valleys of the Alps between Italy and Provence. Many believe their name comes from Peter Waldo, or Valdo, a merchant from Lyons in the twelfth century and one of their leaders and supporters; however, their history goes back much further, leading others to think he actually took his name from them, as Peter the Waldensian, or Peter of the Valleys. The learned Dr. Allix, in his “History of the Churches of Piedmont,” provides this account: For over three hundred years, the Pope tried to bring the church of Milan under his authority; eventually, Rome's influence became too strong for the church of Milan, founded by one of the disciples. Rather than accept this jurisdiction, the bishop and the people retreated to the valleys of Lucerne and Angrogne, and were therefore referred to as Vallenses, Wallenses, or the People in the Valleys. From an early confession of their faith, dated A.D. 1120, we extract the following details: 1. The Scriptures teach that there is one God, all-powerful, all-wise, and all-good, who created everything out of his goodness; he made Adam in his own image and likeness; but through the devil's envy, sin entered the world, and we are sinners through Adam. 2. Christ was promised to our ancestors, who received the law, so they would recognize their unrighteousness and need for Christ to atone for their sins and fulfill the law himself. 3. Christ was born at the time set by God the Father, during a time of great sinfulness, to show us grace and mercy. 4. Christ is our life, truth, peace, and righteousness; he is also our shepherd, advocate, and priest, who died for the salvation of all who believe, and rose again for our justification. 5. There is no mediator or advocate with God the Father except Jesus Christ. 6. After this life, there are only two places: one for the saved and the other for the damned. 7. The festivals, vigils of saints, the water they call holy, the practice of abstaining from meat on certain days, and especially the masses are man-made inventions and should be rejected. 8. The sacraments are signs of the holy, visible forms of invisible grace; it is good for the faithful to use these signs, but they are not essential for salvation. 9. There are no sacraments other than baptism and the Lord’s Supper. 10. We should honor secular authorities through submission, obedient readiness, and paying taxes. On the topic of infant baptism, they had differing views, just like Christians do today.
For bearing this noble testimony against the church of Rome, these pious people were for many centuries the subjects of a most cruel persecution; and in the thirteenth century the pope instituted a crusade against them, and they were pursued with a fury perfectly diabolical. Their principles, however, continued unsubdued, and at the Reformation their descendants were reckoned among the ProtestantsProtestants, with whom they were in doctrine so congenial; but in the seventeenth century the flames of persecution were again rekindled against them by the cruelty of Louis XIV. At the revocation of the edict of Nantz, about fifteen thousand perished in the prisons of Pignerol, beside great numbers who perished among the mountains. They received, however, the powerful protection and support of England under William III. But still the house of Saxony continued to treat them as heretics, and they were oppressed by a variety of cruel edicts.
For standing up against the church of Rome, these devout people faced brutal persecution for many centuries. In the thirteenth century, the pope launched a crusade against them, and they were pursued with a diabolical intensity. However, their beliefs remained strong, and during the Reformation, their descendants were considered part of the ProtestantsProtestants, sharing similar doctrines. Yet in the seventeenth century, the flames of persecution reignited under the cruelty of Louis XIV. After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, about fifteen thousand died in the prisons of Pignerol, along with many others lost among the mountains. They did receive strong protection and support from England under William III. Still, the house of Saxony continued to regard them as heretics, subjecting them to various brutal edicts.
When Piedmont was subjected to France in 1800, the French government, Buonaparte being first consul, placed them on the same plan of toleration with the rest of France; but on the return of the king of Sardinia to Genoa, notwithstanding the intercession of Lord William Bentinck, the old persecuting edicts were revived in the end of 1814; and though they have not been subjected to fire and faggot as aforetime, their worship has been restrained, and they were not only stripped of all employments, but, by a most providential circumstance only, saved from a general massacre. Since then they have been visited by some pious and benevolent Englishmen; and the number of Waldenses, or Vaudois, has been taken at nineteen thousand seven hundred and ten, beside about fifty families residing at Turin.
When Piedmont came under French control in 1800, the French government, with Buonaparte as the First Consul, put them under the same tolerance policy as the rest of France. However, when the King of Sardinia returned to Genoa, the old persecuting laws were reinstated at the end of 1814, despite Lord William Bentinck's efforts to intervene. Although they weren't subjected to burning and torture like before, their worship was restricted, and they were stripped of all positions. Fortunately, they were spared from a widespread massacre by a fortunate turn of events. Since then, some caring and generous English visitors have come to see them, and the count of Waldenses, or Vaudois, is estimated at nineteen thousand seven hundred and ten, in addition to around fifty families living in Turin.
Mr. Milner very properly connects this people with the Cathari, or Paulicians, of the seventh century, who resided chiefly in the 947valleys of Piedmont, and who, in the twelfth century, according to this valuable historian, received a great accession of members from the learned labours and godly zeal of Peter Waldo, a pious man of unusual learning for a layman at that period. His thoughts being turned to divine things by the sudden death of a friend, he applied himself to the study of the Scriptures, and was, according to Mr. Milner, the first who, in the west of Europe, translated the Bible into a modern language. Waldo was rich, and distributed his wealth among the poor, and with it the bread of life, which endeared him to the lower classes; and it was probably the great increase of these pious people, in consequence of his exertions, which brought upon them the horrible crusade in the next century. This was, however, wholly on account of their pretended heresies,--their bitterest enemies bearing testimony to the purity of their life and manners. Thus a pontifical inquisitor, quoted by Usher, says, “These heretics are known by their manners and conversation; for they are orderly and modest in their behaviour and deportment; they avoid all appearance of pride in their dress; they are chaste, temperate, and sober; they seek not to amass riches; they abstain from anger; and, even while at work, are either learning or teaching.” Seysillius, another popish writer, says of them, “Their heresy excepted, they generally live a purer life than other Christians.” Liclenstenius, a Dominican, says, “In morals and life they are good; true in words; unanimous in brotherly love; but their faith is incorrigible and vile, as I have shown you in my treatise.” But most remarkable is the testimony of Reinerus, an inquisitor of the thirteenth century: “Of all the sects which have been, or now exist, none is more injurious to the church, (that is, of Rome,) for three reasons: 1. Because it is more ancient. Some say it has continued from the time of Silvester; others from the time of the Apostles. 2. Because it is more general. There is scarcely any country into which this sect has not crept. 3. Because all other heretics excite horror by the greatness of their blasphemies against God; but these have a great appearance of piety, as they live justly before men, and believe rightly all things concerning God, and all the articles which are contained in the creed.”
Mr. Milner correctly links this group to the Cathari, or Paulicians, from the seventh century, who mainly lived in the valleys of Piedmont. According to this valuable historian, in the twelfth century, they gained many new members thanks to the scholarly work and religious passion of Peter Waldo, a devout man with remarkable knowledge for a layperson at that time. After the sudden death of a friend, he turned his focus to spiritual matters and began studying the Scriptures. Mr. Milner states that he was the first in western Europe to translate the Bible into a modern language. Waldo was wealthy and shared his riches with the poor, along with the bread of life, which made him beloved among the lower classes. It was likely the significant growth of these devoted people due to his efforts that led to the terrible crusade against them in the following century. This was entirely due to their supposed heresies, yet even their fiercest enemies acknowledged the purity of their lives and behavior. A papal inquisitor quoted by Usher noted, “These heretics are known by their conduct and conversation; they are orderly and modest in their behavior; they avoid any hint of pride in their appearance; they are chaste, temperate, and sober; they do not seek to accumulate wealth; they refrain from anger; and even while working, they are either learning or teaching.” Seysillius, another Catholic writer, remarked, “With the exception of their heresy, they generally live a purer life than other Christians.” Liclenstenius, a Dominican, stated, “In terms of morals and lifestyle, they are good; honest in speech; united in brotherly love; but their beliefs are stubborn and vile, as I have shown in my treatise.” The most notable testimony comes from Reinerus, an inquisitor from the thirteenth century: “Of all the sects that have existed or currently exist, none is more harmful to the church (meaning the Roman church) for three reasons: 1. Because it is older. Some claim it has persisted since the time of Silvester; others since the time of the Apostles. 2. Because it is more widespread. There is hardly a country where this sect has not infiltrated. 3. Because all other heretics provoke horror through their extreme blasphemies against God; but these appear very pious, as they live righteously before others and believe correctly in all matters regarding God, and all the articles contained in the creed.”
WAR, or WARFARE, the attempt to decide a contest or difference between princes, states, or large bodies of people, by resorting to extensive acts of violence, or, as the phrase is, by an appeal to arms. The Hebrews were formerly a very warlike nation. The books that inform us of their wars display neither ignorance nor flattery; but are writings inspired by the Spirit of truth and wisdom. Their warriors were none of those fabulous heroes or professed conquerors, whose business it was to ravage cities and provinces, and to reduce foreign nations under their dominion, merely for the sake of governing, or purchasing a name for themselves. They were commonly wise and valiant generals, raised up by God “to fight the battles of the Lord,” and to exterminate his enemies. Such were Joshua, Caleb, Gideon, Jephthah, Samson, David, Josiah, and the Maccabees, whose names alone are their own sufficient encomiums. Their wars were not undertaken upon slight occasions, or performed with a handful of people. Under Joshua the affair was of no less importance than to make himself master of a vast country which God had given up to him; and to root out several powerful nations that God had devoted to an anathema; and to vindicate an offended Deity, and human nature which had been debased by a wicked and corrupt people, who had filled up the measure of their iniquities. Under the Judges, the matter was to assert their liberty, by shaking off the yoke of powerful tyrants, who kept them in subjection. Under Saul and David the same motives prevailed to undertake war; and to these were added a farther motive, of making a conquest of such provinces as God had promised to his people. Far was it from their intention merely to reduce the power of the Philistines, the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Idumeans, the Arabians, the Syrians, and the several princes that were in possession of those countries. In the later times of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, we observe their kings bearing the shock of the greatest powers of Asia, of the kings of Assyria and Chaldea, Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Nebuchadnezzar, who made the whole east tremble. Under the Maccabees a handful of men opposed the whole power of the kings of Syria, and against them maintained the religion of their fathers, and shook off the yoke of their oppressors, who had a design both against their religion and liberty. In still later times, with what courage, intrepidity, and constancy, did they sustain the war against the Romans, who were then masters of the world!
WAR, or WARFARE, is the attempt to resolve a conflict or disagreement between rulers, states, or large groups of people through significant acts of violence, or as the saying goes, by appealing to arms. The Hebrews were once a very warlike nation. The records of their wars show neither ignorance nor flattery; they are writings inspired by the Spirit of truth and wisdom. Their warriors weren't the mythical heroes or self-proclaimed conquerors known for plundering cities and regions solely to dominate others or to gain fame for themselves. They were typically wise and brave leaders raised up by God “to fight the battles of the Lord,” and to eliminate His enemies. Notable figures include Joshua, Caleb, Gideon, Jephthah, Samson, David, Josiah, and the Maccabees, whose names alone serve as their own commendations. Their wars were not initiated for trivial reasons or fought with a small number of people. Under Joshua, the task was monumental: to take control of an expansive territory that God had promised him, to eradicate several powerful nations that God had condemned, and to defend an offended Deity and humanity, which had been degraded by a wicked and corrupt people who had reached the peak of their iniquities. During the time of the Judges, the goal was to reclaim their freedom by casting off the rule of powerful tyrants who had kept them oppressed. Under Saul and David, the same motivations were present to engage in warfare, along with an additional purpose of conquering territories that God had pledged to His people. Their intention was far from merely diminishing the power of the Philistines, the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Idumeans, the Arabians, the Syrians, and various rulers who controlled those regions. In the later periods of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, we see their kings facing off against the greatest forces of Asia, including the kings of Assyria and Chaldea like Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Nebuchadnezzar, who made the entire East tremble. During the time of the Maccabees, a small group of men stood against the full might of the kings of Syria, maintaining the religion of their ancestors and shaking off the oppression of those who sought to destroy both their faith and freedom. In even later times, how bravely, fearlessly, and steadfastly did they fight against the Romans, who were then the rulers of the world!
We may distinguish two kinds of wars among the Hebrews: some were of obligation, as being expressly commanded by the Lord; but others were free and voluntary. The first were such as God appointed them to undertake: for example, against the Amalekites and the Canaanites, which were nations devoted to an anathema. The others were undertaken by the captains of the people, to revenge some injuries offered to the nation, to punish some insults or offences, or to defend their allies. Such was that which the Hebrews made against the city of Gibeah, and against the tribe of Benjamin, which would support them in their fault; that which David made against the Ammonites, whose king had affronted his ambassadors; and that of Joshua against the kings of the Canaanites, to protect the Gibeonites. Whatever reasons authorize a nation or a prince to make war against another, obtained, likewise, among the Hebrews; for all the laws of Moses suppose that the Israelites might make war, and might defend themselves, against their enemies. When a war was resolved upon, all the people that were capable of bearing arms were collected together, or only part of them, according as the exigence of the existing case and the necessity and importance 948of the enterprise required. For it does not appear that, before the reign of King David, there were any regular troops or magazines in Israel. A general rendezvous was appointed, a review was made of the people by tribes and by families, and then they marched against the enemy. When Saul, at the beginning of his reign, was informed of the cruel proposal that the Ammonites had made to the men of the city of Jabesh-Gilead, he cut in pieces the oxen belonging to his plough, and sent them through the country, saying, “Whosoever cometh not forth after Saul and Samuel, to the relief of Jabesh-Gilead, so shall it be done unto his oxen,” 1 Sam. xi, 7. In ancient times, those that went to war generally carried their own provisions along with them, or they took them from the enemy. Hence these wars were generally of short continuance; because it was hardly possible to subsist a large body of troops for a long time with such provisions as every one carried along with him. When David, Jesse’s younger son, stayed behind to look after his father’s flocks while his elder brothers went to the wars along with Saul, Jesse sent David to carry provisions to his brothers, 1 Sam. xvii, 13. We suppose that this way of making war prevailed also under Joshua, the Judges, Saul, David at the beginning of his reign, the kings of Judah and Israel who were successors to Rehoboam and Jeroboam, and under the Maccabees, till the time of Simon Maccabæus, prince and high priest of the Jews, who had mercenary troops, that is, soldiers who received pay, 1 Mac. xiv, 32. Every one also provided his own arms for the war. The kings of the Hebrews went to the wars in person, and, in earlier times, fought on foot, as well as the meanest of their soldiers; no horses being used in the armies of Israel before David. The officers of war among the Hebrews were the general of the army, and the princes of the tribes or of the families of Israel, beside other princes or captains, some of a thousand, some of a hundred, some of fifty, and some of ten, men. They had also their scribes, who were a kind of commissaries that kept the muster roll of the troops; and these had others under them who acted by their direction.
We can identify two types of wars among the Hebrews: some were mandatory, as they were directly commanded by the Lord; while others were optional and voluntary. The first type involved God appointing them to act, like the wars against the Amalekites and the Canaanites, which were nations marked for destruction. The other type was led by the leaders of the people, either to seek revenge for wrongs done to the nation, to punish offenses or insults, or to defend their allies. An example of this is the war the Hebrews waged against the city of Gibeah and the tribe of Benjamin, who were complicit in their wrongdoing; or the battle David fought against the Ammonites, whose king had insulted his envoys; and Joshua's campaign against the Canaanite kings, to protect the Gibeonites. Whatever justifications a nation or ruler had to go to war against another were similarly valid among the Hebrews; for all of Moses' laws imply that the Israelites could wage war and defend themselves against their enemies. When a decision to go to war was made, all able-bodied men were gathered, or only a portion of them, depending on the urgency and significance of the situation. It appears there were no regular troops or supply depots in Israel before King David's reign. A general assembly was called, a review of the troops was conducted by tribes and families, and then they marched against the enemy. When Saul first became king and heard of the harsh ultimatum the Ammonites presented to the men of Jabesh-Gilead, he cut up the oxen from his plow and sent their pieces throughout the land, declaring, "Whoever does not come out to follow Saul and Samuel to help Jabesh-Gilead, this will be done to his oxen," 1 Sam. xi, 7. In ancient times, those going to war typically brought their own supplies or took from the enemy. This led to wars being short in duration because it was difficult to sustain a large group of soldiers for long with only what each person carried. When David, the youngest son of Jesse, stayed behind to tend to his father’s sheep while his older brothers went to war with Saul, Jesse sent David to deliver supplies to his brothers, 1 Sam. xvii, 13. We assume this method of waging war was common during the time of Joshua, the Judges, Saul, David at the start of his reign, the kings of Judah and Israel after Rehoboam and Jeroboam, and the Maccabees, up until the time of Simon Maccabeus, the Jewish prince and high priest, who had hired soldiers, or mercenaries, 1 Mac. xiv, 32. Everyone was responsible for providing their own weaponry for battle. The Hebrew kings fought alongside their troops, and in earlier times, they fought on foot just like their lowest-ranking soldiers, with no horses in the Israelite armies prior to David. The military leaders among the Hebrews consisted of the army general and the princes of the tribes or families of Israel, along with other captains, some leading a thousand men, others a hundred, some fifty, and some ten. They also had scribes, who acted as commissaries managing the troops' roster
Military fortifications were at first nothing more than a trench or ditch, dug round a few cottages on a hill or mountain, together with the mound, which was formed by the sand dug out of it; except, perhaps, there might have sometimes been an elevated scaffolding for the purpose of throwing stones with the greater effect against the enemy. In the age of Moses and Joshua, the walls which surrounded cities were elevated to no inconsiderable height, and were furnished with towers. The art of fortification was encouraged and patronized by the Hebrew kings, and Jerusalem was always well defended, especially Mount Zion. In later times the temple itself was used as a castle. The principal parts of a fortification were, 1. The wall, which, in some instances, was triple and double, 2 Chron. xxxii, 5. Walls were commonly made lofty and broad, so as to be neither readily passed over nor broken through, Jer. li, 58. The main wall terminated at the top in a parapet for the accommodation of the soldiers, which opened at intervals in a sort of embrasures, so as to give them an opportunity of fighting with missile weapons. 2. Towers, which were erected at certain distances from each other on the top of walls, and ascended to a great height, terminated at the top in a flat roof, and were surrounded with a parapet, which exhibited openings similar to those in the parapet of the walls. Towers of this kind were erected, likewise, over the gates of cities. In these towers guards were kept constantly stationed; at least, this was the case in the time of the kings. It was their business to make known any thing that they discovered at a distance; and whenever they noticed an irruption from an enemy, they blew the trumpet, to arouse the citizens, 2 Sam. xiii, 34; xviii, 26, 27; 2 Kings ix, 17–19; Nahum ii, 1; 2 Chron. xvii, 2. Towers, likewise, which were somewhat larger in size, were erected in different parts of the country, particularly on places which were elevated; and these were guarded by a military force, Judges viii, 9,17; ix, 46, 49, 51; Isaiah xxi, 6; Hab. ii, 1; Hosea v, 8; Jer. xxxi, 6. We find, even to this day, that the circular edifices of this sort, which are still erected in the solitudes of Arabia Felix, bear their ancient name of castles or towers. 3. The walls were erected in such a way as to curve inward; the extremities of them, consequently, projected outward, and formed a kind of bastions. The object of forming the walls so as to present such projections, was to enable the inhabitants of the besieged city to attack the assailants in flank. We learn from the history of Tacitus, that the walls of Jerusalem, at the time of its being attacked by the Romans, were built in this manner. These projections were introduced by King Uzziah, B.C. 810, and are subsequently mentioned in Zeph. i, 16. 4. The digging of a fosse put it in the power of the inhabitants of a city to increase the elevation of the walls, and of itself threw a serious difficulty in the way of an enemy’s approach, 2 Sam. xx, 15; Isaiah xxvi, 1; Neh. iii, 8; Psalm xlviii, 13. The fosse, if the situation of the place admitted it, was filled with water. This was the case at Babylon. 5. The gates were at first made of wood, and were small in size. They were constructed in the manner of valve doors, and were secured by means of wooden bars. Subsequently, they were made larger and stronger; and, in order to prevent their being burned, were covered with plates of brass or iron. The bars were covered in the same manner, in order to prevent their being cut asunder; but it was sometimes the case that they were made wholly of iron. The bars were secured by a sort of lock, Psalm cvii, 16; Isaiah xlv, 2.
Military fortifications initially consisted of nothing more than a trench or ditch dug around a few cottages on a hill or mountain, along with a mound made from the excavated earth; there might have sometimes been an elevated platform for throwing stones more effectively at the enemy. During the time of Moses and Joshua, city walls were built to significant heights and included towers. The art of fortification was promoted by the Hebrew kings, and Jerusalem was always well defended, particularly Mount Zion. In later periods, the temple itself served as a stronghold. The main components of a fortification included: 1. The wall, which in some cases was triple or double, as noted in 2 Chronicles 32:5. Walls were generally tall and wide, making them difficult to climb or breach, as seen in Jeremiah 51:58. The top of the main wall had a parapet for soldiers, which included openings at intervals—called embrasures—for using projectile weapons. 2. Towers were built at regular intervals on top of the walls, rising to great heights with flat roofs and surrounded by parapets that had openings like those in the wall parapets. Similar towers were constructed above city gates. Guards were stationed in these towers, especially during the kings' reign, to alert the citizens of any approaching danger and to sound the trumpet at the first sign of an enemy invasion, as referenced in 2 Samuel 13:34; 18:26-27; 2 Kings 9:17-19; Nahum 2:1; 2 Chronicles 17:2. Additionally, larger towers were built across the countryside, particularly in elevated areas, which were manned by military forces, as mentioned in Judges 8:9, 17; 9:46, 49, 51; Isaiah 21:6; Habakkuk 2:1; Hosea 5:8; Jeremiah 31:6. Even today, the circular structures still found in the remote parts of Arabia Felix retain the ancient name of castles or towers. 3. The walls were designed to curve inward, causing the ends to protrude outward and form bastions. This design allowed those in the besieged city to flank attackers. Tacitus's account tells us that when the Romans attacked Jerusalem, the walls were built this way. These projections were introduced by King Uzziah around 810 B.C. and are later mentioned in Zephaniah 1:16. 4. Digging a fosse allowed city inhabitants to raise the wall's elevation and created a significant obstacle for enemies, as seen in 2 Samuel 20:15; Isaiah 26:1; Nehemiah 3:8; Psalm 48:13. If the location allowed it, the fosse was filled with water, as was the case in Babylon. 5. Initially, the gates were made of wood and were relatively small. They functioned like valve doors and were secured with wooden bars. Over time, they were made larger and sturdier, covered with metal plates to prevent burning. The bars received similar treatment to prevent them from being cut, although sometimes they were entirely made of iron. The bars were locked in place with a type of lock, as referenced in Psalm 107:16; Isaiah 45:2.
Previously to commencing war, the Heathen nations consulted oracles, soothsayers, necromancers, and also the lot, which was ascertained by shooting arrows of different colours, 1 Sam. xxviii, 1–10; Isaiah xli, 21–24; Ezek. xxv, 11. The Hebrews, to whom things of this kind were interdicted, were in the habit, 949in the early part of their history, of inquiring of God by means of Urim and Thummim, Judges i, 1; xx, 27, 28; 1 Sam. xxiii, 2; xxviii, 6; xxx, 8. After the time of David, the kings who reigned in Palestine consulted, according to the different characters which they sustained, and the feelings which they exercised, sometimes true prophets, and sometimes false, in respect to the issue of war, 1 Kings xxii, 6–13; 2 Kings xix, 2, &c. Sacrifices were also offered, in reference to which the soldiers were said to consecrate themselves to the war, Isaiah xiii, 3; Jer. vi, 4; li, 27; Joel iii, 9; Obad. 1. There are instances of formal declarations of war, and sometimes of previous negotiations, 2 Kings xiv, 8; 2 Chron. xxv, 27; Judges xi, 12–28; but ceremonies of this kind were not always observed, 2 Sam. x, 1–12. When the enemy made a sudden incursion, or when the war was unexpectedly commenced, the alarm was given to the people by messengers rapidly sent forth, by the sound of warlike trumpets, by standards floating on the loftiest places, by the clamour of many voices on the mountains, that echoed from summit to summit, Judges iii, 27; vi, 34; vii, 22; xix, 29, 30; 1 Sam. xi, 7, 8; Isaiah v, 26; xiii, 2; xviii, 3; xxx, 17; xlix, 2; lxii, 10. Military expeditions commonly commenced in the spring, 2 Sam. xi, 1, and were continued in the summer, but in the winter the soldiers went into quarters. The firm persuasion that God fights for the good against the wicked, discovers itself in the Old Testament, and accounts for the fact, that, not only in the Hebrew, but also in the Arabic, Syriac, and Chaldaic languages, words, which originally signify justice, innocence, or uprightness, signify likewise victory; and that words, whose usual meaning is injustice or wickedness, also mean defeat or overthrow. The same may be said in respect to words which signify help or aid, inasmuch as the nation which conquered received aid from God, and God was its helper, Psalm vii, 9; ix, 9; xx, 6; xxvi, 1; xxxv, 24; xliii, 1; xliv, 5; lxxv, 3; lxxvi, 13; lxxviii, 9; lxxxii, 8; 1 Sam. xiv, 45; 2 Kings v, 1; Isa. lix, 17; Hab. iii, 8.
Before going to war, the pagan nations consulted oracles, fortune tellers, necromancers, and also used lots, which were determined by shooting arrows of different colors, 1 Sam. xxviii, 1–10; Isaiah xli, 21–24; Ezek. xxv, 11. The Hebrews, for whom these practices were forbidden, typically sought guidance from God using Urim and Thummim, Judges i, 1; xx, 27, 28; 1 Sam. xxiii, 2; xxviii, 6; xxx, 8. After David's time, the kings in Palestine sought advice according to their roles and feelings, sometimes turning to true prophets and sometimes false ones regarding the outcome of wars, 1 Kings xxii, 6–13; 2 Kings xix, 2, etc. Sacrifices were also made, and soldiers were said to dedicate themselves to the war, Isaiah xiii, 3; Jer. vi, 4; li, 27; Joel iii, 9; Obad. 1. There are examples of formal declarations of war and sometimes prior negotiations, 2 Kings xiv, 8; 2 Chron. xxv, 27; Judges xi, 12–28; but such ceremonies were not always followed, 2 Sam. x, 1–12. When the enemy launched a surprise attack or when war started unexpectedly, messengers quickly alerted the people, using the sound of military trumpets, flags raised in high places, and the shouting of many voices on the mountains that echoed from peak to peak, Judges iii, 27; vi, 34; vii, 22; xix, 29, 30; 1 Sam. xi, 7, 8; Isaiah v, 26; xiii, 2; xviii, 3; xxx, 17; xlix, 2; lxii, 10. Military campaigns typically began in spring, 2 Sam. xi, 1, and continued through summer, while in winter, soldiers would go into quarters. The strong belief that God fights for the righteous against the wicked is evident in the Old Testament, which explains why in Hebrew, as well as in Arabic, Syriac, and Chaldaic, words that originally mean justice, innocence, or righteousness also denote victory; and words that usually imply injustice or wickedness also signify defeat or downfall. The same can be said for words meaning help or assistance, as the nation that triumphed received support from God, who was seen as their helper, Psalm vii, 9; ix, 9; xx, 6; xxvi, 1; xxxv, 24; xliii, 1; xliv, 5; lxxv, 3; lxxvi, 13; lxxviii, 9; lxxxii, 8; 1 Sam. xiv, 45; 2 Kings v, 1; Isa. lix, 17; Hab. iii, 8.
The attack of the orientals in battle has always been, and is to this day, characterized by vehemence and impetuosity. In case the enemy sustain an unaltered front, they retreat, but it is not long before they return again with renewed ardour. It was the practice of the Roman armies to stand still in the order of battle, and to receive the shock of their opposers. To this practice there are allusions in the following passages: 1 Cor. xvi, 13; Gal. v, 1; Eph. vi, 14; Phil. i, 27; 1 Thess. iii, 8; 2 Thess. ii, 15. The Greeks, while they were yet three or four furlongs distant from the enemy, commenced the song of war; something resembling which occurs in 2 Chron. xx, 21. They then raised a shout, which was also done among the Hebrews, 1 Sam. xvii, 52; Joshua vi, 6; Isa. v, 29, 30; xvii, 12; Jer. iv, 19; xxv, 30. The war shout in Judges vii, 20, was as follows, “The sword of the Lord and of Gideon.” In some instances it seems to have been a mere yell or inarticulate cry. The mere march of armies with their weapons, chariots, and trampling coursers, occasioned a great and confused noise, which is compared by the prophets to the roaring of the ocean, and the dashing of the mountain torrents, Isa. xvii, 12, 13; xxvii, 2. The descriptions of battles in the Bible are very brief; but although there is nothing especially said, in respect to the order in which the battle commenced and was conducted, there is hardly a doubt that the light-armed troops, as was the case in other nations, were the first in the engagement. The main body followed them, and, with their spears extended, made a rapid and impetuous movement upon the enemy. Hence swiftness of foot in a soldier is mentioned as a ground of great commendation, not only in Homer, but in the Bible, 2 Sam. ii, 19–24; 1 Chron. xii, 8; Psalm xviii, 33. Those who obtained the victory were intoxicated with joy; the shout of triumph resounded from mountain to mountain, Isa. xlii, 11; lii, 7, 8; Jer. 1, 2; Ezek. vii, 7; Nahum i, 15. The whole of the people, not excepting the women, went out to meet the returning conquerors with singing and with dancing, Judges xi, 34–37; 1 Sam. xviii, 6, 7. Triumphal songs were uttered for the living, and elegies for the dead, 2 Sam. i, 17, 18; 2 Chron. xxxv, 25; Judges v, 1–31; Exod. xv, 1–21. Monuments in honour of the victory were erected, 2 Sam. viii, 13; Psalm lx, 1; and the arms of the enemy were hung up as trophies in the tabernacle, 1 Sam. xxxi, 10; 2 Kings xi, 10. The soldiers who conducted themselves meritoriously were honoured with presents, and had the opportunity of entering into honourable matrimonial connections, Joshua xiv; 1 Sam. xvii, 25; xxviii, 17; 2 Sam. xviii, 11. See Armies, and Arms.
The way Eastern warriors attack in battle has always been, and still is, marked by intensity and impulsiveness. If the enemy holds their ground, they pull back, but it doesn’t take long for them to charge back with renewed energy. The Roman armies would stay put in their battle formation and absorb the impact from their opponents. This practice is referenced in several passages: 1 Cor. xvi, 13; Gal. v, 1; Eph. vi, 14; Phil. i, 27; 1 Thess. iii, 8; 2 Thess. ii, 15. The Greeks, while still several furlongs away from the enemy, would begin their war song, similar to what we see in 2 Chron. xx, 21. They would then let out a war cry, which also happened among the Hebrews, in 1 Sam. xvii, 52; Joshua vi, 6; Isa. v, 29, 30; xvii, 12; Jer. iv, 19; xxv, 30. The war shout mentioned in Judges vii, 20 was “The sword of the Lord and of Gideon.” In some cases, it appears to have been just a shout or an inarticulate noise. The mere movement of armies with their weapons, chariots, and thundering horses created a loud and chaotic noise, which the prophets compared to the roar of the ocean and the rush of mountain streams, Isa. xvii, 12, 13; xxvii, 2. The biblical accounts of battles are quite brief; however, even though there's no specific mention of how battles started or progressed, it’s almost certain that the light-armed troops were the first to engage, like in other cultures. The main forces would follow behind them, thrusting their spears and moving quickly and fiercely against the enemy. This is why being swift on foot was seen as a significant virtue in soldiers, as noted not just in Homer but in the Bible as well, 2 Sam. ii, 19–24; 1 Chron. xii, 8; Psalm xviii, 33. Those who won the battle were filled with joy; the victory shout echoed from mountaintop to mountaintop, Isa. xlii, 11; lii, 7, 8; Jer. l, 2; Ezek. vii, 7; Nahum i, 15. The entire community, including the women, came out to greet the returning victors with songs and dances, Judges xi, 34–37; 1 Sam. xviii, 6, 7. Triumphant songs were sung for the living, and elegies for the fallen, 2 Sam. i, 17, 18; 2 Chron. xxxv, 25; Judges v, 1–31; Exod. xv, 1–21. Monuments were erected to honor the victory, 2 Sam. viii, 13; Psalm lx, 1, and the enemy's weapons were displayed as trophies in the tabernacle, 1 Sam. xxxi, 10; 2 Kings xi, 10. Soldiers who distinguished themselves were rewarded with gifts and had the chance to enter into prestigious marriages, Joshua xiv; 1 Sam. xvii, 25; xxviii, 17; 2 Sam. xviii, 11. See Military forces, and Limbs.
WATER. In the sacred Scriptures, bread and water are commonly mentioned as the chief supports of human life; and to provide a sufficient quantity of water, to prepare it for use, and to deal it out to the thirsty, are among the principal cares of an oriental householder. The Moabites and Ammonites are reproached for not meeting the Israelites with bread and water; that is, with proper refreshments, Deut. xxxiii, 4. Nabal says in an insulting manner to David’s messengers, “Shall I then take my bread and my water, and my flesh that I have killed for my shearers, and give it unto men whom I know not whence they be?” 1 Sam. xxv, 11. To furnish travellers with water is, even in present times, reckoned of so great importance, that many of the eastern philanthropists have been at considerable expense to procure them that enjoyment. The nature of the climate, and the general aspect of the oriental regions, require numerous fountains to excite and sustain the languid powers of vegetation; and the sun, burning with intense heat in a cloudless sky, demands for the fainting inhabitants the verdure, shade, and coolness which vegetation produces. Hence fountains of living water are met with in the towns and villages, in the fields and gardens, and by the sides of the roads and of the beaten tracks on the mountains; and a cup of cold water from these wells is no contemptible present. “Fatigued 950with heat and thirst,” says Carne, “we came to a few cottages in a palm wood, and stopped to drink of a fountain of delicious water. In this northern climate no idea can be formed of the luxury of drinking in Egypt: little appetite for food is felt; but when, after crossing the burning sands, you reach the rich line of woods on the brink of the Nile, and pluck the fresh limes, and, mixing their juice with Egyptian sugar and the soft river water, drink repeated bowls of lemonade, you feel that every other pleasure of the senses must yield to this. One then perceives the beauty and force of those similes in Scripture, where the sweetest emotions of the heart are compared to the assuaging of thirst in a thirsty land.” In Arabia, equal attention is paid, by the wealthy and benevolent, to the refreshment of the traveller. On one of the mountains of Arabia, Niebuhr found three little reservoirs, which are always kept full of fine water for the use of passengers. These reservoirs, which are about two feet and a half square, and from five to seven feet high, are round, or pointed at the top, of mason’s work, having only a small opening in one of the sides, by which they pour water into them. Sometimes he found, near these places of Arab refreshment, a piece of a ground shell, or a little scoop of wood, for lifting the water. The same attention to the comfort of travellers is manifested in Egypt, where public buildings are set apart in some of their cities, the business of whose inhabitants is to supply the passengers with water free of expense. Some of these houses make a very handsome appearance; and the persons appointed to wait on the passengers are required to have some vessels of copper, curiously tinned and filled with water, always ready on the window next the street. Some of the Mohammedan villages in Palestine, not far from Nazareth, brought Mr. Buckingham and his party bread and water, while on horseback, without even being solicited to do so; and when they halted to accept it, both compliments and blessings were mutually interchanged. “Here, as in every other part of Nubia,” says Burckhardt, “the thirsty traveller finds, at short distances, water jars placed by the road side under a low roof. Every village pays a small monthly stipend to some person to fill these jars in the morning, and again toward evening. The same custom prevails in Upper Egypt, but on a larger scale: and there are caravanserais often found near the wells which supply travellers with water.” In India the Hindoos go sometimes a great way to fetch water, and then boil it, that it may not be hurtful to travellers that are hot; and after this stand from morning till night in some great road, where there is neither pit nor rivulet, and offer it in honour of their gods, to be drunk by the passengers. This necessary work of charity in these hot countries seems to have been practised among the more pious and humane Jews; and our Lord assures them, that if they do this in his name, they shall not lose their reward. Hence a cup of water is a present in the east of great value, though there are some other refreshments of a superior quality. It is still the proper business of the females to supply the family with water. From this drudgery, however, the married women are exempted, unless when single women are wanting. The proper time for drawing water in those burning climates is in the morning, or when the sun is going down; then they go forth to perform that humble office adorned with their trinkets, some of which are often of great value. Agreeably to this custom Rebecca went instead of her mother to fetch water from the well, and the servant of Abraham expected to meet an unmarried female there who might prove a suitable match for his master’s son. In the East Indies, the women also draw water at the public wells, as Rebecca did, on that occasion, for travellers, their servants and their cattle; and women of no mean rank literally illustrate the conduct of an unfortunate princess in the Jewish history, by performing the services of a menial, 2 Sam. xiii, 8. The young women of Guzerat daily draw water from the wells, and carry the jars upon the head; but those of high rank carry them upon the shoulder. In the same way Rebecca carried her pitcher; and probably for the same reason, because she was the daughter of an eastern prince, Gen. xxiv, 45.
WATER. In the Bible, bread and water are often referred to as the main staples of life. Providing enough water, preparing it for use, and distributing it to those who are thirsty are key responsibilities of a household in the East. The Moabites and Ammonites are criticized for not offering the Israelites bread and water, meaning they did not provide proper refreshments, Deut. xxxiii, 4. Nabal insults David’s messengers by saying, “Should I take my bread, my water, and the meat I've prepared for my shearers, and give it to men I don't even know?” 1 Sam. xxv, 11. Even today, making sure travelers have access to water is seen as very important, leading many Eastern philanthropists to spend a lot of money to provide it. The climate and landscape of the East require many fountains to revive and support plant life; the intense sun in a clear sky means the locals need the greenery, shade, and coolness that plants provide. Because of this, fountains of fresh water can be found in towns and villages, in fields and gardens, and along roads and paths in the mountains. A cup of cold water from these wells is considered a generous gift. “Exhausted from the heat and thirst,” says Carne, “we arrived at a few cottages in a palm grove and stopped to drink from a fountain of delicious water. In this northern climate, one cannot imagine the luxury of drinking in Egypt: there's little appetite for food; but after crossing the scorching sands, arriving at the lush woods by the Nile, picking fresh limes, and mixing their juice with Egyptian sugar and soft river water to drink bowl after bowl of lemonade, you realize that this pleasure surpasses all others.” This highlights the imagery found in Scripture, where the deepest emotional experiences are likened to quenching thirst in a dry land. In Arabia, a similar commitment to providing refreshment for travelers is observed among the wealthy and generous. Niebuhr discovered three small reservoirs on one of Arabia's mountains, always kept full of clean water for travelers. These reservoirs, about two and a half feet square and five to seven feet high, are round or pointed at the top, built of stone, with just a small opening on one side for filling them. He sometimes found a piece of a shell or a small wooden scoop nearby for drawing water. A similar care for travelers' comfort can be seen in Egypt, where some public buildings are dedicated to providing free water to passersby. Some of these facilities are quite impressive, and the attendants are expected to have copper vessels, beautifully tinned and filled with water, ready at the street-facing window. Some villages in Palestine, not far from Nazareth, brought Mr. Buckingham and his group bread and water while they were on horseback, without even being asked; and when they stopped to accept it, they exchanged blessings and kind words. “Here, as in every other part of Nubia,” says Burckhardt, “the thirsty traveler finds water jars placed under a low roof along the roadside at short distances. Every village pays a small monthly fee to someone to fill these jars in the morning and again in the evening. The same practice exists in Upper Egypt, but on a larger scale: caravanserais are often found near the wells to provide water to travelers.” In India, Hindus sometimes travel a long way to fetch water, then boil it to make it safe for hot travelers; they stand by the roadside from morning until night, where there is neither well nor stream, to offer it in honor of their gods for travelers to drink. This charitable act in these hot regions seems to have been practiced by the more devout and compassionate Jews; our Lord assures them that if they do this in His name, they will not lose their reward. Thus, a cup of water is a valuable gift in the East, even though there are some refreshments that are considered more luxurious. It is still primarily the duty of women to supply the household with water. However, married women are typically exempt from this chore unless no single women are available. In those hot climates, the best times to fetch water are in the morning or during sunset; at those times, women go to perform this humble service adorned with jewelry, some of which can be quite valuable. Following this custom, Rebecca went to fetch water from the well instead of her mother, and Abraham's servant was expecting to meet an unmarried woman suitable for his master's son. In the East Indies, women also draw water at public wells like Rebecca did for travelers, their servants, and their animals; and women of high status literally embody the actions of a tragic princess in Jewish history by performing menial tasks, 2 Sam. xiii, 8. Young women in Guzerat daily draw water from the wells and carry the jars on their heads, while those of higher status carry them on their shoulders. In the same way, Rebecca carried her pitcher, likely for the same reason, because she was the daughter of an Eastern prince, Gen. xxiv, 45.
Water sometimes signifies the element of water, Gen. i, 10; and metaphorically, trouble and afflictions, Psalm lxix, 1. In the language of the prophets, waters often denote a great multitude of people, Isa. viii, 7; Rev. xvii, 15. Water is put for children or posterity, Num. xxiv, 7; Isa. xlviii, 1; for the clouds, Psalm civ, 3. Waters sometimes stand for tears, Jer. ix, 1, 7; for the ordinances of the Gospel, Isa. xii, 3; xxxv, 6, 7; lv, 1; John vii, 37, 38. “Stolen waters” denote unlawful pleasures with strange women, Prov. ix, 17. The Israelites are reproached with having forsaken the fountain of living water, to quench their thirst at broken cisterns, Jer. ii, 13; that is, with having quitted the worship of God for the worship of false and ridiculous deities. Waters of Meribah, or the waters of strife, were so called because of the quarrelling or contention and murmuring of the Israelites against Moses and against God. When they came to Kadesh, and there happened to be in want of water, they made a sedition against him and his brother Aaron, Numbers xx, 1, &c. Upon this occasion Moses committed that great sin with which God was so much displeased, that he deprived him of the honour of introducing his people into the land of promise.
Water sometimes represents the element of water, Gen. i, 10; and metaphorically, it symbolizes trouble and afflictions, Psalm lxix, 1. In the language of the prophets, waters often refer to a large number of people, Isa. viii, 7; Rev. xvii, 15. Water can also stand for children or descendants, Num. xxiv, 7; Isa. xlviii, 1; and for the clouds, Psalm civ, 3. Waters sometimes symbolize tears, Jer. ix, 1, 7; for the ordinances of the Gospel, Isa. xii, 3; xxxv, 6, 7; lv, 1; John vii, 37, 38. “Stolen waters” refer to unlawful pleasures with strange women, Prov. ix, 17. The Israelites are criticized for abandoning the fountain of living water to satisfy their thirst at broken cisterns, Jer. ii, 13; meaning they left the worship of God for the worship of false and ridiculous deities. The Waters of Meribah, or the waters of strife, were named for the quarrels and complaints of the Israelites against Moses and God. When they arrived at Kadesh and found themselves in need of water, they rebelled against him and his brother Aaron, Numbers xx, 1, &c. On this occasion, Moses committed a significant sin, which displeased God so much that He denied him the honor of leading his people into the promised land.
WAX, דונג, Psalm xxii, 14; lxviii, 2; xcvii, 5; Micah i, 4. Thus the LXX. throughout, κηρὸς, and vulgate cera; so there is no room to doubt but this is the true meaning of the word: and the idea of the root appears to be soft, melting, yielding, or the like, which properties are not only well known to belong to wax, but are also intimated in all the passages of Scripture in which this word occurs.
WAX, דונג, Psalm 22:14; 68:2; 97:5; Micah 1:4. So the LXX. throughout, κηρὸς, and the Vulgate cera; therefore, there is no doubt that this is the true meaning of the word: the concept of the root seems to be soft, melting, yielding, or something similar, which characteristics are not only well known to apply to wax but are also suggested in all the Scripture passages where this word is used.
WAYFARING MEN. In the primitive ages of the world there were no public inns or taverns. In those days the voluntary exhibition 951of hospitality to one who stood in need of it was highly honourable. The glory of an open-hearted and generous hospitality continued even after public inns or caravanserais were erected, and continues to this day in the east, Job xxii, 7; xxxi, 17; Gen. xviii, 3–9; xix, 2–10; Exodus ii, 20; Judges xix, 2–10; Acts xvi, 15; xvii, 7; xxviii, 7; Matt. xxv, 35; Mark ix, 41; Rom. xii, 13; 1 Tim. iii, 2; v, 10; Heb. xiii, 2. Buckingham in his “Travels among the Arab Tribes,” says, “A foot passenger could make his way at little or no expense, as travellers and wayfarers of every description halt at the sheikh’s dwelling, where, whatever may be the rank or condition of the stranger, before any questions are asked him as to where he comes from, or whither he is going, coffee is served to him from a large pot always on the fire; and a meal of bread, milk, oil, honey, or butter, is set before him, for which no payment is ever demanded or even expected by the host, who, in this manner, feeds at least twenty persons on an average every day in the year from his own purse; at least, I could not learn that he was remunerated in any manner for this expenditure, though it is considered as a necessary consequence of his situation, as chief of the community, that he should maintain this ancient practice of hospitality to strangers.--We had been directed to the house of Eesa, or Jesus. Our horses were taken into the court yard of the house, and unburdened of their saddles, without a single question being asked on either side; and it was not until we had seated ourselves that our intention to remain here for the night was communicated to the master of the house: so much is it regarded a matter of course, that those who have a house to shelter themselves in, and food to partake of, should share those comforts with wayfarers.” The passage in Isa. xxxv, 8, “The wayfaring men, though fools, shall not err therein,” receives elucidation from some of the accounts of modern travellers. Irwin, speaking of his passing through the deserts on the eastern side of the Nile, in his going from Upper Egypt to Cairo, tells us, that, after leaving a certain valley, which he mentions, their road lay over level ground. “As it would be next to an impossibility to find the way over these stony flats, where the heavy foot of a camel leaves no impression, the different bands of robbers,” wild Arabs, he means, who frequent that desert, “have heaped up stones at unequal distances for their direction through this desert. We have derived great assistance from the robbers in this respect, who are our guides when the marks either fail, or are unintelligible to us.” “It was on the 24th of March,” says Hoste, “that I departed from Alexandria for Rosetta: it was a good day’s journey thither, over a level country, but a perfect desert, so that the wind plays with the sand, and there is no trace of a road. We travel first six leagues along the sea coast; but when we leave this, it is about six leagues more to Rosetta, and from thence to the town there are high stone or bark pillars, in a line, according to which travellers direct their journey.”
WAYFARING MEN. In the early days of the world, there were no public inns or taverns. Back then, showing hospitality to someone in need was very honorable. The tradition of open-hearted and generous hospitality continued even after public inns or caravanserais were built and still exists today in the East, as noted in Job xxii, 7; xxxi, 17; Gen. xviii, 3–9; xix, 2–10; Exodus ii, 20; Judges xix, 2–10; Acts xvi, 15; xvii, 7; xxviii, 7; Matt. xxv, 35; Mark ix, 41; Rom. xii, 13; 1 Tim. iii, 2; v, 10; Heb. xiii, 2. Buckingham, in his “Travels among the Arab Tribes,” states, “A foot passenger can get by with little or no cost, as travelers of all kinds stop at the sheikh’s house, where, regardless of the stranger's rank or condition, coffee is served from a large pot always on the fire before any questions are asked about where they come from or where they’re going. A meal of bread, milk, oil, honey, or butter is presented, for which the host never asks for payment or even expects it. In this way, he feeds at least twenty people on average every day from his own pocket; at least from what I learned, he is not reimbursed for this expense, though it is seen as a necessary duty of his position as the community leader to continue this ancient practice of hospitality to strangers. -- We were directed to the house of Eesa, or Jesus. Our horses were taken into the courtyard of the house and relieved of their saddles without a single question asked by either side; it wasn’t until we settled in that we communicated our intention to stay for the night to the house’s owner: it’s so customary that those with a house to shelter in and food to eat should share those comforts with travelers.” The passage in Isa. xxxv, 8, “The wayfaring men, though fools, shall not err therein,” is clarified by some accounts from modern travelers. Irwin, speaking of his journey through the deserts on the eastern side of the Nile, from Upper Egypt to Cairo, recounts that after leaving a specific valley, which he mentions, their path lay over flat terrain. “It would be nearly impossible to find the way over these stony plains, where the heavy foot of a camel leaves no mark, so the different bands of robbers”—referring to the wild Arabs who roam that desert—“have piled stones at uneven distances to guide their way through this desert. We have received significant help from the robbers in this area, who act as our guides when the markers fail or become unclear.” “It was on March 24th,” says Hoste, “that I left Alexandria for Rosetta: it was a full day’s journey across flat land, but a complete desert, where the wind shifts the sand, leaving no visible road. We first traveled six leagues along the coast, but once we left that, it was about six more leagues to Rosetta. From there to the town, there are high stone or bark pillars set in a line to guide travelers on their journey.”
WAYS, in Scripture, means conduct: for example: “Make your paths straight.” The paths of the wicked are crooked. To forsake the ways of the Lord, is to forsake his laws. Ways also signifies custom, manners, and way of life: “All flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth,” Gen. vi, 12; xix, 31; Jer. xxxii, 19. The way of the Lord expresses his conduct to us: “My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways, saith the Lord,” Isa. lv, 8. We find through the whole of Scripture this kind of expressions: The way of peace, of justice, of iniquity, of truth, of darkness. To go the way of all the earth, Joshua xxiii, 14, signifies dying and the grave. A hard way represents the way of sinners, a way of impiety, Judges ii, 19. Jesus Christ is called the Way, John xiv, 6, because it is by him alone that believers obtain eternal life, and an entrance into heaven. The psalmist says, “Thou wilt show me the path of life,” Psalm xvi, 11; that is, Thou wilt raise my body from death to life, and conduct me to the place and state of everlasting happiness. When a great prince in the east sets out on a journey, it is usual to send a party of men before him, to clear the way. The state of those countries in every age, where roads are almost unknown, and, from the want of cultivation, in many parts overgrown with brambles, and other thorny plants, which renders travelling, especially with a large retinue, very incommodious, requires this precaution. The emperor of Hindostan, in his progress through his dominions, as described in the narrative of Sir Thomas Roe’s embassy to the court of Delhi, was preceded by a very great company, sent before him to cut up the trees and bushes, to level and smooth the road, and prepare their place of encampment. Balin, who swayed the imperial sceptre of India, had five hundred chosen men, in rich livery, with their drawn sabres, who ran before him, proclaiming his approach, and clearing the way. Nor was this honour reserved exclusively for the reigning emperor; it was often shown to persons of royal birth. When an Indian princess made a visit to her father, the roads were directed to be repaired, and made clear for her journey; fruit trees were planted, water vessels placed in the road side, and great illuminations prepared for the occasion. Mr. Bruce gives nearly the same account of a journey, which the king of Abyssinia made through a part of his dominions. The chief magistrate of every district through which he had to pass was, by his office, obliged to have the roads cleared, levelled, and smoothed; and he mentions, that a magistrate of one of the districts, having failed in this part of his duty, was, together with his son, immediately put to death on the spot, where a thorn happened to catch the garment, and interrupt for a moment the progress of his majesty. This custom is easily recognized in that beautiful prediction: “The voice of him that crieth in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make straight in the desert a 952highway for our God. Every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be brought low; and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together, for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it,” Isa. xl, 3–5. We shall be able, perhaps, to form a more clear and precise idea, from the account which Diodorus gives of the marches of Semiramis, the celebrated queen of Babylon, into Media and Persia. In her march to Ecbatane, says the historian, she came to the Zarcean mountain, which, extending many furlongs, and being full of craggy precipices and deep hollows, could not be passed without taking a great compass. Being therefore desirous of leaving an everlasting memorial of herself, as well as of shortening the way, she ordered the precipices to be digged down, and the hollows to be filled up; and at great expense she made a shorter and more expeditious road; which to this day is called, from her, the road of Semiramis. Afterward she went into Persia, and all the other countries of Asia subject to her dominion; and wherever she went, she ordered the mountains and the precipices to be levelled, and raised causeways in the plain country, and at a great expense made the ways passable. Whatever may be in this story, the following statement is entitled to the fullest credit: “All eastern potentates have their precursors and a number of pioneers to clear the road, by removing obstacles, and filling up the ravines and the hollow ways in their route. In the days of Mogul splendour, the emperor caused the hills and mountains to be levelled, and the valleys to be filled up for his convenience. This beautifully illustrates the figurative language in the approach of the Prince of Peace, when every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.”
WAYS in Scripture refers to behavior; for instance: “Make your paths straight.” The paths of the wicked are twisted. To abandon the ways of the Lord is to abandon his laws. Ways also means customs, manners, and lifestyle: “All flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth,” Gen. vi, 12; xix, 31; Jer. xxxii, 19. The way of the Lord reflects his treatment towards us: “My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways, says the Lord,” Isa. lv, 8. Throughout Scripture, we find these kinds of expressions: the way of peace, of justice, of wickedness, of truth, of darkness. To go the way of all the earth, Joshua xxiii, 14, means to die and go to the grave. A hard way symbolizes the path of sinners, a way of wrongdoing, Judges ii, 19. Jesus Christ is referred to as the Way, John xiv, 6, because it is only through him that believers gain eternal life and access to heaven. The psalmist says, “You will show me the path of life,” Psalm xvi, 11; meaning, You will raise my body from death to life and guide me to the place of everlasting happiness. When a high-ranking prince from the east embarks on a journey, it's customary to send a group ahead to clear the path. In regions where roads are nearly nonexistent and areas are overgrown with brambles and thorny plants, this is especially necessary to make traveling easier, particularly with a large entourage. The emperor of Hindostan, during his travels, as described in Sir Thomas Roe’s account of the Delhi court, was preceded by a large group sent to clear trees and bushes, level the route, and prepare their campsite. Balin, who ruled India, had five hundred chosen men in lavish uniforms with drawn sabers running ahead to announce his arrival and clear the way. This honor was not limited to the reigning emperor but was often extended to royal family members. For example, when an Indian princess visited her father, the roads were ordered to be repaired and cleared for her trip; fruit trees were planted, water vessels placed along the roadside, and grand decorations prepared for the occasion. Mr. Bruce offers a similar account of a journey made by the king of Abyssinia through part of his territory. The chief official of every district he passed through was required, by his role, to have the roads cleared, leveled, and smoothed; he mentions that a magistrate in one district faced immediate execution for failing in this duty when a thorn caught the king's garment and briefly halted his progress. This practice is echoed in the beautiful prophecy: “The voice of him that cries in the wilderness, Prepare the way of the Lord, make straight in the desert a highway for our God. Every valley shall be lifted up, and every mountain and hill brought low; the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places smooth; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together, for the mouth of the Lord has spoken it,” Isa. xl, 3–5. Perhaps we can gain a clearer understanding from Diodorus’s account of the campaigns of Semiramis, the famous queen of Babylon, into Media and Persia. As she marched to Ecbatane, the historian notes that she encountered the Zarcean mountain, which stretched for many furlongs and was full of jagged cliffs and deep hollows, making it challenging to pass without taking a long detour. Wanting to leave a lasting legacy and to shorten the route, she ordered the cliffs to be leveled and the hollows filled. At great expense, she created a shorter and more direct road, now known as the road of Semiramis. She later traveled into Persia and all other Asian territories under her rule, making sure to smooth the mountains and cliffs, build causeways in flatter areas, and at great expense ensure that the paths were navigable. Regardless of the truth in that tale, the following statement holds considerable truth: “All eastern rulers have their advance teams and many laborers to clear the path by removing obstacles and filling in the ravines and depressions along their journey. During the days of Mogul grandeur, the emperor had hills and mountains leveled and valleys filled to facilitate his travel. This vividly illustrates the figurative language in describing the arrival of the Prince of Peace, when every valley shall be lifted up, every mountain and hill lowered, and the crooked made straight, with rough places smoothed.”
WEAVING. The combined arts of spinning and weaving are among the first essentials of civilized society, and we find both to be of very ancient origin. The fabulous story of Penelope’s web, and, still more, the frequent allusions to this art in the sacred writings, tend to show that the fabrication of cloth from threads, hair, &c, is a very ancient invention. It has, however, like other useful arts, undergone a vast succession of improvements, both as to the preparation of the materials of which cloth is made, and the apparatus necessary in its construction, as well as in the particular modes of operation by the artist. Weaving, when reduced to its original principle, is nothing more than the interlacing of the weft or cross threads into the parallel threads of the warp, so as to tie them together, and form a web or piece of cloth. This art is doubtless more ancient than that of spinning; and the first cloth was what we now call matting, that is, made by weaving together the shreds of the bark, or fibrous parts of plants, or the stalks, such as rushes and straws. This is still the substitute for cloth among most rude and savage nations. When they have advanced a step farther in civilization than the state of hunters, the skins of animals become scarce, and they require some more artificial substance for clothing, and which they can procure in greater quantities. When it was discovered that the delicate and short fibres which animals and vegetables afford could be so firmly united together by twisting, as to form threads of any required length and strength, the weaving art was placed on a very permanent foundation. By the process of spinning, which was very simple in the origin, the weaver is furnished with threads far superior to any natural vegetable fibres in lightness, strength, and flexibility; and he has only to combine them together in the most advantageous manner. In the beautiful description which is given, in the last chapter of Solomon’s Proverbs, of the domestic economy of the virtuous woman, it is said, “She seeketh wool and flax, and worketh willingly with her hands: she layeth her hands to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff. She maketh herself coverings of tapestry,” &c. Such is the occupation of females in the east in the present day. Not only do they employ themselves in working rich embroideries, but in making carpets filled with flowers and other pleasing figures. Dr. Shaw gives us an account of the last: “Carpets, which are much coarser than those from Turkey, are made here in great numbers, and of all sizes. But the chief branch of their manufactories is the making of hykes, or blankets, as we should call them. The women alone are employed in this work, (as Andromache and Penelope were of old,) who do not use the shuttle, but conduct every thread of the woof with their fingers.” Hezekiah says, “I have cut off like a weaver my life,” Isa. xxxviii, 12. Mr. Harmer suggests whether the simile here used may not refer to the weaving of a carpet filled with flowers and other ingenious devices; and that the meaning may be, that, just as a weaver, after having wrought many decorations into a piece of carpeting, suddenly cuts it off, while the figures were rising into view fresh and beautiful, and the spectator expecting he would proceed in his work; so, after a variety of pleasing transactions in the course of life, it suddenly and unexpectedly comes to its end.
WEAVING. The combined skills of spinning and weaving are among the first crucial elements of civilized society, and both have very ancient origins. The legendary tale of Penelope's web, along with the frequent references to this craft in sacred texts, indicates that making cloth from threads, hair, etc., is a very old invention. However, like many practical arts, it has undergone significant improvements in terms of the preparation of the materials used to make cloth, the tools required for its creation, and the specific techniques employed by artisans. Weaving, at its core, is simply the interlacing of the weft or cross threads with the parallel threads of the warp, tying them together to create a web or piece of cloth. This craft is undoubtedly older than spinning; the first cloth was what we now refer to as matting, made by weaving shreds of bark, fibrous plant parts, or stalks like rushes and straws. This is still used as a substitute for cloth among many primitive and tribal societies. As these societies progress beyond the hunting stage, the skins of animals become scarce, and they need some more refined material for clothing, which is available in larger quantities. Once it was discovered that the delicate and short fibers from animals and plants could be twisted together to form threads of any required length and strength, the art of weaving was firmly established. Through the simple process of spinning, the weaver is able to create threads that surpass any natural plant fibers in weight, strength, and flexibility, allowing them to combine these threads in the most effective ways. In the beautiful description in the last chapter of Solomon's Proverbs about the domestic life of a virtuous woman, it says, “She seeks wool and flax and works willingly with her hands: she lays her hands to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff. She makes herself coverings of tapestry,” etc. This is still the work of women in the East today. Not only do they engage in creating rich embroidery, but they also make carpets adorned with flowers and other appealing designs. Dr. Shaw recounts this: “Carpets, which are much coarser than those from Turkey, are made here in great quantities and in all sizes. But their most significant production is the making of hykes, or blankets, as we would call them. Only women are involved in this work, (like Andromache and Penelope of old), who do not use the shuttle but guide every thread of the weft with their fingers.” Hezekiah says, “I have cut off like a weaver my life,” Isa. xxxviii, 12. Mr. Harmer suggests that the simile used here might refer to the weaving of a carpet decorated with flowers and other clever patterns; that is, just as a weaver, after creating many designs in a piece of carpeting, abruptly cuts it off when the images are just starting to emerge fresh and beautiful, and the viewer expects them to continue their work; so too do the various enjoyable moments of life suddenly and unexpectedly come to an end.
WEEKS. A period of seven days, under the usual name of a week, שבעה, is mentioned as far back as the time of the deluge, Gen. vii, 4, 10; viii, 10, 12; xxix, 27, 28. It must, therefore, be considered a very ancient division of time, especially as the various nations among whom it has been noticed, for instance, the Nigri in Africa, appear to have received it from the sons of Noah. The enumeration of the days of the week commenced at Sunday. Saturday was the last or seventh, and was the Hebrew Sabbath, or day of rest. The Egyptians gave to the days of the week the same names that they assigned to the planets. From the circumstance that the Sabbath was the principal day of the week, the whole period of seven days was likewise called שפת, in Syriac שבתא, in the New Testament σάϐϐατον and 953σάϐϐατα. The Jews, accordingly, in designating the successive days of the week, were accustomed to say, the first day of the Sabbath, that is, of the week; the second day of the Sabbath, that is, Sunday, Monday, &c, Mark xvi, 2, 9; Luke xxiv, 1; John xx, i, 19. In addition to the week of days, the Jews had three other seasons, denominated weeks, Lev. xxv, 1–17; Deut. xvi, 9–10: 1. The week of weeks. It was a period of seven weeks or forty-nine days, which was succeeded on the fiftieth day by the feast of pentecost, ϖεντηκοσὴ, “fifty,” Deut. xvi, 9, 10. 2. The week of years. This was a period of seven years, during the last of which the land remained untilled, and the people enjoyed a Sabbath or season of rest. 3. The week of seven sabbatical years. It was a period of forty-nine years, and was succeeded by the year of jubilee, Lev. xxv, 1–22; xxvi, 34. See Year.
WEEKS. A period of seven days, commonly called a week, Seven, has been referenced as far back as the time of the flood, Gen. vii, 4, 10; viii, 10, 12; xxix, 27, 28. Therefore, it should be considered a very old division of time, especially since various nations that recorded it, such as the Nigri in Africa, seem to have received it from the sons of Noah. The days of the week start on Sunday. Saturday is the last or seventh day and is the Hebrew Sabbath, or day of rest. The Egyptians named the days of the week after the planets. Because the Sabbath was the main day of the week, the entire seven-day period was also called שפת, in Syriac שבת, in the New Testament σάϐϐατον and 953σάϐϐατα. Therefore, the Jews referred to the days of the week as the first day of the Sabbath, meaning the week; the second day of the Sabbath, meaning Sunday, Monday, etc., Mark xvi, 2, 9; Luke xxiv, 1; John xx, i, 19. In addition to the week of days, the Jews also had three other periods referred to as weeks, Lev. xxv, 1–17; Deut. xvi, 9–10: 1. The week of weeks. This was a period of seven weeks or forty-nine days, followed by the feast of Pentecost on the fiftieth day, ϖεντηκοσὴ, “fifty,” Deut. xvi, 9, 10. 2. The week of years. This was a period of seven years, during which the land remained uncultivated, and the people enjoyed a Sabbath or time of rest. 3. The week of seven sabbatical years. This was a period of forty-nine years, followed by the year of jubilee, Lev. xxv, 1–22; xxvi, 34. See Year.
WEIGHTS. See “Table of Weights and Measures” at the end of the volume.
WEIGHTS. See “Table of Weights and Measures” at the end of the volume.
WELLS. When the pool, the fountain, and the river fail, the oriental shepherd is reduced to the necessity of digging wells; and, in the patriarchal age, the discovery of water was reckoned of sufficient importance to be the subject of a formal report to the master of the flock, who commonly distinguished the spot by an appropriate name. A remarkable instance of this kind is recorded by Moses in these terms: “And Isaac departed thence, and pitched his tent in the valley of Gerar, and dwelt there. And Isaac digged again the wells of water which they had digged in the days of Abraham his father; for the Philistines had stopped them after the death of Abraham; and he called their names after the names by which his father had called them. And Isaac’s servants digged in the valley, and found there a well of springing water. And the herdmen of Gerar did strive with Isaac’s herdmen, saying, The water is ours; and he called the name of the well Ezek, because they strove with him. And they digged another well; and they strove for that also, and he called the name of it Sitnah, (opposition;) and he removed from thence and digged another well: and for that they strove not; and he called the name of it Rehoboth, (room;) and he said, For now the Lord hath made room for us, and we shall be fruitful in the land,” Gen. xxvi, 17, &c. “Strife,” says Dr. Richardson, “between the different villagers and the different herdsmen here, exists still, as it did in the days of Abraham and Lot: the country has often changed masters; but the habits of the natives, both in this and other respects, have been nearly stationary.” So important was the successful operation of sinking a well in Canaan, that the sacred historian remarks in another passage: “And it came to pass the same day, (that Isaac and Abimelech had concluded their treaty,) that Isaac’s servants came and told him concerning the well which they had digged, and said unto him, We have found water; and he called it Shebah, (the oath,) therefore the name of the city is Beershebah unto this day,” Gen. xxvi, 33. To prevent the sand, which is raised from the parched surface of the ground by the winds, from filling up their wells, they were obliged to cover them with a stone. In this manner the well was covered, from which the flocks of Laban were commonly watered: and the shepherds, careful not to leave them open at any time, patiently waited till all the flocks were gathered together, before they removed the covering, and then, having drawn a sufficient quantity of water, they replaced the stone immediately. The extreme scarcity of water in these arid regions, entirely justifies such vigilant and parsimonious care in the management of this precious fluid; and accounts for the fierce contentions about the possession of a well, which so frequently happened between the shepherds of different masters. But after the question of right, or of possession, was decided, it would seem the shepherds were often detected in fraudulently watering their flocks and herds from their neighbour’s well. To prevent this, they secured the cover with a lock, which continued in use so late as the days of Chardin, who frequently saw such precautions used in different parts of Asia, on account of the real scarcity of water there. According to that intelligent traveller, when the wells and cisterns were not locked up, some person was so far the proprietor that no one dared to open a well or cistern but in his presence. This was probably the reason that the shepherds of Padanaram declined the invitation of Jacob to water the flocks, before they were all assembled; either they had not the key of the lock which secured the stone, or, if they had, they durst not open it but in the presence of Rachel, to whose father the well belonged. It is ridiculous to suppose the stone was so heavy that the united strength of several Mesopotamian shepherds could not roll it from the mouth of the well, when Jacob had strength or address to remove it alone; or that, though a stranger, he ventured to break a standing rule for watering the flocks, which the natives did not dare to do, and that without opposition. The oriental shepherds were not on other occasions so passive, as the violent conduct of the men of Gerar sufficiently proves.
WELLS. When the pool, the fountain, and the river run dry, the shepherd in the East has no choice but to dig wells; and during the patriarchal era, finding water was considered so important that it warranted a formal report to the flock's master, who would typically name the location appropriately. A notable example of this is recorded by Moses in these words: “And Isaac left there and set up his tent in the valley of Gerar, and lived there. Isaac reopened the wells of water that had been dug in the days of his father Abraham, for the Philistines had filled them in after Abraham's death; and he named them the same names his father had given them. Isaac’s servants dug in the valley and found a well of fresh water. The herdsmen of Gerar argued with Isaac’s herdsmen, claiming, ‘The water is ours;’ so he named the well Ezek, because they quarreled with him. They dug another well, but they argued over that one too, so he named it Sitnah, (opposition); and he moved on and dug another well, and they didn’t argue over that one, so he named it Rehoboth, (room); and he said, ‘For now the Lord has made room for us, and we will be fruitful in the land,’” Gen. xxvi, 17, &c. “Conflict,” says Dr. Richardson, “between different villagers and herdsmen still exists, as it did in the days of Abraham and Lot: the area has often changed hands, but the locals' habits, in this and other respects, have remained almost the same.” The successful digging of a well in Canaan was so significant that the sacred historian notes in another passage: “And that same day, (when Isaac and Abimelech had completed their treaty,) Isaac’s servants came and informed him about the well they had dug, saying, ‘We have found water;’ and he named it Shebah, (the oath), so the city is still called Beershebah to this day,” Gen. xxvi, 33. To prevent the sand, stirred up by the winds from the dry ground, from filling their wells, they had to cover them with a stone. This is how the well used to water Laban's flocks was covered: the shepherds, careful not to leave it open, waited until all the flocks gathered before they removed the cover. After drawing enough water, they immediately put the stone back. The extreme scarcity of water in these dry regions fully justifies such careful management of this precious resource and explains the fierce disputes over well ownership that frequently occurred between the shepherds of different masters. Yet, once ownership disputes were resolved, it seems the shepherds were often caught secretly watering their flocks from their neighbor’s well. To prevent this, they secured the cover with a lock, which continued to be used well into the days of Chardin, who often saw such precautions taken in various parts of Asia due to the real scarcity of water there. According to that knowledgeable traveler, when the wells and cisterns were not locked, one person was the de facto owner, and no one would dare open a well or cistern without their presence. This may have been why the shepherds of Padanaram refused Jacob's invitation to water the flocks before everyone was gathered; either they didn’t have the key to the lock that secured the stone, or, if they did, they wouldn’t open it without Rachel present, as the well belonged to her father. It’s absurd to think the stone was so heavy that several Mesopotamian shepherds couldn’t roll it off the well’s opening when Jacob could manage it alone; or that, even as a stranger, he dared to break a long-standing rule about watering the flocks, which the locals wouldn’t do without opposition. The eastern shepherds were not so passive on other occasions, as the aggressive behavior of the Gerar men clearly demonstrates.
Twice in the day they led their flocks to the wells; at noon, and when the sun was going down. To water the flocks was an operation of much labour, and occupied a considerable space of time. It was, therefore, an office of great kindness with which Jacob introduced himself to the notice of his relations, to roll back the stone which lay upon the mouth of the well, and draw water for the flocks which Rachel tended. Some of these wells are furnished with troughs and flights of steps down to the water, and other contrivances to facilitate the labour of watering the cattle. It is evident the well to which Rebekah went to draw water, near the city of Nahor, had some convenience of this kind; for it is written, “Rebekah hasted and emptied her pitcher into the trough, and ran again unto the well to draw water, and drew for all his camels,” Gen. xxiv, 20. A trough was also placed by the 954well, from which the daughters of Jethro watered his flocks, Exod. ii, 16; and, if we may judge from circumstances, was a usual contrivance in every part of the east. In modern times, Mr. Park found a trough near the well, from which the Moors watered their cattle, in the sandy deserts of Sahara. Dr. Shaw, speaking of the occupation of the Moorish women in Barbary, says, “To finish the day, at the time of the evening, even at the time that the women go out to draw water, they are still to fit themselves with a pitcher or goat skin, and tying their sucking children behind them, trudge it in this manner two or three miles to fetch water.” “The women in Persia,” says Morier, “go in troops to draw water for the place. I have seen the elder ones sitting and chatting at the well, and spinning the coarse cotton of the country, while the young girls filled the skins which contain the water, and which they all carry on their backs into the town.” “A public well,” says Forbes, “without the gate of Diamonds, in the city Dhuboy, was a place of great resort: there, most travellers halted for shade and refreshment: the women frequented the fountains and reservoirs morning and evening, to draw water. Many of the Gwzerat wells have steps leading down to the surface of the water; others have not, nor do I recollect any furnished with buckets and ropes for the convenience of a stranger; most travellers are therefore provided with them, and halcarras and religious pilgrims frequently carry a small brass pot affixed to a long string for this purpose.”
Twice a day, they took their flocks to the wells—at noon and when the sun was setting. Watering the flocks was a labor-intensive task that took quite a bit of time. So, it was very kind of Jacob to introduce himself to his relatives by rolling away the stone covering the well and drawing water for the flocks Rachel was tending. Some of these wells have troughs and steps leading down to the water, along with other tools to make the job of watering the livestock easier. It's clear that the well Rebekah went to for water, near the city of Nahor, had some convenience like this; because it says, “Rebekah hurried and emptied her pitcher into the trough, and ran back to the well to draw water, and drew for all his camels,” Gen. xxiv, 20. There was also a trough by the well, from which Jethro's daughters watered his flocks, Exod. ii, 16; and it seems this was a common feature throughout the East. In modern times, Mr. Park discovered a trough near a well where the Moors watered their livestock in the sandy deserts of the Sahara. Dr. Shaw notes that, “At the end of the day, when women go to draw water, they prepare with a pitcher or goat skin, tying their babies behind them, and walk two or three miles to fetch water.” “Women in Persia,” Morier states, “go out in groups to draw water for their homes. I’ve seen the older women sitting and chatting by the well, spinning the coarse cotton of the region, while the younger girls filled the skins that they all carried on their backs into town.” “A public well,” according to Forbes, “without the gate of Diamonds in the city of Dhuboy, was a popular spot: most travelers would stop there for shade and refreshment. Women frequently visited the fountains and reservoirs morning and evening to draw water. Many of the Gwzerat wells have steps leading down to the water’s surface; others do not, and I don’t remember any having buckets and ropes for the convenience of travelers; thus, most travelers bring their own, and halcarras and religious pilgrims often carry a small brass pot attached to a long string for this purpose.”
WHALE, תן and תניין, Gen. i, 21; Job vii, 12; Ezek. xxxii, 2; κῆτος, Matt. xii, 40; the largest of all the inhabitants of the water. A late author, in a dissertation expressly for the purpose, has proved that the crocodile, and not the whale, is spoken of in Gen. i, 21. The word in Job vii, 12, must also be taken for the crocodile. It must mean some terrible animal, which, but for the watchful care of Divine Providence, would be very destructive. Our translators render it by dragon in Isaiah xxvii, 1, where the prophet gives this name to the king of Egypt: “He shall slay the dragon that is in the sea.” The sea there is the river Nile, and the dragon the crocodile, Ezek. xxxii, 2. On this passage Bochart remarks, ”The תנין is not a whale, as people imagine; for a whale has neither feet nor scales, neither is it to be found in the rivers of Egypt; neither does it ascend therefrom upon the land; neither is it taken in the meshes of a net; all of which properties are ascribed by Ezekiel to the תנין of Egypt. Whence it is plain that it is not a whale that is here spoken of, but the crocodile. Merrick supposes David, in Psalm lxxiv, 13, to speak of the tunnie, a kind of whale, with which he was probably acquainted; and Bochart thinks it has its Greek name thunnos from the Hebrew thanot. The last-mentioned fish is undoubtedly that spoken of in Psalm civ, 26. We are told, that, in order to preserve the Prophet Jonah when he was thrown overboard by the mariners, “the Lord prepared a great fish to swallow him up.” What kind of fish it was, is not specified; but the Greek translators take the liberty to give us the word κῆτος, whale; and though St. Matthew, xii, 40, makes use of the same word, we may probably conclude that he did so in a general sense; and that we are not to understand it as an appropriated term, to point out the particular species of fish. It is notorious that sharks are common in the Mediterranean.
WHALE, Give and תנין, Gen. i, 21; Job vii, 12; Ezek. xxxii, 2; κῆτος, Matt. xii, 40; the largest of all the creatures in the water. A recent author, in a paper specifically on this topic, has shown that it’s actually the crocodile, not the whale, that is referred to in Gen. i, 21. The term in Job vii, 12, should also be understood as the crocodile. It likely refers to some fearsome creature that, without the careful watch of Divine Providence, could cause significant destruction. Our translators use the term dragon in Isaiah xxvii, 1, where the prophet calls the king of Egypt by this name: “He shall slay the dragon that is in the sea.” In this context, the sea refers to the river Nile, and the dragon represents the crocodile, as noted in Ezek. xxxii, 2. Bochart comments on this passage, saying, “The Crocodile is not a whale, as some believe; because a whale has no feet or scales, it isn’t found in the rivers of Egypt, does not come ashore, and isn’t caught in nets; all of which characteristics are attributed by Ezekiel to the Crocodile of Egypt. Thus, it’s clear that what is being discussed here is not a whale but a crocodile.” Merrick suggests that David, in Psalm lxxiv, 13, refers to the tunnie, a type of whale he likely knew; Bochart believes it derives its Greek name thunnos from the Hebrew thanot. The fish mentioned is certainly the one referred to in Psalm civ, 26. We are told that to save the Prophet Jonah when he was thrown overboard by the sailors, “the Lord prepared a great fish to swallow him up.” The type of fish isn’t specified, but the Greek translators chose the term κῆτος, whale; although St. Matthew, xii, 40, uses the same term, we can assume he meant it in a general sense, and didn’t intend to identify a specific fish species. It is well-known that sharks are common in the Mediterranean.
WHEAT, חטה, Gen. xxx, 14; Deut. viii, 8; σῖτος, Matt. xiii, 25; Luke xvi, 7; 1 Cor. xv, 37; the principal and the most valuable kind of grain for the service of man. (See Barley, and Fitches.) In Lev. ii, directions are given for oblations, which in our translation are called meat-offerings; but as meat means flesh, and all kinds of offerings there specified, were made of wheat, it had been better to render it “wheaten offerings.” Calmet has observed, that there were five kinds of these, simple flour, oven cakes, cakes of the fire plate, cakes of the frying pan, and green ears of corn. The word בר, translated corn, Gen. xli, 35, and wheat in Jer. xxiii, 28; Joel ii, 24; Amos v, 11, &c, is undoubtedly the burr, or wild corn of the Arabs, mentioned by Forskal.
WHEAT, Wheat, Gen. 30:14; Deut. 8:8; σῖτος, Matt. 13:25; Luke 16:7; 1 Cor. 15:37; the main and most valuable type of grain for human use. (See Barley, and Fitches.) In Lev. 2, there are instructions for offerings, which in our translation are referred to as meat-offerings; however, since meat typically means flesh, and all the offerings mentioned there were made of wheat, it would be more accurate to translate it as "wheaten offerings." Calmet noted that there were five types of these: plain flour, oven-baked cakes, cakes from a griddle, cakes from a frying pan, and fresh ears of corn. The word Bar, translated as corn in Gen. 41:35, and as wheat in Jer. 23:28; Joel 2:24; Amos 5:11, etc., certainly refers to the burr or wild corn of the Arabs, as mentioned by Forskal.
WHIRLWIND, a wind which rises suddenly from almost every point, is exceedingly impetuous and rapid, and imparts a whirling motion to dust, sand, water, and occasionally to bodies of great weight and bulk, carrying them either upward or downward, and scattering them about in different directions. Whirlwinds and water spouts are supposed to proceed from the same cause; their only difference being, that the latter pass over the water, and the former over the land. Both of them have a progressive as well as a circular motion, generally rise after calms and great heats, and occur most frequently in warm latitudes. The wind blows in every direction from a large surrounding space, both toward the water spout and the whirlwind; and a water spout has been known to pass, in its progressive motion, from sea to land, and, when it has reached the latter, to produce all the phenomena and effects of a whirlwind. There is no doubt, therefore, of their arising from a similar cause, as they are both explicable on the same general principles. In the imagery employed by the sacred writers, these frightful hurricanes are introduced as the immediate instruments of the divine indignation: “He shall take them away as with a whirlwind, both living and in his wrath,” Psalm lviii, 9. “God shall rebuke them, and they shall flee far off, and shall be chased as the chaff of the mountains before the wind, and like a rolling thing before the whirlwind,” Isaiah xvii, 13. “The Lord hath his way in the whirlwind and in the storm, and the clouds are the dust of his feet,” Nahum i, 3. All these are familiar images to the inhabitants of eastern countries, and receive some elucidation from the subjoined descriptions of English travellers. “On the 25th,” says Bruce, “at four o’clock in the afternoon, we set out from the villages of the Nuba, intending to arrive at Basbock, where is the ferry over the Nile; 955but we had scarcely advanced two miles into the plain, when we were enclosed in a violent whirlwind, or what is called at sea the water spout. The plain was red earth, which had been plentifully moistened by a shower in the night time. The unfortunate camel that had been taken by Cohala seemed to be nearly in the centre of its vortex; it was lifted and thrown down at a considerable distance, and several of its ribs broken; although, as far as I could guess, I was not near the centre, it whirled me off my feet, and threw me down upon my face, so as to make my nose gush out with blood: two of the servants, likewise, had the same fate. It plastered us all over with mud, almost as smoothly as could have been done with a trowel. It took away my sense and breathing for an instant; and my mouth and nose were full of mud when I recovered. I guess the sphere of its action to be about two hundred feet. It demolished one half of a small hut, as if it had been cut through with a knife, and dispersed the materials all over the plain, leaving the other half standing.” “When there was a perfect calm,” observes Morier, “partial and strong currents of air would arise, and form whirlwinds, which produced high columns of sand all over the plain. Those that we saw at Shiraz were formed and dissipated in a few minutes: nor is it the nature of this phenomenon to travel far; it being a current of air that takes its way in a capricious and sudden manner, and is dissolved by the very nature of its formation. Whenever one of them took our tents, it generally disturbed them very materially, and frequently threw them down. Their appearance was that of water spouts at sea, and perhaps they are produced in the same manner.” And Burchell remarks: “The hottest days are often the most calm; and at such times the stillness of the atmosphere was sometimes suddenly disturbed in an extraordinary manner. Whirlwinds, raising up columns of dust to a great height in the air, and sweeping over the plains with momentary fury, were no unusual occurrence. As they were always harmless, it was an amusing sight to watch these tall pillars of dust as they rapidly passed by, carrying up every light substance to the height of from one to even three or four hundred feet. The rate at which they travelled varied from five to ten miles in the hour: their form was seldom straight, nor were they quite perpendicular, but uncertain and changing. Whenever they happened to pass over our fire, all the ashes were scattered in an instant, and nothing remained but the heavier sticks and logs. Sometimes they were observed to disappear, and in a minute or two afterward to make their re-appearance at a distance farther on. This occurred whenever they passed over rocky ground, or a surface on which there was no dust, nor other substances sufficiently light to be carried up in the vortex. Sometimes they changed their colour, according to that of the soil or dust which lay in their march; and when they crossed a tract of country where the grass had lately been burned, they assumed a corresponding blackness. But to-day the calm and heat of the air was only the prelude to a violent wind, which commenced as soon as the sun had sunk, and continued during the greater part of the night. The great heat and long-protracted drought of the season had evaporated all moisture from the earth, and rendered the sandy soil excessively light and dusty. Astonishing quantities of the finer particles of this sand were carried up by the wind, and filled the whole atmosphere, where, at a great height, they were borne along by the tempest, and seemed to be real clouds, although of a reddish hue; while the heavier particles, descending again, presented, at a distance, the appearance of mist or driving rains.”
A WHIRLWIND is a wind that suddenly rises from nearly every direction, incredibly strong and swift, creating a swirling motion with dust, sand, water, and sometimes even large, heavy objects, lifting them either up or down and scattering them in various directions. Whirlwinds and waterspouts are believed to stem from the same cause; the only difference being that waterspouts occur over water and whirlwinds over land. Both exhibit both a progressive and a circular motion, usually emerging after periods of calm and high heat, and they are most common in warmer regions. The wind blows from a wide surrounding area towards both the waterspout and the whirlwind; a waterspout has been known to move from sea to land, and once it reaches land, it can create all the effects of a whirlwind. There is no doubt that they arise from a similar cause, as both can be explained by the same general principles. In the imagery used by sacred writers, these terrifying hurricanes are depicted as instruments of divine wrath: “He shall take them away as with a whirlwind, both living and in his wrath,” Psalm lviii, 9. “God shall rebuke them, and they shall flee far off, and shall be chased like the chaff of the mountains before the wind, and like a rolling thing before the whirlwind,” Isaiah xvii, 13. “The Lord has his way in the whirlwind and in the storm, and the clouds are the dust of his feet,” Nahum i, 3. These images are well-known to the inhabitants of eastern countries and are further explained by the following accounts from English travelers. “On the 25th,” Bruce says, “at four o'clock in the afternoon, we set out from the villages of the Nuba, aiming to reach Basbock, where there is a ferry over the Nile; 955 but we had barely gone two miles into the plain when we were caught in a fierce whirlwind, or what is called a waterspout at sea. The plain was made of red earth, which had been well-soaked by a shower the night before. The unfortunate camel that had been taken by Cohala seemed to be nearly in the center of its vortex; it was lifted and thrown down some distance away, breaking several ribs; though as far as I could tell, I was not close to the center, it knocked me off my feet and slammed me down on my face, causing my nose to bleed. Two of the servants experienced the same fate. It covered us in mud, smoothing us over as if done with a trowel. It took away my senses and breath for a moment; my mouth and nose were full of mud when I caught my breath again. I estimate the area affected to be about two hundred feet. It destroyed half of a small hut as though it had been sliced through with a knife, scattering the debris across the plain while leaving the other half standing.” “When there was absolute calm,” Morier notes, “strong, localized air currents would arise, forming whirlwinds that created high columns of sand across the plain. The ones we saw at Shiraz formed and dissipated within minutes; these phenomena don't typically travel far, as they are air currents that move in a random and sudden way, dissolving as quickly as they form. Whenever one of them hit our tents, it caused considerable disruption and often knocked them down. Their appearance resembled waterspouts at sea, and they might be produced in a similar manner.” Burchell adds: “The hottest days are often the calmest, and during such times, the stillness of the atmosphere could suddenly be disrupted in remarkable ways. Whirlwinds, lifting columns of dust to great heights, sweeping across the plains with intense fury, were not uncommon. They were always harmless and a fascinating sight, watching these tall dust pillars as they swiftly moved by, lifting every light object to heights of one to even three or four hundred feet. Their speed varied from five to ten miles per hour; their form was rarely straight, nor were they quite vertical, but rather uncertain and variable. Whenever they passed over our fire, all the ashes would scatter instantly, leaving only the heavier twigs and logs behind. Sometimes they were observed to vanish, only to reappear a minute or two later further along. This happened whenever they passed over rocky terrain or ground that lacked dust or other light materials to be caught up in the vortex. Sometimes they changed color based on the soil or dust they encountered; when they crossed an area where the grass had recently burned, they took on a corresponding dark appearance. But today, the calm and heat of the air were just a prelude to a fierce wind that started as soon as the sun went down, continuing through most of the night. The extreme heat and prolonged drought of the season had dried up all moisture from the earth, making the sandy soil very light and dusty. Huge amounts of fine sand particles were lifted by the wind, filling the entire atmosphere, where they were carried high by the storm, looking like actual clouds, but with a reddish tint; meanwhile, the heavier particles fell back down, giving the appearance of mist or driving rain from a distance.”
WHITE, a favourite and emblematical colour in Palestine. See Habits.
WHITE, a beloved and symbolic color in Palestine. See Habits.
WIDOW. Among the Hebrews, even before the law, a widow who had no children by her husband was to marry the brother of her deceased spouse, in order to raise up children who might inherit his goods and perpetuate his name and family. We find the practice of this custom before the law in the person of Tamar, who married successively Er and Onan, the sons of Judah, and who was likewise to have married Selah, the third son of this patriarch, after the two former were dead without issue, Gen. xxxviii, 6–11. The law that appoints these marriages is Deut. xxv, 5, &c. Two motives prevailed to the enacting of this law. The first was, the continuation of estates in the same family; and the other was to perpetuate a man’s name in Israel. It was looked upon as a great misfortune for a man to die without an heir, or to see his inheritance pass into another family. This law was not confined to brothers-in-law only, but was extended to more distant relations of the same kind; as we see in the example of Ruth, who married Boaz after she had been refused by a nearer kinsman. See Sandals.
WIDOW. Among the Hebrews, even before the law, if a widow had no children with her husband, she was expected to marry her deceased husband's brother to have children who could inherit his property and continue his name and family. We see this practice before the law in the story of Tamar, who married Er and Onan, the sons of Judah, and was also supposed to marry Selah, Judah's third son, after the first two died without children, Gen. xxxviii, 6–11. The law that established these marriages is found in Deut. xxv, 5, &c. Two main reasons motivated this law: the first was to keep estates within the same family, and the second was to ensure that a man's name lived on in Israel. It was considered a great tragedy for a man to die without an heir or for his inheritance to go to another family. This law wasn’t just for brothers-in-law; it also applied to more distant relatives. We see this in the example of Ruth, who married Boaz after a closer relative refused her. See Flip-flops.
WILL. “In his primitive condition as he came out of the hands of his Creator, man was endowed with such a portion of knowledge, holiness, and power, as enabled him to understand, esteem, consider, will, and to perform the true good, according to the commandment delivered to him: yet none of these acts could he do, except through the assistance of divine grace. But in his lapsed and sinful state, man is not capable, of and by himself, either to think, to will, or to do that which is really good; but it is necessary for him to be regenerated and renewed in his intellect, affections or will, and in all his powers, by God in Christ through the Holy Spirit, that he may be qualified rightly to understand, esteem, consider, will, and perform whatever is truly good. When he is made a partaker of this regeneration, or renovation, since he is delivered from sin, he is capable of thinking, willing, and doing that which is good, but yet not without the continued aids of divine grace.” Such were the sentiments of the often misrepresented Arminius on this subject; to which is only to be added, to complete the Scriptural 956view, that a degree of grace to consider his ways, and to return to God, is through the merit of Christ vouchsafed to every man. Every one must be conscious that he possesses free will, and that he is a free agent; that is, that he is capable of considering and reflecting upon the objects which are presented to his mind, and of acting, in such cases as are possible, according to the determination of his will. And, indeed, without this free agency, actions cannot be morally good or bad; nor can the agents be responsible for their conduct. But the corruption introduced into our nature by the fall of Adam has so weakened our mental powers, has given such force to our passions, and such perverseness to our wills, that a man “cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon God.” The most pious of those who lived under the Mosaic dispensation often acknowledged the necessity of extraordinary assistance from God: David prays to God to open his eyes, to guide and direct him; to create in him a clean heart, and renew a right spirit within him, Psalm li, 10; cxix, 18, 33, 35. Even we, whose minds are enlightened by the pure precepts of the Gospel, and urged by the motives which it suggests, must still be convinced of our weakness and depravity, and confess, in the words of the tenth article, that “we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of God preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us when we have that good will.” The necessity of divine grace to strengthen and regulate our wills, and to coöperate with our endeavours after righteousness, is clearly asserted in the New Testament: “They that are in the flesh cannot please God,” Rom. viii, 8. “Abide in me,” says our Saviour, “and I in you. As the branch cannot bear fruit of itself, except it abide in the vine, no more can ye, except ye abide in me. I am the vine, and ye are the branches: he that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruit; for without me ye can do nothing,” John xv, 4, 5. “No man can come to me, except the Father, which hath sent me, draw him.” “It is God that worketh in you, both to will and to do of his good pleasure,” Phil. ii, 13. “Not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think any thing as of ourselves, but our sufficiency is of God,” 2 Cor. iii, 5. “We know not what to pray for as we ought, but the Spirit helpeth our infirmities,” Rom. viii, 26. We are said to be “led by the Spirit,” and to “walk in the Spirit,” Rom. viii, 14; Gal. v, 16, 25. These texts sufficiently prove that we stand in need both of a prevenient and of a coöperating grace. This doctrine we find asserted in many of the ancient fathers, and particularly in Ambrose, who, in speaking of the effects of the fall, uses these words: “Thence was derived mortality, and no less a multitude of miseries than of crimes. Faith being lost, hope being abandoned, the understanding blinded, and the will made captive, no one found in himself the means of repairing these things. Without the worship of the true God, even that which seems to be virtue is sin; nor can any one please God without God. But whom does he please who does not please God, except himself and Satan? The nature therefore, which was good is made bad by habit: man would not return unless God turned him.” And Cyprian says, “We pray day and night that the sanctification and enlivening, which springs from the grace of God, may be preserved by his protection.” Dr. Nicholls, after quoting many authorities to show that the doctrine of divine grace always prevailed in the catholic church, adds, “I have spent, perhaps, more time in these testimonies than was absolutely necessary; but whatever I have done is to show that the doctrine of divine grace is so essential a doctrine of Christianity, that not only the Holy Scriptures and the primitive fathers assert it, but likewise that the Christians could not in any age maintain their religion without it,--it being necessary, not only for the discharge of Christian duties, but for the performance of our ordinary devotions.” And this seems to have been the opinion of the compilers of our excellent liturgy, in many parts of which both a prevenient and a coöperating grace is unequivocally acknowledged; particularly in the second collect for the evening service; in the fourth collect at the end of the communion service; in the collect for Easter day; in the collect for the fifth Sunday after Easter; in the collects for the third, ninth, seventeenth, nineteenth, and twenty-fifth Sundays after Trinity. This assistance of divine grace is not inconsistent with the free agency of men: it does not place them under an irresistible restraint, or compel them to act contrary to their will. Our own exertions are necessary to enable us to work out our salvation; but our sufficiency for that purpose is from God. It is, however, impossible to ascertain the precise boundary between our natural efforts and the divine assistance, whether that assistance be considered as a coöperating or a prevenient grace. Without destroying our character as free and accountable beings, God may be mercifully pleased to counteract the depravity of our hearts by the suggestions of his Spirit; but still it remains with us to choose whether we will listen to those suggestions, or obey the lusts of the flesh. We may rest assured that he will, by the communication of his grace, varied often as to power and distinctness, help our infirmities, invigorate our resolutions, and supply our defects. The promises that if we draw nigh to God, God will draw nigh to us, and pour out his Spirit upon us, James iv, 8; Acts ii, 17, and that he will give his Holy Spirit to every one that asketh him, Luke xi, 13, imply that God is ever ready to work upon our hearts, and to aid our well-doing through the powerful, though invisible, operation of his Spirit: “The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound thereof, but canst not tell whence it cometh and whither it goeth; so is every one that is born of the Spirit,” John iii, 8. The joint agency of God and 957man, in the work of human salvation, is pointed out in the following passage: “Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling; for it is God that worketh in you both to will and to do of his good pleasure,” Phil, ii, 12, 13; and therefore we may assure ourselves that free will and grace are not incompatible, though the mode and degree of their coöperation be utterly inexplicable, and though at different times one may appear for a season to overwhelm the other. This doctrine has, however, been the subject of much dispute among Christians: some sects contend for the irresistible impulses of grace, and others reject the idea of any influence of the divine Spirit upon the human mind. The former opinion seems irreconcilable with the free agency of man, if held as the constant unvarying mode in which he carries on his work in the soul of man, and the latter contradicts the authority of Scripture; “and therefore,” says Veneer, “let us neither ascribe nothing to free will, nor too much; let us not, with the defenders of irresistible grace, deny free will, or make it of no effect, not only before, but even under, grace; nor let us suffer the efficacy of saving grace, on the other hand, to be swallowed up in the strength and freedom of our wills; but, allowing the government or superiority to the grace of God, let the will of man be admitted to be its handmaid, but such a one as is free, and freely obeys; by which, when it is freely excited by the admonitions of prevenient grace, when it is prepared as to its affections, strengthened and assisted as to its powers and faculties, a man freely and willingly coöperates with God, that the grace of God be not received in vain.” “All men are also to be admonished,” observes Cranmer, in his “Necessary Doctrine,” “and chiefly preachers, that in this high matter they, looking on both sides, so temper and moderate themselves, that they neither so preach the grace of God that they take away thereby free will, nor on the other side so extol free will, that injury be done to the grace of God.” And Jortin remarks: “Thus do the doctrine of divine grace and the doctrine of free will or human liberty unite and conspire, in a friendly manner, to our everlasting good. The first is adapted to excite in us gratitude, faith, and humility; the second, to awaken our caution and quicken our diligence.”
WILL. “In his original state, as he was created, man was gifted with a level of knowledge, holiness, and power that allowed him to understand, appreciate, reflect upon, choose, and perform what is truly good, according to the commandment given to him. However, none of these actions could be accomplished without the aid of divine grace. In his fallen and sinful condition, man cannot, by his own strength, think, will, or do what is genuinely good; instead, he must be regenerated and renewed in his mind, emotions, will, and all his abilities by God in Christ through the Holy Spirit to be properly equipped to understand, appreciate, reflect upon, choose, and do what is truly good. When he participates in this regeneration, being freed from sin, he can think, will, and act on good, but still not without continuous support from divine grace.” These were the views of the often misrepresented Arminius on the matter; it should also be added, to complete the Scriptural view, that a measure of grace to reflect on his ways and return to God is provided to everyone through the merit of Christ. Everyone must be aware that they have free will and act as free agents; that is, they can consider and reflect on the things presented to them and act according to their will when possible. Without this free agency, actions cannot be morally good or bad, nor can individuals be held accountable for their actions. However, the corruption introduced into our nature by Adam's fall has so weakened our mental abilities, fueled our passions, and twisted our wills, that a person “cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon God.” Even the most devout under the Mosaic law often recognized the need for extraordinary help from God: David prays for God to open his eyes, guide him, create a pure heart in him, and renew a right spirit within him, Psalm 51:10; 119:18, 33, 35. Even we, whose minds are enlightened by the clear teachings of the Gospel and motivated by its principles, must acknowledge our weaknesses and shortcomings, and admit, in the words of the tenth article, that “we have no power to do good works that are pleasing and acceptable to God without the grace of God going before us, so we can have a good will, and working with us when we have that good will.” The necessity of divine grace to empower and regulate our wills and to collaborate with our efforts toward righteousness is clearly stated in the New Testament: “Those who are in the flesh cannot please God,” Rom. 8:8. “Abide in me,” says our Savior, “and I in you. Just as the branch cannot bear fruit by itself unless it remains in the vine, neither can you bear fruit unless you remain in me. I am the vine, and you are the branches. He who remains in me, and I in him, produces much fruit; for without me you can do nothing,” John 15:4-5. “No one can come to me unless the Father who has sent me draws him.” “It is God who works in you, both to will and to do of His good pleasure,” Phil. 2:13. “Not that we are sufficient in ourselves to think of anything as coming from ourselves, but our sufficiency is from God,” 2 Cor. 3:5. “We do not know what to pray for as we ought, but the Spirit helps our weaknesses,” Rom. 8:26. We are said to be “led by the Spirit,” and to “walk in the Spirit,” Rom. 8:14; Gal. 5:16, 25. These verses clearly show that we need both a prevenient and a cooperating grace. This doctrine is affirmed by many of the early church fathers, particularly Ambrose, who, when discussing the effects of the fall, stated: “Mortality and a multitude of miseries, as well as crimes, arose from that. With faith lost, hope abandoned, understanding blinded, and will made captive, no one found in themselves the means to repair these faults. Without the worship of the true God, even what seems virtuous is sin, and no one can please God without God. But who does he please if not himself and Satan? Thus, the nature that was good becomes bad through habit: a person would not return unless God turns him.” Cyprian adds, “We pray day and night that the sanctification and enlivening, which comes from the grace of God, may be maintained by his protection.” Dr. Nicholls, after referencing many authorities to demonstrate that the doctrine of divine grace has always been present in the Catholic Church, remarks, “I may have spent more time on these references than necessary; however, everything I have done is to show that the doctrine of divine grace is so fundamental to Christianity that not only do the Holy Scriptures and the early fathers assert it, but Christians at any time could not maintain their religion without it; it is essential not just for performing Christian duties but also for our usual devotions.” This seems to reflect the views of those who compiled our excellent liturgy, in which both prevenient and cooperating grace are clearly acknowledged in many parts; specifically, in the second collect for evening service; in the fourth collect at the end of the communion service; in the collect for Easter day; in the collect for the fifth Sunday after Easter; in the collects for the third, ninth, seventeenth, nineteenth, and twenty-fifth Sundays after Trinity. This assistance from divine grace does not contradict the free agency of individuals: it does not force them into an irresistible constraint or compel them to act against their will. Our efforts are necessary to work out our salvation, but our ability to do so comes from God. However, it is impossible to determine the exact boundary between our natural efforts and divine assistance, whether that assistance is understood as cooperating or prevenient grace. Without undermining our nature as free and accountable beings, God can mercifully counteract our hearts’ depravity through the prompting of His Spirit; but ultimately, it is up to us to choose whether to heed those prompts or give in to fleshly desires. We can be assured that through the distribution of His grace, often varying in power and clarity, He will support our weaknesses, strengthen our resolve, and fill our gaps. The promises that if we draw near to God, He will draw near to us, and pour out His Spirit upon us, James 4:8; Acts 2:17, and that He will give the Holy Spirit to anyone who asks Him, Luke 11:13, suggest that God is always willing to act upon our hearts and assist in our good deeds through the powerful, though unseen, influence of His Spirit: “The wind blows wherever it wishes, and you hear its sound, but you cannot tell where it comes from or where it is going; so is everyone born of the Spirit,” John 3:8. The joint effort of God and man in the work of human salvation is expressed in the following passage: “Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling; for it is God who works in you both to will and to do of His good pleasure,” Phil. 2:12-13; therefore, we can be confident that free will and grace are not incompatible, though the way and degree of their cooperation can be completely mysterious, and at different times, one may seem to overshadow the other. This doctrine has, however, been a matter of much debate among Christians: some groups advocate for irresistible impulses of grace, while others dismiss any divine influence on the human mind. The first view seems incompatible with human free agency if viewed as the unchanging way God operates in a person’s soul, while the latter contradicts the authority of Scripture; and therefore, says Veneer, “let us neither ascribe nothing to free will, nor too much; let us not, with the supporters of irresistible grace, deny free will, or render it ineffective, not only before but even under grace; nor let us allow the effectiveness of saving grace, on the other hand, to be overshadowed by the strength and freedom of our wills; but, maintaining God's grace as supreme, let human will be seen as its servant, one that is free and obeys willingly; by which, when freely motivated by the prompts of prevenient grace, when prepared in its affections, strengthened, and assisted in its powers and faculties, a person willingly cooperates with God, ensuring that the grace of God is not received in vain.” “All people should be cautioned,” notes Cranmer in his “Necessary Doctrine,” “especially preachers, that in this crucial matter, they should temper and balance their messages, so that they do not preach the grace of God in a way that dismisses free will, nor so elevate free will that it undermines the grace of God.” Jortin observes: “Thus, the doctrine of divine grace and the doctrine of free will or human liberty unite and work together for our eternal good. The first encourages in us gratitude, faith, and humility; the second prompts caution and energizes our diligence.”
Many, indeed, relying on mere abstract arguments, deny free will, in the strict meaning of the term, altogether, and define the mental faculties of man according to their various fancies. But the existence and nature of our moral and rational powers are and ought to be, in true philosophy, the subject of mental observation, not the sport of hypothesis. Those who love metaphysical abstractions may people the worlds of their imagination with beings of whatsoever character they prefer; but the nature and capabilities of man, as he really is, must be determined not by speculation but by experience. It is true that this experience is the object of consciousness, not of the senses; and, accordingly, each man is, in some respect, the judge in his own case, and may, if he chooses, deny his own freedom and his power of self control, or of using those means which God hath appointed to lead to this result. But this is seldom done in ordinary life, except by those abandoned individuals who seek, in such a statement, an excuse for capricious or unprincipled conduct,--an excuse which is never admitted by the majority of reasoning persons, much less by the truly pious. The latter, indeed, will always be found attributing any thing good they achieve to the coöperating efficacy of superior assistance. But they will, with equal sincerity, blame themselves for what they have done amiss; or, in other words, acknowledge that they should and might have willed and acted otherwise; and this is exactly the practical question, the very turning point, on which the whole controversy hinges. The only competent judges in such a question, says Dr. R. H. Graves, are those who have made it the subject of mental observation, exertion, and pursuit; or, in other words, those who have sought after righteousness, under whatever dispensation, Acts x, 35; Romans ii, 7, 10. And surely the confessions, the prayers, the repentance, and the sacrifices, of the humble and pious of all ages show that they felt, not only that they were themselves to blame for their actions, and therefore that they might have done otherwise, that is, they had a free will, but that, to make this will operative in spiritual matters, they required an aid beyond the reach of mere human attainment. Some may fancy this statement inconsistent in itself; and I allow that it cannot satisfy the mere speculative supporters either of free will or its opponents. But to me it seems the testimony of conscience and experience, which, in natural religion, must, as I conceive, be preferred to abstract hypothesis. The inquiry is not how the mind may be, but how it is actually, constituted. This surely is a question of fact, not of conjecture, and must therefore be decided by an appeal to common sense and experience, not by random speculation. Again: even those who in theory contend for the doctrine of necessity, yet in all the affairs of life where their interests, comforts, or gratifications are concerned, both speak and act as if they disbelieved it, and as if they really imagined themselves capable of such self determination and self control, as to improve their talents, their opportunities, and their acquirements, and so to exercise a material influence on their worldly fortunes. But suppose the assertions of individuals, as to their consciousness in this particular, to disagree. It is then evident, that, the question being as to the nature of man in general, it must be determined by the voice of preponderating testimony. But how, it may be asked, are the suffrages to be collected? Since the judgment of each individual must in this scheme be considered as a separate fact, how is a sufficiently extensive induction to be made? In answer, it may be asserted, that in every civilized nation the induction has been already made, the suffrages have been taken, the case has been tried, and the decision is on record. And the verdict is the most impartial 958that can be looked for in such a case, because given without any reference to the controversy in dispute. All human laws, forbidding, condemning, and punishing vicious actions, are grounded on the acknowledged supposition that man is possessed of a self control, a self determining power, by which he could, both in will and in deed, have avoided the very actions for which he is condemned, and in the very circumstances in which he has committed them. Nor would it be easy to find a case where the criminal has deceived himself, or hoped to deceive his judges, by pleading that he laboured under a fatal necessity, which rendered his crimes unavoidable, and therefore excusable. The justice of all legislative enactments evidently and essentially depends on the principle, that the things prohibited can be avoided, or, in other words, might have been done otherwise than they were done; and this is the very turning point of the controversy. Accordingly, in whatever instances such freedom of will is not presupposed, (as in the cases of idiots and madmen,) the operation of such enactments is suspended. All nations, therefore, who consent to frame and abide by such laws, do thereby testify their deliberate and solemn assent to the truth of this principle, and, consequently, to the existence of free will in man; and do certify the sincerity of their conviction by staking upon it their properties, their liberties, and their lives. Numberless other instances might be adduced in which the practice of mankind implies their belief in this principle. And so conscious of this are the opponents of free will, that they generally deprecate appeals to common sense and experience, and resort to metaphysical arguments to examine what is in truth a matter of truth, not of conjecture; or, in other words, to determine, not what man is, but what they imagine he must be. In their reasonings they differ, as might have been expected, as much from each other as they do from truth and reality. But the experience of common sense and conscience will always decide, that no man can conscientiously make this excuse for his crimes, that he could not have willed or acted otherwise than he did. The existence of the above faculties in the human mind once acknowledged leads, by necessary inference, to the admission, that there exists in the great First Cause a power to create them. Not, indeed, that these faculties themselves exist in him in the same manner as in us, but the power of originating and producing them in all possible variety. We can indeed conclude, that having created all these in us, his nature must be so perfect that we cannot attribute to him any line of conduct inconsistent with whatever is excellent in the exercise of these faculties in ourselves. And therefore we cannot ascribe to him, as his special act, any thing we should perceive to be unworthy of any just or merciful, any wise or upright, being. But this furnishes no clue whatever to a knowledge of the real constitution of his nature, or of the manner in which his divine attributes exist together. In truth, we no more comprehend how he wills than how he acts, and therefore we have no better right to assert that he wills evil than that he does evil. Again: we as little understand how he knows as how he sees, and therefore might as well argue that all things exist in consequence of his beholding them, as that all events arise in consequence of his foreknowing them. In short, all that can be inferred by reason concerning the intrinsic nature of the invisible, unsearchable Deity, must be admitted by the candid inquirer to be no better than conjecture. And he who should hope from such doubtful support as his fancied insight into the unknown operations of the divine mind to suspend a system of irrespective decrees, embracing the moral government of the world, would but too much resemble him who should imagine the material globe adequately sustained if upheld by a chain whose highest links were wrapped in clouds and darkness. Thus our affirmative knowledge of the Deity, as derived from this part of our inquiry, consists in the certainty, (though his nature is unknown to us,) that he is the creative source of all that is great, glorious, and good in heaven or in earth; while we may negatively conclude, that his moral government shall, on the whole, be conducted in a manner not inconsistent with whatever is excellent in the exercise of power and wisdom, justice and mercy, goodness and truth. Nor is it a little important, as connected with the present inquiry, to keep in mind this distinction between our affirmative and negative knowledge in this matter. For it shows us that as, on the one side, we cannot pretend to such an insight into the nature and character of the divine knowledge as to deduce therefrom a system of eternal and irrespective decrees; so neither, on the other, can this system of moral government be ascribed to the Deity, because it would be manifestly unworthy, not merely of him who has created all moral excellence, but of any of those beings on whom he has conferred the most ordinary degrees of mercy and justice. The natural benefits or evils arising out of moral or immoral practices are, in fact, so many rewards or punishments, exhibiting the Being who has so constituted our nature as a moral governor. This part of his government may not be so clearly discernible in individual instances, because much of the happiness and unhappiness attending virtue and vice is mental and invisible. In the case of nations, however, considered merely as bodies politic, the internal sanction of an approving or reproaching conscience, of subdued or distracting passions, can have no existence; and therefore the external sanctions are more uniformly enforced. Hence, whoever carefully examines the dealings of Providence with the human race will admit, that national prosperity has ever kept pace with national wisdom and integrity; whereas, the greatest empires, when once corrupted, have soon become the prey of internal strife or foreign domination. Again: man is made for society, and cannot exist without it: consequently, all the regulations which are really conducive to the maintenance of civil policy and social order must be regarded 959as evident consequences of our nature, when enlightened to the rational pursuit of its own advantage; and therefore should be considered as intimations of a moral government, carried on through their intervention. In addition to which, it ought to be observed, that these laws may be regarded in another point of view,--as a most important class of moral phenomena; inasmuch as they virtually exhibit the most unexceptionable declarations of reason on this subject, because they are collected from the common consent of mankind, and therefore rendered, in a great measure, independent of the obliquities of individual intellect, the errors of private judgment, and the partial views of self interest, prejudice, or passion. But all the laws of civilized nations, both in their enactment and administration, not only presuppose certain notions concerning the freedom and accountableness of man, the merit and demerit of human actions, and the inseparable connection of virtue and vice with rewards and punishments, but greatly contribute to fix and perpetuate these notions. It is therefore evidently the intention of that part of the moral government with which we are acquainted, to impress these principles deeply on the human mind, and to induce the human race to regulate their conduct accordingly. The laws, then, of this moral government under which we find ourselves placed, and from which we cannot escape, correspond with and corroborate the conclusions deduced from the observation of mental phenomena. And from both we conclude that similar principles of government will be adopted, (so far, at least, as man is concerned,) in other worlds and in future ages; only more developed, and therefore more evidently free from its present apparent imperfections. Upon this account we look, in another life, for some such general disclosure and consummation of the ways and wisdom of Providence as shall vindicate, even in the minor details, the grand principles upon which, generally speaking, the government of God is at present obviously conducted. How this may be done, with many questions connected therewith, reason without revelation could, as I conceive, do little more than form plausible conjectures. Though now that it has pleased God in Christ to bring “life and immortality to light through the Gospel,” it is possible for reason to estimate the beauty and the mercy and the wisdom of the dispensation by which it has been effected.
Many people, in fact, relying on just abstract arguments, completely deny free will in its strict sense and define human mental faculties according to their own various ideas. However, the existence and nature of our moral and rational abilities should be the focus of genuine philosophical inquiry rather than mere speculation. Those who enjoy metaphysical theories may fill their imaginative worlds with beings of any kind they wish; but the essence and potential of humanity, as it truly is, must be established through experience, not conjecture. While it’s true that this experience is known through consciousness rather than the senses, each person, in some way, judges their own situation and can, if they choose, deny their own freedom and ability for self-control, or the means that God has provided to achieve this. Yet, that’s rarely done in everyday life, except by those desperate individuals who use such reasoning as an excuse for erratic or unethical behavior—an excuse that most rational individuals do not accept, especially not the truly devout. The latter will always attribute any good they accomplish to the supportive assistance of a higher power. However, they also honestly blame themselves for their mistakes or, in other words, acknowledge that they could have chosen and acted differently; and that is exactly the practical question, the critical issue around which the entire debate revolves. According to Dr. R. H. Graves, the only qualified judges in this matter are those who have engaged in mental observation, effort, and pursuit; or, in other words, those who have sought righteousness, regardless of the context, Acts x, 35; Romans ii, 7, 10. Indeed, the confessions, prayers, repentance, and sacrifices of humble and pious people throughout history demonstrate that they felt responsible for their actions and therefore believed they could have acted differently, meaning they possess free will. Still, to make this will effective in spiritual matters, they recognize the need for assistance beyond what mere human effort can provide. Some may think this perspective is self-contradictory; and I agree that it won’t satisfy purely theoretical advocates of either free will or its critics. However, to me, the evidence of conscience and experience, which must, in natural religion, take precedence over abstract theory, offers clarity. The question is not how the mind might be, but how it actually is. This is undeniably a matter of fact, not speculation, and should therefore be resolved through common sense and experience, rather than random conjecture. Furthermore, even those who theoretically support the idea of necessity still behave and speak in daily life, especially when their own interests, comforts, or gratifications are at stake, as if they don't believe it. They act as if they genuinely think they have the power to make choices and self-control that allows them to enhance their abilities, opportunities, and achievements, thereby having a tangible impact on their worldly outcomes. But if individuals’ claims about their consciousness differ, it becomes clear that the nature of humanity in general must be determined by the prevailing opinion. The question arises: how can we gather opinions? Since each individual’s judgment must be seen as a separate fact in this context, how can we achieve a sufficiently broad understanding? In response, it can be claimed that in every civilized nation, the conclusions have already been reached, opinions have been collected, the situation has been evaluated, and the judgment is recorded. The verdict is the most impartial that can be found in such cases, because it’s given without regard to the ongoing debate. All human laws that prohibit, condemn, and punish wrongful actions are based on the recognized assumption that humans possess self-control and a self-determining power, by which they could have avoided both the will and deed of the very actions for which they are punished, even under the very same circumstances. It’s also uncommon to find a case where a criminal has deceived themselves or hoped to mislead their judges by claiming they were under a fatal necessity that made their crimes unavoidable and, therefore, excusable. The justice of all legislation clearly depends on the principle that prohibited actions can be avoided, or in other words, that they could have been done differently. That is the central issue of the debate. Thus, in any instances where such freedom of will is not assumed (like in the cases of the mentally ill or incapacitated), the application of those laws is temporarily halted. Consequently, any nations that agree to create and adhere to such laws thereby affirm their careful and serious agreement with the truth of this principle, and consequently, with the existence of free will in humanity; and they demonstrate the sincerity of their belief by staking their property, freedom, and lives on it. Countless other examples could be given which show that human practices imply a belief in this principle. The opponents of free will are so aware of this that they generally discourage appeals to common sense and experience and resort to philosophical arguments to analyze what is, in fact, a matter of truth rather than speculation; in other words, to define not what humanity is, but what they believe it must be. In their reasoning, they are just as likely to differ among themselves as they are from the truth and reality. But common sense and conscience will always conclude that no person can sincerely excuse their wrongful actions by claiming they couldn’t have chosen or acted differently. Recognizing the existence of these faculties in the human mind leads us to acknowledge, by necessary implication, that the supreme First Cause possesses the ability to create them. Not that these faculties themselves exist in Him like they do in us, but rather the power to originate and produce them in all possible varieties. We can conclude that having created all these in us, His nature must be so flawless that we cannot attribute to Him any behavior inconsistent with whatever is excellent in exercising these faculties within ourselves. Therefore, we cannot ascribe to Him, as His specific action, anything we would deem unworthy of a just, merciful, wise, or upright being. Yet this does not provide any insight into the genuine constitution of His nature or how His divine attributes coexist. In truth, we cannot understand how He wills any more than we can understand how He acts, and thus we have no more right to claim that He wills evil than to assert that He acts unjustly. Furthermore, we understand as little how He knows as how He sees, and thus could argue just as reasonably that all things exist as a result of His seeing them, as that all events occur because of His foreknowledge. In summary, any conclusions drawn through reason concerning the essential nature of the invisible, unfathomable Deity must be recognized by any honest inquirer as mere conjecture. Anyone who hopes to establish a system of unconditional decrees governing morality based on such uncertain support from their supposed insight into the divine mind's unknown workings would resemble someone believing that the material world is sufficiently supported by a chain whose highest links are shrouded in clouds and darkness. Thus, our positive understanding of the Deity, based on this part of our study, resides in the certainty (even though we do not know His nature) that He is the creative source of all that is great, glorious, and good in heaven or on earth; while we can negatively conclude that His moral governance will ultimately be carried out in a way that is consistent with all that is excellent in the exercise of power and wisdom, justice and mercy, goodness and truth. It is also crucial, in discussing this inquiry, to remember this distinction between our positive and negative knowledge on the subject. This distinction shows us that, on one hand, we cannot claim to have such insight into the divine knowledge’s nature and character that we can derive from it a system of eternal, unconditional decrees; nor can we, on the other hand, attribute this moral governance to the Deity if it appears fundamentally unworthy, not just of the one who created all moral excellence, but of any beings to whom He has granted even the most basic degrees of mercy and justice. The natural benefits or harms arising from moral or immoral actions are, in fact, rewards or punishments that demonstrate the Being who has designed our nature as a moral governor. This aspect of His governance may not always be clearly seen in individual cases since much of the happiness and unhappiness associated with virtue and vice is mental and invisible. However, in the case of nations, when seen merely as political bodies, there can be no internal sanction of an approving or reproaching conscience, or suppressed or distracting passions; therefore, external sanctions are more consistently enforced. Hence, anyone who closely examines the workings of Providence with humanity will agree that national prosperity has always coincided with national wisdom and integrity, while the greatest empires, once corrupted, quickly fall prey to internal conflict or foreign domination. Furthermore, humans are created for society and cannot survive without it. Therefore, all regulations truly contributing to the maintenance of civil order and social structure should be seen as clear outcomes of our nature when enlightened to rationally pursue its own interests; thus, they should be regarded as indications of a moral governance operating through their involvement. Additionally, these laws can be viewed from another perspective—as a significant class of moral phenomena; as they essentially reflect the most dependable declarations of reason on this matter since they are gathered from the general agreement of humanity, thereby largely independent of individual biases, personal judgments, or limited views driven by self-interest, prejudice, or passion. Nonetheless, all laws of civilized nations, both in how they are created and enforced, not only presume certain ideas about human freedom and accountability, the merit and demerit of human actions, and the inseparable relationship of virtue and vice with rewards and punishments, but also deeply influence and perpetuate these ideas. It is clear that part of the moral governance we know is intended to firmly instill these principles in the human mind and encourage humanity to act accordingly. The laws of this moral governance under which we exist and cannot escape align with and reinforce the conclusions drawn from observing mental phenomena. From both, we conclude that similar governing principles will be applied (at least as far as humans are involved) in other worlds and future times; only they will be more developed, and thus more clearly devoid of the current apparent imperfections. For this reason, we look forward in another life to some form of general revelation and realization of the ways and wisdom of Providence that will justify, even in minor details, the grand principles by which the governance of God is currently and obviously enacted. How this might happen, along with many related questions, reason without revelation can do little more than propose plausible guesses. However, now that it has pleased God in Christ to bring “life and immortality to light through the Gospel,” reason can gauge the beauty, mercy, and wisdom of the dispensation through which this has been achieved.
WIND. The Hebrews, like us, acknowledge four principal winds, Ezek. xiii, 16–18: the east wind, the north wind, the south wind, and the west wind, or that from the Mediterranean sea. See Whirlwind.
WIND. The Hebrews, like us, recognize four main winds: the east wind, the north wind, the south wind, and the west wind, which blows from the Mediterranean Sea. See Whirlwind.
WINDOWS. The method of building both in Barbary and the Levant seems to have continued the same from the earliest ages. All the windows open into private courts, if we except sometimes a latticed window or balcony toward the street. It is only during the celebration of some zeenah, or public festival, that these houses and their latticed windows are left open; for this being a time of great liberty, revelling, and extravagance, each family is ambitious of adorning both the inside and outside of their houses with the richest part of their furniture; while crowds of both sexes, dressed out in their best apparel, and laying aside all ceremony and restraint, go in and out where they please. The account we have, 2 Kings ix, 30, of Jezebel’s painting her face, tiring her head, and looking out at a window upon Jehu’s public entry into Jezreel, gives us a lively idea of an eastern lady at one of those solemnities.
WINDOWS. The way of building in Barbary and the Levant seems to have remained the same since ancient times. Most windows open onto private courtyards, except sometimes for a latticed window or balcony facing the street. It's only during a zeenah, or public festival, that these houses and their latticed windows are left open; during this time of great freedom, celebration, and extravagance, each family strives to decorate both the inside and outside of their homes with their finest furniture. Meanwhile, crowds of men and women, dressed in their best clothes and putting aside all formalities and restrictions, come and go as they please. The account we have in 2 Kings 9:30 of Jezebel painting her face, styling her hair, and looking out a window at Jehu's public entrance into Jezreel gives us a vivid picture of an eastern lady at one of these occasions.
WINE, יין, Gen. xix, 32, οινος, Matt. ix, 17, a liquor expressed from grapes. The art of refining wine upon the lees was known to the Jews. The particular process, as it is now practised in the island of Cyprus, is described in Mariti’s Travels. The wine is put immediately from the vat into large vases of potters’ ware, pointed at the bottom, till they are nearly full, when they are covered tight and buried. At the end of a year what is designed for sale is drawn into wooden casks. The dregs in the vases are put into wooden casks destined to receive wine, with as much of the liquor as is necessary to prevent them from becoming dry before use. Casks thus prepared are very valuable. When the wine a year old is put in, the dregs rise, and make it appear muddy, but afterward they subside and carry down all the other feculences. The dregs are so much valued that they are not sold with the wine in the vase, unless particularly mentioned.
WINE, Wine, Gen. xix, 32, οινος, Matt. ix, 17, is a drink made from grapes. The art of refining wine on the lees was known to the Jews. The specific process, as it's done today in Cyprus, is described in Mariti’s Travels. The wine is taken directly from the vat into large pottery vases that are pointed at the bottom until they are nearly full, then they are covered tightly and buried. After a year, the wine meant for sale is transferred into wooden casks. The dregs in the vases are added to the wooden casks meant for wine, along with enough liquid to keep them from drying out before use. Casks prepared this way are quite valuable. When the year-old wine is added, the dregs rise and make the wine look cloudy, but eventually, they settle and clear out the other impurities. The dregs are so prized that they aren't sold with the wine in the vase unless specifically stated.
The “new wine,” or “must,” is mentioned, Isa. xlix, 26; Joel i, 5; iii, 18; and Amos ix, 13, under the name עסים. The “mixed wine,” ממסד, Prov. xxiii, 30, and in Isaiah lxv, 11 rendered “drink-offering,” may mean wine made stronger and more inebriating by the addition of higher and more powerful ingredients, such as honey, spices, defrutum, or wine inspissated by boiling it down, myrrh, mandragora, and other strong drugs. Thus the drunkard is properly described as one that seeketh “mixed wine,” Prov. xxiii, 30, and is mighty to “mingle strong drink,” Isa. v, 22; and hence the psalmist took that highly poetical and sublime image of the cup of God’s wrath, called by Isaiah, li, 17, “the cup of trembling,” containing, as St. John expresses it, Rev. xiv, 10, pure wine made yet stronger by a mixture of powerful ingredients: “In the hand of Jehovah is a cup, and the wine is turbid; it is full of a mixed liquor, and he poureth out of it,” or rather, “he poureth it out of one vessel into another,” to mix it perfectly; “verily the dregs thereof,” the thickest sediment of the strong ingredients mingled with it, “all the ungodly of the earth shall wring them out, and drink them.” “Spiced wine,” Cant. viii, 2, was wine rendered more palatable and fragrantfragrant with aromatics. This was considered as a great delicacy. Spiced wines were not peculiar to the Jews; Hafiz speaks of wines “richly bitter, richly sweet.” The Romans lined their vessels, amphoræ, with odorous gums, to give the wine a warm bitter flavour: and the orientals now use the admixture of spices to give their wines a favourite relish. The “wine of Helbon,” 960Ezek. xxvii, 18, was an excellent kind of wine, known to the ancients by the name of chalibonium vinum. It was made at Damascus; the Persians had planted vineyards there on purpose, says Posidosius, quoted by Athenæus. This author says that the kings of Persia used no other wine. Hosea, xiv, 7, mentions the wine of Lebanon. The wines from the vineyards on that mount are even to this day in repute; but some think that this may mean a sweet-scented wine, or wine flavoured with fragrant gums.
The “new wine,” or “must,” is mentioned in Isa. xlix, 26; Joel i, 5; iii, 18; and Amos ix, 13, under the name עסים. The “mixed wine,” ממסד, in Prov. xxiii, 30, and in Isaiah lxv, 11 rendered “drink-offering,” may refer to wine that’s made stronger and more intoxicating by adding higher and more potent ingredients, like honey, spices, defrutum, or wine thickened by boiling, myrrh, mandrake, and other strong substances. Thus, the drunkard is accurately described as someone who seeks “mixed wine,” Prov. xxiii, 30, and is powerful enough to “mingle strong drink,” Isa. v, 22; and that’s why the psalmist took that highly poetic and sublime image of the cup of God’s wrath, which Isaiah calls, in li, 17, “the cup of trembling,” containing, as St. John puts it in Rev. xiv, 10, pure wine made even stronger by mixing in potent ingredients: “In the hand of Jehovah is a cup, and the wine is cloudy; it is full of a mixed drink, and he pours it out,” or rather, “he pours it from one vessel into another,” to mix it perfectly; “truly the dregs thereof,” the thickest sediment of the strong ingredients mixed in, “all the ungodly of the earth shall wring them out and drink them.” “Spiced wine,” Cant. viii, 2, was wine made more enjoyable and fragrantfragrant with aromatic spices. This was regarded as a great delicacy. Spiced wines weren't unique to the Jews; Hafiz talks about wines that are “richly bitter, richly sweet.” The Romans lined their containers, amphorae, with fragrant gums to give the wine a warm bitter taste: and people in the East today use a mix of spices to enhance their wines' flavor. The “wine of Helbon,” 960 Ezek. xxvii, 18, was a fine type of wine known to the ancients as chalibonium wine. It was made in Damascus; the Persians had established vineyards there on purpose, according to Posidonius, as quoted by Athenæus. This author claims that the kings of Persia drank no other wine. Hosea, xiv, 7, mentions the wine of Lebanon. The wines from the vineyards on that mountain are still highly regarded today; however, some believe this could refer to a sweet-smelling wine or wine flavored with aromatic gums.
WINE PRESS. The vintage in Syria commences about the middle of September, and continues till the middle of November. But grapes in Palestine, we are informed, were ripe sometimes even in June or July, which arose perhaps from a triple pruning, in which case there was also a third vintage. The first vintage was in August, the second in September, and the third in October. The grapes when not gathered were sometimes found on the vines until November and December. The Hebrews were required to leave gleanings for the poor, Lev. xix, 10. The season of vintage was a most joyful one, Judges ix, 27; Isaiah xvi, 10; Jer. xxv, 30; xlviii, 33. With shoutings on all sides, the grapes were plucked off and carried to the wine press, פורה, פארה, ληνὸς, which was in the vineyard, Isa. liii, 3; Zech. xiv, 10; Haggai ii, 16; Matt. xxi, 33; Rev. xiv, 19, 20. The presses consisted of two receptacles, which were either built of stones and covered with plaster, or hewn out of a large rock. The upper receptacle, called נת, as it is constructed at the present time in Persia, is nearly eight feet square and four feet high. Into this the grapes are thrown and trodden out by five men. The juice flows out into the lower receptacle, through a grated aperture, which is made in the side near the bottom of the upper one. The treading of the wine press was laborious, and not very favourable to cleanliness; the garments of the persons thus employed were stained with the red juice, and yet the employment was a joyful one. It was performed with singing, accompanied with musical instruments; and the treaders, as they jumped, exclaimed, הידד, Isa. xvi, 9, 10; Jer. xxv, 30; xlviii, 32, 33. Figuratively, vintage, gleaning, and treading the wine press, signified battles and great slaughters, Isa. xvii, 6; lxiii, 1–3; Jer. xlix, 9; Lam. i, 15. The must, as is customary in the east at the present day, was preserved in large firkins, which were buried in the earth. The wine cellars were not subterranean, but built upon the earth. When deposited in these, the firkins, as is done at the present time in Persia, were sometimes buried in the ground, and sometimes left standing upon it. Formerly, also, new wine or must was preserved in leathern bottles; and, lest they should be broken by fermentation, the people were very careful that the bottles should be new, Job xxxii, 19; Matt. ix, 17; Mark ii, 22. Sometimes the must was boiled and made into syrup, which is comprehended under the term דבש, although it is commonly rendered “honey,” Gen. xliii, 11; 2 Chron. xxxi, 5. Sometimes the grapes were dried in the sun and preserved in masses, which were called “bunches or clusters of raisins,” 1 Sam. xxv, 18; 2 Sam. xvi, 1; 1 Chron. xii, 40; Hosea iii, 1. From these dried grapes, when soaked in wine and pressed a second time, was manufactured sweet wine, which is also called new wine, γλεῦκος, Acts ii, 13.
WINE PRESS. The grape harvest in Syria starts around mid-September and goes until mid-November. In Palestine, however, grapes can sometimes be ripe as early as June or July, possibly due to a method of triple pruning, which would allow for a third harvest. The first harvest is in August, the second in September, and the third in October. Sometimes, grapes that weren't picked would remain on the vines until November and December. The Hebrews were required to leave some grapes for the poor, as mentioned in Lev. xix, 10. The grape harvest season was a time of great joy, as noted in Judges ix, 27; Isaiah xvi, 10; Jer. xxv, 30; xlviii, 33. With cheers from all around, the grapes were picked and taken to the wine press, פורה, פארה, ληνὸς, located in the vineyard, as referenced in Isa. liii, 3; Zech. xiv, 10; Haggai ii, 16; Matt. xxi, 33; Rev. xiv, 19, 20. The presses typically had two containers, made either of stone and plaster or carved from a large rock. The upper container, known as נת, is about eight feet square and four feet high, similar to those built in Persia today. The grapes are thrown in and crushed by five men. The juice drips into the lower container through a grated opening near the bottom of the upper one. Treading the wine press was hard work and often not very clean; the workers’ clothes would be stained with the red juice, but they found joy in the task. They would sing and play instruments, and as they jumped while treading, they would shout, יופי, as noted in Isa. xvi, 9, 10; Jer. xxv, 30; xlviii, 32, 33. Figuratively, the activities of harvesting, gleaning, and treading the wine press represented battles and great killings, according to Isa. xvii, 6; lxiii, 1–3; Jer. xlix, 9; Lam. i, 15. The grape juice, known as must, was stored in large containers that were buried in the ground. The wine cellars were above ground, not underground. When stored, these containers were sometimes buried and other times left above ground, similar to practices in Persia today. In the past, new wine or must was also kept in leather bottles, and people were careful to use new bottles to prevent breakage from fermentation, as mentioned in Job xxxii, 19; Matt. ix, 17; Mark ii, 22. At times, the must was boiled and turned into syrup, which falls under the term Honey, although it’s usually translated as “honey,” according to Gen. xliii, 11; 2 Chron. xxxi, 5. Sometimes grapes were sun-dried and stored in clumps known as “bunches or clusters of raisins,” referenced in 1 Sam. xxv, 18; 2 Sam. xvi, 1; 1 Chron. xii, 40; Hosea iii, 1. From these dried grapes, after soaking in wine and pressing a second time, sweet wine was produced, also referred to as new wine, γλεῦκος, as stated in Acts ii, 13.
WISDOM is put for that prudence and discretion which enables a man to perceive that which is fit to be done, according to the circumstances of time, place, persons, manners, and end of doing, Eccles. ii, 13, 14. It was this sort of wisdom that Solomon intreated of God with so much earnestness, and which God granted him with such divine liberality, 1 Kings iii, 9, 12, 28. It also signifies quickness of invention, and dexterity in the execution of several works, which require not so much strength of body, as industry, and labour of the mind. For example, God told Moses, Exod. xxxi, 3, that he had filled Bezaleel and Aholiab with wisdom, and understanding, and knowledge, to invent and perform several sorts of work for completing the tabernacle. It is used for craft, cunning, and stratagem, and that whether good or evil. Thus it is said by Moses, that Pharaoh dealt wisely with the Israelites, when he opposed them in Egypt, Exodus i, 10: it is observed of Jonadab, the friend of Ammon, and nephew of David, that he was very wise, that is, very subtle and crafty, 2 Sam. xiii, 3; and Job, v, 13, says, that God “taketh the wise in their own craftiness.” Wisdom means also doctrine, learning, and experience: “With the ancient is wisdom, and in length of days understanding,” Job xii, 12. It is put for true piety, or the fear of God, which is spiritual wisdom: “So teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom,” Psalm xc, 12; “The fear of the Lord that is wisdom,” Job xxvii, 28. Wisdom is put for the eternal Wisdom, the Word of God. It was by wisdom that God established the heavens, and founded the earth, Prov. iii, 19. How magnificently does Solomon describe the primeval birth of the eternal Son of God, under the character of Wisdom personified; to which so many references and allusions are to be found in the Old and New Testament! “The Lord possessed me in the beginning of his way, before his works of old. I was set up from everlasting, from the beginning, or ever the earth was. When there were no depths, I was brought forth; when there were no fountains abounding with water. Before the mountains were settled, before the hills was I brought forth,” Prov. viii, 22–25. The apocryphal book of Wisdom introduces, by a reference to this passage, the following admirable invocation, Wisdom ix, 9, 10:--
WISDOM refers to the prudence and discretion that helps a person recognize the right actions to take based on the time, place, people, customs, and purpose of the action, Eccles. ii, 13, 14. This is the kind of wisdom that Solomon earnestly asked God for, and which God generously granted him, 1 Kings iii, 9, 12, 28. It also means quick thinking and skill in carrying out various tasks that require more mental effort and diligence than physical strength. For instance, God told Moses, Exod. xxxi, 3, that He filled Bezaleel and Aholiab with wisdom, understanding, and knowledge to create and complete various works for the tabernacle. It can refer to craftiness, cunning, and strategy, whether good or bad. For example, it's noted by Moses that Pharaoh acted wisely towards the Israelites when he opposed them in Egypt, Exodus i, 10; it is also noted about Jonadab, Ammon's friend and David's nephew, that he was very wise, meaning he was quite cunning, 2 Sam. xiii, 3; and Job, v, 13, states that God “catches the wise in their own craftiness.” Wisdom also means doctrine, learning, and experience: “With the aged is wisdom, and long life brings understanding,” Job xii, 12. It represents true piety or the fear of God, which is spiritual wisdom: “Teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom,” Psalm xc, 12; “The fear of the Lord is wisdom,” Job xxvii, 28. Wisdom also signifies the eternal Wisdom, the Word of God. It was through wisdom that God established the heavens and founded the earth, Prov. iii, 19. Solomon magnificently describes the primeval birth of the eternal Son of God as Wisdom personified; many references and allusions can be found throughout the Old and New Testament! “The Lord possessed me at the beginning of His way, before His ancient works. I was established from everlasting, from the beginning, before the earth ever existed. When there were no depths, I was brought forth; when there were no springs overflowing with water. Before the mountains were settled, before the hills, I was brought forth,” Prov. viii, 22–25. The apocryphal book of Wisdom introduces, with reference to this passage, the following remarkable invocation, Wisdom ix, 9, 10:--
And our Lord assumes the title of Wisdom, Luke xi, 49; Matt. xxiii, 34; and declares that “wisdom shall be justified of all her children,” Matt. xi, 19; Luke vii, 35.
And our Lord takes on the title of Wisdom, Luke 11:49; Matt. 23:34; and states that “wisdom will be proven right by all her children,” Matt. 11:19; Luke 7:35.
961WISDOM, Book of, an apocryphal book of Scripture, so called on account of the wise maxims contained in it. This book has been commonly ascribed to Solomon, either because the author imitated that king’s manner of writing, or because he sometimes speaks in his name. But it is certain Solomon was not the author of it; for it was not written in Hebrew, nor was it inserted in the Jewish canon, nor is the style like that of Solomon; and therefore St. Jerom observes justly that it smells strong of the Grecian eloquence; that it is composed with art and method, after the manner of the Greek philosophers, very different from that noble simplicity so full of life and energy to be found in the Hebrew books. It has been ascribed by many of the ancients to Philo.
961WISDOM, Book of, an apocryphal book of Scripture, named for the wise sayings it contains. This book is often attributed to Solomon, either because the author mimicked his writing style or because he occasionally speaks in Solomon's name. However, it's clear that Solomon did not write it; the text wasn't written in Hebrew, it wasn't included in the Jewish canon, and its style differs from Solomon's. Thus, St. Jerome rightly points out that it strongly reflects Greek eloquence; it is crafted with art and structure, similar to Greek philosophers, which is very different from the noble simplicity, vitality, and energy found in Hebrew texts. Many ancient scholars have attributed it to Philo.
WOLF, זאב, in Arabic, zeeb, Gen. xlix, 27; Isa. xi, 6; lxv, 25; Jer. v, 6; Ezek. xxii, 27; Zeph. iii, 3; Hab. i, 8; λύκος, Matt. vii, 15; x, 16; Luke x, 3; John x, 12; Acts xx, 29; Eccles. xiii, 17. M. Majus derives it from the Arabic word zaab or daaba, “to frighten;” and hence, perhaps, the German word dieb, “a thief.” The wolf is a fierce, strong, cunning, mischievous, and carnivorous quadruped; externally and internally so nearly resembling the dog, that they seem modelled alike, yet have a perfect antipathy to each other. The Scripture observes of the wolf, that it lives upon rapine; is violent, bloody, cruel, voracious, and greedy; goes abroad by night to seek its prey, and is a great enemy to flocks of sheep. Indeed, this animal is fierce without cause, kills without remorse, and by its indiscriminate slaughter seems to satisfy its malignity rather than its hunger. The wolf is weaker than the lion or the bear, and less courageous than the leopard; but he scarcely yields to them in cruelty and rapaciousness. His ravenous temper prompts him to destructive and sanguinary depredations; and these are perpetrated principally in the night. This circumstance is expressly mentioned in several passages of Scripture. “The great men have altogether broken the yoke and burst the bonds; wherefore, a lion out of the forest shall slay them, and a wolf of the evenings shall spoil them,” Jer. v, 6. The rapacious and cruel conduct of the princes of Israel is compared by Ezekiel, xxii, 27, to the mischievous inroads of the same animal: “Her princes in the midst thereof are like wolves ravening the prey, to shed blood, to destroy lives, to get dishonest gain;” and Zephaniah, iii, 3, says, “Her princes within her are roaring lions, her judges are evening wolves: they gnaw not the bones till the morrow.” Instead of protecting the innocent and restraining the evil doer, or punishing him according to the demerit of his crimes, they delight in violence and oppression, in blood and rapine; and so insatiable is their cupidity, that, like the evening wolf, they destroy more than they are able to possess. The dispositions of the wolf to attack the weaker animals, especially those which are under the protection of man, is alluded to by our Saviour in the parable of the hireling shepherd: “The wolf catcheth them, and scattereth the flock,” Matt. vii, 15. And the Apostle Paul, in his address to the elders of Ephesus, gives the name of this insidious and cruel animal to the false teachers who disturbed the peace and perverted the faith of their people: “I know this, that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock,” Acts xx, 29.
WOLF, זאב, in Arabic, zeeb, Gen. xlix, 27; Isa. xi, 6; lxv, 25; Jer. v, 6; Ezek. xxii, 27; Zeph. iii, 3; Hab. i, 8; λύκος, Matt. vii, 15; x, 16; Luke x, 3; John x, 12; Acts xx, 29; Eccles. xiii, 17. M. Majus traces it back to the Arabic word zaab or daaba, meaning “to frighten;” which may also explain the German word dieb, meaning “a thief.” The wolf is a fierce, strong, cunning, mischievous, and carnivorous predator; it closely resembles a dog in both appearance and anatomy, yet they have an intense dislike for each other. Scripture notes that the wolf survives by plundering; it is violent, bloody, cruel, voracious, and greedy; it roams at night to hunt for prey and is a major threat to sheep flocks. This creature is naturally aggressive, kills without guilt, and seems to fulfill its spite more than its hunger through its senseless killing. The wolf is weaker than the lion or the bear, and less brave than the leopard; however, it is nearly equal to them in cruelty and greediness. Its insatiable hunger drives it toward destructive and bloody raids, mainly at night, as highlighted in several scriptural references. “The great men have altogether broken the yoke and burst the bonds; wherefore, a lion out of the forest shall slay them, and a wolf of the evenings shall spoil them,” Jer. v, 6. The greedy and brutal behavior of Israel’s leaders is compared by Ezekiel, xxii, 27, to the harmful actions of the wolf: “Her princes in the midst thereof are like wolves ravening the prey, to shed blood, to destroy lives, to get dishonest gain;” and Zephaniah, iii, 3, observes, “Her princes within her are roaring lions, her judges are evening wolves: they gnaw not the bones until the morrow.” Instead of defending the innocent and punishing wrongdoing based on the severity of crimes, they revel in brutality and oppression; their greed is so boundless that, like the evening wolf, they ruin more than they can actually possess. The wolf’s tendency to attack weaker animals, particularly those under human protection, is referenced by our Savior in the parable of the hireling shepherd: “The wolf catches them and scatters the flock,” Matt. vii, 15. The Apostle Paul, addressing the elders of Ephesus, labels the false teachers disrupting the peace and corrupting the faith of their community as this treacherous and cruel beast: “I know this, that after my departure grievous wolves will enter among you, not sparing the flock,” Acts xx, 29.
WORD. Sometimes the Scripture ascribes to the word of God certain supernatural effects, and often represents it as animated and active: “He sent his word and healed them,” Psalm cvii, 20. It also signifies what is written in the sacred books of the Old and New Testament, Luke xi, 28; James i, 22; the divine law which teaches and commands good things, and forbids evil, Psalm cxix, 101; and is used to express every promise of God, Psalm cxix, 25, &c, and prophecy or vision, Isaiah, ii, 1. This term is likewise consecrated and appropriated to signify the only Son of the Father, the uncreated Wisdom, the second Person of the most holy Trinity, equal to and consubstantial with the Father. St. John the evangelist, more expressly than any other, has opened to us the mystery of the Word of God, when he tells us, “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The same was in the beginning with God. All things were made by him, and without him was not any thing made that was made,” John i, 1–3. The Chaldee paraphrasts, the most ancient Jewish writers extant, generally make use of the word memra, which signifies “the Word,” in those places where Moses puts the name Jehovah. They say, for example, that it was the Memra, or the Word, which created the world, which appeared to Moses on Mount Sinai, which gave him the law, which spoke to him face to face, which brought Israel out of Egypt, which marched before the people, and which wrought all those miracles that are recorded in Exodus. It was the same Word that appeared to Abraham in the plain of Mamre, that was seen of Jacob at Bethel, to whom Jacob made his vow, and acknowledged as God, saying, “If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that I go, then shall the Lord be my God,” Gen. xxviii, 20, 21. The manner in which St. John commences his Gospel is strikingly different from the introductions to the histories of Christ by the other evangelists; and no less striking and peculiar is the title under which he announces him--“the Word.” It has therefore been a subject of much inquiry and discussion, from whence this evangelist drew the use of this appellation, and what reasons led him, as though intending to solicit particular attention, to place it at the very head of his Gospel. That it was for the purpose of establishing an express opinion, as to the personal character of him it is used to designate, is made more than probable from the predominant character of the whole Gospel, which is more copiously doctrinal, and contains a record more full of what Jesus “said” than the others. As to the source from which the term Logos was drawn 962by the Apostle, some have held it to be taken from the Jewish Scriptures; others, from the Chaldee paraphrases; others, from Philo and the Hellenizing Jews. The most natural conclusion certainly appears to be, that, as St. John was a plain, “unlearned” man, chiefly conversant in the Holy Scriptures, he derived this term from the sacred books of his own nation, in which the Hebrew phrase, Dabar Jehovah, “the Word of Jehovah,” frequently occurs in passages which must be understood to speak of a personal Word, and which phrase is rendered Λόγος Κυρίου [the word of the Lord] by the Septuagint interpreters. Certainly, there is not the least evidence in his writings, or in his traditional history, that he ever acquainted himself with Philo or with Plato; and none, therefore, that he borrowed the term from them, or used it in any sense approaching to or suggested by these refinements:--in the writings of St. Paul there are allusions to poets and philosophers; in those of St. John, none, except to the rising sects afterward known under the appellation of Gnostics. The Hebrew Scriptures contain frequent intimations of a distinction of Persons in the Godhead; one of these Divine Persons is called Jehovah; and, though manifestly represented as existing distinct from the Father, is yet arrayed with attributes of divinity, and was acknowledged by the ancient Jews to be, in the highest sense, “their God,” the God with whom, through all their history, they chiefly “had to do.” This Divine Person is proved to have been spoken of by the prophets as the future Christ; the evangelists and Apostles represent Jesus as that Divine Person of the prophets; and if, in the writings of the Old Testament, he is also called the Word, the application of this term to our Lord is naturally accounted for. It will then appear to be a theological, not a philosophic appellation, and one which, previously even to the time of the Apostle, had been stamped with the authority of inspiration.
WORD. Sometimes the Scripture attributes certain supernatural effects to the word of God and often depicts it as lively and active: “He sent his word and healed them,” Psalm cvii, 20. It also refers to what is written in the sacred texts of the Old and New Testaments, Luke xi, 28; James i, 22; the divine law that teaches and commands good actions and forbids evil, Psalm cxix, 101; and is used to convey every promise of God, Psalm cxix, 25, etc., and prophecy or vision, Isaiah, ii, 1. This term is also dedicated specifically to refer to the only Son of the Father, the uncreated Wisdom, the second Person of the most holy Trinity, equal to and of the same essence as the Father. St. John the evangelist, more clearly than any other, has revealed the mystery of the Word of God when he tells us, “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The same was in the beginning with God. All things were made by him, and without him was not any thing made that was made,” John i, 1–3. The Chaldee paraphrasts, the earliest Jewish writers still available, generally use the word memra, which means “the Word,” in those places where Moses uses the name Jehovah. They say, for instance, that it was the Memra, or the Word, that created the world, that appeared to Moses on Mount Sinai, that gave him the law, that spoke to him face to face, that brought Israel out of Egypt, that marched before the people, and that performed all those miracles recorded in Exodus. It was the same Word that appeared to Abraham in the plain of Mamre, that Jacob saw at Bethel, to whom Jacob made his vow and acknowledged as God, saying, “If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that I go, then shall the Lord be my God,” Gen. xxviii, 20, 21. The way St. John begins his Gospel is notably different from the introductions of the other evangelists; and equally striking and unique is the title under which he presents him—“the Word.” Therefore, it has been widely discussed where this evangelist got this title, and what led him, perhaps aiming to draw special attention, to place it right at the start of his Gospel. It seems likely that it was to assert a clear opinion about the personal identity of the one referred to, as suggested by the doctrinal nature of the entire Gospel, which contains a richer record of what Jesus “said” than the others. Regarding the source of the term Logos that the Apostle used, some believe it comes from the Jewish Scriptures; others think it comes from the Chaldee paraphrases; still others suggest it originates from Philo and the Hellenizing Jews. The most reasonable conclusion is that, since St. John was a simple, “uneducated” man mainly familiar with the Holy Scriptures, he derived this term from the sacred texts of his own people, where the Hebrew phrase, Dabar Jehovah, “the Word of Jehovah,” frequently appears in contexts understood to refer to a personal Word, and which phrase is translated as Λόγος Κυρίου [the word of the Lord] by the Septuagint translators. Certainly, there is no evidence in his writings or in his traditional history that he was ever acquainted with Philo or Plato; therefore, there is no basis to suggest that he borrowed the term from them or used it in any sense resembling or influenced by those ideas:—in St. Paul’s writings, there are references to poets and philosophers; in St. John’s writings, none, except to the emerging sects later known as Gnostics. The Hebrew Scriptures frequently hint at a distinction of Persons within the Godhead; one of these Divine Persons is called Jehovah; and, although clearly depicted as existing distinct from the Father, is nonetheless attributed with divine qualities, and was acknowledged by the ancient Jews to be, in the highest sense, “their God,” the God with whom, throughout their entire history, they primarily “had to do.” This Divine Person is shown to have been referred to by the prophets as the future Christ; the evangelists and Apostles portray Jesus as that Divine Person of the prophets; and if, in the writings of the Old Testament, he is also referred to as the Word, the application of this term to our Lord makes sense. It thus seems to be a theological, rather than a philosophic, title—one that had been given authority by inspiration even before the Apostle's time.
Celebrated as this title of the Logos was in the Jewish theology, it is not, however, the appellation by which the Spirit of inspiration has chosen that our Saviour should be principally designated. It occurs but a very few times, and principally and emphatically in the introduction to St. John’s Gospel. A cogent reason can be given why this Apostle adopts it; and we are not without a probable reason why, in the New Testament, the title “Son of God” should have been preferred, which is a frequent title of the Logos in the writings also of Philo. Originating from the spiritual principle of connection, between the first and the second Being in the Godhead; marking this, by a spiritual idea of connection; and considering it to be as close and as necessary as the Word is to the energetic mind of God, which cannot bury its intellectual energies in silence, but must put them forth in speech; it is too spiritual in itself, to be addressed to the faith of the multitude. If with so full a reference to our bodily ideas, and so positive a filiation of the second Being to the first, we have seen the attempts of Arian criticism endeavouring to resolve the doctrine into the mere dust of a figure; how much more ready would it have been to do so, if we had only such a spiritual denomination as this for the second! This would certainly have been considered by it as too unsubstantial for distinct personality, and therefore too evanescent for equal divinity. One of the first teachers of this system was Cerinthus. We have not any particular account of all the branches of his system; and it is possible that we may ascribe to him some of those tenets by which later sects of Gnostics were discriminated. But we have authority for saying, that the general principle of the Gnostic scheme was openly taught by Cerinthus before the publication of the Gospel of St. John. The authority is that of Irenæus, a bishop who lived in the second century, who in his youth had heard Polycarp, the disciple of the Apostle John, and who retained the discourses of Polycarp in his memory till his death. There are yet extant of the works of Irenæus, five books which he wrote against heresies, one of the most authentic and valuable monuments of theological erudition. In one place of that work he says, that Cerinthus taught in Asia that the world was not made by the Supreme God, but by a certain power very separate and far removed from the Sovereign of the universe, and ignorant of his nature. In another place, he says that John the Apostle wished, by his Gospel, to extirpate the error which had been spread among men by Cerinthus; and Jerom, who lived in the fourth century, says that St. John wrote his Gospel, at the desire of the bishops of Asia, against Cerinthus and other heretics, and chiefly against the doctrines of the Ebionites, then springing up, who said that Christ did not exist before he was born of Mary.
Celebrated as this title of the Logos was in Jewish theology, it is not the name that the Spirit of inspiration chose to mainly designate our Savior. It appears only a few times, primarily in the introduction to St. John’s Gospel. There’s a solid reason why this Apostle adopted it, and we have a likely reason why the title “Son of God” was preferred in the New Testament, which is also a common title for the Logos in Philo's writings. This title comes from the spiritual connection between the first and second Being in the Godhead, marking that connection with a spiritual idea. It suggests a closeness and necessity similar to how the Word relates to the energetic mind of God, which cannot contain its intellectual energies in silence but must express them in words. It's too spiritual in nature to resonate with the faith of the masses. If, with so much reference to our physical ideas and a clear relationship of the second Being to the first, we’ve seen Arian criticism trying to reduce the doctrine to mere symbolism, how much more easily would that criticism do so if we only had such a spiritual term for the second? That would surely be seen as too insubstantial for a distinct personality and thus too fleeting for equal divinity. One of the early proponents of this system was Cerinthus. We don’t have a detailed account of all his teachings, and it's possible we might attribute some ideas to him that later Gnostic sects distinguished themselves by. However, we have evidence that the general principle of the Gnostic scheme was publicly taught by Cerinthus before St. John’s Gospel was published. This evidence comes from Irenæus, a second-century bishop who, in his youth, heard Polycarp, who was a disciple of the Apostle John, and remembered Polycarp's teachings until his death. Irenæus wrote five books against heresies, which are among the most authentic and valuable works of theological scholarship. In one part of that work, he states that Cerinthus taught in Asia that the world was created not by the Supreme God but by a separate power far removed from the Sovereign of the universe, who was unaware of his nature. In another part, he mentions that John the Apostle aimed to correct the errors spread by Cerinthus through his Gospel. Jerome, who lived in the fourth century, noted that St. John wrote his Gospel at the request of the bishops of Asia, against Cerinthus and other heretics, particularly against the beliefs of the Ebionites, who were emerging at the time and claimed that Christ did not exist before being born of Mary.
“It appears,” says Dr. Hill, “to have been the tradition of the Christian church, that St. John, who lived to a great age, and who resided at Ephesus, in Proconsular Asia, was moved by the growth of the Gnostic heresies, and by the solicitations of the Christian teachers, to bear his testimony to the truth in writing, and particularly to recollect those discourses and actions of our Lord, which might furnish the clearest refutation of the persons who denied his preëxistence. This tradition is a key to a great part of his Gospel. Matthew, Mark, and Luke had given a detail of those actions of Jesus which are the evidences of his divine mission; of those events in his life upon earth which are most interesting to the human race; and of those moral discourses in which the wisdom, the grace, and the sanctity of the Teacher shine with united lustre. Their whole narration implies that Jesus was more than man. But as it is distinguished by a beautiful simplicity, which adds very much to their credit as historians, they have not, with the exception of a few incidental expressions, formally stated the conclusion that Jesus was more than man; but have left the Christian world to draw it for themselves from the facts narrated, or to receive it by the teaching and the writings of the Apostles. St. John, who was preserved by 963God to see this conclusion, which had been drawn by the great body of Christians, and had been established in the epistles, denied by different heretics, brings forward, in the form of a history of Jesus, a view of his exalted character, and draws our attention particularly to the truth of that which had been denied. When you come to analyze the Gospel of St. John, you will find that the first eighteen verses contain the positions laid down by the Apostle, in order to meet the errors of Cerinthus; that these positions, which are merely affirmed in the introduction, are proved in the progress of the Gospel, by the testimony of John the Baptist, and by the words and the actions of our Lord; and that after the proof is concluded by the declaration of Thomas, who, upon being convinced that Jesus had risen, said to him, ‘My Lord, and my God,’ St. John sums up the amount of his Gospel in these few words: ‘These are written that ye might believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God;’ that is, that Jesus and the Christ are not distinct persons, and that Jesus Christ is the Son of God. The Apostle does not condescend to mention the name of Cerinthus, because that would have preserved, as long as the world lasts, the memory of a name which might otherwise be forgotten. But, although there is dignity and propriety in omitting the mention of his name, it was necessary, in laying down the positions that were to meet his errors, to adopt some of his words, because the Christians of those days would not so readily have applied the doctrine of the Apostle to the refutation of those heresies which Cerinthus was spreading among them, if they had not found in the exposition of that doctrine some of the terms in which the heresy was delivered; and as the chief of these terms, Logos, which Cerinthus applied to an inferior spirit, was equivalent to a phrase in common use among the Jews, ‘the Word of Jehovah,’ and was probably borrowed from thence, John by his use of Logos rescues it from the degraded use of Cerinthus, and restores it to a sense corresponding to the dignity of the Jewish phrase.”
“It seems,” says Dr. Hill, “to have been the tradition of the Christian church that St. John, who lived a long life and resided in Ephesus, in Proconsular Asia, was inspired by the rise of Gnostic heresies and encouraged by Christian teachers to testify to the truth in writing. He aimed particularly to recall the teachings and actions of our Lord that would best counter the claims of those who denied his pre-existence. This tradition is essential to understanding much of his Gospel. Matthew, Mark, and Luke detailed the actions of Jesus that prove his divine mission; the events in his life that are most relevant to humanity; and the moral teachings that showcase the wisdom, grace, and holiness of the Teacher shining together. Their entire account suggests that Jesus was more than just a man. However, characterized by a beautiful simplicity that enhances their credibility as historians, they did not explicitly declare that Jesus was more than man—except for a few incidental mentions—but left it up to the Christian community to infer this from the facts presented or to accept it through the teachings and writings of the Apostles. St. John, who was preserved by God to see this conclusion drawn by the majority of Christians and established in the letters, which was denied by various heretics, presents in his narrative a depiction of Jesus’ exalted character and particularly emphasizes the truth that had been denied. When you analyze the Gospel of St. John, you will discover that the first eighteen verses outline the points made by the Apostle to address the errors of Cerinthus; these points, initially stated in the introduction, are later substantiated throughout the Gospel with the testimony of John the Baptist and the words and actions of our Lord. After the proof culminates with Thomas’ acknowledgment, who, upon realizing Jesus had risen, declared to him, ‘My Lord, and my God,’ St. John summarizes his Gospel in these succinct words: ‘These are written so that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God;’ meaning that Jesus and the Christ are not separate beings, and that Jesus Christ is the Son of God. The Apostle refrains from naming Cerinthus, as doing so would immortalize a name that might otherwise be forgotten. However, while there is a certain dignity in not mentioning his name, it was necessary, in establishing the points to counter his errors, to adopt some of his terminology. This was because the Christians of that time might not have readily connected the Apostle's doctrine with the correction of the heresies Cerinthus was promoting unless they recognized familiar terms in the explanation of that doctrine. The primary term, Logos, which Cerinthus used for an inferior spirit, was equivalent to a phrase commonly used among the Jews, ‘the Word of Jehovah,’ likely borrowed from there. By using Logos, John redeems it from Cerinthus’ degraded usage and restores it to a meaning that aligns with the dignity of the Jewish expression.”
The Logos was no fanciful term, merely invented by St. John, pro re natâ, [according to circumstances,] or even suggested by the Holy Spirit, as a suitable title for a prophet by whom God chose to reveal himself or his Word. It was a term diversely understood in the world before St. John began his Gospel. Is it possible, therefore, that he should have used the term without some express allusion to these prevailing opinions? Had he contradicted them all, it would, of course, have been a plain proof, that they were all equally fabulous and fanciful; but by adopting the term, he certainly meant to show, that the error did not consist in believing that there was a Logos, or Word of God, but in thinking amiss of it. We might, indeed, have wondered much had he decidedly adopted the Platonic or Gnostic notions, in preference to the Jewish; but that he should harmonize with the latter, is by no means surprising; first, because he was a Jew himself; and, secondly, because Christianity was plainly to be shown to be connected with, and, as it were, regularly to have sprung out of, Judaism. It is certainly, then, in the highest degree consistent with all we could reasonably expect, to find St. John and others of the sacred writers expressing themselves in terms not only familiar to the Jews under the old covenant, but, in such as might tend, by a perfect revelation of the truth, to give instruction to all parties; correcting the errors of the Platonic and oriental systems, and confirming, in the clearest manner, the hopes and expectations of the Jews.
The Logos wasn’t just a fanciful term invented by St. John, pro re nata, [according to circumstances], or even suggested by the Holy Spirit as a fitting title for a prophet through whom God chose to reveal Himself or His Word. It was a term that had various interpretations in the world before St. John wrote his Gospel. So, is it possible that he used the term without specifically referencing these prevailing views? If he had rejected them all, it would have clearly shown that they were all equally false and unrealistic; but by using the term, he clearly intended to indicate that the error wasn’t in believing that there is a Logos, or Word of God, but in misunderstanding it. We might have been quite surprised had he fully embraced the Platonic or Gnostic ideas instead of the Jewish ones; however, it’s not surprising that he aligns with the latter, first because he was a Jew himself, and second because Christianity needed to be clearly shown as connected to, and essentially arising from, Judaism. Therefore, it makes complete sense, in line with our reasonable expectations, to find St. John and other sacred writers using terms that were not only familiar to the Jews under the old covenant but also ones that could instruct everyone by revealing the truth perfectly; correcting the errors of Platonic and Eastern systems and clearly affirming the hopes and expectations of the Jews.
While the reasons for the use of this term by St. John are obvious, the argument from it is irresistible; for, first, the Logos of the evangelist is a person, not an attribute, as many Socinians have said, who have, therefore, sometimes chosen to render it wisdom. For if it be an attribute, it were a mere truism to say, that “it was in the beginning with God;” because God could never be without his attributes. The Apostle also declares, that the Logos was the Light; but that John Baptist was not the light. Here is a kind of parallel supposed, and it presumes, also, that it was possible that the same character might be erroneously ascribed to both. Between person and person this may, undoubtedly, be the case; but what species of parallel can exist between man and an attribute? Nor will the difficulty be obviated by suggesting, that wisdom here means not the attribute itself, but him whom that attribute inspired, the man Jesus Christ, because the name of our Saviour has not yet been mentioned; because that rule of interpretation must be inadmissible, which at one time would explain the term Logos by an attribute, at another by a man, as best suits the convenience of hypothesis; and because, if it be, in this instance, conceived to indicate our Saviour, it must follow, that our Saviour created the world, (which the Unitarians will by no means admit,) for the Logos, who was that which John the Baptist was not, the true Light, is expressly declared to have made the world. Again: the Logos was made flesh, that is, became man; but in what possible sense could an attribute become man? The Logos is “the only begotten of the Father;” but it would be uncouth to say of any attribute, that it is begotten; and, if that were passed over, it would follow, from this notion, either that God has only one attribute, or that wisdom is not his only begotten attribute. Farther: St. John uses terms decisively personal, as that he is God, not divine as an attribute, but God personally; not that he was in God, which would properly have been said of an attribute, but with God, which he could only say of a person; that “all things were made by him;” that he was “in the world;” that “he came to his own;” that he was “in the bosom of the Father;” and that “he hath declared the Father.” The absurdity of representing the Logos of St. John as an attribute seems, at length, to have been perceived by the Socinians themselves, and their new version accordingly regards it as a personal term.
While the reasons for St. John using this term are clear, the argument surrounding it is compelling. First, the Logos in the Gospel is a person, not just an attribute, as some Socinians have claimed, leading them to sometimes translate it as wisdom. If it were an attribute, it would be obvious to say, “it was in the beginning with God,” because God can never be without his attributes. The Apostle also states that the Logos was the Light, but that John the Baptist was not the light. This implies a kind of parallel and suggests that it was possible for the same characteristic to be mistakenly assigned to both. This might happen between persons, but how can there be a true parallel between a man and an attribute? The difficulty can't be solved by saying that wisdom here refers not to the attribute itself, but to the one inspired by that attribute, the man Jesus Christ, because our Savior's name hasn't been mentioned yet. It's unacceptable to interpret the term Logos as an attribute at one moment and then as a man at another, based on what fits the theory. Furthermore, if this instance is seen as referring to our Savior, it would imply that our Savior created the world, which Unitarian beliefs cannot accept. The Logos, who is what John the Baptist was not—the true Light—is explicitly stated to have made the world. Again, the Logos became flesh, meaning he became man. But how could an attribute become a man? The Logos is described as “the only begotten of the Father,” but it seems awkward to say any attribute is begotten; and even if we overlook that, it would suggest that God has only one attribute or that wisdom is not his only begotten attribute. Additionally, St. John uses clearly personal terms, stating that he is God, not divine as an attribute, but God personally; he is not said to be in God, which would apply to an attribute, but with God, which can only refer to a person; that “all things were made by him;” that he was “in the world;” that “he came to his own;” that he was “in the bosom of the Father;” and that “he has declared the Father.” The absurdity of representing the Logos of St. John as an attribute seems to have finally been recognized by the Socinians themselves, and their new version therefore considers it a personal term.
If the Logos be a person, then is he Divine; for, first, eternity is ascribed to him: “In the 964beginning was the Word.” The Unitarian comment is, “from the beginning of his ministry,” or “the commencement of the Gospel dispensation;” which makes St. John use another trifling truism, and solemnly tell his readers, that our Saviour, when he began his ministry, was in existence! “in the beginning of his ministry the Word was!” It is true, that ἀρχὴ, “the beginning,” is used for the beginning of Christ’s ministry, when he says that the Apostles had been with him from the beginning; and it may be used for the beginning of any thing whatever. It is a term which must be determined in its meaning by the context; and the question, therefore, is, how the connection here determines it. Almost immediately it is added, “All things were made by him;” which can only mean the creation of universal nature. He, then, who made all things was prior to all created things; he was when they began to be, and before they began to be; and, if he existed before all created things, he was not himself created, and was, therefore, eternal. Secondly, he is expressly called God; and, thirdly, he is as explicitly said to be the Creator of all things. The two last particulars have often been largely established, and nothing need be added, except, as another proof that the Scriptures can only be fairly explained by the doctrine of a distinction of divine Persons in the Godhead, the declaration of St. John may be adduced, that “the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” What hypothesis but this goes a single step to explain this wonderful language? Arianism, which allows the preëxistence of Christ with God, accords with the first clause, but contradicts the second. Sabellianism, which reduces the personal to an official, and therefore a temporal, distinction, accords with the second clause, but contradicts the first; for Christ, according to this theory, was not with God in the beginning, that is in eternity. Socinianism contradicts both clauses; for on that scheme Christ was neither with God in the beginning, nor was he God. “The faith of God’s elect” agrees with both clauses, and by both it is established: “The Word was with God, and the Word was God.” See Unitarians.
If the Word is a person, then he is Divine; because, first, eternity is attributed to him: “In the beginning was the Word.” The Unitarian interpretation is, “from the beginning of his ministry,” or “the start of the Gospel era;” which makes St. John use another trivial point, and solemnly inform his readers that our Savior existed when he began his ministry! “In the beginning of his ministry the Word was!” It’s true that ἀρχὴ, “the beginning,” is used for the beginning of Christ’s ministry when he says that the Apostles had been with him from the beginning; and it can mean the start of anything. It’s a term that must be defined by the context; and the question, then, is how the context determines this meaning. Soon after, it adds, “All things were made by him;” which can only refer to the creation of everything. He, then, who made everything was prior to all created things; he was present when they began to exist, and before they began to exist; and if he existed before all created things, he was not created himself, and was therefore eternal. Secondly, he is directly called God; and thirdly, he is clearly stated to be the Creator of all things. The last two points have often been thoroughly established, and nothing more needs to be added, except that as further evidence that the Scriptures can only be understood through the doctrine of a distinction of divine Persons in the Godhead, St. John’s statement can be cited, which says, “the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” What theory but this makes sense of this remarkable language? Arianism, which acknowledges the preexistence of Christ with God, aligns with the first part, but contradicts the second. Sabellianism, which reduces the personal to an official, and therefore a temporary, distinction, aligns with the second part but contradicts the first; because, according to this theory, Christ was not with God in the beginning, that is, in eternity. Socinianism contradicts both parts; because under this view, Christ was neither with God in the beginning, nor was he God. “The faith of God’s elect” aligns with both statements, and by both it is established: “The Word was with God, and the Word was God.” See Unitarians.
WORM, the general name in Scripture for little creeping insects. Several kinds are spoken of: 1. Those that breed in putrefied bodies, רמה, Exod. xvi, 20, 24; Job vii, 5; xvii, 14; xxi, 26; xxiv, 20; xxv, 6; Isa. xiv, 11; σκώληξ, Ecclus. vii, 17; x, 11; 1 Mac. ii, 62; 2 Mac. ix, 9; Judith xvi, 17; Mark ix, 44, 46, 48; Acts xii, 23. 2. That which eats woollen garments, סס, Isa. li, 8; σὴς, Matt. vi, 19, 20; Luke xii, 33. 3. That which, perforating the leaves and bark of trees, causes the little excrescences called kermes, whence is made a crimson dye, תולע, Deut. xxviii, 39; Job xxv, 6; Psalm xxii, 6; Isa. xiv, 11; xii, 14; lxvi, 24; Exod. xvi, 20; Jonah iv, 7. 4. The worm destructive of the vines, referred to in Deut. xxviii, 39; which was the pyralis vitanæ, or pyralis fasciana, of Forskal, the vine weevil, a small insect extremely hurtful to the vines.
WORM is the general term used in Scripture for small crawling insects. Several types are mentioned: 1. Those that breed in decaying bodies, Level, Exod. xvi, 20, 24; Job vii, 5; xvii, 14; xxi, 26; xxiv, 20; xxv, 6; Isa. xiv, 11; σκώληξ, Ecclus. vii, 17; x, 11; 1 Mac. ii, 62; 2 Mac. ix, 9; Judith xvi, 17; Mark ix, 44, 46, 48; Acts xii, 23. 2. Those that eat woolen garments, סס, Isa. li, 8; σὴς, Matt. vi, 19, 20; Luke xii, 33. 3. Those that create holes in the leaves and bark of trees, leading to the small growths called kermes, which are used to make a crimson dye, Worm, Deut. xxviii, 39; Job xxv, 6; Psalm xxii, 6; Isa. xiv, 11; xii, 14; lxvi, 24; Exod. xvi, 20; Jonah iv, 7. 4. The worm that destroys the vines, mentioned in Deut. xxviii, 39; this refers to the life of the flame or pyralis fasciana of Forskal, known as the vine weevil, a small insect that is very damaging to the vines.
WORMWOOD, לענה, Deut. xxix, 18; Prov. v, 4; Jer. ix, 15; xxiii, 15; Lam. iii, 15, 19; Amos v, 7; vi, 12; ἄψινθον, Rev. viii, 11. In the Septuagint the original word is variously rendered, and generally by terms expressive of its figurative sense, for what is offensive, odious, or deleterious; but in the Syriac and Arabic versions, and in the Latin Vulgate, it is rendered “wormwood;” and this is adopted by Celsius, who names it the absinthium santonicum Judaicum, [bitter wormwood of Judea.] From the passages of Scripture, however, where this plant is mentioned, something more than the bitterness of its qualities seems to be intimated, and effects are attributed to it greater than can be produced by the wormwood of Europe. The Chaldee paraphrase gives it even the character of “the wormwood of death.” It may therefore mean a plant allied, perhaps, to the absinthium in appearance and in taste, but possessing more nauseous, hurtful, and formidable properties.
WORMWOOD, לענה, Deut. xxix, 18; Prov. v, 4; Jer. ix, 15; xxiii, 15; Lam. iii, 15, 19; Amos v, 7; vi, 12; ἄψινθον, Rev. viii, 11. In the Septuagint, the original word is translated in different ways, mostly with terms that highlight its figurative meaning, referring to something offensive, unpleasant, or harmful; but in the Syriac and Arabic versions, as well as the Latin Vulgate, it is translated as “wormwood;” a term also used by Celsius, who refers to it as absinthium santonicum Judaicum, [bitter wormwood of Judea]. However, from the Biblical verses mentioning this plant, it seems that there’s more to it than just its bitter qualities, as stronger effects are ascribed to it than what can be caused by the European wormwood. The Chaldee paraphrase even describes it as “the wormwood of death.” Therefore, it may refer to a plant that resembles absinthe in appearance and taste but has far more nauseating, harmful, and dangerous properties.
WORSHIP. The Scriptural obligation of public worship is partly founded upon example, and partly upon precept; so that no person who admits that authority, can question this great duty without manifest and criminal inconsistency. The institution of public worship under the law, and the practice of synagogue worship among the Jews, from at least the time of Ezra, cannot be questioned; both of which were sanctioned by the practice of our Lord and his Apostles. The preceptive authority for our regular attendance upon public worship, is either inferential or direct. The command to publish the Gospel includes the obligation of assembling to hear it; the name by which a Christian society is designated in Scripture is a church; which signifies an assembly for the transaction of business; and, in the case of a Christian assembly, that business must necessarily be spiritual, and include the sacred exercises of prayer, praise, and hearing the Scriptures. But we have more direct precepts, although the practice was obviously continued from Judaism, and was therefore consuetudinary. Some of the epistles of St. Paul are commanded to be read in the churches. The singing of psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs is enjoined as an act of solemn worship to the Lord; and St. Paul cautions the Hebrews that they “forsake not the assembling of themselves together.” The practice of the primitive age is also manifest from the epistles of St. Paul. The Lord’s Supper was celebrated by the body of believers collectively; and this Apostle prescribes to the Corinthians regulations for the exercises of prayer and prophesyings, “when they came together in the church,”--the assembly. The statedness and order of these holy offices in the primitive church, appear also from the apostolical epistle of St. Clement: “We ought also, looking into the depths of the divine knowledge, to do all things in order, whatsoever the Lord hath commanded to be done. We ought to make our oblations, and perform our holy offices, at their appointed seasons; for these he hath commanded to be done, not irregularly or by chance, but at determinate 965times and hours; as he hath likewise ordained by his supreme will, where, and by what persons, they shall be performed; that so all things being done according to his pleasure, may be acceptable in his sight.” This passage is remarkable for urging a divine authority for the public services of the church, by which St. Clement, no doubt, means the authority of the inspired directions of the Apostles. The ends of the institution of public worship are of such obvious importance, that it must ever be considered as one of the most condescending and gracious dispensations of God to man. By this his church confesses his name before the world; by this the public teaching of his word is associated with acts calculated to affect the mind with that solemnity which is the best preparation for hearing it to edification. It is thus that the ignorant and the vicious are collected together, and instructed and warned; the invitations of mercy are published to the guilty, and the sorrowful and afflicted are comforted. In these assemblies God, by his Holy Spirit, diffuses his vital and sanctifying influence, and takes the devout into a fellowship with himself, from which they derive strength to do and to suffer his will in the various scenes of life, while he there affords them a foretaste of the deep and hallowed pleasures which are reserved for them at his right hand for evermore. Prayers and intercessions are offered for national and public interests; and while the benefit of these exercises descends upon a country, all are kept sensible of the dependence of every public and personal interest upon God. Praise calls forth the grateful emotions, and gives cheerfulness to piety; and that instruction in righteousness which is so perpetually repeated, diffuses the principles of morality and religion throughout society; enlightens and gives activity to conscience; raises the standard of morals; attaches shame to vice, and praise to virtue; and thus exerts a powerfully purifying influence upon mankind. Laws thus receive a force, which, in other circumstances, they could not acquire, even were they enacted in as great perfection; and the administration of justice is aided by the strongest possible obligation and sanction being given to legal oaths. The domestic relations are rendered more strong and interesting by the very habit of the attendance of families upon the sacred services of the sanctuary of the Lord; and the rich and the poor meeting together, and standing on the same common ground as sinners before God, equally dependent upon him, and equally suing for his mercy, has a powerful, though often an insensible, influence in humbling the pride which is nourished by superior rank, and in raising the lower classes above abjectness of spirit, without injuring their humility. Piety, benevolence, and patriotism are equally dependent for their purity and vigour upon the regular and devout worship of God in the simplicity of the Christian dispensation.
WORSHIP. The Scriptural duty of public worship is based on both example and command, so anyone who acknowledges that authority cannot question this important obligation without clear and serious inconsistency. The establishment of public worship under the law, along with communal worship practices among the Jews since at least the time of Ezra, is undeniable; both were endorsed by the actions of our Lord and his Apostles. The directive for us to regularly attend public worship comes either indirectly or directly. The command to spread the Gospel includes the obligation to gather and hear it; the term used in Scripture for a Christian community is "church," which means an assembly for conducting matters; and in a Christian context, that matters must be spiritual, encompassing the sacred acts of prayer, praise, and hearing the Scriptures. However, we also have more direct commands, even though the practice clearly continued from Judaism and thus became customary. Some of St. Paul’s letters are instructed to be read in churches. Singing psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs is mandated as a solemn form of worship to the Lord; and St. Paul warns the Hebrews not to “forsake the assembling of themselves together.” The practices of the early church are also evident in St. Paul’s letters. The Lord’s Supper was celebrated by the congregation as a whole; and this Apostle gives the Corinthians guidelines for the acts of prayer and prophecy “when they came together in the church”—the assembly. The structure and order of these holy services in the early church are also shown in the apostolic letter of St. Clement: “We ought also, looking into the depths of divine knowledge, to do all things in order, as the Lord has commanded. We should make our offerings and perform our holy duties at their designated times; for these he has commanded to be done, not randomly or haphazardly, but at specific times and hours; as he has also established by his supreme will where and by whom they shall be performed; so that all things being done according to his will may be pleasing in his sight.” This passage is notable for emphasizing divine authority for the church's public services, which St. Clement undoubtedly means as the authority of the inspired teachings of the Apostles. The purposes of public worship are of such clear significance that it will always be regarded as one of the most gracious gifts from God to humanity. Through this, his church acknowledges his name before the world; through this, the public teaching of his word is linked with activities aimed at instilling a seriousness that best prepares us to hear it for our growth. This is how the ignorant and sinful come together, are taught, and warned; the offers of mercy are proclaimed to the guilty, and the sorrowful and afflicted find comfort. In these gatherings, God, through his Holy Spirit, spreads his life-giving and sanctifying presence, allowing the faithful to connect with him, from which they gain strength to carry out his will in life’s various situations, while also providing them a preview of the profound and sacred joys that await them at his right hand forever. Prayers and intercessions are made for national and public affairs; and while the benefits of these practices flow to a nation, everyone remains aware of our dependence on God for all public and personal matters. Praise encourages expressions of gratitude and adds joy to devotion; and the repeated instruction in righteousness spreads principles of morality and faith throughout society; it enlightens and activates conscience; elevates moral standards; brings shame to vice, and honor to virtue; thus exerting a powerful, purifying influence on humanity. Laws gain a strength they wouldn’t have in other circumstances, even if they were enacted perfectly; and the administration of justice is supported by the strongest possible obligations and sanctions given to legal oaths. Family relationships are strengthened and made more meaningful through the regular attendance of families at the sacred services of the Lord’s sanctuary; and the rich and poor meeting together, standing on equal ground as sinners before God, equally dependent on him, and equally seeking his mercy, has a powerful, though often subtle, effect in humbling the pride that comes from social status and in uplifting the lower classes without compromising their humility. Piety, kindness, and patriotism all rely for their purity and strength on the consistent and devoted worship of God in the straightforwardness of the Christian faith.
The following is an abridgment of Dr. Neander’s account of the mode of conducting public worship among the primitive Christians, which, though questionable on some points, is upon the whole just and interesting:--Since the religion of the New Testament did not admit of any peculiar outward priesthood, similar to that of the Old, the same outward kind of worship, dependent on certain places, times, and outward actions and demeanours, would also have no place in its composition. The kingdom of God, the temple of the Lord, were to be present, not in this or that place, but in every place where Christ himself is active in the Spirit, and where through him the worship of God in spirit and in truth is established. Every Christian in particular, and every church in general, were to represent a spiritual temple of the Lord; the true worship of God was to be only in the inward heart, and the whole life proceeding from such inward disposition, sanctified by faith, was to be a continued spiritual service; this is the great fundamental idea of the Gospel, which prevails throughout the New Testament, by which the whole outward appearance of religion was to assume a different form, and all that once was carnal was to be converted into spiritual, and ennobled. This notion came forward most strongly in the original inward life of the first Christians, particularly when contrasted with Judaism, and still more so when contrasted with Heathenism; a contrast which taught the Christians to avoid all pomp that caught the eye, and all multiplication of means of devotion addressed to the senses, while it made them hold fast the simple, spiritual character of the Christian worship of God. It was this which always struck the Heathen so much in the Christian worship; namely, that nothing was found among them of the outward pomp of all other religions; no temples, no altars, no images. This reproach was made to the Christians by Celsus, and answered thus by Origen: “In the highest sense the temple and image of God are in the human nature of Christ; and hence, also, in all the faithful, who are animated by the Spirit of Christ,--living images! with which no statue of Jove by Phidias is fit to be compared.” Christianity impelled men frequently to seek for the stillness of the inward sanctuary, and here to pour forth their heart to God, who dwells in such temples; but then the flames of love were also lighted in their hearts, which sought communion in order to strengthen each other mutually, and to unite themselves into one holy flame which pointed toward heaven. The communion of prayer and devotion was thought a source of sanctification, inasmuch as men knew that the Lord was present by his Spirit among those who were gathered together in his name; but then they were far from ascribing any peculiar sacredness and sanctity to the place of assembly. Such an idea would appear to partake of Heathenism; and men were at first in less danger of being seduced into such an idea, because the first general places of assembly of the Christians were only common rooms in private houses, just according as it happened that any member of the church had sufficient accommodation for the purpose. Thus Gaius of Corinth, 966Rom. xvi, is called the host of the church, because the church was in the habit of assembling in a room of his house. Origen says, “The place where believers come together to pray has something agreeable and useful about it;” but then he only says this in respect to that spiritual communion. Man, we must avow, is very easily led to fall away from the worship of God in spirit and in truth, and to connect the religion of the Spirit with outward and earthly things; as the Apostle says, “Having begun in the Spirit, to wish to end in the flesh.” Watchfulness on this point was constantly needed, lest the Jewish or the Heathen notions should here intrude themselves on those of the Gospel, which was likely enough to happen as soon as the Old and the New Testament notions of the priesthood had been confused. Even in the time of Clemens of Alexandria he found himself obliged to combat the notion, which allowed the essentials of a Christian life to be of one kind in, and of another out of, the church. “The disciples of Christ,” he says, “must form the whole course of their life and conduct on the model which they assume in the churches, for the sake of propriety; they must be such, and not merely seem so; as mild, as pious, and as charitable. But now, I know not how it is, they change their habits and their manners with the change of place, as the polypus, they say, changes its colour, and becomes like the rock on which it hangs. They lay aside the spiritual habit which they had assumed in the church, as soon as they have left the church, and assimilate themselves to the multitude among whom they live. I should rather say, that they convict themselves of hypocrisy, and show what they really are in their inward nature, by laying aside the mask of piety which they had assumed; and while they honour the word of God, they leave it behind them in the place where they heard it.”
The following is a summary of Dr. Neander’s account of how public worship was conducted among early Christians, which, although questionable in some aspects, is largely accurate and engaging: Since the religion of the New Testament did not allow for any specific outward priesthood like that of the Old, the same kind of outward worship reliant on specific places, times, and physical actions wouldn’t fit within it. The kingdom of God and the temple of the Lord were meant to be present not in specific locations, but wherever Christ is active in the Spirit, where worship of God in spirit and truth is established through Him. Each individual Christian, and every church as a whole, was to embody a spiritual temple of the Lord; true worship of God was to occur within the heart, with an entire life flowing from that inner disposition, sanctified by faith, being a continuous spiritual service. This is the core idea of the Gospel, which resonates throughout the New Testament, indicating that the outward expressions of religion were to take on a different form, transforming everything once physical into something spiritual and elevated. This idea was particularly strong in the original inner life of the first Christians, especially when compared to Judaism and even more so when juxtaposed with paganism; this contrast taught Christians to steer clear of any eye-catching display and excessive sensory expressions of devotion, while encouraging them to maintain the simple, spiritual character of Christian worship. This was what consistently impressed pagans about Christian worship; notably, there was none of the external spectacle found in other religions—no temples, no altars, no images. Celsus criticized Christians for this, and Origen responded by stating: “In the truest sense, the temple and image of God are in the human nature of Christ; and thus, in all the faithful who are energized by the Spirit of Christ—living images! none of which can be compared to a statue of Jupiter by Phidias.” Christianity often motivated people to seek the tranquility of the inner sanctuary, pouring their hearts out to God who resides in such temples; yet, the flames of love were ignited in their hearts as they sought communion to mutually strengthen each other and unite into one holy flame directed toward heaven. The communion of prayer and devotion was seen as a source of sanctification, as people recognized that the Lord was present by His Spirit among those gathered in His name; however, they stopped short of attributing any special sacredness to the gathering place. Such an idea would seem to lean towards paganism; and in the beginning, there was less risk of falling into such a belief because the first assembly places for Christians were simply common rooms in private homes, based on which member had enough space for it. Thus Gaius of Corinth, 966Rom. xvi, is referred to as the host of the church, since the church would regularly meet in a room of his house. Origen notes, “The place where believers come together to pray has something pleasant and useful about it;” but he only mentions this regarding spiritual communion. We must admit that people can easily drift away from worshiping God in spirit and truth and begin linking the religion of the Spirit with physical, earthly things; as the Apostle states, “Having begun in the Spirit, are you now being made perfect by the flesh?” Vigilance on this matter was always necessary, lest Jewish or pagan ideas intrude upon the Gospel’s teaching, which was likely to happen once the concepts of priesthood from the Old and New Testaments became confused. Even during Clement of Alexandria's time, he felt compelled to challenge the idea that the essence of a Christian life could be one way in the church and another outside of it. “The disciples of Christ,” he says, “must align the entirety of their life and behavior with the model they adopt in the church, for the sake of propriety; they must be genuine, not just appear so; as mild, pious, and charitable. However, I don't understand how it happens, but they change their habits and manner just like a cuttlefish changes color to blend in with the rock it clings to. They discard the spiritual demeanor they adopted in church as soon as they leave, and conform to the crowd around them. I would argue that they reveal their own hypocrisy and show their true nature by taking off the mask of piety; while they honor the word of God, they leave it behind in the place where they heard it.”
The Christian places of assembly were, at first, in the rooms of private houses; it may perhaps be the case, that in large towns, where the number of Christians was soon considerable, and no member of the church had any room in his house sufficient to contain all his brethren, or in places where men did not fear any prejudicial consequences from large assemblies, the church divided itself into different sections, according to the habitations of its members, of which each section held its assemblies in one particular chamber of the house of some wealthy member of the church; or, perhaps, while it was usual to unite on Sundays in one general assembly, yet each individual part of the church met together daily in the rooms which lay the most convenient to it. Perhaps the passages in St. Paul’s epistles, which speak of churches in the houses of particular persons, are thus to be understood. The answer of Justin Martyr to the question of the prefect, “Where do you assemble?” exactly corresponds to the genuine Christian spirit on this point. This answer was, “Where each one can and will. You believe, no doubt, that we all meet together in one place; but it is not so, for the God of the Christians is not shut up in a room, but, being invisible, he fills both heaven and earth, and is honoured every where by the faithful.” Justin adds, that when he came to Rome, he was accustomed to dwell in one particular spot, and that those Christians who were instructed by him, and wished to hear his discourses, assembled at his house. He had not visited any other congregations of the church. The arrangements which the peculiarities of the Christian worship required, were gradually made in these places of assembly, such as an elevated seat for the purpose of reading the Scriptures and preaching, a table for the distribution of the sacrament, to which as early as the time of Tertullian the name of altar, ara or altare, was given, and perhaps not without some mixture of the unevangelical Old Testament notion of a sacrifice; or at least this idea might easily attach itself to this name. When the churches increased, and their circumstances improved, there were, during the course of the third century, already separate church buildings for the Christians, as the name θρησκεύσιμοι τοπόι, [religious places,] of the Christians occurs in the edict of Gallienus. In the time of the external prosperity of the church, during the reign of Diocletian, many handsome churches arose in the great towns. The use of images was originally quite foreign to the Christian worship and churches, and it remained so during this whole period. The intermixture of art and religion, and the use of images for the latter, appeared to the first Christians a Heathenish practice. As in Heathenism the divine becomes desecrated and tarnished by intermixture with the natural; and as men have often paid homage to the beauties of nature, with injury to the cause of holiness, the first warmth of Christian zeal, which opposed the idolatry of nature, so common to Heathenism, and sought to maintain the divine in all its purity and elevation, was inclined rather to set holiness in the strongest contrast with what is beautiful by nature, than to endeavour to grace it by lending it a beautiful form. Men were more inclined in general to carry into extremes the idea of the appearance of the Divinity in the form of a servant, which suited the oppressed condition of the church in these centuries than to throw it into the back ground, and overwhelm it under the predominance of their æsthetic dispositions, and their love of art. This is peculiarly shown by the general belief of the early church, that Christ had clothed his inward divine glory in a mean outward form, which was in direct contradiction to it; a conclusion which was drawn from interpreting the prophecy of the Messiah in Isa. liii, 2, too literally. Thus, Clemens of Alexandria warns the Christians, from the example of Christ, not to attribute too much value to outward beauty: “The Lord himself was mean in outward form; and who is better than the Lord? But he revealed himself not in the beauty of the body, perceptible to our senses, but in the true beauty of the soul as well as of the body; the beauty of the soul consisting in 967benevolence, and that of the body in immortality!” Fathers of entirely opposite habits of mind, the adherents of two different systems of conceiving divine things, were nevertheless united on this point by their common opposition to the mixture of the natural and the divine in Heathenism, and by the endeavour to maintain the devotion to God, in spirit and in truth, pure and undefiled. Clemens of Alexandria is as little favourable as Tertullian to the use of images. Heathens, who, like Alexander Severus, saw something divine in Christ’s personal form, and sects which mixed Heathenism and Christianity together, were the first who made use of images of Christ; as, for instance, the Gnostic sect of the followers of Carpocratian, who put his image beside those of Plato and Aristotle. The use of religious images among the Christians did not proceed from their ecclesiastical but from their domestic life. In the intercourse of daily life, the Christians saw themselves every where surrounded by objects of Heathen mythology, or by such as shocked their moral and Christian feelings. Similar objects adorned the walls of chambers, the drinking vessels, and the signet rings, (on which the Heathen had constantly idolatrous images,) to which, whenever they pleased, they could address their devotions; and the Christians naturally felt themselves obliged to replace these objects, which wounded their moral and religious feelings, with others more suited to those feelings. Therefore, they gladly put the likeness of a shepherd carrying a lamb upon his shoulders, on their cups, as a symbol of the Redeemer, who saves the sinners that return to him, according to the parable in the Gospel. And Clemens of Alexandria says, in reference to the signet rings of the Christians, “Let our signet rings consist of a dove,” the emblem of the Holy Ghost, “or a fish, or a ship sailing toward heaven,” the emblem of the Christian church, or of individual Christian souls, “or a lyre,” the emblem of Christian joy, “or an anchor,” the emblem of Christian hope; “and he who is a fisherman, let him remember the Apostle, and the children who were dragged out from the water; for those men ought not to engrave idolatrous forms, to whom the use of them is forbidden; those can engrave no sword and no bow, who seek for peace; the friends of temperance cannot engrave drinking cups.” And yet, perhaps, religious images made their way from domestic life into the churches as early as the end of the third century, and the walls of the churches were painted in the same way. The council of Elvira set itself against this innovation as an abuse, for it made the following order: “Objects of reverence and worship shall not be painted on the walls.” It is probable that the visible representation of the cross found its way very early into domestic and ecclesiastical life. This token was remarkably common among them; it was used to consecrate their rising and their going to bed, their going out and their coming in, and all the actions of daily life; it was the sign which Christians made involuntarily whenever any thing of a fearful nature surprised them. This was a mode of expressing, by means perceptible to the senses, the purely Christian idea, that all the actions of Christians, as well as the whole course of their life, must be sanctified by faith in the crucified Jesus, and by dependence upon him; and that this faith is the most powerful means of conquering all evil, and preserving oneself against it. But here also, again, men were too apt to confuse the idea and the token which represented it; and they attributed the effects of faith in the crucified Redeemer to the outward sign, to which they ascribed a supernatural, sanctifying, and preservative power; an error of which we find traces as early as the third century.
The early Christian gatherings initially took place in private homes. In larger cities, where the Christian population grew significantly and no individual had a home large enough to accommodate all their fellow believers, or where large gatherings posed no risk of backlash, the church began to divide into smaller groups based on the locations of its members. Each group would gather in a specific room of a wealthy member's house; while they typically came together on Sundays for a general meeting, smaller sections of the church met daily in the most convenient rooms available to them. This could help explain the references in St. Paul’s letters that mention churches in the homes of specific individuals. Justin Martyr's response to the prefect’s question, “Where do you assemble?” reflects the genuine Christian perspective on this matter. He replied, “Wherever each person can and wishes to gather. You might think we all assemble in one place, but that's not true. The God of Christians isn't confined to a room; He is invisible, filling both heaven and earth, honored everywhere by the faithful.” Justin added that, upon arriving in Rome, he often stayed in one particular location, where Christians who learned from him gathered to hear him speak. He did not visit any other church congregations. The adjustments needed for Christian worship gradually took shape in these assembly locations, such as an elevated seat for reading Scriptures and preaching, and a table for distributing the sacrament, which as early as Tertullian’s time was called an altar, ara or altare, possibly with some influence from the Old Testament notion of sacrifice. As the number of churches increased and their circumstances improved, by the third century, separate church buildings for Christians already existed, as indicated by the term θρησκεύσιμοι τοπόι, [religious places] of the Christians appearing in Gallienus's edict. During the church’s external prosperity under Diocletian, many impressive churches were built in major cities. The use of images was initially completely foreign to Christian worship and remained so during this entire period. The blending of art and religion, and the use of images in worship, was viewed by early Christians as a pagan practice. Just as paganism often tarnishes the divine by mixing it with the natural, many believers paid tribute to the beauty of nature, undermining the sanctity of holiness. The early fervor of Christian zeal was focused on opposing the idolatry linked to nature, which was widespread in paganism, and aimed to uphold the divine in its purity and elevation. Thus, Christians leaned towards contrasting holiness with natural beauty, rather than trying to beautify it. They were more inclined to emphasize the idea of the Divine appearing in a humble form, which resonated with the church's oppressed state during those centuries, than to overlook it in favor of their aesthetic tendencies and love for art. This belief was particularly evident in the early church's view that Christ exhibited his divine glory through a modest outward form that contradicted it; this conclusion stemmed from a literal interpretation of the Messiah's prophecy in Isaiah 53:2. Consequently, Clemens of Alexandria warned Christians not to overvalue outward beauty by using Christ as an example: “The Lord himself had a humble appearance; and who is better than the Lord? But he did not reveal himself through the physical beauty we can sense, but rather through the true beauty of the soul as well as of the body; the beauty of the soul lies in kindness, and the body’s beauty in immortality!” Although the fathers of the church had vastly different perspectives and approached divine matters through various systems of thought, they were united in their common rejection of the mix of the natural and divine in paganism and their commitment to maintaining a pure and undefiled devotion to God in spirit and truth. Both Clemens of Alexandria and Tertullian opposed the use of images, just as pagans like Alexander Severus, who noted a divine aspect in Christ's appearance, and sects blending paganism with Christianity were among the first to use images of Christ; for example, the Gnostic sect of the Carpocratians placed his image alongside those of Plato and Aristotle. The use of religious images among Christians stemmed from their domestic rather than ecclesiastical lives. In their daily interactions, Christians were surrounded by objects of pagan mythology or those that clashed with their moral and Christian beliefs. Such objects adorned walls, drinking vessels, and signet rings, which featured idolatrous images that pagans could direct their devotion toward. Consequently, Christians felt compelled to replace those items that offended their moral and religious values with more suitable alternatives. Hence, they cheerfully added depictions of a shepherd carrying a lamb on their cups to symbolize the Redeemer who saves sinners returning to him, as portrayed in the Gospel parable. Clemens of Alexandria suggested that Christian signet rings should feature a dove, the emblem of the Holy Spirit, a fish, or a ship sailing toward heaven, symbolizing the Christian church or individual Christian souls, a lyre for Christian joy, or an anchor denoting Christian hope. He added that fishermen should remember the Apostle and the children saved from the water because those forbidden from creating idolatrous images should not engrave swords or bows; those who seek peace should not engrave drinking vessels. Nevertheless, it is possible that religious images began to penetrate church life as early as the end of the third century, leading to the painting of church walls in the same manner. The council of Elvira condemned this innovation as an abuse, issuing a directive that “Objects of reverence and worship shall not be painted on the walls.” Likely, the visible image of the cross entered both domestic and ecclesiastical life very early on. This symbol was notably common among Christians; they used it to consecrate their rising and retiring, their outings and homecomings, and all their daily activities; it represented a sign Christians made involuntarily whenever they experienced something unsettling. This was a way of expressing, in sensory terms, the distinctly Christian notion that if Christians are to sanctify all their actions, as well as their entire lives, it must be through faith in the crucified Jesus and reliance upon him; faith is viewed as the most powerful means of overcoming and defending oneself against evil. Yet, there is a tendency to confuse the idea and the symbol representing it, attributing the effects of faith in the crucified Redeemer to the outward sign, which they regarded as having supernatural, sanctifying, and protective powers; this misunderstanding can be traced back to the third century.
We now pass from the consideration of the places of public worship, to that of the seasons of worship, and the festivals of the early Christians. It is here shown again, that the Gospel, as it remodelled the former conceptions of the priesthood, of worship in general, and of holy places, also entirely changed the then views of sacred seasons. And here again, also, the character of the theocracy of the New Testament revealed itself, a theocracy spiritualized, ennobled, and freed from its outward garb of sense, and from the limits which bounded its generalization. The Jewish laws relating to their festivals were not merely abrogated by the Gospel, in such a manner as to transfer these festivals to different seasons; but they were entirely abolished, as far as fixing religious worship to particular times is concerned. St. Paul expressly declares all sanctifying of certain seasons, as far as men deduced this from the divine command, to be Jewish and unevangelical, and to be like returning to the slavery of the law, and to captivity to outward precepts. Such was the opinion of the early church. At first the churches assembled every day; as, for instance, the first church of Jerusalem, which assembled daily for prayer in common, and for the public consideration of the divine word, for the common celebration of the Lord’s Supper and the agapæ, as well as to maintain the connection between the common head of the spiritual body of the church and themselves, and between one another as members of this body. Traces of this are also found in later times in the daily assembling of the churches for the purpose of hearing the Scriptures read, and of celebrating the communion. Although, in order to meet the wants of human nature generally, consisting as it does of sense as well as soul, and those of a large body of Christians in particular, who were only in a state of education, and were to be brought up to the ripeness of Christian manhood, men soon selected definite times [beside the authorized Christian Sabbath, the first day of the week] for religious admonitions, and to consecrate them to a fuller occupation with religious things, as well as to public devotion, with the intention, that the influence of these definite times should animate and sanctify the rest of their lives, and that Christians who withdrew themselves from the 968distractions of business on these days, and collected their hearts before God in the stillness of solitude, as well as in public devotion, might make these seasons of service to the other parts of their life; yet this was in itself, and of itself, nothing unevangelical. It was only a dropping down from the purely spiritual point of view, on which even the Christian, as he still carries about two natures in himself, cannot always maintain himself, to the carnal; a dropping down which became constantly more necessary, the more the fire of the first animation and the warmth of the first love of the Christians died away. It was no more unevangelic than the gradual limitation of the exercise of many rights, belonging to the common priesthood of all Christians, to a certain class in the church, which circumstances rendered necessary. But just as the unevangelic made its appearance, men supposed certain days distinguished from others, and hallowed by divine right, when they introduced a distinction between holy and common days into the life of the Christian, and in this distinction forgot his calling to sanctify all days alike. When the Montanists wished to introduce and make imperative new fasts, which were fixed to certain days, the Epistle to the Galatians was very properly brought to oppose them; but Tertullian, who stood on the boundary between the original pure evangelic times and those when the intermixture of Jewish and Christian notions first took place, confuses here the views of the two religions, because he makes the evangelical to consist, not in a wholly different method of considering festivals altogether, but in the celebration of different particular festivals; and he makes the Judaizing, which the Apostle condemns, to consist only in the observation of the Jewish instead of the peculiarly Christian festivals. The weekly and the yearly festivals originally arose from the self-same fundamental idea, which was the centre point of the whole Christian life; the idea of imitating Christ, the crucified and the risen; to follow him in his death, by appropriating to ourselves, in penitence and faith, the effects of his death, by dying to ourselves and to the world; to follow him in his resurrection, by rising again with him, by faith in him and by his power, to a new and holy life, devoted to God, which, beginning here below in the seed, is matured in heaven. Hence the festival of joy was the festival of the resurrection; and the preparation for it, the remembrance of the sufferings of Christ, with mortification and crucifixion of the flesh, was the day of fasting and penitence. Thus in the week the Sunday was the joyful festival; and the preparation for it was a day of penitence and prayer, consecrated to remembrance of the sufferings of Christ and the preparations for them, and this was celebrated on the Friday; and thus also the yearly festivals were to celebrate the resurrection of Christ, and the operations of the Redeemer after he had risen again; the preparation for this day was in commemoration of the sufferings and fastings of our Saviour. Allusion is made to Sunday under the character of a festival, as a symbol of a new life, consecrated to the Lord in opposition to the old Sabbath, in the epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians: “If they who were brought up under the Old Testament have attained to a new hope, and no longer keep [Jewish] Sabbaths holy, but have consecrated their life to the day of the Lord, on which also our life rose up in him, how shall we be able to live without him?” Sunday was distinguished as a day of joy by the circumstances, that men did not fast upon it, and that they prayed standing up and not kneeling, as Christ had raised up fallen man to heaven again through his resurrection. And farther: two other days in the week, Friday and Wednesday, particularly the former, were consecrated to the remembrance of the sufferings of Christ, and of the circumstances preparatory to them; congregations were held on them, and a fast till three o’clock in the afternoon, but nothing was positively appointed concerning them; in respect to joining in these solemnities every one consulted his own convenience or inclination. Such fasts, joined with prayer, were considered as the watches of the milites Christi [soldiers of Christ] on their post by the Christians, who compared their calling to a warfare, the militia Christi, and they were stationes, and the days on which they took place were called dies stationum, [day of their stations.] The churches, which were a graft of a Christian on a Jewish spirit, although they received the Sunday, retained also that of the Sabbath; and from them the custom spread abroad in the oriental church, of distinguishing this day, as well as the Sunday, by not fasting and by praying in an erect posture; in the western churches, particularly the Roman, where opposition to Judaism was the prevailing tendency, this very opposition produced the custom of celebrating the Saturday in particular as a fast day. This difference in customs would of course be striking, where members of the oriental church spent their Sabbath day in the western church. It was only too soon that men lost sight of the principle of the apostolic church, which retained the unity of faith and spirit in the bond of love, but allowed all kinds of difference in external things; and then they began to require uniformity in these things. The first yearly festivals of the Christians proceeded from similar views; and at first the contrast which had in early times the most powerful influence on the developement as well of the churchly life, as of the doctrines of Christianity, is peculiarly prominent; I mean the contrast between the Jewish churches and those of the Gentile converts. The former retained all the Jewish festivals as well as the whole ceremonial law; although by degrees they introduced into them a Christian meaning which spontaneously offered itself. On the contrary, there was probably no yearly festival at all, from the beginning, among the Heathen converts; for no trace of any thing of the sort is found in the whole of the New Testament. The passover of the Old Testament was easily ennobled and converted 969to a passover which suited the New Testament, by merely substituting the idea of deliverance from spiritual bondage, that is, from the slavery of sin, for that of deliverance from earthly bondage. The paschal lamb was a type of Christ, by whom that deliverance was wrought. These representations went on the supposition, that Christ had partaken his last meal with his disciples, as a proper passover, at the very time that the Jews were celebrating theirs. This passover was, therefore, always celebrated on the night between the fourteenth and fifteenth of the Jewish month Nisan, as a remembrance at the same time of the last supper of Christ. This was the fundamental notion of the whole Jewish Christian passover, on which all the rest was built. The day following this passover was consecrated to the remembrance of the sufferings of Christ, and the third day from it to the remembrance of his resurrection. On the contrary, in the greater number of Heathen churches, as soon as men began to celebrate yearly festivals, (a time which cannot be determined very precisely,) they followed the method observed in the weekly festivals. They appointed one Sunday in the year for the festival of the resurrection, and one Friday as a day of penitence and fasting preparatory to this Sunday, in remembrance of the sufferings of Christ; and they gradually lengthened this time of penitence and fasting, as a preparation for that high and joyful festival. In these churches they were more inclined to take up a kind of antithetical turn against the Jewish festivals, than to graft Christian ones upon them. It was far from their notions to think of observing a yearly passover with the Jews. The following was the view which they took of the matter: “Every typical feast has lost its true meaning by the realization of that which is typified; in the sacrifice of Christ, the Lord’s Supper, as the new covenant, has taken the place of that of the old covenant.” This difference of outward customs between the Jewish Christian churches and the churches allied to them on the one hand, and the Heathen Christian churches founded by St. Paul on the other, existed at first without its being supposed that external things of this nature were of importance enough to lead to a controversy. A fast formed the introduction to the passover; and this was the only fast formally established by the church. The necessity of this fast was deduced from Matthew ix, 15; but it was by a carnal interpretation of the passage, and an application of it quite contrary to its real sense. For it does not relate to the time of Christ’s suffering, but to the time when he should be with his disciples no more. As long as they enjoyed his society they were to give themselves up to joy, and to be disturbed in it by no forced asceticism. But a time of sorrow was to follow this time of joy, although only for a season, after which a time of higher and imperishable joy, in invisible communion with him, was to follow, John xvi, 22. The duration of this fast, however, was not determined; the imitation of the temptation of our Lord for forty days introduced the custom of fasting forty hours in some places, which afterward was extended to forty days; and thus the fast of forty days, the quadrigesimal fast, arose. The festival of pentecost, Whitsuntide, was closely connected with that of the resurrection; and this was dedicated to commemorating the first visible effects of the operations of the glorified Christ upon human nature, now also ennobled by him, the lively proofs of his resurrection and reception into glory; and therefore Origen joins the festivals of the resurrection and of pentecost together as one whole. The means of transition from an Old Testament festival to one befitting the New Testament, were here near at hand. The first fruits of harvest in the kingdom of nature; the first fruits of harvest in the kingdom of grace; the law of the letter from Mount Sinai--the law of the Spirit from the heavenly Jerusalem. This festival originally embraced the whole season of fifty days from Easter, and was celebrated like a Sunday, that is to say, no fasts were kept during the whole of it, and men prayed standing, and not kneeling; and perhaps also in some places assemblies of the church were held, and the communion was celebrated every day. Afterward, two peculiar points of time, the ascension of Christ and the effusion of the Holy Spirit, were selected from this whole interval. These were the only festivals generally celebrated at that time, as the passage cited from Origen proves. The fundamental notion of the whole Christian life, which referred every thing to the suffering, the resurrection, and the glorification of Christ, as well as the adherence, or, on the other hand, the opposition, to the Jewish celebration of festivals, were the cause that these were the only general festivals. The notion of a birth-day festival was far from the ideas of the Christians of this period in general; they looked upon the second birth as the true birth of men. The case must have been somewhat different with the birth of the Redeemer; human nature was to be sanctified by him from its first developement; but then this last notion could not at first come so prominently forward among the early Christians, because so many of them were first converted to Christianity when well advanced in years, after some decisive excitement of their life; but then it may have entered generally into domestic life, though at first gradually. Nevertheless, we find in this period apparently one trace of Christmas as a festival. Its history is intimately connected with the history of a kindred festival; the festival of the manifestation of Jesus in his character of Messiah, his consecration to the office of Messiah by the baptism of John, and the beginning of his public ministry as the Messiah, which was afterward called Epiphany, the ἑυρτη τῶν ἐπιφανίων, or τῆς ἐπιφανείας τοῦ Χριϛοῦ, [the festival of Epiphany, or of the appearance of Christ.] We find in later times that these festivals extended themselves in opposite directions, that of Christmas spreading from west to east, and the other from east to west. Clemens of Alexandria merely relates, that the Gnostic sect of the Basilidians celebrated 970the festival of the Epiphany at Alexandria in his time. We can hardly suppose that this sect invented the festival, although they may have had some dogmatical reason for celebrating it; for it is highly improbable that the catholic church should have afterward received a festival from the Gnostics; and these Gnostics most probably received it from the Jewish Christian churches in Palestine or Syria. For this time of our Saviour’s life would appear the most important to the notions of the Jewish Christians; and the Gnostics would afterward explain it according to their own ideas.
We now move from discussing places of public worship to the seasons of worship and the festivals of the early Christians. It becomes clear once again that the Gospel, which reshaped previous ideas about the priesthood, worship in general, and holy places, also completely transformed the views on sacred times. Here again, the nature of the theocracy in the New Testament revealed itself—spiritualized, elevated, and freed from its physical interpretations and constraints. The Jewish laws concerning their festivals were not just set aside by the Gospel in order to shift these festivals to different times; they were completely eliminated in terms of tying religious worship to specific times. St. Paul explicitly states that all sanctification of certain seasons, as derived by humans from divine command, is Jewish and non-evangelical, akin to regressing into the slavery of the law and the bondage of external rules. This was also the belief of the early church. Initially, churches gathered every day; for example, the first church in Jerusalem met daily for communal prayer, public study of the divine word, shared celebration of the Lord's Supper, and the agapæ, to maintain the connection between the common leader of the spiritual body of the church and themselves, as well as among each other as members of this body. Evidence of this is also found later in the daily gatherings of churches for reading Scriptures and celebrating communion. However, to meet the general needs of human nature, which includes both body and soul, as well as the needs of many believers who were still in a state of learning and needed to grow into mature Christians, distinct times [beyond the authorized Christian Sabbath on the first day of the week] were eventually set aside for religious instruction and dedicated to deeper engagement with spiritual matters, as well as public worship. The aim was for these specific times to inspire and sanctify the rest of their lives, so that Christians who stepped away from everyday distractions on these days and collected their hearts before God in the stillness of solitude, alongside public devotion, could transform these periods of service into the other parts of their lives. Yet this was not inherently non-evangelical; it represented a shift from a purely spiritual viewpoint, which even the Christian often struggles to maintain due to the dual nature within themselves, to the physical. This shift became increasingly necessary as the initial passion and warmth of early Christians began to fade. It was no more non-evangelical than the gradual restriction of many rights belonging to the common priesthood of all Christians to a specific class within the church, which circumstances made necessary. But just as non-evangelical tendencies emerged, people began to designate certain days as distinct and sacred by divine right, creating a separation between holy and common days in Christian life, thus forgetting the calling to sanctify all days equally. When the Montanists sought to introduce and enforce new fasts designated for specific days, the Epistle to the Galatians was rightly used to challenge them; however, Tertullian, positioned at the intersection of the original pure evangelic times and those when Jewish and Christian ideas first began to blend, muddled the views of the two religions. He proposed that being evangelical did not involve a completely different way of approaching festivals, but rather involved celebrating alternative specific festivals. He suggested that the Judaizing condemned by the Apostle meant only observing Jewish festivals instead of uniquely Christian ones. The weekly and yearly festivals initially arose from the same fundamental idea, which was central to the Christian life: to imitate Christ, the crucified and risen one; to follow him in his death by appropriating the effects of his sacrifice through penitence and faith, thus dying to ourselves and the world; and to follow him in his resurrection by rising again through faith in him and his power, leading to a new and holy life dedicated to God, which begins here on earth in seed form and is fulfilled in heaven. Therefore, the festival of joy was the festival of resurrection, and the preparation for it involved remembering the sufferings of Christ through self-denial and the mortification of the flesh on a day of fasting and penitence. In the week, Sunday became the joyful festival; its preparations were marked by a day of penitence and prayer dedicated to remembering the sufferings of Christ, which was observed on Friday. Likewise, the yearly festivals were meant to celebrate Christ's resurrection and the acts of the Redeemer post-resurrection, with preparations for this day commemorating the sufferings and fasts of our Savior. Sunday was referred to as a festival, a symbol of new life dedicated to the Lord, in contrast to the old Sabbath, in Ignatius's epistle to the Magnesians: “If those raised under the Old Testament have reached a new hope and no longer keep [Jewish] Sabbaths holy, but dedicate their lives to the Lord's day, on which our life also rose in him, how can we live without him?” Sunday was recognized as a day of joy primarily because people did not fast on that day, and they prayed standing, not kneeling, as Christ had uplifted humanity to heaven through his resurrection. Additionally, two other days of the week, Friday and Wednesday— particularly Friday— were set aside to remember the sufferings of Christ and their preparatory circumstances; congregations met on these days, and a fast until three o'clock in the afternoon was maintained, although no specific rules were established; individuals decided their participation based on convenience or preference. Such fasts, coupled with prayer, were regarded as the watches of the soldiers of Christ (the milites Christi) by Christians who likened their calling to a military service, designated as the militia Christi, and these days were termed dies stationum, or days of their stations. The churches, which were a blend of Christian and Jewish spirit, while accepting Sunday, also maintained the observance of the Sabbath; from them, the practice spread in the Eastern church of marking both this day and Sunday by not fasting and praying in an upright position. In Western churches, particularly the Roman, where opposition to Judaism prevailed, this very opposition led to the custom of observing Saturday specifically as a fasting day. This variation in customs would understandably stand out when members of the Eastern church observed their Sabbath in Western churches. Soon, people neglected the principle of the apostolic church, which upheld the unity of faith and spirit grounded in love while allowing a variety of external differences, and began to demand uniformity in these customs. The first yearly festivals of Christians stemmed from similar ideas. In early times, a significant contrast that had a profound influence on the development of both church life and Christian doctrines was the difference between the Jewish churches and those of Gentile converts. The former held onto all the Jewish festivals and the entire ceremonial law, although they gradually injected a Christian meaning into them. Conversely, there likely wasn't any yearly festival among the Gentile converts right from the start, as there is no evidence of this in the entire New Testament. The Passover from the Old Testament was easily honored and transformed to fit the New Testament simply by shifting the focus from deliverance from physical bondage to deliverance from spiritual slavery, or sin. The paschal lamb represented Christ, who enacted that liberation. These views operated under the assumption that Christ celebrated his last meal with his disciples as a proper Passover when the Jews were having theirs. Consequently, this Passover was always celebrated on the night between the fourteenth and fifteenth of the Jewish month Nisan, simultaneously remembering the last supper of Christ. This idea formed the basis of the entire Jewish Christian Passover, upon which all else was constructed. The day following this Passover was dedicated to remembering the sufferings of Christ, and the third day was reserved for commemorating his resurrection. In many Gentile churches, as soon as they began to celebrate yearly festivals (the exact time cannot be pinpointed), they followed the approach taken for weekly festivals. They designated one Sunday a year for the festival of resurrection and one Friday as a day of penitence and fasting leading up to that Sunday, in remembrance of Christ's sufferings, gradually extending this penitential time before the grand joyful festival. In these churches, there was a stronger tendency to adopt an opposing stance against Jewish festivals than to integrate Christian ones with them. It was alien to their beliefs to consider celebrating a yearly Passover alongside the Jews. The prevailing view among them was: “Every typical feast has lost its authentic significance with the fulfillment of what it symbolized; in Christ's sacrifice, the Lord's Supper, as the new covenant, has supplanted the old covenant.” This difference in outward practices between the Jewish Christian churches, which were linked on one side, and the Gentile Christian churches founded by St. Paul on the other, initially existed without anyone thinking that such external matters held enough significance to cause dispute. A fast preceded the Passover, which was the only fast formally recognized by the church. The need for this fast was derived from Matthew ix, 15; however, this was based on a literal interpretation of the passage that misapplied its intended meaning. For it does not relate to the period of Christ’s suffering but to a time when he would no longer be with his disciples. As long as they enjoyed his presence, they were to immerse themselves in joy, undisturbed by enforced asceticism. Yet a time of sorrow was to come after this joyful period, though only temporarily, followed by a greater and lasting joy in invisible communion with him, as indicated in John xvi, 22. The duration of this fast, however, was not specified. Practices reflecting the temptation of our Lord for forty days initiated the custom of fasting for forty hours in some locations, which then evolved into a forty-day fast, known as the quadrigesimal fast. The festival of Pentecost was closely linked with the resurrection celebration, dedicated to commemorating the initial visible effects of the glorified Christ on human nature, which he had now ennobled, the lively evidence of his resurrection and acceptance into glory; thus, Origen connected the festivals of resurrection and Pentecost as one unified occasion. The transition from an Old Testament feast to one suitable for the New Testament was readily apparent here. The first fruits of harvest in nature; the first fruits of harvest in grace; the letter of the law from Mount Sinai—the law of the Spirit from the heavenly Jerusalem. This festival originally encompassed the entire fifty-day period following Easter, celebrated like a Sunday, meaning no fasts were observed throughout the entire time, and people prayed standing, not kneeling. Additionally, perhaps in some locations, church gatherings occurred, and communion was celebrated daily. Later, two specific moments, the ascension of Christ and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit, were chosen from this entire timeframe. These were the only festivals commonly recognized at that time, as evidenced by the passage from Origen. The fundamental concept of the whole Christian life, which centered everything around Christ’s suffering, resurrection, and glorification, along with adherence or opposition to the Jewish festival observances, resulted in these being the only widely recognized festivals. The idea of a birthday celebration was entirely foreign to the thoughts of Christians during this period; they regarded the second birth as humanity's true birth. However, the situation may have differed concerning the birth of the Redeemer, as human nature needed to be sanctified by him from its very beginning. But this notion might not have been highly emphasized among early Christians, as many were converted later in life after significant events had transpired; thus, it might have gradually entered domestic life. Nonetheless, during this time, we do find at least one indication of Christmas as a festival. Its history is closely tied to a related celebration—the festival recognizing Jesus as the Messiah, his consecration to the Messiah's office through John’s baptism, and the onset of his public ministry as the Messiah, which later became known as Epiphany, the ἑυρτη τῶν ἐπιφανίων, or τῆς ἐπιφανείας τοῦ Χριϛοῦ [the festival of Epiphany or the appearance of Christ]. In later times, we observe these festivals spreading in opposite directions, with Christmas moving from west to east and the Epiphany taking the opposite route. Clemens of Alexandria notes that the Gnostic sect of the Basilidians celebrated the Epiphany festival in Alexandria during his time. It's unlikely that this sect originated the festival, although they may have had doctrinal reasons for its observance, as it seems highly improbable that the Catholic Church later adopted a festival from the Gnostics. Most likely, these Gnostics received it from the Jewish Christian churches in Palestine or Syria. This period of our Savior’s life would have held the most significance for the Jewish Christians, while the Gnostics later interpreted it according to their own understanding.
The character of a spiritual worship of God distinguished the Christian worship from that of other religions, which consisted in symbolical pageantry and lifeless ceremonies. As a general elevation of spirit and sanctification of heart was the object of every thing in this religion, instruction and edification, through a common study of the divine word, and through prayer in common, were the leading features in the Christian worship. And in this respect it might in its form adhere to the arrangements made about the congregations in the Jewish synagogues, in which also the element of a spiritual religious worship was the prevailing ingredient. As the reading of portions of the Old Testament had formed the ground work of religious instruction in the Jewish synagogues, this custom also passed into the Christian congregations. First the Old Testament, and especially the prophetic parts of it, were read as things that pointed to the Messiah; then followed the Gospels, and after that the epistles of the Apostles. The reading of the Scriptures was of still greater consequence then, because it was desirable that every Christian should be acquainted with them; and yet, by reason of the rarity and dearness of manuscripts, and the poverty of a great proportion of the Christians, or perhaps also because all were not able to read, the Bible itself could not be put into the hands of all. Frequent hearing was therefore with many to supply the place of their own reading. The Scriptures were therefore read in the language which all could understand, and that was, in most parts of the Roman empire, the Greek or the Latin. In very early times different translations of the Bible into Latin were in existence; as every one who knew a little of Greek, found it needful to have his own Bible in his own mother tongue. In places where the Greek or the Latin language was understood only by a part of the church, that is to say, by the educated classes, while the rest understood only their native language, as was the case in many Egyptian and Syrian towns, church interpreters were appointed, as in the Jewish synagogues, and they immediately translated what had been read into the language of the country, so that it might be intelligible to all. After the reading of the Scripture there followed, as there had previously in the Jewish synagogues, short, and at first very simple, addresses in familiar language, the momentary effusions of the heart, which contained an explanation and application of what had just been read. Justin Martyr expresses himself thus on the subject: “After the reading of the Scriptures, the president instructs the people in a discourse, and incites them to the imitation of these good examples.” Among the Greeks, where the taste was more rhetorical, the sermon from the very earliest times was of a more lengthened kind, and formed a very important part of the service. Singing also passed from the Jewish service into that of the Christian church. St. Paul exhorts the early churches to sing spiritual songs. What was used for this purpose were partly the Psalms of the Old Testament, and partly songs composed with this very object, especially songs of praise and thanks to God and Christ; and these, we know, Pliny found to be customary among the Christians. In the controversies with the Unitarians, about the end of the second century, and the beginning of the third, the hymns, in which from early times Christ had been honoured as a God, were appealed to. The power of church singing over the heart was soon recognized; and hence those who wished to propagate any peculiar opinions, like Bardasanes, or Paul of Samosata, endeavoured to spread them by means of hymns. In compliance with the infirmities of human nature, composed as it is of sense and spirit, the divine Founder of the church, beside his word, ordained two outward signs, as symbols of the invisible communion which existed between him, the Head of the spiritual body, and the faithful, its members; and also of the connection of these members, as with him, so also with one another. These were visible means to represent the invisible, heavenly benefits to be bestowed on the members of this body through him; and while man received in faith the sign presented to his senses, the enjoyment of that heavenly communion and those heavenly advantages was to gladden his inward heart. As nothing in all Christianity and in the whole Christian life stands isolated, but all forms one whole, proceeding from one centre, therefore, also, that which this outward sign represented must be something which should continue through the whole of the inward Christian life, something which, spreading itself forth from this one moment over the whole Christian life, should be capable of being especially excited again and promoted in return, by the influence of isolated moments. Thus, baptism was to be the sign of a first entrance into communion with the Redeemer, and with the church, the first appropriation of those advantages which Christ has bestowed on man, namely, of the forgiveness of sins and the inward union of life, which proceeds from it, as well as of the participation in a sanctifying divine Spirit of life. And the Lord’s Supper was to be the sign of a constant continuance in this communion, in the appropriation and enjoyment of these advantages; and thus were represented the essentials of the whole inward Christian life, in its earliest rise and its continued progress. The whole peculiar spirit of Christianity 971was particularly stamped in the mode in which these external things were administered; and the mode of their administration in return exerted a powerful influence on the whole nature of the Christian worship. The connection of the moments, represented by these signs, with the whole Christian life, the connection of inward and divine things with the outward act was present to the lively Christian feelings of the first Christians.
The character of spiritual worship of God set Christian worship apart from other religions, which relied on symbolic displays and lifeless rituals. The overarching goal of this religion was the upliftment of the spirit and the sanctification of the heart, so instruction and edification through a shared study of the divine word and communal prayer were the main features of Christian worship. In this regard, it mirrored the arrangements seen in Jewish synagogues, where spiritual religious worship was also the main focus. Just as the reading of sections of the Old Testament was fundamental to religious instruction in Jewish synagogues, this practice carried over into Christian gatherings. Initially, portions of the Old Testament, especially the prophetic sections, were read as they pointed to the Messiah; then came the Gospels, followed by the letters of the Apostles. The reading of Scriptures was even more significant back then, as it was important for every Christian to know them; however, due to the rarity and expense of manuscripts, as well as the poverty of many Christians—and perhaps because not everyone could read—the Bible itself couldn’t be available to everyone. For many, hearing it read aloud replaced their own reading. The Scriptures were read in a language everyone could understand, which in most of the Roman Empire was Greek or Latin. In the earliest days, various Latin translations of the Bible existed because anyone with some knowledge of Greek needed the Bible in their own language. In places where only a portion of the church understood Greek or Latin, typically the educated classes, while the rest spoke only their native tongue, church interpreters were appointed, similar to those in Jewish synagogues, to translate what had been read into the local language, making it accessible to everyone. Following the reading of Scripture, there were short, initially very straightforward addresses in plain language, spontaneous expressions from the heart that explained and connected to what had just been read. Justin Martyr stated, “After the reading of the Scriptures, the leader instructs the people in a discourse and encourages them to follow these good examples.” Among the Greeks, where there was a more rhetorical style, sermons began to be longer from the start and became a significant part of the service. Singing also transitioned from Jewish services into the Christian church. St. Paul encouraged early churches to sing spiritual songs, using both Psalms from the Old Testament and songs specifically written for this purpose, particularly songs of praise and thanksgiving to God and Christ; Pliny noted that these were common among Christians. In debates with the Unitarians at the end of the second century and beginning of the third, hymns that honored Christ as God from early times were referenced. The impact of church singing on people's hearts was quickly recognized, leading those who wanted to promote specific beliefs, like Bardasanes or Paul of Samosata, to use hymns to spread their ideas. Acknowledging human nature, which combines both physical and spiritual aspects, the divine Founder of the church established two outward signs alongside His teachings as symbols of the invisible connection between Him, the head of the spiritual body, and the believers, its members; these signs also illustrated the bond among the members, both with Him and with each other. These visible means were to represent the invisible, heavenly benefits bestowed on the members of this body through Him; as individuals received the signs through their senses in faith, the experience of that heavenly connection was meant to uplift their hearts. Since nothing in Christianity or the Christian life exists in isolation, but all forms one unified system stemming from a single source, what these outward signs represented had to be something that continues throughout the entire Christian experience—something that could extend from a singular moment to the whole of the Christian journey and could be reignited and enhanced by isolated moments. Therefore, baptism was to mark the initial entry into communion with the Redeemer and the church, signifying the first acceptance of the benefits Christ offers humanity, such as forgiveness of sins and the inner union of life derived from it, along with participation in a sanctifying divine Spirit of life. The Lord’s Supper was intended to signify the ongoing continuation of this communion, including the appropriation and enjoyment of these benefits; thus, the essentials of the entire inner Christian life were represented, from its earliest stages to its ongoing development. The unique spirit of Christianity was distinctly manifested in how these external practices were administered, and the manner of their administration profoundly influenced the nature of Christian worship. The connection of these moments, symbolized by these signs, with the entirety of the Christian life, and the link between inner divine matters and outward actions were central to the heartfelt experiences of the first Christians.
WRITING. In regard to alphabetic writing, all the ancient writers attribute the invention of it to some very early age, and some country of the east; but they do not pretend to designate precisely either the time or the place. They say, farther, that Cadmus introduced letters from Phenicia into Greece, if we may credit the Parisian Chronicle, B. C. 1519, that is, forty-five years after the death of Moses. Anticlides asserts, and attempts to prove, that letters were invented in Egypt fifteen years before Phoroneus, the most ancient king of Greece; that is, four hundred and nine years after the deluge, and in the one hundred and seventeenth year of Abraham. On this it may be remarked that they might have been introduced into Egypt at this time, but they had been previously invented by the Phenicians. Epigenes, who, in the estimation of Pliny, is weighty authority, informs us that observations, made upon the heavenly bodies for seven hundred and twenty years at Babylon, were written down upon baked tiles; but Berosus and Critodemus, also referred to by Pliny, make the number of years four hundred and eighty. Pliny from these statements draws the conclusion that the use of letters, as he expresses it, must have been eternal, that is, beyond all records. Simplicius, who lived in the fifth century, states, on the authority of Porphyry, an acute historian, that Callisthenes, the companion of Alexander, found at Babylon a record of observations on the heavenly bodies for one thousand nine hundred and three years. Of course the record must have been begun B. C. 2234, that is, the eighty-ninth year of Abraham. This statement receives some confirmation from the fact that the month of March is called Adar in the Chaldaic dialect; and at the time mentioned, namely, the eighty-ninth year of Abraham, the sun, during the whole month of March, was in the sign of the zodiac called Aries, or the Ram. The word Adar means the same with Aries. But, as letters would be unquestionably first used for the purposes of general intercourse, they must have been known long before they were employed to transmit the motions of the stars. Of this we have an evidence in the bill of sale, which, as we have reason to suppose from the expressions used in Gen. xxiii, 20, was given to Abraham by the sons of Heth. Hence it is not at all wonderful that books and writings are spoken of in the time of Moses, as if well known, Exodus xvii, 14; xxiv, 4; xxviii, 9–11; xxxii, 32; xxxiv, 27, 28; Numbers xxxiii, 2; Deut. xxvii, 8. Nor is it a matter of surprise that long before his time there had been public scribes, who kept written genealogies: they were called by the Hebrews שוטרים, Exod. v, 14; Deut. xx, 5–9. Even in the time of Jacob, seals, upon which names are engraved in the east, were in use, Gen. xxxviii, 18; xii, 42; which is another probable testimony to the great antiquity of letters.
WRITING. Regarding alphabetic writing, all the ancient writers credit its invention to a very early time and some eastern country, but they don’t specify exactly when or where. They also claim that Cadmus brought letters from Phoenicia to Greece, according to the Parisian Chronicle, in 1519 B.C., which is forty-five years after Moses died. Anticlides argues and tries to prove that letters were invented in Egypt fifteen years before Phoroneus, the earliest king of Greece; this is four hundred and nine years after the flood and in the 117th year of Abraham. It can be noted that while letters may have been introduced to Egypt at that time, they were likely invented by the Phoenicians earlier. Epigenes, who Pliny regards as a credible source, tells us that observations of the heavenly bodies were recorded on baked tiles in Babylon over seven hundred and twenty years. However, Berosus and Critodemus, also cited by Pliny, state the duration was four hundred and eighty years. Pliny concludes from these accounts that the use of letters must have existed for an eternity, beyond all records. Simplicius, who lived in the fifth century, states based on Porphyry’s account that Callisthenes, a companion of Alexander, discovered in Babylon a record of astronomical observations that covered one thousand nine hundred and three years. This record must have begun in 2234 B.C., which is the eighty-ninth year of Abraham. This statement gains some support from the fact that the month of March is called Adar in Chaldean; during the mentioned time, which is the eighty-ninth year of Abraham, the sun was in the zodiac sign Aries throughout all of March. The word Adar means the same as Aries. However, since letters were undeniably first used for communication purposes, they must have been known long before they were used to record the movements of the stars. We have evidence of this in the bill of sale that was presumably given to Abraham by the sons of Heth, as suggested by the expressions in Gen. xxiii, 20. Therefore, it’s not surprising that books and writings are mentioned as if they were well-known during Moses' time (Exodus xvii, 14; xxiv, 4; xxviii, 9–11; xxxii, 32; xxxiv, 27, 28; Numbers xxxiii, 2; Deut. xxvii, 8). It’s also not surprising that long before his time, there were public scribes who maintained written genealogies; in Hebrew, they were called Police (Exod. v, 14; Deut. xx, 5–9). Even in Jacob’s time, seals with engraved names were in use in the east (Gen. xxxviii, 18; xii, 42), which serves as another probable testament to the great antiquity of letters.
Letters, which had thus become known at the earliest period, were communicated by means of the Phenician merchants and colonies, and subsequently by Egyptian emigrants, through all the east and the west. A strong evidence of this is to be found in the different alphabets themselves, which betray by their resemblance a common origin. That the posterity of the Hebrew patriarchs preserved a knowledge of alphabetical writing during their abode in Egypt, where essentially the same alphabet was in use, is evident from the fact, that the Hebrews while remaining there always had public genealogists. The law, also, was ordered to be inscribed on stones; a fact which implies a knowledge of alphabetical writing. The writing thus engraven upon stones is designated by its appropriate name, namely, חרות, Exodus xxxii, 16, 32. Not a few of the Hebrews might be unable to read and write, Judges viii, 14; but those who were capable of writing wrote for others, when necessary. Such persons were commonly priests, who, as they do to this day in the east, bear an inkhorn in their girdle, Ezek. x, 2, 3, 11. In the inkhorn were the materials for writing, and a knife for sharpening the pen, Jer. xxxvi, 23. The rich and noble had scribes of their own, and readers also; whence there is more frequent mention made of hearing than of reading, 1 Kings iv, 3; 2 Kings xii, 10; Isa. xxix, 18; Jer. xxxvi, 4; Rom. ii, 13; James v, 11; Rev. i, 3. The scribes took youth under their care, who learned from them the art of writing. Some of the scribes seem to have held public schools for instruction; some of which, under the care of Samuel and other prophets, became in time quite illustrious, and were called the schools of the prophets, 1 Sam. xix, 16, &c; 2 Kings ii, 3, 5; iv, 38; vi, 1. The disciples in these schools were not children or boys, but young men, who inhabited separate edifices, as is the case in the Persian academies. They were taught music and singing, and without doubt writing also, the Mosaic law and poetry. They were denominated, in reference to their instructers, the sons of the prophets; teachers and prophets being sometimes called fathers. After the captivity there were schools for instruction either near the synagogues or in them.
Letters, which had been known since the earliest times, were shared by the Phoenician merchants and colonies, and later by Egyptian immigrants, throughout the east and west. A clear sign of this is found in the different alphabets themselves, which show a common origin through their similarities. It's evident that the descendants of the Hebrew patriarchs retained a knowledge of alphabetical writing during their time in Egypt, where a similar alphabet was used, as indicated by the presence of public genealogists among the Hebrews there. Additionally, the law was meant to be inscribed on stones; this indicates a familiarity with alphabetical writing. The writing engraved on stones is referred to by its specific name, namely, Freedom, Exodus xxxii, 16, 32. While not all Hebrews could read and write, Judges viii, 14; those who could would write for others when needed. These individuals were usually priests, who, as they do today in the east, carried an inkhorn in their girdle, Ezek. x, 2, 3, 11. The inkhorn contained writing materials and a knife for sharpening the pen, Jer. xxxvi, 23. Wealthy and noble people had their own scribes and readers, which is why there are more mentions of hearing than reading, 1 Kings iv, 3; 2 Kings xii, 10; Isa. xxix, 18; Jer. xxxvi, 4; Rom. ii, 13; James v, 11; Rev. i, 3. Scribes took young people under their wing, teaching them the art of writing. Some of the scribes even seemed to run public schools, which, under the guidance of Samuel and other prophets, became well-known and were called the schools of the prophets, 1 Sam. xix, 16, &c 2 Kings ii, 3, 5; iv, 38; vi, 1. The students in these schools were not children but young men, who lived in separate buildings, similar to Persian academies. They learned music and singing, and undoubtedly writing, as well as the Mosaic law and poetry. They were referred to, in relation to their teachers, as the sons of the prophets; teachers and prophets were sometimes called fathers. After the exile, there were schools for instruction either near or within the synagogues.
The materials and instruments of writing were, 1. The leaves of trees. 2. The bark of trees, from which, in the process of time, a sort of paper was manufactured. 3. A table of wood, πίναξ, לוח, Deut. ix, 9; Ezek. xxxvii, 5; Luke i, 63. In the east, these tables were not covered with wax as they were in the west; or at any rate very rarely so. 4. Linen was first used for the object in question at Rome. Linen books are mentioned by Livy. Cotton cloth also, which was used for the bandages of Egyptian mummies, and inscribed with hieroglyphics, was one of the materials for writing 972upon. 5. The paper made from the reed papyrus, which, as Pliny has shown, was used before the Trojan war. 6. The skins of various animals; but they were poorly prepared for the purpose, until some improved methods of manufacture were invented at Pergamus, during the reign of Eumenes, about B. C. 300. Hence the skins of animals, prepared for writing, are called in Latin pergamena, in English parchment, to this day, from the city Pergamus. They are sometimes denominated in Greek, μεμβράνα, 2 Tim. iv, 13. 7. Tables of lead, עפרת, Job xix, 24. 8. Tables of brass, δέλτοι χαλκαὶ. Of all the materials, brass was considered among the most durable, and was employed for those inscriptions which were designed to last the longest, 1 Macc. viii, 22; xiv, 20–27. 9. Stones or rocks, upon which public laws, &c, were written. Sometimes the letters engraved were filled up with lime, Exod. xxiv, 12; xxxi, 18; xxxii, 19; xxxiv, 1; Deut. xxvii, 1–9; Joshua viii, 32; Job xix, 24. 10. Tiles. The inscriptions were made upon the tiles first, and afterward they were baked in the fire. They are yet to be found in the ruins of Babylon; others of later origin are to be found in many countries in the east. 11. The sand of the earth, in which the children in India to this day learn the art of writing, and in which Archimedes himself delineated his mathematical figures, John viii, 1–8. If in Ezekiel iii, 1, and in Revelation x, 9, we are informed that books were eaten, we must remember that the descriptions are figurative, and that they were eaten in vision; and consequently we are not at liberty to draw the conclusion from these passages, that any substance was used as materials for writing upon, which was at the same time used for food. The representations alluded to are symbolic, introduced to denote a communication or revelation from God.
The materials and tools for writing were: 1. Leaves from trees. 2. Tree bark, which over time was made into a kind of paper. 3. Wooden tablets, πίναξ, Board, Deut. ix, 9; Ezek. xxxvii, 5; Luke i, 63. In the East, these tablets were rarely covered with wax, unlike in the West. 4. Linen was first used for this purpose in Rome. Linen books are mentioned by Livy. Cotton cloth, which was used for wrapping Egyptian mummies and inscribed with hieroglyphics, was also a writing material 972. 5. Paper made from the papyrus reed, which, as Pliny noted, was used before the Trojan War. 6. The skins of various animals were used, but they were not well-prepared until better methods were developed in Pergamus during the reign of Eumenes around 300 B.C. Therefore, animal skins prepared for writing are called in Latin parchment, or parchment in English, to this day, named after the city of Pergamus. They are sometimes referred to in Greek as μεμβράνα, 2 Tim. iv, 13. 7. Lead tablets, עפרת, Job xix, 24. 8. Brass tablets, δέλτοι χαλκαὶ. Among all the materials, brass was considered one of the most durable and was used for inscriptions intended to last the longest, 1 Macc. viii, 22; xiv, 20–27. 9. Stones or rocks, where public laws, etc., were inscribed. Sometimes the engraved letters were filled with lime, Exod. xxiv, 12; xxxi, 18; xxxii, 19; xxxiv, 1; Deut. xxvii, 1–9; Joshua viii, 32; Job xix, 24. 10. Tiles. Inscriptions were first made on tiles and then baked in the fire. They can still be found in the ruins of Babylon; others from later dates exist in many Eastern countries. 11. Earth’s sand, in which children in India still learn to write, and in which Archimedes himself drew his mathematical figures, John viii, 1–8. If in Ezekiel iii, 1, and Revelation x, 9, we are told that books were eaten, we should remember that these descriptions are figurative and occurred in vision; therefore, we cannot conclude from these passages that any material used for writing also served as food. The representations mentioned are symbolic, introduced to signify communication or revelation from God.
As to the instruments used in writing, when it was necessary to write upon hard materials, as tables of stone and brass, the style was made of iron, and sometimes tipped with diamond, Jer. xvii. 1. The letters were formed upon tablets of wood, (when they were covered with wax,) with a style sharpened at one end, broad and smooth at the other; by means of which the letters, when badly written, might be rubbed out and the wax smoothed down. 2. Wax, however, was but rarely used for the purpose of covering writing tables in warm regions. When this was not the case, the letters were painted on the wood with black tincture or ink. 3. On linen, cotton cloth, paper, skins, and parchment, the letters were painted with a very small brush, afterward with a reed, which was split. The orientals use this elegant instrument to the present day instead of a pen. Ink, called דיו, is spoken of in Num. v, 23, as well known and common, Jer. xxxvi, 18, and was prepared in various ways, which are related by Pliny. The most simple, and consequently the most ancient, method of preparation was a mixture of water with coals broken to pieces, or with soot, with an addition of gum. The ancients used other tinctures also; particularly, if we may credit Cicero and Persius, the ink extracted from the cuttle fish, although their assertion is in opposition to Pliny. The Hebrews went so far as to write their sacred books in gold, as we may learn from Josephus compared with Pliny.
As for the tools used for writing, when it was necessary to write on hard surfaces like stone and brass tablets, the stylus was made of iron and sometimes tipped with diamond, as mentioned in Jer. xvii. 1. The letters were formed on wooden tablets (when covered in wax) using a stylus that was sharpened at one end and broad and smooth at the other. This allowed for mistakes to be erased by smoothing down the wax. However, wax was rarely used on writing tablets in warmer climates. When wax was not used, letters were painted on the wood with black dye or ink. On linen, cotton cloth, paper, animal skins, and parchment, the letters were painted with a small brush, later with a split reed. The eastern cultures still use this elegant tool instead of a pen today. Ink, known as דיו, is mentioned in Num. v, 23, as being well-known and common in Jer. xxxvi, 18, and was made in various ways, as described by Pliny. The simplest and oldest method involved mixing water with broken pieces of coal or soot, plus some gum. The ancients used other dyes as well; particularly, if we trust Cicero and Persius, ink from cuttlefish, although their claim contradicts Pliny. The Hebrews even went so far as to write their sacred texts in gold, as we learn from comparing Josephus with Pliny.
Hieroglyphics, that is, sacred sculptures or engravings, received that appellation, because it was once, and indeed till very lately, thought, that they were used only to express, in a manner hidden from the vulgar, what was exclusively religious; and which it was thought proper to conceal from all but the learned. The fact, however, is, that the hieroglyphic was a kind of picture writing, which passed through various modifications, and was applied alike to sacred and to civil purposes; to the emblazonment of the attributes of idols, the exploits of warriors, and the events of illustrious history. Rudiments of the same art have been found among almost all savages. Among the semi-civilized Mexicans history was pictorial: and in Ceylon and Continental India the same vehicle of instruction is made use of on the walls of their temples, to convey moral lessons, or to indicate the character and exploits of their deities. In Egypt, however, the art was carried into a more perfect system, and was more ostensibly set before the public eye on the massive and almost eternal monuments which cover the country. There, too, it ascends to ages of the world with which the Scriptures have made us familiar, and stands associated with royal dynasties, and vicissitudes of conquest, more intimately blended with that stream of civil history, along the margin of which European education conducts us. These mystic characters have acquired an adventitious interest also, from the circumstance that the key to them was for so many ages lost. This knowledge perished among that people themselves, the records of whose kings and conquests lay hid under the inexplicable symbol, or the fanciful representation of letters and sounds which were still familiar to the lips of those to whom the signs had become wholly unmeaning. Age after age they were gazed at by the curious; conjectures respecting their nature and use were offered by the learned, some absurd and some approaching the truth, but all failing to throw light upon a mystery, which at length was surrendered, by common consent, to the receptacle of lost and irrecoverable knowledge. Whether the hieroglyphics were symbols only, or words, or picturesque alphabetical characters, or expressed the popular tongue, or one known only to the priests, were questions answered at random by the prompt and dogmatic; and even the more modest and probable solutions of the cautious had so little collateral evidence to support them, that they led to no result. As to their intent, one thought that they involved the mysteries of magic; another, that they were a form of the Chinese language; a third, that they veiled the doctrines of the true patriarchal religion; a fourth, that they enveloped the dogmatic arcana of the Egyptian priesthood. The great point, however, to be determined was, whether the hieroglyphics were 973the signs of a language; that is, of the sounds of any language; and, if so, whether the language was now known, or knowable, from books still extant. Each of these points was of equal importance; for in vain would it have been ascertained that these signs represented the sounds of a tongue once spoken, if that tongue had perished from the earth. Clement of Alexandria, who lived about the end of the second century, asserted that the Egyptians had three modes of writing,--the epistolographic, or common characters; the hieratic, or sacerdotal, employed chiefly by the priesthood in writing books; and the hieroglyphic, used on public monuments. The symbolical he again distributes into imitative, which represent the plain figure of an object, as a circle to express the sun, and a half circle the moon; tropical,--which have recourse to analogy for the representation of the object; and enigmatical,--as “a serpent, to signify the oblique course of the stars.” This writer could not so accurately have expressed the truth of the case, unless he had known much more than he has written; and we may presume, that if he had been more liberal in his communications, the present age would not have had the honour of throwing open the gate to this branch of ancient learning. The notion which has generally prevailed, that by whatever rule the hieroglyphics were composed, they were invented by the Egyptian priests to conceal their wisdom from the vulgar, was combated by Bishop Warburton, with his usual acuteness. According to him, the first kind of hieroglyphics were mere pictures; because the most natural way of communicating our conceptions by marks or figures was, to trace out the images of things. But the hieroglyphics invented by the Egyptians were an improvement on this rude and inconvenient essay toward writing; for they contrived to make them both pictures and characters. He proceeds to other observations, which have lost their interest in consequence of the recent discoveries; but he argues conclusively, that hieroglyphics could not, in a vast number of cases, have been resorted to for purposes of secrecysecrecy, since they were employed to record openly and plainly their laws, history, and all kinds of civil matters. This, as a general view, has been proved to be correct; but still no key to the reading of these characters was found. The figures of deities might, in many instances, be deciphered by their attributes; other symbols were not difficult to explain, as they spoke a universal language. Thus two hands, one holding a bow, and another a shield, suggested a battle; an eye and a sceptre, a monarch of intelligence and vigilance; a ship and a pilot, the governor of a state if associated with a man, the ruler of the universe if associated with a deity. A lion was a natural emblem of strength and courage; a bullock, of agriculture; a horse, of liberty; a sphynx, of subtlety. But still those hieroglyphics were in the greatest number which appeared to represent letters; and many might prove, at the same time, both emblematic and alphabetical. Approaches to the truth of the case had been, indeed, made. Warburton, from an attentive perusal of what Clemens Alexandrinus had said on the subject, had, in fact, concluded, in a way highly creditable to his acuteness, that hieroglyphics were a real written language, applicable to the purposes of history and common life, as well as to those of religion; and that, among the different sorts of hieroglyphics, the Egyptians possessed those which were used phonetically, or alphabetically, as letters; but, till recently, the means of following out this ingenious and correct conjecture were wanting to the learned. The first effectual step was taken by M. Quattermere, who proved, in his work Sur la Langue et Littérature de l’Egypte, [Concerning the Language and Literature of Egypt,] that the Coptic, a language of easy attainment, at least to a considerable extent, was the language of the ancient Egyptians. The second favouring circumstance of modern times was, the publication of the researches made as to the monuments of Egypt by the literary men and artists who accompanied the French expedition to that country. Previous to this, the specimens which had been brought to Europe were few, and the impressions and the fac similes of them incorrect. Some, too, were imitations, and others spurious. In the works published in France after this expedition, the representations of Egyptian monuments were numerous; and the inscriptions were given with perfect exactness and fidelity. Still, however, those would have remained as unintelligible as the originals but for the discovery of the Rosetta stone, now among the Egyptian antiquities in the gallery of the British museum. This stone was dug up by the French, near Rosetta, and contained an inscription in three sets of characters: one in hieroglyphics; a second in a sort of running hand, called enchorial, that is, in the common characters of the country; and a third in Greek. The latter appearing, from the disposition of the whole, to be a translation of the enchorial inscription, as that was of the hieroglyphic, the importance of this stone was at once seen by the French savans; but by the fortune of war, it was taken, with other valuables, by the British troops, and was sent to this country. The Antiquarian Society had it immediately engraved; and the fac similes, which were circulated through Europe attracted great attention. Dr. Young has, however, the honour of being the discoverer of the nature and use of the hieroglyphical inscription. M. de Sacy, and more especially Mr. Ackerblad, a Danish gentleman, made some progress in identifying the sense of several parts of the second inscription, or that in demotic or enchorial characters, but made no progress in the hieroglyphics; and it was left for British industry to convert to permanent profit a monument which had been a useless, though a glorious, monument of British valour. The inscription upon this celebrated stone proved to be a decree of the Egyptian priests, solemnly assembled in the temple, to record upon a monument, as a public expression of their gratitude, all the events of the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes; his liberality 974to the temples and to the gods; his success against his rebellious subjects; his clemency toward some of the traitors; his measures against the fatal consequences of excessive inundations of the Nile; and his munificence toward the college of the priests, by remitting the arrears of several years’ payment of taxes. It was an important circumstance, that the whole concludes by ordering that this decree “shall be engraved on a hard stone in sacred characters, in common characters, and in Greek.” By this it was ascertained that the second and third inscriptions were translations of the first; and that the second inscription was in the common character of the country. It was this that led Ackerblad to the investigation of the enchorial text, in order to discover its alphabet; in which he partially succeeded. His labours were, however, for some time unnoticed; but in 1814, Dr. Young published, in the Archæologia, an improvement on the alphabet of Ackerblad, and a translation of the Egyptian inscription. Difficulties of no ordinary kind, beside those arising from the mutilated state of the stone, presented themselves to all who had applied to make out even the second, or enchorial inscription.
Hieroglyphics, also known as sacred carvings or engravings, got their name because it was believed, until recently, that they were used solely for expressing religious concepts in a way that was hidden from the common people and meant only for the learned. The truth is that hieroglyphics were a form of picture writing that evolved over time and served both sacred and civil purposes. They depicted the attributes of deities, the feats of warriors, and significant events in history. Similar forms of this art have been found among almost all indigenous cultures. For instance, the semi-civilized Mexicans used pictorial representations for history, and in Ceylon and continental India, similar teaching methods are used on temple walls to convey moral lessons or describe their gods and their deeds. However, in Egypt, this art developed into a more refined system, prominently displayed on the massive and nearly eternal monuments that dot the land. It dates back to eras we recognize from the Scriptures and is deeply intertwined with royal dynasties and conquests, closely linked to the civil history that European education teaches us. These mystic symbols have gained additional intrigue because the key to understanding them was lost for many centuries. This knowledge vanished among the very people whose kings and victories remained concealed behind these enigmatic symbols, or elaborate representations of letters and sounds that had become meaningless to those who once spoke them. For ages, curious minds examined these symbols; scholars proposed theories about their meaning—some absurd, some more plausible—but none succeeded in shedding light on this mystery, eventually relegating it to a realm of lost knowledge. Whether hieroglyphics were mere symbols, words, or pictorial alphabetical characters, or if they represented the common language or one only known to the priests, sparked random answers among the assertive; even cautious interpretations lacked sufficient evidence, leading nowhere. Some believed they involved magical mysteries; others thought they were akin to the Chinese language; a few argued they concealed the truths of the true patriarchal religion; others claimed they contained the secret knowledge of the Egyptian priesthood. However, the crucial question to resolve was whether hieroglyphics were symbols of a spoken language or merely represented sounds; if they did, was that language lost to time or preserved in accessible texts? Each of these queries was equally significant because it would be pointless to establish that these symbols represented a once-spoken tongue if that tongue no longer existed. Clement of Alexandria, living around the end of the second century, claimed the Egyptians had three types of writing: the common script, the hieratic writing primarily used by priests for books, and hieroglyphic, which was used on public monuments. He divided the symbolic writing into imitative (which directly depicted the object, like a circle for the sun and a semicircle for the moon), tropical (which used analogy for representation), and enigmatic (like a serpent for the oblique path of the stars). He couldn't have articulated the truth so well without knowing much more than he recorded; we can infer that if he had shared more, our age wouldn't be credited with unlocking this area of ancient learning. The prevailing belief that hieroglyphics were created by Egyptian priests to hide their wisdom from ordinary people was disputed by Bishop Warburton with his usual sharpness. He argued that the earliest hieroglyphics were just pictures; the most straightforward way to convey ideas through symbols was to depict the images of things. The hieroglyphics invented by the Egyptians were an advancement on this primitive method of writing, as they managed to make them both images and characters. He made further observations that have faded in significance following recent discoveries, but he convincingly argued that hieroglyphics could not have frequently been used for secrecy, as they were employed to document laws, history, and various civil matters openly. This general view has been validated, yet a key to reading these characters remained undiscovered. While the figures of deities could often be identified by their attributes, some symbols were easier to interpret because they spoke a universal language. For example, two hands—one holding a bow and the other a shield—suggested battle; an eye and a scepter indicated a wise and watchful ruler; a ship and a pilot hinted at governance, depending on whether associated with a human or a deity. A lion symbolized strength and bravery; a bull represented agriculture; a horse signified freedom; and a sphinx stood for cleverness. Still, the majority of hieroglyphics seemed to represent letters, with many being both symbolic and alphabetical. Attempts to discover the truth had indeed been made. Warburton concluded, based on Clemens Alexandrinus’s comments, that hieroglyphics constituted a genuine written language used for historical and everyday life purposes in addition to religious uses, and that the Egyptians had types of hieroglyphics utilized phonetically or alphabetically. However, until recently, scholars lacked the means to further explore this insightful and accurate idea. The first significant step was taken by M. Quattermere, who demonstrated in his work On the Language and Literature of Egypt [Concerning the Language and Literature of Egypt] that the Coptic language, which can be learned relatively easily, was the language of the ancient Egyptians. The second crucial development of modern times was the release of studies on Egyptian monuments by the scholars and artists who were part of the French expedition to that region. Before this, the few samples brought to Europe were often inaccurate, with some being fakes and others genuine. The publications in France that followed this expedition included numerous, accurate representations of Egyptian monuments and inscriptions. Yet, those would have still remained as unintelligible as the originals had it not been for the discovery of the Rosetta stone, now housed among the Egyptian antiquities in the British Museum. This stone was unearthed by the French near Rosetta and featured an inscription in three types of characters: one in hieroglyphics, a second in a form of cursive known as enchorial (the ordinary characters of the land), and a third in Greek. The latter appeared to be a translation of the enchorial text, just as that text was a translation of the hieroglyphics; the significance of this stone was immediately recognized by French scholars. However, due to the chance of war, it was seized by British forces along with other treasures and sent to England. The Antiquarian Society had it promptly engraved, and the facsimiles circulated through Europe garnered significant attention. Dr. Young has the distinction of being the first to understand the nature and usage of the hieroglyphic inscriptions. M. de Sacy, and especially Mr. Ackerblad, a Danish scholar, made some strides in understanding parts of the second inscription, or that in demotic or enchorial script, but made little headway with the hieroglyphics. It fell upon British scholars to make lasting progress from a monument that had been a glorious testament to British valor but otherwise useless. The inscription on this famed stone turned out to be a decree from the Egyptian priests, convened in the temple to publicly express their gratitude by recording all the events from Ptolemy Epiphanes's reign. This included his generosity towards the temples and deities, his victories over rebellious subjects, his clemency to some traitors, his strategies against the disastrous effects of heavy Nile floods, and his generosity towards the priesthood by canceling old tax debts. Another key detail was that it concluded by stating the decree "shall be engraved on a hard stone in sacred characters, common characters, and Greek." This confirmed that the second and third inscriptions were translations of the first, with the second being rendered in the country’s common characters. This realization prompted Ackerblad to explore the enchorial text further to discover its alphabet, in which he had partial success. His efforts went relatively unnoticed for a time, but in 1814, Dr. Young published an improvement on Ackerblad's alphabet along with a translation of the Egyptian inscription. Challenges beyond the stone's damaged condition confronted all who attempted to decipher even the second, or enchorial inscription.
“The method,” says the Marquis Spineto, “pursued by our learned men in this Herculean task of deciphering the Rosetta stone, deserves to be noticed; it may serve to give you a proper idea of the infinite labour to which they have been obliged to submit; a labour which at first seemed calculated to deter the most indefatigable scholar. Figure to yourself, for a moment, the fashion introduced of writing the English language with the omission of most of its vowels, and then suppose our alphabet to be entirely lost or forgotten, a new mode of writing introduced, letters totally different from those we use, and then conceive what our labour would be, if, after the lapse of fifteen hundred years, when the English language, by the operation of ages, and the intercourse with foreigners, was much altered from what it now is, we should be required, by the help of a Greek translation, to decipher a bill of parliament written in this old, forgotten, and persecuted alphabet, in every word of which we should find, and even this not always, the regular number of consonants, but most of the vowels left out. And yet this is precisely what our learned antiquarians have been obliged to do. The Egyptians, like most of the orientals, left out many of the vowels in writing. The enchorial, or demotic alphabet, which they used, has been laid aside since the second or third century of our era. From that time to this, that is, for nearly sixteen hundred years, the Coptic alphabet has been used; and yet in this Coptic language, and in these very enchorial or demotic characters, was engraved on the Rosetta stone the inscription which they have deciphered.”
“The method,” says the Marquis Spineto, “used by our scholars in this monumental task of deciphering the Rosetta Stone deserves attention; it might give you a clear idea of the immense work they have had to undertake; a task that initially seemed designed to overwhelm even the most tireless researcher. Imagine, for a moment, a version of the English language that omits most vowels, and then imagine our alphabet completely lost or forgotten, with a new writing system introduced featuring letters entirely different from the ones we use. Now picture what our effort would be like if, after fifteen hundred years, when the English language has changed significantly due to the passage of time and interactions with foreigners, we were required to decipher a parliamentary bill written in this old, forgotten, and marginalized alphabet, where each word might contain, though not always, the usual number of consonants but most vowels left out. Yet, this is exactly what our diligent historians have had to do. The Egyptians, like most Eastern cultures, omitted many vowels in their writing. The enchorial or demotic script they used has been out of use since the second or third century AD. Since then, for nearly sixteen hundred years, the Coptic alphabet has been in use; and yet, in this Coptic language, using these very enchorial or demotic characters, is the inscription on the Rosetta Stone that they have deciphered.”
The steps of this interesting process are given by Dr. Young, in the Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica. The substance is as follows: “As the demotic characters showed something like the shape of letters, it was shrewdly suspected that they might have been used as an alphabet. By comparing, therefore, its different parts with each other, and with the Greek, it was observed that the two groups in the fourth and seventeenth lines of the Greek inscription, in which Alexander and Alexandria occur, corresponded with two other groups in the second and the tenth line of the demotic inscription. These two groups, therefore, were considered as representing these two names, and thus not less than seven characters, or letters, were ascertained. Again: it was observed that a small group of character occurs very often in almost every line. At first it was supposed that this group was either a termination, or some very common particle; and after some words had been identified, it was found to mean the conjunction and. It was then observed, that the next remarkable collection of characters was repeated twenty-nine or thirty times in the enchorial inscription; and nothing found to occur so often in the Greek, except the word king, which with its compounds, is repeated about thirty-seven times. A fourth assemblage of characters was found fourteen times in the enchorial inscription, agreeing sufficiently well in frequency with the name of Ptolemy, which occurs eleven times in the Greek, and generally in passages corresponding to those of the enchorial text, in their relative situation; and, by a similar comparison, the name of Egypt was identified. Having thus obtained a sufficient number of common points of subdivision, the next step was to write the Greek text over the enchorial, in such a manner that the passages ascertained should coincide as nearly as possible; taking, however, a proper care to observe that the lines of the demotic or enchorial inscription are written from right to left, while those of the Greek run in a contrary direction from left to right. At first sight this difficulty seemed very great; but it was conquered by proper attention and practice; because, after some trouble, the division of the several words and phrases plainly indicated the direction in which they were to be read. Thus it was obvious that the intermediate parts of each inscription stood then very near to the corresponding passages of the other.”
The steps of this intriguing process are outlined by Dr. Young in the Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica. The main points are as follows: "Since the demotic characters resembled the shape of letters, it was cleverly suspected that they might have been used as an alphabet. By comparing its different sections with each other and with the Greek text, it was noted that the two groups in the fourth and seventeenth lines of the Greek inscription, which mention Alexander and Alexandria, matched two other groups in the second and tenth lines of the demotic inscription. Therefore, these two groups were considered to represent these two names, leading to the identification of at least seven characters or letters. Additionally, it was noted that a small group of characters appeared frequently in almost every line. At first, it was thought that this group was either a suffix or some very common word; after identifying a few words, it was recognized to mean the conjunction and. It was then observed that the next significant group of characters was repeated twenty-nine or thirty times in the demotic inscription; nothing appeared as often in the Greek, except the word 'king,' which and its variations appear about thirty-seven times. A fourth group of characters was found fourteen times in the demotic inscription, closely matching the name Ptolemy, which appears eleven times in the Greek, typically in passages that correspond to those in the demotic text regarding their relative positions; similarly, the name of Egypt was identified through comparison. After establishing enough common reference points, the next step was to write the Greek text over the demotic one in such a way that the identified passages would align as closely as possible, making sure to note that the lines of the demotic inscription are written from right to left, while those of the Greek go from left to right. Initially, this challenge seemed significant; however, it was overcome with careful attention and practice, as the division of the various words and phrases clearly indicated the direction they should be read. Thus, it became clear that the corresponding parts of each inscription were positioned very close to each other."
By means of the process above mentioned, Ackerblad, De Sacy, and Dr. Young, among whom a correspondence had been carried on, obtained a sort of alphabet from the enchorial characters, which might aid them in future researches. This result was published by Dr. Young in 1814. The examination of another stone at Menoup, containing an inscription in enchorial and in Greek characters, enabled Dr. Young to confirm the accuracy of former discoveries, and to add several new characters to the enchorial or demotic alphabet. Dr. Young next turned his attention to the hieroglyphics; and, though not with equal success, yet so as to demonstrate that they were phonetic or alphabetical, and to spell several proper names. The difficulty here, indeed, was how to begin; but his success opened a certain way to future progress; and it was upon Dr. Young’s discovery that Champollion afterward engrafted his system, 975and was enabled to carry his researches into Egyptian antiquities and Egyptian hieroglyphics, to an extent which is now deeply engaging the attention of the literary world.
Through the process mentioned above, Ackerblad, De Sacy, and Dr. Young, who had maintained correspondence, developed a kind of alphabet from the enchorial characters that could assist them in future research. Dr. Young published this finding in 1814. The examination of another stone at Menoup, which had an inscription in both enchorial and Greek characters, allowed Dr. Young to verify previous discoveries and add several new characters to the enchorial or demotic alphabet. Dr. Young then focused on hieroglyphics; although he didn’t achieve the same level of success, he was able to show that they were phonetic or alphabetical and spell out several proper names. The challenge was figuring out how to start, but his achievements provided a pathway for future advancements. It was upon Dr. Young’s discoveries that Champollion later built his system, enabling him to delve into Egyptian antiquities and hieroglyphics to a degree that is now captivating the literary world. 975
Two practical ends appear to have been answered already by the deciphering of the mystic monuments of Egypt. The first is, that the inscriptions which have been read by Champollion, afford assistance in settling some questions of ancient chronology; the other is, that important collateral proof has been afforded of the historical accuracy of the Old Testament, and the antiquity of its books. It is presumptive in favour of the genuineness and antiquity of the writings of Moses, that such proper Egyptian names as are found in no other ancient writings beside his own, such as On, and Rameses, and Potipherah, and Asenath, should now be read in hieroglyphic characters on monuments still standing in the same country. But the confirmatory evidence goes still farther. In one inscription the names of two of the Pharaohs, Osorgon and Scheschonk, are exhibited. Of the characters which compose this legend some are phonetic, some figurative, and some symbolic. The whole reading in Coptic, is, “Ouab an Amon-re soten annenoute Osorchon pri (or pre) ce or ci an ouab an Amon-re Souten Scheschonk-re Soten Nebto, (Amonmai Osorchon,)” &c. The meaning of which is, “The pure by Amon-re, king of the gods, Osorchon deceased, son of the pure, by Amon-re, king of the gods, Scheschonk deceased, son of king of the world, (beloved by Amon-re, Osorchon,) imparting life, like the sun, for ever.” This Osorchon seems to have been the Zarah, or Zarach, the king of Ethiopia, recorded in the Second Book of Chronicles, who, with a host of a thousand thousand and three hundred chariots, came to make war against Asa, the grandson of Jeroboam, and was defeated at Mareshah. Although the Greek historians have never mentioned either the name or exploits of Osorchon, this fact is attested by an hieroglyphical manuscript, published by Denon. It is a funeral legend, loaded with figures, on and round which there are several hieroglyphical inscriptions. With respect to the other Pharaoh, Champollion, speaking of the temple of Karnac, says, “In this marvellous place I saw the portraits of most of the ancient Pharaohs, known by their great actions. They are real portraits, represented a hundred times on the basso-relievos of the outer and inner walls. Each of them has his peculiar physiognomy, different from that of his predecessors and successors. Thus, in colossal representations, the sculpture of which is lively, grand, and heroic, more perfect than can be believed in Europe, we see the Pharaoh Mandouei combating the nations hostile to Egypt, and returning triumphant to his country. Farther on, the campaigns of Rhamses Sesostris; elsewhere Sesonchis, or Shishak, dragging to the feet of the Theban Trinity, Ammon, Mouth, and Khous, the chiefs of thirty conquered nations, among which is found, written in letters at full length, the word Joudahamalek, that is, the kingdom of the Jews, or the kingdom of Judah. This is a commentary on the fourteenth chapter of the First Book of Kings, which relates the arrival of Shishak at Jerusalem, and his success there. Thus the identity between the Egyptian Sheschonk, the Sesonchis of Manetho, and the Sesac, or Schischak of the Bible, is confirmed in the most satisfactory manner.”
Two practical purposes seem to have already been achieved by the decoding of the mysterious monuments of Egypt. The first is that the inscriptions read by Champollion help clarify some questions about ancient chronology; the second is that they provide significant additional proof of the historical accuracy of the Old Testament and the age of its texts. It supports the authenticity and age of Moses's writings that unique Egyptian names found nowhere else in ancient texts, like On, Rameses, Potipherah, and Asenath, can now be read in hieroglyphs on monuments still standing in that same region. But the evidence confirming this goes even further. One inscription shows the names of two Pharaohs, Osorgon and Scheschonk. The characters making up this inscription include phonetic, figurative, and symbolic elements. The full reading in Coptic is, “Ouab an Amon-re soten annenoute Osorchon pri (or pre) ce or ci an ouab an Amon-re Souten Scheschonk-re Soten Nebto, (Amonmai Osorchon,)” etc. This translates to, “The pure by Amon-re, king of the gods, Osorchon deceased, son of the pure, by Amon-re, king of the gods, Scheschonk deceased, son of king of the world, (beloved by Amon-re, Osorchon,) granting life, like the sun, forever.” This Osorchon appears to be the Zarah, or Zarach, the king of Ethiopia mentioned in the Second Book of Chronicles, who, with an army of a million three hundred thousand chariots, came to fight against Asa, the grandson of Jeroboam, and was defeated at Mareshah. Although Greek historians have never mentioned either the name or deeds of Osorchon, this fact is confirmed by a hieroglyphic manuscript published by Denon. It is a funeral inscription filled with figures, on and around which there are several hieroglyphic writings. Regarding the other Pharaoh, Champollion mentions the temple of Karnac, saying, “In this marvelous place, I saw the images of most of the ancient Pharaohs, recognized by their great deeds. They are actual portraits, depicted a hundred times on the bas-reliefs of the outer and inner walls. Each has a unique appearance, distinct from that of his predecessors and successors. Thus, in colossal representations, the sculpture is lively, grand, and heroic—more impressive than one can believe in Europe. We see Pharaoh Mandouei battling the nations hostile to Egypt, returning victorious to his homeland. Further on, the campaigns of Rhamses Sesostris; elsewhere, Sesonchis, or Shishak, dragging before the Theban Trinity, Amon, Mouth, and Khous, the leaders of thirty conquered nations, including the written name Joudahamalek, meaning the kingdom of the Jews, or the kingdom of Judah. This serves as a commentary on the fourteenth chapter of the First Book of Kings, which recounts Shishak's arrival in Jerusalem and his success there. Thus, the identity between the Egyptian Sheschonk, the Sesonchis of Manetho, and the Sesac, or Schischak of the Bible, is confirmed in the most convincing way.”
YEAR. The Hebrews had always years, of twelve months each. But at the beginning, and in the time of Moses, these were solar years, of twelve months; each having thirty days, except the twelfth which had thirty-five. We see, by the reckoning that Moses gives us of the days of the deluge, Gen. vii, that the Hebrew year consisted of three hundred and sixty-five days. It is supposed that they had an intercalary month at the end of one hundred and twenty years; at which time the beginning of their year would be out of its place full thirty days. But it must be owned, that no mention is made in Scripture of the thirteenth month, or of any intercalation. It is not improbable that Moses retained the order of the Egyptian year, since he himself came out of Egypt, was born in that country, had been instructed and brought up there, and since the people of Israel, whose chief he was, had been for a long time accustomed to this kind of year. But the Egyptian year was solar, and consisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and that for a very long time before. After the time of Alexander the Great, and the reign of the Grecians in Asia, the Jews reckoned by lunar months, chiefly in what related to religion, and the order of the festivals. St. John, in his Revelation, xi, 2, 3; xii, 6, 14; xiii, 5, assigns but twelve hundred and sixty days to three years and a half, and consequently just thirty days to every month, and just three hundred and sixty days to every year. Maimonides tells us, that the years of the Jews were solar, and their months lunar. Since the completing of the Talmud, they have made use of years that are purely lunar, having alternately a full month of thirty days, and then a defective month of twenty-nine days. And to accommodate this lunar year to the course of the sun, at the end of three years they intercalate a whole month after Adar; which intercalated month they call Ve-adar, or the second Adar.
YEAR. The Hebrews have always had years consisting of twelve months each. But in the beginning, and during Moses’ time, these were solar years with twelve months; each month had thirty days, except for the twelfth month, which had thirty-five days. According to the days of the flood that Moses records in Gen. vii, the Hebrew year had three hundred and sixty-five days. It’s believed they added an extra month after one hundred twenty years; at that point, the start of their year would be thirty days out of sync. However, the Scripture doesn’t mention a thirteenth month or any intercalation. It’s possible that Moses kept the Egyptian year format since he came from Egypt, was born there, was educated and raised there, and the people of Israel, whom he led, had been familiar with that calendar for a long time. The Egyptian year was solar and consisted of twelve months of thirty days each for a long time. After Alexander the Great’s time, and during the Greek rule in Asia, the Jews began to use lunar months mainly for religious purposes and the scheduling of festivals. St. John, in his Revelation, xi, 2, 3; xii, 6, 14; xiii, 5, refers to three years and a half as twelve hundred and sixty days, assigning exactly thirty days to each month and three hundred sixty days to each year. Maimonides tells us that the Jews had solar years and lunar months. Since the completion of the Talmud, they have used purely lunar years, alternating between a full month of thirty days and a shorter month of twenty-nine days. To align this lunar year with the solar year, they add an entire month after Adar every three years; this added month is called Ve-adar, or the second Adar.
The beginning of the year was various among different nations: the ancient Chaldeans, Babylonians, Medes, Persians, Armenians, and Syrians, began their year about the vernal equinox; and the Chinese in the east, and Latins and Romans in the west, originally followed the same usage. The Egyptians, and from them the Jews, began their civil year about the autumnal equinox. The Athenians and Greeks in general began theirs about the summer solstice; and the Chinese, and the Romans after Numa’s correction, about the winter solstice. At which of these the primeval year, instituted at the creation, began, has been long contested among astronomers and chronologers. Philo, Eusebius, Cyril, Augustine, Abulfaragi, Kepler, Capellus, Simpson, 976Lange, and Jackson, contend for the vernal equinox; and Josephus, Scaliger, Petavius, Usher, Bedford, Kennedy, &c, for the autumnal. The weight of ancient authorities, and also of argument, seems to preponderate in favour of the former opinion. 1. All the ancient nations, except the Egyptians, began their civil year about the vernal equinox: but the deviation of the Egyptians from the general usage may easily be accounted for, from a local circumstance peculiar to their country; namely, that the annual inundation of the Nile rises to its greatest height at the autumnal equinox. 2. Josephus, the only ancient authority of any weight on the other side seems to be inconsistent with himself, in supposing that the deluge began in the second civil month, Dius, or Marheshvan, rather than in the second sacred month; because Moses, throughout the Pentateuch, uniformly adopts the sacred year; and fixes its first month by an indelible and unequivocal character, calling it Abib, as ushering in the season of green corn. And as Josephus calls the second month elsewhere Artemisius, or Iar, in conformity with Scripture, there is no reason why he should deviate from the same usage in the case of the deluge. 3. To the authority of Josephus, we may oppose that of the great Jewish antiquary, Philo, in the generation before him; who thus accounts for the institution of the sacred year by Moses:--“This month, Abib, being the seventh in number and order according to the sun’s course, or civil year, reckoned from the autumnal equinox, is virtually the first, and is therefore called ‘the first month’ in the sacred books. And the reason, I think, is this: because the vernal equinox is the image and representative of the original epoch of the creation of the world. Thereby God notified the spring, in which all things bloom and blossom, to be an annual memorial of the world’s creation. Wherefore this month is properly called the first in the law, as being the image of the first original month, stamped upon it, as it were, by that archetypal seal.” 4. The first sacrifice on record seems to decide the question. The time of the sacrifice of Cain and Abel appears to have been spring; when Cain, who was a “tiller of the ground,” brought the first fruits of his tillage, or a sheaf of new corn; and Abel, who was “a feeder of sheep,” “the firstlings of his flock,” lambs: and this was done “at the end of days,” or “at the end of the year;” which is the correct meaning of the phrase מקץ ימם, and not the indefinite expression, “in process of time,” Gen. iv, 3. It is a remarkable proof of the accuracy of Moses, and a confirmation of this expression, that he expresses the end of the civil year, or “ingathering of the harvest,” by different phrases, בצאת השנה, “at the going out of the year,” Exod. xxiii, 16; and תקופת השנה, “at the revolution of the year,” Exod. xxxiv, 22; as those phrases may more critically be rendered. But, in process of time, it was found that the primeval year of three hundred and sixty days was shorter than the tropical year; and the first discovery was, that it was deficient five entire days, which therefore it was necessary to intercalate, in order to keep up the correspondence of the civil year to the stated seasons of the principal festivals. How early this discovery and intercalation was made, is nowhere recorded. It might have been known and practised before the deluge. The apocryphal book of Enoch, which probably was as old as the Septuagint translation of the Pentateuch, stated that “the archangel Ariel, president of the stars, discovered the nature of the month and of the year to Enoch, in the one hundred and sixty-fifth year of his age, and A. M. 1286.” And it is remarkable, that Enoch’s age at his translation, three hundred and sixty-five years, expressed the number of entire days in a tropical year. This knowledge might have been handed down to Noah and his descendants; and that it was early communicated indeed to the primitive Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Chinese, we learn from ancient tradition.
The start of the year varied among different nations: the ancient Chaldeans, Babylonians, Medes, Persians, Armenians, and Syrians began their year around the spring equinox; and the Chinese in the east, along with the Latins and Romans in the west, originally did the same. The Egyptians, and from them the Jews, started their civil year around the autumn equinox. The Athenians and Greeks generally began theirs around the summer solstice; and the Chinese, along with the Romans after Numa’s correction, around the winter solstice. There has been long-standing debate among astronomers and chronologists about which of these marks the beginning of the primeval year established at creation. Philo, Eusebius, Cyril, Augustine, Abulfaragi, Kepler, Capellus, Simpson, 976Lange, and Jackson support the spring equinox, while Josephus, Scaliger, Petavius, Usher, Bedford, Kennedy, etc. favor the autumn equinox. The weight of ancient authorities and arguments tends to lean towards the spring equinox. 1. All the ancient nations, except for the Egyptians, began their civil year around the spring equinox; however, the Egyptians' different practice can easily be explained by a local factor specific to their country—the annual flooding of the Nile reaches its peak at the autumn equinox. 2. Josephus, the only significant ancient authority on the other side, appears inconsistent in suggesting that the flood began in the second civil month, Dius, or Marheshvan, rather than in the second sacred month since Moses consistently uses the sacred year throughout the Pentateuch, marking its first month clearly by calling it Abib, which signifies the time of new crops. Additionally, since Josephus refers to the second month elsewhere as Artemisius or Iar, in line with Scripture, there is no reason for him to deviate from this terminology regarding the flood. 3. In contrast to Josephus, we have the authority of the great Jewish scholar Philo, who lived in the generation before him, explaining the institution of the sacred year by Moses: “This month, Abib, being the seventh according to the sun’s cycle, or civil year, counted from the autumn equinox, is effectively the first and is therefore called ‘the first month’ in the sacred texts. The reason for this, I believe, is because the spring equinox represents the original beginning of the creation of the world. Thus, God designated spring, when everything blooms and flourishes, to serve as an annual reminder of the creation of the world. Hence, this month is rightly called the first in the law, as it reflects the original first month, imprinted upon it, so to speak, by that foundational seal.” 4. The first recorded sacrifice seems to resolve the issue. The timing of Cain and Abel's sacrifice appears to have been in spring; when Cain, a “farmer,” brought the first fruits of his harvest, or a sheaf of new grain, and Abel, a “shepherd,” brought “the firstborn of his flock,” lambs: this was done “at the end of days,” or “at the end of the year,” which is the proper interpretation of the phrase After a while, rather than the vague expression, “in the process of time,” Gen. iv, 3. It is a noteworthy testament to the accuracy of Moses, and an affirmation of this phrase, that he refers to the end of the civil year, or “harvest gathering,” using different phrases, בסוף השנה, “at the end of the year,” Exod. xxiii, 16; and time of year, “at the change of the year,” Exod. xxxiv, 22; as these phrases could be rendered more precisely. However, over time, it became apparent that the original year of three hundred and sixty days was shorter than the tropical year; it was initially discovered to be lacking five full days, which necessitated intercalation to align the civil year with the specific seasons of major festivals. There is no record of when this discovery and intercalation first occurred. It may have been known and practiced before the flood. The apocryphal book of Enoch, likely as old as the Septuagint version of the Pentateuch, describes “the archangel Ariel, head of the stars, revealing the nature of the month and the year to Enoch, in the hundred sixty-fifth year of his life, and A. M. 1286.” Interestingly, Enoch’s age at his translation, three hundred and sixty-five years, matched the number of full days in a tropical year. This knowledge may have been passed down to Noah and his descendants; that it was shared early on with the primitive Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Chinese is indicated by ancient tradition.
This article would be rendered too prolix were we to notice the various inventions of eminent men in different ages to rectify the calendar by adjusting the difference between lunar and tropical years; which at length was effected by Gregory XIII. in 1583. This Gregorian, or reformed Julian year, was not adopted in England until A. D. 1751, when, the deficiency from the time of the council of Nice then amounting to eleven days, this number was struck out of the month of September, by act of parliament; and the third day was counted the fourteenth, in that year of confusion. The next year, A. D. 1752, was the first of the new style. Russia is the only country in Europe which retains the old style.
This article would be too long if we went into detail about the various inventions by notable people across different eras to fix the calendar by reconciling the difference between lunar and tropical years; this was finally accomplished by Gregory XIII in 1583. The Gregorian, or reformed Julian, calendar wasn’t adopted in England until 1751, when the discrepancy since the council of Nice had accumulated to eleven days. This number was removed from September by an act of Parliament; the third was considered the fourteenth in that confusing year. The following year, 1752, marked the beginning of the new style. Russia is the only country in Europe that still uses the old style.
The civil year of the Hebrews has always begun at autumn, at the month they now call Tisri, which answers to our September, and sometimes enters into October, according as the lunations happen. But their sacred years, by which the festivals, assemblies, and all other religious acts, were regulated, begin in the spring, at the month Nisan, which answers to March, and sometimes takes up a part of April, according to the course of the moon. See Months.
The civil year for the Hebrews has always started in the fall, in the month they currently call Tisri, which aligns with our September and sometimes stretches into October, depending on the lunar cycles. However, their sacred years, which govern the festivals, gatherings, and all other religious practices, begin in the spring, in the month of Nisan, corresponding to March and sometimes extending into part of April, based on the lunar calendar. See Months.
Nothing is more equivocal among the ancients, than the term year. It always has been, and still is, a source of disputes among the learned, whether on account of its duration, its beginning, or its end. Some people heretofore made their year consist only of one month, others of four, others of six, others of ten, and others of twelve. Some have divided one of our years into two, and have made one year of winter, another of summer. The beginning of the year was fixed sometimes at autumn, sometimes at the spring, and sometimes at midwinter. Some people have used lunar months, others solar. Even the days have been differently divided: some people beginning them at evening, others at morning, others at noon, and others at midnight. With some the hours were equal, both in winter and summer; with others, they were unequal. 977They counted twelve hours to the day, and as many to the night. In summer the hours of the day were longer than those of the night; but, on the contrary, in winter the hours of the night were longer than those of the day.
Nothing is more ambiguous among the ancients than the term "year." It has always been, and still is, a source of debate among scholars, whether due to its length, its start, or its end. Some people in the past defined their year as lasting just one month, others four, six, ten, or twelve months. Some split one of our years into two parts, creating one year for winter and another for summer. The start of the year was sometimes set at autumn, sometimes at spring, and sometimes at midwinter. Some people used lunar months, while others used solar months. Even the days were divided differently: some began them in the evening, others in the morning, others at noon, and others at midnight. For some, the hours were equal in both winter and summer; for others, they were not. They counted twelve hours for the day and the same for the night. In summer, the daytime hours were longer than the nighttime hours; conversely, in winter, the nighttime hours were longer than the daytime hours. 977
While the Jews continued in the land of Canaan, the beginnings of their months and years were not settled by any astronomical rules or calculations, but by the phasis, or actual appearance of the new moon. When they saw the new moon, they began the month. Persons were therefore appointed to watch on the tops of the mountain for the first appearance of the moon after the change. As soon as they saw it, they informed the sanhedrim, and public notice was given by lighting beacons throughout the land; though after they had been often deceived by the Samaritans, who kindled false fires, they used, say the Mishnical rabbins, to proclaim its appearance by sending messengers. Yet as they had no months longer than thirty days, if they did not see the new moon the night following the thirtieth day, they concluded the appearance was obstructed by the clouds, and, without watching any longer, made the next day the first of the following month. But after the Jews became dispersed through all nations, where they had no opportunity of being informed of the first appearance of the new moon, as they formerly had, they were forced to make use of astronomical calculations and cycles for fixing the beginning of their months and years. The first cycle they made use of for this purpose was of eighty-four years. But that being discovered to be faulty, they came afterward into the use of Meto’s cycle of nineteen years, which was established by the authority of Rabbi Hillel Hannasi, or prince of the sanhedrim, about A. D. 360. This they still use, and say it is to be observed till the coming of the Messiah. In the compass of this cycle there are twelve common years, consisting of twelve months, and seven intercalary years, consisting of thirteen months. We find the Jews and their ancestors computing their years from different eras, in different parts of the Old Testament; as from the birth of the patriarchs, for instance, of Noah, Gen. vii, 11; viii, 13; afterward from their exit out of Egypt, Num. xxxiii, 38; 1 Kings vi, 1; then from the building of Solomon’s temple, 2 Chron. viii, 1; and from the reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel. In latter times the Babylonish captivity furnished them with a new epocha, from whence they computed their years, Ezek. xxxiii, 21; xl, 1. But since the times of the Talmudical rabbins, they have constantly used the era of the creation.
While the Jews lived in the land of Canaan, they didn't determine the start of their months and years based on any astronomical rules or calculations, but rather by the appearance of the new moon. When they spotted the new moon, they began the month. People were appointed to watch from the mountain tops for the first sighting of the moon after the change. As soon as they saw it, they informed the sanhedrin, and public notice was given by lighting beacons throughout the land. However, after being misled numerous times by the Samaritans, who lit false fires, they eventually began sending messengers to announce the moon's sighting, as stated by the Mishnical rabbis. Since they had no months longer than thirty days, if they didn’t see the new moon the night after the thirtieth day, they assumed it was obscured by clouds and, without waiting any longer, declared the next day as the start of the new month. But when the Jews were scattered across various nations, where they couldn’t be informed of the first sighting of the new moon as they had before, they had to rely on astronomical calculations and cycles to determine the beginning of their months and years. The first cycle they used for this purpose was eighty-four years. However, after discovering it was flawed, they switched to Meto’s nineteen-year cycle, which was established by Rabbi Hillel Hannasi, the leader of the sanhedrin, around A.D. 360. They still use this cycle and say it will be observed until the coming of the Messiah. Within this cycle, there are twelve regular years with twelve months and seven intercalary years with thirteen months. We see the Jews and their ancestors marking their years from various starting points in different parts of the Old Testament, such as from the birth of the patriarchs like Noah (Gen. vii, 11; viii, 13), later from their exodus from Egypt (Num. xxxiii, 38; 1 Kings vi, 1), then from the construction of Solomon’s temple (2 Chron. viii, 1), and from the reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel. In later times, the Babylonian captivity provided them with a new epoch from which they calculated their years (Ezek. xxxiii, 21; xl, 1). But since the times of the Talmudic rabbis, they have consistently used the era of creation.
There is not a more prolific source of confusion and embarrassment in ancient chronology, than the substitution of the cardinal numbers, one, two, three, for the ordinals, first, second, third, &c, which frequently occurs in the sacred and profane historians. Thus Noah was six hundred years old when the deluge began, Gen. vii, 6; and presently after, in his six hundredth year: confounding complete and current years. And the dispute whether A. D. 1800, or A. D. 1801, was the first of the nineteenth century, should be decided in favour of the latter; the former being in reality the last of the eighteenth century; which is usually, but improperly, called the year one thousand eight hundred, complete; whereas it is really the one thousandth, eight hundredth; as in Latin we say, Anno Domini millesimo octingentesimo. There is also another and a prevailing error, arising from mistranslation of the current phrases, μεθ’ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, &c, usually rendered, “after eight days,” “after three days,” &c; but which ought to be rendered “eight days after,” “three days after,” as in other places, μετὰ τινὰς ἡμέρας, μετ’ οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας, which are correctly rendered “some days after,” “not many days after,” in our English Bible, Acts xv, 36; Luke xv, 13, the extreme days being included. Such phrases seem to be elliptical, and the ellipsis is supplied, Luke ix, 28, speaking of our Lord’s transfiguration, μετὰ τοὺς λόγους τούτους, ὡσεὶ ἡμέραι ὀκτὼ: “After these sayings, about eight days,” or rather about the eighth day, counted inclusively; for in the parallel passages, Matt. xvii, 1, Mark ix, 2, there are only “six days,” counted exclusively, or omitting the extremes. Thus, circumcision is prescribed, Gen. xvii, 11, when the child is “eight days old;” but in Lev. xii, 3, “on the eighth day.” And Jesus accordingly was circumcised, ὅτεὅτε ἐπλήσθησαν ἡμέραι ὀκτὼ, “when eight days were accomplished,” Luke ii, 21; whereas John the Baptist, τῇ ογδοῃ ἡμέρᾳ, “on the eighth day.” The last, which was the constant usage, explains the meaning of the former. This critically reconciles our Lord’s resurrection, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, “three days after,” according to Matt. xxvii, 63; Mark viii, 31; with his resurrection, τῇ τρίτη hήμερᾳ, “on the third day,” according to Matt. xvi, 21; Luke ix, 22; and according to fact: for our Lord was crucified on Good Friday, about the third hour; and he arose before sunrise, πρωΐ, “early,” on Sunday; so that the interval, though extending through three calendar days current, did not in reality amount to two entire days, or forty-eight hours. This phraseology is frequent among the most correct classic writers. Some learned commentators, Beza, Grotius, Campbell, Newcome, render such phrases, “within eight days,” “within three days;” which certainly conveys the meaning, but not the literal translation, of the preposition μετὰ, “after.” In memory of the primeval week of creation, revived among the Jews, after their departure from Egypt, their principal festivals, the passover, pentecost, and tabernacles, lasted a week each. They had weeks of seven years a piece, at the term of which was the sabbatical year; as also weeks of seven times seven years, that were terminated by the year of jubilee; and finally weeks of seven days. And it is remarkable that, from the earliest times, sacrifices were offered by sevens. Thus, in the patriarch Job’s days, “seven bullocks and seven rams were offered up for a burnt offering” of atonement, by the divine command, Job xiii, 8. The Chaldean diviner, Balaam, built seven altars, and prepared seven bullocks and seven rams, Num. 978xxiii, 1. And the Cumæan sibyl, who came from Chaldea, or Babylonia, gives the same directions to Æneas, that Balaam did to Balak:
There’s no greater source of confusion and embarrassment in ancient timelines than when cardinal numbers—one, two, three—are mistakenly swapped with ordinal numbers—first, second, third—in various sacred and secular histories. For instance, Noah was six hundred years old when the flood began (Gen. vii, 6); soon after, in his six hundredth year: mixing up complete years with current years. The debate over whether A.D. 1800 or A.D. 1801 was the first year of the nineteenth century should be decided in favor of the latter; the former is technically the last year of the eighteenth century, which is often but incorrectly referred to as the year one thousand eight hundred, complete; in actuality, it should be understood as one thousand, eight hundredth; just as in Latin we say, AD 1800. There’s also another common error stemming from misinterpreting the phrases, μεθ’ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, etc., generally translated as "after eight days," "after three days," etc.; they should be rendered as "eight days after," "three days after," similar to other phrases مثل μετὰ τινὰς ἡμέρας and μετ’ οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας, which are correctly translated as "some days after," "not many days after," in our English Bible (Acts xv, 36; Luke xv, 13), with the extreme days included. Such phrases appear to be elliptical, and the ellipsis is clarified in Luke ix, 28, which discusses our Lord’s transfiguration: μετὰ τοὺς λόγους τούτους, ὡσεὶ ἡμέραι ὀκτὼ: “After these sayings, about eight days,” or more accurately, about the eighth day, counted inclusively; since in parallel passages (Matt. xvii, 1; Mark ix, 2), it specifically states “six days,” counted exclusively, omitting the extremes. Thus, circumcision is mandated in Gen. xvii, 11, when the child is “eight days old,” but in Lev. xii, 3, it states “on the eighth day.” Consequently, Jesus was circumcised, ὅτεὅτε ἐπλήσθησαν ἡμέραι ὀκτὼ, “when eight days were completed,” (Luke ii, 21), while John the Baptist was celebrated τῇ ογδοῃ ἡμέρας, “on the eighth day.” This last usage clarifies the meaning of the former. This approach reconciles our Lord’s resurrection, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, “three days after,” according to Matt. xxvii, 63; Mark viii, 31, with his resurrection, τῇ τρίτη hήμερᾳ, “on the third day,” as per Matt. xvi, 21; Luke ix, 22; and according to fact: for our Lord was crucified on Good Friday, around the third hour; and he rose before sunrise, πρωΐ, “early,” on Sunday; thus, the time frame, while spanning three calendar days as we understand them, didn’t actually equate to two full days or forty-eight hours. This type of phrasing is common among the most precise classic writers. Some educated commentators, like Beza, Grotius, Campbell, and Newcome, interpret these phrases as “within eight days,” “within three days,” which conveys the meaning but strays from a literal translation of the preposition μετὰ, “after.” In tribute to the original week of creation, revived among the Jews after they left Egypt, their major festivals—Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles—lasted a week each. They also observed weeks of seven years, leading to a sabbatical year; as well as weeks of seven times seven years, culminating in a jubilee year; and finally, weeks of seven days. Notably, sacrifices have been offered in sevens since ancient times. For example, in Job's time, “seven bulls and seven rams were offered for a burnt offering” as commanded by God (Job xiii, 8). The Chaldean diviner Balaam built seven altars and prepared seven bulls and seven rams (Num. xxiii, 1). Likewise, the Cumæan Sibyl, who came from Chaldea or Babylonia, instructed Æneas in the same way Balaam did to Balak:
And when the ark was brought home by David, the Levites offered seven bullocks and seven rams, 1 Chronicles xv, 26. And hence we may account for the peculiar sanctity of the seventh day, among the older Heathen writers, even after the institution of the Sabbath fell into disuse, and was lost among them.
And when David brought the ark home, the Levites offered seven bulls and seven rams, 1 Chronicles xv, 26. This explains the special significance of the seventh day among ancient pagan writers, even after the observance of the Sabbath faded away and was forgotten by them.
The Fallow or Sabbatic Year. Agricultural labour among the Jews ceased every seventh year. Nothing was sown and nothing reaped; the vines and the olives were not pruned; there was no vintage and no gathering of fruits, even of what grew wild; but whatever spontaneous productions there were, were left to the poor, the traveller, and the wild beast, Lev. xxv, 1–7; Deut. xv, 1–10. The object of this regulation seems to have been, among others, to let the ground recover its strength, and to teach the Hebrews to be provident of their income and to look out for the future. It is true, that extraordinary fruitfulness was promised on the sixth year, but in such a way as not to exclude care and foresight, Lev. xxv, 20–24. We are not to suppose, however, that the Hebrews spent the seventh year in absolute idleness: they could fish, hunt, take care of their bees and flocks, repair their buildings and furniture, manufacture cloths of wool, linen, and of the hair of goats and camels, and carry on commerce. Finally, they were obliged to remain longer in the tabernacle or temple this year, during which the whole Mosaic law was read, in order to be instructed in religious and moral duties, and the history of their nation, and the wonderful works and blessings of God, Deut. xxxi, 10–13. This seventh year’s rest, as Moses predicted, Lev. xxvi, 34, 35, was for a long time neglected, 2 Chron. xxxvi, 21; after the captivity it was more scrupulously observed.
The Fallow or Sabbatical Year. Agricultural work among the Jews stopped every seventh year. Nothing was planted or harvested; vines and olive trees weren't pruned; there were no wine productions or fruit gathering, even from what grew wild. Instead, whatever grew spontaneously was left for the poor, travelers, and wild animals, Lev. xxv, 1–7; Deut. xv, 1–10. The reason for this rule seems to have been, among other things, to allow the land to regain its strength and to teach the Hebrews to be mindful of their resources and plan for the future. It is true that an extraordinary abundance was promised in the sixth year, but in a way that did not eliminate the need for care and foresight, Lev. xxv, 20–24. However, we shouldn't think that the Hebrews spent the seventh year in complete idleness: they could fish, hunt, tend to their bees and livestock, fix their buildings and furniture, make fabrics from wool, linen, and goat and camel hair, and engage in trade. Finally, they were required to stay longer in the tabernacle or temple that year, during which the entire Mosaic law was read, so they could learn about their religious and moral responsibilities, their nation's history, and the amazing works and blessings of God, Deut. xxxi, 10–13. This seventh year of rest, as Moses foretold, Lev. xxvi, 34, 35, was largely ignored for a long time, 2 Chron. xxxvi, 21; but after the exile, it was observed more carefully.
As a period of seven days was every week completed by the Sabbath, so was a period of seven years completed by the sabbatic year. It seems to have been the design of this institution, to afford a longer opportunity than would otherwise have been enjoyed for impressing on the memory the great truth, that God the Creator is alone to be worshipped. The commencement of this year was on the first day of the seventh month Tishri, or October. During the continuance of the feast of tabernacles this year, the law was to be publicly read for eight days together, either in the tabernacle or temple, Deut. xxxi, 10–13. Debts, on account of there being no income from the soil, were not collected, Deut. xv, 1, 2; they were not, however, cancelled, as was imagined by the Talmudists, for we find in Deut. xv, 9, that the Hebrews are admonished not to deny money to the poor on account of the approach of the sabbatical year, during which it could not be exacted; but nothing farther than this can be educed from that passage. Nor were servants manumitted on this year, but on the seventh year of their service, Exodus xxi, 2; Deut. xv, 12; Jer. xxxiv, 14.
As a week of seven days ends with the Sabbath, so a cycle of seven years ends with the sabbatical year. This institution seems to have been designed to provide a longer chance to remember the important truth that God, the Creator, should be the only one worshipped. This year's start was on the first day of the seventh month, Tishri, or October. During the Feast of Tabernacles that year, the law was to be read publicly for eight days in either the tabernacle or the temple, Deut. xxxi, 10–13. Debts were not collected since there was no income from the land, Deut. xv, 1, 2; however, these debts were not canceled as the Talmudists believed. Deut. xv, 9 warns the Hebrews not to refuse money to the poor just because the sabbatical year was coming, which meant it couldn't be demanded back; but nothing more than this can be taken from that verse. Servants were not freed in this year, but in the seventh year of their service, Exodus xxi, 2; Deut. xv, 12; Jer. xxxiv, 14.
The Year of Jubilee followed seven sabbatic years; it was on the fiftieth year, Lev. xxv, 8–11. To this statement agree the Jews generally, their rabbins, and the Caraites; and say farther, that the argument of those who maintain that it was on the forty-ninth, for the reason that the omission to till the ground for two years in succession, namely, the forty-ninth and fiftieth, would produce a famine, is not to be attended to. It is not to be attended to, simply because these years of rest being known long beforehand, the people would of course lay up provision for them. It may be remarked farther in reference to this point, that certain trees produced their fruits spontaneously, particularly the fig and sycamore, which yield half the year round, and that those fruits could be preserved for some months; which explains at once how a considerable number of the people might have obtained no inconsiderable portion of their support. The return of the year of jubilee was announced on the tenth day of the seventh month, or Tishri, October, being the day of propitiation or atonement, by the sound of trumpet, Lev. xxv, 8–13; xxvii, 24; Num. xxxvi, 4; Isa. lxi, 1, 2. Beside the regulations which obtained on the sabbatic year, there were others which concerned the year of jubilee exclusively: 1. All the servants of Hebrew origin on the year of jubilee obtained their freedom, Lev. xxv, 39–46; Jer. xxxiv, 7, &c. 2. All the fields throughout the country, and the houses in the cities and villages of the Levites and priests which had been sold on the preceding years, were returned on the year of jubilee to the sellers, with the exception of those which had been consecrated to God, and had not been redeemed before the return of the said year, Lev. xxv, 10, 13–17, 24–28; xxvii, 16–21. 3. Debtors, for the most part, pledged or mortgaged their lands to the creditor, and left it to his use till the time of payment, so that it was in effect sold to the creditor, and was, accordingly, restored to the debtor on the year of jubilee. In other words, the debts for which land was pledged were cancelled; the same as those of persons who had recovered their freedom after having been sold into slavery, on account of not being able to pay. Hence it usually happened in the later periods of Jewish history, as we learn from Josephus, that, at the return of jubilee, there was a general cancelling of debts.
The Jubilee Year came after seven sabbatical years; it was in the fiftieth year, Lev. xxv, 8–11. Most Jews, their rabbis, and the Karaites agree with this statement, and they further argue against those who claim it was in the forty-ninth year, citing that not farming the land for two consecutive years, the forty-ninth and fiftieth, would lead to famine. This argument is dismissed because the years of rest were well-known in advance, so people would naturally save provisions for them. Additionally, it's worth noting that certain trees, like figs and sycamores, produce fruit throughout the year, and those fruits could be stored for several months, helping a significant number of people sustain themselves. The announcement of the Year of Jubilee was made on the tenth day of the seventh month, or Tishri (October), which is the Day of Atonement, with the sound of a trumpet, Lev. xxv, 8–13; xxvii, 24; Num. xxxvi, 4; Isa. lxi, 1, 2. Besides the rules applicable during the sabbatical year, there were additional regulations specific to the Year of Jubilee: 1. All Hebrew servants were granted their freedom during the Year of Jubilee, Lev. xxv, 39–46; Jer. xxxiv, 7, &c. 2. All fields across the country, along with houses in cities and villages owned by Levites and priests that had been sold in previous years, were returned to the original owners, except those dedicated to God that had not been redeemed before the start of the Year of Jubilee, Lev. xxv, 10, 13–17, 24–28; xxvii, 16–21. 3. Debtors often mortgaged their land to creditors, allowing the creditors to use it until the debt was paid, effectively treating it as sold. Thus, lands pledged as debt were restored to the debtors during the Year of Jubilee. In other words, the debts secured by land were canceled, similar to how those enslaved due to inability to pay debts regained their freedom. Consequently, it was common in later periods of Jewish history, as noted by Josephus, that debts were universally canceled upon the return of the Jubilee.
ZABII, or ZABÆANS, or ZABIANS, or SABIANS. The Sabians mentioned in Scripture were evidently a nation, or perhaps a wandering horde, such as fell upon Job’s cattle, Job i, 15; men of stature, Isa. xiv, 14; a people afar off, Joel iii, 8. But we speak here of the Zabians as a sect, probably the first corrupters of the patriarchal religion; and so called, as is believed, from tsabiim, the “hosts,” that is, of heaven; namely, the sun, moon, and stars, to whom they rendered worship; 979first immediately, and afterward through the medium of images; this particularly distinguished them from the magi, whose idolatry was confined to the solar orb, and its earthly representative, the fire. If the above derivation be right, the Zabians were originally Chaldeans, though afterward the same sect arose in Arabia. Their study of the heavenly bodies led them, not only to astronomy, but to astrology, its degenerate daughter, which was for many ages the favourite pursuit of the oriental nations.
ZABII, or ZABÆANS, or ZABIANS, or SABIANS. The Sabians mentioned in Scripture were clearly a nation, or maybe a wandering group, like those who attacked Job’s cattle, Job 1:15; tall people, Isa. 14:14; a nation far away, Joel 3:8. But here, we refer to the Zabians as a sect, likely the first to distort the patriarchal religion; they were believed to be called from tsabiim, meaning “hosts,” referring to the heavenly bodies, namely the sun, moon, and stars, which they worshipped; 979 first directly, and later through images. This set them apart from the magi, whose idolatry was limited to the sun and its earthly form, fire. If this origin is correct, the Zabians were originally Chaldeans, though a similar sect later appeared in Arabia. Their study of celestial bodies led them not just to astronomy, but also to astrology, its less reputable successor, which was for many centuries a popular pursuit among Eastern cultures.
The following account is abridged from Dr. Townley’s “Essays;”--The Zabii, or Zabians, were a sect of idolaters who flourished in the early ages of the world, considerable in their numbers, and extensive in their influence. The denomination of Zabii, given to these idolaters, appears to have been derived from the Hebrew צבא, a host; with reference to the צכא השמים or, host of heaven, which they worshipped; though others have derived it from the Arabic tsaba “to apostatize,” “to turn from one religion to another;” or from צביים, or the Arabic Tsabin, “Chaldeans,” or “inhabitants of the east.” Lactantius considers Ham, the son of Noah, as the first seceder from the true religion after the flood; and supposes Egypt, which was peopled by his descendants, to have been the country in which Zabaism, or the worship of the stars, first prevailed. That the worship of the heavenly bodies prevailed in the east at a very early period, is certain from the words of Job, who thus exculpates himself from the charge of idolatry: “If I beheld the sun when it shined, or the moon walking in brightness, and my heart hath been secretly enticed, or my mouth hath kissed my hand; this also were an iniquity to be punished by the judge: for I should have denied the God that is above,” Job xxii, 26–28. It would appear that the idolatrous opinions of the Zabii originated with the posterity of Ham, at a very early period after the flood, in Egypt or Chaldea; but spread so rapidly and extensively, that in a very short time nearly the whole of the descendants of Noah were infected with their pestiferous sentiments and practices. Maimonides says, “This people,” that is, the Zabii, “had filled the whole world.” Their first and principal adoration was directed to the host of heaven, or the stars. They were ignicolæ, or “worshippers of fire.” The city of Ur, in Chaldea, seems to have had its name from the inhabitants being devoted to the worship of fire. They dedicated images to the sun and the other celestial orbs, supposing that, by a formal consecration of them to those luminaries, a divine virtue was infused into them, by which they acquired the faculty of understanding, and the power of conferring prophecy and other gifts upon their worshippers. These images were formed of various metals, according to the particular star to which any of them was dedicated. They also regarded certain trees as being appropriated to particular stars, and, when idolatrously dedicated, as being possessed of very singular virtues. From these opinions sprang the adoption of astrology by them, in all its various forms. They maintained the doctrine of the eternity of the world. “All the Zabii,” says Maimonides, “believe in the eternity of the world; for, according to them, the heavens are God.” Holding the eternity of the world, they easily became Pre-Adamites, affirming that Adam was not the first man. They also fabled concerning him, that he was the apostle of the moon, and the author of several works on husbandry. Of Noah, they taught, that he was a husbandman, and was imprisoned for dissenting from their opinions. They add, that Seth was another of those who forsook the worship of the moon. They held agriculture in the highest estimation, regarding it as intimately connected with the worship of the heavenly bodies. On this account, it was deemed criminal, by the major part of them, to slay or feed upon cattle. Goats were also reputed to be sacred animals, because the demons whom they worshipped were said to appear in the woods and deserts in the forms of goats or of satyrs. Of their superstitious practices, some were dangerous, as the sacrifices of lions, tigers, and other wild beasts. Certain of their rites were cruel, as the passing of their children through the fire, and branding themselves also with fire. Some of their practices were loathsome and disgustful; such as eating blood, believing it to be the food of demons, &c. Others were frivolous and tedious; as offering bats and mice to the sun, various and frequent ablutions, lustrations, &c. Some of them were obscene and beastly, as the rites practised on engrafting a tree, or to obtain rain. Many of the rites were magical. These Maimonides divides into three kinds:--“The first is that which respects plants, animals, and metals. The second consists in the limitation and determination of the times in which certain works ought to be performed. The third consists in human gestures and actions, as leaping, clapping the hands, shouting, laughing, lying down, or stretching at full length upon the ground, burning particular things, raising a smoke, and, lastly, repeating certain intelligible or unintelligible words. Some things cannot be completed without the use of all these rites.” It is generally acknowledged that some traces of Zabianism are still to be found both among the Hindoos and Chinese in the east, and the Mexicans and other nations in the south. The Guebres, or Parsees, who inhabit Persia, and are scattered through various parts of Hindostan, are the acknowledged worshippers of fire, or the supreme Deity under that symbol. “That the Persians,” says Hyde, “were formerly Sabians or Zabii, is rendered probable by Ibn Phacreddin Angjou, a Persian, who, in his book ‘Pharhangh Gjihanghiri,’ treating of the Persians descended from Shem, says in the preface, ‘Their religion, at that time, was Zabianism; but at length they became magi, and built fire temples.’ And the author of the book ‘Mu’gjizat Pharsi,’ adopts the same opinion: ‘In ancient times, the Persians were of the Zabian religion, worshipping the stars, until the time of Gushtasp, son of Lohrasp.’ For then Zoroaster 980reformed their religion.” The modern Sabians, who inhabit the country round about Mount Libanus, believe the unity of God, but pay an adoration to the stars, or the angels and intelligences which they suppose reside in them, and govern the world under the supreme Deity. They are obliged to pray three times a day, and they fast three times a year. They offer many sacrifices, but eat no part of them; and abstain from beans, garlic, and some other pulse and vegetables. They greatly respect the temple of Mecca and the pyramids of Egypt, fancying these last to be the sepulchres of Seth, and of Enoch and Sabi, his two sons, whom they look on as the first propagators of their religion. At these structures, they sacrifice a cock and a black calf, and offer up incense. Their principal pilgrimage, however, is to Haran, the supposed birth place of Abraham. Such is the account of this sect given by Sale, D’Herbelot, and Hyde.
The following account is summarized from Dr. Townley’s “Essays;”--The Zabii, or Zabians, were a group of idol worshippers who thrived in the early ages of the world, being significant in their numbers and wide in their influence. The name Zabii, given to these idolaters, seems to have come from the Hebrew צבא, meaning host; referring to the ליהנות מהשמיים or host of heaven, which they worshipped; although others believe it comes from the Arabic tsaba meaning “to apostatize,” or “to turn from one religion to another;” or from צביונים, or the Arabic Tsabin, meaning “Chaldeans,” or “inhabitants of the east.” Lactantius views Ham, Noah’s son, as the first person to break away from the true religion after the flood and thinks that Egypt, populated by his descendants, was where Zabaism, or the worship of the stars, first gained prominence. It’s clear from the words of Job that the worship of heavenly bodies existed in the east very early on, as he defended himself against accusations of idolatry, saying: “If I have looked at the sun shining, or the moon walking in brightness, and my heart has been secretly enticed, or my mouth has kissed my hand; this would also be a crime to be punished by the judge: for I would have denied the God that is above,” Job xxii, 26–28. It seems that the idolatrous beliefs of the Zabii originated with the descendants of Ham shortly after the flood in Egypt or Chaldea; but they spread so quickly that, in a very short time, almost all of Noah’s descendants were affected by their harmful beliefs and practices. Maimonides states, “This people,” meaning the Zabii, “had filled the whole world.” Their primary worship was directed towards the host of heaven, or the stars. They were ignicolæ, or “worshippers of fire.” The city of Ur in Chaldea seems to have been named because its inhabitants were devoted to fire worship. They dedicated images to the sun and other celestial bodies, believing that by formally consecrating them to those luminaries, they infused them with a divine power that allowed them to understand and grant prophecy and other gifts to their worshippers. These images were made from various metals depending on which star they were dedicated to. They also viewed certain trees as being associated with specific stars, and when idolatrously dedicated, were thought to have special powers. From these beliefs arose their adoption of astrology in all its forms. They believed in the eternity of the world. “All the Zabii,” Maimonides notes, “believe in the eternity of the world; for they think the heavens are God.” Believing in the eternity of the world made it easy for them to claim that Adam was not the first man. They also created stories about Adam, saying he was the apostle of the moon and wrote several works on agriculture. They taught that Noah was a farmer who was imprisoned for disagreeing with their views. They claimed Seth was another who abandoned moon worship. They held agriculture in high regard, viewing it as closely connected to the worship of heavenly bodies. Therefore, most of them considered it wrong to kill or eat cattle. Goats were also seen as sacred because the demons they worshipped were said to appear in the form of goats or satyrs in the woods and deserts. Some of their superstitious practices were dangerous, such as sacrificing lions, tigers, and other wild animals. Certain rites were cruel, like passing their children through fire and branding themselves with fire. Some practices were loathsome, like consuming blood, which they believed was the food of demons, etc. Others were trivial and tedious, such as offering bats and mice to the sun, and various frequent purifications and rituals. Some were obscene and beastly, as rituals for grafting a tree or bringing rain. Many of these rites were magical. Maimonides categorizes these into three types: “The first relates to plants, animals, and metals. The second involves fixing the times for certain actions. The third includes human gestures and actions, like jumping, clapping hands, shouting, laughing, lying down, or stretching out on the ground, burning specific items, creating smoke, and finally, repeating certain meaningful or meaningless words. Some rituals cannot be completed without using all these practices.” It is generally recognized that remnants of Zabianism still exist among the Hindoos and Chinese in the east, as well as among Mexicans and other southern nations. The Guebres, or Parsees, in Persia, who are scattered across various parts of Hindostan, are acknowledged worshippers of fire, or the supreme Deity represented by it. “That the Persians,” Hyde claims, “were once Sabians or Zabii is supported by Ibn Phacreddin Angjou, a Persian, who, in his book ‘Pharhangh Gjihanghiri,’ regarding Persians descended from Shem, states in the preface, ‘Their religion at that time was Zabianism; but eventually, they became magi and built fire temples.’ The author of ‘Mu’gjizat Pharsi,’ expresses the same view: ‘In ancient times, the Persians practiced Zabian religion, worshipping the stars until the time of Gushtasp, son of Lohrasp.’ For then Zoroaster 980reformed their religion.” The modern Sabians, living around Mount Lebanon, believe in the unity of God but worship the stars, or the angels and intelligences they think reside in them, governing the world under the supreme Deity. They are required to pray three times a day and fast three times a year. They make many sacrifices but do not eat any part of them; they also avoid beans, garlic, and some other pulses and vegetables. They hold the temple of Mecca and the pyramids of Egypt in high esteem, believing the latter to be the tombs of Seth and Enoch and Sabi, his two sons, whom they consider the first spreaders of their religion. At these sites, they sacrifice a rooster and a black calf and offer incense. However, their main pilgrimage is to Haran, thought to be Abraham's birthplace. This is the account of this sect as provided by Sale, D’Herbelot, and Hyde.
ZACCHEUS, chief of the publicans; that is, farmer general of the revenues, Luke xix, 1, &c. This is all that is known concerning this person. See Publicans and Sycamore.
ZACCHEUS, head of the tax collectors; that is, general contractor of the taxes, Luke xix, 1, &c. This is all that is known about this individual. See Pub owners and Sycamore tree.
ZADOK, son of Ahitub, high priest of the Jews, of the race of Eleazar. At the death of Ahimelech, or Abiathar, he came to the pontificate, A. M. 2944. For some time there were two high priests in Israel, 2 Sam. viii, 17; xv, 24, &c; xix, 11, 12; 1 Kings i, 8, &c. After the death of David, 1 Kings ii, 35, Solomon excluded Abiathar from the high priesthood, because he espoused the party of Adonijah, and made Zadok high priest alone.
ZADOK, son of Ahitub, was the high priest of the Jews from the lineage of Eleazar. After the death of Ahimelech, or Abiathar, he became the high priest in the year 2944 A.M. For a while, there were two high priests in Israel, as noted in 2 Sam. viii, 17; xv, 24, &c; xix, 11, 12; 1 Kings i, 8, &c. Following David's death, as mentioned in 1 Kings ii, 35, Solomon removed Abiathar from the high priesthood because he supported Adonijah and appointed Zadok as the sole high priest.
ZAMZUMMIM, or ZUZIM, a gigantic race of people, who, together with the Rephaim and Emim, men of like stature, occupied, in the time of Abraham, the country east of Jordan and the Dead Sea, where they were routed by Chedorlaomer, and from which they were afterward expelled by the Ammonites, Deut. ii, 20, 21. These, together with the Anakim, another family of giants, were all evidently of a race foreign to the original inhabitants of the countries where they were found; they were probably tribes of invading Cushites. The Vulgate and the Septuagint say, they were conquered with the Rephaim in Ashteroth-Karnaim. The Chaldee interpreters have taken Zuzim in the sense of an appellative, for stout and valiant men; and the Septuagint have rendered the word Zuzim, ἔθνη ἰσχυρὰ, robust nations. We meet with the word Zuzim only in Gen. xiv, 5.
ZAMZUMMIM, or ZUZIM, a huge race of people, who, along with the Rephaim and Emim, men of similar size, lived in the area east of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea during Abraham's time. They were defeated by Chedorlaomer and later driven out by the Ammonites, as mentioned in Deut. ii, 20, 21. They, along with the Anakim, another group of giants, clearly came from a lineage that was not native to the regions they inhabited; they were likely tribes of invading Cushites. The Vulgate and the Septuagint state they were conquered with the Rephaim at Ashteroth-Karnaim. Chaldee interpreters have understood Zuzim as a term for strong and brave men, while the Septuagint translated the word Zuzim as ἔθνη ἰσχυρὰ, robust nations. The term Zuzim appears only in Gen. xiv, 5.
ZEAL. The original word, in its primary signification, means heat; such as the heat of boiling water. When it is figuratively applied to the mind, it means any warm emotion or affection. Sometimes it is taken for envy: so we render it, Acts v, 17, where we read, “The high priest, and all that were with him, were filled with envy,” ἐπλήσθησαν ζήλου: although it might as well be rendered, “were filled with zeal.” Sometimes it is taken for anger and indignation; sometimes, for vehement desire. And when any of our passions are strongly moved on a religious account, whether for any thing good, or against any thing which we conceive to be evil, this we term religious zeal. But it is not all that is called religious zeal which is worthy of that name. It is not properly religious or Christian zeal, if it be not joined with charity. A fine writer (Bishop Sprat) carries the matter farther still. “It has been affirmed,” says he, “no zeal is right, which is not charitable, but is mostly so. Charity, or love, is not only one ingredient, but the chief ingredient, in its composition.” May we not go farther still? May we not say, that true zeal is not mostly charitable, but wholly so? that is, if we take charity, in St. Paul’s sense, for love; the love of God and our neighbour. For it is a certain truth, although little understood in the world, that Christian zeal is all love. It is nothing else. The love of God and man fills up its whole nature. Yet it is not every degree of that love to which this appellation is given. There may be some love, a small degree of it, where there is no zeal. But it is, properly, love in a higher degree. It is fervent love. True Christian zeal is no other than the flame of love. This is the nature, the inmost essence of it. Phinehas is commended for having expressed much zeal against those wicked persons that violated the law of the Lord, Num. xxv, 11, 13; and in Psalm lxix, 9, the psalmist says, “The zeal of thine house hath eaten me up;” my earnest desire to have all things duly ordered about thy worship, and my just displeasure and indignation at all abuses in it, have wasted my natural moisture and vital spirits.
ZEAL. The original word primarily means heat, like the heat of boiling water. When applied figuratively to the mind, it refers to any warm emotion or affection. Sometimes it means envy, as seen in Acts 5:17, where it says, “The high priest and all who were with him were filled with envy,” ἐπλήσθησαν ζήλου, although it could also be translated as “were filled with zeal.” It can also refer to anger and indignation, or intense desire. When any of our emotions are strongly stirred by religious matters, whether in favor of something good or against something we believe to be evil, we call this religious zeal. However, not everything labeled as religious zeal deserves that title. It’s not truly religious or Christian zeal if it isn’t accompanied by charity. A notable writer (Bishop Sprat) takes it a step further. “It has been said,” he states, “no zeal is correct unless it is charitable, and it is largely so. Charity, or love, is not just one part, but the main part of it.” Can we go even further? Can we say that true zeal is not mainly charitable, but completely so? That is, if we understand charity, in St. Paul’s sense, as love; the love of God and our neighbor. It is a certain truth, though not widely understood, that Christian zeal is all about love. It is nothing else. The love of God and mankind defines its entire nature. Yet, not every level of that love can be called zeal. There can be a small amount of love without zeal. But true zeal is, more accurately, a higher degree of love. It is fervent love. True Christian zeal is simply the flame of love. This is its nature, its innermost essence. Phinehas is praised for expressing strong zeal against those wicked individuals who broke the Lord's law, Numbers 25:11, 13; and in Psalm 69:9, the psalmist says, “The zeal for your house has consumed me,” meaning my deep desire to ensure that everything related to your worship is in order, and my rightful displeasure and anger at all its abuses have drained my energy and vitality.
ZEBOIM, one of the four cities of the Pentapolis, consumed by fire from heaven, Gen. xiv, 2; xix, 24. Eusebius and St. Jerom speak of Zeboim as of a city remaining in their time, upon the western shores of the Dead Sea. Consequently, after the time of Lot this city must have been rebuilt near the place where it had stood before. Mention is made of the valley of Zeboim, 1 Sam. xiii, 18, and of a city of the same name in the tribe of Benjamin, Neh. xi, 34.
ZEBOIM, one of the four cities of the Pentapolis, was destroyed by fire from heaven (Gen. xiv, 2; xix, 24). Eusebius and St. Jerome mention Zeboim as a city that still existed in their time, located on the western shores of the Dead Sea. Therefore, after Lot's time, this city must have been rebuilt near where it originally stood. The valley of Zeboim is mentioned in 1 Sam. xiii, 18, and there is also a city with the same name in the tribe of Benjamin (Neh. xi, 34).
ZEBULUN, the sixth son of Jacob and Leah, Gen. xxx, 20. He was born in Mesopotamia, about A. M. 2256. His sons were Sered, Elon, and Jahleel, Gen. xlvi, 14. Moses acquaints us with no particulars of his life; but Jacob, in his last blessing, said of Zebulun, “Zebulun shall dwell at the haven of the sea; and he shall be for a haven of ships; and his border shall be unto Zidon,” Gen. xlix, 13. His portion extended along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, one end of it bordering on this sea, and the other on the sea of Tiberias, Joshua xix, 10, &c. In the last words of Moses, he joins Zebulun and Issachar together, saying, “Rejoice Zebulun, in thy going out, and Issachar in thy tents. They shall call the people unto the mountain, there shall they offer sacrifices of righteousness. For they shall suck of the abundance of the seas, and of treasures hid in the sand,” Deut. xxxiii, 18; meaning, that these two tribes being at the greatest distance north, should come together to the temple at Jerusalem, to the holy mountain, and 981should bring with them such of the other tribes as dwelt in their way; and that being situated on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, they should apply themselves to trade and navigation, and to the melting of metals and glass, denoted by those words, “treasures hid in the sand.” The river Belus, whose sand was very fit for making glass, was in this tribe. When the tribe of Zebulun left Egypt, it had for its chief Eliab the son of Elon, and comprehended fifty-seven thousand four hundred men able to bear arms, Num. i, 9–30. In another review thirty-nine years afterward, this tribe amounted to sixty thousand five hundred men of age to bear arms, Num. xxvi, 26, 27. The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali distinguished themselves in the war of Barak and Deborah against Sisera, the general of the armies of Jabin, Judges iv, 5, 6, 10; v, 14, 18. It is thought these tribes were the first carried into captivity beyond the Euphrates by Pul and Tiglath Pileser, kings of Assyria, 1 Chron. v, 26. They had also the advantage of hearing and seeing Jesus Christ in their country, oftener and longer than any other of the twelve tribes, Isa. ix, 1; Matthew iv, 13, 15.
ZEBULUN, the sixth son of Jacob and Leah, Gen. xxx, 20. He was born in Mesopotamia around A.M. 2256. His sons were Sered, Elon, and Jahleel, Gen. xlvi, 14. Moses doesn't provide any specifics about his life, but Jacob, in his final blessing, said of Zebulun, “Zebulun will live by the seashore and will be a haven for ships; his territory will extend to Zidon,” Gen. xlix, 13. His land stretched along the Mediterranean coast, with one end next to the sea and the other by the sea of Tiberias, Joshua xix, 10, etc. In Moses' last words, he links Zebulun and Issachar together, saying, “Rejoice Zebulun, in your going out, and Issachar in your tents. They will call the people to the mountain; there they will offer sacrifices of righteousness. For they will enjoy the abundance of the seas and the hidden treasures in the sand,” Deut. xxxiii, 18; implying that these two tribes, being the furthest north, would come together to the temple in Jerusalem, to the holy mountain, and bring with them some of the other tribes that lived along their route; and that being located on the Mediterranean coast, they would focus on trade and sailing, as well as the crafting of metals and glass, referred to as “treasures hidden in the sand.” The river Belus, known for its sand suitable for glass-making, was in this tribe. When the tribe of Zebulun left Egypt, their leader was Eliab the son of Elon, and they had fifty-seven thousand four hundred men capable of bearing arms, Num. i, 9–30. In another count thirty-nine years later, this tribe had grown to sixty thousand five hundred able-bodied men, Num. xxvi, 26, 27. The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali made significant contributions in the battle of Barak and Deborah against Sisera, the commander of Jabin’s army, Judges iv, 5, 6, 10; v, 14, 18. It’s believed these tribes were among the first taken into captivity beyond the Euphrates by Pul and Tiglath-Pileser, kings of Assyria, 1 Chron. v, 26. They also had the privilege of witnessing and hearing Jesus Christ in their region more often and for a longer time than any other of the twelve tribes, Isa. ix, 1; Matthew iv, 13, 15.
2. Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, high priest of the Jews; probably the same as Azariah, 1 Chron. vi, 10, 11. He was put to death by the order of Joash, A. M. 3164, 2 Chron. xxiv, 20–22. Some think this is the Zacharias mentioned Matt. xxiii, 35.
2. Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, high priest of the Jews; likely the same as Azariah, 1 Chron. vi, 10, 11. He was executed by the command of Joash, A. M. 3164, 2 Chron. xxiv, 20–22. Some believe this is the Zacharias referenced in Matt. xxiii, 35.
3. Zechariah, the eleventh of the twelve lesser prophets, was the son of Barachiah, and the grandson of Iddo. He was born during the captivity, and came to Jerusalem when the Jews were permitted by Cyrus to return to their own country. He began to prophesy two months later than Haggai, and continued to exercise his office about two years. Like his contemporary Haggai, Zechariah begins with exhorting the Jews to proceed in the rebuilding of the temple; he promises them the aid and protection of God, and assures them of the speedy increase and prosperity of Jerusalem; he then emblematically describes the four great empires, and foretels the glory of the Christian church when Jews and Gentiles shall be united under their great High Priest and Governor, Jesus Christ, of whom Joshua the high priest, and Zerubbabel the governor, were types; he predicts many particulars relative to our Saviour and his kingdom, and to the future condition of the Jews. Many moral instructions and admonitions are interspersed throughout the work. Several learned men have been of opinion that the last six chapters were not written by Zechariah; but whoever wrote them, their inspired authority is established by their being quoted in three of the Gospels, Matt. xxvi, 31; Mark xiv, 27; John xix, 37. The style of Zechariah is so remarkably similar to that of Jeremiah, that the Jews were accustomed to observe, that the spirit of Jeremiah had passed into him. By far the greater part of this book is prosaic; but toward the conclusion there are some poetical passages which are highly ornamented. The diction is in general perspicuous, and the transitions to the different subjects are easily discerned.
3. Zechariah, the eleventh of the twelve lesser prophets, was the son of Barachiah and the grandson of Iddo. He was born during the captivity and came to Jerusalem when Cyrus allowed the Jews to return to their homeland. He started prophesying two months after Haggai and continued his work for about two years. Like his contemporary Haggai, Zechariah begins by encouraging the Jews to continue rebuilding the temple; he promises them God's support and protection, assuring them of the rapid growth and prosperity of Jerusalem. He then symbolically describes the four major empires and predicts the glory of the Christian church when Jews and Gentiles come together under their great High Priest and Governor, Jesus Christ, of whom Joshua the high priest and Zerubbabel the governor were foreshadows. He predicts many details about our Savior and his kingdom, as well as the future of the Jews. Many moral lessons and warnings are woven throughout the text. Some scholars believe that the last six chapters were not written by Zechariah, but regardless of the author, their inspired authority is confirmed by being quoted in three of the Gospels, Matt. xxvi, 31; Mark xiv, 27; John xix, 37. Zechariah's style is strikingly similar to Jeremiah's, leading the Jews to say that the spirit of Jeremiah had moved into him. Most of this book is written in prose, but toward the end, there are some beautifully styled poetic passages. The language is generally clear, and the transitions to different topics are easy to follow.
ZEDEKIAH, or MATTANIAH, was the last king of Judah before the captivity of Babylon. He was the son of Josiah, and uncle to Jehoiachin his predecessor, 2 Kings xxiv, 17, 19. When Nebuchadnezzar took Jerusalem, he carried Jehoiachin to Babylon, with his wives, children, officers, and the best artificers in Judea, and put in his place his uncle Mattaniah, whose name he changed into Zedekiah, and made him promise, with an oath, that he would continue in fidelity to him, A. M. 3405, 2 Chron. xxxvi, 13; Ezek. xvii, 12, 14, 18. He was twenty-one years old when he began to reign at Jerusalem, and he reigned there eleven years. He did evil in the sight of the Lord, committing the same crimes as Jehoiakim, 2 Kings xxiv, 18–20; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 11–13; and regarded not the menaces of the Prophet Jeremiah, from the Lord; but hardened his heart. The princes of the people, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, imitated his impiety, and abandoned themselves to all the abominations of the Gentiles. In the first year of his reign, Zedekiah sent to Babylon Elasah, the son of Shaphan, and Gemariah, the son of Hilkiah, probably to carry his tribute to Nebuchadnezzar. By these messengers Jeremiah sent a letter to the captives at Babylon, Jer. xxix, 1–23. Four years afterward, either Zedekiah went thither himself, or at least he sent thither; for the Hebrew text may admit either of these interpretations, Jer. li, 59; Baruch i, 1; Jer. xxxii, 12. The chief design of this deputation was to entreat Nebuchadnezzar to return the sacred vessels of the temple, Baruch i, 8. In the ninth year of his reign, he revolted against Nebuchadnezzar, 2 Kings xxv. It was a sabbatical year, in which the people should set their slaves at liberty, according to the law, Exod. xxi, 2; Deut. xv, 1, 2, 12; Jer. xxxiv, 8–10. Then King Nebuchadnezzar marched his army against Zedekiah, and took all the fortified places of his kingdom, except Lachish, Azekah, and Jerusalem. He sat down before the last-mentioned city on the tenth day of the tenth month of the holy year, which answers to our January. Some time afterward, Pharaoh Hophrah, king of Egypt, marched to assist Zedekiah, Jer. xxxvii, 3–5, 10. Nebuchadnezzar left Jerusalem, and went to meet him, defeated him, and obliged him to return into Egypt; after which he resumed the siege of Jerusalem. In the mean while, the people of Jerusalem, as if freed from the fear of Nebuchadnezzar, retook the slaves whom they had set at liberty, which drew upon them great reproaches and threatenings from Jeremiah, xxxiv, 11, 22. During the siege Zedekiah often consulted Jeremiah, who advised him to surrender, and pronounced the greatest woes against him if he should persist in his rebellion, Jer. xxxvii, 3, 10; xxi. But this unfortunate prince had neither patience to hear, nor resolution 982to follow, good counsels. In the eleventh year of Zedekiah, on the ninth day of the fourth month, (July,) Jerusalem was taken, 2 Kings xxv, 2–4; Jer. xxxix, 2, 3; lii, 5–7. Zedekiah and his people endeavoured to escape by favour of the night; but the Chaldean troops pursuing them, they were overtaken in the plains of Jericho. He was seized and carried to Nebuchadnezzar, then at Riblah, a city of Syria. The king of Chaldea, reproaching him with his perfidy, caused all his children to be slain before his face, and his eyes to be put out; then loading him with chains of brass, he ordered him to be sent to Babylon, 2 Kings xxv, 4–7; Jer. xxxii, 4–7; lii, 4–11. Thus were accomplished two prophecies which seemed contradictory: one of Jeremiah, who said that Zedekiah should see and yet not see, Nebuchadnezzar with his eyes, Jer. xxxii, 4, 5; xxxiv, 3; and the other of Ezek. xii, 13, which intimated that he should not see Babylon, though he should die there. The year of his death is not known. Jeremiah had assured him that he should die in peace; that his body should be burned, as those of the kings of Judah usually were; and that they should mourn for him, saying, “Ah, lord!” Jer. xxxiv, 4, 5.
ZEDEKIAH, also known as MATTANIAH, was the last king of Judah before the Babylonian captivity. He was the son of Josiah and the uncle of Jehoiachin, his predecessor, as noted in 2 Kings xxiv, 17, 19. When Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem, he took Jehoiachin to Babylon along with his wives, children, officers, and the best craftsmen from Judea, and appointed his uncle Mattaniah as king, renaming him Zedekiah. Mattaniah swore an oath to remain loyal, A. M. 3405, 2 Chron. xxxvi, 13; Ezek. xvii, 12, 14, 18. Zedekiah was twenty-one years old when he began his reign in Jerusalem, which lasted eleven years. He committed evil in the sight of the Lord, repeating the same sins as Jehoiakim, 2 Kings xxiv, 18–20; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 11–13, and ignored the warnings of the Prophet Jeremiah from the Lord, hardening his heart instead. The leaders and the citizens of Jerusalem followed his example and indulged in all the abominations of the Gentiles. In the first year of his reign, Zedekiah sent to Babylon Elasah, son of Shaphan, and Gemariah, son of Hilkiah, likely to deliver his tribute to Nebuchadnezzar. Through these messengers, Jeremiah sent a letter to the captives in Babylon, Jer. xxix, 1–23. Four years later, either Zedekiah went himself or he sent someone, as the Hebrew text can be interpreted in either way, Jer. li, 59; Baruch i, 1; Jer. xxxii, 12. The main purpose of this mission was to ask Nebuchadnezzar to return the sacred vessels of the temple, Baruch i, 8. In the ninth year of his reign, Zedekiah rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar, 2 Kings xxv. It was a sabbatical year, during which the people were supposed to free their slaves according to the law, Exod. xxi, 2; Deut. xv, 1, 2, 12; Jer. xxxiv, 8–10. King Nebuchadnezzar then marched his army against Zedekiah and captured all the fortified cities of his kingdom except Lachish, Azekah, and Jerusalem. He laid siege to Jerusalem on the tenth day of the tenth month of that holy year, which corresponds to our January. Soon after, Pharaoh Hophrah, king of Egypt, came to assist Zedekiah, Jer. xxxvii, 3–5, 10. Nebuchadnezzar left Jerusalem to confront him, defeated him, and forced him to retreat to Egypt; afterward, he resumed the siege of Jerusalem. Meanwhile, the people of Jerusalem, feeling relieved from the fear of Nebuchadnezzar, took back the slaves they had freed, leading to severe criticism and threats from Jeremiah, xxxiv, 11, 22. During the siege, Zedekiah frequently consulted Jeremiah, who advised him to surrender and warned him of dire consequences if he continued to rebel, Jer. xxxvii, 3, 10; xxi. However, this unfortunate king had neither the patience to listen nor the determination to follow good advice. In the eleventh year of Zedekiah's reign, on the ninth day of the fourth month (July), Jerusalem fell, 2 Kings xxv, 2–4; Jer. xxxix, 2, 3; lii, 5–7. Zedekiah and his people tried to escape during the night, but the Chaldean troops caught up with them in the plains of Jericho. He was captured and brought before Nebuchadnezzar, who was then in Riblah, a city in Syria. The king of Chaldea reproached him for his betrayal, had all his children killed in front of him, and then had his eyes gouged out; afterward, he chained him in brass and sent him to Babylon, 2 Kings xxv, 4–7; Jer. xxxii, 4–7; lii, 4–11. Thus, two seemingly contradictory prophecies were fulfilled: one from Jeremiah, stating that Zedekiah would see yet not see Nebuchadnezzar with his eyes, Jer. xxxii, 4, 5; xxxiv, 3; and the other from Ezek. xii, 13, which indicated that he would not see Babylon, even though he would die there. The year of his death is unknown. Jeremiah had assured him that he would die in peace, that his body would be burned, as was customary for the kings of Judah, and that they would mourn for him, saying, “Ah, lord!” Jer. xxxiv, 4, 5.
ZEPHANIAH was the son of Cushi, and was probably of a noble family of the tribe of Simeon. He prophesied in the reign of Josiah, about B. C. 630. He denounces the judgments of God against the idolatry and sins of his countrymen, and exhorts them to repentance; he predicts the punishment of the Philistines, Moabites, Ammonites, and Ethiopians, and foretels the destruction of Nineveh; he again inveighs against the corruptions of Jerusalem, and with his threats mixes promises of future favour and prosperity to his people; whose recall from their dispersion shall glorify the name of God throughout the world. The style of Zephaniah is poetical; but it is not distinguished by any peculiar elegance or beauty, though generally animated and impressive.
ZEPHANIAH was the son of Cushi, likely from a noble family in the tribe of Simeon. He prophesied during the reign of Josiah, around 630 B.C. He condemns God's judgment against the idolatry and sins of his fellow countrymen and urges them to repent. He predicts the punishment of the Philistines, Moabites, Ammonites, and Ethiopians, and foretells the downfall of Nineveh. He also criticizes the corruption in Jerusalem, blending his threats with promises of future favor and prosperity for his people, whose return from exile will glorify God's name worldwide. The style of Zephaniah is poetic; however, it isn't marked by any unique elegance or beauty, though it is generally lively and impactful.
ZERUBBABEL, or ZEROBABEL, was son of Salathiel, of the royal race of David. St. Matthew, i, 12, and 1 Chron. iii, 17, 19, make Jeconiah king of Judah to be father to Salathiel; but they do not agree as to the father of Zerubbabel. The Chronicles say Pedaiah was father of Zerubbabel; but St. Matthew, St. Luke, Ezra, and Haggai, constantly make Salathiel his father. We must therefore take the name of son in the sense of grandson, and say that Salathiel having educated Zerubbabel, he was always afterward looked upon as his father. Some think that Zerubbabel had also the name of Sheshbazzar, and that he has this name in Ezra i, 8. Zerubbabel returned to Jerusalem long before the reign of Darius, son of Hystaspes. He returned at the beginning of the reign of Cyrus, A. M. 3468, fifteen years before Darius. Cyrus committed to his care the sacred vessels of the temple with which he returned to Jerusalem, Ezra i, 11. He is always named first, as being the chief of the Jews that returned to their own country, Ezra ii, 2; iii, 8; v, 2; he laid the foundations of the temple, Ezra iii, 8, 9; Zech. iv, 9, &c; and restored the worship of the Lord, and the usual sacrifices. When the Samaritans offered to assist in rebuilding the temple, Zerubbabel and the principal men of Judah refused them this honour, since Cyrus had granted his commission to the Jews only, Ezra iv, 2, 3.
ZERUBBABEL, also known as ZEROBABEL, was the son of Salathiel from the royal lineage of David. St. Matthew, i, 12, and 1 Chron. iii, 17, 19, state that Jeconiah, king of Judah, was the father of Salathiel; however, they do not agree on the father of Zerubbabel. The Chronicles say that Pedaiah was Zerubbabel's father, but St. Matthew, St. Luke, Ezra, and Haggai consistently identify Salathiel as his father. Therefore, we should understand the term "son" in the sense of "grandson," implying that since Salathiel raised Zerubbabel, he was later regarded as his father. Some believe Zerubbabel was also known as Sheshbazzar, which is mentioned in Ezra i, 8. Zerubbabel returned to Jerusalem long before Darius, son of Hystaspes. He returned at the start of Cyrus's reign, in A. M. 3468, fifteen years before Darius took the throne. Cyrus entrusted him with the sacred vessels of the temple, which he brought back to Jerusalem, Ezra i, 11. He is always named first as the leader of the Jews returning to their homeland, Ezra ii, 2; iii, 8; v, 2; he laid the foundations of the temple, Ezra iii, 8, 9; Zech. iv, 9, etc., and reinstated the worship of the Lord and the regular sacrifices. When the Samaritans offered to help rebuild the temple, Zerubbabel and the key leaders of Judah declined their assistance, as Cyrus had only authorized the Jews for this task, Ezra iv, 2, 3.
ZIKLAG, a city of the Philistines, first assigned to the tribe of Judah, and afterward to that of Simeon, Joshua xv, 31; xix, 5; but it does not appear that the Philistines were ever driven out; as, when David fled into their country from Saul, Achish gave the city to him, 1 Sam. xxvii, 5, 6. It was afterward burned by the Amalekites, 1 Sam. xxx, 1. But it appears to have been rebuilt, as the author of the First Book of Samuel, when relating its being given to David, adds, that it pertained to the kings of Judah in his time.
ZIKLAG was a city of the Philistines that was initially given to the tribe of Judah and later to the tribe of Simeon, as noted in Joshua 15:31 and 19:5. However, it seems that the Philistines were never actually driven out, since when David fled to their territory to escape Saul, Achish gave the city to him (1 Samuel 27:5-6). Later, the Amalekites burned it down (1 Samuel 30:1). Nevertheless, it appears to have been rebuilt, as the author of the First Book of Samuel mentions that when it was given to David, it belonged to the kings of Judah during his time.
ZION. See Sion.
ZION. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
ZUZIM. See Zamzummim.
ZUZIM. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
AN ALPHABETICAL
PROPER NAMES TABLE
- AARON, Ay´-ron, lofty, mountainous.
- Abaddon, the destroyer.
- Abagtha, Ab-ag´-tha, father of the wine press.
- Abana, Ab-ay´-nah, stony.
- Abarim, Ab´-a-rim, passages.
- Ab’aron, strength.
- Abba, father.
- Ab'da, a servant.
- Ab'di, my servant.
- Abdiel, Ab´-de-el, a servant of God.
- Abdon, a servant.
- Abednego, A-bed´-ne-go, servant of light.
- Abel, vanity, vapour, mourning.
- Abel Beth Maacah, Ay´-bel-beth-ma-ay´-kah, mourning of the house of Maachah.
- A'bel-ma'im, the mourning of the waters.
- Abel-Meholah, Ay´-bel-me-ho´-lah, mourning of weakness, of sickness.
- Abel Mizraim, Ay´-bel-miz-ra´-im, the mourning of the Egyptians.
- Avel Shittim, mourning of the thorns.
- A'bez, an egg, muddy.
- Abi, A´-be, my father.
- Abiah, Ab-i´-ah, the Lord is my father.
- Abi'ahil, the father of light or praise.
- Abi-albon, Ab-e-al´-bon, intelligent father.
- Ab´iam, the father of the sea.
- Abi-asaph, a gathering or consuming father.
- Abiathar, Ab-i´-a-thar, excellent father.
- A'bib, green fruits, ears of corn.
- Abi'dah, father of knowledge.
- Abi'dan, father of judgment.
- Abiel, Ab´-e-el, God my father.
- Abiezer, Ab-e-e´-zer, father of help.
- Abi-ezrite, Ab-e-ez´-rite.
- Abby, Ab´-e-gal, the joy of the father.
- Abi' Gibeon, the father of the cup, father of Gibeon.
- Abihail, Ab-e-hay´-il, the father of strength.
- Abi´hu, he is my father, or his father.
- 984Abi'hud, the father of praise or confession.
- Abijah, Ab-i´-jah, the will of the Lord.
- Abi'jam, father of the sea.
- Abilene, Ab-e-le´-ne, the father of the apartment, or of mourning.
- Abimael, Ab-be-may´-el, a father sent from God, my father comes from God.
- Abimelech, Ab-im´-me-lek, father of the king.
- Abinadab, Ab-in´-na-dab, father of willingness, my father is a prince.
- Abinoam, Ab-in´-no-am, father of beauty or comeliness, my father is beautiful.
- Abiram, Ab-i´-ram, a high father, father of
- fraud.
- Abishag, Ab´-be-shag, ignorance of the father.
- Abishai, Ab-bish´-a-i, the present of my father, the father of the sacrifice.
- Absalom, Ab-bish´-a-lom, the father of peace, the recompence of the father.
- Abishua, Ab-bish´-u-a, father of salvation or of magnificence.
- Abishur, Ab´-be-shur, the father of the wall or of uprightness.
- Abital, Ab´-be-tal, the father of the dew.
- Abitub, Ab´-be-tub, father of goodness.
- Abiud, Ab´-be-ud, father of praise.
- Abner, father of light, the son of the father.
- Abraham, the father of a great multitude.
- A'bram, a high father, the father of elevation.
- Absalom, father of peace.
- Accad, Ak´-ad, a pitcher, a sparkle.
- Accho, Ak´-ko, close, pressed together.
- Field of Blood, A-kel´-da-mah, the field of blood.
- Achaia, A-kay´-yah, grief, trouble.
- Achaicus, A-kay´-e-kus, a native of Achaia.
- Achan, Achar (pickles), A´-kan, A´-kar, he that troubles and bruises.
- Achbor, Ak´-bor, a rat, bruising.
- Achim, A´-kim, preparing, confirming, revenging.
- Achir, A´-ker, the brother’s light.
- Achish, A´-kish, thus it is, how is this?
- Achmetha, Ak´-me-thah.
- Anchor, A´-kor, trouble.
- Achsah, Ak´-sah, adorned, bursting of the veil.
- Achshaph, Ak´-shaph, poison, tricks, one that breaks, the brim of any thing.
- Achzib, Ak´-zib, liar, one that runs.
- Adadah, Ad´-a-dah, the testimony of the assembly.
- Adah, Ay´-dah, an assembly.
- Adaiah, Ad-a´-yah, the witness of the Lord.
- Adaliah, Ad-a-ly´-ah, one that draws water, poverty, cloud, death.
- Adam, earthy, taken out of red earth.
- Earth, Ad´-da-mah, red earth.
- Adami, Ad´-da-my, my man, red, earthy.
- A'dar, high, eminent.
- Adbeel, Ad´-be-el, a vapour, a cloud of God, a vexer of God.
- Ad´di, my witness, adorned, passage, prey.
- Add-on, basis, foundation, the Lord.
- Adriel, Ad´-i-el, the witness of the Lord.
- Adin, Ad´-din, adorned, dainty.
- Adithaim, Ad-e-thay´-im, assemblies, testimonies.
- Adlai, Ad-lay´-i, my witness, my ornament.
- Admah, earthy, red earth.
- Admatha, Ad´-ma-thah, a cloud of death, a mortal vapour.
- Ad' nah, rest, testimony, eternal.
- Adonai, my Lord.
- Adoni-Bezek, Ad´-o-ne-bee´-zek, the lightning of the Lord, the Lord of Bezek.
- Adonijah, Ad-o-ny´-jah, the Lord is my master.
- Adonikam, Ad-o-ny´-kam, the Lord is raised, my Lord hath raised me.
- Adoniram, Ad-o-ny´-ram, my Lord is most high, the Lord of might and elevation.
- Adoni-zedek, Ad´-o-ne-zee´-dek, justice of the Lord.
- Adore them, Ad-o-ray´-im, strength or power of the sea.
- Adore, Ad-o´-ram, their beauty, their power, their praise.
- Adrammelech, Ad-ram´-me-lek, the cloak or glory of the king.
- Adramyttium, Ad-ra-mit´-te-um, the court of death.
- Adria, Ay´-dre-ah, the name of a city, which gives name to the Adriatic Sea, now the Gulf of Venice.
- A'driel, the flock of God.
- Adullam, Ad-ul´-lam, their testimony, their prey, their ornament.
- Adummim, earthly or bloody things.
- Aeneas, praised.
- Agabus, Ag´-ga-bus, a locust, the feast of the father.
- Agag, Ay´-gag, roof, floor.
- A'gagite, of the race of Agag.
- Aga'pæ, love feasts.
- Agar agar, see Hagar.
- Agi'e, a valley, deepness.
- Agrippa, A-grip´-pah, one who at his birth causes great pain.
- A'gurl, a stranger, gathering.
- Ahab, the brother of the father.
- Aha'rah, a sweet brother, an odoriferous meadow.
- 985Ahar'hel, another host, another sorrow, the sleep of the brother.
- Ahasba'i, trusting in me, brother compassing. In Syriac, a brother of age.
- Ahasuerus, A-has-u-e´-rus, prince, chief.
- Ahava, A-hay´-vah, essence, generation.
- A'haz, one that takes and possesses.
- Ahaziah, A-ha-zy´-ah, possession, vision of the Lord.
- Ahi, my brother, my brethren.
- Ahiah, A-hy´-ah, brother of the Lord.
- Ahiam, A-hy´am, brother of the mother, brother of the nation.
- Ahian, A-hy´-an, brother of wine.
- Ahiezer, brother of assistance.
- Ahi'hud, brother of vanity, a brother of praise.
- Ahijah, the same as Ahiah.
- Ahikam, A-hy´-kam, a brother that raises up.
- Ahi'lud, a brother born.
- Ahimaaz, brother of the council.
- Ahi'man, a brother prepared.
- Ahimelech, A-him´-me-lek, my brother is a king.
- Ahimoth, A´-he-moth, brother of death.
- Ahin'adab, a willing brother, a brother of a vow, brother of the prince.
- Ahinoam, A-hin´-no-am, the beauty and comeliness of the brother.
- Ahi'o, his brother, his brethren.
- Ahior. See Achior.
- Ahira, A-hy´-rah, brother of iniquity or of the shepherd.
- Ahiram, A-hy´-ram, brother of craft, protection.
- Ahisamach, A-his´-sa-mak, brother of strength or of support.
- Ahishabar, A-his´-sa-bar, brother of the morning or dew, brother of blackness.
- Ahi'shar, brother of a prince.
- Ahithophel, A-hit´-to-fel, brother of ruin or folly.
- Ahi´tub, brother of goodness.
- Ah lab, which is of milk, is fat.
- Ah'lai, beseeching, sorrowing, beginning, brother to me.
- Aho´ah, a thistle, a thorn, a fish hook, brotherhood.
- Ahohi, a living brother, my thistle or thorn.
- Aho'lah, his tabernacle, his tent.
- Aholiab, A-ho´-le-ab, the tent or tabernacle of the father.
- Aholibah, A-ho´-le-bah, my tent and my tabernacle in her.
- Aholibamah, A-ho´-le-bay´-mah, my tabernacle is exalted.
- Ahran. See Charan.
- Ahumar, a meadow of waters, brother of waters.
- Ahu'zam, their taking possession, vision.
- Ahuzah, possession, apprehension, vision.
- AI, or Hey, Ay´-i, mass, heap.
- Ai’ah, a raven, a vulture, alas, where is it?
- Ai'ath, an hour.
- Ain't, an eye, a fountain.
- Aioth, the same as Ai.
- Ajalon, Ad´-ja-lon, a chain, strength, a stag.
- Ak´kub, the print of the foot where any creature hath gone, supplantation.
- Alammelech, Al-am´-me-lek, God is king.
- Alcimus, strong, of strength.
- Al'emeth, a hiding, youth, worlds, upon the dead.
- Alémis, strength.
- Alexander, one that assists men, one that turns away evil.
- Alexandria, Al-ex-an´-dre-a, the city of Alexander.
- Hallelujah, Al-le-lu´-yah, praise the Lord.
- Alien, high.
- Al'on, an oak.
- Allon-bachuth, Al´-lon-bak´-kuth, the oak of weeping.
- Almodóvar, measure of God.
- Al'mon, hidden.
- Almon-Diblathaim, a hiding, a heap of fig trees.
- Alpha, Al´-fah, the first letter of the Greek alphabet, marked A.
- Alpheus, Al-fe´-us, a thousand, chief.
- A'mad, a people of witness, people everlasting.
- Amalek, a people that licks up or uses ill.
- Amalekites, people descended from Amalek.
- A'mam, mother, fear of them, people.
- Amana, Am-ay´-nah, integrity and truth.
- Amariah, Am-a-ry´-ah, the Lord says, the excellency of the Lord.
- Amasa, Am-ay´-sah, a forgiving people, the burden of the people.
- Amaziah, Am-a-zy´-ah, the strength of the Lord.
- Ami. See Amam.
- Ammah, my people.
- Ammi, the same as Ammah.
- Ammihud, Am´-me-hud, people of praise.
- Amminadab, Am-min´-na-dab, prince of the people, a people that vows.
- Ammishaddai, Am-me-shad´-day-i, the people of the Almighty.
- Ammon, the son of my people.
- Ammonites, a people descended from Benammi, son of Lot.
- Amnon, faithful and true, foster father.
- Amon, Ay´-mon, faithful, true.
- Amorite, bitter, a rebel, a babbler.
- Amos, Ay´-mos, loading, weighty.
- Amoz, Ay´-moz, strong, robust.
- Amphipolis, Am-fip´-po-lis, a city encompassed by the sea.
- Wide, Am´-ple-as, large, extensive.
- Amram, an exalted people, handfuls of corn.
- Amraphel, Am´-ra-fel, one that speaks of hidden things or of ruin.
- Amzi, strong, mighty.
- A'nab, a grape, a knot.
- Anah, Ay´-nah, one who answers or sings, poor, afflicted.
- Kid, Ay´-nak, a collar, an ornament.
- Anakim, An´-ak-ims. See Anak.
- Anammelech, An-am´-me-lek, answer, song of the king.
- A'nan, a cloud, a prophecy.
- Ananias, An-a-ny´-as, the cloud of the Lord.
- Anathoth, An´-a-thoth, answer, affliction.
- Andrew, An´drue, a stout and strong man.
- Andronicus, An-dron´-ne-kus, a man excelling others.
- Aner, Ay´-ner, answer, song, affliction.
- Anna, gracious, merciful.
- Annas, one that answers, that afflicts.
- Antichrist, an adversary to Christ.
- Antioch, An´-te-ok, instead of a chariot.
- Antipas, against all.
- Antipatris, An-te-pay´-tris, against his own father.
- 986Apelles, A-pel´-lees, to exclude, to separate.
- Aphek, Ay´-fek, a stream, vigour.
- Apollonia, Ap-po-lo´-ne-ah, perdition.
- ApolLOS, one that destroys and lays waste.
- Apollyon, A-pol´-le-on, one that exterminates or destroys.
- Apphia, Af´-e-ah, that is fruitful.
- Appii Forum, Ap´-pe-i-fo´-rum, a town so called from Appius Claudius, whose statue was erected there.
- Aquila, Ak´-we-lah, an eagle.
- Ar, awaking, uncovering.
- Arabia, evening, a place wild and desert; mixtures, because this country was inhabited by different kinds of people.
- Arabian, an inhabitant of Arabia.
- A' rad, a wild ass, a dragon.
- A'ram, magnificence, one that deceives.
- Ararat, Ar´-ra-rat, the curse of trembling.
- Araunah, A-raw´-nah, ark, song, curse.
- Ar'ba, the city of the four.
- Archelaus, Ar-ke´-lay-us, the prince of the people.
- Archippus, Ar-kip´-pus, governor of horses.
- Arcturus, Ark-tew´-rus, a gathering together.
- Ard, one that commands.
- Areli, Ar-e´-lie, the light or vision of God.
- Areopagite, A-re-op´-a-gyte, belonging to the council called Areopagus.
- Council of Athens, A-re-op´-a-gus, the hill of Mars; a place where the magistrates of Athens held their supreme council; from ἀρεῖος, “of Mars,” and ϖάγος, “a hill.”
- Aretas, A-re´-tas, one that is agreeable or virtuous.
- Ar'gob, a turf of earth, curse of the well.
- Ariel, Ay´-re-el, the altar, light, lion of God.
- Arimathea, Ar-re-ma-the´-ah, a lion dead to the Lord. Ramath, or Ramah, a city where Samuel dwelt.
- Arioch, Ar´-e-ok, long, your drunkenness, your lion.
- Aristarchus, A-ris-tar´-kus, the best prince.
- Aristobulus, A-ris-tob´-bu-lus, a good counsellor.
- Apocalypse, Ar-ma-ged´-don, the mountain of Megiddo, of the gospel, of fruits.
- Armenia, Ar-me´-ne-ah, a province which is supposed to take its name from Aram.
- Arnon, rejoicing, their ark.
- Ar´oer, heath, tamarisk, the nakedness of the skin or of the enemy.
- Arpad, the light of redemption, that lies down.
- Arphaxad, Ar-fak´s-ad, one that heals or releases.
- Artaxerxes, Ar-taks-erk´s-es, in Hebrew, Artachsasta, the silence of light.
- Artemas, Ar´-te-mas, whole, sound.
- Asa, Ay´-sah, physician, cure.
- Asahel, As´-a-el, the work or creature of God.
- Asaiah, As´-a-i-ah, the Lord hath wrought.
- Asaph, Ay´-saf, one that assembles together.
- Asenath, As´-e-nath, peril, misfortune.
- A'shan, vapour, smoke.
- Ashdod, inclination, a wild open place.
- Asher, blessedness.
- As'hiel, the work of God.
- Ashima, Ash´-e-mah, crime, position, fire of the sea.
- Ashkenazi, Ash´-ke-naz, a fire that distils or spreads.
- Ashtaroth, Ash´-ta-roth, flocks, riches.
- Ashur, one that is happy.
- Ash'vath, making vestments.
- Asia, Ay´-she-a, muddy, boggy.
- Ashkelon, weight, balance, fire of infamy.
- Asnapper, unhappiness, fruitless.
- Assir, prisoner, fettered.
- As'sos, approaching.
- Assyria, As-sir´-re-a.
- Assyrian, As-sir´-re-an.
- Asyncritus, A-sin´-kre-tus, incomparable.
- A´tad, a thorn.
- Ata'roth, crowns, counsel of making full.
- Athaliah, Ath-a-ly´-ah, the time of the Lord.
- Athenians, Ath-ee´-ne-ans, inhabitants of Athens.
- Athens, so called from Athene, Minerva.
- Attalia, At-ta-ly´-ah, that increases or sends.
- Avenue, iniquity, force, riches.
- Augustus, increased, majestic.
- Azariah, Az-a-ry´-ah, assistance, he that hears the Lord.
- Azekah, Az-ee´-kah, strength of walls.
- Azgad, a strong army, a gang of robbers.
- Aznoth-tabernacle, Az´-noth-tay´-bor, the ears of Tabor, of choice, purity, contrition.
- Azo'tus, the same as Ashdod.
- A'zur, he that assists, that is assisted.
- Baal, Bay´-al, he that rules and subdues.
- Baalah, Bay´-al-ah, her idol, a spouse; the name of a city.
- Baal of the Covenant, Bay´-al-be´-rith, idol of the covenant.
- Baal Gad, Bay´-al-gad´, the idol of the troop, the Lord is master of the troop.
- Baal-Hamon, Bay´-al-hay´-mon, one that rules a multitude, a populous place.
- Baal-hazer, Bay´-al-hay´-zer, lord of court, possessor of grace.
- Ba'al Hermon, the possessor of destruction, of a thing devoted to God.
- Ba'ali, my idol, or master.
- Baalim, idols, masters.
- Ba'alis, a rejoicing, proud lord.
- Baal-meon, Bay´-al-me´-on, the idol, the master of the house.
- Baal of Peor, Bay´-al-pe´-or, master of the opening.
- Baal-perazim, Bay´-al-per´-a-zim, master, or god of divisions.
- Baal-Shalisha, Bay´-al-shal´-e-shah, the third idol, the third husband.
- Baal-tamar, Bay´-al-tay´-mar, master of the palm tree.
- Beelzebub, Bay´-al-ze´-bub, the master of flies.
- Baal-Zephon, Bay´-al-ze´-fon, the idol of the north, secret.
- Baanah, Bay´-a-nah, in the answer, in affliction.
- Baa'rah, a flame, purging.
- Baasha, Ba-ay´-shah, in the work, he that demands, who lays waste.
- Babel, confusion, mixture.
- Babylon, Bab´-be-lon. See Babel.
- Babylonians, Bab-be-lo´-ne-ans.
- Babylonian, Bab-be-lo´-nish.
- Read, Bay´-kah, mulberry tree.
- 987Bahurim, Ba-hew´-rim, choice, warlike.
- Ba'jith, a house.
- Balaam, Bay´-lam, the old age or ancient of the people, without the people.
- Bala'dan, one without rule or judgment, ancient in judgment.
- Balak, who lays waste, who laps.
- Ba'mah, an eminence.
- Barabbas, Bar-ab´-bas, son of the father or of confusion.
- Barachel, Bar´-a-kel, who blesses God.
- Barachias, Bar´-a-ky-as, the same as Barachel.
- Barack, thunder, in vain.
- Bar-Jesus, son of Jesus.
- Barjona, son of Jona or of a dove.
- Barnabas, the son of the prophet or of consolation.
- Barsabas, son of return, of rest, of swearing.
- Bartholomew, a son that suspends the waters.
- Bartimaeus, Bar-te-me´-us, the son of Timeus or of the honourable.
- Baruch, Bay´-ruk, who is blessed, who bends the knee.
- Barzillai, Bar-zil´-la-i, made of iron, son of contempt.
- Bashan, in the tooth, in the change or sleep.
- Bashemath, Bash´-e-math, perfumed, in desolation.
- Bathsheba, Bath-she´-bah or Bath´-she-bah, the seventh daughter, the daughter of an oath.
- Bathshu'a, the daughter of salvation.
- Be dad, alone, in friendship.
- Be'dan, only, in the judgment.
- Beelzebub, Be-el´-ze-bub. See Baal-zebub.
- Brew, Be´-er, a well, the name of a city.
- Beer-lahai-roi, Be´-er-la-hay´-e-roy, the well of him that liveth and seeth me.
- Beersheba, Be´-er-she´-bah, the well of an oath, of satiety, the seventh well.
- Be’kah, half a shekel.
- Bel, ancient, nothing, subject to change.
- Belial, Bee´-le-al, wicked, the devil.
- Belshazzar, master of the treasure.
- Belteshazzar, who lays up treasures in secret, secretly endures pain and pressure.
- Benaiah, Ben-ay´-yah, son of the Lord, the Lord’s building.
- Ben-ammi, the son of my people.
- Benhaddad, the son of Hadad, of noise.
- Benjamin, the son of the right hand.
- Benjamite, a descendant of Benjamin.
- Benoni, Ben-o´-ny, son of my grief.
- Beor, burning, mad, beast.
- Berachah, Ber´-a-kah, blessing.
- Berea, Be-ree´-ah, heavy, from βάρος.
- Covenant, covenant.
- Bernice, Ber-ny´-se, one that brings victory.
- Be'sor, glad news, incarnation.
- Be'tah, confidence.
- Bethabara, Beth-ab´-ba-rah, the house of passage, of anger.
- Bethany, the house of song, of affliction, of obedience, the grace of the Lord.
- Bethaven, the house of vanity, of strength.
- Beth-birei, Beth-bir´-re-i, the house of my Creator.
- Bethcar, the house of the lamb, of knowledge.
- Beth-dagon, the house of corn, of the fish, of the god Dagon.
- Beth-diblathaim, Beth-dib-la-thay´-im, the house of dry figs.
- Bethel, the house of God.
- Bethelite, Beth´-el-ite, an inhabitant of Bethel.
- Be there, division, in the turtle, in the trial.
- Bethesda, the house of effusion, of pity.
- Beth-ezel, a neighbour’s house.
- Beth-gamul, Beth-gay´-mul, the house of recompense, of the weaned, of the camel.
- Beth-haccerem, Beth-hak´-ke-rem, the house of the vineyard.
- Beth-horon, the house of wrath, of the hole, of liberty.
- Bethjesh´imoth, the house of desolation.
- Bethlehem, the house of bread, of war.
- Bethlehem Ephrathah, Beth´-le-hem-eff-ray´-tah or eff´-ra-tah.
- Bethlehem, Judah.
- Bethlehemite, an inhabitant of Bethlehem.
- Beth-peor, the house of gaping.
- Bethphage, Beth´-fa-je, the house of the mouth, of early figs.
- Bethsaida, Beth-say´-dah, the house of fruits, of hunters.
- Beth-Shan, the house of the tooth, of change, of sleep.
- Beth Shemesh, the house of the sun.
- Bethuel, Beth-ew´-el, filiation of God.
- Beulah, Bew´-lah, married.
- Bezaleel, Bez-a-lee´-el, in the shadow of God.
- Be'zek, lightning, in chains.
- Bichri, Bick´-ry, first-born, in the ram.
- Bidkar, in compunction, in sharp pain.
- Big than, giving meat.
- Bil'dad, old friendship.
- Bilhah, who is old, troubled, confused.
- Bir’sha, in evil, son that beholds.
- Bithiah, Be-thy´-ah, daughter of the Lord.
- Bith'ron, division, in his examination, daughter of the song, of anger, of liberty.
- Bithynia, Be-thin´-e-ah, violent precipitation.
- Blas'tus, one that sprouts and brings forth.
- Boanerges, Bo-a-ner´-jes, the sons of thunder; James and John, the sons of Zebedee.
- Boaz, or Booze, in strength, in the goat.
- Bochim, Bo´-kim, the place of weeping, of mulberry trees.
- Bo'sez, mud, in the flower.
- Bozrah, in tribulation or distress.
- Bul, changeable, perishing.
- Buzzer, despised, plundered.
- Buzi, Bew´-zye, my contempt.
- Buzite, Bew´-zyte, a descendant from Buz.
- Kabul, Kay´-bul, displeasing, dirt.
- Caesar, See´-sar, one cut out.
- Caesarea, Ses-a-ree´-a, a bush of hair.
- Caiaphas, Kay´-a-fas, a searcher.
- Cain, Kay´n, possession.
- Cainan, Kay´-nan, possessor, one that laments.
- Ca'lah, good opportunity, as the verdure.
- Caleb, a dog, a crow, a basket.
- Caleb-Ephrath, Kay´-leb-ef-ray´-tah or ef´-ra-tah, a place so called by a conjunction of the names of Caleb and his wife Ephratah.
- Calneh, Kal´-nay, our consummation, all we, as murmuring.
- Cal’no, our consummation, quite himself.
- Calvary, the place of a skull.
- 988Come on, his resurrection.
- Caná, zeal, possession, nest, cane.
- Canaan, Kay´-nan, a merchant, a trader. The son of Ham, who gave name to the land of Canaan.
- Canaanite, Kay´-nan-ite, an inhabitant of Canaan.
- Candace, Kan-day´-se, who possesses contrition.
- Capernaum, Ka-per´-na-um, the field of repentance, city of comfort.
- Caphtor, Kaf´-tor, a sphere, a buckle, a hand, doves, those that seek and inquire.
- Cappadocia, Kap-pa-do´-she-a, in Hebrew, Caphtor.
- Carcass, Kar´-kas, the covering of a lamb.
- Carchemish, Kar´-ke-mish, a lamb, as taken away.
- Carmel, a circumcised lamb, harvest, vineyard of God.
- Carmelite, Kar´-me-lyte, an inhabitant of Mount Carmel.
- Carmi, my vineyard, the knowledge or the lamb of the waters.
- Carpus, fruit, fruitful.
- Casiphia, Ka-se-fy´-a, money, covetousness.
- Castor, a beaver.
- Cedron, See´-dron or Kee´-dron, black, sad.
- Cenchreae, Senk´-re-a, millet, small pulse.
- Cephas, See´-fas or Kee´-fas, a rock or stone.
- Cesar. See Cæsar.
- Caesarea, Ses-a-ree´-a. See Cæsarea.
- Chalcol, Kal´-kol, who nourishes, sustains the whole.
- Chaldea, Kal-dee´-a, as demons, as robbers.
- Chaldean, Kal-dee´-an, an inhabitant of Chaldea.
- Chaldeans, Kal-deez´, the same as Chaldeans.
- Charran, Kar´-ran, a singing, the heat of wrath.
- Chebar, Ke´-bar, strength or power.
- Chedorlaomer, Ke´-dor-la-o´-mer, as a generation of servitude.
- Chemarims, Kem´-a-rims, the name of Baal’s priests.
- Chemosh, Ke´-mosh, as handling, as taking away.
- Chenania, Ke-na-ny´-ah, preparation, rectitude of the Lord.
- Cherethites, Ker´-eth-ims, who cuts, tears away.
- Cherethites, Ker´-eth-ites. See Cherethims.
- Cherith, Ke´-rith, cutting, piercing, slaying.
- Kindness, Ke´-sed, as a devil, a destroyer.
- Chileab, Kil´-le-ab, totality or perfection of the father.
- Chilion, Kil´-le-on, finished, complete.
- Chill out, Kil´-mad, as teaching or learning.
- Chimham, Kim´-ham, as they, like to them.
- Chios Island, Ky´-os, open, opening.
- Chisleu, Kis´-lu, rashness, confidence.
- Chittim, Chit´-tim, those that bruise, gold, staining.
- Chiun, Ky´-un, an Egyptian god, whom some think to be Saturn.
- Chloe, Klo´-e, green herb.
- Chorazin, Ko-ray´-zin, the secret, here is a mystery.
- Chushan-rishathaim, Kew´-shan-rish-a-thay´-im, Ethiopian, blackness of iniquities.
- Chuza, Kew´-zah, the prophet, Ethiopian.
- Cilicia, Sil-ish´-e-a, which rolls or overturns.
- Clauda, Klaw´-dah, a broken voice, a lamentable voice.
- Claudia, Klaw´-de-ah, lame.
- Clement, mild, good, merciful.
- Cleophas, Klee´-o-fas, the whole glory.
- Colosseum, Ko-los´-see, punishment, correction.
- Coniah, Ko-ny´-ah, the strength or stability of the Lord.
- Corinth, which is satisfied, beauty.
- Corinthians, inhabitants of Corinth.
- Cornelius, a horn.
- Coz'bi, a liar, as sliding away.
- Crescens, Kres´-sens, growing, increasing.
- Crete, Kree´t, carnal, fleshly.
- Cretes, Kree´ts, inhabitants of Crete.
- Cretans, Kree´-she-ans, the same as Cretes.
- Crispus, Kris´-pus, curled.
- Cush, Ethiopian, black.
- Cushan, Ethiopia, blackness, heat.
- Cushie, the same as Cushan.
- Cyprus, Sy´-prus, fair, fairness.
- Cyrene, Sy-re´-ne, a wall, coldness, meeting, a floor.
- Cyrenians, Sy-re´-ne-ans, people of Cyrene.
- Cyrenius, Sy-re´-ne-us, who governs.
- Cyrus, Sy´-rus, as miserable, as heir, the belly.
- Dabbasheth, Dab´-ba-sheth, flowing with honey, causing infamy.
- Daberath, Dab´-be-rath, word, thing, bee, submissive.
- Dagon, corn, a fish.
- Dalmanutha, Dal-ma-new´-thah, a bucket, leanness, branch.
- Dalmatia, Dal-may´-she-a, deceitful lamps, vain brightness.
- Damaris, Dam´-a-ris, a little woman.
- Damascus, a sack full of blood, similitude of burning.
- Dan, judgment, he that judges.
- Daniel, judgment of God.
- Da'ra, generation, house of the shepherd, companion, race of wickedness.
- Darius, Da-ry´-us, he that inquires and informs himself.
- Da'than, laws, rites.
- David, beloved, dear.
- Deborah, a word, a bee.
- Decapolis, De-kap´-po-lis, a Greek word compounded of δέκα, ten, and ϖόλις, a city, because this country contained ten cities.
- De'dan, their breasts, friendship, uncle.
- Dedanim, Ded´-an-im, descendants of Dedan.
- Delilah, poor, head of hair, bucket.
- De'mas, popular.
- Demetrius, De-me´-tre-us, belonging to Ceres, to corn.
- Derby, a sting.
- Deuel, De-ew´-el, the knowledge of God.
- Diana, Dy-ay´-nah, luminous, perfect.
- Di'bon, understanding, abundance of building.
- Di'bon-gad, abundance of sons, happy and powerful.
- Didymus, Did´-e-mus, a twin.
- Di'mon, where it is red.
- Dinah, judgment, who judges.
- Din'habah, she gives judgment.
- Dionysus, Dy-o-nish´-e-us, divinely touched; from δῖος, divine, and νεύω, I move.
- 989Diotrephes, Di-ot´-re-feez, nourished by Jupiter; from δῖος, of Jupiter, and τρὲφος, a foster-child.
- Doeg, who acts with uneasiness, a fisherman.
- Dor, generation, habitation.
- Dorcas, the female of a roe-buck.
- Do'than, the law, custom.
- Drusilla, Drew-sil´-lah, watered by the dew; from δρόσος, the dew.
- Dumah, Dew´-mah, silence, resemblance.
- Dura, Dew´-rah, generation, habitation.
- Easter, Ee´s-ter, the passover, a feast of the Jews.
- E'bal, a heap, collection of old age.
- Ebed, a servant or labourer.
- Ebed-Melech, Ee´-bed-me´-lek, the king’s servant.
- Ebenezer, Eb-en-ee´-zer, the stone of help.
- E'ber, one that passes, anger, wrath.
- Ebiasaph, E-by´-a-saf, a father that gathers together.
- Ed, witness.
- Eden, pleasure, delight.
- Edom, red, earthy, red earth.
- Edomite, a descendant of Esau, of Edom.
- Edrei, Ed´-re-i, a very great mass, cloud, death of the wicked.
- Eg'lah, heifer, chariot, round.
- Eglaim, Eg-lay´-im, drops of the sea.
- Eg'lon, the same as Eglah.
- Egypt, in Hebrew, Mizraim; that binds or straitens, that troubles or oppresses.
- Egyptian, an inhabitant of Egypt.
- Ehud, he that praises.
- Ekron, barrenness, torn away.
- Ekronites, inhabitants of Ekron.
- E'lah, an oak, oath, imprecation.
- E'lam, a young man, a virgin, secret, an age.
- E'lamites, descendants of Elam.
- E'lath, a hind, strength, an oak.
- Beth-el, the God of Bethel.
- El’dad, loved or favoured of God.
- Elealeh, El-e-ay´-leh ascension or burnt-offering of God.
- Eleazar, El-e-ay´-zar, the help or court of God.
- El-elohe-israel, El-el-ho´-he-is´-ra-el, God, the God of Israel.
- Elhanan, grace, gift, or mercy of God.
- Eli, E´li, my God, my God.
- Eli, the offering or lifting up.
- Eli'ab, God my father.
- Eliada, E-ly´-a-da or E-le-ay´-da, the knowledge of God.
- Eliakim, E-ly´-a-kim, the resurrection of God, God the avenger.
- Eli'am, the people of God.
- Elias. See Elijah.
- Eliashib, E-ly´-a-shib, the God of conversion.
- Eliathah, E-ly´-a-thah, thou art my God, my God comes.
- Eliezer, E-le-ee´-zer, help or court of my God.
- Elihoreph, E-le-ho´-ref, the God of winter, of youth.
- Elihu, he is my God himself.
- Elijah, God the Lord, the strong Lord.
- Elíka, pelican of God.
- E'lm, the rams, the strong, the stags, the valleys.
- Elimelek, E-lim´-me-lek, my God is king.
- Elioenai, El-e-o´-en-a-i, toward him are my eyes, my fountains, toward him is my poverty or misery.
- Eliphalet, E-lif´-fa-let, the God of deliverance.
- Eliphaz, E-ly´-faz, the endeavour of God.
- Elisabeth, E-liz´-a-beth, God hath sworn, the fulness of God.
- Elisha, salvation of God.
- Eli'shah, son of Javan; it is God, God that gives help.
- Elishamah, E-lish´-a-mah, God hearing.
- Elisheba, E-lish´-e-ba. See Elisabeth.
- Elishua, El-e-shew´-ah, God is my salvation.
- Eliud, E-ly´-ud, God is my praise.
- Eli'zur, God is my strength, my rock.
- Elkanah, God the jealous, the reed of God.
- Elmo's dam, the God of measure, of the garment.
- Elnathan, God has given.
- Elon, oak, grove, strong.
- Elul, cry, outcry.
- Eluzai, E-lu´-za-i, God is my strength.
- Elymas, El´-e-mas, in Arabic, a magician.
- E'mims, fears of terrors, people.
- Emmaus, Em-may´-us or Em´-ma-us, people despised.
- Em' mor, an ass.
- E´nam, a fountain or well, the eyes of them.
- Endor, fountain or eye of generation.
- Eneas, laudable; from ἀινέω, “I praise.”
- En-eglaim, En-eg-lay´-im, the eye of the calves, of the chariots, of roundness.
- En Gedi, En-ge´-dy, fountain of the goat, of happiness.
- En-mishpat, fountain of judgment.
- Enoch, Ee´-nok, dedicated, disciplined, well regulated.
- Enon, Ee´-non, cloud, his fountain.
- Enos, Ee´-nos, fallen man, subject to all kind of evil.
- Ex-Rogel, En-ro´-gel, the fuller’s fountain.
- Sunshine, En-she´-mesh, fountain of the sun.
- Epaphras, Ep´-pa-fras, covered with foam.
- Epaphroditus, E-paf-ro-dy´-tus, agreeable, handsome.
- Epenetus, E-pe-nee´-tus, laudable, worthy of praise.
- Ephah, Ee´-fah, weary, to fly as a bird.
- Ephes Dammim, E´-fez-dam´-mim, the effusion or drop of blood.
- Ephesians, E-fee´-se-ans, the people of Ephesus.
- Ephesus, Ef´-fe-sus, desirable; chief city of Asia Minor.
- Ephphatha, Ef´-fa-tha, be opened.
- Ephraim, Ee´-fra-im, that brings forth fruit or grows.
- Ephraimite, a descendant of Ephraim.
- Ephratah, Eff-ray´-tah, abundance, bearing fruit.
- Ephrath, Eff´-rath, See Ephratah.
- Ephrathite, Eff´-rath-ite, an inhabitant of Ephratah, or a descendant from Ephraim.
- Ephron, Ef´-ron, dust.
- Food lovers, Ep-e-kew-re´-ans, who gives assistance; from the Greek ἐπικȣρέω, I help.
- Er, watch, enemy.
- Erasmus, lovely, amiable.
- E'rech, length, health.
- Esaias, E-zay´-e-as. See Isaia.
- 990Esarhaddon, E´-sar-had-´don, that binds, joy, or closes the point.
- Esau, he that does or finishes.
- E'sek, contention.
- Esh-baal, the fire of the idol.
- Eshcol, a bunch of grapes.
- Eshtaol, Esh´-ta-ol, stout, strong woman.
- Eshtemoa, Esh-te-mo´-a, which is heard, the bosom of a woman.
- Es'li, near me, he that separates.
- Esrom, the dart of joy, division of the song.
- Esther, Ess´-ter, secret, hidden.
- E'tam, their bird or covering.
- Eden, their strength or sign.
- Ethan, strong, the gift of the island.
- Ethyl alcohol, Eth´-an-im, strong, valiant.
- Ethbaal, Eth-bay´-al, toward the idol, he that rules.
- Ethiopia, Ee-the-o´-pe-a, in Hebrew, Cush, blackness; in Greek it signifies heat, from ἄιθω, I burn, and ὄψις, face.
- Ethiopians, Ee-the-o´-pe-ans, Africans.
- Eubulus, Yew´-bu-lus, a prudent counsellor.
- Eunice, Yew-ny´-se, good victory.
- Euodia, Yew-o´-de-as, sweet scent.
- Euphrates River, Yew-fray´-tes, that makes fruitful.
- Euroclydon, the north-east wind.
- Eutychus, Yew´-te-kus, happy, fortunate.
- Eve, living, enlivening.
- Evil Merodach, Ee´-vil-me-ro´-dak, or mer´-o-dak, the fool of Merodach, despising the bitterness of the fool.
- Ezekiel, E-zee´-ke-el, the strength of God.
- Ezel, going abroad, distillation.
- Ezion-Geber, E´-ze-on-ge´-ber, the wood of the man, counsel of the man, of the strong.
- Ezra, a helper.
- Fe'lix, happy, prosperous.
- Fes'tus, festival, joyful.
- Fortunate, happy, prosperous.
- Gaal, Gay´al, contempt, abomination.
- Gaash, Gay´-ash, tempest, overthrow.
- Gabbatha, Gab´-ba-tha, high, elevated. In Greek, lithostrotos, paved with stones.
- Gabriel, God is my strength.
- Gad!, a band, happy, armed and prepared.
- Gadarenes, Gad-a-ree´ns, surrounded, walled.
- Gaddi, my happiness, my troop, a kid.
- Gaddiel, Gad´-de-el, goat of God, the Lord is my army.
- Gadites, Gad´-dites, descendants of Gad.
- Gaius, Gay´-e-us, lord, an earthly man.
- Galatia, Gal-ay´-she-a, white, of the colour of milk.
- Galatians, Gal-ay´-she-ans, born in Galatia.
- Galbanum, Gal´-ba-num, a gum, sweet spice.
- Galeed, Gal´-e-ed, the heap of witness.
- Galilee, Gal´-le-lee, wheel, revolution, heap.
- Galileans, Gal-le-lee´-ans, inhabitants of Galilee.
- Gal'lim, who heap up, cover, roll.
- Galileo, he that sucks or lives upon milk.
- Gamaliel, recompense, camel, weaned of God.
- Gam´madims, soldiers placed in the towers of Tyrus; men who came from Gammade, a town of Phenicia.
- Ga'tam, their lowing, their touch.
- Gather, a press.
- Gath-Rimmon, the press of the granite, exalted press.
- Gaza, strong, a goat.
- Ge'ba, a hill, a cup.
- Ge'bal, bound, limit.
- Ge'bim, grasshoppers, height.
- Gedaliah, Ged-a-ly´-ah, God is my greatness, fringe of the Lord.
- Gehazi, Ge-hay´-zye, valley of sight, of the breast.
- Gemariah, accomplishment of the Lord.
- Gennesaret, Gen-ness´-a-ret, or Jen-ness´-a-ret, the garden or protection of the prince.
- Genubath, Gen´-u-bath, theft, garden or protection of the daughter.
- Géra, pilgrimage, dispute.
- Ge'rah, the twentieth part of a shekel.
- Gerard. See Gera.
- Gadarenes, Ger´-ge-seens, those who come from pilgrimage or from fight.
- Gerizim, Ger´-re-zim, cutters.
- Gershom, a stranger there, a traveller of reputation.
- Ger'shon, his banishment, the change of pilgrimage.
- Ge'shur, the sight of the valley, the vale of the ox or the wall.
- Geshurites, Gesh´-u-rytes, inhabitants of Geshur.
- Gather, the vale of trial, of searching, the press of inquiry.
- Gethsemane, Geth-sem´-a-ne, a very fat valley.
- Giah, Gy´-ah, to guide, draw out, a sigh.
- Gibeah, Gib´-e-ah, a hill.
- Gibeon, hill, cup, that which is without.
- Gibeonites, people of Gibeon.
- Gideon, he that bruises, cutting off iniquity.
- Gihon, Gy´-hon, valley of grace, impetuous.
- Gilboa, Gil´-bo-ah, revolution of inquiry.
- Gilead, Gil´-le-ad, the mass of testimony.
- Gileadites, Gil´-le-ad-ites, the inhabitants of Gilead.
- Gilgal, wheel, revolution, heap.
- Giloh, Gy´-loh, he that rejoices, overturns, or discovers.
- Gilonite, Gy´-lo-nite.
- Girgashite, Gir´-ga-shite, who arrives from pilgrimage.
- Gittite, Git´-tite, a wine press.
- Gob, cistern, grasshopper, eminence.
- Gog, roof, covering.
- Golan, passage, revolution.
- Golgotha, a heap of skulls.
- Goliath, revolution, discovery, heap.
- Gomer, to finish, accomplish, a consumer.
- Gomorrah, a rebellious people.
- Go' Shen, approaching, drawing near.
- Gozan, fleece, pasture, nourishing the body.
- Greece, Gree´-she-a, Greece, the country of the Greeks.
- Greeks, Gree´-she-ans, Greeks, the inhabitants of Greece.
- Gur, the young of a beast, dwelling, fear.
- Gurba'al, the whelp of the governor.
- Habakkuk, Hab´-a-kuk, he that embraces, a wrestler.
- Hachaliah, Hak-a-ly´-ah, who waits for the Lord.
- 991Hachilah, Hak´-e-lah, my trust is in her.
- Haddad, joy, noise.
- Hadadezer, Hay´-dad-ee´-zer, the beauty of assistance.
- Hadad-Rimmon, Hay´-dad-rim´-mon, the voice of height, the invocation of Rimmon, a god of the Syrians.
- Hadasah, a myrtle, joy.
- Hado'ram, their beauty, power, praise.
- Hadrach, Hay´-drak, point, joy of tenderness, your chamber.
- Hagar, a stranger, that fears.
- Hagarenes, Hay´-gar-eens, of the family of Hagar.
- Hagarites, Hay´-gar-ites. See Hagarenes.
- Haggai, Hag´-ga-i, feast, solemnity.
- Haggith, rejoicing.
- Hak'tan, little.
- Hallelujah, Hal-le-lu´-yah, praise the Lord.
- Ham, hot, brown.
- Haman, noise, tumult, he that prepares.
- Ha'math, anger, heat, a wall.
- Hammedatha, Ham-med´-a-thah, or Ham-me-day´-thah, he that troubles the law.
- Ha'mon-gog, the multitude of Gog.
- Ha'mor, an ass, clay, wine.
- Ha'mul, godly, merciful.
- Hamutal, the shadow of his heat, the heat of the dew.
- Hanameel, Han-am´-e-el, or Han-am-ee´-el, grace or pity from God.
- Hananeel, Han-an-ee´-el, mercy of God.
- Hanani, Han-ay´-ny, my grace or mercy.
- Hananiah, grace or mercy of the Lord.
- Hannah, gracious, merciful, taking rest.
- Ha´noch, dedicated.
- Ha'nun, gracious, merciful, he that rests.
- Ha'ran, mountainous country, which is enclosed.
- Harbona, his destruction or dryness.
- Ha'rod, astonishment, fear.
- Harosheth, Har-o´-sheth, agriculture, silence, vessel of earth, forest.
- Hashmo' nah, diligence, enumeration, embassy, present.
- Ha'tach, he that strikes.
- Havilah, Hav´-e-lah, that suffers pain, brings forth, declares to her.
- Havoth-Jair, Hay´-voth-jay´-ir, villages that enlighten.
- Hazael, Haz´-a-el, that sees God.
- Hazarmaveth, Hay´-zar-may´-veth, court or dwelling of death.
- Hazelelponi, Hay´-zel-el-po´-ny, shade, sorrow of the face.
- Hazeroth, Haz-ee´-roth, villages, court.
- Hazor, court, hay.
- Heber, one that passes, anger.
- He brews, descended from Heber.
- Hebron, society, friendship, enchantment.
- Hegai, or Hege, Heg´-a-i, meditation, word, separation.
- He'lam, their army, trouble, or expectation.
- Hel´bon, milk, fatness.
- Heldai, Hel´-da-i, or Hel-day´-i, the world.
- He'll, ascending, climbing up.
- Hel'kath-haz'urim, the field of strong men, of rocks.
- He-Man, their trouble, their tumult, much.
- Hen, grace, quiet.
- Hepher, Hee´-fer, a digger or delver.
- Hephzibah, Hef´-ze-bah, my pleasure.
- Hermès, Mercury, gain, refuge.
- Hermogenes, Her-moj´-e-nes, begotten of Mercury, of lucre.
- Her'mon, anathema, destruction.
- Hermonites, the inhabitants of Hermon.
- Herod, Her´-rod, the glory of the skin.
- Herodians, He-ro´-de-ans.
- Hero Days, the wife of Herod.
- Herodium, He-ro´-de-on, song of Juno.
- Heshbon, invention, industry, thought, he that hastens to understand.
- Heth, trembling, fear.
- Hethlon, fearful dwelling, his covering.
- Hezekiah, strong in the Lord.
- Hezron, the dart of joy, division of the song.
- Hiddai, Hid´-da-i, praise, cry.
- Hiddekel, Hid´-de-kel, a sharp voice.
- Hi there, the life of God.
- Hierapolis, Hy-er-ap´-po-lis, holy city.
- Higgaion, Hig-gay´-e-on, meditation.
- Hilki'ah, God is my portion, the Lord’s gentleness.
- Hillel, praising folly, Lucifer.
- Hin´nom, there they are, their riches.
- Hi'ram, exaltation of life, their whiteness, he that destroys.
- Hittites, who are broken or fear.
- Hi, invites, wicked, bad, wickedness.
- Ho'bab, favoured and beloved.
- Ho'bah, love, friendship, secrecy.
- Hoglah, his festival, his dance.
- Hophni, Hoff´-ni, he that covers, my fist.
- Hor, who conceives, shows.
- Ho'reb, desert, destruction, dryness.
- Hor-hagidgad, Hor-ha-gidd´-gad, hill of felicity.
- Hor´mah, devoted to God, destruction.
- Horonaim, Hor-o-nay´-im, anger, raging.
- Horonite, Hor´-o-nyte, anger, fury, liberty.
- Hosea, and Hoshea, Ho-zee´-a, and Ho-shee´-a, Saviour.
- Hullo, infirmity, bringing forth children.
- Hul'dah, the world, a prophetess.
- Hur, liberty, whiteness, cavern.
- Hushai, Hew´-sha-i, their haste, sensuality, or silence.
- Huz'zab, molten.
- Hymeneus, Hy-men-ee´-us, nuptial, marriage.
- Ib'har, election, he that is chosen.
- Ichabod, Ik´-a-bod, where is the glory?
- Iconium, I-ko´-ne-um, from ἵκω, “I come.”
- I’d do, his hand, power, praise, witness.
- Idumea, Id-ew-mee´-a, red, earthy.
- Igdali'a, the greatness of the Lord.
- I´jon, look, eye, fountain.
- Illyria, Il-lir´-re-kum, joy, rejoicing.
- Im'lah, plenitude, repletion, circumcision.
- Immanuel, a name given to our Lord Jesus Christ, signifying, God with us.
- Im'rah, a rebel, changing.
- India, In´-de-a, praise, law.
- Iphedeiah, If-fe-dy´-ah, or If-fe-dee´-ah, the redemption of the Lord.
- I’m, city, watch, spoil, heap of vision.
- I’m rad, wild ass, heap of descents, of empire.
- 992Irijah, I-ry´-jah, the fear, vision, or protection of the Lord.
- Isaac, I´-zak, laughter.
- Isaiah, I-zay´-yah, or I-zay´-e-ah, the salvation of the Lord.
- Iscah, Is´-kah, he that anoints, or covers.
- Iscariot, Is-kar´-re-ot, is thought to signify a native of the town of Iscarioth.
- Ish’bak, empty, forsaken, abandoned.
- Ishbi-benob, Ish´-by-bee´-nob, he that sits in the prophecy, conversion.
- Ishbosheth, Ish´-bo-sheth, a man of shame.
- Ishmael, Ish´-ma-el, God who hears.
- Ishmaelites, Ish´-ma-el-ites, the posterity of Ishmael.
- Israel, Is´-ra-el, a prince with God, prevailing with God, that wrestleth with God.
- Israelis, Is´-ra-el-ites, the posterity of Israel, or Jacob.
- Issachar, Is´-sa-kar, price, reward.
- Italian cuisine, I-tal´-e-an, belonging to Italy.
- Italy, It´-ta-le, a Latin word that has its original from vitulus, or vitula, “a calf,” or from a king called Italus.
- Ithamar, island of the palm tree, wo to the palm or change.
- Ithiel, Ith´-e-el, God with me, sign.
- Ithream, Ith´-re-am, excellence of the people.
- Iturea, It-u-ree´-a, which is guarded, a country of mountains.
- I’ve, iniquity.
- Jaalam, Ja-ay´-lam, hidden, young man, kids.
- Jaazania, Ja-az-a-ny´-ah, whom the Lord will hear, the balances, the arms.
- Jabal, which glides away, produces.
- Jab' bok, evacuation, dissipation.
- Ja'besh, dryness, confusion, shame.
- Jabesh-Gilead, Jay´-besh-gil´-e-ad.
- Jabez, sorrow, trouble.
- Ja'bin, he that understands, he that builds.
- Jabneel, Jab´-ne-el, building, or understanding of God.
- Jachin, Jay´-kin, that strengthens.
- Jacob, he that supplants, the heel.
- Ja'el, he that ascends, a kid.
- Jah, the everlasting God.
- Ja'haz, dispute, going out of the Lord.
- Jahaza, Ja-hay´-za, the same as Jahaz.
- Jair, Jay´-er, my light, who diffuses light.
- Jairus, Jay´-e-rus or Ja-i´-rus, is enlightened.
- Jam'Brews, the sea with poverty.
- James, the same as Jacob.
- Jan'na, who speaks, who answers, affliction.
- Jannes, Jan´-nez, the same as Janna.
- Japheth, Jay´-feth, persuades, handsome.
- Japhia, Ja-fy´-ah, which enlightens, groans.
- Ja'reb, a revenger.
- Ja'red, he that descends or commands.
- Ja'sher, righteous.
- Ja'son, he that cures, that gives medicines.
- Ja'van, that deceives, clay.
- Ja'zer, assistance, he that helps.
- Je'bus, treads under foot, contemns.
- Jebusites, inhabitants of Jebus.
- Jeconi'ah, preparation or steadfastness of the Lord.
- Jeddi'el, the knowledge or joy of God.
- Jedidah, Jed-dy´-dah, well-beloved, amiable.
- Jed, Jed-e-dy´-ah, beloved of the Lord.
- Jeduthun, Jed-ew´-thun or Jed´-ew-thun, his law, who gives praise.
- Jegar-sahadutha, Je´-gar-say-ha-dew´-tha, the heap of witnessing.
- Jehoahaz, Je-ho-ay´-haz, the prize or possession of the Lord.
- Jehoash, the fire or victim of the Lord.
- Jehoiachin, Je-hoy´-a-kin, preparation or strength of the Lord.
- Jehoiada, Je-hoy´-a-dah, knowledge of the Lord.
- Jehoiakim, Je-hoy´-a-kim, the resurrection of the Lord.
- Jehonadab. See Jonadab.
- Jehoram, exaltation, rejected of the Lord.
- Jehoshaphat, God judges.
- Jehovah, the incommunicable name of God, self-existing.
- Provider, Je-ho´-vah-jy´-rey, the Lord will see or provide, will be manifested.
- Jehovah-Nissi, the Lord my banner.
- Peaceful God, Je-ho´-vah-shay´-lom or shal´-lom, the Lord send peace.
- Jehovah-Shammah, the Lord is there.
- Jehovah Tsidkenu, the Lord our righteousness.
- Jehu, Je´-hew, he that is or exists.
- Jehudijah, Je-hew-di´-jah, praise of the Lord.
- Jemima, handsome as the day.
- Jephthah, Jef´-thah, he that opens.
- Jephunneh, Je-fun´-neh, he that beholds.
- Je'rah, the moon, to scent or smell.
- Jerahmeel, Je-ram´-me-el, mercy or love of God.
- Jeremiah, grandeur of the Lord.
- Jericho, Jer´-re-ko, his moon, sweet smell.
- Jer'imoth, eminences, he that fears or rejects death.
- Jeroboam, fighting against, increasing the people.
- Jerubbaal, Jer-uh-bay´-al, he that revenges the idol, let Baal defend his cause.
- Jerubbesheth, Je-rub´-be-sheth, let the idol of confusion defend itself.
- Jerusalem, the vision or possession of peace.
- Jerusha, he that possesses the inheritance, exiled.
- Jeshimon, Jesh´-e-mon, solitude, desolation.
- Jeshua, Jesh´-u-a, a Saviour.
- Jeshurun, Jesh-ew´-run, upright.
- Jesse, to be, my present.
- Jesus, Jes´-u-i, who is equal, flat country.
- Jesuits, Jes´-u-ites, the posterity of Jesui.
- Jesus, the holy name Jesus, Saviour, who saveth his people from their sins.
- Je'ther, he that excels, remains, searches.
- Jethro, his excellence or posterity.
- Je'tur, he that keeps, succession, mountainous.
- Je'ush, devoured, gnawed by the moth.
- Jew, Jews, so called from Judah.
- Jewess, Jewish, Jewelry.
- Jezebel, island of the habitation, wo to the habitation, isle of the dunghill.
- Jezrahiah, Jez-ra-hy´-ah, the Lord is the east, the Lord arises,
- Jezreel, Jez´-re-el or Jez-ree´-el, seed of God, dropping of the friendship of God.
- Jezreelite, Jez´-re-el-ite or Jez-ree´-el-ite, an inhabitant of Jezreel.
- Jidlaph, Jid´-laf, he that distils, hands joined.
- 993Joab, paternity, having a father, voluntary.
- Joah, who has a brother, brother of the Lord.
- Joanna, the grace or mercy of the Lord.
- Joash, who despairs, burns, is on fire.
- Job, he that weeps, cries, or speaks out of a hollow place.
- Jochebed, Jok´-ke-bed, glorious, honourable, a person of merit, the glory of the Lord.
- Joël, that wills, commands, or swears.
- Joezer, Jo-ee´-zer, he that aids.
- Jo'ha, who enlivens and gives life.
- Joha'nan, who is liberal and grants favour.
- John, the gift or mercy of the Lord.
- Jokshan, hard, difficult, scandalous.
- Joktan, small, disgust, weariness, dispute.
- Jonadab, who acts in good earnest.
- Jonah, or Jónas, a dove, he that oppresses.
- Jonathan, given of God.
- Joppa, beauty, comeliness.
- Jo'ram, to cast, elevated.
- Jordan, the river of judgment, that rejects judgment, descent.
- Jo'rim, he that exalts the Lord.
- José, raised, who exists, or pardons, Saviour.
- Joseph, Jo´-sef, increase, addition.
- Joses, Jo´-sez. See Jose.
- Joshua, the Lord, the Saviour.
- Josiah, the fire of the Lord.
- Joatham, perfection of the Lord.
- Jubal, Jew´-bal, he that runs, he that produces, a trumpet.
- Jubilee, Jew´-be-lee, a feast of the Jews, every fiftieth year; in Hebrew, Jobel, a ram’s horn, or a trumpet by which the jubilee year was proclaimed.
- Judah, the praise of the Lord.
- Judas, the same as Judah.
- Judea, Jew-dee´-a, a country.
- Julia, downy; from ἴουλος, “down.”
- Julius, the same as Julia.
- Ju'nia, from Juno, or from juventus, youth.
- Jupiter, Jew´-pe-ter, as if it were juvans pater, the father that helpeth.
- Jus'tus, just, upright.
- Kabzeel, Kab´-ze-el, the congregation of God.
- Ka'desh, holiness.
- Kadesh-Barnea, Kay´-desh-bar´-ne-a or bar-nee´-ah, holiness of an inconstant son, of the corn, of purity.
- Kad'miel, God of rising.
- Ke'dar, blackness, sorrow.
- Kedemah, Ked´-de-mah, oriental.
- Kedemoth, Ked´-de-moth, old age, orientals.
- Keilah, Ky´-lah, she that divides or cuts.
- Kemuel, Kem´-u-el, God is risen.
- Ke'naz, this nest, lamentation, possession.
- Ke'nites, possession, lamentation, nest.
- Keren-Happuch, Kee´-ren-hap´-puk, the horn or child of beauty.
- Kerioth, Ker´-re-oth, the cities, the callings.
- Keturah, Ke-tew´-rah, he that burns or makes the incense to fume, odoriferous.
- Keziah, Ke-zy´-ah, superficies, angle, cassia.
- Kezi, end, extremity.
- Kibroth-Hattaavah, Kib´-roth-hat-tay´-a-vah, the graves of lust.
- Kidron, obscurity, obscure.
- Kir, a city, a wall, a meeting.
- Kir-haraseth, Kir-har´-ra-seth, the city of the sun.
- Kiriathaim, Kir´-e-ath-ay´-im, the two cities, the callings.
- Kir'jath, city, vocation, lesson, meeting.
- Kirjath Arba, the city of four.
- Kirjath-arim, city of cities, the city of those that watch.
- Kiriath-Jearim, the city of Baal, of those that command, of those that possess.
- Kirjath-jearim, Kir´-jath-je´-a-rim, the city of woods.
- Kirjath-sannah, the city of the bush, of enmity.
- Kirjath-sepher, Kir´-jath-see´-fer, the city of letters, of the book.
- Kish, hard, difficult, straw.
- Kis'ron, making sweet, perfuming.
- Kit'tim, they that bruise, gold, colouring.
- Ko'hath, congregation, obedience, to make blunt.
- Kohathites, Ko´-hath-ites, the posterity of Kohath.
- Korah, bald, frozen.
- Laban, white, shining, gentle.
- Lachish, Lay´-kish, she walks, who exists of himself.
- La'el, to God, to the Almighty.
- Lah'mi, my bread, my war.
- La'ish, a lion.
- Lamech, poor, made low, who is struck.
- Laodicea, Lay-o-de-see´-a, just people.
- Laodiceans, Lay-o-de-see´-ans, inhabitants of Laodicea.
- Lapedoth, Lap´-pe-doth, enlightened, lamps.
- Lazarus, Laz´-za-rus, the help of God.
- Leah, weary, tired.
- Lebanon, white, incense.
- Lebbeus, Leb-bee´-us, a man of heart.
- Lehabim, Le´-ha-bim or Le-hay´-bim, flames, the points of a sword.
- Lehi, jaw bone.
- Lemuel, God with them.
- Levi, who is held and associated.
- Levites, the posterity of Levi.
- Libnah, Liberty, white, whiteness.
- Libya, Lib´-e-a, in Hebrew, Lubim, the heart of the sea.
- Libyans, Lib´-e-ans, the people of Libya.
- Linus, nets.
- Lo-ammi, not my people.
- Lois, better.
- Lo-ruhamah, Lo-ru-hay´-mah, not having obtained mercy, not pitied.
- Lot, wrapt up, myrrh, rosin.
- Lucas, luminous.
- Lucifer, Lu´-se-fer, bringing light.
- Lucius, Lu´-she-us. See Lucas.
- Lud, maturity, generation.
- Luke. See Lucas.
- Luz, separation, departure.
- Lycaonia, Ly-ka-o´-ne-a, she-wolf.
- Lydda, the name of a city.
- Lysania's, that drives away sorrow.
- Lystra, that dissolves or disperses.
- Maachah, May´-a-kah, to squeeze.
- Maaseiah, Ma-a-sy´-ah, the work of the Lord.
- 994North Macedonia, Mas-se-do´-ne-a, adoration, prostration.
- Machir, May´-kir, he that sells or knows.
- Machpelah, Mak-pee´-lah, double.
- Magdala, Mag´-da-lah, tower, greatness.
- Magdalene, Mag´-da-le´-ne, tower, grand, elevated.
- Ma'gog, roof, that dissolves.
- Magor-missabib, May´-gor-mis´-sa-bib, fear, round about.
- Mahalaleel, Ma-ha-la-lee´-el, he that praises God.
- Mahalath, Ma-hay´-lath, melodious song, infirmity.
- Mahanaim, Ma-ha-nay´-im, the two fields or armies.
- Maher-shalal-hash-baz, May´-er-shal´-al-hash´-baz, making speed to the spoil.
- Mah'lah, the same as Mahalath.
- Mah´lon, song, infirmity.
- Makkedah, Mak´-ke-dah, adoration, prostration.
- Malcham, Mal´-kam, their king.
- Malchi-shua, Mal´-ke-shew´-ah, my king is a saviour.
- Malchus, Mal´-kus, king or kingdom.
- Mammon, riches.
- Mam're, rebellious, bitter, that changes.
- Manaen, Man´-a-en, or Ma-nay´-en, a comforter, he that conducts them.
- Manasseh, forgetfulness, he that is forgotten.
- Maneh, May´-neh, a species of money.
- Manoah, Ma-no´-ah, rest, a present.
- Ma'on, house, crime.
- Mara, bitterness.
- Ma'rah, the same as Mara.
- Marcus, polite, shining.
- Mark, the same as Marcus.
- Mars Hill, the place where the judges of Athens held their supreme council.
- Martha, who becomes bitter.
- Mary, exalted, bitterness of the sea, mistress of the sea.
- Masrekah, Mas´-re-kah, whistling, hissing.
- Mas'sah, temptation.
- Mother, rain, prison.
- Mat'tan, the reins, the death of them.
- Mattathias, Mat-ta-thy´-as, the gift of the Lord.
- Mat that, gift, he that gives.
- Matthew, given, a reward.
- Matthias, Ma-thy´-as. See Mattathias.
- Maz´zaroth, the twelve signs.
- Medad, he that measures, the water of love.
- Medan, judgment, process, measure, covering.
- Medes, Mee´ds, people of Media.
- Media, Mee´-de-a, measure, covering, abundance.
- Megiddo, Me-gid´-do, that declares, his precious fruit.
- Megiddo, Me-gid´-don, the same as Megiddo.
- Mehetabel, Me-het´-ta-ble, how good is God!
- Mehujael, Me-hu-jay´-el, who proclaims God, God that blots out.
- Melchi, Mel´-ky, my king, my counsel.
- Melchizedek, Mel-kiz´-ze-dek, king of righteousness.
- Melita, Me-ly´-ta or Me-lee´-ta, affording honey.
- Memphis, Mem´-fis, by the mouth.
- Memucan, Me-mew´-kan, impoverished, to prepare, certain, true.
- Menahem, Men´-na-hem, comforter, who conducts them.
- Mene, Mee´ne, who reckons, who is counted.
- Mephibosheth, Me-fib´-bo-sheth, out of my mouth proceeds reproach.
- Me'rab, he that fights, he that multiplies.
- Merari, Me-ray´-ry, bitter, to provoke.
- Mercury, a false god; from the Latin word mercari, “to buy or sell,” because he presided over merchandise; in Greek, hermes, “orator” or “interpreter.”
- Meribbaal, Mer-ib´-ba-al or Mer´-ib-bay´-al, rebellion, he that resists Baal, and strives against the idol.
- Meribah, Mer´-re-bah, dispute, quarrel.
- Merodach, Mer´-ro-dak, bitter, contrition; in Syriac, the little lord.
- Merodach-Baladan, Mer´-ro-dak-bal´-la-dan or ba-lay´-dan, who creates contrition, the son of death, of thy vapour.
- Me'rom, eminences, elevations.
- Me'roz, secret, leanness.
- Meshach, Mee´-shak, that draws with force, that surrounds the waters.
- Meshech, Mee´-shek, who is drawn by force, shut up, surrounded.
- Meshelemiah, Mesh-el-e-my´-ah, peace, perfection, retribution of the Lord.
- Mesopotamia, Mes-o-po-tay´-me-a, in Hebrew, Aramnaharaim, that is, “Syria of the two rivers.” In Greek it also signifies “between two rivers;” from μέσος, “middle,” and ϖόταμος, “river.”
- Savior, Mes-sy´-ah, anointed.
- Me'theg-am'mah, the bridle of bondage.
- Methuselah, Me-thew´-sa-el, who demands his death.
- Methuselah, Me-thew´-se-lah, he has sent his death.
- Mi'cah, poor, humble, who strikes, is there.
- Micaiah, My-kay´-e-ah, who is like to God? the lowliness of God.
- Michaiah, My-kay´-e-ah, Michael, My´-ka-el, the same as Micaiah.
- Michal, My´-kal, who is it that has all? who is perfect?
- Michmash, Mik´-mash, he that strikes, the poor taken away.
- Midian, Mid´-de-an, judgment, measure, covering.
- Midianites, Mid´-de-an-ites, people of Midian.
- Mig'dol, a tower, greatness.
- Migron, fear, a barn, from the throat.
- Mil'cah, queen.
- Milcom, their king.
- Miletus, My-lee´-tum, red, scarlet.
- Mil'lo, fulness, repletion.
- Minni, disposed, reckoned.
- Min'nith, counted, prepared.
- Miriam, Mir´-re-am, exalted, bitterness of the sea, mistress of the sea.
- Misgab, the high fort or rock.
- Mishael, Mish´-a-el, asked for, lent, God takes away.
- Misrephoth-maim, Mis´-re-foth-may´-im, the burnings of the waters, furnaces where metals are melted.
- 995Mitylene, Mit-e-lee´-ne, purity, press.
- Mi'zar, little.
- Mizpah, a sentinel, speculation, that waits for.
- Mizpah, the same as Mizpah.
- Egypt, Miz-ray´-im, tribulations, in straits.
- Mnason, Nay´-son, a diligent seeker, betrothing, an exhorter.
- Moab, of the father.
- Moabites, Mo´-ab-ites, the descendants of Moab.
- Moladah, Mol´-a-dah, or Mo-lay´-dah, birth, generation.
- Moloch, Mo´-lek, king.
- Moloch, Mo´-lok, the same as Molech.
- Mordecai, Mor´-de-kay, contrition, bitter bruising; in Syriac, pure myrrh.
- Moriah, bitterness or fear of the Lord.
- Mosera, Mo-see´-ra, Moseroth, Mo-see´-roth, erudition, discipline, bond.
- Moses, taken out of the water.
- Mu'shi, he that touches, withdraws himself.
- Myra, from μύρω, I flow, pour out, weep.
- Mysia, Mish´-e-a, criminal, abominable.
- Naaman, Na-ay´-man, beautiful, agreeable, that prepares himself to motion.
- Naamathite, Na-ay´-ma-thite, of Naamath.
- Naashon, Na-ash´-on, that foretels, serpent.
- Nabal, a fool, senseless.
- Naboth, words, prophecies, fruits.
- Na'dab, free and voluntary gift, prince.
- Nagge, Nag´-gee, brightness.
- Naharai, Na-har´-ra-i or Na-ha-ray´-i, my nostrils, hoarse, hot.
- Nahash, Nay´-hash, snake, one that foretels, brass.
- Na'hor, hoarse, hot, angry.
- Nahshon, Nay´-shon. See Naashon.
- Nahum, comforter, penitent, their guide.
- Na'in, beauty, pleasantness.
- Naioth, Nay´-e-oth, beauties, habitations.
- Naomi, Na-o´-my, beautiful, agreeable.
- Naphish, Nay´-fish, the soul, he that refreshes himself, that respires; in Syriac, that multiplies.
- Naphtali, Naf´-ta-ly, comparison, likeness, that fights.
- Narcissus, Nar-sis´-sus, astonishment.
- Nathan, who gives, or is given.
- Nate, Na-than´-yel, the gift of God.
- Nathan-melech, Nay´-than-me´-lek, gift of the king.
- Na'um. See Nahum.
- Nazarene, Naz-a-ree´n, kept, flower.
- Nazareth, Naz´-a-reth, separated, sanctified.
- Neapolis, Ne-ap´-po-lis, new city.
- Nebaioth, Ne-bay´-yoth, prophecies, fruits.
- Ne´bat, that beholds.
- Nevo, that speaks, prophesies, or fructifies.
- Nebuchadnezzar, Neb-ew-kad-nez´-zar, tears and groans of judgment.
- Nebuzar-adan, Neb-ew-zar´-ra-dan, fruits or prophecies of judgment, winnowed, spread.
- Necho, Nee´-ko, lame, who was beaten.
- Nehelamite, Ne-hel´-a-myte, dreamer, vale, brook.
- Nehemiah, Ne-he-my´-ah, consolation, repentance, or rest of the Lord.
- Nehiloth, Ne-hee´-loth, flute, hautboy, cornet.
- Nehushta, Ne-hush´-tah, snake, soothsayer.
- Nehushtan, which is of brass or copper, a trifle of brass.
- Nerd, lamp, brightness, land new tilled.
- Nereus, Nee´-re-us. See Ner.
- Neri, Nee´-ry, my light.
- Neri'ah, light and lamp of the Lord.
- Nethaneel, Ne-than´-ne-el. See Nathanael.
- Nethania, Neth-a-ny´-ah, the gift of the Lord.
- Nethinim, Neth´-e-nims, given, offered.
- Nibhaz, that fructifies, to prophesy, to speak.
- Nicanor, Ny-kay´-nor, a conqueror, victorious.
- Nicodemus, Nik-o-dee´-mus, innocent blood; in Greek, the victory of the people.
- Nicolaitans, Nik-o-lay´-e-tanz, the followers of Nicolas.
- Nicolas, Nik´-o-las, victor of the people; from νικάω, I overcome, and λαὸς, the people.
- Nicopolis, Ny-kop´-po-lis, the city of victory.
- Niger, Ny´-jer, black.
- Nim'rim, leopard, rebellion, change.
- Nimrod, rebellious, sleep of descent.
- Nim'shi, rescued from danger, that touches.
- Nineveh, Nin´-ne-veh, agreeable dwelling.
- People of Nineveh, Nin´-ne-vites, people of Nineveh.
- Nisan, banner; in Syriac, a miracle.
- Nis'roch, flight, standard, proof.
- No, stirring up, a forbidding.
- Noadi'ah, witness of the Lord.
- Noah, repose, rest, consolation.
- Nob, discourse, prophecy.
- Noah, that barks or yelps.
- Give a nod, vagabond.
- Noph, Noff, honey comb, a sieve, that drops.
- Nun, son, posterity, durable.
- Nymphas, Nim´-fas, spouse, bridegroom.
- Obadiah, servant of the Lord.
- O'bal, inconvenience of old age, of the flux.
- O'bed, a servant.
- Obed-Edom, the servant of Edom, the Idumean, labourer of the man.
- O'bil, that weeps, deserves to be bewailed, ancient.
- Oc'ran, disturber.
- O'ded, to sustain, to lift up.
- Og, a cake, bread baked in the ashes.
- O'hell, tent, tabernacle, brightness.
- Olympus, O-lim´-pas, heavenly.
- Omar, he that speaks, bitter.
- Omega, O-mee´-ga, the last letter of the Greek alphabet.
- Omri, a sheaf of corn, rebellion, bitter.
- On, pain, force, iniquity.
- O'Nan, pain, strength, iniquity.
- Onesimus, O-nes´-se-mus, profitable, useful.
- Onesiphorus, On-ne-sif´-fo-rus, who brings profit.
- Ophelia, O´-fel, tower, obscurity.
- Ophir, O´-fir, ashes.
- Oprah, Off´-rah, dust, fawn, lead.
- O'Rab, a raven, caution, evening.
- Orion, O-ry´-on, the name of a constellation.
- Ornan, that rejoices, their bow or ark.
- Orpah, the neck, skull, nakedness of the mouth.
- Othni, my time, my hour.
- Othniel, Oth´-ne-el, the hour of God.
- Ozem, that fasts, their eagerness.
- Ozias, O-zy´-as, strength from the Lord.
- 996Paarai, Pay´-a-ray or Pay-a´-ry, opening.
- Padan-aram, Pay´-dan-ay´-ram, Padan of the field, and Aram Syria.
- Pagiel, Pay´-je-el, prevention or prayer of God.
- Palestine, Pal-es-ty´-na, which is covered.
- Palti, deliverance, flight.
- Pamphylia, Pam-fil´-le-a, a nation made up of every tribe; from ϖᾶς, all, and φυλὴ, a tribe.
- Paphos, Pay´-fos, which boils, is very hot.
- Pa'ran, beauty, glory, ornament.
- Parbar, a gate or building belonging to the temple.
- Parmenas, that abides and is permanent.
- Parosh, Pay´-rosh, a flea, fruit of the moth.
- Parshandatha, Par-shan´-da-tha, revelation of corporeal impurities, of his trouble.
- Parthians, Par´-the-ans, horsemen.
- Paruah, Pa-rew´-ah, flourishing, that flies away.
- Parva'im, supposed to be Peru or Ceylon.
- Pash'ur, that extends the hole, whiteness.
- Patara, Pa-tay´-rah, which is trodden under foot; from ϖατέω, I tread under foot.
- Pathros, Path´-ros or Pay´-thros, mouthful of dew.
- Patmos, mortal.
- Patrobas, Pat´-ro-bas, paternal, that pursues the steps of his father.
- Pau, Pay´-ew, that cries aloud, appears.
- Paul, Paul, a worker. His former name was Saul, a sepulchre, a destroyer.
- Pedahzur, Ped-ah´-zur, saviour, strong and powerful, stone of redemption.
- Pedaiah, Ped-ay´-e-ah, redemption of the Lord.
- Pe'kah, he that opens, or is at liberty.
- Pekahiah, Pek-a-hy´-ah, it is the Lord that opens.
- Pe'kod, noble, rulers.
- Pelati'ah, let the Lord deliver.
- Peleg, division.
- Pelethites, Pel´-eth-ites, judges, destroyers.
- Peniel, Pe-ny´-el, face or vision of God.
- Peninnah, precious stone, his face.
- Penu'el. See Peniel.
- Worse, Pee´-or, hold, opening.
- Perga, very earthy.
- Pergamum, height, elevation.
- Perizzites, Per´-iz-zytes, the name of a people who dwell in villages.
- Persia, Per´sis, that cuts, nail, horseman.
- Peter, a rock, a stone.
- Pethu'el, mouth or persuasion of God.
- Phalec, Fay´-lek. See Peleg.
- Phallus, Fal´-lu, admirable, hidden.
- Phalti, Fal´-ty, deliverance, flight.
- Phanuel, Fa-new´-el, face or vision of God.
- Pharaoh, Fay´-ro, that disperses, that discovers; according to the Syriac, the revenger, the king, the crocodile.
- Pharez, Fay´-rez, division, rupture.
- Pharpar, Far´-par, that produces fruits, fall of the bull.
- Phebe, Fee´-be, shining, pure.
- Phenice, Fe-ny´-se, red, purple.
- Phichol, Fy´-kol, the mouth of all, perfection.
- Philly, Fil-a-del´-fe-a, the love of a brother; from φιλία, love, and ἀδέλφος, a brother.
- Philemon, Fil-ee´-mon, or Fy-lee´-mon, that is affectionate.
- Philetus, Fil-ee´-tus or Fy-lee´-tus, amiable, beloved.
- Philip, warlike, a lover of horses.
- Philippi, Fil-lip´-py, the same as Philip.
- Philistia, Fil-lis´-te-a or Fy-lis´-te-a, the country of the Philistines.
- People with narrow views, Fil-lis´-tines or Fil-lis´-tins, those that dwell in villages.
- Philologist, Fil-lol´-lo-gus, lover of learning.
- Phinehas, Fin´-ne-has, a bold countenance.
- Phlegon, Fle´-gon, zealous, burning.
- Phrygia, Frij´-e-a, dry, barren.
- Phurah, Few´-rah, that bears fruit, that grows.
- Phygellus, Fy-jel´-lus, fugitive.
- Pi-be'seth, the mouth of despite.
- Pi-hahiroth, Py-ha-hy´-roth, the mouth, the pass of Hiroth, the opening of liberty.
- Pilate, who is armed with a dart.
- Pine nut, gem, that beholds.
- Pirathon, Pir´-a-thon, his dissipation, deprivation; in Syriac, his vengeance.
- Pisgah, hill, eminence, fortress.
- Pisidia, Py-sid´-e-a, pitch, pitchy.
- Pigeon, changing, doubling, extended.
- Pi'thom, their mouthful, bit, consummation.
- Python, his mouth, his persuasion.
- Pollux, a boxer.
- Pontius, Pon´-she-us, marine, belonging to the sea.
- Pontus, the sea; from ϖόντος.
- Poratha, Por´-a-tha, fruitful.
- Porcius, Por´-she-us.
- Potiphar, Pot´-te-far, bull of Africa, fat bull.
- Poti-pherah, Pot-if´-fe-rah or Pot-e-fee´-rah, that scatters or demolishes the fat.
- Prisca, Pris´-kah, ancient.
- Priscilla, Pris-sil´-lah, the same as Prisca.
- Prochorus, Prok´-o-rus, he that presides over the choirs.
- Publius, Pub´-le-us, common.
- Pudens, Pew´-dens, shamefaced.
- Pul, bean, destruction.
- Pu´non, precious stone, that beholds.
- Pur, lot.
- Puteoli, Pew-tee´-o-ly, a city in Campania.
- Putiel, Pew´-te-el, God is my fatness.
- Quar’tus, the fourth.
- Raamah, Ray´-a-mah or Ra-ay´-mah, greatness, thunder, evil, bruising.
- Raamses, Ra-am´-ses. See Rameses.
- Rab’bah, powerful, contentious.
- Rab'mag, who overthrows a multitude, chief of the magicians.
- Rab-saris, grand master of the eunuchs.
- Rab'shakeh, cup-bearer of the prince, chamberlain.
- Rachab, Ray´-kab, proud, strong, enlarged.
- Rachael, Ray´-kal, injurious, perfumer.
- Rachel, Ray´-tshel, a sheep.
- Ragau, Ray´-gaw, a friend, a neighbour.
- Raguel, Rag-ew´-el, shepherd or friend of God.
- Ra'hab, proud, strong, quarrelsome.
- Ra'hab, large, extended, public place.
- Rak'kath, empty, spittle.
- Rak´kon, vain, mountain of lamentations.
- Ram, elevated, who rejects.
- Ramah, Ray´-mah, the same as Ram.
- 997Ramath, Ray´-math, raised, lofty.
- Ramathaim-Zophim, Ra-math-ay´-im-zo´-fim, the same as Ramah.
- Ra'math-le'hi, elevation of the jaw bone.
- Ramses, Ram´-e-ses, thunder, he that destroys evil.
- Ramiah, Ram-i´-ah, exaltation of the Lord.
- Ramoth, high places.
- Rapha, Ray´-fa, relaxation, physic.
- Raphael, Ray-fay´-el. See Rephael.
- Raphu, Ray´-few, cured, comforted.
- Reba, the fourth, a square, that stoops.
- Rebekah, fat, quarrel appeased.
- Rechab, Re´-kab, square, chariot, rider.
- Rechabites, Re´-kab-ites, the posterity of Rechab.
- Re'grem, Re´-jem, that stones, purple.
- Regem-melech, Re-jem´-me-lek, he that stones the king, the purple of the king.
- Rehabiah, breadth, place of the Lord.
- Rehob, breadth, extent.
- Rehoboam, who sets the people at liberty, space of the people.
- Rehoboth, spaces, places.
- Rehum, compassionate, friendly.
- Rei, my shepherd, companion, my evil.
- Remali'ah, the exaltation of the Lord.
- Rem'mon, greatness, a pomegranate tree.
- Remphan, Rem´-fan, the name of an idol, which some think to be Saturn.
- Rephael, Re´-fa-el, the medicine of God.
- Rephaim, Rephaims, Re-fay´-im, giant, physician, relaxed.
- Rephidim, Ref´-e-dim, beds, places of rest.
- Resin, Ree´-sen, a bridle or bit.
- Reunion, Ree´-ew, his friend, his shepherd.
- Reuben sandwich, Rew´-ben, who sees the son, vision of the son.
- Reubenites, the posterity of Reuben.
- Reuel, Re-yew´-el, shepherd or friend of God.
- Reumah, Re-yew´-mah, lofty, sublime.
- Rezeph, Ree´-zeff, a pavement, burning coal.
- Resin, voluntary, runner.
- Rezon, lean, secret, prince.
- Reggio, Ree´-je-um, rupture, fracture.
- Rhesa, Ree´-sah, will, course.
- Rhoda, Ro´-dah, a rose.
- Rhodes, Ro´des, the same as Rhoda.
- Riblah, quarrel that increases or spreads.
- Rimmon, exalted, pomegranate.
- Riphath, Ry´-fath, remedy, release.
- Ris´sah, watering, distillation, dew.
- Rizpah, bed, extension, coal.
- Rogel, Ro´-jel, a foot; in Syriac, custom.
- Romamti-ezer, Ro-mam-te-ee´-zer, exultation of help.
- Roman, strong, powerful.
- Rome, strength, power; from ῥωμὴ.
- Rosh, the head, the beginning.
- Rufus, red.
- Ruhamah, Ru-hay´-mah, having obtained mercy.
- Ru'mah, exalted, rejected.
- Ruth, filled, satisfied.
- Sabeans, captivity, conversion, old age.
- Sabtecha, Sab´-te-kah, that surrounds.
- Sa'doc, just, justified.
- Salah, mission, dart; according to the Syriac, that spoils.
- Salamis, Sal´-la-mis, shaken, tossed, beaten.
- Salathiel, Sal-ay´-the-el, I have asked of God.
- Salem, complete, peace.
- Sa’lim. See Shalim.
- Salmon, peaceable, perfect, that rewards.
- Salmon, Sal-mo´-ne, peaceable.
- Salome, Sa-lo´-me. See Salmon.
- Samaria, Sa-may´-re-a, his guard, prison, or diamond; in Hebrew, Shomeron.
- Samaritans, people of Samaria.
- Sam'lah, raiment, his left hand, his name.
- Sámos, full of gravel.
- Samothrace, Sam-o-thray´-she-a, an island so called because it was peopled by Samians and Thracians.
- Samson, his sun; according to the Syriac, his service, here the second time.
- Samuel, heard or asked of God.
- Sanballat, bush or enemy in secret.
- Sapphire, Saff, rushes, end, threshold.
- Sapphire, Saf´fir or Say´-fir, a city.
- Sapphira, Saf-fy´-rah, that tells, that writes books.
- Sa'rah, lady, princess of the multitude.
- Sarai, Say´-ray, my lady, my princess.
- Sardis, prince or song of joy, what remains; in Syriac, a pot or kettle.
- Sarepta, a goldsmith’s shop, where metals used to be melted and tried.
- Sargon, who takes away protection, who takes away the garden; according to the Syriac, nets, snares.
- Sa'ron. See Sharon.
- Sarsechim, Sar-see´-kim, master of the wardrobe, of the perfumes.
- Saruch, Say´-ruk, branch, layer, twining.
- Satan, contrary, adversary, an accuser.
- Saul, demanded, sepulchre, destroyer.
- Sceva, See´-vah, disposed, prepared.
- Scythian, Sith´-e-an, tanner, leather-dresser.
- Sébastian, drunkard, that surrounds; according to the Syriac, old man.
- Se'bat, twig, sceptre, tribe.
- Secundus, the second.
- Se´gub, fortified, raised.
- Seer, See´-er, hairy, demon, tempest, barley.
- Se'lah, a rock.
- Seleucia, Se-lew´-she-a, beaten by waves, runs as a river.
- Semei, Sem´-me-i, or Se-mee´-i, hearing, obeying.
- Se’neh, bush.
- Señior, a sleeping candle, a changing.
- Sennacherib, Sen-nak´-ke-rib, bush of the destruction of the sword, of drought.
- Sephora, See´-far, a book, scribe; in Syriac, a haven.
- Sepharad, See-fay´-rad, a book, descending, ruling.
- Sepharvaim, Sef-ar-vay´-im, two books, two scribes.
- Se'rah, lady of scent, song, the morning.
- Seraiah, Se-ra-i´-ah or Se-ray´-yah, prince of the Lord.
- Sergius, Ser´-je-us, a net.
- Sérug. See Saruch.
- Seth, put, who puts.
- Shaalbim, Shay-alb´-im, that beholds the heart.
- Shaaraim, Shay-a-ray´-im, gates, valuation, hairs, barley, tempests, demons.
- 998Shaashgaz, Shay-ash´-gaz, he that presses the fleece.
- Shadrach, Shay´-drak, tender nipple, tender field.
- Sha'lim, fox, fist, path.
- Shalisha, Shal´-e-shah, three, the third, prince.
- Shal'lecheth, a casting out.
- Shalom, perfect, peaceable.
- Shalman, peaceable, perfect, that rewards.
- Shalmaneser, Shal-ma-nee´-zer, peace tied, perfection and retribution.
- Shamgar, named a stranger, he is here a stranger, surprise of the stranger.
- Sham'huth, desolation, astonishment.
- Sha'mir, prison, bush, lees.
- Sham'mah, loss, desolation, astonishment.
- Shammuah, Sham´-mew-ah, that is heard or obeyed.
- Shaphan, Shay´-fan, a rabbit, wild rat, their lip.
- Shaphat, Shay´-fat, a judge.
- Sharai, Shar´-a-i or Sha-ray´-i, my lord, my song.
- Sharezer, Shar-ee´-zer, overseer of the treasury.
- Sha'ron, his plain, field, song.
- Sha'shak, a bag of linen, the sixth bag.
- Sha'veh, the plain, that makes equality.
- Shealtiel, She-al´-te-el, I have asked of God.
- Sheariah, She-a-ry´-ah, gate or tempest of the Lord.
- Shear-jashub, the remnant shall return.
- Sheba, captivity, compassing about, repose, old age.
- Shebaniah, Sheb-a-ny´-ah, the Lord that converts, that recals from captivity, that understands.
- Shebna, who rests himself, who is now captive.
- Shechem, Shee´-kem, portion, the back, shoulders.
- Shedeur, Shee´-de-ur or Shed´-e-ur, field, destroyer of fire.
- She'lah, that breaks, that undresses.
- Shelemiah, Shel-le-my´-ah, God is my perfection, my happiness.
- Sheleph, Shee´-lef, who draws out.
- Shelomith, my happiness, my recompense.
- Shelumiel, Shel-ew-my´-el, happiness, retribution of God.
- Shem, name, renown, he that places.
- Shemaiah, She-ma-i´-ah or Shem-ay´-yah, that obeys the Lord.
- Shemariah, Shem-a-ry´-ah, God is my guard, diamond.
- Shemeber, Shem´-me-ber, name of force, fame of the strong.
- Shemer, Shee´-mer, guardian, thorn.
- Shemida, She-my´-dah, name of knowledge, that puts knowledge, the science of the heavens.
- Sheminith, Shem´-me-nith, the eighth.
- Shemiramoth, She-mir´-ra-moth, the height of the heavens, the elevation of the name.
- Shen, tooth, change, he that sleeps.
- Shenir, Shee´-nir, lantern, light that sleeps, he that shows.
- Shephatiah, Shef-a-ty´-ah, the Lord that judges.
- Sheshach, Shee´-shak, bag of flax, the sixth bag.
- Sheshbazzar, Shesh-baz´-zar, joy in tribulation, or of vintage.
- Sheth. See Seth.
- Shether-boznai, Shee´-ther-boz´-na-i, that makes to rot and corrupt.
- Sheva, vanity, elevation, fame, tumult.
- Shibboleth, Shib´-bo-leth, burden, ear of corn.
- Shicron, Shy´-kron, drunkenness, his wages.
- Shiggaion, Shig-gay´-yon, a song of trouble.
- Shigionoth, Shig-gy´-on-oth, mournful music.
- Shiloh, Shy-lo´-ah. See Siloah.
- Shiloh, sent, the Apostle.
- Shiloh, peace, abundance.
- Shilonite, Shy´-lo-nyte, of the city of Shiloh.
- Shimeah, Shim´-me-ah, that hears, that obeys.
- Shimei, Shim´-me-i, that hears, name of the heap, my reputation.
- Shimshai, Shim´-shay, my sun.
- Shinar, Shy´-nar, the watching of him that sleeps, change of the city.
- Shiphrah, Shif´-rah, handsome, trumpet, that does good.
- Shi'shak, present of the bag, of the pot, of the thigh.
- Shit'tim, that turn away, scourges, rods.
- Holocaust, tyrants.
- Sho’bab, returned, turned back.
- Sho'bach, your bonds, your nets, his captivity; according to the Syriac, a dove house.
- Shochoh, Sho´-koh, defence, a bough.
- Shoshanim, lilies of the testimony.
- Shu'ah, pit, humiliation, meditation.
- Shu'al, fox, hand, fist, traces, way.
- Shuhite, a descendant of Shuah.
- Shulammite, peaceable, perfect, that recompenses.
- Shunamite, a native of Shunem.
- Shunem, their change, their sleep.
- Sure, wall, ox.
- Shushan, lily, rose, joy.
- Shu'thelah, plant, verdure, moist pot.
- Sibmah, conversion, captivity, old age, rest.
- Shechem, Sy´-kem. See Shechem.
- Sidon, hunting, fishing, venison.
- Sigionoth, Sig-gy´-o-noth, according to variable tunes.
- Si'hon, rooting out, conclusion.
- Sir, black, trouble, early in the morn.
- Silas, three, the third.
- Silos, Sil´-o-as or Sy-lo´-as, Siloam, Sil´-o-am or Sy-lo´-am, sent, dart, branch.
- Siloe, Sil´-o-e or Sy-lo´-e, the same as Siloas.
- Silvanus, one who loves the woods.
- Siméon, that hears or obeys.
- Si'mon, that hears or obeys.
- Sin, bush.
- Sinai, Sy´-nay or Sy´-nay-i, bush, according to the Syriac, enmity.
- Si' nim, the south country.
- Si'on, noise, tumult.
- Si'rah, turning aside, rebellion.
- Sirion, Sir´-re-on, a breastplate, deliverance.
- Sisera, Sis´-se-rah, that sees a horse or swallow.
- Si'van, bush, thorn.
- Smyrna, myrrh.
- So, a measure for grain or dry matters.
- So cool, tents, tabernacles.
- So'di, my secret.
- 999Sodom, Sod´-dom, their secret, their lime, their cement.
- Same-sex individuals, Sod´-dom-ites, inhabitants of Sodom.
- Solomon, peaceable, perfect, one who recompenses.
- Sopater, So-pay´-ter, who defends or saves his father.
- So'rek, hissing, a colour inclining to yellow.
- Sosipater, So-se-pay´-ter. See Sopater.
- Sosthenes, Sos´-the-nes, a strong and powerful saviour.
- Spain, rare, precious.
- Stachys, Stay´-kis, spike; from ϛάχυς.
- Stephanas, Stef´-fa-nas, a crown, crowned.
- Stephen, the same as Stephanas.
- Succoth, tents, tabernacles.
- Suc'coth-be'noth, the tabernacles of young women.
- Suk'kiims, covered, shadowed.
- Sur, that withdraws or departs.
- Susanna, a lily, a rose, joy.
- Susi, Su´-sy, horse, swallow, moth.
- Sychar, Sy´-kar, the name of a city.
- Syene, Sy-ee´-ne, bush; according to the Syriac, enmity.
- Syntyche, Sin´-te-ke, that speaks or discourses.
- Syracuse, Sir´-ra-kewse, that draws violently.
- Syria, Sir´-re-a, in Hebrew, Aram, sublime, deceiving.
- Syriac language, Syrian, Sir´-re-ak, Sir´-re-an, of Syria.
- Syrian people, Sir´-re-ans, inhabitants of Syria.
- Syro-Phoenician, Sy´-ro-fe-nish´-e-an, purple, drawn to; from σύρω, I draw, and φοῖνιξ, red palm tree.
- Taanach, Tay´-a-nak, or Ta-ay´-nak, who humbles or answers thee.
- Sabbath, good, goodness.
- Tabeal, Tay´-be-al or Tab-ee´-al, good God.
- Tabeel, Tay´-be-el or Tab-ee´-el, the same as Tabeal.
- Taberah, Tab´-e-rah or Tab-ee´-rah, burning.
- Tabby, Tab´-e-tha, in Syriac, clear sighted; she is also called Dorcas, wild goat.
- Tabor, choice; in Syriac, contrition.
- Tabrimon, Tab´-re-mon, good promegranate.
- Tadmor, palm tree, change.
- Tahapanes, Ta-hap´-pa-nes, secret temptation.
- Tahpenes, Tah´-pe-nes, standard, flight.
- Talitha, get up, Tal´-le-tha-kew´-my, young woman, arise.
- Talmai, Tal´-may, my furrow, heap of waters.
- Tamar, a palm, palm tree.
- Tammuz, abstruse, concealed.
- Tanhumeth, Tan-hew´-meth or Tan´-hu-meth, consolation, repentance.
- Taphath, Tay´-fath, little girl.
- Tar pellets, ravishers, wearied.
- Tarshish, contemplation of the marble.
- Tar'sus, winged, feathered.
- Tar’tak, chained, bound, shut up.
- Tartan, that searches the gift of the turtle.
- Tatnai, Tat´-nay, that gives.
- Te'bah, murder, a cook.
- Tevet, the Babylonish name of the tenth month of the Hebrews.
- Tekel, weight.
- Tekoa, Te-ko´-ah, sound of the trumpet.
- Tel'abid, a heap of new grain.
- Tel-harsa, Tel-har´-sah, heap, suspension of the plough or of the head.
- Te'lieth, goodness.
- Tel Melah, Tel´-me-lah or Tel-mee´-lah, heap of salt or of mariners.
- Topic, admiration, perfection.
- Te'man, the south, Africa.
- Te'manite, an inhabitant of Teman.
- Terah, to breathe, to scent, to blow.
- Household idols, Ter´-ra-fim, an image, an idol.
- Tertius, Ter´-she-us, the third.
- Tertullus, a liar, an impostor.
- Tetrarch, Tet´-rark or Tee´-trarck, governor of a fourth part of a kingdom.
- Thad, Thad-dee´-us, that praises.
- That’s awesome, that makes haste, or keeps silence.
- Tha'mah, that blots out or suppresses.
- Tha'mar. See Tamar.
- Thamuz. See Tammuz.
- Thebez, muddy, silk.
- Thelasar, The-lass´-ar, that unbinds and grants the suspension or heap.
- Theophilus, The-of´-fe-las, a friend of God.
- Thessaloniki, Thes-sa-lo-ny´-kah, victory against the Thessalians.
- Theudas, Thew´-das, a false teacher.
- Thomas, Tom´-mas, a twin.
- Thum'mim, truth, perfection.
- Thyatira, Thy-a-ty´-rah, a sweet savour of labour or sacrifice of contrition.
- Tiberias, Ti-bee´-re-as, good vision.
- Tiberius, Ti-bee´-re-us, son of Tiber.
- Tibni, straw, understanding.
- Tidal, that breaks the yoke.
- Tiglath-Pileser, Tig´-lath-pi-lee´-zer, that takes away captivity, miraculous.
- Tikvah, hope, a congregation.
- Timeus, Ti-mee´-us, in Greek, perfect, honourable; in Hebrew, admirable.
- Timnath, image, enumeration.
- Timnath-heres, Tim´-nath-hee´-res, image of the dumb.
- Timón, honourable.
- Timotheus, honour of God, valued of God.
- Tiphsah, Tif´-sah, passage, passover.
- Tirhakah, Tir-hay´-kah or Tir´-ha-kah, inquirer, law made dull.
- Tirshatha, Tir-shay´-tha, that overturns the foundation; in Syriac, that beholds the time.
- Tirzah, benevolent, pleasant.
- Tishbite, that makes captives, that dwells.
- Titus, honourable; from τίω, I honour.
- To'ah, a weapon.
- Tob, good, goodness.
- Tob-Adonijah, Tob´-ad-o-ny´-jah, my good God.
- Tobiah, the Lord is good.
- Togarmah, which is all bone, strong.
- Tohu, that lives or declares.
- Toi, To´-i, who wanders.
- To'la, worm, scarlet.
- To'lad, nativity.
- Tophel, To´-fel, ruin, folly, insipid.
- Tophet, To´-fet, a drum, betraying.
- Troas, penetrated.
- Trogyllium, Tro-jil´-le-um, a city in the isle of Samos.
- Trophimus, Trof´-fe-mus, well educated.
- 1000Tryphena, Try-fee´-nah, delicate.
- Trypho'sa, thrice shining.
- Tu'bal, the earth, confusion.
- Tuval-Cain, worldly possession, jealous of confusion.
- Tychicus, Tik´-e-kus, casual, happening.
- Tyrannus, a prince, one that reigns.
- Tire, Ty'Rus, in Hebrew, Sor or Tzur, strength.
- UCal, Yew´-kal, power, prevalency.
- Ulai, Yew´-la-i or Yew-lay´, strength.
- Salad, Yew´-lam, the porch, their strength.
- Ul'la, elevation, holocaust, leaf.
- Unni, poor, afflicted.
- Uphaz, Yew´-faz, gold of Phasis or Pison.
- Ur, fire, light.
- Urban, civil, courteous.
- Uri, Yew´-ry, my light or fire.
- Uriah, Urijah, Yew-ry´-ah, Yew-ry´-jah, the Lord is my light or fire.
- Uri'el, God is my light or fire.
- Urim and Thummim, Yew´-rim and Thum´-mim, lights and perfection.
- Uz, counsel; in Syriac, to fix.
- Uz´zah, strength, a goat.
- Uzzen-sherah, Uz´-zen-shee´-rah, ear of the flesh or of the parent.
- Uzzi, my strength, my kid.
- Uzzi’ah, the strength of the Lord.
- Uzzi'el, the strength of God.
- Uzzielites, Uz-zy´-el-ites, the posterity of Uzziel.
- Vashni, the second.
- Vashti, that drinks, thread.
- Vophsi, Vof´-sy, fragment, diminution.
- Zaana'nim, movings.
- Zabad, a dowry.
- Zab'di, portion, dowry.
- Zacchaeus, Zak-kee´-us, pure, justified.
- Zachariah, memory of the Lord.
- Za'dok, just, justified.
- Za‘ham, crime, impurity.
- Zaire, Zay´-ir, little, afflicted.
- Zal'mon, his shade, obscurity.
- Zalmo'nah, the shade, your image.
- Zalmun'na, shadow, image.
- Zamzumims, thinking, wickedness.
- Zanoah, forgetfulness, this rest.
- Zaphnath-Paaneah, Zaf´-nath-pay-a-nee´-ah, one that discovers hidden things; in the Egyptian tongue, a saviour of the world.
- Zara, east, brightness.
- Zarephath, Zar´-re-fath, ambush of the mouth.
- Zare'tan, tribulation, perplexity.
- Za'za, belonging to all; in Syriac, going back.
- Zebadi'ah, portion of the Lord.
- Ze'bah, victim, immolation.
- Zebedee, abundant portion.
- Zeboim, deer, goats.
- Ze'bul, a habitation.
- Zebulun, dwelling, habitation.
- Zechariah. See Zachariah.
- Ze'dad, his side, his hunting.
- Zedekiah, the Lord is my justice.
- Zeeb, Zee´-eb, wolf.
- Ze'lek, the noise of him that licks or laps.
- Zelophehad, Ze-lo´-fe-ad, the shade or tingling of fear.
- Zelotes, Ze-lo´-tes, jealous, full of zeal.
- Zelzah, noontide.
- Zenus, living.
- Zephaniah, the Lord is my secret, the mouth of the Lord.
- Zephath, Zee´-fath, which beholds, attends.
- Zepho, that sees and observes.
- Zer, perplexity, tribulation, a rock.
- Ze'rah. See Zarah.
- Zeredah, Zer´-e-dah or Ze-ree´-dah, ambush.
- Ze'resh, misery, stranger.
- Ze'ror, root, that straitens, a stone.
- Zeruah, leprous, hornet.
- Zerubbabel, Ze-rub´-ba-bel, banished, a stranger at Babylon, dispersion of confusion.
- Zeruiah, Zer-ew-i´-ah, pain, tribulation.
- Ze'than, their olive.
- Ze'thar, he that examines or beholds.
- Zi'ba, army, fight, strength, stag.
- Zib'eon, iniquity that dwells, the seventh.
- Zibiah, deer, goat, honourable and fine.
- Zichri, Zic´-ry, that remembers, a male.
- Zid'dim, huntings; in Syriac, destructions.
- Zidon, hunting, fishing, venison.
- Zido'nians, inhabitants of Zidon.
- Zif, this, that; according to the Syriac, brightness.
- Ziklag, measure pressed down.
- Zillah, shadow, which is roasted, the tingling of the ear.
- 1001Zilpah, distillation, contempt of the mouth.
- Zim'ran, song, singer, vine.
- Zimri, my field, my vine, my branch.
- Zin, buckler, coldness.
- Zion, a monument, sepulchre, turret.
- Zi'or, ship of him that watches, ship of the enemy.
- Ziph, Ziff, this mouth, mouthful.
- Zippor, bird, crown; according to the Syriac, early in the morning, goat.
- Zipporah, beauty, trumpet.
- Zith'ri, to hide, overturned.
- Ziz, flower, a lock of hair; according to the Syriac, wing, feather.
- Zi'za. See Zaza.
- Zo'an, motion.
- Zo'ar, little, small.
- Zo'bah, an army, a swelling.
- Zo'har, white, shining, dryness.
- Zohe'leth, that creeps or draws.
- Zophar, Zo´-far, rising early, crown; in Syriac, sparrow, goat.
- Zorah, leprosy, scab.
- Zerubbabel, Zo-rob´-ba-bel. See Zerubbabel.
- Zuar, Zew´-ar, small.
- Zuph, that observes, roof.
- Zur, stone, plan, form.
- Zuri'el, the rock or strength of God.
- Zurishaddai, Zew´-ry-shad´-da-i, the Almighty is my rock, splendour, beauty.
- Zu'zim, the posts of a door, splendour; in Syriac, departing, money; in Chaldee, strong.
Tables
OF
THE WEIGHTS, MEASURES, AND MONEY,
MENTIONED IN THE BIBLE.
lbs. | ozs. | pen. | gr. | |
The Gerah, the twentieth part of a Shekel | 0 | 0 | 0 | 12 |
The Bekah, half a Shekel | 0 | 0 | 5 | 0 |
The Shekel | 0 | 0 | 10 | 0 |
The Maneh, sixty Shekels | 2 | 6 | 0 | 0 |
The Talent, fifty Maneh, or three thousand Shekels | 125 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
According to the bishop of Peterborough’s calculations, the Gerah is nearly equal to 11 grains Troy; the Bekah, to about 4¾ pennyweights; and the Shekel, to about 9⅛ pennyweights.
According to the bishop of Peterborough’s calculations, the Gerah is almost equal to 11 grains Troy; the Bekah, to about 4¾ pennyweights; and the Shekel, to about 9⅛ pennyweights.
English feet. | Inches. | ||||||||
Digit | 0 | 0.912 | |||||||
4 | Palm | 0 | 3.684 | ||||||
12 | 3 | Span | 0 | 10.944 | |||||
24 | 6 | 3 | Cubit | 1 | 9.888 | ||||
96 | 24 | 6 | 2 | Fathom | 7 | 3.552 | |||
144 | 36 | 12 | 6 | 1.5 | Ezekiel’s reed | 10 | 11.328 | ||
192 | 48 | 16 | 8 | 2 | 1.3 | Arabian pole | 14 | 7.104 | |
1920 | 480 | 160 | 80 | 20 | 13.3 | 10 | Schœnus’s meas’ng line | 145 | 11.04 |
English miles. | Paces. | Feet. | ||||||
Cubit | 0 | 0 | 1.824 | |||||
400 | Stadium or Furlong | 0 | 145 | 4.6 | ||||
2000 | 5 | Sabbath day’s journey | 0 | 729 | 3.0 | |||
4000 | 10 | 2 | Eastern mile | 1 | 403 | 1.0 | ||
12000 | 30 | 6 | 3 | Parasang | 4 | 153 | 3.0 | |
96000 | 240 | 48 | 24 | 8 | A day’s journey | 33 | 172 | 4.0 |
⁂ 5 Feet=1 Pace; 1056=1 mile. | ||||||||
According to the bishop of Peterborough, a Parasang is equal to 4 miles, 116 paces. | ||||||||
FOR TIME TABLES, SEE THE ARTICLES “__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__” AND “__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.” |
Gallons. | Pints. | |||||||
Caph | 0 | 0.625 | ||||||
1.3 | Log | 0 | 0.833 | |||||
5.3 | 4 | Cab | 0 | 3.333 | ||||
16 | 12 | 3 | Hin | 1 | 2 | |||
32 | 24 | 6 | 2 | Seah | 2 | 4 | ||
96 | 72 | 18 | 6 | 3 | Bath or Epha | 7 | 4 | |
960 | 720 | 180 | 60 | 20 | 10 | Chomer, Homer, Kor, or Coros | 75 | 5 |
1002The Omer was one-tenth of an Epha, and contained 6 pints; the Metretes of Syria, translated in John ii, 6, “firkins,” 7⅛ pints; and the eastern Cotyla, half a pint. This Cotyla, says the bishop of Peterborough, contains just 10 ounces Averdupois of rain water; the Omer, 100 ounces; the Epha, 1000; and the Chomer, 10,000 ounces. So by these weights all these measures of capacity may be expeditiously recovered to a near exactness.
1002The Omer was one-tenth of an Epha and held 6 pints; the Metretes of Syria, referred to in John ii, 6 as “firkins,” contained 7⅛ pints; and the eastern Cotyla held half a pint. According to the bishop of Peterborough, this Cotyla contains exactly 10 ounces of rainwater; the Omer holds 100 ounces; the Epha holds 1,000; and the Chomer holds 10,000 ounces. With these weights, all these volume measurements can be calculated to a close approximation.
Pecks. | Gals. | Pints. | |||||||
Gachal | 0 | 0 | 0.1416 | ||||||
20 | Cab | 0 | 0 | 2.8333 | |||||
36 | 1.8 | Omer or Gomer | 0 | 0 | 5.1 | ||||
120 | 6 | 3.3 | Seah | 1 | 0 | 1 | |||
360 | 18 | 10 | 3 | Epha | 3 | 0 | 3 | ||
1800 | 90 | 50 | 15 | 5 | Letech | 16 | 0 | 0 | |
3600 | 180 | 100 | 30 | 10 | 2 | Chomer Homer, &c. | 32 | 0 | 0 |
£. | s. | d. | |||||
Gerah | 0 | 0 | 1.3687 | ||||
10 | Bekah | 0 | 1 | 1.6875 | |||
20 | 2 | Shekel | 0 | 2 | 3.375 | ||
1200 | 120 | 50 | Maneh, or Mina Hebraica | 5 | 14 | 0.75 | |
60,000 | 6000 | 3000 | 60 | Talent | 342 | 3 | 9 |
Solidus Aureus, or Sextula, was worth | 0 | 12 | 0.5 | ||||
Siclus Aureus, or Gold Shekel | 1 | 16 | 6 | ||||
Talent of Gold | 5475 | 0 | 0 |
The bishop of Peterborough makes the Mina Hebraica to contain 60 Shekels, and to weigh 27 oz. 7½ dwts.; which, at 5s. per ounce, will amount to 6l. 16s. 10½d.; and the Talent of Silver to contain 50 Minæ, which, at 5s., will equal the amount in this table, 342l. 3s. 9d.
The bishop of Peterborough states that the Mina Hebraica is equivalent to 60 Shekels and weighs 27 ounces and 7.5 pennyweights; which, at 5 shillings per ounce, totals £6, 16 shillings, and 10.5 pence; and that the Talent of Silver contains 50 Minæ, which, at 5 shillings, will equal the total in this table, £342, 3 shillings, and 9 pence.
£. | s. | d. | far. | |
Mite (Assarium) | 0 | 0 | 0 | ¾ |
Farthing, (Quadrans,) about | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1½ |
Penny, or Denarius (Silver) | 0 | 0 | 7 | 3 |
Pound, or Mina | 3 | 2 | 6 | 0 |
According to the bishop of Peterborough, the Roman Mite is one-third of our farthing; Quadrans, three-fourths of a farthing; the Assarium, a farthing and a half; and the Assis three farthings.
According to the bishop of Peterborough, the Roman Mite is one-third of our farthing; Quadrans, three-fourths of a farthing; the Assarium, one and a half farthings; and the Assis, three farthings.
Since the publication, in 1727, of Dr. Arbuthnot’s “Tables of Ancient Coins, Weights, and Measures,” that celebrated work has been regarded by the best divines as the general standard on these difficult subjects. More recently the bishop of Peterborough has rendered good service to this part of Biblical antiquity by entering into several nice and extensive calculations on the weights and measures mentioned in the Bible, which have, with very few exceptions, confirmed the previous investigations of Dr. Arbuthnot: and as the axiom, “What is new in theology is false,” holds good only in regard to the doctrines of Scripture, and not to its statics and numismatics, no hesitation has been felt in presenting the reader, under each of the preceding Tables, with some of the most important of the results which the bishop has thus obtained.
Since the publication in 1727 of Dr. Arbuthnot’s “Tables of Ancient Coins, Weights, and Measures,” that renowned work has been considered the standard by esteemed theologians on these complex topics. More recently, the bishop of Peterborough has made significant contributions to this area of Biblical history by conducting detailed calculations on the weights and measures found in the Bible, which have, with very few exceptions, validated Dr. Arbuthnot’s earlier research. The principle that “what is new in theology is false” applies only to the doctrines of Scripture, not to its statics and numismatics, so there has been no hesitation in presenting the reader, under each of the preceding Tables, with some of the key findings the bishop has gathered.
In the abstruse department of mensuration of superficies, the same learned prelate has also ably demonstrated, that the altar of incense, described in Exodus xxx, 2, as consisting of a cubit in length, and a cubit in breadth, and yet “four-square,” contained exactly one square cubit, that is, three English square feet, and about forty-seven square inches;--that the table of shew bread, described in Exodus xxv, 23, as being two cubits long and one broad, and rectangular, contained above six English square feet;--that the boards of the tabernacle, described in Exodus xxvi, 16, as ten cubits in length and a cubit and a half in breadth, and rectangular, contained nearly fifty square feet of English measure;--that the mercy seat, which Moses is directed to make “two cubits and a half the length thereof, and a cubit and a half the breadth thereof,” Exodus xxv, 17, contained twelve and a half square feet;--that the altar of incense, which was directed to be “a cubit the length thereof and a cubit the breadth thereof, and four square,” Exodus xxx, 2, contained upward of three square feet;--that the court of the tabernacle, the orders concerning which were, “The length of the court shall be a hundred cubits, and the breadth fifty every where,” Exodus xxvii, 18, comprised upward of sixteen thousand six hundred and thirty-four square feet, or in English land measure one rood, twenty-one perches, and twenty-seven and a half feet;--and that the Levites’ glebe, which is thus described in Numbers xxxv, 3–5: “The cities they shall have to dwell in: and the suburbs of them shall be for their cattle, and for their goods, and for all their beasts. And the suburbs of the cities, which ye shall give unto the Levites, shall reach from the wall of the city and outward a thousand cubits round about. And ye shall measure from without the city on the east side two thousand cubits, and on the south side two thousand cubits,” &c; “and the city shall be in the midst;” contained three hundred and five acres, two roods, and one perch, which was, for each of the four sides, seventy-six acres, one rood, twenty perches, and eighty square feet.
In the complicated field of measuring surfaces, the same knowledgeable bishop has also effectively shown that the altar of incense, mentioned in Exodus 30:2, measuring one cubit in length and one cubit in width, and described as “four-square,” had exactly one square cubit, which equals three square feet and about forty-seven square inches;—that the table of shew bread, described in Exodus 25:23, being two cubits long and one cubit wide, rectangular in shape, had over six square feet;—that the boards of the tabernacle, described in Exodus 26:16, measuring ten cubits long and one and a half cubits wide, were almost fifty square feet in area;—that the mercy seat, which Moses was instructed to make “two and a half cubits in length and one and a half cubits in width,” Exodus 25:17, amounted to twelve and a half square feet;—that the altar of incense, directed to be “one cubit in length and one cubit in width, and four square,” Exodus 30:2, had more than three square feet;—that the court of the tabernacle, for which the guidelines were, “The length of the court shall be one hundred cubits, and the width fifty everywhere,” Exodus 27:18, included more than sixteen thousand six hundred and thirty-four square feet, equivalent to one rood, twenty-one perches, and twenty-seven and a half feet in English land measure;—and that the Levites’ glebe, described in Numbers 35:3–5: “The cities they shall have to live in: and their suburbs shall be for their livestock, their goods, and all their animals. The suburbs of the cities, which you shall give to the Levites, shall extend from the city wall outward a thousand cubits all around. From outside the city, you shall measure two thousand cubits to the east, and two thousand cubits to the south,” etc.; “and the city shall be in the center;” covered three hundred and five acres, two roods, and one perch, which was seventy-six acres, one rood, twenty perches, and eighty square feet on each of the four sides.
Respecting the Egyptian aroura, which is sometimes mistranslated “acre,” the bishop remarks, “Reflecting upon Moses’ measure by cubits, and,” in the case of the court of the tabernacle, “finding them to be precisely five thousand square cubits, I observed that they were just half ten thousand, which I had observed from Herodotus to be the area of the Egyptian aroura, by which their land was as generally measured as ours is by acres and roods. I called also to mind a passage in Manetho, an Egyptian priest, cited by Josephus, in his first book against Apion, where he affirms, that Manetho, in his history of the reign, wars, and expulsion of the Pastors, (whom Africanus affirms to be Phenicians or Canaanites, and Josephus vainly believed to be Jews,) wrote out of the public records of Egypt, that these Pastors made at Abaris a very large and strong encampment, that encompassed ten thousand arouræ, sufficient to contain two hundred and forty thousand men, and long to maintain their cattle. Hence it appears, that not only the Egyptians, but also the Phenicians or Canaanites, that had dwelt among them, and had reigned there during the time of six kings successively, used this measure of land called aroura. Now this was long before the time of Moses; for the beginning of Amosis or Tethmosis, who expelled them out of Egypt, was very near the time of Abraham’s death. Wherefore I believe that Moses, who was skilled in all Egyptian learning, especially in surveying, did of choice make the court of the tabernacle to be just half an aroura, which was a known measure to him and his people, and that divine authority directed him so to do.” In another part of his work he reduces the Egyptian aroura into English measure, and finds it to be three roods, two perches, and fifty-five and a quarter square feet.
Respecting the Egyptian aroura, which is sometimes incorrectly translated as “acre,” the bishop comments, “Reflecting on Moses’ measurements in cubits, and,” regarding the court of the tabernacle, “finding them to be exactly five thousand square cubits, I noticed that this is just half of ten thousand, which I learned from Herodotus is the size of the Egyptian aroura, a standard measure for their land, similar to how we measure ours in acres and roods. I was also reminded of a passage from Manetho, an Egyptian priest mentioned by Josephus, in his first book against Apion, where he states that Manetho, in his history of the reign, wars, and expulsion of the Pastors (who Africanus claims were Phoenicians or Canaanites, and whom Josephus mistakenly thought were Jews), wrote from Egypt’s public records that these Pastors established a large and strong camp at Abaris that covered ten thousand arouræ, enough to accommodate two hundred and forty thousand people and to sustain their cattle. Thus, it seems that not only the Egyptians but also the Phoenicians or Canaanites who lived among them and ruled there under six successive kings used this land measure called aroura. This was long before Moses’ time; the reign of Amosis or Tethmosis, who drove them out of Egypt, was very close to the time of Abraham’s death. Therefore, I believe that Moses, who was knowledgeable in all Egyptian wisdom, especially in measurement, deliberately designed the court of the tabernacle to be precisely half an aroura, a measure familiar to him and his people, and that divine guidance led him to do this.” In another part of his work, he converts the Egyptian aroura into English measurements, finding it to be three roods, two perches, and fifty-five and a quarter square feet.
in the comments section | |
Apostles' Creed, for Creed, | read Confessions of Faith. |
Minor lapses in punctuation, including missing full stops and end-of-line hyphens, have been corrected with no further notice. In a work this large, it is inevitable that some inconsistencies in format will occur, which have been set right.
Minor punctuation errors, like missing periods and end-of-line hyphens, have been fixed without any further notice. In such a large work, it's unavoidable that some formatting inconsistencies will happen, which have been addressed.
There are some variants of spelling which have, in general, been retained, given the wide range of sources employed by the author. The use of the diaeresis in words like ‘coöperate’ or ‘reëstablishment’ was not followed where the prefix appeared hyphenated on a line break (e.g. ‘re-establishment’). These have been rendered here using the diaeresis.
There are some spelling variations that have generally been kept, due to the diverse sources used by the author. The diaeresis in words like 'coöperate' or 'reëstablishment' was not used when the prefix was hyphenated at a line break (e.g. 're-establishment'). These have been presented here with the diaeresis.
A passage from Chardin, cited on p. 250, has an un-opened quotation, the beginning of which has been placed as noted below, based on other commentaries citing Chardin on Psalms 90.4.
A passage from Chardin, cited on p. 250, contains an unopened quote, the beginning of which has been noted below, based on other commentaries referencing Chardin on Psalms 90.4.
Most internal references refer to the main topics, which are typically in UPPERCASE characters, but on occasion refer to subtopics in mixed SMALLCAP font, or, rarely, to keywords in paragraphs (e.g., allegory).
Most internal references point to the main topics, which are usually in UPPERCASE, but sometimes they refer to subtopics in mixed SMALLCAP font, or, rarely, to keywords in paragraphs (e.g., allegory).
The main entry for MOAB was printed in a normal font, and so could be easily missed. That has been corrected here to follow the conventional printing.
The main entry for MOAB was printed in a standard font, which made it easy to overlook. This has been fixed here to follow regular printing standards.
The Alphabetical Table of Proper Names, at the end of the text, also contains a number of internal references. These refer to other entries in that table.
The Alphabetical Table of Proper Names at the end of the text also includes several internal references. These point to other entries within that table.
Corrections appear in the text as links to the matching entries in the table below.
Corrections are shown in the text as links to the corresponding entries in the table below.
Corrections appear in the text as underlined text. The original text is displayed when the mouse is placed on the highlighted word or phrase. Each correction can be accessed using the linked columns in the table below.
Corrections show up in the text as underlined. The original text is displayed when you hover over the highlighted word or phrase. You can access each correction through the linked columns in the table below.
In the article for CRANE, the Hebrew שיש (marble) is given for ‘crane’, from Jer. viii, 7. The word סיס, or ‘swift’ would seem to have been meant. In the alphabetical index of names, a reference to ‘Siloah’ has no obvious referent.
In the CRANE article, the Hebrew שיש (marble) is provided for ‘crane’ from Jer. viii, 7. It seems the word סיס, or ‘swift,’ was intended. In the alphabetical index of names, there’s a reference to ‘Siloah’ that doesn’t have a clear meaning.
The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions. The references in the first column are to the page, column, and line in the original text.
The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions. The references in the first column are to the page, column, and line in the original text.
7.2.39 | who gave Golia[t]h’s sword | Added. |
47.1.58 | Καὶ ἐν τῷ μέσω ἀυτου ὡς ὅρασις ἠλεκτρȣ ἐν μέσῳ [το͂ν/τοῦ] ϖυρὸς | Replaced. |
90.2.69 | has been much misrepresented[.] | Added. |
93.2.29 | it is necessary, in order [] to his salvation | sic: obtain? |
94.2.47 | as it does [ ] this day | sic: to? |
101.1.9 | are undoub[t]edly mentioned | Added. |
111.1.52 | in the habit of refer[r]ing with approbation | Added. |
113.2.20 | the arguments of St. A[u]gustine | Added. |
116.2 | observed[,] some remains of these enclosures | Removed. |
137.2.60 | the Prophet says[./,] ‘Of the oaks of Bashan | Replaced. |
139.1.20 | [the rendering of an equivalent:][)]'> | Parenthesis added. |
140.2.32 | The following observations[./,] from | Replaced. |
143.1.42 | exposed in the amp[h]itheatre to fight | Added. |
171.2.16 | The word[,] is formed from the Gothic | Removed. |
160.1.25 | the truth of the princ[i]pal facts | Added. |
185.1.8 | “the Memphian” or Egyptian [“]boat is made | Removed. |
188.1.37 | eso[r/t]etic, or concealed doctrine | Replaced. |
201.2.32 | became permanently settled at the diet of Au[g]sburg | Added. |
202.1.48 | and those who are not, accepted.[’] | Probable. |
207.1.59 | is directed again[s]t Canaan | Added. |
207.2.9 | in his de[s]cendants | Added. |
214.1.31 | with hair standing [a/o]n end on it | Replaced. |
217.2.23 | for their perusal.[”] | Removed. |
224.1.20 | like that of the pine.[”] | Added. |
236.1.7 | who holds her balance[,/.] | Replaced. |
236.2.12 | more substantial world[l]y benefits | Added. |
236.2.48 | Here the Christ[ai/ia]n | Transposed. |
241.2.4 | which was to be pe[r]formed | Added. |
244.1.13 | which have no s[pu/up]port from the magistracy | Transposed. |
250.1.36 | that [“]as the people of the east have no clocks | Added. |
259.2.54 | as it occurs in the [T/N]ew Testament | Replaced. |
268.2.9 | whether they were gold or brass.[”] | Added. |
274.2.54 | two birds are mentioned, the [שיש/סיס>] | Replaced. |
278.2.38 | increases the p[io/oi] of the suffering | Transposed. |
285.1.19 | Who call thee by thy name, am the God of Israel. | Added. |
303.2.32 | ‘all sick people,[’] that were taken with divers diseases | Removed. |
307.2.54 | which occurs under the word, [סמפח/לאום], Lev. xiii, 6–8, 29. | מס transposed. |
318.2.47 | “The earth is the Lord’s, and the fulness thereof[”], Psalm xxiv, 1; | Added. |
325.1.20 | in his “Instit[ut]utes,” he confirmed | Removed. |
331.1.16 | Volney’s account is suffic[i]ently descriptive | Added. |
333.2.25 | placed by the Egy[p]tian task-masters | Added. |
336.1.24 | as consisting in outward wor[l]dly institutions | Added. |
337.2.12 | all visible ack[n]owledgment of them | Added. |
343.2.31 | reckon the dog a filt[h]y creature | Added. |
348.2.24 | I am with you alway[s] | Added. |
350.2.29 | They have eleven dioces[s]es | Removed. |
352.1.58 | and they were pun[n]ished for their presumption | Removed. |
356.2.31 | answers to the artific[i]al conception | Added. |
372.1.15 | can consisten[t]ly refuse to admit | Added. |
373.2.46 | while the bride[./-]groom is with them? | Replaced. |
382.2.38 | If, then, such was [s/t]he superstitious homage | Replaced. |
382.2.45 | “is Arabic, and signifies the fly in general.[”] | Added. |
394.1.17 | in the amp[h]itheatre at Tiberias | Added. |
394.1.30 | “They gave me Head to eat[”]; | Added. |
415.1.50 | the Egyptians, Prussians, Lithu[a]nians, Samogitians, &c. | Added. |
416.1.38 | to kill his b[r]other Jacob | Added. |
424.2.31 | not a bunch of grapes left [of/for] those who came to glean. | Replaced/ |
438.2.31 | church of the[-first / first-]born | Transposed. |
438.2.55 | to make a t[py/yp]ical atonement | Transposed. |
442.2.23 | the gifts of the Holy [C/G]host | Replaced. |
445.2.1 | Hebron is now called El [H/K]halil; | Replaced. |
450.2.3 | [Σ/Ἐ]ν τῶ ἄρχοντι τῶν δαιμονίων | Replaced. |
452.2.39 | the only su[r]viving male | Added. |
462.2.41 | [B/b]y the ‘testimony of the Spirit,’ I mean, | Replaced. |
469.2.25 | A spacious bowl th[e]’ admiring patriarch fills | Removed. |
474.1.47 | “counterfeit,” signif[i]es also a profane wicked man | Added. |
481.1.47 | according to their origin[i]al institution | Removed. |
487.2.46 | are built upon the foundati[a/o]n of the Apostles | Replaced. |
493.2.65 | was buried with Abraham by his sons Esau and Jacob, Gen. xxxv,[ 29.] | Missing, provided. |
498.1.40 | when [“]the Edomites revolted | Added. |
501.1.56 | admitted till after the fourth[,] century | Removed. |
524.1.42 | simply as a p[r]ediction prior to the event | Added. |
531.1.19 | who occasion[al]ly sent officers | Added. |
538.1.35 | the total absence of eve[ry/n] the slightest allusion | Replaced. |
539.2.33 | but inferior to the second.[”] | Added. |
547.1.24 | to visit the tomb of Thomas-a[ /-]Becket | Replaced. |
567.2.7 | when the pu[u/n]ishment of their iniquity shall be accomplished | Inverted. |
577.1.38 | LEAD, עפרת, Exod. xv, 10; | sic: lead |
584.2.61 | if any animalcule of this sort were concealed in their garments.[”] | Added. |
593.2.36 | LUCIAN, a philosop[h]er and wit | Added. |
594.1.65 | they are [t/j]oined by Isaiah, lxvi, 19, with Pul | Replaced. |
691.2.15 | Thus, it was infallib[l]y certain | Added. |
630.1.9 | the fancy far more viv[e/i]d, in the dreaming | Replaced. |
637.1.13 | utte[r]ly> averse to oaths | Added. |
660.2.14 | [Moab/MOAB] was the son of Lot | Replaced. |
684.2.24 | bore the character of remarkable simplic[i]ty | Added. |
672.1.29 | so that he “heark[e]ned> not unto them, as the Lord had said,” | Added. |
692.1.1 | they acc[c]omplished the great designs of Heaven | Removed. |
697.2.67 | to impugn his doct[r]ine | Added. |
743.2.1 | popular sect among the [Jews the/Jews. The] time when | Replaced. |
751.2.67 | means literally [“]branches of oily or gummy plants.” | Added. |
788.1.45 | the opin[i]ons of all sober persons | Added. |
789.1.30 | or [גכר / נכר], also denotes a stranger | Replaced. |
791.1.50 | differ, in this re[s]pect, from their ancestors | Added. |
796.2.69 | and the sweet psalmist of Israel, said, [‘]The Spirit of Jehovah | Added. |
827.2.61 | “The orientals hold,[”] says D’Herbelot, | Added. |
843.2.56 | there should be one hundred [s/a]nd twenty inhabitants | Replaced. |
844.2.18 | power and malice are rest[r]ained | Added. |
844.2.51 | that can dignif[i]y human nature | Removed. |
845.1.4 | and with which the ancients were enraptured.[”] | Added. |
845.2.46 | will [b/h]e offer him a scorpion? | Replaced. |
858.1.13 | that the s[k/h]ekel> was worth twenty gerahs | Replaced. |
865.2.51 | Unto him that blasphemeth again[s]t the Holy Ghost | Added. |
866.2.52 | has three tops of a ma[r]vellous height | Added. |
872.1.60 | appearing to his di[s]ciples | Added. |
872.2.59 | of all subsequent marty[r]s> | Added. |
882.1.21 | that of Alexan[an]dria | Removed. |
905.1.27 | that sacred [o/e]difice | Replaced. |
907.1.69 | the teraphim were hum[na/an] heads | Transposed. |
925.2.39 | against the doct[r]ine itself | Added. |
936.2.1 | like the horn of a reem,[’] Psalm xcii, 10. | Added. |
945.2.58 | as they were then nearer the times [e/o]f the Apostles | Replaced. |
946.2.36 | among the Protest[t]ants | Removed. |
959.2.61 | more palatable and frag[r]ant with aromatics | Added. |
973.1.47 | for purposes of secre[s/c]y | Replaced. |
977.2.31 | [οτε/hότε] ἐπλήσθησαν ἡμέραι ὀκτὼ | Replaced. |
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